LIBRARY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 
 
 PRINCETON, N. J. 
 
 Purchased by the 
 Mary Cheves Dulles Fund 
 
 Division. ..L.......,^ I O(i2^0 
 
 Section.A.IL.^. ' 
 
CONFUCIUS 
 THE GREAT TEACHER 
 
 a 
 
Vi.: 
 
 CONFUCIUS 
 
 ^OiiiiJAL r 
 
 THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 A STUDY 
 
 =Y ^ 
 
 Major-General G. G. ALEXANDER, C.B. 
 
 Unless the Past be known the Present cannot be understood.' 
 
 LONDON 
 
 KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., Lt'^. 
 
 1890 
 
(The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved.') 
 
ERRATUM. 
 
 Page 29, line s.T^r "three millions" read "thirty millions.'* 
 
<TJie rights of translaticn and of reproduction are reserved.) 
 
DEDICATION. 
 
 To those able and patriotic Statesmen, who are endeavouring 
 to give new strength to the mighty Empire, founded and pre- 
 served by the wisdom of their forefathers, by infusing into it all 
 that is most applicable belonging to the progress of the West ; 
 this attempt to draw more closely together two great peoples, 
 who possess so many interests in common, is inscribed with 
 every sentiment of sympathy and respect, by 
 
 THE AUTHOR. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 In the following pages I have endeavoured to bring 
 together, in the compass of a single volume, and in 
 the form which would be most likely to interest the 
 general reader, a resimie of all that concerns the life, 
 times, and teaching of the great Chinese philosopher, 
 Confucius. I have occasionally included in the details 
 of his life incidents which are legendary, rather than 
 historical, for the reason that, had I discarded them, 
 I should have deprived the reader of many striking 
 illustrations of his character, and of the manners, and 
 of the mode of thought, belonging to the time in 
 which he lived ; and in doing this I have only 
 followed the example of many preceding writers, 
 amongst whom are to be enumerated such high 
 authorities as M. Pauthier and the Jesuit Father 
 P. Amiot 
 
 In the various extracts from Chinese sources I 
 
viii PREFACE. 
 
 have sometimes found it necessary to aiter the terms 
 in which they had been translated, in order to incor- 
 porate within them the explanations given in notes, 
 and the better to bring them into harmony with the 
 object of this work, as well as to make them more 
 capable of being understood when produced as 
 isolated passages ; but I have for this reason, more 
 frequently preferred an adaptation from some purely 
 literal translation, whilst in not a few instances I have 
 gone at once to the original Chinese text. My great 
 object in every case, in addition to that which has 
 been already stated, having been to place the subject 
 before the reader in language which, whilst preserving 
 a correct idea of the meaning of the original, would 
 be most appropriate to the period of the composition, 
 and to the circumstances under which it was written. 
 I am supported in my idea of the necessity of sub- 
 stituting a free rendering, approaching in many cases 
 to a paraphrase, for a close literal translation of the 
 ancient literature of China, by no less an authority 
 than that of the Professor of Chinese in the Univer- 
 sity of Oxford, Dr. Legge, whose translations of the 
 sacred books, written for scholars rather than for 
 the general public, have put him at the head of our 
 
PREFACE. IX 
 
 English translators. Dr. Legge says, in the preface 
 to his translation of the " Yih-King," published in 
 1882, "The written characters of the Chinese are not 
 representations of words, but symbols of ideas, and 
 the combination of them in composition is not a 
 representation of what the author would say, but of 
 what he thinks. It is in vain, therefore, for a trans- 
 lator to attempt a literal version. When the symbolic 
 characters have brought his mind en rapport with that 
 of the author, he is free to render the ideas in his 
 own or any other speech, in the best manner he can 
 attain to." 
 
 And this is put forward still more forcibly by 
 Reinhold von Plaenckner, in the introduction to Laou- 
 tsze's " Taou-ti-King," translated into German by 
 him under the title of " der Weg zur Tugend," who 
 writes — I cannot resist the temptation of quoting it 
 at length — '' Ich meine, es ist ein grosser Unterschied 
 zwischen einer sklavisch-treuen und einer iiberlegt- 
 treuen Uebersetzung. Die erste (nicht beste) lexikale 
 Bedeutung der Worte einer Sprache wiederzugeben, 
 und diese Worte hier wie dort aneinanderzureihen, 
 muss zur Unverstandlichkeit und Hasslichkeit fiihren. 
 Die Uebertragung eines alten classischen chinesischen 
 
X PREFACE. 
 
 Werkes Wort fiir Wort wurde, vvegen der oft gren- 
 zenlos erweiterten Bedeutung eines Wortes (zuweilen 
 freilich sind die Bedeutungsgrenzen auch viel enger 
 gestellt als im Dcutschen), mehr noch wegen der 
 kernigen, oft auch poetischen Kurze der Ausdrucks- 
 weise, geradehin unmoglich. Ich habe mich daher oft 
 in der Lage gesehen, die mehrfache Bedeutung eines 
 Wortes auch mehrfach wiederzugeben, vor allem aber 
 gcsucht, den Sinn von dem, was Lao-tse gedacht und 
 in seiner Sprache classisch schon nieder geschrieben 
 hat, wenigstens verstandlich und im Zusammenhang 
 wiederzugeben." 
 
 The foregoing remarks have a special reference to 
 the classical and severer types of Chinese literature. 
 Speaking of compositions of a lighter and more 
 ornamental kind, Sir John Davis, in his admirable 
 work on the poetry of the Chinese, observes, 
 " There are two causes to which Chinese literature 
 of the lighter or ornamental kind has owed its in- 
 different reception in the West — first, a want of choice 
 and selection in the subjects ; and secondly, a con- 
 siderable absence of taste and judgment in the mode 
 of treating them. It is really too much to expect 
 that people will trouble themselves to look at what 
 
PREFACE. XI 
 
 is either stupid or good for nothing in itself, or so 
 marred in the intermediate process as to have lost all 
 the attraction it had possessed in the original state." 
 And again, " The interests and reputation of Chinese 
 literature in Europe seem to demand that its pro- 
 fessors take some pains to render its introduction as 
 attractive as possible, by a careful selection of the 
 best subjects, and by treating these in such a manner 
 as shall interest the greatest number of tasteful and 
 cultivated readers. To weary the attention with a 
 bare list of barbariphonous and uncouth names, to 
 produce some bald and miserably verbal translation, 
 to present the mere caput morULum of something that 
 in its original shape possessed spirit and beauty, is, 
 in fact, scaring away attention from a new subject, 
 which, with a little discretion, might be rendered 
 sufficiently attractive even to general readers. . . . 
 Whenever a work of taste meets with general approval 
 in its own country, we may be assured that its success 
 is in great measure owing to the merits of its style 
 and language, and therefore it seems singularly 
 injudicious to think of transferring the spirit and 
 effect of such a Chinese composition into bad Eng- 
 lish, which it must inevitably become by a servile 
 
xii PREFACE. 
 
 adherence to the letter of the original. Between 
 the greater number of European languages there is a 
 certain connection, which allows literalness of render- 
 ing to be carried to a great extent— but a verbal 
 translation from the one concerning which we now 
 treat, must of necessity degenerate into a horrible 
 jargon which few persons would undergo the disgust 
 of perusing." 
 
 With regard to poetry Sir John Davis observes, 
 " We may adopt the happy illustration used on a 
 similar occasion : ' Celui qui pretendrait juger de 
 quelque Poeme que ce fut, dans une traduction 
 litterale, pourrait aussi raisonablement esperer de 
 trouver, sur le revers d'une tapisserie, les figures 
 qu'cUe reprcsente dans toute leur delicatesse et toute 
 leur splendeur.' Verse, then, ought to be the shape 
 into which Chinese, as well as all other poetry, ought 
 to be converted in order to do it mere justice." 
 
 When it has to be considered that the ideas be- 
 longing to the Oriental mind, have to be clothed in 
 such a form of words as will best adapt them to 
 the European intellect, and awaken a sympathetic 
 interest in the general reader, I think it will be con- 
 ceded that the principles set forth in the foregoing 
 
PREFACE. XI 11 
 
 extracts, cannot be too closely adhered to. Should 
 I, however, whilst attempting to act up to them, have 
 failed to make my subject sufficiently attractive, I feel 
 convinced that it will have proceeded from no other 
 cause than my incapacity to set forth the thoughts, 
 words, and actions, belonging to the remote period 
 of which it treats, in a manner or in a language that 
 would commend them to the attention of a public 
 whose taste for all that concerns Chinese classical 
 literature has, with a few exceptions, been very 
 scantily cultivated. 
 
 It will be seen that this work has no pretension 
 to being a book written by a scholar for scholars. 
 But it has not been lightly undertaken, nor have any 
 efforts been spared, to overcome the many difficulties 
 by which its execution has been surrounded. The 
 greatest of these difficulties proceeded from the cir- 
 cumstance that amongst the most advanced students 
 of Chinese, a great diversity of opinion exists as to 
 the correct rendering of many passages — often 
 amongst the most important — in the classical writings. 
 Of course in such cases I have had to choose between 
 conflicting authorities, and to select the rendering, 
 which, after a careful comparison and a reference to 
 
xiv PREFACE. 
 
 the Chinese text, was, to my mind, the one, in closest 
 accord with the context, and with the general process 
 of the line of thought of which it formed a portion. 
 
 The inception of the work dates from the time — 
 now more than forty years ago — when the Confucian 
 writings became part of my course of study when 
 endeavouring to gain a knowledge of the Chinese 
 language and literature during a period of service in 
 China. In old age one reverts a ses premiers amours, 
 and hence this book is submitted to the indulgent 
 suffrage of the public, in the sincere hope that it may 
 be of some little use in extending amongst us a know- 
 ledge of the people of another great empire, the con- 
 fines of which have now become contiguous to our 
 own. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 I'AGK 
 
 Introductory remarks .. .. •• •• •• •• ^ 
 
 CHAPTER H. 
 
 Contemporary events of the time in which Confucius lived— 
 Origin and chronology of the ancient Chinese, and their 
 moral, political, and social progress down to the same period 7 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 Birth, parentage, childhood, and youth of Confucius . . . . 29 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Entry into public life— Marriage— Death of his mother— A period 
 of mourning — Studies and occupations — Establishment as a 
 teacher — Divorce from his wife — Views on marriage— A 
 charioteer and musician , . .. .. •• •• •• 44 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Commences his career as a poHtical reformer — Consulted by the 
 Prince of Tse, who invites him to his court — An incident on 
 his journey — Failure to obtain official employment — Visits 
 the imperial capital . . . . . . . • • • • • 66 
 
XVI CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Interview between Confucius and Laou-tsze — Some account of 
 that philosopher and his doctrines — Difiference between them 
 and those taught by Confucius — Effect of Laon-tsze's con- 
 versation upon Confucius . . . . . . . . • • 86 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Confucius returns to Tse — Disappointments — Re-enters his native 
 state of Loo and resumes his studies — A short period of 
 official life — Joins a hunting expedition — Ascends the Tae- 
 shan — Remedies for misrule proposed by three of his dis- 
 ciples — Revisits Tse — Summary of his system of morality .. 107 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 Appointed president of board of public domains — Made minister 
 of state — His stern inflexibility — Execution of a noble of 
 high rank — Dissatisfaction of the courtiers — Criminal laws, 
 and their administration — Adds greatly to the prosperity of 
 the state — Jealousy of the Prince of Tse — His treachery — 
 Unworthy conduct of the Prince of Loo— Resentment and 
 resignation of Confucius . . . . . . . . . . 123 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 In exile . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 149 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Last days and death . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 Personal characteristics .. .. .. .. .. ..176 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The Confucian literature — The first of the "Five Classics:" the 
 
 " Yih-King," or the " Transmutations " . . . . . . 189 
 
CONTENTS. XVII 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The second of the " Five Classics : " the " Shoo-King," or the 
 
 *' Records " . . . . . . . . , . . . . . 200 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 The third of the "Five Classics:" the "She-King," or the 
 
 "Odes" 219 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The remainder of the "Five Classics:" the ' Le-King," or 
 the "Book of Rites and Ceremonies;"' and "Spring and 
 Autumn " . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 235 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 The first of the " Four Books : " the "Ta Heo," or the "Great 
 
 Doctrine".. .. .. •• •• .. .. -. 243 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The second of the " Four Books : " the " Chung- Vung " . . 261 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The third of the "Four Books:" the " Lun-yu," or the 
 
 "Dialogues" 268 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The last of the "Four Books :" the "Discourses" of Mencius 
 
 (with notice of his Life) . . . . . . . . . . . . 277 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Concluding remarks — The place of Confucius amongst the 
 teachers of the world — The insufficiency of his religious 
 teaching for popular requirements — The effect produced by 
 him on the character of his countrymen . . . . . . 289 
 
LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 
 
 Pantheon litteraire, article, '''■ Kung-foo-tsze et les Sze-choti'^ tracluit 
 
 par P. de Mailla. 
 Me moires concernant rhisto^re des Chinois, tome xii. Paris, 1814. 
 Woi'ks of Confucius and a dissertation on the Chinese language. 
 
 Serampore, 1809. 
 Dn Haldc's History of China. Paris, 1735. 
 Paitthier's Livres sacres de r orient, art. " La Chine." 
 The Life and Teaching of Confucius, by the Rev. J. Legge, D.D. 1887. 
 The Sacred Books of China — forming vols, iii., xvi., xviii., xxiii., of 
 
 "Sacred Books of the East," translated by the Rev. J. Legge, 
 
 D.D. 1879-85. 
 Schi-King. Das Kanonische Licderbuch der Chinescn. Aus dem 
 
 Chinesischen iibersetzt und erkliirt von Victor v. Strauss. 
 
 Heidelberg, 1880. 
 Bihliotheq2ce Orientale, vol. ii. 
 
 Le Chi-King, 021 livre dcs Vers, traduit par G. Pauthier. 
 Paris, 1872. 
 Lao-tse, Tao-te-King. Aus dem Chinesischen iibersetzt und erklart von 
 
 Reinhold von Plaenckner. Leipzig, 1870. 
 Ta-Hio. Uebersetzt und erklart von R. v. Plaenckner, Leipzig, 1875. 
 Tchong- Yong. Uebersetzt und erklart von R. v. Plaenckner. Leipzig, 
 
 1875. 
 Lao-iscu. Le livj-e de la voie et de la vertu. Traduit en Francais et 
 
 public avec le texte Chinois et un commentaire perpetuel par 
 
 Stanislas Julien. Paris, 1842. 
 The SJioo-King, translated (with the Chinese text interspersed) by 
 
 W. H. Medhurst, sen. Shanghae, 1846. 
 
XX LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 
 
 And a very close and literal rendering of the "Four Books," preceded 
 by a short notice of Confucius, published in 1828, but the title- 
 page having been unfortunately destroyed, I am not aware who 
 was the translator. 
 
 The Poetry of the Chinese, by Sir John F. Davis, Bart., K.C.B. 
 London, 1S70. 
 
 Chinese Editions of the *' Four Books,'' and of the ^' She- King,'' in my 
 possession. 
 
 Art. " China " in Encyclopedia Britannica, by Professor Douglas. 
 
 Quellen zu Confncius 2C7id dem Conficianisnms , von Ernst Faber. 
 Hong Kong, 1873. 
 
 Lao-Tse's Tao-te-King. Aus dem Chinesischen ins Deutsche ubersetzt, 
 eingeleitet und commentirt von Victor von Strauss. Leipzig, 1870. 
 
CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 Introductory Remarks. 
 
 The human mind is so constituted that the interest 
 excited by the incidents of daily life, and the contem- 
 plation of material objects, becomes insufficient to 
 appease the cravings of a cultivated intellect. It seeks 
 for a wider horizon than the present can afford, and 
 so it endeavours to obtain an insight into the future, 
 and to roll back the clouds of darkness which obscure 
 the past. 
 
 There is a certain fascination in the dim shadowi- 
 ness of the distant periods of the world's history. All 
 at first seems wrapt in impenetrable darkness, then a 
 little glimmer, then bright gleams of light, becoming 
 stronger and stronger, as the midnight lamps of 
 unwearied toilers pierce through the gloom, and 
 enable events to be seized upon and resuscitated, 
 
 B 
 
2 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 which had else remained hidden and lost to us for 
 ever. 
 
 These remote illuminated periods maybe compared 
 to those verdant and fruitful spots which refresh the 
 weary traveller's eye, when journeying through an arid 
 desert. Like them, too, their value is enhanced by 
 the scenes of desolation which surround them, and the 
 historian, like the traveller, has to be on his guard, 
 lest he be tempted from the right path, for he may 
 find a "mirage" in his own prejudices, or in the false 
 conclusions of those who have preceded him. 
 
 But the amount of pleasure to be derived from the 
 contemplation of the past, will ever greatly depend 
 upon the power of realizing it, and giving a positive 
 and corporeal existence to the actions and actors of 
 a by-gone age ; to make, in fact, " the dry bones live." 
 To do this, the student must, as far as possible, 
 identify himself with the circumstances of the period ; 
 and just as the reader of a romance personates for the 
 time being some one of the characters delineated in 
 its pages, and derives the greatest part of the pleasure 
 which its perusal affords him from his capacity for so 
 doing ; must he, in like manner, strive to feel that he 
 is not a mere looker on, but a participator, in the 
 events which history may record. 
 
 It may indeed be said that the great — perhaps the 
 greatest — difficulty connected with the consideration 
 
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 3 
 
 of distant historical events is to be found in this 
 " realization ; " and probably one of its chief causes 
 is to be traced to the fact of so many writers having 
 looked upon it as beneath the dignity of the his- 
 torian to notice those minor incidents, and everyday 
 occurrences, which would have given reality and life 
 to their descriptions. 
 
 If this be true with respect to history in general, it 
 is still more applicable to those portions of it which, 
 connecting the career and character of some indi- 
 vidual with the period in which he lived, may be 
 entitled, " historical biography ;" and more particularly 
 when persons and events are treated of, from which 
 we are separated by vast intervals of time, and when 
 races are referred to, with whom we have neither 
 a direct nor a collateral affinity. 
 
 Yet it is to such portions of the world's history that 
 we must turn, if we would gain a more enlarged view 
 of human nature, and a truer idea of mankind in 
 general, than it is possible for us to obtain by con- 
 fining ourselves to the beaten scholastic track, and 
 accepting — as regards all outside it — traditional errors 
 which have become hallowed by constant repetition. 
 
 It is only within a comparatively recent period 
 that the literature of one of the most numerous and 
 important sections of the human family has been 
 opened out to us ; and, though its pages teem with 
 
4 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 matter of the deepest interest, it is not so much 
 from any new historical facts, or from any social or 
 political lessons, that we are attracted towards them, 
 but because we find man placed before us in a point 
 of view which enables us to regard him apart from 
 every association with which we have been accus- 
 tomed to surround him. 
 
 It would indeed be inexcusable were we to neglect 
 the additional means of extending our knowledge 
 which has been placed at our disposal, or to treat 
 with levity or indifference the history and traditions 
 of a people so interesting, in whatever phase they 
 may be regarded, as the Chinese. 
 
 As it is, we cannot shut our eyes to the fact that, 
 whilst an acquaintance with the histories of Greece 
 and Rome is so widely diffused that the names 
 of many men mentioned in them, who were dis- 
 tinguished from their fellows by their virtues, or 
 made infamous by their vices, are familiar as house- 
 hold words, the history of this singular people, and 
 the name of Confucius, one of the greatest moral 
 teachers of his age, indeed of any age, remain com- 
 paratively unknown. 
 
 But in endeavouring to dispel this widely spread 
 ignorance, although the means are not wanting, a 
 great and formidable difficulty presents itself. A 
 variety of circumstances, which can be easily under- 
 
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 5 
 
 stood, have tended to place everything connected with 
 China and the Chinese before the popular imagination 
 in such a grotesquely distorted shape, that the atten- 
 tion of a very large portion of the reading public can 
 only be drawn towards it when it expects to be 
 amused. 
 
 Yet Chinese history is full of dramatic and tragic 
 situations in which all the impulses and emotions 
 belonging to our nature are freely exhibited, and 
 a greater knowledge of it would tend to prove how 
 mistaken those are who have arrived at the con- 
 clusion that, because there are so many differences 
 existing between us and the Chinese, they must be 
 a people all but incapable of arousing our sympathies. 
 
 But a great change must, sooner or later, take place. 
 China, instead of crumbling away, as has been so often 
 predicted, seems to be entering upon a new life, and 
 to be thrusting herself more and more into notice. 
 Though not moving with the rapidity of Japan, there 
 can be no question but that she is steadily, if some- 
 what slowly, assimilating all that European progress 
 has produced, best adapted to increase her strength 
 and add to her resources. She is already an impor- 
 tant factor in our political combinations, and it seems 
 to be only reasonable that, as we cannot ignore her 
 four hundred millions of people, the best thing we can 
 do, is to endeavour to thoroughly understand them. 
 
6 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 The first step towards this is to study what they 
 were ; the next, to try and trace out the various causes 
 which have combined to make them what they are, 
 and I think it will be found that amongst the chief 
 of these causes may be ranked the teaching of Con- 
 fucius. 
 
 " De la seule Raison salutaire interprete 
 
 Sans eblouir le monde eclairant les esprits, 
 II ne parla qu'en sage et jamais en prophete ; 
 Cependant on le crut, et meme en son pays." 
 
 So wrote of him a great Frenchman of the last 
 century, at a time when the curiosity of the literary 
 world had been strangely excited by the vast amount 
 of information published by the Jesuits, then in the 
 plenitude of their power at the Court of Peking, con- 
 cerning the wonderful, and till then little known, 
 country, in which they had laboured for so many 
 years with such extraordinary ability and devotion. 
 
 Amongst the many volumes of which the "Me- 
 moires concernant les Chinois" is composed, is one 
 by le Pere Amiot, in which all the incidents in the 
 life of Confucius, derived from Chinese sources, are 
 minutely related. This has been largely followed by 
 subsequent writers, and to that work and one on 
 China by M. Pauthier, I am greatly indebted in the 
 following pages. 
 
( 7 ) 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 Contemporary events of the time in which Confucius lived — Origin and 
 chronology of the ancient Chinese, and their moral, political, and 
 social progress down to the same period. 
 
 In order that we may have a clear comprehension of 
 our subject, it is necessary for us to picture to our- 
 selves the state of those portions of the habitable 
 world, made known to us by sacred and profane 
 records, at the time in which Confucius lived. 
 
 It was a momentous period, pregnant with great 
 events. It included the downfall of Lydia, Media, 
 and Babylonia, and the establishment of Persia upon 
 their ruins ; the release of the Jews from their seventy 
 years' captivity, and the rebuilding of that temple 
 which was not to be again destroyed till after the 
 coming of the promised Messiah ; the rise of Buddhism 
 in India ; the restoration of democracy in Athens ; 
 the expulsion of the Tarquins from Rome ; the inva- 
 sion of Greece by the Persians, and the battles of 
 Marathon, Thermopylae, and Salamis. 
 
8 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 It was an age of great men. Sakya Buddha, the 
 religious reformer ; Ezekiel and Daniel, Haggai and 
 Zachariah, amongst the prophets ; Cyrus the Great, 
 Cambyses, Darius, and Xerxes of the powers of the 
 earth ; Pythagoras, the Samian philosopher ; the 
 writers, Pindar, ^schylus, and Anacreon ; Leonidas 
 the Spartan, Miltiades and Themistocles the Athe- 
 nians, and a host of others too numerous for 
 mention. 
 
 It cannot be said that the several portions of the 
 world which have been enumerated were either bar- 
 barous or uncivilized ; for the arts and sciences were 
 highly cultivated, and their political and social state 
 was extremely artificial, and far removed from those 
 primitive conditions which form the basis upon which 
 all rude societies are regulated ; yet, despite all this, 
 and the brilliant intellectual powers with which so 
 many individual minds had been gifted, they were, 
 with but one solitary exception, enshrouded in the 
 darkness of complex systems of idolatry, differing in 
 detail, but agreeing in the gross and degrading nature 
 of the superstitions emanating from them, and which 
 it would appear was common to them all. 
 
 Let us now turn our attention to a remote corner 
 of the same world, at the same time, in the far, far 
 East. 
 
 We shall find there a people who have also 
 
CONTEMPORARY EVENTS. 9 
 
 long since emerged from barbarism, surrounded by 
 nomadic hordes and natural barriers, and so cut off 
 from intercourse with the other advanced races of 
 mankind, perfecting by different processes and by 
 slow degrees that marvellous system of moral govern- 
 ment which first created and then preserved during 
 so many ages the Chinese empire. 
 
 Nineveh and Babylon — those vast cities — are no 
 more : upon their sites we see but shapeless mounds. 
 The empire of Cyrus has passed away. Greece, as 
 a material power, is but a shadowy fragment. Im- 
 perial Rome, the mistress of the world, exists only 
 as a tradition, an influence, and an example ; for that 
 life which is now found amidst her ruins, is but an 
 embodiment of the living Present connected only by 
 name with the buried Past. We still reverence 
 Daniel and the prophets, but Israel is an outcast and 
 a wanderer. The thoughts of the great writers of 
 antiquity still live in the classic page ; but all else is 
 changed, and, look where we will, it is in China, and 
 in China only, that we find traces of the distant Past, 
 not dimly shadowed forth through a lengthened vista 
 of changeful years, but standing out in bold relief 
 from the destruction which the hand of time has so 
 ruthlessly worked on all else around. 
 
 The origin of the Chinese is extremely obscure. 
 We only know that at some period so distant that 
 
lO CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 no approximate date can be given for it,* they must 
 have separated themselves from the main portion of 
 the great human family by which Asia was then 
 occupied, and, moving eastward, descended into the 
 fertile plains, north of the Yellow River, where, 
 abandoning their nomadic habits, they finally settled, 
 and laid the foundations of a vast empire. 
 
 Although the date of the separation we have re- 
 ferred to cannot be accurately fixed, it is evident that 
 it must have taken place long before language had 
 received those developments which created Hebrew, 
 Sanscrit, and their cognate tongues ; for the language 
 of the Chinese, however else changed it may be, has 
 preserved to this day that exceptional monosyllabic 
 arrangement peculiar to the primogenial state of 
 man, and the cause of this seems unquestionably to 
 be found in the fact of their early adoption of a 
 system of ideographic characters, thoroughly adapted 
 to such a form of speech, and not easily made appli- 
 cable to any other. 
 
 It is true that an attempt has been made to prove 
 that the Chinese were originally an Egyptian colony, 
 and much stress has been laid on the circumstance 
 of the similarity — amounting in some few instances 
 
 * " Uns erscheint die Chinesische Menschheit unter den Volkern wie 
 das Urgebirge unter den ubrigen Gebirgsformationen." Victor v. 
 Strauss, Lao-tse's Tao-te-King, p. xli. 
 
ORIGIN AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE CHINESE. II 
 
 to identity — which exists between some of the earlier 
 Chinese characters and Egyptian hieroglyphics of 
 very ancient date. But such a coincidence may be 
 very possible, without there being any real foundation 
 for the inference which has been drawn from it, for 
 there are several ways in which it might be equally 
 well accounted for. In the first place, the invention 
 of some of the simpler symbolic signs may have pre- 
 ceded the dispersion of the great Asiatic family, and 
 would therefore be common to each of the sections 
 into which it became divided ; though, subsequently, 
 these signs might in most cases have been superseded 
 by others. Or we may equally account for this coin- 
 cidence by the general resemblance which would be 
 likely to exist between all such symbolic signs as 
 might owe their origin to rude or abbreviated imita- 
 tions of natural objects. Be this as it may, in the 
 absence of any positive proof, the question will have 
 to remain an undecided one. 
 
 Chinese chronology may be divided into three dis- 
 tinct periods : the " fabulous," the " traditionary," and 
 the " historical." 
 
 The best Chinese authorities speak of the first of 
 these as being unworthy of belief, and of the records 
 connected with the second as being not implicitly 
 reliable, for it is frequently difficult to draw a clear 
 line of demarcation between those portions of it which 
 
12 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 are true, and those which are only partially so. But 
 European writers, best competent to form an opinion 
 on the subject, have decided that Chinese civilization 
 may be traced back, by authentic historic proof, to 
 a period of some two thousand six hundred years 
 anterior to our era. This date would bring us to the 
 beginning of the reign of the first of the "Three 
 Emperors," to whom are imputed the invention of the 
 arts and sciences. To these succeeded the " Five 
 Sovereigns," and with the reign of the two last of 
 these, Yaou, B.C. 2356, and Shun his successor, com- 
 mences what may be styled the golden age of 
 Chinese history ; and it is upon the maxims of these 
 two sovereigns, or upon those attributed to them, that 
 the teaching of all succeeding ages has been based. 
 
 In connection with the undeniable antiquity of the 
 Chinese, it has always to be remembered that they 
 have been linked to a very remote past, by a con- 
 tinuity of language and literature, in a degree far 
 beyond that which has been experienced by any other 
 people, and that it is to this many of their most strik- 
 ing characteristics are to be attributed. 
 
 Up to the time of Yu's accession to the throne, on 
 the death of the great Shun, B.C. 2204, the sovereign 
 power had been elective, but after that it became 
 hereditary. 
 
 To Yu is due the successful issue of those great 
 
GRADUAL EXTENSION OF THE EMPIRE. 1 3 
 
 works of reclamation and drainage inaugurated by his 
 predecessors, which not only led to his being raised to 
 the throne, but have caused him to be regarded with 
 a tender reverence, by a grateful posterity inheriting 
 the same difficulties as those which he was the first to 
 conquer. 
 
 It was this sovereign who divided the territory over 
 which he ruled, comprising, with some small excep- 
 tions, all that part of China between the great wall 
 and the Yang-tsze Kiang, into nine provinces or 
 feudal states, which were subsequently increased in 
 number as the limits of the empire were extended. 
 
 This process of extension, however, was very 
 gradual as regards the enlargement of the frontiers, 
 though much had been done before the age of Con- 
 fucius towards subjugating the independent tribes 
 who had succeeded in maintaining themselves within 
 the imperial borders. 
 
 In Confucius's time, although the authority of the 
 emperor was still nominally recognized, it had 
 gradually declined until his power, outside the state 
 which formed his immediate patrimony, was all but 
 nominal. 
 
 The chief cause of this was the large addition to 
 the number of feudatory states, made by the cele- 
 brated Woo-Wang on the occasion of the overthrow 
 of the Shang dynasty, B.C. 1121. And it was only 
 
14 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 natural that in proportion as the number and power 
 of these states increased, so should the authority of 
 the suzerain diminish, until at length he became little 
 more than the nominal chief of a confederacy, the 
 component parts of which were bound together by 
 the loosest ties, and were often in a state of warfare 
 with each other, or of open rebellion to his rule. 
 
 Still, though the substance of political unity was 
 thus lost, the shadow of it was retained. In theory 
 at least, the emperor was acknowledged by the 
 majority of his so-called subjects, as the supreme 
 fountain of honour, and as the sole regulator of the 
 ceremonial and religious rites. It is true that it not 
 unfrequently happened that some powerful feudatory 
 would refuse to do him homage, or to render him 
 military service ; but, in the end, the mutual jealousies 
 of these turbulent vassals was certain to produce so 
 strong a party in favour of the imperial claims as to 
 prevent their extinction ; besides which, it was only 
 through their recognition that the smaller states could 
 hope to preserve their independence and keep in 
 check the aggressions of their ambitious and more 
 powerful neighbours. 
 
 Thus a professed, if not a real, allegiance to the 
 emperor, continued to be the centre round which the 
 whole political system was made to revolve. But, 
 apart from the position he occupied as the recognized 
 
THE POSITION OF THE EMPEROR. I 5 
 
 head of the State, he had an even higher claim to the 
 veneration of the people, for, in his sacred character 
 of " Pontifex Maximus," it was he alone, who was 
 capable of acting as a mediator between the nation 
 and the mysterious majesty of Heaven, and of offer- 
 ing up propitiatory sacrifices for the whole empire. 
 
 The emperor's revenue was entirely derived from 
 the state which he ruled over by right of inheritance, 
 and from the imperial domains, which covered a con- 
 siderable extent of its territory. 
 
 At the imperial court, next in precedence to the 
 emperor came the feudatory princes, whose position 
 was regulated by the extent of their respective states. 
 Of these there were four classes or groups ; supple- 
 mented by a fifth, formed out of those petty princes 
 whose fiefs were too small to enable them to secure 
 their independence, and who were consequently 
 obliged to attach themselves as vassals to some more 
 powerful neighbour. The princes belonging to this 
 class did not enjoy the same privileges as were 
 bestowed on the four superior classes, nor were they 
 permitted to share in the honour of being allowed a 
 personal interview with the emperor. 
 
 Standing next to the feudatory princes, at the 
 imperial court, came the high dignitaries and officers 
 of state. These were not necessarily princes, or even 
 nobles, though they often stood above them in public 
 
1 6 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 estimation, through the administrative powers which 
 belonged to their offices. They were divided into 
 three classes ; an official of the highest class had, in 
 addition to many special privileges and immunities, 
 a grant of land equal in extent to that which formed 
 the private domain of a feudatory of the second class, 
 and the others were proportionately provided for. 
 There was, however, a lower class of officials, whose 
 rate of pay was computed according to a scale based 
 on the amount of cultivated land required for the 
 support of one person. This amount varied accord- 
 ing to the nature of the soil and the skill of the 
 cultivator, so that the number of persons it was 
 supposed a field of one hundred " mow " was capable 
 of supporting is set down at from five to nine. A 
 difference of opinion exists as to the dimension of the 
 ancient " mow," some authorities fixing it about one- 
 sixth, and others at about one-fourth, of an English 
 acre. 
 
 The system of government which prevailed through- 
 out the several feudatory states, was based upon, and 
 closely resembled, that which had received the sanc- 
 tion of imperial authority. The personal revenue of 
 the ruler was derived from a domain made propor- 
 tionate to the extent of his possessions ; the executive 
 duties of the State were performed by ministers and 
 officials distinguished by the same titles as those at 
 
THE TENURE OF LAND. 1/ 
 
 the imperial court, and similarly classified ; and, like 
 them, it was not necessary that they should be taken 
 from the ranks of the nobility. 
 
 Land appears to have been held by feudal tenure 
 at a very ancient date. The great land-holders were 
 generally nobles, whose titles — which it has been the 
 custom to translate by their English equivalents, of 
 duke, marquis, earl, viscount, and baron — were either 
 given them with the land, or bestowed subsequently 
 as a mark of imperial favour, or as a reward for 
 faithful service to the State. These titles were not 
 necessarily hereditary, but were subject to renewal or 
 confirmation, which in the case of the more powerful 
 nobles was seldom withheld. 
 
 Whilst the Founders of the empire, who were 
 unquestionably men of great ability, had done all in 
 their power to establish a stable government, and 
 add to its material prosperity, they had not neglected 
 to foster and encourage the cultivation of the arts 
 and sciences. 
 
 Already in possession of a written medium specially 
 adapted to the language, we find it recorded in the 
 pages of the " Shoo-King," that, so early as the reign 
 of the great Yaou, some two thousand years before 
 our era, a sufficient knowledge of astronomy existed 
 to permit of the regulation of the calendar, and of 
 the adjustment of the solar and lunar years. For 
 
 C 
 
1 8 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 this purpose high officers of state were appointed to 
 carry out the necessary observations, and so exact 
 were some of those which have been recorded, that 
 it is due to them that the earher dates belonging 
 to Chinese history have been fixed with so much 
 accuracy. 
 
 This is the more surprising when the defective 
 nature of their instruments, and the erroneous theory 
 upon which many of their calculations were based, is 
 taken into account 
 
 Inundations and floods were incidents of constant 
 recurrence in the early history of China, and it could 
 only have been through a series of long and painful 
 experiences that so great a degree of engineering 
 skill was attained, as rendered it possible to control 
 a stream of such vast volume and rapid flow, as the 
 Yellow River, and to convert, by a system of canaliza- 
 tion, immense swamps into fertile tracts of cultivated 
 land. No wonder that a grateful people elected the 
 man who had proved himself best capable of conduct- 
 ing this great work, as their emperor ; and no wonder 
 that their descendants, who have had ever and again 
 to struggle against the same difficulties, continue to 
 hold the memory of the great Yu in the highest 
 reverence and veneration. 
 
 The engineering skill which enabled such opera- 
 tions as these to be brought to a successful issue, 
 
EARLY CULTURE. 19 
 
 could not have been of a low order; indeed, it is 
 difficult to understand how such results could have 
 been obtained, for even now, with the many aids and 
 appliances which steam and other modern inventions 
 have supplied us with, such a task would be full of 
 difficulties. 
 
 There is no record belonging to any period of 
 Chinese history, no matter how remote, in which 
 music and poetry do not occupy a prominent place ; 
 but it was not until the reign of the Emperor Shun, 
 that the musical scale was officially established, the 
 dimensions of the tubes by which the notes were 
 regulated, being used at the same time for the adjust- 
 ment of the measures of length and capacity. 
 
 Many of the most ancient musical instruments are 
 still in use, and probably in no other part of the 
 world, is music to be heard which has been listened 
 to with sympathy and pleasure by so many successive 
 generations. A number of the airs have associations 
 connected with them which render them all but 
 sacred, and this serves to explain why the original 
 primitive character belonging to Chinese music has 
 been preserved unaltered down to the present time. 
 
 Paper was not invented till shortly before our era. 
 Its place was supplied by the prepared leaves of 
 various plants, an adaptation of linen cloth, strips 
 of bamboo, and wooden tablets, and these, as the 
 
20 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 literature was comparatively small, would have amply 
 sufficed. 
 
 This literature, before the time of Confucius, in 
 addition to portions of the classical writings to be 
 noticed further on, consisted chiefly of disconnected 
 historical records — each petty court having its historio- 
 grapher — patriotic odes, popular songs and distichs 
 which had frequently a disguised political meaning, 
 with an occasional notice, rather than a treatise, on 
 music, astronomy, agriculture, and the several in- 
 dustrial arts. 
 
 The progress made in these arts was very great. 
 The collection of ancient metal vases and tripods, 
 amounting to some fourteen hundred, made by com- 
 mand of the Emperor Kien-lung at the end of the 
 last century — of which an illustrated catalogue was 
 published — included sacrificial vessels dating from 
 the seventeenth century B.C. The workmanship, 
 decoration, and design of these vessels were of a very 
 high order, and gave evidence of a refined and culti- 
 vated taste ; and in some of the earlier writings 
 mention is made of similar vessels, with inscrip- 
 tions, having been in existence some five centuries 
 earlier. 
 
 Various metals seem to have been used in the con- 
 struction of these vases. A vase is spoken of as 
 having been made of a mixture of gold and silver. 
 
PROGRESS IN THE FINE AND INDUSTRIAL ARTS. 21 
 
 whilst Others were of bronze of various degrees of 
 density and hardness. 
 
 The frequent notice in the old writings of portraits 
 and pictures, together with the manner in which 
 objects in common use, including articles of dress, 
 were embellished and adorned, gives a sufficient proof 
 that a point of refinement had been reached which 
 had made painting and design necessary adjuncts to 
 the requirements of everyday life. But in art, as in 
 all else where the imagination of this strange people 
 comes into play, we find the same abnormal concep- 
 tions, and it is not without an effort that we bring 
 them into harmony with our long-cherished aesthetic 
 convictions, and learn to admire much which had at 
 first repelled us, by its being in violation of every 
 established law by which our taste is regulated. 
 
 In earthenware and pottery the ancient Chinese 
 were skilled workers, but the manufacture of the 
 porcelain which was afterwards to become so cele- 
 brated belongs to a later age. Though their clothing 
 was at first restricted to linen in summer and furs in 
 winter, the use of silk goes back to a very remote 
 period, and perhaps nothing tends to prove the long 
 interval of time over which the " pre-historic age " 
 extended than the incident of a comparatively rude 
 and primitive people having been able to perfect the 
 manufacture of a beautiful and durable fabric out of 
 
22 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 such an unpromising material as the filaments sur- 
 rounding the cocoon of a small caterpillar — for, with 
 their imperfect means, it must have taken a long 
 course of years, devoted to patient and intelligent 
 labour, to have arrived at such a result. 
 
 The ancient Chinese are, as far as I know, the only 
 primitive people who have ever succeeded in making 
 a textile fabric out of the spun threads of an insect, 
 and it was as the producers and weavers of silk, that 
 they first came under the notice of the Western 
 world. 
 
 Notwithstanding, however, the difficulties which had 
 to be overcome before this manufacture could be per- 
 fected, which it might be supposed would have en- 
 hanced its value, and the textural beauty of the fabric 
 itself, it is somewhat surprising to find that linen held 
 the first place in the estimation of the public ; perhaps 
 on account of its superior strength and durability. 
 The first application of cotton to manufacturing 
 purposes belongs to a later period, and woollen fabrics 
 were unknown. 
 
 At a time when the inhabitants of these islands 
 were clad in skins, and dyeing themselves with woad, 
 the Chinese were a well-clothed people. The ancient 
 style of dress was very different from that which is 
 worn at the present time, and is best illustrated by 
 the dress copied from them and still worn by the 
 
DRESS OF THE ANCIENT CHINESE. 23 
 
 Japanese, who had also adopted the ancient Chinese 
 mode of wearing the hair. 
 
 Some of the court robes worn by the nobles and 
 high officials were very elaborate. The various grades 
 were distinguished by emblematical designs, em- 
 broidered in the five canonical colours — black, white, 
 green, purple, and yellow — on the body and skirts of 
 their robes ; and, as a further mark of distinction, each 
 noble on creation received a sceptre, made of jade or 
 some other precious stone, the shape and size of 
 which denoted his rank. 
 
 These sceptres also gave the emperor the means 
 for verifying the titles of their owners, as they were so 
 formed that on being applied to an aperture cut in 
 the imperial signet for that purpose, he whose sceptre 
 did not accurately correspond to it was at once de- 
 clared to be an impostor. 
 
 It does not enter into either the scope or intention 
 of this work to give a detailed account of the manners 
 and customs of the ancient Chinese ; but there are 
 two matters connected with this subject which cannot 
 be passed over in silence — their having been dis- 
 tinguished at a very early period from the other 
 inhabitants of Asia by their adoption of chairs, 
 though in the Confucian period mats were still in 
 common use ; and of their having invented a method 
 of raising food to their mouths by means of " chop- 
 
24 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 sticks," whilst their neighbours were content — as they 
 yet remain — to apply their fingers to the same pur- 
 pose. This last, is only another example of the 
 originality of the methods by which the Chinese 
 sought to supply their wants ; and it is singular that 
 this particular want should have forced itself upon 
 their notice, long before the nations of the West had 
 found it necessary to supplement the knife — and that 
 to a very limited extent — by the companion fork, the 
 use of which, in England, was almost unknown before 
 the reign of James the First. 
 
 The ideas entertained by the ancient Chinese 
 respecting the supernatural — in other words, their 
 religion — is deserving of more than a passing notice, 
 not only because all material results proceed from 
 moral causes, but because, without some knowledge 
 of this subject, it would be impossible to understand 
 the peculiar line of thought which was the underlying 
 influence by which their actions were guided. 
 
 Why it should have been so we know not, and it 
 is a problem not likely to be easily solved, but the 
 earliest notices of the religious condition of the 
 Chinese, clearly demonstrate that they were more 
 spiritual in their beliefs, and free from the grosser 
 practices of idolatry, than any other pagan people 
 whose history has been placed on record. 
 
 It was a darkness illumed by what has been 
 
RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND OBSERVANCES. 25 
 
 termed " the transient flashes of a deeply-seated con- 
 sciousness of God," and Schlegel, who was a firm 
 believer in the Divine inspiration of the Scriptures, 
 and in the teaching of the Catholic Church, declares 
 " that amongst the great nations of primitive antiquity 
 who stood the nearest, or at least very near to the 
 source of sacred tradition — the word of primitive 
 revelation — the Chinese hold a very high place." 
 
 In their oldest writings, a constant reference is to 
 be found to a celestial and supreme Ruler, who is 
 regarded as the almighty disposer of events, and 
 regulator of human affairs ; although with this was 
 mixed up a pantheistic belief in the existence of good 
 and evil genii, who were supposed to possess such 
 a degree of power as rendered them capable of exer- 
 cising a certain amount of influence over matters of 
 minor importance — such, for instance, as might apper- 
 tain to the personal needs of an individual. These were 
 not, however, represented or worshipped in material 
 forms, and the religious ceremonies were restricted to 
 libations and sacrificial rites, intended to propitiate 
 the favour, or avert the anger, of mysterious powers, 
 of whom they stood in great awe, though their notions 
 were confessedly vague and ill-defined with respect 
 to their attributes. They had no priesthood. In the 
 various ceremonies connected with their religious rites, 
 it was the Ruler, the officers of state, and the heads 
 
26 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 of families, to whom, in their several degrees, belonged 
 the performance of the sacerdotal functions. 
 
 Even in what we have called "the traditionary 
 period " of their history, they were separated by so 
 great a space of time from the revolting and cruel 
 practices which would seem inseparable from man's 
 first endeavours to make himself acceptable to his 
 deities, that the fact of human sacrifices having been 
 at one time offered up by them is only made known 
 to us through its being on record that, at some very 
 remote period, a block of wood, rudely shaped as a 
 man, had been established as a substitute. 
 
 Yet we learn from history that human sacrifices 
 were at one time so prevalent, that the practice 
 may almost be considered to have been universal, not 
 only with the most debased, but amongst the most 
 highly cultivated and refined nations. Thus we find 
 it existing, down to the time of which I am about 
 to write, amongst the Persians, Egyptians, Cartha- 
 ginians, Thracians, Scythians, Greeks, Romans, and 
 — to a certain extent — Jews. It seems to have had 
 no limits or boundaries, for it was found equally in 
 the New World, as the culminating act of an ornate 
 ritual, and in the scattered islands of the Pacific 
 Ocean. It was practised by our own ancestors ; in 
 India, under the form of self-immolation, it is almost 
 within the reach of living memories ; and at this 
 
A FAVOURABLE CONTRAST. 2/ 
 
 moment it is largely indulged in by the negro races 
 of Africa. 
 
 A few instances will serve to accentuate the re- 
 markable contrast between the Chinese and other 
 contemporary nations, with regard to this long-lived 
 and deep-rooted superstition. Whilst they had even 
 ceased to burn the wooden semblance of a man, we 
 find Themistocles offering up three youths ; the wife 
 of Xerxes seeking to appease the anger of the gods 
 by burying twelve victims alive ; the Carthaginians, 
 as the highest act of propitiation, offering up their 
 firstborn sons, and casting their most beautiful chil- 
 dren into the glowing outstretched arms of a brazen 
 image, from which they fell into the fiery furnace 
 over which it stood ; Aristomenes, the Messenian, 
 slaying three hundred Lacedaemonians on the altar 
 of Jupiter at Ithome ; and later, Augustus Caesar 
 immolating three hundred victims to the manes of 
 his uncle Julius, Even Aurelian was accused of 
 having been guilty of it ; and Porphyry asserts that, 
 in his time, a man was sacrificed yearly at the shrine 
 of Jupiter Latialis ; and this notwithstanding that a 
 law had been passed so far back as A.U, 657, under 
 the consulship of Lentulus and Crassus, forbidding 
 human sacrifices. 
 
 But though the Chinese had thus early shaken 
 themselves free from this most terrible of all supersti- 
 
28 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 tions, they had not the less a deep-seated belief in 
 many others. It is doubtful, however, whether in 
 China superstition has not increased rather than 
 diminished with the growth of years. Much that 
 belongs to it may indeed be traced back to the 
 earliest times, but it was greatly strengthened and 
 enlarged, long after the advent of the great teacher, 
 by the Taouists, who had strangely degraded the 
 doctrines which their master, Laou-tsze, had sought 
 to inculcate ; and by the introduction of Buddhism, 
 with an ignorant priesthood incapable of explaining 
 its subtleties, with divinities brought down to the 
 level of the lowest intelligence by being represented 
 in — frequently hideous and grotesque — material 
 forms. 
 
( 29 ) 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Birth, parentage, childhood, and youth of Confucius. 
 
 In the north-east of China, washed on its eastern and 
 northern shores by the muddy and storm-vexed 
 waters of the Yellow Sea and the Gulf of Pe-chi-li, is 
 the great modern province of Shan-tung, or east of 
 the mountains — with its population of three millions. 
 
 The western portion of this territory consists of 
 a wide and fertile plain, now intersected by the grand 
 canal and its tributaries, but, towards the centre, the 
 country gradually loses its level character, and is 
 broken up by ranges of hills, increasing in height 
 as they approach the north-eastern extremity of the 
 province, which juts out boldly as a promontory to 
 divide the waters of the two seas. 
 
 The climate of this region is marked by very great 
 changes of temperature, the summers being much 
 hotter and the winters much colder than is experienced 
 in many other parts of the world having the same 
 latitude, such as the south of Spain and California. 
 
30 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 The soil is rich and fruitful, and the productions 
 varied. Nowhere is there to be found a more 
 vigorous, industrious, or frugal people. 
 
 At the beginning of the tenth century B.C. the 
 celebrated Woo-wang, on ascending the imperial 
 throne after the death of the tyrant Chow and the 
 extinction of the dynasty of Shang, had divided 
 large tracts of this territory amongst his followers. 
 The tenure upon which these grants, or fiefs, were 
 held, elevated the owners of the larger ones to the 
 position of sovereigns, ruling over semi-independent 
 states, and one of the most important of these newly 
 constituted states — occupying the southern central 
 portion of the territory just described — was a princi- 
 pality which received the name of Loo. 
 
 In a little town, of the third order, belonging to this 
 state, called Tseaou-y, which is generally identified 
 with the modern Kinfoo-hien, or Tseaou-hien, at some 
 date in the winter solstice of the year B.C. 551, there 
 were great rejoicings in the " ya-mun " of its prefect, 
 on the occasion of the birth of a child to his old age, 
 a much-wished-for son. 
 
 How little could it have been foreseen that this child 
 — this Tartar-faced babe — was destined, in the course 
 of time, to become the great instructor of his race, to 
 be loved and revered by countless generations of his 
 fellow-countrymen, as Kung-foo-tze — the great teacher 
 
BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND CHILDHOOD. 3 1 
 
 Kung — a name all but unknown to Western ears, 
 except under its latinized form of Confucius. 
 
 According to some biographers, though there are 
 others more modest in their claims, the family of 
 Kung was one of the most illustrious in the empire. 
 They trace for it an uninterrupted descent through 
 nearly eighteen centuries, from a minister who had 
 attracted the notice of the great Emperor Shun — 
 mentioned in a preceding chapter — by his talents and 
 integrity ; and who received, as a proof of imperial 
 favour, the gift of a small principality called Shang, 
 situated in that part of the empire now known as 
 Ho-nan. 
 
 Thirteen of his descendants, successively, governed 
 this little state, when, in the year B.C. 1765, its then 
 ruler, Ching-tang, was placed, by the unanimous 
 voice of the people, on the imperial throne, and 
 became the founder of the dynasty of Shang. 
 
 The sovereign power remained in his family for 
 more than six hundred years ; at the end of that time 
 the violence and horrible cruelty of the Emperor 
 Chow-wang became so insupportable that a league 
 was formed against him, finally headed by Woo-wang, 
 the martial prince of the state of Chaou, whose armies 
 were everywhere victorious. Deserted by his followers, 
 the tyrant retired to his palace, and, in a paroxysm of 
 despair, set fire to it with his own hands, and perished 
 
32 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 miserably in the flames. The empress, who had not 
 only shared, but instigated, many of his worst crimes, 
 was put to death, and the victor, raised to the vacant 
 throne, became the first sovereign of the dynasty 
 of Chaou. 
 
 The tyrant had left two brothers. The first public 
 act of the new emperor was to recognize them as 
 the legitimate representatives of the illustrious 
 founder of the displaced dynasty, Ching-tang, and 
 to bestow upon them two small territories in the 
 principality of Sung. 
 
 From the youngest of these brothers, in a direct 
 line and seventh in descent, came Chin-kan-foo, who 
 was distinguished by his literary tastes and know- 
 ledge of ancient poetry, and it was from his son, Kung- 
 foo-kea, that the name of Kung was adopted as the 
 patronymic of the great philosopher's family ; and it 
 was from his great-grandson, who had been driven by 
 the enmity of a powerful noble to take refuge in the 
 neighbouring state of Loo, that Shoo-leang-heih, the 
 father of Confucius, was immediately descended. 
 
 It is not explained why, in his case, the family 
 prefix of Kung should have been omitted. 
 
 Shoo-leang-heih, who was noted for his strength 
 and courage, had served with distinction as a soldier, 
 before he had been appointed prefect, or chief-magis- 
 trate, of Tseaou-y. Having been left a widower 
 
BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND CHILDHOOD. 33 
 
 with nine children, all girls, his only son having died 
 in childhood, he decided, though advanced in years, 
 upon marrying again, in the hope that the succession 
 to the family might be continued by male issue. 
 
 To take another wife, under such circumstances, 
 would be a sacred duty rather than a matter of choice, 
 and it was probably in that light that the old prefect 
 regarded it. 
 
 Be this as it may, he had no sooner made up his 
 mind on this matter, than he addressed himself to 
 the head of the noble house of Yen, who had three 
 marriageable daughters, and begged that he would 
 bestow one of them upon him. 
 
 This request placed the noble Yen in a difficult 
 position. He dared not reject a proposal coming 
 from so high a quarter, whilst his love for his 
 daughters made him unwilling to put any restraint 
 upon their inclinations. In his perplexity, he sent 
 for them, and told them frankly how he was situated. 
 He did not hide from them, that though the prefect 
 was a brave and distinguished officer, who could 
 count kings and emperors amongst his ancestors, and 
 came in a direct line from the virtuous Ching-tang, 
 he was now old and austere ; not quite the husband, 
 in fact, that he would have chosen for a daughter ; 
 but there was no choice now, one of them must accept 
 him, and he left it to them to decide which of them 
 
 D 
 
34 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 it should be. The two elder daughters remained 
 silent, but the youngest — whose name was Yen-tching- 
 tsai — stepping forward, declared that she was ready- 
 to act in any way that her father might think best, 
 and to become, should he wish it, the old prefect's 
 bride. 
 
 The marriage took place, and, soon after, the young 
 wife, having obtained her husband's consent, made a 
 journey to the Ne mountain — for the Emperor Shun 
 had dedicated a mountain in each division of his 
 empire, to the worship of its guardian spirit — in order 
 that she might offer up her prayers, for a blessing in 
 accordance with the venerable prefect's wishes. 
 
 The spirit of the mountain seems to have listened 
 favourably to her petition, for, in due time, she gave 
 birth to a son, and filled the heart of the descendant 
 of the great Ching-tang with joy and gladness, for 
 his race was to be continued. 
 
 When we read of an act proceeding from pious 
 faith, such as that by which the mother of Confucius 
 was actuated on this occasion, we are apt to forget 
 how naturally the woman turns in the hour of need 
 to the higher Powers — no matter under what par- 
 ticular form they may present themselves — for aid or 
 consolation. It is universal. It belongs equally to 
 all, from the untutored negress to the highly cultured 
 Christian ; and in this act of the young Chinese wife, 
 
BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND CHILDHOOD. 35 
 
 nearly twenty-five centuries ago, we find a parallel 
 in our own day, when another young wife, also wish- 
 ing to be a mother, and to give birth to a son, casts 
 herself down, in her despair, before the sacred shrine 
 of Notre-dame de Chartres, and is granted in answer 
 to her prayers — so runs the record — an heir to an 
 imperial throne. 
 
 History may not always — as it is said to do — 
 repeat itself, but human nature works within a circle 
 full of strangely recurring coincidences. 
 
 But it must not be supposed that the Chinese 
 biographers are satisfied with a bare narration of the 
 everyday circumstances attending so momentous an 
 event as the sage's birth. Had they done so, they 
 would have placed him on a level with ordinary 
 mortals, and in an inferior position to that of other 
 great men belonging to his age, whose advent into 
 this world was always reported to have been accom- 
 panied by supernatural manifestations. 
 
 Thus we find that his birth was preceded by signs 
 and wonders of portentous meaning. A few days 
 before it took place, his mother was startled by the 
 apparition of a strange monster, bearing a stone in 
 his mouth, upon which was engraved a prediction of 
 the future greatness of the son she was about to bear, 
 and of the misfortunes which would befall the im- 
 perial family. Again, at the moment of his birth. 
 
36 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 celestial strains were heard, two dragons were seen in 
 the air, and the spirits of some of the glorified heroes 
 of antiquity reassumed their mortal form, and appeared 
 to do homage to the new-born babe. 
 
 Some Chinese writers consider that these state- 
 ments are only to be looked upon as allegorical ; 
 though the general opinion is in favour of their 
 authenticity as matters of fact. These legends, for 
 they are nothing else, may be absurd, but they are 
 scarcely more so than many which have received 
 ready credence, in what are popularly believed to be 
 the most enlightened portions of the globe. 
 
 It would form an interesting subject of investiga- 
 tion, for those who devote themselves to clearing up 
 abstruse questions, to determine whether the frequent 
 reference, in Chinese writings, to animals now looked 
 upon as fabulous, may not be attributed to traditionary 
 accounts of the latest appearance of individuals be- 
 longing to the extinct species of the animal kingdom. 
 Geological researches have not yet opened out the 
 paleontology of Tartary and China ; may it not be 
 found that the last haunts of the Ichthyosaurii and 
 Plesiosaurii were in the swamps and wilds of Chinese 
 Asia? 
 
 At the same time, the prominence given to these 
 monstrous apparitions in all the earlier histories of 
 ihe world must not be overlooked. Perhaps one of 
 
BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND CHILDHOOD. 3/ 
 
 the most singular of these is the instance given by 
 Berosus, the Chaldaean historian, who lived about the 
 time of Alexander the Great. 
 
 According to him, the Babylonians obtained their 
 first knowledge of the arts and sciences from a certain 
 nondescript being, having the head and feet of a man 
 attached to the body of a fish, who issued daily from 
 the waters of the Red Sea to instruct and civilize the 
 people living on its shore, and who always retired to 
 his watery home on the approach of night. This 
 benevolent monster was gifted with speech, though 
 he often preferred to communicate his ideas in writing. 
 He was called Cannes. A picture of him had been 
 carefully preserved, so that Berosus was able to 
 describe him from it, and so put to silence those who 
 might be inclined to doubt his accuracy. 
 
 Of course there were some, even then, who sought 
 to bring the supernatural down to the level of 
 ordinary comprehension, by declaring that Cannes 
 was no mysterious monster, but merely a highly 
 gifted stranger, who had sought to impart his know- 
 ledge to others, and that all else reported of him 
 belonged to the inventive powers of those who had 
 handed down the tradition, by which a memory of 
 him had been preserved. 
 
 Like Mahomet, Confucius is said to have been 
 stamped by Nature at his birth with marks typifying 
 
38 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 his high destiny, though, as in the case of the prophet 
 of Arabia, they were unintelligible to the vulgar eye. 
 
 It is more than probable that the old prefect was 
 too well satisfied at the birth of an heir in his old age, 
 to seek for signs and indications of future greatness ; 
 though his last days would have been filled with pride 
 could he have known that his baby boy contained 
 within him the germ of qualities, which would enable 
 him, in the course of a long life, to exert such a 
 salutary and lasting influence over so many myriads 
 of the human race. 
 
 Three years after Confucius's birth, Shoo-leang- 
 heih died, and the future care and education of the 
 child devolved upon the youthful widow. 
 
 We are told that she was a woman of more than 
 ordinary strength of character, so that, in the case of 
 the Chinese philosopher, we have another instance, to 
 add to the many which history affords, of how much 
 the career and character of a child depends upon a 
 mother's judicious training and guidance. 
 
 It is in the spring-tide of existence, when all which 
 belongs to man's nature is most plastic, that maternal 
 love — the greatest of all tender influences — can be 
 best applied ; and the Chinese are so deeply im- 
 pressed with the idea of the close sympathy which 
 exists between a mother and her child, that they go 
 even beyond this, and say, " the education of a child 
 
BEATH OF HIS FATHER. 39 
 
 commences before its birth." And here, whilst speak- 
 ing of the mother of Confucius, I would observe, that 
 we must not picture her to ourselves as resembling 
 a small-footed Chinese woman of the present day, for 
 the custom of crippling the feet was not introduced 
 till some centuries later, and the style of dress was 
 more like that worn down to the present time in 
 Japan. 
 
 Of the philosopher's childhood, very few incidents 
 have been related, but he is said to have shown, at 
 a very early age, a remarkable degree of veneration 
 for the aged. 
 
 It is related of him — though the same story is told 
 of his grandson — that on one occasion, having heard 
 his grandfather sigh deeply, he was much grieved, 
 and expressed a hope that it was not because he had 
 done anything to give him pain or that would be 
 likely to cast a reproach upon his memory. His 
 grandfather, in great surprise at hearing such a speech 
 from so young a child, asked him who it was had 
 taught him to speak so wisely. "It was you, sir," 
 was the reply, " for have I not often heard you say 
 that he who does not know how to behave, not only 
 disgraces himself, but brings discredit upon his 
 ancestors, and is no longer worthy of bearing their 
 name ?" 
 
 This thoughtful gravity seems to have been 
 
40 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER, 
 
 habitual to him from the very first, and extended 
 itself even to the sports of childhood ; for, avoiding- 
 all rude and boisterous games, his chief delight was 
 to imitate, in company with his young companions, 
 the various ceremonies and ritualistic observances 
 which have always occupied so high a place in the 
 social economy of the Chinese. 
 
 Of his education, in the ordinary sense of the word, 
 the accounts are conflicting. According to some, the 
 position of his mother, as a young widow, not per- 
 mitting her to have a tutor for him at home, he was 
 sent, at the age of seven, to a school at a place called 
 Gan-ping-chung ; but, as this was situated in another 
 state, the account has been considered by many as 
 apocryphal. 
 
 Others, and apparently with greater plausibility, 
 say that he was placed at a school in his own neigh- 
 bourhood, kept by a local magistrate called Ping- 
 chung, who did not consider the instruction of youth 
 incompatible with the performance of the duties of 
 his office ; and this has been brought forward as an 
 evidence of the high estimation in which education 
 was then held. This account, too, possesses the 
 advantage of many details which would seem to 
 substantiate it, and it is therefore the one I am most 
 inclined to accept. 
 
 In conformance with a custom which still exists, the 
 
EDUCATION. 41 
 
 name of Kew, which had been given him at his birth 
 — from a fancied resemblance between a protuberance 
 on the top of his head and a mountain, which that 
 word signifies — was now changed to Chung-ne : 
 ''Chung" being the term applied to a second son, 
 whilst " ne " was added to it by his mother in remem- 
 brance of his having been given in answer to her 
 prayers offered up on the mountain of that name. 
 
 According to the testimony of those who accept 
 Ping-chung as Confucius's first teacher, the young 
 scholar made great progress under that master's skil- 
 ful guidance, and soon gained a high place in his 
 favour. He endeared himself at the same time to 
 his companions by his modest conduct and the un- 
 equalled sweetness of his temper, though he surpassed 
 them all in close and untiring application to his 
 studies. 
 
 Soon after his tenth year, however, these studies 
 were interrupted through the death of the Prince of 
 Loo, which made it necessary for Ping-chung, in his 
 capacity as a state official, to proceed to the capital 
 in order that he might take a part in the royal 
 obsequies. These, and the subsequent ceremonials, 
 occupied a considerable period, during which the 
 school was closed, but on Ping-chung's return the 
 young scholar showed that a period of enforced rest 
 had not been injurious to him, for he threw himself 
 
42 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 into his studies with even greater energy and dili- 
 gence than before, so that he was able in a short time 
 to assist the learned magistrate in his scholastic 
 duties. This he did with great tact and discretion, 
 so that in a short time he had added the respect 
 of his fellow-pupils to the good-will with which they 
 had previously regarded him. 
 
 At fourteen, it is said, he had exhausted all the 
 subjects his master professed to teach ; but it was 
 impossible for a mind like his to rest satisfied with 
 the ordinary instruction to be obtained from others, 
 and so it was that he was able to inform his disciples 
 in after years — " at the age of fifteen, the acquisition 
 of knowledge was the one object which engrossed 
 all my thoughts." 
 
 But perhaps it was by lessons learnt in another, 
 and very different, school, that the character of Con- 
 fucius was impressed with many of the qualities 
 which give it such a distinct individuality. His 
 youth was spent in poverty, for his mother had been 
 left in straitened circumstances ; and, it is said, there 
 were times when he was compelled to resort to hunt- 
 ing and fishing in order that he might support her 
 and earn his own livelihood. 
 
 This is probably the reason why, on his having 
 reached his seventeenth year, his mother succeeded 
 in prevailing upon him to forego his love of studious 
 
SEEKS FOR STATE EMPLOYMENT. 43 
 
 retirement, and seek for some remunerative public 
 employment. And this he soon obtained, for the 
 fame of the young scholar of Tseaou-y had already 
 reached the court. 
 
44 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 Entry into public life — Marriage— Death of his mother — A period 
 of mourning — Studies and occupations — Establishment as a 
 teacher — Divorce from his wife — Views on marriage — A charioteer 
 and musician. 
 
 It was Upon first entering the service of the State 
 that Confucius assumed the name so long borne by 
 his family, and upon which he was to confer so great 
 a lustre. Another transformation had taken place : 
 First the infant — Kew ; then the youth and student — 
 Chung-ne : and now the official, scarcely yet arrived 
 at manhood — Kung. 
 
 The appointment which he had succeeded in obtain- 
 ing was one, in some subordinate capacity, connected 
 with the collection of the revenue, which was levied 
 in kind to the extent of about one-tenth of the whole 
 pastoral and agricultural produce of the year. The 
 amount upon which this tax had to be levied, and 
 the best mode of collecting it, were necessarily im- 
 portant questions, upon the right solution of which 
 the happiness of the people and the prosperity of 
 
HIS CONSCIENTIOUSNESS. 45 
 
 the State would very largely depend ; and it is only 
 reasonable to suppose that it was the early considera- 
 tion of subjects like these which gave such a practical 
 turn to the principles of political economy, of which 
 he became the advocate. 
 
 It seems to have been a common practice at this 
 period, for the employes of the Government to dele- 
 gate their duties to others, whilst they appropriated 
 the greater portion of the salary to their own use. 
 Confucius was too conscientious to follow an example 
 which could only be excused on the plea of custom. 
 Rising at early dawn, he made himself master of the 
 minutest details connected with his department, and, 
 looking into everything himself, he considered nothing 
 too insignificant for notice which might involve, in 
 however slight a degree, the welfare of others. And 
 yet, whilst doing this, he still found time to prosecute 
 his studies. 
 
 It is evident that he must soon have obtained 
 promotion, and that his pay was sufficiently remune- 
 rative, for at nineteen he married. 
 
 His wife, who was chosen for him by his mother, 
 was called Ke-kwan-tsze, and belonged to a noble 
 family, originally from that same state of Sung in 
 which the ancestors of Confucius had been estab- 
 lished by Woo-wang. At the end of a year she gave 
 birth to a son, and, as a proof of the high favour in 
 
46 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 which Confucius already stood at the court of Loo, 
 we are told that the prince sent one of his courtiers 
 to congratulate him on the event, and to present him 
 with a fish of a rare and highly-esteemed kind, as 
 the royal contribution to the customary feast. It 
 was also intimated that it was the intention of the 
 prince to honour the festival with his presence ; and 
 Confucius, in order to perpetuate the memory of such 
 a gratifying compliment, added the name of the fish 
 
 " le," to that of Pih-yu, which the child had already 
 
 received. 
 
 At the age of twenty-one he was appointed ad- 
 ministrator of the royal domains, an important post, 
 from which, however, he was shortly removed on pro- 
 motion to the charge of the State granaries, which 
 included in its functions the distribution of grain and 
 other food in seasons of scarcity. These granaries 
 were filled with the surplus produce of fruitful years, 
 and any neglect in their management would have 
 been a certain cause of very disastrous consequences. 
 
 As an illustration of the manner in which the duties 
 belonging to Government officials should be performed, 
 Mencius, writing some two centuries later, quotes the 
 following declaration of Confucius : " When I was 
 administrator of the royal domains, my first care 
 was that the fiocks and herds should be fat and 
 thriving ; and, in like manner, when I was in charge 
 
DEATH OF HIS MOTHER. 47 
 
 of the State granaries, I devoted myself to seeing 
 that the grain was stored in sufficient quantity, and 
 kept in good order ; until this was done, I thought of 
 nothing else." And here we find the practical, 
 straightforward nature of the man again asserting 
 itself. 
 
 In his twenty-fourth year his mother died, and he 
 was obliged to retire for a time from public life. He 
 was at first all but broken down by the intensity of 
 his grief, and he long continued to mourn her loss 
 with deep and heartfelt sorrow. He buried her with 
 great pomp at Fang-shan, the original home of his 
 ancestors, having the remains of his father removed 
 from their former resting-place, in order that they 
 might be placed in the same grave by the side of his 
 mother's. "We owe our being," he said, "to both 
 parents alike, and an equal debt of gratitude is their 
 rightful due. It becomes our duty, then, to give ex- 
 pression to this feeling, by rendering them the same 
 homage, and it would not be just if those who have 
 been bound together by such close ties during life 
 were separated in death." 
 
 We learn, later on, that Confucius always attached 
 great importance to a proper performance of the 
 funeral rites, and that he regarded the neglect into 
 which they had fallen as one of the surest signs of 
 the degeneracy of the age. 
 
48 CONFUCIUS, THE ORE A 7 TEACHER. 
 
 He remained three years in the neighbourhood of 
 Fang-shan, in the most strict seclusion, for — 
 
 '* Three years the infant, in its parents' arms ; 
 Three years the mourner, at his parents' grave." 
 
 At the end of that time he deposited his mourning 
 robes upon his mother's tomb, and returned home, 
 where he shut himself up for ten days, and then re- 
 sumed his ordinary occupations. 
 
 But we do not find that he re-entered into official 
 life, for now it was, at the age of twenty-seven, that 
 his career as a teacher began. His house was thrown 
 open to all who might wish to be instructed by him ; 
 and, though he willingly taught those who were too 
 poor to offer payment, the income derived from 
 the others was doubtless sufficient to relieve him 
 from the necessity of again seeking Government em- 
 ployment, and to enable him to devote his whole 
 energies to acquiring knowledge, and, when he had 
 gained it, to do that which was still dearer to him — 
 try and persuade others to share it. 
 
 It must have been about this period, though the 
 exact date is not fixed, that he separated from his 
 wife. 
 
 No reason is given for his having done so, and he 
 himself never refers to it, but it could not have been 
 caused by any gross misconduct on the part of his 
 wife, for, on hearing of her death, many years later. 
 
SEPARATION FROM HIS WIFE. 49 
 
 he was much moved, and spoke of her in affectionate 
 terms ; yet, as will be seen, the causes which rendered 
 divorce permissible were limited, so that the grounds 
 — in this case — must have been legally sufficient to 
 have enabled Confucius to exercise his right of 
 repudiation. 
 
 It is plain that this was considered to be a matter 
 of no great moment by his biographers, or we might 
 have been somewhat more enlightened with respect 
 to Ke-kwan-tsze's character. As it is, we know little 
 more about her, than her name, and that she had 
 given birth to a son, and, according to some authorities, 
 to a daughter. It would be as well, however, to re- 
 member, that whatever her faults might have been, 
 the high standard of human perfection, set up by her 
 husband, may have made him exacting to a degree, 
 not quite compatible with domestic happiness. This 
 is, perhaps, the reason why the wives of philosophers 
 have not always been in sympathy with the feelings 
 entertained by the outside world towards their 
 husbands. 
 
 There is one thing quite certain in this matter. 
 The action of Confucius could not have proceeded 
 from any dislike to marriage in the abstract, for he 
 held it in high honour, and was no advocate of celi- 
 bacy. His opinions on the subject were given at 
 some length, in a conversation he held, some years 
 
 E 
 
50 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 subsequently to this divorce, with the Prince of Loo, 
 which, although scarcely calculated to remove our 
 perplexity, it may be as well to quote in this place. 
 
 The prince had asked Confucius to explain his 
 views with regard to marriage. The answer was — 
 
 " Marriage is the natural condition of man, and the 
 state which best renders him capable of fulfilling his 
 destiny in this world. It is a state which dignifies 
 those who enter it, but it requires to be seriously con- 
 sidered, in order that all the duties belonging to it 
 should be scrupulously observed. These duties are 
 twofold, viz. those which are common to the two 
 sexes, and those which, more especially, belong to 
 either of them. 
 
 "The husband, as master, has to command, the 
 wife has to submit herself and obey ; but both 
 husband and wife are required, equally, to act in such 
 a manner, as may best imitate, and accord with, the 
 relations which exist between heaven and earth, by 
 which, and through which, all things are created, 
 sustained, and preserved. The basis of this common 
 action should be reciprocal tenderness, mutual con- 
 fidence, straightforwardness, and a scrupulous con- 
 sideration for each other^s feelings. The husband ever 
 leading and directing ; the wife ever following and 
 yielding ; whilst every act is kept within the limits 
 prescribed by justice, modesty, and honour." 
 
HIS VIEWS ON MARRIAGE. 51 
 
 He then proceeded to say — 
 
 " In every condition belonging to her social life, 
 the wife is entirely dependent on her husband. Should 
 he die, she does not recover her liberty. Before her 
 marriage she was under the authority of her parents, 
 or, should they have died, of her nearest relatives ; as 
 a wife, she lived in subjection to her husband ; and, 
 as a widow, she is subservient to her son, or, should 
 she have more than one, to the eldest of them ; and 
 it is the duty of this son, whilst serving her with all 
 possible affection and respect, to watch over and 
 guard her from all those dangers to which, from 
 the natural weakness of her sex, she may be ex- 
 posed. 
 
 " Custom does not sanction a widow's remarriage. 
 On the contrary, it requires that she should remain in 
 strict seclusion within the precincts of her own home 
 for the remainder of her days. She is forbidden to 
 take part in any business external to it, and even in 
 her own house she is only to occupy herself with such 
 domestic matters as may be indispensable. During 
 the day she is to avoid all unnecessary movement 
 from room to room ; and at night, a light is to be 
 kept constantly burning in her chamber." 
 
 But she is to have a solace ; her great consolation 
 will be the reflection that — 
 
 " She will be glorified by her posterity as one who 
 
52 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 had lived in the scrupulous performance of the duties 
 belonging to a virtuous woman." 
 
 Then Confucius proceeded to lay down the most 
 suitable limits of age for marriage, and to point out 
 the necessity of great care and circumspection on the 
 part of those having marriageable daughters, in the 
 choice of husbands for them : — 
 
 " No one is to be considered eligible who has been 
 guilty of any crime ; or who has rendered himself 
 amenable to the action of the law ; or who is suffer- 
 ing from a constitutional malady ; or who has any 
 mental or physical infirmity, or such deformities as 
 would be likely to produce feelings of distaste or 
 disgust ; or " — and this is somewhat difficult to under- 
 stand — " a son, being the head of his family, who has 
 lost both parents." 
 
 Outside of this circle of objections he sees no reason 
 why a choice might not be made, which would fulfil 
 all the necessary requirements and lead to " a life of 
 happiness ; " provided always that the wife on her 
 part " so performs the duties appertaining to the 
 married state, as to render her worthy of receiving 
 a due share of that felicity which is the apportioned 
 lot of all virtuous women." 
 
 With regard to divorce the laws as expounded by 
 Confucius would seem to have been sufftciently 
 liberal : — 
 
CAUSES WHICH JUSTIFY DIVORCE. 53 
 
 " A husband possesses the right to repudiate his 
 wife, but he cannot exercise this right in an arbitrary- 
 manner or without a just and sufficient cause. And 
 of these just and sufficient causes there are seven : 
 first, when a wife cannot hve on good terms with her 
 husband's parents ; second, if she be found incapable 
 of bearing children ; third, if she has been guilty of 
 immodest or immoral conduct ; fotcrth, if she com- 
 promises the character of her family by spreading 
 unfounded or calumnious reports ; fifth, if she suffers 
 from infirmities which produce a natural feeling of 
 repugnance ; sixth, if she cannot be restrained from 
 using violent language ; and seventh and last, if she 
 secretly appropriates, no matter from what motive, 
 anything belonging to the household, without her 
 husband's knowledge." 
 
 However, notwithstanding that any one of these 
 seven causes might justify a husband in putting away 
 his wife, there were three separate circumstances 
 under which the right could not be exercised : — 
 
 " First, when the wife, having lost both her parents, 
 would have no home to return to ; second, when on 
 the death of the husband's father or mother, the 
 appointed three years of mourning had not been com- 
 pleted ; and third, when the husband, having married 
 his wife in his poverty, subsequently became rich." 
 
 It appears from this, that Confucius could have had 
 
54 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 no great difficulty in finding a legitimate pretext for 
 separating from his wife, in the event of marriage — 
 however much he may have admired the institution 
 for others— having become distasteful to him ; and 
 that it had become so we can hardly doubt, when we 
 take into consideration his studious habits, the claims 
 made upon his time by his numerous pupils, and — as 
 we shall find later — his love of travelling in his own, 
 and in the neighbouring states, which frequently took 
 him from home for considerable periods ; all of which 
 causes must have had the effect of making the tram- 
 mels of married life, and it may be the association of 
 an unsympathetic wife, insupportable to him. 
 
 But it may be, as some think, that he wished 
 to prove, by this act, his earnestness and singleness of 
 purpose. For his sincerity could hardly be called 
 into question, when it was seen that he was ready to 
 make the greatest sacrifices, rather than allow his 
 efforts as a teacher to be interfered with. Or— and 
 this was most probably the real reason — he may have 
 come to the conclusion that the disturbing influence 
 of domestic cares was incompatible with that absolute 
 devotion to self-improvement, which — as the ground- 
 work of all effort with regard to others— he had 
 decided upon making the primary object of his 
 life. 
 
 The kind of wisdom at which he aimed was indeed 
 
THE GREAT AIM OF HIS STUDIES. 55 
 
 of SO lofty a character, that it is scarcely to be 
 wondered at, that a mind absorbed in its contempla- 
 tion, would lose its relish for the simple pleasures 
 of a home, and not only become incapable of deriving 
 happiness from them, but at last find them un- 
 bearable. 
 
 This is how he speaks of the knowledge which he 
 sought, and it explains much that would otherwise 
 remain obscure : — 
 
 " The highest study of all, is that which teaches us 
 to develop those principles of purity, and perfect 
 virtue, which Heaven bestowed upon us at our birth, 
 in order that we may acquire the power of reforming 
 those amongst whom we are placed, by our precepts 
 and example ; a study without an end — for our 
 labours cease only when we have become perfect — 
 an unattainable goal, but one that we must not the 
 less set before us from the very first. It is true that 
 we shall not be able to reach it, but in our struggle 
 towards it, we shall strengthen our characters and 
 give stability to our ideas, so that whilst ever 
 advancing calmly in the same direction, we shall be 
 rendered capable of applying the faculties with which 
 we have been gifted to the best possible account." 
 
 This idea of the natural perfectibility of man seems 
 to have been uppermost in Milton's mind when he 
 wrote — 
 
56 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 "God's creating hand 
 Nothing imperfect or deficient left 
 Of all that He created, much less man, 
 Or aught that might his happy state secure, 
 Secure from outward force. Within himself 
 The danger lies, yet lies within his power : 
 Against his will he can receive no harm. 
 But God left free the will, for what obeys 
 Reason is free, and reason He made right." 
 
 A strange world this we live in 1 The words of 
 our great poet are, after all, but the echo of the 
 thoughts which had passed through the brain of a 
 Chinese seeker after truth, in the little feudal state 
 of Loo, some two thousand years before. 
 
 But it must not be supposed that Confucius, like 
 many other great teachers, allowed himself to be 
 entirely absorbed in abstract speculations, or that he 
 had no interests outside the studies connected with 
 the duties of that higher life he so diligently sought 
 to cultivate and establish. 
 
 On the contrary, he continued the lighter studies 
 and gymnastic exercises which had been his chief 
 solace during his days of mourning, when incapaci- 
 tated from performing his ordinary work. 
 
 Amongst these lighter studies — putting music in 
 the first place — he included the rules of deportment 
 as comprehended in the ceremonial rites, an ele- 
 o-ant style of writing, and arithmetic, or the science 
 of numbers. In all these subjects he had made great 
 
HIS RELAXATIONS. 57 
 
 progress, whilst he had become a proficient in archery, 
 charioteering, and the use of arms. 
 
 There was, indeed, an energetic virility about his 
 character which made him despise anything approach- 
 ing to weakness or effeminacy. To men possessing 
 the same characteristics in the present day, we apply 
 the newly invented term of ^'muscular Christians"; 
 and Confucius was emphatically, and above all things, 
 a " muscular " philosopher. 
 
 By being enabled, through his activity and skill, 
 to hold his own in all manly exercises, he acquired 
 an influence over those of his contemporaries who 
 were incapable of carrying out, or even comprehend- 
 ing, his doctrines, which he could not have obtained 
 in any other way ; for the age in which he lived was 
 neither effeminate nor sentimental, but one marked 
 by bloody battles and frequent internecine wars — in 
 many states, a time of lawlessness and turbulence, 
 when no man knew that he might not be called upon 
 to fight for his own hand. If, in the course of the 
 sage's life, so little of this comes before us, it is that, 
 with the lofty notions he had formed of his duties 
 as a reformer, it was impossible for him to descend 
 into an arena which was filled with combatants 
 fighting for narrow and selfish ends. 
 
 The fact of Confucius having been a skilful cha- 
 rioteer will come as a surprise to those who only 
 
58 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 know China as a country all but without roads, in 
 which the limited vehicular traffic — almost entirely 
 confined to its northern provinces — is carried on in 
 carts of a truly rude and primitive description. 
 
 But anciently, when the population was less dense, 
 and cultivation much more restricted, large tracts of 
 land were still in a condition which permitted of their 
 being driven over ; and chariots were extensively 
 used, both for domestic purposes and as instruments 
 of war. 
 
 These chariots differed greatly in size and form, 
 according to the use to which they were to be applied. 
 Those of the emperor and feudatory sovereigns were 
 often very large, so as to be able to hold several 
 persons. They had four wheels, were elaborately 
 decorated, and were, on state occasions, drawn by 
 sixteen horses. Hence the emperor was often spoken 
 of as " the lord of a thousand " — of these sixteen- 
 horse — " chariots " ; whilst in like manner the sove- 
 reign of a minor state, who was restricted by law to 
 the possession of sixteen hundred horses, was termed 
 *' the lord of a hundred chariots." 
 
 For war purposes, the chariots were made of various 
 dimensions, according to whether they were required 
 to carry several armed men or only one. The larger 
 ones were drawn by four horses, harnessed abreast, 
 and constituted a very important element in the com- 
 
HIS SKILL AS A CHARIOTEER, 59 
 
 position of the military forces of the state ; and it 
 was decreed that, in the event of threatened attack, 
 each group of eight hundred famihes should furnish 
 one chariot, sixteen horses, three men-at-arms in 
 helmets and coats of mail, and twenty-two foot 
 soldiers. 
 
 The chariots in ordinary use were smaller and 
 lighter, and were frequently drawn by oxen, Con- 
 fucius, in his many travels, generally confining himself 
 to the use of a chariot drawn by a single ox, though 
 we often hear of some friendly prince or noble having 
 placed a chariot drawn by horses at his disposal. 
 
 Chariot-driving stood high in public estimation as 
 an art requiring much skill and courage ; and the 
 driver of the royal chariot was always a dignitary 
 of state. 
 
 But, outside his severer studies, music formed the 
 philosopher's chief delight ; and it was about this 
 time, possibly to divert his mind from the painful 
 incident which had just occurred in his domestic life, 
 that, having heard of a musician named Siang, be- 
 longing to the state of Kin, who excelled in the 
 knowledge and execution of the ancient music which 
 he held in such high esteem, he at once decided upon 
 seeking his instruction. 
 
 Siang received him with great cordiality, and, 
 without loss of time, proceeded to initiate him in all 
 
60 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 that he knew of an art which he described as one 
 of Heaven's greatest and most glorious gifts. Then, 
 after having expatiated on the power which music 
 possessed of soothing the passions, elevating the 
 thoughts, and purifying the feelings, and having ex- 
 plained some of the simpler rules of composition, he 
 took up his lute and played a piece which had been 
 composed by the patriotic Prince Wan-wang. Con- 
 fucius listened as if entranced. Not a note escaped 
 him ; and, even when the musician ceased, it seemed 
 as if he were still listening to his strains. 
 
 For ten days the same lesson was repeated. Then 
 Confucius was required to perform it in the presence 
 of the other pupils. He played it so perfectly, and 
 imitated the style of the master so exactly, that 
 Siang, full of satisfaction, proposed that they should 
 proceed to the study of some other piece. But 
 Confucius begged for a brief delay. " It is true," 
 he said, "that, thanks to your instruction, I have 
 been able to play correctly ; but I am not satisfied, 
 for I have not yet seized upon the motive of the 
 composer." 
 
 " I will give you five days to find it out in," was 
 the musician's reply. 
 
 At the end of that time Confucius again came 
 before him. 
 
 "I must have more time," he said. "At present 
 
A LESSON ON THE LUTE. 6l 
 
 the intention of the great composer only appears to 
 me dimly, as through a thick cloud. If I am not 
 able to see it more clearly, I shall consider myself 
 incapable of apprehending it, and shall give up music 
 altogether. I must have more time ; I beg of you 
 to grant me yet another five days." 
 
 The request was granted. On the fifth day Con- 
 fucius returned, radiant with joy. " I have found 
 it! I have found it!" he cried. ''This morning, 
 when I awoke, I felt as if transformed ; for all that 
 I had been seeking in the past few days had been 
 suddenly revealed to me, I seized my lute, and at 
 once understood and appreciated the meaning of 
 every note I played. It was as if I stood in the 
 presence of the great Wan-wang, that I looked into 
 his large, lustrous, and gentle eyes, and that I heard 
 the sound of his deep sonorous voice. My heart beat 
 with rapture and was lifted up towards him in love 
 and veneration, for now his every thought was mine." 
 
 This is evidently the language of an enthusiast 
 whose organization had rendered him highly sus- 
 ceptible to those pleasurable emotions, in the pro- 
 duction of which the chief power of music lies. But, 
 as appears again and again in his writings and con- 
 versations, he valued music less for the intense 
 pleasure he derived from it, than from his regarding 
 it as one of the most potent of humanizing forces, 
 
62 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 and the one best calculated to touch the hearts of 
 a rude and semi-barbarous people, and to elevate 
 and purify the sentiments of those who had reached 
 a higher grade of civilization. 
 
 This view of the value of music had, however, no 
 claim to originality. It belonged to a tradition 
 almost as ancient as the empire ; for so far back as 
 the days of the Emperor Shun, even birds and beasts 
 were said to have been brought into subjection 
 through its influence. 
 
 The state of exaltation in which Confucius appeared 
 before the less impressionable Siang seems to have 
 had the effect of convincing the latter that his pupil 
 had reached a point beyond which it was impossible 
 to take him. " Sir," he said, "you are a man of such 
 superior wisdom that I find myself quite incapable 
 of acting as your teacher, but I will, with your per- 
 mission, enrol myself from this day amongst your 
 disciples." 
 
 The kin, or lute, upon which Confucius was such 
 a skilful performer, is an instrument still held in 
 great favour by the most highly cultivated Chinese ; 
 and it is perhaps the one best calculated to produce 
 music likely to please a Western ear. It is about 
 three feet and a half long and six inches wide, with 
 a curved, slightly tapering convex surface, over which 
 the strings are stretched, and a flat under surface, the 
 
THE INSTRUMENTS ON WHICH HE PLAYED. 6^ 
 
 space between being hollow. It had originally only 
 five strings, but two have since been added. These 
 strings are of silk, and vary in size. They are fastened 
 to the tv/o extremities of the instrument, and kept 
 in their places by a bridge fixed near the broadest 
 end. The sounding-board is fitted with twelve 
 mother-of-pearl studs to assist in the fingering. 
 
 The sih, or harp, is a much larger instrument of 
 a similar character. It had at first fifty strings, but 
 these were subsequently reduced to twenty-five. Most 
 probably Confucius was a performer on both instru- 
 ments, but the kin is the one with which his name 
 is most closely associated ; for it appears to have 
 been his close companion in his many rambles. 
 
 The musical notation of the Chinese varied with 
 the instrument. The ancient system still holds ; and 
 in the case of the "kin" and "sih" it is especially 
 complicated, for each note is expressed by a cluster 
 of characters — one denoting the string, another the 
 stud, a third the position of the right hand, a fourth 
 the fingering of the left, and so on ; and as all these 
 characters are written in a contracted form, it can 
 be readily imagined how difficult it must be for the 
 learner to decipher the notes belonging to even the 
 most simple airs. 
 
 To dwellers in this Western world the music of the 
 Chinese and Japanese — for it is all but identical — 
 
64 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 is incomprehensible, and even the most universally 
 admired compositions, played by the most accom- 
 plished performers, produce sensations which are very 
 far from being agreeable. This may be from no 
 other cause than that our tastes have been culti- 
 vated in a widely different school ; for it is difficult 
 to believe that the people of these two nations do 
 not derive as much pleasure from their music as 
 we do from ours. It has been well said : " It is 
 unreasonable to pass a sweeping condemnation upon 
 a systematically — indeed, scientifically — arranged 
 and artistically rendered combination of sounds, which 
 has been capable, during countless ages, of exciting 
 the deepest emotions and of appealing to the tenderest 
 susceptibilities amongst all classes of a highly culti- 
 vated people deeply embued with poetic feeling." 
 May it not be asked, Is not this divergence in our 
 tastes but another proof that the natural man has 
 no innate sense of that which we call beauty, such 
 as would enable him to establish some fixed standard 
 of taste out of his inner consciousness, but rather 
 that the objects which the eye sees, and the sounds 
 which the ear hears, act upon the senses through an 
 artificial medium produced by impressions indelibly 
 stamped upon the brain by early, and long-continued, 
 associations ? 
 
 A national taste is, after all, but the aggregate 
 
CHINESE MUSIC. 65 
 
 of individual sentiment, created, in the first instance, 
 by some powerful influence which had been estab- 
 lished for a sufficient time to enable it to take root. 
 
 Meanwhile Confucius had returned home to teach 
 a steadily increasing number of disciples ; to discuss 
 and reason out the many problems with which his 
 ever active brain was filled ; and to seek for guidance 
 and instruction in the study of a Past, which was 
 in his eyes the never-failing source of all that was 
 most pure and perfect. 
 
66 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 Commences his career as a political reformer— Consulted by the Prince of 
 Tse, who invites him to his court— An incident on his journey- 
 Fails to obtain official employment — Visits the imperial capital. 
 
 Confucius continued to work on quietly and 
 steadily for nearly three years. At the end of that 
 time — we give it on his own authority — he found 
 himself so far advanced on the road to wisdom, 
 that " his principles had become firmly established." 
 He had no more doubts or difficulties to contend 
 ap-ainst, his mission as a reformer had been made 
 clear to him, and he longed to begin his work. 
 
 His doctrines, it is true, had been already widely 
 disseminated. But though the seed had been 
 scattered, Confucius was not a man who could stand 
 by contentedly to watch its slow germination and 
 growth. He was impatient to see the ripening of the 
 promised fruit. He believed that his preparations 
 were sufficiently complete to permit of his entering 
 into the arena of public life with advantage, and he 
 
A NEW CAREER. 6y 
 
 longed for the time when he might be able to make 
 practical application of his doctrines. 
 
 It was with this aim that he sought for such an 
 official appointment as would give him sufficient 
 power to carry out his views. Unfortunately, 
 although he had continued on the best of terms with 
 the Prince of Loo, that prince's feeble character, and 
 the corruption of his court, made it hopeless for him 
 to expect any suitable employment in his own state, 
 so he had to look elsev^here. 
 
 He had already received overtures from the 
 sovereign of the neighbouring state of Tse, who had 
 sent a messenger to inquire of him how he could 
 best bring his turbulent vassals into subjection. But, 
 from the nature of Confucius's reply, it is clear that 
 the request had not been made in a way to commend 
 itself to his favour. " Tell your royal master " — was 
 his answer — " that I know nothing of him, or of his 
 people. How is it possible then for me to be of any 
 use in this matter? Had he wished to know some- 
 thing of the sovereigns of old, and of the way in 
 which they would have been likely to act under 
 similar circumstances, I could have told him, and it 
 would have been my duty to have done so, for I have 
 a right to speak upon subjects which I have studied 
 deeply. But I am ignorant of the condition of his 
 state, and so must remain silent." 
 
68 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 It is evident that there were further negotiations, 
 and that Confucius must have received and accepted 
 an invitation to visit the prince's court, for not long 
 after we find him, with a large number of followers, 
 on the road to Tse. 
 
 Some of those who accompanied him were earnest 
 students of his doctrines ; but many went with him 
 from no higher motive than curiosity and a love of 
 change. Confucius travelled in a chariot, drawn by 
 a single ox. The rate of progress must have been 
 slow, for his companions were able to keep up with 
 him on foot. 
 
 They had only just entered the confines of Tse, 
 when an incident occurred which Confucius was able 
 to turn to a practical account. 
 
 From a thicket near which they had to pass, strange 
 sounds were heard, half groans, half cries, as if from 
 some one in the agonies of death. On searching for 
 the cause, they found a man stretched upon the 
 ground in the last throes of strangulation. Confucius 
 at once leaped from his chariot, unfastened the cord 
 which had been tightly bound round the poor wretch's 
 throat, and, when he was sufficiently recovered to be 
 able to speak, asked how it was that they found him 
 in that condition. " Alas ! " was the reply, " you see 
 before you a miserable ill-starred man to whom life 
 has become insupportable." Then, at the request of 
 
AN INCIDENT ON THE ROAD TO TSE. 69 
 
 Confucius, who desired to know the causes which had 
 produced such a bad example of the extremity to 
 which a man may be reduced who gives himself up 
 to despair, he proceeded, as follows : — 
 
 " I began life with very fair prospects. I had an 
 unquenchable thirst for knowledge and studied as- 
 siduously. In time I had learnt all that my masters 
 could teach me, so I resolved to travel, in order that 
 I might complete my education, and gain a better 
 knowledge of my fellow-men. Actuated by this 
 motive, I visited nearly all the countries of the world, 
 and, after an absence of many years, returned home, 
 and married. Then, alas ! came my first and greatest 
 grief My father and mother died within a short time 
 of each other, and I was horror-struck to find, when it 
 was too late, how wanting I had been in filial piety, in 
 never having done anything, whilst they lived, to 
 repay them for all the tenderness and care they had 
 lavished upon me. The thought of this filled me with 
 remorse. Still I hoped to make compensation for 
 my neglected duties in other ways. Since I had not 
 only studied deeply, but had, in the course of my 
 travels, gained a large amount of practical experience, 
 I determined, as soon as the period of mourning was 
 over, to emerge from my retirement, and seek to 
 apply all the knowledge I possessed to the benefit of 
 others. Under the influence of this idea, I offered 
 
70 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 my services to the prince ; but, greatly to my disap- 
 pointment and humiliation, so far from my offer being 
 accepted, he would not even grant me an audience, 
 and this was my second cause for sorrow. 
 
 " But I would not give way. I was determined to 
 resign myself to my fate, and I thought to console 
 myself in the society of the many friends I had 
 made, not only in my own country, but in the course 
 of my wanderings. Ah, me! how bitterly was I 
 deceived. Those I had most counted upon, did not 
 respond to my advances, and, where I had looked for 
 sympathy and affection, I found but a cold and chiUing 
 indifference. And last of all, my son — my only son— 
 upon whom all my love and hopes were centred, not 
 only refused to remain at home and seek to comfort 
 me, but was seized with a spirit of adventure, and 
 he now roams the world, disowning his miserable 
 father, and pretending to be an orphan, whose 
 parents fell into a river and were drowned whilst 
 he was yet an infant." 
 
 Here the wretched man became overpowered by 
 his emotion, his voice failed him, and he could not 
 suppress his sighs and groans. After a time he re- 
 covered his composure and continued — 
 
 " Utterly broken down by the bitterness of my 
 sorrow, I became incapable of action ; my nights 
 were sleepless, and in those terrible waking hours, all 
 
THE MORAL OF A MISERABLE LIFE. J I 
 
 the incidents in my life would again and again pass 
 in an endless procession before me. So it was with 
 me last night. Of what avail — I asked myself — had 
 it been, that I had become wiser than my fellows, or 
 that I had sought to share the fruit of my labours 
 with others ? Alas ! I, who had thought to have 
 reached a point which would have placed me beyond 
 the grip of human infirmity, had not been capable of 
 performing the most ordinary duties which belong to 
 humanity. As a son, my conduct was utterly un- 
 worthy, for I had left my home when my parents 
 were most in need of my support ; as a citizen, I had 
 failed to do anything for my prince or country ; I 
 could not even retain the affection of my friends ; 
 and, as a father, I had added to my guilt, in not 
 having been able to inspire my son with the com- 
 monest feelings belonging to filial piety. Overwhelmed 
 with these reflections, my life became so hateful to 
 me that I sought to end it, and, but for your inter- 
 vention, I should have been now at peace." 
 
 Confucius was greatly moved. " You were wrong," 
 he said, addressing the ill-fated man — "very wrong; 
 for, however great the ills man may have to bear, he 
 but adds to them when he allows himself to give 
 way to despair. You brought all this misery upon 
 yourself, for you showed a want of judgment from 
 the very first, in choosing a road which could not 
 
72 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 possibly lead to the wisdom you desire. He who 
 aspires to become a sage must humble himself, and 
 begin by scrupulously performing all those duties 
 and obligations which are incumbent upon even the 
 most ordinary of mortals. Amongst these duties and 
 obligations, the exercise of filial piety is the greatest, 
 and it is to your negligence with regard to it, that all 
 your subsequent misfortunes can be traced. Do not 
 believe, however, that all is lost. Take courage, and 
 lay to heart a saying which has been verified by the 
 experience of countless generations : * Whilst there 
 is life there is hope ; ' and remember that it is pos- 
 sible for a man to pass from the greatest grief to the 
 greatest joy ; from out of the depths of despond- 
 ency to the highest realms of happiness. Take 
 courage, then, and return to your home. Act as if 
 you had learnt to-day, for the first time, the true 
 value of life, and set to work so that every moment 
 of it may be put to some profitable use. Do not 
 despair ; it is possible that, even now, you may be able 
 to attain to the wisdom, after which you have so 
 vainly sought." 
 
 Then Confucius, turning to his companions, and 
 speaking with great earnestness, continued — 
 
 " What you have seen and heard this day ought to 
 be a useful lesson to you. Bear it well in mind, and 
 see that each one of you so applies it, as may best 
 
GOOD GOVERNMENT DEFINED. 73 
 
 meet his individual needs." Having said this, he 
 mounted his chariot and continued his journey. But, 
 one by one his followers dropped off, until, at the 
 end of the day, it was found that thirteen of them 
 had turned back, in order that they might return to 
 their homes and perform with greater strictness the 
 filial duties, which were being neglected through their 
 absence. 
 
 As soon as the Prince of Tse was informed that 
 Confucius had entered his dominions, he set out to 
 meet him. His reception of him, on their first inter- 
 view, was marked by the greatest cordiality, and, in 
 order to show the high honour in which he held him, 
 he conducted him in great state to the capital, where 
 every preparation had been made likely to conduce 
 to his ease and comfort. 
 
 After having been allowed a few days' repose to 
 enable him to recover from the fatigues of his journey, 
 he was summoned to the palace. " Tell me," said 
 the prince, wishing to fathom the sagacity of which 
 he had heard so much by a single question, " in what 
 does good government consist ? " " Good govern- 
 ment," replied Confucius, "is simply the maintenance 
 of the natural relations which ought to exist between 
 man and man. A combination of princely conduct 
 in the ruler, loyalty in the subject, paternal love in 
 the parent, and filial piety in the child." 
 
74 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 The prince, notwithstanding his natural levity, was 
 so struck with the soundness and originality of this 
 answer, that he would have at once taken him into 
 his service and appointed him to some high office, 
 but his courtiers restrained him. They, being jealous 
 of the new favourite, represented that it would be 
 highly impolitic to give extensive powers to a man 
 of such superior attainments ; that he would be 
 certain, as a minister, to be arrogant and overbearing ; 
 and, in short, so worked upon the prince's fears, that 
 he decided, for the time at least, to confine himself, 
 in the choice of his ministers, to that comfortable 
 mediocrity which has the advantage of neither exciting 
 the rancour of the envious, nor the fears of the weak. 
 
 It is said that Confucius was offered the govern- 
 ment of a town of the third class, and that he refused 
 it on the ground that he had as yet done nothing 
 which had rendered him worthy of recompense. But 
 there can be no doubt that this might have been only 
 a polite way of declining an appointment which he 
 considered to be beneath his merits. He had a 
 higher aim than this in seeking to return to public 
 life. 
 
 So he lived on for a considerable period, concealing 
 his chagrin as he best could, and hoping, as it were, 
 against hope, the prince treating him with all outward 
 respect and consideration, even consulting him in his 
 
HJS VISIT TO THE IMPERIAL CAPITAL, 75 
 
 many difficulties, and surrounding him with every- 
 thing that would be likely to make his residence in 
 his state agreeable. He still continued his work as 
 a teacher, but the time which was not so occupied, 
 was applied to the collection and collation of the 
 materials for those great works, which still form the 
 monuments of his industry and genius. 
 
 His freedom from the trammels of office enabled 
 him, under the auspices of the Princes of Tse and 
 Loo, the latter of whom placed one of the royal 
 chariots and a pair of horses at his disposal, to pay 
 a visit to the seat of the imperial court, which was at 
 this time established in the city of L6, in the modern 
 province of Honan. This he had previously been 
 prevented from doing, through the death of the 
 emperor, at the very moment he was about to set 
 out, and now he had the advantage of being able to 
 travel in a degree of state which gave dignity to his 
 position, and showed in what high estimation he was 
 held by his own sovereign. 
 
 On arriving at the capital, he took up his residence 
 with an official who was, at the same time, a philosopher 
 and a musician, named Chang-hung, by whom he 
 was treated with great kindness and hospitality. As 
 soon as he was comfortably settled and sufficiently 
 recovered from the fatigue of his long journey, his 
 host accompanied him to the court, and introduced 
 
^6 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 him to the principal minister of state, with whom he 
 had a long conference, during which the minister 
 made inquiries as to the nature of his doctrines and 
 his mode of teaching them. " As to my doctrines," 
 replied Confucius, " they are very simple, being none 
 other than those which were held by our unerring 
 guides, Yaou and Shun, and are such as all men 
 ought to follow ; and my mode of teaching is still 
 simpler, for I but cite the example of the ancients, 
 exhort my hearers to study the sacred books, and 
 impress upon them the necessity of pondering deeply 
 upon all they may find in them." 
 
 " Tell me," again asked the minister, " how should 
 a man begin who is anxious to acquire wisdom ? I 
 wish you to tell me in such a way that I may easily 
 remember and comprehend your words, and be able 
 to put them into practice." 
 
 "It is a large question," replied Confucius, "but 
 try and bear in mind the following propositions, and 
 doubtless, occasions will arise in which they will be 
 useful. 
 
 " Just as the hardest steel is the most brittle, so is 
 often that which is most solidly established the easiest 
 to destroy. 
 
 " Pride puffeth up, and the ambition of the arrogant 
 has no bounds ; but the proud man may be brought 
 low, and the claims of the arrogant be found wanting. 
 
IMPERIAL NEGLECT. 77 
 
 "The complaisant man yields up everything in 
 order to gain an end, and finds himself, when failure 
 comes, the dupe of his own facility. 
 
 " What I have said may appear trivial, but he who 
 well weighs my words will have no difficulty in seizing 
 their meaning, and in reducing them to practice. I 
 have no hesitation in saying that he who does so, 
 will soon find himself advancing rapidly on the only 
 road which leads to true wisdom." 
 
 There is something in the tone of this answer which 
 seems to imply that the bearing of the questioner 
 had not been quite pleasing to Confucius. With all 
 his philosophy, he was quick to resent anything 
 approaching to a want of courtesy, and, on this occa- 
 sion, probably, the polite deference with which he 
 expected to be treated had not been observed. 
 
 One cause, to which this coldness on the part of 
 the minister might be traced, was the fact that his 
 imperial master did not regard Confucius or his doc- 
 trines with favour ; for it is significant that, during 
 the twelve months he spent at the capital, no mention 
 is made of his having ever been invited to an audience. 
 This must have been a great disappointment to him, 
 for he would naturally have preferred, if he could 
 have obtained it, an appointment in the service of a 
 sovereign who held, in addition to his position as 
 ruler of his patrimonial state, the still sacred mandate 
 of empearor. 
 
^S CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 But there was much to be done, and to be seen, 
 and to be learnt, and his time was not wasted. He 
 asked, and obtained permission, to inspect the impe- 
 rial archives, and much of his time was spent in look- 
 ing over the ancient records and extracting from 
 them much that afterwards appeared in his writings. 
 There were many temples and public monuments 
 to be visited, much teaching to be done, for he was 
 never without pupils, and in his moments of leisure 
 there was music, which he practised assiduously with 
 his host, the accomplished Chang-hung. 
 
 Having so many congenial tastes, Confucius and 
 Chang-hung had soon become on terms of great 
 intimacy, and Chang-hung was never weary of de- 
 scanting on his guest's vast fund of knowledge and 
 his noble character. To one of the nobles of the 
 court he described him in the following glowing 
 terms : — " He is a man with whom none other belong- 
 ing to our day can be brought into comparison. In 
 person as in mind, he has been singularly gifted. 
 You cannot look upon him without perceiving that 
 he possesses more than ordinary intelligence, which 
 streams forth from his eyes in two broad beams of 
 light. He is very tall, with rounded shoulders, and 
 long arms, and has a majestic presence. In conver- 
 sation he constantly calls to remembrance the ancient 
 sages, and every word he utters has the effect of 
 
HIS ESTIMATE OF HIMSELF. 79 
 
 giving rise to virtuous reflections. His great aim 
 seems to be to reanimate in his hearers a love for 
 the wholesome teaching of the past ; but he is so 
 modest, that he is ready to be instructed by those 
 who are in every way his inferiors. He presents 
 the most perfect model for posterity to form itself 
 on, and he will be the admiration of future ages." 
 
 When these laudatory words were repeated to 
 Confucius, he exclaimed : " I am absolutely unworthy 
 of such praise. It would have been nearer the 
 mark if Chang-hung had said : * he is a man who 
 knows a little music, who wishes to obtain knowledge, 
 and who seeks to comprehend, and give effect to, the 
 ever sacred rites.' " 
 
 This special reference to the rites, was probably 
 caused by his mind being at that time much occupied 
 with investigations concerning the origin and mean- 
 ing of the various ceremonies belonging to the ancient 
 cultus. In these he had not previously been able 
 to participate, for, as has been already noted, it 
 was only the emperor in his character of Pontifex 
 Maximus, who was entitled to conduct them, for, 
 however much his temporal authority may have been 
 encroached upon, his sacerdotal supremacy had, up 
 to this time, remained intact. It should be under- 
 stood that this only refers to the higher sacrificial 
 rites, for there were certain minor ones which could 
 
80 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 be equally performed by the feudatory princes. But 
 there was this difference between them : that whilst 
 these latter could only offer propitiation for those 
 placed under their immediate authority, the emperor 
 stood before Heaven as the mediator and intercessor 
 for the whole empire. 
 
 At this time many magnificent temples were in 
 existence, which were destroyed some three centuries 
 later, in the ruthless destruction of the public monu- 
 ments by Che-wang-te, who hated the past, and wished 
 to make his reign the commencement of a new era. 
 
 These temples were naturally a source of great 
 interest to Confucius, not only on account of their 
 structural beauty, but because they afforded him the 
 means for instructing himself more perfectly in many 
 details connected with the sacrificial rites, and for 
 estimating the changes which had been introduced 
 in usages which had the sacred impress of antiquity. 
 
 One day on entering the great temple, known 
 under this dynasty by the name of " the temple of 
 Light," he was surprised to find that the portraits 
 of the preceding sovereigns had been hung upon its 
 walls without any distinction having been made 
 between those which represented monarchs who had 
 immortalized themselves by their virtues, and those 
 who had lived lives of shame, and rendered themselves 
 infamous by their vices. And he could not conceal 
 
IN " THE TEMPLE OF LIGHT:' 8 1 
 
 his disapprobation at the culpable indifference which 
 had led to good and evil being placed on the same 
 level, for it was ever his opinion that the line between 
 them could not be too strongly marked. 
 
 In the ancestral hall of the temple dedicated to 
 the founder of the reigning dynasty, he saw the 
 golden image of a man having his lips fastened to- 
 gether with three needles. And on the back of this 
 image there was written — 
 
 " The men of old spoke little. It would be well 
 to imitate them, for those who talk much are sure to 
 say something it would be better to have left unsaid. 
 
 '' Let a man's labour be proportioned to his needs. 
 For he who works beyond his strength does but add 
 to his cares and disappointments. A man should be 
 moderate even in his efforts, 
 
 " Be not over anxious to obtain relaxation or repose. 
 For he who is so, will get neither. 
 
 " Beware of ever doing that which you are likely, 
 sooner or later, to repent of having done. 
 
 " Do not neglect to rectify an evil because it may 
 seem small, for, though small at first, it may continue 
 to grow until it overwhelms you. 
 
 " If a man does not strive to resist slight acts of 
 injustice, he will soon find himself called upon to face 
 the greatest wrongs. 
 
 ** Take heed to your words as well as to your acts, 
 
 G 
 
82 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 and do not allow yourself to think, that because you 
 may be alone, you are neither seen nor heard, but 
 remember the gods are everywhere. 
 
 " A house may be burned down through a smoulder- 
 ing fire, when a fierce flame would have shown itself 
 and have been easily put out. A river is formed by 
 the waters of many streams ; a cord so strong as not 
 to be easily broken, by the union of many threads. 
 
 " A sapling whose roots have not struck deep, can 
 be easily pulled up ; but, if it be allowed to become 
 a tree, it will be necessary to use an axe. 
 
 " From a man's mouth may come forth sharp 
 arrows to wound, and fiery brands to burn. Take 
 good heed, then, that neither issue from your mouth 
 to the injury of others. 
 
 " Do not believe that because you have your full 
 share of strength you may encounter danger without 
 risk ; there is no man, however strong he may be, 
 who will not find some one with greater strength to 
 cast him to the ground. 
 
 " He who is a rebel without due cause, degrades 
 himself to the lowest level of society : but an unjust 
 ruler excites discontent, whilst he who is considerate 
 is readily obeyed. 
 
 " The masses of the people, and men of ordinary 
 character, have little prescience or power of dealing 
 with the unknown, and are only capable of following 
 
A SILENT MONITOR. 83 
 
 the lead of others. Thus, when they are often brought 
 under the influence of those who are circumspect in 
 their conduct, virtuous, enlightened, and well man- 
 nered, they are insensibly led to imitate them, and so 
 become in their turn an example for others. 
 
 " My mouth is closed, I cannot speak. It is in vain 
 you inquire of me, I cannot solve your doubts, and, 
 on my side, I have nothing to ask. Though what I 
 teach is shrouded in enigma, it is not the less true. 
 I stand elevated above you, yet no man can do me 
 harm ; what mortal is there who can say as much ? 
 
 " Remember that Heaven has no favourites, but 
 acts with strict impartiality to all. 
 
 ''No matter how full the ocean, the streams con- 
 tinue to add to its waters without causing it to 
 increase its bounds. 
 
 "Reflect and meditate deeply on all that I have 
 said, and I shall not have spoken in vain." 
 
 Such were the words which Confucius read aloud to 
 his followers in the solemn precincts of the ancestral 
 hall of the reigning dynasty of Chaou. 
 
 Bearing upon them the impress of antiquity, and 
 so appealing to him in a voice which seemed to him 
 to come direct from Heaven, he was filled with pious 
 exaltation. " Here," he said, " we have in a few 
 words all that is most useful for man to know, and 
 I am convinced that he who takes them to heart and 
 
84 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 follows them, will not be far off from that perfection 
 which it is our chief duty to strive after. As for me, 
 I shall do my best to use them to my profit, and I 
 hope that all who hear me will follow my example." 
 
 Though an interview with the emperor was denied 
 him, he was allowed to go over the palace and see 
 the many interesting objects it contained. Amongst 
 these, placed by the side of the throne, was a bucket 
 — like those in ordinary use for drawing water from 
 a well — which at once arrested the attention of all 
 who saw it, by the strange contrast it offered to 
 the splendours by which it was surrounded. Con- 
 fucius, who knew the tradition connected with it, 
 pretended ignorance, and asked the courtiers who 
 accompanied him, to explain the reason of its being 
 there. None could tell him. They only knew that 
 it had always been in the same place, and was said 
 to have been there for many ages. Then Confucius, 
 taking the bucket to a cistern belonging to a fountain 
 which played in sight of the throne, plunged it into 
 the water, and explained to them that in order to 
 fill it properly a certain amount of force had to be 
 employed, for with too little, the bucket floated on 
 the surface, whilst with too much, it sank to the 
 bottom, but that with a properly regulated pressure, 
 it could be made to receive the exact amount of 
 water which would enable it to float in equilibrium. 
 
A PRACTICAL ILLUSTRATION'. 85 
 
 " In this," said Confucius, " the ancients found an 
 illustration of good government, and showed that 
 too little or too much force — in other words, weakness 
 and oppression — invariably lead to failure, whilst he 
 who would succeed must, as in this instance, exercise 
 firmness and moderation. It was, therefore, the 
 custom at the beginning of each reign, to carry out 
 the experiment we have just witnessed, in the presence 
 of the sovereign, in order that the true principles of 
 good government should be indelibly impressed upon 
 his mind. Alas ! that an institution of such in- 
 estimable value, established for our benefit by our 
 great exemplars in the past, should have been allowed 
 to fall into disuse ! " 
 
 But one of the chief objects of this visit of the 
 great philosopher to the capital has not yet been 
 touched upon. It was, that he might obtain from 
 the lips of a still greater thinker than himself, some 
 knowledge of doctrines which had greatly exercised 
 the minds of many thoughtful men — doctrines so 
 transcendental, so comprehensive, so boundless in 
 their aim, that it is impossible to imagine that Con- 
 fucius, the great seeker after, and teacher of, truth, 
 could have put them aside with indifference, or have 
 sought to remain in ignorance of them. 
 
 It is not often that two such men are to be found 
 belonging to the same period as Confucius and 
 Laou-tsze. 
 
S6 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 Interview between Confucius and Laou-tsze — Some account of that 
 philosopher and his doctrines — Difference between them and those 
 taught by Confucius — Effect of Laou-tsze's conversation upon 
 Confucius. 
 
 One of the most remarkable and interesting incidents 
 connected with the visit of Confucius to the imperial 
 capital, was his interview with Laou-tsze. 
 
 This great contemporary teacher was then living 
 in the retirement which was so dear to him, at some 
 distance from the city. His fame had been long 
 established, and there was a universal feeling of 
 respect towards one who was as much distinguished 
 by the simplicity and purity of his life, as by his 
 great learning and the exalted nature of his doctrines. 
 
 Born of peasant parents in that part of China now 
 known as Honan, B.C. 604, Li-pe-yang, or Laou-tsze, 
 the " Venerable one," the name by which he has 
 become famous, was between ninety and a hundred 
 years old at the time of his interview with Confucius. 
 Very few incidents of his life are recorded, but, in 
 
LAOU-TSZE AND HIS DOCTRINES. 8/ 
 
 accordance with the almost universal custom of 
 associating the birth of great men with the miraculous, 
 his entry into the world was said to have been marked 
 by a variety of supernatural manifestations, some of 
 which were of such an absurd and incredible nature, 
 that it is difficult to understand how any one could 
 have believed in them. It is chiefly through them, 
 however, that his disciples, after his death, were 
 enabled to claim for him a divine origin. 
 
 Of his early youth little is known, but it may be 
 taken for granted that he possessed more than 
 ordinary abilities and received a good education, or 
 it would have been impossible for him to have held, 
 whilst still young, the important post of imperial 
 historiographer, in addition to some magisterial office. 
 As imperial historiographer and keeper of the royal 
 archives, he would naturally have had access to any 
 writings, which might belong or refer to the literature 
 of the Western world, and that some such writings 
 were in existence is more than probable, since it is 
 on record that, before his time, there had been a 
 certain amount of intercourse between the part of 
 China in which he lived, and the countries extending 
 to the opposite extremity of Asia. This would 
 account for the close resemblance to be found between 
 many of his philosophic and religious theories, and 
 those which were being formulated about this time 
 
SS CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 by Pythagoras, in the West, though they had received 
 their highest development many centuries before in 
 India, from whence, in the course of time, they were 
 to penetrate, in the form of Buddhism, to the remotest 
 confines of Tartary and China. This conclusion is 
 strengthened by the fact that his great work, the 
 " Taou-te-King," dates from a period antecedent to 
 that in which, according to tradition, he left his 
 country and travelled for many years in distant lands, 
 so that personal contact with those who professed 
 these doctrines could hardly have influenced his 
 teaching, though it may have somewhat modified 
 the opinions of his extreme old age. 
 
 But there are those who declare this account of 
 a journey into remote regions — the first of which 
 Chinese historians make mention as having been 
 undertaken by any philosopher or public teacher — 
 to be apocryphal, so that we have no other alternative 
 than either to go back to our original surmise, or to 
 conclude that the extraordinary similitude which 
 has been found to exist between many of Laou-tsze's 
 opinions and those held by Pythagoras, and, in even 
 a still greater degree, to that which was the original 
 source of the latter's teaching, the fundamental doc- 
 trine contained in the Sanscrit Vedas, which belong 
 to a date five centuries earlier, was a mere accident. 
 But, in connection with this view, it has to be remem- 
 
THE '' taou-te-king:' 89 
 
 bered that the age in which he lived was not without 
 its beliefs, and that an obscure kind of monotheism 
 and an ingenious — if incomprehensible — system of 
 cosmogony had previously received a very general 
 philosophical acceptance. 
 
 Be this as it may, his great literary legacy, the 
 " Taou-te-King," bears the impress of much original 
 thought and of that deep religious feeling which 
 made him always place the spiritual life before the 
 material. Unfortunately, many passages of this 
 work are extremely obscure, partly from the style 
 in which it is written, and partly from the nature of 
 the subjects of which it treats, so that the Chinese 
 commentators are often at a loss to give them their 
 exact meaning. This has led to many divergent 
 conclusions ; but these are, in many cases, to be 
 traced to the commentators having approached the 
 subject with some preconceived idea of the author's 
 intention. Thus, one set of commentators have for 
 their chief object, the reconciliation of the text with 
 certain passages in the ancient classics ; others again 
 find in it all the leading tenets of Buddhism, and 
 have no other aim than to show that Laou-tsze's 
 teaching was based upon them ; whilst a third body 
 of critics — and that perhaps the most numerous one 
 — have discovered a hidden occult meaning, only to 
 be penetrated by the initiated. And so it is that the 
 
9© CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 followers of this great teacher, the Taou-sze, or 
 Taouists of the present day, seek to obtain through 
 the study of his writings a knowledge which will 
 enable them to transmute the baser metals into gold, 
 to acquire the elixir of life, and to lay bare the secrets 
 of the future. To such bad uses have the results of 
 this great thinker's many years of unremitting mental 
 labour, been turned by the miserable magicians, 
 necromancers, and diviners, who profess to be the 
 reverent followers of his doctrines. But these cor- 
 ruptions no more belong to the spiritual and far- 
 reaching subtleties of Laou-tsze's teaching than do 
 the acts of cruelty and gross superstition to be 
 found amongst professing Christians, belong to the 
 pure and humane tenets, impressed upon the world 
 by the crucified Jesus. 
 
 In Europe, within the last century, the " Taou-te- 
 King" has received an increasing amount of attention 
 from the students of Chinese literature, and several 
 translations exist in English, French, and German. 
 But the translators have met with even greater diffi- 
 culties than the commentators. The style of the 
 ancient Chinese classics — setting aside the frequent 
 antitheses and metaphors — is at the best so concise, 
 and each character is so pregnant of meaning, that 
 anything like a verbal rendering into a European 
 language is out of the question. The ideas which 
 
CONFLICTING TRANSLATIONS. 91 
 
 the author intended to set forth must be seized upon 
 and elaborated, and in doing this, in a work so full 
 of transcendental thoughts as the " Taou-te-King," it 
 is not to be wondered at that frequent, and sometimes . 
 very serious, mistakes have been made. Many of 
 these have arisen from the translators, like the com- 
 mentators, having approached this subject with 
 foregone conclusions as to the author's meaning. 
 Thus, in the last century, the Jesuit missionary, Pere 
 Amiot, came to the conclusion that he had found in 
 the pages of the " Taou-te-King," the revelation of 
 a Triune God ; and, writing later, Abel Remusat was 
 equally convinced that he had found in them three 
 characters, used phonetically to express three out of 
 the four Hebrew letters, belonging to the sacred name 
 of Jehovah. 
 
 These views have been combated, and shown to 
 be erroneous, in a translation of this work by Stanislas 
 Julien, published in Paris in 1842, under the title of 
 " Le livre de la voie et de la virtu " ; and in a German 
 translation, published at Leipzig in 1870 by Reinhold 
 von Plaenckner, they have received a further con- 
 demnation. On the other hand, in another German 
 translation by Victor von Strauss, also published in 
 Leipzig in the same year, the conclusions which 
 Remusat had arrived at are warmly defended. For 
 my part, after having carefully read over the several 
 
92 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 translations, compared them with the Chinese text, 
 and considered them in connection with all that has 
 been severally brought forward in their support, I 
 must confess to having been forced to the conviction, 
 that the weight of the evidence is against the 
 ingenious theories which form the foundation upon 
 which the peculiar turn given to the ideas set forth by 
 Laou-tsze in the fourteenth chapter of the "Taou-te- 
 King," has been based. It seems to me that much of 
 the difficulty, connected with a clear comprehension 
 of what Laou-tsze wrote in this particular chapter, 
 has arisen from his having selected three characters, 
 which, whilst perhaps sufficiently conveying his 
 meaning to his contemporaries, would best fit in with 
 the metrical construction he had adopted. 
 
 The " Taou-te-King " is divided into eighty-one 
 chapters. Its style of composition is metrical, with 
 lines of varying length. It would seem as if its 
 author sought to convey his meaning in the fewest 
 possible characters ; and hence it is that, to make the 
 text intelligible, it has either to be accompanied by 
 copious notes — as must necessarily be the case when 
 a system of close verbal translation has been adopted 
 — or else the subject matter contained in them, so 
 far as it illustrates the author's meaning, must be 
 incorporated with it. 
 
 The following freely rendered passages from this 
 
LAOU-TSZES THOUGHTS ON GOD. 93 
 
 work, will serve to give some idea of its scope and 
 intention. 
 
 Laou-tsze begins, in the opening chapter, thus — 
 
 *' The eternal source of all, both Heaven and Earth, 
 Is a deep mystery too deep for words ; 
 For when we think to find them, we but speak 
 Of something narrowed to befit the sense. 
 Which finite man has of the Infinite. 
 Thus can we give no name to that which spreads 
 Beyond the bounds of knowledge ; what we named 
 Would not take in the whole, but be a part 
 Extending scarcely to Creation's hour, — 
 And so, the Eternal Cause, the Way, the Life — 
 For all in one and each in all, is Taou — 
 Would be but known as the great Creative 
 Of that which man's perception can take in. 
 Now he alone can bring his mind to bear 
 On such a vast conception, who is free 
 From passion, and the world's disturbing power ; 
 For not to him, whose eyes are turned to earth. 
 Is given an insight into Heavenly things. 
 Or power to free him from the bonds of sense. 
 Yet all — spirit and matter, life and death — proceed 
 In endless sequence from the self-same Taou, 
 Beyond the power of words, without a name, 
 Unfathomable, scarce to be conceived, 
 Such clouds enfold the gate of Spirit life." * 
 
 In another chapter, the twenty-first, he treats of 
 the beginning of all things, and declares that all 
 visible forms are but emanations from the same 
 Supreme source — the " Taou." 
 
 *' Material forms of the Creative power 
 Are but the outcome of the parent source, 
 
 * See A in Appendix. 
 
94 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 Divine Intelligence, from whence all flows ; 
 Before its advent nought but chaos reigned — 
 A chaos far surpassing human thought ; 
 Then out its midst, dim, cloudy shapes arose, 
 So indistinct, they scarce could be defined. 
 Whilst in its depths the secret germs of life 
 Became diffused, but only yet as germs 
 Impalpable, enshrouded from the sight, 
 For a brief space. Then out of chaos came 
 The subtle spirit of Eternal Life. 
 And out of chaos, with it, came forth Faith, 
 The living memory, out the womb of time. 
 To teach us of the past, and of the great 
 Nameless First Cause, centre of life and truth. 
 And if you ask me how it is I know 
 Of this ? I answer, only through His aid — 
 The perfect Reason, primal source of all." * 
 
 In another passage Laou-tsze hangs, as it were, 
 lovingly on to the same idea ; but, as if not satisfied 
 with what he had written antecedently, he pro- 
 ceeds to still further elaborate it. He again puts 
 forward the proposition that all matter owes its 
 existence to a Creative Power, whose name, being 
 unknown to him, he prefers to designate by some of 
 his most striking attributes, brought together in a 
 single word, and this, he explains, is the meaning he 
 would attach to the term he had previously employed 
 — " Taou." 
 
 " All things created 
 Came out of chaos. 
 Before heaven and earth were 
 Naught but deep silence 
 
 * See Bin Appendix. 
 
THE GENESIS OF CREATION. 95 
 
 Reigned o'er a void 
 
 Of endless immensity — 
 
 Dead, for no breath 
 
 Of life had yet breathed there. 
 
 Then He, the Infinite, 
 
 Perfect, Immutable, 
 
 Moved through this nothingness, — 
 
 He, the Creator, 
 
 The Mother of all things. 
 
 I, in my ignorance, 
 
 Knowing no name for Him, 
 
 Speak of Him only 
 
 As "Taou" — Perfect Reason; 
 
 Thus in one word 
 
 Including his attributes : 
 
 He the all-Powerful, 
 
 He the all-Knowing, 
 
 The all- Pervading, 
 
 Ever existent, 
 
 Infinite, Boundless, 
 
 Near — yet, so far off. 
 
 Man's laws are earthly. 
 
 Nature's are Heaven-born ; 
 
 Yet one and both come 
 
 Alike from great Taou, 
 
 The law to himself — 
 
 The centre of all law." * 
 
 And thus, having dealt with the conception and 
 creation of all things out of nothing, and defined the 
 meaning of the name by which he would distinguish 
 the creative and governing principle of all being, he 
 shows us in another chapter how, in the end, all 
 animated matter has to return to its maker and 
 beconie re-integrated in the Eternal and Supreme 
 
 * See C in Appendix. 
 
96 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 Intelligence — the Taou — from which it first emanated ; 
 and this I have endeavoured to paraphrase in the 
 following lines : — 
 
 ** He who would enter in eternal peace 
 Must free himself from all seductive thoughts. 
 For every being, in a human form, 
 Has to accomplish a fixed destiny, 
 And we but watch the changes as they pass ; 
 For each in turn takes on him some new shape. 
 And each in turn reaches his primal state ; 
 In other words, arrives at final rest. 
 Having fulfilled the law which ruled his fate, 
 And so becomes immortal. He who knows 
 Of this, is one enlightened — far removed 
 , From him who has no hope to guide his acts, 
 For the enlightened by the Faith upheld 
 Move calmly onward, all they see around 
 They look upon with sympathy and love 
 As part of their own being ; and each act 
 Is based on justice and the rule of right ; 
 But he who follows Justice— as a king 
 Stands o'er his fellows, ever moving on 
 With measured footsteps Heavenward, thro' the paths 
 Which lead him onward to the blessed goal — 
 To where he sinks to final rest in Taou : 
 Ever immortal, in eternal Peace. 
 What matters it to him when death draws near ? 
 For death but brings him to his final rest." * 
 
 These extracts may serve to give some general 
 idea of the system of metaphysics taught by Laou- 
 tsze. But he did not confine himself to speculative 
 philosophy. Equally with Confucius, his great aim 
 was to effect, through his doctrines, the moral refor- 
 
 * See D in Appendix. 
 
TIVO SYSTEMS, WITH ONE AIM. 97 
 
 mation of those who came under the influence of his 
 teaching. But though the end sought for was the 
 same, the means by which they endeavoured to attain 
 it, were widely different. The one, seeking for regene- 
 rative power in the natural constitution of man and 
 his relations to that Divine Intelligence which had 
 created him, and of which he was again to become a 
 part ; the other, looking for it in human models 
 belonging to the remote past who had exhibited in 
 their own persons the divine perfection, and endea- 
 vouring, through the lessons to be learnt from them, 
 to regain those higher conditions of life which, it was 
 his belief, man had originally inherited. 
 
 But perhaps the best summary of the opinions and 
 character of Laou-tsze is to be found in the writings 
 of M. Abel Remusat. 
 
 That distinguished savant says : '' I have subjected 
 to a minute examination the doctrines of a philo- 
 sopher, as celebrated in China as he is little known 
 in Europe, and whose writings, from their being very 
 obscure and consequently but little read, are perhaps 
 not much more appreciated in his own country than 
 in ours, where his name has been scarcely heard. 
 
 "The current traditions concerning this philosopher, 
 for which we are indebted to the missionaries, are 
 not of a nature to invite very serious inquiry. Our 
 only positive knowledge being as to the fact that 
 
 H 
 
98 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 this sage, the acknowledged head of one of the three 
 great religious sects of China, was born some two 
 thousand four hundred years ago, and was the author 
 of a work which has come down to posterity under 
 the pretentious title of * The Book of Reason and 
 Virtue.' 
 
 I would observe here that the proper rendering of 
 the title of this book is a problem which translators 
 have yet to solve ; but to proceed : " It is recorded of 
 him that, towards the end of his life, he left China 
 and travelled very far into the west, to the countries 
 from which, according to some, he obtained his doc- 
 trines, or in which, according to others, he taught 
 them. In searching for the details, I have met with 
 many marvellous stories told of him by those strange 
 adherents who thought they were following his 
 doctrines. For instance, believing as they do in the 
 dogma of the transmigration of souls, they have 
 imagined, amongst other things, that the soul of their 
 master had had several previous appearances upon 
 earth. But there is little doubt that many of these 
 fables sprang out of the principles he taught, and 
 might in many instances have some relation to cir- 
 cumstances connecting them with the other extremity 
 of Asia. I was interested in inquiring whether this 
 sage, whose life offers so many points of resemblance 
 to that of the philosopher of Samos, might not also 
 
SUMMARY BY M. ABEL REMUS AT. 99 
 
 have some conformity with him in his opinions. An 
 examination of his works fully confirmed me in this 
 conjecture, and effected at the same time a complete 
 change in my views with respect to their author. 
 Like the founders of many other religious systems, he 
 was far from foreseeing the misdirection of his doc- 
 trine in futures ages, and, were he to appear again on 
 earth, he would have just cause to complain of the 
 manner he has been wronged by his unworthy dis- 
 ciples. Instead of finding him the chief of a set of 
 jugglers, magicians, and astrologers, seeking for the 
 elixir of immortality and the means of raising them- 
 selves to heaven through the air, I found in his 
 writings a true philosopher, a judicious moralist, an 
 eloquent theologian, and a subtle metaphysician, 
 writing in a style having all the majesty of Plato, 
 though, it must be confessed, possessing much of his 
 obscurity. 
 
 " The metaphysics of Laou-tsze offer many remark- 
 able characteristics which I am compelled to pass 
 over in silence. How indeed would it be possible 
 for me to give an idea of the lofty abstractions 
 and the inextricable subtleties, in which his oriental 
 imagination loses itself.'* It suffices to say, that the 
 opinions of the Chinese philosopher on the origin and 
 constitution of the universe, present no ridiculous 
 fables or monstrous absurdities ; they bear the impress 
 
100 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 of a noble and elevated mind, and in the sublime 
 reveries by which they are distinguished, they pre- 
 sent a striking and indisputable resemblance to the 
 doctrines professed a little later by the school of 
 Pythagoras and Plato." 
 
 Such is the summing up, by one of the best qualified 
 judges, of this philosopher's character and the nature 
 of his teaching. It is evident that if his doctrines 
 have had a less extended and direct influence on the 
 character of his race than those of his great contem- 
 porary, it is to be traced to the deep and abstruse 
 mysticism by which they were pervaded, rather than 
 to any intellectual inferiority on the part of their 
 illustrious originator. Indeed, as a deep and original 
 thinker, it would be difficult not to award him the 
 first place, were it possible to institute a comparison 
 between teachers whose means for obtaining the same 
 end were so different. In the case of Laou-tsze the 
 regeneration of mankind was only capable of being 
 produced by the acceptance, in the first instance, of a 
 creed of which he was the institutor ; whilst Confucius 
 drew the principles he endeavoured to enforce, from 
 human models, and confined himself to endeavouring 
 to induce those he taught, to reform themselves on 
 the maxims, and return as far as possible to the social 
 conditions, of that "golden" age in the antecedent 
 existence of which he so firmly believed. 
 
LAOU-TSZE AND CONFUCIUS. lOI 
 
 Laou-tsze's reception of his brother sage would seem 
 to indicate that he had not escaped the querulousness 
 which so often accompanies extreme old age, for in- 
 stead of acceding to Confucius's request — put forward, 
 we can well imagine, in the most courteous terms — 
 that he would enlighten him as to his doctrines, he 
 proceeded to upbraid him for his love of publicity 
 and popularity, which he attributed to vanity. He 
 objected also to his large following of disciples, as 
 being more likely to minister to his pride than to 
 create and sustain a love of wisdom. " The sage," he 
 continued, " loves obscurity. Far from wishing to 
 obtain public employment, he avoids it, knowing 
 that, at his death, all that he can leave behind him are 
 such good maxims as he may have entrusted to a 
 chosen few, capable of understanding and practising 
 them ; he does not seek to unbosom himself to the 
 whole world, but has a due regard to time and cir- 
 cumstances. When the time is propitious, he speaks ; 
 when it is unfavourable, he knows how to be silent. 
 He who possesses a treasure, guards it carefully, and 
 does not tell everyone he meets, that he has it. And 
 he who is truly virtuous does not make a parade of 
 his virtue, and say on every occasion that he is better 
 than his fellows." 
 
 He objected that Confucius was endeavouring to 
 give new life to society by insisting upon a slavish 
 
I02 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 devotion to dead forms, and he was as unsparing in 
 his condemnation of his principles, as he had been 
 with regard to the manner in which they had been 
 brought forward. 
 
 We are not told how Confucius accepted this cen- 
 sure, but he must have succeeded in soothing any 
 angry feelings the old philosopher may have enter- 
 tained towards him, and overcome his reluctance to 
 speak on the subject of his doctrines, for the interview 
 became a long one. 
 
 Once started on a topic so dear to him, with a 
 listener capable of appreciating his views, can we not 
 picture to ourselves the old man, as he sits, warmed 
 into new life by his enthusiasmi, throwing off all 
 reserve and pouring out the treasures of his wisdom 
 in a copious flow of words ; now going beyond the 
 boundaries of time and seeking to penetrate the 
 mystery of a first cause ; now showing the progres- 
 sive state of all created being from its first concep- 
 tion ; then coming to man, and defining his two 
 natures — the material and the spiritual — his relations 
 to that great, all-pervading Intelligence — the Taou, 
 upon whose attributes he dwells long and tenderly ; 
 Taou — the primal cause, the beginning and the end 
 of all? Then, descanting upon humanity in its re- 
 lations to morality, he tries to explain how mind 
 ever asserts its supremacy over matter, and that he 
 
A SORROWFUL REPLY. IO3 
 
 who stands always, as it were, in the presence of the 
 Eternal through his consciousness of being the 
 inheritor of a future immortality in union with his 
 great Creator, is alone capable of acquiring those 
 qualities which, in the prince, produce good govern- 
 ment, and, in the people, good subjects ; and which 
 are indeed the basis upon which all society has to 
 be formed. And then, as if suddenly recalling the 
 fact that Confucius was also a seeker after Truth and 
 a teacher, exclaiming — in a tone in which a touch of 
 suppressed triumph mingles with a deep interest — 
 "And you — have you also learnt to know this 
 Divine Intelligence — the Taou ? " To which Con- 
 fucius is said to have sorrowfully replied, " Alas ! no. 
 I have been a seeker for nearly thirty years, but have 
 not yet found it." 
 
 Then Laou-tsze took leave of him, saying, " I have 
 heard it said, that the wealthy dismiss their friends 
 with rich presents, and that the sage sends those who 
 visit him away with wise counsels. I am not rich, 
 but I think I may in all humility lay claim to being 
 a sage." 
 
 We gain from this account that the part played 
 by Confucius was a very small one, and even had he 
 felt inclined to have asserted himself, his extreme 
 reverence for age would have been sufficient to 
 have restrained him from doing so. But his silence 
 
104 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 may be traced to another cause. The grandeur and 
 immensity of Laou-tsze's thoughts had overwhelmed 
 him. 
 
 It is said that he returned home, silent and subdued, 
 and that for three days he did not utter a single 
 word. His friends were astonished at such unwonted 
 taciturnity, for, as a rule, he talked freely on whatever 
 topic the circumstances of the moment might suggest. 
 They restrained their curiosity for some time, but at 
 length ventured to inquire, what it was that had so 
 affected him. 
 
 "When," he replied, "I meet one whose thoughts 
 rise from the earth, and upwards, bird-like, soar ; I so 
 arrange mine own, that, archer-like, I send with 
 certain aim a following shaft, and bring him to the 
 ground. 
 
 " When I meet one whose thoughts range far and 
 wide, swift as the flying deer ; I so arrange mine own 
 that, like a hound, running with greater swiftness, I 
 pursue, and pull him down. 
 
 "When I meet one whose thoughts dive deeply 
 down into the great profound ; I, as a fisher, stand 
 upon the bank, and when I see him seize the baited 
 hook, put forth my strength and pull him to the 
 shore. 
 
 "But when I meet one whose thoughts upspring 
 to heaven swift as a dragon's flight, and lose them- 
 
SOLEMN THOUGHTS. I05 
 
 selves in realms of boundless space ; what power have 
 I ? I can but helpless gaze. 
 
 '' So it is with Laou-tsze. When he speaks I can 
 but listen with open-mouthed wonder ; I lose the 
 power of utterance, my mind becomes troubled and 
 filled with perplexity, and it requires time and rest 
 to restore its stability." 
 
 Such was the effect produced on Confucius by 
 the wide-reaching speculations and mystical dogmas 
 of a philosopher, who had set no limit to the play of 
 his vivid imagination, and had followed the leading 
 of his own fancy as if it had been a Divine inspira- 
 tion. To a mind so differently constituted as that of 
 Confucius, it could not well have been otherwise. 
 The spirit of the past of which he was the worshipper 
 must indeed have appeared small when brought into 
 contrast with the Infinite, eternal and creative Intelli- 
 gence — the " Taou," as placed before him by the aged 
 Laou-tsze. He was brought into contact, as it would 
 seem, for the first time, with a train of ideas outside 
 and beyond himself. The strongest minds are often 
 shaken when they stand in the presence of the un- 
 known, and Confucius was filled with awe, even as it 
 was that Felix trembled, when *' a prisoner in bonds " 
 reasoned before him of righteousness, temperance, 
 and judgment to come. 
 
 It is only within the present century, that the 
 
I06 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 great work of Laou-tsze has received the attention 
 from European sinologues, due to its importance as 
 one of the most ancient metaphysical treatises extant, 
 and it is very interesting to observe how steadily — if 
 somewhat slowly — the exact meaning of the text 
 seems to unfold itself, under what may be called the 
 careful comparative analysis of successive translators. 
 To those who are acquainted with German, the trans- 
 lations of Victor von Strauss, and of Reinhold von 
 Plaenckner, published in the same year, but varying 
 greatly in style, treatment, and conclusions, will be 
 found most interesting, particularly if studied in 
 connection with Stanislas Julien's earlier and far 
 more literal rendering in French. 
 
( 107 ) 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 Confucius returns to Tse— Disappointments— Re-enters his native state 
 of Loo and resumes his studies — A short period of official life — 
 Joins a hunting expedition— Ascends the Tae-shan— Remedies for 
 misrule proposed by three of his disciples — Revisits Tse — Summary 
 of his system of morality. 
 
 The return of Confucius to Tse, immediately on 
 leaving the precincts of the imperial court, was 
 apparently due to a hope, that he might have been 
 able to induce its prince, who was always ready to 
 listen to, and applaud, his principles of government, 
 to give him an opportunity for putting them into 
 practice. But he was again doomed to disappoint- 
 ment. The prince had at first appeared inclined to 
 favour his views, and had even gone so far as to 
 deliberate upon the particular post, to which Con- 
 fucius should be appointed. Then came a period of 
 vacillation, followed by a complete change in his 
 views, and, acting probably under the influence of 
 his courtiers, who, as a class, always showed them- 
 selves inimical to tenets so damaging to their 
 interests, he declared that it was impossible for him, 
 
I08 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 at his time of life, to inaugurate and carry out a new 
 system of government ; and that Confucius must not 
 expect to receive any public employment. The 
 moment this decision was conveyed to Confucius he 
 withdrew from the court, and, having learnt that the 
 influence of his enemies in Loo had materially 
 diminished during the eight years he had been absent 
 from it, he determined upon turning his footsteps in 
 that direction. 
 
 On his return to his old home, he gave himself up 
 almost entirely to literary pursuits, collating and 
 arranging the mass of material he had been able to 
 collect, into the shape in which it was to appear at a 
 later period, under the several heads which constitute 
 the works now known as the " five classics." But his 
 studies were broken in upon through his friends 
 having persuaded him to accept a Government 
 appointment which had been offered him by the 
 prince. We are not told what this office was, but it 
 was probably a magisterial one, for its duties fully 
 occupied his time. But he did not hold it very long. 
 Soon after his acceptance of it, the prince died, and 
 he refused to serve under his successor when he found 
 that he regarded his views with disfavour. 
 
 He had now entered his forty-fourth year. His 
 energy was unabated, he continued to study with 
 assiduity, and he had a confidence in himself, which 
 
HJS LOVE OF TRAVELLING. IO9 
 
 never deserted him, and which enabled him to con- 
 front the opposition of his many enemies with un- 
 diminished courage. 
 
 His thirst for knowledge was as great as ever, 
 and he worked hard, but he was never a sedentary 
 student. He had a love for travelling which he often 
 indulged, and so we find him, now visiting some 
 neighbouring state, now rambling through his own ; 
 ever teaching, discussing, and investigating ; or he 
 would make a kind of pilgrimage to some hallowed 
 spot in order to study the effect produced upon the 
 character of the people living in its neighbourhood, 
 through having been brought into contact with such 
 an elevating influence. And his heart was filled with 
 joy if, when visiting an obscure village, he found 
 some of the long-lost customs of antiquity still 
 scrupulously observed. 
 
 The manly vigour, which forms one of the most 
 striking pictures of Confucius's character, was indeed 
 constantly asserting itself. Being, on one occasion, 
 on an excursion, accompanied as usual by a large 
 number of his disciples, he came across a party of 
 sportsmen in pursuit of game, and, much to the 
 surprise of his followers, expressed his intention of 
 joining them. "What ! " cried one of his disciples in 
 astonishment. " Can it be possible, sir, that you are 
 contemplating a step so thoroughly out of keeping 
 
no CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 with your high character? Surely a sage might 
 better employ his time in studying the sciences, and 
 in cultivating and extending virtuous principles." 
 
 *'My friend, you are quite wrong," replied Con- 
 fucius. " There are few things which are not worthy 
 of the attention of the sage, and do not deserve to be 
 carefully considered by him. But everything con- 
 nected with the chase is full of interest It was one 
 of man's earliest and most important occupations. It 
 not only enabled him to supply his daily wants, but it 
 was the means by which he protected himself from 
 the attacks, and his fields from the ravages, of wild 
 animals. For the great sovereigns of old it served as 
 a distraction from the toils of government ; and to 
 the sage, it is not only a relaxation, but a means for 
 restoring the exhausted powers of a mind, wearied by 
 close application to severe studies. But it has even 
 a higher value, for it is through the chase that a 
 man can best carry out the law contained in the 
 sacrificial rites, and offer up animals killed by his 
 own hands, in honour of his ancestors." 
 
 In order that the full significance of the last portion 
 of this passage may be understood, it is as well to 
 explain that, in the early days of the empire, the 
 Chinese had not only to subdue the earlier occupiers 
 of the land, and to assert their supremacy over the 
 " waste of waters," by which so large a portion— and 
 
A PATRON OF THE CHASE, III 
 
 that the richest — of their newly acquired territory 
 was inundated, but, in addition, to contend against 
 the wild animals by which the country was infested. 
 In order to meet this latter evil in the most effective 
 manner, the early rulers had established periodical 
 hunts, in which the people joined en masse, and 
 in which they themselves took a part ; whilst, to 
 encourage this destruction of wild animals as much 
 as possible at other times, they had endeavoured to 
 give it a higher sanction, by decreeing that all animals 
 so killed had a special value as sacrificial offerings. 
 The antiquity of this decree made it sacred in the 
 eyes of Confucius ; and, though the circumstances of 
 the times were altered, he felt it could not be wrong 
 for him to take a part in that upon which the sages 
 of old had thus set a stamp of approval. 
 
 Whether the disciples continued to be scandalized 
 by their master's conduct, or Avhether he had suc- 
 ceeded in reconciling them to it, is a matter of which 
 there is no record. In either case, Confucius was too 
 independent to regulate his actions by the opinions 
 of others. He joined the hunting party and remained 
 with it a week, but history is silent as to the sports- 
 men's doings. 
 
 Some years had thus passed, when again he was 
 lured by fresh hopes to revisit the court of Tse. The 
 prince treated him with greater kindness and respect 
 
112 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 than ever, but, in the end, as before, Confucius found 
 that he could not rely upon his promises, and that 
 the higher offices of state were still closed to him. 
 He turned away sorrowfully to resume his duties as 
 a teacher, for he had become restless, and he could, 
 he thought, best extend the knowledge of his doctrines 
 when a wanderer. Alas ! time was passing rapidly 
 away, and he was no longer young. 
 
 Amongst the few ancient usages which had been 
 piously preserved, was the custom of ascending to 
 the summit of some mountain — if possible the one 
 dedicated to the guardian spirit of the locality — in 
 order to offer up sacrifice and prayer, and Confucius 
 was the last person likely to neglect so sacred a duty. 
 On one of his journeys he ascended, for this purpose, 
 the Tae-shan, with three of his disciples. On arriving 
 at the top he stood for some time silently regarding 
 the extensive view stretched out before him. Then, 
 raising his eyes to heaven and sighing deeply, he gave 
 evidence of being moved by feelings of the most pain- 
 ful emotion. In answer to the anxious questions of 
 his disciples, he replied : " Standing on an elevation 
 like this, one looks over, as it were, the whole world ; 
 and, alas ! alas ! as I do so, I cannot help being 
 struck with the sad fact that, of the myriads who live 
 in it, there is scarcely one man to be found who is 
 not devising some means by which he may best 
 
DISCIPLES AS REFORMERS. II3 
 
 injure, or even, if occasion served, destroy his neigh- 
 bour. That in itself is sad enough. But there is 
 something still sadder. It is, to be so helpless and 
 incapable, that even when we would wish to do so, 
 we can neither find remedies for existing evils, nor 
 some way of warding off those which are about to 
 come. You, my friends, have doubtless thought over 
 this matter ; let me have then your counsel with re- 
 gard to it, each one speaking in his turn, and saying 
 what he would propose." 
 
 Then, after a few moments' reflection, spoke out 
 the martial-minded disciple, Tsze-loo : " As for me, I 
 think I could manage it easily, if I were placed at the 
 head of a great army. But, even then, I would not 
 be precipitate. Before taking the field, I would see 
 that my troops were thoroughly organized and dis- 
 ciplined, and commanded by competent officers ; 
 then, when all was ready, I would lead them against 
 the enemy, with clang of gongs and many-coloured 
 standards glittering in the sunlight. The victory 
 assured, I would cut off the heads of the vanquished 
 leaders, and expose them publicly as a warning to 
 evil-doers. Then — if I were a king — I would return 
 to my capital, and there, with the assistance of these 
 my two companions, take such measures as would 
 cause the existing laws to be respected, and the 
 ancient usages to be revived." 
 
 I 
 
114 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 " You speak like a soldier," said Confucius. 
 
 " On my part," said the second disciple, Tsze-kung, 
 " I should act quite differently. For instance, in the 
 case of two rival states about to commence hostilities, 
 I should wait for such a time as the two hostile 
 armies were drawn up facing each other. Then, clad 
 in mourning robes, I should throw myself between 
 them — I should supplicate the generals to proclaim 
 silence, and, as soon as I was able to obtain a hearing, 
 I should set before them, in moving terms, all the 
 horrors of war, and the blessings of peace ; I should 
 dilate upon the ignominy of defeat, the agonies of a 
 lingering death, the miseries brought upon bereft 
 wives and helpless children. Moved by my words, 
 they would doubtless lay down their arms ; and then 
 — if I were a king — I would make Tsze-loo my war 
 minister." 
 
 " Tsze-kung," said Confucius, " you are an orator." 
 
 The third and last disciple, Yen-hwui, remained 
 silent. It was some time before Confucius could 
 overcome his reluctance to give his opinion, but at 
 length he spake as follows : " Were I called upon to 
 work out some scheme of benevolence, in a way that 
 would be beneficial to my fellow-men, I would not 
 aspire to be a king. In that respect I have not the 
 same lofty ambition as my brother disciples. On the 
 contrary, I would desire rather to live under the sway 
 
AN EXALTED IDEAL. II5 
 
 of a king- who was virtuous and enlightened, and then 
 I would try to act in such a way as might attract his 
 attention and gain his favour, so that he might give 
 me some employment, such as would enable me, so 
 far as my feeble powers would permit, to help him in 
 carrying out his plans for the good government of his 
 people. 
 
 "The sweet-scented flower does not grow in a 
 garden filled with rank fetid weeds ; neither is a 
 sovereign like the great Yaou, found sharing his 
 throne with a licentious tyrant. We would begin by 
 separating the evil from the good, by banishing 
 sycophants and ill-doers, and filling their places with 
 men of probity and purity of life. It would be their 
 care, not only to instruct the people in their several 
 duties, but to see that they put into practice all that 
 they had been taught. Having accomplished this, we 
 need have no fear of enemies. We should be able to 
 disband our armies, level our fortifications, use the 
 stones of our ramparts for building, sow grain in the 
 ditches, and turn our weapons — for which there 
 would be no further use — into tools for our labourers. 
 Military science, under these circumstances, would 
 not be required ; and, as there would be no longer 
 any field upon which Tsze-loo could display his great 
 valour, I would advise him to transfer all his energies 
 to civil life, and to be exact and untiring in the per- 
 
II 6 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 formance of all Its duties. As for Tsze-kung, I fear 
 his eloquence would be out of place, and perhaps he 
 will allow me to suggest, that it might be better for 
 him to exemplify by his works that which he would 
 seek to impress upon others by his words. Such, sir, 
 are my ideas with regard to this subject. Should 
 they be erroneous, I humbly supplicate my master 
 that I may be enlightened." 
 
 "You speak like a sage, Yen-hwui," was the great 
 teacher's sole response. 
 
 The theory of morals to which Confucius sought to 
 give a practical application had gradually outgrown 
 its original incompleteness until it had assumed a 
 sufficiently comprehensive and concrete form. And 
 it was at this particular period of his life that Con- 
 fucius summarized it in the following terms : — 
 
 "Nothing can be more natural or more simple 
 than the principles of morality I seek to inculcate. 
 Neither is there anything new in my teaching. My 
 maxims are but the outcome of the experience of the 
 sages of old. The principles upon which the action 
 of those ancient rulers was guided, and which were 
 equally accepted by them all, were easily compre- 
 hended, and may be reduced to the following three 
 fundamental laws :— Those which regulate the rela- 
 tions between the sovereign and the subject, between 
 the parent and the child, and between the husband 
 
THE FIVE CARDINAL VIRTUES. \\J 
 
 and the wife. But outside of these fundamental laws, 
 and yet forming a part of them, stand the five 
 cardinal virtues. These have only to be enumerated, 
 and we see at once that they cannot be dispensed 
 with. First amongst these stands humanity, that is 
 to say, that universal sympathy which should exist 
 between man and man without distinction of class or 
 race. Justice, which gives to each member of the 
 community his due, without favour or affection. Con- 
 formity, to prescribed rites and established customs, 
 so that each individual may have a fixed mode of 
 life, and may be able to participate in the privileges, 
 as well as in the disqualifications, of the society in 
 which he is placed. Rectitude, which is but bringing 
 together in a single word the love and desire for 
 truth for its own sake. And lastly, sincerity, which 
 may be defined as integrity, or veracity, or that 
 open-hearted straightforwardness which, whether in 
 speech or in action, throws off all reservation and 
 disguise." 
 
 This mode of concentration was one of the many 
 ways in which the great philosopher set forth his 
 doctrines. He seems to have had a special affection 
 for the concise forms of expression to which the 
 Chinese written medium is so peculiarly adapted, 
 and this perhaps, more than anything else, has, as I 
 have already stated, led to endless controversies with 
 
Il8 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 respect to the precise meaning of many passages in 
 the ancient classics, and given an opportunity to the 
 commentators who would seek to explain them, to 
 increase the student's difficulty, by the divergence of 
 their views, and through their having, not un- 
 frequently, turned an ambiguity into an enigma. 
 
 And here, as a sequel to the summary of the great 
 teacher's doctrine as set forth by himself, it may not 
 be amiss to give a resume of it as understood and 
 explained by the Chinese literati at the present 
 time. 
 
 " It is a matter of primary necessity that man, as 
 a reasonable being, should live in communities. 
 
 " There can be no properly constituted community 
 without government ; no government without subordi- 
 nation ; and no subordination without a dominant 
 authority. 
 
 " The recognition of a dominant authority has to 
 precede the establishment of the other social condi- 
 tions. It is, in the first instance, either bestowed 
 upon some individual who has obtained, in the course 
 of a long life, the greatest experience, or on some 
 one who has gained an ascendency over his fellows 
 by strength of will or character, or through the pos- 
 session in a greater degree than others of certain 
 popular qualities, such as strength, courage, endurance. 
 In the first case, it is a mere question of the date of 
 
THE FOUNDATION OF SOCIETY. TIQ 
 
 birth ; in the second, the choice will naturally fall 
 upon him who has best succeeded in winning the 
 suffrages of those with whom it rests. Thus, just as, 
 in families, the parent rules over his children, and 
 the elder children over the younger ; so in societies 
 there must be a superior power, and, as a rule, he 
 will attain to it who is best capable of exercising it, 
 that is, who can best influence others so as to secure 
 their ready obedience. This power of command is a 
 rare talent, which would seem at first to be a special 
 gift bestowed upon a few highly privileged beings ; 
 it belongs, in fact, in a greater or less degree, to the 
 whole human race, being, in short, nothing more than 
 the highest expression of Jmmanity^ for humanity in 
 its simplest form is but another term for man. 
 
 " He who has most humanity is most a man, and 
 is therefore the one the best fitted to rule over other 
 men. Hence humanity is the foundation of society, 
 and the best and noblest of all the virtues. He who 
 is humane, loves mankind, and is the possessor of the 
 virtue which best harmonizes with the word 'man.' 
 But his love, though unselfish and far extending, has 
 necessarily various degrees of difference and limita- 
 tion, and it is the due recognition of each man's 
 claims in this particular which constitutes 'justice! 
 
 "Neither humanity nor justice are arbitrary, for 
 their laws are independent of the will, but in order to 
 
I20 
 
 apply them, in however limited a degree, there must 
 be some settled form of legislation, an established 
 ceremonial, and a fixed ritual ; and it is obedience to 
 the laws, conformity to established customs, and a 
 due observance of the rites, which constitutes the 
 third of the cardinal virtues, and which, from its 
 being the chief regulator of each individual's ac- 
 tions, may be best expressed by the single word 
 * order! 
 
 " Now, to ensure the proper fulfilment of these 
 several duties without running counter to the require- 
 ments of order, it is necessary to acquire knowledge 
 and discrimination, so that all things may be ex- 
 amined fairly and without prejudice, with the sole 
 object of finding out the truth and acting in con- 
 formity with its dictates ; and it is this which is 
 comprehended in the term moral rectitude or virtue. 
 
 " But something more is wanted. Humanity, 
 justice, order, even virtue, may at times go astray. 
 They need a faithful companion who will never 
 abandon them, to guard them from egotism, self- 
 interest, and the many other insidious weaknesses to 
 which they are liable. This faithful companion and 
 tried defender is good faith or sincerity. 
 
 " It is sincerity which places a crown upon our 
 lives ; without it, our best actions would be valueless ; 
 the seeming virtuous, mere hypocrites ; and the 
 
WHY ANXIOUS FOR OFFICE. 121 
 
 shining light, which dazzles us by its splendour, but 
 a poor passing gleam ready to be extinguished by 
 the slightest breath of passion. 
 
 " It will be seen that these five virtues proceed 
 from, and are reciprocally dependent on, each other. 
 They form, in fact, a chain by which mankind is 
 bound together in a close union, the source of their 
 common safety and happiness ; and this chain cannot 
 be broken without all the ties by which society is 
 held together being irretrievably destroyed." 
 
 This summary of the system of morals, taught by 
 the great philosopher, will serve to elucidate many 
 points in his character, which would otherwise remain 
 obscure, and to give a more intelligent interest in the 
 succeeding incidents of a life already passed its 
 meridian. It will, too, afford a clearer idea of the 
 reasons which had made Confucius so anxious to 
 obtain some official position which would have given 
 him sufficient authority to enforce his principles, 
 for it has always to be borne in mind that his political 
 opinions were entirely evolved out of moral causes. 
 His great anxiety in this matter proceeded from a 
 belief that his final success would greatly depend 
 upon his being able to give such an example of the 
 results of his theories, when reduced to practice, as 
 would bring conviction to the minds of the most 
 sceptical. He had hitherto been unable to obtain 
 
122 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 the standpoint he required ; but now a gleam of light 
 was about to break through the clouds by which his 
 path had been, for so many long striving years, over- 
 shadowed. His opportunity had come at last. 
 
( 123 ) 
 
 CHAPTER Vlir. 
 
 Appointed president of board of public domains — Made minister of 
 state — His stern inflexibility — Execution of a noble of high rank — 
 Dissatisfaction of the courtiers — Criminal laws, and their adminis- 
 tration—Adds greatly to the prosperity of the state— Jealousy of 
 the Prince of Tse — His treachery— Unworthy conduct of the Prince 
 of Loo — Resentment and resignation of Confucius. 
 
 The Prince of Loo, under the influence of a hostile 
 faction, had, as we have seen, been adverse to the 
 teaching of Confucius. But, by degrees, the cares 
 of state began to weigh heavily upon him, until at 
 length he found the difficulties of his position greater 
 than he could contend against. The machinery of 
 government had fallen into hopeless disorder, whilst 
 gross and widespread licentiousness threatened to 
 destroy the whole social fabric of the state. In this 
 desperate condition he knew not to whom to turn 
 for help, until, in the extremity of his perplexity and 
 alarm, he bethought him of the philosopher whose 
 doctrines he had affected to despise, and determined 
 to appeal to him for assistance. 
 
 Confucius was absent from home when a messenger 
 
124 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 reached him with the command to appear at the 
 court of Loo with the least possible delay. He 
 hastened to obey the summons, and, shortly after, in 
 compliance with the prince's earnest request, re- 
 entered public life as president of a tribunal, which 
 had, amongst its other functions, the control of agri- 
 culture and the assessment and collection of the 
 taxes on land. He at once directed his attention 
 to these two questions, with respect to which the 
 experience of his early days was very valuable. Not 
 satisfied with his own judgment, but acting on the 
 information obtained by experts, he caused the land 
 to be divided into five several classes, according to 
 the nature of the soil and its productiveness, whilst 
 he established a code of regulations for its proper 
 cultivation. He next regulated the assessment of 
 the taxes, in proportion to the producing power of 
 the holdings — which had not previously been the 
 case — and this change not only benefited the culti- 
 vators, but gave great satisfaction to the proprietors, 
 whilst it was not long before the condition of the 
 revenue showed marked signs of improvement. 
 
 Amongst many other reforms which he introduced, 
 was one connected with the disposal of the dead. It 
 had become a custom with those who were rich 
 enough to afford it, to appropriate a large enclosed 
 space as a burial-place for their relatives, and to 
 
THE DISPOSAL OF THE DEAD. 1 25 
 
 erect magnificent monuments over their remains. 
 These enclosures were often in the midst of fertile 
 fields, and Confucius, evidently thinking of assess- 
 ments and revenue, considered that the ground which 
 was so occupied, might have been turned to a more 
 profitable use, and that this custom was an abuse 
 which had to be done away with. 
 
 " Places of sepulture," he said, " should not be 
 made to resemble pleasure-gardens. Rather should 
 they be brought into harmony with the feelings of 
 those who weep and mourn, and it was in this light 
 that the ancients regarded them. To feast in luxu- 
 rious apartments and to give way to mirth and joy 
 in the precincts of the tomb, is an insult to the 
 memory of the dead. More suitable by far some 
 rugged height unfitted for the plough, unenclosed, 
 unplanted, and unadorned, where the pure and simple 
 homage of the heart can be substituted for these 
 vain frivolities. In this, as in all else, let us act up 
 to the true spirit of the rites, as they were established 
 by the holy sages of antiquity." 
 
 This reform was successfully carried out, and, at 
 the end of three years, Confucius was encouraged to 
 think that the changes he had been able to accom- 
 plish might, in the course of time, do something 
 towards making the little state of Loo a model for 
 the whole empire. 
 
126 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 The Prince of Loo could not shut his eyes to the 
 prosperity which had resulted from the enlightened 
 and judicious action of his new minister. In order 
 to show his appreciation of his services, he took the 
 opportunity, on one of the highest offices in the state 
 falling vacant, to offer it to Confucius, assuring him 
 that it would not only extend his authority and so 
 increase his power of doing good, but raise him at 
 the same time to a position inferior only to his 
 own. 
 
 Confucius was now more than fifty years old. He 
 had all but reached the goal of so many fruitless 
 efforts, and yet he hesitated, for it was probable that, 
 when brought face to face with the responsibilities of 
 the proffered office, he foresaw the many grave diffi- 
 culties he would have to encounter. As the chief 
 administrator of the law, with the power of life and 
 death in his hands, he would have to act up to the 
 principles he had so long professed, and allow no 
 considerations whatever to cause him to deviate, in 
 however slight a degree, from the path of justice. In 
 the existing condition of the state, he knew that some 
 of the worst crimes were committed by men of high 
 social position, and their offences would either have to 
 be condoned — which in his case would be impossible 
 
 or punished. But this unflinching application of 
 
 the law would unite the whole of the upper classes 
 
HIS STERN SENSE OF DUTY, 12/ 
 
 against him, and he would be rendered powerless 
 unless he possessed the entire confidence of the 
 prince, and obtained his sanction for all that he might 
 find himself compelled to do. 
 
 In an interview with the prince he laid this frankly 
 before him, and it was only when he had received 
 an assurance that his great object in offering him 
 the appointment had been to ensure that justice 
 should be strictly and impartially administered, and 
 that, with respect to any reforms he might wish to 
 make, he could fully rely upon the royal support and 
 favour, that his scruples were overcome, and he con- 
 sented to undertake the duties of the influential office 
 assigned to him. 
 
 It was not long before he gave evidence of his 
 stern sense of duty, and proved to the corrupt courtiers, 
 by whom the prince was surrounded, that the authority 
 of the law was no longer to be trifled with. One of 
 the most powerful nobles amongst them had rendered 
 himself notorious by his licentiousness and rapacity ; 
 Confucius decided upon making such an example of 
 him as should strike a wholesome terror in all hicrh- 
 placed evil-doers. 
 
 The unfortunate man, who, from his past ex- 
 periences, had every reason to believe that his rank 
 would have shielded him from punishment, found 
 himself cruelly undeceived ; he was brought to trial, 
 
128 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 and, in less than seven days, condemned to death and 
 executed. 
 
 Such prompt and vigorous action could not fail to 
 produce a deep and widespread feeling of consterna- 
 tion in the precincts of the court It extended even 
 to the immediate friends and disciples of Confucius, 
 some of whom upbraided him with having been un- 
 duly precipitate, and with having acted illegally in 
 executing the extreme penalty of the law upon a 
 noble of such high rank, who, no matter what his 
 offences may have been, was well known to have 
 possessed many amiable qualities. 
 
 But Confucius was inexorable. " I respect your 
 motives," he said, in answer to their expostulations, 
 **for, though you are quite wrong, you err from 
 ignorance. What ! do you not know that there are 
 offences, seemingly venal, which make the man who 
 commits them a greater criminal than if he were a 
 highway robber ; and that a noble who is habitually 
 a hypocrite, liar, libertine, slanderer, or oppressor 
 merits the severest punishment ? But he, whose fate 
 you lament, was guilty, not of one but of all these 
 offences, and to have pardoned him would have been 
 an act of weakness and partiality unworthy of an 
 upright judge." 
 
 Nevertheless this feeling of dissatisfaction was too 
 strong to be easily allayed. The nobles felt that one 
 
HIS SEVERITY JUSTIFIED. 1 29 
 
 of their most valuable privileges had been infringed ; 
 for the ancient laws — which were still in force — had 
 expressly provided for their exemption from the 
 ordinary penalties laid down in the criminal code. 
 
 Confucius was not a man to submit tamely to the 
 imputation of being a law-breaker. He justified his 
 action with much energy and warmth ; but, before 
 giving his defence, it would be as well to have some 
 knowledge of the tenor of the criminal laws he had 
 been called upon to administer. 
 
 They dated from a very remote period. In one of 
 the earliest chapters of the " Shoo-King," or book of 
 records, we find that the great Emperor Shun had 
 promulgated a criminal code at the commencement 
 of the twenty-second century preceding our era. 
 
 The major punishments in this code were five, viz. 
 setting a mark upon the face ; slitting or cutting off 
 the nose ; maiming, mutilating, and beheading — the 
 crimes to which these punishments were made ap- 
 plicable being of a serious nature, such as murder, 
 robbery with violence, housebreaking, resistance to 
 lawful authority, rebellion, adultery, and extreme 
 dissoluteness. 
 
 For minor offences, we have again five punishments ; 
 and here, it may be observed, for some occult reason 
 not readily explained, the Chinese have had a special 
 fondness for bringing all subject matters within the 
 
 K 
 
130 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 limits of a category of five, thus : the five ceremonies, 
 the five implements, the five ranks of the nobility, 
 the five precepts, the five elements, the five (primary) 
 colours, the five kinds of grain, the five (cardinal) 
 virtues, and so on. 
 
 These five minor punishments included flogging — 
 with a birch for boys, and with a whip for adults — 
 and they were all carefully graduated so as to be 
 easily proportioned to the nature and degree of the 
 offence to which they were applicable. 
 
 In this edict of the great emperor's, the judges were 
 especially enjoined to take good heed that the merits 
 of- each case were carefully weighed, and that when- 
 ever there were mitigating circumstances the next 
 lower punishment to the one to which the offender 
 was liable should be awarded ; they were also told 
 that, in doubtful cases, it was their bounden duty to 
 lean towards the side of mercy. 
 
 The judges were also empowered, in cases of minor 
 offences deserving of leniency, to commute the punish- 
 ment into a carefully adjusted money payment. On 
 the other hand, any repetition of an offence rendered 
 the culprit liable to the punishment of death. 
 
 Nobles and members of the community, who were 
 distinguished by some special merit, were to have 
 these laws applied to them in a mitigated form, and 
 were to be exempt from capital punishment. 
 
THE LAWS HE HAD TO ADMINISTER. 13I 
 
 The laws as thus promulgated remained in force 
 till B.C. 950, when they were revised. It was then 
 enacted that a money compensation, according to 
 a fixed scale, might be accepted in lieu of punish- 
 ment for major as well as for minor offences, and 
 the number of the several offences which might be so 
 dealt with is somewhat startling. They are enumerated 
 as follows : — Under the head of branding or mark- 
 ing, one thousand ; nose-slitting, one thousand ; 
 maiming, five hundred ; mutilating, three hundred ; 
 and beheading, two hundred ! Well was it that the 
 judges were warned " to act with deliberation, to 
 keep well within the limits of the law, and ever to 
 temper justice with mercy." 
 
 The emperor's peroration, with which the decree — 
 as given in the " Shoo-King " — closes, is w^orthy of 
 reproduction. It runs as follows : — 
 
 " O ye, my great nobles and high officers of state, 
 I exhort you to be, above all things, careful that you 
 act with due deliberation. I speak on this matter 
 with some diffidence, but I can truly say that, in 
 awarding punishments, it would be impossible for 
 any one to have exercised greater caution than I 
 have done, neither have I ever forgotten that I am 
 but a minister appointed to execute the divinely 
 established decrees of Heaven. Be ye, then, careful, 
 when sitting on the judgment-seat, that your motives 
 
133 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 are pure, and your actions above suspicion. Con- 
 demn not unless the evidence is clear and convincing. 
 Do not be satisfied with the evidence of a single 
 witness, and even when it is corroborated, beware of 
 being influenced by partiality or private feeling. 
 With regard to the money received in commutation 
 of punishment, never allow yourselves to consider it 
 as a source of profit to the State ; but bethink ye that 
 it represents an accumulated mass of crime with all 
 its attendant misery and shame. When you have 
 to receive it, do so in fear and trembling, in the con- 
 sciousness that, though man has fallen to so low a 
 state, the decrees of Heaven remain immutable ; and 
 remember that, had its judgments been unduly severe, 
 not only would the world have been left without good 
 government, but the condition of those condemned 
 to live in it would have been rendered insupportable." 
 
 The emperor was evidently aware, when promul- 
 gating this revised code, that he had placed a terrible 
 weapon in the hands of his ministers, which would 
 require to be wielded with great skill and discrimi- 
 nation. 
 
 But terrible and widely sweeping as the criminal 
 code may appear to have been, it had to be com- 
 pleted by further enactments. It was a leading 
 principle with the ancient lawgivers — not confined ta 
 the Chinese — that, in order to deter evil-doers, it was 
 
PUNISHMENT EXTENDED TO FAMILIES. 1 33 
 
 necessary to pile terror upon terror. Hence it was 
 further decreed that in the case of rebellion against 
 the sovereign, the whole of the culprit's family, 
 extending over five generations, should be included 
 in his punishment ; for overt acts against a magis- 
 trate or other official, four generations only were to be 
 included ; for unnatural crimes, three generations ; 
 for sacrilege, two ; and for unjustifiable homicide, the 
 penalty was death, without the power of mitigation 
 or remission of the punishment. 
 
 Such are some of the leading features of the laws 
 which Confucius had been called upon to administer. 
 It is clear that they were framed in a manner which 
 would encourage an unscrupulous judge to enrich 
 himself by peculation, and make it very difficult for 
 an honest one to act so as to avoid the taint of sus- 
 picion. Much of the opprobrium which rests on the 
 mandarins in the present day, is probably to be 
 traced to this cause, and to their being the inheritors 
 of a system which not only exposes them to frequent 
 temptation, but has handed down a number of ques- 
 tionable precedents, which are but too often readily 
 followed. 
 
 The wide difference which existed between the 
 spirit and the letter of these laws, must have always 
 made their administration extremely difficult, and 
 there is no better proof of the divergent interpreta- 
 
134 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 tions of which they were capable, than the arguments 
 used by Confucius when vindicating himself from the 
 charge of illegaHty which had been brought against 
 him. 
 
 He began by setting forth that " the exemption of 
 the nobles and high dignitaries of state from the 
 ordinary application of the penal laws, was based 
 upon the assumption that the men destined to occupy 
 such honourable and prominent positions would be 
 found superior to the faults and failings of those who 
 had not enjoyed the advantages belonging to birth and 
 fortune. That exemption had also been made from 
 a desire to place the ruling classes before the public 
 in such a light as would cause them to be regarded 
 with special veneration ; and this idea was so carefully 
 guarded, that it was customary, when a member of 
 this privileged body had committed some offence, 
 which would have brought a less-favoured individual 
 under the arm of the law, to speak of it allegorically, 
 so as to shield, as far as possible, the order to which 
 the perpetrator belonged from the shame attached 
 to it. 
 
 " But the framers of the laws, in their wisdom, had 
 never contemplated that these high-placed offenders 
 should enjoy perfect immunity from punishment. On 
 the contrary ; and the difference was simply this. It was 
 decreed that in the event of any crime being brought 
 
THE NOBLES THEIR OWN JUDGES. 1 35 
 
 home to one who was exempt from the jurisdiction of 
 the ordinary tribunals, he was to adjudicate upon it 
 himself, and it was left to his own sense of honour to 
 award a befitting punishment. Thus, should he per- 
 chance have committed some act which would have 
 rendered him liable, under ordinary circumstances, to 
 the punishment of death, he would at once appear as 
 his own accuser before the criminal tribunal, and, after 
 having made a full confession of his guilt and estab- 
 lished it by evidence, he would solicit the judge to 
 obtain the royal permission for him to inflict on him- 
 self the punishment due to his crime. Then the 
 judge, after having duly exhorted him, would pro- 
 ceed to the court to lay the matter before the sove- 
 reign, whilst the self-accused criminal, having arrayed 
 himself in mourning robes, with a white cap on his 
 head, and having his sword, washed in holy water 
 from the sacrificial temple, in his hand, would place 
 himself outside the palace gates and await his return. 
 When the judge reappeared he would kneel before 
 him with his face turned towards the north, and when 
 the judge said, ' Our common master has deigned to 
 sanction your request,' he would fall upon his sword 
 and so kill himself. 
 
 " So it was in the olden time. But, by degrees, the 
 simplicity of life which belonged to our forefathers 
 became corrupted, and this, together with many other 
 
136 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 good customs, fell into disuse. The laws, as originally 
 established, were carefully thought out and adjusted ; 
 but, as matters now stand, he who would seek to 
 carry them out in accordance with the spirit in which 
 they were framed, will, in frequent instances, have to 
 avoid a too servile adherence to the letter." 
 
 Confucius next proceeded to show that, under the 
 altered circumstances belonging to the time, it had 
 become necessary to make an example, which would 
 in some measure atone for the laxity of the past, and 
 give evidence that, in the future, it would be impos- 
 sible for any criminal, no matter what his rank might 
 be, to escape the consequences of his crimes. And 
 then, in order to make his vindication more complete, 
 he declared that, " had he acted in accordance with 
 the strict letter of the law, as advocated by his 
 opponents, he should have exercised even greater 
 severity, and, instead of confining himself to the exe- 
 cution of a single offender, have extended the sentence, 
 not only to the culprit's family, but to his whole race, 
 as a close adherence to the law would have clearly 
 empowered him to have done." 
 
 There is a tone of apology pervading this defence, 
 which gives rise to a suspicion that, in his own mind, 
 Confucius was not quite satisfied that he had kept 
 within the strictly legal limits of his authority. But, 
 although he might not have accepted the dictum 
 
RESULTS OF HIS POLICY, 137 
 
 that " the end justifies the means," he was quite con- 
 fident of having acted rightly, for the object he had 
 sought for was fully attained. He had become 
 master of the situation, and though he might not have 
 succeeded in completely silencing a few cavillers, he 
 had terrified the criminal and overawed the disaffected. 
 To do good, he must have power ; and it mattered 
 little if, in order to obtain it, he had slightly over- 
 stepped the legal limits of his authority. 
 
 The fruits of the minister's masterful policy soon 
 became apparent. The people, who had hitherto 
 been ground down by the exactions of the nobles, be- 
 came prosperous and contented, and so marked was 
 the improvement in the condition of the state of Loo 
 that it attracted the attention of the neighbouring 
 sovereigns. 
 
 They were not disposed to regard this change with 
 any great favour, for, much as Confucius might love 
 peace in the abstract, he was too wise a statesman to 
 neglect the means by which he could best assure it. 
 The forces of Loo were strengthened and reorganized, 
 so that the power of the state had increased with its 
 prosperity. 
 
 The feeling of jealousy and apprehension which this 
 excited was very natural. To the Prince of Tse, it 
 was especially annoying that he who had caused this 
 great progress in an adjoining state should have been 
 
138 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 a man whose services he had repeatedly refused. 
 His state had been the strongest of the two, and it 
 had been the work of this man to make it the weakest. 
 He became alarmed, and not without cause, for in a 
 short time his fears were justified. 
 
 It was not so very long since that, relying on his 
 superior strength, he had seized upon a portion of the 
 territory belonging to the Prince of Loo and added it 
 to his dominions. Now, that prince, acting upon the 
 suggestion of Confucius, and in all the confidence of 
 his newly acquired power, demanded its restitution, 
 and did so in terms which showed that, if his demand 
 were not complied with, he was ready to enforce it. 
 The Prince of Tse, not daring to have recourse to 
 arms, and finding there was no possible way of 
 evading that which was little less than a peremptor}^ 
 summons, proposed that a meeting should take place 
 between him and the Prince of Loo, in order that 
 some amicable settlement might be arrived at. This 
 was agreed to, and the level summit of a conical hill 
 close to the frontier was selected by the Prince 
 of Loo as the most convenient place for the inter- 
 view. 
 
 Meantime, the Prince of Tsc, giving ear to evil 
 counsels, had secretly drawn together a large army, 
 which was so posted that, at a given signal, it could 
 quickly surround the place of meeting, his idea being 
 
TREACHERY OF THE PRINCE OF TSE. 139 
 
 that if he could only obtain possession of the person 
 of the Prince of Loo, he would be able to make 
 his own terms. But this treacherous intention w^as 
 defeated by the prudence and foresight of Confucius, 
 who, whether from his knowledge of the small reli- 
 ance which could be placed on the Prince of Tse's 
 professions, or from his having obtained information 
 respecting his military preparations, had taken the 
 precaution of ordering that, in addition to the strong 
 armed escort which accompanied his sovereign, a 
 considerable force of picked troops, under the com- 
 mand of the martial Tsze-loo, should be massed 
 within striking distance. The moment the Prince 
 of Tse became aware of this, he decided upon giving 
 up all idea of hostile measures, and determined to 
 gain his ends by more subtle and, possibly, more 
 certain means. 
 
 Upon the level summit of the hill appointed for 
 the interview, an immense temporary building had 
 been erected, containing a vast hall, richly decorated, 
 in which were placed two thrones facing each other, 
 for the rival sovereigns. The approach to this build- 
 ing was by three separate avenues or, rather, flights 
 of steps, so arranged as to make the ascent as easy 
 as possible. 
 
 The Prince of Tse was the first to arrive. He was 
 accompanied by a large number of richly dressed 
 
I40 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 courtiers and a considerable force of well-armed 
 soldiers ; but, in order to emphasize the peaceful 
 nature of his intentions, he brought in his train 
 a numerous troupe of comedians. Probably on 
 account of the greater distance to be traversed, it 
 was some days later before the arrival of the Prince 
 of Loo. This prince came in great state, preceded 
 by three hundred war-chariots, whilst the dust in 
 the distance gave evidence of the near proximity 
 of the main body of his army, which had been placed 
 under the command of Tsze-loo. 
 
 Nothing could exceed the cordiality and deference 
 with which he was received by the Prince of Tse, 
 who conceded him the place of honour, as the sove- 
 reign of a state of more ancient creation than his 
 own, and lost no time in giving evidence of the 
 sincerity of the friendly sentiments to which he had 
 given expression, by declaring that he was ready, 
 without entering upon any further discussion, to 
 accede to all his demands. Towards Confucius he 
 showed the most amiable condescension ; and, whilst 
 greeting him as an old friend, there was not a trace 
 of annoyance or irritation at the success of a policy 
 which had placed him in so humiliating a position. 
 Not the less, he did not despair of regaining, on some 
 fitting opportunity, all he had lost ; and he knew 
 that the surest way to effect this would be, as a first 
 
A CHANGE OF TACTICS. I41 
 
 step, to find some means for bringing about the 
 disgrace of the great minister. 
 
 He was well aware of the true nature of the Prince 
 of Loo's character. He knew that although that prince 
 was well-intentioned and had possessed sufficient 
 discernment to enable him to appreciate the great 
 qualities of Confucius and to turn them to a profit- 
 able account, he was thoroughly weak and voluptuous, 
 and, like most sensualists, better disposed to admire 
 virtue in others than to practise it himself He 
 suspected too, as was really the case, that he had 
 become weary of the strict attention to public affairs 
 which his great mentor required from him, and that 
 he was only awaiting some suitable pretext, in order 
 that he might free himself from a yoke which was 
 daily becoming insupportable. 
 
 It was to carry out these views that he had so 
 readily changed his tactics ; and now, in order the 
 better to carry them out, he proposed that he should 
 be allowed to celebrate the happy termination of 
 an unfortunate difference in a manner which would 
 accord with the renewed feelings of friendship which 
 had been established between the two states. The 
 comedians and a troupe of dancers were introduced, 
 but, after a time, their conduct and gestures became 
 so wanton and lascivious that Confucius could no 
 longer restrain his anger. He ordered the prince's 
 
142 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 guards to drive them off the stage, and, it is said, 
 had one of them instantly executed, on the grounds 
 that such conduct in the royal presence not only 
 outraged the laws of decency, but became an act 
 of high treason. 
 
 For the moment it seemed as if the treacherous 
 cunning of the Prince of Tse had been again frus- 
 trated, and when the Prince of Loo returned to 
 his capital the position of Confucius appeared as 
 strong as ever. But, although the Prince of Tse had 
 been defeated, he had not been discouraged. It was 
 not long before he sent an envoy to the Prince of 
 Loo, begging him to accept, as a slight token of his 
 lasting regard, the present of a bevy of fair damsels 
 who had been selected for their beauty and accom- 
 plishments. Instructed as they had been in every 
 alluring art, these girls soon obtained a complete 
 ascendency over a prince who was only too ready 
 to fall a victim to their charms. He withdrew into 
 the inner recesses of his palace, and neglected to 
 perform even the most necessary duties. Confucius 
 remonstrated with him in vain. His representations 
 were treated with an indifference bordering upon 
 contempt ; he was too independent and high-minded 
 to continue in a position which compromised his 
 dignity and exposed him alike to the pity of his 
 friends and the jeers of his enemies, and he deter- 
 
RESIGNATION AND RETIREMENT. 1 43 
 
 mined to resign. But, reluctant to vacate a post 
 which gave him a power for doing good he could 
 not hope for in private life, he decided upon making 
 one more effort. The season for the celebration 
 of the great annual sacrifice was drawing near, and 
 he had hopes that the solemnity of the occasion 
 might have the effect of bringing back the prince to 
 a proper sense of the serious responsibilities which 
 belonged to his exalted position. But, when the 
 time came and he saw how carelessly and irreverently 
 the prince hurried through the sacred rite, and that 
 he neglected to send round portions of the offerings 
 to the several ministers according to the usual 
 custom, he sent in his resignation, and immediately, 
 though slowly and regretfully, retired from the court, 
 after a period of nearly four years in office, during 
 two of which he had occupied one of the highest and 
 most responsible positions in the state. 
 
 He had made a good use of his opportunities ; 
 many useful reforms had been inaugurated ; the 
 power of the state had been developed ; and the 
 condition of the people had been greatly ameliorated. 
 He had caused the laws to be respected, and he had 
 effected, in a short space of time, a marvellous change 
 in the moral conditions of society. On the other 
 hand, whilst his name had become a household word 
 in the mouths of the masses, he had made many 
 
Izl4 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 enemies and alienated some of his best friends. The 
 nobles hated him for having been the means of 
 curtailing their privileges, and there is little doubt 
 but that much of the prince's action towards him was 
 due to their promptings ; for, though the nobles were 
 in ordinary times divided into three several factions, 
 following the lead of three great rival families who 
 were perpetually intriguing against each other and 
 struggling for supremacy, it was only natural, when 
 occasion came, that they should combine to encom- 
 pass the overthrow of a minister who had sacrificed 
 the interest of their class to that of the general good 
 of his country. 
 
 So it was that Confucius, now in his fifty-sixth 
 year, turned himself away sadly and sorrowfully from 
 his native state. It is said that he lingered on his 
 road, hoping that he might be recalled ; but fate had 
 decreed that many years should elapse before he 
 should again set eyes upon the scenes which had 
 become so dear to him. 
 
 In thus withdrawing from public life, Confucius 
 gave another proof of how little he allowed his 
 actions to be influenced by personal considerations, 
 and this gave rise to the saying, in after years, " Of 
 all men none knew so well as Confucius when to 
 accept office, how long to remain in it, and when to 
 resign it." 
 
THE PURITY OF HIS MOTIVES QUESTIONED. 1 45 
 
 Yet, during his lifetime, the purity of his motives 
 was frequently called in question, and many were 
 to be found ready to accuse him of an undue love of 
 office. This charge was most frequently brought 
 against him by those who had themselves retired into 
 private life, through their disgust at finding them- 
 selves obliged to take a part in carrying out the 
 details of a corrupt system, which they found them- 
 selves unequal to contend against or alter ; and it is 
 not difficult to understand the misconstruction they 
 would be likely to place on the fact that there were 
 times when, under similar circumstances, Confucius 
 had considered it compatible with a conscientious 
 performance of his duties to retain office. 
 
 He was himself quite aware of the existence of this 
 feeling against him, and, whilst strenuously defending 
 himself from the imputations of his accusers, he was 
 unsparing in his censure of those who so readily 
 allowed themselves to be discouraged, instead of 
 remaining at their posts, and striving to arrest the 
 stream of corruption, which would otherwise flow on 
 without interruption. 
 
 The following anecdote is related in connection 
 with this subject : — " One day, when Confucius was 
 driving out in his chariot, on coming to a river and 
 not being able to find a ford, he sent one of his 
 attendants to make inquiries of two men who were 
 
 L 
 
146 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 working in a distant field. They asked his master's 
 name, and, on being told, said, ' How is it possible you 
 can serve a man who, when his country is plunged 
 in the deepest misery and corruption, condescends 
 to compromise his principles by seeking for office, 
 instead of preferring a life of laborious and honest 
 obscurity as we have done ? ' Having said this, they 
 resumed their ploughing. When this was reported 
 to Confucius, he exclaimed, * Alas, alas ! it is with 
 men, and not with the beasts of the field and the 
 birds of the air, that I have to deal with. It is 
 because all does not go on as it should do in this 
 world, that it has become necessary for me to try and 
 reform it.' " 
 
 From this it is easy to understand why he withdrew 
 from his native state with such reluctance. The 
 slowness with which he travelled was in strong con- 
 trast to the haste which had previously marked his 
 movements when returning in obedience to his sove- 
 reign's summons ; and his biographers are fond of 
 alluding to the fact as a circumstance deserving of 
 special commendation. 
 
 It was as a mournful, melancholy, disappointed 
 man that Confucius moved slowly on. He knew 
 that for some unknown space of years he was to be 
 an exile, and those who were with him, for he still 
 had many followers, moved along sadly and silently 
 
A FAREWELL. 1 47 
 
 in his train. When they had crossed the coniines of 
 Wei, a state to the westward of Loo, including that 
 portion of the territory of modern China where the 
 provinces of Honan and Chi-le come together, he 
 turned to take a last look at his native land, but it 
 was shut out from view by the mountains. " Ah," — 
 he exclaimed in mournful accents — 
 
 " My native land, 
 I seek in vain 
 To catch one glimpse 
 Of thee again. 
 The cruel mountains shut thee out from view. 
 And every step doth my deep grief renew. 
 
 "A forest screen 
 
 Had given perchance 
 A hope of some 
 
 Through piercing glance. 
 An axe had helped ; but rocks no axe could fell. 
 Lost to my sight, dear land of home — farewell." 
 
 And again — it would seem that the weather was wet 
 and gloomy — 
 
 " The cold chill rain falls thick and fast, 
 Sweeps thro' the vale the bitter blast. 
 A bride is borne across the plain, 
 She ne'er shall see her home again ; 
 I, too, am borne away from home 
 Against ray will, compelled to roam. 
 Ye powers of Heaven, look down from high 
 With pity on my misery ; 
 All, all is dark ! In vain I've striven. 
 No blessing on my work was given. 
 Men now but seek for wealth and power, 
 And live but in the present hour- 
 No gleam of hope breaks through the gloom 
 To light my footsteps towards the tomb." 
 
143 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 In the depth of his despair Confucius had evidently 
 forgotten the advice he had given years before, when 
 making his first journey into Tse, to the would-be 
 suicide, whose life he had saved, " Take heart, and 
 renaember, so long as there is life there is hope." 
 
( 149 ) 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 In exile. 
 
 It was in the year B.C. 496 that Confucius took up 
 his residence at the capital of the principality of Wei. 
 Its ruler is described — and it is singular to observe 
 how many of the princes fall under the same category 
 — as a " worthless, dissipated man ;" but he, not the less, 
 gave Confucius a hospitable reception, and assigned 
 him a yearly allowance of sixty thousand measures 
 of grain. By this time the great teacher had re- 
 covered his composure. Change of scene and the 
 incidents of travel seem always to have exercised 
 a beneficial influence upon him, and the natural 
 buoyancy of his temperament rendered him proof 
 against any long-continued attacks of depression. 
 His energy had increased, rather than diminished, 
 with years, and he lost no time in returning to his 
 favourite studies. He had, besides, a secret hope that 
 he might find in one of the neighbouring states some 
 
I50 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 public position which might compensate him for the 
 manner in which he had been treated in his own. 
 
 For he held on as tenaciously as ever to the prac- 
 ticability of applying his principles so as to improve 
 the conduct, and add to the happiness, of those who 
 might live under a government regulating its action 
 by them. Of this he was sanguine. Nevertheless 
 he had moments of discouragement, when, remember- 
 ing his many failures, he would exclaim, " I do not 
 murmur against the decrees of Heaven, or seek to lay 
 the blame on my fellow-men ; but my motives are 
 misunderstood. I but strive to enforce a clearer con- 
 ception of the higher duties of our nature, by using 
 the means which Nature herself has afforded me, yet^ 
 alas ! alas ! it is by Heaven alone that I am compre- 
 hended." 
 
 He remained nearly a twelvemonth in Wei, and 
 would have probably remained there longer, had it 
 not been for an incident by which his disciples were 
 greatly scandalized. The wife of the Prince of Wei 
 was a woman of such a notoriously bad character 
 that she was universally execrated. One day the 
 prince, having invited Confucius to accompany him 
 on an excursion into the country, drove through the 
 streets of his capital with his wife by his side, whilst 
 Confucius followed in another chariot When the 
 people saw him they shouted out, " Look, there goes 
 
AN A TTEMPT ON HIS LIFE. 1 5 1 
 
 vice driving in front, with virtue following behind ! " 
 The sage saw at once that he had been placed in 
 a false position, and determined upon seeking some 
 other refuge. 
 
 It was whilst travelling towards the South, on the 
 borders of the principality of Sung, that one day, 
 being weary, he dismounted from his chariot and 
 seated himself in the shade of a wide-spreading tree. 
 In order to pass the time profitably, he began to 
 explain to his disciples the origin and intention of 
 the various rites. Whilst so occupied, an officer of 
 high military rank, in the service of the Prince 
 of Sung, passed by. He no sooner saw Confucius, 
 towards whom he entertained an intense dislike, than 
 he drew his sword and rushed towards him, with the 
 intention of killing him. Fortunately the philosopher 
 caught sight of him in time, and, retaining his pre- 
 sence of mind, effected his escape. His companions 
 were panic-stricken, and impatient of their master's 
 calmness, less perhaps on his account than on their 
 own, urged him to greater speed. "Why should I 
 hasten ? " replied Confucius ; " if Heaven protects me, 
 why need I care for this man's anger ? " This answer 
 did not reassure his friends ; perhaps they felt them- 
 selves unworthy of participation in Heaven's favour, 
 for they dispersed and fled. Left to himself, and 
 driven from the right road, Confucius directed his 
 
152 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 Steps to the capital of the state of Ching, which he 
 reached so utterly exhausted that he was obliged to 
 sit down on a stone outside the city gates. Here he 
 was seen by some of the inhabitants, who informed 
 one of his disciples, who had arrived before him, that 
 a man of noble and majestic mien was sitting outside 
 the city, so travel-stained and weary that he looked 
 like a tired dog who had lost his master. On this 
 description being repeated to Confucius by the dis- 
 ciple, who, suspecting the stranger could be no other 
 than his master, had at once hastened to him, he was 
 greatly amused, and declared that, whatever exaggera- 
 tion there might be with respect to the manner in 
 which he was described, there could be no doubt as 
 to the truth of that portion of it which declared him 
 to be like a homeless and tired doe. 
 
 Four years after his departure from Loo, the prince 
 died, and it seemed at first as if his great wish to 
 return was to be gratified. But his patience had yet 
 to be tried by many more weary years of exile. 
 
 A year later, when travelling with some of his 
 disciples in what is now the eastern portion of Honan, 
 their supplies having fallen short, he and his com- 
 panions were reduced to the last extremity for want 
 of food. When those around him gave way to mur- 
 murs and lamentations, Confucius remained unmoved, 
 and even played on the lute and sang, as was his 
 
RESORTS TO MUSIC WHEN STARVING. 153 
 
 habit under more favourable circumstances. Instead 
 of encouraging, this gave great offence to his fellow- 
 sufferers. One of them, indeed, could not refrain 
 from upbraiding him, and asking whether it could 
 possibly be right for any one to play and sing when 
 those around him were dying of hunger. " Know you 
 not," replied the sage, ''that music is the means 
 which the superior man employs to keep down the 
 cravings of his animal nature when they strive to 
 obtain a mastery over him 1 " xA-nother proof of the 
 high estimation in which music was held by him. 
 
 It has already been shown how music, as the 
 second of the six liberal arts, had been studied and 
 reduced to a system in the early days of the empire. 
 But in the time of Confucius it was supposed to have 
 greatly deteriorated from the state of perfection to 
 which it had been brought in the halcyon days of the 
 immortal Shun, when the sweetness of its notes gave 
 harmonious indication of the gentle and benign dis- 
 position of the ruler, and of the happiness and con- 
 tent of the people over whom he ruled. It was 
 supposed to have become harsher in proportion as 
 the empire had been weakened by internal discord ; 
 and a relish for these ruder strains was regarded by 
 Confucius as a certain indication of the moral declen- 
 sion of the national character. Hence it was that it 
 became a cherished object with him to re-establish a 
 
154 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 taste for those pure and lofty strains which had set 
 a stamp upon the music of the golden age. Accord- 
 ing to his theory, the extension of such a taste would 
 not only indicate an unmistakable advance in moral 
 culture, but would be one of the surest methods to 
 produce it. " It is impossible," he once said, " for a 
 vicious man to be a good musician." 
 
 It is doubtful whether the experiences of the age 
 in which we live would lead to the same conclusion. 
 
 He continued to move about from state to state 
 until, some four years after his departure from Wei, 
 we find him at the capital of the principality of Tsoo, 
 which now forms part of Hoo-pih, where he attracted 
 the favourable notice of the sovereign, and it was^ 
 again, only through the intervention of his ministers 
 that he was prevented from giving him the govern- 
 ment of a large district. " How," said they, " can it be 
 safe for you to place a man in a prominent position 
 who has amongst his disciples three such men as 
 Tsze-kung, Yen-hwui, and Tsze-loo } There is not 
 an officer in your Majesty's dominions capable of 
 competing with them. With the aid of such men as 
 these is it likely he will employ his power for no 
 other purpose than to benefit the state of Tsoo ? Do 
 not forget how Woo and Wan, although they were 
 but the heirs of some hundred le, were able to make 
 themselves masters of the empire. Let your Majesty 
 
REFUSES OFFICE IN WEI. 155 
 
 be warned." The prince had not the courage to act 
 in opposition to this advice, and on his death, which 
 took place within the same year, Confucius decided 
 upon leaving Tsoo and returning to Wei. 
 
 In the mean time, great changes had taken place in 
 that state. Its prince had died four years before, 
 soon after the departure of Confucius, and the suc- 
 cession had devolved on his grandson, his son having 
 been put on one side in consequence of an attempt 
 made upon the life of his mother, the infamous Nan- 
 tsze. An internecine struggle was the consequence, 
 but though many tempting offers were made to 
 induce Confucius to take a part in it, he steadily 
 refused to do so, and he continued for nearly six 
 years without official employment, or taking any 
 active part in public affairs. 
 
 His previous wanderings had not been without 
 their use. We have passed over the details connected 
 with many of them, in order to avoid the frequent 
 repetition of all but similar incidents : the same 
 dangers and fatigues ; receptions at various minor 
 courts ; and conversations in which the same ideas 
 are repeated in almost identical words — a narra- 
 tive, in fact, made tedious by its monotony. It is 
 sufficient to know that, during the whole period of his 
 exile, his zeal never flagged, and that, in whatever 
 circumstances he might be placed, he exhibited 
 
156 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 the same earnestness and steadiness of purpose as 
 before. 
 
 It is true that his efforts to induce the rulers of the 
 feudatory states to adopt his principles of govern- 
 ment had not met with much success ; but his 
 doctrines had nevertheless gained ground, and it is 
 probable that his wandering life had caused them to 
 receive a far wider dissemination than would have 
 been the case if he had succeeded in obtaining office, 
 or had remained fixed at the court of some petty 
 sovereign. 
 
 His wanderings had, too, the effect of bringing 
 him into more direct contact with the masses, so 
 that his views had become popularized, and so widely 
 known, that numbers flocked to him for instruction 
 from all parts of the empire. It may be that he 
 found his pupils more ready to discuss his doctrines 
 than to adopt them in their daily lives ; but, when the 
 momentary mortification, which this may have caused, 
 had passed away, he would have had the consolation 
 of knowing that it is only through discussion that 
 any new political or social ideas can be brought 
 within the area of practical action. 
 
 In addition to this, in a comparatively rude age, 
 when there were but a few speculative thinkers, any 
 mode which would exercise and bring into play the 
 latent powers of the mind must have been useful ; 
 
THE DEATH OF HIS WIFE. 157 
 
 whilst a protracted course of oral teaching possessed 
 the great advantage, over other and shorter methods, 
 of enabling Confucius to place his doctrines before 
 his hearers in a form, which would better ensure their 
 being preserved and handed down in all their 
 integrity. 
 
 Within a year of his return to Wei, he had to 
 mourn over the loss of his favourite disciple, Yen- 
 hwui ; and a few years later, in the sixty-sixth year 
 of his age, and the eleventh of his exile, he suddenly 
 received the intelligence of the death of his wife. 
 Some forty years had rolled by since their separation, 
 yet he was deeply moved. Perhaps some long- 
 slumbering recollections were awakened of the youth- 
 ful bride of his spring-tide days — those distant days 
 which in age seem as yesterday. Could it be that 
 the bright young being, which his fancy so vividly 
 recalled, had become old and had died t " Yes " — 
 said Confucius, as if in answer to his own thoughts — 
 "■ her span of existence is terminated, and it will not 
 be long before mine comes to an end." 
 
 Perhaps it was under the influence of these melan- 
 choly reflections, that he looked with longing eyes 
 towards the state he loved so well. His residence in 
 Wei had become distasteful to him. He had been 
 asked to take part in a personal feud, which he re- 
 sented as beneath his dignity, and he was just about 
 
158 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 to remove into some other state, saying, " It is the 
 bird which chooses the tree, not the tree the bird," 
 when messengers arrived, bearing appropriate giftsj 
 and a message from Gae, Prince of Loo, inviting 
 him to return. This was in the year B.C. 483, and in 
 the thirteenth year of his exile. 
 
 Confucius was sixty-nine years old when he turned 
 his now faltering footsteps towards his fatherland. 
 Since he had last left it, death had been busy amongst 
 his opponents, whilst time had done much to mitigate, 
 if it had not quite done away with, the hostile feelings 
 of those who remained. There is reason, too, for 
 believing that its softening influence, and the lessons 
 learnt in adversity, had not been without effect on 
 Confucius himself, and that, if his conviction of the 
 truth of his opinions was as strong as ever, he had 
 learnt to advance them with greater moderation. He 
 had grown calmer in his old age, and the excitement 
 and turmoil of public life had lost its charm. Although 
 he entered freely into conversation with the prince 
 and his ministers, he ceased to endeavour to influence 
 their opinions, or to regain any of the power he had 
 once possessed. Indeed, with the exception of an 
 attempt to elevate the tone of the national music, his 
 withdrawal from any participation in state affairs 
 was final and complete. 
 
 Every moment of his time was now spent inputting 
 
RETURN TO HIS NATIVE STATE. 1 59 
 
 the final touches to the revision and collocation of 
 the ancient classics, and in conversing with his friends 
 and disciples, on those all-absorbing topics which 
 had reference to the right performance of man's higher 
 duties. And so, we shall find, he continued to be a 
 teacher to the very end, giving grandiloquent utter- 
 ance to those ideas which, however commonplace 
 they may seem to us, procured for him, amongst 
 succeeding millions of his fellow-countrymen, the 
 lofty title of "The most holy teacher of ancient 
 times." 
 
 But his joyousness of spirit had departed, for Age 
 was beginning to lay his hand heavily upon him. 
 
l60 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 Last days and death. 
 
 Old age had come at last. The bright day-dreams, 
 which had inspired the philosopher's youthful efforts, 
 had, as we have seen, been long since dissipated by the 
 experience of his riper years ; yet he had continued 
 to work on cheerfully and hopefully. But now that 
 the infirmities of old age began to press more and 
 more heavily upon him, the occasional fits of depres- 
 sion, to which he had always been subject, became 
 more frequent, and in those dark days he saw, or 
 fancied he saw, that his long life of laborious en- 
 deavour had been but a failure. It seemed to him 
 that just at the moment when his preparations for 
 the task had been made complete, and he had be- 
 come most capable of executing it, his strength had 
 failed him, and that he had been reminded by the 
 inexorable hand of time, of the few moments of 
 existence which still remained to separate him from 
 that dark interval " when none can work." 
 
DEATH OF HIS SON. l6l 
 
 True that his doctrines had been spread throughout 
 the empire, and that, whilst thousands of inquiring 
 minds were pondering upon them, a chosen band of 
 faithful friends hung upon his words with reverential 
 love, storing them up in their memories as sacred 
 treasures to be conferred, as the most precious of all 
 gifts, upon succeeding ages. 
 
 But Confucius had looked for more immediate 
 fruits than these from the wide extension of his 
 doctrines. His great aim had been to accomplish a 
 reform, as rapid as comprehensive, in the moral and 
 social condition of his fellow-countrymen. He had 
 been buoyed up by his naturally sanguine spirit, so 
 long as he had retained health and strength, but, now 
 that these had departed, a sense of sadness took pos- 
 session of him. After a whole life spent in scattering 
 the seed, it was a bitter disappointment to him, at its 
 close, to find that, for him, there was to be no ripening 
 grain, no gathered harvest. 
 
 Within a year of his return to Loo, another great 
 sorrow fell upon him, in the death of his only son. 
 Of this son but little mention is made ; not that he 
 had proved himself unworthy of it, but because his 
 individuality was obscured by his having lived im- 
 mediately under the shadow of his father's greatness. 
 Even in the " Dialogues," his name only occurs a few 
 times. He left a child, a son, named Kung-keih, 
 
 M 
 
1 62 COypUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 who lived to occupy a distinguished place amongst 
 the compilers of the classical literature. 
 
 Though Confucius caused his son to be buried with 
 all the ceremonial belonging to the sacred rites, he 
 insisted upon everything being done as simply as 
 possible ; and when, soon after, on the death of one 
 of his disciples, his companions, in direct opposition 
 to his wishes, had him buried with great pomp, he 
 rebuked them for having done so, reminding them that, 
 through their thoughtless action, he had been pre- 
 vented from placing him on the same footing as his 
 own child. 
 
 The slightest incident was now sufficient to inspire 
 him with melancholy reflections ; and he would often 
 take his lute and lament in plaintive strains the weak- 
 ness of man's nature and the instability of earthly 
 things. It is thus, we are told, that, as he one even- 
 ing passed a mound, said to have been formed by 
 the ruins of a monument, erected in commemoration 
 of a victory gained near the spot, at a period so 
 remote that most of the circumstances connected with 
 it had been forgotten, he was so struck with the 
 practical illustration it afforded, to what was then 
 occupying his own thoughts, that he seized his lute 
 and improvised as follows : — 
 
 " Ah, woe is me ! Whatever meets mine eye 
 vSpeaks to the soul and tells me all must die. 
 So it is ruled. 
 
A LAMENT. 1 63 
 
 *'The very life which genial summers brings, 
 Preludes the death which from cold winter springs. 
 Ah me ! Ah me ! 
 
 "Yon sun, which heralded the birth of day. 
 Sinks in the west, and with its parting ray 
 Comes ebon night. 
 
 " Behold this shapeless mound ! The closest scan 
 Will fail to recognize the work of man. 
 So all decays. 
 
 " And he who raised it, with his conquering host ? 
 We know him not, his very name is lost. 
 Ah me ! Ah me ! 
 
 " Can man, then, hope to light a quenchless flame, 
 To live for ever linked with endless fame ? 
 Oh, idle thought ! 
 
 "Summer returns, chill winter hides his head. 
 The sun once more tints the grey morn with red, 
 The ebon night is turned to brightest day, 
 Back to the river Ocean yields his prey, 
 So on for ever. 
 
 " But when man leaves this world, he comes no more, 
 Behind is all he loves — he knows not what before, 
 All, all is dark." 
 
 Can we not picture to ourselves the venerable 
 philosopher, as he stands with his face lighted up by 
 the last rays of the setting sun and the inspiration 
 of poetical enthusiasm, his voice becoming more and 
 more tremulous as the sun sinks and the twilight 
 darkens, till, with broken accents, and with a wail 
 
1 64 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 rather than a note, he ends his song amid the silence 
 and blackness of night. 
 
 This depth of melancholy seems to have become 
 his habitual mood, when any circumstance might 
 arise, to force him to extend his thoughts beyond the 
 limits of this present life. He felt that all beyond 
 was enshrouded in mystery and darkness. We have 
 seen how deeply he was moved by his conversation 
 with Laou-tsze, and it does not appear as if, since 
 then, his views with respect to the supernatural 
 had become either clearer or stronger. Confident as 
 he was in himself as a teacher, unfolding the glories 
 of the past, and applying its wisdom to the present, 
 when he stood before the future, it seemed as if he 
 were overwhelmed with a sense of his utter weakness 
 and incompetency. 
 
 In his seventieth year he had retained sufficient 
 physical power to enable him to pay a last visit to 
 the lofty Tae-shan. On this occasion he astonished 
 those who were with him by the vigour he displayed 
 in the ascent, and by his having been able to recog- 
 nize objects in the far distance from its summit, 
 which they were unable to discern. 
 
 On his return from this expedition he decided upon 
 commemorating the completion of his great literary 
 work, the compilation and arrangement of the sacred 
 books or " King," by offering up a sacrifice to the 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS TO HIS DISCIPLES. 1 65 
 
 Heavenly powers in gratitude for his having- been 
 permitted to bring his labours to a conclusion. When 
 he had publicly done this, he assembled his disciples 
 and addressed them for the last time. He reminded 
 them that, as all intellectual gifts are of diverse 
 nature, and distributed in unequal proportions, it was 
 incumbent on each one of them, to endeavour to find 
 out in what particular direction his special aptitudes 
 might lie, in order that he might make the best 
 possible use of his talents. He warned them of the 
 great mistakes — indeed, disastrous failures — which 
 are often the consequence of neglecting this most 
 necessary precaution. He then recapitulated their 
 duties, and proceeded to distribute them, according to 
 the individual capacity of his hearers, so as to ensure 
 that they might be performed in the best possible 
 manner. He finally took leave of them, declaring 
 that his mission as a teacher had come to an end, and 
 that he wished them, from that moment, to look upon 
 him as a friend, and not as a master. 
 
 An anecdote which belongs to this time shows that 
 age, although it may have chilled, had not destroyed 
 his genial and sympathetic nature. Having gone to 
 witness a village festival, given in honour of the 
 spirits of the elements, which marked the closing 
 labours of the harvest, he could not conceal the 
 pleasure he felt in seeing the happiness of the people, 
 
1 66 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 which manifested itself in rude and boisterous merri- 
 ment. This seems to have somewhat scandalized his 
 companions, who remarked that it would have been 
 much better, if the villagers, instead of giving way 
 to such an indecent exhibition of joy, had solemnly 
 expressed their gratitude for past benefits, and offered 
 up their prayers for future blessings. But this view 
 met with no encouragement from Confucius. '' Do you 
 not see," he said, " that they are doing both, for it is in 
 this rude and simple manner, that their submission to 
 the decrees of Heaven, and gratitude for its bounty, is 
 most naturally shown ? Do not be too hasty in your 
 judgments ; unceasing toil has made them incapable 
 of participating in the higher privileges of our being, 
 and it is but just that the peasant, after a period 
 of unremitting labour, should have one day, in which 
 he may throw off all restraint, and enjoy himself in 
 his own fashion. The bow which is always bent soon 
 loses its elasticity and becomes useless." 
 
 Though he had completely withdrawn from public 
 life and renounced all interference in state affairs, an 
 incident occurred at this time which forced him for 
 a moment from his retirement. The news arrived of 
 the assassination of the Prince of Tse, and Confucius, 
 filled with horror at a crime which he regarded as 
 little less than sacrilege, thought it his duty to 
 endeavour to induce the Prince oi Loo, to take 
 
HIS LAST PUBLIC ACT. 1 67 
 
 instant vengeance on his murderers. Putting on his 
 ceremonial robes, he hurried to the court, where the 
 prince, receiving him with apparent cordiaHty and 
 putting him off with fair words, referred him to his 
 ministers, or, rather, to the corrupt and time-serving 
 courtiers, into whose hands the executive authority- 
 had fallen. These secretly sympathized with the 
 party by whom the Prince of Tse had been put to 
 death. They therefore gave it as their opinion that, 
 under existing circumstances, it would be highly 
 impolitic for the Prince of Loo to interfere in the 
 domestic concerns of another state. 
 
 Confucius withdrew deeply mortified, for, with his 
 exalted idea of the divine right of princes, he con- 
 sidered it to be the duty of every honest man to 
 show his detestation of so heinous a crime, by taking 
 strong and immediate action against those who had 
 perpetrated it. He had made a last effort and failed, 
 but better failure than having to reproach himself for 
 supineness in such a cause. The shame of his defeat 
 did not belong to him, but to others. 
 
 When Confucius had left Wei on his return to Loo, 
 two of his disciples, one of them being the martial 
 Tsze-loo, had remained behind in the service of that 
 state. Tsze-loo had endeared himself to his master 
 by his bold and manly character, though he often laid 
 himself open to rebuke by the freedom with which he 
 
1 68 COXFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 expressed his thoughts. Soon after the departure of 
 Confucius, a rebelHon broke out in Wei, and, the 
 rebels being victorious, Tsze-loo, who had fought 
 bravely on the prince's side, rather than encounter the 
 disgrace of defeat killed himself, whilst his companions 
 sought safety in flight. When Confucius heard 
 of his death he was affected to tears. He had 
 learnt, by bitter experience, that one of the penalties 
 belonging to old age is, to mourn over the death of 
 friends. 
 
 His naturally iron constitution now began to give 
 way, and, as he grew weaker, his mind seemed to 
 become more and more deeply impressed by every 
 incident which a superstitious fancy could turn into 
 a portent of his approaching end. A dream, in which 
 he saw his tomb between two columns, filled him with 
 gloomy forebodings ; he became melancholy and 
 despondent ; he brooded ceaselessly over his many 
 failures ; over the degeneracy of the age, and the 
 impotency of his efforts to reform it. Music still 
 had its charm, and it was to the accompaniment of 
 his lute that he often poured forth his sad thoughts, 
 in a mournful and pathetic strain. Thus it was that 
 he sang, in broken tremulous tones — 
 
 "The Tae-shan, crumbling, falls. 
 These weary eyes in vain 
 
 Seek for its lofty top. 
 
MELANCHOLY FOREBODINGS. 1 69 
 
 *' The beams, destroyed by age, 
 Support the roof no more, 
 
 And shelter there is none. 
 
 "The withered herbage dies, 
 And on the cold bare ground 
 
 Must rest these weary limbs. 
 
 " All that is pure and great 
 The world would fain regret, 
 
 And I — what have I done ? 
 
 " Ah ! Who, when I am gone, 
 Striving as I have striven, 
 
 Will work at this sad task ? " 
 
 It was soon after he had given utterance to these 
 sombre reflections that the Prince of Loo, when out 
 hunting, came upon an extraordinary animal of an 
 unknown species, which died immediately after its 
 capture. It is described as a quadruped having fleshy 
 protuberances in the place of horns, scales all over 
 the body like those of a dragon, and the feet of a 
 stag. The prince's huntsmen brought it home, and 
 cast it down in a public place near the palace, where 
 vast crowds came to see it. The singular appearance 
 of the animal gave rise to much speculation, and, in a 
 short time, little else was talked of. When an account 
 of this wonderful creature was brought to Confucius, 
 his curiosity was aroused, and he went to see it ; but 
 no sooner had he cast his eyes upon it than he showed 
 sis^ns of the greatest consternation, and would have 
 
I70 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 fallen to the ground, had not his friends supported him. 
 '* It is the ke-lin, the ke-lin ! " he cried, in a voice 
 broken with emotion, "that sacred animal, typical of 
 all that is good and holy ; and, behold it is dead ! 
 What evil does not this presage to the empire ? And 
 to me, what does this omen portend? The ke-lin, 
 living, gave notice of my approaching birth. Does it 
 not now seem as if its lifeless body had been sent to 
 warn me that the moment of the great separation is 
 drawing nigh ? " 
 
 Though thus convinced that his days were 
 numbered, some short interval elapsed before the 
 great end came. In that interval there were moments 
 when his old energy seemed to return to him, and he 
 would endeavour to put some last touches to the 
 works upon which he had devoted so much labour. 
 Indeed, it was as if his last thoughts were concentrated 
 upon them, it may be in the hope that through their 
 instrumentality his name, and what he had sought to 
 do, might obtain some lasting record which would 
 keep him in the remembrance of his fellow-country- 
 men. 
 
 But the sands of life were nearly run out, and, soon 
 after he had entered his seventy-third year, he sank 
 into a profound lethargy, from which he never 
 recovered. His death took place in the fourth month 
 of the sixteenth year of Gae-kung, Prince of Loo, and 
 
HIS DEATH. 171 
 
 the forty-first of King-wang, the twenty-fifth emperor 
 of the dynasty of Chow, B.C. 479. 
 
 Through his grandson, Kung-keih, the succession 
 has been continued through nearly seventy genera- 
 tions, and the many thousand Chinese at the present 
 day, who lay claim to a direct descent from the great 
 philosopher, can boast of being in possession of an 
 authentic genealogy, which can probably be traced 
 back through more centuries than that of any other 
 family in the world. 
 
 These descendants of Confucius, who are most 
 numerous in that part of Shan-tung in which his 
 native state of Loo was situated, still enjoy many 
 privileges and immunities, and are the only subjects 
 in the empire, not being of royal blood, in whom the 
 title of nobility is allowed to be hereditary. 
 
 His disciples decided that their great master should 
 be buried in a manner suitable for one who had 
 gained for himself such a position of pre-eminence. 
 The sole representative of his race, his grandson 
 Kung-keih, being too young to conduct the established 
 funeral rites, two of the disciples were selected to act 
 for him. These, after having closed the eyes of their 
 revered master, and put three small handfuls of rice 
 in his mouth, clothed his remains in a complete suit 
 of ceremonial robes, with his full-dress cap, and 
 official badge attached by a cord formed of twisted 
 
172 COXFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 threads, each thread being of a different colour. The 
 body, thus attired, was then placed in a double coffin, 
 the outer one being upwards of four inches in thick- 
 ness. This was placed, in obedience to the rites 
 established by the reigning dynasty, under a rich 
 canopy, around which, at intervals, were poles bear- 
 ing triangular flags in accordance with the ritual 
 of the preceding dynasty of Shang, whilst above all 
 floated a large square standard to represent the 
 dominating influence of the ancient dynasty of Hea. 
 Then the two masters of the ceremonies having pur- 
 chased, in the name of Kung-keih, a plot of ground, 
 to the north of the capital, they raised three cupola- 
 shaped mounds ; the central one, which was the 
 largest, being prepared as the final resting-place for 
 the encoffined remains. When all was ready, the 
 whole of the disciples and friends of the deceased 
 philosopher, clad in mourning robes, formed in sad 
 procession and followed his remains, and, with every 
 demonstration of the deepest respect and veneration, 
 deposited them in the tomb, with all befittino; cere- 
 mony. A tree had previously been planted by his 
 most prominent disciple, Tsze-kung, vestiges of which 
 are still to be seen. 
 
 His disciples decided that the time of mourning 
 should be the same as that appointed for a father. 
 But Tsze-kung was not satisfied with this ; he built 
 
POSTHUMOUS HONOURS. 1/3 
 
 himself a cabin near the tomb, and lived a life of 
 strict seclusion for six years. 
 
 Later on, pilgrimages were made to the spot by- 
 disciples from all parts of the empire, who, after going 
 through the prescribed ceremonies, embellished the 
 tomb with trees which they had brought with them 
 from their own homes. One hundred of these pil- 
 grims formed a settlement in the neighbourhood 
 which received the name of Kung-te, and constituted 
 themselves of their own accord vassals of Kung-keih, 
 to whom they rendered homage as the representative 
 of their illustrious master. 
 
 The Prince of Loo, on hearing of the sage's death, 
 was struck with remorse for having so neglected him 
 during his life. " Alas ! " he cried, " Heaven in its 
 anger has deprived the state of its most precious 
 treasure — for Confucius was its glory and chief 
 ornament." 
 
 As a compensation for his neglect, he erected a 
 tablet of honour near the sage's tomb, and within the 
 monument, of which this formed part, he deposited a 
 copy of his writings, together with his portrait, his 
 ceremonial robes, his instruments of music, the chariot 
 in which he had made so many journeys, and portions 
 of the furniture which he had habitually used. When 
 all was completed, the prince came and did homage 
 before the sage's shrine, thus setting an example 
 
1/4 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 which has been followed for more than two thousand 
 years, not only by the bulk of the nation, but by each 
 successive emperor as its representative, commencing 
 with the founder of the dynasty of Han, about two 
 hundred years before our era. From this time, that 
 which had previously been little more than an act of 
 homage came to be regarded as a religious rite, 
 established by imperial authority and performed in 
 countless temples erected in honour of the great 
 teacher in every town within the limits of the empire. 
 
 Not content with raising monuments and temples 
 in his honour, the successive dynasties vied with each 
 other in bestowing posthumous titles upon one who 
 was now regarded as a departed saint. By the Prince 
 of Loo he was spoken of as " The Great Father ; " 
 under the dynasty of Han he was raised to the dignity 
 of a duke ; in the succeeding one of Thang he re- 
 ceived the designations of " the first of Saints," and 
 " the royal Preacher," his statue being clad in royal 
 robes, and a crown placed upon its head ; under the 
 Ming dynasty he was entitled ''the most holy, the 
 most wise, and the most virtuous of Teachers," and it 
 is in these terms that he is recognized by the reign- 
 ing Tartar dynasty. 
 
 Soon after his death, an attempt was made to unite 
 his disciples, under the lead of one of their number, 
 who bore, both in person and manner, a marked re- 
 
HIS GREAT LEGACY. 1/5 
 
 semblance to their departed master ; but it failed, 
 principally through the opposition of one of the sage's 
 favourite followers, Tsang-tsze, who declared tnat 
 teaching, which had been so comprehensive and com- 
 plete, could not be improved or added to, and that 
 to attempt to do either would be as vain as to en- 
 deavour to add purity to that which had been washed 
 in the waters of the Kiang-nan, and bleached in the 
 rays of the autumn sun. 
 
 It was through the instrumentality of his disciples, 
 however, that the chief portion of his doctrines were 
 brought together and transmitted to posterity in the 
 " four books," of which a resume will be given later 
 on. But for this, much that he had taught, would 
 have been obscured or lost, for his mode of teaching 
 was almost entirely oral. He himself, however, had 
 always regarded the writings he had collated from 
 ancient sources, as being of far greater value, as a 
 means of instruction, than any viva-voce teaching, and 
 it was upon them he had built his hopes of future fame. 
 
 To us, who have to consider his life and teaching 
 as a whole, it is difficult to assign the exact value 
 which is to be attached to any particular portion of 
 it. To do so would require an amount of knowledge, 
 only to be obtained by long-continued and exhaustive 
 study, and it is questionable whether the result would 
 compensate for the labour expended in arriving at it. 
 
176 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Personal characteristics. 
 
 In person, Confucius was considerably above the 
 middle height, so that he was frequently spoken of 
 as " the tall man." His bearing was dignified and 
 commanding, and his voice full and sonorous. He 
 had a dark complexion ; a flat large nose ; small but 
 piercing eyes ; and an expression of gravity and de- 
 cision, which at times bordered on sternness, though it 
 was more frequently combined with an air of mildness 
 and benevolence. 
 
 Portraits of him are in existence, which are sup- 
 posed, on a kind of traditionary evidence, to give a 
 faithful delineation of his features ; but there are just 
 grounds for scepticism upon this point, and, in any 
 case, it is one best left to the decision of Chinese 
 savants. 
 
 Some of the details related in connection with his 
 everyday life are almost absurdly minute, but they 
 are, at the same time, so thoroughly characteristic 
 
BIS TASTES IN DRESS. 177 
 
 that they cannot well be omitted,if we would gain a clear 
 idea of the great philosopher's tastes and mode of life. 
 
 For instance, with regard to dress ; and it would 
 be as well to note here, that the dress worn by the 
 Chinese in his time was very different from that of 
 the present day, which dates from the Tartar con- 
 quest. The ancient dress was more like that worn 
 by the Japanese, who had early adopted the modes 
 of their then more civilized neighbours ; the hair, too, 
 was worn in a similar fashion. We find that the 
 ordinary summer wear of Confucius was a robe made 
 of linen ; linen, it seems, being in his day more highly 
 esteemed than silk. It is said that, had he consulted 
 his own taste, he woul4 have worn a cap made of the 
 same material, but, unfortunately, it had been a long- 
 established custom for a silken one to be worn, and 
 Confucius was not a man to depart from ancient 
 usages ; besides which, a silken cap had the advantage 
 of being more economical. 
 
 His winter robes were lined with fur — the yellow 
 robes with that of the fox ; the white with deer-skin ; 
 and the dark ones with black lamb-skin. 
 
 He had a dislike to particular colours, above all to 
 red and brown, so that, in the choice of his clothes, he 
 was somewhat restricted ; and he would not allow 
 the collars of his robes to be trimmed with either 
 green or crimson. 
 
 N 
 
1/8 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 It seems that, then, as now, it was the custom to 
 wear the sleeves very long and wide, the hands being 
 completely covered ; but Confucius, who found this 
 law of etiquette particularly irksome and incon- 
 venient, allowed himself to depart from it on ordinary 
 occasions to the extent of turning up the sleeve of 
 the right arm. 
 
 He never went to court or paid a formal visit 
 without putting on his ceremonial robes ; neither did 
 he make a visit of condolence without being clothed 
 in white, which was, as it still is, the garb of mourning. 
 
 So careful indeed was he to show the importance 
 which he attached to these outward forms that, when 
 prostrate from sickness, if he received a visit from the 
 prince he had his court robe thrown round him, and 
 he put on his girdle. 
 
 This punctiliousness in small matters, did not 
 proceed from mere fancy or caprice, but from 
 principle, for it was one of his maxims that there is 
 nothing so trivial as to be beneath the notice of a well- 
 regulated mind. Thus, as dress has its aesthetics, in 
 common with other, it may be more favoured, 
 creative arts, he would have been acting in contradic- 
 tion to the spirit of his teaching, had he treated it 
 as a subject unworthy of his attention. " Yes, truly " — 
 we can imagine him to have said — *' an indifference to 
 dress indicates, rather, a perverted or uncultivated 
 
THE PHILOSOPHY OF CLOTHES. 1 79 
 
 taste than an exalted understanding, for these are no 
 mere body coverings, these silken and linen robes, 
 but intelligible external types of the inner being 
 of the wearer ; and so the dress adopted by us on the 
 sudden promptings of an idle fancy, may be, after 
 all, a traitor, betraying to the world our hidden 
 weakness." 
 
 The " philosophy of clothes " may indeed be said to 
 belong to all ages. In " Sartor Resartus " we find 
 perhaps its latest expression, but for a truly practical 
 illustration of it we must visit China. There every 
 minute detail of dress is clearly indicated, and a 
 departure from regulated forms is not only regarded 
 as a breach of propriety, but as something which 
 borders on profanity. With us this feeling of 
 reverence for particular patterns, hallowed by some 
 association, or through long-continued use, is not 
 unknown, and asserts itself from time to time in 
 earnest controversies with respect to the cut or colour 
 of some sacerdotal garment. 
 
 Though naturally abstemious, Confucius was very 
 particular in the choice and preparation of his food. 
 ** Sir, I like to dine," was the emphatic declaration 
 of our great lexicographer, and we have only to turn 
 to the pages of the " Dialogues " to see that the 
 Chinese philosopher was in perfect sympathy with 
 him in this matter. He differed from him, however, 
 
I So CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 in possessing a larger share of fastidiousness. Quality 
 was with him a matter of no small moment, and 
 it is evident that he must have held a bad cook 
 in detestation, for he would not eat of a dish which 
 was badly cooked, or over-done, or out of season. 
 Neither would he partake of anything which was not 
 served up with its appropriate sauce. He had, too, 
 a great dislike to bad carving. 
 
 He held ginger in high esteem, eating it with 
 everything, and he is said to have been very careful 
 in the choice of his wine. Of this he drank sparingly, 
 though he did not limit himself to any fixed 
 quantity. At the commencement of each meal he 
 poured out a libation to the celestial powers, and, 
 whilst at table, he was particularly careful to avoid 
 any subject of conversation likely to provoke dis- 
 cussion. 
 
 Although fond of good living, he had a great 
 horror of gluttony or gross feeding, for he held 
 that nothing so marred the higher qualities of man's 
 nature, as an undue indulgence in sensuality. 
 
 In China, the stomach, not the heart, is looked upon 
 as the seat of the softer emotions. It is only 
 reasonable, then, that more than ordinary care should 
 be taken of the digestive organs. Perhaps, if we paid 
 a little more attention to them ourselves, there would 
 be less misery and unhappiness found in our midst. 
 
CONFUCIUS AT COURT. l8l 
 
 Though recognized so many centuries ago by the 
 Chinese, we are only just beginning to find out that 
 the nature of man's dress, and the preparation of his 
 food, are not outside the limits of practical philosophy. 
 
 In the presence of his sovereign, we are told that 
 Confucius comported himself with respectful dignity. 
 Towards those of a superior rank, he acted with 
 becoming courtesy ; whilst, in his general intercourse 
 with his equals and inferiors, he was invariably 
 straightforward and sincere. A rigid upholder of 
 a strict ceremonial, he found nothing irksome in the 
 formal etiquette of courts, but took a pleasure in 
 personally demonstrating the mode in which the 
 duties of a courtier should be performed. 
 
 In picturesque effect, the following description will 
 scarcely suffer, from being brought into comparison 
 with the genuflections, bowings, and backings with 
 which the denizens of this Western world seek, with 
 more loyalty than grace, to render homage to their 
 rulers in this nineteenth century. There was a reality, 
 too, about these ancient ceremonials, which has long 
 departed from our modern ones ; for the awe-inspiring 
 effect produced by entering into the presence of a per- 
 sonality believed to be the holder of a divine mandate, 
 and possessed of unlimited power, no longer exists. 
 The elements of extreme veneration and fear are now 
 wanting, and when we descend to the level of 
 
1 82 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 ordinary emotions, it is not long before we find our- 
 selves landed in the commonplace. But to proceed : — 
 
 On arriving at the palace, Confucius, avoiding 
 the principal entrance, as if the honour of passing 
 through it were too great for him, entered by a side 
 door, bending down as he did so, as if it were not 
 high enough to admit him when standing at his full 
 height. Then, retaining this bent attitude, and 
 gathering the skirts of his robe close round him, 
 he moved noiselessly up the hall. As he passed the 
 prince's vacant chair, he quickened his pace, his 
 countenance became sensibly agitated, and, if required 
 to speak, he did so as if overpowered by his feelings. 
 
 When commanded, at any time, to usher a visitor 
 into the princely presence, he assumed a grave and 
 submissive manner, and, bowing alternately to the 
 right and left, passed hurriedly through the ranks 
 of the officers who lined the hall. As he did so 
 he was very careful not to disarrange his robes by the 
 movement of the clasped hands, which form part 
 of the Chinese mode of salutation. On re-entering, he 
 again walked briskly forward, not bringing his hands 
 together and bowing to alternate sides as before, but 
 raising his arms aloft, and thus spreading out his 
 robe on either side of him like the wings of a bird. 
 
 In like manner, when he received the seals of 
 office, his expression became timid and anxious, 
 
HIS RESPECT FOR CEREMONIES. 1 83 
 
 he stooped down as if its weight were too great 
 for him, and when he carried it, he walked with 
 faltering and uncertain steps, as if scarcely able to 
 contend against the sense of the heavy responsibilities 
 which had been imposed upon him. 
 
 Real or feigned, this expression of emotion could not 
 be omitted. Without it, these frequent court cere- 
 monials, would soon have lost their effect. The 
 ancients, who made it a part of their ritual, had 
 evidently understood how easily a ceremonial falls 
 into contempt unless it can be made impressive, and 
 Confucius, as their interpreter, was not likely to under- 
 rate anything which had received their sanction. 
 
 It must not be forgotten that the description 
 of court ceremonial which has been just given, refers 
 only to that which etiquette required, from an official 
 of the sage's rank, when entering into the presence 
 of one of the feudatory princes. At the imperial 
 court, a much greater degree of reverence and humility 
 would have been exhibited ; probably surpassing that 
 which requires the noble who enters the august 
 presence in the present day, no matter how high his 
 rank, to kneel down, and strike the ground nine times 
 with his forehead. 
 
 But the great philosopher's formality of manner 
 was not confined to the precincts of the court. If, at 
 any time, when seated, some one passed by, clad in 
 
1 84 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 mourning-, or wearing a ceremonial robe, he instantly 
 rose to testify his sympathy and respect. He acted 
 in a similar manner towards the blind. If, on these 
 occasions, he was driving in his chariot, he made 
 a low obeisance, and, if walking, he quickened his 
 pace — another mode probably of showing a polite 
 deference. 
 
 Yet he was by no means formal in his own house. 
 On the contrary, in social intercourse he is said 
 to have been remarkably unceremonious. Nothing, 
 however, offended him more than having to encounter 
 rudeness or discourtesy. On such occasions he could 
 not always restrain his anger, and sometimes his 
 displeasure vented itself in a manner not quite in 
 accordance with the spirit of equanimity which the 
 true philosopher was required to retain under the 
 most trying circumstances, and, it must be confessed, 
 not quite in keeping with the mildness of disposition 
 to which his disciples bear such frequent testimony. 
 Thus, when one day a certain Huen-hwae awaited 
 his approach without rising from his seat to receive 
 him, Confucius was so exasperated that, after rating 
 him soundly and predicting that he would come to a 
 bad end, he raised his staff and struck him across the 
 legs. 
 
 The relations between Confucius and his disciples 
 were intimate and friendly. Their veneration for him 
 
AFFECTION FOR HIS DISCIPLES. 1 85 
 
 was unbounded, and they were never weary of setting 
 him up as an example and model of amiability, 
 integrity, firmness, dignity, politeness, and condescen- 
 sion — indeed, of all the virtues. He, on his side, enter- 
 tained a very warm affection for those amongst them 
 who possessed a more than ordinary capacity, or who 
 showed, in their daily lives, a desire to conform to 
 those principles of perfect rectitude which occupied 
 so prominent a place in his teaching. When one of 
 them died, he mourned over him as if he had lost a 
 child. " Yen-hwui is dead," he said ; " he is lost to me 
 for ever, and where shall I find another capable of 
 filling his place ? With him there was no lagging 
 behind, no weariness. He moved ever forward, for he 
 was a true lover of learning, to whom study was a 
 pleasure ; but, alas ! he is gone, and I shall never find 
 his equal." And, on another occasion, when speaking 
 of him, he said, " Where can be found a brighter 
 example than that which is to be found in the life of 
 Yen-hwui ? Although he was so poor that he had 
 to live on rice and water, and had no better shelter 
 than a hovel, he uttered no complaint. Where this 
 poverty would have made other men discontented 
 and miserable, he did not allow his equanimity to be 
 disturbed. Oh, Yen-hwui, Yen-hwui, your virtue 
 was indeed great — so great, that it was not far from 
 being perfect." 
 
1 86 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 Confucius evidently possessed, in a very high 
 degree, one of the most valuable qualifications in a 
 teacher — the power of gaining and preserving the 
 love and admiration of those he taught. 
 
 It may interest sportsmen to know, that Confucius 
 was a lover of the " gentle craft," and would only fish 
 with a hook, having a great disHke to the use of a net. 
 Also that, when in pursuit of game, he would not 
 shoot at birds, perching or at rest. 
 
 Though we are told that he avoided any unneces- 
 sary reference to the gods, it is clear that he was 
 a man of strong religious feeling and deep convictions, 
 both being quite compatible with an incapacity for 
 formulating theological dogmas ; and it is this in- 
 capacity, or, it may be, unwillingness, which obliges 
 us to rest content with such abstract ideas on the 
 subject as we are able to glean from his writings, or 
 the writings of his disciples. 
 
 Thus we are told of him that, at one time, being ill, 
 it was suggested to him, it would perhaps be as well 
 that he should pray for his recovery. " Is there any 
 authority for my doing so ? " asked the sick man, as if 
 to test his disciples' knowledge. " Undoubtedly," was 
 the answer ; " is it not written — * thou shalt offer up 
 thy prayers to the gods of heaven and earth ' } " 
 "Truly, you are right," said Confucius; "and can 
 you suppose that I have not long since done so t " 
 
mS MANY VIRTUES. 18/ 
 
 Though a believer in himself, and highly estimating 
 the work to which he had devoted himself, he was 
 without arrogance, and there is frequent testimony of 
 his being deeply impressed with a sense of his own 
 shortcomings. From a passage in the "Dialogues," 
 we learn that his majestic carriage was combined with 
 mild and pleasing manners ; that he was grave with- 
 out being austere ; and that he was quite free from 
 any approach to selfishness, prejudice, bigotry, or 
 vanity. 
 
 In addition to this he is said to have been chari- 
 table and humane. If at any time a case was brought 
 to his notice, of a family, through poverty, being unable 
 to bury a deceased relative in a befitting manner, he 
 at once arranged for the proper performance of the 
 funeral rites at his own expense. 
 
 To sum up : he was above all things a man. A 
 man with high aims and aspirations — none, perhaps, 
 higher. And it is as a man, with all the personal 
 characteristics which have been described stamped 
 upon him, that he stands out, in the present day, 
 through the dimness of distant ages, before the many 
 millions who have been taught to venerate his 
 memory, as the great example, the teacher for all 
 time. 
 
 To those amongst us who have studied his life and 
 teaching, he cannot fail to present himself as an 
 
1 88 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 eminently religious-minded man. His beliefs may 
 have been vague, for he was confessedly ignorant of 
 dogmas ; but there is sufficient evidence to show that 
 they included the immortality of the soul, the eternity 
 of truth, and the over-ruling providence of a just 
 God. 
 
( i89 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 The Confucian literature— The first of the " Five Classics : " the 
 " Yih-King," or the " Transmutations." 
 
 " I LOVE and revere the ancients," was the declaration 
 of Confucius to his disciples, " for their writings are 
 so far-reaching and comprehensive that I am never 
 weary of studying them. They afford, indeed, an 
 inexhaustible mine of intellectual wealth, and so it 
 is that, when I write, I do not seek to set forth or 
 originate new ideas, but confine myself as much as 
 possible to compiling and elaborating all that was 
 taught by the holy sages of antiquity." 
 
 He considered that there was something approach- 
 ing to a divine inspiration in these ancient records ; 
 that those who had written them were alone worthy 
 of being called sages ; and that he would have been 
 guilty of a gross act of presumption, and have led 
 people to suppose that he desired to place himself 
 on the same level with them, had he written anything 
 new or original. 
 
190 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 According to most authorities, his mode of pro- 
 cedure seems to have been to collect and bring 
 together everything, no matter how fugitive or frag- 
 mentary, that might present itself in a written form, 
 likely to elucidate or explain the frequently obscure 
 meaning of the scanty, but highly prized, literature 
 which had been handed down as a sacred legacy from 
 the past. 
 
 From this mixed and incongruous mass of materials 
 he selected, after due examination and deliberation, 
 everything which he deemed worthy of being retained, 
 whilst he rigidly discarded all that might have, in the 
 slightest degree, an immoral or licentious tendency. 
 These selected portions he subsequently classified 
 and re-arranged, and he finally either incorporated 
 them in those works to which they seemed properly 
 to belong, or, as happened in a single instance, gave 
 them a distinct form. 
 
 The works so arranged form the series known 
 under the title of the " Five Classics," and it is upon 
 them, conjointly with the " Four Books," of which an 
 account will be given later on, that the whole super- 
 structure of education in China has been raised. 
 
 The " Five Classics " comprise the " Yih-King," 
 ' Shoo-King," *' She-King," " Le-King " — anciently 
 divided into two parts — and the '* Chun-tsieu," or, 
 as these titles may be translated — leaving out the 
 
THE ''transmutations:' 191 
 
 qualifying suffix *'king," which means classic — the 
 *' Transmutations," the " Records," the " Odes and 
 Lyrics," the " Rites and Ceremonies," and " Spring 
 and Autumn." 
 
 With the exception of the " Transmutations," these 
 books do not now perfectly represent the state in 
 which they were left by Confucius. The edict issued 
 by Tche-wang-te, soon after his assuming absolute 
 power in the middle of the third century B.C., for the 
 destruction of the archives, and of all books which were 
 in any way connected with the sage's teaching, was 
 ruthlessly carried out ; and it was more than fifty 
 years later before any serious attempt was made to 
 recover the few stray copies which had been pre- 
 served, and it was then found that some of the most 
 important of these had become imperfect from the 
 insufficient protection afforded them in the places in 
 which they had been concealed. 
 
 That the "Transmutations" had escaped injury is 
 due to the circumstance that, in the decree for the 
 destruction of the books, an exception had been made 
 in favour of those works which treated of medicine, 
 husbandry, and divination, and that the Ylh-King 
 was considered to come under the latter category. 
 
 If we now give it precedence of the other classical 
 works, it is not on account of its being the most 
 important, or the most interesting, but because of its 
 
192 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 reputed great antiquity, the high estimation in which 
 it is held by Chinese savants, and the great value set 
 upon it by Confucius. 
 
 Its history is said to be this : Some three thousand 
 three hundred years before our era, the Emperor 
 Fiih-hi, walking on the banks of a river, was startled 
 by the sudden apparition of what by some is described 
 as a tortoise, by others as a dragon having the form 
 of a horse, with a number of circular marks on its 
 back of so striking a character that he had them 
 copied, and after much thought and consideration — 
 having first substituted lines for the circles — arranged 
 in the form of eight diagrams, each of which consisted 
 of three parallel horizontal rows formed respectively 
 of one long or two short lines. 
 
 To each of these diagrams he gave a name, whilst 
 making it the symbol of some natural object, such as 
 the heavens, the sun, the moon, the earth, water, fire, 
 the wind, and a mountain ; and to each of these was 
 joined some influence or moral quality such as would 
 seem to accord best with it. In addition to this, each 
 diagram was made to represent one of the cardinal 
 points of the compass. These diagrams were sup- 
 posed to be full of subtle meaning, and the brains of 
 many successive generations were actively employed 
 in endeavouring to find it out. The result was that, 
 in due course, a science of divination, of a mild and 
 
THE ''transmutations:' 193 
 
 somewhat incomplete kind, was founded upon them, 
 which, in the course of the twelfth century B.C., received 
 a further development, and it is from that date that 
 our information respecting the "Yih-King" becomes 
 historical. 
 
 Then it was that the dynasty of Shang was being 
 brought to a close with the reign of the imperial 
 monster Chow-wang. The ruler of one of the minor 
 states having, on the occasion of some act of more 
 than ordinary cruelty, ventured to remonstrate with 
 him on his inhuman conduct, the tyrant threw him 
 into prison, and only released him after a confine- 
 ment of nearly two years. 
 
 Whilst in prison, the captive prince, known in 
 history as the illustrious Wan-wang, devoted himself 
 to the study of Fuh-hi's eight diagrams, and it was as 
 changed by him and further elaborated by his son, 
 who succeeded him as Prince of Chaou, on the 
 accession of his elder brother Woo-wang, the founder 
 of the dynasty of Chaou, to the imperial throne, 
 that they became known under the title of the " Yih- 
 King," which was the form under which they pre- 
 sented themselves to Confucius. 
 
 Wan-wang seems to have done this : — Preserving 
 the names and composition of Fuh-hi's eight dia- 
 grams — or as we will call them from their being 
 formed of three parallel and horizontal rows of 
 
 o 
 
194 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 divided or undivided lines, trigrams — he proceeded 
 to give them a different sequence, and to make them 
 the symbols of the various family affinities, in place 
 of the natural phenomena of which Fuh-hi had made 
 them the representations. The change in their posi- 
 tion had also the effect of altering the points of the 
 compass for which they had previously stood. Then, 
 discarding their previous attributes, he is said to have 
 composed out of these eight trigrams a combination 
 of sixty-four figures or hexagrams by placing the 
 several trigrams either above or below each other, so 
 as to form a complete set of symmetrical — in form, 
 but not in composition — figures, to each of which he 
 attached a name, and a short note indicating the 
 characteristics of which it was a symbol, in connection 
 with the occult science, to which, as has already been 
 stated, these mysterious figures of Fiih-hi had early 
 given rise. 
 
 His son commenced where his father had left off. 
 Taking each of the rows of divided or undivided lines 
 of which the several hexagrams were composed, he 
 sought to attach to each its due value as the emblem 
 of good or evil, of success or failure, of profit or loss, 
 encouragement or restraint. I must confess to having 
 found all this remarkably difficult of comprehension, 
 but have no doubt that it was well adapted to the 
 purpose to which it was to be applied. 
 
A FASCINATING TASK. 1 95 
 
 It was to the study and elucidation of this work, 
 thus constituted, that Confucius devoted some of the 
 last few years of his life. At one time he bestowed 
 such continuous labour upon it that the cords which 
 held the boards together upon which the '*Yih- 
 King " was transcribed, had to be renewed three times 
 within a very short period ; and he is said to have 
 become so fascinated with his task, and impressed with 
 its importance, that he declared, if he had possessed 
 the power of renewing his life, he would have devoted 
 fifty of its years to the study of a work the true mean- 
 ing of which was only just beginning to dawn upon 
 his mind. 
 
 The whole of the chapters of commentary and 
 illustration, attached to the " Yih-King " as it now 
 stands, are commonly attributed to Confucius, though 
 the correctness of this view, with respect to several 
 of them, has been called in question. They are 
 chiefly composed of attempts to elaborate and 
 expand the meaning of the original text, and, in 
 many cases, to attach such symbolic meanings to the 
 diagrams and their several component lines, as would 
 best adapt them to the requirements of those in high 
 authority who might wish to consult them ; and 
 there is a sprinkling of moral reflections, without 
 which no utterances of Confucius would be complete. 
 
 Attempts have been made to deduce a scheme of 
 
196 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 cosmogony out of this work, but these would seem 
 to have no better foundation than the fact of its 
 claim to being a complete system of symbolization 
 in which everything lies hid, until it becomes revealed 
 to the earnest seeker. However vast the scope and 
 intention of the "Yih-King" may have appeared to 
 subsequent students, it cannot be doubted that, in 
 the first instance, it did not go beyond the limitations 
 of " the ever-changing phenomena of nature and 
 experience," and that the chief aim of those who 
 matured it, and of Confucius no less than others, was 
 to perfect a medium, in accordance with its original 
 purport, through which a sure and reliable guidance 
 could be obtained by those who sought for it, under 
 all the varying conditions in which they might be 
 placed. 
 
 That this was the way in which it was regarded 
 in the time of Confucius, is made clear by the fact of 
 the " Yih-King " having been saved from destruction 
 some two centuries after his death, as a book treating 
 of divination, as has been already noticed. 
 
 It would seem as if this book had a strange fasci- 
 nation for all who came in contact with it ; and even 
 now, when the cultivated classes have ceased to 
 consult it for guidance in the conduct of their affairs, 
 it is still regarded by the Chinese literati as the 
 arcanum of all knowledge ; and some of them even 
 
A BOOK OF DIVINATION. 1 9/ 
 
 assert that, to the initiated, there is no modern 
 scientific invention which is not to be found in it. 
 
 Endless controversies have been the consequence. 
 Endless attempts to define the indefinite, explain 
 the incomprehensible, and produce order out of 
 chaos. It would only weary the reader, and bring 
 but small profit, to do more than refer to them, for 
 it is scarcely possible to reduce them to terms which 
 would enlighten his understanding. How, indeed, 
 could the mystical union of the Yang and the Yin — 
 the male and female principles of nature — be brought 
 down to the level of an ordinary intellect ? Or the 
 endless combination and transmutation of all mate- 
 rial and immaterial forms, be considered without an 
 overwhelming sense of fatigue or weariness ? I shall 
 therefore confine myself to stating, as briefly as 
 possible, the mode in which, during the divination 
 days, this book was used. 
 
 In the commentary on this work, attributed to 
 Confucius, it is stated that there were four important 
 points connected with it by which the sages regu- 
 lated their actions : — the study of its terms, so that, 
 when speaking, their language might be brought into 
 harmony with its teaching ; of its changes, for the 
 due guidance of their actions ; of its symbols, for 
 principles necessary in the construction of mechanical 
 implements ; and, lastly, of its prognostications, in 
 
198 COyPUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 order that they might acquire a knowledge of results ; 
 and hence it is that a man of high character, who 
 is about to take action in either a public or private 
 matter, should begin by making inquiry through the 
 transmutations as to his chances of success or failure, 
 and straightway regulate his conduct according to 
 the answer he may have received. 
 
 The mode of procedure connected with this inquiry 
 is then minutely given ; but it will be enough for our 
 purpose to know that he who sought for guidance 
 from these diagrams or symbols was brought en rap- 
 port with them through the agency of the stalks of 
 a certain plant, which were cut into short lengths, 
 and arranged in figures in conjunction with special 
 numbers obtained, in the first instance, through the 
 medium of the same mapped record of the mysterious 
 spots from which the diagrams had been produced, 
 and thus brought into agreement, though it is not 
 very easy to make out how, with the corresponding 
 symbol or with one of its component parts. 
 
 The " Yih-King," as may easily be supposed from 
 the peculiar nature of the work, has had but few 
 translators, but the translation of it, which forms the 
 sixteenth volume of the " Sacred Books of the East," 
 by Professor Legge, is, as indeed may be said of all 
 his works, a monument of erudition and laborious 
 research, and I would refer to its pages those amongst 
 
A CURIOSITY OF CHINESE LITERATURE. 1 99 
 
 my readers to whom the present slight sketch, prin- 
 cipally drawn from it, may be deemed insufficient. 
 
 An attempt has been made, with but small success, 
 to find an explanation of the symbols which form 
 the basis of this work by establishing a comparison 
 between them and the theory of numbers which 
 occupies such a prominent place in the Pythagorean 
 system of philosophy ; and to reduce the original 
 arrangement of lines, and the diagrams formed out 
 of them, into mere mathematical and figurative modes 
 of expression belonging to a scheme of dynamical 
 and scientific speculation, respecting the original 
 elements of nature, and the constant and unceasing 
 changes which they are perpetually undergoing. 
 
 As it now stands, to the uninitiated, the " Trans- 
 mutations" will remain as one of the curiosities of 
 Oriental literature. If the Chinese continue to hold 
 it in such high esteem, it is probably on the prin- 
 ciple that man is often found to value that most 
 which he understands least. 
 
 An immense amount of labour has been bestowed 
 on this work by the Chinese literati, the number of 
 books upon it, enumerated in the catalogue of the 
 imperial library, amounting to nearly fifteen hundred. 
 
200 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 The second of the "Five Classics:" the "Shoo-King," or the 
 *' Records." 
 
 It must be confessed that it is difficult to avoid 
 a feeling of intense relief when closing the pages of 
 the " Transmutations " and turning to those of the 
 " Records," for here we stand once more on solid 
 ground, and are brought face to face with one of the 
 oldest — if not the oldest — historical works in existence. 
 
 Although I have given it the second place, whether 
 regarded from the point of view of its antiquity, its 
 authenticity, or the value of its subject-matter, the 
 " Shoo-King " is unquestionably the most important 
 of all the works belonging to the ancient Chinese 
 literature. 
 
 Commencing with the reign of Yaou, B.C. 2356, 
 and ending B.C. 721, it gives, in a broken sequence, 
 a series of historical events, extending over a period 
 of more than sixteen hundred years. Its historical 
 accuracy is undoubted, but its chief interest lies in 
 
THE ''RECORDS." 201 
 
 the vast amount of information which its pages 
 afford, respecting the moral, social, religious, and 
 political condition of a people who, whilst struggling 
 against natural obstacles of the most formidable 
 kind, succeeded in building up an empire which still 
 stands to bear testimony to the goodness of their 
 work, and to the soundness of its foundations. 
 
 It is generally allowed by Chinese commentators 
 that, in the composition of the work called the 
 " Records," Confucius confined himself as closely 
 as possible to the transcription and collation of the 
 scattered materials afforded for such a task in the 
 archives of the several states ; for it had been a long- 
 established custom at the imperial court, and at 
 the courts of most of the minor princes, to have the 
 various events belonging to each reign minutely 
 chronicled by an officer who held the rank of court 
 historiographer ; and that, bringing these together, 
 he made an old existing work, of the same name, the 
 nucleus upon which he formed the new one. 
 
 It now presents itself to us as an incomplete work. 
 The destruction of all books of historical import had 
 been so thorough, that when, after the death of the 
 Emperor Che-wang-te, and some forty years after 
 the burning of the books, an attempt was made to 
 restore the lost writings — much time having been 
 lost in the interval through the state of anarchy into 
 
202 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 which the empire had been plunged — only a single 
 copy of this work, and that a very imperfect one, 
 could be found. Subsequently, however, in the year 
 B.C. 140, on pulling down an old house in which Con- 
 fucius had once lived, another copy was found amongst 
 a number of books, which were discovered hidden 
 in a wall ; but they were in a very bad condition, and 
 written in an obsolete character, so that, with respect 
 to the " Records," it was only possible to recover 
 a portion which, when added to what had been 
 previously regained, represented little more than 
 half the number of sections into which the work was 
 said to have been originally divided. 
 
 But the evil did not end here. Many of the 
 chapters as they now stand bear evidence of being 
 imperfect ; the chronology has been disarranged ; and 
 there are passages, fortunately but few in number, in 
 which the style of writing is so obscure as to be all 
 but unintelligible to the best Chinese scholars. 
 
 But, with all its imperfections, it will ever stand 
 out in all the majesty of hoary age as a grand old 
 book. The light in which it is regarded by the 
 Chinese will be best shown by the following extracts 
 from a preface, written by the commentator Tsae- 
 chin, to an edition published in the year A.D. 12 10, 
 which will serve also, at the same time, to give some 
 idea of the general character of the work. 
 
A PREFACE IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. 203 
 
 Tsae-chin proceeds to say — 
 
 '*In the fifth year of Ning-tsung of the Sung 
 dynasty, in compliance with the wish of my master 
 Choo-wan-kung, expressed shortly before his death, 
 I commenced a commentary on the ' Shoo-King.' 
 
 " I laboured at it assiduously for ten years, and now, 
 having brought my work to a conclusion, my great 
 fear is that, although I have expended so much time 
 and thought upon it, and sought to elucidate its many 
 difficulties in such a multitude of words, it will be 
 found that I have failed, and proved myself to have 
 been unequal to the task. 
 
 " This classic contains the acts and ordinances of 
 the two great sovereigns Yaou and Shun, together 
 with those of the founders of the three succeeding 
 dynasties ; and as these acts and ordinances have to 
 be regarded as the rule and pattern for all future 
 ages, their importance is such that they cannot be 
 dealt with superficially. Neither is it possible that 
 their deep and, often, hidden meaning can be brought 
 to light without serious and long-continued study. 
 
 "The difficulty moreover is made all the greater 
 through the length of time — extending to some 
 thousands of years — which separates us from the 
 occurrences we seek to elucidate. But there is one 
 point which stands out so prominently that it is 
 unmistakable. It is this: Every act of these five 
 
204 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 highly gifted rulers, was based on sound principles, 
 having, in each case, their origin in personal rectitude, 
 of which, indeed, all that they did and ordained has 
 to be considered but as the embodiment. We have 
 only to realize this, and much that was previously 
 obscure will be made plain to us. 
 
 " To explain this more fully : we find the leading 
 characteristics, by which the government of the three 
 great sovereigns, Yaou, Shun, and Yu, was dis- 
 tinguished, were moderation and singleness of pur- 
 pose ; whilst those most prominent in the founders 
 of the Shang and Chaou dynasties were firmness and 
 persistency. But whether we find them exhibiting 
 these several qualities in their own persons, or 
 impressing upon others the value of benevolence, or 
 reverence, or truthfulness, or valour, it will be seen on 
 investigation that, however much these terms may 
 seem to differ, the principle which produced them 
 remains the same, and that what these great men did, 
 and that which they urged others to do, was nothing 
 more than the exhibition of that which will ever be 
 found to be the root of all the virtues — personal 
 rectitude. Thus when they spoke of Heaven, it was 
 with a view of seeking for and pointing out the 
 source from which all right principles proceed. When 
 they spoke of the people, it was in order to find out 
 the method in which these Heaven-bestowed prin- 
 
ITS LESSONS APPLICABLE TO ALL AGES. 205 
 
 ciples could be best applied. The rites and ceremonies, 
 music, and public instruction were but means to the 
 same end, whilst the classical writings and intelligent 
 teachers, formed the medium by which these prin- 
 ciples could be disseminated ; the great aim of all 
 being, the proper regulation of family life, a well- 
 ordered government in the several states, and a 
 prosperous, peaceful, and contented empire." With 
 much more to the same purport. 
 
 In a literal translation of the " Shoo- King" — inter- 
 spersed with the Chinese text — published at Shanghae 
 by the Rev. W. H. Medhurst, the translator, when 
 referring, in his preface, to the political economy 
 and moral philosophy to be found in its pages^ 
 observes — 
 
 " The lessons of practical wisdom contained in the 
 ' Shoo-King,' are applicable to all ages and nations. 
 Even in enlightened Europe and at this advanced 
 period of the world's civilization, something may be 
 learned from it, and so long as the world retains the 
 distinction between high and low, rich and poor, so 
 long will the principles of reciprocal justice and 
 affection, respect, and obedience, laid down in its 
 pages, keep their ground." And, further on, he 
 proceeds to say — 
 
 "The historical classic constitutes the best specimen 
 of natural religion derived from an independent 
 
206 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 source with which we are at present acquainted ; and 
 yet it is miserably deficient in all that respects the 
 spiritual and eternal interests of man." 
 
 The last portion of the criticism may be true, but 
 it has to be remembered that the " Shoo-King " has 
 no pretension to being anything but a collection of 
 historical records. 
 
 In another place, the translator states that the great 
 defect of this book is " its want of religion," but surely, 
 before we accept the correctness of this reproach, we 
 must greatly narrow the meaning of that word. 
 
 Schlegel, the great German philosopher, writing of 
 it under the influence of Catholic conviction, declares 
 that " a close parallelism is perceptible in many of 
 the old Chinese traditions, such as belong to the 
 opening chapters of the 'Shoo-King,' and the testi- 
 mony of the Bible." But probably this may be said 
 with equal truth of many other ancient traditions. 
 Nevertheless, the evidence it affords of the mono- 
 theistic belief of the ancient Chinese is very striking. 
 
 The style of the "Shoo-King" varies with the 
 period and the nature of the subject. There is 
 something dramatic about the opening chapter. 
 After eulogizing the character of the great Emperor 
 Yaou, and relating the steps taken by him for the 
 correction of the calendar, and the drainage of the 
 waters, rendered necessary by the frequent floods, 
 
THE SPEECH OF YAOU. 20/ 
 
 it proceeds to describe the mode in which the 
 venerable sovereign made choice of a successor. 
 
 Yaou is surrounded by his ministers and the nobles 
 of his court. It is to the minister presiding over the 
 whole empire, poetically termed the region of the 
 Four Mountains, that he first addresses himself. 
 
 " * Hearken, ye president of the Four Mountains, 
 and pay heed unto my words. I am old and stricken 
 with infirmity. Threescore years and ten have 
 passed since I ascended the jewel throne. The 
 burdens of the state have become too heavy for me. 
 It is to you I turn, O ye President of the Four 
 Mountains, for aid. I will place the administration 
 of afi"airs in your hands, for my innermost thoughts 
 have been made clear to you, and I know of none 
 other who could so well act in accordance with them." 
 
 " But the president of the Four Mountains, making 
 answer, said : * Behold, your servant is unworthy ; he 
 is weak and incapable, and would but dull the splen- 
 dour of your Majesty's greatness. Let my lord 
 choose another better fitted to carry out his behests.' 
 
 " Then said the emperor, the great king, the mighty 
 Yaou : * ' Tell me, ye princes and nobles, and ye 
 officers of my court, who is there that is able to do 
 
 * Legge employs the untranslated title, "Ti," which is commonly- 
 translated emperor. The terms which I have used are no exaggeration 
 of its meaning. 
 
208 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 this thing? Speak, if ye know. But if ye know not, 
 let due search be made ; but take heed that ye care 
 not whether he who has most merit be of high or low 
 estate.' 
 
 " Then the princes, the nobles, and the officers of 
 state cried as with one voice : * O king ! there is 
 but one man within the limits of the state who is 
 capable of carrying out our lord's commands. He 
 is a poor man, whose name is Shiin. Shiin is the 
 man. There is none but Shiin.' 
 
 " But the king, asking, said : ' Wherefore should this 
 be so ? The man's name has been made known to 
 me ; but tell me, I pray thee, O president of the Four 
 Mountains, in what doth this man's great merit lie ? ' 
 
 " The president answered and said : ' Behold, great 
 kine, this man Shiin — who is unmarried — had a blind, 
 unprincipled father, and a weak and wicked mother, 
 and a brother who was tyrannical and overbearing, 
 yet such is the perfection of his character that by 
 the mere force of example he has been able to reform 
 them and cause them to live harmoniously together. 
 He who can best regulate a family can best regulate 
 a state — and so it is, O king, that we have chosen 
 Shun, for we know of none other who could have 
 acted as he has done.' 
 
 " The king said : * It is well spoken, but it is right 
 that I should prove him. I have two marriageable 
 
THE MARRIAGE OF SHUN. 209 
 
 daughters; since he is unwed, I will bestow them upon 
 him.' 
 
 "Then the king sent his two daughters to Shiin, 
 exhorting them, and saying : * See that ye are careful 
 and discreet in all things.' 
 
 "Thus were the king's daughters married unto 
 Shlin." * 
 
 The test turned out satisfactorily, and it is first as 
 the aged monarch's coadjutor, and then as his suc- 
 cessor, that Shiin is made the subject of the next 
 chapter. He is described as a man of great energy 
 and ability, who produced a number of measures of 
 the greatest public utility ; amongst others, improve- 
 ments in the mode of taking astronomical observa- 
 tions ; a ritual for the conduct of religious worship 
 when "sacrificing to the supreme God, and presenting 
 offerings to the presiding spirits of the land ; " the 
 establishment of a uniform system of weights and 
 measures ; the adjustment of the musical scale ; the 
 codification of the criminal laws, and the establish- 
 ment of a system of fines in lieu of punishment for 
 minor offences ; the promulgation of rules of conduct 
 for the guidance of those who had the administration 
 of the affairs of state ; the division of the empire into 
 twelve states, and the settlement of their boundaries ; 
 for the reclamation of the land, and the drainage of 
 * See E in Appendix. 
 
 P 
 
210 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 the waters ; all of which are to be found fully described 
 in the pages which treat of his long reign. 
 
 Living to extreme old age, he was succeeded by 
 Yu, who had been selected during Shiin's lifetime, in 
 consequence of the marvellous ability he had shown 
 when, as surveyor-general, he had established the 
 boundaries of the several portions of the state, regu- 
 lated the course of the rivers, and made them carry 
 off the waste of waters. 
 
 These works were carried out on a more compre- 
 hensive scale after his accession to the throne, and 
 the first portion of the third chapter gives an account 
 of their progress up to the time of their completion ; 
 the distribution of lands, with titles attached to them, 
 amongst the nobles ; and the regulation of the tenures 
 by which they were held. 
 
 Then commences the portion of the " Shoo-King " 
 in which the records may be regarded as contempo- 
 raneous with the events they describe. It begins 
 with an address by the emperor to his troops on the 
 eve of a battle with a rebellious vassal, in which, after 
 enlightening the leaders of his army as to the cause 
 which has rendered it necessary for him to take up 
 arms and execute "the judgment of Heaven" upon 
 the rebel chief, he continues as follows : " And now, ye 
 spearmen and archers of my army, I would warn you, 
 take good heed that you are obedient to my orders. 
 
THE GATHERING AT MANG-TSIN. 211 
 
 and are careful in the performance of your duties ; 
 and you, charioteers, see that your horses are well 
 guided. Those who do well I will reward before the 
 temple of my ancestors ; but he who merits my dis- 
 pleasure I will put to death — ay, and his children 
 with him." 
 
 It has to be remarked that at this time chariots 
 formed the most important portion of the Chinese 
 armies, and that no mention is made of cavalry until 
 many years later. Each chariot carried three men 
 clad in mail, the charioteer being in the centre, with 
 the spearman on his right and the archer on his 
 left. 
 
 Many similar speeches are placed on record. 
 Thus, at the commencement of the chapter which is 
 devoted to incidents belonging to the Chaou dynasty, 
 we have one from its founder, Woo-wang, son of the 
 Wan-wang of the " Transmutations," as leader of the 
 confederated nobles in rebellion against the tyrannical 
 Emperor Chow. This is how it is given. 
 
 " In the springtide of the thirteenth year there was 
 a great gathering of the confederated nobles at 
 Mang-tsin, which was presided over by Woo-wang, 
 who addressed them thus — 
 
 " * Oh, ye confederated princes and nobles, my 
 allies, and ye, my brave captains tried in arms, listen 
 to my words. 
 
212 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 *'*A11 created beings are the offspring of heaven 
 and earth, and of all living creatures man is the most 
 highly endowed. The man who is endowed with the 
 greatest intelligence becomes a king, and a king 
 should be the father of his people. 
 
 " ' But with Chow-wang of Shang this is not so. 
 He treats the decrees of Heaven with contempt, and 
 cruelly oppresses the people committed to his charge. 
 Given up to drunkenness and vice, his brutal nature 
 has revealed itself in hideous crimes. He has ex- 
 tended the punishment of criminals to their relatives ; 
 he has made employment in the public service 
 hereditary, and done great injury to the people by 
 his extravagance, and by his lavish outlay in palaces, 
 pavilions, and not-needed public works. He has 
 burnt, and even roasted alive, innocent and virtuous 
 men, victims to his ferocity ; he has flayed and ripped 
 open pregnant women. Is it to be wondered at that 
 such a man as this should have drawn down the 
 anger of Heaven upon him ? 
 
 "'My revered father was the divinely appointed 
 instrument for bringing him to punishment, but he, 
 alas ! died before the sentence could be carried out. 
 Hence it is that I, unworthy as I am, stand now 
 before you as your chosen leader, to accomplish, with 
 your aid, that which was left undone. But, meantime, 
 the tyrant Chow, heedless of the forces which have 
 
WOO- WANG'S ADDRESS TO THE CONFEDERA TES. 2 I 3 
 
 been arrayed against him, continues his career of 
 violence and crime. Sitting at his ease, what cares 
 he for the decrees of Heaven ? He serves neither 
 gods nor genii, he even neglects to sacrifice on the 
 altars of his ancestors, whilst the sacrificial animals 
 are given over to be consumed by the vilest ruffians ; 
 and yet, when doing all this, he has the impudence 
 to claim the people for his own, and to declare that 
 he rules over them in virtue of a Divine decree ! 
 
 " * When the strength of contending parties is equal 
 they should be measured by their virtue ; when their 
 virtue is equal, by the justice of their claims. Now, 
 the tyrant Chow may have the advantage of us in 
 strength, for his followers may be counted by tens 
 of thousands, but there are as many minds in his 
 armies as there are men ; whilst with us, although we 
 number but three thousand, we stand together as one 
 man. 
 
 " ' The cup of the tyrant's iniquity is full to over- 
 flowing ; it is God who has commanded that he 
 should be destroyed ; and if I fail to obey the Divine 
 commands, my guilt will become equal to his own. 
 
 '* ' Think not that I have entered lightly upon this 
 matter. My days and nights are filled with anxious 
 care. But this great task has been imposed upon me 
 by my illustrious predecessor, and with the blessing of 
 the Almighty Disposer of events and the gods of this 
 
214 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 land, and with your powerful aid, I will carry it 
 through. 
 
 " ' When Heaven has compassion upon a people, it 
 grants them that which they desire. Help me, then, 
 to purge the empire from the evils under which it 
 groans. Behold, this is the time for action ; let us be 
 careful that it is not lost' " 
 
 Towards the end of the month, the army having 
 meantime advanced to the north of the Yellow River, 
 Woo-wang, having inspected his soldiers, makes a 
 second speech in somewhat similar terms, followed 
 the next morning by a third. Then there is a pause 
 in the records; what has taken place in the inter- 
 mediate time we are not told, but on the fourth day 
 of the second month — 
 
 " The king, having at an early hour reached the 
 boundary of the state which formed the imperial 
 patrimony, halted his army, and, holding a battle-axe 
 glittering with gold in his left hand, and waving a 
 white banner with his right, again addressed it, com- 
 mencing with a few words of encouragement to the 
 soldiers : ' Well done, ye soldiers of the west ; we have 
 indeed made a long march ! ' * Then, turning to the 
 princes and others who stood near him, he continued — 
 
 " ' Hearken, my allies, confederates, and friends, 
 
 * The song of the tired soldiers, given in the next chapter, probably 
 refers to this march. 
 
WOO-WANCS CAUTION TO HIS SOLDIERS. 21 5 
 
 and give heed, ye my ministers, councillors, vassals, 
 and captains ; and you, men of Yung, Shuh, Kiang, 
 Mow, Wei, Loo, Pang, and Po, poise your javelins, 
 make ready your shields, and raise high your spears, 
 for to you too would I say a few words. 
 
 " ' The ancients had a proverb, " Hens do not crow 
 at dawn ; when they do, it betokens ill to those who 
 are awakened by them." Now to Chow of Shang 
 this only too well applies, for he listens but to the 
 advice of women.' " 
 
 And then the speech is continued in much the 
 same strain as the former ones. It ends, however, 
 with directions for his soldiers in the approaching 
 battle :— 
 
 " It is to you, oh ye my soldiers, that I would now 
 speak. Bear in mind in the battle this day, that 
 when ye advance ye move not forward more than 
 six or seven paces at a time — but at the sixth, or, at 
 the most, seventh pace, that ye halt and reform your 
 ranks : so when engaged in close combat do not 
 allow yourselves to be carried away by your ardour, 
 so that you lose your formation ; but at the fifth, or, 
 at the most, sixth blow, take care to cease striking, 
 and see that your order is retained. 
 
 " * But, not the less, let the attack be fierce, let each 
 man strive to surpass his fellow in courage ; be as 
 1 ions, as tigers, as ravening wolves, so that none can 
 
2l6 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 withstand you. Yet, when within the enemy's borders, 
 be merciful to those who offer no resistance, and are 
 ready to join us. But above all be bold and ener- 
 getic, and do not allow yourselves to forget that he 
 who holds back will be sure to receive a befitting 
 punishment' " 
 
 In the next chapter Woo-wang, after another long 
 setting forth of the crimes of the tyrannical Chow, 
 gives the result of the great final battle. Com- 
 mencing with the operations leading to it, he says — 
 
 " On the twenty-eighth day of the first month my 
 troops crossed the river at Mang-tsin,* and on the 
 third day of the second month I drew up my army 
 on the borders of Shang to await the enemy's attack. 
 The next day Chow, at the head of a vast army, 
 advanced at early dawn and drew up in battle array 
 in the desert plains of Muh. My army moved for- 
 ward to the attack, but before it had come near 
 enough to engage the enemy, the leading divisions 
 of his force had faced round, and, attacking those in 
 the rear, driven them off the ground with such great 
 slaughter, that it would have been possible for a 
 beam of wood to have floated in the pools of blood 
 with which the field of battle was covered. Thus was 
 the dynasty of Shang overturned, and the govern- 
 ment re-established upon its old conditions." 
 
 * i.e. the ford of Mang. 
 
REVISION OF THE CRIMINAL CODE. 21/ 
 
 A great number of the sections into which this 
 work is divided are composed of speeches taking the 
 form of admonitions. Amongst these we find one 
 against drunkenness, showing that the great social 
 evil, which we are often inclined to look upon as of 
 modern growth, was causing much solicitude to those 
 who were seeking to elevate the morals of the nation 
 nearly three thousand years ago in China. Then we 
 have a warning against indulging in luxurious ease, 
 and many exhortations with regard to the perform- 
 ance of public duties, and to the just administration 
 of the laws. And in connection with the latter subject 
 there is published, about the middle of the tenth 
 century B.C., a revised code of laws, in which the 
 system of allowing the punishment for minor offences 
 to be commuted by the payment of a fine was ex- 
 tended to crimes punishable by death— an act which 
 has been severely criticized by moralists of a later 
 age, notwithstanding that it had received the sanction 
 of Confucius, through his having allowed it to be 
 recorded in this work. 
 
 It is, in fact, to this code, upon which all subsequent 
 ones have been formed, that is to be attributed the 
 widespread official corruption, and the low tone of 
 public morals, with which the Chinese have been so 
 often justly reproached, and that, notwithstanding the 
 high-flown sentiments and exhortations which accom= 
 panied its promulgation. 
 
2l8 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 I have devoted more space than I had intended to 
 this book, and yet feel that I have been unable to 
 do it justice, or give a very clear idea of its contents. 
 To those, however, who are desirous of a more exact 
 acquaintance with it, I would advise the perusal of 
 the translation of it by Dr. Legge, which forms the 
 third volume of the " Sacred Books of the East," edited 
 by Max Miiller. 
 
( 219 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 The third of the " Five Classics : " the " She-King," or the " Odes." 
 
 It is a point open to question whether this book, as 
 it now stands, represents what we should call in 
 modern parlance, a new and revised edition by Con- 
 fucius of a previously existing work, or a selection 
 by him, put together in a new form, out of a far larger 
 number of lyrical compositions scattered over the 
 empire. Legge, in his translation of the religious 
 portion of the " Odes," included in the third volume of 
 the " Sacred Books of the East," inclines, after much 
 investigation, to the former opinion, and narrows the 
 action of Confucius to a reformation of the music, by 
 which each separate ode was accompanied. 
 
 But whether this be so or not, there can be no 
 doubt with respect to the high place occupied by the 
 "Odes" in the sage's estimation. He declared no man's 
 education could be considered complete who had not 
 studied them, and that, as models of purity of thought, 
 they were unequalled ; indeed, in the " Dialogues " 
 
220 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 he is made to say that the pervading sentiment of 
 the "Odes," and the lessons to be learnt from them, 
 could be compressed into a single sentence, " purify 
 your thoughts." He recommended the study of the 
 " Odes " to his disciples as a means for attaining to 
 mental expansion and refinement, and a knowledge 
 of the true value belonging to harmony as opposed 
 to enmity and strife. In addition to which, it would 
 furnish them with examples of the manner in which 
 filial piety can be best shown to a parent, and faithful 
 service best rendered to a prince. 
 
 Taking a somewhat lower ground, he specially 
 directed his son to study them with diligence, not 
 only on account of the above-mentioned advantages, 
 but in order that he might acquire from them 
 materials for conversation ; for Confucius had too 
 much practical wisdom to despise the social distinc- 
 tion which belongs to a man who is a good talker. 
 
 Amongst all peoples, poetry has ever been one of 
 the earliest modes by which traditions have been 
 preserved and popularized. There can be no doubt 
 but that the memory of words is greatly aided by 
 their rhythmical expression, and that this will be the 
 case in a far higher degree when these words in the 
 form of lyrics are associated with some familiar 
 melody. 
 
 The first mention of poetry in the Chinese classics 
 
THE GROWTH OF POETRY. 221 
 
 is when the Emperor Shun, in the " Records," speak- 
 ing to his minister on the subject of regulating the 
 musical scale, observes : " Poetry is the expression 
 of earnest thought, and singing is the prolonged 
 utterance of that expression." And in a preface to 
 the " She-King," ascribed to Confucius, it is said — 
 *' Poetry is the product of earnest thought. Feelings 
 are embodied in words. When words are insufficient, 
 we have recourse to signs and exclamations ; when 
 they fail, we burst into song ; should not song 
 suffice, unconsciously the hands and feet are set in 
 motion, and we dance." 
 
 " Poetry," observes Sir John Davis, in his work on 
 the poetry of the Chinese, " in most countries begins 
 with being the vehicle of religion and morality, and 
 the first record of historical facts. Venerated at first 
 as the language of wisdom or inspiration, it is at 
 length cultivated as a pleasurable art, and never fails 
 to improve in harmony, however it may degenerate 
 in other points, with the progress of time." And this 
 has been the case with the poetry of the Chinese. 
 A modern Chinese writer observes, with regard to 
 this, that " the growth of poetry is like the growth 
 of a tree; in the 'She-King' we come in contact 
 with its roots ; these proceed to develop branches 
 and leaves, and buds and flowers, and finally the 
 ripe and luscious fruit." 
 
222 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 It was probably the metrical character of the " She- 
 King" which made its recovery and restoration less 
 difficult than that of the " Shoo-King," and it does 
 not appear to have suffered any great diminution in 
 its contents as a consequence of its suppression. 
 
 Of the three hundred and five odes and lyrics of 
 which it is composed, there are only five forming 
 part of the sacrificial series, which belong to a date 
 antecedent to the twelfth century B.C., the remainder 
 covering a period between that date and some six 
 centuries later. The whole collection is divided into 
 four parts. The first of these consists of some one 
 hundred and sixty songs, illustrative of manners and 
 customs, and may be fairly termed " songs of the 
 people." The second part is formed of seventy-four 
 odes, which, with the thirty=one forming the next sec- 
 tion, may, from their having been sung at the various 
 ceremonials and festivities connected with the coming 
 together of the feudal princes, or with receptions at 
 the imperial court, be designated " festive songs " and 
 " laudatory odes." The last section is composed of 
 forty pieces, which have been characteristically de- 
 scribed as " odes for the temple and the altar," and 
 are the only ones which have a distinctive religious 
 character. 
 
 Although it is usual to speak of the " She-King" as 
 a collection of odes, it is, in fact, composed of a variety 
 
DIVERSITY OF STYLE. 223 
 
 of pieces, having all the distinguishing qualities of 
 ballads, songs, and hymns, whilst, again, of these 
 some are metaphorical, others narrative or descrip- 
 tive, vi^hilst in a few, these three modes of treatment 
 are to be found in combination. 
 
 The style of these pieces varies greatly, according 
 to the period in which they were written and the 
 nature of the themes, but always bears the impress 
 of boldness and simplicity. The versification, as 
 might be expected from the nature of the language, 
 is peculiar. As a rule, though there are many 
 pieces in which the construction is irregular, each 
 strophe consists of a number of lines, which generally 
 rhyme, composed of four characters, though some- 
 times lines are introduced which consist of six or 
 eight. This is a metre which does not belong to 
 modern Chinese poetry, in which the number of 
 characters in a line is either five or seven. In both 
 cases the position of the csesura is fixed and regu- 
 lated by the number of characters in a line, and the 
 poet has no choice with respect to its use, as is the 
 case with us. 
 
 In the "She-King," in addition to the difficulties 
 presented to a translator, by the nature of the 
 language and the style of versification, is the one 
 which proceeds from the almost invariable practice 
 of introducing into every piece one or two lines 
 
224 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 which are repeated in every strophe, referring to 
 some natural object or phenomenon that can only be 
 brought en rapport with the verses into which it has 
 been interpolated by the wildest flight of fancy. 
 Yet these lines cannot be omitted, and must be 
 treated in such a way as to give a just idea of the 
 original as a poem, for it has been well observed : 
 "Celui qui pretendrait juger de quelque poeme que 
 ce fut dans une traduction litterale, pourrait aussi 
 raisonnablement esperer de trouver, sur le revers dune 
 tapisserie, les figures qu'elle represente dans toute 
 leur delicatesse et toute leur splendeur." 
 
 But, with all these difficulties in the way, the " She- 
 Kine " has had no lack of translators. A Latin ver- 
 sion appeared in the last century by Pere Lacharme, 
 a portion of which, rendered into French, completes 
 the one contributed by M. Pauthier to the collection 
 of translations from various Eastern languages, pub- 
 lished under the title of the '' Bibliotheque Orientale," 
 in 1872. The incomplete but well-thought-out trans- 
 lation of Dr. Legge has a value for students and 
 scholars which cannot be overestimated, whilst the 
 several metrical versions in German, and especially 
 the translation by Victor von Strauss, which is both 
 musical and, as far as possible, true to the original, 
 commend themselves to those acquainted with that 
 language, by the poetry of the past, having been 
 
VARIETY OF SUBJECTS. 225 
 
 reduced to a form best calculated to render it 
 attractive to the reader of the present day. 
 
 The subjects of the odes are so various, it would 
 be impossible to give even an abridgment of them ; 
 though, perhaps, they might be classified under the 
 heads of amatory, domestic, political, bucolic, festive, 
 warlike, admonitory, ethical, ritualistic, and religious. 
 They vary in length and style as much as in matter, 
 and it would be almost impossible, by a few ex- 
 amples, to give a just idea of the variety of thought, 
 incident, and treatment, which is to be found in the 
 many pages of text and commentary, of which this 
 singular and interesting book is composed. But 
 a few extracts, in the choice of which I have been 
 chiefly guided by the facility they seemed to afford 
 for representation in an acceptable shape, may serve 
 to illustrate, however incompletely, some of their 
 characteristics. 
 
 I shall begin with the ode which, though not the 
 most ancient in date, is the one which stands at the 
 head of the collection. It is said to have been written 
 as an Epithalamium, on the occasion of the marriage 
 of the great popular favourite Wan-wang, in the 
 twelfth century B.C. 
 
 The original consists of three strophes — the first 
 of four, and the two succeeding ones of eight lines 
 each, each line consisting of but four characters; 
 
 Q 
 
226 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 but in the following attempt to present it in an 
 English dress, it has been found impossible to adhere 
 to their construction. 
 
 THE MARRIAGE OF WAN-WANG.* 
 
 " From out an islet in the stream, 
 Whose waters in the sunlight gleam, 
 Comes the low cooing of a dove, 
 So soft, and sweet, and full of love. 
 And near by lives, so pure and fair — 
 No maid can match her beauty rare — 
 She who ere long will be the bride 
 Of him who is his country's pride. 
 
 " Far, far, from her, he deeply sighs, 
 ' Oh, wert thou here ! ' he vainly cries, 
 ' I cannot sleep, I only dream 
 Of her who lives beside the stream, 
 Where water-lilies interlace 
 And open to the sun's embrace. 
 But where the lily can compare 
 With my sweet love, so pure and fair ? 
 The stream flows on, the lilies fade. 
 But brighter blooms my glorious maid.' 
 
 ' ' And she, the while, doth pass each day 
 As if the world were far away. 
 Music its charm, her leisure lends, 
 Her harp, and lute, her closest friends. 
 And yet she sighs when on the stream ; 
 She sees the golden sunlight gleam. 
 And sees the lilies interlace 
 And open to the sun's embrace. 
 But soon there comes the happy day 
 When she a bride is borne away 
 
 * See F in Appendix. 
 
SONGS OF THE PEOPLE. 22/ 
 
 With bray of trump and clash of gong, 
 Through flowery mead and gazing throng, 
 - To place herself, with all her charms, 
 Within a loving husband's arms." 
 
 In a Chinese novel, written in the fourteenth cen- 
 tury A.D., which has been translated into French under 
 the title of " Les deux Cousines," this ode is men- 
 tioned as one of the two sung on the occasion of the 
 double marriage of the fortunate hero of the tale 
 with the two deeply attached cousins, who had re- 
 fused to accept him on any other terms. 
 
 In another of the lighter lyrics, taken at random 
 from " The Songs of the People," a maiden, in a some- 
 what doubtful strain, admonishes her lover to be 
 careful : — 
 
 " Chung-tsze, Chung- tsze, 
 
 I do implore 
 You pass not through 
 
 Our village more, 
 Nor trample down 
 
 Beneath your feet 
 The shrubs betwixt 
 
 The house and street ; 
 Please do not come 
 
 Again this way. 
 My father's will 
 
 I must obey — 
 
 I dare not love thee ! 
 
 "Chung-tsze, Chung-tsze, 
 Climb not the wall, 
 It is so high, 
 
 And you may fall 
 
228 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER, 
 
 And crush the tree 
 
 Which stands below, 
 Planted by me 
 
 Long, long ago ; 
 Oh, what would then 
 
 My brother say ? 
 You know his will 
 
 I must obey — 
 
 I dare not love thee ! 
 
 " Chung-tsze, Chung-tsze, 
 
 On no pretence 
 Dare you break through 
 
 The garden fence 
 When I am there ; 
 
 You must be wise, 
 For people have 
 
 Such prying eyes ; 
 Oh, do not come, 
 
 I beg and pray, 
 Or you will make 
 
 The gossips say — 
 
 I dare to love thee ! " 
 
 The following ode is of a different character ; it is 
 supposed to have been sung by tired soldiers, belong- 
 ing to Woo-wang's army, on the march, after a long 
 campaign in the wet season : — 
 
 " Long have we marched 
 O'er mountains steep. 
 Through forests dark. 
 And rivers deep. 
 
 And wearily 
 
 We onward go, 
 
 To seek and fight 
 
 The Eastern foe. 
 
PATRIOTIC SONGS. 229 
 
 ' When will it end, 
 This long rough way ? 
 These rocks and streams 
 Which block our way, 
 
 As wearily 
 
 We onward go. 
 
 On, ever on — 
 
 Where hide the foe ? 
 
 ' ' Together run 
 The white-hoofed swine, 
 The moon and stars 
 Of rain give sign, 
 
 But rain or fine. 
 
 There is no rest 
 
 For weary soldiers 
 
 From the West." 
 
 A song, In which the leader of the men of Tsin 
 encourages his soldiers, who had complained of their 
 want of clothing, has decidedly a more martial 
 "ring":— 
 
 " To arms ! to arms, soldiers ! 
 To arms, one and all ! 
 Who is there would heed not 
 The Emperor's call ? 
 
 " The Emperor calls us 
 To march 'gainst the foe. 
 And he gains most honour 
 Who strikes the first blow. 
 
 " You say you want clothing, ' 
 My clothes you shall share ; 
 Quick ! see that your lances 
 Are chosen with care. 
 
230 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 "What matter to soldiers 
 If linen they lack ? 
 But my robe is his 
 Who dreads a bare back. 
 
 *' Then march on ! I lead you, 
 The Emperor calls, 
 And glory for ever 
 Is his who first falls." 
 
 Another pictures the rejoicings of the people on the 
 return of their feudal lord, after his investiture with 
 a robe of honour : — 
 
 " ' \\Tiat see ye on the mount, Chang-nan ? ' 
 
 — ' The white-robed plum, the dark green pine ; 
 And our great lord, see, see ! he comes 
 Clad in a robe which fox-skins line. 
 How gracious, yet how proud, his mien. 
 Never a nobler lord was seen.' 
 
 " ' What see ye on the mount, Chang-nan ? ' 
 — ' High peaks and paths, and meadows fair ; 
 And our great lord, in princely guise, 
 With 'broidered robe and stately air, 
 He comes, he comes ! long may he reign, 
 Rejoice ! our lord is home again.' " 
 
 One more — a lament in a time of scarcity : — 
 
 "Alas, alas ! 
 The flowers fade 
 And all is drear, 
 I know not why 
 The leaflets die 
 And I am here. 
 
 "Oh, had my mother only known 
 ]\Iy life would be a living 
 She would have brought 
 That life to naught. 
 
 moan. 
 
NATIONAL MELODIES. 23 
 
 For better far 
 That man should die 
 Than live a life 
 Of misery. 
 
 ' ' Look at the sheep ! — 
 They are so thin, 
 They are but head 
 And bone, and skin. 
 The star which rises 
 Out the sea 
 Shines through the net 
 Where fish should be. 
 With nothing left 
 To eat or drink 
 Into the grave 
 We starving sink." 
 
 But it would be impossible to give anything like 
 an accurate idea of this remarkable book by a few 
 examples taken, hap-hazard, from its pages. In 
 order to be thoroughly understood the " She-King " 
 has to be studied. What I have done may suffice for 
 the general reader, whilst the student will find all 
 the information he may seek for in the works of the 
 authorities which have been already quoted. 
 
 Yet I feel I ought not to close this notice without 
 giving some evidence of the deep religious feeling 
 which pervades this ancient classic, by adding a few 
 lines taken from various odes, in Legge's version, 
 which bear upon this point. 
 
 Speaking of Wan-wang, it is said — 
 
232 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 " He watchfully and reverently and with entire 
 intelligence served God. . . . He conformed to the 
 example of his ancestors, and their spirits had no 
 occasion for complaint. . . . His example acted on 
 his wife, extended to his brethren, and was felt by 
 all the clans and states." 
 
 Again, with reference to the establishment of the 
 Chaou dynasty : — 
 
 "Great is God. Beholding this lower world in 
 majesty . . . He sought for one on whom to confer 
 the rule. 
 
 " God surveyed the hills. . . . God who had raised 
 the state raised up a proper ruler for it. 
 
 " God said to Wan-wang, * Be not of those who 
 reject this, and cling to that ; be not like those who 
 are ruled by their likings and desires ; ' and so it w^as 
 that he grandly ascended before others to the height 
 of virtue. 
 
 " God said to Wan-wang, * I am pleased with your 
 intelligent virtue ' " — and this virtue a little further on 
 is said to have been — " in accordance with the pattern 
 of God." 
 
 In an ode, which ends with a description of a great 
 sacrificial rite, it is said — 
 
 "As soon as the fragrance ascends, God, well- 
 pleased, smells the sweet savour." 
 
 When describing the miserable condition to which 
 
SACRIFICIAL ODES. 233 
 
 the people had been reduced by a series of calamities, 
 these terms are used : — 
 
 "God has reversed His usual course of procedure, 
 and the lower people are full of distress. . . . Heaven 
 is now sending down calamities. . . . Heaven is now 
 displaying its anger ; " and, further on, after speaking 
 of the enlightening power of Heaven, it is said, 
 " Good men are a fence ; the multitude of people are 
 a wall ; great states are screens ; great families arc 
 buttresses ; and the cherishing of virtue secures 
 repose ; " and, in the last strophe, '' Revere the anger 
 of Heaven. . . . Revere the changing moods of 
 Heaven. . . . Great Heaven is intelligent, and is with 
 you in all your goings. Great Heaven is clear- 
 seeing, and is with you in your wanderings and 
 indulgences." 
 
 And, in a warning addressed to the tyrant Chow, 
 by Wan-wang, the latter says, "It is not Heaven 
 that has flushed your face with spirits ... it is not 
 God that has caused this evil time." 
 
 Passages, too, are frequently to be found like 
 these : — 
 
 " Thou didst confer on us the wheat and the barle>', 
 which God appointed for the nourishment of all. 
 
 " How beautiful the wheat and the barley ! The 
 bright and glorious God will in them give us a new 
 year. 
 
234 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 " A sovereign with the gifts both of peace and war, 
 giving rest even to great Heaven. 
 
 " How is it, O great Heaven, that the king will not 
 hearken to the justest words? He is like a man 
 going astray, who knows not where he will proceed 
 to. All ye officers, let each one attend to his duties. 
 How do ye not stand in awe of one another t Ye do 
 not stand in awe of Heaven." 
 
 These extracts might be greatly multiplied, but 
 those which have been given will, I think, be found 
 sufficient. It will be seen that one of the most 
 striking features of the " She-King," and one which 
 distinguishes it from the ancient poetry of all other 
 nations, with the exception of that of the Hebrews, 
 is its entire freedom from all mythology, taking that 
 word in the sense in which it is generally used. 
 
( 235 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The remainder of the "Five Classics : " the " Le-King," or the " Book 
 of Rites and Ceremonies ; " and " Spring and Autumn." 
 
 Of all the classical works the " Le-King," or book of 
 ritual and ceremonial observances, is by far the most 
 voluminous, Legge's translation, with copious anno- 
 tations, occupying the twenty-seventh and twenty- 
 cio-hth volumes of the " Sacred Books of the East " 
 series. 
 
 It is a kind of digest of the laws and canons of the 
 ancient sovereigns, with respect to the administration 
 of justice, the distribution and tenure of land, and the 
 collection of revenue ; regulations for the proper 
 performance of the sacrificial rites ; and a code of 
 observances, often extremely minute, connected with 
 mourning, marriage, various minor ceremonies, the 
 conduct of children to their parents, and a variety of 
 circumstances belonging to everyday life; and it 
 includes a chapter on music. 
 
 The "Le-King" held a very high place in the esti- 
 
236 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 mation of Confucius. He considered that, however 
 much the mind might be elevated by the study of the 
 " Transmutations," instructed by the " Records," stimu- 
 lated by the " Odes," or purified and refined by the 
 cultivation of music, it would have remained incom- 
 plete, and society in a state of confusion, but for the 
 regulating power belonging to the knowledge — and 
 due exercise — of the rites and ceremonial observances. 
 
 Much that is contained in it, is drawn from 
 examples belonging to a time, but little removed 
 from what may be called the " Genesis " of Chinese 
 history ; and it is in the long and sedulously cultivated 
 reverence for antiquity, which received so great an 
 impetus from Confucius's teaching, that we find a 
 key to the fact, that this book is still regarded as the 
 great authority in all matters which are capable of 
 being referred to it, and that so many irksome cus- 
 toms and cruel laws have been retained down to the 
 present day. 
 
 The intention of the work was evidently to lay 
 down a series of rules, which should so regulate 
 human action, that all conduct, whether in public or 
 private life, should be brought into harmony with 
 Divine laws, and the precepts formulated by men of 
 superior virtue and intelligence, whose knowledge 
 was the outcome of experience and observation. 
 
 In other words, a mode of action, which should 
 
REGULATIONS FOR SOCIAL INTERCOURSE. 237 
 
 give expression to all that might belong to the innate 
 sense of propriety, and to the eternal fitness of 
 things ; reduced to practice in our daily lives, and 
 made, as far as possible, the chief regulator in all 
 social intercourse, between the various classes and 
 grades of which society is composed. 
 
 Such was the theory. But in order to give it a 
 practical application it had to be reduced to a uniform 
 system. Hence the necessity for fixed rules ; not 
 only for the correct performance of great duties, but 
 for regulating the minutiae of matters of etiquette, 
 extending down to eating and drinking, salutations 
 and leave-takings, questions and answers, dress and 
 deportment, and a host of trivialities which to our 
 eyes appear too small for notice. 
 
 The book, as it now stands, is divided into forty- 
 six sections. The directions contained in it are 
 clearly put, but the arrangement of the subject-matter 
 is very imperfect. Yet it is full of interest, and 
 throws a flood of light upon the early condition of 
 the Chinese, which is hardly to be obtained from any 
 other source. Many of the chapters are said to have 
 had a later origin than the time of Confucius ; but 
 the stamp of his ethics is to be found everywhere 
 impressed upon it, and the value of the information 
 which this work contains for the general reader does 
 not depend upon the authorship of certain passages. 
 
23S COXFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 Speaking of this book, Legge, in his introduction 
 to his translation, says, " I agree with P. Gallery " — 
 also a translator — " that this book ' is the most exact 
 and complete monography which the Chinese nation 
 has been able to give of itself to the human race.' " 
 And, further on, he proceeds to say, " More may be 
 learned about the religion of the ancient Chinese 
 from this classic than from all the others together," 
 explaining, at the same time, that the reader " must 
 not expect to find anything approaching to a theology^ 
 a dogmatic teaching of religion being totally absent 
 from the Confucian system." 
 
 With regard to ceremonies, the same authority 
 observes: "The book opens with the sentence, 
 * Always and in everything let there be reverence ; ' 
 and in hundreds of other passages the same thing is 
 insisted upon — that ceremony without an inspiring 
 reverence is nothing." 
 
 The volume of this work is so great, and the range 
 of subjects of which it treats so diverse, that it would 
 be as vain to attempt to give an idea of its contents 
 by a few extracts, as it would be to show by a single 
 thread drawn from a tangled skein of silk, made up 
 of every variety of colours and sizes, the exact nature 
 of its composition ; but in the two chapters entitled 
 " Confucius at home at ease," and " Confucius at 
 home at leisure," there is so much that is illustrative 
 
CONFUCIUS AT HOME. 239 
 
 of the sage's mode of teaching, that I am tempted to 
 give a few extracts from the first of them. 
 
 Confucius, in company with three of his disciples, 
 has just returned from taking part in some great 
 court ceremonial ; and one can hardly help suspect- 
 ing that the disciples must have given their master 
 reason for thinking, that they had been wearied 
 rather than impressed, by the formalities connected 
 with their functions ; for, after inviting them to sit 
 down on the mats arranged for guests near his own, 
 he says — 
 
 " Now, with your permission, I will explain these 
 ceremonies, so that you may not only understand 
 them, but be able to put them into practice.' " 
 
 One of the disciples at once rises from his mat 
 before speaking on the introduction of a new topic, 
 in accordance with the rules of etiquette, and begs 
 that Confucius will have the kindness to afford them 
 his instruction, upon which he proceeds — 
 
 " Respect without a due observance of the rules of 
 propriety — in other words, ceremony — would soon de- 
 generate into obsequiousness ; courtesy into cajoler)- ; 
 and courage into bluster." 
 
 Then, after Confucius has made a few more 
 observations to a similar effect, a second disciple 
 rises from his mat and asks: "Will you have the 
 goodness to inform us whether it be true that it is by 
 
240 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 the regulating power of these ordinances that evil is 
 kept within due bounds, and goodness made perfect ? " 
 
 "■ Most assuredly it is so," is the answer. 
 
 " But in what way is this effected ? " again asks the 
 disciple. 
 
 " In this way," replies his master : " through the 
 influence produced by them. For instance, in the 
 border sacrifices to Heaven and earth, the dominating 
 idea is, that they should set forth, and so extend, a 
 feeling of reverential love towards the world of spirits ; 
 that in the summer and autumn sacrifices in the 
 ancestral temple, it is to give expression to the love 
 and affection, which should exist between every 
 member of a family ; whilst in the custom of placing 
 food by the side of a corpse, the intention is, to give 
 some indication of the love and estimation, in which 
 the departed was held by all who mourn his loss ; 
 in the ceremonies connected with archery meetings, 
 and the fetes which accompany them, the object is 
 to encourage, and give some evidence of, the friendly 
 feeling which ought to prevail amongst neighbours ; 
 and in those which belong to festive gatherings and 
 banquets, of the cordial relations existing between 
 a host and his guests, and of the high esteem in 
 which they hold one another." 
 
 Proceeding to enlarge upon this, he adds — 
 
 "With an intelligent understanding of all that 
 
OBJECT OF THE SACRIFICIAL RITES. 2\\ 
 
 belongs to the border sacrifices to Heaven and earth, 
 and of the summer and autumn services in the 
 ancestral hall, the government of a country could 
 be carried on as easily as this " — pointing with the 
 forefinger of his right hand to the palm of his left. 
 " Let men but adhere strictly to these rules, and all . 
 difficulties vanish. The proper distinction between 
 youth and age will be recognized and acted upon \ 
 harmony will be established in the inner apartments, 
 and within the family circle ; order and correct official 
 precedence will be established within the precincts of 
 the court ; hunting expeditions and military opera- 
 tions will be skilfully conducted ; and the army will 
 be so highly disciplined as to make success in war 
 certain." 
 
 And in a somewhat similar strain he continues tO' 
 the end of the chapter, with the recorded result that 
 the three disciples were thoroughly enlightened, and 
 it was with them " as if a film had been removed from 
 their eyes." 
 
 It is with reluctance that I turn away from this 
 book, for there is so much to be learnt in its pages 
 of the political, moral, and social world in which 
 Confucius lived, that we seem to know him better 
 when we have read it ; but my space is limited, so 
 that I proceed to the last of the five classics, the 
 work of Confucius's old age — *' Spring and Autumn." 
 
242 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 This work comprises the annals of the sage's native 
 state of Loo, extending over a period of two hundred 
 and forty years, between the dates of 740 and 480 B.C. 
 The title is said by some to have been given to it 
 from its having been commenced in spring and 
 finished in autumn ; others, however, somewhat more 
 poetically say it was so named from the spring-like, 
 life-giving nature of its praise, and the autumnal-like, 
 withering effects of its censure. 
 
( 243 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 The first of the " Four Books : " the " Ta Heo," or the " Great 
 Doctrine." 
 
 In the " Four Books," the voices from the hoary- 
 past, no longer instruct us out of the experience 
 bequeathed by generations who lived before history 
 was, and whose lives are as hidden and unknown 
 to us, as are the grains of sand, washed down by the 
 mountain torrent, which lie at the lowest depth of 
 the widespread ocean. 
 
 It is Confucius himself who now speaks to us, 
 either directly or through the medium of disciples or 
 commentators, though the classics still afford illus- 
 trations which are not unsparingly used. 
 
 The first of these works — for the title of which 
 I have selected the translation that seems to best 
 harmonize with its contents — is also found as a 
 chapter in the book of " Rites," to which it was added 
 some centuries after the death of Confucius. 
 
 The copy in my possession commences with an 
 
244 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 introduction by the commentator, Tsze-ching-tsze, 
 who says — 
 
 " The ' Great Doctrine ' is to be regarded as the 
 literary legacy of Confucius. It is only by its study 
 that the gates of virtue can be entered, for the student 
 will learn from it, the mode in which the ancients 
 regulated their studies ; and if he master its contents, 
 and then proceeds to make himself acquainted with 
 the writings of Mencius, he need not fear but that 
 he will find himself well advanced on the right road." 
 Then follow the words of Confucius, as recorded 
 by his disciple Tang-tsze, with the latter's commen- 
 tary upon them. Confucius says — 
 
 "The great doctrine is that which teaches us the 
 necessity of exhibiting transcendent virtue " — that 
 is to say, as it is explained, the virtue with which 
 man is endowed by Heaven at his birth, before it is 
 contaminated by contact with the world — " in our 
 own persons ; of extending its influence to others ; 
 and of our not resting satisfied with our achievement, 
 until the very summit of excellence has been reached. 
 But to effect this, we must first gain a knowledge 
 of the exact point which it is our duty to reach, and 
 then resolve to attain it. Resolution will lead to 
 strength of character ; strength of character to calm- 
 ness and tranquillity ; calmness and tranquillity to 
 the power of reasoning soundly — let man be but 
 
THE ''GREAT DOCTRINE." 245 
 
 capable of a judicious exercise of his reasoning 
 powers, and success is certain to attend his efforts. 
 
 "Now all things, whether material or immaterial, 
 have roots and branches, first causes and consequent 
 effects ; and to enable us to arrive at a correct know- 
 ledge of true principles, we have but to find out the 
 natural order in which these effects proceed. 
 
 " The ancient sovereigns who first endeavoured to 
 extend the principles of this transcendent virtue 
 throughout the empire, commenced at the very root ; 
 they began with themselves, and having, by a deep 
 investigation into natural causes and effects, rectified 
 their ideas, and purified their motives, they were 
 enabled to act virtuously themselves ; and by ex- 
 tending their principles of action, first to their families, 
 and then to the smaller states, finally succeeded in 
 establishing them throughout the length and breadth 
 of the empire. 
 
 " Thus we have an example of the order in which 
 our studies ought to be arranged — first, deep investi- 
 gation into the nature of all things, giving us know- 
 ledge ; knowledge, giving rise to fixed principles ; 
 fixed principles, to virtuous action ; virtuous action, 
 to well-regulated family rule ; well-regulated family 
 rule, to good government ; and good government, to 
 a peaceful and contented empire. 
 
 " It matters not what our position in life may be — 
 
245 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 from the emperor, down to the meanest of his sub- 
 jects — it is alike the duty of all, to regard self- 
 cultivation as the root. But if the root be disordered, 
 how can we possibly expect the branches to flourish, 
 or that he who neglects that which is of primary 
 importance, will give due weight to secondary matters 
 which may proceed from it ? " 
 
 Such is the portion of the book which directly 
 records the words spoken or written by Confucius ; 
 the remainder of it, is taken up with Tang-tsze's 
 commentary upon them, divided into ten sections. 
 
 Sect. i. simply refers to several instances in which 
 transcendent virtue had been pre-eminently displayed 
 by several of the early sovereigns. 
 
 Sect. ii. is on the subject of "the reformation of 
 the people," illustrated by quotations from the 
 classics, to prove that the principle had been recog- 
 nized and acted upon in remote ages. Thus — 
 
 On the bathing tub of Tang was engraved, 
 " Renovate (or purify) thyself, and renew thy reno- 
 vation (or purification) daily." 
 
 In the book of " Records," we find the words, 
 " Renovate the people." 
 
 In the " Odes "— 
 
 " Heaven with fresh life 
 The ancient state 
 Of Chaou has re-endued, 
 And caused just rule 
 
TRANSCENDENT VIRTUE. 247 
 
 To renovate 
 
 The strength by time subdued." 
 
 Sect. iii. illustrates the precept of " taking no rest 
 until the highest point of excellence — that is, of 
 perfect virtue — has been reached, by again quoting 
 from the " Odes "— 
 
 " Within the limits 
 Of his state, 
 The people love 
 To congregate." 
 
 And— 
 
 " In mountain grove 
 Alone is heard 
 The twitter of 
 The yellow bird." 
 
 " From which we learn," says Confucius, " that if 
 a bird, is taught by its instincts to select the place 
 best adapted to its wants, it is only natural that man, 
 should be drawn towards the locality in which he 
 would be most likely to find peace and happiness." 
 
 Again, in praise of the great model, Prince Wan- 
 wan g — 
 
 "What radiance 
 Doth virtue cast, 
 Upon the ages 
 Long since past ! 
 Behold great Wan ! 
 Though wide his sway, 
 Yet as a prince 
 He could obey ; 
 In filial piety 
 Next to none. 
 
248 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER, 
 
 A father kind, 
 A loving son, 
 Striving to give 
 To all their due, 
 In every word 
 And action — True." 
 
 Another ode, of similar import : — 
 
 ''Waving and green 
 The bamboo grows, 
 Where smilingly 
 The swift Ke flows, 
 But virtue 
 
 Greater beauty throws. 
 Accomplished prince, 
 O'er thee. 
 
 " We cut and carve 
 The shapeless bone. 
 Turn its dark hue 
 To white. 
 Polish and grind 
 The rough dull stone. 
 And lo ! the gem 
 Shines bright. 
 
 " So, mighty prince. 
 Thou didst control 
 The gifts which Heaven supply, 
 And hence it is, 
 Though ages roll 
 Thy fame shall never die." 
 
 The object, in both cases, being to show that Wan- 
 wang had immortalized himself through having been 
 actuated by motives, based on the application of 
 virtuous principles, carried out to their utmost limit ; 
 
CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES. 249 
 
 and, as if to emphasize this idea, and impress it more 
 deeply upon the student's mind, the following is 
 added : — 
 
 "The ancient sovereigns' 
 Virtuous sway 
 Lives in men's minds 
 Unto this day, 
 And though all else 
 May pass away, 
 No age shall it forget. 
 
 " Princes, their rule 
 Of life regard, 
 Their virtues emulate, 
 Whilst seeking for 
 The same reward, 
 And to become as great. 
 Whilst high and low 
 Throughout the land 
 Their actions imitate." 
 
 " Whilst the world is, they shall enjoy 
 The fame that time cannot destroy." 
 
 Sect. iv. treats of causes and consequences : which 
 it does by quoting a declaration of Confucius, that 
 in settling disputes he " only differed from others in 
 that, he permitted no altercation, and would not allow 
 unprincipled persons to unsettle the minds of others 
 by stating their opinions." 
 
 Sect. V. explains the meaning of " obtaining know- 
 ledge by a deep investigation into the nature of all 
 things." It is written by Ching-tsze, the original, by 
 
250 CONFUCIUS. THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 Taiig-tsze, having been lost. He says, " There is 
 a mutual relation existing between the mind of man 
 and the laws of nature ; and it is only by closely 
 scrutinizing the one that we can hope to enlarge the 
 other ; and that this is why the ' Great Doctrine ' 
 commences by sending the student to investigate 
 natural laws, so that by a course of prolonged and 
 indefatigable study, he may arrive at a thorough 
 comprehension of them, and thus cause his mind to 
 be proportionately enlarged." 
 
 Sect. vi. treats of moral rectitude, or purity. It is 
 said — 
 
 "To be pure in mind, you must be free from self- 
 deception — you must hate vice, as you would a dis- 
 agreeable odour, and love virtue, as you would some 
 beautiful object. There can be no self-respect with- 
 out it, and this is why the superior man must be 
 guarded in his hours of solitude. 
 
 " The worthless man secretly employs his idle 
 moments in vicious acts, and there is no limit to his 
 wickedness. In the presence of the pure, he plays 
 the hypocrite, and puts forward none but his good 
 qualities ; yet how does this dissembling avail him 
 when his true character is revealed to the first scruti- 
 nizing glance } 
 
 " It has been said, that there is strict watch kept 
 over that which is pointed at by many hands, and 
 
SELF- CUL Tl VA TION. 2 5 I 
 
 gazed at by many eyes ; it is in solitude, then, that 
 the upright man has the greatest reason to be most 
 guarded. 
 
 " As riches adorn a house, so does an expanded 
 mind adorn and tranquiUize the body. Hence it is 
 that the superior man will seek to establish his 
 motives on correct principles." 
 
 Sect. vii. shows that " personal character can only 
 be established on fixed principles, for if the mind be 
 allowed to be agitated by violent emotions, to be 
 excited by fear, or unduly moved by the love of 
 pleasure, it will be impossible for it to be made 
 perfect. A man must reason calmly, for without 
 reason he would look and not see, listen and not 
 hear, eat and be ignorant of the flavour." 
 
 Sect. viii. explains how it is that the exhibition 
 and cultivation of personal virtue form the basis of 
 family order : — 
 
 " It is because men are prone to be partial towards 
 those they love, unjust towards those they hate, 
 servile towards those above them, arrogant to those 
 below them, and either harsh or over-indulgent to 
 those in poverty and distress, that it is so difficult 
 to find any one capable of exercising a sound judg- 
 ment with respect to the qualities of others. Hence 
 the proverb : ' A father knows not his son's faults, 
 nor the farmer the s^rowth of his own grain.' " 
 
252 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 Sect. ix. illustrates the meaning of " the regulation 
 of a family, forming the basis for the administration 
 of a state. 
 
 " He who is incapable of regulating his own family, 
 cannot be capable of ruling a nation. The superior 
 man will find within the limits of his own family, 
 a sufficient sphere, for the exercise of all those prin- 
 ciples upon which good government depends. How, 
 indeed, can it be otherwise, when filial piety, is that 
 which should regulate the conduct of a people 
 towards their prince ; fraternal affection, that which 
 should regulate the relations which should exist 
 between equals, and the conduct of inferiors towards 
 those above them ; and paternal kindness, that which 
 should regulate the bearing of those in authority, 
 towards those over whom they are placed ? 
 
 " It is said in the ' Records,' ' Nourish good prin- 
 ciples with the same care that a mother would bestow 
 on her new-born babe.' You may not be able to 
 bring them to maturity, but you will nevertheless 
 be not far from doing so. We must not expect re- 
 sults before we have obtained the means of pro- 
 ducing them. 
 
 "It is said in the 'Records,' *An affair may be 
 ruined by a single word, and an empire may be 
 established by one man.' In like manner a nation 
 may be renovated by the example of a single family. 
 
THE IMPORTANCE OF EXAMPLE. 253 
 
 or driven into rebellion by the individual action of 
 a bad prince. 
 
 "The Emperors Yaou and Shun ruled justly, and 
 the people were contented. Kee and Chow were 
 tyrannical, and the empire was filled with disorder 
 and violence. The prince who wishes to rule well, 
 must first find out and correct his own faults, for if 
 he be devoid of self-knowledge, and possesses those 
 vicious inclinations which he would destroy in others, 
 it is quite impossible that he should succeed in doing- 
 so. What can be more beautiful, than the picture 
 of a prince so presiding over his own family, as to 
 present an example worthy of imitation to the whole 
 empire ? 
 
 '* The poet says with respect to this — 
 
 " ' The peach-tree stands 
 In beauty bright, 
 Decked with green leaves 
 And blossoms white : 
 But fairer still, 
 And yet more fair, 
 The mantling blush 
 And modest air, 
 That marks the mien 
 Of timid bride 
 Who does well o'er 
 Her home preside.' 
 
 " Yes, truly ; let but a man regulate his own family 
 properly, and then, and not before, he will be able to 
 instruct a nation. 
 
254 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 " 111 the *' Odes " there is another passage which 
 bears upon this subject : — 
 
 " ' No prince's rule 
 Can be coiTect, 
 If he fraternal 
 Ties neglect. 
 Let him but keep 
 Them in his sight. 
 And others too 
 Will act aright.' 
 
 " Again — 
 
 He was consistent in good, 
 And all around him did right. ' 
 
 " Showing that a prince has but to set an example 
 as a father, son, and brother to his people, and they 
 will imitate him." 
 
 Sect. X. illustrates the meaning of " the good 
 government of a state, producing peace and content- 
 ment throughout the empire. 
 
 "If the prince treats the aged with reverence, he 
 will inculcate filial piety ; when he acts with due 
 respect to those in superior positions, he will teach 
 his people to be reverential ; when kind and com- 
 passionate to the destitute and weak, he will set an 
 example which will lead to a spirit of general con- 
 tent. And this is the principle upon which he ought 
 to regulate his conduct. 
 
 " Do not let a man practise to those beneath him, 
 that which he dislikes in those above him ; to those 
 
ON PRINCELY QUALITIES. 2$$ 
 
 before him, what he dislikes in those behind him ; to 
 those on the right hand, that which he disHkes on 
 the left ; " in other words, let him do, as he would be 
 done by ; " and in this, again, he will have a principle 
 for the proper regulation of his actions. 
 
 " The prince, indeed, should sympathize with the 
 feelings of his subjects, and look upon them as mem- 
 bers of his own family, for, as the ode says — 
 
 " ' Happy the state whose prince is mild, 
 And treats each subject as a child,' 
 
 for a good prince is as a parent to his people, 
 
 " But, how differently does the poet represent the 
 feelings of a nation towards a harsh and despotic 
 minister, when he makes them say — 
 
 " ' We live beneath a mountain's frown, 
 In the dark shadow it casts down,' 
 
 for so it was that the house of Yin was regarded by 
 the people. But it was not always so, for an ode 
 says — 
 
 " ' Whilst they retained the people's love 
 Yin's princes pleased the powers above,' 
 
 and this pictures the whole matter as if in a mirror. 
 Yes ! The decrees of Heaven are unalterable. To 
 gain a throne, it is necessary to win the hearts of the 
 people ; but he who cannot retain this affection, will 
 soon lose it. Hence the great aim of a good prince, 
 is to be virtuous ; virtue, will give him subjects ; sub- 
 
256 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 jects, territory ; territory, wealth ; and wealth, will give 
 him the power of being useful. Thus virtue, in this 
 case, too, may be regarded as the root, of which 
 revenue will be the branches. But he who neglects 
 the root, and turns his attention only to the branches, 
 will be sure to produce a state of anarchy and dis- 
 content. 
 
 "Where wealth is allowed to accumulate and 
 remain idle, the population will diminish, but where 
 it is allowed to circulate freely, the population will 
 increase. It has to be remembered that liberality 
 attracts, and covetousness repels, and just as ill-con- 
 sidered words provoke objectionable replies, so does 
 wealth improperly acquired bring down ruin upon 
 its possessors. 
 
 " It is said in the ' Records,' ' The decrees of 
 Heaven are not immutable, and he who has gained 
 a throne by virtue may lose it through vice.' 
 
 " It is recorded in the annals of the state of Tsoo^ 
 that when its minister was on one occasion questioned 
 by an ambassador as to the value of some precious 
 gems, he replied, ' We in Tsoo do not care for these 
 things ; we regard able and virtuous men as our chief 
 treasures.' 
 
 " In like manner, when the Prince of Tsin, then in 
 mourning for his father, who had disinherited him 
 and expelled him from the state, received offers of 
 
THE CHOICE OF MINISTERS. 257 
 
 assistance to enable him to regain his lost patrimony, 
 he exclaimed, ' It is not that, which now troubles me ; 
 it is the fear that I may not properly perform my 
 duties as a son.' 
 
 " And so again we find it written in the announce- 
 ment of Tsin — ' If I had a thoroughly honest and 
 faithful minister, whose sole talent consisted in being 
 able to appreciate and make use of the abilities of 
 others ; who would not merely praise the virtuous and 
 wise with his lips, but love them in his heart ; I should 
 be contented to leave my children and my people in 
 his hands, for I know they would be safe in his keep- 
 ing. Not so, however, with a minister, who, being 
 jealous of the good qualities of others, seeks to keep 
 back those who give evidence of superior intelligence 
 and virtue ; such a man would fail to give protection 
 to either my children or my people, and may, in all 
 truth, be regarded as a danger to the state ; for, just 
 as the wise action of one man may bring it to a state 
 of prosperity and contentment, so may the miscon- 
 duct of another reduce it to a condition of misery and 
 ruin.' 
 
 " The good prince, will not employ such a man as 
 this last, but will send him into banishment, for his 
 true place is amongst the barbarians, and he should 
 be sent to live amongst them. 
 
 *' The prince who sees a man of high virtue and 
 
 s 
 
258 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 does not promote him, or in promoting him does not 
 raise him to a sufficiently high office, is guilty of 
 negligence ; but, in the. case of a vicious man, should 
 he not dismiss him from his service and send him to 
 a distance, he commits a serious fault. To love those 
 who are universally hated and despised, and to hate 
 those who are universally beloved, is to do outrage 
 to the best feelings belonging to man's nature. The 
 punishment of Heaven will surely overtake the prince 
 who acts thus. 
 
 " The position of a prince is indeed one of great 
 responsibility ; to fit himself for it he must establish, 
 and hold on firmly to right principles ; there must be 
 no wavering, and he must avoid arrogance and ex- 
 travagance, or these principles will soon be lost. 
 
 "The great principle with regard to revenue is, 
 that the producers should be many, and the con- 
 sumers few ; that those who produce it, should have 
 every encouragement and facility for doing so, and 
 that those who dispense it, should be honest and 
 economical. When these conditions are observed, 
 there will be enough for all requirements. 
 
 " The character of the virtuous prince is ennobled 
 by wealth, that of the vicious one is debased by it. 
 
 " When a prince is benevolent and just, the cha- 
 racter of the people will be brought into harmony 
 with his own, the public duties connected with the 
 
RESPONSIBILITY OF RULERS. 259 
 
 State will be rigidly performed, and the revenue raised 
 to a point which will amply suffice for all the needs 
 of the state. 
 
 "It was said of old: 'Just as it is beneath the 
 dignity of those who possess horses and chariots to 
 concern themselves about poultry and swine, and of 
 those who are able to use ice in their sacrifices, to 
 busy themselves with feeding oxen and sheep, so is 
 it unworthy of the owner of a hundred chariots, to 
 avail himself of the services of a rapacious minister — 
 it would be better indeed were he to employ a robber.* 
 
 ** When a prince gives himself up entirely to the 
 acquisition of riches, it is probably through his having 
 fallen under the influence of a minister unworthy of 
 his confidence ; he will not the less call down upon 
 himself the vengeance of Heaven, and excite the 
 anger of his people. He may seek to avoid these 
 calamities by calling a virtuous minister to his aid, 
 but it will be too late ; the evil will have been done, 
 and the consequences cannot be averted. 
 
 " From this it will be seen that it is a just and 
 equitable government, and not wealth, which makes 
 a country prosperous." 
 
 The " Great Doctrine " concludes with a short 
 summary of these ten sections, and an exhortation 
 to the reader to study the book with diligence. 
 
 I have been tempted to place this work before the 
 
260 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 reader in extenso because it gives such a perfect 
 example, in a small compass, not only of Confucian 
 doctrine, but of the mode in which it is presented to 
 the Chinese student. Objection may be taken to its 
 style, to its frequent repetitions, and to the import- 
 ance which is given to ideas which it is almost im- 
 possible to raise above the level of commonplace, 
 but an adverse criticism cannot easily be carried 
 beyond these points, and I am inclined to think that 
 the ethical and political views set forth in its pages, 
 will, whether for simplicity, purity, or truth, bear a 
 favourable comparison, with many more pompous 
 utterances put forward in far more recent times. 
 
 The underlying strata of metaphysical thought 
 belonging to it, I shall proceed to notice in a future 
 chapter. 
 
( 26l ) 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 The second of the " Four Books : " the " Chung- Yung." 
 
 I NO sooner take up this book, than I find myself In 
 contact with a great difficulty. The translation 
 originally given to the two characters that form its 
 title, and which, with slight modifications, has been 
 adopted by succeeding translators down to the pre- 
 sent time, is so misleading that I find myself com- 
 pelled to discard it. 
 
 The Jesuit Father Intorcetta, endeavouring to be 
 as literal as possible, and probably also to bring his 
 subject into harmony with the ethics of the schools, 
 termed it the " Medium constans vel sempiternum ; " 
 the French translators, following in the same groove, 
 "Juste milieu" and " I'invariable milieu;" whilst in 
 English we have " the constant medium," " the 
 golden mean," and " the doctrine of the mean." The 
 last is the rendering given by Legge ; but, though he 
 employs it, he does so under protest, for he says,* 
 
 * Legge's "Chinese Classics," vol. i. p. 45. 
 
262 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 " And here I may inquire whether we do right in 
 calHng this treatise by any of the names which 
 foreigners have hitherto used for it." And again, 
 ''This work is not at all what a reader must expect 
 to find in what he supposes to be a treatise on ' the 
 Golden Medium,' 'the Invariable Mean,' or 'the 
 Doctrine of the Mean.' Those names are only 
 descriptive of a portion of it." 
 
 Under these circumstances I feel justified in setting 
 them aside, and in considering that von Plaenckner 
 has approached nearer to a title likely to convey a 
 correct meaning of the contents of the work, and of 
 the idea Confucius was anxious to impress on his 
 disciples, in " Der Unwandelbare Seelengrund." How, 
 indeed, is it possible to imagine that Confucius, whose 
 great aim was to impress upon his followers, the 
 necessity of regaining and exhibiting that perfection 
 of character, which each man had received as a Divine 
 afflatus at his birth, and that there was to be no 
 cessation in his efforts — no other point to be set 
 before him although it might be unattainable— until 
 it was reached, could, at the same time, have been the 
 advocate of a doctrine so different, as one that would 
 replace this goal by anything approaching to a 
 " mean " ? Besides, how, as it has been asked, is it 
 possible for any system of moral teaching to be based 
 on such a doctrine, when the slightest departure from 
 
A GREAT DIFFICULTY. 263 
 
 truth, turns it into falsehood ; from good, into evil ; 
 from right, into wrong ? 
 
 It is probable that the notion that Confucius was 
 nothing more than a moral teacher, has either caused 
 many of the metaphysical and religious ideas, which 
 later research has brought to light in his writings, 
 to be overlooked ; or else that such a verbal rendering 
 of the text had been chosen by its translators, as 
 would best adapt it to certain preconceived principles 
 of his ethical philosophy, as well as make it fit in with 
 the popular beliefs, held with respect to him. 
 
 But I hardly think it is necessary to seek for any 
 other cause, than that which belongs to the un- 
 fortunate selection of a title for this book which, 
 being made the keynote of the whole work, reduced 
 it to terms that weaken, to the point of misrepre- 
 sentation, the great ideas which permeate through 
 it, with respect to spiritual and religious life. 
 
 Were it not so, I would ask how is it possible that 
 we should find Confucius using the word " Taou," to 
 which, as we have seen, Laou-tsze attached such a 
 wide-reaching significance, of which Confucius was 
 cognizant, in the mere matter-of-fact sense of the 
 way, or the path, so that we meet with such sentences 
 as "the path of the mean," the " course of the mean," 
 and " perfect virtue according to the mean " ? Surely 
 it does not require much study of the context, read 
 
264 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 by the light of what we find taught in the " Great 
 Doctrine "—to see that this word "■ Taou," when thus 
 used by Confucius, can mean no mere path in which 
 we proceed to virtue, but the course or way of that 
 Divine spiritual nature which proceeds from God, — 
 the way of that Divine perfection which man has to 
 seek to regain, — a way from which there can be no 
 deviation, for it is only by the road which has been 
 made for us by God, that we can move upwards, and 
 hope to reach Him. And the object of all that is 
 said in this work is evidently to set forth and enforce 
 this "great central undeviating and eternal truth," 
 that he who would seek to gain the highest point of 
 spiritual development, must first seek to find out and 
 re-establish, those divine principles, the germ of which 
 had been implanted in him at his birth. 
 
 The difference of meaning attached to the word 
 " Taou " in this work by Confucius, from that given 
 to it by Laou-tsze, seems to me to have been that, 
 whilst the latter applied it in a way which is nearly 
 coincident with our idea of the Divine attributes, 
 united in an almighty " One," the former employed it 
 in a more limited sense, confining its application to 
 the course by which all good flows from God, and 
 inferentially, as the way — the only way — in which 
 man can move onwards towards Him. To find this 
 way, to move in it, and to keep in it, was to be the 
 
RELIGIOUS TONE. 26$ 
 
 goal of man's endeavours. When he had reached it 
 — and not before — he would be able to act in accord- 
 ance with the Divine will, or, as we conventionally 
 express it, to " walk with God." 
 
 It has been brought forward as a matter of reproach 
 against the educated Chinese of the present day, that 
 they are in the habit of saying, in a spirit of well-bred 
 complaisance proceeding from indifference, " Our 
 three religions " — the Confucian, the Taouist, and the 
 Buddhist—" are in reality but one." But when re- 
 duced to their simplest terms, I think it would be 
 found extremely difficult for an impartial inquirer to 
 arrive at any other conclusion. 
 
 Of course it would not be possible for me to enter 
 into an exhaustive criticism of this work, or to do 
 more than touch lightly on its contents. Suffice it 
 to say that it is pervaded by sentiments of the highest 
 moral purity, which, in correlation with the views I 
 have already stated, give it an exceptionally religious 
 tone, such as is only to be found in a comparatively 
 few instances, in the other three books. 
 
 I shall confine myself to a single extract. Con- 
 fucius is speaking of the supernatural ; he says— 
 
 "How all-pervading is the influence of the spirit 
 world ! You look, and you can see nothing ; you 
 listen, and you can hear nothing ; yet all nature is 
 pervaded by it, it is within all things, and around all 
 
266 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 things, and cannot be cast out. When a man is 
 moved to purify himself, and fast, and put on cere- 
 monial robes, and offer sacrifice, it is almost as if the 
 gods revealed themselves to him — he appears to be 
 surrounded by them, they seem as if they were at the 
 same time on his right hand and on his left. Hence 
 the ode says — 
 
 " The gods cone down 
 
 In their omnipotence. 
 Take care, O man ! 
 
 That thou hast reverence ; 
 For though hid from thee, 
 
 They are everywhere ; 
 Thou may'st not see them ; 
 
 Not the less, beware ! " 
 
 Fasting, is specially spoken of as being one of the 
 means, by which the mind is prepared for the con- 
 sideration of sacred subjects. 
 
 But I should give a false idea of this work, were 
 I to allow it to be supposed that it was entirely taken 
 up, with views connected with what may be called 
 philosophical theology ; on the contrary, it is full of 
 practical teaching, conveyed in the shape of moral 
 maxims and political precepts, and amongst these 
 is one, which runs like a golden thread through the 
 varied and somewhat tangled web, into which the 
 utterances of the great teacher have been woven by 
 his disciples, " Be virtuous and pure of heart." 
 
 Yes : there was to be no half-heartedness — no 
 
A POETICAL PARAPHRASE. 26/ 
 
 seeking for a mean, no departure from the right — the 
 Heavenward-leading — way. Self-cultivation was to 
 be the rule for all. He who could best govern him- 
 self, would be the best fitted to govern others. Where 
 could there be a closer paraphrase of the words of 
 the great Chinese, as set forth in these books, than 
 is to be found in the language of one who, being 
 a poet, is not the less a moral teacher ? — 
 
 ' ' Yet he who reigns within himself, and rules 
 Passions, desires, and fears, is more a king ; 
 Which every wise and virtuous man attains. 
 And who attains not ill aspires to rule 
 Cities of men, or head strong multitudes. 
 Subject himself to anarchy within, 
 Or lawless passions in him which he serves." 
 
268 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 The third of the " Four Books : " the " Lun-yu," or the " Dialogues." 
 
 For some time after the death of Confucius, his 
 disciples were content with communicating to others, 
 orally, the many maxims and precepts which had 
 issued from the lips of their great master, and which 
 they had' treasured up in their memories as a sacred 
 inheritance, to be guarded with the most jealous care. 
 But before many generations had passed away it was 
 found desirable to reduce them to writing, in the 
 form in which they now present themselves to us — 
 of discourses and dialogues. 
 
 Making allowance for the different circumstances 
 under which this work was written, there is much 
 similarity between it and the Platonic dialogues, 
 though the reasoning is not so close, or the subjects 
 under discussion so well thought out, and there is a 
 greater admixture of personal anecdote. 
 
 I fear it must be confessed that the style is some- 
 what monotonous ; and there are frequent repetitions, 
 
DISCOURSES AND DIALOGUES. 269 
 
 due probably to much of it having been jotted down 
 from the personal recollection of his followers, as 
 occasion might serve, so that the same idea is fre- 
 quently to be met with, expressed in almost identical 
 terms. 
 
 The value of the work is none the less very great, 
 for the information contained in it extends over a very 
 wide area. It is much more voluminous than the two 
 preceding books, and is the one which probably would 
 be found most interesting by the general reader. 
 
 Confucius dealt largely in aphorisms, and from the 
 " Dialogues " alone, a large number can be collected. 
 Short pithy sentences, which have a terseness and 
 point in the original, that it is next to impossible to 
 reproduce in any other language. The following 
 selections from them are given without any attempt 
 being made to classify them, or arrange them in any 
 particular order : — 
 
 On study — 
 
 " Study, without reflection, is waste of time; 
 Reflection, without study, is dangerous." 
 
 On truth— 
 
 "The untruthful man is like a chariot without a 
 yoke." 
 
 On fame — 
 
 " Do not repine at obscurity, but seek to deserve 
 fame." 
 
270 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 On speaking and acting — 
 
 " Be slow in speech, but prompt in action." 
 
 On fixed principles — 
 
 " He whose principles are thoroughly established, 
 will not be easily led from the right path." 
 
 On caution — 
 
 " The cautious arc generally to be found on the 
 right side." 
 
 On self-control — 
 
 " An army may depose its generals, but the churl 
 cannot overcome his inclinations." 
 
 On wisdom and virtue — 
 
 " Knowledge is like a running stream, 
 But virtue is stable as a rock ; 
 The learned man moves ever onward, 
 The virtuous live in peace and rest. 
 The wise man's heart is filled with joy, 
 The just man's name endures for ever." 
 
 On perfect qualities — 
 
 "The wise have no doubts. 
 The virtuous no sorrows, 
 The brave no feai-s." 
 
 On self-sacrifice — 
 
 " He who is truly good and great, seeks not to 
 preserve his life at the expense of virtue." 
 
 On exhortation — 
 
 " By keeping silence when wc ought to speak, men 
 may be lost. 
 
APHORISMS. 2/1 
 
 " By Speaking when we ought to keep silence, we 
 waste our words. 
 
 "The wise man is careful to do neither." 
 
 On reproof — 
 
 " If you would escape vexation, reprove yourself 
 liberally and others sparingly." 
 
 On self-cultivation — 
 
 " The cultivator of the soil may have his fill of good 
 things, but the cultivator of the mind will enjoy a 
 continual feast." 
 
 On friendship — 
 
 " Make friends with the upright, intelligent, and 
 wise ; avoid the licentious, talkative, and vain." 
 
 On being known — 
 
 " It is more important that you should have a 
 knowledge of others, than that they should have a 
 knowledge of you." 
 
 On discussion — 
 
 " Disputation often breeds hatred." 
 
 On instruction — 
 
 " When a man has been helped round one corner 
 of a square, and cannot manage by himself to get 
 round the other three, he is unworthy of further 
 assistance. 
 
 " In other words, there is no use attempting to 
 help those who cannot help themselves." 
 
 On happiness — 
 
272 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 " A man may be thoroughly happy, though he has 
 nought but his arm for a pillow, rice to eat, and water 
 to drink ; but wealth and honours unjustly gained 
 bring no happiness to their possessor, but are as fleet- 
 ing clouds." 
 
 Another on study — 
 
 '' Study as if you could never reach the point you 
 seek to attain, and hold on to all you have learnt as 
 if you feared to lose it." 
 
 On rules of conduct — 
 
 " In thy youth, beware of lust ; 
 In thy maturity, of strife ; 
 In thy old age, of greed." 
 
 Of precept and example — 
 
 "The superior man practises before he preaches." 
 
 And lastly, and above all, for it occurs again and 
 again, the golden rule — 
 
 *' Do not unto others that which thou wouldest not 
 they should do unto thee." 
 
 Such are a few of the most prominent of the moral 
 maxims, which are so profusely scattered over this 
 work. In a similar manner, we often find political 
 subjects brought within the limits of a precept ; for 
 example — 
 
 "The decrees of Heaven are not immutable, for 
 though a throne may be gained by virtue, it may be 
 lost by vice. 
 
GOOD PRINCIPLES. 273 
 
 " A good sovereign is like the pole star, which forms 
 the centre round which all the other stars revolve." 
 
 The above extracts will suffice to give some idea 
 of much of the subject-matter to be found in the 
 " Dialogues," and I would refer those whose interest 
 has been awakened to the point of making them 
 desirous of becoming more intimately acquainted with 
 it, to the facilities afforded them for doing so by 
 comparatively recent translations, amongst which 
 Legge's undoubtedly has the foremost place. The last 
 portion, however, of the " Dialogues " is so illustrative 
 of the style of the work, and the mode of Confucius's 
 teaching, that it cannot well be omitted. 
 
 Confucius is being questioned — as he seems to 
 have been again and again — as to the manner in 
 which a good government could be best established. 
 He answers — 
 
 "There are five good principles of action to be 
 adopted, and four bad principles of action to be 
 avoided." 
 
 " What are these five good principles of action ? " 
 some one asks. 
 
 Confucius replies, " To benefit others without 
 being lavish ; to encourage labour without being 
 harsh ; to add to your resources without being cove- 
 tous ; to be dignified without being supercilious ; and 
 to inspire awe without being austere." 
 
 T 
 
274 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 " But," observes the first questioner, '' I do not quite 
 understand what is meant by ^to benefit others with- 
 out being lavish.' " 
 
 "It is simply," explains Confucius, "to encourage 
 the people to undertake such profitable labour as 
 will best benefit them, without its being necessary to 
 give them any assistance out of the public revenue ; " 
 and he goes on to say, '' When the work they are 
 required to do has been judiciously chosen, it will 
 be cheerfully performed, and the people will be con- 
 tented and not made to feel that they have been 
 harshly treated. That which will add to your re- 
 sources without producing covetousness, is the prac- 
 tice of virtue, for of virtue no man can have too much. 
 To be dignified without being supercilious, is nothing 
 more than to act in such a way, that whether when 
 dealing with a few people or with many, with great 
 matters or with small, you show by your demeanour 
 that you are giving your whole attention to what 
 you are doing, and that you regard nothing as being 
 beneath your notice, or as unworthy of serious and 
 careful consideration. And to inspire awe without 
 being austere, you have only to watch over every 
 minute detail connected with your daily life, not only 
 of conduct and bearing, but even in minor matters, 
 such as dress, so as to produce an effect upon the 
 public mind, which will be equal in degree to that 
 
BAD PRINCIPLES. 275'. 
 
 which, without these influences, could only have been' 
 produced by fear." 
 
 " I think I understand," says the inquirer ; '' but, 
 allow me to ask, what are the four bad principles of 
 action of which you have spoken ? " 
 
 These Confucius explains to be — First, cruelty ;. 
 that is to say, the undue punishment of crimes com- 
 mitted through the ignorance proceeding from a 
 neglected education. Secondly, tyranny ; of that kind' 
 which renders people liable to punishment for offences 
 not publicly notified as criminal. TJiirdly, rapacity ;. 
 which includes requiring a thing to be done without 
 giving sufficient time for its execution. And lastly, 
 meanness ; leading in many cases to parsimony, and a 
 want of liberality in the distribution of rewards. 
 
 "These are the four chief things to be avoided." 
 But he adds, " Yet more than this ; he who is 
 ignorant of Divine laws, is incapable of carrying out 
 the principles necessary for the establishment of a 
 good government. A man who cannot distinguish 
 between right and wrong, has no firm standing-ground ; 
 and he who would gain a knowledge of men, must 
 first learn to understand the meaning of words." 
 
 And this, which is the concluding sentence of the 
 " Dialogues," is explained by Mencius in the " Dis- 
 courses," which form the subject of the next chapter, 
 as follows : — 
 
2/6 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 "To understand aright the meaning of words is 
 this : to be able to perceive the dangers which lurk 
 under specious phrases ; the evil tendency of loose 
 conversation ; the injury produced by obscene ex- 
 pressions ; and the falsehood and want of sympathy 
 which lies at the bottom of all evasions. The man 
 who is guilty of any of these, has no claim to be 
 considered as a man of high character, no matter 
 whether in public or private life. Hence, a great man 
 must not only be careful in his actions, but in his 
 choice of words. It is in this sense that Confucius 
 has to be regarded as a great speaker, though he 
 himself declared that he had been denied the gift of 
 eloquence." 
 
( 277 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 The last of the " Four Books : " the "Discourses" of Mencius. 
 
 Though this book forms a part of the Confucian 
 literature, it dates from a later period ; for Mencius, 
 who ranks next to Confucius as a great teacher, did 
 not flourish until nearly a century and a half after 
 that sage's death. 
 
 It is only as supplementary to that of one upon 
 whom he always looked as his master, that his 
 teaching has to be regarded. He declared that he 
 had nothing new to teach, but that his sole object 
 was to explain, amplify, and enforce, doctrines which 
 were in themselves all-sufficient for the political 
 regeneration of the empire, and the establishment of 
 society upon a firm basis. 
 
 A native of one of the small states in the same 
 modern province of Shan-tung, which had been the 
 birthplace of Confucius, Mencius belonged to a family 
 which had numbered many men of rank and posi- 
 tion within it. Like Confucius, he too had lost his 
 
2/8 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 father when he was quite an infant ; and it was to the 
 judicious and careful training of his mother, that 
 he owed those great quahties by which his career 
 became so distinguished. 
 
 Posterity has done full justice to his mother's 
 memory. She is held up as a pattern of prudence 
 and ability, and parents are directed to observe what 
 she did, and to learn from her, the way in w^hich a 
 child can be best brought up. 
 
 Amongst the many anecdotes related of her, it is 
 said that in the early childhood of Mencius — and I 
 would here observe that Mencius is the Latinized form 
 of Mang-tsze, just as Confucius is that of Kung-foo- 
 tsze — his mother's house was close to a burial-ground. 
 This naturally became the favourite resort of all the 
 children of the neighbourhood, who amused them- 
 selves by mimicking the funeral rites, and with building 
 tombs. When Hang-she — for such was his mother's 
 name — observed this, she said, " This is no fit place for 
 a child to be brought up in," and moving her abode, 
 established herself in a house not far from a market. 
 Here again, she soon perceived that the child had 
 joined his new companions, in pretending to keep 
 shop, and to bargain and haggle, in imitation of what 
 they had seen going on in the market-place. " Alas ! 
 this will never do," said his mother, and she again 
 jshifted her dwelling, settling down this time near a 
 
THE MOTHER OF ME NCI US. 279 
 
 school. The child's play-time was now spent in 
 games of a higher stamp ; he imitated the ceremonial 
 rites and polite observances which formed a part of 
 the instruction of his seniors, and his mother was 
 satisfied. 
 
 On one occasion the child, having seen a man kill a 
 pig, asked his mother what he had done it for. " In 
 order that you might have some pork for dinner," 
 was the reply ; but, immediately remembering that 
 she had not intended giving him any, she went and 
 bought some, fearing that if the child had none, he 
 might think he had been deceived ; for, as she said to 
 herself, " If, as was said of old, the education of a 
 child commences before its birth, how much more 
 careful ought I to be now that my child's intelligence 
 has reached a point, that to deceive him would be to 
 teach him to lie ? " 
 
 On another occasion later on, Mencius returning 
 from school sooner than usual, his mother asked him 
 what he had been learning ; and on his answering, 
 " Oh, I learn what I like," she took up a knife and 
 cut in two the woof that she was weaving. " There," 
 she said, " what you are doing is like that — work that 
 leads to nothing. If you wish to be a great and good 
 man, you must study steadily and continuously. It 
 is only by gaining knowledge, that you can hope to 
 attain a state of mind, that will give you peace and 
 
28o CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 happiness when at home, and preserve you from 
 danger when abroad. Besides, if you waste your 
 time now, the end will be, that you will be obliged to 
 take service in some menial capacity, whilst you will 
 have nothing to shield you from misery and misfor- 
 tune." From that moment, Mencius determined that 
 he would be no longer idle, and pursued his studies 
 with such diligence that he soon became a great 
 scholar. 
 
 In order to be able to appreciate the value which 
 the Chinese set on these, and similar anecdotes, we 
 have to remember how strongly they are impressed 
 with a belief, in the great effect, which is produced on 
 a child's character and future career, by the nature of 
 the locality in which it lives, and the circumstances 
 by which it is surrounded ; and this belief is based on 
 what they conceive to be, the indelible nature of 
 youthful impressions, and the permanence of the 
 influences proceeding from them — influences which 
 may be hidden or put aside, but are incapable of 
 being destroyed, and which may, like unbidden 
 guests, present themselves when they are least ex- 
 pected, and perchance the least welcome. Many, 
 many centuries have passed away, but human nature 
 remains the same ; the difficulties which surround all 
 that belongs to the training of youth still continue ; 
 and even now it is a question whether not a few 
 
METHOD OF TEACHING. 28 1 
 
 amongst our modern mothers, might not learn a 
 useful lesson from the example of the Chinese widow 
 — Hang-she. 
 
 On reaching manhood Mencius enrolled himself 
 amongst the disciples of one of Confucius's descen- 
 dants, under whom ho studied the great sage's 
 doctrines with marked success. Later on he sought 
 to apply them, in much the same manner as had 
 been attempted by his great master, by taking service 
 under several of the feudal princes, and endeavouring 
 to induce them to act in conformity with the correct 
 principles of good government. It appears, however, 
 that his success was small, so that, in the end, he 
 retired into private life, and sought to console him- 
 self, for his want of success as a state reformer, by 
 devoting himself to literature, and by endeavouring 
 to bring round him such a number of disciples, as 
 would give him a fair prospect of his views being dis- 
 seminated. 
 
 Although Mencius was a man of undoubted talent 
 — by some indeed regarded, on the score of ability, 
 as superior to Confucius — he was content to stand 
 before the world as his imitator, and to base all the 
 principles he inculcated upon his teaching. But 
 notwithstanding this, he was not devoid of pride, 
 which we find frequently asserting itself, despite his 
 efforts to conceal it. 
 
2S2 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 He was evidently a pure-minded patriot, of spot- 
 less character and independent principles, which he 
 preserved untarnished amid the corruption of courts. 
 Though his efforts as a reformer had confessedly 
 failed, he had not laboured in vain, and his sayings, 
 which were treasured up and handed down to 
 posterity by his disciples, w^ere to occupy a place in 
 the estimation of generation after generation of 
 thoughtful minds, only secondary to that bestowed 
 upon those of his great predecessor. 
 
 He died in his ninety-fourth year, and was buried 
 by the side of his mother ; sacrifices being still offered 
 up twice a year before his tomb. 
 
 The Mencian " Discourses " are written in much 
 the same style, with regard to method, as the Con- 
 fucian " Dialogues." The work is also divided into two 
 separate parts, and subdivided into chapters. But if 
 there is much in the latter to remind the reader of 
 the Platonic dialogues, he will find that the former 
 more nearly approaches to the familiar style of 
 Boswell, and it is evident that a marked change in 
 composition had taken place, in the interval of time 
 by which the two works were separated. 
 
 The book opens with an interview between Mencius 
 and one of the feudal princes — King Hwuy of Leang. 
 
 The king says, " Truly, my respected friend, since 
 you have come this long distance to visit me, surely 
 
A PRINCELY INQUIRER. 283 
 
 you must have brought some scheme with you, which 
 will enable me to add to the material prosperity of 
 my country." 
 
 Mencius replies, " O prince, there is something 
 better and higher to be sought after, than material 
 prosperity. Would it not be preferable for your 
 Majesty to seek after justice and benevolence, and 
 rest satisfied when you have done so ? " Then 
 making this, as it were, his text, he enlarges upon it, 
 till he closes the subject by returning to the same 
 point, saying, "Do not then, your Majesty, allow 
 yourself to speak of mere personal or political profit. 
 Justice and benevolence are all in all, let them 
 suffice." 
 
 At another time, on visiting the same king, he 
 found him in his park amusing himself by looking at 
 the deer, and by watching the geese swimming in a 
 pond near where he stood. " Is it right that a highly 
 cultivated man should take a pleasure in these 
 things ? " he asks of Mencius. " Most certainly," 
 is the reply, " provided that he is virtuous." Mencius 
 then proceeds to give as an example, the case of 
 Wan-wang, who made the people participators in the 
 pleasure he derived from such objects, and gained 
 their affection through having done so. 
 
 The king turns the conversation to another subject. 
 " I wish to ask you a question," he says. " When 
 
284 CONFUCIUS. THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 there was a famine In Ho-wai, I removed the young 
 and able-bodied to Ho-tung, whilst I sent supplies of 
 grain to the old and feeble ; and I acted in a similar 
 manner when a famine broke out in Ho-tung. I have 
 not found, on examination, that any of my neighbours 
 have acted on the same principles, when similarly 
 circumstanced, or that they have exerted themselves 
 to the extent that I have done, yet how is it that the 
 population of their states does not diminish, whilst 
 mine does not increase ? " 
 
 Mencius replies, "Your Majesty is a soldier and 
 fond of war, allow me then to employ a military 
 illustration. If at the sound of the gong, the soldiers 
 advance against the enemy, but, on coming to close 
 quarters, throw away their arms and run, some, it may 
 be, fifty paces, and others, it may be, one hundred 
 paces, do you think it would be reasonable for those 
 who ran but fifty paces, to jeer at those who ran 
 twice that distance ? " " Undoubtedly not," said the 
 king, " for they all ran away." " That being so," 
 said Mencius, " I think your Majesty will be able ta 
 understand why it is you can hardly expect that your 
 state, should have a greater population than the states 
 ruled over by your neighbours." 
 
 He then endeavours to impress upon the king, the 
 principles upon which such a system of government 
 could be established, as would best produce the result 
 
AN AWKWARD QUESTION. 285 
 
 he so much desires. He does not seem to have 
 accepted the king's own estimate, of the able manner 
 in which his subjects had been assisted when perish- 
 ing from famine, and indeed more than suggests that 
 the famine itself was entirely due to misgovernment, 
 for he ends his address by asking with some warmth, 
 as if moved by some incident which had come under 
 his own observation, " How is it that people are 
 dying by the roadside and your Majesty does not 
 know how to prevent it ? It is all very well to say, 
 ' It is not my fault, it is the fault of the seasons ; ' but 
 I would ask what difference is there between such an 
 excuse as this, and that made by a man who, having 
 given another a mortal wound with a dagger, declares 
 that it was not he who killed him, but the dagger ? 
 No, no ! Do not allow yourself to blame the seasons ; 
 if your Majesty will but govern properly, there will 
 be no famines, and all the people in the empire will 
 gather round you." 
 
 The king observes, with more meekness than might 
 have been expected, that his great desire is to hear 
 calmly all that Mencius has to teach him, so the 
 philosopher continues in the same strain — 
 
 " I should like to ask your Majesty what difference 
 there may be — as far as the end is concerned — 
 between killing a man with a stick, or with a sword ? " 
 
 The king answers, "I know of none." 
 
286 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 "Then I would ask," continues Mencius, "what 
 difference is there between putting people to death 
 by the sword, and in causing them to die through 
 bad government?" The king having replied as 
 before, Mencius goes on to say, " True, that there is 
 plenty of fat meat in your kitchens, and well-fed 
 steeds in your stalls, but the stamp of starvation is 
 set upon your people, and their dead bodies cumber 
 the ground until beasts of prey devour them. How 
 can he who causes these evils have any claim to be 
 considered the parent of his people ? It was said by 
 Confucius that the inventor of the wooden image, 
 made to simulate a man, which was buried with the 
 dead, died childless ; what then shall be the fate of 
 him who produces real suffering and causes his 
 subjects to die of want? " 
 
 A straightforward, fearless teacher this, who is 
 quick to brush away the cobwebs of plausible and 
 specious pretexts which are drawn across his path. 
 But it must be confessed, it is difficult to know which 
 most to admire, the courage of the philosopher, or the 
 forbearance of the prince. 
 
 Being asked, on another occasion, to give an 
 opinion on the comparative merits of Confucius, and 
 some of the great worthies of antiquity ; Mencius, 
 after commenting on the qualities and actions of 
 those amongst them, who had made themselves 
 
AN ILLUSTRATION. 28/ 
 
 most conspicuous by their talents and virtues, sums 
 up as follows : — 
 
 " It is true that the highest mountain, belongs to 
 the same category as the mere mound ; and that the 
 largest river, is but the reproduction on a grand scale 
 of the gurgling brook ; and that the sage, is after all 
 but a man. Yet we must not forget, that he is a man 
 who towers above his fellows, in all the majesty of 
 attainments utterly beyond their power of acquire- 
 ment. So it is with Confucius. I have devoted 
 much time to the study of the past, and I have arrived 
 at the conclusion that, when wx take into consideration 
 his great thoroughness, and the effects which have 
 been produced by his teaching, he has no equal." 
 
 The following is a good example of his manner of 
 illustration. He is speaking of men's motives : — 
 
 " Men, may be equally good and actuated by the 
 same motives, though at first sight it might seem as 
 if the ends they had in view were quite different. 
 For instance, what two men would appear to be so 
 widely apart in their aims, as the armourer and the 
 arrow-maker, the one seeking how best to preserve 
 life, and the other how best to destroy it ? but in reality 
 they are both influenced by the same motive — to 
 succeed in their respective trades, in making the best 
 suits of armour, or the best arrows, for those who may 
 have to use them." 
 
288 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 Many of his discourses, descend from the higher 
 regions of what may be called political morality, to 
 the discussion of questions connected with political 
 economy, such as the distribution of the land, the 
 best mode of raising a revenue, and the means by 
 which an impetus can be given to industry and 
 commerce. According to the nomenclature of the 
 present day, he was decidedly a " free-trader," and 
 in common with the great master, of whom he pro- 
 fessed himself to be but a humble disciple, had for 
 his chief object, when insisting upon the necessity 
 of good government, to effect such a change in the 
 conduct of the ruler towards those he ruled over, as 
 would spread the greatest amount of happiness, over 
 the greatest proportion of the people. 
 
 Mencius does not indulge in speculations as to 
 man's future destiny. He frequently alludes to 
 Heaven, as the great dispenser of all good gifts ; and 
 insists upon natural laws, being but a visible expres- 
 sion of the Divine will ; but, like his great master, he 
 is content to rest there. He, too, is no dogmatic theo- 
 logian, but another earnest teacher, who sought to 
 permeate society with happiness, by the elevation of 
 the individual character, and so produce an increased 
 capacity for the imitation of great examples. 
 
( 289 ) 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 Concluding remarks — The place of Confucius amongst the teachers of 
 the world — The insufficiency of his religious teaching for popular 
 requirements — The effect produced by him on the character of his 
 countrymen. 
 
 I HAVE, SO far, given a sketch of the state of China 
 at the time preceding the birth of Confucius ; of the 
 leading incidents of his life ; of his mode and style of 
 teaching ; and of the literature by which his doctrines 
 are taught at the present day. 
 
 It is now proposed to consider him under the light 
 of the knowledge which has been thus gained, and to 
 endeavour, whilst doing so, not only to determine the 
 place he holds amongst the other great reformers of 
 the world ; but to estimate at its proper value, the 
 effect produced, morally and politically, upon the 
 Chinese by his teaching. 
 
 But, before proceeding to do this, I must again 
 impress upon the reader the necessity for constantly 
 bearing the fact in mind, that twenty-three centuries 
 have passed away since Confucius stood forth to 
 
290 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 denounce the vices of his age, and to endeavour to 
 reform it. The period in which he lived, and the 
 circumstances by which he was surrounded, form the 
 key to his every thought and action, and unless we 
 keep this before us, it will be impossible to under- 
 stand him, or to set a right estimate upon the degree 
 of influence he was able to exert. 
 
 Twenty-three centuries of fame, of influence, of 
 adoration. Of how few men can there be said as 
 much ? 
 
 For it is as a man, a simple, earnest-minded man, 
 that he has to be regarded. No mythological creation 
 of — it may be — a distempered fancy ; no great con- 
 queror, the founder of a mighty empire upon the 
 ruin of kingdoms, and by the destruction or enslave- 
 ment of his fellow-men ; no pretender to the possession 
 of supernatural powers, or to a more than ordinary 
 knowledge of the agencies by which this world is 
 governed. No ! none of these. He was but an 
 inquirer, a seeker after truth, a searcher after the 
 right — the Divine — way ; and it was when he thought 
 he had found that way, that he became untiring in 
 his efforts to induce others to walk in it. 
 
 It was this wish to share, that which he conceived 
 to be the best, with others, which sets such a special 
 stamp upon his teaching ; and it is through this, that 
 he has established such a lasting claim upon the 
 
NO PRETENSION TO A DIVINE MISSION. 29 1 
 
 gratitude of his fellow-countrymen, and caused him- 
 self to be held in such high honour, not only as a 
 teacher, but as a benefactor. 
 
 Yet, with all his popularity, he was no flatterer of 
 the passions or weaknesses of the multitude. With 
 him there was no vox populi vox Dei. He was a 
 profound believer in the Divine right of princes, and 
 anything approaching to a popular government, was 
 quite outside of the theory of state-craft which he 
 enunciated. His great desire, was to see the people 
 well oroverned ; but he considered that this could only 
 be effected, by the action of those who had been ap- 
 pointed by a Divine decree to rule over them. 
 
 There does not appear the slightest pretension to 
 a Divine mission, in anything he said or wrote ; on 
 the contrary, he tells his disciples plainly that he 
 was not gifted with superior knowledge, but that he 
 owed all he knew to the eagerness with which he had 
 studied, and to his love for the ancients, and that 
 they had only to adopt the same means, and they 
 would arrive at the same result. There was no 
 mystery or concealment about anything he said or 
 did. He laid bare his doctrines before those he 
 wished to teach, and was always ready to explain 
 any difficulties which might stand in the way of their 
 being comprehended. 
 
 That he is open to the charge of transcendentalism, 
 
292 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 can scarcely be denied, and it is very difficult to form 
 an exact and precise conception of the fundamental 
 idea, upon which his whole system was based — the 
 recovery of that Divine gift of spiritual perfection, 
 which naturally belongs to man, though it remains 
 undeveloped in the contaminated atmosphere of a 
 vicious world. But, if we substitute the simple word 
 " religion " for this striving after the higher spiritual 
 life, which avowedly proceeds/)'^;;/ God, and is there- 
 fore of God, much that was difficult before, is made 
 plain to us. And when we come to the definition of 
 his system of teaching, which is said to have been 
 founded on knowledge, moral rectitude, sincerity, and 
 truth, and substitute for " knowledge " — " the religion 
 which restrains us, through a knowledge of God, 
 gained by a study within ourselves of the Divine 
 principles he has implanted in us," which is obviously 
 the sense in which the word is frequently used by 
 him, his doctrine presents itself in a light very dif- 
 ferent from that belonging to the commonplace form 
 in which it is usually presented to us, and I think 
 that there are many passages in the " Four Books " 
 which fully justify this view. 
 
 But it has to be remembered that the religion 
 which he taught, was no new one. His beliefs, were 
 those of the period in which he lived, though he 
 seems to have seized upon and accentuated all that 
 
ORIGINAL PURITY OF MAN'S NATURE. 293 
 
 was most spiritual, and most capable of being prac- 
 tically applied, in the teaching of that antiquity which 
 he so greatly revered. And the cause of this rever- 
 ence is not far to seek. It proceeded from a con- 
 viction, that in those great sovereigns so frequently 
 set before his disciples as examples, the original 
 purity of man's nature had been manifested to a 
 degree, which amounted to little less than a revelation 
 of the great all-powerful, all-pervading, ever-present, 
 but else unknown, God. It was not so much in their 
 human, but in their *' God-like " character, in which 
 he presented them, not only as guides and mentors, 
 but as examples, of the degree to which it was pos- 
 sible to regain the primal purity, through which God 
 had originally disclosed his own nature to man. 
 
 But this idea of the original purity of man's nature, 
 does not specially belong to Confucius. It belongs 
 to the dogmatic teaching of Christianity with respect 
 to man's condition before the Fall ; and, as has been 
 already stated, a similar thought is frequently to be 
 found passing through the brain of modern thinkers. 
 Indeed, many writers refer to it, though in different 
 terms, and it is not always easy to seize upon their 
 exact meaning. Schlegel, in his " Philosophy of 
 History," says : '' The most important subject, and 
 the first problem of philosophy, is the restoi^atiou " — 
 the italics are mine — "of the lost image of God, so 
 
294 CONFUCIUS. THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 far as this relates to science. Should this restoration 
 in the eternal consciousness be fully understood and 
 really brought about, the object of pure philosophy 
 is attained." 
 
 Surely this comes very near to the view entertained 
 by Confucius ! 
 
 Spenser, too, was not very far from it when he 
 wrote — 
 
 *' So oft as I with state of present time 
 The image of the antique world compare, 
 When as man's age was in his freshest prime, 
 And the first blossoms of fair virtue bare ; 
 Such odds I find 'twixt those and these which are, 
 As that through long continuance of his course, 
 Meseems the world is run quite out of square 
 From the first point of his appointed source. 
 And being once amiss grows daily worse and worse." 
 
 There is something very startling in the mysterious 
 working of the human mind, which is brought home 
 to us, when we come in contact' with instances of 
 men, removed from each other by vast periods, and 
 living under totally different conditions, working out 
 the same problems, and sometimes arriving at the 
 same conclusions. But even when the conclusions 
 are different, the end sought for is often the same ; 
 and it is the difference in the means which may 
 be employed which causes these men in later ages to 
 stand out prominently from their fellows, as poets, 
 law-givers, moralists, philosophers, sages, prophets, 
 
NOT A FOUNDER OF A NEW RELIGION 295 
 
 and in the earlier ages of the world, as demi-gods ; 
 for such men, amongst a semi-civilized but grateful 
 people, were almost certain to be deified, and to re- 
 ceive worship. But from this category of great men 
 of teachers, reformers, seekers after truth, and ex- 
 pounders of it when it was thought to have been 
 found, the names of the founders of new religions 
 must not be omitted. 
 
 It will have been seen, that amongst these last 
 Confucius has no place. He has no claim to be 
 considered in common with Zoroaster, Buddha, or 
 Mahomet, for each and all these were, in a greater 
 or less degree, destroyers of the social and religious 
 systems which preceded their advent, and the founders 
 of nev/ ones upon their ruins ; whilst Confucius sought 
 neither to destroy nor to create, but to preserve and 
 restore. He was no law-giver like Moses ; Laou- 
 tsze stands unquestionably nearer to Pythagoras 
 than he does ; and the comparison which might be 
 drawn between him and Plato or Socrates, could only 
 be within very narrow limits. 
 
 If it be always difficult to establish a correct stan- 
 dard for the admeasurement of the breadth and depth 
 of an exceptional character, it is especially so in the 
 case of Confucius ; for indoctrinated as we are, by 
 the aggregated teaching of a mighty past, it is by no 
 means easy for us to form a just conception of the 
 
296 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 exact degree of intelligence belonging to a great 
 but comparatively untutored mind, at the distant 
 period, and under the peculiar circumstances, in which 
 he lived. But I think that, whether we take him by 
 himself, or judge him in comparison with others, it 
 can scarcely be denied that he stands out a bold and 
 well-defined figure, full of grandeur and individuality, 
 no matter whether the light we may regard him in, 
 may be that of statesman, philosopher, or sage. The 
 solitary grandeur of Confucius's character has indeed 
 been recognized by Pope in the lines — 
 
 "Superior and alone Confucius stood, 
 Who taught that useful science — to be good ; " 
 
 and I do not think it would be possible to sum up 
 the results of the most minute and exact analysis 
 of his character, in fewer or more appropriate words. 
 
 But the question naturally arises, how is it, if Con- 
 fucius were not the founder of a religion, that his 
 name has become so intimately associated with, and 
 indeed, that he has become, as it were, an integral 
 part of the religious system, which forms the rule of 
 faith for all the most highly educated Chinese at the 
 present time t 
 
 The answer is not difficult to find, or far to seek. 
 We have seen the high place the early sovereigns — 
 the sages of antiquity — occupied in the estimation of 
 Confucius as the nearest exponents upon earth of 
 
EFFECTS OF HIS TEACHING. 297 
 
 the Divine perfection ; and, for the same reason, the 
 adoration which they received in the ancestral rites ; 
 and how, after the great teacher's death, successive 
 sovereigns had striven to do honour to his memory, 
 until the purity of his character was made to over- 
 shadow even that of those to whom his chief homage 
 had been offered, and he was set forth as the one, 
 the greatest, and most perfect — '' pattern for all ages." 
 Hence it is that he has become a representation of all 
 those Divine qualities that man most needs, and that, 
 honoured as the chief of saints, he is thus apostro- 
 phized in the sacrificial ritual for the temple of 
 sages — 
 
 " Confucius ! Confucius ! 
 
 Great indeed art thou, O Confucius. 
 Before thee 
 
 None like unto thee ; 
 After thee 
 
 None equal to thee. 
 Confucius ! Confucius 1 
 
 Great indeed art thou, O Confucius." 
 
 But if such be the estimation in which he is held 
 by the Chinese, how are ive to esteem him t Has 
 his teaching been a real benefit to humanity? Is 
 any reflex of his pure ideals to be found in the lives 
 of the people who profess this great reverence for 
 his name ? 
 
 Yes ; I would reply. The honour which is paid to 
 his memory, the esteem in which his writings are 
 
29 S CONFUCIUS, THE GREAT TEACHER. 
 
 held, the veneration which is attached to every word 
 he uttered, is a sufficient answer. 
 
 But, it may be objected, the Chinese are a cruel, 
 untruthful, dishonest people, devoid of any fine sense 
 of honour, immersed in material self-seeking, and 
 caring little for that higher life in this world, which 
 struggles to obtain the prize of a still higher life in 
 the world beyond ; tolerators of infanticide, and 
 inveterate smokers of opium. Such is the popular 
 summing up against them. Can it be true? 
 
 Alas ! much of it is but too true, but not because 
 of the teaching, but despite of the teaching, of Con- 
 fucius. 
 
 And if we cast our eyes over the Christian world, 
 and survey the eighteen centuries which have elapsed 
 since that Child was born, whose birth was to in- 
 augurate a reign of " Peace upon earth and good will 
 to men," shall we not find that similar accusations 
 might equally be brought, against those who profess 
 to be the followers of a Teacher, who " being God 
 became man." 
 
 Cruelty? Where shall we find greater or more 
 refined cruelties, than those which were habitually 
 practised, in many cases as a part of a carefully 
 thought-out judicial procedure, down to a compara- 
 tively recent date. There is no nation in Europe, of 
 which the history would be complete, without frequent 
 
CHINA AND CIlRISrENDOM. 299 
 
 and often detailed accounts of horrors, which chill 
 the blood of those who read them. Who can even 
 glance at a torture-chamber, with all its terrible 
 appliances, without a shudder ? And yet, how few 
 remember that it is not many centuries since those 
 dreadful instruments were in daily use ? It is not four 
 centuries since the Inquisition was doing its fearful 
 work in the Netherlands and Spain ; scarcely half 
 that time has elapsed, since all the rank and fashion 
 of Paris, were assembled to gloat upon the all-day 
 tortures of the wretched Damiens. Our own burnings 
 and maimings, and hanging, drawing, and quarterings, 
 come down almost to our own times ; and the terrible 
 floggings in our fleets and armies were continued, in 
 a modified form, to within our own memories. 
 
 As to morality, where would it be possible to find 
 anything worse than the condition of Rome and the 
 morals of the popes, and of the princes of the Church, 
 at the time of, and antecedent to, the Reformation ? 
 China could not at any period have been worse than 
 Christendom was then ; but do we find that this fact 
 is brought forward as a proof, that the doctrines of 
 the Gospel are untrue, or that they have been 
 preached in vain ? 
 
 And so we might go on with the whole category. 
 Opium ? True, we don't smoke it, but we make 
 fortunes by selling it to those who do. Honesty ? 
 
300 CONFUCIUS, THE GREAl TEACHER. 
 
 Have we not had to blush for some of our Man- 
 chester manufacturers ? Infanticide ? We have 
 arrayed the extreme penalty of the law against it, 
 and yet we cannot stop it. And finally, is our 
 action in this world always made to harmonize with 
 our religious duties, and an aspiration for a higher 
 life in the next ? And this brings me to another 
 point which has to be considered — the rapid exten- 
 sion of Buddhism in China, after its introduction in 
 the first century of our era, despite the efforts which 
 were subsequently made to suppress it. 
 
 The only conclusion which it is possible to arrive 
 at with respect to this, is that, with all its merits, the 
 ancient religion of China, as illustrated in the teach- 
 ing of Confucius, was insufficient to appease the 
 craving, which seems inherent in man's nature, after a 
 knowledge of a future life, and of the means by which 
 that everlasting bliss is to be obtained, which will 
 best compensate the mortal soul for all the suffering 
 it may have to undergo when inhabiting its earthly 
 mansion. Laou-tsze had grandly, but far too vaguely, 
 entered upon the mystery which belongs to departed 
 being ; but his thoughts were beyond the comprehen- 
 sion of the multitude. It required something more 
 material in form, something that would better appeal 
 to the senses ; and all this was to be found in the 
 rich symbolism and ornate rites of Buddhism, adminis- 
 
INSUFFICIENCY OF THE ANCIENT RELIGION. 301 
 
 tered by a numerous body of priests, whose very 
 ignorance was, in many cases, a bond of union 
 between them and the communities they were called 
 upon to instruct. 
 
 For it cannot be questioned that there were many 
 serious thinkers, and earnest seekers after truth, who 
 were actuated by the highest motives, when adopting 
 Buddhism. These accused the doctrines of Con- 
 fucius of having no higher aim than the happiness 
 of posterity, and a peaceful and contented present 
 life. They contrasted with this, the teaching of 
 Sakya Muni, whose one great sentiment was, that of 
 mercy seeking to save ; who pointed to hell, in order 
 to deter men from sin, and to heaven, in order to 
 urge them to well-doing ; who pictured to them the 
 blessedness of the Nirvana, where the tired spirit 
 would rest in everlasting peace, at the end of a weary 
 round of ceaseless change. They considered, that no 
 higher incentive could be offered to virtue, than the 
 promised rewards belonging to a future state ; and 
 this the followers of Confucius denied. These declared 
 that to act well, from a wish to obtain some personal 
 benefit, could not be compared with the conduct that 
 had no other ground than a sense of duty ; and it is 
 on this higher level, that the controversy has been 
 continued to the present day. 
 
 Though Confucianism is the religion of the State, 
 
and generally of the educated classes, Buddhism 
 forms that of the bulk of the people, whilst a small 
 and degraded minority profess to follow the teaching 
 of the pure and spiritual Laou-tsze. 
 
 It might have been thought that some of the ancient 
 ceremonies, and more especially the sacrificial rites, 
 in connection with what seems on the face of it the 
 " worship " of ancestors, would have kept the Bud- 
 dhists and Taouists widely apart from those, whose 
 religious belief is based on the tenets taught by 
 Confucius. But it is not so. They participate freely 
 in all those rites at which their presence is required, 
 and the line which separates them is sometimes so 
 lightly drawn as to be hardly perceptible. 
 
 Doubtless, too, modifications have taken place in 
 the creed of the more intelligent modern Chinese, 
 which has removed much that would be deemed 
 objectionable. Thus, in an edict issued by command 
 of the Emperor Khang-hy in the last century, it is 
 stated, " Sacrifices are not offered to the visible and 
 material heaven, but to the Lord and Master of all." 
 And the ancestral rites are defined as '' A mere civil 
 ceremonial observance by which it is intended to 
 testify reverence and respect for departed worth ; " 
 and this was the sense in which they were accepted 
 by the Jesuits. 
 
 But notwithstanding^ the chancres which have taken 
 
THE VERDICT OF POSTERITY. 303 
 
 place in the beliefs of the people, in one thing they 
 have remained constant — Confucius still holds the 
 first place in their estimation. He is still their great 
 example, their moral teacher. The " Five Classics " 
 and the " Four Books " still form the text-books of 
 Chinese education ; and it is mainly through them, 
 that the national character has been moulded into a 
 form that, amidst much that is puerile and degraded, 
 still presents vestiges of antique grandeur. 
 
 Thus continuously, through more than two thou- 
 sand years, have the writings, and the recorded 
 thoughts, of this great teacher, been the standard of 
 life and morals, for the countless myriads of a mighty 
 empire. Dynasties have been changed, new religions 
 introduced, Tartar conquerors have seized the impe- 
 rial power ; but the supremacy obtained by the 
 orphan son of the old Prefect of Tseaou-y is as firmly 
 established as ever. There is something solemn in 
 the thought, that one small brain should be capable of 
 producing such a great and lasting work, and it is 
 ■difficult, when allowing the mind to dwell upon it, to 
 refrain from exclaiming, in sympathy with his Chinese 
 venerators — 
 
 " Confucius ! Confucius . 
 
 Great indeed art thou, O Confucius." 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 A. 
 
 In order to show, that the metrical form in which I have ren- 
 dered the opening chapter of Laou-tsze's great work, has pre- 
 served the spirit and meaning of the original ; I give a literal 
 translation of the accompanying Chinese text — I regret being 
 obliged to confine myself to the phonetic equivalents of the far 
 more forcible ideographic characters —together with the transla- 
 tions of Stanislas Julian, and Victor von Strauss. 
 
 The Chinese text, phonetically rendered according to the 
 method adopted by Medhurst in his Chinese and Enghsh 
 Dictionary, is as follows : — 
 
 Taou k'ho taou, fei ch'hang Taou ; 
 Ming k'ho ming, fei ch'hang Ming. 
 Woo ming, t'heen te che che 
 Yew ming, wan wuh che moo. 
 Koo ch'hang woo yuh, e kwan k'he maou 
 Ch'hang yew yiih, e kwan k'he keaou 
 Tsze leang chay, t'hung ch'huh {irh 6 ming 
 Thung wei che heuen, heuen che y^u heuen. 
 Chung maou che mun. 
 
 Which may be literally translated— 
 
 The Taou which can be described in words, is not the everlasting (infinite, 
 
 all-pervading, all-creating) Taou. 
 The Name, which can be named (or spoken), is not the everlasting name 
 
 (of the Infinite Taou). 
 
 X 
 
;o6 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Vox unnameable is (the great first Cause) the Maker of Heaven and earth. 
 Whilst He who can be named is but the Mother (the Creator) of all (those) 
 
 things (of which our senses are cognizant). 
 Hence he who would obtain a knowledge of this great mystery (of spiritual 
 
 being) 
 Must keep himself free from carnal desires. 
 For he who gives way to passion, will not be able to see beyond the limits 
 
 imposed by his senses. 
 Yet both (spirit and matter) issue from the same source, 
 Though they exist under different names. 
 
 The origin of both is equally obscure, for great is the obscurity 
 Which enshrouds the portals, through which we penetrate to these mysteries. 
 
 The following are the translations of M. Stanislas Julien and 
 Victor V. Strauss : — 
 
 Stanislas Julien. 
 
 La voie qui pent etre e.xprimde par 
 la parole n'est pas la Voie ^ternelle ; 
 le nom qui pent etre nommcJ n'est 
 pas le nom ^ternel. 
 
 (L'etre) sans nom est I'origine du 
 ciel et de la terre ; avec un nom, il 
 est la mere de toutes choses. 
 
 C'est pourquoi, lorsqu'on est con- 
 stamment exempt de passions, on 
 voit son essence spirituelle ; lors- 
 qu'on a constamment des passions, 
 on le voit sous une forme bornee. 
 
 Ces deux choses ont une meme 
 origine et recoivent des noms dif- 
 ferents. On les appelle toutes 
 deux profondes, doublement pro- 
 fondes. C'est la porte de toutes les 
 choses spirituelles. 
 
 Victor \'. Strauss. 
 Tao, kann er ausgesprochen 
 werden, ist nicht der ewige Tao. 
 Der Name, kann er genannt werden 
 ist nicht der ewige Name. Der 
 Namenlose ist Himmels und der 
 Frden Urgrund, der Namen-Ha- 
 bende ist aller Wesen Mutter. Drum 
 
 ' ' Wer stets begierdenlos, der 
 Schauet seine Geisterkeit, 
 
 Wer stets Begierden hat, der 
 Schauet seine Aussenheit." 
 
 Diese Beiden sind desselben Aus- 
 gangs und verschiedenen Namens. 
 Zusammen heissen sie tief, des 
 Tiefen abermal Tiefes ; aller Geistig- 
 keiten Pforte. 
 
 The character "Taou" is used by Laou-tsze, in this and future 
 chapters, in a sense which renders it impossible to deny that the 
 single word by which it could be best expressed in our language 
 would be God. Amongst many other meanings it has that of " a 
 path," "a way" — therefore inferentially, the Path, the Way — of, 
 to, and from, God, and so, by a natural substitution with which our 
 language is familiar, it is employed metaphorically, by Laou- 
 
APPENDIX. 307 
 
 tsze, for, God. It has also the meaning of " Reason," and this 
 has been the cause of the followers of Laou-tsze having been 
 erroneously called " Rationalists " by those who had not fully 
 acquainted themselves with the tenour of the great philosopher's 
 teaching. 
 
 But, with a different accent, "Taou" is made to signify "a 
 word," " to speak," " to say " — generally in the sense of explana- 
 tion — and other cognate terms ; hence, probably, it is that we 
 find it used, by our English translators of the New Testament 
 into Chinese, to express " the Word " in the first chapter of St. 
 John, " Yuen che yew Taou," " In the beginning was ' the Taou.' " 
 
 I think it would be impossible for any one to read the first 
 five verses of St. John, with ''the Taou" substituted for "the 
 Word," without feeling an increased interest in the writings of 
 this Chinese " Seeker after God." 
 
 B. 
 
 In deafing with this chapter, I have preferred to adhere, as 
 closely as I felt justified in doing, to the rendering of M. G. 
 Pauthier, given at page 400 in the second volume of the 
 " Bibhotheque Orientale," which presents itself to my mind as 
 nearer the letter as well as the spirit of the original, than the 
 translations of the other distinguished Sinologues who have 
 devoted themselves to a consideration of this book. The 
 reasons which have guided my choice are these : After a most 
 careful examination of the Chinese text and the several transla- 
 tions, I found myself compelled to the conclusion that the great 
 object of Laou-tsze, when writing this chapter, had been to 
 depict the genesis of Creation by "Taou," from whom all 
 things, whether material objects or spiritual manifestations, 
 were but emanations ; and that, therefore, I could not accept the 
 views of those who had persuaded themselves that the meaning 
 of the chapter was to be sought rather in its having been the 
 intention of Laou-tsze to describe the nature of Taou as revealed 
 to man by those manifestations which were but emanations 
 
3o8 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 from him, and that hence it was in the study of nature, and of 
 our own spiritual condition, that a knowledge of Taou was to be 
 gained. 
 
 The following translations will show the difference in the 
 treatment of this chapter to which I have referred : — 
 
 M. S. JULIEN. 
 
 Les formes visibles de la Grande 
 
 Vertu ^manent uniquement du 
 
 Tao. 
 Voici quelle est la nature du Tao. 
 II est vague, il est confus. 
 Qu'il est confus, qu'il est vague ! 
 Au dedans de lui, il-y-a des images. 
 Qu'il est vague, qu'il est confus ! 
 Au dedans de lui, il-y-a des etres. 
 Qu'il est profond, qu'il est obscur ! 
 Au dedans de lui il-y-a une essence 
 
 spirituelle. 
 Cette essence spirituelle est pro- 
 
 fond^ment vrai. 
 Au dedans de lui, reside le t^moi- 
 
 gnage infaillible (de ce qu'il est) ; 
 
 depuis les temps anciens jusqu' 
 
 aujourd'hui, son nom u'a point 
 
 pass6. 
 II donne issue (naissance) a tons les 
 
 ^tres. 
 Comment sais-je qu'il en est ainsi 
 
 de tons les etres ? 
 ( Je le sais) par le Tao. 
 
 M. G, Pauthier. 
 Les formes mat6rielles de la grande 
 
 puissance creatrice 
 Ne sont que les emanations du Tao. 
 C'est le Tao qui a produit les etres 
 
 materiels existants. 
 (Avant) ce n'etait qu'une confusion 
 
 complete, un chaos inde^finissable. 
 C'^tait un chaos ! une confusion in- 
 accessible a la pens^e humaine ! 
 Au milieu de ce chaos, il y avait 
 
 une image ind^terminee, 
 Confuse . . . indistincte ! au dessus 
 
 de toute expression ! 
 Au milieu de ce chaos il y avait des 
 
 etres, 
 Mais des etres en germe ! des etres 
 
 imperceptibles, inddfinis ! 
 Au milieu de ce chaos, il y avait un 
 
 principe subtil vivifiant : 
 Ce principe subtil vivifiant c'^^tait la 
 
 supreme v(5rit^. 
 Au milieu de ce chaos, il y avait un 
 
 principe de foi, 
 Depuis I'antiquite jusqu'a nos jours. 
 Son nom ne s'est point dvanoui. 
 II examina avec soin le bon de tons 
 
 les etres. 
 Mais vous comment connaissez-vous 
 
 les vertus de la foule ? 
 Par ce Tao, raison supreme. 
 
 The divergence between these two translations is certainly 
 very striking. Its cause is to be traced to the ambiguity belong- 
 ing to many passages of the original, as well as to the different 
 methods adopted in deciphering them. I am bound to say that 
 the German version of von Strauss accords rather with Stanis- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 309 
 
 las Julien than with M. Pauthier, but ahhough I have read all 
 he has written on the subject very carefully, I still remain in 
 the behef, that the transcendentalism with which he has clothed 
 Laou-tsze's words does not belong to the original, which, for the 
 edification of any Chinese student who may read this, I now 
 produce, together with what appears to me to be its literal 
 meaning. 
 
 Chinese Text. 
 K'hung tih che yung... 
 
 Wuy Taou sh6 tsung 
 Taou che wei wiih 
 Wuy hwang wuy hwiih 
 Hwiih he, hwang he ... 
 
 Ke chung yew seang. . . 
 
 Hwang he hwuh he ... 
 
 Ke chung yew wuh ... 
 
 Yaou he ming he 
 
 Ke chung yew tsing ... 
 
 Ke tsing shin chin 
 Ke chung yew sin 
 
 Tse koo keae kin 
 
 Ke niing puh choo ... 
 
 Literal Translation, 
 The Supreme Good as manifested to 
 
 us 
 Is an emanation from Taou, 
 The creative principle of Taou. 
 (In the beginning) nought but chaos. 
 How profound — how drear it was ! 
 
 Then out of -^ midst came forms. 
 Oh, how drear and deep it was ! 
 Out of ^J^ midst came material ob- 
 jects. 
 Oh, the stillness, the darkness ! 
 
 Out of ^J^ midst came the germs of 
 
 life 
 Perfect in subtlety, 
 his 
 its 
 sciousness) 
 So that from then till now 
 
 The 
 
 From 
 
 midst came belief (con- 
 
 , f^"''^, of this remains with 
 knowledge. 
 
 E yue chung poo 
 
 Woo ho e che 
 
 Chang poo che jen tsae 
 E tse 
 
 When all that the world contains 
 
 passes in review before us. 
 (If asked) how do I know that this 
 Was the beginning of all things ? 
 All that I have now said is my answer. 
 
 Even to those unacquainted with Chinese, the metrical struc- 
 ture of the text will be very apparent, and much of its obscurity 
 is most certainly due to it. With respect to the elucidation of 
 obscure portions of this work by Chinese commentators, it has 
 
3 I O APPENDIX. 
 
 always to be borne in mind, that their judgment is almost 
 certain to be warped by prejudice or by the influence of the 
 particular school of thought in which they had been educated. 
 Thus, the literati of the Confucian school would certainly be 
 indisposed to find anything in the writing of Laou-tsze which 
 might place him on a level with their great master, or interfere 
 with the system of cosmogony set forth in the pages of the 
 " Yi-king." The Taouists of the present day, would seek to find 
 some occult meaning, as their forefathers sought to find some 
 occult meaning, in every word that Laou-tsze uttered ; whilst 
 the Buddhists would wrest some meaning out of every chapter 
 that, would best reconcile his tenets with those of the Nirvana, 
 and the glorification of the mere contemplative life. 
 
 Every attempt to translate this great work into a European 
 language is a step forward, but I believe very much has yet to 
 be done, before it will be presented to the public in a form, 
 which will give such a shape to the ideas of the great Chinese 
 thinker, as will render them capable of being comprehended in 
 the sense which he had sought to convey. 
 
 Stanislas Julien has avowedly based his translation of this 
 chapter — the twenty-fifth — on the special reading, given by 
 commentators in two out of the eight editions of this work 
 which he had consulted, of the opening line, "Yew wiih hwan 
 ching," " There was naught but chaos," which would convert it 
 into *' Yew yih wuh hwan ching," translated by him, " II est un 
 etre confus." 
 
 Von Strauss follows in the same track, but M. Pauthier ad- 
 heres more closely to the original text, which, it seems to me, 
 the intervention of the commentators has only helped to obscure. 
 Laou-tsze had evidently the ideas expressed in the opening 
 chapter in his mind, when he wrote this one, and, to be 
 understood, it has to be read in connection with it. For my- 
 self, I cannot believe it could have been part of Laou-tsze's 
 system of teaching, to make everything he uttered so entirely 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 311 
 
 beyond the comprehension of those he was seeking to enhghten, 
 as would be the case if we were to place implicit confidence in 
 the explanations of his many commentators, and I am fully con- 
 vinced that, whenever a sentence is capable of a simple con- 
 struction, it will be found, in nine cases out of ten, to be the 
 correct one. 
 
 I subjoin the original text, and the literal translation I attach 
 to it. 
 
 YMv wuh hvvan ching 
 Seen T'heen te sang ... 
 Ts'heih he leaou he ... 
 T'huh leih urh puh kae 
 Chow hing urh puh t'hae . 
 
 K'ho e wei t'heen bed moo . 
 
 Woo puh che k'he ming 
 Tsz^ che yue Taou ... 
 K'heang wei che wei ming 
 Yue Ta 
 
 Ta yue sh^ 
 
 Sh6 yue yuen 
 
 Yuen yue fan 
 
 Koo Taou ta 
 
 Teen ta 
 
 T6 td, Wong yih ta ... 
 
 Yih chung yen sze ta 
 Urh wong keu k'he yih jen 
 
 Jin fate 
 
 Te fa t'heen 
 
 T'heen fa Taou 
 Taou fa tsze jen 
 
 There was naught but cliaos 
 Before heaven and earth were. 
 Oh, how silent, oh, how void it was \ 
 He stood alone without changing 
 Or moved around and was harmed 
 
 not 
 Of Heaven and of earth the great 
 
 mother. 
 I do not know his name. 
 But designate him as Taou. 
 But were I forced to find a name 
 I would call him the Great One, the 
 
 AU-Powerful. 
 Great in the sense of infinite, 
 Infinite, that is, all-pervading. 
 All-pervading in the sense of infinite 
 
 expansion and retrocession. 
 So it is— The Taou is great, 
 Heaven is great. 
 The earth is great, and the king is 
 
 great. 
 But within his state 
 The king is paramount. 
 Man's laws are of earth. 
 Nature's laws are from Heaven, 
 Heaven's laws are from Taou, 
 And Taou's laws are from himself. 
 
 On comparing the metrical version I have given in the body 
 of the work with the above, I think it will be seen that though 
 only a broad outline of the original, it has been kept within the 
 limits of accuracy. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 D. 
 
 This is an adaptation of the paraphrase by M. Pauthier of 
 the sixteenth chapter, which, when taken in connection with the 
 thirty-third, brings out clearly Laou-tsze's belief in the immor- 
 tality of the soul, though, with him, it takes the shape of a final 
 absorption into the spiritual essence of the everlasting and in- 
 finite Being from whom it was in the first instance an emanation. 
 
 Should I have been able to create a sufficient interest in this 
 great thinker, to induce the reader to wish to gain a greater 
 knowledge of his writings, I can but refer him to the authorities 
 I have already quoted ; unfortunately they are full of divergences 
 and contradictions, which it is to be hoped will be reconciled in 
 course of time, by the greater light which may be thrown upon 
 the many difficulties by which the meaning of the text is now 
 obscured. 
 
 Besides the translations I have cited, there is an English 
 version of this work, which I have not seen, by Mr. Chalmers. 
 
 A comparison with the original text will show how closely I 
 have preserved the literal meaning, whilst adopting a phraseology 
 which seemed to me the one best applicable to the subject. 
 The translation of this passage, as given by Dr. Legge, is as 
 follows : — 
 
 " The Ti said, ' Ho ! (President of) the Four Mountains, I 
 have been on the throne seventy years. You can carry out my 
 commands, I will resign my place to you.' The chief said, ' I 
 have not the virtue, I should disgrace your place.' (The Ti) 
 said, ' Show me some one among the illustrious, or set forth one 
 among the poor and mean.' All (then) said to the Ti, ' There 
 is an unmarried man among the lower people, called Shun of 
 Yu.' The Ti said, 'Yes, I have heard of him. What have you 
 to say about him.?' The chief said, ' He is the sen of a blind 
 man. His father was obstinately unprincipled, his (step)mother 
 was insincere, his (half)-brother Hsiang was arrogant. He 
 
APPENDIX. 313 
 
 has been able (however) by his fihal piety to Hve in harmony 
 with them, and to lead them gradually to self-government, so 
 that they (no longer) proceed to great wickedness.' The Ti 
 said, ' I will try him, I will wive him, and thereby see his 
 behaviour with my two daughters.' (Accordingly) he arranged 
 and sent down his two daughters to the north of the Kwei to be 
 wives in (the family of) Yu. The Ti said to them, ' Be reverent.' 
 
 F. 
 
 This ode has been very happily and poetically rendered into 
 German by von Strauss. 
 
 I append a literal translation of the Chinese text, though it is 
 difficult to do justice to its peculiar terseness, and preserve its 
 alliterative character without destroying its coherence. 
 
 I would observe here that one of the great peculiarities of 
 the Chinese written language, is that it seems to appeal to the 
 imagination in an unusually large degree, so that, after endea- 
 vouring to decipher its ideographic characters, full as they are of 
 concentrated meaning, the subject will often present itself to the 
 mind by a similar process, to that which enables a broad but 
 artistically rendered outline to convey to the spectator a know- 
 ledge of accurate and even minute details whilst only suggesting 
 them, and hence it will frequently happen that all the incidents 
 of a scene will be brought vividly before the reader by a few 
 words for which our language has no adequate equivalent. 
 Literally this ode would read thus — 
 
 "The wild doves coo to each other in the islet in the stream, 
 where Hves in strict seclusion, the pure (and lovely) maiden the 
 prince has selected for his bride. 
 
 " Aquatic plants float on the surface, and green grasses line 
 the banks of the stream, near which the fair maiden lives 
 secluded. 
 
 " She is never absent from the prince's thoughts ; sleeping or 
 waking it is as if he sought for her and could not find her. 
 Sleeping or waking she is in his thoughts or dreams. 'Alas ! 
 alas ! ' he cries as he turns, and turns, in sad unrest. 
 
314 APPENDIX. 
 
 "And the water plants and rushes grow luxuriantly in the clear 
 waters of the stream (washing the shores of the island), where 
 the fair one solaces herself in her seclusion with her beloved 
 harp and lute. 
 
 "And still the aquatic plants float on the surface of the 
 stream, and green grasses line its banks, but the heart of the 
 fair maiden is filled with joy, for she listens to the music of 
 the drums and bells, which herald her progress as she is borne 
 to the home of the beloved one." 
 
 It has to be observed that, although this is a literal, it is by 
 no means a verbal translation, which would be all but unin- 
 telligible. 
 
 The " wild doves," of the opening strophe, is in accordance 
 with the meaning of the characters in the original, given in 
 Medhurst's Dictionary : von Strauss translates " ducks ' 
 ("enten"). 
 
 In the metrical paraphrase in the body of the work, I have 
 preferred to call the aquatic plants " water-lihes," whilst von 
 Strauss speaks of them as " see-rosen." 
 
 I'RlNTIiD BY WILLIA:\I CLOWES AND SOXS, LIMITED, LONDON AND BECCLES. 
 
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 Princeton Theological Semmary-Speer Library 
 
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