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 DA  784  .K44  . 
 Keith,  Robert, 
 The  history  of 
 of  church  and 
 
 1681-1757. 
 the  affairs 
 state  in 
 
HISTORY 
 
 OF  TUE 
 
 AFFAIRS  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE 
 SCOTLAND, 
 
 FKOM  THE  BEGINNINa  OF  THE  REFORMATION 
 
 TO  THE  YEAR  1568. 
 
 RIGHT  REV.  ROBERT  KEITH. 
 
 PRIMUS  OF  THE  SCOTTISH  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH, 
 
 WITH 
 
 BIOGRAPHICAL   SKETCH,  NOTES,  AND  INDEX, 
 
 BY 
 
 JOHN  PARKER  LAWSON,  M.A, 
 
 IN  THREE  VOLUMES. 
 
 VOLUME    IL 
 
 EDINBURGH: 
 
 PRINTED  FOR  THE  SPOTTISWOODE  SOCIETY 
 
 M.DCCC.XLY. 
 
ALEX.    LAURII    AND    CO.    PBISTER3    TO    HER    MAJESTY. 
 
PREFACE  TO  VOLUME  SECOND 
 
 BY  THE  EDITOR. 
 
 0  those  who  are  interested  in  the  pubhc  and 
 private  life  of  Queen  Mary  of  Scotland,  the 
 present  volume,   comprising  Bishop  Keith's 
 "  Second  Book"  of  his  original  folio,  will  be 
 peculiarly  acceptable.      The  details  here  given  of  the  unfor- 
 tunate Queen's  eventful  career,  after  her  return  from  France 
 and  assumption   of  the   Government   till   her   compulsory 
 abdication   of   the    Crown   and   her   flight   into    England, 
 her  unhappy  marriages  to  Darnley  and  Bothwell,  and  the 
 plots  and  murders  which  continually  succeeded  each  other, 
 in  connection  with  the  known  character  of  the  perpetra- 
 tors and  their  associates,  have  more  the  aspect  of  a  romance 
 than  a  reality  ;  and  the  deeds  of  blood  were  so  bold,  daring, 
 and  extraordinary,   that,  were  it  not  for  their  undoubted 
 authenticity,  we  arc  almost  induced  to  view  them  as  terrible 
 fictions,   or  exaggerated   delineations  of  human  depravity. 
 As  the  truth,  however,  cannot  be  questioned,  the  succession 
 of  crime  here  recorded  is  a  sad  memorial  of  the  dreadful 
 state  of  Scotland  in  the  sixteenth  century. 
 
 The  Editor  in  this  volume  has  endeavoured  to  make  it  as 
 complete  as  the  limits  admitted.  Ho  has  followed  Queen 
 Mary  in  all  her  progresses  and  transactions  with  the  utmost 
 minuteness,  and  a  large  extent  of  new  matter  is  introduced 
 in  the  form  of  original  notes,  or  of  additions,  explanations, 
 and  corrections,  to  tliose  of  Bishop  Keith.     Many  facts  dig- 
 
l\  KDITOK  ft  rREKACE. 
 
 covercnl  uincu  hJH  time  are  prominently  introduced,  to  which 
 the  DiMhop  had  no  acceHx,  or  were  then  unknown  ;  the  defici- 
 eneioM  in  our  HiHtorian'H  narrative  are  supphed ;  and  alto- 
 g«»ther  this  volume  i»  o«  nuich  a  new  W Ork  in  tlie  Notes  as  it 
 is  a  rf»print  of  the  Text.  The  authorities  are  also  in  every 
 caiM*  inMtrtcHl,  that  the  reader  may  be  sati.^fied  as  it  respects 
 the  uourceH  of  information.  In  short,  it  has  been  the  object 
 of  the  Editor  to  render  the  Notes  an  ample  commentary  on 
 Hishop  Keith's  '*  History.*" 
 
 In  eiliting  a  Work  such  as  this,  the  researches  of  Mr 
 ClialnuTH,  in  hin  elaborate  ''  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,'' 
 an<l  more  recently  of  Mr  Tytler,  in  his  "  History  of  Scotland,"*' 
 are  of  the  most  essential  importance,  and  the  only  regret  is 
 the  partizanship  of  the  former,  an<l  th^  inaccuracy,  in  many 
 instances,  of  the  dates  of  the  latter,  which  are  too  numerous 
 to  bo  typoi^raphical  mistakes.  Thus,  in  Mr  Tytler's  first 
 cnlition  of  his  ''  History"  we  have  the  birth  of  James  VI., 
 wliieh  was  in  1500,  and  most  of  the  events  of  that  year,  nar- 
 ratetl  as  occurring  in  l.ldo.  Some  of  the  publications  of  the 
 Bannatyni-:,  Aijbotsford,  and  Maitland  Cllbs,  and  the 
 WoDKOW  Society's  edition  of  Caldorwood's  "  Historic  of 
 the  Kirk  of  Scotland,"  to  a  MS.  of  wliich  Bishop  Keith 
 had  acccHH,  are  most  valuable  in  elucidating  the  events  of 
 the  time,  a^*  they  were  chiefly  written  by  contemporaries, 
 some  of  whom  were  intimately  associated  or  acquainted  w ith 
 the  {Mirties. 
 
 In  the  Preface  to  the  ''  Historie  and  Life  of  Kin<f  James 
 the  Se-xt,"  printed  for  thelJANNATYNE  Clib,  and  edited  by 
 Thomas  Thomson,  Ks(|.  Advocate,  Hishop  Keith  is  censured 
 for  not  •'  plainly  th-nouncing  the  historical  inHdelity''  of  David 
 Crawfunl  of  Drumsoy  ''  in  the  broad  and  un(pialitied  terms 
 which  he  must  have  known  it  to  have  merited."  This  alludes 
 to  tho  Work,  published  in  1700,  entitled—'*  Memoirs  of 
 the  Affairs  of  Scotland,  containing  a   Full   and    Impartial 
 
EDITOR  S  PREFACE. 
 
 A  ccount  of  the  Revolution  in  that  Kingdom,  begun  in  1597  ; 
 faithfully  published  from  an  authentic  MS.   By  her  Majesty's 
 Historiographer  for  Scotland."     The  avowed  object  of  the 
 said  Mr  Crawfurd  of  Drumsoy,  the  ostensible  Editor  of  this 
 Work,  was  to  counteract  the  tendency  of  Buchanan's  History, 
 the  then  popularity  of  which  in  Scotland  is  greatly  deplored 
 by  Queen  Anne's  Scottish  Historiographer.     The  reader  is 
 referred  to  the  Preface  of  the  genuine  narrative,  printed  for 
 the  Bannatyne  Club  in  1825,  for  an  account  of  the  various 
 jMSS.  of  the  now  unknown  contemporary  author,  the  parties 
 in  whose  possession  they  still  are,  and  for  an  exposure  of  the 
 grossest  literary  fraud  ever  attempted  to  pervert  the  genuine 
 history  of  Scotland,  in  the  form  of  "  Memoirs"  which  were 
 received  by  the  public  as  the  genuine  production  of  a  con- 
 temporary writer,  and  as  such  most  unsuspectingly  quoted  by 
 Hume,  Robertson,  Goodall,  Tytler,  and  Whittaker,  though 
 the  real  character  of  the  Work  did  not  altogether  escape  de- 
 tection and  observation  even  by  Bishop  Keith.     "  That  in- 
 dustrious person,"  says  the  Editor  of  the  collated  MS.  printed 
 for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  "  appears  to  have  had  access  to 
 one  of  the  MSS.  of  the  Life  of  James  the  Sext ;  and  in  a 
 copy  of  the  printed  Memoirs  still  preserved  he  has  pointed 
 out  a  great  many  interpolations  and  falsifications,  though 
 by  no  means  the  whole,  in  terms  of  unequivocal  reprobation  ; 
 and  it  may  now  be  regarded  as  matter  of  surprize  that  the 
 extent  of  this  author's  '  variations'  from  his  alleged  original, 
 as  Bishop  Keith  has  courteously  characterized  them,  should 
 not  sooner  have  deprived  the  Work  of  every  pretension  to 
 credit." 
 
 A  more  serious  charge  has  been  recently  brought  against 
 Bishop  Keith.  In  a  note  in  the  first  volume  (p.  22G)  of 
 "  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Times,  a  Series  of  Original 
 Letters,"  edited  by  Thomas  Wright,  Esq.  M.  A.  of  Trinity 
 College,  Cambridge,  8vo.  London,  1838,   our  Historian  is 
 
VI  EDITOR  8  PREFACE. 
 
 accUHcd  of  inlfuUt/  suppressing  a  letter  from  the  Earl  of 
 Bedfonl  ami  Thomas  Kandolph  to  the  Council  of  England 
 on  the  murder  of  Kiecio,  dated  JkTwick,  27th  of  March 
 1.5C0.  The  letter  is  inserted  by  Mr  Wright,  who  says — 
 "  This  interesting  and  circumstantial  letter  redounds  very 
 little  to  the  credit  of  the  (Jucen  of  Scots,  and  therefore 
 apparently  it  was  not  printed  by  Keith/'  But  this  is  alto- 
 gether gratuitous,  for  Mr  Wright  cannot  prove  that  Bishop 
 Keith  was  aware  of  the  existence  of  such  a  letter.  The 
 nature  of  the  document  may  be  inferred  from  Mr  Wright's 
 observations. — "  The  imprudence  with  which  Mary,  in  her 
 passion,  avows  and  justifies  her  criminal  connection  with 
 Riccio,  and  the  brutal  and  at  the  same  time  contemptible  be- 
 haviour of  Darnley,  form  a  picture  of  wickedness  and  cruelty 
 such,  as  Von  Raumer  with  reason  exclaims,  that  '  few 
 scenes  in  the  history  of  the  world  can  be  compared  with  it.' "" 
 After  such  strong  language  by  Mr  Wright,  who  is  a  most 
 determined  enemy  to  Queen  Mary,  we  would  naturally  expect 
 8omo  very  disgusting  and  indelicate  disclosures  by  Bedford 
 and  Randolph;  but  instead  of  Queen  Mary  "avowing  and 
 justifying"  criminal  connection  with  Riccio,  which  is  too 
 monstrous  to  be  credited  for  a  moment,  the  whole  occupies 
 only  a  few  lines  in  a  letter  of  nine  closely  printed  octavo 
 pages,  and  merely  details  an  alK'ged  scene  of  angry  recri- 
 mination between  the  Queen  and  Darnley,  iniinediately  after 
 Riccit)  had  been  nmrdered,  almost  in  her  presence,  in 
 Holy  rood  Palace.  The  reader  will  find  this  and  the  parti- 
 culars of  Riccio's  nmrder  amply  discussed  in  the  note, 
 J..  414-117  «>f  the  present  volume;  and  a  careful  examina- 
 tion of  IkMlford's  and  Riindolph's  letter,  which  Bishop  Keith 
 is  most  unfairly  and  most  i>resumptuously  accused  of  wilfully 
 suppressing,  nuist  satisfy  the  most  fastidious  that  it  contains 
 no  ovidence  whatever  of  such  an  outrageous  intercourse  as 
 that  imputed  to  Queen  Niarv  without  the  lea^t  foundation. 
 
EDITOR  S  PREFACE.  Vll 
 
 In  referring  again  to  Mr  Tytler's  "  History  of  Scothxnd/' 
 it  is  to  be  regretted  that  he  has  followed  the  former  Scottish 
 writers,  and  invariably  printed  the  Regent  Moray's  name  as 
 Murray.  Now,  it  is  well  known  that  such  was  the  vulgar 
 mode  of  pronouncing  and  writing  Moray  as  if  it  was  the 
 patronymic  or  family  name  of  Murray — the  name  of  four 
 Noble  and  of  a  number  of  ancient  and  distinguished  Scottish 
 families.  Moray  was  always  the  title  of  the  Earldom,  as  it 
 has  invariably  been  of  the  province  or  county  of  Moray  or 
 Elgin,  and  the  Earls  of  Moray,  the  lineal  descendants  of  the 
 Regent,  never  were  addressed  or  signed  themselves  Murray. 
 Bishop  Keith,  like  his  predecessors  and  contemporaries, 
 wrote  the  Regent's  title  as  Murray^  which  is  corrected  in 
 the  present  edition,  but  it  is  singular  that  Mr  Tytler  adopted 
 this  erroneous  orthography  throughout,  and  in  this  he  has 
 been  followed  by  the  Russian  Nobleman,  Prince  Labanoff, 
 in  his  voluminous  collection  of  Queen  Mary's  letters ;  by 
 Miss  Strickland  in  her  collection  of  the  same  ;  and  by  an 
 eminent  antiquarian,  William  Turnbull,  Esq.  Advocate, 
 in  his  abridgement  of  Prince  Labanoff 's  collection  of  letters, 
 pubHshed  in  one  volume  in  1845.  Prince  Alexander  Laba- 
 noff, in  his  seven  volumes  of  the  Letters  of  Queen  Mary 
 collected  by  him,  and  published  in  1844,  acknowledges  some 
 of  those  which  he  reprinted  from  Bishop  Keith's  Work ; 
 but  Miss  Strickland  never  mentions  our  venerable  and 
 industrious  Historian.  It  is  not  surprizing,  therefore,  that 
 we  find  the  following  inaccuracy  in  her  notice  of  a  personage 
 eminent  in  Scottish  history  in  her  "  Letters  of  Mary 
 Queen  of  Scots"  (vol.  i.  p.  7).  Referring  to  some  of  the 
 Queen's  proceedings  after  her  return  from  France,  Miss 
 Strickland  writes — "  Mary  appoints  James  Murray^  her 
 natural  brother,  and  Maitland,  her  prime  ministers."  Miss 
 Strickland  ought  to  have  known  that  James  Stuart — not 
 James  Murray — was  the  name  of  the  future  Regent,  and 
 
vlii  editor's  preface. 
 
 that  he  was  always  designated  Lord  James  Stuart  before 
 he  was  created  Earl  of  Mar  in  1561-2,  which  title  he  relin- 
 quished for  the  Earldom  of  Moray  in  1562,  his  mother's 
 family  having  the  right  to  the  Earldom  of  Mar.      There 
 are  other  mistakes  which  this  lady  commits  in  her  chrono- 
 logical notes  which  w^e  would  gladly  overlook,  but  we  feel 
 obliored  in  fairness  to  take  notice  of  some  of  them,  lest 
 they  mislead  ordinary   readers.     Miss    Strickland   says — 
 "  August  19,  1561 — Mary  disembarks  at  Leith.      Having 
 made  a  short  stay  at  the  Ahhei/  of  Lislelourg,   she   pro- 
 ceeded to  Edinburgh''  (Letters  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots, 
 with  an   Introduction,    vol.  i.    p.    7)-       Now,    the    proper 
 Ahheij  of  nisUhourg  is  the  Abbey  of  Holyroodhouse,   to 
 which  the    Queen  repaired  immediately   after  she  landed 
 at  Leith,  and  L'lslebourg  was  the  French  name  of  Edin- 
 burgh ;  but  Miss  Strickland,  who  evidently  never  consulted 
 Bishop  Keith's  History,  in  which  this  fact  is  twice  stated, 
 and  several  letters   of  the    French   ambassador  Le    Croc 
 are  inserted,  dated   at   L'lslebourg^  otherwise   Edinburgh^ 
 writes  as  if  the  Abbey  of  Lislebourg  had  been  somewhere 
 between  Edinburgh  and  Leith.     Again — "  July  3,  1565 — 
 The  conspirators  endeavour  to  seize  the  Queen  near  to  the 
 church  of  Beith,  on  the  road  between  Perth  and  Callenderr 
 Miss  Strickland  is  not  aware  that  Callender  House  near 
 Falkirk,  the  residence  of  the  then  Lord  Livingstone,  to 
 which  the   Queen  was  journeying,   and  not  a  town  called 
 Callendar,  is  the  proper  locality,  and  that  the  parish  church 
 of  Beath  in  the  west  of  Fife,  where  this  exploit  was  to  be 
 attempted,  is  not  "  on  the  road  between  Perth  and  Callender" 
 House,   near  Falkirk — tlie  other  Callendar,  a  large  village 
 and  extensive  parish  in  the  south-west  of  Perthshire,  on  the 
 borders  of  Stirlingshire,  forming  part  of  the  romantic  dis- 
 trict of  the  Trosachs.     Miss  Strickland  informs  us  that  the 
 Duke  of  Argyll  presided  at  Bothwell's  mock  trial,  whereas 
 
EDITOR  S  PREFACE.  IX 
 
 the  Dukedom  of  Argyle  was  not  created  till  1701,  and 
 Archibald  fifth  Earl  of  Argyll,  then  Hereditary  Lord 
 Justice- General,  presided  at  that  trial.  Miss  Strickland 
 has  discovered  that,  after  the  surrender  of  Mary  at 
 Carberry  Hill,  which  is  most  erroneously  designated  a 
 hattle^  though  not  a  sword  was  drawn,  the  Queen  was 
 taken  "  to  the  KirJc-at-Field^  and  shut  up  in  the  house 
 where  her  husband's  corpse  had  been  carried  after  his 
 murder,  and  had  laid  till  his  buriar  (vol.  iii.  p.  28),  and  we 
 are  gravely  told  this  in  defiance  of  the  well-known  facts 
 that  the  house  of  the  Kirk-of- Field  was  demolished  by 
 gunpowder  on  the  morning  of  the  murder  of  Lord  Darnley, 
 and  that  the  Queen  was  first  taken  from  Carberry  Hill  to 
 the  house  called  the  Black  TurnpiJce  in  the  High  Street  of 
 Edinburgh,  then  the  residence  of  Sir  Simon  Preston  of 
 Cragmillar,  the  Lord  Provost.  Miss  Strickland  assures  us 
 that  Bothwell  was  "  turned  of  fifty,  coarse  and  ugly" 
 (vol.  iii.  p.  124).  Now,  though  the  date  of  BothwelFs 
 birth  is  not  assigned  in  the  Peerage  lists,  he  was  served 
 heir  to  his  father  the  third  Earl  on  the  3d  of  November 
 1556,  and  it  is  now  decided  that  Bothwell  was  little  more 
 than  thirty  years  of  age  when  he  married  Queen  Mary. 
 Instead  of  being  "  coarse  and  ugly,"  if  Miss  Strickland 
 had  examined  the  history  of  the  time  carefully,  she  would 
 have  found  that  Bothwell  was  the  very  reverse,  and  even 
 Walsingham  describes  him  as  a  "  glorious,  rash,  and 
 hazardous  young  man." 
 
 It  only  remains  to  notice  two  very  extraordinary  traditions 
 maintained  by  the  Presbyterians  and  the  Roman  Catholics 
 respecting  Queen  Mary's  domestic  life,  which  completely 
 refute  each  other.  Wodrow,  as  stated  in  a  note  towards 
 the  end  of  the  present  volume  (p.  789),  asserts,  on  the 
 authority  of  "  old  Mr  Patrick  Simson,"  that  Queen  Mary 
 soon  after  her  escape  from  Lochleven  bore  a  son  to  George 
 
X  EDITOR  S  PREFACE. 
 
 Douglas,  an<l  that  son  was  the  fathLr  of  Mr  Robert 
 Douglas,  a  connpicuous  Covenanting  preaclier  in  the  reign 
 of  Cliark'H  I.  wlio  preached  tho  sermon  at  the  Cove- 
 nantintr  coronation  of  Charles  II. at  Scone  in  IGol,  and  who 
 survived  till  after  the  Restoration.  Bishop  Burnet  says — 
 **  It  18  certain  that  Mr  Douglas  was  not  ill  pleased  to  have 
 this  Btory  pafw.  He  had  something  very  great  in  his 
 countenance;  his  looks  shewed  both  nuicli  wisdom  and 
 great  thoughtfulness,  but  withall  a  vast  pride.  He  was 
 generally  verv'  silent ;  I  confess  I  never  admired  any  thing 
 ho  said."  The  Covenanting  Presbyterians  believed  this 
 incre<iible  story,  forgetting  that  only  eleven  days  intervened 
 between  the  escape  of  the  C^ueen  from  Lochleven  and  tho 
 battle  of  Langside— that  her  flight  into  England  after  that 
 battle  was  almost  innnediate — and  that  eveiy  day  can  be 
 accounted  for  from  the  evening  the  Queen  left  Lochleven  to 
 tho  day  of  her  execution  in  Fotheringay  Castle.  Though 
 nothing  is  accurately  known  of  the  real  parentage  of  Robert 
 Douglas,  it  is  stated  on  the  authority  of  Bishop  Keith's  friend, 
 Mr  Robert  Myln,  whose  Collections  are  in  the  Library  of  tho 
 Faculty  of  Advocates  at  Edinburgh,  that  George  Douglas, 
 who  assisted  tho  Queen  to  escape,  had  an  illegitimate  son 
 wlio  became  tutor  to  Laurence  Lord  Oliphant,  and  was  tho 
 father  of  the  noted  Covenanting  preacher. 
 
 It  is  nevertheless  certain  that  Mary  at  one  time  believed 
 herself  to  \)v  pregnant  while  she  was  in  Lochleven  Castle. 
 Wv  have  numerous  announcements  of  tliis  in  Utters  and 
 tlocunients  of  the  period,  and  the  Queen's  conviction  that 
 she  w,is  i„  Huch  a  state  was  the  chief  inducement  for  her 
 resisting  every  advice  to  repudiate  Bothwell,  which,  she 
 imagined,  would  illogitimatize  lur  child.  This  introduces 
 us  to  th(,  Roman  Catholic  story,  for  so  it  may  properly  be 
 designated,  as  emanating  from  the  members  of'that  Church, 
 ami  assert..!  bv  its  s„p,u„  i.,..  that  in  danuarv  or  Fcbruarv 
 
EDITOR  S  PREFACE.  XI 
 
 1568,  upwards  of  nine  months  after  the  Queen  married 
 Bothwell,  she  was  delivered  of  a  daughter,  who  was  taken 
 to  France,  and  afterwards  became  a  Nun  at  Notre  Dame 
 de  Soissons.  Accordingly  Prince  Labanoff  enlightens  us 
 with  the  following  information  and  his  own  reflections  on  this 
 subject,  which  are  thus  chronicled  by  Miss  Strickland  : — "  Dr 
 Lingard  having  repeated  in  his  History  of  England  the  state- 
 ment of  the  pregnancy  of  the  Queen  of  Scotland,  which  had 
 been  refuted  in  1782  by  Dr  Gilbert  Stuart,  I  have  thought  it 
 right  to  adopt  the  version  of  Le  Laboreur,  a  very  respectable 
 historian,  who  makes  mention  of  it  in  his  additions  to  the 
 '  Memoirs  of  Oastelnau,  vol.  i.  p.  610,  edit.  1731.'  Be  it 
 recollected  that  the  author  whom  I  quote  held  a  post  of 
 confidence  at  the  Court  of  France  (he  was  Councillor  and 
 Almoner  to  the  King),  and  that  he  had  opportunities  of 
 learning  many  particulars  which  were  long  kept  secret. 
 Besides,  it  was  easy  for  him,  when  he  published  his  Work, 
 to  examine  the  Register  of  the  Convent  of  Soissons,  and  to 
 ascertain  whether  the  daughter  of  Mary  Stuart  had  been  a 
 Nun  there."" 
 
 If  this  story  has  any  truth,  it  completely  explodes  the 
 Covenanting  tradition  of  ascribing  a  royal  though  illegitimate 
 descent  to  Mr  Robert  Douglas.  Here  we  have  the  state- 
 ment that  Mary  was  delivered  of  a  daughter  in  Lochleven 
 Castle  in  January  or  February/ 1568,  who  must  have  been  the 
 offspring  of  her  husband  Bothwell ;  and  we  have  the  opposite 
 Presbyterian  allegation  that  the  Queen  v/as  delivered  of  a 
 son  in  May  that  year,  during  the  interval  between  her 
 escape  from  Lochleven  and  the  battle  of  Langside,  which 
 was  fought  on  the  13th  of  that  month.  Setting  aside, 
 therefore,  the  latter  story,  it  is  equally  impossible  that  such 
 an  eveiit  as  the  birth  of  a  daughter  in  Lochleven  Castle 
 could  have  occurred,  and  yet  be  unnoticed  by  contemporary 
 historians   and   writers,   when   we   consider   that    such    a 
 
XIV  KbITOR  S  PREFACE. 
 
 the  (^iicoii    iiKnlv   Ulitced  herstlf  in   a   peculiar  condition 
 while  in  I^>chleven  (Jastlu. 
 
 The  cclchratetl  ca«ket,  in  which  Queen  Mark's  pretended 
 love-letters  to  IJothwell  were  alleged  to  have  been  found  in 
 KdinhurLdi  Castle,  is  now  in  Hamilton  Palace,  in  whicli  is 
 another  valuable  memorial  of  that  age — the  harquebuss 
 with  which  Hamilton  of  Bothwellhaugh  assassinated  the 
 Regent  Moray  at  Linlithgow. 
 
 The  extent  of  this  Volume  precludes  the  insertion  of  our 
 Historian's  Appendix  of  Documents  to  his  Second  Book, 
 which  will  bo  found  in  Vo].  III.  concluding  the  present 
 edition. 
 
 JOHN  PARKER  LAWSON. 
 
 Kl»I!«BI  Ron,  NoVKMHRR   \^'t. 
 
CONTENTS  OF  VOLUME  SECOND. 
 
 BOOK  II. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 CHAP.  I. — CONTAINING  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  STATE  AFFAIRS, 
 FROM  THE  CONVENTION  OR  PRETENDED  PARLIAMENT  IN 
 THE  MONTH  OF  AUGUST  1560,  UNTIL  THE  ARRIVAL  OF 
 THE  QUEEN  FROM  FRANCE  IN  THE  MONTH  OF  AUGUST 
 
 15G1       .....       1 
 
 CHAP.  II. A  CONTINUATION  OF  STATE  AFFAIRS,  FROM  THE 
 
 queen's  ARRIVAL  IN  SCOTLAND  IN  THE  MONTH  OF 
 AUGUST     1561,     TILL     THE     BEGINNING     OF    THE    YEAR 
 
 1561-2 63 
 
 CHAP.  III. A  CONTINUATION  UNTIL  THE  END  OF  THIS 
 
 YEAR  .....        109 
 
 CHAP.  IV. — CONTAINING  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  AFFAIRS,  FROM 
 THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  YEAR  1561-2,  UNTIL  MIDSUMMER 
 THE  SAME  YEAR  ....  138 
 
 CHAP.  V. — CONTAINING  MATTERS  OF  STATE,  FROM  MID- 
 SUMMER IN  THIS  YEAR  1562,  UNTIL  THE  IST  OF  APRIL 
 IN  THE  NEXT  YEAR  1563  .  .  .  154 
 
 CHAP.  VI. — CONTAINING  MATTERS  OF  STATE  FROM  THE 
 1st  OF  APRIL  1563,  UNTIL  THE  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  EARL 
 OF  LENOX  IN  SCOTLAND,  IN  THE  MONTH  OF  SEPTEMBER 
 OF  THE  FOLLOWING  YEAR  1564  .  .  195 
 
 CHAP.  VII. — CONTAINING  MATTERS  OF  STATE  FROM  THE 
 ARRIVAL  OF  THE  EARL  OF  LENOX  IN  SCOTLAND,  IN  THE 
 MONTH  OF  SEPTEMBER  1564,  UNTIL  THE  ARRIVAL  OF 
 HIS  SON  THE  LORD  DARNLEY  IN  THE  MONTH  OF 
 FEBRUARY  1564-5  ....  231 
 
 CHAP.  VIII. CONTINUATION  OF  STATE  AFFAIRS  FROM  THE 
 
 ARRIVAL  OF  THE  LORD  DARNLEY  INTO  SCOTLAND  IN  THE 
 MONTH  OF  FEBRUARY  1564-5,  UNTIL  THE  MARRIAGE  OF 
 THIS  LORD  WITH  THE  QUEEN  OF  SCOTS,    IN    THE   MONTH 
 
 OF  JULY  1565  .  .  .  .  263 
 
IV  CONTENTS. 
 
 I'AOK 
 
 (  IIAP.  IX. C'ONTAINIXO  STATE  AFFAIRS  FKOM  THE  (^L'EEN's 
 
 MAHRVINQ  THE  LORD  DARXLEY  IN  THE  END  OF  JULY 
 l')(r),  TILL  THE  BIRTH  OF  THE  PRINCE  IN  THi:  MONTH 
 OF  JUNE  IjCA)  ....  1344 
 
 CHAP.  X. CONTINUATION    OF    STATE    AFFAIRS    FROM    THE 
 
 BIRTH  OF  THE  PRINCE  OF  SCOTLAND,  AFTERWARDS  KING 
 JAMES  VI.,  ON  THE  IOtU  OF  JUNE  15G0,  UNTIL  THE 
 MURDER    OF    THE    KINO    ON    THE    IOtH    OF    FEBRUARY 
 
 ir>(j<;-7  .....  4:r> 
 
 <HAr.  XI. CONTINUATION    UF    STATE   AFFAIRS   FROM    THE 
 
 kino's  MURDER  ON  THK  1(>TII  OF  FEBRUARY  1500-7, 
 UNTIL  THE  (queen's  MARRIAGE  WITH  THE  EARL  OF 
 BOTHWELL   <»N   THE    ISlH    OF   MAY    IN    THE    SAME    YEAR 
 
 loG7  .....  r)io 
 
 CHAP.  XII. — CONTAINING  STATE  AFFAIRS  FROM  THE  QUEEN's 
 MARRIAGE  WITH  THE  EARL  OF  BOTHWELL  ON  THE  lOTH 
 OP  MAT  15G7,  UNTIL  THE  EARL  OF  MoRAY's  ACCEPTATION 
 OF  THE  RE(}ENCY  IN  THE  MONTH  OF  AUGUST  THE  SAME 
 YEAR  .....  581 
 
 CHAP.  XIII. CONTAINING    MATTERS  OF    STATE    FROM   THE 
 
 EARL  OF  Moray's  acceptation  of  the  regency  in 
 THE  month  of  august  15<)7,  till  the  queen's  retreat 
 
 INTO  ENGLAND  IN  THE  MONTH  OF  MAY  1508  750 
 
THE 
 
 HISTORY 
 
 OF  THE  AFFAIRS  OF 
 
 CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND. 
 
 BOOK  II. 
 
 CHAPTER  I. 
 
 CONTAINING  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  STATE  AFFAIRS,  FROM  THE  CON- 
 VENTION OR  PRETENDED  PARLIAMENT  IN  THE  MONTH  OF 
 AUGUST  1.5G0,  UNTIL  THE  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  QUEEN  FROM 
 FRANCE  IN  THE  MONTH  OF  AUGUST  1561. 
 
 N  the  preceding  Book  we  have  seen  great  and 
 surprising  alterations  in  the  ancient  poHty 
 both  of  our  Church  and  State  ;  the  first 
 totally  subverted,  the  latter  only  not  quite 
 extinguished.  In  this  Book  we  shall  meet 
 with  events  no  less,  and  perhaps  the  more  surprising,  that 
 the  new  form  of  the  pure  and  immaculate  spouse  of  Jesus 
 Christ^  shall  be  found  to  be  no  check  sufficient  to  restrain 
 
 1  See  the  Black  Acts,  Pari.  I.  Kinq;  James  VI.  Act  xii. — [See  notice  of 
 the  Collection  called  the  "  Black  Acts,"  in  the  account  of  the  Public 
 Records  of  Scotland,  vol.  i.  of  the  present  edition,  Biof^raphical  Sketch, 
 p.  Ix.  This  reference  to  the  first  Parliament  of  James  VI.  is  by  antici- 
 pation, as  that  Parliament  was  not  held  till  December  1507,  and  was  under 
 the  Earl  of  Moray's  Regency.  See  the  Act  "  Anent  the  Jurisdiction  of  the 
 Kirk,"  Dec.  20,  1567,  in  Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  iii.  p.  24,  which  is  the 
 twelfth  Act  in  that  Collection.  See  also  the  Acts  "  Anent  the  Abolishing 
 of  the  Pope  and  his  Usurpit  Authoritie,"  Ibid.  j).  14  ;  "  anent  the  annulling 
 of  the  Actes  of  Parliament  maid  aganis  Goddis  Word  and  Maintenance 
 of  Idolatrie  in  ony  times  bypast,"  Ibid.  ;  "  anent  the  Messe  abolishit,  and 
 VOL.  II.  1 
 
2  THK  lIIST<»iiY  «<r  THE  AFFAIR.^  [15G0. 
 
 the  now  modcllors  from  tlio  committing  of  8ucli  enormities 
 as  will  ever  rtuiain  a  ntain  upon  the  p*  rpetrators  of  them. ^ 
 Hv  the  Treaty  of  Accord  between  the  deputies  of  the 
 KiuLC  Jin^l  ^?i»eon,  and  their  subjects  in  Scotland,  it  is  declared 
 (Number  xvii.)  - — ''  That  the  Nobility  of  Scotland  have  en- 
 gaged, that  in  the  ensuing  Convention  of  Estates,  some 
 persons  of  <|uality  shall  be  chosen  for  to  repair  to  their 
 Majesties,  ami  lay  before  them  the  state  of  their  affairs,  &c. 
 — at  which  time  they  shall  get  delivered  to  them  the  ratifi- 
 cation done  by  their  Majesties,""  &c.  In  some  soil  of  con- 
 formity to  which  Article,  after  the  rising  of  the  Parliament,  or 
 Convention  of  Estates,  in  the  month  of  August  anno  IdGO,^ 
 we  are  informed  by  Mr  Knox  and  Mr  Buchanan,^  two  his- 
 torians then  alive,  that  Sir  James  Sandilands^  was  directed 
 
 puniHc-hinf]^  of  all  that  hciris  or  sayis  tlie  Siimin,"  Ibid,  p,  22  ;  "  anent  the 
 Trcw  and  Haly  Kirk,  and  of  thaiuo  that  are  declarit  not  to  be  of  the 
 samin,"  Ibid.  p.  23.  See  also  the  Acts  a^inst  the  Jurisdiction  of  the 
 l*o|K«,  "  Idolatry  and  all  Acts  contrair  to  the  Confession  of  Faith  publist 
 in  this  rarliamont,"  and  the  Mass,  Ibid.  p.  36. — E.] 
 
 '  [  This  is  stronj;  lan^iape,  but  at  the  same  time  quite  just.  The  "  pure 
 and  immaculate  spouse  of  Ji'sus  Christ"  seems  rather  an  irreverent 
 exprejvsion,  but  our  Historian  apjdies  it  ironically  to  the  "new  form"  set 
 up  by  the  "  new  modellers,"  and  the  crimes  and  disasters  which  ensued, 
 tis  forming  a  sinpdar  contrast  to  their  extraordinary  pretensions  to  reli- 
 giou.<<  purity.—  K.j 
 
 ■  [The  Bcvonth  article  in  the  "  Treaty  of  .\ccord"  between  those  French 
 deputies  and  the  Scottish  nation.— E.] 
 
 '  [This  wa.H  after  the  24th  of  Aupist,  on  whicli  day  Acts  were  passed 
 al>olishin^  the  r(>jK''H  jurisdiction,  the  Muss,  and  what  was  desi;^iated 
 **  Idol.it rif^."  with  '^all  Acts  contrair  to  the  Confession  of  I'aith  publLsht  in 
 this  r  Acta  Turl. Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii.  p.  634,  535.    The  Records 
 
 of  th.r  it  are  now  lost.—  E.] 
 
 *  (  Kiiu.v'n  lli.storie  of  the  Hefonuation  of  Relipoun  in  Scothmd,  folio, 
 ICdin.  tMlit.  1732,  p.  255  ;  lUu-hanan's  Kerum  Scoticarum  liistoria,  folio, 
 K<lin.  on^final  inlition,  15s2,  Ikiok  xvii.  fol.  1{>I).— E.j 
 
 •  Th»«  ^rmtlcman  was  sivond  son  to  Sir  .lanu's  SandiUuuls  of  Calder. 
 He  went  and  reside<l  for  M>me  time  in  the  Islo  of  .Malta,  where  ho  was 
 receive<l  a  Knif,'ht  of  that  military  Order,  and  in  the  year  1543  was  in- 
 YCfitcd  in  the  titb'  and  jurisdiction  of  Lml  St  JcJnt  of  Jeruntlem  tcithin 
 ScoUaml.  Thcsf  Kui^jhts  of  .Malta  were  at  first  called  Hospitalh»rs  of 
 St  John  of  .Icnisalem,  from  a  church  and  hospital  foundiMl  there  in  honour 
 of  Si  John  IViij.tiHt.  Afterwards  th«'y  wrre  erecteil  by  Baldwin,  the 
 Christian  Kinjj  of  Jcruxjilvm,  into  a  military  Order  of  Kni;,'hts  about  the 
 year  1104.  After  the  Christians  had  Imh'U  driven  out  of  the  Holy  Land 
 by  thi»  intidelH,  thew  Knijjhts  seixinl  ujKm  the  Island  of  Rhodi^s,  lyinp  in 
 the  iMittom  of  the  Mediterranean,  anno  1310,  and  be|2^n  to  get  the  appel- 
 lation of  Knights  n/  RhmUs.     Hut  having  lKH»n   likewise  beat  from  that 
 
1560.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  3 
 
 into  France  with  a  copy  of  the  Acts  thereof,  in  order  to 
 obtain  a  ratification  of  them  from  the  King  and  Queen ; 
 but  both  these  writers  give  broad  hints,  and  seem  indeed 
 
 Isle  by  the  Turks,  they  obtained  in  gift  from  the  Emperor  Charles  V.  the 
 small  Isle  of  JNIalta,  on  the  coast  of  Sicily,  in  the  year  1530,  and  this  last 
 place  continues  to  give  them  the  denomination  of  KnUjlits  of  Malta.  The 
 Chief  of  the  Order  in  the  several  kingdoms  of  Europe  goes  by  the  name 
 of  Lord  St  John  of  Jerusalem^  for  they  had  lands  pertaining  to  the 
 Order  in  all  Christian  countries,  and  continue  still  to  have,  in  the  king- 
 doms subject  to  the  See  of  Rome.  They  have  strongly  fortified  the  Isle 
 of  Malta,  have  a  regular  government  there,  and  their  profession  is  to 
 wage  continual  war  against  the  Turks,  or  enemies  of  Christianity.  When 
 they  go  to  war,  they  wear  above  theii'  common  and  ordinary  black  habit 
 a  red  cassock,  with  a  large  white  cross  both  before  and  behind  without 
 points,  whereas  the  cross  on  their  ordinary  habit  hath  eight  points.  The 
 Knights  are  all  unmarried,  and  must  be  all  nobly  descended,  and  theii* 
 Superior  is  called  the  Grand  Master.  Sir  James  Sandilands,  Lord  St 
 John,  of  whom  we  now  speak,  did  afterwards  resign  his  lands  of  Tor- 
 phichen,  belonging  to  the  Knighthood,  into  the  hands  of  the  Queen,  and 
 her  Majesty  erected  them  into  a  temporal  lordship  for  him,  on  the  24th 
 of  .January  1564. — [Of  Sir  James  Sandilands  of  Calder,  see  the  note,  vol.  i. 
 p.  84,  85,  of  the  present  edition.  See  also,  for  an  account  of  the  proceedings 
 of  Sir  James  Sandilands,  or  Lord  St  John,  as  he  is  called.  Sir  Nicholas 
 Throgmorton's  Letter  to  Sir  Thomas  Chamberlayne,  dated  Orleans,  21st 
 November  15G0,  in  "  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Times,  a  Series  of  Original 
 Letters,"  edited  by  Thomas  Wright,  JNI.A.  of  Trinity  College,  Cambridge  : 
 London,  8vo.  1838,  vol.  i.  p.  49-57.  As  it  respects  the  Knights  of  ]Malta, 
 Bishop  Keith's  historical  summary  of  them  refers  to  their  condition  in  his 
 time.  In  1516,  Sicily,  with  the  jNIaltese  groupe,  consisting  of  Malta,  and 
 the  small  islands  of  Gozo,  Comino,  and  Tripoli,  passed  to  the  Emperor 
 Charles  V.  as  heir  to  the  crown  of  Arragon.  On  the  4th  of  IMarch  1530, 
 after  their  expulsion  from  Rhodes  by  the  Turks,  the  Emperor  granted  to 
 the  Grand  INIaster  and  religious  fraternity  of  St  John  the  ownership  of 
 all  the  castles,  fortresses,  and  islands  of  Malta,  Gozo,  and  I'ripoli,  with 
 comi:>lete  jurisdiction.  The  sovereignty  was  thus  transferred  to  the 
 Knights,  though  the  form  of  tenure  from  the  Crown  of  Sicily  was  main- 
 tained by  the  obligation  to  present  a  falcon  as  the  annual  payment  to  the 
 King  of  Sicily  or  his  viceroy.  At  that  time  jNIalta  was  little  better  than 
 a  barren  rock,  but  it  soon  recovered  under  the  Knights,  who  commenced 
 those  extraordinary  fortifications  which  still  remain  as  monuments  of 
 their  perseverance  and  military  power,  to  protect  their  island  against  tlie 
 invasions  of  piratical  enemies,  and  particularly  against  the  Turks.  After 
 the  surrender  of  jNIalta  to  the  French  in  1798,  the  celebrated  Order  of  the 
 Knights  of  St  John  of  Jerusalem,  or  Knights-llospitallers,  became  extinct 
 as  a  sovereign  body,  and  all  their  possessions  in  various  i)arts  of  luirope 
 were  confiscated.  The  Order,  however,  still  exists  as  a  Religious  Society, 
 though  a  reduced  remnant  of  its  former  greatness  and  power.  In  1845, 
 Ferrara,  in  the  Papal  States,  was  the  residence  of  the  Grand  jNlaster  and  a 
 few  Knights  of  St  John  of  Jerusalem,  who  subsist  on  the  dilajjidated 
 residue  of  their  once  munificent  revenues.     It  lias  been  appropriatelv 
 
4  THE  IlI.STuRY  <  1    Till-   AFFAIRS  [loGO. 
 
 to  sjH'ak  out  plainly  ciioii^^h  tliu  sLiitiiiicnts  of  tlic  govemin<r 
 party  at  home,  viz.  that  they  were  little  solicitous  what 
 inipht  l»e  the  Hueecss  of  this  messaf^e,  since  wo  sec  some 
 expnssions  in  the  ori(,nnal  Instructions  delivered  by  the 
 Parliament  at  this  time,^  whi.li  apj.^ar  not  to  be  very 
 (iec<'nt  from  subjict^,  and  arc  only  suitable  for  those  who 
 had  continued  to  hold  a  Convention  under  the  form  of  a 
 Parliament,  and  to  enter  upon  the  discussion  of  such  thin^^s 
 as  were  particularly  restrvcd  from  their  consultations. 
 Upon  which  account  it  is  the  less  to  be  wonch'red  at  that 
 Sir  James  Sandilands  was  sent  away  without  any  answer 
 from  tln'  (Jui'«'n  ;  and  that  her  Majesty's  relations  of  the 
 (Juisian  Family  should  reproach  him,  who  was  a  man  dedi- 
 cated to  the  holy  war,  for  taking  upon  him  to  manage  the 
 connnands  of  a  parcel  of  rehcls  and  heretics,  as  Mr  Buchanan 
 informs  they  did.-     Nay,  so  displeased  was  the  Queen  with 
 
 olwenod,  that  tlio  altered  state  of  affairs  in  Eiiroi)o,  the  Levant,  and 
 Africa,  renders  the  existence  of  tlie  Kni<,'lits  as  a  sovereif,Mi  Military  Order 
 incomimtihle  with  civilization  and  political  security,  and  the  objects  of 
 their  institution  have  lonp  ceased  to  be  recognised  ;  but  they  were  for 
 centuries,  in  conjunction  with  Venice,  the  great  bulwarks  of  Italy  and 
 WoHtem  Kurope  against  the  Turks. — K.] 
 
 '  In  the  Manuscript  which  I  had  occasion  to  mention  in  the  close  of 
 the  former  Ilook  these  Instructions  are  recorded  ;  and  though  in  a  great 
 many  places  they  l>c  so  sjKjilt  as  not  to  be  legible,  yet  there  is  so  much 
 Htill  remaining  as  may  riMuler  the  .s;une  acceptable  enough  to  the  publick. 
 They  ore  in  Appendi.x,  Number  I.  This  manu.script  is  in  the  Laigh 
 l*arliiunent  llouso,  K<liiiburgh.  It  is  exceedingly  much  defaced  and 
 eaten  away  nt  the  comers,  few  lines  only  being  legible  in  a  great  many 
 plare«,  autl  sometimt^s  a  few  words  only  here  and  there.  It  contains  mis- 
 cellaneous Tapers  of  S  ate  during  the  reign  of  Queen  Mary.  I  shall  be 
 oblig*"*!  to  quote  it  fre<|uently,  and  shall  call  it  the  iJiaUcnd  matiMcrlpt. — 
 (The  Latffh  Parliamrnt  lloutt^  Kdinhuvih^  in  which  Hishoj)  Ki-ith  saw  the 
 MS.  he  quotes,  wa.s  in  his  time  the  depository  of  the  Public  Hix^ords.  It 
 compriM's  the  apartments  under  the  Tarliiunent  House  occupied  by  a 
 large  |K)rtion  of  the  Libmry  of  the  Faculty  of  Advocates.  See  Biographical 
 Hkelch,  in  vol.  i.  p.  Ixxii.  of  the  present  edition.—  K.j 
 
 ■  1  huchiuian's  statement  is—"  Nam  (iusianorum  in  manu  tum  res  Gal- 
 lica  erul  ;  «pii  post«juam  se  nnimadverterunt  blautlieiis,  et  minis  parum 
 proficere,  vi  rt  annis  advers;im  factionem  opprimere  conabantur  ;  et  in 
 ipioN  sectw  divfrsie  crimen  conipetere  non  poterat,  eos  proditi  regni  fece- 
 runt  r««os.  -  IntrrhuTSanililaudius  in  aulam  venit,  non  tam  pnvleritonim 
 veniam  pn-cnbunduN  humiliter,  (piam  ad  civcs  suos  tunniltuum  causis  in 
 GalloA  rejectis  purgamlos.  (tusiani  in  eum  asperrime  cohort i  iMcrej)abant, 
 quoU  homo  sacne  mililiie  addicttis  nuindata  rebellium  pro  hieresi  ilia 
 execrabili,  «piam  tutu  niaxinnis  umnium  gentium  consensus  in  Concilio 
 
1560.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  5 
 
 the  late  deportment  of  her  subjects,  that  it  is  very  observ- 
 able that  neither  now,  nor  at  any  time  thereafter,  even 
 when  she  was  returned  into  her  ancient  and  hereditary 
 kingdom  of  Scotland,  and  thereby  free  from  the  influence 
 of  her  husband  and  French  relations,  could  her  Majesty  be 
 prevailed  upon  to  own  and  acknowledge  the  late  meeting  as 
 a  lawful  Parliament.  Nor  were  the  Acts  thereof  ever 
 allowed  to  be  printed  and  published  along  with  the  Acts  of 
 other  Parliaments,  during  her  Majesty's  administration. ^ 
 
 The  bad  reception  w^hich  the  Lord  St  John  met  with  at 
 the  French  Court,  which  was  then  residing  in  the  city  of 
 Orleans,  joined  to  the  uncertain  returns  which  might  bo 
 made  in  England  to  the  Earls  of  Morton  and  Glencairn, 
 and  Mr  Maitland,  younger  of  Lethington,"^  who  had  likewise 
 been  sent  thither  by  the  States  of  Parliament,  much  about 
 the  time  that  Sir  James  Sandilands  went  into  France,  did 
 "  greatly  trouble  the  minds  of  the  Professors  '"*  (says  Arch- 
 bishop Spottiswoode),  "  for  they  were  sensible  of  their  own 
 weakness,  and  doubtful  of  support  from  England,  if  France 
 should  again  invade,  because  of  the  loss  the  English  had 
 received  in  the  late  expedition. "3  But  under  correction, 
 might  it  not  be  strongly  suspected  that  the  Professors  (viz. 
 of  the  new  doctrines,  in  reality  the  opposers  of  the  regal 
 
 Tridentiiio  damuaret,  perferenda  suscepisset." — Historia,  &c.  original  edi- 
 tion, Edinburgh,  1582,  folio,  fol.  199.— E.J 
 
 1  Rapin  de  Tlioyras  says — "  The  amnesty  of  the  King  and  Queen  was 
 sent  over  into  Scotland,  and  ratified  by  the  States  ;  and  that  likewise  their 
 Majesties  ordered  a  punctual  obedience  to  be  paid  to  the  laws  which  the 
 States  made  in  favour  of  the  Reformation."  But  I  suspect  it  is  not  in 
 the  power  of  any  man  to  shew  a  proper  document  for  either  of  these 
 assertions.  That  Author's  readers  would  do  best  not  to  credit  too  easily 
 his  information  in  Scottish  affairs  about  this  period. 
 
 2  ["  From  this  Parliament,"  says  Sir  James  Balfour,  "  the  Earles  of 
 ISIortone  and  Glencairne,  with  Secretary  Lidingtone  (Maitland  of  Leth- 
 ington),  are  sent  ambassadors  to  Qucene  Elizabeth  to  thankc  her  for  her 
 aide  againste  the  French,  and  to  recommend  the  marriage  of  the  Earle  of 
 Arrane  to  her  ;  to  the  last  of  wiche  she  gave  no  answer  at  all."  Annals 
 of  Scotland,  Edin.  8vo.  1824,  vol.  i.  p.  324.  But  as  appears  from  the 
 document  wliich  follows,  Sir  James  Balfour  was  in  error  when  he  asserted 
 that  Queen  Elizabeth  "  gave  no  answer  at  all "  to  the  Scottish  proposal 
 to  espouse  the  Earl  of  Arran,  unless  he  means  that  her  "  answer "  was 
 imsatisfactory. — E.] 
 
 3  [Archbishop  Spottiswoode's  History  of  the  Church  and  State  of  Scot- 
 land, folio,  fourth  edition,  London,  1677,  p.  151. — E.] 
 
6  Tin:  IIISTURY  UF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15GU. 
 
 authority)  had  Httlc,  if  any  ground  at  all,  to  doubt  of  re- 
 peated a.'<sistance  from  England  ?  Their  interests  and  Queen 
 Elizabetirs  of  England  were  more  firmly  cemented  than  to 
 allow  that  circumspect  lady  to  suffer  her  good  friends  and 
 allies  to  perish  for  want  of  timeous  relief.^ 
 
 Our  Historians  have  given  some  account  of  this  message 
 into  Enirland,  but  the  oritrinal  commission  and  answer  aro 
 of  much  more  value,  both  which,  though  they  have  been 
 already  published,'-  yet  to  make  this  part  of  our  History 
 more  complete,  I  have  taken  the  freedom  to  give  them  a 
 place  here. 
 
 The  Commission  of  tJie  Estates  to  mom  Qimn  Elizabeth  to 
 take  the  Earl  of  Arran  to  her  husband.^ 
 
 "  The  Lords  of  Parliament,  and  others  under\M-itten,  havand 
 consideration  how  the  kingdome  of  England  is  joynt  with 
 this,  be  an  dray  March,  how  puissent  it  is,  what  incom- 
 modity  we  and  our  forefathers  have  felt  be  the  continual 
 weirs  betwixt  the  two  nations,  and  be  the  contrar,  how 
 j^rofitable  their  amytie  may  be  to  us,  what  welth  and  com- 
 modity we  may  obtain  therthrow  ;  hes  thought  good, 
 divysed,  and  ordained,  that  the  occasion  presently  opened 
 up  to  us  shall  be  followed  ;  that  is,  sute  made  to  the  Queen 
 of  England  in  the  best  manner,  that  it  may  please  her 
 Majesty,  for  establishing  of  one  perpetual  friendship,  to 
 joino  in  marriage  with  the  Earll  of  Arran,  being  of  the 
 lawful!  l»l()(j<l  of  this  realme  ;  and  failzieing  of  succession  of 
 
 *  [The  celehnittHl  Lord  Iiur<,'hl('y  wiis  in  Scotland  in  the  siimmor  of 
 ISfiO  on  QiUM'n  Kli/uhctirs  afFaii-s.  In  his  notes  of  occnrronces  he  thus 
 Htntos,  under  date  July  28, 15(J0— "Sir  William  CVeill  came  to  (Jreenwich 
 from  Sc<»tland,  ko  a.s  he  was  absent  sixty-three  days,  liaving  had  L.4  per 
 d'um^  in  tola  L.2.')2,  and  for  postaj^e  witli  twenty  horses  from  London  to 
 ICdinbur^'h,  and  from  thence  hack  to  London,  L.117." — Queen  Klizabeth 
 and  her  Timo«,  a  Series  of  Ori^Mual  I^-tters,  edited  by  Thomas  \V right, 
 M.A.,  F.A.S.,  Trinity  (.'ollege,  Cambridge  :  London,  Svo.  IS'tS,  vol.  i.  p. 
 4-1!).  It  appears  that  Cecil  was  in  Scotland  with  Dr  Wotton  to  negociate 
 with  the  French  commissioners  for  the  evacuation  of  Scotland  by  the 
 French  troojw.  Kdward,  ninth  Lord  Clinton,  I^)rd  High  Admiral  of 
 Kngland,  created  in  1572  Far  1  of  Lincoln,  to  i\\v  F.;irl  of  Sussex,  dated 
 .fune  17,  I.VJO,  Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  2.H,  25).— E.] 
 
 '  Hihhup  Burnet's  Ilistor}*  of  the  English  Heformation,  vol.  iii.  Collect, 
 p.  30S. 
 
 ^  Taken  frona  the  original  at  Hamilton. — |  l*reserv<'d  in  the  archives  of 
 the  Duke  of  Hamilton  at  Hamilton  Palace. — E.l 
 
15G().]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  7 
 
 the  Queen  our  Soverain  Ladie's  body,  next  his  father,  the 
 Duke's  Grace  of  Chastellerault,  declared  be  Act  of  ParUa- 
 ment  second  Person  of  the  reahne,  air  apparant  to  the 
 crown :  And  for  that  purpose,  that  honourable  persons  be 
 sent  in  ambassate  frae  them  yn  behalf  of  the  Estates.  And 
 to  the  effect  the  sute  may  be  made  in  the  most  honourable 
 manner,  and  to  her  Majesty's  best  contentation,  they  have 
 devised  that  presently  in  plane  Parliament  it  shal  be  devised, 
 that  certain  ambassadours  be  sent  to  her  JNIajesty  fre  the 
 Estates,  to  give  her  Hieness  thanks  for  the  guid  will  she 
 has  ever  born  to  this  realnie  sen  she  came  to  her  crown, 
 and  desire  she  lies  that  it  may  continue  an  free  kingdom  in 
 th'antiant  liberty,  sufficiently  of  late  declared  be  her  support 
 liberally  granted  for  the  relief  therof;  and  for  the  guid 
 quietnes  we  presently  enjoy,  purchast  to  us  be  her  Majesty's 
 means  and  labours  :  And  they  are  withall  to  desire  of  her 
 Heeness  to  give  strait  commandments  to  her  wardains  and 
 officers  upon  the  Borders,  to  continue  with  ours  for  sup- 
 pressing of  broken  men,  and  stanching  of  thift ;  with  sic 
 other  things  as  are  necessar  for  the  common  weel  of  this 
 realme.  And  that  the  States  give  power  to  the  Lords 
 of  Articles,  and  others  underwritten,  to  devise  sic  Commis- 
 sion and  Instructions  as  are  necessar  for  that  purpose,  to  be 
 sealed  and  subscribed  be  six  of  the  principals  of  every 
 Estate,  whilk  sal  be  as  sufficient  as  giff  it  were  subscribed 
 and  sealed  by  the  haill  Estates ;  and  thereafter  the  Lords 
 of  Articles,  and  ours  {forte ^  others)  under  specified,  to  de- 
 vise the  Instructione  and  Commission  tuching  the  heid  of 
 the  marriage."! 
 
 This  Order  of  Parliament,  Bishop  Burnet  assures  us,2  is 
 signed  by  the  Archbishop  of  St  Andrews,  the  Bishops  of 
 Dunkeld,  Galloway,  Dunblane,  Argile,  and  the  Elect  of  the 
 
 ^  [Tliis  document,  from  the  original  in  the  archives  at  Hamilton  Palace, 
 is  printed  in  Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii,  p.  G05,  606.  In  tlie  orighial 
 document,  the  words  tlic  jirincipalf  which  were  inserted  before  the  word 
 commission  in  the  title,  thus — "  The  Principal  Commission  of  the  Estates^''  &c. 
 are  deleted,  and  also  the  following  Ihies  at  the  end  after  the  word  tmir- 
 1-iage — "  in  secrete  manor  nodit  to  be  dcAnilgit  nor  communicate  to  ony 
 persoun  befoir  the  ambassators  be  depeschit  towart  hir  ^laiestie." — E.] 
 
 2  [Bishop  Burnet  is  quite  correct.  See  Acta  I'arl.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii. 
 p.  606.— E.] 
 
8  TUE  UISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G0. 
 
 Isles  ;l  and  by  as  many  Abbots  and  Priors,'-  viz.  the  Prior 
 of  St  Andrews,  Abbots  of  Arbroath,  Ncwbottle,  and  Cub-os  ; 
 the  Coninicndator  of  Kilwinning,  and  the  Prior  of  Loch- 
 Icvin  ;^  al«o  by  the  Duke,^  the  Earls^  of  Argyll,  Atliol,  Mor- 
 ton, Crawford,  and  Sutherland  ;  and  by  the  Lords^  Erskine, 
 Gordon,  Salton,  Hay,''  Uchiltree,  Innermeth,^  Boyd,  Lindsay, 
 
 '  [The  Prt'lates  who  signed  were  John  Hamilton,  Archbishop  of  St 
 Andrews ;  Robert  Crichton,  Bishop  of  Dunkeld;  Alexander  Gordon,  Bishop 
 of  Galloway  and  Titular  Archbishoj)  of  Athens  ;  John  C'ami)bell,  Bishop- 
 Elect  of  the  Isles  ;  William  Chisholm,  Bisliop  of  Dunblane,  the  successor 
 of  his  uncle  of  that  name  ;  and  James  Hamilton,  Bishop-Elect  of  Ar^rj-U^ 
 but  never  consecrated,  brother  of  Archbishoj)  Hamilton.— E.] 
 
 ^  [James  Stuart,  Prior  of  St  Andrews,  afterwards  Earl  of  :Moray,  and 
 Regent ;  John  Hamilton,  Abbot  or  Commendator  of  Arbroath  ;  Mark 
 Kerr,  Abbot  of  Newbattle  ;  Gavin,  Abbot  of  Kilwinning  ;  J.  Abbot  of 
 Culross,  but  called  WUHum.  in  the  roll  of  the  Parliament  ;  and  John 
 Wiuram,  I'rior  of  Portmoak  in  Lochleven.— Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii. 
 p.  52o.— E] 
 
 '■*  There  is  no  such  person  in  the  list  of  this  Parliament.— [Bishop  Keith 
 seems  not  to  have  been  aware  that  this  "  Prior  of  Lochleven"  was  no  other 
 than  John  Winram,  Sub-Prior  of  St  Andrews.  Winram  was  Prior  of 
 Portmoak,  on  the  banks  of  Lochleven  in  Kinross-shire,  or  rather  of  the 
 religious  house  on  St  Serfs  Island  in  that  lake  dedicated  to  the  Virgin 
 Mary.  The  Priors  of  Portmoak  were  often  in  consequence  designated 
 Priors  of  Lochhrm.  The  Poet  Winton,  in  the  time  of  James  I.  of  Scot- 
 land, is  known  as  Prior  of  Lochleven. — E.] 
 
 *  [The  Duke  of  Chatelherault,  the  ex-Regent,  Arran*s  fiither,  who 
 simply  signs  himself  James. — E.] 
 
 ^  (These  Noblemen  are  particularly  enumerated  in  the  notes,  vol.  i. 
 p.  .S12,  'MWy  of  the  present  edition. — E.J 
 
 "  ( These  Noblemen  arc  also  elsewhere  noticed.   See  vol.  i.  p.  312. — E.] 
 
 "  This  must  be  William  Lord  Hay  of  Zestir,  as  in  the  list  of  the  Par- 
 liament.— [This  conjecture  is  correct.  William,  Lord  Hay  of  Yester, 
 signs  himself  as  such  in  the  document,  Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii. 
 p.  GOG.  He  was  sixth  Lord  Hay  of  Yester,  and  dying  without  male  issue 
 in  1590  or  151)1,  he  was  succeedi-tl  by  his  brother  James,  wlu)se  son  and 
 successor,  John,  eighth  Lord  Hay  of  Yester,  was  created  Earl  of  Tweed- 
 dale  in  IWG.— i:.] 
 
 "*  f.lohn  Stewart,  son  of  Richard  third  Lord  Innenneath,  succetnled  a.s 
 fourtli  Lord  in  152S.  He  wa.s  a])p()inted  an  Extraordinary  Lord  of  Session 
 in  Marcli  ir)}2,  supported  the  Reformation,  joined  the  association  for  the 
 pretended  Siifi-ty  of  .lames  VI.  in  l.')()7,  and  w;us  j)resent  at  the  coronation 
 of  that  monarch.  His  grandson  .John,  sixth  Lord  Innernieath,  was  created 
 I'jirl  of  Atholl  by  diarter  under  the  Great  Seal  in  Man  h  l.'i.Mo-G,  the 
 F^irldom  having  n-verted  to  the  King  on  the  death  of  .John  Stewart,  fifth 
 Fjirl  of  Atholl.  The  family  of  Stewart  of  Lniernieath  were  extinct  in  the 
 reign  of  Charles  I.,  who  conferred  the  I'^arldom  of  Atlu>ll  on  William 
 Murray,  secouil  F^irl  of  Tullibardine.--  E.j 
 
1560.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  9 
 
 Gray,  and  some  others  whose  names  cannot  be  read;i 
 and  by  eight  Provosts  of  Burghs.2  And  the  Right  Ileverend 
 Author  makes  this  observation,  after  he  has  set  down  the 
 names  of  the  clergy — viz.  "  So  many  of  the  ecclesiastical 
 state  of  both  ranks  concurring,  shews  that  they  rejoiced  in 
 the  deliverance  that  they  had  from  the  servitude  under 
 which  the  French  had  almost  brought  them."  But  this 
 seems  to  be  too  liberal  an  observation,  because  one^  and  not 
 the  least  principal  branch  of  the  message  to  the  Queen  of 
 England  at  this  time,  was  to  propose  a  marriage  betwixt 
 her  Majesty  and  the  Earl  of  Arran,  to  which,  no  doubt, 
 the  friends  and  relations  of  the  Family  of  Hamilton  would 
 greedily  give  their  concurrence,  such  as  the  Archbishop  of 
 St  Andrews,  and  his  brother  the  Bishop  of  Argyll,  the 
 Commendators  of  Aberbrothock  and  Kilwinning.  The  Bishop 
 of  Dunblane  likewise  was  well  known  to  have  been  strongly 
 in  our  Queen's  measures,  and  so  not  averse  to  the  maintain- 
 ing her  authority  by  force. 
 
 To  the  preceding  Commission  of  the  Estates  of  Scotland 
 the  Queen  of  England  returned  the  following  answer  : — 
 
 The  Queenes  Majesties  Answere,  declared  to  Tier  CoiinscU^  con- 
 cerning e  the  Requests  of  the  Lords  of  Scotlande. 
 
 Her  Majestle  reduced  the  Answer  into  three  Points.^ 
 
 "I.  The  First  was — That  where  the  three  Estates  had  sent 
 the  Lords  of  Scotland  to  present  their  harty  thanks  to  her 
 JMajestie  for  the  benifits  receaved  this  last  yere  by  her 
 Majestie's  ayde  given  to  them  :  Her  Majestic  is  very  glad 
 to  perceave  her  good  will  and  chardgs  so  well  bestowed,  as 
 to  see  the  same  thankfullye  accepted  and  acknowledged ; 
 and  findeth  the  same  to  have  been  seasonablie  planted  that 
 produceth  so  plentiful!  fruct,  with  the  which  her  Majestie 
 doeth  so  satisfie  herself,  as  if  at  any  time  the  like  cause 
 
 ^  [The  iiaiiies  of  .Tolui  Gordon  of  Lochinvar,  William  Cunningham  of 
 Cunninghamhead,  Walter  Kerr  of  Cessford,  John  Kerr  of  Ferniliirst, 
 and  John  :Maxwell  of  Terrcagles,  "  Knight,"  are  among  the  signatures. 
 -E.] 
 
 2  [Seven  of  them  are  specified,  viz.  the  Provosts  of  Edinburgh,  Dundee, 
 St  Andrews,  Aberdeen,  (Jlasgow,  Linlithgow,  and  Jedburgh.  To  these 
 are  added  Patrick  Benson,  commissary  of  Perth,  and  James  Barron.— E.] 
 
 ^  Cotton  Library,  Calig.  Book  10,  fol.  133.— [Britisli  Museum.— E.] 
 
10  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G0. 
 
 shall  happen,  whorin  her  friendsliip  or  ayde  shall  or  may 
 profit  them  for  thoir  just  defence,  the  same  shall  not  be 
 wantiniro.  And  although  in  former  times  it  appeared  that 
 sondry  beneficts  bestowed  upon  divers  of  the  Nobilitye  here 
 by  her  Majestie's  most  noble  father  had  not  such  succes, 
 nor  was  answered  with  lik  thankfullness,  yet  her  Majestic 
 doeth  now  evidently  so  the  cause  thereof  to  be,  for  that  the 
 meaneingo  of  her  father"'s  beneficts  were  interpreted  and 
 supposed  to  be  to  the  discomoditye  of  the  land,  and  these  her 
 Majestie's  be  evidentlye  sene  to  bend  directlye  to  the  safetye 
 of  that  llealme.  And  so  the  diversitye  of  the  bestowinge 
 hath  made  the  diversitye  in  the  operacion  and  acceptation 
 of  them. 
 
 "II.  The  Second  Point  is — Where  the  same  Estates  have 
 by  thoir  Parlyament  accorded.  That  suyte  should  be  made 
 for  the  marriage  with  her  Majestic  of  the  Earl  of  Arrayne  ; 
 her  Majestic  cannot  interprete  that  motion  to  come  but 
 both  of  a  good  meaneinge  of  the  same  Estatis,  pretendingo 
 thereby  to  knit  both  theis  kingdomes  presently  in  amytye, 
 and  hereafter  to  remaine  in  a  perpetual  amytye,  and  of  a 
 great  good  will  of  the  same  Estates  towards  her  Majestye, 
 offeringe  to  her  the  best  and  choicest  person  that  they  have, 
 and  that  not  without  some  daunger  of  the  displeasure  of 
 the  French  Kingc  in  so  doinge  :  For  answere  hereunto,  her 
 Majestic  findcing  herself  not  disposed  presently  to  marry, 
 although  it  may  be  that  the  necessity  and  respect  of  her 
 Realme  shall  hereto  hereafter  constrayne  her,  wished  that 
 the  Earle  of  Arrayne  should  not  forbeare  to  accept  such 
 marriage  as  may  be  made  to  him  for  his  own  weill  and 
 surety ;  and  that  all  other  means  be  used  to  the  continew- 
 ancc  of  amytye  firmly  betwixt  these  kingdomes  ;  whereunto 
 her  Majestic  thinketh  many  good  reasons  ought  to  induce 
 the  people  of  both  Realmes,  and  in  a  manner  to  continewe 
 as  good  amytye  thereby  as  by  marriage.  For  it  aj)pearoth 
 that  if  every  Nobleman  of  Scotlande  will  well  consider  how 
 nccessaryo  the  friendship  of  this  Kealme  is  to  that,  for  the 
 preservation  of  th(  ir  liberties,  they  shall,  chiefly  for  safo- 
 gard  of  themselves,  joyne  together  in  concord  with  this 
 llealme,  and  so  ever}-  one  particularly  minding  his  own 
 surotyo,  of  consequence  tlii^  love  and  amytye  shall  be  uni- 
 vorsnl  ;   by  whidi  mo;in«  her  Mnjestie  thinketh   the  amytye 
 
1560.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  11 
 
 may  be  well  assured,  though  no  marriage  be  obteyned.  And 
 as  to  the  person  of  the  Earle  of  Arrayne,  her  Majestie  surely 
 hath  heard  a  verie  good  report  of  him,  and  thinketh  him  to 
 be  a  noble  gentleman  of  great  woordinesse,  and  so  thinketh 
 surely  that  he  shall  prove  hereafter. 
 
 *'  III.  Thirdly,  and  lastly,  Her  Majesty e  thanketh  the 
 said  Lords  for  their  paines  and  travell ;  and  although  she 
 doubteth  nether  of  their  wisdome,  nor  of  the  providence  of 
 the  Estates  at  home  in  Scotland,  yet  for  demonstracion  of 
 her  hearty  good  will,  her  Majesty  cannot  forbeare  to  require 
 them  not  to  forget  the  practices  that  be  past,  by  such  as 
 before  tyme  sought  the  subversion  of  them,  and  nowe  much 
 more  will  do  it,  if  there  maye  be  left  any  entry  for  corrup- 
 tion, be  reward,  or  other  scope  of  practise.  And  therefore 
 her  Majestie  wisheth  that  they  all  do  persist,  first  in  a  good 
 Concorde,  makinge  their  causes  come  amongst  themselvs, 
 and  not  to  dissever  themselvs  in  any  factions,  but  to  foresee 
 well  thinges  before  they  chaunce  ;  for  that  her  IMajestie 
 thinketh  this  prove  verie  true,  that  darts  foreseen  hurt  verie 
 little,  or  not  at  all.  And  for  her  Majestie's  parte,  there  shall 
 no  reasonable  thingebe  neglected  that  may  furder  this  comun 
 action  of  defence  of  both  the  realmes  against  any  common 
 enemye." 
 
 Whilst  Sir  James  Sandilands  was  at  Paris  on  his  journey 
 homeward,  the  surprising  and  unexpected  news  arrived 
 there  of  the  death  of  Francis  II.,  King  of  France,  husband 
 to  our  Queen,  who  having  sickned  on  the  19th  day  of 
 November,  departed  this  life  at  Orleans  on  the  4th  day  of 
 December  1560,  in  the  seventeenth  year  of  his  age.^    Upon 
 
 ^  JMezeray. — [Ilistoire  de  France,  depuis  Fararaond,  jusqu'au  Regne 
 de  Louis  lo  Juste,  par  le  Sieur  F.  de  ^Mezeray,  Ilistoriograplie  de  France, 
 folio,  Paris,  1685,  torn.  iii.  p.  42.  ^lezeray  distinctly  dates  the  death  of 
 Francis  II.  on  tlxefoui'th  of  December  : — "  Le  lendemain  quatrkme  jour  de 
 December,  a  cinq  heures  du  soir,  le  Roy  rendit  le  dernier  suupir  de  sa  vie, 
 sur  la  fin  du  dix-septienie  mois  de  son  regne,  ct  de  la  dix-septie'nie  ann^e 
 de  son  age."  Francis  II.  was  the  eldest  son  of  Henry  II.  and  Catherine  de 
 Medici.  He  was  born  in  1543,  and  married  in  1558  Queen  IMary  Stuart.  By 
 the  death  of  his  father,  10th  July  1559,  he  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  France 
 when  in  the  sixteenth  year  of  his  age,  and  entrusted  the  government  to 
 Francis  Duke  of  Guise  and  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine,  the  bi-others  of  Queen 
 Mary's  mother,  the  Dowager  of  James  V.  This  was  the  chief  cause  of 
 those  civil  and  religious  wars  which  i-avaged  France  foi-  half  a  centuiy. 
 Enraged  at  two  such  comparative  strangers  as  were  the  Duk<^  of  riiiisoand 
 
12  Tin-    1II.STUUY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  (150U-1. 
 
 the  certain  account  of  the  dcatli  of  the  French  King  ("  the 
 cause  of  joy  in  Scotland/'^  says  Mr  Knox),  so  many  of  the 
 NobiHty  of  Scotland  as  were  near  at  hand  were  advertised 
 by  the  pretended  Council  to  meet  at  Edinburgli  on  the  15th 
 
 the  Cardinal  (who  by  an  oversi^'lit,  which  tlie  rcacler  is  rt-quested  to  cor- 
 rect, is  designated  the  unde  instead  of  tlie  brother  ot'Qneen  Mary's  mother,  in 
 the  note,  vol.  i.  p.  140),  in  possession  of  all  the  powers  of  the  State,  Anthony 
 of  Bourbon,  Kin«^of  Navarre,and  Louis,rrinceofConde,  with  other  I'rinces 
 of  the  blood,  and  certain  Great  Officers  of  State,  formed  a  jjowerful  com- 
 bination a^^ainst  the  House  of  Guise,  who  were  the  zealous  sui)porters  of 
 the  Pai)al  Church,  and  joined  the  Protestants.  In  March  1560  the  infor- 
 mation of  a  consi)iracy  to  overthrow  them  induced  the  Duke  of  Guise 
 and  the  Cardinal  to  remove  Francis  II.,  Queen  Mary,  and  the  Court  to 
 the  castle  of  Amboise,  in  the  Department  of  Indre  et  Loii-e,  on  the  south 
 bank  of  the  Loire,  between  lilois  and  Tours,  127  miles  south-west  of 
 Paris.  Francis  II.  nominated  the  Duke  of  Guise  to  be  Lieutcnant-(ieneral 
 of  the  Kuigdom  ;  numbers  of  persons  were  aiTcsted  and  executed  ;  and  the 
 plot  of  the  Prince  of  Conde  and  his  coadjutors  was  defeated.  Soon  after- 
 wards the  edict  of  Homorantin,  a  town  in  the  department  of  Loire  et 
 Cher,  was  issui'd,  depriving  the  Parliaments  of  jud<^ing  in  cases  of  heresy, 
 and  transferriui,'  that  power  to  the  Bishops.  This  was  done  to  prevent 
 the  establishment  of  the  Imiuisition  in  France,  which  the  Cardinal  of 
 Lorraine  had  proposed,  and  the  edict,  it  is  said,  wa.s  sanctioned  by  the 
 Chancellor  L'llopital,  not  only  to  avoid  that  greater  evil,  but  in  the  hope 
 that  the  Bishops  would  ])rove  more  humane  than  the  Parliaments,  who 
 caused  the  execution  of  a  great  many  Protestants.  Francis  II.  assembled 
 the  States-General  at  Orleans  towards  the  end  of  15G0,  when  the  Prince 
 of  Conde,  on  his  arrival,  was  condemned  to  be  beheaded,  but  he  was 
 saved  by  the  death  of  the  King,  which  occurred  in  December  after  a 
 reign  of  only  one  year  and  five  months,  leaving  the  young  Queen  Mary  a 
 widow.  lie  died  of  an  abscess  in  the  ear,  and  not  by  poison,  the  rumours 
 of  which  have  been  proved  by  De  Thou  and  other  historians  to  be  without 
 foundation.  Bishop  Keith  says  that  Francis  II.  died  on  the  fourth  of 
 Decenjber,  but  other  writers  date  his  demise  on  the  ffth  of  that  month. 
 Knox  most  erroneously  (Historic,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  259)  asserts  that 
 Francis  II.  died  on  the  Jiftecnt/i. — E.] 
 
 '  It  is  strange  to  see  what  venom  this  writer  spues  out  against  this 
 j)Oor  young  King,  who  every  body  must  see  was  not  yet  arrived  to  such 
 age  tus  to  deserve  these  monstrous  expressions — "  He  was  suddenly 
 striken  with  an  aposthume  in  that  (haj  air  that  never  icould  hear  the  truth 
 of  God."  And  again — "  His  glory  perislu-d,  and  the  pride  of  his  stubborn 
 heart  vanished  into  smoke."  N'ery  ridiculous  exi)ressions  indeed,  and  so 
 very  untrue  at  the  same  time,  that  we  are  told  by  the  French  historians 
 that  this  young  King  had  always  been  troubled  with  a  fistula  in  his  right 
 ear.  Some  men  have  a  knack  of  fishing  miraculous  mercii^  and  judg- 
 ments both  from  the  most  natural  and  frivolous  events.— (The  untharitable 
 and  vulgar  expressions  of  John  Knox,  justly  denounced  by  liishop  Keith, 
 occurs  in  his  "  Historic  of  the  Uefornmtion  of  Ueligioun  in  Scotland," 
 Edin.  edit,  folio,  1732,  p.  2.')!).  Knox  inserts  som»>  l^itin  stanza.s,  whicli, 
 he  Siiys,  "  the  godly  in  France  upoun  thib  suddiUie  death  set  forth"  a.s  "an 
 
15C0-1.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  13 
 
 of  January  15G0-1.  In  this  meeting  the  Lord  James  Stuart, 
 Prior  of  St  Andrews,!  was  appointed  to  go  to  the  Queen, 
 and  perswade  her  Majesty  to  return  into  Scotland ;  and  he 
 was  admonished  by  the  Professors,  not  to  condescend  that 
 her  ]\Iajesty  shoukl  have  mass  either  pubhcly  or  privately 
 within  this  kingdom,  otherwise  he  would  betray  the  cause 
 of  God,  and  expose  religion  to  the  utmost  danger.  To 
 which  admonition,  Mr  Knox  tells  us,2  the  Prior  made  answer 
 — "  That  he  would  never  consent  that  she  should  have  mass 
 publicly,  but  to  have  it  secretly  in  her  chamber  who  could 
 stop  her  T  This  meeting  dissolved^  without  any  other  State 
 business,  except  that  they  appointed  a  Convention  to  meet 
 on  the  20th  or  21st  of  May  following.  These  were  the  steps 
 taken  by  the  regnant  party  upon  the  incident  of  the  French 
 King's  death.  But  as  this  was  certainly  a  very  nice  and 
 critical  juncture,  those  that  had  not  gone  so  heartily  into 
 the  late  measures,*  did  not  think  fit  to  be  idle  neither ; 
 
 admonition  to  kings  ;"  and  he  gives  a  rhyming  doggrel  translation,  of 
 which  the  following  is  a  specimen — 
 
 "  Lcist  Francis,  that  unhappic  child, 
 
 His  father's  footsteps  following  plane. 
 To  Christ  crying,  deaf  ears  did  yield, 
 Ane  rotten  ear  then  was  his  bane." 
 
 The  stanzas  conclude  with  an  "admonition"  to  "craftie,  deif,  and  foolish 
 kings,"  exhorting  them  to  be  wise,  or  "  shamefull  death  will  even  devour 
 you."— E.] 
 
 1  [This  illegitimate  son  of  James  V.  is  repeatedly  mentioned  in  this 
 History  as  subsequently  Earl  of  :Moray  and  Regent  of  Scotland.— E.] 
 
 2  [This  passage  is  from  Knox,  «  Historic  of  the  Reformation  of  Reli- 
 gioun  in  Scotland,"  Edin.  edit,  folio,  1732,  p.  262.  Knox  adds,  that  in 
 reply  to  the  observations  of  Lord  James—"  The  danger  was  schawin,  and 
 so  (he)  departed."— E.] 
 
 ■^  [No  records  of  this  illegal  and  self-constituted  meeting  are  pre- 
 served.— E.] 
 
 4  They  were  the  Archbishop  of  St  AndrcAvs,  the  Bishops  of  Aberdeen, 
 Murray,  and  Ross,  the  Earls  of  Huntly,  Athole,  Crawford,  and  Siitlierland, 
 besides  a  great  many  other  prime  persons  botli  of  tlie  clergy  and  laity. 
 — [This  was  properly  a  secret  Convention  of  the  adherents  of  the  Papal 
 Hierarchy,  and  the  Earls  of  Caithness  and  Marischal  are  mentioned  in 
 addition  as  present.— Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  Edin.  1842,  vol.  vi. 
 p.  207.  The  Earl  Marischal  must  have  been  very  insincere  or  very  fickle, 
 when  we  consider  his  declaiation  respecting  the  new  Confession  of  Faith 
 in  the  so-called  Parliament  held  on  the  1st  of  August  15G0.— See  vol.  i. 
 p.  321  of  this  History.  It  appears,  hoAvever,  that  the  departure  of  the 
 future  Earl  of  ]Moray  and  the  future  Bishop  of  Ross  was  delayed  by  the 
 
14  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGO-l. 
 
 wherefore  they  meeting  together  in  the  most  secret  manner 
 they  couhl,  did  resolve  to  send  into  France  John  Leslie,^ 
 to  make  an  offer  of  their  (hity  and  fidelity  to  her  Majesty, 
 and  to  represent  such  other  tilings  to  her  as  had  been  com- 
 muned betwixt  them  and  him. 
 
 In  the  beginning  of  the  year  15C1,  the  Queen  of  England 
 sent  Francis  llussel  Earl  of  JJedford-  into  France,  to  con- 
 dole on  her  part  the  death  of  Francis  II.,  and  to  congratu- 
 late the  accession  of  Charles  IX. 3  to  the  throne  of  that 
 
 arrival  of  four  Commissioners  from  the  Queen,  viz.  Preston  of  Craigiuillar, 
 Ogilvy  of  Findlater,  Lumsdcn  of  Blanern,  and  Leslie  of  Auchtermuchty, 
 bearing'  an  affectionate  and  conciliating  message,  assuring  them  that  she 
 soon  intended  to  return  home — that  all  offences  would  be  forgiven — that 
 she  had  offers  of  marriage  from  the  Prince  of  Spain,  and  the  Kings  of 
 Denmark  and  Sweden,  and  authorizing  a  commission  to  the  Archbishop 
 of  St  Andrews,  the  Duke  of  Chatelherault,  the  Earls  of  Argyll,  Atholl, 
 Himtly,  and  Both  well,  and  Lord  James  Stuart,  to  summon  a  J'arliament. 
 The  Commissioners  also  notified  that  the  King  of  France  had  em])Owered 
 Monsieur  Xoialles  to  propose  to  the  Three  Estates  a  renewal  of  the 
 ancient  league  between  France  and  Scotland,  in  which  she  heartily  con- 
 curred.—Ty  tier's  History  of  Scotland,  Edin.  1842,  vol.  vi.  p.  207,208.— E.J 
 
 ^  lie  was  for  the  present  only  Official  and  Vicar-General  of  the  Diocese 
 of  Aberdeen,  but  being  a  man  of  a  good  stock  of  learning,  he  was  after- 
 wards by  the  Queen  made  a  Privy  Councillor,  one  of  the  Ordinary  Lords, 
 and  afterwards  President  of  the  Session,  and  Bisho])  of  Ross.  It  was  he 
 that  wrote  the  History  of  our  nation  in  good  Latin,  which  might  have  been 
 looked  upon  as  pretty  elegant,  had  not  Mr  Buchanan's  Roman  pen  out- 
 done both  his,  and  perhaps  every  body's  else  in  Europe.  But  we  shall 
 have  occasion  to  say  more  of  this  gentleman  afterwards. — [This  justly 
 merited  compliment  to  the  learning  of  liuchanau  is  honourable  to  the 
 candour  and  liberality  of  Bishop  Keith. — 10.] 
 
 -  [Francis  Russell,  second  Earl  of  Bedford,  only  son  of  John  Russell, 
 Esq.,  described  as"  one  of  the  most  accomj)lished  gentlemen  of  his  time," 
 became  the  favourite  and  confidential  companion  of  Henry  VIIL,  who,  on 
 the  9th  of  March  15:)8-0,  created  him  Baron  Russell  of  Cheyneys  in  the 
 county  of  Buckingham.  ICdward  VI.  advanced  him  to  the  dignity  of 
 Earl  of  Bedford  on  the  J)th  of  January  1550.  I'rancis  second  luirl,  men- 
 tioned in  the  ivxXy  succeeded  his  father  in  March  1544-5,  and  was  a  i>er- 
 bon  of  great  influence  during  tlie  reign  of  Queen  Klizabetli  till  his  death 
 in  15S5.  He  was  the  greatgrandfather  of  \Villiam  fifth  F.arl  and  fii-st 
 Duke  of  Bedford.— E.] 
 
 ^  [Charles  IX.,  the  successor  of  his  brother  I'rancis  11.,  was  the  second 
 son  of  Henry  II.  and  his  Queen  Catherine  of  Medici.  At  liis  accession 
 he  wa.s  only  elevm  years  of  age,  and  during  his  minority  tlie  aflairs  of 
 State  were  conducted  by  his  mother,  though  Anthony  of  Bourbon,  King  of 
 Navarre,  acted  as  Lieutenant-CJeneral  of  tlie  kingdom,  'i'he  release  of 
 the  Prince  of  Conde,  the  King  of  Navarre's  brother,  was  one  of  the  first 
 acts  of  the  new  (jovernment.  The  dreadful  nuLssacre  on  St  Bortholo- 
 nu'w's  Day,  1.572,  waa  perpetrated  under  the  auspices  of  Charles  IX.— E.] 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  15 
 
 Realm.  This  Nobleman  had  besides  a  particular  Commis- 
 sion to  require  from  our  Queen  the  ratification  of  the  Treaty 
 of  Edinburgh.!  To  which  her  Majesty  only  answered  in 
 general,  that  her  Council  not  being  then  about  her,  she 
 could  make  him  no  direct  answer  therein. 
 
 In  the  month  of  March  the  English  Queen,  considering 
 the  present  juncture  to  be  proper  for  insinuating  something, 
 which  highly  tended  to  her  advantage,  into  the  minds  of  the 
 States  of  Scotland,  as  well  those  who  favoured  the  ancient, 
 as  those  who  professed  the  neio  form  of  religion,  dispatched 
 Mr  Thomas  Randolph^  into  Scotland  with  the  following 
 Instructions. 
 
 A  Memorial  to   Thomas  Randolph  to  execute  diverse  Thiiigs 
 for  the  Service  of  the  Queeii's  Majesty  in  Scotland.^ 
 
 "  Imprimis,  you  shall  understand  that  the  Princes  Protes- 
 tants of  Germany  being  assembled  at  Nuremburg  the  20th 
 of  January  last  past,  for  the  renovation  of  the  League  here- 
 tofore made  for  a  mutual  defence  of  themselves  against 
 the  Pope  and  all  his  adherents,  have  sent  to  the  Queen's 
 Majestic  intelligence  of  all  their  doings,  and  have  required 
 her  Majestic  to  continue  in  her  religion,  and  to  further  the 
 like  in  the  kingdom  of  Scotland,  as  more  at  lentli  shal 
 appear  by  an  abstract  of  the  message  sent  from  the  said 
 
 ^  It  hath  been  ah-eady  told  that  the  Queen  of  England  had  signed 
 and  ratified  this  treaty  on  the  2d  day  of  September  last.  But  the  King 
 of  France  had  still  delayed  the  ratification  of  it,  upon  a  pretext,  as  I  can 
 understand,  that  Queen  Elizabeth  had  made  a  formal  treaty  with  the  re- 
 bellious Scots,  or  they  with. her,  in  the  month  of  February  that  year,  at 
 Berwick. — [See  tliis  Treaty,  entitled  "  Conventiouum  Scotia?  antememo- 
 ratarum  Ratificatio,"  in  Rymer's  "  Fcedera,"  folio,  London,  1713,  vol.  xv. 
 p.  601,  G02.— E.] 
 
 ^  [Thomas  Randolph,  also  called  Randall,  afterwards  Sir  Thomas 
 Randolph,  who  sometimes,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  Sadler  Papers,  conduct- 
 ed his  correspondence  under  the  name  of  Barnabie,  Avas  one  of  the  ablest 
 of  Queen  Elizabeth's  agents,  and  was  long  employed  in  i)olitical  and  state 
 affairs  in  Scotland.  It  is  said  of  Randolph — "  Jle  was  of  a  dark  intriguing 
 spii'it,  full  of  cunning,  and  void  of  conscience  ;  there  is  little  doubt  that 
 the  unhappy  divisions  in  Scotland  were  fomented  by  this  man's  artifices 
 for  more  than  tw^enty  years."  Lodge's  Illustrations,  vol.  i.  p.  353.  It 
 appears,  however,  that  Randolph  was  a  faitliful  and  zealous  servant  of  his 
 mistress  Elizabeth. — E.] 
 
 ^  An  original  in  Cecil's  hand.  Cotton  Library,  Calig.  Book  10, 
 
10  Tin:  lIlSToliY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 Princes  to  her  Majestic.  In  consideration  wlieruof,  her 
 Majestic  principally  meaning  to  promote  the  glory  of  God 
 and  tlic  triitli  of  the  Christian  religion,  wouM  that  Thomas 
 Kandolph  shou'd  declare  to  such  of  the  Nobility  of  Scot- 
 land as  be  inclinM  to  the  same  cause,  that  her  Majestic 
 seeth  daily  no  amity  nor  intelligence  betwixt  one  countrj' 
 and  another  so  sure  as  that  which  is  grounded  upon  unity 
 and  consent  in  Christian  religion.  And  he  shall  sollicite 
 the  said  Estates  to  persevere  and  to  augment  the  number, 
 both  for  the  increase  of  the  true  honour  of  Cod,  and  for  the 
 maintenance  of  the  amity  and  good  will  betwixt  those  two 
 nations.  And  if  he  shall  perceive  any  to  be  perplexM  with 
 worldly  fear,  he  may  put  them  in  remembrance  in  how  good 
 case,  to  all  worldly  respects,  the  possession  of  true  religion 
 at  this  day  standcth  in  France,  where  of  late  days  great 
 persecution  was,  and  now  not  only  ccaseth  by  order  and 
 authority,  but  also  freedom  granted  for  all  persons  to  live 
 with  free  consciences,  observing  conmion  peace  and  tran- 
 <|uillity.  In  Germany  all  the  Princes  and  Estates  have 
 newly  ratified  the  Augustane  Confession  ;i  and  therefore  the 
 Nobility  there  in  Scotland  observing  common  peace  amongst 
 themselves,  and  rendring  their  duty  to  their  Soverain  in 
 things  concerning  their  obedience,  there  is  no  cause,  if  they 
 will  keep  unity  in  oi)inion  amongst  themselves,  to  fear  any 
 power  to  olfend  them.  J3ut  contrariwise,  if  they  shou\l, 
 ui)on  a  vain  fear,  yeild  to  contrary  practises,  or  sever 
 amongst  themselves,  their  ruin  wouM  shortly  ensue ;  and  in 
 this  manner  the  said  Rand(>lpli  sliall  declare  this  advice  from 
 the  Queen''s  Majestic,  as  a  matter  containing  in  it  nothing 
 more  than  the  augmentation  of  God's  honour,  the  observa- 
 tion of  their  duty  towards  tlieir  Soverain,  and  a  contiimance 
 of  this  good  amity  now  enjovM  by  both  the  Nations. 
 
 ^  [Tliis  "  Au^nistano  Confossion  "  must  iiulicatc  tlie  "  Au^fshuro;  Con- 
 fession" ])repanMl  by  Mclancthon  with  Luther's  sanction  to  be  hiid  before 
 the  Kniperor  Charles  V.  at  the  preat  Diet  lieUl  at  Augsburg,  now  the 
 capital  of  the  Havarian  Circle  of  the  Upper  Danube,  in  .lune  l.'J.'JO.  It 
 wa.s  on  that  occasion  read  in  the  German  language  by  the  Chancellor  oi 
 Saxony,  after  which  two  copies  of  it,  one  in  CJennan  and  the  other  in  Latin, 
 were  delivered  to  the  llmperor,  containing  the  signatures  of  John,  Elector 
 of  Saxony,  (leorge,  Maripiis  of  liraiulenburg,  Krnest,  Duke  of  Luneburg, 
 Vhiiip,  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  Wolfgang,  I'rince  of  Anhalt,  the  free  town  of 
 Nuremberg,  and  other  cities.  'J'his  Confession  has  evt-r  since  continued 
 to  l)e  the  Luthemn  code  of  Faith. — K.] 
 
1560-1. J  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  17 
 
 "  Item^  He  shal  deal  with  others  that  be  not  much  af- 
 fected to  the  matter  of  rehgion,  and  yet  much  given  to  the 
 continuance  of  the  amity,  in  this  sort  following  : — 
 
 "  He  shal  lay  this  foundation,  That  now  whilst  their  So- 
 verain  is  unmarried,  and  out  of  her  country,  and  that  the 
 Queen's  Majestic  is  given  to  keep  peace  with  that  llealra, 
 the  very  time  is  to  make  an  Accord  betwixt  these  two 
 Realms,  either  for  a  perpetual  Peace,  or  at  the  least  very 
 long  to  continue  :  And  therefore  it  wou'd  be  devis'd,  whilst 
 the  Queen  of  Scots  and  that  Realm  is  free  from  the  unpro- 
 fitable old  League  with  France,  that  either  some  new  league 
 might  be  made  with  the  Queen's  Majestic  of  England  and 
 her  Realm,  of  the  one  part,  and  the  Scottish  Queen  and  that 
 Realm,  of  the  other  part ;  or  at  the  least  some  Heads  and 
 Articles  of  the  old  League  in  France,  as  were  frequent  occa- 
 sions betwixt  these  two  Realms might  be  either  clearly 
 
 omitted  or  qualified.  And  for  the  doing  thereof,  her  Ma- 
 jestic thinketh  the  Estates  of  Scotland  have  presently  good 
 opportunity,  and  may,  with  many  sure  and  necessary  reasons, 
 induce  the  Queen  their  Soverain  not  only  to  allow  of  this 
 advice,  but  also  to  be  therof,  for  her  own  estate,  very 
 desirous.  This  time  chiefly  moveth  to  have  this  matter  in 
 consideration;  for,  although  in  times  past  the  Kings  of 
 Scotland  have  for  the  most  part  seen  what  ruins  and  hurts 
 came  to  them  and  their  people  by  the  hostility  of  this  king- 
 dom, which  grew  only  by  the  means  of  the  League  betwixt 
 France  and  that  Realm,  yet  were  they  never  untill  this  time 
 free  to  remedy  the  same,  but  always  tied  with  the  band  of 
 France,  which,  if  it  shal  be  knit  up  again,  the  Queen  herself 
 and  her  posterity  shal  most  repent  it. 
 
 "  Item^  The  said  Randolph  shal  also  put  them  in  remem- 
 brance, how  necessary  it  is  for  them  to  consider  with  whom 
 their  Queen  shal  marry  ;  for  if  she  shal  marry  with  a 
 stranger,  the  same  inconveniences  which  were  felt  and  feared 
 in  her  former  marriage,  and  perchance  more  also,  will  ensue: 
 And  surely  if  such  as  in  this  late  time,  for  defence  of  the 
 liberty  of  that  country,  shewed  tlicmsclves  most  earnest,  be 
 not  soundly  reconcird  to  her  favour,  the  marriage  of  her  to 
 any  stranger  shal  be  their  ruin.  Yea,  howsoever  they  be 
 reconcird,  a  stranger  being  her  husband,  will  not  lett,  both 
 for  pleasing  of  her,  and  for  compassing  his  own  purposes,  to 
 
 VOL.  II.  2 
 
18  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1560-1. 
 
 rid  them  out  of  the  way,  and  to  make  one  of  them  an  in- 
 strument to  the  subversion  of  the  other,  and  of  them  both 
 in  the  end,  to  make  a  prey  for  himself  and  his  own  friends. 
 This  is  a  poHcy  so  apparent  to  insue,  that  nothing  can  be 
 imaginM  otherwise  to  withstand  it,  but  for  the  NobiHty  and 
 States  of  that  kingdom  to  consent  altogether  to  perswade 
 their  Soverain  either  to  marry  at  home  in  her  own  country, 
 or  else  not  marry  without  some  great  surety  of  them  which 
 ought  to  succeed. 
 
 "It  cannot  be  thought  but  the  Duke  of  Chatellcrault  witli 
 all  his  family,  the  rest  of  the  Nobility,  and  others,  both  of 
 burgh  and  town,  which  stand  in  defence  of  their  country, 
 ought  all  to  be  of  this  mind  ;  for  that  there  remaineth  to 
 them  no  surety  in  any  other  device.  And  as  to  the  rest  of 
 that  nation  which  intermeddle  not  herewith,  there  can  seem 
 no  probable  cause  why  the  Queen  their  Soverain  shouM  not 
 take  such  a  husband  as  might  bring  universall  quietness  in 
 her  kingdom,  and  sure  peace  with  this  Realm.  In  all  these 
 matters  the  said  llandolj)!!  shal,  as  the  Queen  s  agent  there, 
 proceed  to  his  discretion;  and  for  furtherance  of  evVy 
 parcel  herof,  shal  confer  with  such  as  he  knoweth  well  ad- 
 dicted to  the  cause  of  religion,  and  to  the  good  amity  be- 
 twixt these  two  Realms. 
 
 "  By  the  Queen's  commandment, 
 
 "  W.  Cecill."' 
 
 In  the  same  month  of  March,  INIonsiour  Xoaillos,!  a  Mem- 
 ber of  the  Parliament  of  Bordeaux,  arrived  in  Scotland  with 
 
 *  [Noiallos  had  hoen  formerly  Ambassador  in  En^'land.  8co  "  Queen 
 Elizabetli  and  her  Times,  a  Series  of  ()ri;;inal  Letters,"  edited  hy  Thomas 
 AVri;,d»t,  M.  A.  Loud.  1833,  vol.  i.  p.  55.  The  Parliament  of  Bourdeaux, 
 of  which  Monsieur  Noialles  was  a  Member,  was  established  in  14(;2,  and 
 wtxB  one  of  seven  local  Parliaments  instituted  in  France  at  various  times 
 previous  to  1G20,  between  which  year  and  1753  live  were  added.  All 
 those  Parliaments  claimed  to  be  considered  as  fonnin<;  one  body,  but  this 
 the  Government  would  never  acknowled;;e.  I'he  CJovernmcnt  had  no 
 direct  influence  over  those  Parliaments.  It  could  neither  nominate  nor 
 dismiss  members.  All  offices  were  acquired  by  purcha.se,  and  were 
 viewed  by  those  invested  with  them  as  their  hiwful  property,  which  they 
 could  retain  or  sell  at  i)le;isure.  This  notion  of  property  w;us  carried  so 
 far,  that  even  those  .Members  who  forfeited  their  places  by  mal-practiccs 
 retained  the  ri^dit  of  selling'  them.  Such  judicial  functions  came  in  pro- 
 gress of  time  to  be  vested  in  a  certain  number  of  families,  who  formed  a 
 
15G0-1.J  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  19 
 
 a  Commission  from  the  new  King  of  France,  consisting  of 
 these  three  Points : — 1.  That  the  ancient  League  betwixt 
 the  two  kingdoms  might  be  renewed.  2.  That  the  late 
 Confederacy  with  England  should  be  dissolved.  3.  That  the 
 Churchmen  should  be  restored  to  their  places  and  benefices. 
 But  the  Junto^  unwilling  to  meddle  with  matters  of  that 
 importance,  thought  fit  to  remit  him  to  the  Convention 
 which  had  been  appointed  to  meet  in  the  month  of  May. 
 
 Meantime  the  Lord  James  and  Mr  John  Leslie,  deputed 
 by  the  dififerent  parties  to  repair  into  France  to  the  Queen, 
 had  taken  different  routes  to  accomplish  their  journey  ;  the 
 former  departed  from  Edinburgh  overland,^  the  IStli  day  of 
 March  ;  the  latter  sailed  from  the  Port  of  Aberdeen  to  the 
 Brill  in  Holland,^  and  both  of  them  made  such  equal  dis- 
 patch, that  Mr  Leslie,  by  his  own  account,  arrived  at  Vitry^ 
 in  Champagne,  where  the  Queen  then  was,^  but  one  single 
 
 separate  class  of  Nobility,  called  Noblesse  de  Robe,  or  Nobility  of  the  Gown. 
 Those  Parliaments  were  close  self-elected  corporations,  exercising  a  ter- 
 rible des]>otism  over  the  country,  from  which  it  was  almost  impossible  to 
 obtain  redress.  They  often  deviated  from  the  letter  of  the  law,  and 
 decided  according  to  what  they  called  rules  of  equity.  This  originated 
 the  French  proverb — Dieu  nous  garde  de  Vcquiie  du  Parliament.  They  had 
 gi-eat  power  in  criminal  cases,  and  could  inflict  death  on  very  slight  proofs 
 of  guilt.— E.] 
 
 1  It  has  been  reported  that  the  Prior  concerted  and  communicated 
 matters  while  he  passed  and  repassed  through  England. — [The  future 
 Regent  jNEoray's  mercenary  and  political  intrigues  to  ruin  Queen  ^Mary 
 are  now  historical  facts.  He  had  personal  reasons  for  proceeding  by 
 London  in  his  route.  "  The  Prior,  Lord  James,"  says  Chalmers,  "  was 
 now  thirty. — His  nature  and  education  prompted  his  ambitious  spirit.  As 
 early  as  1552,  he,  who  had  no  religion,  put  himself  at  the  head  of  the  reli- 
 gion. In  1558,  1559,  and  15G0,  he  was  in  fact  King  under  the  manage- 
 ment of  Cecil  and  Elizabeth."  See  "jNIemoir  of  the  Regent  ^loray," 
 apud  "  Life  of  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,"  by  Geoi-ge  Chalmers,  London,  4to. 
 1818,  vol.  ii.  p.  291.— E.] 
 
 2  fBriel,  or  Brielle,  a  seaport  town  on  the  south  side  of  the  Island 
 of  Voorn,  in  the  Province  of  South  Holland,  near  the  mouth  of  the 
 Maas,  twelve  miles  west  of  Rotterdam,  twenty-four  miles  north-west 
 of  Dordrecht,  and  six  miles  north  of  Ilelvetsluys.  In  1572  it  became  the 
 celebrated  seat  of  the  independence  of  the  Dutch  Republic. — E.] 
 
 3  [Vitry  le  Fran9ois,  in  the  district  of  Pertois,  a  former  division  of 
 Champagne,  one  of  the  most  extensive  Provinces  of  France. — E.] 
 
 ^  Our  Queen,  after  the  death  of  her  husband,  perceiving  her  mother-in- 
 law's  countenance — who  came  now  to  have  a  great  hand  in  the  govern- 
 ment— to  be  not  kindly  towards  her,  had  retired  to  Rheims  in  Picardy, 
 where  she  remained  all    the  rest  of  the  winter  with   the    Cardinal  of 
 
20  THE   IIISTOUY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 day  before  the  Lord  James.  The  day  of  his  arrival  was  tlie 
 14th  of  Ai)ril.i  Ifaving  been  graciously  received,  he  de- 
 clared to  her  Majesty  the  things  wlierewith  he  was  intrusted, 
 the  sum  wliercof,  as  related  by  himself,  was  this'^ — That  her 
 Majesty  would  be  pleased  not  to  allow  herself  to  be  ensnared 
 by  her  brother's  crafty  speeches,  who  would  probably  advise 
 her  to  bring  with  her  no  French  forces  into  Scotland,  merely 
 on  purpose  that  after  he  had  insinuated  himself  so  far  into 
 her  good  graces,  as  to  obtain  under  her  the  chief  manage- 
 ment of  affairs,  he  might  with  the  more  easiness  crush  the 
 ancient  form  of  religion  within  the  Realm  ;  which  neverthe- 
 less, Mr  Leslie  assured  the  Queen,  the  Prior  had  not  so 
 much  at  heart,  notwithstanding  all  his  outward  pretences, 
 as  to  wrest  the  sceptre  out  of  her  hand,  and  to  set  the  crown 
 upon  his  own  head.  Therefore  he  humbly  entreated  her 
 Majesty,  either  to  cause  retain  her  natural  brother  in  Franco 
 until  she  had  arrived  in  Scotland,  and  had  settled  her  affiiirs 
 at  home;  or,  that  she  would  comply  with  another  advice  of 
 the  Nobles  that  had  sent  him,  namely,  to  land  with  her 
 ships  in  some  port  of  the  North  of  Scotland,  especially  at 
 Aberdeen,  where  her  friends  could  easily  convene  an  army 
 of  20,000  men,  with  which  her  Majesty  might  with  security 
 advance  towards  Edinburgh,  and  defeat  all  the  bad  designs 
 of  her  enemies.  After  Mr  Leslie  had  delivered  his  Com- 
 mission, he  tells  us — That  the  Queen  conmianded  him  to 
 remain  by  her  until  she  should  return  to  Scotland  ;  and 
 ordered  him  in  the  meantime  to  assure  by  writ  the  Lords 
 and  Prelates  who  sent  him,  of  her  favour  towards  them, 
 and   of  her   intention  to   return   homo.      But  it  is   very 
 
 Loiraino,  Archbishop  of  that  city,  hor  own  uiulo.  In  the  sprinc^of  the  voar, 
 her  Majesty  wont  to  visit  the  Diilvo  and  old  Dnchoss  of  CJuisc,  her  <<[rand- 
 inothor,  at  Joinvillc,  and  the  Duke  of  Lorraine  at  Nancy.  There  her 
 Majesty  was  taken  ill  of  an  a;,nie,  and  from  tlienco,  for  her  health,  she 
 returned  to  .Toinville.  After  her  recovery,  she  went  a<,'ain  in  the  month  of 
 .fune  to  Rheims,  and  from  thence  to  Paris,  where  she  remained  until  she 
 set  out  for  Calais,  in  order  to  embark  for  her  own  kin^'donj. 
 
 »  [Hishop  Lesley  arrived  about  the  J)th  of  April,  and  obtained  his  first 
 audience  with  Queen  Mary  on  the  14th.  Some  writers  state  that  MarxA 
 was  the  month  when  Hishop  Lesley  an<l  I/ord  Janu-s  Stuart  appeared  at 
 Vitry.  Sec  the  "History  of  Scotland  during  the  \{v\<rn  of  Queen  Mary," 
 by  the  Uev.  James  Carmthers.     Kdiubur^di,  Svo.  INJl,  p.  14.'5.— E.] 
 
 '  De  RfbM  Ocs(U  Scotorum,  auUiorc  Jonnne  Lcthro  Episcopo  Rossensi. — 
 [Librix.  Homco,  157ft, 4to.    \'\^Qm,jxixta exemplar  R(manitm,  lG75,4to.— E.] 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  21 
 
 observable,  that  he  says  not  one  word  which  may  imply  the 
 Queen's  approbation  of  his  Commission,  or  that  she  would 
 comply  with  what  he  had  advised  her  ;  which  seems,  indeed, 
 to  create  no  small  credit  to  what  Sir  James  Melvill  relates,^ 
 viz.  that  "  Messieurs  de  IMartigues,^  d'Ozel,^  la  Brosse,^  the 
 Bishop  of  Amiens,5  and  such  other  Frenchmen  as  were 
 lately  carried  out  of  Scotland  in  the  English  ships,  as  well 
 as  the  rest  of  the  Queen's  friends,  advised  her,  to  serve  the 
 time,  to  be  most  familiar  with  my  Lord  James,  Prior  of 
 St  Andrews,  her  natural  brother,  and  with  the  Earl  of 
 Argile,  who  had  married  Lady  Jean  Stewart  her  natural 
 sister,  and  to  use  the  Secretary  Lidington  (i.  e.  William 
 Maitland,  younger  of  Lidington)  and  the  Laird  of  Grange 
 most  tenderly  in  all  her  affairs  ;  and  in  sum,  to  repose  most 
 upon  those  of  the  reformed  Eeligion/'  It  is  not,  indeed,  to 
 be  doubted  that  this  last  was  good  advice,  had  the  Queen 
 been  resolved  to  abandon  the  ancient  and  take  up  with  the 
 neio  model  of  religion  ;  but  as  it  appears  she  had  no  inten- 
 tion to  come  into  these  measures,  the  former  advice  in  all 
 probability  would  have  answered  her  affairs  better. 
 
 The  next  day  after  Mr  Leslie  had  been  first  with  the 
 Queen,  her   natural  brother   having    beforehand   received 
 
 ^  [Sir  James  INIelville's  Memoirs,  folio,  London,  1683,  p.  2G. — E.] 
 
 2  [Count  INIartiques,  of  the  "  House  of  Luxembourg,"  commander  of  a 
 party  of  French  soldiers  who  came  to  Scotland  in  January  1559-GO.  See 
 the  first  volume  of  this  History,  p.  2G3. — E.J 
 
 ^  [^Monsieur  D'Osell,  the  French  Ambassador,  is  repeatedly  mentioned 
 in  the  first  volume  of  this  History  as  delivering  the  Regalia  of  Scotland 
 in  name  of  Queen  JNIary  to  her  mother  the  Queen-Dowager — as  building 
 a  fort  at  Eyemouth — besieged  in  Leith  by  the  forces  of  the  Congregation 
 — and  as  concerned  in  several  negotiations  and  engagements  for  the  Regent 
 Queen-Dowager,  Queen  INIary,  and  her  husband  Francis  II.  In  a  letter 
 from  De  la  Brosse  and  the  Bishop  of  Amiens  to  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine 
 and  the  Duke  of  Guise,  dated  Edinburgh,  27th  March  1559,  he  is  styled 
 Motis.  de  Ville  Par  his.  See  "  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Times,  a  Series 
 of  Original  Letters,"  edited  by  Thomas  Wright,  M.A.,  F.A.S.,  of  Trinity 
 College,  Cambridge  :  London,  8vo.  1838,  vol.  i.  p.  25-28. — E.] 
 
 *  [La  Brosse  was  a  French  Knight,  who  arrived  at  Leith,  towards  the 
 end  of  September  1559,  with  two  hundred  foot  and  eighty  horse,  accom- 
 panied by  the  Bishop  of  Amiens. — E.] 
 
 5  [Pelleuce,  Bishop  of  Amiens,  brought  with  him  some  Doctors  of  the 
 Sorbonne,  who  intimated  that  they  came  to  Scotland  to  dispute  with  the 
 preachers  of  the  so-called  "  Congregation."  Sir  Ralph  Sadler  states,  on 
 the  29th  of  September — "  The  Bishop,  as  they  say,  cometh  to  curse,  and 
 alsoto  dispute  with  the  Protestants,  and  to  reconcilethem,if  it  wolbe." — E.l 
 
22  THK  HISTORY  OF  THK  AFFAIRS  [loGl. 
 
 intelligencu  ol'  the  advertisement  .slie  had  got  to  use  his  and 
 his  friend's  advice,  came  and  presented  himself  before  her 
 Majesty  at  8t  Diziers,  hkewisein  Champagne,^  and  requested 
 her  to  return  home,  faithfully  promising  for  himself  to  serve 
 her  to  the  utmost  of  his  power,  and  assuring  her  that  the 
 whole  Scottish  nation  would  obey  her  as  one  man,  without 
 constraint  by  any  foreign  soldiers.2  Mr  Leshc  acknow- 
 ledges that  the  Prior  soon  perceived  the  Queen's  heart  to 
 be  inclined  towards  him  ;  and  this  did  probably  encourage 
 him  to  demand  from  her  Majesty  the   Earldom  of  Moray^ 
 
 ^  [St  Diziers  is  a  town  in  France  in  the  Department  of  the  North  Marne, 
 on  the  rif^ht  bank  of  the  Marne,  138  miles  from  Taris,  on  the  road  by 
 Meaux  and  Chalons  to  Nancy  and  Strasburg. — E.J 
 
 *  If  the  Prior  of  St  Andrews  had  any  foresi<,Mit  of  tliinf^s,  it  was  surely 
 convenient  that  the  Queen  should  not  bring  foreign  force,  or  even  not 
 have  any  force  at  all  about  her. 
 
 3  [Of  this  great  object  of  Lord  James  Stuart's  ambition,  a  summary  may 
 not  be  uninteresting.  The  Earldom  of  Moray,  or,  as  it  is  often  absurdly 
 printed,  Murray,  from  the  vulgar  pronunciation,  is  one  of  the  most  ancient 
 in  Scotland.  Sir  Thomas  Randolph,  only  son  of  Thomas  Kanuljjh,  or 
 Randoljih,  one  of  the  Mo'jnatcg  Scotite,  by  his  Mifo  Lady  Isabel  liruce, 
 eldest  daughter  of  Robert  Earl  of  Carrick,  and  sister  of  King  Robert 
 Bruce,  was  created  Earl  of  Moray  by  his  uncle  soon  after  the  13attle  of 
 Bannockburn.  At  the  death  of  King  Robert  Bruce  he  became  Regent  of 
 Scotland,  and  guardian  to  his  relative  David  II.,  and  died  at  ^lusselburgh 
 of  the  stone,  in  July  1332,  universally  regretted.  His  sons,  Thomas  and 
 John,  succeeded  him  as  second  and  third  Earls,  but  the  former  dying  un- 
 marriid,  and  the  latter  leaving  no  issue  l)y  his  cousin  Isabel,  only  daughter 
 of  Sir  .Mexander  Sti'wart  of  Bonkil,  the  Earldom  devolved  on  1-Uirl  Ran- 
 dolph's only  daughter,  Lady  Agnes,  who  married  Patrick  ninth  Earl  of 
 Dunbar  and  March,  and  who,  in  her  right,  assumed  also  the  title  of  luirl 
 of  Moray.  The  heroic  daughter  of  Earl  Randolph,  celebrated  for  her 
 extraordinary  defence  of  the  Ca.stle  of  Dunbar  against  the  English,  is 
 known  in  Scottish  history  by  the  soubri«piet  of  Black  Af/>us.  Her  second 
 son  John  obtained  from  Robert  II.  a  charter  of  the  Earldom  of  Moray, 
 except  the  lordship  and  lands  of  Badenoch,  the  Castle  of  Ur([uhart,  and 
 the  great  customs  of  the  l'.arldom,  in  favour  of  himself  and  his  Countess 
 Mairjory,  eldest  daughter  of  King  Robert  11.,  in  March  1371-2.  After  the 
 death  of  his  grandson  Thomas,  the  third  Earl  of  this  succession,  the  title 
 appears  to  have  devolved  on  James  Dunbar  of  Erendraught,  who  nuirried 
 I>ady  .lanet  (Jordon,  eldest  daughter  of  Alexander  lii-st  E^irl  of  Iluntly, 
 by  whom  he  had  two  daughters,  the  eldest  of  whom,  I^idy  Janet, 
 was  designated  Countess  of  Moray,  and  appears  to  have  been  twice 
 nmrried  — fir'-t  to  Janies  second  Lord  Crichton,  and  second  to  John 
 Sutherland  ;  but  Archibald,  third  son  of  James  seventh  Earl  of  Douglas, 
 who  married  the  yoiuiger  sister  Lady  Mary,  obtaintxl  the  Earldom 
 to  the  prejudice  of  Lady  Janet's  husband.  He  took  up  arms  against 
 James  II.,  when  that  monarch  assas.'^inated  his  eldest  brother,  the  eighth 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  23 
 
 to  be  conferred  upon  him,  in  which  the  Queen  promised  to 
 satisfy  his  request  at  her  return  into  Scotland.^  Matters 
 having  succeeded  so  well  in  this  expedition,  that  gentleman 
 resolved  to  make  all  the  dispatch  he  could  in  his  journey,  so 
 that  taking  his  route  through  England,  he  arrived  again  in 
 Scotland^  some  time  in  the  month  of  May ;  about  which 
 
 Earl  of  Douglas,  in  Stirling  Castle  in  February  1451-2,  and  after  a  variety 
 of  adventures  was  killed  in  an  encounter  with  the  royal  forces  at  Arkin- 
 holm  in  Dumfriesshii-e  on  the  1st  of  May  1455.  He  was  attainted  for 
 high  treason  in  the  following  month,  and  the  Earldom  of  Moray  was 
 vested  in  the  Crown.  On  the  20th  of  June  the  Earldom  was  granted  by 
 charter  of  James  IV.  to  his  illegitimate  son  James  Stuart  by  Janet, 
 eldest  daughter  of  John  second  Lord  Kennedy.  He  was  employed  in 
 several  public  affairs,  married  Lady  Elizabeth  Campbell,  and  died  in  June 
 1544,  leading  one  daughter  Lady  INIary,  who  became  the  wife  of  John 
 Stuart,  ^Master  of  Buchan,  eldest  son  of  John  third  Earl  of  Buchan,  of 
 that  branch  of  the  Stewarts,  Earls  of  Buchan.  As  the  charter  was  limited 
 to  heirs-male,  the  Earldom  of  JNIoray  reverted  to  the  Crown  in  1544,  and 
 was  conferred,  in  154S-9,  on  George  Gordon,  fourth  Earl  of  Huntly,  Lord 
 High  Chancellor  of  Scotland,  and  his  heirs  and  assignees.  The  Earldom 
 continued  in  this  jDOsition  in  1560,  when  Lord  James  Stuart,  Prior  of  St 
 Andrews,  resolved  to  wrest  it  from  Huntly,  and  secure  it  to  himself. 
 "  He  had  for  some  years,"  says  Chalmers,  "  cast  his  eagle  eyes  on  the 
 Earldom  of  ^loray.  When  he  went  into  the  Northern  shires  to  reform 
 the  churches  in  August  1560,  he  had  seen  how  much  could  be  obtained  by 
 a  person  of  his  pretensions  ;  yet  he  did  not,  perhaps,  very  accurately  know, 
 that  the  object  of  his  cupidity  belonged  to  others,  though  he  saAv  and 
 envied  the  extensive  jurisdictions  and  personal  influence  of  the  Earl  of 
 Huntly," — ^Memoirs  of  the  Regent  INIoray,  cqmd  Life  of  ^Mary  Queen  of 
 Scots,  4to.  vol  ii.  p.  293.  We  shall  soon  trace  the  career  of  the  "  Prior 
 of  St  Andrews,"  the  able,  designing,  and  unscrupulous  illegitimate  son  of 
 James  V.— E.] 
 
 ^  [The  Prior,  otherwise  Lord  James  Stuart,  told  Queen  Mary  with  liis 
 usual  duplicity,  on  the  day  of  his  arrival  after  Bishop  Lesley,  that  he  "  came 
 only  to  pay  his  duty  to  her  as  his  Sovereign  Lady,  without  any  commission 
 whatsoever  relating  to  anything  else,"  The  Queen  declined  to  give  any 
 definite  ansM-er  to  his  request  for  the  Earldom  of  jSIoray.  The  Prior, 
 however,  studiously  concealed  the  fact  that  IMaitland  of  Lethington,  then 
 the  ablest  statesman  in  Scotland,  who  had  betrayed  her  mother  when 
 Regent,  was  then  acting  with  Cecil  as  Secretary — that  the  Duke  of  Chatel- 
 herault  and  others  of  the  Nobility  had  offered  their  services  to  Queen 
 Elizabeth — and  that  the  party  with  whom  he  was  associating  were  more 
 attached  to  her  interest  than  to  their  lawful  Sovereign.  In  the  State 
 Paper  Office  are  preserved  the  documents  shewing  the  traitorous  designs 
 of  those  personages. — E.] 
 
 ^  Leslie  says  about  the  beginning  of  jNIay,  but  Knox  seems  to  make  it 
 about  the  end  of  that  month. — [He  arrived  in  Paris  on  the  4th  of  April, 
 and  left  that  city  at  his  return  by  London  to  Edinburgh.  When  in  Lon- 
 don he  informed  Elizabeth  and  Cecil  of  Queen  Mary's  purpo.se  to  proceed 
 
24  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 time  the  Earls  of  Bothwcll  and  Eglinton,  the  Bishops  of 
 Orkney,  and  several  other  Noble  persons,  went  over  into 
 France,  to  pay  their  duty  to  the  Queen. 
 
 Mr  Knox  takes  notice  (whether  true  or  not,  nobody  can 
 now  tell),  that  there  had  been  a  design  in  Paris  to  assassi- 
 nate the  l*rior,i  which  he  escaped  by  the  means  of  some  good 
 friends  ;  and  he  observes  that — "  his  arrival  in  Scotland 
 was  to  the  great  comfort  of  many  godly  hearts,  and  to  no 
 little  astonishment  of  the  wicked  ;  for  from  the  Queen  our 
 Sovereign  he  brought  letters  to  the  Lords,  praying  them  to 
 entertain  (juietness,  and  to  suffer  nothing  to  be  attempted 
 against  the  Contract  of  Peace  which  was  made  at  Leith,  till 
 her  own  home-coming,  and  to  suffer  the  religion  publicly 
 established  to  go  forward.''^  And  Mv  Buchanan  says — "  He 
 brought  a  commission  from  the  Queen,  empowering  the 
 States  to  sit  and  enact  laws  for  the  good  of  the  pubhc.""^ 
 But  Mr  Leslie  mentions  none  of  these  thinffs. 
 
 by  sea  to  her  own  kinj^dom,  and  advised  them  to  intercept  lier.  James, 
 the  IJastard,  says  C'anulon,  returning  very  lately  through  England,  had 
 given  secret  warning  to  intercej)t  lier,  and  Maitland  of  Lethingtou  wrote 
 to  the  same  effect.  The  letters  of  ^Maitland  are  still  in  the  Cotton 
 Library  and  State  Taper  Office.  Though  neither  Knox  nor  our  Historian 
 fixes  the  jirecise  date  of  the  Triors  arrival  in  Jldinburgh,  yet,  "  by  a  letter 
 ofThroginorton,"  says  Mr  'J  ytler,  "to  the  Lord  .James  [the  Trior  himself], 
 it  ajjpears  that  he  was  in  London  on  the  '20th  of  May,  and  at  Edinburgh 
 on  the  3d  of  Juno."— History  of  Scotland,  Ediu.  edit.  1842,  vol.  vi. 
 note,  p.  225. — E.] 
 
 ^  L'A'here  is  no  evidence  that  Knox's  statement  of  the  design  to  assassi- 
 nate the  Trior  had  the  slightest  foundation  in  truth.  Knox  pretends  that 
 this  plot  wa.s  concocted  by  the  "  Tapists,"  who  got  up  a  religious  pro- 
 cession in  Taris  on  the  street,  and  designed  to  quarrel  with  thel'rior  if  he 
 passed  without  the  accustomed  homage,  but  that  he  and  his  friend  the 
 Rhinegrave,  who  first  advertised  him  of  the  i)roject,  escaped  with  their 
 followers  by  the  si)eed  of  their  horses.  It  is  not  likely  that  such  a  clumsy 
 plot  would  be  perpetrated  under  the  pretence  of  a  street  riot.  Knox  says 
 that  the  Trior  lost  his  box  in  which  was  his  secret  "  i>ois,"  or  money. 
 Historie  of  the  Jteformatioun  of  Kcligioun  in  Scotland,  Edinburgh,  folio, 
 17.T2,  ]..  273.— E.J 
 
 ^  L 'Knox's  Historie  of  the  Reformatioun  of  Rcligioun  in  Scotland,  Edin. 
 fol.  edit.  1732,  p.  273.— E.] 
 
 "  [lUuhiinan's  Historia  Rerum  Scoticarum, original  edition,  Edin.  15S2, 
 Book  xvii.  folio  19.9,  and  Translation  of  the  siime,  Edin.  fourth  edition, 
 8vo.  1702,  vol.  ii,  p.  27().  The  Trior  brought  no  commission  with  liim  to 
 govern  for  the  (^u(un  till  her  arrival.  This  is  proved  by  Queen  Mary's 
 letter  to  Sir  Nichohiii  Throgmorton,  which  immediately  follows  in  the  text, 
 ati  translated  by  our  Historian.    ■Chalmers  conjectures  that  Buchanan 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  25 
 
 At  the  Convention  in  INIay,  Monsieur  Noailles  received 
 audience,  and  had  the  following  Answers  given  to  his  Com- 
 mission, with  which  he  soon  after  departed  for  France. 
 And  perhaps  the  States  of  Scotland  were  the  more  frank  in 
 their  Answers,  that  a  little  before  this  time  the  Earls  of 
 Morton  and  Glencairn,  and  Mr  Maitland,  had  returned 
 from  England,  and  had  notified  the  good  acceptance  they 
 had  met  with  from  that  Queen,  and  the  promises  she  had 
 made  to  assist  them,  in  the  defence  of  the  liberties  of  the 
 kingdom,  if  they  should  at  any  time  stand  in  need  of  her 
 help. 
 
 The  particular  Answers  to  the  French  Ambassadors  were  to 
 this  purpose : — 
 
 1.  "  That  France  had  not  deserved  at  their  hands,  that 
 either  they  or  their  posterity  should  enter  with  them  again 
 into  any  league  or  confederacy,  offensive  or  defensive,  seeing 
 that  so  traitorously  and  cruelly  they  had  persecuted  them, 
 their  realm  and  liberties,  under  pretence  of  amity  and 
 marriage. 
 
 2.  "  That  besides  their  conscience,  they  could  not  take 
 such  a  worldly  shame,  as  without  offence  committed  to 
 break  the  League,  which  in  God's  name  they  had  made  with 
 them  (meaning  the  English),  whom  he  hath  made  instru- 
 ments to  set  Scotland  at  freedom  from  the  tyranny  of  the 
 French,  at  least  of  the  Guisians  and  their  faction. 
 
 3.  And  lastly,  "  That  such  as  they  called  Bishops  and 
 Churchmen,  they  knew  neither  for  pastors  of  the  Church, 
 neither  yet  for  any  just  possessors  of  the  patrimony  thereof; 
 but  understood  them  perfectly  to  be  wolves,  thieves,  mur- 
 derers, and  idle  bellies.  And  therefore  as  Scotland  hath 
 forsaken  their  Pope  and  Papistry,  so  could  they  not  be 
 debtors  to  his  foresworn  vassals.""! 
 
 The  Queen  of  England  having  still  gi'catly  at  heart  our 
 Queen  s  ratification  of  the  Treaty  of  Edinburgh,  and  con- 
 sidering that  her  Majesty  had  lately  deferred  the  same  until 
 she  should  hear  from  her  Council  in  Scotland,  thought  it  a 
 
 probably  confoiindcd  this  statement  with  the  real  commission,  which 
 arrived  early  in  1560-1.     Life  of  Queen  jNlary,  vol.  ii.  p.  40.— E.l 
 
 ^  Knox.— [Ilistorie  of  the  Reformatioun  of  Religioun  in  Scotland, 
 Edin.  edit,  folio,  1732,  p.  274.— E.] 
 
2G  THE  HISTORY  OF  THK  AFFAIUS  [1561. 
 
 proper  season,  now  that  her  trusty  friend  tlie  Prior  of  St 
 Andrews  was  with  his  sister,  to  renew  her  ih-niand  concern- 
 ing the  Treaty.  For  tliis  purpose  she  sends  orders  to  her 
 anil)assador  in  France,  Sir  Nichohis  Thn^kniorton,^  to  sohcito 
 our  Queen  upon  tliat  Iiead  ;  and  her  Majesty  returned  such 
 answer  to  that  anihassacUjr  as  slie  judged  expedient  at  the 
 time.  Anil  j>erhaps  it  may  not  be  unfit  to  insert  here  both 
 the  one  and  the  other. 
 
 A  Letter^  of  the  English  Ambassador  to  Queen  Mary  of  Scot- 
 land, for  her  ratifying  the  Treaty  of  Leith. 
 
 "  Pleasetii  it  your  ^lajestie.  The  same  may  remember 
 that  at  my  Lord  of  Bedford's  being  in  this  Court,  he  and  I 
 demanded  of  you,  on  the  behalf  of  the  Queen's  Majestic  our 
 mistress,  your  good  sister  and  cousyne,  your  ratification  of 
 th'accord  latelye  made  at  Edingborough  in  Scotland,  where- 
 unto  you  made  answer,  amonge  other  things,  That  your 
 Counsell  being  not  about  youe,  namely,  your  uncle,  my  Lord 
 Cardinall  of  Lorraine,  by  wliom  you  are  advised  in  your 
 affaires,  and  also  for  that  your  Majestic  had  not  heard  from 
 your  Counsell  in  Scotland,  from  whom  you  looked  to  hear 
 then  veric  shortly e,  you  could  make  us  no  direct  answer 
 tlierin.  But  that  heering  from  them,  and  having  consulted 
 with  your  Counsell  hecre,  you  would  satisfie  her  Majestic  in 
 the  same.  Sins  whiclic  tyme,  her  JNLajestie  having  know- 
 ledge of  the  coming  to  you  of  the  Lord  James,  your  brother, 
 who  passed  lately  through  England  hitherwards,  by  whom 
 (her  Majestic  judgeth)  you  will  be  advised,  bothe  in  respect 
 of  his  ranke  and  estimacion  in  your  Kealme  of  Scotland,  and 
 also  for  that  he  hatho  the  honour  to  be  your  Majestic's 
 brother,  and  of  good  credite  with  you  :  And  nothing  doubt- 
 ing of  your  consultation  with  my  said  Lord  Cardinall,  and 
 others  of  your  Couns('ll  heere  sins  that  tyme,  her  Majestic 
 liathe  presentlic  connnanded,  and  authorized  mo  to  put  your 
 Majestic  in  remembrance  therof  againc,  and  to  renew  tlu» 
 
 *  [Sir  Nii-hoUts  Throp^nortoii  or  'rinokiiiorton,  \\\\o  was  cniplovcd  for 
 seviTul  years  first  in  Franco  nnd  afterwards  in  S(()tlaiul,and  subsecjuently 
 appointed  C'haniherlain  of  the  Kxchecpier  and  Cliiet  llntler  of  Knpland, 
 wa-s  the  fourth  Kon  of  Sir  George  ThrogTiiorton  of  I.onj^htnn  in  Warwick- 
 shire.    He  died  in  1570.— E.] 
 
 '   Vwyvv  Office,  niul  Burnet,  vol.  iii.  Collect,  p.  .'U.S. 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  27 
 
 demandeof  your  confirmation  of  the  said  late  Accord.  There- 
 fore I  have  presently  depechid  to  you  this  gentleman,  bearer 
 heerof,  hei*  Majestie's  servant,  by  whom,  I  beseeche  you,  to 
 let  me  understand  your  resolute  answer  in  that  behalfe. 
 And  uppon  knowledge  of  your  pleasure,  to  delyver  me  the 
 said  Ratification,  and  of  the  tymc  and  place,  I  will  not  faile 
 (God  willing)  to  resort,  whither  your  Majestie  will  appoint 
 me  to  come  for  that  pourpose. 
 
 "  By  demanding  of  this  Ratification,  as  the  Queen's  Ma- 
 jestie, my  mistress,  your  good  sister,  dothe  shew  the  great 
 desyre  she  hathe  to  lyve  from  henceforth  in  all  assured  good 
 love,  peas,  and  amytie  with  you  and  your  Realme  ;  so,  in  her 
 opynion,  there  is  nothing  that  can  argue  your  reciproke 
 good  will  to  answer  for  the  lyke  for  your  parte  agayne,  so 
 much  as  the  stablishing  the  same  by  this  knot  of  friendship 
 which  God  hath  appointed,  and  hath  been  chief  Worker 
 therin,  for  both  your  quyetnesses  and  comforts,  being  now 
 the  onlie  refuge  of  you  both.  And  so  I  pray  Almighty 
 God  long  to  preserve  your  Majestie  in  parfaict  healthe, 
 honour,  and  filicitie." 
 
 '^  From  Paris,  the  ISth  of  Aprill  1561 .'' 
 
 Our  Queen's  answer  to  the  foregoing  letter  being  written 
 by  her  in  the  French  language,  and  so  not  intelligible  to  a 
 great  many  of  our  English  readers,  I  have  put  the  same  in 
 the  Appendix  ;^  but  shall  here  insert  a  translation  of  it. 
 
 "  Monsieur  Ambassadeur — I  have  read  the  letter  which 
 you  wrote  me  by  the  gentleman  who  brings  you  this  :  And 
 seeing  I  am  to  leave  this  place  very  quickly,  I  can't  give  you 
 a  return  till  I  come  at  Rheims,  where  I  expect  to  be  at  the 
 King's  Coronation.  I  shall  only  here  tell  you,  that  the 
 Lord  James,  who  is  presently  with  me,  came  only  to  pay  his 
 duty  to  me  as  his  Sovereign  Lady,  without  any  connuission 
 whatsoever  relating  to  any  thing  else.  I  pray  God  to  keep 
 you,  Monsieur  Ambassadeur. 
 
 "  Your  very  good  friend, 
 "  Marie." 
 
 "  Nancy,  this  22d  April  1562." 
 
 ^  Number  II. 
 
28  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 To  the  above  Letters  may  bo  fitly  joined  tho  part  of 
 another^  from  the  said  Ambassador  to  his  own  Queen,  as 
 giving  some  farther  hght  into  our  affairs. 
 
 '•  T  r  iiiaye  please  your  Majestie  to  be  advertised,  that 
 liavini,'  written  this  other  lettre,  and  being  ready  to  have 
 (lepeched  it  to  your  Majestie,  Mr  Somer,  your  Highnesses 
 servant,  arryved  heere  from  Nanci  in  Lorraine,  from  the 
 Queen  of  Scotland  with  answer  to  my  lettre,  which  (by 
 your  Majestie's  conniiandment)  I  wrote  to  her,  in  such 
 sorte  as  I  have  advertised  by  my  former,  and  therewith  sent 
 to  your  Majestic  the  coppics  of  my  lettrcs  to  the  said  Queen 
 and  Cardinall  of'Lorrain.  Which  her  answer  being  by  lettre 
 (liaving  also  said  as  much  by  mouth  to  Mr  Somer),  together 
 with  the  said  Cardinalfs  answer,  I  send  your  Majestie  here- 
 with. And  though  your  Majestie's  said  servant  used  the 
 best  speech  as  he  coude  to  get  some  direct  answer  of  her, 
 accordinge  to  her  late  promesses,  putting  her  in  remem- 
 brance of  her  words  to  my  Lord  of  Bedford,  and  to  me  at 
 Fontainbleau,  yet  other  answer  nor  direction  then  is  con- 
 teined  in  her  letter  coude  he  not  gette  of  her.  And  seeing 
 she  hath  deferrid  to  make  me  further  answer  till  my  next 
 meetinge  with  her,  which  she  reckenith  shall  be  at  Reims, 
 at  the  French  King's  Sacre,'^  as  appeareth  by  her  said  lettre, 
 where  she  and  the  Cardinall  told  ^Ir  Somer  she  mynded  to 
 bo  the  8th  of  JNLaye,  for  that  it  is  said  the  Sacre  shall  be  the 
 15th." — Sir  Nicholas  after  this  adviscth  his  mistress  to  send 
 Mr  Somer  (an  attendant  on  the  Ambassador)  to  receive  our 
 (Queen's  answer,  because  himself  was  labouring  under  sick- 
 ness at  the  time.  And  then  he  adds — "  And  tho'  I  thinko 
 verily  that  her  answer  will  be  such  as  I  have  already  adver- 
 tised your  Majestic  she  made  to  my  Lord  James^  (which  is 
 means  to  draw  the  tyme  still  into  greater  length),  yet  the 
 same,  or  anye  other,  being  made  to  your  Majestic  by  her 
 self,  you  shall  the  better  know  how  to  proceede  with  her  in 
 the  matter  afterwards." "  I  wrote  to  your  Majestie,  by 
 
 '  Pftpor  Office,  nnd  lUirnct,  vol.  iii.  Collect,  p.  313. 
 
 •  [The  word  Stnr  hvvo  means  tho  Coroniitlon  of  Charles  IX.     The 
 Kiiip^  of  Fninco  were  iihvuys  crowned  at  Hheim.s.— E.] 
 
 *  So  it  appears  tho  Lord  James  was  just  now  employeil  by  the  Queen 
 of  England. 
 
15G1.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  29 
 
 my  letters  of  the  23d  of  this  present,  that  the  Queen 
 of  Scotland  would  authorize  my  said  Lord  James  (as 
 she  had  told  him  herself)  to  have  the  spcciall  charge  of 
 the  government  of  the  affaires  in  Scotland  till  her  coming 
 thither ;  and  would  for  that  purpose  give  him  Commission 
 under  her  Seale.l  For  which  Commission,  and  other  letters, 
 he  left  a  gentleman  of  his  with  the  said  Queen,  to  bring 
 it  after  him  to  this  towne.  The  gentleman  is  retourned 
 from  the  Queen  with  her  letters,  but  hath  brought  no  Com- 
 mission. And  I  understande  that  she  hath  now  changed 
 her  mynd  in  that  point,  and  will  appoint  none  to  have 
 authoritie  there  till  she  come  herself.  And  as  to  such  sutes 
 and  requests  as  are  made  to  her  for  benefices,  and  such 
 other  things  as  are  to  be  bestowed,  she  will  not  dispose  of 
 any  of  them,  or  make  other  answer  therin  till  her  com- 
 minge  thither.  Which  (it  is  thought)  she  dothe,  to  bestowe 
 the  same  upon  some  such  as  she  shall  see  worthy  of  her 
 favour  and  preferrmente,  and  upon  others,  to  winne  them  the 
 sooner  to  her  devocion.  The  speciall  cause  why  she  hath 
 changed  her  opinion  for  my  Lord  James  (as  I  heere)  is,  for 
 that  she  coude  by  no  means  disswade  him  from  his  devocion 
 and  good  opinion  towards  your  INlajestie,  and  the  observa- 
 tion of  the  League  between  your  Majestic  and  the  Kealme 
 of  Scotland.2  And  also  for  that  she,  nor  the  Cardinall  of 
 Lorraine,  could  not  winne  nor  divert  him  from  his  religion, 
 wherein  they  used  verie  great  meanes  and  perswasions.  For 
 which  respects  the  said  Lord  James  deservith  to  be  the 
 more  estymid  of  your  Majestic.  And  seeing  he  hath  dealt 
 so  plainly  with  the  Queen  his  Soveraine,  on  your  ^lajestie's 
 behalfe,  and  shewed  himself  so  constant  in  religion,  that 
 neither  tlie  feare  of  his  Soveraine's  indignacion  coude  waver 
 him,  nor  great  promesses  winne  him,  your  Majestic  may, 
 in  myne   opinion,   make   good   accompt   of  his    constancy 
 
 1  This  gains  -much  credit  to  tlic  narrations  concernin<r  this  Lord,  con- 
 tained in  the  "  Innocence  de  Marie  ;"  for  tliere  it  is  said  tliat  he  hidirectly, 
 yet  with  a  sort  of  threatening,  soHcited  the  Queen,  by  her  uncle  the  Duke 
 d' Auniale,  to  make  him  Governor  of  the  Kingdom.— [The  work  mentioned 
 by  our  Historian  in  this  note  is  a  small  volume  entitled—"  LTnnocence 
 de  la  tres  Illustre,  tres  Chaste,  et  Debonnaire  Princesse  Madame  Marie, 
 Royned'Ecosse,  imprimel'an.loTS,"  and  the  incident  occurs  in  p.  6.— E.] 
 
 2  Compare  this  with  ISIr  Knox's  account  of  the  message  brought  home 
 by  this  Lord,  p.  161. 
 
rii)  Tin:  iiisTuUY  uY  Tin;  affairs  [15G1. 
 
 toward^  you;  and  so  dcscrveth  to  be  well  cntertayned  and 
 made  of  by  your  Majestie,  as  one  that  may  stand  you  in  no 
 small  steadc,  for  the  advancement  of  your  Majcstie's  desire. 
 Sins  his  bein^  heere,  he  hath  dealt  so  franckly  and  liberally 
 with  ni  ',  that  I  must  beleeve  he  will  so  contynuo  after  his 
 return  home.  And  in  case  your  Majestic  wold  now  in  tymo 
 lil)era]]y  and  honorably  consider  him  with  some  good  means, 
 to  make  him  to  be  the  more  beholding  to  your  Majestic,  it 
 wold,  in  my  simple  judgement,  serve  your  Majestic  to  great 
 l)uri)Osc.^  He  depart eth  hence  homeward  about  the  4th  of 
 Maye,2  by  the  waye  of  Diepe,  and  myndith  to  land  at  Rye ; 
 whereof  I  thought  good  to  advertise  your  Majestic  that  it 
 may  please  the  same  to  give  order  for  him  and  his  com- 
 ]iany  to  be  rcceyved  and  accommodated  as  apertenith. 
 Which  will  be  well  bestowed  upon  him  for  the  good  reporte 
 he  made  of  his  late  reception  there,  and  of  the  great  favour 
 your  Majestic  shewed  him  at  his  coming  hithcrwards. 
 
 "  I  understand  that  the  Queen  of  Scotland  maketh  ac- 
 compt  to  fynd  a  good  partie  in  her  Realme  of  such  as  are  of 
 her  religion  ;  and  amongs  others,  the  Earle  of  Iluntly  hath 
 promysed,  that  having  the  Duke  on  his  side,  he,  with  such 
 other  as  he  holdeth  assured,  will  be  able  enough  to  make 
 head  to  the  contrary  parte.  And  so  hath  he  promised  to 
 l>ring  greatc  things  to  passe  there,  for  the  Queen's  purpose 
 and  affection. 
 
 "  I  understand  that  the  Queen  of  Scotland  hath  hitherto 
 no  great  devotion  to  Ledington,  Grange,  and  Balnaves, 
 whereof  I  am  nothing  sory.^  But  she  mindeth  to  use  all 
 the  best  meanes  she  can  to  wynno  them  to  hei*,  which  sho 
 trusteth  well  to  compassc. 
 
 ''  Having  written  thus  farre,  I  understand  that  whereas 
 it  was  determined  that  the  King  shuld  have  departed  the 
 -oth  of  Aprill,  from  Fontanbleau  towards  Reims,  to  his 
 Sacre^  the  same  is  retarded  by  reason  that  the  Queen- 
 Mother  is  fallen  sick  of  a  catarre.     So  that  both  his  depar- 
 
 '  Tho  Queen  of  Ijij^'land  was  wise  cnou<;h  to  bind  tlio  subjects  of  Scot- 
 luml  to  her  Majesty  by  all  projjcr  ties,  and  no  doubt  tliis  jjerson  got  an 
 early  taste  of  lier  benevolence. 
 
 '  This  eon  firirs  Mr  Knox's  account,  that  this  Lord  did  not  return  to  Scot- 
 land before  the  v\u\  of  May.—  [See  the  n«)te,  J). 'J!>,  .'lO  of  this  volume. — E.J 
 
 ^  rerhaps  the  J  ji^dish  ministry  have  found  these  three  gentlemen  to 
 be,  at  the  bottom,  true  to  the  interests  of  Scotland. 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  31 
 
 ture  from  thence,  and  the  time  of  his  Sacre^  is  now  uncer- 
 tain, and  dependith  wholey  upon  the  said  Queen- Mother's 
 
 recovery. From  Paris,  the  first  of  ^laye  1561. 
 
 "  Your  Majestie's  humble  and  most 
 
 "  obedient  subject  and  servant, 
 
 "  N.  Throkmorton.'' 
 
 It  hath  been  observed  already,  that  our  Sovereign  had 
 fallen  ill  of  an  ague  ;  therefore  when  the  Queen  of  England 
 heard  of  her  recovery,  and  of  her  return  to  the  city  of  Paris, 
 she  ordered  her  ^linister  to  compliment  her  thereupon,  and 
 at  the  same  time  to  make  a  new  request  for  the  ratification 
 of  the  forementioned  Treaty  of  Edinburgh.  This  gentleman's 
 letter  to  his  mistress  will  give  the  best  account  of  the 
 matter,  which,  though  it  be  somewhat  prolix,  and  has  been 
 published  formerly  by  Mr  Knox,  yet  because  by  it  and  the 
 other  original  letters,  we  have  a  plain  series  of  all  the  several 
 incidents  relating  to  this  affair,  which  at  bottom  did  breed 
 all  the  other  differences  betwixt  the  two  Sovereign  Ladies 
 of  this  island,  I  have  thought  it  not  amiss  to  insert  the 
 same  here. 
 
 Sir  Nicholas  Throhmorton  Ms  Letter  to  the  Queen  of  England^ 
 dated  at  Paris  2Sd  June  1561.^ 
 
 "  Madame — The  18th  of  this  present  June,  I  sent  Somer 
 to  the  Queen  of  Scots  for  audience,  who  appointed  me  to 
 come  to  her  the  same  day  after  dinner,  which  I  did.  To  her 
 I  did  your  Majestie's  hearty  commendations,  and  declared 
 unto  her  your  Majestie's  gladsomnes  of  her  recoverie  of  her 
 late  sickness ;  whose  want  of  health,  as  it  was  grievous 
 unto  your  Majestic,  soe  did  yee  congratulate  and  greatlie 
 rejoice  of  the  good  tydings  of  health  she  was  prcsentlie  in. 
 After  these  offices,  I  putt  her  in  remembrance  againe,  what 
 had  passed  from  the  beginning  of  the  matter  of  your 
 Majestie's  demand  of  ratification,  according  to  the  purport 
 of  the  said  Treaty,  as  weill  by  me  at  the  first,  as  afterward 
 by  my  Lord  Bedford  at  his  being  hecre,  and  also  followed 
 sithencc  again  by  me  in  audience ;  and  by  my  letter  to  her 
 being  in  Lorane;    adding  hereto   your  Majestie's  farther 
 
 1  Knox.  Item,  Calderwood's  Large  M.S. — [Calderwood's  History, 
 printed  for  the  Wodrow  Society,  8vo.  Edin.  1843,  vol.  ii.  p.  131-136. — E.] 
 
32  THE  HISTOllY  OF  THE  AFFAIKS  [loGl. 
 
 commandment  and  recharge  to  me  again,  prcsentlie  to  re- 
 new the  same  demand  as  before  had  been  done.  The  said 
 Queen  made  answer — '  Monsieur  TAmbassadeur,  I  tliank  the 
 Queen,  my  good  sister,  for  lier  gentle  visitation  and  congra- 
 tulation of  this  my  recoverie ;  and  though  I  be  not  yet  in 
 l)erfyte  lieaUh,  yctt,  I  thank  God,  I  feel  myself  in  verie  good 
 health  in  counning  to.  And  for  answer  to  your  demand  of 
 your  Ratification,  I  doe  remember  all  things  that  you  have 
 recited  unto  me  ;  and  I  would  the  Queen,  my  good  sister, 
 sould  think  that  I  do  respyte  the  resolute  answer  in  this 
 matter,  and  performing  thereof,  until!  such  tyme  as  1  might 
 have  the  advices  of  the  Nobles  and  Estates  of  mine  own 
 Ivealm,  which  I  trust  sail  not  be  long  a-doing,  for  I  intend  to 
 make  my  voyage  thither  shortlie.  And  though  this  matter,' 
 (juoth  she,  '  doeth  touch  me  principallie,  yet  doeth  it  also 
 touch  the  Nobles  and  Estates  of  my  Ixealm  too,  and  there- 
 fore it  sail  be  meet  that  I  use  ther  advices  therein.  Hereto- 
 fore they  have  seemed  to  be  grieved  that  I  should  do  any 
 thing  without  them  ;  and  now  they  would  be  more  offended, 
 if  I  sould  proceed  in  this  matter  of  myself,  without  ther 
 advice.  I  do  intend,'  quoth  she,  '  to  send  Monsieur  d'Osell 
 to  the  Queen  your  mistresse,  my  good  sister,  who  sail 
 declare  that  unto  her  from  mo,  that  I  trust  sail  suffice  her, 
 l)y  whom  I  will  give  her  to  understand  of  my  journey  into 
 Scotland.  I  mean  to  embark  at  Calice.  The  King  hath 
 lent  me  certano  galleys  and  shypes  to  convoy  me  home,  and 
 I  intend  to  require  of  my  good  sister  these  favours  that 
 Princes  use  to  doe  in  those  cases;  and  though  the  termes 
 wherein  wo  have  stood  heretofore  have  been  somewhat  hard, 
 yet  I  trust  that  from  henceforth  we  sail  accord  together  as 
 cousins  and  good  neighbours.  I  mean,''  (juotli  she,  '  to  retire 
 all  the  Frenchmen  from  Scotland  who  had  given  jealousie 
 to  the  Queen  my  sister,  and  miscontentment  to  my  subjects, 
 so  as  I  will  leave  nothing  undone  to  satisfie  all  parties,  trust- 
 ing the  Queen,  my  good  sister,  will  doe  the  like  ;  and  from 
 heneefurth  none  of  my  disobedient  subjects  sail  find  aid  or 
 support  at  her  hands.'  1  answered — That  1  was  not  desyrous 
 to  fall  into  discourse  how  these  hard  termes  first  began,  nor 
 by  what  means  they  were  nourished  ;  because  therin  I  most 
 charire  some  party  with  injustice  and  perrell  offered  to  tlio 
 Qu(>en  my  mistresse,  which  was   the  very  ground   of  these 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  33 
 
 'matters ;  but  I  was  well  assured  that  there  could  be  no 
 better  occasion  offered  to  put  the  former  unkindnesse  in 
 forgetfulnesse  then  by  ratifying  the  Treaty  of  Peace,  for 
 that  sould  repay  all  injuries  past.  And,  Madame,  quoth  I, 
 when  it  pleaseth  you  to  suspend  the  Ratification  till  you  have 
 the  advices  of  the  Nobles  and  the  Estates  of  your  Realm, 
 the  Queen,  my  mistresse,  doth  nothing  doubt  of  ther  con- 
 formity in  this  mater,  because  the  Treaty  was  made  by  their 
 consents.  The  Queen  answered — '  Yea,  by  some  of  them, 
 but  not  by  all.  It  will  appear,  when  I  come  amongst  them, 
 whether  they  be  of  the  same  minde  that  you  say  they  were 
 then  of ;  but  of  this  I  assure  you.  Monsieur  FAmbassadeur,' 
 quoth  she,  '  I,  for  my  part,  am  very  desirous  to  have  the 
 perfyte  and  the  assured  amitie  of  the  Queen,  my  good  sister, 
 and  I  will  use  all  the  meanes  I  can  to  give  her  occasion  to 
 think  that  I  mean  it  indeed."  I  answered — Madame,  the 
 Queen,  my  mistresse,  you  may  be  assured,  will  use  the  like 
 towards  you,  to  move  you  to  be  of  the  same  opinion  towards 
 her.  '  Then,'  said  she,  '  I  trust  the  Queen,  your  mistresse, 
 will  not  support  nor  incourage  none  of  my  subjects  to  con- 
 tinue in  their  disobedience,  nor  to  take  upon  things  which 
 appertaineth  not  to  subjects.  You  know,'  quoth  she,  '  ther 
 is  much  adoe  in  my  Realm  about  the  maters  of  religione ;  and 
 though  ther  be  a  greater  number  of  the  contrary  religione 
 to  me  then  I  would  ther  were,  yet  ther  is  no  reasone  that 
 subjects  give  a  law  to  ther  Soveraigne,  and  speciallie  in 
 maters  of  religione ;  which  I  fear,'  quoth  she,  '  my  subjects 
 sail  take  in  hand.'  I  answered — Madame,  your  Realme  is  in 
 no  other  case  at  this  day,  then  all  other  Realmes  through 
 Chrisendome  are  ;  the  proof  whereof  you  see  verified  in  this 
 Realme,  and  you  see  what  great  difficulty  it  is  to  give  order 
 in  this  mater,  though  the  King  and  all  his  counsell  be  very 
 desireous  thereunto.  Religione  is  of  the  greatest  force  that 
 may  be  ;  you  have  been  ionge  out  of  your  own  Realme,  so  as 
 the  contrarie  religion  to  yours  had  win  the  upper  hand,  and 
 the  gfeatest  part  of  your  Realme.  Your  mother  was  a  woman 
 of  great  experience,  of  deep  dissimulatione,  and  keeped  that 
 Realme  in  quietnesse,  till  she  begane  to  constraine  men's 
 consciences.  And  you  think  it  unmeet  to  be  constrained  by 
 your  subjects ;  soe  it  may  be  like  you  to  consider,  the  mater 
 is  as  intollerable  to  them  to  be  constrained  by  you  in  maters 
 
 VOL.  II.  3 
 
34  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 of  conscience  ;  for  the  duet y  due  to  God  cannot  be  given  to 
 anio  other  without  offence  off  His  Majesty.  '  Why/  said  she, 
 '  God  connnanded  sulgocts  to  be  obedient  to  their  Princes, 
 and  connnandeth  Princes  to  read  His  law,  and  governe 
 tlierby  themselves  and  the  people  committed  to  their  charges.' 
 Madt'im<',  quoth  I,  in  tliese  tilings  that  be  not  against  His 
 connnandnients.  '  W^eill,'  quoth  she,  '  1  will  be  plaine  with 
 you.  The  religiono  which  I  professe,  I  take  to  be  most  ac- 
 ceptable to  God;  and  indeed,  nather  doe  I  know,  or  desire 
 to  know  anie  other.  Constancie  becometh  all  folks  weill, 
 but  none  better  than  Princes  and  such  as  have  rule  over 
 Realmes,  and  speciallie  in  maters  of  religiono.  I  have  been 
 brought  up,'  quoth  she,  '  in  this  religiono,  and  who  might 
 credit  me  in  any  thing,  if  I  sould  shew  myself  light  in  this 
 case?  And  though  I  be  young,  and  not  weill  learned,  yett 
 have  I  heard  this  mater  oft  disputed  by  my  vnclc  my  Lord 
 Cardinall,^  with  some  that  thought  they  could  say  somewhat 
 in  the  mater  ;  and  I  found  therein  no  £:reat  reason  to  cliano:e 
 my  opinion.'  Madame,  quoth  I,  If  you  judge  weill  in  that 
 mater,  you  may  be  conversant  in  the  Scriptures,  which  are 
 the  touchstone  to  try  the  right  from  the  wronge.  Per- 
 adventure  you  are  so  partiallie  aft'ectcd  to  your  uncle's 
 arguments,  that  you  could  not  indiflerentlie  consider  the 
 other  parties ;  yett  this  I  assure  you.  Madam,  quoth  I, 
 your  uncle  my  Lord  Cardinall  in  conference  with  me 
 about  these  maters  hath  confess'd,  that  there  be  great 
 errors  come  into  the  Church,  and  great  disorder  in  the 
 ministers  and  clergie,  in  so  much  that  he  desired  and 
 wished  there  might  bo  a  reformation  of  the  one  and  the 
 other.  '  I  have  oft  heard  him  say  the  like,'  quoth  she. 
 Then  I  said,  Weill,  I  trust  God  will  inspire  all  you  that 
 be  Princes,  that  ther  may  be  some  good  order  iiikcn  in  this 
 mater,  soe  as  ther  may  be  one  unitie  in  religion  through  all 
 Christcndomo.  *  God  grant,'  (pioth  she  ;  '  but  for  my  part, 
 you  may  perceive  that  I  am  none  of  these  that  will  change 
 my  religiono  every  year ;  and  as  I  told  you  in  the  beginning, 
 I  mean  to  constraine  none  of  my  subjects,  but  would  wish 
 that  they  were  all  as  I  am,  and  1  trust  they  sould  have  no 
 support  to  constraine  me.      I   will  send  Monsieur  d'Osell,' 
 
 '  [TheCardiniil  of  Lorraine. — E.| 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  35 
 
 quoth  she,  '  to  3'ou,  before  he  goe,  to  know  whether  yee  will 
 anything  into  England.  I  pray  you  so  order  yourself  in  this 
 mater  betwixt  the  Queen,  my  good  sister,  and  me,  that 
 there  may  be  perfyte  and  assured  amitie  betwixt  us,  for  I 
 know,'  quoth  she,  '  ministers  may  do  much  good  and  harm.' 
 I  told  her  I  would  faithfullie  and  truelie  make  declaration 
 of  all  that  she  had  said  to  me  unto  your  Majesty,  and  trusted 
 that  she  would  soe  satisfie  your  Majestic  by  Monsieur 
 d'Osell  in  all  things,  as  I  sould  heerafter  have  no  more  occa- 
 sions to  treat  with  her  anything  but  of  the  encrease  of 
 amitie.  [She  replied]  '  Ther  sould  be  no  want  therin  upon 
 her  behahV  This  is  the  effect  of  the  Queen  of  Scotland's 
 answer  to  your  Majestie's  demand  of  her  said  ratification, 
 and  of  my  negociations  with  her  at  this  tyme." 
 
 The  Queen  of  England  perceiving  by  the  above  letter  of 
 her  resident,  that  our  Queen  had  little  intention  to  yield  to 
 her  demand  of  the  ratification  of  the  Treaty,  and  that  like- 
 wise her  Majesty,  in  the  conference  with  Sir  Nicholas  Throk- 
 morton  had  plainly  affirmed,  that  the  Treaty  was  not  made 
 by  consent  of  all  her  Nobility ;  and  having  some  suspicion, 
 as  would  appear,  that  others  of  the  Scottish  Nobility  might, 
 by  the  presence  of  their  own  Sovereign,  and  by  the  expecta- 
 tion of  favours  from  her,  be  wrought  upon  to  abandon  the 
 interest  of  their  English  ally  :  Queen  Elizabeth,  I  say,  per- 
 ceiving and  suspecting  these  things,  and  that  perhaps  some 
 contrivance  or  other  might  be  framing  against  her  and  her 
 State,  sent  the  following  expostulatory  Letter  to  the  States 
 of  this  Realm. 
 
 The  Queen  of  England's  Letter  to  the  States  of  Scotland?- 
 
 "  Right  trusty  and  right  entirely  beloved  Cousins,  We  gi-eet 
 you.  We  doubt  not  but  as  our  meaning  is,  and  hath 
 always  been,  since  our  reign,  in  the  sight  of  Almighty  God 
 straight  and  direct  towards  the  advancement  of  His  honour 
 and  truth  in  religion,  and  consequently  to  procure  peace, 
 and  maintain  concord  betwixt  both  these  Realms  of  England 
 and  Scotland,  so  also  our  outward  acts  have  well  declared 
 
 ^  [This  letter  is  also  inserted  by  John  Knox  in  his  "Historie,"  Edin. 
 edit,  folio,  1732,  p.  277-279.— E.] 
 
36  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE   AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 the  same  to  tho  world,  and  especially  to  you,   being  our 
 neighbours,    who   have   tasted   and   proved   in   these,    our 
 friendship  and  earnest  good-will,  more  than  we  think  any  of 
 your  antecessors  have  ever  received  from  hence,  yea  more 
 than  a  great  number  of  yourselves  could  well  have  hoped 
 for  of  us  ;  all  former  examples  being  well  weighed  and  con- 
 sidered.    And  this  we  have  to  rejoice  of,  and  so  may  ye  be 
 glad,  that  where  in  the  beginning  of  the  troubles  in  that 
 countrey,  and  of  our  succours  meant  for  you,  the  jealousie, 
 or  rather  malice  of  divers  both  in  that  Realm  and  other 
 countreys,  was  such,  both  to  deprive  us  in  the  yielding,  and 
 you  in  requiring  our  ayd,  that  we  were  noted  to  have  meant 
 the  surprise  of  that  Realm,  by  depriving  of  your  Soveraign 
 the  Queen  of  her  crown,  and  you,  or  the  greatest  part  of 
 you,  to  have  intended  by  our  succour,  the  like  ;   and  either 
 to  prefer  some  other  to  the  Crown,  or  else  to  make  of  that 
 monarchic  a  commonweale :    Matters  very  slanderous  and 
 false.    But  the  end  and  determination,  yea,  the  whole  course 
 and  process  of  tho  action  on  both  our  parts  have  manifested, 
 both  to  tho  slanderers,  and  to  all  others,  that  nothing  was 
 more  meant  and  prosecuted,  then  to  establish  your  Soveraign 
 the  Queen,  our  cousin  and  sister,  in  her  State  and  Crown, 
 the   possession    whereof   was  in    the    hands  of   strangers. 
 And  althoujxh  no  words  could  then  well  satisfie  the  mali- 
 cious,  yet  our  deeds  do  declare,  that  no  other   thing  was 
 sought  but  tho  restitution  of  that  Realm  to  the  ancient 
 libertie,  and  as  it  were  to  redeem  it  from  captivitie.     Of 
 these  our  purposes  and  deeds,  there  remaineth,  among  other 
 arguments,  good  testimony,  by  a  solemn  Treaty  and  Accord 
 made  the  last  year  at  Edinljurgh,  by  Connnissioners  sent 
 from  us  and  from  your  Queen,  with  full  authority  in  writing 
 under  both  our  hands,  and  tho  Great  Seals  of  both  our 
 Realms,  in  such  manner  as  other  Princes,  our  progenitors, 
 have  always  used.     J3y  which  Treaty  and  Accord,  either  of 
 us  have  faithfully  accorded  with  other  to  keep  peace  and 
 amity  betwixt  ourselves,  our  countrey,  and  subjects.     And 
 in  the  same  also  a  good  Accord  is  made,  not  only  of  certain 
 things  happened  betwixt  us,  but  also  of  some  differences 
 betwixt  tho  ministers  of  the  late  French  King,  your  Sove- 
 raign's  husband,  and  you  the  States  of  that  Realm,  for  the 
 alteration  of  laws  and  customs  of  that  countrey  attempted 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  37 
 
 by  them.  Upon  which  Accord  there  made  and  concluded, 
 hath  hitherto  followed,  as  you  know,  surety  to  your  Sove- 
 raigu's  State,  quietness  to  yourselves,  and  a  better  peace 
 betwixt  both  Realms,  then  ever  was  heard  of  in  any  time 
 past.  Nevertheless,  how  it  happeneth,  we  know  not  (we 
 can,  for  she  in  her  conceit  thinketh  herself  Queen  of  both), 
 that  your  Soveraign  either  not  knowing  in  this  part  her 
 own  felicity,  or  else  dangerously  seduced  by  perverse  coun- 
 sel, whereof  we  are  most  sorry  ;  being  of  late  at  sundry 
 times  required  by  us,  according  to  her  bond  with  us,  signed 
 with  her  own  hand,  and  sealed  with  the  Great  Seal  of  that 
 Realm,  and  allowed  by  you,  being  the  States  of  the  same,  to 
 ratifie  the  said  Treaty,  in  like  manner  as  we  by  writing  have 
 done,  and  are  ready  to  deliver  it  to  her,  who  maketh  such 
 dilatory  answers  thereunto,  as  what  we  shall  judge  thereof, 
 we  perceive  by  her  answer,  it  is  meet  for  us  to  require  of 
 you.  For  although  she  hath  always  answered,  since  the 
 death  of  her  husband,  That  in  this  matter  she  would  first 
 understand  the  minds  of  certain  of  you  before  that  she 
 would  make  answer ;  and  so  having  now  of  long  time  sus- 
 pended our  expectation,  in  the  end,  notwithstanding  that 
 she  hath  had  conference,  both  by  messengers  and  by  some  of 
 yourselves  being  with  her,  yet  she  still  delayed  it,  alledging  to 
 our  Ambassador  in  France  (who  said  that  this  Treaty  was 
 made  by  your  consent),  It  was  not  by  consent  of  you  all ; 
 and  so  would  have  us  to  forbear,  untill  she  shall  return  into 
 that  her  countrey.  And  now  seeing  this  her  answer  depended, 
 as  it  should  seem  by  her  words,  upon  your  opinions,  we 
 cannot  but  plainly  let  you  all  understand,  that  this  manner 
 of  answer,  without  some  more  fruit,  cannot  long  content  us. 
 We  have  meant  well  to  our  sister,  your  Queen,  in  time  of 
 offence  given  to  us  by  her.  We  did  plainly,  without  dis- 
 simulation, charge  her  in  her  own  doubtfull  State  ;  while 
 strangers  possessed  her  Realm,  we  stayed  it  from  danger. 
 And  now  having  promised  to  keep  good  peace  with  her, 
 and  with  you  her  subjects,  wo  have  observed  it,  and  shall 
 be  sorry  if  either  she  or  ye  shall  give  us  contrary  cause. 
 In  a  matter  so  profitable  to  both  the  Realms,  we  think  it 
 strange  that  your  Queen  hath  no  better  advice  ;  and  there- 
 fore we  do  require  you  all,  being  the  States  of  that  Realm 
 upon  whom  the  burden  resteth,   to   consider  this  matter 
 
38  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1501. 
 
 deeply,  and  to  make  us  answer  wliereunto  we  may  trust. 
 And  if  you  shall  think  meet  she  shall  thus  leave  the 
 Peace  imperfect,  by  breaking  of  her  solemn  promise,  con- 
 trary to  the  order  of  all  Princes,  we  shall  be  well  content 
 to  accept  your  answer,  and  shall  bo  as  careless  to  see 
 the  Peace  kept,  as  ye  shall  give  us  cause ;  and  doubt 
 not,  by  the  grace  of  God,  but  whosoever  of  you  shall  in- 
 cline thereto,  shall  soonest  repent.  You  must  be  content 
 with  our  plain  writing.  And  on  the  other  side,  if  you 
 continue  all  in  one  mind,  to  have  the  Peace  inviolably 
 kept,  and  shall  so,  by  your  advice,  procure  the  Queen  to 
 ratifie  it,  we  also  plainly  promise  you,  that  we  will  also  con- 
 tinue our  good  disposition  to  keep  the  same  in  such  good 
 terms  as  now  it  is  ;  and  in  so  doing,  the  honour  of  Almighty 
 God  shall  be  duely  sought  and  promoted  in  both  Rcalmes, 
 the  Queen  your  Soveraign  shall  enjoy  her  State  with  your 
 surety,  and  yourselves  possess  that  which  ye  have  with 
 tranquillity,  to  the  increase  of  your  families  and  posterity, 
 which  by  the  frequent  wars  heretofore  your  antecessors 
 never  had  long  in  one  State.  To  conclude,  we  require  you 
 to  advertise  us  of  what  mind  you  be,  especially  if  you  all 
 continue  in  that  mind,  that  you  mean  to  have  the  Peace 
 betwixt  both  the  Kealmes  perpetually  kept.  And  if  you 
 shall  forbear  any  longer  to  advertise  us,  ye  shall  give  us 
 some  occasion  of  doubt,  whereof  more  hurt  may  grow  then 
 good.     From,''  &c. 
 
 The  Answer  to  the  foregoing  Letter  hy  the  CounrU,  or  Junto} 
 
 "  Madame — Please  your  Maj^'stie,  that  with  judgment  wo 
 have  considered  your  Majestio's  letters:  And  albeit  the 
 whole  States  could  not  suddainlie  be  assembled,  yet  we 
 thought  expedient  to  signifie  somewhat  of  our  mindes  unto 
 your  MMJ«'stie.  Viw  be  it  from  us,  that  cither  we  take  upon 
 us  that  infamy  before  the  world,  or  grudge  of  conscience  be- 
 fore our  God,  that  wo  should  lightly  esteem  the  observation 
 of  that  Peace  lately  contracted  betwixt  these  two  liealines. 
 By  what  motives  our  Soveraign  delayed  the  ratification 
 thereof  we  cannot  tell ;  but  of  us  (of  us,  we  say,  Madame, 
 that   have  protested  fidelity  in  our  promise),  her  Majestic 
 
 '   [  Kiiox'h  "  llistorii'/'  ^c,  Kdiii.  edit.  1732,  folio,  p.  279,  280.— E.) 
 
1561.]  or  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  39 
 
 had  none.     Your  Majestie  cannot  be  ignorant,  that  in  this 
 Realme  there  are  many  enemies,    and    farther,    that   our 
 Soveraign  hath  counsellors,   whose  judgements  she  in  all 
 such  causes  preferred  to  ours.     Our  obedience  bindeth  us, 
 not  only  reverently  to  speak  and  write  of  our  Soveraign, 
 but  also  to  judge  and  think  ;  and  yet  your  Majestie  may  be 
 well  assured,  that  in  us  shall  be  noted  no  blame,  if  that 
 Peace  be  not  ratified  to  your  IMajestie's  contentment.     For 
 God  is  Witness,  that  our  chief  care  in  this  earth,  next  the 
 glory  of  God,  is,  that  constant  peace  may  remain  betwixt 
 these  two  Realmes,  whereof  your  Majestie  and  Realme  shall 
 have  sure  experience,  so  long  as  our  counsel  or  votes  may 
 stop  the  contrarie.     The  bcnefite  that  we  have  received  is 
 so  recent,  that  we  cannot  suddainlie  bury  it  in  forget  fulness. 
 We  would  desire  your  Majestie  rather  to  be  pers waded  of 
 us,  that  we  to  our  powers  will  study  to  leave  it  in  remem- 
 brance to  our  posterity.    And  thus  with  lawful!  and  humble 
 commendation  of  our  service,  we  commit  your  Majestie  to 
 the  protection  of  the  Omnipotent.     Of  Edinburgh  the  16th 
 day  of  July  1561." 
 
 Mr  Knox,  from  whom  I  have  transcribed  the  two  fore- 
 going Papers,  observes  that  "there  were  some  other  persons 
 that  answered  some  of  the  ministers  of  England  somewhat 
 more  sharply,  and  willed  them  not  to  accuse  nor  threaten  so 
 sharply,  till  that  they  were  able  to  convince  such  as  had 
 promised  fidehty  of  some  evident  crime;  which  although  they 
 were  able  to  lay  to  the  charge  of  some,  yet  respect  would  be 
 had  to  such  as  long  had  declared  themselves  constant  pro- 
 curers of  quietness  and  peace.''! 
 
 The  readers  will  remember,  that  our  Queen  told  the 
 English  resident,  that  she  was  to  send  Monsieur  d'Oysel^ 
 
 1  [Knox's  "Ilistorie,"  &c.  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  280.— E.] 
 
 2  [Buchanan  thus  describes  d'Osell—"  Ref^is  Gallorura  legatus  Osellius, 
 homo  celeris,  et  vehenientis  iiw,  cfctera  vir  bonus,  et  pacis,  bellique  arti- 
 bus  juxta  eruditus  ;  qui(iue  ad  juris  ajquitatem  potius  quani  ad  Gusian- 
 orum  libidinem  sua  consilia  dirigeret."— llistoria  Kerum  Scoticarum,  lib. 
 xvi.  fol.  197,  original  edition,  Edin.  1582.  "  Osel,  ambassador  of  the  King 
 of  France,  a  man  hasty  and  passionate,  otherwise  a  good  man,  and  well 
 drilled  in  the  arts  both  of  peace  and  war.  He  Avas  one  that  directed  his 
 counsel  rather  by  the  rule  of  equity  than  the  will  and  pleasure  of  the 
 Guises."— Translation,  Edin.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  270.-  E.] 
 
40  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 with  a  message  to  her  sister  of  England.  Accordingly  we 
 find  this  gentleman  did  come  into  England,  to  ask  in  the 
 name  of  our  Queen  a  safe-conduct  for  her  free  passing  by 
 sea  into  lier  own  Realm  ;  and  liberty  for  himself  to  go  by 
 land  into  Scotland.^  Mr  ]hichanan  thinks  fit  to  say  that 
 "  our  Queen's  Envoy  was  well  entertained  at  the  Court  of 
 England,  and  was  sent  back  presently  into  France  to  tell 
 the  Queen  of  Scots,  that  if  she  pleased  to  pass  throuirh 
 England  she  should  have  all  the  respect  which  she  could 
 desire  from  a  kinswoman  and  an  ally ;  and  that  she  would 
 take  it  as  a  great  favour  besides.  But  if  she  shunned  the 
 profer'd  interview,  she  would  look  upon  it  as  an  affront.""^ 
 But  Mr  Camden  of  England  narrates  this  point  much  more 
 conformable  to  truth,  when  he  informs  us  that  *'  Queen 
 Elizabeth  denied  both  the  requests  of  our  Queen  ;  allcdging 
 as  the  cause  of  this  denial,  that  she  had  not  yet  ratified  the 
 Treaty  of  Edinburgh.""  Mons.  d'Oysel  returned  into  Franco 
 about  a  week  only  before  our  Queen  set  out  from  Paris  upon 
 her  return  into  Scotland ;  and  thereupon  followed  a  large 
 conference  betwixt  our  Queen  and  the  resident  of  England 
 concerning  d'OyseFs  message,  which  I  chose  to  lay  before 
 the  reader  in  that  minister's  own  words. 
 
 Sir  Nicholas  Throhnorton^  then  Ambassador  in  France^  to 
 Queen  Elizaheth^  touching  a  free  passage  for  the  Queen  of 
 Scots  through  England  into  Scotland.^ 
 
 "  It  may  please  your  Majestic  to  understand,  that  the  17tli 
 of  July  I  received  your  letters  at  Poiscy,*  of  the  14th  of  the 
 same,  by  Francisco  the  bearer ;  and  for  that  1  could  not, 
 according  to  your  Majestie's  Instructions  in  the  same  letters, 
 accomplish  the  contents  of  them  untill  Mons.  d'Oysel  had 
 delivered  your  letters  to  the  French  King,  the  Queen  of 
 
 ^  Bishop  Leslie  acquaints  us,  that  tlio  immtion  of  the  Kin^  of  France, 
 by  sendinjij  Monsieur  (rOvsel  into  Scotland,  was  to  take  care  that  the 
 forts  of  Dunbar  and  Inchkeith  should  bo  preserved  by  the  French 
 soldiers,  until  our  Queen  was  safely  arrived. 
 
 ■  [Ilistoria  Heruni  Scoticarum,  original  edition,  Fdin.  15S2,  fol.  '2(K). 
 Translation,  Fdin.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  277.— F.J 
 
 '  Taken  from  the  Cabala,  edit.  1G63. 
 
 *  I A  town  in  the  Department  of  the  Seine  and  Oisc,  District  of  Ver- 
 sailles, three  miles  north-west  of  St  Germains.— E.] 
 
1561.]  OF  CHUKCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  41 
 
 Scotland,  and  the  Queen- Mother^  (who  did  not  arrive  at  this 
 Court  till  the  20th  of  this  present),  I  did  defer  to  treat  with 
 any  of  the  Princes  of  your  Majestie's  answer  to  the  said 
 Mons.  d'Oysel.  Nevertheless,  the  18th  of  this  moneth,  I 
 required  audience  of  the  French  King,  which  was  granted 
 me.  The  same  day,  in  the  afternoon,  I  repaired  to  his 
 Court,  being  at  St  Germains  ;  and  there  the  Queen- ^M other, 
 accompanied  with  the  King  of  Navarre^  and  sundry  other 
 great  personages,  was  in  the  place  of  State  to  hear  wliat  I 
 had  to  say  to  the  King  her  son^  who  was  absent ;  unto 
 her  I  declared  your  ^lajestie's  pleasure  according  to  my 
 Instructions,  concerning  your  acceptation  of  the  hostages 
 already  received  and  hereafter  to  be  received,  signified  to 
 me  by  your  Majestie's  letters  of  the  17th  June ;  and  as  I 
 wrote  to  your  Majestic  lately,  brought  to  me  by  Mons. 
 de  Noailles  the  IGth  of  July.  For  answer  whereunto  the 
 Queen- Mother  said — '  Monsieur  TAmbassadour,  we  marvail 
 greatly  how  it  cometh  to  pass,  that  the  Queen  your  Mistress 
 doth  not  make  more  stay  to  receive  the  King  my  son's 
 hostages  than  she  hath  done  heretofore ;  for  from  the  begin- 
 ning, since  the  hostages  were  sent  into  England,  neither  the 
 King  my  late  lord  and  husband,^  nor  the  late  King  my  son,5 
 did  either  recommend  the  sufficiency  of  their  hostages  by 
 their  letters,  or  cause  their  names  to  be  recommended  unto 
 you  the  Ambassador  ;  but  the  presentation  of  them  by  our 
 Ambassador  in  England  did  suffice."  Thereunto  I  said — 
 Madam,  you  know  they  be  hostages  for  a  matter  of  some 
 moment,  and  if  they  should  neither  have  the  King's  assur- 
 ance for  their  validity,  nor  the  Queen  my  mistress's  ambas- 
 sador's allowance  of  their  sufficiency,  some  personages 
 might  be  sent  which  were  neither  meet  for  the  King  to 
 send,  nor  for  the  Queen  my  mistress  to  receive ;  and  yet, 
 Madam,  the  Queen  my  mistress  doth  not  require  the  manner 
 of  recommending  the  sufficiency  of  the  hostages,  for  any 
 doubt  she  hath  that  unmeet  persons  should  be  sent ;  but 
 rather,  because  a  friendly  and  sincere  fashion  of  dealing 
 should  be  betwixt  her  good  brotlicr  and  her,  with  whom 
 her  Majestic  is  so  desirous  to  have  a  perfect  and  assured 
 
 1  [Catherine  de  Medici.— E.] 
 
 2  [Anthony  of  Bourbon,  King  of  Navarre. — E.] 
 
 •'  [Charles  IX.— E.]  *  [Henry  II.— E.]  ^  [Francis  IL-E.] 
 
42  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 amity.  I  said  also,  That  tho  King  her  son  had  notified 
 both  to  my  Lord  of  Jiedfordl  at  liis  being  here,  and 
 unto  me,  tho  names  of  some  of  the  hostages ;  as  the 
 Count  of  Benon,  before  In's  going  into  England,  as  Mon- 
 sieur do  Sualt,  who  liad  the  charge  so  to  do,  could  well 
 infurm  her  ;  so  as  this  motion  need  not  seem  strange 
 for  the  newness.  The  Queen  answered — *  Monsieur  TAm- 
 bass.-idour,  we  shall  be  well  pleased,  seeing  your  mistress 
 doth  require  it,  that  from  henceforth  either  the  hostages 
 shall  have  tho  King  my  son''s  letters  of  recommendation, 
 or  else  their  names  should  be  notified  unto  you,  or  any 
 other  her  Ambassador  here ;  and  I  pray  you,  Monsieur 
 TAmbassadour,'  quoth  she,  '  give  the  Queen  your  mistress, 
 my  good  sister,  to  understand  from  me,  that  if  there  be  any 
 thing  in  this  country  that  may  please  her,  she  shall  have  it, 
 if  I  may  know  her  liking.**  I  told  the  said  Queen,  That  I  was 
 sure  your  Majestie  was  of  the  same  mind  towards  her,  for 
 any  pleasures  to  content  her  in  your  Kealm.  And  so  I  took 
 my  leave  of  her  for  that  time. 
 
 "  It  may  farther  please  your  Majestie  :  Having  intelligence 
 that  Monsieur  d'Oysel  had  advertised  the  Queen  of  Scotland, 
 by  Rollot2  her  Secretary,  the  17th  of  this  present,  what 
 answer  your  Majestie  had  made  him  ;  and  hearing  also  of 
 the  sundry  praises  and  discourses  made  here,  of  that  your 
 Majestic  answered — I  sent  to  Dampier,^  a  house  of  the 
 Cardinal  of  Lorrain's,  the  10th  of  this  moneth,  to  the  Queen 
 of  Scotland,  to  re(j[uire  audience  of  her,  which  she  api)ointed 
 me  to  have  the  next  day  in  the  afternoon  at  St  Germains. 
 She  was  accompanied  at  Dampier  with  her  uncles  the  Cardi- 
 nals of  Lorrain  and  Guise,  and  the  Duke  of  Cuise;^  there 
 was  also  the  Duke  of  Nemours,''  who  the  same  day  arrived 
 
 *  [Francis  Russell,  Earl  of  Bedford.  See  note,  p.  1-tof  this  volume.— E.] 
 '  (Or  Kttulet,  who  canie  to  Scotlaiul  with  l^iuH-n   Mary  as  lier  Fn'nch 
 Strrotary. — E.] 
 
 ^  [The  Castle  of  I)amj)i{>r,  or  I)aini)ic'rre,  is  near  the  town  of  its  name, 
 three  miles  wt'st  of  (licvreuso,  in  tho  I)e]tartniont  of  Seine  and  Oise. — E-l 
 «  [See  the  note,  j*.  11,12  of  the  prcsoiit  volume.— E.] 
 '  [The  Duke  of  Nemours  was  a  relative  of  Emmanuel  Philihert,  Kinjj 
 of  Sardinia,  or  projierly  of  Savoy  and  Piedmont,  from  1^53  to  his  death 
 at  Turin  in  ISbO.  The  first  Dukes  of  Nemoui-s  beeamc  extinct  in  the 
 jicrsoa  of  Louis  d'Armaf^nac,  Duke  of  Nemours,  who  was  killed  at  the 
 battle  of  C'ori;,mola  in  Apulia  in  ITjO.'}.  The  line  of  .\rma;?nac  was  de- 
 KcondiMl  from  Caribert,  a  son  of  Clotarius  11.,   Kinj;  of  France,  who  died 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  43 
 
 there  in  post  out  of  Savoy,  and  visited  the  said  Queen  before 
 he  came  to  this  town. 
 
 "  The  20th  of  this  present,  in  the  afternoon,  I  had  access 
 to  the  said  Queen  of  Scotland,  with  whom  I  found  Monsieur 
 d'Ojsel  talking  when  I  entred  into  her  chamber.  She  dis- 
 missed Monsieur  d'Oysel,  and  rose  from  her  chair  when  she 
 saw  me  ;  unto  whom  I  said — Madam,  whereas  you  sent 
 lately  Monsieur  d'Oysel  to  the  Queen  my  mistress,  to  de- 
 mand her  ^lajestie's  safe- conduct  for  your  free  passage  by 
 sea  into  your  own  Eealm,  and  to  be  accommodated  with 
 such  favours  as  upon  events  you  might  have  need  of  upon 
 the  coast  of  England,  and  also  did  farther  require  the  free 
 passage  of  the  said  Monsieur  d'Oysel  into  Scotland  through 
 England  :  The  Queen  my  mistress  hath  not  thought  good 
 to  suffer  the  said  Monsieur  d'Oysel  to  pass  into  Scotland, 
 nor  to  satisfie  your  desire  for  your  passage  home  ;  neither  for 
 such  other  favours  as  you  required  to  be  accommodated  withall 
 at  her  Majestie's  hands,  inasmuch  as  you  have  not  accom- 
 plished the  ratification  of  the  Treaty  accorded  by  your  de- 
 puties in  July,  now  twelve  months  ago,  at  Edinburgh,  which 
 in  honour  you  are  bound  many  ways  to  perform  ;  for  besides 
 that  you  stand  bound  by  your  hand  and  seal,  whereby  your 
 Commissioners  were  authorised,  it  may  please  you.  Madam, 
 to  remember,  that  many  promises  have  been  made  for  the 
 performance  thereof,  as  well  in  the  King  your  husband's 
 time,  as  by  yourself  since  his  death  ;  and  yet  notwithstand- 
 ing, the  Treaty  remaineth  unratified  as  before,  a  whole  year 
 being  expired  since  the  Accord  thereof,  which  by  your  Com- 
 missioners was  agreed  to  have  been  ratified  within  sixty 
 days ;  so  as  upon  this  unamicable  and  indirect  dealings,  the 
 Queen  my  mistress  hath  refused  you  these  favours  and 
 pleasures  by  you  required,  and  hath  grounded  this  her 
 Majestie's  strangeness  unto  you,  upon  your  own  behaviour, 
 which  her  Majestic  doth  unconfortably,  both  for  that  your 
 Majestic  is,  as  she  is,  a  Queen,  her  next  neighbour  and  next 
 kinswoman.     Nevertheless,   her  JMajesty  hath  commanded 
 
 A.  1).  630.  Louis  XII.  bestowed  the  Ducliy  upon  Gascon  de  Foix,  son  of 
 his  sister  jSlary,  avIio  fell  in  the  battle  of  Kavenna  against  the  Spaniards 
 and  Italians  in  1512.  'Ihe  Duchy  of  Nemours  was  afterwards  given  by 
 Francis  I.  to  his  uncle  Philip  of  Savoy  in  1528,  in  whose  line  it  continued 
 till  1657,  when  Henry  of  Nemours,  his  last  male  descendant,  died.— E.J 
 
44  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 me  to  say  unto  you,  Madam,  quoth  I,  that  if  you  can  like 
 to  bo  better  advised,  and  to  ratify  the  Treaty,  as  you  in 
 honour  are  bound  to  do,  her  Majestic  will  not  only  give  you 
 and  yours  free  passage,  but  also  will  be  most  glad  to  see  you 
 pass  through  her  Kcalm,  that  you  may  be  accommodated 
 with  the  pleasure  thereof,  and  such  friendly  conference  may 
 be  had  betwixt  you,  as  all  unkindness  may  bo  quenched, 
 and  an  assured  perfect  amity  betwixt  you  both  for  ever 
 established.  Having  said  thus  nmch  unto  her,  the  said 
 Queen  sate  down,  and  made  me  also  sit  down  by  her.  She 
 then  commanded  all  the  audience  to  retire  them  further  off, 
 and  said — '  Monsieur  FAmbassadour,  I  know  not  well  my 
 own  infirmity,  nor  how  far  I  may  with  my  passion  be  trans- 
 ported ;  but  I  like  not  to  have  so  many  witnesses  of  my 
 passions,  as  the  Queen  your  mistress  was  content  to  have 
 when  she  talked  with  Monsieur  d'Oysel.i  There  is  nothing 
 that  doth  more  grieve  me,  than  that  I  did  so  forget  myself, 
 as  to  re(|uire  of  the  Queen  your  mistress  that  favour  which 
 I  had  no  need  to  ask.  I  needed  no  more  to  have  made  her 
 privy  to  my  journey,  than  she  doth  me  of  hers.  I  may  pass 
 well  enough  home  into  my  own  Realm,  I  think,  without  her 
 passport  or  licence  ;  for  though  the  late  King  your  master,' 
 said  she,  '  used  all  the  impeachment  he  could  both  to  stay 
 me,  and  catch  me  when  I  came  hithci',  yet  you  know.  Mon- 
 sieur FAmbassadour,  T  came  hither  safely,  and  I  may  have 
 as  good  means  to  help  me  home  again  as  I  had  to  come 
 hither,  if  I  would  employ  my  friends.  Truly,'  said  she, '  I  was 
 so  far  from  evil  meaning  to  the  Queen  your  mistress,  that  at 
 this  time  I  was  more  willing  to  employ  her  amity  to  stand 
 me  in  stead,  than  all  the  friends  I  have ;  and  yet  you  know, 
 both  in  this  Realm,  and  elsewhere,  I  have  both  friends  and 
 allies,  and  such  as  would  be  glad  and  willing  to  employ  both 
 their  forces  and  aid  to  stand  me  in  stead.  You  have. 
 Monsieur  FAmbassadour,"  quoth  she,  '  often  times  told  me, 
 that  the  amity  between  the  (^ueen  your  mistress  and  me 
 were  very  necessary  and  profitable  for  us  both  :  1  have  some 
 reason,"*  quoth  she,  '  now  to  think  that  the  Queen  your  mis- 
 tress is  not  of  that  mind  ;   for  T  am  sure,  if  slio  weri\  she 
 
 '  It  is  rcmarkod  by  tlio  English  historians,  that  Quoon  Elizabeth  made 
 choice  to  deny  uur  Queen's  stiit  to  her  Ity  d'Oysel,  in  the  presence  of  a 
 numerous  attendance,  which  is  not  reckoned  to  be  very  decent. 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  45 
 
 would  not  have  refused  me  thus  unkindly.  It  seemeth  she 
 maketh  more  account  of  the  amity  of  my  disobedient  sub- 
 jects than  she  doth  of  me  their  Sovereign,  who  am  her 
 equal  in  degree,  though  inferior  in  wisdom  and  experience, 
 her  nighest  kinswoman  and  her  next  neighbour ;  and  trow 
 you,'  quoth  she,  '  that  there  can  be  so  good  meaning  between 
 my  subjects  and  her,  which  have  forgotten  their  principal 
 duty  to  me  their  Sovereign,  as  there  should  be  betwixt  her 
 and  me?  I  perceive  that  the  Queen  your  mistress  doth 
 think,  that  because  my  subjects  have  done  me  wrong,  my 
 friends  and  allies  will  forsake  me  also.  Indeed  your  mis- 
 tress doth  give  me  cause  to  seek  friendship  where  I  did  not 
 mind  to  ask  it.  But,  Monsieur  TAmbassadour,  let  the 
 Queen  your  mistress  think  that  it  will  be  thought  very 
 strange  amongst  all  Princes  and  countries,  that  she  should 
 first  animate  my  subjects  against  me,  and  now  being  widow, 
 to  impeach  my  going  into  my  own  country !  I  ask  her 
 nothing  but  friendship  ;  I  do  not  trouble  her  State,  nor 
 practise  with  her  subjects  ;  and  yet  I  knov/  there  be  in  her 
 Eealm  that  be  inclined  enough  to  hear  offers ;  I  know  also 
 they  be  not  of  the  mind  she  is  of,  neither  in  religion,  nor 
 other  things.  The  Queen  your  mistress  doth  say  that  I 
 am  young,  and  do  lack  experience  ;  but  I  have  age  enough 
 and  experience  to  use  my  self  towards  my  friends  and 
 kinsfolks  friendly  and  uprightly  ;  and  I  trust  my  discretion 
 shall  not  so  fail  me,  that  my  passion  shall  move  me  to  use 
 other  language  of  her  than  it  becometh  of  a  Queen,  and  my 
 next  kinswoman.  Well,  Monsieur  TAmbassadour,  I  could 
 tell  you,  that  I  am,  as  she  is,  a  Queen  allied  and  friended,  as 
 is  known ;  and  I  tell  you  also,  that  my  heart  is  not  inferior 
 to  hers,  so  as  an  equal  respect  would  be  had  betwixt  us  on 
 both  parts  ;  but  I  will  not  contend  in  comparisons.  First, 
 you  know,'  quoth  she,  '  that  the  Accord  was  made  in  the  late 
 King  my  lord  and  husband's  time,  by  whom,  as  reason  was, 
 I  was  commanded  and  governed.  And  for  such  delays  as 
 were  then  in  his  time  used  in  the  said  ratification,  I  am  not 
 to  be  charged ;  since  his  death,  my  interest  failing  in  the 
 Eealm  of  France,  I  left  to  be  advised  by  the  Councel  of 
 France,  and  they  left  me  also  to  mine  own  councel.  Indeed,' 
 quoth  she,  '  my  uncles  being,  as  you  know,  of  the  affairs  of 
 this  Realm,  do  not  think  meet  to  advise  me  in  my  affairs ; 
 
46  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 neither  do  my  subjects,  nor  the  Queen  your  mistress,  think 
 meet  that  I  should  be  advised  by  them,  but  rather  by  the 
 Councel  of  my  own  Kcahn.  Here  are  none  of  them,  nor 
 none  sucli  as  is  thou^^lit  meet  that  I  shouhl  be  counselled 
 by ;  the  matter  is  great ;  it  toucheth  both  them  and  me ; 
 and  in  so  great  a  matter,  it  were  meet  to  use  the  advice  of 
 the  wisest  of  them.  I  do  not  think  it  meet  in  so  great  a 
 matter  to  take  the  counsel  of  private  and  unexpert  persons, 
 and  such  as  the  Queen  your  mistress  knoweth  to  be  most 
 acceptable  to  such  of  my  subjects  as  she  would  have  me  be 
 advised  by.  I  have,"  quoth  she,  '  often  times  told  you,  that 
 as  soon  as  I  had  their  advices,  I  would  send  the  Queen  your 
 mistress  such  an  answer  as  should  be  reasonable.  I  am 
 about  to  haste  mo  home  as  fast  as  I  may,  to  the  intent  the 
 matter  might  be  answered  ;  and  now  the  Queen  your  mis- 
 tress will  in  nowise  suffer  neither  me  to  pass  home,  nor  him 
 that  I  sent,  into  my  Realm  ;  so  as  Monsieur  rAmbassadour,' 
 quoth  she,  *  it  seemeth  the  Queen  your  mistress  will  be  the 
 cause  why  in  this  manner  she  is  not  satisfied,  or  else  she 
 will  not  be  satisfied,  butlikcthto  make  this  matter  a  quarrel 
 still  betwixt  us,  whereof  she  is  the  author.  The  Queen 
 your  mistress  saith  that  I  am  young ;  she  might  as  well  say 
 that  I  were  as  foolish  as  young,  if  I  would,  in  the  State  and 
 country  that  I  am  in,  proceed  to  such  a  matter  of  my  self, 
 without  any  counsel :  For  that  which  was  done  by  the  King, 
 my  late  lord  and  husband,  must  not  be  taken  to  be  my  act ; 
 80  as  neither  in  honour  nor  in  conscience,  I  am  bound,  as 
 you  say  I  am,  to  perform  all  that  I  was  by  my  lord  and 
 husband  commanded  to  do  ;  and  yet,'  quoth  slu'.  '  I  will  say 
 truly  unto  you,  and  as  God  favours  me,  I  did  never  mean 
 otherwise  unto  her  than  becometh  me  to  my  good  sister  and 
 cousin,  nor  meant  her  no  more  harm  than  to  myself.  God 
 forgive  them  that  have  otherwise  perswaded  her,  if  there  bo 
 any  such,  ^^'hat  is  the  matter,  pray  you.  Monsieur  TAm- 
 bassadour,'  (juotli  she,  '  that  doth  so  oftend  the  Queen  your 
 mistress,  to  make  her  thus  evil  affected  to  me  ?  I  never  did 
 lu  r  wrong,  neither  in  deed  nor  speech.  It  should  the  less 
 grieve  me  il"  I  had  deserved  otherwise  than  well  ;  and  though 
 the  world  may  be  of  divers  judgments  of  us  and  our  doings 
 one  to  another,  I  do  well  know,  God  that  is  in  heaven  can 
 and  will  be  a  tni<>  Judge,  both  of  our  doings  and  meanings."* 
 
1561  .J  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  47 
 
 I  answered — Madam,  I  have  declared  unto  you  my  charge, 
 commanded  by  the  Queen  my  mistress,  and  have  no  more 
 to  say  to  you  on  her  behalf,  but  to  know  your  answer  for 
 the  ratification  of  the  Treaty. 
 
 "  The  Queen  answered — '  I  have  afore  time  shewed  you, 
 and  do  now  tell  you  again,  that  it  is  not  meet  for  to  proceed 
 in  this  matter,  without  the  advice  of  the  Nobles  and  States 
 of  mine  own  Realm,  which  I  can  by  no  means  have  untill  I 
 come  amongst  them.  You  know,'  quoth  she,  '  as  well  as  I, 
 there  is  none  come  hither  since  the  death  of  the  King  my 
 late  husband  and  lord,  but  such  as  are  either  come  for  their 
 private  business,  or  such  as  dare  not  tarry  in  Scotland.  But 
 I  pray  you.  Monsieur  TAmbassadour,'  quoth  she,  '  tell  me 
 how  riseth  this  strange  affection  in  the  Queen  your  mistress 
 towards  me  1  I  desire  to  know  it,  to  the  intent  I  may  reform 
 myself  if  I  have  failed.'  I  answered — Madam,  I  have,  by 
 the  commandment  of  the  Queen  my  mistress,  declared  unto 
 you  the  cause  of  her  miscontentation  already  ;  but  seeing 
 you  so  desirous  to  hear  how  you  may  be  charged  with  any 
 deserving,  as  one  that  speaketh  of  mine  own  mind,  without 
 instruction,  I  will  be  so  bold,  ]\Iadam,  by  way  of  discourse, 
 to  tell  you.  As  soon  as  the  Queen  my  mistress,  after  the 
 death  of  her  sister,  came  to  the  Crown  of  England,  you  bore 
 the  Arms  of  England  diversly  quartered  with  your  own,  and 
 used  in  your  country  notoriously  the  stile  and  title  of  the 
 Queen  my  mistress,  which  was  never  by  you  put  in  use  in 
 Queen  Mary's  time.  And  if  any  thing  can  be  more  preju- 
 dicial to  a  Prince  than  to  usurp  the  title  and  interest  be- 
 longing to  them.  Madam,  I  do  refer  it  to  your  own  judg- 
 ment. You  see,  such  as  be  noted  usurpers  of  other  folk's 
 States  cannot  patiently  be  born  withall  for  such  doings, 
 much  more  the  Queen  my  mistress  hath  cause  to  be  grieved, 
 considering  her  undoubted  and  lawful  interest,  with  the 
 offer  of  such  injury.  '  Monsieur  I'Ambassadour,'  said  she, '  I 
 was  then  under  the  commandment  of  King  Henry  my  father, 
 and  of  the  King,  my  lord  and  husband  ;  and  whatsoever  was 
 then  done  by  their  order  and  commandments,  the  same  was 
 in  like  manner  continued  untill  both  their  deaths ;  since 
 which  time,  you  know,  I  neither  bore  the  Arms  nor  used  the 
 title  of  England.  Methinks,'  quoth  she,  '  these  my  doings 
 might  ascertain  the  Queen  your  mistress,  that  that  which 
 
48  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 was  done  before  was  done  by  commandment  of  them  that 
 had  power  over  me  ;  and  also  in  reason  she  ought  to  be  satis- 
 fied, scein^j  I  order  my  doings  as  I  tell  you.  It  were  no 
 great  dishonour  to  the  (^ucun  my  cousin,  your  unstress, 
 though  I,  a  Queen  also,  did  bear  the  Arms  of  England ;  for 
 I  am  sure  some  inferior  to  me,  and  that  be  not  on  every  side 
 so  well  apparented  as  I  am,  do  bear  the  Arms  of  England. 
 You  cannot  deny,'  quoth  she,  '•  but  that  my  grandmother  was 
 the  King  her  father's  sister,  and,  I  trow,  the  eldest  sister 
 ho  had.  I  do  assure  you.  Monsieur  TAmbassadour,  and  do 
 speak  unto  you  truly  as  I  think,  I  never  meant  nor  thought 
 matter  against  the  Queen  my  cousin.  Indeed,"*  quoth  she, 
 '  I  know  what  I  am,  and  would  be  loth  either  to  do  others 
 wrong  or  suffer  too  much  wrong  to  my  self.  And  now  that 
 I  have  told  you  my  mind  plainly,  I  pray  behave  yourself  be- 
 twixt us  like  a  good  minister,  whose  part  is  to  make  things 
 betwixt  Princes  rather  better  than  worse.'  And  so  I  took 
 my  leave  of  the  said  Queen  for  that  time. 
 
 *'  The  same  day,  after  this  my  audience,  I  required  audience 
 in  like  manner  of  the  French  King,  which  was  assigned  me, 
 on  the  2l8t  of  this  present,  at  afternoon  ;  at  which  time  I 
 did  set  forth,  as  well  as  I  could,  to  the  Queen-Mother,  the 
 good  reasons  and  just  occasions,  according  to  your  Majestie's 
 Instructions,  why  your  Majestic  did  refuse  the  Queen  of 
 Scotland  your  safe-conduct  for  her  free  passage  into  her 
 country ;  and  declared,  at  good  length,  the  causes  why  your 
 Majestic  did  not  accommodate  the  said  Queen  of  Scotland 
 with  such  favours  as  she  required  in  her  passage — not  for- 
 getting the  reasons  that  moved  your  Majestic  to  return 
 Monsieur  d'Oysel  back  liither  again. 
 
 "  The  Queen-Mother  answered — '  Monsieur  FAmbassa- 
 dour,  the  King  my  son  and  I  are  very  sorry  to  hear  that  the 
 Queen  my  good  sister,  your  mistress,  hath  refused  the 
 Queen  my  daughter  free  passage  home  into  her  own  Realm. 
 This  may  be  an  occasion  of  further  unkindness  betwixt  them, 
 and  so  prove  to  be  a  cause  and  entry  into  war.  They  are 
 neighbours  and  near  cousins,  and  either  of  them  hath  great 
 friends  and  allies  ;  so,  as  it  may  chance  that  more  unkind- 
 ness shall  ensue  of  this  matter  than  is  to  be  wished  for,  or 
 than  is  meet  to  come  to  pass.  Thanks  be  to  God,'  quoth 
 she,  'all  th«'  Princes  of  Christendom  are  now  in  peace;   and 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE   IN  SCOTLAND.  4i) 
 
 it  were  great  pity  that  they  should  not  so  continue.  And 
 where,'  said  she,  '  I  perceive  the  matter  of  this  unkindness  is 
 grounded  upon  the  delay  of  ratification  of  the  Treaty,  the 
 Queen  my  daughter  hath  declared  unto  you,  That  she  doth 
 stay  the  same,  untill  she  may  have  the  advice  of  her  own 
 subjects  ;  wherein  mcthinks,'  said  she,  '  my  daughter  doth 
 discreetly  for  many  respects.  And  though  she  have  her 
 uncles  here,  by  whom  it  is  thought,  as  reason  is,  she  should 
 be  advised,  yet  considering  they  be  subjects  and  counsellors 
 to  the  King  my  son,  they  be  not  the  meet  est  to  give  her 
 counsel  in  this  matter.  The  Nobles  and  States  of  her  own 
 Realm  would  neither  like  it  nor  allow  it,  that  their  Sove- 
 reign should  resolve,  without  their  advice,  in  matter  of  conse- 
 quence; Therefore,  Monsieur  FA mbassadour,'  quoth  she,  'me- 
 thinks  the  Queen  your  mistress  might  be  satisfied  with  this 
 answer,  and  accommodate  the  Queen  my  daughter,  her  cousin 
 and  neighbour,  with  such  favour  as  she  demandeth."*  I  answer- 
 ed— ISIadam,  the  Queen  my  mistress  trusteth  you  will,  upon 
 the  reasons  before  by  me  declared,  as  her  good  sister  and  friend, 
 interpret  the  matter  as  favourably  on  her  part,  as  on  the  Queen 
 of  Scotland's ;  and  that  you  will  also  indifferently  consider 
 how  much  it  importeth  my  mistress  not  to  suffer  a  matter 
 so  dangerous  to  her  and  her  State  as  this  is  to  pass  unpro- 
 vided for.  It  seemeth  by  the  many  delays  which  in  this 
 matter  have  been  used,  after  so  many  fair  and  sundry 
 promises,  that  the  Queen  of  Scotland  hath  not  meant  so 
 sincerely  and  plainly  as  the  Queen  my  mistress  hath  done  ; 
 for  by  this  time  the  said  Queen  might  have  known  the 
 minds  of  her  subjects  in  Scotland,  if  she  liked  to  propound 
 the  matter  unto  them.  There  have  been  since  the  death 
 of  the  King,  your  son  and  her  husband,  two  or  three 
 assemblies  of  the  Nobles  and  States  of  Scotland,  and  this 
 matter  was  never  put  forth  amongst  them.  Hither  have 
 come  out  of  Scotland  many  of  sundry  Estates,  and  some 
 that  the  Queen  did  send  with  Commission  thither,  as  the 
 Lord  of  Finlater,!  to  treat  on  her  behalf  with  the  Estates  of 
 
 ^  [This  appears  either  to  have  been  James  Ogilvy  of  Cardell,  who  held 
 the  office  of  steward  in  Queen  ;Mary's  Household  in  France,  and  who  was 
 ancestor  of  the  Earls  of  Findlater  ;  or  his  father,  Sir  Alexander  Ogilvy  of 
 Deskford,  Findlater,  and  Ogilvy,  who  was  induced  to  disinherit  his  son 
 and  bestow  his  estates  in  1545  on  Sir  Jolni  Gordon,  then  an  infant, 
 third  son  of  George,  fourth  Earl  of  Huntly. — E.] 
 
 VOL.  II.  4 
 
.)()  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 that  Realm,  and  of  other  matters;  so  as  if  she  had  minded 
 an  end  in  this  matter  of  tho  Treaty,  before  this  time  she 
 miglit  have  heard  her  subjects*'  advices.  Thereto  the^Queen- 
 Mother  said — '  The  King  my  son  and  I  would  be  glad  to 
 do  good  betwixt  tho  Queen  my  sister,  your  mistress,  and 
 the  Queen  my  daughter,  and  shall  bo  glad  to  hear  that 
 there  were  good  amity  betwixt  them  ;  for  neither  the  King 
 my  son,  nor  I,  nor  none  of  his  Council,  will  do  harm  in  the 
 matter,  nor  shew  ourselves  other  than  friends  to  them  both.'' 
 "  After  this  I  took  my  leave  of  the  said  Queen-Mother, 
 and  addressed  my  speech  to  the  King  of  Navarre  ;  unto 
 whom  I  declared  as  I  had  done  to  the  Queen- Mother, 
 adding — That  your  Majestic  esteemed  his  amity  and  friend- 
 ship entire  ;  that  you  did  not  doubt  of  his  good  acceptation 
 of  your  doings  and  proceedings  with  the  Queen  of  Scotland  ; 
 and  said  further — That  for  your  Majestie's  purpose  to  have 
 reason  at  all  times  and  in  all  things  of  the  Queen  of  Scot- 
 land, it  were  better  she  were  in  her  own  country ^than' here. 
 The  said  King  conceived  that  your  Majestic  needed  not 
 doubt  that  the  King  his  sovereign  would  shew  himself,  in 
 this  matter,  more  affectionate  to  the  Queen  of  Scotland, 
 than  to  you  his  good  sister  ;  and  thereof  he  bade  me  assure 
 your  Majestic.  Then  taking  my  leave  of  the  said  King  of 
 Navarre,  I  went  to  the  Constable,^  and  declared  unto  him  as 
 1  had  done  unto  the  King  of  Navarre  on  your  Majestie's 
 behalf.  The  Constable  humbly  thanked  your  Majestic,  that 
 you  would  conununicate  your  aftairs  with  him,  which  argued 
 your  good  opinion  of  him.  He  said,  ho  trusted  that  your 
 expectation  should  not  be  deceived  of  him ;  but  would 
 rather  so  behave  himself  towards  your  Majestic  as  your 
 good  opinion  of  him  should  be  increased.  As  to  the  matter 
 of  the  Queen  of  Scotland,  he  was  sorry  that  the  occasions 
 were  such,  as  your  Majestic  could  not  bestow  such  kindness 
 on  her,  as  was  meet  betwixt  Princes,  so  near  neighbours 
 and  kinsfolks  ;  but  he  trusted  that  time  would  repair  these 
 unkindnesses  betwixt  you.  As  for  his  part,  he  prayeth 
 your  Majestic  to  think,  that  he  would  never  give  other 
 advice  to  the  King  his  sovereign,  but  such  as  should  rather 
 increase  the  good  amity  betwixt  both  your  Majesties,  than 
 
 *  [Montmorency,  (iroat  Constable  and  Marshal  of  France. — E.] 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  51 
 
 diminish  it ;  and  so  prayed  me  to  present  his  most  humble 
 commendation  and  service  to  your  Majestic,  wherewith  I 
 took  my  leave  of  him. 
 
 "  And  to  the  intent  I  might  the  better  decypher,  whether 
 the  Queen  of  Scotland  did  mind  to  continue  her  voyage,  I 
 did,  the  same  21st  of  July  (after  my  former  negociations 
 finished),  repair  to  the  said  Queen  of  Scotland,  to  take  my 
 leave  of  her  ;  unto  whom  I  then  declared — That  in  as  much 
 as  I  was  your  Majestie's  Ambassador,  as  well  to  her  for  the 
 matters  of  Scotland,  as  to  the  French  King,  your  good 
 brother,  and  hearing,  by  common  bruit,  that  she  minded  to 
 take  her  voyage  very  shortly,  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  take 
 my  leave  of  her,  and  was  sorry  she  had  not  given  your 
 Majestic  so  good  occasion  of  amity,  as  that  I,  your  minister, 
 could  not  conveniently  wait  upon  her  to  her  embarquing. 
 The  said  Queen  made  answer — '  Monsieur  TAmbassadour, 
 if  my  preparations  were  not  so  much  advanced  as  they  are, 
 peradventure  the  Queen  your  mistress's  unkindness  might 
 stay  my  voyage  ;  but  now  I  am  determined  to  adventure  the 
 matter,  whatsoever  come  of  it.  I  trust,'  quoth  she,  '  the 
 wind  will  be  so  favourable,  as  I  shall  not  need  to  come  on 
 the  coast  of  England ;  and  if  I  do,  then.  Monsieur  TAm- 
 bassadour,  the  Queen  your  mistress  shall  have  me  in  her 
 hands  to  do  her  will  of  me  ;  and  if  she  be  so  hard-hearted 
 as  to  desire  my  end,  she  may  then  do  her  pleasure,  and 
 make  sacrifice  of  me.l  Peradventure  that  casualty  might 
 be  better  for  me  than  to  live ;  in  this  matter,'  quoth  she, 
 '  God's  will  be  fulfilled.'  I  answered — She  might  amend  all 
 this  matter  if  she  would,  and  find  more  amity  of  your 
 Majesty  and  Realm  than  of  any  other  Prince  or  country. 
 The  Queen  answered — '  I  have,  methinketh,  offered  and 
 spoken  that  might  suffice  the  Queen  my  sister,  if  she  will 
 take  any  thing  well  at  my  hand.  I  trust,'  said  she,  '  for 
 all  this,  we  shall  agree  better  than  some  would  have  us  ; 
 and,  for  my  part,  I  will  not  take  all  things  to  the  worst.  I 
 hope  also,'  said  she,  '  the  Queen,  my  sister  and  cousin,  will  do 
 the  like ;  whereof,'  quoth  she,  '  I  doubt  not,  if  ministers  do 
 no  harm  betwixt  us.'  And  so  the  said  Queen  embraced  me. 
 "  This  is  the  sum  of  my  negociations,  at  these  my  last 
 
 ^  In  this  the  poor  Queen  presages  but  too  truly,  for  such  was  indeed 
 her  fate,  several  years  after. 
 
»'>2  Tllii   IIISTOKY   nr  TIIK   AIFAIKS  [1501. 
 
 audiences  with  the  French  King,  the  Queen-Mother,  the 
 King  of  Navarre,  the  Queen  of  Scotland,  and  the  Constable  ; 
 whereof  I  have  thought  meet  to  enlarge  to  your  Majesty, 
 in  such  sort  as  the  same  passed  and  was  uttered  betwixt 
 us.  As  far  as  I  can  perceive,  the  said  Queen  of  Scotland 
 continueth  her  voyage  still ;  and  I  hear  that  Villageigmon^ 
 and  Octavian-  have  the  principal  order  of  her  said  voyage,-^ 
 and  mean  to  sail  along  the  coast  of  Flanders,  and  so  to  strike 
 over  to  the  north  part  of  Scotland,  as  the  wind  shall  serve. 
 She  did  once  mean  to  use  the  west  passage,  but  now  she  dares 
 not  trust  the  Duke  of  Chastelherault,  nor  the  Earl  of  Argyll, 
 and  therefore  dareth  not  to  pass  by  the  West  Seas. 
 
 "  The  said  Queen,  as  I  hear,  desireth  to  boiTow  of  the 
 
 ^  f  Villap^oigmon,  or  Villen;aif;non,  was  a  IVench  naval  officer  wlio  had 
 some  oxi>oneiice  in  Scottit?h  affairs.  In  July  1048,  he  wc'i;,'hod anchor  from 
 Loitli  with  four  pillovs,  pretondinf;  to  sail  for  France  ;  but  after  clearing 
 the  mouth  of  the  Frith  of  Forth,  he  chanfred  his  course,  coasted  alon^r  the 
 whole  north-east  of  Scotland,  passed  through  the  Pentland  Frith,  and 
 came  round  to  the  Clyde,  lie  ai)])rf)ached  Dnnbarton,  where  Queen  Mary, 
 then  a  beautiful  infant  in  her  sixth  year,  who  waited  his  arrival,  was  de- 
 livered by  her  mother  the  Queen-Dowa<,a>r  to  Monsieur  de  lireze,  who 
 conveyed  her  on  board  the  {,'alley  ])rovided  for  her.  Settinjr  sail  about 
 the  7th  of  Aufjust,  the  little  squadron  safely  cast  anchor  in  the  harbour  of 
 Brest,  whence  the  young  Queen  was  conducted  to  the  Palace  of  8t  Cier- 
 main.— See  Tytlei"'s  History  of  Scotland,  small  octavo  edition,  Kdin.  1842, 
 vol.  vi.  p.  43.  Yillegaignon  returned  to  Scotland  after  Siifely  landing 
 his  royal  charge,  and  we  find  him  taking  a  cons])icuons  part  in  ]')4U  in 
 the  caj>ture  of  Inchki'ith  from  the  Ijiglish,  then  fortified,  in  the  Frith  of 
 Forth,  under  Monsieur  D'Kssd.  The  other  French  officers  engaged  in 
 this  affair,  which  was  superintended  by  the  Queen-Dowager,  were  Mon- 
 sieur De  IJiron,  Dc  Tennes,  De  Seur,  and  (lasper  Strozzi,  the  commander 
 of  a  party  of  Italians,  who  was  killed  on  the  Island.— See  lieague's  His- 
 tory of  the  C'ami)aigns  of  1548  and  l.'54J>,  printed  at  Paris  in  loot),  and 
 translated  l)y  Dr  Patrick  Al>ercroml)y  in  1707. — F.] 
 
 ^  [Octavian  was  an  Italian,  a  native  of  Milan,  who  came  to  Scotland 
 with  a  reinforcement  from  France,  on  the  arrival  of  which  the  French 
 began  to  fortify  Leith.  Cecil,  on  tlie  24th  of  August  loo9,  writes  to  Sir 
 Kaljih  Sadler — "  The  French  were  embarked  the  20th  of  this  nioneth, 
 being  in  nomber  14  .sjiyles,  but  as  yet  I  have  no  knowledge  certen  of  their 
 passing  by.  There  is  lOOO  j)ykes,  and  1000  haniuebn.ssiei-s.  One  Octavian, 
 a  Millener  [Milaner]  of  this  Court  hath  chef  charge."  Octavian  arrived 
 towards  the  end  of  August,  but  he  appears  to  have  repeatedly  cros.sed  and 
 returned. — K.J 
 
 •'  Monsieur  iJrantome  assures  us,  that  tlu«  galU'y  in  which  the  Queen 
 sailed,  was  comnianded  by  one  Meuillon,  and  that  the  captain  of  the 
 other  galley  was  one  Alliize.  IJesides,  we  know  that  her  Majesty's  uncle 
 the  (J rand  Prior,  and  (leui'ral  ot'  all  the  (Jalleys  of  France,  sailed  with 
 her  to  Scotland. 
 
1561.J  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  53 
 
 French  King  an  hundred  thousand  crowns,  the  same  to  be 
 received  again  of  her  dowry,  which  is  twenty-eight  thousand 
 crowns  by  the  year.  The  Queen- Mother  is  wilhng  to  help 
 her ;  the  King  of  Navarre  doth  not  further  the  matter,  but 
 seeketh  to  abridge  the  sum.  After  I  had  done  my  negocia- 
 tions  at  the  Court,  I  was  constrained  to  dislodge  from 
 Poisey,  for  the  Assembly  of  the  Clergy,  who  meet  there  to 
 the  end  of  this  moneth ;  and  the  Ambassadors  are  now 
 appointed  to  lodge  at  Paris. 
 
 "  The  Queen  of  Scotland  departed  from  St  Germains 
 yesterday,  the  25th  of  July,  towards  her  voyage,  as  she 
 bruiteth  it ;  she  sendeth  most  of  her  train  straight  to 
 Newhaveni  to  embarque,  and  she  herself  goeth  such  a  way 
 between  both  as  she  will  be  at  her  choice,  to  go  to  New- 
 haven  or  to  Calice.  Upon  the  suddain,  what  she  will  do, 
 or  where  she  will  embarque,  she  will  be  acknown  to  never  a 
 Scotchman,  and  but  to  few  French.  And,  for  all  these 
 shews  and  boasts,  some  think  she  will  not  go  at  all ;  and 
 yet  all  her  stuff  is  sent  down  to  the  sea,  and  none  other 
 bruit  in  her  house  but  of  her  hasty  going.  If  it  would 
 please  your  ^lajestie  to  cause  some  to  be  sent  privily  to  all 
 the  ports  on  this  side,  the  certainty  shall  be  better  known 
 to  your  Majestic  that  way,  by  the  laying  of  her  vessels,  than 
 I  can  advertise  it  hence.  She  hath  said,  that  at  her  coming 
 into  Scotland,  she  will  forthwith  rid  the  Realm  of  all  the 
 Englishmen  there,  namely,  of  your  Majestie's  agent  there  ;^^ 
 and  forbid  mutual  traffick  with  your  Majestie's  subjects. 
 If  she  make  the  haste  to  embarque  that  she  seemeth  to  do, 
 she  will  be  almost  ready  to  embarque  by  that  time  this  shall 
 come  to  your  Majestie's  hands.  Two  or  three  days  ago  the 
 French  King  was  troubled  with  a  pain  in  his  head,  and  the 
 same  beginneth  to  break  from  him,  by  bleeding  at  the  nose 
 and  running  at  his  ear.  It  is  taken  to  be  the  same  disease 
 in  his  head  whereof  his  brother  died  ;  but  by  voiding  it 
 (which  the  other  could  not  do,  that  organ  being  stopped), 
 this  King  is  well  amended. 
 
 "  At  the  despatch  hereof,  the  King  of  Navarre  was  dis- 
 quieted by  a  flux  and  a  vomit,  and  the  Queen-Mother  with 
 
 ^  i.  e.  Havre  cle  Grace. 
 
 ^  This  is  still  a  farther  proof,  that  Mr  Randolih  was  now  in  .Scotland, 
 trafficking  for  his  mistress  with  our  Queen's  subjects. 
 
54  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 a  fever.  I  hear  that  in  Gascoigny  the  people  stir  apace  for 
 rehgion,  as  they  do  in  many  other  places,  and  being  there 
 ass(?mblo(l,  to  the  number  of  four  thousand,  have  entered  a 
 town,  thrown  down  the  images,  and  put  out  the  priests,  and 
 will  suffer  no  Mass  to  bo  said  there. 
 
 "  My  Lord  of  Lcviston^  being  ready  to  go  homewards  into 
 Scotland  through  England,  went  to  the  Queen  of  Scotland 
 for  her  leave  so  to  do ;  but  she  hath  commanded  him  to 
 tarry  and  wait  on  her,  and  to  meet  her  at  Abbeville,  with- 
 out letting  him  know  any  thing  else.  He,  in  doubt  what 
 she  will  do,  is  content  to  expect  her  coming  thither,  and  to 
 do  then  as  she  shall  command  him  ;  and  seeing  no  likelihood 
 of  her  short  passing  (which,  he  saith,  is  uncertain),  but  that 
 she  will  go  to  Calice,  there  to  hover  and  hearken  what  your 
 Majestic  dotli  to  stop  her,  and  according  thereunto  to  go  or 
 stay.  He  mindeth  to  get  him  home  ;  he  hath  required  my 
 letters  of  recommendation  to  your  Majestie's  officers,  at  his 
 landing  in  England  ;  which,  for  his  good  devotion  towards 
 your  Majestic,  and  for  that  ho  is  one  that  wishcth  the  same 
 well,  I  have  not  refused  him  ;  and  so  I  humbly  beseech  your 
 Majcstie's  good  favour  towards  him,  at  his  coming  to  your 
 Majestic  for  his  passport.  Here  is  a  bruit,  that  the  Turk- 
 is  greatly  impeached  ;  both  by  a  sort  of  Jews  within  his  own 
 country,  and  also  by  the  Sophy .3  And  thus  I  pray  God  long 
 to  preserve  your  ^lajesty  in  health,  honour,  and  all  felicity. 
 "  Your  Majesty's  most  humble  and  most 
 
 "  obedient  subject  and  servant, 
 
 "  N.  TlIROKMORTON.'' 
 
 "  Pam,  July2G,  1561." 
 
 ^  [Probably  William  Li>'ingston,  sixth  Lord  Li\nnp:ston,  father  of  Alex- 
 ander, seventh  Lord  Livin<rston  and  first  Karl  of  Linlitho^ow,  also  ancestor 
 of  the  Earls  of  Calondar.  His  father,  the  fifth  Lord,  wasappointed  by  Act 
 of  rarlianient,  cojijuuctly  with  Lord  Kr.skine,  custodier  of  Queen  Mary's 
 person  in  ].')4."),  and  he  aceomi)anied  her  to  France  in  1548,  where  he  died 
 in  1553.  The  sixth  Lord  adhered  to  the  interest  of  Queen  Marj-,  and  was 
 at  the  battle  of  Lanfpside.— E.] 
 
 ^  [Sultan  Solinian,  or  Snlienian  I.  surnanied  the  Gnat,  son  of  Selim  I. 
 He  is  also  called  Solinian  II.  by  those  historians  who  ;,Mve  the  title  of 
 Sidtan  to  JSoliinan,  the  son  of  Hayazid  L  Solitnan  L  was  the  /greatest  of 
 the  Osmanlis,  and  his  rei^^n  is  the  most  imi)ortant  period  of  Turkish 
 liistory.  Il««  died  in  his  camp  before  Szi^'eth,  which  he  was  besieging, 
 ill  Hungary,  in  September  15G().— E.J 
 
 '  [These  gossipping  allusions  to  the  "sort  of  Jews"  and  the  "Sophy," 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  55 
 
 Our  Queen  having  set  forth  toward  the  sea  coast,  in  order 
 to  her  embarkation,  was  pleased,  according  to  Mr  Cambden, 
 to  send  for  this  minister  to  Abbeville,  a  town  about  half- 
 way betwixt  Paris  and  Calais,^  where  she  talked  to  him 
 again,  concerning  the  methods  whereby  she  might  satisfy 
 his  royal  mistress ;  but  since  I  have  met  with  no  original 
 paper  that  gives  an  account  of  this  conference,  I  must  leave 
 my  readers  to  take  an  abstract  of  it  from  this  author.  He 
 tells  us,  then,  that  our  Queen  mildly  demanded  of  him — "  By 
 what  methods  she  might  satisfy  his  royal  mistress  V  "  By 
 confirming,"  returns  he,  "  the  Treaty  of  Edinburgh,  as  I  have 
 more  than  once  told  your  Majestic."  To  which  she  replied — 
 "  I  desire  you  to  hear  me,  and  then  judge  whether  they  be 
 not  very  cogent  reasons,  which  the  Queen  takes  for  vain 
 excuses  and  delays.  The  I.  Article  in  that  Treaty,  for  con- 
 firming the  truce  at  Oambray,  does  not  in  the  least  concern 
 me.  The  11. ,  which  relates  to  signing  the  Treaty  there  made 
 betwixt  the  English  and  Scots,  was  ratified  by  my  husband 
 and  myself,  and  cannot  be  repeated,  unless  in  my  name  only, 
 whereas  my  husband  is  expressly  named  therein.  The  III. 
 IV.  and  V.  Articles  are  already  answered  and  fulfilled  ;  for 
 there  are  no  farther  warlike  preparations  ;  the  French  gar- 
 risons are  remanded  from  Scotland ;  the  fort  at  Aimouth^ 
 is  razed  to  the  ground  ;  I  have,  since  my  husband's  death, 
 quitted  the  Arms  and  Title  of  England.  To  raze  and  strike 
 them  out  of  all  the  moveables,  buildings,  and  charters  in 
 France,  is  a  thing  no  way  in  my  power  ;  and  it  is  more  than  I 
 can  do,  to  send  back  the  Bishop  of  Valence  and  Eandan, 
 who  are  no  subjects  of  mine,  into  England,  to  appear  at  a 
 conference  about  the  VI.  Article.  As  for  the  last  Article, 
 I  hope  my  rebel  subjects  will  not  complain  of  any  great 
 severity  toward  them.  But  she,  I  perceive,  designs  to  pre- 
 vent any   proofs   I  might   show   of  a   merciful   disposition 
 
 are  not  clear.  Sliortly  before  this  period  the  domestic  pence  of  Turkey 
 was  disturbed  by  the  civil  war  which  raged  between  Sultan  Soliman's 
 sons,  Selim  and  Bayazid,  occasioned  by  their  dispute,  during  the  lifetime 
 of  their  father,  about  the  future  succession  to  the  throne.  Bayazid  and 
 his  sons  were  put  to  deatli  in  15G1. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Abbeville  is  ninety-one  miles  north  by  west  of  Paris.  Calais  is  one 
 hundred  and  forty-eight  miles  from  Paris  by  the  road  through  Beauvais 
 and  Abbeville,  and  one  hundred  and  fifty-seven  miles  from  Paris,  by  Cler- 
 mont, Amiens,  and  Abbeville. — E.j  '■^  [Eyemouth. — E.] 
 
56  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15C1. 
 
 towards  them,  by  rosolving  to  hinder  my  return.  A\'liat  is 
 there  now  bcliind  in  this  Treaty,  that  can  any  way  prejudice 
 the  affairs  of  your  mistress  ?  Nevertheless,  to  give  lier  the 
 fullest  satisfaction  I  can,  I  design  to  write  to  her  about 
 these  matters  with  my  own  hand,  though  she  would  not 
 vouchsafe  me  an  answer  but  by  her  Secretary.  But  I  would 
 advise  you,  who  are  an  Ambassador,  to  act  suitably  to  that 
 character  ;  I  mean,  rather  to  qualify  and  compose  matters, 
 than  to  aggravate  and  make  them  worse. ^ 
 
 'J'his,  according  to  Mr  Cambden,  was  the  substance  of 
 our  Queen's  conference  at  this  time  with  Sir  Nicholas  Throk- 
 morton.  But  he  remarks  that  the  same  "  had  not  the  de- 
 sired effect  on  Queen  Elizabeth,  who  could  not  so  easilv 
 forget  the  usurpation  of  her  Arms  and  Title  C  and  he  adds, 
 that  "  she  began  to  be  something  uneasy  lest  she  (the  Queen 
 of  Scots)  should  assume  them  a  second  time,  were  she  not 
 bound  by  a  solemn  oath  and  signing  of  the  Treaty,  to  forbear 
 the  encroachment.''  Certainly  there  is  no  doubt  to  be  made, 
 that  this  was  the  very  i)oint  which  touched  the  Queen  of 
 England  so  sharply,  and  which  obliged  her  to  press  our 
 Queen  so  much  both  now  and  afterwards  to  ratify  the  Treaty 
 of  Edinburgh.  And  as  little  doubt  is  there,  that  the  same 
 was  the  point  which  our  Queen  wanted  by  all  means  to 
 evade,  and  which  made  her  late  husband  likewise,  the  King 
 of  France,  refuse  to  confirm  the  Treaty.  And  whatever 
 pretexts  either  he  or  our  Queen  might  ofl'er  for  their  refusal 
 or  delay,  yet  this  was  still  the  true  difficulty  at  the  bottom. 
 The  Queen  of  England  was  too  sensible  of  the  note  of  ille- 
 gitimacy imputed  to  her  birth,  not  to  foresee  that  the  Queen 
 of  Scots  would  be  ever  supported  as  the  lineal  and  righteous 
 heir  of  the  Crown  of  England,  by  all  her  particular  fautors 
 and  the  Roman  Catholic  J*rinces.  For  obviating  iKrcof, 
 the  English  Commissioners  in  the  late  treaty  had  so  blinded 
 the  French  Plenipotentiaries,  as  to  get  it  engrossed  in  the 
 
 '  Tlu'  rcatlciN  liiiviii^  now  i)iruso(l  seveial  ori^'inal  CoiitVroncos,  «S.c. 
 betwixt  tho  Quoon  of  Scots  and  the  Kn<,'lish  iniiiister,  relating  to  this 
 jioiiit  of  tlu'  Ratification,  will,  1  sui>j>ose, clearly  discern  the  tine  spirit  and 
 genius  of  that  Princess,  who  was  yet  but  in  the  nineteenth  year  of  her 
 nj,'o  ;  and  discover  likewise  what  sentiments  her  Majesty  tlien  intertained, 
 lioth  of  the  (^ueen  of  Iji^dantl  and  of  her  own  subjei  ts  ;  namely,  that  the 
 on«'  supported  rebellion  in  a  nei},dibourini^  country,  and  that  the  other 
 were  still  rebels  in  her  estiniation. 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  57 
 
 same  (Number  VI.) — That  the  King  and  Queen  of  France 
 and  Scotland  should  abstain  in  all  times  coming  from  using 
 the  Title  and  Arms  of  England — an  Article  which  our  Queen 
 had  no  mind  to  ratify.  She  was  easily  persuaded  to  abstain 
 from  using  these  for  the  present ;  but  she  could  not  think 
 to  oblige  herself  never  hereafter  to  use  them.  But  the  First 
 was  not  satisfactory  to  Queen  Elizabeth ;  and  therefore  she 
 always  continued  to  demand  the  Second.  And  so  this  de- 
 mand on  the  one  side,  and  refusal  on  the  other,  was  the 
 true  fountain,  as  I  have  already  noticed,  from  whence  did 
 issue  all  the  secret  animosities  and  open  differences  which 
 afterwards  appeared  betwixt  these  two  Queens. 
 
 The  ground  of  our  Queen's  sending  for  Sir  Nicholas 
 Throkmorton  while  she  was  on  her  journey  to  the  sea- 
 coast  would  appear  to  have  been,  that  her  Majesty  was 
 still  apprehensive  lest,  by  some  accident  or  other,  by  fraud 
 or  by  force,  she  might  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Queen  of 
 England.  And  truly  the  event  proved  that  she  had  but  too 
 good  ground  for  her  suspicion,  since  it  is  an  undoubted  fact^ 
 that  a  squadron  of  English  ships  was  at  that  time  sent  out 
 to  sea;  and  the  Historians  of  both  Nations  make  little  scruple 
 to  insinuate,  that  whatever  was  pretended,  the  real  design 
 was  to  have  intercepted  our  Queen's  passage.^     Though  Mr 
 
 ^  The  English  historian  Holinshed,  Avho  lived  in  the  time,  says — "  The 
 Queen  of  England  set  forth  some  of  her  great  ships  to  the  seas."  And 
 Buchanan — "  The  English  Queen  had  prepared  a  great  fleet,  classcm  satis 
 amplamr  It  is  true,  the  Queen  of  England,  in  her  letter,  to  he  insert  a 
 little  after  this,  diminishes  the  matter  as  far  as  she  can  ;  but  let  Sir 
 Nicholas  Throkmorton's  preceding  letter,  and  the  acknowledgment  of  the 
 historians  of  both  nations,  be  all  laid  together,  and  then  the  readers  may 
 be  able  to  form  a  pretty  exact  judgment  concerning  the  intention  of  these 
 ships,  Avhich,  allowing  them  to  have  been  but  small,  as  the  English  Queen 
 says,  might  for  all  that  have  been  an  over-match  for  our  Queen's  two 
 galleys.  And  Queen  Elizabeth  was  very  well  apprised  of  the  weak  force 
 that  conducted  her  cousin  homeward, 
 
 2  [See  Ty tier's  History  of  Scotland,  and  the  documents  cited  in  that 
 valuable  work,  Edin.  edition,  1842,  vol.  vi.  p.  227-230.  The  anxiety  of 
 Elizabeth  to  intercept  INIary  chiefly  orighiated  in  the  advice  of  the  Trior 
 and  Maitland  of  Lcthington  ;  and  the  English  fleet  was  sent  out  by  their 
 advice,  for  "  James  the  Bastard,"  says  Stranguage  (Life  of  Mary  Queen 
 of  Scots,  p.  9),  "very  lately  returned  by  England,  had  secretly  advised 
 Queen  Elizabeth  to  take  Mary  by  the  way,  if  she  (Elizabeth)  had  a  desire 
 to  provide  for  her  religion  and  her  own  country  ;  and  (Maitland  of) 
 Lethington  being  glad  that  D'Oisel  was  detained  ui  England,  persuaded 
 it  also."     Camden  writes  in  the  same  strain,  (Annals  p.  07),  as  do  various 
 
58  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 Cambden,  when  writing  of  tliis  particular  point,  may  appear 
 eomewhat  too  heavy  in  the  charge  ho  lays  to  Lord  James, 
 our  Queen's  bastard  brother,  and  to  Mr  Maitland  of  Leth- 
 ington  ;  yet  wlien  tliis  last  named  gentleman's  letter  of  the 
 10th  of  August  this  year  is  perused, ^  perhaps  the  readers 
 may  alter  their  mind  into  favour  of  this  author's  representa- 
 tions. And  I  will  take  the  freedom  to  declare  here,  once  for 
 all,  that  upon  due  search  it  will  be  found,  that  Mr  Camb- 
 den's  narrations  are  more  conformable  to  original  letters 
 and  records,  than  these  of  any  other  author  that  treats  of 
 our  Scottish  affiiirs.  A  French  gentleman,  who  was  lately 
 employed  in  compiling  a  very  partial  History,  so  far  as  con- 
 cerns the  Scottish  aftairs  of  this  period,  labours  what  he  can 
 to  discredit  Mr  Cambden's  narrations,  as  being  unsupported 
 by  authorities  ;  in  which  attempt  he  has  only  discovered  his 
 own  unacquaintedncss  with  our  Records,  and  affected  malice 
 against  Mr  Oambden  ;  in  the  first  whereof  that  foreigner 
 may  be  easily  pardoned,  though  not  in  the  other.  If  Mr 
 Cambden  has  not  always  produced  his  authorities,  that  did 
 not  proceed  from  his  want  of  authorities,  but  because  the 
 laudable  practice  of  inserting  authorities  at  full  length  was 
 not  introduced  in  his  days. 
 
 After  this  short  digression,  which  I  have  made  merely  for 
 the  sake  of  truth,  I  reckon  it  may  not  be  unacceptable  to 
 shut  up  this  tedious  Chapter  with  a  short  account  of  our 
 Queen's  journey  and  voyage  homeward,  since  I  have  observed 
 that  the  smallest  particulars  relating  to  Princes  are  received 
 with  abundance  of  satisfaction.  Our  Sovereign  left  the  city 
 of  Paris  on  the  21st  day  of  July,  accompanied  to  the  village 
 and  Palace  of  St  Cermains  by  the  King  of  Franco  and  the 
 Queen- Mother,  the  Duke  of  Anjou,  brother  to  the  King, 
 the  King  of  Navarre,  and  a  great  many  other  persons  of 
 the  first  rank.  After  some  days  stay  there,  the  Family  of 
 1^' ranee  took  leave  of  her  Majesty,  and  she  set  forward 
 about  the  25th  of  the  month,  attended  by  her  six  uncles, 
 viz.  the  Duke  of  Guise,  the  Cardinals  of  Lorraine  and  Guise, 
 
 other  writers;  hut  thf  fact  is  i>roved  hy  Mr  Tytlor.     See  also  Goodall's 
 Kxnininntion  of  tho  LctttTs  said  to  ho  written  hy  Mary  Queen  of  Scots 
 to  James  lUirl  of  liothweli,  vol.  i.  p.  17*2.—  E.j 
 '  See  it  in  the  Appendix,  Nunih*-!-  \\\. 
 
1561.]  or  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  59 
 
 the  Duke  crAumale,  the  Marquis  d'Elbeuf,!  and  the  Grand 
 Prior,  who  was  Hkewise  General  of  the  French  galleys ;  the 
 Duke  de  Nemours,  Mons.  Danville,  and  other  Nobles  of 
 both  sexes,  who  all  conveyed  her  to  Calais  ;  in  which  port 
 were  two  galley s^  ready  to  attend  her  Majesty,  and  two 
 
 1  [Mary  intended  to  nominate  her  uncle,  the  Marquis  d'ElbcEuf  to  be 
 Governor  of  Scotland,  and  little  doubt  can  be  entertained  that  he  got  some 
 commission  to  that  effect.  Lord  James  Stuart,  Prior  of  St  Andrews,  took 
 alarm,  and  it  was  undoubtedly  wise  to  deprecate  the  administration  of  a 
 foreigner,  at  all  times  to  be  avoided  in  a  well  regulated  State.  It  is 
 asserted  that  he  stated  to  the  Duke  d'Aumale,  the  brother  of  the  Marquis, 
 the  impolicy  of  confiding  such  an  important  trust  to  a  foreigner,  and  he 
 declaring  his  belief  that  if  the  Queen  did  not  name  a,  proper  j^crson,  the 
 Scottish  Nobility  would  do  so  themselves. — See  "  L'Innocence  de  la  tres 
 lUustre  Marie  Reine  do  I'Ecosse,"  cqnul  Jebb,  Scriptor.  iNIar.  Reg.  vol.  i. 
 p.  446.  Probably  the  Prior  meant  himself,  when  he  asserted  that  some 
 proper  person  should  be  appointed ;  and,  at  all  events,  by  the  word  the 
 Nohility,  he  could  only  mean  the  "  Lords  of  the  Congregation." — E.] 
 
 2  JNIessieurs  de  Castelnau  and  Brant ome,  who  were  both  of  the  Queen's 
 retinue,  and  accompanied  her  into  Scotland,  tell  us,  that  these  two  galleys 
 had  orders  to  repair  to  Calais  from  Nantes,  whither  they  had  arrived  the 
 year  before,  from  the  port  of  INIarseilles,  with  some  other  galleys  under 
 the  command  of  the  Grand  Prior,  with  an  intention  to  have  brought  assist- 
 ance to  the  Queen-Regent,  at  the  time  that  Leith  was  besieged.  But 
 they  met  with  so  much  bad  weather,  that  the  Capitulation,  or  Treaty  of 
 Edinburgh,  was  signed  before  they  arrived  at  Nantes. — [Cecil  writes  to  the 
 Earl  of  Sussex,  dated  Smallbridge,  ^Jr  Walgrave's  house  (Edward  Walde- 
 grave,  Esq.  of  Smallbridge  in  Suffolk,  ancestor  of  the  Earls  of  Waldegrave), 
 12th  August  1561— "  The  Scottish  Queene  was  the  10th  of  this  month  at 
 Bulloygn  (Boulogne),  and  meaneth  to  take  shipping  at  Callise  (Calais). 
 Nether  those  in  Scotland  nor  lue  here  doo  hjlce  her  going  home.  The  Queen's 
 Majestie  hath  three  ships  in  the  North  Seas  to  preserve  the  fyshers  from 
 p}Tatts.  /  thy  Ilk  they  ivill  he  sorry  to  see  her  pa^'S.'''  Queen  Elizabeth  Avas  at 
 Smallbridge  -when  this  letter  was  wi'itten,  having  visited  that  mansion 
 from  the  1 1th  to  the  13th  of  August.— See  "  Queen  Ehzabeth  and  her  Times, 
 a  Series  of  Original  Letters,"  by  Thomas  Wright,  :^L  A.  London,  1838, 
 vol.  i.  p.  69  ;  and  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  Edin.  1842,  note,  vol.  vi.  p. 
 230.  "Yet,"  says  Secretary  Cecil  in  his  letter  to  Throgmorton  of  the 
 26th  of  August  1561,  "  the  19th  of  this  present,  early  in  the  morning, 
 the  Scottish  Queen  arrived  at  Leith  with  her  two  galleys,  her  whole  train 
 not  exceeding  sixty  persons  of  the  meaner  sort.  The  Queen's  Majesty's 
 ships,  that  were  upon  the  seas  to  cleanse  them  from  pirates,  saw  her,  and 
 saluted  her  galleys,  and  staying  her  ships,  examined  them  of  pirates,  and 
 dismissed  them  quietly."  liardwickes  State  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  176.  "  The 
 fact  is,  as  we  knoAv  from  the  Treasurer's  books,  that  the  Queen's  horses 
 and  mules  were  carried  into  England,  and  detained  a  month.  Wo  have 
 now  seen  how  Secretary  Cecil  could  write  deliberate  falsehood  for  the  good 
 of  the  State." — Chalmers'  Life  of  ISIary  Queen  of  Scots,  note,  p.  45.  Farther, 
 when  the  Countess  of  Lennox,  tlie  daughter  of  the  Princess  Margaret, 
 eldest  daughter  of  Henry  VTT.,  by  her  second  marriage  to  Archibald  Earl 
 
C}{)  THK   HISTORY  OF  TFIE  AFFAIRS  [loGl. 
 
 other  vessels  for  carriaj^*'.  In  this  town  she  remained  the 
 space  of  six  clays,^  and  then  embarked  in  one  of  the  galleys. 
 All  that  day  the  (^ueen  ceased  not  to  direct  her  eyes  toward 
 the  shore  of  France,  until  the  darkness  intercepted  her  view. 
 At  night  she  ordered  a  couch  to  be  spread  for  her  under  the 
 ojten  air,  and  charged  the  pilot  to  awaken  her  how  soon  the 
 morniniT  lifflit  should  advance,  if  the  land  of  France  wore 
 still  in  view.  It  chanced  there  was  a  calm  in  the  niglit- 
 time  ;  so  the  ships  having  made  but  little  way,  her  Majesty 
 had  the  pleasure  once  more  to  behold  the  French  coast; 
 whereupon  she  sate  up  in  the  bed,  and  still  looked  to  the  land, 
 often  repeating  these  words — "Farewell,  France,  farewell!  I 
 shall  never  see  you  more  !''2     The  wind  afterward  proving 
 
 of  An^^us,  and  mother  of  Lord  Darnley,  lioard  of  the  Queen's  siife  arrival  at 
 Leith,  thouj,di  she  and  her  linsl)and,  Mattliew  Earl  of  Lennox,  were  then 
 in  exile  in  En<,dand,  she  fell  down  on  her  knees,  and  with  uplifted  hands, 
 rendered  thanks  to  (Jod  for  the  event.  "When  Cecil  wiis  informed  of 
 this,  in  eonjunetioQ  with  what  he  had  learned  of  Lady  Lennox's  intrit^nies 
 with  Mary  in  France  on  behalf  of  Darnley,  he  committed  her  and  her 
 iiusband  Lennox  to  the  Tower.  On  this  subject  there  are  examina- 
 tions remaininj^  in  the  [State]  Paper  Office." — Chalmers'  Life  of  Mary 
 (^neen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  44.  Yet  it  is  no  less  remarkable  that  when  the 
 Scottish  Queen  heard  of  this  severity,  she  "approved  of  it,  derided  the 
 practices  of  Lennox,  and  declared  her  resolution  never  to  unite  herself 
 with  any  of  that  race." — MS.  Letters,  State  I'aper  Office,  Randolph  to 
 Cecil,  31st  March  l.%"2.  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  Edin.  edit.  1S42, 
 vol.  vi.  p.  258.— E.J 
 
 '  So  says  expressly  Monsieur  Brantome.  But  Bishop  Leslie,  who  was 
 likewise  in  the  Queen's  company,  s<iys  her  Majesty  arrived  at  Calais  on 
 or  about  the  15th  of  .\u^ust,  in  which  event  she  must  have  embarked 
 the  siime  or  next  day  after  her  arrival  in  that  town. 
 
 ■■'  [The  following,'  beautiful  lines,  siiid  to  have  been  written  I)y  Mary 
 on  leaving  France,  are  taken  from  an  interestin<^  volume  jtublished  at 
 I^ondon  in  1S25,  entitled  "Specimens  of  the  British  Poetesses,"  edited  by 
 the  Kev.  Alexander  Dyce,  A.B.  The  chanson  may  also  be  seen  in  the 
 "  Anthologie  I'ranvoise,"  tom.  i.  No.  X. 
 
 "  Adieu,  plaisiint  pays  de  France. 
 O  ma  jjutrie  ! 
 La  plus  cherie  ! 
 Qui  as  nourri  ma  jeune  enfance  ? 
 Adieu,  France  !  adieu,  mes  beaux  jours, 
 I^a  nef  (pii  de  joint  mes  amours, 
 Na  cy  de  moi  ijue  la  mortie. 
 Cne  j)arte  te  reste  ;  elle  est  tienne, 
 .le  la  tie  a  ton  amitie. 
 Pour  cpie  de  I'autrc  il  la  souvienne." 
 
 Murv  ne\erforf^()t  tin-  youthful  years  she  sjiont  in  France,  and  they  were 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  CI 
 
 favouFcable,  and  the  weather  foggy,^  her  Majesty  had,  by  the 
 Divine  Providence,^  the  good  fortune  to  escape  the  Enghsh 
 ships,  and  to  land  safe  at  the  port  of  Leith  in  Scotland, 
 about  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning  on  the  —  day^  of  August 
 
 certainly  tlie  happiest  of  her  unfortunate  life.  ^Yhile  she  remained  in 
 France  after  the  death  of  her  husband  Francis  II.,  she  was  called  by  the 
 French  la  Rc'mc  Blanche,  because  she  mourned  in  icMte — a  fashion  Avhich 
 was  altered  at  the  funeral  of  Henry  II,  in  1559.  I^lary  continued  to 
 wear  her  wliite  mourning  dress  after  her  arrival  in  Scotland.  Her  grief 
 for  the  death  of  Francis  II.  is  evinced  by  the  verses  she  wrote,  Mhicli  are 
 preserved  in  the  "Anthologie  Fran9oise,"  (tom.  i.  p.  35),  translated  by 
 her  strenuous  defender  Whittaker,  and  inserted  by  Chalmers  in  his  "  Life 
 of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,"  4to.  London,  1818,  vol.  i.  p.  45,  46,  47.  "To  a 
 knowledge  of  the  several  tongues,  and  much  other  acquaintance  of  many 
 affairs,"  says  Chalmers,  «  the  Scottish  Queen  had  a  lively  taste,  and  a  dis- 
 tinguished talent  for  French  poetry.  See  '  Les  Memoires  de  Brantome, 
 et  les  Anecdotes  des  lieines  dc  France.'  Mary  was  not  only  a  poetess 
 herself,  but  the  cause  of  poetry  in  others.  Many  a  vaudeville  was  written 
 on  her  departure  from  France.  There  was  an  appropriate  elegy  on  her 
 leaving  France  printed  at  Lyons  by  Kigaud,  156T,  8vo.pp.  4.  The  original 
 is  in  my  library."     Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  47.— E.] 
 
 ^  Bishop  Leslie  and  JNIonsieur  Brantome,  who  were  both  in  the  ship 
 with  the  Queen,  affirm  most  expressly  that  there  Avas  a  fog.  AVhy,  then, 
 should  Rapin  Thoyras  seem  to  make  a  doubt  thereof  ?  If  his  doubt  be 
 only  concerning  the  Queen's  escape  by  means  of  the  fog  ;  it  may  be  said 
 that  conjecture  is  founded  on  \ery  \aolent  presumptions. 
 
 2  Buchanan  calls  this  mist  an  effect  of  God's  providence,  or  good  fortune 
 at  least ;  but  Knox  terms  it  the  effects  of  God's  displeasure.  Alen  Avill 
 never  be  of  one  mind. 
 
 3  Mr  Knox  fixes  the  Queen's  arrival  on  the  19th,  Buchanan  on  the  21st, 
 Spottiswood  and  Calderwood  on  the  20th,  and  Bishop  Leslie,  I  should 
 reckon,  places  it  likewise  on  the  20th  ;  for  his  words  are— "^c^  18  Kal. 
 
 Septemb.  Calctum  j)ervenit ac  ^trospcra  navifjatione  sexto  die  ad  Lethi piortum 
 
 appulit."  Castelnau  says~«  Le  huitieme  jour  apres  son  emharquement  elle 
 arrivar  Perhaps  this  gentleman  includes,  and  ]3ishop  Leslie  excludes, 
 both  the  day  of  the  Queen's  embarkation  and  arrival.  By  Brantome's 
 words  one  might  construct  that  the  Queen  arrived  on  a  Tuesday,  which 
 day  of  the  week  was  certainly  the  19th  day  of  the  month  that  year.  He 
 s&ys—" Faut  noterqti\mjouravant,  un  Dimanche  matin,  que  nous  arrivamcscn 
 Escosse,  il  s'  cleva  tm  si  grand  bramllard,  que  nous  ne  pouvions  pas  vour  dcpuis 
 
 la  poupejusques  a  la  proue ce  hrouillard  dura  tout  le  long  d\in  jour,  et 
 
 toute  la  nuitjusqucs  au  Icndemain  matinahuit  heures ayant  done  rcconnu  et 
 
 veu  le  matin  de  ce  hrouillard  leve  le  tevrein  d'Escosse nous  allamcs  entrcr  ct 
 
 prendre  ^errc."— [Though  our  Historian  leaves  the  date  of  Queen  Mary's 
 arrival  at  Leith  blank  in  the  text,  there  can  be  no  doubt  tluxt  it  was  on  the 
 19th  of  August  1561  ;  and  in  his  Preface  he  proves  the  fact  by  an  extract 
 from  the  Privy  Seal  Register,  Book  xxx.  fol.  42.  She  was  five  days  on 
 her  passage,  having  embarked  at  Calais  on  tlie  14th.  «  The  Scottish 
 Queene  passed  by  sea  into  Scotland  the  19th  of  this  mouth,  and  hath  with 
 her  the  Duke  d'Aumale,  JNIarquis  d'Elboeuff,  Grand  Prior,  and  IMonsieur 
 
G2  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 in  the  year  loGl.  One  .sliip,  liowover,  in  wliich  was  the  Earl 
 of  E<,'linton,  was  taken  by  the  English  ships,  and  carried 
 into  their  ports ;  but  was  soon  after  set  at  Hborty,  because, 
 as  may  be  rationally  supposed,  they  had  failed  of  their 
 ])rinci])a]  aim. 
 
 d'Ampvile.  Tlicso  two  retorne  through  this  rculrae  witliiii  tliirty  days. 
 She  hath  no  soldiers  nor  trayno,  but  a  few  household.  She  nieaneth  to 
 coniniitt  herself  to  the  tnist  of  her  owne."  Cecil  to  the  Karl  of  Sussex,  21st 
 August  1/>(>1,  dated  Gosfield,  in  Essex,  then  a  mansion  of  the  Rich  l-'aniily, 
 where  Queen  lUizabeth  was  on  the  19th  and  2()th  of  Augiist,  and  who 
 a])parently  left  it  on  the  2Ist. — Wright's  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Times, 
 a  Series  of  Oiiginal  Letters,  London,  1838,  vol.  i.  p.  71.  Again — "  Your 
 Honour,  as  in  the  beginninge  of  your  laste  letter,  grieved  that  you  had  no 
 knowledge  from  me  of  the  Queen's  arrival,  but  from  Berwieke.  I  assure 
 your  Honour,  if  you  had  not  two  letters  that  bore  date  the  19th  of  August, 
 both  you  and  I  are  deceaved,  for  I  am  assured  that  I  wrote  one  in  the 
 morninge,  upon  the  fyrste  assurance  that  she  M-as  in  the  galleys,  and  one 
 in  the  afternoone,  two  houres  after  she  was  landed,  which  1  am  sure  came 
 safely  into  Mr  Valentine  Browne's  handes." — I{andol])h  to  Cecil,  dated 
 Edinburgh,  7th  September  ISG'l,  in  Wright's  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her 
 Times,  vol.  i.  p.  72.  The  greater  part  of  this  letter  is  inserted  by  Bishop 
 Jveith  in  this  Chapter,  but  our  Historian  omits  the  above,  and  some  other 
 pa.ssages  at  the  commencement. — E.] 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  63 
 
 CHAPTER  II. 
 
 A  CONTINUATION  OF  STATE  AFFAIRS,  FROM  THE  QUEEN's  ARRIVAL 
 IN  SCOTLAND  IN  THE  MONTH  OF  AUGUST  1561,  TILL  THE 
 BEGINNING  OF  THE  YEAR  1561-2. 
 
 The  ships  that  convoyed  Mary  Stewart,  the  Queen-Dowager 
 of  France,  from  that  kingdom  into  her  own  hereditary  king- 
 dom of  Scotland,  being  arrived  in  the  Road  of  Leith,  and 
 having  given  the  signal  of  the  arrival  of  her  Royal  Person 
 by  a  discharge  of  their  guns,  the  people  immediately  flocked 
 to  the  shore.  The  only  persons  of  distinction  that  came 
 along  with  her  Majesty  were  three  of  her  uncles,  viz.  the 
 Duke  d'Aumale,  the  Grand  Prior,  and  the  Marquis  d'Elbeuf; 
 and  besides  these,  Mons.  Danville,  son  and  heir  to  the  great 
 Constable  Montmorency,  and  then  a  Marischal  of  France, 
 Messieurs  de  Strossy,  la  None,  la  Guiche,  and  other  gentle- 
 men of  inferior  note.  She  brought  along  with  her  many 
 precious  jewels  ;  and  in  the  month  of  October  arrived  the 
 hangings,  and  other  furniture  of  her  house.  Such  of  the 
 Nobility  as  were  at  Edinburgh  repaired  in  all  haste  to  kiss 
 her  Majesty's  hands,  and  welcome  her  into  her  antient  and 
 hereditary  kingdom.^  The  Queen  reposed  herself  in  the 
 town  of  Leith  till  the  evening  of  that  day  she  arrived ;  and 
 then  her  IMajesty  went  up  to  her  Palace  of  Holyroodhouse, 
 where  all  demonstrations  of  joy  did  quickly  appear.  The 
 people  resorted  thither  immediately,  and  received  her  with 
 bonfires,  music,  and  dancing ;  and  so  universal  a  mirth  was 
 seen  in  the  faces  of  all  her  subjects,  that  she  appeared 
 extremely  satisfied  with  her  reception.^  Mr  Buchanan  makes 
 
 ^  Bishop  Leslie  mentions  the  Duke,  the  Earls  of  Iluntly,  Atlioll,  Craw- 
 ford, ^larischal,  "Rothes,  and  many  other  Barons  and  gentlemen  ;  but 
 these  Noblemen  were  not  all  present  at  first. 
 
 2  ["She  was  conducted  by  her  Nobility,"  says  Mr  Tytler,  "  with  rude 
 state  from  Leith  to  her  Palace  of  llolyrood.  The  pomi)  of  the  procession, 
 if  we  may  believe  Brantome,  an  eye-witness,  was  far  inferior  to  the  brilliant 
 pageants  to  which  she  had  been  accustomed.  She  could  not  repress  a  sigh 
 when  she  beheld  the  sorry  palfreys  i)repared  for  herself  and  her  ladies, 
 and  when  awakened  on  the  morning  after  her  arrival  by  the  citizens  sing- 
 ing psalms  under  her  windows,  the  unwonted  strains  seemed  dissonant  to 
 
64  Tin:  nrsTuUY  of  thk  affairs  of  [150*1. 
 
 Iu'r.iil>«):i  a  very  haiidsomo  recapitulation  of  her  Majesty's 
 eoiitiniK'd  iMisfbrtiiiKS  from  her  yoiiiif^est  infancy,  and  these 
 lie  l(»()ks  ujx.n  to  !)(•  siifH('i«'nt  L'rounds  now  for  the  joy  of  her 
 peopl)'  upon  li<r  airlNal  ;  and  th<n  lie  adds  ^ — *'  Furthcr- 
 nion«,  besides  the  variety  of  Iwv  <langers,  the  excellency  of 
 her  mien,  the  delicacy  of  her  beauty,  the  vigour  of  her 
 blooming  years,  and  the  elegancy  of  her  wit,  all  these  joined 
 in  her  reeomincndation.''"'-  But  this  writer  closes  all  these 
 good  words  with  such  sarcastic  reflections  as  do  sufficiently 
 diseover  b()th  the  temper  and  design  of  the  man.  He 
 praised  her  nuich,  that  he  might  dispraisf.'  her  the  more. 
 
 On  the  22(1  of  August  1.">(J1,  I  find  an  Indenture  entered 
 into  by  the  Wardens  of  the  Western  Marches  at  the  re- 
 8i)ective  kingdoms.^ 
 
 Innnediately  after  our  (Jueens  arrival,  her  cousin  the 
 Queen  of  England  omitted  not  to  congratulate  her  Majesty, 
 and  to  [live  her  formal  assurances  that  she  had  not  in  the 
 
 courtly  cars."  Mr  Tytlcr  adds  in  a  note,  after  citing  Brantome,  vol.  ii.  ]i. 
 123,  124—"  Mary  anivcd  unexpectedly  early,  in  the  mornings  of  the  19th 
 i»f  August,  and  the  wi-athor  was  so  dark  and  stormy  that  the  shij)S  were 
 nut  seen  ftir  the  fog.  'J'his  circumstance  must  have  interrupted  the  pre- 
 parations."—  History  of  Scotland,  Kdin.  1S42,  vol.  vi.  p.  23G,  237.  Mary's 
 landing  at  Leith  Harbour  is  the  sultjcct  of  a  splendid  historical  picture  by 
 Sir  William  .Mian.  'J'hc  jtiincipal  i)art  of  Holyrood  Palace  was  then  the 
 north-west  towers,  and  the  north  side  of  the  present  <iuadrangle  next  to 
 the  ( 'Impel- Uoyal.  The  rooms  occupied  by  the  C^ueen  are  still  known  as 
 Quau  Maiyn  Ajxntnuntjf,  but  they  are  now  in  a  very  different  condition,  the 
 interior  luiving  been  consumed  by  fire  when  Cromwell's  soldiers  lay  in  the 
 Palace  after  the  battle  of  Dunbar  in  KtoO.  These  .Apartments  are  occu- 
 pied by  the  Duke  of  Hamilton  as  Hereditary  Keeper  of  the  Talace  of 
 llolyniodhouse. —  K.] 
 
 '  IHistoria  Hernm  Scoticanmi,  original  edit.  IMin.  lc)S2,  fol.  2(»0. 
 Translation,  l^lin.  ITW,  Svo.  vol.  ii.  p.  27s. — K.] 
 
 '  .Mezeray,  the  French  historian,  siiys  thus  of  her  Majesty — "  Nature 
 had  bestowed  ujton  her  every  thing  that  is  necessjiry  to  form  a  complete 
 beauty.  And  besides  this,  she  had  a  nu)st  agreeable  turn  of  mind,  a  ready 
 meujory,  and  a  very  lively  imagination.  All  these  good  natural  qualities 
 she  t<»ok  care  likewise  to  endiellish,  by  the  study  of  the  lib(>nU  arts  and 
 6ci«'nces,  especially  Tainting,  Music,  and  Poetry,  insomuch  that  she  ap- 
 peare<l  to  be  the  most  amiable  Princess  in  Christendonu"  And  Casteliuiu 
 in  his  MemoirH  tells — "  'J'luit  when  he  returned  first  into  Scotland,  topro- 
 ])Os<«  to  our  (^ueen  a  marriage  with  tlie  Duke  of  Anjou,  he  found  her 
 Majesty  in  tlu'  tlower  of  her  age,  esteemed  and  adoreil  by  her  sidtjects  ; 
 and  that  she  was  endowed  with  such  excellencies,  and  with  greater  per- 
 fj'ctions  of  beatity  than  any  other  Princess  of  her  time." 
 
 '  Sec  Api)endix,  Number  IV. 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  G5 
 
 least  attempted  to  intercept  her  passing  into  her  own  king- 
 dom ;  but  forgot  not,  at  the  same  time,  to  insist  strongly  on 
 the  ratification  of  the  Treaty  of  Edinburgh.  The  Queen  of 
 England's  letter  was  delivered  by  Mr  Randolph,  who  had 
 been  in  Scotland  for  some  time  before  our  Queen's  arrival, 
 probably  since  the  time  he  was  sent  hither  with  the  above 
 mentioned  Commission  to  the  Estates,  20th  March  bypast. 
 This  gentleman  received  now  a  public  character  from  his 
 mistress  to  negotiate  her  affairs  with  our  Queen,  and  in 
 that  character  he  did  reside  here  in  Scotland  for  a  consider- 
 able space  thereafter ;  and  a  great  many  of  his  letters,  trans- 
 mitted from  this  kingdom  to  his  own  Queen  and  the  Secre- 
 tary of  England,  being  still  on  record,  I  shall  often  take 
 occasion  to  make  use  of  them,  not  only  as  being  a  sure 
 foundation  of  intervening  facts,  but  moreover  as  containing 
 sundry  particulars  relating  to  our  Scottish  affairs,  which  are 
 nowhere  else  to  be  met  with.  Mr  Buchanan  has  taken 
 notice^  that  Mr  Maitland  of  Lethington,  the  Scottish  Secre- 
 tary, was  sent  into  England  not  long  after  our  Queen's 
 return  ;  and  that  he  carried  letters  both  from  our  Queen  and 
 from  the  Nobility  of  Scotland,  the  general  contents  whereof 
 he  describes  exactly  enough.  But  I  may  presume  my 
 readers  will  be  better  satisfied  with  a  distinct  knowledge  of 
 the  public  Transactions  of  that  time  from  original  Papers,  so 
 far  as  they  are  come  to  our  hands. 
 
 Qtieen  of  England  to  the  Queen  of  Scotland!^ 
 " for  the  refusall  quhairof  we specially  considering 
 
 we  covet  nothing  but  that  quhilk  is  in  zour  power  as  Queue  of 
 Scotland ;  That  quhilk  zour  self  in  wordis  and  speache  dois 
 
 confesse  ;  that  quhilk  zour husbandis  our  gude  brotheris 
 
 ambassadoris  and  zouris  concludit ;  that  quhairunto  zour 
 awin  Nobilite  and  people  war  made  privie ;  That  quhilkis  in 
 dede  maid  the  peax  and  quietnesse  botwix  us  ;  yea  yat  with- 
 out quhilk  na  perfite  amytie  can  continew  bctwix  us,  as  giff 
 it  be  indifferently  weyed,  we  doubt  nocht  bot  ze  will  per- 
 ceve,  allow,  and  accomplish.     As  for  uther  partes  of  the 
 
 1  [Historia  Rerum  Scoticarum,  ori^anal  edit.  Ediii.  15S2,  fol.  200-204 
 Translation,  Edin.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  279-284.— E.] 
 ^  Shattered  MS.  a  copy. 
 VOL.  IT.  5 
 
()G  TlIK  HISTORY  UF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 Treaty  that  concernit  zoiir  late  husband  as  Frenche  King, 
 we  regard  nocht ;  only  we  re«|uir('  to  liave  the  Treaty  ratified 
 bo  zow,  and  that  to  be  takin  of  sik  force  as  sail  eoncerno 
 zou.  Nevertheless  perceaving  be  the  report  of  the  bringar, 
 That  zo  mean  furthwith  upon  zour  cunnning  hame  to  follow 
 heirin  the  advi.ss  of  zour  Counsall  in  Scotland,^  and  yairwith 
 to  procede  to  the  Ratification  ;  we  are  content  to  suspend 
 our  concept  of  all  unkiiidnf  sses  hitherto  be  yis  delay  otterd 
 unto  us,  and  ar  resolvit,  upon  this  Ixing  as  it  aucht  to  be 
 perfonnit,  to  leif  in  nychbourhead  with  zou  as  (juietly, 
 friendlv,  zoa,  as  assuredly  in  the  knot  of  freindschip,  as  wo 
 be  already  in  the  knot  of  nature  and  bloode  ;  and  herein  wo 
 will  sa  determine  with  ourself,  that  the  warld  sail  see  gif  the 
 contrary  suld  follow  (<|uhilk  God  forbid)  the  vcrie  occasioun 
 to  be  in  zou,  and  nocht  in  us.  1^'inalir,  (pdiair  it  semis  that 
 report  has  bene  maid  unto  zou,  That  we  had  sent  our  Ad- 
 mirall  to  the  seas  with  our  Navy,  to  empesche  zour  passage  ; 
 both  zour  servandis  heir  do  welle  nndcrstauil  how  fals  that 
 report  wes,  considering  for  a  trewth  that  we  have  nocht — 
 mo  nor  twa  or  thre  small  barkis  upon  the  seyis  to  appre- 
 hend  certaine    pyrattis,  being  thairto    intrettit   and   in   a 
 
 manner  compellit  be  the  earnest of  the  ambassador  of 
 
 our  gude  bruther  the  King  of  S[)aine,-  maid  to  us  of  certaine 
 zour  subjectis  Scotishmen,  hanting  our  seyis  as  pyrattis, 
 under  pretens  of  letters  of  marque.  Of  (juhilk  matir  also  wo 
 earnestlie  require  zou  now  at  zour  cunnnyng  to  zour  Realme, 
 to  have  sume  gude  consideratioun  ;  the  rather  for '' 
 
 Another  Letter  from  the  Qncen  of  Ennland  to  the  Queen  of 
 Scotland,  25th  August? 
 
 ''  Rfcht  excellent,  richt  heich  and  michtie  Princess,  our 
 richt  dcir  an<l  richt  weil-belovit  Cousin  and  Sister,  wo  grete 
 
 >  It  w()ul«l  apjx'ar  by  tliis  ami  otluT  expressions  in  this  letter,  that 
 jierliaps  it  had  been  conveyed  to  onr  Qneen  by  the  hands  of  tl>e  Abbot  of 
 St  Cohn's  Ineh,  who,  neeordin;,'  to  Mr  Ilolinshed,  was  sent  into  Knphmd  to 
 deniro  a  Kjife-i'ondnct,  after  it  had  been  heard  in  France  that  some  hirn^e 
 ships  were  set  forth  to  the  sea;  and  by  the  tenor  of  it,  this  h'tter  seems  to 
 Irnve  be«'n  written  at  a  time  when  our  Queen  mi/;lit  be  on  her  way  home- 
 ward, Imt  not  yet  actually  arrived  at  liome. 
 
 '  [Philip  II.,  who  nuirried  Queen  Mary  of  F.npland.—  K.j 
 
 •  Shattered  MS.  a  coj»y. 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  67 
 
 zow  wele:  Our  gude  brother  the  King  of  Spaine  hes  at 
 sundrie  tymis,  now  of  lait  advertist  ws,  That  nocht  onHe  the 
 subjectis  of  the  King  of  Portingall,!  bot  also  his  awin  alswele 
 of  Spaine  as  of  his  Laich  Cuntreis,  be  from  tyme  to  tyme 
 sore  spoyht  upon  the  sey  be  certaine  pyrattis,  quhairof  sum 
 beir  the  name  of  Inghshmen,  and  the  moir  pert  of  Scotismen, 
 banting  our  seyis  towertis  baith  the  Sowth  and  the  North. 
 The  same  complaint  wes  also  in  this  last  moneth  of  July  so 
 ernestlie  renewit  be  his  ambassador  heir  resident  with  ws, 
 yat  he  added  yairto — Gif  owr  seyis  were  nocht  according  to 
 the  Leagis  betwene  him  and  ws,  bettir  preservit  from  sic 
 frequent  rubberys  and  pyracys,  his  master  must  be  forcit  for 
 the  ayd  of  his  subjectis  to  arme  sum  power  to  the  seyis. 
 Upon  quhilk  mattir  so  earnestlie  set  furth,  altho  we  had  be 
 certaine  new  orderis  newly  publissit  in  all  owr  portis  providit 
 
 require  zow  to  haif  sum  gude  regairde  thairto.     And 
 
 that  the  occasioun  of  the  cullor  of  yaime  in  that  cuntrie 
 may  be  redressit,  quhilk  is  a  pretence  of  a  letter  of  marque. 
 And  for  that  owr  servandis  being  now  on  the  seyis  inform 
 ws,  that  amangis  otheris  of  owr  subjectis  being  notable 
 pyrattis,  resyde  thair  in  yat  Realme  ;  that  is  to  say,  one 
 namit  ^larychurche,  ane  other  namit  John  Quhitheid,  a 
 third  callit  Johnston,  with  thair  complices  :  We  ernestlie 
 desyre  zow,  that  owr  trusty  and  wele  belovit  servande 
 Thomas  Randulphe  now  being  appointit  to  present  yis  owr 
 lettere  to  zowr  handis,  may  solicite  the  delivery  of  the  saids 
 pyrattis  unto  hira  in  saiftie,  and  yat  he  may  haif  zour  favour 
 and  ayd  to  procure  thame  to  be  sauflie  without  rescusse 
 conductit  to  owr  toun  of  Berwick  ;  and  in  this  and  ony 
 uther  thing  quhilk  we  sail  direct  to  zow  be  owr  said  ser- 
 vande, we  require  zow  to  give  him  firme  credyt  on  our 
 behalf.  And  thus  richt  heich  and  michtie  Princess,  owr 
 deire  Sister  and  Cousin,  owr  Lord  have  zow  in  His  blessit 
 keping.  Given  under  owr  Signet  att  owr  Manor  of  Lcighes, 
 in  our  cuntrie  of  Essex,  the  xxvth  day  of  August,  in  the 
 third  zeir  of  owr  Ilcign. 
 
 "  Zour  gude  Sister  and  Cousin, 
 "  Elizabeth  R." 
 
 1  [Don  Sebastian,  who  succeeded  liis   father   John  III.,  when   only 
 three  years  of  age,  in  June  1557. — K.] 
 
08  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 A  Letter  from  Mr  Ilandul/jU  to  the  Queen  of  Ennlnud^ 
 ()th  September  1501.1 
 
 "  May  it  plkask  your  Majestik — The  I.st  of  this 
 instant,  in  tlw  niorninc:,  I  received  your  Majestie's  letters- 
 inito  tile  (J>ii(.M'n's  (iraee  hero.  I  gave  knowledge  incon- 
 tinent thereof  to  the  Loi'd  James,  and  desir'd  that  I  might 
 know  fioin  his  I^ordship  when  her  pleasure  should  bo 
 that  T  should  attend  upon  her  Majestic.  I  received 
 answer,  that  her  will  was  to  speak  with  me  that  day  at 
 four  of  the  clock.  At  the  hour  appointed  I  was  sent  for 
 by  the  Laird  of  Pitarrow,^  and  brought  unto  the  Presence 
 by  the  Lord  James.  After  that  I  had  j)resented  your 
 ALajestie's  connnendations,  and  something  said  as  I  thought 
 fit  for  the  time,  wherein  I  would  that  her  Grace  should  un- 
 derstand how  happy  that  country  was,  that  after  so  long 
 absence  had  at  length  received  their  natural  Prince,  wishing 
 her  a  prosperous  reign,  and  of  long  continuance,  with  due 
 obedience  of  her  subjects,  I  delivered  your  ^Majestie's  letters, 
 which  she  did  read  herself  to  the  end,  and  in  such  places 
 where  she  was  not  ac(juainted,  either  with  the  hand  or  terms, 
 she  used  me. 
 
 "  After  she  had  considered  the  contents  thereof,  it  pleased 
 her  thus  to  say — '  I  must  needs  accept  in  very  good  part  the 
 Queen  your  mistress,  my  dear  sisters  commendations,  and  am 
 glad  that  she  is  in  good  health,  as  I  trust  she  is  of  mine, 
 which  you  see  in  what  case  it  is.  For  that  you  rejoyce  in 
 my  return,  and  wish  me  so  well,  I  thank  you  heartily,  and 
 trust  that  1  shall  find  none  other  occasion  of  my  subjects  but 
 as  loving  and  (jl)edient,  and  I  towanls  them  a  good  Princess. 
 Touching  the  Queen  your  mistress's  letters,  because  I  am 
 unacijuainted  with  the  matter,  I  will  talk  with  my  Council, 
 and  speak  with  you  again/  There  were  then  present  of  her 
 Majestie's  Council,  the  Earl  of  lluntly,  the  Earl  Marischal, 
 the  Earl  of  Athole,  and  Lord  James.  After  some  confer- 
 ence had  with  them,  she  saith  unto  me  again  thus — '  I  have 
 heard   tlie  opinion   of  these   whom   you   see    present   of  my 
 
 *  Cotton  Liliiarv,  iin  oiiiriniil. — [  llritish  Mus<«uin. —  I'.] 
 '  That  is  the  kttir  which  is  hrro  above,  (hitt'd  the  '2.')th  Aujpist. 
 "  (Sir  .lohn  Wishart  of  Titarrow,  brotluT  of  George  Wisliart  called 
 the  "  Martyr."— E.] 
 
1561.]  or  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  69 
 
 Council,  who  tell  me,  That  they  have  at  other  times  done 
 somewhat  concerning  the  same  matter  that  the  Queen  my 
 sister  writes  of ;  and  I,  for  my  part,  do  promise,  and  will  write 
 the  same  unto  the  Queen  your  mistress.  That  they  of  whom 
 she  writes  in  her  letter,  nor  no  other  pirates,  shall  have  sup- 
 port or  refuge  within  my  Realm,  but  that  I  will  do  my  en- 
 deavour, to  the  uttermost,  to  have  such  as  are  here  to  be 
 apprehended,  as  well  my  own  subjects  as  those  of  England, 
 for  that  I  know  it  my  part  so  to  do,  and  am  willing  there- 
 unto.' And  presently  in  my  hearing  gave  commandment  to 
 the  Justice-Clerkl  to  make  inquisition  through  the  whole 
 Country  for  such  offenders. ^ 
 
 "  After  that  I  had  received  this  answer  of  her  Majestie, 
 she  required  me,  within  a  day  or  two,  to  come  again  for  her 
 letters  unto  your  Highness,  which  your  Majestie  shall  here- 
 with receive. 3  She  spake  nothing  to  me  at  any  time  of  my 
 tarrying  here,  but  after  my  departure  told  my  Lord  James 
 she  'perceived  that  your  mind  was  that  I  should  remain  here." 
 And  after  some  words,  both  in  earnest  and  mirth,  had  be- 
 tween them  of  my  doings  here  in  times  past^ — '  Well,'  saith 
 
 ^  [Sir  John  Bellenden  of  Auchnoul,  son  of  Thomas  Bellonden  of  Auch- 
 noul,  whom  he  succeeded  as  Justice-Clerk  in  July  1547.  He  was  implicated 
 ill  the  assassination  of  Rizzio,but  was  soon  restored  to  Queen  ^Mary's  favour, 
 and  carried  her  commands  to  Mr  John  Craig,  a  preacher,  to  proclaim  the 
 banns  between  her  and  Bothwell,but  he  afterwards  joined  the  association 
 against  her,  and  became  one  of  the  Regent  JNIoray's  Privy  Council.  He 
 is  said  to  have  obtained  the  lands  of  Woodhouselee,  in  the  county  of 
 Edinburgh,  the  property  of  Hamilton  of  Bothwellhaugh  in  right  of 
 his  wife,  which  induced  that  daring  person,  among  other  causes,  to  assas- 
 sinate Moray  in  the  public  street  of  Linlithgow. — E.] 
 
 ^  On  the  8th  September,  after  her  INIajesty  had  settled  a  regular  Coim- 
 cil,  the  letters  of  marque,  given  by  her  most  Noble  Progenitors  agamst  the 
 Portuguese,  are  called  in, 
 
 •*  The  said  letter  shall  be  here  likewise  subjoined. 
 
 ^  By  the  first  words  of  this  letter,  as  well  as  by  these,  we  know  for 
 certain  that  Mr  Randolph  must  have  been  in  Scotland  at  the  time  the 
 Queen  arrived. — [Randolph  was  some  time  in  Scotland  before  Queen 
 Mary's  arrival.  See  Wright's  "  Queen  lOlizabeth  and  her  Times,"  Cecil 
 to  Randolph,  dated  Greenwich,  30th  June  loO'l,  vol.  i.  p.  Gl,  G'2.  Randoli)h, 
 in  his  letter  to  Cecil,  dated  7th  September  150'1,  subsequently  inserted  by 
 Bishop  Keith,  expressly  refers  Cecil  to  ;Maitland,  then  in  England.  By 
 the  word  crafty,  Queen  Mary  meant  a  shUj'id  or  /»^c«/oi<s  person.  "  Eliza- 
 beth," says  Mr  Tytler,  "  had  congratulated  her  (Mary)  on  her  hapi)y 
 return  to  her  dominions,  and  she  (Mary)  soon  after  (1st  September  15b'l), 
 despatched  Lethington,  her  chief  Secretary,  on  a  mission  to  England,  to 
 
70  THE  IIISTURY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 she,  '  I  am  content  that  he  tarr}',  but  Til  have  another  there 
 as  crafty  as  he.'i  I  threatened  upon  the  Lord  James,  that 
 these  words  were  rather  his  than  lier  Majestie's  ;  but  how- 
 ever it  be,  there  is  one  presently  of  hers  with  your  Majestic 
 that  can  phiy  his  part  with  craft  enough. 
 
 "  The  Thursday  after,  viz.  the  4th  of  this  month,  I  pre- 
 sented myself  unto  her  Grace  for  her  letters  ;  she  willed  the 
 Lord  James  to  put  her  in  remembrance  of  them,  and  me  to 
 return  the  morrow.     At  my  being  with  her  the  next  day, 
 she  saith  unto  me,  that  '  her  Secretary  shall  bring  you  the 
 letters  unto  your  mistress  ;  and  I  pray  you  let  her  know 
 from  me,  that  I  desire  heartily  that  we  may  live  together 
 like  good  friends  and  neighbours  ;  and  that  for  her  part  she 
 desireth  nothing  but  peace  and  amity,  whereunto  she  seeth 
 her  people  so  inclined,  that  she  is  glad  thereof.'    I  answered 
 again — That  I  doubted  not  but  when  your  ^Lajesty  should 
 understand  her  good  inclinations  to  so  godly  a  purpose,  as 
 to  seek  amity  where  great  and  ancient  debates  have  been, 
 she  should  find  your  Majesty  ready  to  condescend  to  any 
 reason  that  might  be  offered.     The  ready  way  thereunto 
 was,  not  lightly,  nor  at  the  first  report,  to  give  credit  to 
 every  tale  that  should  be  brought  unto  her  Majestie's  ears, 
 by  such  as  had  been  ever  and  would  ever  be  sowers  of  dis- 
 cord between  the  Princes  of  these  two  Realms,  who  for  gain 
 and  lucre  were  content  to  betray  the  whole  world.     This  I 
 spake,  because  Sarlabas,-  not  two  nights  before,  told  her 
 (xrace.  That  there  were  above  50  of  your  Majestie's  ships 
 upon  the  seas,  and  that  the  Lord  Gray^  was  coming  towards 
 Berwick  with  1(),()()()  soldiers,  and  that  it  were  good  to  take 
 heed  to  Ileymouth  and  Dunbar.   She  likM  very  well  this  mo- 
 tion, and  willed  to  assure  your  Majestic  that  it  should  be  well 
 observed.      T  received  also  for  myself  good  words,  and  also 
 from  her  uncles.     I  shewed  the  Grand  Prior  and  Monsieur 
 Danville  of  their  passports,  as  your  Majestic  commanded 
 me.     This  was  the  effect  of  my  doini^s  with  her  Majestic  for 
 
 fxpnsH  her  oarnost  wishes  for  the  contimiaiu-c  of  prncc."— History  of 
 Scotland,  tulit.  ist'i,  vol.  vi.  p.  2r2.— H.) 
 
 '   Mfaniii^'  Mr  .Maitland  the  SiTn-tary. 
 
 *  He  vas  the  {-liiof  Comniancler  of  the  fi'w  I'renrh  soldiers  v  ht»  were 
 h'ft  in  Scot  hind. 
 
 ^  ri*ro|)erly  Lord  (Ircy.one  of  the  Kn^lish  \\'ar(i<ns  of  the  llorthMN,  who 
 )iad  hcen  onr  of  the  commanders  at  the  sif^e  of  I.eith  in  l.'J.W. --K.] 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  71 
 
 this  present.  Touching  the  Treaty,!  I  had  no  purpose  with 
 her  Majestie,  because  of  the  L.2  of  Lidington  s  being  with 
 your  Highness.3  With  others  I  have  somewhat  talk'd  ; 
 they  doubt  not  but  things  will  succeed  unto  your  Majestie's 
 contentation.  I  am  given  to  believe  that  her  meaning  is  as 
 her  words  are. 
 
 "  I  trust  that  it  shall  be  a  sufficient  declaration  of  my 
 duty  unto  your  Majestie,  faithfully  to  set  forth  your  Ma- 
 jestie's  commandments,  and  truly  to  report  of  things  as  I  do 
 hear  and  find,  leaving  unto  your  Majestie's  wisdom  the 
 judgment  thereof.  What  other  things  there  arc  presently 
 to  be  known  from  hence,  I  will  rather  write  unto  Mr  Secre- 
 tary *  than  trouble  your  Majestie  any  further.  The  Lord 
 God  preserve  your  Majestie  long  in  health,  to  the  increase 
 of  whatsoever  will  stand  with  His  will  to  your  joy,  and  com- 
 fort of  your  Majestie's  subjects.  At  Edinburgh  the  6th  of 
 September  1561. 
 
 "  Your  Highnesses  most  humble 
 
 "  and  obedient  servant, 
 
 "  Tiio.  Randolphe." 
 
 Letter^  Queen  Mary  to  Queen  Elizabeth.,  Qth  September  [561  .^ 
 "  Eight  excellent,  richt  heich  and  michtie  Princess,  our 
 richt  deir  and  richt  wele  belovit  Sister  and  Cousing,  we  grete 
 zow  hartlie :    Wele  belovit,   we  have  ressavit  zour  lettere 
 
 frae  zowr  servand  Thomas   Randolphe daitit  at   zowr 
 
 Manner  of  Leighes  the  xxv.  of  August  last that  oure 
 
 gude  bruther  the  King  of  Spaine  lies  send  zow  sundrie  ad- 
 vertisements, that  nocht  only  the  subjectis  of  Portugall 
 
 sa  to  convene  oure  liegis  under  ane  obedience,  yet  nane  have 
 just  cause  of  yame  to  compleyn  ;  and  quhare  as  ye  desire 
 the  apprehending  of  certain  zowr  subjectis,  namyt  Mary- 
 church,  ane  Quhiteheid,  and  ane  Johnston,  as  being  heir, 
 
 and  delivering  of  thame said  servand  Thomas  Randolphe. 
 
 We  have  givin  strait  charge  to  sherche  and  soke  thame 
 
 1  That  is,  the  Treaty  of  Ediiihiir<'h.  =  [Ldrd.— E.] 
 
 ^  This  shews  that  Secretary  ^lait land  lias  been  sent  into  England  imme- 
 diately after  iSlr  Randolph  had  delivered  his  Queen's  letters  on  the  1st 
 day  of  September,  according  as  our  Queen  had  said,  that  she  ivould  have 
 a  crafty  person  in  England, 
 
 ^  [Sir  AVilliam  Ceoil.-^E.J  •  Shattered  :MS.  a  co])y. 
 
72  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 <|uhairevcr  they  can  bo  fund  within  oure  Realme  ;  and  being 
 aj)])nli<'ndit,  sail  satisfic  zowr  dcsyr  in  that  behalf;  for  we 
 haif  conimaiidit,  that  na  pyrattis,  of  quliatsuinevir  natioiin 
 thayo  be  of,  nocht  avowit  bo  yair  awin  Prince,  sail  be 
 harbr}t,  reset,  supportit  or  aydit  within  any  our  portis 
 and  havynis,  or  yat  ony  of  ouro  subjt.ctis  be  sa  b;dd  as 
 to  buy  and  sell  with  thamo  ;  bot  that  thair  schippis  and 
 gudis  be  with  all  spedo  arreistit,  and  yair  personis  presentit 
 to  our  justice,  to  suffer  for  yair  demerits.  Assuring  zow, 
 deirest  Sister,  that  likeas  wo  meane  in  the  presense  of  God 
 nawiss  to  gif  libertie  to  sic  transgressouris  to  offend,  evin 
 sa  be  (lod's  i)erniission  sail  we  mak  denionstratioun  of  our 
 just  intentioun,  be  outwart  executioun  and  punischment  of 
 all  sic  rubberis,  as  heireftir  sail  happin  to  cum  in  our  handis. 
 Sa  yat  on  our  part  nathing  sail  be  pcrmittit,  that  to  the 
 office  of  amytie  and  interteinyng  of  Cristian  pcax  and  pub- 
 lick  tranquillitie  apertcnis,  as  fordir  we  have  declarit  unto 
 zour  said  servand.  Thus,  richt  excellent,  richt  heich  and 
 michtie  Princes,  our  richt  deir  and  richt  weil  belowit  Sister 
 and  Cousin,  we  commit  zow  to  the  protectioun  of  Almichtic 
 God.  Gevin  undir  our  Signet  at  our  Palace  of  Ilalyrud- 
 houso  the  sext  day  of  September,  and  of  our  Kcigne  the 
 nyntene  zeir.''^ 
 
 Instructions  hy  the  Qnecn  of  Scots  to  Mr  WUl'nna  ^faltland, 
 yoiuKuir  of  Lcthlnqton^  her  Secretari/  of  State,  when  he  was 
 sent  into  England  in  the  beginning  of  September  15G1.- 
 
 ''  to  extend  hir  benignitc,  favour  and  clemency 
 
 embrace  yanie  as  hir  lovit  subjectis,  and  sa  to  leif  heirafter, 
 that  the  memorie  of  thingis  past  (quhairas  hir  Majestic  had 
 occasioun  to  mislyke)  being  extinguishit,  a  gude  and  i>olltik 
 unioun  of  the  heid  and  memberis  may  from  this  furth  in- 
 duro  ;  quhilk  hir  Ilienes  determination  hes  alreddy  takin  sic 
 begymming  as  culd  be  wyssit,  and  hor  hale  peo^jle,  als  wele 
 the  >«obilitye,  gcntilmen,  as  the  common  sort,  lies  evin  at 
 tho  first  rcssavit  her  Ilienes  with  sic  gladness,  devoir,  and 
 reverence,  yat  it  hes  wele  ap])erit  how  anoyus  her  lang 
 absence  lnH  bene,  and  how  glade  and  confortable  hir  euniyng 
 is   untn  tli.iir    hartis.      Quhilk   reciproque  gudewill  (»r  liir 
 
 '  This  in  the  K'ttcr  \\liu  h  Mr  Kiindolph  s^ivs  Ik*  scut  aloni,'  \vitli  liis  of 
 tlu"  Niino  clato.  ^  Sliatti'ird  MS.  a  copy. 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  73 
 
 subjects,  quheii  hir  ^lajestie  consideris,  sche  doiibtis  not  bot 
 the  end  sail  correspond  to  yis  gude  begynnyng. 
 
 "  He  sail  alsua  declair,  Yat  hir  Hienes  wald  not  omit  the 
 nuituall  offices  of  amytie  accustomat  to  pas  amangis  Princis, 
 frendis,  ally  as  and  gude  nichboris,  of  quhom  hir  Majestie 
 estemis  the  Quene  of  England,  hir  gude  Sister  and  Cusen, 
 ane  of  the  maist  speciall  to  hir,  and  yairfore  hes  purposlic 
 directit  her  said  Secretar^  to  visite  hir  upoun  the  behalf  of  hir 
 Majestie,  declair  hir  prosperous  journey  and  saulf  arrival  in 
 this  Rcahne,  connnunicat  unto  hir  hir  Majestie's  present  gude 
 Estait,  and  impart  this  joy  quhilk  hir  Hienes  hes  consavit  of 
 this  happy  begynnyng. 
 
 "  He  sail  alsua  declair,  Yat  hir  Majestie  is  fully  resolvit 
 to  leif  in  gude  nychtborheid  with  the  said  Quene  hir  gude 
 Sister  and  Cousin,  to  keip  gude  peax  and  amytie  with  hir 
 Realme  ;  and  for  hir  awn  part  interteny  and  incres  frind- 
 schip  be  all  gude  meanys  possible,  sa  that  hir  Majestie's 
 gude " 
 
 Instructions  hy  the  Nobility  of  Scotland  to  Secretary  Maitland^ 
 at  the  same  timeJ^ 
 
 "   had   nocht   onlie   refusit   passage   unto    Monseur 
 
 Doysell,  being  directit  for  gude  purposis  unto  yame  fra  the 
 Quenis  Majestie  tliair  Souveraine  ;  but  alsua  sic  passport 
 and  saulf-conduct  as  on  the  behalf  of  hir  Majestie  wes 
 requirit  for  hir  sure  passage  in  this  Realme,  with  sic  uther 
 favouris  as  Princes,  friendis,  allyas,  and  gude  nychboris 
 accustumit  to  use  for  accomoding  of  utheris,  fearing  yat  hir 
 Majestie  mycht  tak  the  refusall  yrof  in  sa  evill  part,  yat 
 being  irritat  yrby,  she  micht  be  nocht  onlie  the  les  cairful  to 
 enterteny  freindschip,  quhilk  they  for  yair  part  wissis  micht 
 lang  indure,  bot  alsua  myt  consave  sum  sinistir  opinioun 
 of  yame  being  hir  subjectis,  or  suspect  for  the  intelligence 
 that  hes  of  lait  bene  botwix  the  said  Quene  and  yame ; 
 that  the  said  refusall  had  partlie  cumit  be  yair  meanys,  or 
 at  the  leist,  that  they  had  bene  previe  thairto,  albeit  God 
 knawis  they  nevir  understude  it  quhil^  lang  eftir.  And  the 
 neccssitie  that  the  haill  Realme  of  Scotland  had  for  the 
 presence  of  tluiir  Souvcrane  was  sic,  that  the  thing  in  the 
 
 ^  [Maitlaud  of  Lethington. — E.]    ^  Shattered  MS.  a  copy.    ^  [Until.  — E.J 
 
74  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 warlcl  tli.iy  maist  carncstlie  wyssit  with  yair  hart,  wes  to 
 sec  hir  Majestic  sonc  amangis  thaiue.  Jiot  now  qiihen  as 
 it  hes  plesit  God  prouspuroushc  to  convoy  hir  Majestic  in 
 this  liir  Reahno,  thay  find  liir  Ilicncs  mekcll  bcttir  (lis[)Osit. 
 and  far  Ira  ony  sic  cvill  consait  of  yair  affcctionis,  as  alswa  to 
 be  wclc  satisfyit  with  the  said  (iiiene  of  Inglandis  meanyng, 
 npoun  consideratioiin  of  sic  thingis  as  hes  past  bctwix 
 yair  saidis  twa  Majesties  sen  yat  tymc,  quhairby  they  are 
 greit  comfortit  and  dchverit  of  a  grcit  doubt. 
 
 "  He  sail  alsua  pray  hir  Ilienes,  upon  yair  behalfs,  to  in- 
 terteny  and  incrcs  frcindschij)  with  the  (^iicnc  yair  Souver- 
 
 ane,    bo    all    gude    meanys    and doyng  to    have    sum 
 
 respect  and  consideratioun  to  yair  conditioun,  quhilk  thay 
 
 will  bo  niaist  blessit  and  happy,  sa  lang  as  thair  twa 
 
 Majesties    sail  incrcs that   the  intelligence   betuix  the 
 
 tua  Reahnes  be For  gif  it   suld  chance,  as  God  forbid, 
 
 yat  the  said  (juene  of  Ingland  wald  use  any  discourtessy 
 towertis  the  Queue  yair  Souverainc,  (piliilk  we  will  not 
 suppose  in  sa  huumne  ane  Princes,  or  gif  occasioun  upoun 
 liir  part  to  violat  the  gude  aniytie  and  peax  standing  betwix 
 yair  tua  Majesties  ;  then  may  sho  be  wele  assurit,  that  thay 
 acknawledgin^-  thaimselfis  to  be  subjectis,  will  nocht  forzctt 
 thair  dewitc  for  mantenance  of  the  (^uene  yair  Souverane's 
 just  querel,  bot  sa  assist  hir  Ilienes  as  becummis  obedient 
 and  naturall  subjectis  to  yair  native  Princes,  and  as  she 
 wald  wyss  hir  awn  subjectis  suld  do  in  hir  awn  «|uerell.'' 
 
 I3y  perusal  of  the  above  Instructions,  there  docs  not 
 appear  to  be  the  least  mention  of  a  rcipiest  either  by  our 
 Queen  or  the  Nobility,  that  the  Queen  of  England  should, 
 by  Act  of  Parliament,  declare  the  (Jueen  of  Scotland  rightful 
 heiress  to  the  Kingdom  of  l']n<rlaii(I,  next  after  that  (^leen 
 and  her  ehildreii,  if  ever  slie  had  any.i      And  though  it  be 
 
 ^  [Of  Mary's  title  to  the  throne  of  Eiif^laiul,  whicli  seems  to  have  been 
 with  her  at  that  time  an  ahsorhin",'  idea,  Mr  Tvth'r  says—"  Her  ch»im  to 
 the  Crown,  and  her  assnmntion  of  the  Arms  of  this  kin«,'dom,  had,  as  wc 
 have  seen,  been  injndieionsly  pnblished  by  lu*r  nneh's  when  she  was  still 
 Queen  of  I-'ranee.  Mary  had  indeed  apolo^^nsed  for  sneh  eomluet,  and 
 transferred  the  blame  of  so  stran^'e  and  premature  a  measure  to  her 
 uncles  the  Cuises,  but  it  was  still  her  earnest  »lesire  to  haw  her  title  to 
 the  Crown  of  llnglaud  reco^'uisfd  by  that  Trineess,  should  sh»'  pei-severe 
 in  her  vows  of  eelibaey  ;  and  Otf  the  surest  means  to  obtain  this  «.bject, 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  75 
 
 true  that  there  be  some  few  breaches  in  the  Manuscript 
 from  whence  these  Instructions  are  taken  ;  yet  these  breaches 
 are  so  short,  not  above  two  or  three  Hues  together,  that 
 there  is  no  ground  at  all  left  for  supposing  that  any  such 
 request  has  ever  been  engrossed  in  the  written  Instructions. 
 And  therefore  since  both  Cambden  and  Buchanan  are  posi- 
 tive that  this  request  was  made,i  I  should  incline  to  think 
 that  ISIr  Maitland's  Commission  relating  to  this  head  has 
 consisted  only  of  a  verbal  message.^     The  Queen  of  England, 
 
 she  committed  the  management  of  her  affiiirs  to  Moray  (then  Lord  James 
 Stuart,  her  iHegithnate  brother),  and  Lethington,  the  great  leaders  of  the 
 Protestant  party.  Lethington  had  proposed  this  scheme  to  Cecil  soon 
 after  the  death  of  the  French  King,  and  when,  anticipating  the  return  of 
 Mary  to  her  dominions,  he  felt  all  the  peril  of  his  own  situation.  Should 
 he  be  able  to  cany  this  point  for  the  Scottish  Queen,  he  knew  he  was 
 safe  ;  if  he  failed — if  she  broke  with  Elizabeth,  and  threw  herself  into  the 
 interest  of  France — he  looked  upon  it  as  certain  ruin." — Lethington  to 
 Cecil,  MS.  State  Paper  Office,  6th  February  1560-1,  quoted  by  Mr  Tytler, 
 vol.  vi.  p.  243,  244.  "  So  much  has  been  said  above  of  pretensions  and  of 
 titles  to  the  Crown  (of  England),  that  it  may  be  proper  here  to  add  a  few- 
 words  on  those  perplexing  topics.  The  two  Roses,  the  symbols  of  the 
 Families  of  York  and  Lancaster,  were  conjoined  by  the  marriage  of 
 Henry  VII.  witli  Elizabeth  of  York.  Of  this  marriage  was  born  Henry 
 A^III.  and  the  Lady  jNIargaret.  Henry  VIII.  left  three  legitimate  chil- 
 dren— Edward  VI.,  who  siicceeded  him,  and  died  in  July  1553  ;  JIary, 
 who  succeeded  him,  and  died  in  November  1558  ;  Elizabeth,  who  was 
 born  on  the  7th  September  1533,  and  succeeded  her  sister  ^Mary.  The 
 pretensions  of  the  Scottish  Queen  arose  in  this  manner.  The  Lady 
 jNIargaret,  the  eldest  daughter  of  Henry  VII.,  married  James  IV.,  who 
 died  in  1513,  leaving  by  her  James  V.,  who  was  the  father  of  ]\Iary  by  the 
 Duchess  of  Longueville." — Chalmers'  Life  of  jNIary  Queen  of  Scots,  4to, 
 vol.  i.  p.  115.  The  Duchess  of  Longueville  was  another  of  the  titles  of  the 
 Queen-Dowager  and  Regent  of  Scotland,  also  called  ^Mary  of  Lorraine  and 
 Mary  of  Guise. — E.] 
 
 ^  Mr  Buchanan  gives  a  very  large  detail  of  this  affiiir  ;  but  I  shall  not 
 take  upon  me  to  affirm  that  every  circumstance  thereof  has  been  real. 
 Mr  Cambden's  account  is  more  general, — [Ilistoria  Rerum  Scoticarum, 
 original  edit.  1582,  fol.  200-202.  Translation,  Edin.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  279- 
 284.  Camden's  History  and  Annals  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  4to.  1625,  p.  76. — E.] 
 
 2  [Our  Historian  seems  not  to  have  been  aware  that  Maitland's  Com- 
 mission was  much  more  important  tlian  a  mere  "  verbal  message."  "  In 
 his  mission  to  the  English  Court,"  says  Mr  Tytler — "  Lethington  urged 
 upon  Elizabeth  the  necessity  of  declaring  Mary  her  successor.  His 
 public  instructions,  indeed,  did  not  authorize  him  to  enter  upon  this 
 delicate  subject,  which  has  led  Keith  to  ipiestion  whether  it  was  broached 
 at  all  ;  but  we  know  from  Throgmorton's  letters  not  only  that  the  pro- 
 posal was  made,  but  that  Cecil  was  much  embarrassed  by  it." — History  of 
 Scotland,  edit.  1842,  vol.  vi,  j),  248,  Mr  Tytler  quotes  from  a  letter  of 
 Throgmorton  to  Cecil,  MS.  French  Correspondence,  State-Paper  Office, 
 
76  THK   HISTORY   OF  THE  AFFAIRS  floOl. 
 
 it  is  said,  stormed  exceedingly  at  the  proposal ;  truly,  to 
 8peak  impartially,  not  without  good  reason.  And  it  may 
 readily  enough  be  suspected,  that  such  of  our  Queen's  sub- 
 jects as  were  at  present  too  much  about  her  Majesty,  and 
 not  friendly  to  her  from  the  heart,  have  caused  this  unrea- 
 sonable and  precipitant  overture  to  bo  made,  on  purpose  to 
 foment  jealousy,  not  friendsliip,  between  the  two  Queens  ; 
 and  thereby  pave  the  way  for  the  utter  overthrow  of  their 
 Sovereign.  For  they  could  not  be  ignorant,  that  the  best 
 and  surest  method  to  beget  and  maintain  fri(nidsliip  to  their 
 Queen  from  her  Cousin  of  England,  after  so  late  and  as  yet 
 unsopited  jars,  was  to  suffer  the  affair  of  succession  to  lie 
 quiet  and  undisturbed,  until  such  time  as  a  nuitual  amity 
 and  confidence  had  been  created,  by  kindly  offices  and  inter- 
 course of  letters.^     Mr  Buchanan  says,  that  after  there  had 
 
 9th  October  15G1.  "  For  tlio  matter,"  says  Throf^miorton  to  Cecil, 
 "  lately  proposed  to  her  Majesty  by  the  Laird  of  Lediiigton,  in  which  to 
 deal  one  way  or  other  you  find  difficulties,  even  so  do  I  think  that  not  to 
 deal  in  it  at  all,  no  manner  of  way,  is  more  dangerous,  as  well  for  the 
 Queen's  Majesty,  as  for  the  Healm,  and  sj)ecially  if  God  should  deal  so 
 unmercifully  m  ith  us  as  to  take  the  Queen  from  us  without  issue,  which 
 Ciod  forbid,  considering  the  terms  the  State  staudeth  in  presently. — E.] 
 
 ^  'J'his  intercourse  became  very  frequent  in  a  short  time,  no  less  than 
 a  dozen  of  letters  havinfj])een  interchanf^ed  by  the  end  of  this  year,  as  may 
 aj)pear  by  this  shattered  MS.,  and  therefore  Kaj)in  Thoyras  may  even  «,ave 
 some  credit  to  what  Sir  .James  Melvill  writes  on  this  head.  See  Thoyr.  vol. 
 viii.  J).  2f)2. — [  Lord  .lames  Stuart  addressed  the  Queen  of  Knp;land  on  the 
 political  expediency  of  recogui/inj^^Lirys  title  to  the  Kn<.dish  Crown.  "You 
 are  tender  cousins,"  said  he,  in  his  letter  to  Klizabeth,  "  both  Queens,  in  the 
 flower  of  your  ac^es,  nnich  resemblinfj^  each  other  in  e.\ci'llc>nt  and  i^oodly 
 qualities,  on  whom  (iod  hath  bestowed  most  liberally  the  <4:ifts  of  nature 
 and  fortune,  whose  sex  will  not  j)ermit  that  you  should  advance  your 
 glory  l)y  wars  and  bloodshed,  but  that  the  chief  glory  of  both  should 
 stand  in  a  peaceable  reign."  The  only  point  which  had  occasioned 
 jealousy  between  them  was,  lie  goes  on  to  observe,  tlu>  premature  discus- 
 sion of  Queen  Mary's  title.  "  I  wish  to  (Jod,"  said  he,  "  my  Sovereign 
 Lady  had  never,  by  any  advice,  taken  in  lu«ad  to  j)retend  interest  or  claim 
 any  title  to  your  .Majesty's  JJealm,  for  then  1  am  fully  persuaded  you 
 should  have  bei-n  and  c()utiu\u«d  as  dear  friends  as  you  be  tender  cousins  ; 
 but  now,  since  on  her  jiart  scnnething  hath  been  thought  <»f  it,  and  first 
 motioned  when  the  two  Realms  were  in  war  together,  your  Majesty 
 knowoth,  I  fear, that  unles-sthat  root  maybe  removed,  it  shall  ever  bri'ed 
 unkindtu>ss  between  you.  Your  Maijcsty  cannot  yield  ;  and  she  nuiy,  on 
 the  other  jiart,  think  it  hard,  being  so  nigh  of  the  blood  of  Kngland,  so  to 
 be  made  a  stranger  from  it.  '  Lord  .lames  Stuairt  then  ventures  on  the 
 dangerous  subject  of  the  succession.  "  If,"  says  he,  "  any  midway  could 
 be  picked  out  to  remove  this  difference  to  both  your  contentments,  then  it 
 
15G1.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  TN  SCOTLAND.  77 
 
 been  much  discourse  about  the  Treaty  of  Edinburgh,  which 
 the  Queen  of  England  had  insisted  should  be  ratified,  before 
 any  new  proposal  had  been  made  her  relating  to  the 
 succession,  that  Queen  did  agree  with  ^Ir  jNIaitland,  that 
 Commissioners  should  be  chosen  on  both  sides  to  review  the 
 Treaty,  and  correct  the  same  in  this  manner,  viz. — "  That  the 
 Queen  of  Scots  should  abstain  from  using  the  Arms  and 
 Titles  of  England  and  Ireland,  as  long  as  the  Queen  of 
 England,  or  any  of  her  children,  were  alive ;  and  on  the 
 other  hand.  That  the  Queen  of  England  should  make  an 
 Act,  restricting  herself  and  her  posterity  from  impairing  the 
 Queen  of  Scotland's  right  of  succession  to  the  Crown  of 
 England.""  But  that  this  Agreement  was  not  condescended 
 on  at  this  precise  time,  I  do  much  suspect  from  what  shall 
 follow.  Mr  Cambden  informs,  that  in  the  conclusion  of  the 
 conference,  the  Queen  of  England  dispatched  Sir  Peter 
 Mewtas^  into  Scotland,  for  to  solicite  the  ratification  of  this 
 
 is  like  we  should  have  a  perpetual  quietness.  I  have  long  thought  of  it, 
 and  never  durst  communicate  it  to  the  Queen  my  Sovereign,  nor  many 
 of  my  countrymen,  nor  yet  will  hereafter  follow  it  farther  than  shall 
 seem  good  to  your  jMajesty.  The  matter  is  higher  than  my  cai)acity  is 
 able  to  compass,  yet  upon  my  simple  venture  your  Highness  can  lay  a 
 larger  foundation.  What  inconvenience  were  it  if  your  Majesty's  title 
 did  remain  untouched,  as  well  for  yourself  as  the  issue  of  your  body,  to 
 provide  that  to  the  Queen  my  Sovereign  her  own  place  were  renewed  in 
 the  succession  to  the  Crown  of  England,  which  your  JMajesty  Avill  pardon 
 me  if  I  take  to  be  next  by  the  law  of  all  nations,  as  she  that  is  next  in 
 lawful  descent  of  the  right  line  of  King  Henry  the  Seventh,  your  grand- 
 father, and  in  the  meantime  this  isle  to  be  united  in  a  perpetual  friend- 
 ship ?  The  succession  of  realms  cometh  by  God's  appointment,  according 
 to  His  good  pleasure,  and  no  provision  of  man  can  alter  that  which  He 
 hath  determined,  but  it  must  needs  come  to  pass  ;  yet  is  there  appearance 
 that,  without  injury  of  any  party,  this  accord  might  breed  us  great  quiet- 
 ness. Every  thing  must  have  some  beginning.  If  I  may  receive  answer 
 from  your  jSlajosty  that  you  will  allow  of  any  such  agreement,  I  will 
 travel  M'ith  the  Queen  my  Sovereign  to  do  Avliat  I  can  to  bring  her  to 
 some  conformity.  If  your  Majesty  dislike  it,  I  will  not  farther  meddle 
 therewith." — MS.  Letter,  State  Paper  Office,  Lxlinburgh,  Gth  August 
 15G1,  the  Lord  James  to  Queen  Elizabeth.  "  This  sensible  letter  its 
 author  enclosed  to  Cecil,  directing  him  to  advise  on  it,  and  present  it,  or 
 withdraw  it,  as  he  judged  best.  Whether  it  ever  reached  the  Queen's 
 eye  is  uncertain,  and  as  the  Scottish  Baron  had  fearlessly  ventured  on 
 ground  which  the  more  wary  Cecil  scarcely  dared  to  tread,  it  is  probable 
 he  did  not  risk  its  delivery  ;  but  it  proves  that  the  Lord  James  was 
 sincerely  attached  in  this  matter  to  the  interests  of  his  sister  the 
 Queen."— History  of  Scotland,  edit.  1842,  vol.  vi.  j).  244,  245,  246.— E.] 
 ^  [Sir  Peter  Mewtas  was  sent  to  Scotland  by  Queen  Elizabeth  chiefly  to 
 
7B  THE  Hl>TiiJCV   Ml'  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGl. 
 
 Treaty  ;^  and  tliat  tin-  (^uocn  of  Scot.s  did  not  give  a  direct 
 refusal,  but  only  signitied,  that  the  same  could  not  conve- 
 niently be  done,  until  her  affairs  were  put  into  some  tolerable 
 good  order.  Concerning  this  M«'ssage,  we  have  un<juestion- 
 able  assurance  by  some  original  letters,  which  shall  be 
 inserted  by  and  by ;  and  1  make  no  doubt  but  these  letters 
 will  likewise  satisfy  the  readers,  that  the  above  Agreement, 
 mentioned  by  Mr  Ihichanan,  has  not  been  made  at  the 
 Scottish  Secretary's  first  journey  into  England  at  the  least. 
 On  the  f)th  day  of  Sei)teniber,  we  find  by  the  Register 
 that  our  (^ueen  constitutes  a  Privy-Council  in  the  following 
 manner  : — 
 
 Apud  Palatium  S.  D.  N.   Reg'uicc  prope  Edinburgh  sexto 
 Septenibris^  Anno  Domini  15G1.2 
 
 "  The  quhilk  day  the  Quenis  Majestic,  for  gude  rcull  to  be 
 obscrvit  within  hir  Reahne,  and  retenyng  of  the  samyn  in 
 quietnes,  to  the  weill  of  the  liegis  yairof,  lies  elect  it  and 
 chosin  thir  Noble  men  and  niytie  Lordis  under  written  : 
 that  is  to  say,  James  Duke  of  Chattelarault,  Erie  of  Arran, 
 Lord  Hamyltoun,  &c.  ;  George  Erie  of  Iluntlie.  Lord  Gor- 
 doun  and  liadzenoeh,  Sec.  ;  Archibald  Erie  of  Argyle,  Lord 
 Cani])bel  and  Lome,  Sec;  James  Erie  liothwil.  Lord  llalis 
 and  Creichtoun;  George  Erie  of  Errol,  Lord  Hay  ;  AMlliam 
 Erie  Marslieall,  Lord  Keytli  ;  John  l^rle  of  Athole,  James 
 Erie  of  Mortoun,  William  Erie  of  Montrois,  Alexander  Erie 
 of  Glencarne,  Lord  James  Commendatar  of  Saint  Androis 
 and  ]*ittenweme,  and  John  Lord  Erskin  ;  togidder  with  her 
 Majesti«''s  Thesaurar,  Secretar,  Clerk  of  Register,  and 
 Justice-Clerk,  to  be  hir  greit  Counsale,*^  to  consult,  conclude, 
 and  determe  upoun  all  effairs  concerninir  the  connnonc  weill 
 
 cvadeforatiin«'tlM'(lis(Mis.si()n  of  (ho  succossioii,  tlinu^'li  ostensibly  to  rotjuo^t 
 Qurcii  Mary  to  ratify  tlu*  Treaty  of  Kiliul)ur«,'li,  whicli  she  well  know  the 
 Hcotti.sh  (^uoen  would  docliiio.  lie  is  nii'iitioiiod  liy  Haiulolph  in  liis 
 letters  to  Cecil. — Wright's  "  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  liinos,"  vol.  i. 
 P.75.-K.1 
 
 '  Mr  Knox  misplaces  tlie  tinieof  Sir  Peter's  arrival. —  [  Knox's  Ilistorio 
 of  the  Ki'fonnatioun  of  Heli|,'ioun  in  Scotland,  Kdin.  IT.'J-,  folio,  p.  204. 
 -E.] 
 
 ■  Hepster  (»f  Privy  ('<mncil. 
 
 '  The  readers  will  observe,  that  our  Historians  who  have  made  mention 
 of  these  CouuHellors  have  not  l)oon  exact  in  their  several  lists. 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  79 
 
 of  the  Realme,  and  lieges  yairof ;  and  ordanis  yame  to  be 
 sworne  to  giff  yair  afauld,  leill  and  trew  counsale  in  all 
 thingis  to  be  proponit  befoir  yame,  in  forme  and  maner  to 
 be  requirit  in  sik  caisses,  and  to  keip  the  samyns  secreit, 
 unrevelit  or  oppynit  ony  way,  as  yai  will  answer  to  God  and 
 hir  Majestie  thairupoim." 
 
 Next  follow  in  the  Register  several  Regulations  to  be  ob- 
 served by  the  Council,  such  as,  that  six  of  the  Lords  should 
 be  always  with  the  Queen  ;  That  they  should  convene  at 
 eight  in  the  morning,  and  sit  in  Council  until  ten  ;  return 
 again  at  one,  and  remain  till  three  afternoon.  But  previous 
 to  these  Regulations,  this  that  follows  is  inserted  in  the 
 Register,  viz. — "  In  presence  of  the  Quenis  Majestie  comperit 
 
 George,  Erie  of  Huntlie,  &c. 1,  and  being  sworne,  maid 
 
 faith,  and  gaif  yair  aith  to  hir  Grace  leillie  and  trewlie  to 
 consult,  conclude,  and  determe  upoun  all  actionis  to  be  pro- 
 ponit befoir  thaim,  concerning  the  effairs  and  common  weill 
 of  this  Realme,  and  liegeis  thairof,  and  to  gif  thair  afauld, 
 leill,  and  trew  counsale  thairin,  and  to  keip  the  samyne 
 secreit  and  unrevelit  be  ony  maner  of  way,  as  they  will  anser 
 to  God  and  hir  Majestie  thairupoun  ;  and  als  Johnc  John- 
 stoun.  Clerk  of  Counsale,  sicklyk  gaif  his  ayth  to  kep  secreit 
 all  thingis  whilks  he  sail  heir  proponit  in  Counsale." 
 
 Under  this  new  Government  Bishop  Leslie  observes,  that 
 the  Queen's  brother  James,  Prior  of  St  Andrew's,  was  the 
 sole  favourite,  and  disposed  of  every  thing  at  Court,  and  he 
 adds — "  It  was  the  conjecture  of  several  people  that  he  had 
 formed  a  design  to  possess  himself  of  the  Crown."  And  this 
 thing  is  not  only  related  by  that  Author,  who  may  however 
 be  lookt  upon  as  too  much  prejudiced  against  the  Prior  ; 
 but  the  same  thing  is  likewise  taken  notice  of  by  the  English 
 resident  Mr  Randolph,  by  whose  letters  it  hath  already,  and 
 will  afterwards  very  evidently  appear,  that  the  Lord  James 
 was  deemed  the  principal  person  about  the  Queen.2 
 
 1  The  Duke,  Earls  of  Bothwcll,  Montrose,  and  Glencairn,  and  tlie  Lord 
 Erskine,  were  not  present  at  this  first  time  ;  but  there  are  added  Mr 
 Robert  Richardson,  Thosanrer,  Mr  James  ^[acgill  of  Nether-Rankelor, 
 Clerk  of  Register,  and  Sir  John  Ballenden  of  Auclmowl,  Knight,  Justice- 
 Clerk,  who  did  all  take  this  oath. 
 
 2  ["  The  Queue  of  Scotland,  as  I  heare,  is  most  governed  by  the  Lord 
 
80  Tin;   IIISTOKV  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loOl. 
 
 Letter  f ruin  Mr  llandoliih  to  Mr  Secretary  Cecily 
 1th  September  I ."> ( J IJ 
 
 ''  I  HKCFavKO  your  Honour's  letters  the  Ist  of  this  instant, 
 and  such  other  as  canio  in  the  same  paccjuct.  I  dehverecl 
 the  same  day  the  Q.  Majestie's  letters  unto  this  Queen,  and 
 send  her  Grace's  answer  unto  our  Souverain  herewith.  I 
 have  written  unto  the  1^.  Majestic  the  effect. 
 
 "  Where  your  Honour  exhortcth  us  to  stoutness,  I  assure 
 you  the  voice  of  one  man  is  able  in  an  hour  to  put  more  life 
 in  us,  than  six  hundred  trumpets  contiimally  blustring  in 
 our  ears. 
 
 ''^^r  Knox  spoke  upon  Tuesday  to  the  (Juecn;'-  he  knocked 
 so  hastily  upon  her  heart,  that  he  made  her  to  weep,  as  well 
 you  know  there  be  some  of  that  sex  that  will  do  that  as  well 
 for  anger  as  for  grief,  tho'  in  this  the  Lord  James  will  dis- 
 agree with  me.  She  charged  him  with  his  Book,-^  with  his 
 severe  dealing  with  all  men  tliat  disagreed  with  him  in 
 opinion  ;  she  willed  him  to  use  more  meekness  in  his  sermons. 
 Some  things  he  spake  to  her  contentation  in  mitigating  the 
 rigour  of  his  Book,  and  in  some  things  he  pleased  her  very 
 little.  In  special,  speaking  against  the  Mass,  he  declared 
 the  grievous  plagues  of  (jiod  that  had  fallen  \\\)0\\  all  Instates 
 for  committing  of  idolatry.  He  concluded  so  in  tli(^  end 
 with  her,  that  he  hath  liberty  to  speak  freely  his  conseience, 
 to  give  unto  her  sucli  reverence  as  becometh  the  ministers 
 
 Jainos  and  the  l.ord  of  Lo(lyn«rton." — Cecil  to  tlie  Earl  of  Sussex,  dated 
 8t  .laiiu's',  7th  OctolHT  I'A'A.  Wri<,dit's  "Queen  Elizabeth  and  her 
 Times,"  vol.  i.  p.  bO.  "  'J'o  the  Lord  James  her  brother,  of  whose  warm 
 attachment  to  the  En^dish  interests  we  have  already  met  with  many 
 proofs,  the  Scottish  (^ueen  extended  so  much  favour,  that  his  intluence 
 liecanie  the  chief  channel  of  success  at  Court." — Tytler's  History  of  Seot- 
 lan<l,  edit.  Isl2,  vol.  vi.  p.  'J')S.^  1!.| 
 
 '  Cali;,'.  Book  X.anOri^rinal.-l'riu' entire  letter  is  in  Wri;;ht's  "  Queen 
 Elizabeth  and  her  Tinjes,"  vol.  ii.  p.  71-74.—  I-'.,] 
 
 ^  'i'his  shall  be  narrated  at  more  len^'th  in  the  Church  affairs.  The  man 
 here  intended  is  Mr  Knox.— [Knox  ^'ives  a  very  j,'raphic  account  of  his 
 first  inti'rview  with  Queen  Mary  at  Ilolyrood  J'ahice,  in  the  i)resence  of 
 Lord  .lanu-H  Stuart,  in  his  IJistorie,  edit.  17.T2,  p.  2s7--!>*2.      E.  | 
 
 '  i.e.  His  book  a^Minst  the  (Jovernment  of  Women.  (This  siiii,Milar 
 treati.se  by  Knox  is  entitled  "  'J*he  Fii-st  lUast  of  the  Tnunpi-t  apiinst  the 
 Mon.strous  Kepment  \  lin/imfn  or  Ihrcrnmcnt]  of  Women,"  in  which  he 
 attacked  with  |,'reat  velienience  the  practice  of  admitting  female  Sove- 
 reJpuH.      It  wa.s  published  in  l.">.')7. — E-l 
 
15C1.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  81 
 
 of  God  unto  the  superior  Powers.  He  prayeth,  and  hath 
 daily  prayed  for  her,  as  the  preachers  were  wont  to  pray  for 
 Q.  Mary.i 
 
 "  The  brute  that  he  hath  talked  with  the  Queen,  makcth 
 the  Papists  doubt  what  will  become  of  the  world.  It  liketh 
 not  them  well,  that  I  resort  so  often  to  the  Court.  1  have 
 been  there  thrice  since  Sunday  ;  but  of  all  they  marvel  most 
 what  traffique  the  L.  of  Lidington  maketh  with  you.  She 
 herself  hath  found  three  points  necessary  to  maintain  her 
 estate  ;  first,  To  make  peace  with  England ;  next,  To  be 
 serv'd  with  the  Protestants^  (in  the  other,  she  findeth  not 
 that  that  she  lookM  for).  The  third  is.  To  enrich  her 
 Crown  with  the  abbay  lands.  Which  if  she  do,  what  shall 
 there  lack  in  her  (saving  a  good  husband)  to  lead  a  happy 
 life  ?  Seeing  your  Honour  hath  one  with  you  with  whom 
 you  can  consider  these  things  better  than  I  can  write  of 
 them,  I  leave  them  to  your  judgments,  and  talk  of  some 
 other  matter. 
 
 "  Upon  Tuesday  last^  she  made  her  entry.*     She  din  d 
 
 ^  Viz.  The  preachers  in  England  for  Mary  Queen  of  England. 
 
 2  [Randolph's  statement  of  this  part  of  Queen  jNIary's  policy  is  impor- 
 tant, and  will  be  understood  when  it  is  recollected  that  the  great  object 
 was  to  induce  Queen  Elizabeth  to  acknowledge  the  Scottish  Queen  as 
 next  in  succession  to  the  English  Crown.  "  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  also," 
 says  ]SIr  Tytler,  "  that  in  this  grand  design  we  are  furnished  with  the  key 
 to  the  policy  adopted  by  INIary  during  the  first  years  of  her  government. 
 Thus,  the  same  reasons  which  induced  her  to  favour  the  Protestants,  led 
 her  to  depress  the  Romanist  party,  at  the  head  of  whom  was  Huntly,  one 
 of  the  most  powerful,  crafty,  and  unscrupulous  men  in  the  country,  against 
 whom  the  Lord  James  placed  himself  in  mortal  opposition."  This  is 
 noticed  by  Randolph  in  the  letter  which  immediately  follows  the  above 
 despatch  to  Cecil.  "  Without  apiDcaring  to  notice  the  plots  of  the 
 Romanists  with  France,"  continues  INIr  Tytler,  "  Mary  steadily  followed 
 out  her  design  of  conciliating  the  Protestants,  and  of  obtaining  the  friend- 
 ship of  England.  She  appointed  a  council  of  twelve,  of  whom  seven  were 
 Reformers,  and  she  continued  to  follow  the  advice  of  her  brother  the  Lord 
 James  on  all  important  points,  and  sent  him  at  the  head  of  a  large  force, 
 and  armed  with  almost  absolute  power,  to  reduce  the  Borders  to  obedience. 
 8th  November  1561.  MS.  Letter,  Lord  James  to  Cecil,  State-Paper 
 Office."     History  of  Scotland,  edit.  1842,  vol.  vi.  p.  246,  247,  248.— E.] 
 
 3  This  shews  the  inaccuracy  of  Mr  Knox,  who  makes  this  entry  to 
 have  been  in  the  beginning  of  October.  The  reader  may  see  his  ill- 
 natured  reflections  on  that  occasion  in  his  own  Book. 
 
 "*  It  may  perhaps  satisfy  some  readers  to  know,  tluit  by  the  Registers  of 
 the  Council  of  Edinburgh  it  appears,  tliat  on   the  26th  of  August  1561, 
 the  "  Provest,  Baillies,  and  Counsale,  and  Dekynnis  (Deacons  of  Crafts) 
 VOL.  IT.  6 
 
82  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 in  the  Castle.  The  first  sight  she  saw,  after  she  came  out 
 of  the  Castle,  was  a  boy  of  six  years  of  age,  that  came  as 
 it  were  from  Heaven,  out  of  a  round  hole,^  that  presented 
 unto  her  a  JJible,  a  Psalter,  and  the  keys  of  the  gates,  and 
 spake  unto  her  the  verses  which  I  send  you.2  The  rest  were 
 terrible  significations  of  the  vengeance  of  God  upon  idola- 
 ters ;  there  were  burnt  Corali,  Dathan,  and  Abirani,  in  the 
 time  of  their  sacrifice.  They  were  minded  to  have  had  a 
 priest  burnt  at  tho  altar  at  the  elevation  :  The  Earl  of 
 Iluntly  stayM  that  pageant ;  but  hath  playM  many  as  wicked 
 as  that  since  he  came  hither.  He  bare  that  day  the  sword. 
 Tho  occasions  why  tho  Duke  and  my  Lord  of  Arran  were 
 absent,  your  Honour  knoweth  by  the  L.  of  Lidington. 
 The  Queen  taketh  a  great  suspicion  of  the  fortifying  of 
 Dumbritton,3  and  hath  sent  one  to  see  it.    I  perswadc  what 
 
 fiiulis  glide,  that  for  the  plcsour  of  our  Sovorano,  and  obtcninf,'  of  liir 
 llienes'  favours,  tliair  be  ane  honorabil  banquet  maid  to  the  Princes,  liir 
 Grace  cousings,  upoun  Sonday  nixt  (last  day  of  Augaist):  and  sicklike,  with 
 all  diligence,  the  triumi)he  to  be  maid  of  hir  Grace  entry  within  this 
 town."— 28th  August  15G1,  "The  Provest,  Baillies,  and  Counsale, ordanis 
 Louke  W'ilsoiui,  Thesaurer,  to  deliver  to  every  ane  of  the  twelfe  servands, 
 the  javillour  and  gild  servands,  als  melde  Franch  blaber  as  will  be  every 
 ane  of  thame  ane  coit,  als  mekle  blak  steunyng  as  will  be  every  ane  of 
 thame  ane  pair  of  hoiss,  and  every  ane  of  thame  a  blak  bonet  agane  the 
 tyme  of  the  triumphe. — Item,  Ordanis  (here  are  set  down'  tlie  navies  of 
 ten  persons)  every  ane  of  thame  to  have  and  mak  ane  goun  of  f}Tie  blak 
 velvet,  syde  to  thair  fute,  lynit  with  pan  velvet  ;  ane  coit  of  black  velvet, 
 ane  doublat  of  crammosyne  satyne,  with  velvet-bonet  and  hois  effeirand. 
 And  thir  twelf  to  beyr  the  jjale  above  the  (^ueny's  Cirace  lieid,  and  nane 
 utheris.  And  all  the  utiiir  nytburis  that  sail  be  sene  upoun  the  gait,  to 
 have  syde  gownis  of  fyne  Franch  blak  sytine,  sicklyk  with  i)an  velvet, 
 coittis  of  velvet,  and  doublotts  of  satyne  ;  and  every  man  to  gang  in  his 
 <lew  and  gude  ordour  ;  and  the  scrvandis  to  ordour  the  calsay,  and  to 
 make  rowme  for  the  Nobelytie  and  nytbours  foirsaid.  And  sicklyk,  that 
 tho  zoing  men  of  the  town  devise  for  thamseltis  sum  beauw  abulzement 
 of  taftate,  or  uther  silk,  and  mak  the  convoy  befor  the  Court  triumphant.*' 
 
 ^  [Globe  in  the  original,  printed  in  Wright's  "  Queen  Elizabeth  ami  her 
 Times,"  vol.  i.  \).  74. — K.J 
 
 ^  The  copy  of  verses  mentioned  to  be  inclosed  in  this  letter  are  wanting. 
 
 '  Al.  Dumbarton,  viz.,  h\  the  Duke,  who  had  that  fortress  put  into  his 
 hands  when  he  demitted  the  Kegency.  The  readers  shall  be  let  into  an 
 nuthentick  knowledge  of  his  Lordship's  tenure  of  this  fert  within  a  very 
 little. — [The  Duke  ot"  Chatelherault  is  meant.  Jle  and  his  son  the  ICarl 
 of  Arran,  who,  with  the  Karls  of  Iluntly  and  Home,  were  in  the  Roman 
 Catholic  and  French  interest,  and  were  threatening  a  faction  against 
 the  Queen  on  account  of  her  encouragement  of  the  Protestants,  avoided 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  83 
 
 I  can  both  in  word  or  writing,  that  they  shou'd  shew  that 
 obedience  unto  her  that  they  wou'd  look  to  have  of  others, 
 if  God  put  them  in  that  place.  I  desire  them  so  to  uso 
 themselves,  that  their  friends  may  think  themselves  worthy 
 of  their  kindness :  If  they  come  to  schaithe,  it  will  be  true 
 that  of  old  is  said — Nemo  Iwditur  nisi  a  seipso?-  What  they 
 are  that  are  named  counsellors,  I  refer  to  the  L.  of  Liding- 
 ton's  report.  James  Stewart's  admission  to  be  Captain  of 
 the  Guard  stayeth  upon  the  L.  of  Lidington's  return,  to 
 certify  whether  he  be  sworn  Englishman.  Yesterday  the 
 Earl  of  Argile  came  to  this  town.  I  can  as  yet  get  no  time 
 to  speak  with  him,  as  I  shall  within  a  day  or  two.  The 
 bruit  is  here  going  of  an  overthrow  that  divers  of  our  men 
 have  had  in  Ireland.  Thus  most  humbly  I  take  my  leave, 
 desiring  your  Honour  to  have  in  mind  what  I  wrote  touch- 
 ing my  return,  were  the  time  never  so  short.  At  Edinburgh, 
 the  7th  day  of  September  1561.2 
 
 "  Your  Honour's  always  bounden 
 "  and  ready  to  command, 
 
 "  Tho.  Randolphe.'' 
 
 In  the  beginning  of  this  month  of  September,  the  Duke 
 d'Aumale  returned  into  France  by  sea,  with  the  galleys 
 which  had  transported  the  Queen's  Majesty  hither,  and  the 
 Grand  Prior  and  Monsieur  Danville  took  their  journey  over 
 land  through  England  ;  only  the  Marquis  d'Elbeuf  remained 
 all  winter  in  Scotland  with  the  Queen.  About  the  15th  of 
 September^  her  Majesty  began  a  progress  into  a  part  of  the 
 neighbouring  country,  visiting  the  towns  of  Linlithgow, 
 Stirling,  Perth,  Dundee,  St  Andrews,  &c.,  in  all  which  she 
 was  received  with  much  honour  and  respect  to  her  own 
 
 the  Court,  and  fortified  Dunbarton  Castle,  of  which  the  Duke  was 
 Governor. — E.] 
 
 ^  May  it  not  be  reasonably  concluded  from  these  expressions,  that  ^Ir 
 Randolph  has  already  perceived  some  deportment  towards  the  Queen, 
 which  he  could  not  in  conscience  well  ai)plaud  ? 
 
 2  Some  things  in  this  letter  are  omitted,  whicli  were  only  about  private 
 affiiirs. 
 
 2  By  the  following  letter  her  iMajesty  was  probably  still  at  Holyrood- 
 house  on  the  14th  September,  since  tho  Earl  of  Argile  and  the  Lord 
 .Tames  were  close  about  the  Queen  in  her  progress.  They  sit  at  Pertli  in 
 Council  on  the  19th  September. 
 
S4  Till:  UISTuKY  or  the  Al-fAIRS  [JoUl 
 
 person,!  though  the  same  cannot  be  said  as  to  licr  religion. 
 Mr  Knox  says — "  Fire  followed  tho  Court  very  closely  in 
 that  journey .""2  "Yhc  foundation  of  this  ridiculous  remark 
 the  reader  will  .see  in  the  following  letter. 
 
 *  [Tliis  royal  proj^ess  of  Quoon  Mary  is  noticed  by  Randolph  in  his 
 letter  to  Cecil  which  follows.  The  Queen  was  accompanied  l>y  her  uncles 
 the  Maniuis  d'Klbanif  and  the  (Jrand  I'rior,  by  Monsieur  D'Anville,  and 
 a  nunilicr  of  l.ulies.  As  her  horses  and  mules  were  at  the  time  detained 
 in  En^dand,  ten  horses  were  puichased  for  her  at  IStirlin;;  preparatory  to 
 her  proi^ress,  to  accommodate  her  household.  No  wheeled  carriai^es  were 
 in  use  in  those  times,  and  the  Queen  set  out  from  Holy  rood  Palace  ou 
 lioi-seback  after  dinner  on  the  ileventh  of  September  1.5G1,  which  seems  to 
 be  the  correct  date,  and  not  tho  Ji/tcciitli ,  as  given  by  our  Historian.  Queen 
 Mary  rode  that  afternoon  to  Linlithgow  Palace,  17  miles  from  Edinburgh. 
 In  this  the  Palace  of  her  birth  she  remained  on  the  12th,  and  on  the 
 13th  she  rode  to  Stirling  Castle,  18  miles  distant.  AVhile  there  the 
 Queen  was  nearly  burnt,  as  Kandolph  relates.  She  proceeded  from 
 Stirling  Castle  on  the  15th,  by  Alloa,  Culross,  and  Inverkeithing,  or  ])ro- 
 bably  passing  through  Dunfermline,  to  Leslie  Castle,  the  seat  of  the  Earl  of 
 IJothes,  in  the  parish  of  Leslie,  county  of  Fife,  which  occupied  the  site  of 
 the  present  Leslie  House  at  the  east  end  of  the  village  of  Leslie,  built  by 
 the  first  and  only  Duke  of  Kothes  in  the  reign  of  Charles  IL  If  Queen 
 Mary  acconij)lished  tliis  in  one  day,  it  was  a  ride  of  at  least  thirty  miles. 
 She  slept  in  Leslie  Castle,  and  proceeded  on  the  16th  to  Perth,  which 
 is  nearly  twenty  miles  distant.  On  the  17th,  while  riding  through 
 the  "  Fair  City,"  the  Queen  was  taken  suddenly  ill,  and  was  cairied  from 
 her  horse  to  her  lodgings.  This  indisjmsition  seems  to  have  been  caused 
 })y  insults  she  received  on  account  of  her  religion,  and  though  she  was 
 presented  by  the  civic  authorities  with  a  "  heart  of  gold  full  of  gold,"  she 
 "  liked  not  the  pageants."  On  the  18th  the  Queen  journeyed  to  Dundee, 
 22  miles  distant,  riding  through  the  Carse  of  (Jowrie.  She  remained  in 
 Dundee  two  days,  and  on  the  20th  she  crossed  the  Tay,  and  rode  to  St 
 Andri'ws,  13  miles  distant.  On  the  21st,  which  was  Sunday,  another 
 insult  was  oftt'red  to  her  religion,  yet  she  resided  at  St  Andrews  a  few 
 days,  api)arently  the  guest  of  Lord  .lames  Stuart,  the  Commendator  or 
 Prior.  Mary  afterwards  visited  I'alkland  Palace,  where  her  father 
 James  Y.  died,  and  n-turned  to  lli»lyroodliouse  on  the  2J)th  of  September 
 1561.  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  by  Cleorge  Chalmers.  London,  4to. 
 1818,  vol.  i.  p.  5.3,  54,  55.— E.] 
 
 ^  [  Knox's  Historic,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  folio,  p.  292.  He  insolently  adds 
 that  the  Queen  "  poUutetl"  all  the  towns  she  visited  "  with  her  idolatry" 
 — "  the  towns  propyned  her  very  liberally,  and  thereof  were  the  French 
 enriched."  "  \Vhat  prejudice!"  justly  exclaims  Chalmei-s —  "  every 
 thing  is  sui>ernatural  with  Knox.  Multitudes  followed  the  Queen  through 
 those  towns,  which,  as  they  were  covered  with  thatch,  were  ea>ily  tired. 
 Had  one  of  the  I'rench  Nobles  received  all  the  gifts  wjueh  were  given  as 
 presents  to  the  Queen,  he  would  not  have  enriched  France  by  his  opu- 
 lence."    Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  i>.  56. — l'..] 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  85 
 
 Letter  froyn  Mr  Randolph  to  Secretary  Cecily  24th 
 September  1561.1 
 
 "  My  purpose  was  not  to  have  written  unto  your  Honour 
 before  my  man's  return  from  the  Court,2  whom  I  willed  to 
 be  with  me  within  five  days  after  his  departure  from  me. 
 Since  I  understand  that  he  is  stayed  there  by  the  Lord 
 James,  about  the  pursuit  of  a  Scotsman  that  dwelt  15  years 
 with  ^Mr  Rowland,  late  of  Yorkshire,  who  rob'd  him  of 
 above  L.400  Sterling,  being  taken  for  an  Englishman,  and 
 for  Douglas  took  the  name  of  Dudley  :  he  is  now  appre- 
 hended, and  in  prison.  This  man  of  mine  writeth  unto  me, 
 and  I  perceive  it  confirmed  by  the  constant  report  of  diverse, 
 That  at  Stirling  the  Queen  lying  in  her  bed,  having  a  candle 
 burning  by  her,  being  asleep,  the  curtains  and  tester  took 
 fire,  and  so  was  like  to  have  smothered  her  as  she  lay.  Such 
 as  speak  much  of  prophesies  say,  that  this  is  now  fulfilled 
 that  of  old  hath  been  spoken.  That  a  Queen  should  be  burnt 
 at  Stirling.  Upon  Sunday  was  eight  days,  viz.  the  14th  of 
 this  instant,  her  Grace's  devout  chaplains  in  the  Chapel 
 Royal  would,  by  the  good  advice  of  her  trusty  servant,  Alex- 
 ander Areskine,3  have  sung  a  high  Mass.  The  Earl  of  Ar- 
 gile  and  the  Lord  James  so  disturbed  the  quire,*  that  some, 
 
 1  Calig.  Book  X.  an  Original. — [British  Museum. — E.] 
 
 2  A^iz.  the  Court  of  the  Queen  of  Scots. 
 
 ^  [This  was  probably  Sir  Alexander  Erskine  of  Gogar,  fourth  son  of 
 John  fourth  Lord  Erskine,  and  brother  of  John  Earl  of  IMar,  Regent  of 
 Scotland.  He  was  the  father  of  Sir  Thomas  Erskine  of  Gogar,  who  killed 
 Alexander  Ruthven,  brother  of  the  Earl  of  Gowrie,  at  the  explosion  of 
 the  celebrated  Gowrie  Conspiracy  in  August  1600.  This  Sir  Thomas 
 Erskine  was  created  Viscount  Fenton  in  1606,  and  Earl  of  Kellie  in  1619. 
 Alexander  Erskine  is  called  Arthur  Erskine  by  Chalmers  (Life  of  Queen 
 Mary,  vol.  i.  p.  54),  who  quotes  this  very  letter;  but  it  is  apparently  an 
 error  of  the  author  in  the  transcription,  as  he  is  also  designated  Arthur 
 Erskine  by  Knox  (Ilistorie,  Edin,  edit.  1732,  folio,  p.  292),  who  describes 
 him  as  "  the  most  pestilent  Papist  within  the  realm." — E.] 
 
 *  ["  It  is  a  singular  fact,  which  the  historians  of  the  Scottish  Reforma- 
 tion seem  not  to  have  noticed,  that  the  first  who  l)egan  reformation  by 
 violence  was  the  Governor  Arran,  who  employed  his  soldiers  to  deface  the 
 religious  houses  and  to  expel  the  monks.  But  it  was  reserved  for  the 
 Prime  Minister  (Lord  James  Stuart)  and  the  Justice-General  (the  Earl  of 
 Argyll)  to  make  a  riot  in  the  house  which  had  been  dedicated  to  the 
 service  of  God,  in  the  Queen's  presence,  as  we  learn  from  Randolph's 
 intimations.    It  does  not  require  any  additional  proof  to  show  how  little 
 
86  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 both  priests  and  clerks,  left  their  places  with  broken  heads 
 and  bloody  cars.  It  was  a  sport  alono  for  some  that  were 
 there  to  behold  it.  Others  there  were  that  shed  a  tear  or 
 two,  and  made  no  more  of  the  matter.  She  lay  one  night 
 at  the  I'^arl  of  Rothes's.  1  know  not  whether  it  be  spoken 
 of  truth  or  malice,  but  it  is  said  he  lost  both  plate,  and  some- 
 thing else  that  was  easy  to  bo  conveyed.^  Ihit  it  is  very 
 true,  that  in  those  places  where  they  have  been,  saving  in 
 this  town,  they  liave  paid  little  for  their  meat.  At  St 
 Johnston's  she  was  well  received,  and  presented  with  a  heart 
 of  gold  full  of  gold,  I  know  not  to  what  value.  She  likVl 
 nothing  the  pageants  there;  they  did  too  [)lainly  condenni  the 
 errors  of  the  world.  As  she  rode  in  the  street  she  fell  sick,2 
 and  was  borne  from  her  horse  into  her  lodging,  not  being 
 far  off,  with  such  sudden  passions  as  1  hear  that  she  is  often 
 troubled  with,  after  any  great  unkindness  or  gi-ief  of  mind. 
 At  St  Andrews  she  was  upon  Sunday ;  from  whence  as  yet 
 I  have  not  heard  :  but  that  I  judge  to  be  a  lie,  that  there 
 was  a  priest  slain  ;  this  day  I  lookt  to  know  the  truth 
 thereof.  It  is  said  that  the  Earl  of  Iluntly  and  Lord  James 
 greatly  discord. ^  Some  allege  the  cause  to  be  that  the  Earl 
 said,  If  the  Queen  would  command  him,  ho  would  set  up  the 
 Mass  in  three  shires.  The  other  answered.  That  it  was  past 
 his  power  ;  and  that  he  shouhl  find,  whensoever  he  gave  the 
 
 rc'li;,'ion,  how  littlo  morals,  liow  little  honour,  any  men  could  Iiavc  who 
 acted  thus  in  the  house  of  God."  ('halmers*  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots, 
 vol.  i.  p.  54. — E.J 
 
 '  ["  Yet  he  (Randolph)  docs  not  say,  wliatevcr  he  may  insinuate, 
 ulu'thor  it  were  the  servants,  rofonned  or  unreformed,  >vlio  i)ilfered  his 
 Lordship's  plate."  Chalmers'  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  54, 
 55.  This  Karl  of  Hothes,  whose  r,niest  (^ueen  Mary  was  at  Leslie  Castle 
 one  night,  wjus  Andrew  fourth  luirl,  half  brother  of  Norman  Leslie  called 
 •Master  of  Hothes,  one  of  the  murderers  of  Cardinal  lieaton. — E.j 
 
 •J  ^u  "\vi,fit  i,e  (Kandolph)  did  not  tell  cannot  now  be  told  ;  but  it  is 
 sufficiently  plain  that  there  was  something  in  the  pageants  that  gave  the 
 Queen  a  fit  of  illness.  This,  then,  is  the  second  example,  which  shows 
 that  the  good  men  of  Edinburgh  and  of  rerth,  when  they  wi.shed  to  do 
 honour  to  the  Queen,  studiously  ottered  her  an  affront."  Chalmers'  Life 
 of  .Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  55. — E.] 
 
 '  Of  this  discord  our  own  Iiistorians  make  mention.  -  [Soon  after  the 
 Queens  arrival,  the  Earl  of  Iluntly  and  Lord  James  Stuart  became 
 njorMll  enemies.  We  Imve  numerous  instances  of  their  mutual  hatred, 
 f'xclusive  of  the  one  mentioned  by  Randolph  to  Cecil,  in  the  subsequent 
 history  of  that  time. — E.] 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  87 
 
 first  mint  thereunto,  to  approve  the  Queen's  Proclamation. i 
 Upon  the  14th  of  this  instant  Mr  Willock2  was  admitted 
 Superintendant  of  Glasgow  ;  the  Duke,  my  Lord  of  Arran, 
 the  Earl  of  Glencairn,  Lord  Ruthven,  Lord  Boyd,  and  Lord 
 Ochiltree,  being  present ;  little  I  assure  you  to  the  contcn- 
 tation  of  such  as  thought  not  to  have  left  either  ^Mr  Knox 
 or  him  in  Scotland.  In  Clidsdale,^  hard  under  the  Duke's 
 nose,  one  Robert  Stewart  received  the  Earl  of  Montgomery* 
 with  a  Mass.  The  Duke  saith,  he  will  put  him  out  of  that 
 room,  or  take  shame.  This  is  express  against  the  Proclamation. 
 Order  is  taken  by  the  Queen's  direction  for  payment  of  the 
 preachers'  stipends,  and  proclamation  thereupon.  The  men- 
 at-arms  keep  the  possession  of  Montross  against  the  Earl 
 Bothwell  and  all  his  friends.  Now  are  they  all  there  taking 
 up  of  their  tithes,  both  well  arm'd  and  hors'd.  Within  ten 
 days  the  Provests  and  Baillies  of  all  the  burghs  in  Scotland 
 shall  be  chosen.  The  election  of  the  Provests  is  the  Queen's; 
 the  Baillies  the  Commons.^  Of  this  there  is  great  expecta- 
 tion.    Upon  Sunday  next  Mr  Knox  declareth  the  duty  of 
 
 ^  This  was  a  Proclamation  by  the  Qxieen  for  cojitinuing  the  state  of 
 religion  as  she  found  it  at  her  return. 
 
 ^  [John  Willock,  or  Willox,  was  originally  a  Dominican  Friar  in  the 
 toAvn  of  Ayr,  and  after  his  ai)pointment  as  Reformed  Superintendent  of 
 Glasgow,  he  took  possession  of  the  Dean's  residence  in  that  city,  and  re- 
 ceived L.IOOO  Scots  per  annum  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  Archbishopric. 
 The  facility  with  which  ]Mr  Superintendent  Willox  received  a  consider- 
 able portion  of  those  revenues  is  accounted  for  by  the  fact,  that  after 
 Archbishop  James  Beaton,  Cardinal  Beaton's  nephew,  expatriated  himself 
 to  Paris  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Reformation,  the  victorious  insurgents 
 instituted  a  legal  process  against  him,  and  sequestered  the  whole  rental  of 
 his  See. — (History  of  the  Episcopal  Church  of  Scotland  from  the  Reforma- 
 tion to  the  Revolution,  by  the  Editor,  Edin.  8vo.  1844,  p.  50.)  AVillox  was 
 denounced  rebel,  for  preaching  the  doctrines  of  the  Reformation  at  Ayr, 
 on  the  10th  of  May  1559,  and  Robert  Campbell  of  Kinzeanclcuch,  his 
 cautioner,  was  "  at  same  time  amerciated."  Pitcairn's  Criminal  Trials, 
 vol.  i.  Part  I.  4to.  Edin.  1833,  p.  407.  This,  however,  did  not  deter  him 
 from  holding  a  public  disputation  with  John  Black,  another  Dominican 
 Friar,  which  was  keenly  maintained  for  two  days  in  the  summer  of  15G1. 
 Sir  James  Balfour's  Annals,  vol.  i.  p.  325,  Lesley,  p.  295. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Now  the  county  of  Lanark,  but  in  this  case  the  part  of  the  county  in 
 tlie  vichiity  of  Cadzow  Castle  and  the  town  of  Hamilton. — E.] 
 
 ^  [This  must  be  Hugh  ;Montgomery,  third  Earl  of  Eglinton,  who  suc- 
 ceeded his  father  the  second  Earl  in  154G,  when  a  minor. — E.J 
 
 ^  Mr  Randolph  is  here  in  a  mistake,  for  the  election  of  the  Provosts 
 WHS  not  lodged  in  the  Crown. 
 
88  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 all  kind  of  luagistratos  in  a  good  rcfonned  commonwealth. 
 He  hath  received  your  letter  sent  by  the  Laird  of  Lidington, 
 and  purposeth  to  write  unto  your  Honour  again  by  the  next.^ 
 
 "  I  spoke  with  the  L.  of  Lidington  as  ho  passed  to  the 
 Court  :-  I  know  as  well  be  him  as  otherwise,  how  much  I 
 am  beholding  unto  your  Honour ;  whensoever  I  fail  to 
 acknowledge  the  same,  I  would  my  life  might  end.  He  was 
 as  greedy  to  hear  news  of  this  country,  as  I  was  desirous  to 
 hear  of  mine.  I  find  that  his  absence  has  nothing  hindred 
 his  credit :  He  standeth  notwithstanding  in  ticklish  terms  ; 
 for  either  must  he  be  reclaimed  from  the  Mass,  or  his  credit 
 with  her  will  hinder  his  reputation  with  all  others  that  are 
 honest.  This  is  as  well  spoken  of  him  that  is  nearest  about 
 lier3  as  the  other.  God  knoweth  what  bruits  these  two  sus- 
 tain of  that  that  they  are  little  guilty  of,  no  less  than  if  her 
 whole  power  and  will  rested  in  their  hands.  It  is  suspected 
 that  the  Lord  James  seeketh  too  nuicli  his  own  advancement,^ 
 which  hitherto  little  appeareth  for  any  thing  that  ever  he 
 received  worth  a  groat.^  It  is  thought  that  Lidington  is 
 too  politick  ;  and  take  me  these  two  out  of  Scotland,  and 
 those  that  love  their  country  shall  soon  find  the  want  of 
 them.6  The  Papists  bruit  them  to  favour  England  too 
 well ;"  others,  that  they  are  too  well  affectioned  to  their  own  ; 
 some  judge  them  too  far  off  from  that  they  would  have  them 
 at :  So  that  these  two  alone  bear  the  bruit  and  brunt  of 
 whatsoever  is  either  done,  thought  or  spoken. 
 
 "  Other  tales  there  are  here  a  thousand,  as,  That  the 
 Lord  of  Arran  is  now  in  England  :  Scotsmen's  ships  kept 
 both  in  England  and  Flanders  for  the  spoils  that  we  made 
 upon  Portugal's,     ^'csterday  there  came  a  Scotsman  from 
 
 '  By  this  we  perceive  that  Secretary  Cecil  still  kept  up  a  corresi)ond- 
 fiu'c  with  Mr  Knox,  not  much,  it  is  to  be  presumed,  for  the  benefit  of 
 the  Queen. 
 
 ^  i.  e.  AVhcrc  the  Queen  was  at  the  time  iu  her  pro^'ress.  Mr  Maitlaad 
 ha.s  made  but  a  sliort  stay  in  En^'land. 
 
 •*  i.e.  Trior  of  St  Andrews. 
 
 *  Compare  this  with  IMshop  Lo.««lie'8  report. 
 
 "  We  shall  (piickly  see  how  Ion;;  this  holds  true. 
 
 •  They  were  certainly  two  men  of  great  parts.  But  probity  and  parts 
 are  distinct  accomplishments. 
 
 ^  Events  are  the  be.«.t  interpreters  of  men's  mind.s.  Common  bruit  is 
 not  always  groundless. 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  89 
 
 Tinmouth,  that  passed  to  the  Court,  who  reported  at  Bar- 
 wick  and  in  this  town,  That  the  Queen's  horses  are  stayed 
 that  landed  there  ;  how  true  this  is,  I  know  not.  It  is  now 
 said,  that  all  Ireland  is  lost,  and  can  only  tell  that  Sir  James 
 Crofts^  is  slain,  who  I  think  is  not  there.  The  Secretary  to 
 the  Portugal  Ambassadour  hath  sped  mighty  well  in  his 
 sute  ;  the  letter  of  marque  is  called  in  upon  an  account,  and 
 the  Queen  hath  for  her  part  8000  ducats.  He  is  returned 
 by  sea,  because  it  was  put  into  his  head  that  there  was 
 danger  by  land  :  He  had  once  my  letters  unto  your  Honour, 
 and  gave  me  them  again.  So  soon  as  I  can  get  the  tract 
 of  the  Inhibition,  your  Honour  shall  be  further  informed  of 
 the  circumstances  thereof.  Great  inquisition  is  made  for 
 one  William  Cawte,  that  spoiPd  the  Spaniards.  The  L.  of 
 Bargenny  appeareth  before  the  Council  the  3d  day  of  the 
 next  month,  because  he  adjudged  it  lawful  prize.  My 
 countryman  that  w'as  sent  from  Mr  John  Baptista  is  very 
 
 diligent  in  the  pursuit. most  humbly  I  take  my  leave. 
 
 At  Edinburgh,  the  24th  of  September  1561. 
 
 "  I  am  earnestly  required  to  let  your  Honour  understand 
 from  Mr  Knox,  that  ho  hath  received  your  letter  sent  by  the 
 Laird  of  Lidington,  to  the  which  he  will  make  answer  at  the 
 
 next 
 
 "  Your  Honour's, 
 
 "  Tho.  Randolphe.'"' 
 
 ^Ir  Knox  and  Buchanan^  do  both  give  a  very  untrue 
 account  of  an  affair  they  mention  in  the  end  of  this  month, 
 relating  to  a  proclamation  against  priests,  whoremongers, 
 &c.  I  shall  here  lay  before  the  readers  a  more  authentic 
 account  hereof,  from  the  Register  of  the  Town-Council  of 
 Edinburgh. 
 
 1  [This  gentleman  is  repeatedly  mentioned  by  our  Historian  in  his 
 First  Book  as  the  correspondent  of  John  Knox.  Sir  James  Ci'ofts,  or 
 a-Croft,  of  Croft  Castle  in  Herefordshire,  was  a  valiant  Knight  nmch 
 employed  on  the  English  Borders  in  the  reign  of  Queen  ]Mary  of  England, 
 ^vllo,  however,  imprisoned  him  on  a  charge  of  being  implicated  in  ^^'yat's 
 treason.  Queen  Elizabeth  made  him  Governor  of  Berwick  and  Comptroller 
 of  her  Household. — E.J 
 
 '^  [See  Knox's  Ilistorie,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  folio,  p.  292,  293  ;  Buchanan's 
 Ilistoria  Rerum  Scoticarum,  original  edit.  Edin.  1582,  fol.  202  ;  Tj-ans- 
 lation,  Edin.  edit.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  284. — E.J 
 
90  THE  HISTORY  OF  TOE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 Hecundo  Odohrls  loGl. 
 
 "  TiiK  (iiilillk  day  the  Provest,  15aillies,  Counsaie,  and  hale 
 Deckynis,!  persaving  the  preistis,  monks,  freris,  and  utheris 
 of  the  wikit  rable  of  the  Antechrist  the  Paip,  to  resort  to 
 this  tonne,  incontrarc  the  tenour  of  the  Proclamatioun  maid 
 in  the  eontrair  ;  thairfor  ordanis  the  said  Proclamatioun  to 
 be  proelaynit  of  new,  chargeing  all  monkis,  freris,  preistis, 
 nunnys,  adulteraris,  fornicatouris,  and  all  sic  filthy  per- 
 sonis,  to  remove  thameselfis  of  this  toun,  and  bounds 
 thairoff,  within  24  hours,  under  the  pane  of  earting  throuch 
 the  toun,  byrning  on  the  cheik,  and  banissing  the  saniyn  for 
 evir." 
 
 Perhaps  the  readers  may  not  be  disjdeascd  to  know  con- 
 cerning the  Proclamation  here  referred  to.  On  the  2()th 
 day  of  September  15G0,  proclamation  was  made  in  the  town 
 of  Edinburgh,  of  the  Act  of  the  pretended  Parliament  in 
 the  month  of  August  before,  bearing  this  title — "  Anent  the 
 Messe  abolished,  and  punishing  of  all  that  hearis  or  sayis  the 
 samyn,''2  as  may  be  seen  in  the  printed  Acts  of  Parliament. 3 
 
 And  on  the  24th  day  of  March  15C0-1,  we  find  the  fol- 
 lowing Proclamation  made  in  the  town  of  Edinburgh,  viz. — 
 *'  I  command  and  charge  in  our  Soverane  Ladie's  name,  and 
 in  name  and  behalf  of  tlie  Lordis  of  Secreit  Counsaie,  Provest 
 and  Baillics  of  this  burgh,  that  within  18  houreis  nixt 
 lieireftir,  all  i)riestis,  monkis,  freris.  chanonis,  nunnis,  and 
 utheris  of  tlic  ungodlie  seidis  and  opinionis,  (juhilkis  hereto- 
 
 '  [Jho  Lord  Trovost  of  Etliiibui-;,di  montioncd  was  Archibald  Douglas 
 of  Kilspindie,  son  of  Sir  Arcliibald  J)oii<;l:is  of  Kilsiiindic,  in  1520  Lord 
 High  'IVcnsurcr  of  Scotland,  son  of  Archibald  fifth  Karl  of  Ani,nis,  siir- 
 natncd  litU-thr-Cat^  hy  his  second  t'ountoss  Catherine,  dauglitiM-  of  Sir 
 William  Stirling  of  Keir.  Douglas  of  Kilspindie  was  again  l^ord  Provost 
 in  L5f)2.  Knox  mentions  the  names  of  two  of  the  Bailies— Edward  Hope 
 and  Adam  FuUerton,  l)ut  this  is  at  variance  with  the  list  printed  by 
 Bishop  Keith. — K.l 
 
 «  Perhaps  it  is  from  the  proclaiming  of  this  Act  in  the  year  l.^CJO,  that 
 the  fore-mentioned  two  historians  would  infer  the  practice  to  have  been 
 customary.  But  that  pretext  will  not  answer  the  purpose,  since  besides 
 that  here  was  only  the  instance  of  one  single  year  ;  the  Proclamation  in 
 the  year  15(il,  adds,  *^  udalUrcra,  fortvcatortiy  and  such  Jilthij  jargons"  of 
 whom  nevertheless  there  is  not  the  least  mention  in  the  Act  of  Parlia- 
 ment ;  and  consef|nentIy  there  was  no  yearly  practice  to  be  pleaded  for 
 buch  a  Proclamation. 
 
 '  ISee  Acta  Pari.  Scut,  folio,  vol.  ii.  p.  035.— 1'..| 
 
1561 .]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  91 
 
 fore  lies  joisit  the  prevelege  and  libertie  above  written,  and 
 lies  nocht  gevin  ther  repentance  of  their  former  iniquiteis 
 and  opinionis ;  as  alsua,  all  mess-sayaris,  and  mess-mante- 
 naris,  huremongaris,  adulteraris  and  fornicatouris,  depesche 
 tliarae  of  this  toun,  fredome,  libertie,  boundis  and  suburbis 
 therof,  and  that  thai  nathyr  hante,  resorte,  nor  frequent  sa 
 lang  as  thai  remane  obstinat '' 
 
 Inconsequence  of  the  Proclamation  emitted  by  the  Magis- 
 trates of  Edinburgh  the  2d  day  of  October  1561,  we  sec 
 the  following  record  of  the  Town-Council,  viz. — '*  Quinto 
 Octobris,  The  quhilk  day,  in  prescns  of  the  Baillies  and 
 Counsale,  compcrit  AVilliam  Bryse,  maser,  and  presentit 
 the  Quenis  Grace  writing;  of  the  quhilk  the  tenour  fol- 
 lowis : — 
 
 "Eegina — We  understanding  that  the  Provest  and  Baillies 
 of  the  burgh  of  Edinburgh,  upoun  Friday  last  bepast,  the 
 third  day  of  October  instant,  sett  furtli  proclamatioun  at  the 
 merket-croce  of  oure  said  burgh,  express  contrair  oure 
 commandment,  not  makand  us  privie  therto,  nor  seikand  to 
 knaw  oure  plesoure  in  sic  behalfis  :  Therfor  we  ordane  and 
 will,  commands  and  charges  the  Counsale  and  comunitie  of 
 oure  said  burgh,  to  convene  incontinent  within  the  Tolbuith 
 of  oure  said  burgh,  and  depryve  the  Provest  and  Baillies 
 quha  presentlie  beirs  office  therein,  of  all  forthyr  bering  of 
 office  for  this  instant   zeir,^  and  to  clieis  uthyr   qualifeid 
 
 ^  The  next  year  we  find  this  record  in  the  Town  Council  Books,  viz. 
 25th  September  1562 — "  Provest,  Baillies,  Counsale  and  Deacons  of  our 
 burgh  of  Edinburgh,  "We  gi-eet  you  weill  :  Forsameikle  as  our  lovit 
 Archibald  Douglas  of  Kilspindie  was  Provest  of  our  said  burgh  of  before, 
 quha  knawes  how  to  rule  your  said  toun,  haveaud  experience  thereof, 
 and  to  do  us  service  therein,  and  is  able  and  meit  to  bruick  the  said  office 
 this  nixt  year  :  Our  will  is  lierefore,  and  wo  charge  you,  that  yee  make 
 the  said  Archibald  one  of  the  Lytis  to  be  chosen  Provest  to  you  at 
 Michaelmas  nixt  to  come  ;  and  then  that  yee  elect  and  choise  him  to  be 
 your  Provest  the  said  year,  conforme  to  your  order  observed  in  sic  caises. 
 This  yee  do,  for  our  will  and  mind  is  that  the  samen  be  done.  Subscrivit 
 with  our  hand  at  Couper  in  Angus  the  xxi.  day  of  August,  and  of  our 
 Reignc  the  twenty  year.  Sic suhscribltiir^  JMarie.  And  after  avisement  with 
 the  said  writing,  the  Provest,  Baillies,  Councill  and  Assessors  foresaids, 
 all  in  one  voce  continuit  their  answer  while  {until)  that  day  viij  day  is  : 
 Whilk  being  re])orted  to  the  said  Archibald,  askit  instruments  as  said  is." 
 Note,  This  was  the  Provost  whom  the  Queen  caused  to  be  removed  the 
 preceding  year.  Her  Majesty  has  done  this,  to  show  that  slic  bore  no 
 ill-will  against  tlie  man. 
 
92  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1561. 
 
 porsonis   in   thair  rowme,  as    thai  will  answer  to  us  ther- 
 upoun. 
 
 "  Sequltur  sulscHjjiio, 
 
 "  Marie." 
 
 Octavo  Octohris  15 Gl. 
 
 ''  The  qiihilk  day  tlio  Counsalo  and  Dekyns  being  within 
 the  Tolbuitli  of  tliis  burtli,  and  at  tlio  command  of  our 
 Sovoranis  writing  iK^foro  writtin,  dischargit  Arcliihald  Dou- 
 glas Provost ;  and  David  Forster,  Robert  Kar,  Alexander 
 Home,  and  Allanc  Dikorstoun,  IJaillies,  ar  discliargit  of  thair 
 offices  :  and  in  thair  places,  Maister  Thomas  Makcalzeane^ 
 Pro  vest ;  James  Thomsoun,  Jhonne  Adamsone,  Mr  Jhonne 
 Marjoribankis,  Alexander  Achesoun,  ar  electit  and  chosin 
 be  moniest  votes  for  the  zeir  to  cum.'' 
 
 "  The  samyn  day  David  Somer,  in  name  and  behalf  of 
 the  Counsale  and  connnunitie  of  this  burgh,  protcstit  this 
 deprivatioun,  as  alswa  the  new  election  of  the  officers  above 
 writtin,  be  not  prejudiciall  to  the  fredomc  and  libertie  of 
 this  hurt,  and  auld  ordour  of  the  samyn,  grantit  be  our 
 Soveranis  maist  noble  Progenitours,  in  electing  and  chesing 
 of  officers,  nor  stand  for  preparative  in  tymcs  cuming  by  the 
 plesour  of  the  Prince."" 
 
 "  The  samyn  day  the  Provest  and  Baillies  foresaid  being 
 electit  and  chosin,  Neill  Layng,  writer,  producit  ane  tiket, 
 direct  to  the  Counsalo  be  the  Lard  of  Lethingtoun,  Secreter, 
 as  he  allegeit,  contenying  the  names  of  the  Lord  Seytoun,^ 
 Alexander  Arskin,^  and  the  Laird  of  Craigmiller,^  schcwing 
 that  wcs  the  Quenis  Grace  mynd,  that  ane  of  thai  thro  sould 
 bo  chosin  Provest :  (Juhilk  being  producit  befoir  the  said 
 Counsall,  all  in  ane  vote,  in  respect  this  ticket  contenit  bot 
 
 *  rriioinas  Maccalzcan  of  Cliftonliall.— E.] 
 
 '  ((li'orj^'c  tilth  Lord  Soton,  a  tlt'ttM-ininocl  follower  of  Quocn  Marv  in 
 nil  litT  misfortmu's,  futhcr  of  tlio  tii-st  luirl  of  Winton  and  the  first  Llarl 
 of  Dunfi'rmliiu',  and  j^raiulfatlu-r  of  the  sixth  Karl  of  K^jliiiton. — K.J 
 
 =*  [Till'  same  nuMjtioiu'd  l»y  Haudolph  to  CVcil  in  his  letter  of  the  24th 
 Septcinher  15G1.     S(m'  the  pneediu;,'  note,  p.  H5  of  this  volume.— K.] 
 
 ♦  (Sir  Simon  Preston  of  Craii;millar,  n  castle  now  in  ruins  three  miles 
 Houth  of  Kdinburgh,  near  the  road  to  Dalkeith,  lie  was  Lord  Provost  of 
 Edinburgh  from  IbQo  to  15G9.— K.] 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  93 
 
 thre  names  without  onye  subscriptloun,  and  that  thai  had 
 electit  thair  officeurs  before  the  presenting  of  the  said 
 ticket,  according  to  our  Soveranis  writing  of  before  ;  thought 
 gude  to  pass  to  hir  Grace  incontinent,  and  declair  quhat 
 thai  had  done  ah'edy,  and  quhat  hir  Grace  wald  forthyr 
 command  thame  t niching  the  saids  names,  in  case  the 
 officears  elhs  chosin  plesit  not  hir  Grace,  that  thai  wald 
 obey.^^ 
 
 "  The  samyn  day  David  Kinloch  Dekyn,  of  the  Baxtaris,^ 
 askit  instruments,  that  he  wald  obey  the  Quenis  Grace  mynd 
 towart  the  thre  names  in  the  tiket  before  writtin.  And 
 Thomas  Hog,  cordner,^  askit  instrumentis,  that  he  wald  do 
 as  the  gude  man  David  Kinloch  did." 
 
 From  this  authentick  account  of  this  whole  proceeding, 
 the  readers  can't  fail  to  be  surprised  with  the  unfair  re- 
 presentation thereof  by  the  two  forementioned  historians ; 
 seeing  it  was  not  true  that  it  was  customary  to  make  such 
 a  proclamation  at  this  time  of  the  year ;  it  was  not  true 
 that  the  Magistrates  were  put  in  prison,  or  so  much  as  de- 
 sired by  the  Queen  to  be  put  in  prison; 3  it  was  not  true 
 that  there  was  resistance  made  to  the  Queen's  desire  of 
 making  a  new  election,  and  consequently  that  she  had  no 
 room  left  for  a  charge  upon  charge  to  command  a  new 
 election  ;  it  was  not  true,  by  all  we  can  see,  either  in  the 
 Registers  of  the  Privy-Council,  or  Town-Council  of  Edin- 
 burgh, that  the  Queen  emitted  at  this  time  any  proclamation 
 at  all.  But  besides  the  untruth  of  their  representations,  the 
 virulence  wherewith  they  adorn  their  narration  cannot  miss 
 to  be  offensive  to  all  unprejudiced  readers.     If  either  of 
 
 ^  [Or  Bakers,  one  of  tlie  fourteen  Incorporated  Trades  of  Edinburgh. 
 
 ^  [Or  Shoemaker.  The  Cordiners  are  also  one  of  the  fourteen  Incor- 
 porated Trades  of  Edinburgh. — E.] 
 
 '^  [Knox's  story,  which  Bishop  Keith  most  properly  contradicts,  is,  that 
 "  without  farther  cognition  of  the  cause,  were  the  said  Provost  (Douglas 
 of  Kilsjjindie)  and  Bailyes  charged  to  ward  in  the  Castle."  Ilistorie,  Edin. 
 edit.  1732, folio,  p.  293.  Buchanan  pretends  that  when  Queeu  JNIary  was  in- 
 formed of  the  obnoxious  proclamation  of  the  civic  authorities,  she  "com- 
 mitted the  Magistrates  to  prison  without  hearing  them."  liistoria  Rerum 
 Scoticarum,  original  edit.  Edin.  15S2,  fol.  202  ;  Translation,  edit.  1702, 
 vol.  ii.  p.  284.— E.] 
 
94  THE  HISTOKY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 those  two  thought  that  the  wichd  and  the  devil  were  only 
 to  be  found  among  tlio  Papists  at  that  time,  and  that  tlie 
 novel  Prcilcssors  were  all  (innelical  persons,  1  am  suspicious 
 they  li.ive  laboured  under  a  huge  mistake  ;  witness  the 
 seandaluuH  enormities  of  some  leading  men  both  in  the 
 Church  and  State.  The  Queen  th(»refore  had  very  good 
 reason  to  bo  displeased  witli  tlio  Magistrates,  for  enume- 
 rating in  the  list  of  whoremongers,  adulterers,  &:c.  those 
 that  were  priests  and  nuns ;  because  they  plainly  thereby 
 instigated  the  minds  of  the  populace  against  herself,  and 
 those  that  adhered  to  the  ancient  forms  ;  as  if  for  that  very 
 thing  alone,  they  had  been  vicious  and  profligate  persons. 
 Some  of  those  whom  Mr  Knox  is  pleased  to  dignify  by  the 
 ai)pellation  of  Professors  and  godh/^  chosen  and  electa  were 
 men  of  as  bad  lives  as  had  ever  been  before.  The  new 
 opinions  (Ud  not  introduce  a  neio  life.  This  practice,  how- 
 ever, was  not  peculiar  to  that  period  only  ;  for  nothing  has 
 been  more  ordinary  since  that  time,  than  to  jumble  together 
 the  names  of  such  persons  as  must  be  rendered  odious,  with 
 Devils,  Atheists,  Papists,  Malignants,  and  other  godless 
 wretches.  Such  expressions  have  been  found  to  be  of  great 
 use,  by  their  influence  upon  the  thoughtless  part  of  mankind. 
 
 A  Letter  from  Mr  Randolph  to  Sir  William  Cecil.,  24th 
 October  15G1.1 
 
 *'  I  TRi'ST  that  your  Honour Two  days  past  I  was  desired 
 
 by  Mr  Knox  to  write  unto  your  Honour  in  the  favour  of  two 
 merchant-men  of  this  town,  for  the  Q.  Majestie's  passport 
 into  Flanders,  by  whom  your  Honour  shall  be  informed  by 
 mouth  from  him,  what  is  judged  like  to  ensue  of  the  pro- 
 gress of  the  doings  here.  These  I  have  commended  unto 
 your  Honour  as  my  friends.  The  occasion  of  the  change  of 
 the  Provost  and  JJaillics  of  this  town,  they  can  report  (for 
 
 that  their  part  was  therein)  better  than  I  can  write 
 
 "  So  soon  as  1  had  received  your  Honour\s  letters,  I 
 advertised  the  Lord  James,  that  somewhat  I  had  to  say  unto 
 his  Lordship  before  that  I  would  desire  audience  of  the 
 (J.  Majestie  his  Sovereign:  My  purpose  was  to  know  of 
 him,  whether  that  the  Q.  would  take  it  in  no  evil  part,  if  I 
 
 *  C'nli^.  Book  X.  an  ( >rip^iiial.-  (  Rritish  Miimmiim.— K.j 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  95 
 
 presented  to  her  Grace,  at  my  next  coming  unto  her,  the 
 Accord  at  the  Assembly  at  Poissy  in  the  controversy  upon 
 the  Sacrament.  He  encouraged  me  boldly  to  it,  thereunto 
 assuring  me  that  she  would  accept  it  well.  The  Oration  of 
 Beza^  that  I  gave  unto  her  Grace  before,  she  read  (as  he 
 saitli)  to  the  end.  I  concluded  thus  with  him,  lest  that  I 
 should  seem  of  purpose  to  tempt  her,  or  too  boldly  to  behave 
 myself  in  matters  that  were  above  my  charge,  and  so  dash 
 my  credit  at  the  first ;  I  thought  best  to  give  his  Lordship 
 the  copy  to  use  as  he  thought  good.     That  night  after 
 
 1  [Tliis  appears  to  have  been  "  An  Oration  made  by  Master  Theodore 
 de  Beze,  Minister  of  the  Word  of  God,  accompanied  withxi.  other  Minis- 
 ters, and  XX.  Deputies  of  the  Reformed  Churches  of  the  Kealme  of 
 Fraunce,  in  the  presence  of  the  King,  the  Queen-]Mother,  the  King  of 
 Nauarre,  the  Princes  of  Conde  and  of  La  Roche-suryon,  Monsieur  de 
 Giiise,  the  Constable,  and  other  great  Princes  and  Lordes  of  the  King's 
 Counsel  ;  being  alsoe  present  vi.  Cardinalles,  xxx\i.  Archbishoppes  and 
 Bishoppes,  besydes  a  great  number  of  Abbots,  Priours,  Doctors,  and  the 
 Sorbone,  and  other  Schooles,  Tuesday  the  ix.  Sept.  1561,  in  the  Noonnery 
 of  Poissi.  Truly  gathered  and  set  forth  in  such  sorte,  as  it  was  spoken  by 
 the  said  de  Beze."  It  was  published  at  London  in  1561,  8vo.  A  copy  was 
 sent  to  Randolph  at  Edinburgh,  and  presented  by  him  to  Queen  Mary,  and 
 in  his  letter  to  Cecil  we  find  him  stating,  on  the  authority  of  Lord  James 
 Stuart,  that  she  had  read  the  work.  Beza  conformed  to  the  Cahdnistic 
 doctrines  in  1548,  when  he  fled  to  Geneva,  and  publicly  solemnized  his 
 marriage  with  a  woman  of  birth  inferior  to  his  own,  but  possessed,  he 
 declares,  of  such  virtue  that  he  never  found  reason  to  repent  of  the  con- 
 nection. He  had  previously  either  privately  married  this  lady,  or  was 
 engaged  to  marry  her  publicly  as  soon  as  certain  obstacles  were  removed, 
 and  in  the  meantime  he  refused  in  consequence  to  enter  into  holy  orders 
 in  the  Church  of  Rome.  Beza  became  a  preacher  in  1559,  and  at  Calvin's 
 request  Avas  admitted  a  citizen  of  Geneva,  after  a  residence  of  ten  years 
 at  Lausanne,  whither  he  had  retired  after  his  first  visit  to  the  former 
 city.  In  1559  or  1560,  Beza  xmdertook  a  journey  to  Nerac  at  the  request 
 of  some  of  the  leading  French  Protestant  Nobility,  in  the  hope  of  gaining 
 over  to  their  opinions  the  King  of  Navarre,  or  of  inducing  him  to  interfere 
 in  mitigating  the  persecution  to  which  the  French  Protestants  were  then 
 exposed.  He  remained  at  Nerac  till  the  beginning  of  1561,  and  at  the 
 request  of  the  King  of  Navarre  he  attended  the  Conference  of  Poissy, 
 opened  in  August  that  year  to  effect  a  reconciliation  between  the  Church 
 of  Rome  and  the  French  Protestants.  Beza  was  the  chief  si)eaker,  and 
 though  some  of  his  opinions  and  expressions  were  violently  controverted, 
 he  conducted  himself  with  ability  and  moderation,  making  a  favourable 
 impression  on  Catherine  de  Medici  and  the  Cardinal  of  Lorraine.  He 
 remained  some  time  in  France  at  the  request  of  the  former,  who  entreated 
 him  to  return  to  his  native  country.  His  "  Second  Oration  at  Poissy, 
 in  the  presence  of  the  Quene-Mother,"  &c.  was  publislied  in  8vo.  in  1563. 
 -E.] 
 
^C  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 supper  ho  prcBcntod  it  unto  her.  She  doubted  first  of  tlic 
 sincerity  tlion'of;  I  was  alledi^ed  to  have  received  it  from 
 your  Honour.  Many  disputes,  I  heard  say,  rose  that  night 
 upon  it.  Tho  Q.  said,  slie  could  not  reason,  but  that  she 
 knew  wliat  slie  ought  to  believe.  The  Marquis  (Elbeuf) 
 aftirnrd,  that  he  never  thought  Christ  to  be  otiierwise  in  the 
 Sacrament  than  it  was  there  written  ;  but  yet  doubteth  not 
 but  the  Mass  is  good.  Against  that  much  was  said,  but 
 little  ;::ood  <lone. 
 
 "  The  next  day  I  was  sent  for  into  the  council-chamber, 
 where  she  herself  ordinarily  sittcth  the  most  part  of  the 
 time,  sowing  some  work  or  other.  She  saithuntome  thus — 
 *  These  three  days  I  have  done  nothing  else  but  devised 
 with  my  Council  how  to  daunton  the  thieves  and  robbers 
 upon  the  1  borders.  I  have  charged  the  Lord  Home^  to  do 
 your  countrymen  justice :  if  he  do  otherwise,  T  will  be  ill 
 contented  therewith,  and  see  it  reformed.  You  know,"* 
 saith  she,  '  that  I  am  now  in  hand  to  send  the  Lord  James, 
 and  some  other  Lords,  to  the  Borders,  or  that  purpose. 
 Wherefore  I  pray  you  report  well  of  my  mind,  and  find  the 
 means  that  proclamation  may  be  ma(l<^  as  I  spake  unto  you, 
 that  no  thieves  be  received  within  England ;  for  otherwise 
 it  will  be  in  vain  whatever  I  purpose  against  them.  You 
 have  also  the  bill  of  complaint  of  the  Master  of  ^Laxwell,2 
 which  I  pray  you  procure  to  be  answered.'  After  these 
 purposes,  the  Council  being  dissolved,  I  offered  myself,  as 
 she  was  departing  out  of  the  chamber,  to  speak  to  her 
 Grace  :  '  I  will,'  saith  she,  '  talk  with  you  apart  in  the 
 garden.'  So  soon  as  she  came  there,  she  saith  to  me — '  How 
 like  you  this  country?  you  have  been  in  it  a  good  space, 
 and  know  it  well  enough.'  My  answer  was.  That  the 
 eountry   was   good,   and    the   policy  might   be   made   nmch 
 
 '  [  Alexander  Homo,  fifth  I.onl  Homo,  father  of  Alexaiuler  first  r.;irl 
 of  Home.  l[is  Lonlslup  was  Warden  of  tlie  East  Marches,  and  wjus  one 
 of  the  Scottisli  C^omniUsioiiers  who  uegociated  the  Treaty  of  Upsettlingtou 
 in  May  ir>5f).-K.l 
 
 '-'  (This  apjx'ars  to  have  been  Sir  .John  Maxwell,  second  son  of  Hobert 
 fourth  L()rd  Maxwell.  lie  was  (Juardian  of  the  West  Marches,  and  wa.s 
 one  of  the  anihassjidors  sent  from  the  Lords  of  the  ('onirre|,nition  to 
 arrange  a  treaty  with  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  on  the  part  of  Queen  Elizabeth. 
 Sir  John  Maxwell  makes  a  prominent  fi;;urc  in  Scottish  history  as  Lord 
 Ilerrics,  and  was  most  loyally  devoted  to  Queen  Mary.— F.) 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  97 
 
 better.  '  The  absence,'  saith  she,  '  of  a  Prince  hath  caused 
 it  to  be  worse,  but  yet  is  it  not  Hke  unto  England.'  I  an- 
 swered, That  there  were  many  in  the  world  worse  than  her 
 Grace's,  that  were  thought  right  good ;  but  I  judged  few 
 better  than  England,  which  I  trusted  that  sometime  after 
 her  Grace  should  witness.  '  I  would  be  content  therewith,' 
 said  she,  '  if  my  sister,  your  mistress,  so  like.'^  I  said,  That 
 it  was  the  thing  that  many  of  her  Grace's  subjects  did 
 desire,  and,  as  I  judged,  would  also  well  content  my  mistress. 
 Of  this  purpose  we  had  long  talk.  Many  honourable  words 
 she  spake  of  the  Q.  Majestic,  in  receiving  and  entertaining 
 of  all  noble  States.  She  remembred  her  mother's  passage 
 through  England,  and  commended  again  the  good  reception 
 that  her  uncle  the  Grand-Prior  and  ^lons.  d'Anville  had  at 
 Barwick.  From  this  we  entred  in  communing  of  the  occa- 
 sion of  the  stay  of  her  horses.  She  said  herself — '  That  she 
 took  it  no  fault ;  and  if  any  were,  she  was  assured  that  it 
 proceeded  not  from  the  Q.  Majestic  my  mistress,  but  rather 
 that  the  Warden  who  stayed  them  did  it  to  avoid  blame, 
 seeing  they  had  no  passport.  And  though,'  saith  she,  '  it 
 is  daily  told  me,  that  the  Queen  my  sister  intendeth  not  to 
 deal  with  me  but  under  colour ;  yet  I  assure  you,  I  believe 
 it  not,  and  give  no  thanks  unto  them  for  their  reports.'  I 
 commended  her  Majestic  for  the  judgment  that  she  had  of 
 such  men  ;  I  desir'd  her  to  conceive  of  the  Q.  my  mistress 
 as  in  all  her  life  she  had  had  shewed  herself  in  word  and 
 deed,  as  well  to  her  Grace  as  all  others  that  ever  she  had 
 to  do  with.  She  saith — '  That  there  shall  be  no  such  thing 
 in  her,  that  the  reports  of  any  shall  move  her  to  take  other 
 thoughts,  than  that  the  Q.  Majestic  is  determined  to  live 
 in  peace  and  amity,  as  she  for  her  part  doth  heartily  desire.' 
 This  purpose  fell  in  upon  the  report  of  Livingston,  Master 
 of  her  Horses,  who  said.  That  Sir  John  Forster  would  not 
 deliver  them  ;  but  the  Grand-Prior  and  ^lons.  d'Anville 
 must  be  bound  for  them  cotys  et  biens,  which  in  my  con- 
 science is  falsly  reported,  and  yet  am  I  sure  that  he  spake 
 it.  He  also  bruited,  that  there  wore  to  come  oOO  soldiers 
 to  Barwick  out  of  hand.     I  durst  not  for  that  present,  for 
 
 1  This,  I  believe,  is  the  first  time  that  an  interview  betwixt  the  two 
 Queens  was  niotion'd. — [Our  Historian  is  here  in  error,  for  we  have  seen, 
 in  a  preceding  Chapter,  that  interviews  between  the  two  Queens  had  been 
 repeatedly  projected. — Ivj 
 
 VOL.  II.  7 
 
00  lilt  iiiftloitV  uF  TilK  AFFA1H6  (l.jGl. 
 
 fear  of  disclosing  of  my  author,  say  what  I  thought ;  my  heart 
 burnt  to  leave  it  unspoken.  I  said,  that  of  such  reports 
 she  should  have  good  store ;  but  the  more  she  believed,  the 
 greater  should  be  her  own  pain  to  live  in  suspicion,  and 
 grief  in  the  end  to  find  how  many  false  reporters  and  flat- 
 terers her  (jirace  had  about  her.  I  hear  also,  that  the  Earl 
 of  Huntley  tickleth  her  in  the  ear  with  some  untruths. 
 
 "  She  asked  me  after  this — '  What  news  I  hoard  of  late 
 out  of  Franco  f  I  confirmed  that,  that  the  Lord  James 
 had  shewed  her  of  the  Accord.  I  find  no  great  liking  in  her 
 that  way.  In  long  purpose  of  this  matter,  and  other  like, 
 she  saith — '  That  she  trusteth  that  the  (^.  her  sister  will  not 
 take  the  worse  with  her,  that  she  is  not  resolved  in  con- 
 science in  those  matters  that  are  in  controversy,  seeing  it 
 is  neither  of  will  nor  obstinacy  against  God  and  His  ^^'ord.■* 
 
 1  said,  That  I  was  glad  to  hear  that  of  her  Grace,  that  she 
 was  not  wilfully  disposed,  and  trusted  that  I  should  see 
 both  her  Grace  and  the  Q.  Grace  my  mistress  in  one  mind 
 and  accord,  as  well  in  that  as  other  matters.  I  guess  that 
 she  spoke  that  upon  this  occasion  some  have  of  late  rea- 
 soned, whether  a  Prince  that  professeth  Christ  may  enter 
 in  league  with  one  of  a  contrary  belief  and  religion.  This 
 is  but  my  conjecture. 
 
 •'  I  told  her  Grace  also  of  the  kindness  that  had  been  of 
 late  shewed  by  her  uncles  the  Duke  and  Cardinal  to  the 
 Q.  Majestic.  She  was  very  glad  to  hear  thereof,  and  pro- 
 mised that  she  would  be  a  means  to  continue  it.  '  Next,"" 
 saith  she,  '  unto  the  King  their  sovereign  and  master,  I 
 would  that  my  uncles  should  bear  good-will  unto  the  Q. 
 your  mistress :  You  know  how  sibb  we  are,  and  our  kind- 
 ness must  be  increased.''     I  gave  her  good  words  to  the 
 
 answer  hereof 1  receive  of  her  Grace  at  all  times  very 
 
 good  words.  I  am  born  in  hand  by  such  as  are  nearest 
 about  her,  as  the  L.  James  and  the  L.  of  Lidington,  that 
 tiny  jvro  meant  as  they  are  spoken  :  I  see  them  above  all 
 others  in  credit,  and  find  in  them  no  alteration,  tho"*  there 
 V)e  that  complain,  that  they  yeild  too  nmch  unto  her  appe- 
 tite ;  which  yet  I  see  not.  The  Lord  James  dealeth  accord- 
 ing to  his  nature,  rudely,  homely,  and  bluntly ;  the  L.  of 
 Lidington  m()n>  delicately  and  finely,  yet  nothing  sworveth 
 from  tlir  otlicr  in    iiiin<l  ?uid  <fr«'«'t.      Sh«»  is   ]t:iti<'nt  to  hear. 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  99 
 
 and  beareth  much.i  The  Earl  Marischal  is  wary,  but 
 speaketh  sometimes  to  good  purpose  ;  his  daughter^  is  lately 
 come  to  this  town :  We  look  shortly  what  shall  become  of 
 the  long  love  (betwixt  the  Lord  James  and  that  lady). 
 The  Lord  John  of  Coldingham  hath  not  least  favour  with 
 his  leaping  and  dancing ;  he  is  like  to  marry  the  Lord 
 BothwelPs  sister.3  The  Lord  Robert  consumeth  with  love 
 of  the  Earl  of  CassiFs  sistcr.4  The  Earl  Bothwell  hath 
 given  unto  him  old  lands  of  his  fathers  in  Teviodale,^  and 
 the  Abbay  of  INIelross.  The  Duke's  Grace  is  come  to 
 Kinneill,^  and  purposeth  not  to  come  near  unto  the  Court, 
 except  that  he  be  sent  for.  I  hear  of  nothing  that  is 
 purposed  against  him ;  it  is  thought  that  he  may  be  well 
 enough  spared.  My  Lord  Arran  purposeth  not  to  be  at 
 Court  so  long  as  the  Mass  remaineth  -^  There  came  few  to 
 
 ^  JNIr  Knox,  nor  ^fr  Buchanan,  never  said  so  much  to  her  INIajesty's 
 advantage.  If  she  had  had  a  friendly  Council  about  her,  she  might  have 
 prov'd  an  excellent  Princess. 
 
 2  [Lady  Anne  Keith,  eldest  daughter  of  "William  fourth  Earl  Marischal, 
 married  in  1561  to  Lord  James  Stuart,  and  after  his  assassination,  when 
 Regent  ^loray,  at  Linlithgow,  to  Colin  sixth  Earl  of  Argyll. — E.] 
 
 •^  [Lord  John  Stuart,  Prior  of  Coldingham,  was  one  of  the  illegitimate 
 sons  of  James  V.  by  Elizabeth  daughter  of  John  Lord  Carmichael,  and 
 brother  of  Lady  Janet  Stuart,  the  wife  of  Archibald  fifth  Earl  of  Argyll, 
 an  illegitimate  daughter  of  that  monarch  by  the  same  mother.  Lord 
 John  Stuart  married  Lady  Jean  Ilei^burn,  only  daughter  of  Patrick  third 
 Earl  of  Bothwell,  and  father  of  the  notorious  Earl.  The  marriage  was 
 solemnized  at  Seton  on  the  4th  of  January  1561-2,  m  presence  of  Queen 
 Mary.  The  offspring  was  Francis  Stuart,  the  turbulent  Earl  of  Bothwell 
 in  the  reign  of  James  VI. — E.] 
 
 "*  [Lord  Robert  Stuart,  an  illegitimate  son  of  James  V.  by  Euphemia 
 second  daughter  of  Alexander  first  Lord  Elphinstone,  who  was  killed  at  the 
 battle  of  Flodden.  Lord  Robert  was  appointed  Abbot  of  Ilolyi'oodhouse. 
 He  married  Lady  Jane  or  Janet  Kennedy,  elder  daughter  of  Gilbert  third 
 Earl  of  Cassillis,  the  pupil  of  Buchanan,  celebrated  by  him  in  an  epitaph, 
 and  by  .Johnston  in  his  Heroes.  Lord  Robert  Stuart,  who  became  a 
 zealous  Reformer  in  1559,  exchanged  the  Abbey  of  Ilolyroodhouse  for 
 the  temporalities  of  the  Bishopric  of  Orkney  with  Adam  Bothwell,  the 
 renegade  Bishop  of  that  See,  in  1569,  and  was  created  Earl  of  Orkney  by 
 James  VI.  in  1581.— E.] 
 
 ^  [The  part  of  Roxburghshire  forming  the  vale  of  the  Teviot,  which 
 rises  on  the  confines  of  Dumfriesshire,  and  joins  the  Tweed  at  Kelso. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Kinncil  House,  near  Borrowstowness  in  Linlithgowshire,  on  the  south 
 shore  of  the  Frith  of  Forth.  By  the  "  Duke's  Grace"  is  meant  the  Duke 
 of  CliatelJierault,  the  only  Duke  then  in  Scotland,  father  of  James  third 
 Earl  of  Arran  immediately  mentioned. — E.] 
 
 ^  [James  third  Earl  of  Arran,  eldest  son  of  .Tames  second  Earl  and  fii-st 
 
100  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loCl. 
 
 it,  but  licrsL'll".  lif-r  uncle  and  train.  Three  causes,  I  per- 
 ceive, there  arc  that  move  my  Lord  Arran  to  absent  liim- 
 self;  the  one  is,  the  Mass;  the  other,  the  presence  of  his 
 enemy;!  tlic  third,  lack  wherewith  to  maintain  a  port.  By 
 the  first,  he  maintaincth  his  credit  with  the  precise  Pro- 
 testants ;  the  other  argueth  less  courage  in  him  than  many 
 men  thought,  that  his  enemy  is  yet  alive  to  have  that  place 
 which  he  is  unworthy  of;  the  third  manifestcth  unto  the 
 world  the  beastliness  of  his  father,  that  more  than  money 
 hath  neither  faith  nor  God. 
 
 "  The  Lords  now  begin  to  return  to  the  Court  ;  the 
 Bishops  flock  apace:  The  Metropolitan  of  St  Andrews 
 arrived  here  on  Munday  last  with  80  horses  in  train  ;  and 
 to  be  seen,  he  rode  half  a  mile  out  of  his  way,  and  rode 
 through  the  whole  High  Street  of  Edinburgh.  We  know 
 not  yet  what  mischief  he  and  his  associates  come  for ;  he 
 had  with  him  only  two  Ilamiltons  :  The  Abbot  of  Kilwin- 
 ning- met  him  here  the  first  night,  but  came  not  with 
 him.  I  have  given  the  book  that  your  Honour  sent  me,3  to 
 have  more  printed.     The  Accord  of  the  Sacrament  is  also 
 
 Duko  of  Chatc'lhcraiilt  and  liis  Duclioss-Countcss,  Lady  Margaret  Douglas, 
 oldest  daughter  of  James  third  Eiirl  of  Morton,  lie  succeeded  liis  fjither 
 in  the  titk'of  Arran,  >vhich  he  previously  held  by  courtesy  in  1575,  but  the 
 Dukedom  of  Chatellu-raidt  was  resumed  by  the  Crown  of  France,  and  he 
 was  conseiiuently  denuded  of  it.  In  15G(»,  he  was  recommended  by  the 
 Lords  of  the  Congregation  to  Queen  Elizabeth  as  a  suitable  husband. 
 The  "  Commi-s-sion  of  the  F^tates  to  move  Queen  Elizabetli  to  take  tlie 
 Earl  of  Arran  to  Ijcr  luisband,"  and  the  "  Queen's  Majestie's  Answere, 
 declared  to  lier  Counsell,  concerninge  the  Heciuests  of  the  Lords  of  Scot- 
 land," are  inserted  l>y  our  Historian  in  tlie  first  Chapter  of  the  present 
 volume.  After  tlie  arrival  of  Queen  Mary  the  Earl  of  Arran  a.si)ired  to 
 her  hand,  and  yet,  while  i)rofessing  the  strongest  and  most  ardent  attach- 
 ment to  her,  he  most  absurdly  and  imprudently  alienated  her  favour  by 
 refusing  to  allow  her  the  conscicntit)us  exercise  of  her  religion.  He  was 
 the  only  person  of  distinction  who  acted  in  this  nmnner,  and  by  his  public 
 protestation  he  entirely  forfeited  the  Queen's  favour.  The  parsimony  of 
 ids  father,  who  refused  to  allow  him  a  sum  adecpiate  to  support  his  dignity 
 as  tlu'  next  heir  to  the  throne,  and  his  disapi)ointed  love,  rendiMcul  hin>  at 
 last  iusiine,  in  which  state  he  was  declared  to  be  by  a  Chancery  Hricf.  He 
 died  without  issue  in  1(109.  See  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  Edin.  lt>42, 
 small  edit.  vol.  vi,  p.  255. — E.J 
 
 *  lAppan-ntly  the  Earl  of  Huntly  is  imlicated.— E.l 
 
 ^  (iavin  Hanulton. 
 
 '  irrobubly  lieza's  Oration.  See  the  i)rcvious  note  in  this  Chapter, 
 P.D5.-E.J 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  101 
 
 translated,  and  copies  given  to  divers.  The  Q.  herself  saw 
 that  you  sent  me,  she  read  it  in  the  garden  walking  in  the 
 sight  of  many  ;  she  said,  that  it  was  a  French  hand,  and 
 I  affirmed  it  to  be  that  that  came  from  thence  unto  your 
 Honour,  to  give  it  the  more  authority.  She  ask'd  whether 
 her  uncle  the  CardinaFs  Oration  was  printed  :   I  said,  that  I 
 
 lookt  daily  for  it 1  am  now  more  uncertain  than  before 
 
 when  St  Colme^  taketh  his  journey  towards  France  :  It 
 is  said  here,  that  there  cometh  shortly  an  Ambassador 
 from  thence,  hither.  The  Marquis^  hath  his  table  allowed 
 50  shilL  sterl.  the  day ;  he  offcndeth  many  by  his  liberal 
 talk.  JNIr  Knox  cannot  be  otherwise  perswaded  but  many 
 men  are  deceived  in  this  woman  ;  he  feareth  yet  that  pos- 
 terior a  erunt  pejora  primis  ;  his  severity  keepeth  us  in  mar- 
 vellous order.  I  commend  better  the  success  of  his  doings 
 and  preachings  than  the  manner  thereof,^  tho"*  I  acknow- 
 ledge his  doctrine  to  be  sound  :  His  prayer  is  daily  for  her 
 — '  That  God  will  turn  her  obstinate  heart  against  God  and 
 His  truth  ;  or,  if  the  Holy  Will  be  otherwise,  to  strengthen 
 the  hearts  and  hands  of  His  chosen  and  elect,  stoutly  to 
 withstand  the  rage  of  all  tyrants,'  &c.,   in  words  terrible 
 
 ^  This  was  .James  Stewart,  a  descendent  of  the  Family  of  Ochiltree,  aud 
 created  afterwards  Lord  Doun. — [Sir  James  Stewart  of  Doune,  oldest  son 
 of  Sir  James  StoAvart  of  Beath,  third  son  of  AndreAv  Lord  Avondale  and 
 ^Margaret  eldest  daughter  of  John  third  Lord  Lindsay  of  Bja-es,  was 
 Commendator  of  St  Colm,  a  monastery  on  the  island  so  called  in  the 
 Frith  of  Forth  opposite  Aherdour.  He  was  served  heir  to  his  father  in 
 1560,  and  was  created  Lord  Doune  in  November  156L  His  eldest  son 
 James,  by  his  wife  Lady  Margaret  Campbell,  daughter  of  Archibald 
 fourth  Earl  of  Argyll,  was  appointed  by  James  VI.  ward  of  the  two 
 daughters,  the  only  children  of  the  Regent  Moray,  and  in  1580  married 
 Lady  Elizabeth  Stuart,  the  elder  daughter,  by  which  matrimonial  con- 
 nection he  assumed  the  title  of  Earl  of  Moray.  He  is  known  in  history 
 by  the  sobriqixet  of  the  Bonnie  Earl  of  Morajiy  and  the  gossip  of  the  age 
 asserts  that  he  was  a  peculiar  favourite  of  Anne  of  Denmark,  the  Queen 
 of  James  VI.  lie  was  nmrdercd  among  the  rocks  near  Donibristk* 
 House  in  Fife,  on  the  night  of  the  7th  or  8tli  of  February  1591-2,  by 
 George  sixth  Earl  of  Huntly,  his  declared  enemy,  on  the  pretence  that 
 he  was  a  confederate  of  Francis  the  turbulent  Earl  of  Bothwell,  against 
 whom  and  his  associates  James  VI.  had  issued  a  commission.  The 
 Bonnie  Earl  of  Moray  had  two  sons  and  three  daughters  by  Lady  Elizabeth 
 Stuart,  and  the  elder  of  the  former  succeeded  as  Earl  of  Aloray,  from 
 whom  the  subsequent  Earls  are  lineally  descended.— E.] 
 2  [The  ^larquis  D'Elbauif,  Queen  Clary's  uncle.— E.] 
 ^  The  unmannerliuess  of  Mr  Knox  could  be  agreeable  to  no  body. 
 
102  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AITAIIIS  [15G1. 
 
 enough Most   humbly   I   take   my  leave,    the  24th  of 
 
 October  15G1. 
 
 "  Your  Honour's  always  bounden, 
 
 "  Tiio.  Randolpue.'" 
 
 In  this  preceding  letter  we  are  given  to  understand  the 
 Queen's  intention  to  chastise  the  thieves  and  robbers,  who 
 infested  the  more  southern  parts  of  the  kingdom.  The 
 want  of  a  regular  government  had  mightily  increased  the 
 insults  and  depredations  of  those  loose  and  dissolute  rogues, 
 and  now  it  was  found  absolutely  necessary  to  take  some  legal 
 and  severe  course  by  them.  And  our  Queen  did  very  wisely 
 desire  of  the  Queen  of  England  that  her  Majesty  would  take 
 care  not  to  allow  these  robbers  to  get  shelter  within  her 
 kingdom,  because  otherwise  it  was  an  easy  matter  for  them 
 to  fly  into  the  next  Borders  of  England^  and  so  escape  the 
 punishment  of  the  Scottish  laws.  The  Queen  and  Council 
 had  determined  to  have  a  very  solemn  Court  of  Justice  holden 
 at  Jedburgh  for  trying  the  robbers,  and  the  Queen's  brother, 
 Lord  James,  the  tow'ring  favourite,  was  pitched  upon  to  be 
 the  Lord  Justice. ^  Our  two  historians  of  that  time  take 
 care,  after  their  usual  manner,  to  impose  their  own  malicious 
 
 ^  [Lord  James  Stuart,  Prior  of  St  Andrews,  was  created  Earl  of  Mar 
 by  Quet'ii  Mary  jjrevious  to  his  marriage  to  Lady  Aime  Keith,  daugliter 
 of  the  Karl  Marischal.  It  will  be  recollected  that  the  Trior's  mother, 
 afterwards  Lady  Margaret  Douglas  of  Loeldeveii,  was  the  younger 
 daughter  of  .John  fourth  Lord  Krskine,  j.roperly  liftli  Earl  of  Mar  of  the 
 surname  of  lOrskine.  The  EarUloni  of  Mar  wjis  at  this  time  in  abeyance, 
 and  indeed,  tlie  Family  of  Erskine  had  been  ki'pt  out  of  it  for  one  hundred 
 and  thirty  years.  The  Prior  retained  the  Earldom  only  a  sliort  period, 
 and  it  was  at  last  restored  to  its  rightful  i)roi)rietor,  John  fifth  Lord 
 l*:rskine,  in  15(J3.  I'revious  to  this  Queen  Mary  rewarded  the  services  of 
 her  ilh'gitiinatc  brother  in  his  IJorder  crusade  by  granting  him  a  charter 
 of  the  Earldom,  ho  being  maternally  descended  from  the  Family  of  Erskine, 
 on  the  7tlj  of  February  15f;i-2.  Mr  Tytler  thus  describes  his  first  official 
 expedition  to  the  Borders  :— "  The  Lord  James  exhibited  au  example  of 
 prompt  and  severe  justice  upon  the  Borders.  Proceeding  to  Jedburgh 
 and  Dumfries,  with  an  army  which  rendered  opposition  useless,  he  pur- 
 sued tlu'  tliieves  into  their  strongholds,  razed  tlieir  towns  to  the  gi'ound, 
 hanged  twenty  of  the  most  notorious  offenders,  sent  fifty  more  in  chains 
 to  E<linburgh,  and  in  a  meeting  with  the  English  Wanlens,  Lord  Grey 
 and  Sir  .John  Ftistcr,  restored  order  aiul  good  government  to  the  Marches. 
 MS.  Letter,  StatePaper  Office,  Lord  James  to  Cecil,  Hth  Nov.  IfifiL" 
 Tytler's  llistory  of  Scothuul,  Edin.  edit.  Isl2,  vol.  vi.  p.  248,  249.     See 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  103 
 
 constructions  upon  the  Queen's  intentions  herein  ;  and  that 
 they  may  put  it  in  the  most  plausible  dress  (though  indeed 
 there  can  hardly  appear  any  foundation  for  their  reflections), 
 they  both  tell  the  story  in  such  sort,  as  if  that  gentleman, 
 instead  of  being  sent  to  sit  as  judge  in  a  court,  and  repre- 
 sent his  royal  sovereign,  had  been  by  her  devoted  to  de- 
 struction, by  exposing  his  person,  unguarded,  to  a  merciless 
 set  of  murderers.  And  INlr  Buchanan,  in  order  to  magnify 
 the  danger  into  which  he  pretends  his  patron  was  now 
 thrown,  calls  these  robbers,  inhabitants  of  the  English  Bor- 
 ders, than  which  nothing  could  be  more  false.  And  he  says, 
 the  Queen's  Court  was  at  this  time  immersed  in  vice ;  upon 
 which  account  her  brother's  innocent  behaviour  was  distaste- 
 ful to  her,  and  therefore  she  sent  him  upon  this  errand, 
 to  get  herself  rid  of  him.  But  this  author's  assertion  had 
 passed  better  in  the  eyes  of  other  people,  if  the  English 
 Resident,  who  was  at  bottom  no  friend  to  our  Queen,  had 
 given  any  gi'ound  for  this  aspersion  in  his  letters. l       To 
 
 also  the  Letter,  Randolph  to  Cecil,  7th  December  1561,  in  the  followino- 
 Chapter.— E.] 
 
 1  INIr  Knox  tells  frankly,  that  masking  began  at  Lord  James's  marriage, 
 which  from  year  to  year  hath  continued  since  ;  and  Mr  Buchanan  him- 
 self owns,  that  there  was  at  that  marriage  immoderate  luxury.  Yet  the 
 first  of  these  authors  says  of  that  Lord,  that  "  the  image  of  God  was  in 
 him;"  and  the  other,  that  "he  could  not  endure  tlie  Queen's  loose  Avay 
 of  living. ^^  Strange  !  that  this  man  should  have  been  such  a  restraint 
 upon  the  Queen  in  her  luxury,  and  yet  tolerate  the  same  in  himself. — 
 [Lord  James  Stuart,  the  newly  created  Earl  of  Mar,  was  married  to  Lady 
 Agnes  Keith  in  St  Giles'  church  at  Edinburgh  in  February  luGl-2.  We 
 are  told  by  Knox  (Historic,  Edin.  edit,  folio,  1732,  p.  302),  that  after  the 
 cei-emony  was  performed,  the  person  who  officiated — probably  Knox  him- 
 self— gave  them  both  "  ane  admonitioun  to  behave  themselves  moderately 
 in  all  things  ;"  and  the  bridegroom  was  thus  addressed — "  Unto  this  day 
 has  the  Kirk  of  God  resaved  comfort  by  you,  and  by  your  labours  ;  in  the 
 quhilk,  if  hereafter  ye  shall  be  fund  fainter  than  that  ye  were  before,  it 
 will  be  said  that  your  wife  has  changed  your  nature."  The  marriage  wa.s 
 celebrated  with  such  splendour  that  the  apprehensions  of  the  preachers  were 
 roused.  "  The  greatness  of  the  banquet,"  says  Knox,  "  and  the  vanity 
 used  thereat,  offended  many  godly  ;  there  began  the  maskhig,  (pihilkfrom 
 year  to  year  has  continued  since."  The  utmost  clamour  was  excited  against 
 the  riotous  feasting  and  banquets  on  this  occasion,  but  the  virulence  of 
 the  preachers  was  particularly  directed  agauist  tlie  masquerades,  till 
 then  unknown  in  Scotland,  with  which  sucli  a  pious  personage  as  Lord 
 James  Stuart  was  reputed  to  have  amused  his  friends.  "  At  tliis  notable 
 marriage,"  says  Randolph  to  Cecil,  "  one  thing  there  was  which  I  must 
 
104  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 give  a  true  iiisiLjlit  in  tliis  wliolo  affair,  and  to  remove  the 
 unjust  n.'i»r('scntation  tlK-Toof,  I  sliall  think  myself  obliged 
 to  set  down  here  the  Acts  of  Privy  Council  relating  there- 
 unto ;  and  by  these  the  reader  will  be  able  to  fonn  a  proper 
 judgment  of  it  from  tlw  first  to  the  last. 
 
 Apud  Palatium   Regincv  i^rope  Edinhurgum^    13.  Odohris^ 
 Anno  15  Gl. 
 
 Sederunt  Georghis  Comes  de  Iluntlie^  Willelnius  Marescallw 
 Comes^  Jacobus  Comes  de  Bothuell,  Jacohus  Commendatarius 
 perpetuus  Prioratuum^  Sti  Andrew  et  Pitteniceme. 
 
 "  It  is  statute  and  ordanit  be  the  Quenis  and  Lordis  of  hir 
 Secreit-Counsale  aboue  writtin,  That  ane  Justice-Court  be 
 set  and  haklin  in  Jedburgh,  and  ane  other  in  Dumfreis,  als 
 haistalie  as  can  be  possible ;  and  the  Justice-Court  of  Jed- 
 burgh to  bo  haldin  the  Lnh  day  of  November  nixttocum, 
 and  the  Justice-Clerk  to  ordoure  the  samyn  as  becummis 
 him  of  his  office :  And  als,  That  Letters  be  direct  to 
 charge  all  the  p]rlis,  Lordis,  Baronis,  Gentilmen.  Landitmen, 
 and  Frehaldaris  within  the  boundis  of  Edinburgh  princi- 
 pale,  and  within  the  Constabularie  of  Hadingtoun,  Linlyth- 
 gow,  Striviling,  Clackmannane,  Kynross,  Fyfe,  Berwick, 
 Peblis,  Selkirk,  and  Koxburgh,  that  thai  with  thair  sub- 
 stancious  housaldis,  weil  bodin  in  feir  of  weir,  in  tliair  niaist 
 substancious  maner,  meit  James  Commendator  of  Saint- 
 androis  and  Pittenweim,  Lieutennant,  at  Lauder,  the  loth 
 day  of  November  nixttocum,  and  pass  ford  wart  with  him  to 
 Jedburgh,  for  the  effaris  concernyng  the  connnone-weill  of 
 i\\v  Bealme,  and  thair  to  remaine  for  the  space  of  20  dayis 
 eftir  thair  cuming  to  Jedburgh,  under  the  pane  of  tinsalc  of 
 lyfe,  landis,  and  gudis. 
 
 *'  Forsamekle  as  the  Quenis  ^Lajestie  having,  at  hir  hame- 
 
 ti'^tify  with  luv  own  liaml,  \\liii-li  is,  that  iii)on  i^lirovo  Tuosilay,  at  iiij,'ht, 
 sittinjj  anionj,'  the  Lords  at  supper  in  si^^ht  of  tht»  Queen,  ami  i)hu*ed 
 for  that  purpose,  she  drank  unto  the  Queen's  Majesty,  and  sent  nio  the 
 cup  of  f^oUl.  After  supp«'r,  in  pivin^  her  Majesty  thanks,  she  uttered, 
 in  numy  aft'eetionate  words,  her  desire  of  amity  and  perpetual  kindness 
 with  till!  (^uren,  and  returned  and  talked  lon^with  me  thereof  in  the 
 hcarin;,'  of  thr  Duke  and  the  ICarl  of  lluntly."  .MS.  Letter,  State-Paper 
 Oflice,  Wandoli)h  to  C'eeil,  12th  Feb.  l.'ib'l  2.  Tytlcr's  History  of  Scot- 
 land, Kdin.  edit.  1S12,  vol.  vi.  p.  258.— K.J 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  105 
 
 cuming,  fundin  hir  Realme  in  gude  peax  with  all  hir  nytboris, 
 is  of  mynd  to  interteny  the  samyn  be  all  meanes,  and  thair- 
 withall  to  conserve  the  hcgis  of  hir  Realme  in  quietnes  ; 
 Nottheless  ane  pairt  of  hir  subjectis  duolland  neir  the  Bor- 
 douris  being,  as  weill  apperis  be  thair  procedingis,  impacient 
 of  all  glide  ordoiire,  be  brekking  of  the  cuntrie,  intendis 
 to  disturb  the  commone  tranqiiillite,  making  continuale 
 heirschippis,  stowthis,  and  reiffis  iipoiin  iither  peaceable  sub- 
 jectis dwelland  in  the  incuntrie  ;  quhilkis  disordouris  hir 
 Majestic  cannot  suffer  unpunissit :  For  repressing  of  the 
 quhilks  enormiteis,  hir  Hienes  lies  commandit  ane  Justice- 
 Court  to  be  affixit  and  holdin  in  the  Tolbuith  of  Jedburgh 
 the  15th  day  of  November  nixttocum,  and  quhairunto  hir 
 
 Hienes  will  direct with  hir  commissioun  and  power  : 
 
 And  finding,  be  avyss  of  the  Lordis  of  hir  Secreit-Counsale, 
 necessarie  for  executioun  of  hir  Hienes  commandement  and 
 service  in  yat  behalf,  yat  hir  Justice  be  weill  accumpanyit, 
 and  hir  autoritie  sufficiently  fortifeit  be  concurrence  of  ane 
 gude  power  of  hir  faithfull  subjectis  :  Thairfoir  hir  Majestic, 
 be  advyss  foirsaid,  ordanis  letteris  to  be  direct  to  the 
 shireffis  of  Edinburgh  principale,  and  within  the  Con- 
 stabularie  of  Hadingtoun,  Linlythgow,  Striviling,  Clak- 
 mannan,  Kinroschyre,  Fyfe,  Berwik,  Roxburgh,  Selkirk, 
 and  Peblis,  and  yair  deputis,  and  to  officiaris  of  the  Quenis 
 shireffis  in  yat  part,  chargeing  yame  to  pass  to  the  mercat- 
 croces  of  the  heid-burrowis  of  the  schiris  foirsaidis,  and 
 utheris  places  neidfull,  and  yair  be  oppin  proclamatioun  in 
 oure  Soverane  Ladeis  name  and  autorite,  command  and 
 charge  all  and  sundrie,  Erlis,  Lordis,  Baronis,  Frehaldaris, 
 Landitmen,  and  utheris  Gentilmen  duelland  within  the  saids 
 schirefdomes.  That  thai,  and  ilk  ane  of  yame,  ^^  ith  yair  kin, 
 freindis,  servandis  and  hou.shaldmen,  weill  bodin  in  fcir  of 
 weir,  in  yair  maist  substancious  maner,  with  20  dayis  vittalis 
 and  provisioun,  meit  said  at  Lauder,  ye 
 
 day  of  November  nixt  to  cum ;  and  fra  thyns,  to  pass  ford- 
 wart  with  him  in  cumpany  to  the  burgh  of  Jedburgh,  yair 
 to  remaine  during  the  said  space  of  20  dayis,  and  to  ressave 
 sik  dircctioun  and  command  as  sal  be  gevin  be  him  to  }'aine 
 in  oure  Soverane  Ladeis  name,  for  quietnes  of  the  cuntre, 
 and  put  the  samyn  to  executioun,  under  the  pane  of  tinsale 
 of  lyfe,  landis,  and  gudis/' 
 
lOG  THE  HISTORY  OF  TIIK  AFFAIRS  [15Gi. 
 
 Apucl  dictum  Palatium^  12th  Novembris,  Anno  1561. 
 
 Followis  the  Instructionis  gevin  he  the  Quenis  Majesiie  to  nuj 
 Lord  James,  to  he  usit  he  him,  and  as  he  thinkis  expedient^ 
 he  the  advyss  of  tlie  Coumale  present  with  him^  in  the  Pro- 
 ccedtnnis  at  the  Justice-Court^  now  to  he  haldin  hi/  continua- 
 tioun,  to  the  15th  day  of  this  instant  month  of  November 
 15G1,  at  Jedburgh. 
 
 "  In  the  first, 
 
 "  Item,  Gif  it  be  tliocht  expedient  be  the  said  Lord  James, 
 be  the  advyss  of  the  Counsalc  being  present  with  him  in  ony 
 part  yairof  the  tyme  of  his  remaning  in  Jedburgh,  yat  ony 
 pcrsone  or  personis  dissobedient  within  the  boundis  of  the 
 myddil  Merehcis,  or  utheris  partis,  be  riddin  on  and  invadit 
 be  fyre  and  swerd,  the  samyn  to  be  als  lauchfulhe  done  as 
 gif  speciale  Commissioun  wer  gevin  under  the  Quenis  Majes- 
 ties Greit  Seill,  to  do  the  samyn  upoun  every  particuhir,  yair 
 partakeris,  assistaris  or  adheraris  :  And  to  asage  houses, 
 and  gif  yai  be  haklin,  to  cast  doun  the  samyn,  as  sal  be 
 thocht  gude  be  him ;  and  quhatsumever  thing  yat  happynis 
 to  be  done  by  fyre,  slachter,  taking  of  gudes,  presonaris,  or 
 uttherwyss  in  yat  behalf,  na  persone  nor  personis  subjectis 
 of  this  Kealme  to  have  actioun  yairfoir  nowther  criminaHe 
 nor  civihe,  bot  ye  said  Lord  James,  or  quhatsumever  utheris 
 being  with  him,  or  at  his  command  doand  the  premissis,  to 
 be  fre  of  all  the  actionis  foirsaids,  with  power  to  liim  to 
 direct  letteris  in  oure  said  Soveranis  name,  to  charge  all 
 and  sundry  ye  inhabitantis  of  the  said  mydil  Merchis,  and 
 utheris  partis  adjacent  yairto,  to  concur  with  him,  to  the 
 effect  foirsaid,  under  the  pane  of  deid  :  And  ordanis  the 
 Signet  to  answer  letteris  upoun  his  deliverance,  and  twa  of 
 the  Counsallis  hand-writtis,  to  the  effect  foirsaid,  or  any 
 uycr  effaris  conccrnyng  the  weill  of  the  cunttre  dureng  his 
 residence  yair. 
 
 "  Item,  Gif  it  sal  be  thocht  gude  to  the  said  Lord  James 
 to  wryt  to  the  Wardanis  of  Ingland,  or  any  utheris  havand 
 Commissioun  of  the  (^uene  of  Ingland,  for  the  weill  of  this 
 llealme,  and  kepyng  of  the  samyn,  and  liegis  yairof  in  quiet- 
 ness, that  he wryt  to  yat  effect,  as  he  sal  think  expe- 
 dient :    And  als,   with   power  to  the   said   Lord   James  to 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  107 
 
 charge  the  Wardanis  of  all  the  Merchis  of  this  Realme,  and 
 utheris  havand  charge  within  ye  samyn,  to  do  in  all  thingis, 
 for  the  suppressing  of  malefactoris  as  he  sal  charge  yame, 
 and  as  thai  will  answer  to  oure  said  Soverane  upoun  yair 
 allegeance  and  particular  bandis ;  with  certificatioun  to  yame, 
 and  yai  falze,  yai  sal  be  accusit  yairfoir,  as  gif  yai  wer 
 chargit  be  oure  said  Soverane  in  particular. 
 
 "  Item,  Gif  ony  persone  or  personis  happynis  to  be 
 convict  at  the  said  Justice-Court  for  quhatsumevir  cryme, 
 giff  the  said  Lord  James  thinkis  yame  to  be  replaitit,  and 
 ye  executioun  yairof  to  be  continewit,  for  the  better  execu- 
 tioun  of  justice.  That  he  continew  the  samyn,  and  transport, 
 and  causs  the  personis  foirsaidis  to  be  transportit  to  the 
 burgh  of  Edinburgh,  or  sik  uthir  place  he  pleissis,  quhile 
 oure  Soveranis  mynd  be  knawin  thairintill. 
 
 "  Item,  Gif  ony  persone  or  personis  being  at  the  home, 
 or  fugitive  fra  the  lawis,  with  quhome  he  may  not,  without 
 danger,  intercommune  with  yame ;  That  he  speik  and  inter- 
 commone,  and  causs  utheris  quhome  he  pleissis  name,  inter- 
 commone  with  thame,  for  the  weill  of  the  countre,  and  fur- 
 therance of  the  executioun  of  justice,  als  oft  as  he  sal  think 
 expedient,  for  the  quhilk  yai  sal  incur  na  skayth  nor  danger 
 in  tyme  to  cum. 
 
 "  Item,  Quhatsumevir  uther  thingis  the  said  Lord  James, 
 be  ye  avyss  of  the  maist  part  of  the  Lordis  of  ye  Secreit 
 Counsale  being  with  him,  happynis  to  do,  and  put  to  execu- 
 tioun, for  the  Weill  of  ye  countre,  ye  samyn  sal  be  haldin  als 
 lauchfullie  done  as  gif  speciale  Oommissioun  wer  gevin  to 
 him  or  yame,  upoun  every  point  and  particle  yairof,  in  the 
 maist  ample  form  under  the  Greit  Seill. 
 
 "  Quhilkis  Instructionis  the  Quenis  Majestic  ordanis  to  be 
 insert  in  the  Bukis  of  Privie  Counsale,  and  to  have  the 
 strenth  of  ane  Act  yairof,  and  to  remane  yairin  ad  perpetuwn 
 rei  memoriam.'''' 
 
 Now,  by  these  original  Records  we  perceive,  that  the 
 Lord  James  was  one  of  the  Council  who  appointed  this 
 Justice-Court :  He  was  not  therefore  put  into  the  Commission 
 against  his  own  inclination,  nor  did  the  Queen,  by  her 
 sovereign  authority,  send  him  away.  VV^e  see  likewise  the 
 great  force  and  pomp  wherewith  he  was  surrounded  ;  even 
 
108  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 SO  great,  that  pcrliaps,  liad  it  not  been  to  do  him  the  more 
 honour,  one  lialf  thereof  niifrht  liave  been  spar'd.  And  I 
 may  with  great  confidence  affirm,  that  there  was  not  then^ 
 nor  is  now,  any  subject  witliin  the  hmits  of  Scotland,  tliat 
 would  be  afraid  of  his  Hfe,  to  go  in  company  of,  and  be 
 guarded  by  so  many  attendants,  all  in  arms.  And  in  general, 
 the  readers  will  easily  observe,  by  the  corrections  which  I 
 have  made  from  original  Ilecords,  of  almost  all  the  facts 
 hitherto  touched  by  Mr  Buchanan  and  Mr  Knox,  which 
 bear  any  relation  to  their  Sovereign  the  Queen,  how  grossly, 
 if  not  maliciously,  they  have  deborded  from  the  truth,  and 
 how  little  ground  posterity  has  to  rely  upon  their  represen- 
 tations in  other  facts,  when  supported  by  no  better  authority 
 than  theirs. 1 
 
 ^  [The  char[,'0  of  i)rofligacy,  ■vvliicli  Knox  and  Bnchanan  repeatedly  briiifj 
 against  Queen  Clary's  Court  without  any  sufficient  reason,  must  be  re- 
 ceived with  great  caution,  when  we  consider  that  both  were  her  avowed 
 enemies.  As  to  the  preachers  generally,  though  honourable  exceptions 
 might  be  i)roduced,  "  all,"  says  a  writer,  "  Avere  deep  politicians.  If  one 
 l)reached  sedition,  he  quoted  authorities  from  Scri})ture.  If  he  interfered 
 in  the  privacy  of  families,  he  maintained  his  privilege  of  checking  A-ice. 
 Causes  too  trifling  for  repetition  they  debated  as  earnestly  as  matters  of 
 the  highest  importance.  Punishment,  and  the  mode  of  inflicting  it,  occu- 
 pied more  attention  than  the  manner  of  repressing  crimes."  In  a  letter 
 from  Randolph  to  Cecil,  which  is  inserted  in  the  following  Chajiter,  we 
 have  a  remarkable  instance  of  the  inconsistency  of  the  preachers,  in  allow- 
 ing the  Earl  of  Arran,  one  of  their  greatest  cliamj)ions,  to  live  in  a  state 
 of  oj)en  and  unchallcjiged  incontinence,  merely  because  he  was  a  deter- 
 mined enemy  to  the  celebration  of  the  Roman  Catholic  ritual,  which  was 
 still  the  established  religion  of  the  Kingdom.  Knox  records,  without  the 
 slightest  censure  on  Arran,  the  clamours  they  raised  about  the  nocturnal 
 rambles  of  three  Noblemen,  who  "  played  the  riot"  at  a  house  of  question- 
 able repute  in  St  Clary's  Wynd,  where  they  had  at  a  j)revious  visit  been 
 cordially  received,  simjjly  because  the  amorous  dalliance  of  the  Earl  had 
 been  interrupted. — E.J 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  109 
 
 CHAPTER  III. 
 
 A  CONTINUATION  OF  STATE  AFFAIRS  UNTILL  THE  END  OF 
 THIS  YEAR. 
 
 As  on  the  one  hand  the  scarcity  of  matter  afforded  by  our 
 historians,  and  on  the  other  by  the  misrepresentations  im- 
 posed by  them,  have  obliged  me  to  make  use  of  a  great 
 many  original  Papers,  to  supply  the  first,  and  rectify  the 
 second,  by  which  means  the  contents  of  this  period  are 
 extended  to  a  very  great  bulk,  I  have  therefore  made  here  a 
 new  break  besides  what  I  intended,  with  purpose  to  contri- 
 bute thereby  in  some  sort  to  the  relaxation  of  my  readers. 
 
 Here  follow  some  original  letters  which  discover  unto  us 
 the  remaining  transactions  of  this  year. 
 
 A  Letter  from  Mr  Bandolph  to  Sir  William  Cecil, 
 11th  November  1561.1 
 
 "In  such  matters  as  of  late  I  have  had  to  do  before  this 
 Queen  and  her  Council,  I  have  informed  my  Lords  of  the 
 Q.  Majestie\s  Honourable  Council ;  whereof  your  Honour, 
 for  the  place  you  are  in,  cannot  be  ignorant The  ab- 
 sence of  the  Duke's  Grace  from  this  Court  caused  here  such 
 bruit  and  rumors  among  the  people,  of  his  mislikiug  of  the 
 Queen's  proceedings,  with  somewhat  else  that  they  unad- 
 visedly reported,  that  was  meant  towards  him,  that  he  was 
 advised  by  his  friends  to  repair  unto  this  town,  and  by  his 
 presence  make  void  all  such  vain  talk,  as  was  here  in  many 
 men's  mouths.  Upon  Tuesday  last,  the  4th  of  this  instant, 
 he  came  into  this  town  ;  upon  ^yednesday  he  saw  the  Queen, 
 and  was  well  received,  and,  as  he  confesseth  himself  unto 
 me,  no  manner  of  occasion  offered  unto  him  by  the  Queen 
 of  misliking.  Since  that  time  he  hath  been  daily  in  Court 
 and  Council ;  howbeit  his  purpose  is  not  to  remain  here 
 above  6  or  7  days  more.  He  doubteth  greatly  that  the 
 Queen  intendeth  to  take  from  him  Dumbritton  ;  and  so 
 thinketh  himself  void  of  all  place  of  succour,  if  this  Queen 
 
 ^  Calig.  Book  X.  an  Original. — [British  Museum. — E.] 
 
110  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 intend  at  any  time  to  take   (juarrcl   against   him  :    '  For,' 
 .saith  he,  '  whenever  she  has  that  out  of  my  hands,  I  know 
 that  her  mind  towards  me  and  my  House  cannot  be  good  : 
 I  will  tlierefore  assure  myself,  by  all  means  that  I  can,  to 
 keep  that ;  which,'  saith  he,  '  I  shall  not  be  able  to  do, 
 except  your  mistress  at  that  time  stand  a  gracious  Princess 
 unto  me,  who  hath  promised  me,  by  letters,  never  to  see  me 
 nor  my  House  wrecked /^      Tho'  I  know  that  he  doubteth 
 more  than  he  hath  occasion,  yet  would  I  no  manner  of  way 
 condcnm  his  purpose ;    nor  thought  it  good  any  way  to  dis- 
 courage him  of  the  Q.  Alajestie's  favour,  so  long  as  he  per- 
 severes in  the  maintaining  of  God's  truth,  obedience  to  his 
 Sovereign,  and  affection  towards  my  mistress  according  to 
 her  demerits^  upon  him  and  his  son.     In  this  behalf  he 
 spake  enough  ;  he  required  me  very  earnestly  to  advertise 
 your  Honour  hereof,  and,  if  it  seem  good  unto  you,  to  open 
 the  same  unto  the  Q.  Majestic,  to  know  what  her  Grace  will 
 do  for  him,  if  he  be  brought  into  that  necessity  to  take  the 
 place^  for  his  refuge  ;  and  therefore  desireth  your  Honour's 
 answer,  and  favourable  word  unto  her  Majestic.    I  enquired 
 of  him.  What  right  he  had  to  have  that  place  ?  or  pretence 
 to  refuse  the  delivery,  if  it  were  demanded  I     He  answered 
 me,  That  his  right  was  none  ;*  but  that  he  took  it  from 
 the  Earl  of  Lenox,  and  that  he  had  a  promise  by  mouth 
 made  unto  him  by  this  Queen's  mother,  to  have  it  in  farm 
 for  10  years.    My  Lord  of  Arran  remaineth  at  St  Andrew's; 
 he  knoweth  not  himself,  and  I  cannot  conjecture,  what  he 
 meaneth  by  his  abode  there  :   He  wrote  of  late  unto  the 
 Council,  that  he  might  be  answered  of  the  revenues  of  St 
 Andrew's,  Dumfermling,  and  Melross,  by  the  Queen's  autho- 
 rity, as  they  had  put  him  in  possession ;   adding  this  clause, 
 That  otherwise  he  would  complain  unto  his  brethren,  who 
 from  the  begiiming  had  been  of  the  Congregation.     This 
 manner  of  doing  was  found  very  strange ;   his  ]]ill  was  re- 
 jected, and  nothing  was  said  thereunto.    It  is  now  called  in 
 
 *  Wlu'thcr  this  was  the  resolution  of  a  dutiful  subject  let  inipaitial  moii 
 judpc.  The  (^ueen  of  Kn;;lan(l  could  not  fail  to  see  herself  the  umpire  in 
 all  Scottlsfi  aftairs. 
 
 "  i.  0.  Merits— the  word  il<mirifit  l)t>in^'at  that  time  taken  in  the  sense  of 
 the  Latin  lUmnuor. 
 
 •*  i.  e.  Secure  himself  within  the  Castle  of  Dumbarton. 
 
 *  Here  is  an  authontiek  account  of  the  Duke's  tenure  of  this  Castle. 
 
15G1.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  Ill 
 
 question,  whether  that  the  Princess  being  an  idolater,  may 
 be  obeyed  in  all  civil  and  politick  actions.  I  think  mar- 
 velously  of  the  Wisdom  of  God,  that  gave  this  unruly,  un- 
 constant,  and  cumbersome  people,  no  more  substance  nor 
 power  than  they  have,  for  then  would  they  run  wdld.i  Now 
 they  imagine  that  the  Lord  James  groweth  cold,  that  he 
 aspireth  to  great  matters  ;  he  is  now  Lieutenant  upon  the 
 Borders,  commander  (that  is,  sole  minion)  of  the  Queen, 
 like  shortly  to  be  Earl  of  Murray,  and  Treasurer  of  Scot- 
 land ;2  Lidington  ambitious,  and  too  full  of  policy.  So  there 
 is  no  remedy,  say  they,  it  must  yet  come  to  a  new  day.  To 
 the  contrary  of  this  I  perswade  by  all  means  that  I  can, 
 with  such  as  I  may  most  assuredly  have  to  do  ;  and  in  my 
 conscience  they  are  in  the  wrong  to  the  Lord  James :  And 
 whensoever  Lidington  is  taken  out  of  this  place,  they  shall 
 not  find  among  themselves  so  fit  a  man  to  serve  in  this 
 Realm.  My  Lord  of  Arran  hath  been  oft  perswaded  with, 
 to  conform  himself  to  this  estate  and  time :  My  sayings 
 have  been   always  unto  him.    That  the  greater  tokens  of 
 
 ^  This  reflection  from  this  stranger  was  a  severe  reproof  on  the  sticklers 
 in  those  days,  and  may  serve  for  a  memorial  to  their  posterity. — [But 
 Randolph  had  more  effectual  resources  than  the  turbulent  disposition  of 
 the  Scottish  people  at  that  period.  Exactly  two  months  before  he  wrote 
 the  above  letter,  viz. — on  the  12th  of  September,  he  thus  urges  Cecil — 
 "  I  have  not  further  for  thys  tyme  to  trouble  your  Honour,  but  that  yt 
 wyll  please  you  to  have  in  remembrance  the  Queen's  jNIajestie  my  Sove- 
 rayne's  warrant  unto  ISIr  Treasurer,  that  my  allowance  may  be  monethlye 
 advanced,  for  that  Scotlande  is  no  p/ace  where  I  can  hjve  withoti-te  monye  in  my 
 'purse.  He  will,  I  truste,  upon  your  Honour's  letter  shewe  me  some 
 frendeshyppe  therein.  Great  meancs  is  made  hotlie  unto  Iiym  and  me  hy 
 Scottishnen  for  English  monye,  Thoughe  of  hym  I  dowte  not,  and  assure 
 your  Honor  of  myself,  yet  I  feare  muche  will  goe  that  waye."  Wright's 
 Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Times,  1838,  vol.  i.  p.  78.— E.] 
 
 2  [Lord  James  Stuart  never  ^yas  Lord  High  Treasurer  of  Scotland.  He 
 seems  to  have  been  soon  dissatisfied  with  the  Earldom  of  Mar,  and  he  was 
 probably  annoyed  by  his  relative  Lord  Erskinc,  who  was  pressing  his 
 claims.  The  truth  is,  the  Earldom  of  Moray,  then  in  the  possession  of 
 the  powerful  Roman  Catholic  Earl  of  Huntly,had  been  for  some  time  the 
 great  object  of  his  ambition.  We  have  seen  that  when  Prior  of  St  An- 
 drews he  solicited  from  Queen  Mary,  after  her  marriage  to  the  Dauphin, 
 the  Earldom  of  ^Sforay  while  he  was  in  France,  and  was  refused,  with  the 
 advice  to  enter  the  Church,  and  the  promise  of  a  Bisliopric  either  in 
 France  or  Scotland.  He  was  even  subsequently  offered  a  Cardinal's  hat, 
 and  the  higliest  advancement,  if  he  would  conform  to  the  Churcli  of 
 Rome,  and  prefer  an  ecclesiastical  to  a  civil  career.  Tytler's  History  of 
 Scotland,  edit.  IS42,  vol.  vi.  p.  220.— E.J 
 
112  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 obedience  that  he  shews  now  unto  his  Sovereign,  the  better 
 shall  he  bo  able  to  govern,  and  tlio  people  to  know  their 
 duty,  if  Ciod  send  him  unto  that  place.  I  find  my  words 
 better  allowed  than  followed  of  him. 
 
 "  I  wrote  unto  your  Honour,  that  the  Provest  and  Baillies 
 of  this  town  were  de])osed ;  we  look  now  daily  to  have  them 
 restored,  and  the  self  same  confinned  that  they  were  put 
 out  of  their  office  for.  Upon  All-hallow  Day  the  Queen  had 
 a  sung  Mass.  That  night  one  of  the  Priests  was  well 
 beaten  for  his  reward  by  a  servant  of  the  Lord  Robert*'s. 
 We  look  to  have  it  proclaimed  again,  That  no  man  under 
 pain  of  confiscation  of  goods  and  lands  here  say  or  como 
 unto  her  own  Mass,  saving  her  own  houshold  that  came  out 
 of  France.  The  ministers  shall  have  their  livings  appointed 
 by  her  authority. 
 
 ''  As  I  thought  thus  to  have  ended,  there  were  sent  unto 
 mc  your  letters  brought  by  La  Croc,^  who,  as  the  Lord  of 
 Lidington  giveth  me  to  understand,  hath  made  very  honour- 
 able report  of  Q.  Majestie  my  Sovereign.  The  Lord  James 
 also  confirmeth  the  same  with  many  merry  words,  that  the 
 Queen  wished  that  one  of  the  two  [viz.  one  of  the  two 
 Queens]  were  man,  to  make  an  end  of  all  debates.  This  I 
 trow  was  spoken  in  her  merry  mood.  Yesterday  I  sought 
 occasion  to  have  spoken  with  her  Grace  myself,  but  she 
 was  busy  about  St  Comc's  despatch  into  France,  who  within 
 two  days  taketli  his  journey.  Her  Grace  purposeth  to 
 write  unto  the  (}.  Majestic  herself  in  her  own  hand.  St 
 Come'^s  errand  into  France  is  to  understand  the  state  of 
 things  there,  to  fashion  as  near  as  she  may  all  things 
 accordingly  here,  to  entertain  amity  by  kind  words,  and 
 to  fetch  new  instructions  how  matters  shall  be  governed 
 here.  To  speak  of  himself;  he  is  gentle,  and  honest  enough  ; 
 but  not  without  suspicion  (jf  over  great  ambition,  which 
 may  move  him  by  all  ways  that  ho  can  to  serve  her  appe- 
 tite.2  We  retain  our  old  familiarity,  and  accordingly  I 
 must  needs  coimnend  him  unto  your  Honour.  This  (^ucen 
 longeth    greatly   to    hear   of   the    (^    Majestie's  resolution 
 
 '   lie  was  sent  from  France.     Mention  has  fonnorlv  l>i'en  made  of  liini. 
 
 '  The  Queen  has  been  imposed  njwn  in  the  choice  of  this  man,  for  he 
 was  entirely  of  the  Lord  James's  side.  He  was  no  proper  pei-son  for  the 
 (^ueen  to  trust  in  France. 
 
loGl.J  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  113 
 
 touching  Sir  Peter-  Mewtas'  legation.  I  have  made  both 
 the  Lord  James  and  Lord  of  Lidington  privy  of  my  Lord 
 of  Bedford's  entertainment  and  courtesy  towards  the  Grand- 
 Prior  and  Mons.  d'Anville ;  they  leave  nothing  unspoken 
 thereof  to  the  Queen  in  as  good  words  as  they  can.  I  hear 
 that  the  news  that  she  hath  of  the  Cardinal,  and  Duke's 
 leaving  of  the  Court,  pleaseth  her  but  little.  All  men  here 
 judge  the  time  of  the  year  past  for  the  King  of  Sweden's 
 coming,!  tho'  of  late  the  bruit  was  great  that  he  was  arrived 
 at  Dunkirk.  Such  of  the  Lords  as  have  their  hostages  at 
 Newcastle,  propose  shortly  to  write  unto  the  Q.  Majestio 
 for  the  deliverance  of  them,  forasmuch  as  the  year  is  now 
 near  expired.  I  pers waded  with  the  Lord  James  to  let 
 the  year  first  run  out  before  any  such  thing  were  moved. 
 Others  thought  it  best  out  of  hand,  to  avoid  charges.  To- 
 morrow I  shall  know  their  resolution. Most  humbly  I 
 
 take  my  leave.    At  Edinburgh  the  11th  of  November  15G1.2 
 "  Your  Honour's  bounden  and 
 
 "  always  ready  to  command, 
 
 "  Tho.  Randolphe." 
 
 A  Letter  from  Mr  Randolph  to  Secretary  Cecil,  Itli  December 
 
 1561.3 
 "  I  DOUBT  not  but  before  this  time  your  Honour  hath  lookt 
 
 ^  [Eric  XIV.  King  of  Sweden,  in  1560  offered  his  hand  to  Queen 
 Elizabeth,  and  even  in  that  year  was  believed  to  be  on  his  way  to  England. 
 John,  Duke  of  Finland,  Eric's  brother,  had  been  sent  by  their  father.  King 
 Gustavus,  to  negotiate  the  marriage. — Wright's  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her 
 Times,  vol.  i.  p.  40.  The  expectation  of  the  King  of  Sweden's  arrival  was 
 so  great,  that  on  the  25th  of  September  1561,  an  order  was  issued  for  the 
 manner  of  his  reception.  Cecil  writes  to  the  Earl  of  Sussex,  dated  St 
 James',  7th  October  1561 — "  The  King  of  Sweden  was  on  the  seas,  and 
 abowte  the  8th  of  September  blown  homeward.  They  saye  he  is  so 
 ernest  that  he  will  como  by  land.  Some  of  his  treasur  and  horses  be 
 come  to  London."     Ibid.  vol.  i.  p.  79. — E.J 
 
 ^  [This  letter  is  dated  the  fourth  of  November  in  the  reprint  of  it 
 in  Wright's  "  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Times,"  vol.  i.  p.  81-84.  Our  His- 
 torian omits  some  passages  in  it,  such  as  Lord  James  Stuart's  projected 
 first  expedition  against  the  Borderers,  to  be  accom])anied  by  the  Earls  of 
 IVIorton  and  Bothwell,  Lords  Erskine,  Seton,  and  Levoson,  by  Avhom 
 Randolph  means  Lirinrj.ton — tlie  acknowledgment  of  Cecil's  letters  of 
 tlie  26th  of  November,  evidently  a  niisi)rint  of  the  proper  month — his 
 "  humble  thanks  for  your  favourable  remembrance  of  my  Ucence  for 
 horses  and  the  augmentation  of  my  dietts  hero" — and  other  personal 
 matters. — E.] 
 
 ^  Calig.  Book  X.  an  Original. — [British  Museum. — E.] 
 VOL.  II.  8 
 
114  THE  HISTuUY  UF  TIIK  AlFAIRS  [15GI. 
 
 to  liear  Hoincwhat  out  of  these  parts.  I  have  the  longer 
 stayM  my  letters,  that  I  might  accoinj)any  them  with  the 
 L.  of  Lethington's  unto  your  Honour.  By  that  he  hath  pro- 
 mised to  me  to  write  unto  your  Honour,  you  shall  understand 
 his  opinion  touching  the  perpetuating  of  the  Amity,  that  is 
 upon  this  side  of  the  most  part  of  men  so  earnestly  desired, 
 and  also  his  full  mind  (as  near  as  he  can  conceive)  of  the 
 sincere  meaning  of  his  mistress  in  that  behalf.  How  much 
 more  privy  that  he  is  unto  all  her  doings  than  it  is  possible 
 for  me  to  be,  the  better  is  he  able  to  inform  your  Honour  of 
 the  depths  of  her  thoughts  in  that  matter  ;  and  I  assure  my- 
 self, that  there  lacketh  no  good-will  in  him  thereunto  :  For 
 so  much  as  I  am  able  myself  to  conjecture,  she  meaneth  no 
 less  than  hath  been  spoke  often  both  by  herself  and  others, 
 to  do  what  she  can  to  unite  the  two  Realms  in  so  perfect 
 an  amity,  as  the  like  hath  not  been.  I  never  have  access 
 unto  her  Grace  upon  any  occasion,  but  our  purpose  endeth 
 in  that  matter :  I  never  heard  better  words,  nor  more 
 affectionately  spoken,  as  of  the  last  talk  I  had  with  her 
 Grace.  Your  Honour  shall  hear  as  the  same  cometh  in 
 place  to  be  spoken  of,  having  first  advertised  you  of  other 
 things  that  have  pass'd  since  my  last  letters  ;  in  the  which 
 I  told  you  of  the  arrival  of  the  Duke's  Grace,  after  the  long 
 absenting  of  himself  from  this  Court,  and  of  the  occasion 
 thereof.     Since  that  time  this  befell. 
 
 The  next  day  after  the  L.  James'  departure  out  of  this 
 town  towards  Jedburgh,  there  came  hither  the  Bp.  of  St 
 Andrews:^  AV^ithin  2  or  3  days  after  came  the  Bps.  of 
 Dumblane-  and  ( 'athness.3  The  Bj).  of  Ross"^  was  here  before, 
 made  one  of  the  Privy-Council,  and^  Lord  President  of  the 
 
 '  [John  Hamilton,  Archbishop  of  St  Andrews. — E.] 
 
 ^  [  Williiun  Chisholni,  uncle  of  his  coadjutor  and  successor  William 
 Chishohn. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Robert  Stewart,  brother  of  Matthew  Earl  of  Lennox,  and  uncle  of 
 T^rd  Darnloy.  In  ir)76'  he  became  Earl  of  Lennox,  and  in  IT}?.*)  he  was 
 created  Ivirl  of  March  when  he  resii^nied  the  ICarldom  of  Lennox  in  favour 
 of  his  trrandnephew,  Esme  Stewart,  Lord  Aubi^Miy.  lie  never  was  in 
 holy  orders,  and  was  merely  titular  Ilishoi)  of  Caithness. — E.] 
 
 *  I  Henry  Sinclair,  Hishop  of  Hoss,  the  immediate  predecessor  of  lii.sjiop 
 John  Lesley.— E.] 
 
 °  In  the  Kecords  of  Privy-Council,  on  the  l.'Uh  day  of  November  1561, 
 besides  the  ordinary  Counsellors,  is  adjected,  *^  Pra-smtc  Siuchiiv 
 
 Dccano  (jla^fjiuny  'I'his  gentlenum's  Christian  nanu'  was  Henry,  a  man 
 exceedingly  learne<l  in  the  laws.  And  on  the  14th  November  1561, 
 "  Pra-sevtibua  rtinin  L'pt'sropo  Ii<\t9C}i.  KpiscKpo  Zhinb/ancn. 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  115 
 
 Session.  By  reason  of  these  and  their  company,  within  6 
 days  this  whole  town  was  packVl  and  postered  with  Papists  ; 
 all  others  in  whom  the  hope  of  good  is  were  with  the  Lord 
 James.  The  Sunday  at  night  after  his  departure,  being  the 
 16th  of  November,  about  9  of  the  clock,  the  Queen's  Grace 
 being  yet  out  of  her  bed,  all  men  being  ready  to  depart, 
 there  cometh  among  them  so  suddenly  a  fray,  without  either 
 news  of  men,  horses  or  armour,  that  scarcely  any  man  wist 
 where  to  bestow  himself.  Where  men  are  thus  bold,  being 
 some  of  them  reputed  old  and  valiant  soldiers,  what  doth 
 your  Honour  think  of  the  poor  damsels  that  were  left  alone, 
 whilst  others  sought  corners  to  put  their  heads  in  l  These 
 come  to  themselves  ;  counsel  is  taken  what  is  to  be  done  : 
 Every  man  took  his  armour  ;  the  watch  was  appointed  ;  the 
 scouts  put  forth  ;  nothing  seen  nor  heard.  Of  this  there 
 riseth  next  morning  I  know  not  what  evil  and  unlucky 
 bruit,  without  any  certain  author,  that  the  Earl  of  Arran 
 was  come  over  the  water  with  a  stark  company,  to  take 
 away  the  Queen,  and  that  he  had  his  friends  and  servants 
 quietly  in  this  town  to  take  his  part.  This  bruit  runneth 
 fast ;  the  repair  of  Papists  waxeth  great ;  the  watch  con- 
 tinueth ;  and  being  before  rais'd  of  the  sudden,  was  then 
 appointed  with  good  deliberation  and  advisement,  that  every 
 Lord  that  lodgeth  within  the  Court  should  watch  his  night 
 about,  with  jack  and  spear  :l  The  places  were  visited  where 
 any  entry  might  be  ;  divers  passages  to  the  Queen's  chamber 
 stopped,  and  new  ones  made.2  In  the  meantime  the  Duke 
 cometh  to  the  town  ;  and  being  greatly  offended  with  this 
 
 Roberto  Carncr/y  de  Kynard  MiUte,  Magistro  Joanne  Stevlnson  Prcecentore  Glas- 
 guen.  Magistro  Ahrahamo  Creichtoun  Prceposito  de  DmiglmSj  Magistro 
 WiUklmo  Baillie  Domino  Provand,  Magistro  Jacob  Balfour  Rectore  de  Flisk, 
 Magistro  Joanne  Gledstanis  jtiHs  utnusque  licentiato,  et  Magistro  Joanne  Sjoens 
 S.  1).  N.  Regince  Advocato." 
 
 ^  This  is  far  from  levying  men  to  serve  as  a  continual  Body  Guard, 
 according  as  our  writers  would  fain  make  the  world  believe.  See  this 
 story  told  by  them. 
 
 2  [It  was  probably  the  fear  of  such  attempts  on  Queen  Mary's  person 
 which  caused  the  windows  of  the  Palace  of  Ilolyroodhouse  to  be 
 stanchelled,  or  externally  secured  by  iron  bars,  like  those  of  a  prison. 
 The  marks  of  tliose  iron  bars  still  remain.  The  Earl  of  Arran  was  at 
 this  time  evidently  insane,  and  though  he  was  a  zealous  enemy  of  the 
 Roman  Catholics,  and  a  great  leader  in  his  way  among  his  opponents,  he 
 led  a  very  profligate  and  licentious  life. — E.] 
 
116  Tin:   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGl. 
 
 n^port,  complaiiK'th  to  the  Queen  of  the  injury  done  unto 
 liim  c'lnd  his  son,  tliat  such  a  slander  .shoukl  be  risen  upon 
 him,  whereof  lie  himself  could  not  be  guiltless,  if  it  were 
 true  :  He  desiretli  punishment  of  those  that  were  the 
 authors  of  it,  as  sowers  of  sedition  and  movers  of  discord 
 between  the  Princess  and  her  subjects,  and  bringeth  forth 
 an  old  statute  (whereof  I  send  your  Honour  a  copy)  and 
 desireth,  that  according  unto  that,  he  may  have  right  and 
 justice  at  her  Grace's  hands.  Nothing  could  be  done  to  his 
 contentation.  Excuses  divers  alleged  ;  other  occasions 
 shevy'd  that  mov'd  her  so  to  do :  She  purgM  herself  of  all 
 suspicion  towards  him  and  his.  Many  good  words  were 
 given  unto  liim,  but  he  being  nothing  satisfied,  returned  the 
 25th  of  the  last  into  his  house  Kinneil,  from  thence  he  will 
 to  Hamilton,  where  he  purposeth  to  remain  this  whole 
 winter.  I  am  not  yet  certain  whether  he  will  be  here,  at 
 the  Convention  the  15th  of  this  instant.  Thus  your  Honour 
 heareth  the  simple  verity  of  this  great  hurly-burly,  without 
 either  reason  or  great  occasion  for  her  to  stand  so  greatly 
 in  doubt  of  any  subject  of  her  own,  or  so  highly  to  give 
 credit  unto  any  report,  that  she  should  so  manifestly  dis- 
 close what  mind  she  did  bear  unto  the  whole  race.  To 
 know  what  likelihood  there  might  be,  that  the  Earl  of 
 Arran  had  any  such  purpose  in  his  head,  I  have  done  what 
 I  can  ;  he  himself  was  never  fewer  in  company,  never  worse 
 furnished  of  all  things  fit  for  such  an  enterprize,  without 
 horses,  men,  or  money.  He  came,  say  they,  over  the  water 
 to  Kinneil,  the  night  before.  True  it  is  that  he  brought 
 with  him  but  two  men  and  a  page ;  the  rest  he  left  at  St 
 Andrew's.^  He  wishM  all  the  Papists  in  Scotland  hang'd. 
 So  do  many  moe  besides  him.  And  in  my  opinion,  if  at 
 any  time  she  had  occasion  to  fear,  yet  never  less  than  then, 
 having  so  many  Papists  as  were  in  this  town  at  that  time; 
 who  tho'  I  am  sure  there  is  not  one  of  them  that  will  die 
 for  Christy  yet  to  save  their  (Jueen  from  stealing,  I  trow 
 would  not  stick  to  strike  a  stroke  or  two.  The  hatred  that 
 I  ])ereeive  in  this  (^ueen  toward  my  Lord  of  Arran  is  mar- 
 vellous great  ;   and  he  liimself  too  slaclv  in  doiuir  of  liis  duty, 
 
 '  All  this  ini«,'lit  be  very  true,  and  yet  tliis  Nobleman's  unexpected 
 arrival  on  this  side  the  river  Forth,  might  chance  to  raise  a  noise,  espe- 
 cially when  it  is  ronsidered  what  Mr  KandoI|>h  says  of  him  all  alonj^. 
 
1561.]  OF  CUURCIl  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  117 
 
 tho'  I  am  sure  far  enough  from  danger,  saving  in  his  own 
 perswasion.  In  all  this  time  he  rather  giveth  ear  unto 
 these  bruits,  than  stirreth  at  the  hearing  of  them :  He  rc- 
 joiceth  more  (as  he  sent  me  word)  in  his  innocency,  and  to 
 behold  their  follies,  than  if  he  were  able  to  do  as  much  as 
 they  suspect  he  would. 
 
 "  The  Bishops,  as  many  as  were  in  this  town,  have  now 
 retired  themselves,  saving  Eoss,  and  Caithness  the  Earl  of 
 Lenox's  brother,!  who  cometh  daily  to  the  sermons,  and  is 
 reputed  honest  enough  :  There  is  here  presently  with  him 
 the  Earl  of  Sutherland,^  who  married  his  sister ;  whatsoever 
 they  seek,  it  is  presently  applied.  I  know  yet  nothing  but 
 common  bruit,  and  that  not  worth  the  credit.  The  Bishops 
 sought  to  be  restored ;  that  matter  is  to  be  considered  at 
 this  Convention  ;  they  offer  large  contribution  to  be  put 
 into  possession :  She  saith,  that  '  that  which  is  done  by  an 
 order  and  good  advice  may  longest  continue  f  but  good  as 
 yet  they  have  gotten  none  :  They  know  not  yet,  for  all  their 
 Mass,  what  they  may  well  think  of  her.  The  Lord  James, 
 say  they,  beareth  too  much  rule  ;  Lidington  hath  a  crafty 
 head  and  fell^  tongue.  The  worst  that  they  like  is,  the 
 Accord  that  they  hear  is  like  to  be  between  the  Q.  Majestic 
 and  this  Queen ;  if  that  be,  they  think  themselves  quite 
 overthrown  ;  they  say  plainly,  that  she  can't  then  return^ 
 a  true  Christian  woman.  And  before  God,  neither  the  L.  of 
 Lidington,  nor  I,  can  be  perswaded  that  she  will  give  over 
 
 ^  This  was  Robert  Stewart,  Bisliop  of  Caithness,  and  brotlier  to 
 ^Matthew  Stewart,  Earl  of  Lenox.  Mention  was  ah-eady  made  of  him  in 
 the  foregoing  Book. — [See  also  the  third  note,  p.  114. — E.] 
 
 2  [John  tenth  Earl  of  Sutherland,  known  as  the  Good  Earl.  He  married 
 as  his  second  Countess,Lady  Helen  Stewart,  daughter  of  .John  third  Earl  of 
 Lennox,  and  widow  of  William  fifth  Earl  of  Erroll.  This  Earl  of  Suther- 
 land and  his  Countess  died  at  Dunrobin  Castle  in  July  1567,  from  poison 
 administered  to  them  at  supper  five  days  before  in  Helmsdale  Castle,  by 
 the  contrivance  of  Isobcl  Sinclair,  wife  of  Gilbert  Gordon  of  Gartay,  the 
 Earl's  uncle,  in  order  to  secure  the  Earldom  for  her  son,  who  was  nearest 
 heir  after  the  Earl's  son  by  the  above  mentioned  Lady  Helen  Stewart. 
 Alexander,  Master  of  Sutherland,  was  then  fifteen  years  of  age,  and 
 narrowly  escaped  poisoning  througli  tlie  prudence  of  his  fatlier,  who,  feel- 
 ing himself  poisoned,  did  not  allow  liis  son  to  partake  of  the  repast,  and  sent 
 him  that  night  to  Dunrobin  Castle,  whence  he  was  conveyed  to  SkiboCastle. 
 The  unfortunate  Countess  of  Sutherhind  was  pregnant  at  tlie  time. — ]'i.| 
 
 3  i.  e.  clever. 
 
 *  'J'his  must  respect  the  interview  with  Queen  Elizabctli. 
 
118  THE  1II55TORY  OF  THE  AFEAIRS  [loGl. 
 
 her  Ma.ss,  till  she  have  spoke  with  the  Q.  Majestic,  that 
 it  might  seem  rather  that  she  doth  it  on  such  reasons  and 
 perswasions  as  the  Q.  Majestic  will  use  unto  her,  than  to  be 
 forced  thereunto  by  her  pco])le,  which  I  do  best  allow,  and 
 most  heartily  wish.  Thr  bruit  of  her  good-will  to  go  into 
 England  is  far  spread  abroad  in  this  country,  and  the  pur- 
 pose well  commended  of  all  honest  men  ;  but  hereof  are  there 
 diverse  judgments.  Some,  as  all  other  things,  measure  it  by 
 gain  and  profit,  cither  that  they  may  get  there  ;  or,  by 
 reason  of  the  (piietncss  in  both  the  countries,  may  enrich 
 themselves  at  home.  Others  by  zeal  and  affection  both 
 unto  the  one  country  and  the  other.  The  third  having 
 chiefly  their  respect  unto  the  honour  of  God,  weigh  all 
 things  as  near  as  they  can  unto  the  rule  prescribed  by  Him; 
 wherein  w^e  ought  to  consider  how  far  the  will  of  God  is, 
 that  we  should  i)rocced  in  making  our  alliances,  amities, 
 and  friendships,  and  with  whom.  They  fear  also,  that  in 
 giving  this  l*rincess  too  great  assurance  and  security,  she 
 may  with  the  more  boldness  discharge  her  choler  upon  those 
 that  she  disliketh,  or  exercise  any  kind  of  severity  that  she 
 
 will  upon  the  ministers  and  true  professors  of  Christ 
 
 Of  the  Lord  James's  doings  at  Jedburgh,!  ^nd  of  the  meet- 
 ing at  Kelso  with  the  Lord  Gray  and  Sir  John  Foster,  I 
 doubt  not  but  your  Honour  hath  been  advertised  ;  he  burnt 
 many  houses,  he  hanged  22  or  2o,  and  brought  unto  this 
 town  40  or  50,  of  which  there  are  23  in  the  C^astle  of  P^din- 
 burgh.  The  chiefest  of  all  the  Clans  in  the  Borders  are 
 come  in,  to  take  what  order  it  pleaseth  the  Queen  to  appoint, 
 to  stay  theft  in  time  to  come.  The  first  night  of  the  L. 
 James'  arrival  the  watch  was  discharged. 
 
 '•  The  first  night  that  Mons.  de  Fois,  the  French  Am- 
 bassador came  she  talked  with  him  a  while :  The  next  dav 
 
 ^  [See  the  previous  noto,  p.  10-  of  this  vohime.  Several  partial  writoi-s 
 allefjo  that  "  Lord  .James"  was  sent  upon  this  expedition  by  the  Queen, 
 in  the  hope  that  he  would  fall  a  sacrifice.  Buchanan,  in  particular 
 (vol.  ii.  p.  285),  pretends  that  because  the  Court  wa.s  so  much  "immersed 
 in  vice,"  and  the  Queen  was  annoyed  by  the  reproofs  (»f  his  j)atron  Lord 
 James,  she  took  the  opportunity  of  the  Border  tumults  to  despatch  him 
 thither,  "  not  so  much  with  an  intention  to  honour  him,  as  many  i)eoph« 
 imagined,  as  with  a  design  to  exj)0se  him  to  danger."  It  may  be  simply 
 slated  in  reply  that  these  statements  are  unworthy  of  the  slightest 
 credit.— E.] 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  119 
 
 after  dinner  she  communed  with  him  very  long;  in  which  time 
 I  being  sent  for  by  her  commandment,  was  brought  unto  her 
 presence,   they  two  yet  talking  together.     After  that  she 
 had  made  countenance  unto  us,  she  saith — '  Here  is  Mons. 
 de  Fois  come  out.  of  France  unto  me,  who  hath  seen  my 
 good    sister   your  mistress,  who  is  in  health  ;   and  marry 
 whereof  I  am  very  glad  :    You  must  bid  him  welcome  into 
 Scotland."*     I  shewM  myself  very  w^illing  thereunto,  and  so 
 did.     He  desir'd  me  in  her  hearing,  that  we  should  not  be 
 strange  one  to  another ;   which  she  seem'd  to  allow  well 
 enough,  and  I  much  better.     After  this  they  return  to  their 
 purpose.     Incontinent  the  Marquis^  (who  never  before,  save 
 in  ordinary  salutations,  gave  token  unto  me  of  kindness) 
 Cometh  towards  me.     I  had   moe  caresses  than  I  likM,  for 
 the  novelty  of  them,  seeing  that  many  opportunities  had  been 
 offered   before,    and   nothing   done :     He   saith   unto   me, 
 standing   in   the    sight    of    the   Ambassador — '  Monsieur 
 Randolph,  you  deserve  well  of  the  Q.  Majestic,  and  of  us  all, 
 for  the  good  report  you  have  made  unto  the  Q.  Majestic 
 your  mistress  of  her  [the  Queen's]  doings,  and  of  us  all ;  we 
 are  her  ^Majestie's  most  affectionate  servants,  and  ready  to 
 be  employed  at  her  commandment.'     I  answered,  That  it 
 was  my  part  and  my  honour  to  report  of  all  Princes  honour- 
 ably, and  of  this  Queen  in  special ;   knowing  her  doings  so 
 honourable,  and  her  meaning  so  upright.     Like  words  unto 
 these  I  had  many.     '  It  is  pity,"*  said  he,  '  that  ever  there 
 should  be  discord  between  these  two  Princesses.'    I  affirmed 
 the  same.      He  saith,   that  he  wou'd  be  glad  to  see   her 
 Majestie  and  her  country  :    I  assur'd  him  that  he  should 
 find  that  it  would  well  content  his  sight  both  in  the  one  and 
 the  other.    From  this  purpose  we  fell  in  talk  of  the  pastimes 
 that  were  the  Sunday  before,  where  the  Lord  Robert,  the 
 Lord  John,  and  others  ran  at  the  ring,  six  against  six,  dis- 
 guised and  apparelled,  the  one  half  like  women,  the  other 
 like  strangers,  in  strange  masking  garments.'^     The  Manpiis 
 
 ^  The  Marquis  of  Elbeiif,  uncle  to  our  Queen. 
 
 2  [This  aggravated  i)rofanity  ou  a  Sunday  by  two  "  Abbots,"  so 
 called,  the  one  of  llolyroodhouse,  the  other  of  Coldingham,  in  the  pre- 
 sence of  Queen  ilary,  cannot  be  sufficiently  condemned.  The  Marquis 
 immediately  mentioned  by  Randolph  as  having  done  that  day  "  very 
 well,"  was  the  French  Marquis  D'Klbocuff,  rojjeatedly  mentioned  as  an 
 uncle  of  the  Queen.     It  ought  to  be  recollected,  however,  that  the  morals 
 
120  THE   IIISTURY  OF  THK  AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 that  day  did  verv  well  ;  but  the  women,  whose  part  the 
 Lord  llobert  did  sustain,  won  the  ring.  The  Queen  herself 
 behekl  it,  and  as  many  otlicrs  as  hsted.  Of  this  and  Hko 
 matter  our  talk  continued  till  the  Ambassador  took  his 
 leave.  The  (Jucen's  Crrace  then  called  me  unto  her,  and 
 saith — '  I  am  nmch  indebted  unto  the  Queen  my  sister  ;  I 
 perceive  by  this  gentleman  how  well  she  thinketh  of  me.  I 
 have  not  yet  received  the  letters  this  gentleman  brought  me 
 from  your  mistress,  but  know  her  good  will  unto  me,  both 
 by  his  report  and  otherwise.  I  have  heard  of  the  good 
 treatment  she  hath  made  unto  my  uncle  the  Grand  Prior 
 and  ^lons.  d'Anville.  I  will  be  right  glad  at  all  times  to 
 acknowledge  her  kindness,  and  do  what  lieth  in  me  that  we 
 shall  be  good  friends  for  ever.  I  find  also  her  good  will 
 towards  me  by  the  good  report  that  the  Lord  Gray,i  and 
 other  her  officers  upon  the  Borders,  have  kept  with  the 
 Lord  James  at  this  time  against  the  thieves  ;  which  I  pur- 
 pose so  to  handle,  that  there  shall  be  no  further  cause  of 
 trouble  between  her  and  me.  You  must  do  me  that  plea- 
 sure,' saith  she,  '  when  you  write  unto  your  mistress,  to 
 report  unto  her  what  my  good  mind  is  towards  her,  and 
 how  willing  I  am  that  we  may  live  in  perpetual  peace  and 
 amity,  and  that  above  all  other  things  I  do  desire  to  see 
 and  speak  with  her."*  I  told  her  Grace,  That  I  was  glad  to 
 hear  that  spoken  of  her  Grace ;  and  that  I  would  not  fail 
 to  signify  it  unto  the  Queen's  Majestic  my  sovereign.  I 
 remembred  her  Grace  of  that  that  was  purposed  by  her 
 father,  and  did  let  her  know  that  there  are  yet  some  of 
 them  alive,  and  of  that  mind  that  then  they  were,  who 
 would  travel  with  her  Grace,  as  at  that  time  they  did  with 
 him,  to  stay  and  alter  her  mind  from  any  such  purpose. 
 She  saith  again — '  It  shall  pass  their  power,  if  it  shall  seem 
 good  unto  your  mistress  ;  for  something  is  reserved  for  us 
 that  was  not  then  :  Well,'  saith  she,  '  as  you  are  agood 
 servant  unto  your  mistress,  so  must  you  be  a  good  friend  to 
 
 of  the  Scottisli  nation  were  most  corrupt  lon^  after  this  poriod,  as 
 api)cars  from  tlio  notices  and  records  of  the  General  Assemblies  j)rintcd 
 in  the"liooke  of  the  Universall  Kirk  of  .Scothind"  (IJaxnatyne  Club, 
 Kdin.  4to,  18.'J!>,  I'art  1.),  and  a  numlier  of  years  i'ia])sed  before  the 
 ])aneful  and  desperating  practice  of  lioldinj,'  wi-ckly  markets  on  Sundays 
 was  finally  suppressed. — K.] 
 
 *   I  Properly  the  I'pfjlish  Nobleman  Lord  (irey.— K,| 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  121 
 
 me,  to  report  the  best.  Ye  know  the  state  of  my  country, 
 you  know  my  people,  and  you  shall  know  me  better  than 
 vou  do/  To  this  I  answered,  That  I  was  assured  there 
 could  nothing  please  her  Majestie  whom  I  serv'd  better, 
 than  truth  in  all  things  that  ever  I  shall  be  charged  with  ; 
 and  if  I  should  fail  therein  so  far,  as  when  I  see  two  such 
 Princesses  inclined  by  all  godly  and  honourable  means  to 
 peace  and  amity,  and  I,  by  false  reports,  should  be  author 
 of  discord  and  debate  ;  tho**  I  could  so  shift  with  the  world, 
 that  never  man  got  knowledge  thereof,  yet  God  would  not 
 suffer  that  unplagued  in  me.  She  saith — '  I  will  myself 
 write  unto  my  sister,  and  will  speak  with  you  again.  Re- 
 member what  I  have  said  unto  you."* 
 
 "  Out  of  the  countenances  of  Princes  he  that  is  able  to 
 judge  may  pick  out  sometimes  great  likelihoods  of  their 
 thoughts,  or  find  how  they  are  disposed.  The  time  of  her 
 talk  with  Mons.  de  Fois,  it  was  mark'd  by  others  before  I 
 came  in,  and  after  I  saw  myself  many  alterations  in  her 
 face  ;  her  colour  better  that  day  than  ever  I  saw  it.  When 
 I  talked  with  her  she  was  very  merry,  and  spake  with  such 
 affection  as  I  think  came  from  the  heart. 
 
 "  After  this  I  communed  with  the  Lord  James  of  all  these 
 purposes  ;  he  lik'd  them  well,  and  is  of  that  opinion  that 
 the  Lord  of  Lethington  is,  That  she  will  never  come  to  God^ 
 before  the  Q.  Majestie  draw  her.  I  went  from  this  to 
 Mons.  de  Fois ;  he  speaketh  honourably  of  the  Q.  IMajestie  ; 
 he  commendeth  the  religion,  and  thereof  entreth  first  in 
 purpose  ;  he  lamented  the  contrary  in  divers  Realms,  and 
 doubted  the  dangers  that  were  imminent.  I  commended 
 his  zeal  and  good  mind  :  I  spoke  what  men  thought  of  him, 
 for  that  that  he  had  endured  for  Christ's  sake,  and  desired 
 him  that  he  would  so  deal  with  the  Queen's  Grace  in  those 
 matters,  as  the  world  might  be  judge  of  his  earnest  mind 
 and  upright  conscience.  The  next  day  after,  notwithstand- 
 ing, he  was  with  the  Queen  at  the  ]Mass.  There  came  that 
 night,  the  3d  of  this  instant,  Mons.  Moret ;  they  din'd  the 
 next  day  both  with  the  Lord  James ;  and  then  had  Mons. 
 Moret  audience.      Of  both  their   affairs   and   doings    the 
 
 ^  i.  e.  Would  not  turn  Protestant.  8uch  was  the  cant  of  those  times, 
 and  remains  among  some  to  this  day. 
 
122  TIIK   IILSTOUY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGl. 
 
 (.}.  Majestie  shall  have  better  information,  and  more  assured 
 from  this  Queen  herself  than  I  ean  report  them. 
 
 '•  1  have  not  yet  seen  Mens.  Moret,  nor  know  not  herein 
 the  Q.  !Majestie's  pleasure ;  but  at  a  venture,  I  purpose  some 
 way  or  other  to  make  a  way  unto  him,  tho'  like  enough  to 
 little  effect,  or  better  undone.  Yet  I  trust  no  evil  shall 
 ensue  thereof. 
 
 "  Yesterday,  the  0th  of  this  month,  I  received  word  that 
 the  Queen  would  speak  with  me  ;  at  my  coming  to  her,  I 
 found  there  Mens,  de  Fois.  After  all  purposes  ended  with 
 him,  she  saith  unto  me — '  I  have  received  my  sister,  your 
 mistress's  letters  ;1  and  for  that  kindness  I  find  in  her,  1 
 will  make  her  privy  of  all  my  news.  You  shall  also  say 
 somewhat  in  your  letters  from  me  unto  her,  with  good 
 assurance  that  I  will  perform  it  to  the  uttermost  of  my 
 power.''  I  have  written  her  mind,  and  send  her  Grace's 
 letter,  which  I  commit  unto  your  Honour.  From  thence  I 
 went  again  to  JMons.  de  Fois  ;  he  made  me  privy  of  his 
 departure  upon  Tuesday  next.  We  entred  in  long  talk  of 
 the  fact  of  JMons.  Nemours ;  he  is  loath,  but  under  covert 
 terms,  to  touch  the  other  Duke,  or  his  brother  ;2  tho'  there 
 be  matter  sufficient  to  bring  them  in  suspicion,  as  he  saith, 
 of  great  matters.  He  pitieth  the  troubles  that  are  like  to 
 ensue  ;  and  in  the  Princess  findeth  so  much  incHnation  to 
 amity  and  concord,  and  readiness  between  all  Princes  to  do 
 wlutt  she  can,  that  he  is  very  glad  thereof.  We  talked  again 
 of  religion  ;  I  was  not  so  uncourteous  as  to  tell  him  that 
 he  had  been  at  the  Mass,  tho'  for  his  reputation  it  had  been 
 wortli  him  1000  crowns  not  to  have  been  ;  he  repented  him- 
 self afterwards,  being  admonished  by  some  friend,  and  came 
 not  unto  the  Dirige  or  Mass  upon  Friday  and  Saturday 
 last,  to  the  great  misliking  of  the  (^ueen.  Moret  was  tliere 
 at  both.  She  observed  the  old  manner  in  all  her  doings  ; 
 she  could  not  perswade,  nor  get  one  Lord  of  her  own  to 
 wear  the  deule  for  that  day,  nor  so  much  as  the  Earl  Both- 
 well,     hnmediately  after  the  service  was  done,  she  caused  a 
 
 ^  Queen  Kli/.abeth's  letter  Avliich  came  liy  de  J'uix,  is  dated  the  20th 
 November  ir)f)l  from  St  .lames's.  It  contains  nothinii^  hut  i)ure  compli- 
 ment. It  is  in  the  shattered  MS.  as  is  likewise  our  Queen'.s  letter  back 
 to  Queen  Elizabeth  by  the  same  gentleman,  but  the  date  is  lost. 
 
 '  This  re.«'iHcts  the  affairs  of  Franco. 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  123 
 
 Proclamation  to  be  made  at  the  Cross,  by  a  Herauld  of 
 Arms,  his  coat-armour  on  his  back — '  That  no  man,  on  pain 
 of  his  hfe,  should  trouble,  or  do  injury  to  any  of  her  chap- 
 lains that  were  at  the  Mass  ;  and  that  all  men  should 
 answer  them  their  livings  in  time  to  come,  as  before.'  This 
 was  done  without  the  consent  of  the  Council ;  and  the 
 people  greatly  offended  thereat,  because  it  was  against  the 
 Proclamation  that  was  made  before,  that  all  things  should 
 remain  in  the  old  state. l  I  see  not  yet  such  security,  but 
 she  hath  good  cause  to  take  heed  how  she  proceedeth  in 
 matters  of  religion,  and  now  especially  where  her  uncle's 
 authority  and  credit  hangeth  in  ballancc. 
 
 "  This  is  another  day  of  mirth  and  pastime  upon  the 
 Sands  of  Leith,  where  the  Queen  will  be  herself,  to  signify 
 the  sorrow  of  her  heart  after  her  Soul-Mass.^     I  am  now 
 
 ^  [It  was  not  likely  that  the  Queen  would  obtain  the  consent  of  the 
 Pl•i^y-Council,  and  the  people  were  inflamed  by  the  discourses  of  the 
 Keformed  preachers.  They  would  not  allow  their  sovereign  that  liberty 
 of  conscience  for  which  they  had  themselves  contended  against  the  Papal 
 Hierarchy.  That  jNIary  had  good  reason  to  attemjit  to  protect  her 
 chaplains  is  evident  from  the  facts  recorded  by  Randolph  and  others. 
 On  the  very  first  Sunday  after  her  arrival  at  llolyroodhouse  from  France 
 a  riot  was  excited  in  the  Chapel-Royal.  That  Sunday  happened  to  be 
 St  Bartholomew's  Day,  as  is  noticed  by  our  Historian  at  the  commence- 
 ment of  the  Second  Chai)ter  of  his  Third  Book,  and  due  preparations 
 were  made  for  observing  tlie  commemoration.  Numbers  of  whom  Knox 
 calls  the  "  godly"  rushed  towards  the  Chapel-Royal,  fiercely  exclaiming — 
 "  Shall  the  idol  be  again  erected  in  the  land  V  Lord  Lindsay,  with  some 
 gentlemen  of  Fife,  were  conspicuous  in  this  disorder,  furiously  threatenhig 
 — "  The  idolatrous  priests  shall  die  the  death."  The  Queen  in  the  utmost 
 alarm  entreated  her  brother  Lord  James  to  quell  the  tumult,  which  he 
 did  with  great  difficulty  by  placing  himself  at  the  door  of  the  Chapel,  and 
 restraining  the  rage  of  the  populace,  but  the  tumult  recommenced  after 
 the  service  was  concluded.  At  the  Queen's  visit  to  Edinburgh  Castle, 
 she  was  compelled  to  witness  a  rude  picture  of  the  incremation  of  three 
 "  idolaters"  when  she  came  out  of  the  fortress,  and,  if  we  are  to  believe 
 Randolph,  it  was  only  the  interposition  of  the  Earl  of  Iluntly  which 
 l)revented  the  burning  of  a  priest  in  effigy  on  the  altar  at  the  elevation. 
 We  have  it  stated  by  the  same  Randolph  to  Cecil  that  a  domestic  of  one 
 of  the  other  illegitimate  brothers  of  the  Queen — Lord  Robert  Stuart, 
 Abbot  of  Holyroodhouse,  cruelly  beat  one  of  the  priests  who  had  officiated 
 in  the  Chapel-Royal  on  llallowmass,  or  All  Saints'  Day,  and  it  was 
 intended  to  allow  none  to  attend  the  Queen  at  Divine  Service,  under 
 "  pain  of  confiscation  of  goods  and  lands,"  except  those  avIio  came  with 
 her  from  France.  These  were  merely  a  few  of  the  annoyances  which 
 tlie  unfortunate  Queen  ^^fary  encountered. — E.J 
 
 ^  Perhaps  some  certainty  of  the  day  of  tlie  Queen's  birth  may  be  got 
 from  these  late  solemn  Masses. 
 
124  THE  UISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [13G1. 
 
 a.shaiu'd  to  trouble  your  Honour  any  longer,  nor  know  not 
 what  to  write  ;  but  of  the  shameful  life  of  the  Bishop  of  St 
 Andrew's,!  your  Honour  shall  know  by  this  letter  inclosM ; 
 I  assure  your  Honour,  spoken  without  malice,  and  no  less 
 reported  unto  the  Queen  than  it  is  of  it.  Thus,  with  humble 
 reconunendation  of  my  service,  I  take  my  leave.  At  Edin- 
 burgh the  7tli  of  December  loGl. 
 
 "  Your  Honour's  to  command. 
 
 "  By  the  next  you  shall  receive  the  Lords'  request  for  the 
 hostages.  The  Lord  James  desireth  me  to  present  unto 
 your  Honour  his  hearty  commendations,  under  these  words, 
 '  That  he  is  not  yet  groicn  so  great  as  he  should  uiisken  you? 
 
 *'  Tno.  Randolphe." 
 
 "  P.  >S'. — I  reserve  the  pastime  that  hath  been  between 
 the  ministers  and  the  Queen'^s  Doctor  of  Sorboune,^  untill  a 
 time  that  I  think  your  Honour  more  at  leisure  than  at 
 this  present ;  or,  untill  I  may  have  more  time  to  write 
 thereof 
 
 A  Letter  from  Mr  Randolph  to  Sir  William  Cecil, 
 17th  Decemher  1561.3 
 
 *'  May  it  please  your  Hoxour — The  11th  of  this  instant 
 I  received  your  letters  of  the  30th  of  November,  with  letters 
 also  from  the  Queen's  Majestic  unto  this  Queen,  which  I 
 presented  unto  her  next  day  ;  and  within  two  days  after, 
 by  her  own  commandment,  repaired  unto  her  for  an  answer, 
 which  at  that  time  was  deferred,  partly  for  the  great  affairs 
 that  were  then  in  hand  (being  the  first  day  of  the  Conven- 
 tion), partly  also  (as  I  could  perceive),  for  that  she  wrote  of 
 late  unto  the  Q.  Majestic,  of  the  receipt  of  which  she  is  very 
 desirous  to  be  advertis'd.  1  had  of  herself  at  both  times 
 very  good  words,  and  j)erccivc  by  the  Lord  James  and  L. 
 of  Lidington,  that  she  liketh  very  well  the  contents  of  the 
 
 '   I  Arclihishop  I  laiiiilton,  at  the  time  ho  was  inhuinauly  and  illoirally 
 fxcfutod  oil  the  old  hriil^ro  over  the  Forth  at  Stirliiifi^  on  the  5th  of  April 
 1571,  If* ft  at  le;i.st  one  sun,  who  was  subsequently  le^'itiniated.      In   wliat 
 other  respects  his  life  was  "  shameful"  does  not  ajipeai.  — 10.  ] 
 ■''  [This  evidently  refers  to  some  controversial  dispute.     10.  | 
 3  Cali-   Hook  X   an  Orijjinal.-    [  Hriti.sh  Mu.'-eum.-  K.| 
 
1561. J  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  125 
 
 Q.  Majestie's  letter,  which  she  purposeth  to  use  most 
 secretly,  as  time  and  occasion  serveth.  I  will  make  means 
 to  know  her  own  mind. 
 
 ''  By  my  last  letters  unto  your  Honour,  I  doubt  not  but 
 you  understand  the  very  true  occasion  of  the  watch,  whereof 
 now  we  have  no  more  talk.  Since  that  time  nothing  hath 
 ensued  of  great  importance.  The  Duke  arrived  here  the 
 loth  ;  my  Lord  of  Arran  remaineth  in  Dunfermling.  The 
 Earl  J3othwell  sent  unto  the  Duke  an  assurance  for  the 
 time  of  this  Convention.  The  Duke  refused  it,  and  sent 
 him  word,  that  it  became  him  little  to  send  assurance  unto 
 him  that  was  his  better  ;  ho  rejected  liis  writing,  and  would 
 not  subscribe  it.  I  see  no  likelihood  of  further  to  do  between 
 them.  The  Duke  is  not  quarrelous  ;  and  the  other  standeth 
 in  doubt  enough  of  himself.  The  Proclamation  also  inhi- 
 biteth  all  such  debates  for  this  time. 
 
 "  Yesterday  Mons.  de  Moret  departed  out  of  this  town 
 to  Seton  to  his  bed.l  Our  first  meeting  was  upon  the  Sands 
 of  Leith,  beholding  the  running  at  the  ring  :  Our  acquaint- 
 ance was  soon  made :  We  talked  long  of  diverse  common 
 purposes.  In  the  praise  of  the  Q.  Majestic,  Court  and 
 Country^  he  spake  right  well.  Of  all  his  doings  here,  either 
 this  was  the  effect,  or  else  the  counsel  is  marvellous  secret 
 from  all  men  of  this  nation  :  He  was  sent  only  from  the 
 Duke  of  SavoyS  to  congratulate  her  safe  return,  to  signify 
 unto  her  of  the  ingrossment  of  the  Duke's  wife,  and  to  con- 
 firm her  what  he  could  in  her  opinion  touching  religion  ; 
 which  he  did  both  in  word  and  deed,  more  to  his  shame  and 
 discredit  than  ever  he  shall  get  honour  of  his  voyage.  I 
 lamented  and  pitied  to  see  such  a  Princess  of  such  years 
 unmarried,  and  merrily  asked  of  him.  What  good  news  he 
 had  brought  her  Grace  from  some  Noble  Prince  or  other,  of 
 marriage? — (tlie  bruit  was  then  common,  that  he  came  to 
 
 ^  [Seton  House,  ten  miles  east  from  Edinbur;^rh^  on  the  sliore  of  the 
 Frith  of  Forth,  the  seat  of  the  Lords  Seton  and  their  descendants  the 
 Earls  of  Winton,  now  Kglinton  and  Winton. — E.j 
 
 ^  i.  e.  The  Queen  and  Country  of  En^^land. 
 
 3  [Emmanuel  Philibert,  Duke  of  Savoy.  See  the  note,  p.  42  of  this 
 volume.  The  Duchy  of  Savoy  is  included  in  the  Sardinian  States  and 
 Monarchy,  althou;,^h  forming  part  of  the  momitainous  reoion  of  the 
 Alps  and  of  the  basin  of  the  Khoiu>,  and  j^eofrraphically  annexed  to  South- 
 western Switzerland. — E.  ] 
 
120  THE   HISTORY  UF  THK  AFFAlJtS  [loGl  . 
 
 prefer  tho  Duke  Nemours^  cause  unto  her,  others  the  Duke  of 
 Florence  ;2  I  know  not  whether  lie  be  married  or  not) — 
 He  answered,  That  he  was  no  fit  man  to  treat  of  so  weighty 
 aflairs  :  And  by  his  talk  I  j)erceived  he  had  not  seen  the 
 Duke  Nemours,  long  before  his  departure  out  of  France ; 
 always  he  shews  himself  well  affectioned  unto  him,  and 
 wisheth  him  no  less  honour  than  a  (Jueen  to  his  wife.  I 
 perceive  that  he  was  well  taken  with  by  the  Queen,  very 
 welcome  to  the  Marquis,  better  lik'd  than  Mons.  de  Fois 
 among  all  the  French.  There  accompanied  him  always 
 Mons.  de  Croc.  He  lodged  at  the  Lord  llobert's  house 
 beside  the  Court .^  He  had  given  him  at  his  departure  a 
 chain  of  30  ounces,  as  I  hear,  and  S  geldings.  Bonart  is 
 also  departed  with  him  ;  he  trusteth  also  to  have  a  gelding 
 or  two  in  lilnnrland.  I  have  written  unto  vour  Honour  bv 
 him  to  no  sucli  purpose  or  effect,  as  I  care  what  become  of 
 my  letters,  nor  that  I  would  your  Honour  should  weigh 
 above  that  that  he  hath  deserved.  The  Queen  hatli  written 
 in  her  own  hand  to  the  Dutchess  of  Savoy  :  If  any  matter 
 be  of  ;Mons.  Nemours,  it  is  rather  in  credit  than  in  writing. 
 
 ^  [See  the  fifth  note,  p.  42,  and  also  p.  5.9  of  the  present  vohime. — E.] 
 2  [Cosmo  I.,  Duke  of  Florence,  afterwards  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany, 
 the  son  of  Giovanni  de  Medici,  who  was  descended  in  a  direct  line  from 
 Lorenzo  de  Medici,  yount^rer  brother  of  Cosmo.  IJoth  were  the  sons  of 
 Ciiovanni  de  Medici,  the  founder  of  the  g^vatness  and  distinction  which 
 his  ])osterity,  jjarticularly  his  ifreat-i,'randson  Lorenzo  the  Maijniticent, 
 enjoyed.  The  career  of  Cosmo  J.  evinced  him  to  have  been  an  active  and 
 able  thouf^h  unprincipled  Sovereiii^n.  lie  refused  the  Crown  of  Coisica  in 
 1.5G4.  The  supi)osition  of  Randolph  that  he  was  proposed  as  the  husband 
 of  the  youni;  Queen  was  most  absurd,  as  he  was  not  only  then  married, 
 and  had  a  family,  but  was  nearly  thirty  years  older  than  Mary.  All 
 Tuscany  in  liis  rci^^n  was  united  imder  one  government  for  the  first  time 
 since  the  fall  of  the  Koman  I'.mpire. — E.] 
 
 ^  [As  lay  Abbot  or  Commendator  of  Ilolyrood,  Lord  Robert  Stuart's 
 residence  was  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  Palace  of  llolyroodhouse. 
 When  Queen  Mary  arrived  from  France  on  the  l})th  of  Aui,^ust  l')6l. 
 Lord  Robert  Stuart  was  the  only  person  of  distinction  waitin<;  in  the 
 Palace  to  receive  her,  and  slio  went  to  his  house,  and  there  renuiined, 
 issuing?  orders  to  assemble  the  Nobility  with  .sjieed. — llardwicke's  Mis- 
 cellaneous State  Pai)ers,  4to.  Lond.  1778,  vol.  i.  p.  17().  Cecil  to 
 Throgmorton,  Au^jst  26,  lo«Jl.  The  Nobility  had  been  previously 
 summoned  to  meet  on  the  last  day  of  that  month.  Probably  her  brother 
 Lord  Robert's  house  was  the  only  one  suitable  for  her  reception,  for, 
 thouph  the  Queen  broucrht  her  jewels  with  her,  her  tapestry  and  othir 
 furniture  for  the  Palace  arrived  afterwards. — E.] 
 
15G1.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  127 
 
 When  any  purpose  falletli  in  of  marriage,  she  saith  tliat 
 '  she  will  none  other  husband  but  the  Queen  of  England."  He 
 is  rio:ht  near  about  her  that  hath  often  times  heard  her 
 speak  it.  I  desire  that  it  may  be  in  perfect  neighbourhood, 
 seeing  it  cannot  be  in  perfect  marriage. 
 
 "  I  pressed  this  day  to  have  had  access  unto  the  Lords  of 
 Council,  touching  the  Lord  Dacres^  and  the  Master  of  Max- 
 well. He  is  willing  himself  that  the  matter  shall  be  heard  ; 
 and  offereth  to  be  taken  for  a  traitor,  if  that  narration  of 
 the  Lord  Dacres  of  him  be  true.  So  soon  as  conveniently 
 may  be,  the  cause  will  be  heard. 
 
 "  I  should  have  had  this  day  a  letter  unto  your  Honour  from 
 the  L.of  Lidington,  it  shall  now  come  with  the  next;  and  also 
 a  letter  unto  the  Queen's  ]\Iajestie  from  the  Lords,  touching 
 the  return  of  the  hostages.^  I  think  it  not  out  of  purpose 
 to  write  one  word  or  two  touching  the  Earl  of  Glencairn 
 and  Earl  of  Menteith,^  whose  necessities  I  know  presently 
 to  be  so  great,  that  they  have  not  wherewith  to  pay  the 
 charges  of  their  sons,  whensoever  licence  is  granted  them  to 
 return :  The  L.  of  Lidington,  I  know^  not  upon  what  assur- 
 ance, promised  that  their  charge  should  be  born,  wdiich  at 
 that  time  was  a  great  perswasion  to  make  them  granted. 
 Tho'  this  be  not  plainly  spoken  unto  me,  yet  I  hear  it 
 mutter'd  amongst  them.  The  rest  are  well  able  ;  but  these, 
 I  assure  your  Honour,  are  most  to  be  pitied,  as  both  godly, 
 friendly,  honest,  above  many  that  I  know\^ 
 
 ^  [Sir  William  Dacre  succeeded  his  father  Sir  Thomas  third  Lord  in 
 1525,  and  died  in  1563.  lie  ■was  Warden  of  the  Enf^lisli  Marches, 
 Governor  of  Carlisle,  and  Cajitain  of  its  Castle.  This  I'eerage  became 
 extinct  in  1569  by  the  death  of  his  grandson  George  fifth  Baron,  occa- 
 sioned by  falling  from  a  wooden  horse,  "Nvlicn  practising  to  leap. — E.] 
 
 2  These  were  the  hostages  delivered  to  the  Queen  of  England,  according 
 to  the  Treaty  of  Berwick. — [See  vol.  i.  p.  258-262.  "  Such  of  the  Lords  as 
 have  their  hostages  at  Newcastle  purpose  shortly  to  wry  te  unto  the  Quene's 
 Majestic  for  the  deliverance  of  them,  forasmuche  as  the  yere  is  now  nero 
 expired." — Randolph  to  Cecil,  4th  November  1561.  Tliey  were  the 
 hostages  given  by  the  Scottish  Lords  when  the  English  army  entered 
 Scotland  to  assist  the  so-called  "  Congregation"  in  1560.  AVright's 
 Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Times,  vol.  i.  p.  85. — E.] 
 
 ^  [William  Graham,  fifth  Earl  of  ^lenteith,  son  of  John  fourth  Earl, 
 killed  in  a  scuffle  with  the  Tutor  of  Appin  in  1547,  and  his  Countess 
 Marion,  daughter  of  George  fifth  Lord  Seton. — E.] 
 
 ^  i.  e.  friendly  and  honest  to  the  Queen  of  England,  and  staunch 
 promoters  of  the  new  doctrines. 
 
128  THE  IIISTOUY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 "  Where  it  pleased  your  Honour  to  write,  That  the  Q. 
 Majestic  had  granted  hcence  unto  this  Queen  for  6  or  7 
 gehlings;  the  L.  of  Lidington  heartily  prayeth  your  Honour 
 to  be  a  mean  that  they  may  be  15  or  IG  at  the  least ;  in  as 
 mucli  as  he  deduceth  4  of  those  that  I  was  desirVl  to  write 
 for,  in  consideration  that  this  was  her  first  request  since  her 
 home  coming,  and  entrance  of  an  amity. 
 
 ''  1  delivered  your  oration  unto  the  L.  of  Lidington,  who 
 very  thankfully  accepteth  it,  as  shortly  you  shall  know  by 
 his  own  letters.  Thus,  with  humble  recommendation  of  my 
 service,  I  take  my  leave.  At  Edinburgh  the  17th  of  Decem- 
 ber late,  15G1. 
 
 "  Your  Honour's  ever  ready  to  serve, 
 
 "  Tho.  Randolphe." 
 
 A  Letter  from  Mr  Randolph  to  Sir  William  Cecil, 
 27th  December  15G1.1 
 
 "  I  THOUGHT,  by  reason  of  this  Convention,  to  have  been  able 
 to  inform  your  llonour,  of  some  notable  matters  that  should 
 have  been  concluded  in  so  frequent  an  Assembly  of  all  States 
 to"-cthcr  at  this  time.^  Amono^  diverse  matters  that  were 
 proponed,  there  was  only  one  resolved  on.  The  22d  of  this 
 instant,  the  Church^  offered  unto  the  Lords  of  the  Council  a 
 Supplication,^  containing  a  humble  suit  unto  this  Queen,  to 
 put  away  her  ALass,  as  well  from  herself  as  from  her  whole 
 Realm.  The  2d  Petition  was  to  establish,  so  far  as  she 
 miglit  at  that  time,  the  Rook  of  Reformation  and  Discipline. 
 3t//y,  That  Order  might  be  taken  for  the  Sustentation  of 
 the  Ministers.  The  4th,  That  such  as  were  known  to  bo 
 open  and  manifest  Papists,  enemies  to  religion,  might  be 
 removr(l  from  the  Session.  These  being  considered,  weighed, 
 and  divers  reasons  <n\cn  of  either  side  ;   of  them  all,  tho 
 
 '  ('ali^^  H.  1(»,  an  ()ii<,'inal.— [liriti-h  Musoum.— E.] 
 
 "  'Ihis  Convention  of  the  Nobility  was  intended  for  Clnirch  affairs, 
 and  I  shall  take  notice  of  it  when  1  treat  of  t /use. 
 
 3  rrhis  innst  not  be  understood  as  the  Churchy  properly, but  merely  the 
 Hefornied  i)n>ach(«rs,  or  the  *'  professors  of  the  true  I'.van^'el,"  as  they 
 designated  themselves. —  E-l 
 
 ■•  [This  "  Supplication"  was  the  one  concocted  by  the  second  (Jeneral 
 Assembly  held  in  the  Tolbooth  of  Kclinbur^di  on  the  Stiih  of  May  1561. 
 See  "  IJooke  of  the  Universall  Ivirk  of  Scotland,"  printed  for  the 
 Bannaty.vk  Club,  4to.  1830,  Tart  I.  p.  8,  0.— E.] 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  129 
 
 request  for  the  ministers  was  thought  most  reasonable, 
 notwithstanding  they  would  travel  with  her  Grace  for  the 
 rest. 
 
 "  After  many  days  consultation,  it  was  accorded,  invitis  et 
 repugnantlhus  Episcopis,  that  the  Bishops,  Abbots,  Priors, 
 &c.  should  depart  yearly  from  seven  parts  of  their  livings,^ 
 whereof  four  shall  be  employed  to  the  maintenance  of 
 preachers,  finding  of  schools,  and  supporting  of  the  poor ; 
 and  the  other  three  to  the  increase  of  the  Crown,  or  more, 
 if  need  he  (for  these  are  the  words).  There  is  a  day  (the 
 24th2  of  this  month)  appointed  'em  to  bring  in  their  rent- 
 rolls,  under  pain  of  imprisonment.^  This  Act  is  subscribed 
 by  all  the  Lords  Temporal  that  were  present,  and  ratified 
 by  the  Queen.  The  Convention  is  now  dissolved,^  and  the 
 most  part  returned  to  their  houses.  The  Papists  storm ; 
 now  they  think  there  resteth  nothing  but  the  meeting  of  the 
 two  Queens  to  overthrow  the  ^lass  and  all,  which  at  this 
 time  she  keepeth  as  solemn  as  ever  she  did,  not  sparing  so 
 much  as  her  Mass  upon  Christmas  Day,  in  the  morning 
 before  day. 
 
 "  There  was  of  late  in  this  town  some  disorder.  The 
 occasion  was  this  :  The  Earl  of  Arran  is  known  to  have  had 
 company  of  a  good  handsome  wench,  a  merchanfs  daughter 
 of  this  town  ;  whether  he  was  suspected  to  be  privily  in  this 
 town,  as  some  say  he  was,  which  was  not  true  at  that  time  ; 
 or  whether  the  Marquis  (d'Elbeuf)  hearing  of  this  woman, 
 desired  to  see  her,  cometh  accompanied  with  the  Earl 
 Bothwell  and  Lord  John  in  a  mask  unto  that  house,  where 
 the  first  night  they  were  received  ;  the  next  night  would 
 have  done  the  like,  but  were  not  admitted.    These  in  despite 
 
 ^  ITow  unAvilling  soever  the  Prelates  might  bo  in  tlioir  own  minds,  yet 
 it  is  i)lain  l)y  tlio  Act  itself  that  they  themselves  freely  made  the  offer. 
 What  this  gentleman  means  by  seven  parts,  is  too  obscure,  unless  he  had 
 marked  the  number  of  parts  into  which  the  integer  was  divided.  If  it 
 was  into  twenty-one,  in  that  case  his  account  agrees  well  enough  with 
 the  authentic  Act. — [Acta  I'arl,  Scot.  vol.  ii.  Appendix,  p.  (JOG,  607. — E.] 
 
 2  It  should  be  of  next  month.— [The  24th  January  1561-2.  Acta  Tarl. 
 Scot.  vol.  ii.  Appendix,  p.  606. — E.] 
 
 ^  The  Act  bears  only — "  To  be  ])roceeded  against  here  as  the  matter 
 requires." — [Acta  Pari.  Scot.  vol.  ii.  Api)endix,  j).  606,  607. — E.] 
 
 **  [This  Convention  of  Estates  met  on  the  22d  of  December  1561,  and 
 was  attended  by  the  Archbishop  of  St  Andrews,  and  by  the  Bishojis  of 
 Pnnkeld,  Moray,  and  Ross.— E.] 
 
 VOL.  II.  9 
 
loO  THK   IlISTtillY  OF  TllK  AFFAIRS  [15G1. 
 
 of  tliat,  broke  open  the  doorn,  and  used  some  other  dis- 
 courtesies in  the  house.  The  coniphiint  was  made  the  next 
 day  unto  tlie  (Jueen,  who  in  words  sharp  enough  reproved 
 the  doers.i  Tho  Earl  of  Bothwell  and  Lord  John  hearing 
 this,  in  very  c<)uteni[»tuous  words  swore,  that  the  next  niglit 
 they  would  do  the  hke,  in  despite  of  any  that  was  friend  to 
 that  house,  tliat  wcndd  say  nay.  These  words  were  extended 
 far,  an<l  were  thought  to  be  meant  of  better  men  tlian  them- 
 selves. Diverse  of  the  Duke's  servants  at  nine  a'clock  at 
 night  assembled  themselves  in  jack  and  spear  in  the  market- 
 place. The  Earl  15othwell  being  in  his  lodging,  gathereth 
 liis  friends  about  him.  The  number  '  of  either  party 
 encreaseth  ;  the  Duke's  company  groweth  great ;  the  town 
 assembleth  at  the  sound  of  the  connnon  bell :  News  fly(  th 
 to  the  Court  that  the  Duke  was  upon  the  street,  and  that 
 the  Earl  l^othwell  should  be  pulled  out  of  his  house  :  From 
 them  cometh  the  Lord  James,  Argile,  and  Iluntly.  Pro- 
 clamation being  made  that  all  men  should  depart  on 
 pain  of  death,  within  half  an  hour  after  there  was  never 
 a  man  seen  :  so  that  of  so  likely  a  matter  of  evil,  I  never 
 saw  less  hurt. 
 
 This  courtesy  I  found  first  of  these  that  were  upon  the 
 street,  coming  then  from  the  Court,  they  convoyed  me  to 
 my  lodging ;  the  Provest  scndeth  twenty  honest  men  of  the 
 town  to  keep  my  house.  Whatsoever  it  might  be,  I  thought 
 it  as  much  wisdom  for  me  to  behold  them  out  of  a  window, 
 as  to  be  in  their  company.  The  next  day  both  the  Duke 
 and  Earl  Bothwell  were  sent  for  to  the  Court ;  the  Duke 
 that  day  was  conveyed  with  all  the  Protestants  that  were 
 in  this  town ;  the  other  with  the  Papists.  It  was  con- 
 cluded, that  for  avoiding  of  cumber,  the  Earl  Bothwell 
 should  leave  the  town  till  the  8th  of  January  ;  since  that 
 time  we  have  liv\l  in  good  rest  and  peace,  and  like  enough 
 to  do,  except  these  Bishojjs  are  able  to  work  any  mischiefs 
 to  save  their  livings.  I  have  in  some  of  my  other  letters 
 written  unto  your  Honour,  that  the  Lords  were  determined 
 to  write  to  the  Q.  Majestic  for  the  delivery  of  their  hostages ; 
 here  presently  T  send  you  their  letter  :  Their  hojx'  is  through 
 
 •   [See  Knox's  urcoimt  oi'tliis  ilis^nioelul  riot,  inscrtiMl  Itv  our  Historian 
 in  tho  Second  Clinittcr  of  liis  Third  Uook. — K.] 
 
15G1.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  131 
 
 your  good  means,  to  receive  some  speedy  answer.  The  most 
 of  them  say  unto  me — That  albeit  that  their  sons  do  return, 
 their  hearts  do  and  shall  all  remain  in  place. l  Their  charges 
 have  not  been  great ;  yet  somewhat  more  than  diverse  are 
 able  long  to  sustain.  These  desire  your  Honour,  that  their 
 doings  may  be  interpreted  unto  the  best,  and  that  their 
 lawfull  service  may  be  accepted  unto  the  Q.  Majestic,  of 
 whose  honour  and  worthiness  they  can  neither  say  nor  think 
 sufficient.  The  Duke  in  special  recommendeth  his  humble 
 service  unto  the  Q.  Majestic  ;  he  hath  at  this  time  received 
 good  words  of  the  Queen  his  Sovereign,  and  returneth  now 
 home  full  of  hope  to  enjoy  her  favour,  without  further 
 suspicion  of  any  evil  mind  towards  him.  The  Queen  would 
 willingly  take  up  the  controversy  between  the  Earl  Bothwell 
 and  the  Earl  of  Arran  ;  it  is  now  in  talk  :  I  know  not  what 
 will  ensue ;  but  as  far  as  I  can  perceive,  the  Earl  Bothwell 
 standeth  in  more  doubt  of  the  Laird  of  Ormiston  and  his 
 friends,  than  he  doth  of  the  other. 
 
 "  It  hath  been  told  me  in  great  counsel,  that  the  Earl  of 
 Arran  maketh  his  way  again  into  France,  and  that  he  spake 
 secretly  with  Mons.  de  Fois  at  his  being  here  ;  your  Honour 
 can  well  consider,  if  it  be  so,  what  may  ensue  thereof.  It 
 is  told  me  for  certain,  that  he  was  this  last  night  in  this 
 town  very  secret ;  I  know  not  upon  what  purpose,  except  it 
 were  to  speak  to  some  friends  that  might  not  come  openly 
 to  him. 
 
 "  Touching  the  last  letters  that  the  Queen's  Majestic 
 wrote  unto  this  Queen,  some  part  of  her  mind  your  Honour 
 shall  know  by  the  L.  of  Lidington's  writings,  which  here- 
 with I  send  your  Honour  ;  as  also  a  letter  from  the  Lord 
 James  to  yourself,  and  one  to  the  Lord  Robert.^  I  send 
 also  unto  your  Honour  a  letter  from  the  blaster  of  ]MaxwelI ; 
 and  also  another  to  tJio  Master  of  the  Rolls,  containing  his 
 defence  against  the  Lord  Dacre's  accusation. 
 
 "  The  Lord  Robert'^  was  married  on  Sunday  was  eight 
 
 ^  The  event  made  proof  of  their  sincerity  herein. 
 
 *  i.  e.  the  Lord  Robert  Dudley  of  England,  Q.  Elizabeth's  toping 
 favourite, — [Afterwards  the  celebrated  Earl  of  Leicester. — E,] 
 
 ^  This  was  Kobcrt  Stuart,  natural  son  to  K.  James  V.  by  a  daughter  of 
 the  Lord  Elphinston.  He  was  now  Abbot  of  Ilolyroodhouse,  and  was 
 afterwards  created  Earl  of  Orkney.— [See  the  notes,  p.  99,  119,  126  of  this 
 volume. — E.] 
 
132  TflE  inSTuHY  OF  THE  AFI-ATRS  [1561. 
 
 clays  to  tho   l*]arl   of  CassiFs  si.ster;  and  inv   Lord  John^ 
 upon  Sunday  next  to  the  Earl  Botliweirs  sister  :'-  I  mean 
 not  liere,  in  tlie  Court,  but  wliore  tlie  women  arc  in  tlieir 
 friend's  houses.     At  iMliiiburirli,  27th  JJecember  loGl. 
 "  Your  Honour's  bounden  at  commandment, 
 
 ''-  Tiio.  Randolpiie." 
 
 The  proposition  relating  to  the  ratification  of  the  Treaty 
 of  Edinburgh,  as  it  was  contained  in  the  message  by  Sir 
 Peter  Mewtas,  having  been  tossM  by  the  two  Queens  within 
 this  compass  of  time  ;  here  follow  their  Majesties'  letters 
 thereupon, 
 
 Letter  from  Queen  Mari/  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  7th  October  15G1  .^ 
 
 "  RlcilT  excellent,  &c. — Quhairas  it  plesit  zow  purposlie  to 
 direct  this  berair  S""  Peter  Mewetas,  Knycht,  to  vesite  ws  on 
 zowr  behalf,  and  to  declair  the  contentment  ze  had  of  o\^t 
 prosperous  jorney,  and  saif  arrivall  in  this  owr  Ivealme,  We 
 gi\e  zow  maist  hartie  thankis.  In  making  the  report 
 quhairof,  with  sic  utheris  thingis  as  he  had  in  charge  on 
 zowY  part,  to  be  communicate  unto  ws,  he  lies  sa  wyslie 
 and  discretlie  utterit  and  expressit  the  sinceritie  of  zowr 
 affectioun  towart  ws,  that  as  he  lies  declarit  him  to  be  a 
 fit  messenger  for  sic  a  purpos,  sa  have  we  gude  cans  to 
 allow  wele  of  him,  and  liaif  sa  answerit  his  message  proponit 
 unto  ws  in  everie  poynt,  as  thairby  it  sail  weill  appeir  we 
 meane  nathing  niair  earnestlie  than  continewance  of  tendir 
 amytie  and  gude  intelligence  betwix  ws,  sa  yat  we  doubt 
 nocht  ze  sail  haif  occasioun  to  be  wele  satisfyit  yairwith  : 
 The  report  quhairof  we  refer  to  his  sufficiencye.  And  sa, 
 right  excellent,  &;c.  Att  our  l\dace  of  Halyrudhous  the 
 seven  day  of  Octobir,  and  of  our  Regne  the  xix.  zeir." 
 
 '  He  was  another  natural  son  to  K.  James  V.  and  was  Abbot  of  C'ol- 
 dinn^hani.  They  l)oth  joinM  the  new  Discipline.  'J'he  Lord  James  did 
 likewise  marry  a  dau^diter  of  the  Karl  Marisehal  in  the  month  of  Febru- 
 ary following,  after  he  had  becMi  made  Juirl  of  Moray.  [See  tlie  note, 
 p.  99  of  this  volume. — !'.  | 
 
 ^  I  Knox  most  ungallantly  and  sarcastically  remarks — "  A  sufficient 
 woman  for  sic  a  man."     Historic,  I'.din.  edit.  17.S2,  p.  'MY,\. — i:.j 
 
 •'  Shatter'd  MS. a  Copy. 
 
1561.]  OF  CHURCH  ANl)  STATE  1>J  SCOTLAND.  133 
 
 Letter  from  Queen  Elizabeth  to  Queen  Mary^ 
 22(1  November  1501.1 
 
 "  Right  excellent,  richt  heich  and  michtie  Princess,  our 
 derest  sister  and  cousine,  we  ^rete  zow  wele  :  Quhairby 
 zowr  letters  brocht  to  ws  the  last  moneth  be  our  servand 
 Sr  Petir  Mewtas,  it  appears  yat  ze  did  verie  hartlie  accept 
 our  gude  will  in  sending  our  said  servand  to  visite  zow  on 
 our  part ;  and  farther,  did  refer  to  his  report  the  answer 
 maid  be  zow  to  the  message  proponit  be  him  on  our  behalf; 
 we  be  glade  to  see  our  gude  will  sa  wele  interpreted  and 
 allowed,  be  which  meanys  aniytie  principallie  encreasseth 
 betwix  friendis.  And  to  the  answer,  as  he  reporteth  it, 
 we  see  na  cans  to  be  sa  wele  satisfyed  thairin  as  we  luikit 
 for.  And  zet  considering  we  trust,  that  zowr  meaning  is  as 
 ouris  is,  sincere,  just  and  direct,  towerdis  the  reparation  of 
 all  former  strange  accidentis,  and  to  make  a  perpetuall 
 amytie  betwix  ws,  we  have  thocht  mete  nocht  to  permit  so 
 gude  a  mattir  for  our  amytie  to  remane  unperfected  ;  and 
 thairfore  quhair  we  only  require  the  ratification  of  a  Treaty 
 passed  by  zowr  Commissioneris  authorized  thairto  with  zowr 
 hand  and  sele,  and  zow  stay  therein,  for  that  many  thingis 
 be  contenit  in  the  same  appertening  to  zowr  late  husband 
 
 this  mattir,  quhairin  ze  mak  stay,  to  some  resolutioun 
 
 bettir  eyther  probably  to  our  trustie  servand  Thomas 
 
 Randulphe rather  be  zowr  awn  letteris  to  ws,  quliat  be 
 
 the  ver}^  just  causes  which  move  zow  thus  to  stay  in  the 
 ratificatioun  ;  and  gif  the  same  be  to  be  allowed  unto  zow 
 in  reason,  zow  sail  wele  persave  we  will  require  nothing  bot 
 that  quhilk  honour,  justice,  and  reason,  sail  allow  us  to  ask, 
 and  that  quhilk  in  like  honour,  justice,  and  reason,  zow 
 ought  to  grant :  And  thus  sail  oure  affairis  be  more  secretlie, 
 more  directlie,  and  as  speedilie  resolved,  as  by  Ambassadoris. 
 And  so,  richt  excellent,  richt  hcicli  and  michtie  Princesse, 
 our  derest  sister  and  cousine,  we  commit  zow  to  the  tuition 
 of  the  Almichtie.  Givin  under  our  Signet  att  our  Manner 
 of  St  James,  the  xxiij.  of  Novembir,  the  fourth  zeir  of  our 
 Reigne,  1561. 
 
 "  Your  gude  sister  and  loving  cousintr, 
 
 "  Elizabeth  R.'' 
 
 1  Shatter'd  MS.  a  Copy. 
 
134  THE  IlISTUllY  OF  THE  AFFAIK.<  [15G1-2. 
 
 Letter  from  Queen  Mary  to  Queen  Elizabeth, 
 rytli  January  15G1-2.1 
 
 "  lllcilT  exeelknt,  &:c.  Quliairas  by  zowr  letter  of  the 
 twenty  third  of  Novembir,  we  understand  tliat  for  our 
 answer  gcvin  to  Sr  Petir  Mewetas,  as  lie  lies  rcportit  it,  ze 
 sec  na  cans  to  be  thairin  sa  wele  satisfyed  as  ze  luikit  for, 
 we  cannot  wele  ymaginc  quhat  lack  culd  be  fund  yairin  : 
 For  as  our  meanyng  in  the  self  is,  and  hes  bene  sincere, 
 just  and  upright ;  sa  in  the  uttering  of  our  mynd  to  him, 
 we  sa  temperat  our  answer  as  we  thocht  micht  wele  stand 
 with  zowr  contentment  and  quietnes  of  ws  baith  ;  and  for 
 yat  end  wissit  that  the  Treatie  quhilk  ze  require  to  be 
 ratifyit,  mycht  be  revewed  be  some  Commissioneris   suffi- 
 
 cientlie and  presentlie  meane  sa  planelie  to  utter  our 
 
 mynd  unto  zow,  as  ze  sail  wele  persave  the  memorie  of  all 
 former  strange  accidentis  is  clene  extinguissit  upon  our 
 part  ;  and  that  now  without  ony  reservatioun,  we  deale 
 franklie  with  zow  in  sic  sort  as  is  convenient  for  twa  sisteris, 
 professing  sic  finne  amytie,  to  treate  togidder.  We  leif  at 
 this  tyme  to  tweche  in  quhat  tyme  that  the  Treaty  wes 
 past,  be  quhais  commandment,  be  quhat  ministeris,  how 
 thay  were  authorizat,  or  particularlie  to  examyne  the  suffi- 
 ciency of  thair  Commission  ;  quhilk  lieidis  are  not  so  sklen- 
 dir,  bot  the  leist  of  thame  is  worthy  of  sume  consideration  : 
 Onlie  will  we  presentlie  twche  that  heid  quhilk  is  mete  for 
 ws  to  provide,  and  yat  quhilk  on  zowr  part  is  not  incon- 
 venient, bot  sic  as  in  honor,  justice,  and  reason,  ze  may  wele 
 allow.  How  prejudiciall  that  Treaty  is  to  sic  title  and 
 interes  as  be  birth  and  naturall  discent  of  zowr  awn  linage 
 may  fall  to  ws,  be  verry  inspection  of  the  Treaty  itself  ze 
 may  easilie  persave,  and  how  slenderlie  a  mattir  of  sa  greit 
 consequence  is  wra})})it  up  in  obscure  termys :  We  knaw 
 how  neir  we  ar  disccndit  of  the  blude  of  Ingland,  and  quhat 
 devisis  hes  bene  attemptit  to  mak  us  as  it  wer  a  strangeai* 
 from  it ;  we  trust  being  sa  neir  zour  cousine,  ze  wald  be 
 laith  we  suld  resave  sa  manifest  an  injury  as  alluterly  to  be 
 dcbarrit  from  yat  title  (pihilk  in  possibilite  may  fall  unto 
 us.     We  will  (Icalc  frankli(.'  with  zow,  and  wyss  yat  ze  deale 
 
 '  JSluittcr'd  MJ>.  a  Copy. 
 
15G1-2.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IX  SCOTLAND.  135 
 
 frieiidlie  with  ws.  We  will  have  at  this  present  no  juge  of 
 the  equitie  of  our  demand  hot  zour  self.  Gif  we  had  sic  a 
 niattir  to  treate  with  ony  uther  Prince,  thair  is  na  personc 
 quhais  aviso  we  wald  rather  follow ;  sa  greit  account  do  we 
 niak  of  zour  aniytie  towcrt  us,  and  sic  a  opinioun  have  we 
 consavit  of  zour  uprightness  and  jugement,  that  altho  the 
 mattir  partlie  twche  zour  self,   we  dare  adventure  to  put 
 
 mekill  in  zowr warld  as  greit  and  firme  amytie  as  be 
 
 bene  at  any  tyme  betwix  quhatsumevir  cupple  of 
 
 mentionat  in  thame,  lat  be  to  surpasse  the  present of 
 
 our  awn  aigo,  to  the  greit  comfort  of  our  subjectis,  and 
 perpetuall  quietnes  of  baith  the  Rcalmes,  quhilkis  we  are 
 bound  in  the  sight  of  God  be  all  gude  meanys  to  procure. 
 We  leif  to  zour  awn  consideratioun  quhat  reasonis  we  micht 
 alledge  to  confirm  the  equity  of  our  demand,  and  quhat  is 
 probable  yat  utheris  micht  alledge,  gif  thay  wer  in  our 
 place,  quhilks  we  pas  ower  with  silence.  Ze  see  quhat 
 abundance  of  luif  nature  hes  wrocht  in  our  heart  towerdis 
 zow,  quhairby  we  are  movit  rather  to  admit  sumthing  that 
 utheris  perchance  wald  esteme  to  be  ane  inconvenient,  than 
 leif  ony  rute  of  brache,  and  to  set  aside  the  manner  of 
 treating  accustumat  amangis  utheris  Princes  ;  leving  all 
 ceremonys,  to  propone  and  utter  the  boddum  of  our  mynd 
 nakytlie,  without  ony  circumstances;  quhilk  fassioun  of 
 deling,  in  our  opinioun,  deservis  to  be  answerit  with  the 
 like  franknes ;  gif  God  will  grant  ane  gude  occasioun  yat 
 we  may  meit  togidder,  quhilk  we  wyss  may  be  sone,  we 
 trust  ze  sail  mair  clarlie  persave  the  synceritic  of  our 
 meanyng,  than  we  can  expres  be  writing.  In  the  mean 
 season  we  desire  zow  hartlie,  as  ze  terme  ws  zowr  gude 
 sister,  so  ymagine  with  zour  self  that  we  are  in  effect,  and 
 yat  ze  may  hike  for  na  less  assurit  and  firme  amytie  att  our 
 liandis,  than  we  war  zour  naturall  sister  in  dede ;  quhairof 
 ze  sail  from  tyme  to  tyme  have  gude  experience,  sa  lang  as 
 it  sail  pleis  zow  to  continew  on  zowr  part  the  gude  intelli- 
 gence begun  betwix  ws.  And  thus,  riclit  excellent,  &c. 
 Att  Edinburgh  the  fift  day  of  Januar,  and  of  our  llegne 
 the  XX.  zeir."i 
 
 ^  l/rUis  firm  and  pithy  letter  from  Queen  Mary  to  Queen  Elizabeth  was 
 not  likely  to  allay  the  feelinjjsof  the  latter  on  the  danf^eroiis  and  vexatious 
 dispute  of  the  suceession  to  the  English  Crown. — E.] 
 
I'3G  Tlli-    IIISTUIIY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGl-2. 
 
 Letter  from  Queen  Elizabeth  to  Queen  Mary.^ 
 
 "  Right  excellent,  richt  heich  and  niichtic  Princesse,  our 
 derest  sister  and  cousine,  we  grete  zow  wcle  :  The  berair 
 heirof  8t  Colme,  upoun  his  cumraing  out  of  France,  undir- 
 standinir  be  Montignac,  and  uther  zour  scrvandis  (juhom  he 
 land  heir  come  from  zow,  how  lang  ze  thocht  to  heir  of  his 
 returne,  desirit  to  pass  in  sa  greit  haist  towerdis  zow,  quhilk 
 we  also  wele  allow  in  him,  that  presentlie  we  had  na  con- 
 venient lesure  to  mak  answer  to  the  letter  quliilk  zistirday 
 we  resavit  from  zow  by  intelligence,  twching  the  answere 
 of  the  negociation  of  Sr  Peter  ^lewtas  with  zow :  Neither 
 can  we  presentlie  send  zow  our  picture,  (juhilk  it  plesit  zow 
 to  require ;  for  that  the  partie  that  ought  to  draw  it  in 
 portrature  is  at  this  tyme  sicklie,  and  thairby  as  zit  unable 
 to  set  it  out.  Bot  for  bothe  these,  we  assure  zow,  sail 
 nocht  be  forgettin  alsone  as  thay  may  be  dispatched.  As 
 to  the  uther  privat  letter  writtin  with  zowr  awin  hand,  for 
 the  quhilk  we  thank  zow,  we  have  tweching  the  contents 
 yairof,  and  that  with  richt  gude  will,  gevin  to  JNIontignac 
 our  speciall  letter  to  oure  Ambassador  in  France ;  as  we 
 think,  by  Montignac's  nixt  letter,  zow  sail  perceyve  oure 
 ernest  gude  will,  and  how  we  continew  in  oure  gude  mean- 
 yng  to  exercise  freindschip  with  zow  as  we  have  begim ; 
 meanyng  also  to  proccid  in  all  synceritie  as  occasioun  sail 
 require,  not  doubting  to  find  the  lyke  in  zow  oure  derest 
 sistir  and  cousine,  quhoni  we  commit  to  the  tuitioun  of  the 
 Almichtie.     Gevin  undir'' 
 
 What  other  letters  might  have  passM  between  the  two 
 Queens,  concerning  the  negociation  by  Sir  Peter  Mewtas,'- 
 we  have  no  farther  intelligence ;  but  by  these  here  produced, 
 we  are  rendred  certain,  that  the  Conference  Secretary 
 Maitland  had  with  Queen  Elizabeth,  at  his  tirst  journey 
 into  England,  has  not  centerM  in  the  conclusion  related  by 
 
 '  Slmtter'd  MS.  a  Coin-.     'J'lus  letter  wants  the  tlate. 
 
 ^  [Sir  I'ctor  Mowta.s  was  sent  by  Elizabeth  to  Scotland  to  request  that 
 Mar}'  would  ratify  the  Treaty  of  Ediubur^di,  which  she  well  knew  the 
 Scottish  (^ucen  would  decline.  In  reality,  however,  the  mission  of  Sir 
 I'eter  Mewtas  was  to  evade  what  Maitland  of  Lethin;4:ton  stroni^ly  advised 
 Queen  Elizabeth, and  wiiich ^neatly  embarrassed  Cecil,  viz.  the  policy  and 
 necessity  of  at  once  declaring,'  the  Scottish  Queen  her  successor. — E.] 
 
1561-2.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IX  SCOTLAND.  13? 
 
 Mr  Buchanan.!  The  Queen  of  Scots  does  indeed  make  a 
 proposal  here,  of  reviewing  the  Treaty  of  Edinburgh ;  but 
 the  issue  of  things  demonstrates  that  the  Queen  of  England 
 has  not  thought  fit  to  accept  the  proposal. 
 
 ^  [Buchanan's  "  conclusion"  is  that  ambassadors  were  to  be  chosen  on 
 the  part  of  England  and  Scotland  to  review  the  league — that  the  Scottish 
 Queen  was  to  abstain  from  using  the  Arms  and  Titles  of  England  and 
 Ireland  during  the  life  of  Queen  Elizabeth  or  any  of  her  children,  if  she 
 married  and  had  issue — and  that  Queen  Elizabeth  was  to  do  nothing 
 either  by  herself  or  posterity  to  impair  the  right  of  succession  of  the 
 Scottish  Queen.     History,  Translation,  vol.  ii.  Edin.  1752,  p.  284.— E.] 
 
»J^>  TIIK  HISTORY  OF  THK  AFFAIRS  [15G1-2. 
 
 CHAPTEli   IV. 
 
 CONTAINING  AN  ACCOUNT  OF  AFFAIRS  OF  STATE,  FRuM  THK 
 REGINNING  OF  THE  YEAR  loGl-2,  UNTIL  MIDSUiMMER  THE 
 SAME  YEAH. 
 
 J5v  tlic  Registers  of  the  IVivy-Council  we  are  assured, 
 that  much  of  the  pubHck  consultations,  in  the  beginning 
 of  the  year  15G1-2,  was  taken  up  about  regulating  the 
 Benefices,  &c.  of  the  new  Church  ministry  ;l  and  this  will 
 come  under  my  consideration  afterwards,  when  I  come  to 
 treat  of  these  Ecclesiastical  Matters. 
 
 As  to  Affairs  of  State.  The  two  contemporary  historians^  of 
 the  time,  so  often  mentioned,  entertain  us  with  a  large  detail 
 of  a  private  quarrel  betwixt  some  of  the  Nobility  ;^  such  as, 
 
 *  [The  now  rolin^ious  association  of  Superintendents,  Iklinisters,  and 
 Jieaders,  set  up  by  the  Protestant  Reformers  on  the  ruins  of  the  Catholic 
 Hierarchy. — E. 
 
 -  [.John  Knox  and  George  Buchanan. — E.] 
 
 ^  [This  was  a  much  more  serious  affair  than  liishop  Keith  ha.s  thought 
 proper  to  notice.  In  tlio  midst  of  the  negociations  carrying  on  by  Mait- 
 land  of  I.ethington  with  Cecil  to  secure  a  good  understanding  between 
 theEnglisli  and  Scottish  Queens,  and  also  amid  the  inflamatory  addresses 
 of  .lolin  Knox  from  the  i)uli>it,  the  Earl  of  Arran,  who  had  been  leading 
 a  licentious  and  dissipated  life,  became  at  last  insane.  lie  accused  him- 
 self, the  Duke  of  Chatelherault  his  father,  the  JOarl  of  Uoth well, and  CJaviii 
 Hamilton,  Abbot  of  Kilwiiming,  of  a  conspiracy  to  seize  the  Queen, 
 murder  Lord  James  Stuart,  newly  created  Earl  of  Mar,  and  possess 
 themselves  of  the  (Jovernment.  Arran  insisted  that  IJothwell  contrived 
 the  i)lot,  and  the  profligate  character  of  that  Nobleman  induced  many  to 
 give  it  credit,  in  connection  with  the  former  rumour  that  Arran  himself, 
 shortly  after  the  Queen's  arrival  from  France,  intended  to  invade  the 
 Talace  of  llolyrood,  and  cari-y  her  off.  Though  Botlnvell  and  the  Abbot 
 of  Kilwinning  were  imprisoned  on  accoimt  of  some  susj)icious  circum- 
 stances in  their  conduct,  it  was  discovered  from  the  incoherent  ravings  of 
 Arran  that  there  was  no  truth  in  his  story.  His  father,  the  aged  Duke  of 
 Chatelherault,  with  tears  protested  his  innocence,  and  was  received  with 
 the  greatest  kindness  by  Queen  Mary.  1{andol])h  wrote  a  long  letter  to 
 Queen  Elizabeth  on  the  subject,  to  contradict  any  notion  which  she  might 
 entertain,  that  as  Arran  had  violently  opposed  himself  to  (^ueen  Mary 
 she  would  be  disposed  to  believe  any  reports  against  him  ami  his  iMimily. 
 MS.  Letter,  State-Paper  Office,  9th  April  l.'iC-J,  in  Tythr's  History  of 
 Scotland,  vol.  vi.  p.  '2;j(»,  2.'57.  As  to  .\nan  himself,  he  subsivpiently  denied 
 the  accusation,  "  to  the  great  tinlikingof  all  men  who  si»w  ids  misconduct," 
 
1561-2.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  130 
 
 the  Earls  of  Arran,  Bothwell,  Mar,i  &c.  tho'  it  is  easily 
 observable  that  Mr  Knox's  account  has  the  better  foundation 
 and  air  of  truth.  But  forasmuch  as  this  writer  seems  like- 
 wise willing  to  diminish  the  rancour  subsisting  betwixt  the 
 Hamiltons  and  Earl  of  Bothwell,  and  to  resolve  the  malice 
 both  of  the  one  and  other  into  secret  attempts  upon  the  life 
 of  the  Earl  of  Mar,  2  it  may  perhaps  afford  some  certainty  of 
 this  matter  to  see  the  following  Record  of  Privy-Council. 
 
 A'pud  Edinburgh  20  Februarij^  Anno  Domini  1561. 
 
 "  In  presence  of  the  Quenis  Majestic,  and  Lordis  of  Secreit 
 Counsale,  comperit  James  Erie  of  Arrane ;  and  being 
 inquirit,  Gif  he  wald  keip  the  Treatie  maid  and  takin  betuix 
 the  Quenis  Majestic  and  umquhilc  hir  deirest  spous  the 
 maist  Christian  Kingis  Commissionaris  on  yat  ane  part, 
 and  the  Nobilitie  of  this  Realme  on  yat  uther  part ;  and 
 specialie  yat  point  and  part  yairof,  berand,  yat  it  sail  nocht 
 be  lesum  to  thame  that  hes  bene  callit  of  the  Congregatioun, 
 and  thai  yat  were  nocht  callit  of  the  same,  to  reproche  one  ane 
 uther,  for  quhatsumevir  thingis  yet  hes  bene  done  sen  the  6th 
 day  of  Marche,  the  zeir  of  God  1558  zeiris ;  and  namelie,  to 
 James  Erie  Bothuile,  in  respect  of  the  variance  and  debait 
 standand  betuix  thame :  Declarit  yat  he  wald  keip  the  said 
 Treatie  in  all  pointis  to  all  the  Hegis  of  this'Realme  ;  and 
 albeit  he  belevit  the  said  Treatie  extendit  nocht  to  the  said 
 variance  standand  betuix  him  and  the  said  Erie  Bothuile,  zit 
 becaus  the  saidis  Lordis  of  Secreit  Counsale  declarit  yat  the 
 said  variance  was  comprehendit  under  the  said  Treatie, 
 and  yat  the  Quenis  Majestic  commandit  the  said  Erie  of 
 Arrane  to  keip  the  samyn  in  all  pointis  ;  he  willing  to  schaw 
 him  an  obedient  subject,  in  presence  of  her  Majestic  promissit 
 
 and  was  soon  afterwards  declared  in  a  state  of  insanity.  "  Such  was 
 tlio  sad  fate  of  the  earliest  lover  of  Mary,  and  of  the  proffered  husband  of 
 I'lizabeth."     Chahners'  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  G2. — E.] 
 
 ^  This  was  the  Prior  of  St  Andrews,  wlio  was  created  Earl  of  Mar,  on 
 one  of  the  days  betwixt  the  6th  and  12th  of  February  1561-2  ;  for  on  the 
 6th  day  of  this  month  he  sits  in  the  Privy  Council,  by  his  ordinary  desig- 
 nation, Jucobvx  Comiiundatarius  Prioroiuum  Sti  Andrea;  it  PitUnwcme. 
 But  on  the  12th  day  he  is  desif^ned  Juathus  Conus  dc  Mar.  The  indus- 
 trious Author  of  the  Scottish  Peerafrc  has,  througli  inadvertency,  marked 
 the  lOtli  of  I'obruiu y  for  liis  Lordships  creation  as  I'arl  of  Moray,  in- 
 stead of  Mar. 
 
 '^  I  Lord  .James  Stuart.     See  the  note  p.  22  of  this  volume. —  \\.\ 
 
140  TlIK  IIISTUIIY  UF  Tin:  AFFAIRS  [1561-2. 
 
 to  keip  the  samvn  Treatie,  and  specialie  to  the  said  Erie 
 Bothuile,  and  to  niak  nor  gif  na  occasioun  of  brek  yairof, 
 sua  yat  hir  Majesties  syrvicc  suld  na  wyis  be  stayit,  nor 
 commone  quietnes  troubHt.  And  sicklyke,  the  Quenis 
 Majestie,  and  Lordis  of  Secreit  Counsale  foirsaidis,  hes 
 proniittit,  yat  the  said  Treatie,  and  all  point  is  contenit 
 yairin,  sail  be  observit  and  kepit  to  the  said  Erie  of  Arrane 
 and  his  friendis,  be  all  the  liegis  of  this  Realme.'' 
 
 From  the  last  day  of  February  there  is  no  session  of 
 Privy-Council  until  the  19th  of  May  following,  in  which 
 interval  of  time  the  Queen  has  been  taking  some  diversion 
 in  the  large  fields  about  Falkland  and  St  Andrews,  where 
 Mr  Knox  takes  notice  her  Majesty  was,i  during  the  time  the 
 Earl  of  Arran  made  the  pretended  discovery  against  the  Earl 
 of  Bothwell.  That  writer  says,  that  "  on  the  18th  day  of 
 April  15G2,2  the  whole  Council  was  assembled  at  St  Andrews, 
 
 1  [Knox's  Historic,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  folio,  p.  308.  Among  the  amuse- 
 nieutis  of  Queen  Mary,  that  of  hcncking  ^vas  a  favourite  one,  and  she  often 
 enjoyed  this  diversion  on  the  south  side  of  the  Frith  of  Forth,  and  in  Fife. 
 The  Queen  had  also  gardens  at  all  her  Palaces  and  residences,  and  some 
 old  trees  are  still  pointed  out  near  Holyroodhouse,  Moray  House  in  the 
 Canongate  of  Edinburgh,  Craigniillar  Castle  near  that  city,  Crookstone 
 Castle  near  Paisley,  and  other  places,  which  are  traditionally  alleged  to 
 have  been  jjlantcd  by  her.  As  it  respects  the  allusions  in  the  text.  Queen 
 Mary  had  a  garden  and  deer-park  at  Falkland  Palace  in  Fife  ;  and  slie 
 seems  to  have  had  a  residence  and  garden  at  St  Andrews,  unless  we  are 
 to  assume  that  she  occupied  the  edifice  in  the  Priory  of  that  city  to 
 which  her  father  James  V.  conveyed  her  mother  3Iary  of  Guise,  when 
 she  first  landed  near  Crail,  the  property  of  her  illegitinuite  brother  Lord 
 James  Stuart,  Earl  of  Mar,  as  lay  Prior  or  Couimendator.  Chalmers' 
 Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  71,  7'2. — E.] 
 
 2  That  the  Queen  was  at  St  Andrews  the  20th  day  of  A]uil,  appears 
 uiuloiil)tedly,  by  an  order  signed  by  her  there,  to  the  Magistrates  of 
 Edinburgh,  requiring  them  to  i)rohibite  the  chusing  of  liobin  Hooil,  Little 
 Jolaiy  nor  Abbot  of  Umcasony  within  that  burgh,  which  her  ^Lijesty  had 
 heard  was  intended,  in  the  beginning  of  May,  as  had  been  sometimes 
 done,  on  purpose  to  raise  sedition  and  tumult.  And  a  Proclamation  was 
 accordingly  made  through  the  city,  conformable  to  the  Queen's  conmiand 
 and  former  Acts  of  Parliament.  See  the  Town-Council  Register.— [Aoim 
 Jlnod,  Little  Joint,  and  the  Abbot  of  Unreason,  were  well  known  pastimes  of 
 the  people  long  before  the  Reformation.  Sir  AValter  Scott  gives  a  splendid 
 description  of  tlu;  last  mentioned  in  Thk  Abbot,  a  SE(iUEL  to  the 
 Monastery.  In  the  Parliament  held  at  IMinburgli,  20th  June  loSij,  it 
 wa.s  enacted  that  no  ])ersons  were  to  be  chosen  "  Robert  ILide,  nor  Lyttill 
 Johne,  Abbot  of  Unreason,  Quccncs  of  May,  nor  otlicrwyse,  nouther  in 
 
15{)l-2.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  141 
 
 in  which  it  was  concluded,  That  in  consideration  of  the  former 
 suspicion,  the  Duke  should  render  to  the  Queen  the  Castle 
 of  Dumbarton,  the  custody  whereof  was  granted  unto  him 
 by  appointment,  till  that  lawful  succession  should  be  seen  of 
 the  Queen's  body.  But  will  prevailed  against  reason  and 
 promise  ;  and  so  was  the  Castle  delivered  to  Captain 
 Anstruther,  as  having  power  from  the  Queen  and  Council 
 to  receive  it.''  But  how  untrue  this  representation  is, 
 appears  by  the  Duke's  ow^n  acknowledgment  to  Mr  Randolph, 
 in  this  gentleman's  letter  of  the  11th  of  November  last  year, 
 to  which  the  reader  may  be  pleased  to  cast  back  his  eye. 
 And  tho'  it  had  been  true,  that  the  Duke  had  received  that 
 fortress  in  keeping  under  the  provision  here  alledged  ;  yet 
 if  the  Duke  should  be  found  to  be  acting  in  any  thing  con- 
 trary to  the  interest  of  the  Queen  and  kingdom,  why  should 
 Mr  Knox  have  made  any  doubt,  but  that  the  Queen  and 
 Council  had  good  and  sufficient  right  to  demand  back  the 
 Castle,  when  they  saw  it  expedient  for  the  safety  of  the 
 State  ? 
 
 It  will  be  remembred,  that  in  the  English  Resident's 
 letters  some  discourse  had  casually  intervened  concerning 
 an  interview  between  the  two  Queens  :  It  seems  this  hint  had 
 been  improved  into  a  formal  proposition  ;  whereupon  we 
 find  the  following  record  in  the  Registers  of  the  Privy 
 Council  : — 
 
 Apud  Edinburgh^  19  Maij^  Anno  Bom.  1562. 
 
 Sederunt  Jacobus  Dux  de  Chattelarault ;  Archihaldus  Er- 
 gadiw  Comes;  Jacobus  Comes  de  Mar;  Willelmus  Marescal. 
 Comes;  Joannes  Atholiw  Comes;  Jacobus  Comes  de  Mor- 
 toun;  Joannes  Domimis  Ershin;  Joannes  Bellenden  de 
 Auclmoicle^  3Iiles,  Clerlcus  Justiciariw ;  3f agister  Jacobus 
 MaJcgill  de  N ether- RanJcelor^  Clericus  Registri ;  Magister 
 Robertus  Richardson^  Thesaurarius  ;  Willelmus  Maitland 
 de  Lethingtoun  junior,  Secretarius. 
 
 "  The  quhilk  day,  in  presence  of  the  Quenis  Majestic  and 
 Lordis  foirsaid,  being  assemblit,  and  the  estait  of  the  tua 
 Realmes  of  Scotland  and  England  considerit,  how  neidfull 
 
 burgh  nor  to  landwart  in  ony  tyme  to  cum,"  under  certain  severe  penalties 
 specified.     Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii.  p.  500. — E.] 
 
142  TIIK   HISTURY   OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G2. 
 
 it  is  yat  ye  ainitiu  and  rricndschip  standand,  continew  betwix 
 the  Qiiono  oure  Soverano  and  ye  (^uene  of  liif^land  yair 
 siibjectis  and  yair  Rcalnics  :  And  it  being  incjuirit  be  the 
 Quenis  Majestie  at  the  saidis  Lordis  to  declair  yair  counsale, 
 gif  it  be  necessar  yat  hir  Majestie  meit  the  Quene  of  Ing- 
 land  for  intcrtonyng  of  the  amitie  :  Declarit  yat  gif  hir 
 Grace  thocht  hir  awin  person  to  be  ony  way  in  suritie, 
 upoun  ony  promise  or  uyer  conditioun  to  be  maid  be  the 
 Quene  of  Ingland  to  liir  Hiencs,  (juhilk  yai  remittit  to  hir 
 awin  part  and  good  will,  that  nathing  is  niair  necessar  for 
 intertenyng  of  yis  amitie,  nor  yat  hir  Grace  meit  with  the 
 said  Quene  at  sik  tyme  as  may  be  appointit  yairto." 
 
 In  conformity  with  this  Declaration  by  the  Lords  of 
 Council,  our  (Jueen  caused  Instructions  be  drawn  up,  to  be 
 committed  to  Mr  Maitland,  her  Secretary,  whom  she  sent 
 immediately  into  England.  A  part  of  these  Instructions  is 
 preserved  in  the  ruinous  MS.  and  are  as  follow  : — 
 
 " greit  affectioun  we  bcir  to  oure  derest  sister,  movis 
 
 in  hir  handis  nocht  onlie  a  greit  part  of  oure  Nobilitie, 
 
 but  alswa  euro  awin  persone,  having  nathing  behind  mair  deir 
 
 and   doutis  nocht  bot  oure  said   gude   sister  will   sa 
 
 sincerlie,  ui)richtlie,  and  justlie  deill  with  ws,  that  the  haill 
 warld  sail  yairby  persave  the  like  gude  affectioun  on  hir 
 part ;  and  in  speciall,  yat  in  oure  passing,  returning,  or  ony 
 tyme  of  oure  remanyng  witliin  the  boundis  of  Ingland  and 
 hir  power,  we,  nor  nane  in  oure  cumpany,  sail  not  be  pressit 
 witli  ony  thing  yat  may  be  prejudiciall  to  oure  self,  oure 
 Realmc,  the  liberte  and  commoun  weale  yairof  in  ony  wyss ; 
 nor  ony  sic  thingis  desyrit  of  ws,  nor  zit  ony  purpos  brokin 
 
 to   ws,  (juliilk ^^just  occasioun  to  myslike  :   And  for  the 
 
 bettir  surtie  of  yis,  and  uthir  thingis  to  be  providit  before 
 the  meting,  ze  sail  entir  in  an  contract  with  sic  as  it  sail 
 pleis  the  Qu(>nc  of  fngland  to  authorize  be  hir  connnissioun 
 on  the  uther  part,  U})oun  tlie  heidis  following  : 
 
 "  Item,  V'w^i,  yat  we  sill  mete  oure  said  derest  sister  at 
 sic  a  day  and  place  as  ze  sail  agre  on  according  to  zowr 
 Inst  ruction  is. 
 
 •'  Itew,  Lat  it  be  providit  in  the  said  Contract,  for  i\\v. 
 part  of  oure  said  derest  sister.Tliat  in  oure  passing,  remaning 
 
15G2.]  uF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  143 
 
 ill  Ingland,  and  returning  thairfra  within  our  llealnic,  wo 
 sail  noclit  be  pressit  with  ony  thing  yat  may  be  prejudicial! 
 to  oure  self,  oure  lloalme,  the  liberte  and  commoun  weale 
 yairof  in  ony  wise  ;  nor  ony  sic  thing  desyrit  of  ws,  nor  na 
 persone  or  porsonis  being  with  ws,  nor  zit  ony  purpos  brokin 
 unto  ws  (piliilk  we  may  mislike ;  and  tliat  wo  nor  the  por- 
 sonis being  with  ws  in  cum[)any  sail  nocht  be  challengit, 
 arreistit,   chargeit,   nor   troublit,   for  ony  cans,   promis,   or 
 
 deid  bygane to  the  qualitie  of  the  offens may  cum 
 
 in  yat  Realme  accumpancd quhatsumevir  qnalitie,  stait, 
 
 or  degre  thai  be coffenis,    bulzettis,    fardellis,    money, 
 
 jewellis, uncunzeit,    letteris    clois    and  patent,    and    all 
 
 uther  necessars   quhilkis  thay  sail  bring  with  yame  thair 
 
 as  it  sail  pleis  ws,  and  to  return  again  within  this 
 
 (pdiat  tyme,  and  how  sone  we  sail  think  gude  and  expedient 
 
 power,  licence,  and  fredome  to  qnhatsumevir  persone 
 
 or  personis  being  with  ws,  or  yat  sail  happin  to  cum  to  us 
 furth  of  oure  Realme,  or  uther  partis  within  the  nowmer 
 foirsaid,  to  repair  towert  ws  with  pacquettis  and  letteris, 
 pas  and  repas  als  oft  as  we  sail  think  expedient,  during 
 oure  rcmanyng  within  the  Realme  of  Ingland,  bot  trouble, 
 strife,  arrest,  stop,  or  impediment  of  oure  said  derest  sister, 
 her  officieris,  ministeris,  or  subjectis,  sicklike,  and  als  frolic 
 as  gif  thai  and  everie  ane  of  yame  had  speciall  saulfconduct 
 grantit  to  yame  by  oure  said  derest  sister,  to  the  effect 
 foresaid,  in  the  maist  ample  forme  yat  could  bo  divisit. 
 And  als  yat  oure  said  derest  sister  sail  cans  ws,  accumpanyit 
 as  said  is,  to  be  ressavit  at  the  Merchies  of  yat  Realme, 
 with  sum  noble  men,  for  convoying  of  ws  to  the  appoyntit 
 place  of  meting,  sa  that  we  may  be  honourably  entertenyt 
 in  all  partis  u[)Oun  oure  expens  ;  and  cftir  we  entir  in  yat 
 Realme,  that  we  and  oure  tryne  to  the  nowmer  foresaid,  or 
 within,  sail  frelie  use  the  religion  quhilk  we  or  thai  presentlie 
 profes  and  usis  witliin  this  oure  Realme. 
 
 "  Ttem^  That  it  sail  be  providit  in  the  said  Contract,  yat 
 oure  said  derest  sister  for  hir  part,  and  we  for  ours,  sail 
 ratifie  and  appreive  undir  oure  subscript ionis  and  Greit 
 Selis  the  said  Contract,  and  every  poynt  yairin  contenit, 
 
 for  the  bettir  authorizing   yairof the  like  ratificatioun 
 
 oure  part the  labour  to  get  tlie  copio  of  the  Conduct 
 
 -moder  be  King  Eduard,  for  hir  passing 
 
144  THE  HISTORY   OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loG2. 
 
 tlirow  Ingland ;  and  likcwis  to  get  the  sicht  or  copie  of  the 
 Contract  past  betwix  King  Franceys  and  Hary  the  Aueht, 
 for  yair  nietings  in  France  ;  and  quhat  ze  find  in  yame,  or 
 ony  of  yame  mete  for  thi.s  purpos,  extend  the  samin  in  the 
 Contract  to  be  maid  of  oure  metingis  and  Conduct,  quhilk 
 Conduct  ze  sail  get  past  twa  dais  of  latar  dait  nor  the 
 Contract,  but  mentioun  of  tlie  Contract,  or  referring  yairto, 
 sua  yat  nane  of  yame  be  relative  to  the  uther  :  And  als, 
 ze  sail  fir^t  of  all  preis  the  Quene  of  Ingland,  and  hir 
 Counsale,  to  put  in  forme  that  surtie  of  yair  awin  offir, 
 <|uhilk  thai  are  willing  to  mak  to  ws  and  oure  tryne  ;  and 
 gif  ze  find  the  same  furder  extendit  nor  oure  Instructionis, 
 that  ze  tak  it,  and  utherwis  to  do  as  ze  are  instructit,  and 
 furder  as  zo\vr  awin  wysdom  findis  gude. 
 
 "  Item,  Ze  sail,  besyde  all  uther  Instructionis  gevin  to 
 zow,  sound  and  try  be  all  mcanys  and  wysdom  ze  can  best, 
 whether  the  Queue  of  Ingland  will  desyr  the  Treaty  maid  of 
 before  to  be  ratifyt  as  it  standis  ;  or  gif  she  will  be  satisfyt 
 with  an  qualificatioun  and  limitatioun,  and  in  quhat  manor ; 
 or  gif  she  will  desyr  any  new  Treatie  to  be  maid  :  And  in 
 yir  last  twa  poyntis,  that  ze  consider  and  try  quhat  proffite 
 and  eis  we  may  haif  yairthrow,  to  the  effect,  that  att  zour 
 returning,  we  may  knaw  sa  far  as  ze  may  lerne  or  undir- 
 stand  ;  bot  allwayes  yat  na  eis  be  able  to  be  obtcnit  of  the 
 former  Treatie,  bot  yat  thay  will  require  the  ratificatioun 
 yairof  rigoruslie  as  it  standis,  without  ony  limitatioun  or 
 qualificatioun,  than  wer  the  meting  na  thing  profitable  for 
 
 ws,  bot  rather  to may  fall  unto  ws  and  the failzieing 
 
 of  hir  and  the ze  sail  agre  to  the  meting.     And 
 
 qualificatioun,    nor  this  may  be  obtenit rather  to   be 
 
 accordit.     Or  gif  thay  think  it in  a  new  Contract  of  the 
 
 like  substance  of  the  last at  yat  Article  prejudiciall  be 
 
 omittit  in  the  new leist,  limite,  and  (pialifyt,  as  is  before 
 
 said,  zo  sail  in  likewis  mak  na  difficultie  to  aggro  to  the 
 meting/'^ 
 
 Together  with  those  Instructions,  the  Queen  sent  likewise 
 these  two  letters,  by  which  it  may  a])pear  how  solicitous  her 
 Majesty  was  for  the  success  of  this  negotiation. 
 
 ^  See  here  our  Queen's  steady  intention  to  have  a  limitation  put  upon 
 the  Troaty  of  Edinburgh. 
 
15G2.]  OF  CHURCH  xVND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  145 
 
 Letter  from  Queen  Mary  to  Lord  Robert  Dudley  y 
 "  at  cure  gude  sister  the  Quene handes,  to  nuris 
 
 the  gude  intelHgence  betwix  ws  and  her we  wyss  may 
 
 lang  indure,  sa  is  the  procuring  yairof  the plesure  ze 
 
 can  do  unto  ws  ;  and  therefore  having  presenthe  occasioun 
 to  direct  unto  oure  said  gude  sister,  oure  trusty  and  weil- 
 belovit  counselour  the  L.  of  Lethingtoun,  oure  Secretarie 
 principal!,  we  have  gevin  him  command  to  thank  zow 
 hartihe  upoun  oure  behalf;  and  forder,  to  communicate 
 unto  zow  oure  mynde  at  length  in  sic  thingis  as  ar  committit 
 to  his  charge ;  the  report  quhairof  we  remitt  unto  his  suf- 
 ficiencye,  desyring  zow  to  gif  him  firme  credence  as  to  oure 
 self.  Thus  we  commit  zou  to  the  protectioun  of  Ahnightie 
 God.  At  oure  Palace  of  Halyrudhous,  the  xxv.  day  of 
 May  1562." 
 
 Letter  from  Queen  Mary  to  {Sir  William  Cecil ^p' 
 
 "  Right  trusty  and  weilbelovit,  we  grete  zow  wele  :  Oure 
 trusty  and  weilbelovit  Counsalor  the  Laird  of  Lethingtoun, 
 oure  principall  Secretar,  will  report  unto  zou  quhat  he  hes 
 in  charge  from  ws,  towerd  oure  derest  sister  the  Quene  zour 
 maistres,  quhairin  we  desyre  zou  for  tlie  place  of  credite  ze 
 occupie,  to  procure  him  be  zour  gude  meanys  favourable 
 and  haistie  depesche ;  nocht  doubting  bot  ze  will  gif  him 
 firm  crydett  in  sic  thingis  as  he  will  d eclair  unto  zou  upoun 
 oure  behalf,  being  a  man  of  a  lang  tyme  weill  knawin  unto 
 zow,  and  ane  quhome  wo  speciallio  trust ;   quhilk  nochthe- 
 
 The  Scottish  Secretary  met  with  so  gracious  a  recep- 
 tion, and  had  so  good  success  in  England,  that  the  matter 
 of  the  interview  seemed  to  go  smoothly  enough  forward, 
 several  things  relating  to  the  same  having  been  very  speedily 
 adjusted;  though,  indeed,  it  be  to  me  still  a  matter  of  much 
 doubtfulness,  whether  the  Queen  of  England  was  at  bottom, 
 really  willing  that  the  Scottish  Queen  should  at  all  come 
 into  her  kingdom,^  in  which  there  wore  so  manv  persons 
 
 1  Shatter'd  MS.  a  Copy.  =  Ibid. 
 
 ^  ["  Cecil  had  earnestly  advised  (^faitland  of)  Lethington  to  encourage  a 
 meeting  between  tlie  two  Queens,  and  altliougli  the  Scottish  Secretary 
 VOL.  II.  10 
 
140  THE  HISTORY  OF  THK  AFFAIRS  [1502. 
 
 who  secretly  favoiiiTHl  our  Queen'*s  title  to  that  Crown,  and 
 who,  by  her  own  blooming  years,  her  graceful  appearance, 
 and  agreeable  conversation,  might  still  augment  the  number 
 of  her  favourers.  J  kit  however,  be  that  matter  as  it  will, 
 Queen  Elizabeth,  in  a  very  short  space,  catched  an  oppor- 
 tunity of  putting  an  end  to  that  project  for  this  year,^  and 
 
 fflt  tlio  dann^or  of  nop-otiatin^;  in  such  a  case,  obsorviii*,',  tliat  if  any  thing 
 should  franio  amiss,  it  would  he  his  utter  ruin,  the  ardent  feelinj^s  of 
 Mary  relieved  him  of  the  difficulty,  by  lierself  proposinf^  the  interview  in 
 a  letter  which  she  addressed  to  Elizabeth.  France,  also,  and  the  Cardinal 
 her  uncle,  encouraged  the  overture,  and  even  Randolph,  whose  judgment 
 when  in  favour  of  Mary  none  can  suspect  of  bias,  exjiressed  his  opinion  of 
 the  sincerity,  upright  dealing,  and  affection  of  that  Princess.  Early  in 
 the  spring  (May  23,  15G2),  her  anxiety  upon  this  subject  induced  her  to 
 desi)atch  Secretary  Lethington  to  the  English  Court  that  he  might  arrange 
 the  j)reliminaries  ;  and  the  Lord  James,  her  chief  minister,  who  had  lately, 
 u])on  the  occasion  of  his  marriage,  received  from  the  Queen  the  Earldom 
 of  Mar,  reciuested  leave,  when  the  meeting  took  i)lace,  to  bring  Christopher 
 Goodman  along  with  him  as  the  minister  of  the  Protestants." — Tytler's 
 History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vi.  p.  253,  and  the  references  to  the  above  facts 
 are  MS.  Letters,  State-Paper  Office,  Randolph  to  Cecil,  loth  January 
 1561-2,  Maitland  of  Lethington  to  Cecil,  29th  January  1561-2,  Randolph 
 to  Cecil,  30th  January  1561-2,  and  26th  May  1562.— E.] 
 
 1  [Knox  says — "  The  intervew  and  meting  of  the  two  Quenis  delayed 
 till  the  nixt  yeir,  our  Soverane  tuke  purpose  to  visit  the  North.*'  Historic, 
 Edin.  edit.  p.  315.  Queen  Mary  had  commenced  her  preparations  for  the 
 interview  with  Queen  Elizabeth,  to  whom  she  sent  her  picture,  with 
 many  expressions  of  affection  and  anxiety  for  the  amity  between  the  two 
 kingdoms.  "  This  present  day,"  says  Randolph  to  Cecil,  dated  15th  July 
 1562,  "  she  hath  directed  her  letters  again  to  all  the  Noblemen  of  her 
 realm,  to  be  with  all  convenient  speed  at  Edinburgh,  and  for  this  cause 
 departeth  herself  hitherward  to-morrow,  as  the  most  convenient  place  to 
 take  resolution  in  all  things  she  hath  to  do.  It  pleased  her  Grace,  imme- 
 diately after  she  had  cDuferrcd  with  the  Lord  of  Ledington  (Maitland), 
 and  had  received  my  sovereign's  picture,  to  send  for  me.  After  she  had 
 rehearsed  many  such  pnri>oses,  as  by  the  Lord  of  Ledington's  report  unto 
 her  (J race  had  been  spoken  of  her  by  my  sovereign,  touching  her  sisterly 
 affection  towards  her,  her  good-will  and  earnest  desire  to  continue  in 
 peace  and  amity,  and,  in  special,  that  they  might  see  each  other,  she 
 showeth  unto  me  my  said  sovereign's  picture,  and  asketh  me  how  like 
 that  was  unto  her  lively  face  ?  I  answered  xmto  her,  that  I  trusted  that 
 her  Grace  should  shortly  be  judge  thereof  herself,  and  find  much  nu)re 
 perfection  than  could  be  set  forth  by  the  art  of  man.  *  That,'  saith  she, 
 *  is  the  thing  that  1  have  most  desired,  ever  since  I  was  in  hope  thereof, 
 and  she  shall  well  assure  lierself  tluMe  shall  be  no  stay  in  me,  though  it 
 were  to  take  any  pains,  or  to  do  more  than  I  may  wt-ll  siiy  ;  and  I  trust 
 by  that  time  that  we  have  spoken  together,  our  hearts  will  be  so  eased, 
 that  the  greatest  gi'ief  that  ever  after  shall  be  between  us  will  be  when 
 we  shall  take  leave  the  one  of  tlie  other.     And  let  (Jod  be  my  witness, 
 
15G2.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  147 
 
 SO  for  ever  thereafter,  as  will  best  appear  by  these  original 
 Papers. 
 
 Letter  from  Queen  EUzahetli  to  Queen  Mary) 
 
 "  Right  excellent,  richt  heich  and  michtie  Princess,  our 
 derest  sister  and  cousine,  we  grete  zow  wele  :  We  have  sent 
 to  zow  oure  trustie  and  welebelovit  servand  Sir  Henry  Sidney,^ 
 Knyt,  President  of  oiirc  Counsale  in  Wales,  whome  we 
 require  that  ze  will  credit  in  such  maters  as  he  hes  in  charge 
 
 I  honour  her  in  my  heart,  and  love  her  as  my  dear  and  natural  sister.  Let 
 me  be  believed  of  you,  that  I  do  not  feign.'  ^'  *  *  Since,  therefore,' 
 concludes  Randolph,  '  the  Princesses'  hearts  are  so  wedded  together,  as 
 divers  ways  it  is  manifest  that  they  are — seeing  the  purpose  is  so  godly, 
 without  other  resi^ect  but  to  live  m  love,  I  doubt  not  but,  how  much 
 soever  the  world  rage  thereat,  the  greater  will  be  the  glory  unto  them 
 both,  and  the  success  of  the  enterprise  the  happier.  To  resolve,  therefore, 
 with  your  Honour  herein,  I  £nd  in  this  Queen  so  much  good-will  as  can 
 be  possible  ;  in  many  of  her  subjects  no  less  desire  than  in  herself;  the 
 rest  not  such  that  any  such  account  is  to  be  made  of,  that  either  they  can 
 hinder  the  purpose,  or  do  great  good,  whatsomever  they  become.'* 
 Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  Edin.  1842,  vol.  vi.  p.  260,  261.— E.] 
 
 1  Shatter'd  i\IS.  a  Copy. 
 
 ^  This  gentleman  came  into  Scotland  in  the  year  1562.  See  Camden.— 
 [Sir  Henry  Sydney  was  the  elder  son  of  Sir  William  Sydney,  lineally 
 descended  from  Sir  William  Sydney,  Chamberlain  to  King  Henry  II,, 
 with  whom  he  came  from  Anjou  into  England,  and  his  Family  had  been 
 long  located  at  Cranleigh  in  Surrey,  and  Kyngesham  in  Sussex.  Sir 
 Henry  Sydney  was  Ambassador  in  France  for  four  years,  and  was  con- 
 stituted Cup-Bearer  to  Edward  VI,  for  life.  In  the  second  and  third  year 
 of  the  reign  of  Philip  and  Mary  he  was  appointed  Vice-Treasurer,  and 
 General  Governor  of  all  the  revenues  of  the  Crown  in  Ireland  ;  and  soon 
 afterwards  he  was  invested  Avitli  the  temjiorary  government  of  that  kingdom 
 as  Lord- Justice,  during  the  absence  of  the  Duke  of  Sussex,  Lord-Deputy. 
 In  1560,  Sir  Henry  Sydney  was  nominated  Lord  President  of  Wales,  an 
 office  he  held  when  he  came  to  Scotland  in  1562.  Two  years  afterwards 
 he  was  made  a  Knight  of  the  Garter,  and  Queen  Elizabeth  constituted 
 him  thrice  Lord-Deputy  of  Ireland.  The  illustrious  Sir  Philip  Sydney 
 was  his  eldest  son  by  his  wife,  Lady  Mary  Dudley,  dauglitcr  of  John  Earl 
 of  Northumberland,  and  sister  of  the  celebrated  Robert  Dudley,  Earl  of 
 Leicester.  His  second  son,  Sir  Robert  Sydney,  succeeded  as  next  heir  at 
 the  death  of  the  accomplished  Sir  Pliili})  Sydney  occasioned  by  a  mortal 
 wound  on  the  field  of  Zuti)hen  in  Guilderland  in  15S6,  and  for  his  mili- 
 tary exploits  was  created  Baron  Sydney  of  Penshurst  in  Kent  in  1603, 
 next  year  Viscount  L'Isle,  and  Earl  of  Leicester  in  1618.  He  was  the 
 grandfather  of  the  Hon.  Algeinon  Sydney,  avIio  was  beheaded  on  Tower 
 Hill,  7th  December  1683,  for  his  participation  in  the  Rye-House  Plot.  In 
 1743  all  the  honours  of  this  Noble  Family  became  extinct  by  the  decea.se 
 of  Jocoline  Sydney,  seventh  Earl  of  Leicester,  without  issue, — E.] 
 
148  THE  HISTORY  OF  TIIK  AFFAIRS  [15G2. 
 
 to  conniniiiieate  unto  zow  ;  and  for  the  doyng  of  any  thing 
 on  ourc  part  tovvei-tis  zow,  tending  to  cure  interview,  we  do 
 
 be  this  present 
 
 "  Elizabeth  R/' 
 
 Instructions  given  hy  the  Queens  Majestie  to  Sir  Henry  Sidney^ 
 Knifjht,  Lord  President  of  the  Council  in  the  Marches  of 
 Wales,  sent  hy  her  Majestie  to  her  good  Sister  the  Queen  of 
 Scots.^ 
 ''  You  shall  say  to  our  good  sister  the  Queen  of  Scots, 
 That  whereas  upon  request  made  unto  us  by  her,  to  come 
 into  some  parts  of  our  Realm,  to  see  us  this  summer  ;  we 
 were  thereunto  of  ourself,  for  the  increase  of  the  mutual 
 love  betwixt  us,  very  well  inclined,  and  gave  unto  her 
 Ambassadour,  the  L.  of  Lidington,  in  the  beginning  of  June, 
 answer.  That  if  the  troubles  in  France  should  well  end,  and 
 peace  be  made  before  the  end  of  the  said  month  of  June, 
 then  we  would  be  content  to  meet  with  the  said  Queen  in 
 the  North  sometime  this  summer  ;  and  that  since  that 
 answer  given,  upon  advertisement  out  of  France  of  an 
 Accord,  reported  to  have  been  made  between  the  Prince  of 
 Conde'^  and  his  party,  we  were  contented  that  certain  Articles 
 should  be  made  betwixt  the  L.  Chamberlain  of  our  House 
 and  the  said  Ambassadour,  for  the  assurance  and  friendly 
 order  of  the  said  Queen  and  her  train.  According  to  which 
 Articles  so  accorded,  we  caused  all  manner  of  preparations 
 to  be  made  meet  for  the  purpose,  as  well  for  the  honourable 
 conduction  of  the  said  (^ueen,  as  for  entertainment  and 
 return.  And  now  whilst  the  same  were  in  hand,  and  almost 
 accomplished,  we  have  received  out  of  ]^^ ranee  advertisement 
 very  certain,  that  the  former  Accord  mentioned  betwixt  the 
 said  l^rince  of  Conde  and  the  Duke  of  Caiise  in  the  last 
 month  was  of  no  moment  or  consequence  indeed,  but  rather 
 a  device  to  abuse  the  said  l*rince,  as  plainly  appeareth  by 
 
 '  Cotton  Library,  a  Copy.— [liritisli  Museum.— K.] 
 
 -  f  Louis  de  IJourbon,  tlic  first  who  a.ssumo<l  the  title  of  Prince  of  Condt^, 
 kilhd  at  the  battle  of  Jarnac  in  loGO.  He  wa.s  a  son  of  Charles  de 
 Hourbon,  who  was  the  son  of  Francis  Count  of  Vendome,  and  >L\ry 
 of  Luxeinbourp^,  heiress  of  St  Paul's,  Sois.sons,  Eufruien,  and  Conde, 
 by  which  niarria;;o,  in  1487,  the  House  of  Cond J  became  a  branch  of  the 
 jjreat  Ho\ise  of  l'>ourbon.  T\\o  title  was  derived  from  tin-  town  of  Condt^ 
 in  Ilainaut.     K.I 
 
1562.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  141) 
 
 the  sequel  thereof.  For  you  shall  shew  her,  that  whilst  tlie 
 Prince  was  entertained  with  communication  of  Accord,  the 
 Duke  of  Guise,  with  the  Constable,  made  a  semblance  of 
 departure  from  their  army  ;  the  said  army,  unawares  to 
 the  Prince,  marched  towards  Blois,  and  immediately  the 
 said  Duke  and  Constable  speedily  returned,  and  with  the 
 said  army  besieged,  battered,  and  assaulted  the  said  town 
 of  Blois  ;  whereof  the  Governor  made  offer  to  render,  and 
 yet  for  demonstration  of  cruelty  the  same  was  refused  ;  and 
 the  said  Governor  and  officers  submitting  themselves,  were 
 put  to  death  ;  and  then  the  former  conditions  granted  to 
 the  Prince  were  denied  to  him,  and  no  other  appointment 
 could  be  agreed,  but  themselves  all  to  be  banished  the 
 Realm,  and  to  be  deprived  of  all  estates  and  offices,  and  no 
 manner  of  toleration  to  be  used  in  causes  of  religion,  but  all 
 to  be  ordered  according  to  the  rites  and  customs  of  Rome. 
 At  the  same  present  time  also  an  edict  was  published  in 
 Paris,  giving  authority,  by  express  words,  to  the  common 
 people  to  kill  and  cut  in  pieces  all  such  as  had  broken  any 
 church  or  houses,  or  that  kept  them  company  :  an  order 
 never  heard  before,  to  give  to  the  common  people  the  sword, 
 by  means  whereof  many  horrible  murders  were  daily  and 
 yet  be  conmiitted  by  the  rash  vulgar  sort  and  heedless 
 people,  without  regard  of  estate  or  degree  ;  yea,  or  without 
 regard  of  ftiult  known  or  tried.  And  in  this  time  many 
 other  demonstrations  be  given  out,  as  well  by  bringing  in  of 
 great  numbers  of  Switzers,  as  of  preparations  of  great 
 numbers  of  men  of  war,  to  come  out  of  the  several  dominions 
 of  the  King  of  Spain,  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  and  the  Pope, 
 that  nothing  is  now  less  seen  than  a  disposition  in  the  said 
 Duke  of  Guise  and  his  party  to  make  any  indiffi)rent  Accord, 
 but  rather  a  wilful  subversion  and  destruction  of  all  manner 
 of  nations  that  consent  not  with  them  in  the  rites  of  Chris- 
 tian religion — a  thing  discrepant  from  Christian  charity. 
 Upon  which  things  well  considered,  we  have  been  more 
 perplexed  for  the  impeaching  of  the  great  desire  which  we 
 have  to  s(^e  our  said  sister  this  present  summer,  than  for 
 any  other  respect  or  danger;  doubting  not  but  God  shall 
 assist  us  to  preserve  our  State  from  the  malice  and  violence 
 of  all  such,  as  for  the  matter  of  religion,  or  any  other  respect, 
 would  impugn  us. 
 
150  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIKS  [1562. 
 
 '*  And  seeing  those  extreme  strange  proceedings  in  France, 
 with  the  circumstances  thereof,  we  doubt  not  but  our  good 
 sister  will  well  understand  and  consider  how  unmeet  it  is 
 for  us  anct*  our  Council  to  be  careless  of  the  time,  as  to 
 depart  from  these  parties,  and  to  leave  our  Ilcalm  unprovided 
 against  such  accidents,  as  we  know  the  adversaries  of  our 
 relicrion  could  be  content  should  chance  to  the  same  ;  and 
 therefore  of  meer  necessity,  and  utterly  against  our  will  and 
 determination,  we  be  forced  to  forbear  that  which  we  most 
 desired  this  summer,  which  was  to  have  seen  our  said  dere 
 sister  :  Of  the  lack  whereof,  we  be  sure  our  grief  shall  be 
 more  than  any  other  care  whatsoever  that  shall  happen  ; 
 and  yet  for  the  ease  of  our  mind  and  relief  of  our  sorrow, 
 we  have  devised  and  fully  determined  by  God's  will,  if  our 
 said  sister  shall  so  agree,  to  see  her  and  enjoy  her  company 
 in  the  beginning  of  the  next  summer  ;  for  assurance  whereof, 
 we  have  presently  sent  unto  her  a  confirmation  of  the  former 
 Accord,  for  our  meeting  to  be  at  the  city  of  York,  or  our 
 castles  of  Pomfrct  or  Nottingham,  at  any  time  that  she 
 shall  name  and  appoint,  betwixt  the  20th  of  May  next  and 
 the  last  of  August  then  following ;  with  assurance  of  like 
 safe-conduct  for  that  year,  as  was  now  presently  intended 
 for  this.  All  which  matter  you  shall  in  as  good  sort  and 
 manner  express  as  you  can,  for  declaration  of  our  hearty 
 and  great  good-will  towards  her  on  the  one  part,  and  the 
 like  great  grief  of  mind  for  the  disappointment  on  the  other 
 part ;  which  two  affections,  you  may  assure  her  by  the  best 
 manner  of  your  speech,  hath  appeared  to  you  in  us  as  great 
 as  ever  did  any  other  affection.  And  you  shall  shew  unto 
 her  our  grant  and  confirmation  under  our  hand  and  seal, 
 which  if  she  or  her  Council  shall  allow,  you  shall  retpiire 
 that  the  acceptation  of  the  same  may  be  either  delivered 
 unto  you  ;  or  else,  if  time  shall  not  serve,  that  it  be  either 
 sent  unto  us  with  convenient  speed,  or  else  delivered  there 
 to  the  hands  of  Thomas  Randolph,  our  servant.  And  if  it 
 shall  bo  made  ready  to  be  delivered  to  your  hands,  then 
 receiving  it  you  shall  deliver  ours ;  wherein  this  respect  is 
 only  to  be  had,  that  ours  bo  not  delivered,  but  that  the 
 acceptation  and  allowance,  with  the  appointment  of  the 
 place  and  time,  be  also  delivered  to  you,  or  to  our  said  ser- 
 vant Thomas  Randolph.     You  may  note,  for  the  expressing 
 
15G2.]  OF  CHURCH  AInD  .STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  151 
 
 of  our  good-will,  that  there  were  many  impediments  for 
 this  interview  this  summer,  wdiereof  her  Secretary  we  think 
 could  inform  her ;  as  the  late  motioning  of  the  matter  by 
 her,  the  long  expectation  of  the  issue  of  the  troubles  in 
 France,  the  unseasonablencss  of  the  year  by  the  inordinate 
 rains,  the  doubt  of  our  health  ;  but  yet  all  those  together 
 were  not  able  to  stay  us,  until  this  late  extreme  and  cruel 
 proceeding  in  France,  void  of  all  moderation  to  accord, 
 unhappily  happened  ;  the  moment  whereof  is  such,  as  we 
 trust  the  wisdom  of  our  good  sister,  join'd  with  her  love 
 towards  us,  will  judge  it  necessary  for  us  to  regard,  altho' 
 some  of  the  principal  parties  therein  be  her  uncles  ;  \\  hom 
 as  we  have  of  late  time  been  content  to  use  friendly  for  her 
 sake,  so  we  think  for  her  sake  specially  she  will  have  us 
 mislike,  considering  their  proceedings  at  this  time  are  the 
 cause  that  we  both  shall  lack  our  joy  intended  by  our  meet- 
 ing ;  which,  if  it  may  be,  we  wish  they  were  as  well  disposed 
 to  remedy  the  next  year,  as  we  trust  our  good  sister  will 
 by  all  good  means  provoke  them.  And  this  done  to  her,  you 
 shall,  to  the  Earl  of  Mar,^  and  others  of  her  Council,  set  forth 
 how  necessarily  we  be  detainVl  to  regard  these  late  extreme 
 proceedings  in  France  touching  religion  :  whereof  you  shall 
 warn  them  to  have  good  regard  ;  for  the  sequel  thereof  must 
 of  necessity  concern  that  State,  as  w^e  doubt  not  but  they 
 well  consider.  You  shall,  for  your  better  proceeding  herein, 
 communicate  this  your  charge  with  our  servant  Thomas 
 Randolph,  being  there  resident  for  us  w'ith  our  said  good 
 sister." 
 
 After  the  receipt  of  this  message  by  Sir  Henry  Sidney, 
 "  a  man,"  says  ^Ir  Camden,  "  of  approved  abilities  and  re- 
 putation, and  fit  for  diving  into  the  bottom  of  things,"  and 
 who  probably  might  have  been  pitched  upon  to  come  into 
 Scotland,  on  purpose  to  dive  into  the  secret  views  of  our 
 Court,2  as  he  had  been  immediately  before,  sent  into  France 
 
 1  [Lord  James  Stuart.  See  the  note,  p.  102  of  this  volume. — E.J 
 ^  Sometime  this  summer,thougli  I  camiot  precisely  ascertain  the  date,  the 
 Earl  and  Countess  of  Lenox  were  ordered  into  custody  by  Queen  Eliza- 
 beth upon  a  private  correspondence  with  our  Queen.  And  Mr  Knox 
 says — "  The  young  Laird  of  Jiar  (his  sirname  (ilen)  was  apprehended  with 
 the  letters  about  him,  which  discovered  the  Intrigue."  See  more  of 
 Queen  Elizabeth's  fears,  &c.  in  Mr  Camden. — [Bishop  Keith  is  in  error 
 
152  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1562. 
 
 to  dive  into  the  views  of  that  Court  :  after  the  receipt,  I 
 say,  of  this  message,  our  Queen  returned  the  following  letter 
 to  the  Queen  of  England.^ 
 
 Letter  from  Queen  Mary  to  Queen  Elizabeth/^ 
 
 " We  have  be  zour  Ambassadour  Sir  Henry  Sideney, 
 
 President  of  zowr  Counsale  in  Wales,  undirstand  to  oure 
 
 greite moving  zow  to  delay  the  intervieu  intendit  this 
 
 langar  tyme,  quhilk  we  wald  wyssit  had  chanceit  for 
 
 mony  respectis,  bot  maist  specially  for  that  be  the  samyn 
 we  sail  be  frustrate  for  a  seasoun  of  that  quhilk  we  have 
 this  lang  tyme  maist  ernestlie  desyrit ;  that  is,  a  tendir  and 
 familiar  acquantance  be  communicatioun  with  zow  our  gude 
 sister,  being  the  person n  in  this  warld  quhome  we  wald  be 
 gladest  to  see :  And  the  <pihilkis  impedimentis,  and  remedy 
 yairof,  we  have  communicat  to  zour  said  Ambassadour  oure 
 
 Avhen  he  states  that  the  Karl  and  Countess  of  Lennox  were  imprisoned 
 "  sometime  this  summer."  They  were  committed  to  the  Tower  early  in 
 the  spring  of  15()*2,  as  appears  from  a  letter  of  Randolph  to  Cecil,  ^MS. 
 State- Paper  Office,  31st  March.  The  cause  of  the  incarceration  of  Lennox 
 and  his  Coiuitess,  the  niece  of  Henry  VIII.,  was  the  discovery  of  some 
 suspicious  intercourse  between  Lennox  and  the  Roman  Catholic  party, 
 which  was  assumed  to  he  a  plot  for  the  marriage  of  their  son  Lord  Darnley 
 to  Queen  Mary.  See  the  note  at  the  end  of  Chapter  I.  of  the  present 
 volume,  p.  59,  60. — E.] 
 
 ^  ['*  Mary  received  Sidney  with  expressions  of  unfeigned  disappoint- 
 ment and  regret.  She  listened  to  his  embassy,  as  he  himself  reports,  with 
 *  watery  eyes,'  and  ^Mar  and  Lethingtou  assured  him  that  had  she  not 
 already  found  a  vent  for  her  passionate  grief  in  her  private  chamber,  the 
 expression  of  it  would  have  boon  still  more  violent.  It  is  evident  that  her 
 heart  was  intent  upon  this  object,  and  the  delay  may  have  caused  a 
 painful  suspicion  of  the  sincerity  of  the  English  Queen,  for  whose  sake 
 she  had  already  made  no  inconsiderable  sacrifices.  Yet  the  message  of 
 Elizabeth  was  warm  and  cordial.  She  assured  Mary  that  to  have  seen 
 her  dear  sister  that  summer  was  her  earnest  desire,  that  she  now  delayed 
 the  meeting  with  the  utmost  reluctance,  and  had  so  fully  determined  to 
 enjoy  her  comj)any  in  the  spring,  that  she  had  sent  by  Sidney  her  con- 
 firmation of  the  treaty  for  the  interview,  leaving  it  to  her  to  fix  upon  any 
 of  the  days  between  the  20th  of  May  and  the  la.st  of  August.  Mury  was 
 re-assured,  and  would  instantly  have  accei)ted  the  treaty,  and  nanu'd  the 
 day  of  nu'eting,  but  most  of  her  Council  being  absent,  Lethingtou  thought 
 it  i)rudent  to  delay,  and  ])romised  within  a  month  to  send  her  final  resolu- 
 tion." Sydney  to  Cecil,  dated  Edinburgh,  25th  July  1562,  MS.  State- 
 Paper  Office  ;  Instructions  to  Sir  11.  Sydney,  Haynes,  p.  3f>2.  Lethington 
 to  Cecil,  2f)th  July  1562,  MS.  Letter,  State-Paper  Office,  cited  in  Tytler's 
 History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vi.  p.  262. — E.) 
 
 "  Shftttcr'd  MS.  a  Copy. 
 
1562.]  OF  CHURCH  AKD  STATE  IN  (SCOTLAND.  153 
 
 inynd  sa  far  furth  as  for  the  present  we  may  convenientlie 
 do,  remitting  the  farther  resokitioun  yairof  to  sic  tyme  and 
 occasioun  as  he  will  oppin  unto  zow.  In  the  meyn  seasoun 
 we  wysche  unto  zow  all  prosperite,  as  to  oure  self.  Gevin 
 undir  oure  Signet  att  oure  Palace  of  Halyrudhous  the 
 day  of  July,  in  the  xx.  zeir  of  our  regimen  ."^ 
 
 And  that  I  may  lay  here  altogether  all  the  authentick 
 Instructions  which  may  give  the  readers  the  full  knowledge 
 of  this  matter,  I  insert  also  the  following  record  from  tho 
 Privy-Council. 
 
 "  Apud  Strimling  15  August%  Anno  Bom.  1562. 
 
 "  Sederunt    Jacohus  Dujs  de  Chatielaraidt ;    ArcMhaldus 
 
 Argadiw  Comes ;     Willelmus   Marescal.  Comes ;    Jacohus 
 
 Comes   de   Mortoun ;    Joannes   Atholiw    Comes ;    Jacohus 
 
 Comes  de  Mar  ;  Alexander  Comes  de  Glencarne  ;  Joannes 
 
 Dominus  ErsMn ;     Willelmus   Maitland  de  Lethingtoun^ 
 
 junior.,  Secretarius ;    Joannes    Ballenden    de   Auchnowle^ 
 
 Miles  Clericus  Justiciariw ;  Magister  Jacohus  Makgill  de 
 
 Nether- RanJcelor.)  Clericus  Registri. 
 
 "The  quhilk  day,  it  being  proponit  at  the  command  of  the 
 
 Quenis  Maiestie,  how  the  Queue  of  Ingland,  eftir  yat  it  wes 
 
 concludit,  yat  ane  meting  suld  be  had  betwix  yair  Maiesties, 
 
 for  the  continewance   of  the   tranquillitie  and  quietnes  of 
 
 baith  the  Realmes,  and  yat  be  sik  occasiouns  occurrand,  the 
 
 samyn  suld  nocht  tak  effect  yis  zeir  ;    and  yat  yairfoire  the 
 
 Queue  of  Ingland  lies  desyrit  ye  said  meting  to  be  in  the 
 
 spring  of  the  nixt  zeir,  and  the  Quenis  Maiestie  to  gif  hir 
 
 certificatioun  yairof  betwix  and  the  last  day  of  October 
 
 nixttocum ;    and  yairfoir   desyrit    the    Lordis    to    gif  yair 
 
 counsale  and  declaratioun  yairintill.    Quhilkis  being  yairwith 
 
 avysit,   thocht  the  meting  requisit  and  expedient   for  the 
 
 Weill  of  baith  the  Realmes,  and  yat  na  occasioun  has  chancit 
 
 sen  ye  taking  of  ye  first  conclusioun  yairon,  (pihairibir  the 
 
 samyn  suld  be  stayit ;  and  yairfoir  consentit  to  the  meting 
 
 of  baith  the  Princes.     Bot  nottheless  declarit,  yat  yai  wald 
 
 nawyse  gif  hir  counsale   to  connnitt  hir  body  in  Ingland  ; 
 
 and  yairioir  referrit  ye  place  of  ye  meting,  and  tho  securitio 
 
 of  hir  awin  persone,  to  hirself 
 
 ^  i.  e.  156"2.     This  date  agrees  well  witli  the  former. 
 
l.>4  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G2. 
 
 CHAPTER  V. 
 
 containing  matters  of  state,  from  midsummer  in  this 
 year  15g2,  until  the  ist  of  april  in  the  next  year 
 J5G;3. 
 
 On  Saturday  the  27th  day  of  Juno,  betwixt  the  hours  of 
 nine  and  ten  at  night,  an  unfortunate  accident  fell  out  on 
 the  street  of  Edinburgh,  which  brought  after  it  a  world  of 
 mischievous  conse([uences.  James  Lord  Ogilvie^  and  Sir 
 John  Gordon  of  Finlater,^  a  younger  son  of  the  Earl  of 
 Huntly,  having  some  difference  about  money  matters, 
 chancing  to  rencounter,  with  some  attendants  about  them, 
 drew  their  swords  ;  and  the  Lord  Ogilvie  receiving  a  severe 
 wound,  and  which  at  first  appeared  to  have  been  mortal.  Sir 
 John  Gordon  was  immediately  taken,  and  kept  in  close 
 prison  by  order  of  the  ^Magistrates  of  Edinburgh.  I  could 
 not  give  my  readers  so  satisfying  an  account  of  this  affair, 
 as  by  presenting  them  with  such  original  Instructions  as 
 remain  still  upon  record  concerning  it. 
 
 "  28^A  Junij  15G2.3 
 "  The  quhilk  day   the    Provest,   Baillies,    Dean   of  Gild, 
 
 *  [James  O^lvie,  sixth  Lord  0<^ilvie  of  Airlio,  who  succeeded  liis  fiither 
 the  fifth  Lord  in  1549,  and  <,'raiidfuther  of  James  ei<fhth  Lord  OuilWe, 
 created  Earl  of  Airlie  in  1G39.  Knox  incidentally  mentions  that  Lord 
 Ogilvie  was  seriously  injured  on  the  occasion — he  was  "  evil  hurt,  and 
 almost  yet  abydes  mutilat."  The  affray  took  i)lace  on  a  Saturday  nii^lit 
 between  nine  and  ten  o'clock,  and  Knox  says — "  The  friends  of  the  siiid 
 Lord  wer  eyther  not  witli  him,  or  els  not  willin«(  to  fight  that  nyclit,  for 
 they  took  straikes,  but  gave  few  that  left  marks."  Historic,  Kdin.  edit. 
 17.T2,  p.  .'JIS.  Knox  farther  states  that  this  street  riot  occurred  "short 
 after  the  Convention  of  tlie  Kirk."  Now,  as  Bishop  Keitli  gives  the  date 
 of  the  affair  on  Saturday,  the  27th  of  June,  Knox's  chronology  must  be 
 erroneous,  and  he  ought  to  have  written  "  s/iort  before,"  instead  of  "short 
 cftcr,'^  for  the  fourth  (Icncral  Assembly,  or  Convention  of  the  Kirk,  as  it 
 is  called,  nn-t  at  Kdinburgh  on  the  "  jienidt"  day  of  June,  and  continued 
 its  sittings  till  the  4th  of  .July.  Bookeof  the  Universall  Kirk  of  Scotland, 
 ])rinted  for  the  Bannaty.ne  Club,  4to.  I*art  L  p.  13-18. —  l'..J 
 
 '''  lie  is  likewise  designed  of  Deskford. — |  'I'he  third  son  t»f  George  fourth 
 Karl  of  lluntly .—!•:.] 
 
 ^  Register  of  the  Town-Council  of  Mdinburgli. 
 
1562.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  155 
 
 Thesaurer ;  Mr  Outhbert  Strange,  Janus  Barron,  Adam 
 Fullarton,  David  Toad,  Mr  James  Watson,  Mv  Robert 
 Gray,  James  Jolmstoun,  Alexander  Park,  and  Mr  Jhonne 
 of  the  Counsale,  with  the  maist  part  of  the  Deacons, 
 decernes  Jhonne  Gordoun  of  Findleter  to  be  kepit  in  waird 
 within  the  coimsale-house  of  this  our  burgh,  thair  to  be 
 kepit  be  xii  men,  daylie  and  nichthe  upoun  his  awn  expenses, 
 quhile  it  be  knawn  what  comes  of  my  Lord  Ogiivy,  hurt  be 
 hi  ml  upon  Saturday  last ;  and  that  in  respect  of  the  aith  of 
 Robert  Henderson,  chirurgeon,  quha  declarit  the  three 
 principall  membranes  of  the  said  Lord's  right  arme  to  be 
 tuicht,  quhilks  are  the  axillar,  the  basilike,  and  the  great 
 arteir  ;  and  gif  he  bleeds  again,  the  samen  will  be  his  dead. 
 And  further  depones,  That  the  Laird  of  F.  the  said  John 
 Gordoun's  servandis  quhilks  are  hurt  are  not  in  danger  of 
 thair  lyfFs. 
 
 ^  See  the  foundation  of  the  quarrel  in  the  Peerage,  under  the  title 
 Finlater. — [The  "  Peerage"  to  which  Bishop  Keith  refers  is  the  "  Peerage 
 of  Scotland,  containing  an  Historical  and  Genealogical  Account  of  the 
 Nobility  of  that  Kingdom,"  by  George  Crawfurd,  Esq.  folio,  Edin. 
 1716.  The  "  foundation  of  the  quarrel"  is  partly  stated  by  our 
 Historian  in  the  text.  Alexander  OgiUde  of  Deskford  and  Findlater, 
 an  ancestor  of  tlie  Earls  of  Findlater,  married  first  Jane,  daughter  of 
 Alexander  Abernethy,  who  was  fourth  Lord  Abernethy  of  Salton,  accord- 
 ing to  Crawfurd  (p.  14,3)  ;  but  Douglas  (Wood's  edit.  vol.  ii.  p.  469)  says 
 the  lady's  name  ^'as  Janet,  and  that  she  was  the  second  daughter  of  James 
 titird  Lord  Abernethy.  The  issue  of  the  marriage,  ho wever,  was  an  only  son, 
 James  Ogilvie,  designated  of  Cardal,  avIio  was  of  course  the  rightful  heir  of 
 his  father.  Ogilvie  of  Deskford  and  Findlater  entered  into  a  second  marriage 
 with  Elizabeth  Gordon,  an  illegitimate  niece  of  the  second  Earl  of  Huntly, 
 and  she  is  accused  of  inducing  him  to  disinherit  his  son  James,  and  settle  his 
 estates  on  Sir  John  Gordon,  on  condition  that  he  and  his  heirs  assumed 
 the  name  and  bore  the  arms  of  Ogilvie  of  Deskford  and  Findlater  in  all 
 time  coming.  Failing  his  descendants  the  estates  were  to  devolve  suc- 
 cessively to  Sir  John  Gordon's  three  brothers,  and  after  them  to  Sir 
 Walter  Ogilvie  of  lioyne,  Walter  Ogilvie  of  Dunlugus,  and  James  Lord 
 Ogilvie  of  Airlio,  and  their  respective  heirs.  Tliis  extraordinary  instance 
 of  cajjrice  and  parental  dislike,  which  completely  excluded  the  lawful 
 heir  from  mheriting  his  fathers  lands,  and  of  alienating  them  in  favour  of 
 a  family  with  whom  he  had  no  relationship,  appears  to  have  been  duly 
 performed  in  February  1546-7,  and  Sir  John  Gordon  held  the  estates  under 
 a  life-rent  to  old  Ogilvie  and  his  wife  till  October  l^iii'l,  when  he  was 
 forfeited  for  being  present  at  the  battle  of  C'orriehie,  at  which  he  was 
 taken  prisoner,  and  soon  afterwards  executed  as  a  traitor.  The  conduct 
 of  the  elder  Ogilvie  in  disinheiiting  his  only  son  very  naturally  excited  a 
 mortal  feud  between  the  Ogilvii'S  and  the  (Jordons,  and  one  of  the  results 
 of  it  was  the  renror.nter  in  Edinburgh  mentioned  hy  Bishop  Keith.  Ogilvie 
 
150*  THE  HISTORY  OF  THK  AFFAIRS  [loG2. 
 
 "  The  samen  day  the  Provest,  BailHes,  Counsallours  and 
 Deacons  foirsaid,  ordaines  Mr  James  Ogilvy  of  Balfour,  and 
 James  Ogilvy  of  Findletcr,!  Mastor-Houshold  to  our  Sove- 
 rain,  to  be  kepit  in  waird  in  the  ovir  coun.sale-house  sickeir 
 upon  thair  awn  expenses,  quhile  furder  be  knawn  of  the 
 Quenis  Majestie's  mynd  ;  and  ordanes  Richart  Troupe  to  be 
 direct  away  with  deligence,  with  ane  wryting  to  the  Quenis 
 Grace,  declareing  the  manor  of  the  discord  betwix  the  Lord 
 Ogilvy  and  Jhonne  Gordoun,  togiddcr  with  the  waikness  of 
 oure  preson,  and  to  desyre  hir  Majestie  to  relief  us  of  the 
 presoneris  above  wrytten." 
 
 "  Penult.  Junij  1562. 
 
 "  The  quhilk  day  Richart  Troupe,  masser,  presentit  the 
 Quenis  Majestie's  wryting,  of  the  quhilk  the  tenour  follows  : 
 Trusty  Friendis,  we  greit  zow  weill :  A\^ee  have  ressavit  zour 
 letter  frae  this  bearer,  quhairby  we  understand  the  variance 
 that  of  late  hes  happcnit  betwix  the  Lord  Of^ilvy  and  Jhonne 
 Gordoun,  and  as  we  have  found  zour  proceeding  and  hand- 
 ling of  that  matter  very  guid,  swae  will  we  thank  zow  hartly 
 of  zour  deligence    done  in  apprehending  of  the    personis 
 
 of  Cardal  and  Ogilvie  of  Balfour  were  committed  to  prison  Mith  Sir 
 John  Gordon,  but  the  latter  contrived  to  escape,  fled  to  the  North,  and 
 induced  his  father  tlie  Earl  of  Iluntly  to  rebellion,  which  terminated  in 
 the  violent  death  of  that  Nobleman,  his  own  execution,  and  the  temporary 
 ruin  of  the  Noble  J-'amily  of  Iluntly. — E] 
 
 ^  This  perhaps  is  the  ]>erson  who  in  the  I'eerago  is  called  James  Ogilvie 
 of  Cardal,  the  true  heir  of  Finlater. — [Ogilvie  of  Cardal  instituted  what 
 is  called  in  Scottish  law  a  "reduction"  of  the  estates  of  Doskford  and 
 Findlater  settled  on  Sir  John  Gordon,  and  it  is  said  that  both  i)arties  entered 
 into  a  submission  to  Mary  the  Queen-Dowager  while  Regent,  Mho  decreed 
 that  Gordon  should  infeft  Ogilvie  in  the  lancLs  which  he  purposelv 
 neglected,  'i'his  increased  the  feud  between  the  Ogilvies  and  the  Gordons. 
 Ogilvie  of  Cardal,  who  had  held  the  office  of  Steward  of  the  Household  of 
 Queen  Mary  in  I'rance,  was  soon  set  at  liberty  after  the  vuhe  at  Edin- 
 burgh, for  we  find  him  attending  the  Queen  in  her  northern  progress,  and 
 employing  himself  actively  in  bringing  the  Macintoshes  and  »)thers  of  his 
 friends,  with  tlu-  Ogilvies  of  l-'orfarshire,  to  <)i)pose  Iluntly  and  hisfoUowei-s 
 before  the  battle  of  Corrichie.  In  February  ir)«)2  he  obtained  a  charter 
 of  the  Baronies  of  I)eskfi)rd,  iMudlater,  and  other  lands  in  the  counties  of 
 Aberdeen  and  Hanff ;  and  on  the  l.'Hh  of  Ai>ril  15()7  he  got  a  ratification 
 of  all  his  father's  other  estates.— Acta  Farl.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii.  p.  5(,-0.  He 
 was  the  grandfather  of  Sir  Walter  Ogilvie  of  De.skford  and  I'indlater, 
 created  Lord  Ogilvie  of  Deskford  in  1616,  whose  son,  the  second  Lord,  was 
 advanced  to  the  dignity  of  Earl  of  Findlater  in  1638.— E.] 
 
1562.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IX  SCOTLAND.  1.57 
 
 trublers  of  zour  town ;  for  albeit  the  party  be  greit,  as  ze 
 wryte,  zit  nevertheless  sail  yair  greitness,  nor  respect  of  yair 
 kinrent,  stay  us  to  execute  justice  as  accords.  And  seeing 
 they  are  to  wairn  thair  freindis  on  ather  syde,  ze  sail  nocht 
 neid  to  have  ony  feir  thairof,  because  oure  broder  of  Mar  is 
 to  be  thair,  quha  will  declair  zow  quhat  fortification  ze  sail 
 have  in  that  behalf.  In  the  mean  tyme  cans  the  better 
 wache  and  deligence  be  made  for  the  suretie  of  thair  waird, 
 quhairin  ze  sail  do  us  acceptable  service.  Subscribit  with 
 oure  hand  at  Striveling  the  xxviii  day  of  June  1562. 
 
 "  Marie  R." 
 
 The  Queen,  who  we  see  was  at  Stirling  on  the  28tli  of 
 June,  has  returned  to  Edinburgh  some  short  space  thereafter, 
 in  which  place  her  Majesty  sits  in  the  Privy  Council  on  the 
 30th  of  July.  And  on  the  14th  day  of  August  thereafter, 
 lier  Majesty  was  in  the  Council  again  at  Stirling ;  and  on 
 the  25th  of  that  month  she  holds  a  Council  at  Edzel,l  being 
 then  in  a  progress  to  the  more  northerly  parts  of  her  king- 
 dom. 2     We  may  suppose  it  was  some  time  before  the  Queen 
 
 ^  This  is  a  house  close  on  the  south  side  of  the  river  North  Esk,  which 
 divides  the  shires  of  Angus  and  jNIearns,  about  six  miles  north-west  from 
 Montrose. — [The  old  "  House"  or  Castle  of  Edzell,  in  the  parish  of  its 
 name,  locally  pronounced  Ezell,  is  at  least  nine  English  miles  from  ]Mon- 
 trose,  in  the  district  formed  by  the  streams  called  the  East  and  West 
 Waters,  the  junction  of  which  forms  the  river  North  Esk,  in  that  quarter 
 the  bomidary  of  the  counties  of  Angus  and  ISIearns,  or  Forfarshire  and 
 Kincardineshire.  The  castle  of  Edzell,  once  the  residence  of  a  Family 
 named  Stirling,  from  whom  it  descended  to  the  Lindsays  of  Glenesk,  and 
 now  the  property  of  Lord  Panmure,  is  a  stately  and  massive  pile  in  ruins, 
 consisting  of  two  towers  connected  by  an  extensive  wall,  and  having  large 
 wings  behind. — E.] 
 
 2  ["  Before  she  set  out,  a  Jesuit  arrived  in  Scotland  with  a  secret 
 message  from  the  Pope.  So  violent  at  this  time  was  the  feeling  of  the 
 common  people  against  any  intercourse  with  Rome,  that  Mary  did  not 
 dare  to  receive  him  openly  ;  but  whilst  the  Protestant  Nobles  were  at 
 the  sermon,  Lethington  conveyed  liim  by  stealth  into  the  Queen's  closet. 
 The  preacher,  however,  was  more  brief  than  usual  in  his  dii^course,  and 
 the  Earl  of  Mar  coming  suddenly  into  the  antechamber,  had  nearly  dis- 
 covered the  interview ;  so  that  the  Papal  envoy  was  smuggled  away  by 
 the  Marys  with  much  speed  and  alarm,  yet  not  before  liandolj/h  had 
 caught  a  glimpse  of  *  a  strange  visage,'  whicli  filled  him  full  of  suspicion. 
 '  The  effect  of  his  legation,  says  tliis  amliassador,  '  was  to  know  whether 
 she  could  send  unto  the  General  Council  (he  means  the  Council  of  Trent, 
 then  sitting),  and  he  was  directed  to  use  his  influence  to  keep  her  stead- 
 fast  in   her  religion  ;    so,  at   least,    the  Secretary  assured   liim,  but    he 
 
158  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1562. 
 
 took  journey  towards  the  North,  that  her  Majesty  must 
 have  received  the  letters  mentioned  by  Mr  Buchanan^  from 
 the  Pope  and  her  uncles,  advising  her  to  entertain  well  the 
 Earl  of  lluntly,  as  being  the  man  of  greatest  power  in  Scot- 
 land, and  best  inclined  towards  restoring  the  ancient  form 
 of  religion  ;  and  to  feed  him  with  some  fallacious  hopes  of 
 her  taking  to  husband  John  Gordon  of  Findlater,  one  of  the 
 EarFs  sons, 2  in  order  to  render  him  the  more  alert  in  pro- 
 moting her  Majesty's  intentions.  A  promise,  they  say,  was 
 likewise  made  by  the  Pope  and  Cardinal  of  Lorrain,  of  a 
 supply  of  money  to  enable  the  Queen  to  execute  her  pur- 
 poses the  better  ;  yet  still  with  a  proviso,  that  she  should, 
 as  a  prelude,  cause  put  to  death  a  certain  number  of  persons 
 who  were  reckoned  to  be  the  greatest  enemies  of  the  Catho- 
 lick  faith  ;  in  which  roll  the  Earl  of  Mar  obtained  the  honour 
 of  precedency.  And  we  may  not  doubt  the  Queen  would 
 greedily  snatch  the  opportunity  to  rid  herself  of  tliat  eye- 
 sore, he  being  "  a  man  whose  innocence  was  a  continual 
 reproach  and  curb  to  her  licentiousness  ;  a  man  whose  up- 
 right dealing  she  hated,  and  the  image  of  God  that  did 
 evidently  appear  in  him.'"^  But  the  misfortune  of  all  this 
 cunning  contrivance  w^as,  "  the  Queen  shewed  these  letters 
 
 believed  tliere  was  more  under  this  commission  than  he  or  Lethington 
 was  permitted  to  see.  The  messenn^^er,  wlio  was  a  Bishop,  narrowly 
 escaped  ;  for  no  sooner  was  it  known  that  a  Papal  emissary  had  dared  to 
 set  his  foot  in  Scotland,  than  his  death  wa-s  resolved  on,  and  nothinor 
 saved  him  Imt  the  peremptory  remonstrance  of  Mar."  M8.  Letter,  State- 
 Paper  (Office,  Randolph  to  Cecil,  1st  Au^aist  15()2,  apud  Tytler's  History 
 of  Scotland,  vol.  vi.  p.  2G3. —  K.] 
 
 ^  [llistoria  Rerum  Scoticarnm,  ori<;inal  edition,  Edin.  1582,  fol.  205, 
 Translation,  Kdin.  1752,  8vo.  vol.  ii.  p.  291,  2.92.— E.] 
 
 '^  And  yet  the  Records  a.ssure  us  that  this  gentleman  was  already 
 married. — [Sir  .John  (Jordon  is  said  to  have  married  the  daughter,  by  his 
 second  wife  Elizabeth  (Jordon,  of  the  same  Alexander  Ogilvie  of  Desk- 
 ford,  who  disinherited  his  son  .James  Ogilvie  of  Cardal,  but  there  is  no 
 evidence  that  this  Margaret  Ogilvie  ever  existed.  It  was  no  presumjition 
 in  Sir  .John  (iordon  to  aspire  to  be  the  husband  of  Queen  Mary,  if  he 
 actually  did  so,  for  his  father  Hiuitly  wa.s  undoubtedly  the  greatest 
 Nobleman  in  Scotland  next  to  the  Duke  of  C'hatelherault,  and  was 
 descench'd  from  the  Royal  I'amily. —  E.] 
 
 ^  So  sjxy  Mr  liuchanan  and  Mr  Knox. — [These  scurrilities  against 
 Queen  Mary,  aiul  flattering  compliments  to  Lord  .lames  Stuart,  occur  in 
 liuchanairs  Historia  Rerum  Scoticarum,  original  edition,  Edin.  15.'^2,  fol. 
 205  ;  Translation,  Edin.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  292  ;  and  Knox's  Historic,  Edin. 
 17:52.  p.  :u I.- E.] 
 
1562.]  OF  CHURCIi  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  159 
 
 to  her  brother,  and  to  the  rest  designed  for  the  slaughter, 
 citlicr  because  she  thought  they  would  come  at  some  notice 
 of  it  by  some  other  way,  or  else  to  make  them  believe  she 
 was  sincere  towards  them,  as  not  hiding  from  them  any  of 
 her  most  secret  counsels.''  And  surely  a  novelty  it  is,  that 
 good  Mr  Buchanan  has  not  resolved  this  openness  of  the 
 Queen  into  a  judicial  infatuation  of  her  from  Heaven  !  For 
 without  this,  it  is  scarcely  to  be  supposed  that  any  woman  in 
 her  right  mind  would  commit  such  a  blunder  as  this  author 
 obtrudes  here  upon  the  Queen. ^  If  the  contents  of  these 
 letters,  so  far  as  they  respect  the  Earl  of  Huntly,  are  easily 
 reconcileable  with  ^Ir  Buchanan's  account  of  the  Queen's 
 journey  northward, 2  and  the  unlucky  things  that  befell  that 
 
 ^  It  is  observable  that  INIr  Knox  has  not  one  word  of  this  knotless  part 
 of  the  story  ;  nor  is  there  any  vestige  of  it  in  Mr  Raudoli^h's  nor  in 
 Secretary  Lethington's  letters.  True,  indeed,  Archbishop  Spottiswoode 
 tells  over  the  same  things,  and  this  with  a  mark  of  certainty  too ;  but 
 we  had  been  much  beholden  to  this  Prelate,  had  he  produced  some  better 
 authority  than  it  may  be  supposed  he  had  from  Mr  Buchanan, — [This 
 seems  to  have  been  a  malicious  fiction  of  Buchanan,  whose  ingratitude  to 
 Queen  INIary,  whom  he  invariably  traduced,  is  most  dishonourable  to  his 
 memory.  It  occurs  in  his  History,  fol.  205,  and  in  the  Translation, 
 vol.  ii.  p.  292.  Archbishop  Spottiswoode  (History  of  the  Church  and 
 State  of  Scotland,  London,  folio,  1677,  p.  185)  has  evidently  inserted  it  on 
 the  authority  of  Buchanan. — E.] 
 
 ^  [It  is  unnecessary  to  refute  Buchanan's  calumnies  respecting  Queen 
 Mary's  "  journey  northward."  This  royal  progress,  which  extended  as 
 far  as  Inverness,  was  proposed  by  the  Queen's  advisers  for  the  quiet  of 
 the  districts,  and  to  ruin  the  Earl  of  Huntly,  whose  destruction  had  been 
 long  meditated  by  Lord  James  Stuart,  then  Earl  of  ]\f  ar,  that  he  might 
 obtain  the  Earldom  of  Aloray,  which  was  possessed  by  Huntly.  It  appears 
 that  Lord  .lames  Stuart,  discontented  Avith  the  Earldom  of  Mar,  Avhich  he 
 knew  was  claimed  by  and  belonged  of  right  to  his  relative  Lord  Erskine, 
 had  privately  obtained  a  grant  from  the  Queen  of  the  I'arldom  of  Moray, 
 of  Avhich  no  other  person  was  at  the  time  aware.  The  first  i)ublic  notice 
 of  Queen  Clary's  progress  northward  is  in  a  letter  from  Eandolpli  to  Cecil, 
 dated  the  10th  of  August  1562.— "From  Stirling,"  says  Handolpli,  "slie 
 taketh  her  journey  as  far  north  as  Inverness,  the  farthest  part  of  Murray 
 [Elgin  or  Morayshire],  a  terrible  journey  botli  for  horse  and  man,  tlie 
 countries  are  so  poor,  and  the  victuals  so  scarce.  It  is  her  will  that  I 
 should  attend  upon  her  thither.  It  is  thought  that  it  will  be  a  journey  for 
 her  of  two  mouths  and  more.  It  is  rather  devised  by  herself  than  greatly 
 approved  by  her  Council."  Randolph  may  well  call  it  a  "terrible  journey," 
 as  the  roads  in  that  quarter  and  the  state  of  agriculture  were  upwards  of 
 two  centuries  afterwards  hi  the  most  wretched  condition.  So  far,  how- 
 ever, from  the  journey  having  been  "  devised"  l)y  the  Queen,  it  cannot  now 
 be  doubted  that  it  was  projected  by  Loi-d  James  Stuart  and  Secretary 
 
H'iO  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G2. 
 
 Earl  and  his  Family  before  her  Majesty's  return,  I  willingly 
 leave  to  other  people  to  form  a  jiulg-mcnt.  Mr  Knox's 
 relation  of  that  affair  concerning  the  Earl  of  lluntly  appears 
 
 Maitland  of  Lcthinfrton,  and  had  two  objects — tlie  one  to  secure  the  former 
 in  the  Earldom  of  Moray,  and  tlie  other  to  ruin  lluntly,  who  was  in 
 possession  ;  but  Lord  James  Stuart  conipletoly  concealed  his  designs 
 from  Handolpli,  who  was  if,Miorant  of  them  till  some  weeks  afterwards, 
 lluntly,  as  Lord  Chancellor,  had  the  custody  of  the  Great  Seal,  and  Lord 
 James  could  not  apjdy  for  a  le;^al  i^^rant  and  ratification  of  the  Earldom  of 
 Moray  without  making  his  rival  acquainted  with  his  long  concealed  views. 
 Queen  Mary  commenced  her  progress  northward  from  Edinburgh  on  the 
 11th  of  August,  lofj2,  on  horseback,  and  rode  to  Calder,  twelve  miles 
 distant,  with  part  of  her  train,  and  after  dinner  she  crossed  the  country 
 to  Linlithgow,  where  she  was  joined  by  others  of  her  attendants,  and 
 passed  the  night  in  her  natal  Palace.  On  the  following  day  the  Queen 
 rode  to  Callendar  House,  the  seat  of  Lord  Livingstone,  in  which  she 
 dined,  and  proceeded  to  Stirling  Castle,  where  the  rest  of  her  tram  joined 
 her,  and  where  she  remained  till  the  18th  of  August.  She  was  accom- 
 panied by  the  I-^nglish  Ambassador  Randolph,  and  followed  by  no  less  a 
 personage  than  John  Knox.  The  Queen  arrived  at  Old  Aberdeen  on  the 
 27th  of  August,  and  continued  there  till  the  1st  of  September.  She  was 
 attended  by  Lord  James  Stuart,  Secretary  ^Maitland,  most  part  of  the 
 Nobility;  and  the  Earl  of  lluntly,  though  thou  in  disgrace,  appeai'ed  to 
 offer  his  duty.  I'he  absence  of  the  Duke  of  Chatellierault,  who  was  now 
 restored  to  favour,  seems  to  have  been  occasioned  by  the  infirmities  of 
 age.  After  all  the  Queen's  attendants  and  her  men-at-arms  had  arrived, 
 she  left  Old  Aberdeen  on  the  1st  of  September,  intending  to  make  a  public 
 entry  into  the  neighbouring  town  of  New  Aberdeen,  now  properly  Aber- 
 deen, on  her  return,  and  to  remain  there  twenty  days.  She  was  induced 
 to  refuse  to  visit  Iluntly'sca-stle  of  Strathbogie,  which  had  been  hospitably 
 ])rovided  for  her  reception,  and  crossing  the  Spey  to  Balveny,  she  passed 
 the  night  there,  and  on  the  following  day  continued  her  progress  to 
 Elgin.  All  the  houses  in  which  she  lodged  were  mean  and  obscure 
 compared  to  the  grandeur  of  Huntly's  castle,  but  it  was  no  part  of  the 
 j)olicy  of  her  advisers  to  allow  her  to  experience  the  comfort  and  sj)lendour 
 which  he  could  have  awarded  to  her.  On  the  Sth  of  September  the  Queen 
 l(>rt  IClgin,and  went  to  Kinloss  Abbey,  where  she  slept,  and  on  the  following 
 day  she  set  out  for  Darnaway  Castle,  the  chief  numsion  of  the  Earldom  of 
 Moray.  In  that  ciustle  a  Trivy  Council  was  held,  at  which  the  jn-ocess, as  set 
 forth  in  the  document  inserted  by  nishoj)  Keith  in  the  text,  was  sanctioned 
 against  Sir  John  (Jordon,  who,  as  he  had  not  entered  himself  a  prisoner 
 at  Stirling  Ciistle,  was  ordered  to  surrender  the  mansions  of  Eindlater  and 
 Aucliendown  into  the  Queen's  hands  under  pain  of  treason.  The  conduct 
 of  Sir  .lohn  (Jordon,  mor(M)ver,  was  the  alleged  cause  of  the  (Queen's  re- 
 fusal to  visit  Strathbogie,  the  castle  of  his  father  lluntly,  now  a  part  of 
 the  splendid  numsion  of  (Jordon  Castle.  At  this  meeting  of  the  l*rivy 
 Council  the  Lord  James  Stuart,  otherwise  Earl  of  Mar,  produced  his 
 patent  of  the  Earldom  of  Moray,  assumed  the  title,  and  relinquished 
 that  of  Mar.  Randolph  writes  to  (^ecil,  18th  Sei)tember  lob'2— "  It  may 
 j)lea><e  your  Honour  to  know  that  tlie  Queen  hath  t^'ivcn  the  Earldom  (»f 
 
15G2.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  161 
 
 to  have  by  far  the  best  aspect ;  and  that  writer  ing-onuously 
 acknowledgeth  —  "  Whether  there  was  any  paction  and 
 confederacy  betwixt  the  Papists  of  the  South,  and  the  Earl  of 
 Huntly  and  his  Papists  in  the  North  (or  to  speak  more 
 plainly,  betwixt  the  Queen  herself  and  Iluntly),  we  cannot 
 certainly  affirm.""! 
 
 Here  follow  the  Records  of  Privy-Council  which  relate  to 
 the  Earl  of  Huntly  and  his  son's  misfortune. 
 
 "  Apud  Dermoay^-  10th  Septemhris^  1562. 
 
 '^SEDERVNTArchihakhis,  Arc/adieu  Comes;  WillehmisBIarescal^ 
 Comes ;  Jacohus,  Comes  de  Mar  ;  Jacobus^  Gomes  de  Mor- 
 toun ;  IVillelmus  Maitland  de  LetJiingtoun^  Junior  Secre- 
 tarius  ;  Joannes  Ballenden  de  Anchnowle^  Miles  Clericus 
 Justiciaricv . 
 
 "  FoRSAMEKiLL  as  Johno  Gordoun  of  Deskfurd,  Knyt,  being 
 callit  in  ane  Court  of  Justiciarie  haldin  in  the  Tolbuith  of 
 Abirdene,  the  last  day  of  August  last  bypast,  for  the  con- 
 tempt and  inobedience  committit  be  him,  in  brekking  of  the 
 Quenis  Majestie's  ward,  and  departing  furth  of  the  Tolbuith 
 
 ^loray,  Avliich  once  was  Earl  Thomas  Randolph's,  to  the  Earl  of  ]\[ar.  It 
 is  both  more  honourable,  and  greater  in  profit,  than  the  other."  Chalmers' 
 Life  of  :^rary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  81-84.  Tytler's  History  of  Scot- 
 land, edit.  1842,  vol.  vi.  p.  263.— E.] 
 
 1  [Knox's  Historie,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  folio,  p.  315,  316.— E.] 
 
 2  This  is  the  Castle  of  Tarnway  in  the  shire  of  Moray,  the  seat  of  the 
 ancient  Earls  of  Moray. — [Darnaway  Castle,  the  seat  of  the  ancient  and 
 present  Earls  of  jNIoray,  is  in  the  united  parishes  of  Dyke  and  JNIoy,  partly 
 ui  the  county  of  ]N[oray  and  partly  in  the  county  of  Nairn,  on  the  north 
 side  of  the  Moray  Frith.  The  Castle  is  in  the  Morayshire  portion  of  the 
 united  parishes,  about  five  miles  south-west  of  the  town  of  Forres.  It  is 
 a  magnificent  old  edifice,  built  at.  different  periods,  and  of  irregular 
 architecture.  Kandolph,  Earl  of  Moray,  nephew  of  King  Robert  Bruce, 
 erected  tlie  great  liall,  one  of  the  finest  apartments  of  the  kind  in  Creat 
 Britain,  measuring  eighty-nine  feet  in  length  by  thirty  feet  in  bieadth, 
 and  said  to  be  capable  of  containing  1000  armed  men.  The  original  roof 
 remains,  and  resembles  that  of  the  Parliament  House  at  I'klinburgli,  and 
 that  of  Westminster  Hall.  Earl  Randolph's  table  and  chair  of  state  are 
 preserved  in  Darnaway  Castle.  In  183;)  Francis  tenth  i:arl  of  Moray, 
 the  lineal  descendant  of  Lord  James  Stuart,  gave  a  splendid  entertain- 
 ment to  his  tenanti-y  in  this  noble  hall,  in  which  liis  great  ancestor  first 
 assumed  the  title  of  Earl  of  ISIoray,  and  relinquished  that  of  Mar. — E.] 
 
 ^  There  is  no  Record  of  Privy-Council  inrolled  from  the  25tliof  August 
 at  Edzel,  until  this  of  the  10th  September  at  Tarnway. 
 
 VOL.  IT.  11 
 
1G2  THE  IIISTOUY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G2. 
 
 of  E(linburf]rli,  upoiiii  the  day  of  last  bypast, 
 
 in  the  <|uliilk  he  was  wardit,  for  the  cruell  onsetting  iipoun 
 James  I.oril  Ogiivy,  and  mutilating  of  him  of  his  riclit  arme, 
 and  utheris  crymes  contonit  in  the  letteris  direct  thairupoun, 
 as  the  samyn  at  mair  lenth  proportis ;  and  that  ho  upoun 
 the  said  last  day  of  August  comporit  in  the  said  Tolbuith, 
 and  for  satisfying  of  her  Ilienes  thairanent  than  in  judge- 
 ment, enterit  his  persone  within  the  said  Tolbuith,  as  hir 
 ({race's  ward,  thair  to  remaine  induring  hir  Majestie's 
 plesure ;  and  alse  offerit  him  to  be  obedient  to  pass  to 
 (pdiatsumevir  uther  ward  it  suld  pleisc  hir  Grace  to  com- 
 mand him  :  And  syne  he  being  commandit  in  oure  Soverane 
 Ladeis  name,  and  hir  Justice  and  his  Deputis  to  pass  to  the 
 Provest  of  Abirdenis  ludgeing,  and  thair  to  haif  remanit  in 
 ward  quhill  he  wes  certifyit  of  our  Soverane  Ladeis  will  in 
 the  premissis,  under  the  pane  of  rebellioun,  and  putting  of 
 him  to  the  home.  And  connnandment  alsua  being  gevin  to 
 the  Sheriff- Depute  of  Abirdene,  then  present,  to  convoy  him 
 surlie  thairto  ;  and  thaireftir  being  enterit  in  ward  in  the 
 said  Provestis  Ingoing,  thair  to  haif  remanit  quhill  he  had 
 bene  fred  be  hir  Grace  ;  he  upoun  the  first  day  of  September 
 instant  wes  chargit  be  ane  officiar  of  amies,  be  vertew 
 of  oure  Soveranis  letteris,  to  haif  past  and  enterit  himself 
 in  ward  in  the  Castell  of  Stirling^  within  vii.  dayis  eftir  the 
 charge,  under  the  pane  of  tressono.  The  quhilks  charges 
 and  command  the  said  Johne  Gordoun  lies  not  onlie  con- 
 temptuandlie  dissobeyit,  and  therthrow  incurrit  the  saids 
 panis,  bot  alswa  be  assembling  togidder  of  certane  utheris 
 inobedient  and  rebellious  personis  apperis  to  brek  the  halo 
 cuntre,  sa  far  as  is  in  his  power  :  Thairfoir  hir  Majestie 
 persaving  the  evil  exampill  and  greit  inconvenientis  that  may 
 cnsew  heirof,  gif  he  and  his  complices  be  permittit  to  haif 
 ony  strengthis,  housis,  or  forteressis  to  resort  to  (hiring  his 
 inobedient  and  manifest  contempt  foirsaid  ;  and  alse  hering 
 the  mony  grevous  complaintis  of  the  pouir  peplll  of  this 
 cuntre,  berand  thame  to  be  hereit  and  oppressit  be  him  and 
 
 1  It  is  not  to  bo  much  doubted  tluit  this  removal  has  i)roc(«oded  from  tlio 
 Earl  of  Mar,  thoreby  to  do  a  disiiU-a-siire  to  the  I'.arl  and  ramily  of 
 Iluntly.  And  if  I  u\\<;h{  offi-r  a  tonjirtnro,  I  sliould  W  ready  to  think 
 that  the  f«)ll()win<r  misbehaviour  of  that  Noble  Tamiiy  has  arisen  from  a 
 sudden  emotit)n  of  envv  and  hatred  ai^ainst  the  l.arl  of  Mar. 
 
15G2.]  OF  CUURCII  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  163 
 
 his  saidis  complices  in  tymes  bypast,  and  fering  the  lyke,  or 
 wor  (worse)  to  be  done  in  tyme  earning  :  Ordanis,  with  avyse 
 of  the  Lordis  of  hir  Secreit  Counsale,  letteris  to  be  direct  to 
 heraldis,  masseris,  pursevantis,  and  messengeris,  chargeing 
 thame  to  pass,  and  in  hir  Hiencs'  name  and  autorite  com- 
 mand and  charge  the  said  John  Gordoun,  Gordoun 
 Lady  Findlater  his  pretendit  spous,  and  all  utheris  havaris, 
 haldaris,  keparis,  and  detenaris  of  the  houssis  and  forteressis 
 imderwrittin,  to  delyver  the  houssis  and  forteressis  of  Find- 
 later  and  Auchindowne,  and  ather  of  thame,  to  hir  Grace's 
 officiar,  executor  of  this  charge,  to  quhome  hir  Grace  gevis 
 conmiissioun  to  ressaif  the  samyn,  and  to  rcmoif,  devoid,  and 
 red  thame,  thair  servandis,  and  all  utheris  being  therin  furth 
 of  the  samyn,  to  that  effect,  that  the  samyn  may  be  usit  at 
 the  Quenis  Grace's  plesure,  within  xxiv.  houris,  nixt  eftir 
 thai  be  chargit  thairto,  undir  the  pane  of  tressone  :  Certy- 
 fying  thame  ann  thai  failze  thairin,  that  thai  sail  incur  the 
 said  pane  of  tressone  ;  and  that  proces  of  forfaulture  sail  be 
 led  aganis  thame  according  to  the  terms  of  the  Actis  of 
 Parliament,  lawis  and  practick  of  this  Eealme."" 
 
 "  Ai^ud  Ahirdene  15.  Octobris,  Anno  Dom.  1562.1 
 
 "  Sederunt  ArcMhaldus  ArgacUw  Comes  ;  Georgius  Arrolim 
 Comes ;    Willelmus  Marescal.   Comes ;    Jacobus   Moraviw 
 
 ^  [Resuming  the  sketch  of  the  Progress  of  Queen  Alary  in  the  North 
 previous  to  this  date,  on  the  11th  of  September  she  set  out  fi'om  Darna- 
 way  Castle  for  Inverness,  and  arrived  at  that  town  in  the  evening.  The 
 Earl  of  Huntly  had  been  Sheriff  and  Hereditary  Keeper  of  the  Castle  of 
 Inverness,  and  the  Dei)uty-Governor  when  the  Queen  arrived  was  Alex- 
 ander Gordon,  who  held  it  for  Lord  Gordon,  the  Earl's  son,  who  was 
 absent,  and  to  whom  his  father  had  resigned  both  the  Castle  and  Shorilf- 
 sliip  in  1556,  probably  on  the  occasion  of  his  marriage  to  Lady  Anne 
 Hamilton,  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Chaltelherault.  The  Castle  was 
 wrested  from  Lord  Gordon's  Deputy,  who  was  hanged  for  refusing  to  sur- 
 roiider  it,  although  when  lluntly  was  informed  that  the  Cixstle  had  been 
 summoned  ho  had  ordered  it  to  bo  given  up,  but  the  unfortunate  Deputy 
 liad  been  put  to  death,  and  his  head  spiked  on  the  walls  before  the  Earls 
 messenger  arrived.  Mary  remained  in  Inverness  till  the  15th  of  Septem- 
 ber, when  she  commenced  her  return  southward,  and  slept  that  night 
 at  Kilravock.  On  the  following  day  she  arrived  at  Darnaway  Castle, 
 now  in  the  newly  created  luirl  of  Moray's  possession,  and  on  the 
 17Lh  she  reached  Sjjynie  Castle,  the  episcoi)al  palace  of  the  Bishops  of 
 Moiay, where  she  remained  two  days.  Tiie  Queen  left  Spynie  Castle  on  the 
 IDth,  and  crossed  the  Spey  at  Fochabers  on  her  route  to  the  royal  burgh 
 ofCullen,  and  though  she  was  travelling  hi  the  country  of  the  Gordons 
 
164  TIIK   HISTORY  OF  Till-    AFFAIRS  [15G2. 
 
 Comes  ;i  Jacohus  Comes  de  Mortoun  ;  Joannes  Dominus 
 Erskin ;  Thesaurarius^  ^ecretarins,  RoUilator,  Clericus 
 Begistri,  Clericus  Jusiiciariw. 
 
 "  It  is  concludit  and  ordinit  bo  the  Quenis  Majestic,  ^vitll 
 
 in  wliicli  tlicirCliU'f,  the  Karl  <»f  lluiitly,  was  all  powerful,  she  met  with  no 
 molestation  or  oj)position,  notwithstanding^  the  sinulrv  rumours  of  an  attack 
 by  Sir  John  (Jordon  at  the  head  of  1000  men.  Even  if  this  report  liad  been 
 true,  the  (Gordons  ran  every  hazard  of  a  defeat  from  sui)erior  numbers, 
 as  in  Kandolphs  opinion  the  force  which  accompanied  the  Queen  when  she 
 approached  the  ford  of  the  Spoy  amounted  to  3000  men.  After  passin;>  the 
 Spey,  Mary  proceeded  to  a  private  mansion,  summonini^  Sir  John  Gordon 
 by  sound  of  trumi)et  to  surrender  the  hoiise  of  Findlater,  and  another  of  his 
 residences  belouiring  to  the  Ofjilvies,  which  the  keepers  refused  to  deliver. 
 On  the  20th  of  September  the  Queen  arrived  at  the  royal  burf,di  of  lianft",  the 
 coimty  town,  where  she  slept,  and  on  the  21st  she  jjassed  the  ni;,'ht  in  the 
 mansion  of  («ight,  the  jjroperty  of  a  j,rentleman  named  Gordon,  nearly 
 related  to  lluntly.  On  the  22d  she  arrived  at  Old  Aberdeen,  and  on  the 
 followin*,'  day  made  her  i)ublic  entry  into  the  other  or  New  Aberdeen, 
 "  and  the  <,'()od  mind  of  the  inhabitants  shewn,"  Kandolph  writes  to  Cecil, 
 **  as  well  in  sj^ectacles,  i)lays,  interludes,  and  others,  as  they  could  best 
 devise.  They  presented  her  with  a  cup  of  silver  double  gilt,  well  wrought, 
 with  500  crowns  in  it  ;  wine,  coals,  and  wax  were  sent  in,  as  much  as  will 
 serve  her.  Her  determination  is  to  remain  here  forty  days  at  least, 
 within  what  time  she  trusteth  to  put  this  country  in  good  quickness.  Her 
 Noblemen  remain  with  her,  and  more  daily  come  in." — Chalmers'  Life  of 
 Alary  Queen  of  Scots,  4to.  vol.  i.  p.  84-89.  This  writer  mentions  that  he 
 had  in  his  library  a  diary  of  Mary's  progress  in  the  North  by  James 
 Ogilvie  of  Cardal,  who  acted  as  Master  of  her  Household,  the  same  who 
 had  been  disinherited  by  his  father  in  favour  of  Sir  John  Gordon.  It 
 was  written  in  French  :  "  AVithout  circumstances,"  says  Chalmei-s,  "  it 
 merely  notes  where  the  Queen  dined  and  slept  every  day.  She  travelled 
 always  after  dinner.  Meagre  as  this  diary  is,  it  is  very  useful,  especially 
 in  performing  such  a  journey."— Ibid.  vol.  i.  notCy  at  j).  81.  It  appears 
 that  (^ueen  Mary,  while  in  Aberdeen,  resided  in  the  lodging  of  the  lOarl 
 Marischal,  on  the  north  side  of  Castle  Street.— E.] 
 
 >  liy  this  Record  wc,are  assured  that  the  Queen's  brother  ha.s  got  the 
 designation  (»f  the  I'arldom  of  -Moray,  in  i)lace  of  Mar,  sometime  betwixt 
 this  date  and  the  10th  of  September  last.  There  is  no  Council-Day  inter- 
 vening. The  revenue  of  Murray  (and  Mr  IJuchanan  adds,  that  of  Mar) 
 had  been  gifted  to  the  Earl  of  lluntly,  and  by  this  i)recipitant  advance- 
 ment of  the  Prior  to  the  Earldom  of  Mar,  we  may  bestillTiiore  continued 
 of  the  gi-eat  sway  that  Nobleman  had  at  this  time  with  his  sister  the 
 Queen  ;  and  likewise,  by  this  new  title  conferred  on  him,  we  may  with  the 
 greater  lussurance  fix  the  present  disturbance  upon  the  animosity  betwixt 
 these  two  Earls,  now  blown  up  to  its  utmost  height.  'I'he  Prior  of  St 
 Andrews  was  suspicious  he  could  not  enjoy  ti>e  tith'  and  I'arldom  of  Mar, 
 because  of  the  right  which  his  own  uncle  the  Lord  I'.rskine  claimed  there- 
 unto :  upon  which  account  he  has  been  desirous  to  receive  this  new  title, 
 
1562.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  .SCOTLAND.  165 
 
 avyse  of  the  Lordis  of  liir  Sccreit  Counsale,  That  gif  George 
 Erie  of  HiintHe  comperis  not  befoir  hir  ]\Iajestie  the  xvi  day 
 of  this  instant  October,  to  anser  to  sik  thingis  as  are  to  lay 
 to  his  charge,  conforme  to  the  letteris  direct  thairupoun, 
 and  that  thairfoir  be  virtew  of  the  saids  letteris  he  be  put  to 
 the  home  for  his  contemptioun  :  That  his  houses,  strenthis, 
 and  freindis  be  taken  fra  him,  and  his  saidis  freindis,  and 
 utheris  gentilmen  of  the  cuntre  havand  reull,  or  steir  there- 
 in, be  send  for,  to  compeir  befoir  the  Quenis  JMajestie  and 
 Counsale  foirsaid  with  all  expeditioun,  and  ordure  takin 
 with  thanie,  for  obedience  to  be  maid  to  the  Quenis  Majestie, 
 and  quietnes  of  the  cuntre  ;  and  baith  cliarges  and  connnis- 
 siouns  to  be  direct  to  that  efFect.^'i 
 
 to  wlucli  there  Avas  no  lineal  competitor. — [We  have  seen  that  Lord 
 James  Stnart  produced  his  patent  for  the  Earldom  of  ^loray,  the  great 
 ohject  of  his  amhition,  in  DarnaAvay  Castle,  in  presence  of  Queen  ^Mary, 
 on  the  10th  September,  having  resigned  the  Earldom  of  ISIar,  and  the 
 property  belonging  to  it,  claimed  by  his  uncle  Lord  Erskine  as  his  peculiar 
 right.  The  grant  of  the  Earldom  of  Moray  was  scarcely  a  less  matter  of 
 Jealousy  to  the  Earl  of  Huntly  than  that  of  ]Mar  had  been  to  Lord  Erskine  ; 
 but  the  fate  of  Huntly,  -who  was  almost  immediately  proclaimed  a  traitor, 
 terminated  all  discord  on  that  subject,  and  left  the  noAvly  created  Earl  of 
 jNIoray  in  undisputed  possession,  and  his  lineal  descendants  ever  since 
 have  held  the  Earldom.  But  although  he  was  in  possession  of  the  patent 
 of  the  Earldom  of  JNIoray  before  he  ijroduccd  it  in  DarnaAvay  Castle,  it  was 
 not  until  Queen  INIary's  return  to  Aberdeen  that  he  Avas  legally  reAA'arded 
 with  the  i)rize  he  had  long  coveted.  According  to  the  Peerage  accounts, 
 hoAvcA^er,  the  Earldom  of  jNIoray  Avas  taken  from  the  Earl  of  Huntly  and 
 granted  to  Lord  James  Stuart  on  the  30th  of  January  1561-2,  yet  on  the 
 7tli  of  February  folloAving  the  Earldom  of  ]\Iar  Avas  assigned  to  him — the 
 Queen,  for  political  reasons  adding  an  express  clause  in  the  latter  patent, 
 that  he  shoidd  bear  the  title  of  Mar  rather  than  of  ^Moray.  In  the  second 
 Act  of  the  Parliament  held  at  Edinburgh  on  the  4tli  of  June  1563, 
 entitled,  "  Exceptiouns  from  the  foirsaid  Act  of  Oblivioun,"  Avliich  Avas 
 the  first  Act,  he  is  designated  "  James  Erie  of  ^Murray,  Lord  Abcrnethy 
 and  Strathnarne  ;"  and  he  obtained  a  "  Ratification''  of  the  Earldom  of 
 Moray  in  the  Parliament  held  at  Edinburgli  on  the  16th  of  Ai)ril  1567. 
 Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio,  ]).  536,  553-557. — E,] 
 
 1  Note. — On  the  26th  October  1562,  tliere  is  a  liecord  of  Privy-Council 
 at  Aberdeen  likewise,  Avliich  might  be  too  prolix  to  be  inserted  here  ;  and 
 yet  because  the  contents  thereof  may  not  be  altogether  useless  for  this 
 part  of  our  History,  and  may  l)e  agreeable  to  tlie  relations  of  the  persons 
 concerned,  the  readers  may  knoAV,  that  on  that  day — "  In  presence  of  the 
 Quenis  Maiestie,  and  Lordis  of  Secreit-Counsale,  conipcrit  thir  personis 
 under-Avrittin,  and  yair  cautionaris  folloAving,  and  band  and  oblist  thame 
 respective  to  enter  yair  personis  Avithin  the  places  under-mentionat,  and 
 to  remanc  Avithin  the  samyn  and  foure  mylisyairabont,and  not  to  eschai]) 
 
166  THE  IIISTOllY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loG2. 
 
 "  Apud  Abirclene,  27  Octobris,  Anno  Bom.  1562. 
 
 "  Sederunt  Georgius Erroliw  Comes;  Joannes  AthoUcc  Comes ; 
 Willelmns  Marescal.  Comes ;  Jacohus  Comes  Moravica ; 
 Jacobus  Com£S  de  Mortoun  ;  Joannes  Dominus  Erskin  ; 
 Secretarius^  The saur arms,  Tlotulator,  Clerlcus  Reg{str% 
 Clericus  Justiciariw. 
 
 "  FoRSAMEKiLL  as  George  Earl  of  ITiintlie  continewand  in 
 his  trcssonablc  conspiracies,  is  ciunand  fordwart  towert  this 
 burgh  of  Abirdene,  of  determit  purpois  to  pcrsew  oure 
 Soverano  Ladies  propir  persone  ;  and  hir  Grace,  to  resist 
 his  wickit  interprissis  with  hir  trew  leigis  being  with  hir 
 within  this  burgh,  is  to  pass  fordwart  to  meit  him  on  the 
 plane  fieldis :  Thairfoir  hir  Majestic,  with  avyse  of  the 
 Lordis  of  hir  Secreit  Counsale,  ordainis  tliat  gif  it  happinis 
 ony  of  hir  liegis  being  with  hir,  or  sik  utheris  as  she  sail 
 appoint  in  cumpany  to  be  slane  at  this  journey,  hurt  and 
 woundit  to  the  deid,  and  deccisis  thairby  thaireftir,  or  in 
 the  coming  thairto,  and  passing  thairfra.  That  thair  wife  and 
 bairnis,  and  failzeing  of  thame,  thair  aires  and  executouris, 
 sail  bruke  and  joiss  thair  takkis,  stedingis,  rowmes,  and 
 possessiounis  for  the  space  of  five  zeiris  nixt  eftir  the  dait 
 heirof,  without  gressume  or  entre-silvir  to  be  payit  tliair- 
 foro ;  and  alse,  that  thair  airis  sail  liaif  the  ward  of  thair 
 
 nor  cscliow  whil  yai  be  fred  be  the  Quenis  Maiestio,  under  the  ])anis 
 under-nicntionat."  The  persons  i)riiu-ii)als  are,  Georije  Gordon  of  (Jicht, 
 ■vvitliin  Edinbur<,di,  betwixt  and  the  Sth  November  next,  under  the  i)ain 
 of  r)()00  nierks.     James  Gordon  of  Iladdo,  within  Kdinbur«,rh,  before  the 
 
 .3d  November,  at  TjOOO  merks.   (JoriUin  of  A])irzehly,  in  St  Aiidrew's, 
 
 witliiu  four  days  next  to  come,  at  5000  merks.  Ahwander  (Jordou  of 
 Strathowne,  within  ll;ulin;,rton,'2-2d  Novomber,  at  oOOO  merks.  Alexander 
 Gordon,  (ddest  son  and  lu-ir  to  Geoi'<,'e  Gordon  of  I.esmoir,  in  Kdinl)iir<jrh, 
 within  six  days  next  to  conn\  at  2000  nnnks.  Geor<:e  Gordon,  son  and 
 a])pearand  heir  to  James  Gordon  of  Creieliie,  for  his  father  ;  and  AU'xander 
 (Jordon  of  IVirkinbog,  his  brother,  botli  of  them  witliin  Kdinburj^di,  M 
 Novend)er,  at  L.l 000  each.  Patrick  Gordon,  son  and  ai>pearand  licir  to 
 (Jeorpe  Gordon  of  C'oiTuthies,  for  his  said  father  ;  and  Patrick  (Jordon  of 
 Auchmanze,  within  St  Andrew's,  3d  November,  at  2(K)0  merks.  Thomas 
 Gordon  of  K(>nnartie,  within  St  Andrew's,  3d  November,  no  penalty. 
 Alexander  (Jordon  for  William  Gordon  of  Oai-r,  his  brother,  within 
 Kdinlun  .,d»,  3d  November,  at  30(H)  merks.  All  the  above  persons  have 
 p-ntlenuMi  of  estates  in  the  shire  of  Aberdeen,  except  Alexander  Knowis 
 ])urpe.ss  of  Kdinbur|,di,  for  C'reichie  and  lUrkinboi:,  for  their  cautiouci-s. 
 
l0G2.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  IGJ 
 
 landis,  mylnis,  and  fischeingis,  with  thair  mareage  free, 
 without  payment  of  ony  compositioun,  or  teind  penny  thair- 
 fore  ;  and  this  present  ordinance  to  extend  to  thanie  that 
 has  and  haldis  thair  landis,  fischeingis,  mahngis,  rowmes, 
 and  possessiounis,  alswclc  of  spirituale  men  as  tcmporale 
 men,  as  of  the  Quenis  Majestic :  providing  that  the  saidis 
 air  or  airis  entir  to  their  landis,  rowmes,  and  possessiounis 
 within  three  termis  eftir  the  lauchfuU  age  of  xiv.  zeiris  ;  and 
 gif  the  fait  be  in  thair  tutoris  or  curatoris,  to  enter  within 
 ana  terme  eftir  thai  be  of  xxi.  zeiris  compleit ;  and  this 
 present  ordinance  to  be  of  als  grete  force,  strenth,  and  effect 
 as  the  Act  and  Ordinance  maid  be  oure  Soveraine  Lady 
 befoir  the  feild  of  Pynkie-cleuch,  be  James  Duke  of  Chat- 
 telarault,  Erie  of  Arrane,  Lord  Hamilton,  &c.  in  hir  Hienes*' 
 name,  than  brukand  hir  autorite ;  or  be  hir  Grace's  moder 
 in  the  weris  betwix  this  Realme  and  Ingland,  in  the  zeir  of 
 God  1557  zeiris. 1 
 
 "  Forsamekill  as  George  Erie  of  HuntHe,  with  his  bairns, 
 and  diverss  utheris  of  his  factioun,  hes  committit  sundrie 
 tressonable  dedis  and  interprisis  aganis  the  Quenis  Majestic 
 and  hir  autorite  ;  and  eftir  that  the  said  Erie  was  denouncit 
 rebell,  and  put  to  the  home,  he  and  his  saidis  sonnis,  and 
 utheris  their  participantis,  assemblit  thair  haill  tennentis, 
 servandis,  and  utheris  thair  friendis,  and  put  thame  in 
 armes  at  the  Barony  of  Strathbogy ;  and  fra  thence  came 
 fordwart  in  plane  battale,  frae  place  to  place,  quhill  thay 
 ar  approchit  neir  this  burgh  of  Abirdene,  within  few  myles 
 
 1  [Previous  to  the  movements  of  Iluntly,  recorded  in  the  above  docu- 
 ment, lie  had  continued  quiet  in  his  Castle  of  Strathbo<^ie.  lie  had 
 actually  delivered  up  the  two  mansions  of  Deskford  and  Findlater,  which 
 the  Queen  had  summoned,  and  sent  her  the  kejs,  but  she  declined  to 
 receive  them,  lie  even  sent  a  particular  cannon  which  he  had  at  his 
 Castle  to  the  place  a})pointed  by  the  Queen  for  its  surrender.  The  Karl's 
 eldest  son,  Alexander  Lord  Cordon,  who  had  married  Lady  Margaret 
 Hamilton,  daughter  of  the  Duke  of  Chatelherault,  was  with  his  wife  at 
 the  time  residing  with  the  Duke  at  his  numsion  near  Hamilton,  and  the 
 Earl's  other  son.  Sir  John  (Jordon,  the  ostensible  origin  of  all  this  turmoil, 
 was  an  outcast  among  the  mountain  fastnesses  of  the  district.  I^ady 
 Anno  Hamilton,  another  daughter  of  the  Duki>  of  Chatelherault,  married 
 George  the  second  son  of  the  Earl  of  Huntly,  who  succeeded  his  father  as 
 fifth  Earl,  though  his  forfeiture  was  not  reversed  till  1507,  even  thougli 
 he  was  appointed  Lord  Chancellor  in  1565. — E.J 
 
108  THE  IIISTORY  OF  THE  AIl-AIKS  [1502. 
 
 to  thu  saiiR'ii ;  and  continowand  in  tliair  trossonable  dedis, 
 intcndis  to  cum  fordwart  to  the  said  burgh,  of  determit 
 ])uri)ois  to  invaid  the  Quenis  (Irace's  propir  persone,  hir 
 Counsale,  and  utheris  hir  trew  hegis  being  with  hir  in  cum- 
 pany  :  And  hir  IJienes,  with  avyss  of  the  Lordis  of  hir 
 Secrete  Counsale,  seand  the  eminent  danger,  and  knawand 
 that  gif  the  saidis  conspiratoris  tressonable  interprisis  wer 
 not  in  tyme  stayit  and  resistit,  it  might  turne  to  the  greto 
 skaith  of  hir  awine  persone,  gart  call  in  befoir  hir  Ilienes, 
 hir  cousing  and  counsallor  George  Erie  of  Arrole,  William 
 Lord  Forbes,  Alexander  Lord  Saltoun,  William  Leslie  of 
 Boquhane,  and  utlieris  of  the  cuntre  folkis,  desiring  thair 
 avyse  to  be  had  for  resisting  of  the  conspiratoris  foirsaids  : 
 Quhilkis  eftir  deliberatioun  takin  thairby,  offerit  to  pass 
 fordwart  with  thair  kin  and  friendis,  and  for  apprehending 
 of  the  said  Erie,  his  bairnis,  and  assistaris  being  in  thair 
 cumpany,  to  wair  thair  lyfes  as  thair  dewetie  and  detfull 
 obedience  requyrcs  to  thair  Soverane.  Quhilk  offir  the 
 (Juenis  Grace,  with  avyss  of  hir  Counsale  foirsaid,  thocht 
 niaist  resonable,  meit  and  agrcand  with  the  tyme ;  and 
 thairfoir  ordanit,  and  be  the  tenour  heirof,  ordanis  thame 
 to  pass  fordewart,  to  the  effect  foirsaid  :  And  to  the  effect 
 the  samyn  may  be  the  mair  surlye  and  starklie  performed, 
 gevis,  grantis,  and  committis  hir  Hienes^  commissioun  and 
 full  powir  to  hir  derrest  bruther  James  Erie  of  Murray, 
 with  utheris  of  hir  Secreit  Counsale,  and  Noblemen  being 
 in  hir  cumpany,  to  pass  fordwart,  with  thair  kin,  freindis, 
 and  servandis,  to  the  pairt  and  place  quhair  the  said  Erie 
 of  Huntlie,  his  bairnis  and  complices  sail  hap]>in  to  be,  the 
 xxviii.  of  this  instant  October,  and  to  take  with  thame  oure 
 Soverane  Ladeis  baner,  and  put  thame  in  armes,  and  to 
 display  hir  said  baner,  and  to  resyst,  and  gif  neid  be,  to 
 persew  the  said  Erie,  his  bairnis  and  complices  foirsaidis, 
 for  apprehending,  taking,  and  bringing  of  thame  to  the  law, 
 to  be  punist  foir  thair  tressonable  cuming  in  plane  battell 
 in  maner  foirsaid,  and  utheris  tressonable  crymes  committit 
 b(j  thann;  of  bifoir  ;  and  gif  thai  mak  resistance,  to  persew 
 thamc^  to  the  deid,  and  fecht  thame  in  plane  battell,  and  to 
 assemble  our  Soverane  Ladeis  liegis  to  that  effect  ;  and  gif 
 the  said  Eric,  his  bairnis  or  complices,  and  parttakkaris 
 being  with  thatne  in   eumpany.    hajtpinis  ia  fie  and  ])as  to 
 
15G2.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  1  GO 
 
 lioussis  or  strenthls,  to  lay  assage  to  the  samyn,  and  to  eoii- 
 tiiiew  thairat,  and  in  persewing  of  the  saidis  conspiratoris, 
 sa  lang  as  thai  may  remane  on  the  feildis  ;  and  to  rais  fyre, 
 for  apprehending  of  the  saidis  honsis  and  strenthis,  and  to 
 do  all  uther  thingis  for  performing  of  the  premissis,  as  gif 
 oiire  Soverane  Lady  wer  present  in  propir  persone ;  and 
 this  present  coramissioun  to  be  of  als  grete  avail,  force, 
 strenth,  and  efl'cct,  as  gif  the  samyn  wer  extendit  in  the 
 maist  ampill  forme  nnder  the  Grete  Sele  ;  declarand  heirby, 
 that  hir  said  bruther,  and  ntheris  Noblemen  foirsaidis,  and 
 personis  being  with  thamc  in  cumpany,  sail  incnr  na  skaith 
 nor  danger  in  thair  landis,  bodeyis,  or  guids,  for  appre- 
 hending, taking,  and  slaying  of  ony  of  the  conspiratouris 
 above  rehersit :  And  ordanis  this  presentis  to  be  insert  in 
 the  Bukis  of  SecreitConnsale,  to  remane  thairin  ad perpetuam 
 rei  memoriam^  with  letteris  to  be  direct  heirnpoun  for 
 publissing  of  the  samyn,  commandand  thairin  all  her  Grace's 
 liegis  to  anser  and  to  obey  to  hir  said  bruthir  and  Noble- 
 men foirsaids  being  with  him  in  cumpany,  in  all  and  sundrie 
 thingis  concerning  the  premissis,  and  to  ryse  and  gang 
 fordwart  with  thame  to  that  effect,  as  thai  will  anser  to  the 
 Quenis  Majestic  thairupoun." 
 
 Next  day,  being  the  28tli  of  October,  the  Earl  of  Moray 
 being  now  constitute  her  Majesty's  Lieutenant,  marched  out 
 of  Aberdeen,  and  encountered  the  Earl  of  Huntly  at  a  place 
 called  Corrichie,!  about  14  or  15  miles  to  the  west  of  that 
 
 i  [The  vale  of  Corrichie,  the  scene  of  this  battle,  is  in  the  parish  of 
 Mid-^Iar,  amid  the  mountain  scenery  of  the  Hill  of  Farr  or  Fare,  which 
 is  upwards  of  2000  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea,  and  the  base  is  de- 
 scribed as  nearly  twenty  miles  in  circumference.  The  locality  is  nearly 
 twenty  English  miles  west  of  Aberdeen,  near  the  rivulet  of  Corrichie,  on 
 the  borders  of  Kincardineshire.  An  excavation  on  the  side  of  a  rock  in 
 the  vicinity  of  the  vale,  is  traditionally  designated  the  Qucuis  chair,  from 
 the  assertion  that  ^lary  halted  at  the  spot,  while  returnini;  southward 
 from  Aberdeen,  and  viewed  the  scene  of  the  then  recent  enfjagement. 
 This,  however,  must  be  a  jiopular  error,  for  the  Queen's  pro«rrcss  from 
 Aberdeen  was  by  Diiiniottar,  along  the  coast,  to  Montrose,  whence  she 
 passed  to  Dundee  and  Pertli.  As  to  the  battle  of  Corriclne,  the  numbers 
 engaged  on  both  sides  were  most  unecpial.  Iluntly  was  originally  at  the 
 head  of  only  five  hundred  of  his  clan  and  dei)endants,  some  of  whom  daily 
 deserted  him  ;  for,  according  to  Itandolpli,  in  Jiis  letter  to  Cecil  dated  28th 
 October  1562,  the  very  day  of  the  contiict,  and  Kandoli>h  had  two  ser- 
 vants  on  the  field  as  spectatoi-s,  llunlly  "  had  dmIv  with  him   his  own 
 
170  TIIK  HISTORY  OF  TIIK  AlFAIll.S  [15G2. 
 
 town,  whore  the  Ejirl  of  Iluntly  chanced  not  only  to  lose 
 the  day,  but  liis  lite  also,  having  been  troden  to  death  in 
 the  Hight ;  some  say  nuirdercd,  after  he  had  been  made 
 prisoner.  His  son  Sir  John,  and  a  younger  son  Adam,  were 
 taken;  and  Sir  Jolm  was  beheaded  imujediately  at  Aberdeen,^ 
 
 friends,  tenants,  and  servants,  of  whom  divers  in  two  nij,'hts  before  stole 
 secretly  from  liim."  On  tlie  other  side  Moray  marched  from  Aberdeen  as 
 tlie  Queen's  Lieutenant  at  the  liead  of  not  fewer  than  nearly  two  tliousand 
 men,  accompanied  liy  the  I'arls  of  Morton,  AthoU,  and  other  Noblemen, 
 with  the  intention  of  surrounding  his  oi)})onent.  Iluntly  took  up  his 
 j)08ition  on  a  hill  of  difficult  access,  but  he  was  driven  from  it  by  the 
 harquebussiers  into  a  morass  in  the  vale  of  C'orrichie.  Althou<,di  Moray's 
 forces  were  as  four  to  one  of  lluntly's,  yet  they  were  composed  of  some 
 whose  fidelity  was  sus])ccted.  Of  this  Moray  was  aware,  and  he  stationed 
 them  in  front,  commanding  them  to  begin  the  attack.  They,  however, 
 gave  way  as  he  auticii)ated,  but  a  chosen  body  immediately  behind  com- 
 pelled them  to  renew  their  attack,  by  presenting  their  threatening  spears. 
 Nevertheless  the  confusion  was  such  that  Iluntly  imagined  himself 
 victorious,  and  ordered  his  men  to  rush  upon  their  assailants,  which  they 
 did  sword  in  hand,  but  without  order  or  precaution.  They  cleft  their  way 
 through  the  disorderly  bands,  but  Iluntly,  with  his  two  sons  Sir  John 
 Ciordon  and  Adam  Gordon,  the  latter  then  only  seventeen  years  of  age,  was 
 obliged  to  surrender  with  the  loss  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  of  his 
 followers,  while  not  a  man  of  Moray's  forces  was  slain,  though  several  were 
 hurt,  and  many  horses  were  killed.  Iluntly  himself  fell,  but  our  His- 
 torian does  not  expressly  state  the  manner,  farther  than  that  he  died  on 
 the  field.  Kandolj)!!  informs  Cecil — "  The  I'arl  himself,  after  that  ho  was 
 taken,  without  either  l)low  or  stroke,  being  set  upon  horseback  before  him 
 that  was  his  taker,  suddenly  falleth  from  his  horse  stark  dead,  without 
 word  that  he  ever  spake,  after  that  he  was  ui)on  horseback."  From 
 this  it  aj)pears  that  he  was  a  j)risoner,  and  Chalmers  says  that  he  "  died 
 of  a  broken  heart."  Mr  Tytler  says  that  he  was  "  slain,  whether  by  the 
 sword,  or  suflfocated  from  the  weight  of  his  armour,  is  uncertain  ;"  and  the 
 authority  cited  is  a  letter,  MS.  State-Paper  Office,  Randolph  to  Cecil, 
 2d  November  1.'562.  Some  assert  that  he  was  trami)led  to  death,  while 
 others  allege  that  the  Karl,  aged,  corpident,  and  reduced  by  sorrow, 
 exjtired  in  the  pursuit.  It  is  also  maintained,  though  without  the  least 
 authority,  that  Moray  strangled  him  in  his  fiight  with  his  own  hands. — E.] 
 '  [Sir  John  Gordon  was  brought  to  trial,  condemned,  and  executed  on 
 the  following  day  in  Castle  Street,  Aberdeen.  Even  IJuchanan  expresses 
 sorrow  for  the  hajiless  fate  of  one  who  ardently  loved  Queen  Mary,  and 
 who  had  been  excited  by  the  hope  of  becoming  her  husband.  "  He  wa.s 
 generally  pitied  and  lamented,"  says  IJuchanan,  "  for  lie  wiis  a  noble 
 youth,  very  beautiful,  and  entering  on  the  i)rime  of  his  age,  not  so  much 
 designed  for  the  royal  bed,  ivs  deceived  by  the  pretence  of  it."  There  is 
 no  evidence  that  the  Queen  beheld  him  with  such  jxH^nliar  aflvction,  and 
 Ereebairn  (Life  of  Queen  Mary,  p.  50)  properly  remarks,  that  she  was 
 "  in  that  medium  between  indifference  and  pas-sion,  which  may  witli 
 honour  b<*  allowed  to  iiulination,  though  it  cannot  be  claimed  by  merit." 
 A  report  had  br-n  circulated  that   Sir  John  (Jordon   intended  to  commit 
 
1562.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  171 
 
 or  rather  butcher'd  by  an  unskilful  executioner,  which 
 created  him  much  pity  :  but  Mr  Adam^  received  the 
 Queen's  pardon,  because  he  was  not  yet  arrived  to  age ; 
 and  so  might  be  supposed  to  have  been  carried  along  with 
 his  father,  without  any  choice  of  his  own.  The  EarFs  dead 
 body  was  conveyed  to  Edinburgh  by  sea,  and  kept  unburied 
 all  the  winter  in  the  Abbey  of  Holyroodhouse  ;2  and  then  an 
 
 violence  on  the  Queen's  person,  and  it  was  believed  by  many  of  his  enemies 
 that  it  was  not  without  her  knowledge,  or  against  her  private  will. 
 To  clear  herself  from  this  false  charge  the  Queen,  by  the  entreaty  of 
 Moray,  consented  to  behold  the  execution  of  Gordon,  which  she  witnessed 
 from  a  window  of  the  house  of  the  Earl  Marischal,  in  which  she  resided, 
 on  the  south  side  of  Castle  Street.  It  is  said  that  Moray  had  the 
 barbarity  to  force  her  to  behold  this  sad  spectacle.  When  Sir  John  Gordon 
 appeared  on  the  scaffold,  his  youth,  courage,  and  misfortunes,  excited  the 
 deepest  commiseration.  He  recognized  the  Queen,  and  turning  towards 
 her,  confessed  that  her  presence  was  a  solace  at  his  death,  as  he  was 
 about  to  suffer  for  loving  her.  The  Queen  was  near  enough  to  hear  his 
 words,  and  burst  into  tears  before  ISIoray.  It  is  said  that  Gordon  con- 
 fessed that  four  times  he  had  resolved  to  murder  INIoray,  and  that  he  was 
 only  prevented  by  proA-idential  interpositions.  He  laid  his  head  on  the 
 block,  after  earnestly  gazing  in  silence  on  the  Queen,  who  was  weeping 
 and  sobbing  bitterly.  The  executioner  imskilfully  inflicted  on  him  a 
 dreadful  wound,  and  in  this  excruciating  torture  he  remained  till  his  head 
 was  severed  from  his  body.  The  Queen  fointed,  and  was  carried  almost 
 dead  to  her  bedchamber,  yet  this  act  of  sympathy  for  the  fate  of  one 
 whom  she  regarded  if  not  with  affection,  at  least  with  favour  and  regard, 
 was  turned  against  her  by  her  unfeeling  enemies,  who  afterwards  asserted 
 that  she  passionately  loved  Sir  John  Gordon.  "  The  instrument  by  which 
 he  suffered,"  says  Mr  Kennedy,  in  his  Annals  of  Aberdeen,  "  is  still  pre- 
 served in  the  town  armoury.  Ilis  body  was  buried  in  St  Nicholas' 
 church,  on  the  south  side  of  the  altar  dedicated  to  the  Virgin  Mary." — E.] 
 
 ^  This  gentleman  appeared  afterwards  very  eminently  for  the  Queen, 
 during  her  misfortune. — [Adam  Gordon  was  tried  and  condemned,  but 
 his  life  was  spared  on  account  of  his  youth,  and  his  sentence  was  changed 
 to  imprisonment  in  the  Castle  of  Dunbar.  He  is  afterwards  designated 
 Sir  Adam  Gordon  of  Aiichendoun.  He  subsequently  took  up  arms  for 
 Queen  ISIary,  whose  authority  ho  long  upheld  in  the  North,  where  he  was 
 no  less  respected  for  his  liumane  conduct  than  for  his  bravery.  He  is  said 
 to  have  died  at  Perth  in  1580,  and  at  that  time  ho  must  have  been  only 
 thirty-eiglit  years  of  age. — E.] 
 
 2  t  riie  Earl's  dead  body  was  deposited  in  a  vault  in  the  Chapel-Royal 
 of  Holyrood.  This  is  a  remarkable  instance  of  political  and  personal 
 liatred,  most  disgraceful  to  tliose  who  had  achieved  Jhnitly's  ruin.  It 
 appears  that  tlie  I'arl's  l)()dy  was  afterwards  removed  to  the  lilack  Friars' 
 Monastery  in  l^dinburgh,  wlience  it  was  subsecpiently  conveyed  to  Elgin, 
 and  interred  in  the  tomb  of  his  ancestor  Alexander  first  luirl,  in  the 
 cathedial  of  the  Diocese  of  Moi-ay  in  that  ohl  episcopal  city. — (Jenealogical 
 
17-  THE   IIISTOUY  OF  Till-:  AITAIRS  [1562. 
 
 iiidictiiiciit  of  lii^^h  treason  was  exhibited  against  him  before 
 the  Parliament,  in  the  month  of*  May  following,!  "  e/tir  that 
 he  teas  deUl,  and  depart  it  frae  this  mortal  lyfe^  ANHiat 
 followed  hereupon,  and  how  this  Noble  Family  was  reduced 
 to  the  utmost  brink  of  destruction,  may  be  seen  at  large 
 by  the  Records  of  Parliament  in  the  month  of  April  1507, 
 that  are  yet  remaining. 2  This  only  is  proper  to  be  re- 
 membered, in  all  the  publick  transactions  either  of  Par- 
 liament or  Privy  Council  which  have  a  relation  to  this 
 dismal  emergent,  that  the  Earl  of  ITuntly's  great  enemy, 
 the  Queen''s  natural  brother,  had  now  the  sole  sway  at 
 Court,  and  had  the  interest  to  act  any  part  he  pleased 
 against  that  Family.  The  Earl  of  Huntly's  friends  affirm, 
 that  "  the  true  occasion  of  the  conflict  at  Corrichie,  and  of 
 all  the  troubles  \vhich  happened  to  the  Gordons,  was  the 
 
 History  of  the  Earldom  of  Sutlierland,  from  its  Ori<,rin  to  10'30,  by  Sir 
 Robert  Gordon  of  Ciordonstoun,  I5art.  Edin.  folio,  1S13,  p.  142. — E.] 
 
 ^  [The  proceedings  of  this  Tarliament  are  for  the  most  part  lost. 
 Those  Acts  which  are  preserved,  as  passed  on  the  4th  of  .Tune,  contain  no 
 allusions  to  the  Noble  Family  of  Gordon  and  the  Earl  of  Iluntly. — Acta 
 Pari.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii.  p.  535-544.  The  act  of  forfeiture  and  attainder, 
 declaring  Iluntly's  "  dignity,  name,  and  memory  to  be  extinct,"  and 
 his  posterity  "  unable  to  enjoy  any  office,  honour,  or  rank  within  the 
 realm,"  is  inserted  by  Crawford,  in  his  "  Lives  of  the  Officers  of  State  in 
 Scotland,"  p.  87,  88.— E.] 
 
 '  These  lvecords,sofar  as  they  concern  this  Noble  I'amily,  may  be  seen 
 transcribed  in  the  Lives  of  the  Lord  Chancellors,  &:c.  by  the  laborious  ^Ir 
 (ieorge  Crawford. —  [Published  at  Edinburgh,  folio,  17"26',  p.  SS.  Crawford 
 completed  only  the  first  volume  of  his  work,  which  contains  the  Lives  of 
 the  Lord  Chancellors,  the  Lord  (ireat  Chamberlains,  and  the  Lord  High 
 Treasurers  of  Scotland.  The  I'arliament  of  15(>7  restored  the  Earl  of 
 Huntly  to  all  liis  father's  forfeited  jiroperty,  honours,  and  dignities. 
 This  was  the  I'arliament  in  which  the  Earl  of  Moray  obtained  the  "Rati- 
 fication" to  that  Earldom.  See  "Ratification  to  (ieorge  Erie  of  Huntlie 
 of  sindrye  landsand  baronyes,"  "  Reduction  of  the  Eorfaultourof  unniuhill 
 George  Erie  of  Huntlie  at  the  instance  of  his  relict  and  bairnis,"  "  Reduc- 
 tion of  the  Forfaultour  of  unuiuhill  (ieorge  Erie  of  Jluntlieat  the  instance 
 of  (ieorge  now  Erie  of  Huntlie," — Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii,  j).  558, 
 574,  57(>.  At  the  same  time  the  forfeiture  of  the  Earl  of  Huntly's  rela- 
 tive, the  Earl  of  Sutherland,  was  rescinded,  with  those  "  forfaultours"  of 
 u  number  of  gentlemen  of  the  name  of  (iordon,  implicated  in  the  Rattle 
 of  C<)rrichie,  viz.  Alexander  (iordon  of  ."^trathdon,  (ieorge  (iordon  of 
 Ruldornie,  .James  (iordon  of  Lismore,  John  (iordon  of  Cairnlmrrow, 
 .Tames  (iordon  of  Tullyangus,  (ieorge  (iordon  of  IJaldornie,  and  the 
 "  nni'HiliiH"  ThoiiKis  (iordon  of  Craigtully.     See  the  note,  p.  Kifi.  -|-'.| 
 
1562.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  IJiy 
 
 sincere  and  loyal  affection  they  had  to  the  Queen's  preser- 
 vation ;  and  it  is  most  certain  that  the  Earl  of  Huntly 
 gathered  these  forces  at  her  Majesty's  own  desire,  to  free 
 her  from  the  Earl  of  Moray's  power.""! 
 
 After  the  unfortunate  calamity  which  befell  the  Earl  of 
 Huntly,  his  eldest  son  the  Lord  Gordon,  having  fled  toward 
 his  father-in-law  the  Duke  of  Chastelherault,  was  by  the 
 Queen's  express  order  detained  prisoner  by  him  at  his 
 house  of  Kinneil ;  and  afterwards,  upon  her  Majesty's  re- 
 turn to  Edinburgh,  he  was  committed  to  the  Castle  on  the 
 28th  day  of  November ;  and  on  the  8th  day  of  February 
 thereafter,  15G2-3,  he  was  brought  forth  to  a  public  trial  for 
 his  life,  as  having  been  art  and  part  in  his  father's  treason- 
 able practices  ;2  though  I  do  not  find  it  alleged  that  he  was 
 in  the  field  of  Corrichie.  And  so  regardless  did  his  enemies 
 appear  to  be  of  the  common  forms  observed  in  all  criminal 
 trials,  that  no  indictment  was  preferred  against  him  until 
 the  very  day  he  was  brought  to  the  bar  of  justice  ;  and  yet 
 such  was  their  prevalent  power  at  the  time,  that  he  was 
 quickly  found  guilty  of  high  treason,  and  condemned  to 
 "  be  hangit  whil  he  w^ar  deid,  drawn,  quarterit,  and  demainit 
 as  ane  trator,  at  oure  Soveranis  plesor."  This  last  clause 
 in  the  sentence  was  the  only  thing  that  saved  this  Noble 
 person  from  losing  his  life  ;  for  the  Queen  commiserating  the 
 
 ^  MS.  by  Sir  Robert  Gordon  of  Gordonston,  of  the  Bed-Chamber  to  K. 
 James  VI.  and  King  Charles  I.  Mr  Ilolinshed  of  England,  who  is  allowed 
 to  be  a  writer  of  mncli  exactness,  sets  down  several  particulars  pretty 
 favourable  on  the  Earl  of  Iluntly's  side.  And  if  it  be  true,  as  both  Mr 
 Knox  and  Mr  Buchanan  relate,  that  the  Queen  appeared  little  pleased 
 with  the  Earl  of  Iluntly's  defeat,  this  will  still  confirm  that  that  whole 
 affair  has  been  transacted  through  the  prevailing  interest  of  her  natural 
 brother,  acting  by  an  extorted  power  and  commission  from  the  Queen, 
 since  we  see  the  few  Counsellors  about  her  Majesty  were  her  brother's 
 fast  friends. — [The  passage  in  tlie  text  quoted  by  Bishop  Keith  from  Sir 
 Robert  CJordon  of  Gordonston,  I^art.  was  taken  from  tlie  MS.  Genealogical 
 History  of  the  Earldom  of  Sutherland,  from  its  origin  to  16'.30  by  Sir 
 Robert  Gordon,  in  the  Library  of  the  Eaculty  of  Advocates,  JOdinburgh. 
 A  similar  MS.  is  in  the  possession  of  his  Grace  the  Duke  of  Sutherland, 
 and  was  printed  and  iniblished  at  Edinburgh,  large  folio,  1813.  The 
 passage  occurs  in  p.  142  of  tliat  volume. — Iv] 
 
 2  See  the  Records  of  Parliament,  and  the  Lives  of  the  Chancellors. — 
 [The  Records  of  Parliament  of  that  date  are  now  lost,  but  an  account  of 
 this  most  illegal  trial  is  given  by  Crawford  in  his  Lives  of  the  Lord 
 Chancellors,  a/md  his  "  Lives  of  the  Officers  of  the  Crown  and  of  the 
 State  in  Scotland,"  folio,  Edin.  172G,  p.  90  91.— E.] 
 
174  TlIK   IlL-TORY  OF  TIIK  AFFAIRS  [15G2. 
 
 misfortunes  which  had  of  late  befallen  his  ftimily,  was  pleased 
 to  suspend  his  execution,  and  only  sent  him  prisoner  to  the 
 Castle  of  Dunbar,  there  to  remain  till  her  i)leasure  should 
 be  farther  known. 
 
 The  reader  will  see,  in  the  "  Lives  of  the  Lords  Chancel- 
 lors/' how  narrowly  this  Nobleman  escaped  being  put  to 
 death,  upon  a  false  warrant  from  the  (^ueen.i 
 
 Besides  the  publick  Registers,  there  are   moreover  two 
 
 ^  [This  story  is  told  by  Crawford,  in  his  "  Lives  of  tlie  Officers  of  the 
 frown  and  of  thu-  State  in  ycothmd"  (p.  i)l),  on  the  autliority  of  (lordon 
 of  StrahK-h,  who  professed  to  obtain  his  information  from  his  father, 
 Gordon  of  ritlur«r,  who  "  lived  at  the  time,"  says  Crawford,  "  and  was 
 the  Earl's  «,n'eat  confident  and  trustee."  The  story  is,  that  Preston  of 
 Crai^nnillar  near  Edinbur<,'h,  <,'overnor  of  Dunbar,  in  which  fortress  the 
 unfortunate  lluntly's  eldest  son  and  heir  was  now  confined,  received  a 
 warrant  "surreptitiously  obtained  from  the  Queen,"  ordering,'  him  to 
 behead  the  youn<^  Nobleman.  Preston  communicated  the  disnuil  tidinjp 
 to  his  prisoner,  who  was  not  "  discomposed'  at  the  intelligence,  telling 
 the  governor  that  he  "knew  well  enough  ])y  whose  means  and  after 
 what  manner  such  an  order  had  been  obtained,  and  that  the  Queen  had 
 doubtless  been  imi)Osedon,  since  he  was  very  well  assured  of  her  ^Fajesty's 
 favour,  and  that  she  would  never  deliver  him  up  to  the  rage  of  his 
 enemies  ;  and  therefore  begged  that  he  would  do  him  the  favour  to  go 
 to  the  Queen,  and  receive  the  order  from  her  own  mouth,  before  he 
 would  proceed  farther."  Preston  immediately  rode  to  Edinburgh,  and 
 arrived  at  liolyrood  Palace  late  in  the  evening.  Notwithstanding  the 
 unseasonable  hour,  he  demanded  access  to  the  Queen,  as  he  had  a 
 matter  of  the  utmost  importance  to  communicate  to  her.  He  was 
 admitted  into  the  Qeen's  bed-chamber,  and  Mary,  surprised  at  this 
 unexpected  visit,  demanded  the  cause.  Preston  told  lier  that  he  "  had 
 come  to  ac(iuaint  her  Majesty  that  he  had  obeyed  her  commands." 
 "  Wliat  commands  from  me  ?"  inquired  the  Queen.  "  The  beheading  of 
 the  Earl  of  lluntly,"  was  the  reply.  The  Queen  manifested  the  greatest 
 excitement,  weeping,  and  solemnly  jirotesting  that  she  had  "  never  given 
 nor  known  of  any  such  order."  I'reston  <piieted  the  Queen  by  telling  her 
 that  "  it  was  very  lucky  he  had  not  execute  the  order — that  the  Earl  was 
 alive  and  \\v\\,  and  begged  to  know  her  Majesty's  commands,  how  she 
 should  behave  for  the  future  towards  his  ])risoner."  Mary,  overjoyed  at 
 this  infornuition,  exjiressed  her  thanks  to  Preston  for  his  jjrudent  conduct 
 — "  acknowledged  nothing  could  have  been  of  more  acceptable  service  to 
 her,  and  now,  that  she  had  a  full  confidence  in  his  fidelity,  bid  him  take 
 care  of  the  Earl,  but  see  that  for  any  charge  that  could  conu'  from  her, 
 that  he  neither  deliver  him  up,  nor  execute  any  sentence  on  him,  unless 
 she  commanded  him  out  of  her  own  mouth."  AVhat  truth  may  be  in  this 
 story,  which  Hishop  Keitli  evidently  credited,  it  is  impossible  to  ascertain. 
 The  enemies  of  the  Juirl  of  Moray  assertetl  that  the  warrant  was  procured 
 and  sent  by  liim  to  Dunbar,  and  that  the  governor,  stispecting  its  validity, 
 ventured  to  disobey.  No  evidence  is  known  to  exist  which  can  authenticate 
 this  statement. — E.] 
 
15G2.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  175 
 
 missive  letters  on  record,  which  contain  some  things  relating 
 to  this  fatal  expedition,  which  ought  likewise  to  be  laid 
 before  my  readers ;  one  is  from  the  English  llesident,  the 
 other  from  the  Scottish  Secretary,  neither  of  them  friends 
 to  the  Family  of  Huntly.  These  letters  will  give  us  insight 
 into  other  matters,  and  are  as  follow. 
 
 A  Letter  from  Mr  Randolph  to  Sir  William  Cecil, 
 loth  November  15G2.1 
 
 "  At  all  other  times  since  the  beginning  of  the  troubles  in 
 the  north  parts  of  this  kingdom,  the  L.  of  Lidington  left 
 unto  me  the  report  of  them  unto  your  Honour,  which  from 
 time  to  time  I  have  done  as  truly,  and  with  as  much  expe- 
 dition, as  the  place  where  I  have  been,  would  suffer  "^  Now 
 that  these  matters  are  ended,  wherein  the  Laird  of  Lidington 
 had  no  small  part,  he  hath  promised  to  renew  his  old  course 
 of  intelligence  with  your  Honour,  as  well  to  avoid  suspicion 
 that  you  may  gather  of  his  long  silence  ;  as  also  to  confer 
 with  your  Honour  what  in  these  troublesome,  dangerous,  and 
 suspicious  times  is  best  to  be  followed  for  the  uniting  of  the 
 hearts  of  the  two  Queens  in  so  firm  a  league,  that,  whatso- 
 ever inconvenience  may  arise,  it  shall  never  be  able  to 
 dissolve  the  same.  Of  this  matter,  seeing  that  he  hath 
 written  unto  your  Honour  at  good  length,  I  mean  not  further 
 to  trouble  you  therein,  but  rather  to  write  of  whatsoever  I 
 am  most  desirous  should  come  unto  your  Honour's  know- 
 ledge of  the  state  of  things  here.  After  the  defeat  of  the 
 Earl  of  Huntly  consultation  was  had  what  should  become  of 
 his  body  ;  it  was  resolved  that  it  should  be  kept  till  the 
 Parliament,  that,  according  unto  the  order,  judgment  might 
 be  given  against  him  in  the  Three  Estates.  His  son  John 
 Grordon  within  three  days  after  was  beheaded  in  Aberdeen, 
 and  execution  done  upon  certain  others  that  were  taken  at 
 the  same  time.  Ho  confessed,  that  at  four  diverse  times 
 he  and  his  company  took  purpose  to  have  slain  the  Earl  of 
 Murray,  the  Earl  of  Morton,  the  Laird  of  Lidington,  and 
 the  Justice-Clerk  ;  the  places,  the  times,  and  number  of  men, 
 
 ^  Calig.  B.  X.  an  Original. — [British  Museum. — E.] 
 
 ^  The  letters  formerly  written  by  tliis  gentleman  from  the  lioginning 
 of  the  expedition  into  the  North  are  either  altogether  lost,  or  concealed 
 in  such  obscure  corners,  that  they  are  no  longer  to  be  seen. 
 
17<>  THE   HISTORY  UF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G2. 
 
 were  so  convenient,  that  only  tlie  hand  of  God  did  stay  it ; 
 for  small  was  the  force  that  the  Queen's  Grace  had  at  these 
 times  to  witlistand  them,  having  also  at  that  time  in  her 
 company  the  I'^arl  of  Sutlierland  (who  is  a  Gordon)  whom 
 she  trusted,  and  is  now  discovered  for  to  bo  one  of  the  con- 
 trivers of  the  whole  mischief.  This  John  (Jordon  confessed  ; 
 as  also,  that  if  his  fatlior  had  taken  Aberdeen,  as  he  in- 
 tended, he  would  have  burnt  the  (^ueen,  and  as  many  as 
 were  in  the  house  with  her.  So  cruel  an  act,  I  believe,  that 
 never  man  heard  of !  At  Old  Aberdeen,  where  the  first 
 purpose  was  to  have  slain  the  L.  of  Lidington,  in  the  night 
 I  was  his  bed-fellow ;  in  the  day  for  the  most  part  in  his 
 company,  and  at  all  other  times  of  danger  where  the  Queen 
 was  herself;  so  that  if  the  house  had  been  set  on  fire,  it  had 
 been  hot  for  me  being  there.  The  Lord  Gordon  is  made 
 guilty  in  most  part  of  these  matters,  whom  the  Duke  by 
 commandment  from  the  Queen  apprehended,  and  keepeth 
 him  prisoner  in  Kinneil.l  The  Queen's  Grace  having  put 
 order  to  the  country,  returneth  towards  Edinburgh.  By 
 the  way,  there  meeteth  her  first  Villemont,^  by  whom  I  re- 
 ceived your  Honour's  letters,  and  within  few  days  after  your 
 advertisement  sent  unto  Sir  Thomas  Dacres  to  be  given  unto 
 me.  I  know  that  there  lacketh  no  good  will  in  him  to 
 work  what  mischief  he  can  ;  howbeit,  whatsoever  he  doth, 
 he  does  it  without  commission,  and  little  credit  I  am  sure 
 given  unto  him.  But  to  give  some  token  of  his  good  will  to 
 diminish  his  mistress's  credit  and  all  her  counsellors  with 
 this  (^ueen,  he  declareth  that  full  resolution  was  taken,  that 
 if  (lod  had  done  His  will  with  her  ^lajestie  when  she  was 
 sick,  that  this  Queen  was  bar\l  from  all  succession,  ^^^ith 
 this  honest  report  he  maketh  his  first  entry  ;   and  that  only 
 
 *  This  Lord  CJordon  married  a  daui^litor  of  the  Duke  of  ('hastolluMiiuIt. 
 
 -  ((^U(>on  Mary  left  Abordeeii  to  return  to  Kdinl>ur^li  on  the  otli  of 
 Novi'niber  l.'ifJ'i.  She  arrived  tliat  evenini;  at  Dimnottar  CastU',  tlie 
 stron^diohl  of  tlie  ICarl  Marischal,  near  Stonehaven.  Whih'at  Dunnottar, 
 where  she  passed  the  ni^dit,  Viliemont  eanie  to  her  from  France  with 
 Home  U'tters  from  the  French  Court.  His  arrival  excited  considerable 
 possij),  and  curiosity  to  know  what  was  the  purport  of  his  visit,  liandolph 
 thou^dit  he  came  "for  little  ^'ood,"  but  he  soon  found  that  Villennmt 
 wanted  " sonu' commoditie,  either  by  service  or  otherwise."— Handoljdi 
 to  Lord  Kobi'rt  Dudley,  LSth  November  I5()2,  apud  Chalmers'  Life  of 
 Mary  (^uern  of  Scots,  vol.  ii.  p.  I*?.-    i'.  1 
 
1562.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  1  77 
 
 one  man  of  the  Council  seemM  to  favour  her  right ;  and  that 
 this  he  learned  of  one  of  the  Clerks  of  the  Council,  with 
 whom  I  dare  take  it  upon  my  conscience  he  never  had  any 
 such  purpose.  The  L.  of  Lidington  being  happily  called  to 
 hear  this  discourse,  had  sufficient  matter  against  him  to 
 reprove  his  untruth,  whom  I  had  before  informed  what  I 
 knew  assuredly  therein.  Letters  he  brought  none  from  any 
 of  great  importance,  as  I  am  assured  both  by  her  Grace's 
 s(ilf  and  others  ;  one  letter  it  pleas'd  her  to  shew  me  herself, 
 written  by  the  Queen-mother  with  her  own  hand.  The 
 occasion  was  this — One  day  in  talk  I  lamented  the  case  of 
 the  poor  King  and  Queen  his  mother,  that  ho  being  young, 
 and  she  in  her  heart  favouring  the  Protestants,  u-ere  forced 
 to  yield  to  that  that  might  bring  the  Crown  in  hazard, 
 and  she  to  do  greatly  against  her  conscience,  Her  Grace 
 having  reasoned  with  me  in  the  contrary,  assured  me  that 
 there  is  not  in  France  a  verier  Papist  than  the  Queen  is, 
 nor  a  greater  enemy  unto  the  Prince  and  his  adherents.  And 
 now  having  at  this  time  received  a  letter  from  the  Queen  by 
 Villemont,  greatly  complaining  of  the  Prince,  and  misliking 
 greatly,  and  in  many  words,  my  mistress"*  determination  to  send 
 support  unto  those  that  have  taken  arms  (as  she  saith)  against 
 their  sovereign,  thought  that  it  should  be  a  great  confirmation 
 unto  that  which  before  she  had  spoken  unto  me,  to  shew  me 
 the  letter.  I  was  better  content  at  that  time  to  yield  unto 
 her,  than  further  to  contend  ;  it  sufficed  me,  that  by  that 
 letter  I  knew  how  well  minded  the  Queen-mother  was  unto 
 my  sovereign,  which  I  thought  good  to  report  unto  your 
 Honour,  as  also  to  assure  you  that  Villemont's  credit  with 
 this  Queen  is  not  as  he  look'd  for,  or  trusted  that  it  should 
 have  been.  Wherefore  I  doubt  nothing  that  he  is  able  to 
 work  ;  for  to  be  plain  with  your  Honour,  under  pardon,  ho 
 is  known  and  esteeniM  but  a  false  flattering  varlet ;  his  wife 
 ran  away  with  another  man  in  France,  and  he  came  hither 
 to  follow  the  old  trade  of  a  villain's  life,  as  he  was  accus- 
 tomed.    After  him,   within    few   days,    cometh    Chastelet^ 
 
 ^  Tliis  unlucky  man  had  tallon  dosperatoly  in  love  with  our  Queen.  He 
 had  coine  along  with  her  Majesty  into  Scotland  in  the  service  of  some  of 
 her  relations,  and  now  again  he  obtains  a  letter  from  Mons.  Danville  to 
 present  to  her  Majesty.  His  Hanio  put  him  upon  the  extravagance  of 
 slipping  one  evening  beneath  her  Majesty's  bed,  but  being  discovered 
 VOL.  II.  12 
 
I7^>  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G2. 
 
 from  Mons.  d'Anville  :  liis  first  report  to  tlie  Queen  was, 
 That  ho  was  stay\l  eight  days  in  the  Court.  When  the  Queen 
 herself  told  it  me,  I  said  it  was  to  make  him  good  cheer  for 
 
 when  the  Queen  was  undressing,  lier  Majesty  was  so  pniciousas  to  forjrive 
 the  offence  ;  but  ho  foolishly  actini^  the  same  part  a  second  time,  he  was 
 condemned,  and  beheaded  the  22d  of  February  foUowin;^.  He  had  a 
 talent  of  makintr  verses. — [See  the  note,  p.  180,  immediately  following. 
 The  story  of  C'hatelard  has  been  often  the  theme  of  various  writers. 
 Handsome,  agreeable  in  manners,  an  enthusiast  in  music  and  ])oetry,  of 
 which  Queen  Mary  was  passionately  fond,  she  admitti-d  him  to  friendly 
 intercourse  ;  and  "such  encouragement,"  as  Mr  Tytler  observes,  "from  a 
 beautiful  woman  and  a  Queen,  turned  the  unfortunate  man's  head  ;  he 
 aspired  to  her  love,  and  in  a  fit  of  amorous  frenzy,  hid  h.imself  in  the  royal 
 bed-chamber,  where,  some  minutes  before  she  entered  it,  he  was  discovered 
 by  her  female  attendants."  This  was  in  the  Palace  of  Holyroodhouse, 
 <»n  the  night  of  the  12th  of  February  1562-3,  and  it  is  singular  that  he 
 armed  himself  with  a  sword  and  dagger,  Chatelard  was  of  coui-se  expelled 
 from  the  apartment  by  the  Queen's  attendants,  who,  not  wishing  to  give 
 their  royal  mistress  any  uneasiness,  concealed  the  extraordinary  and 
 daring  circumstance  till  the  morning.  When  Mary  was  informed  of  it 
 she  ordered  Chatelard  to  leave  the  Palace  and  Court,  and  not  again  to 
 aj)pear  in  her  presence.  This  lenity,  however,  failed  to  exercise  a  proper 
 effect  on  the  infatuated  Frenchman.  On  the  13th  of  February  the  Queen 
 proceeded  to  Dunfermline,  and  slept  in  the  royal  palace  there  that  night. 
 On  the  14th  she  went  to  Burntisland,  a  royal  burgh  and  sea-port  on  the 
 south  coast  of  Fifeshire,  about  ten  miles  east  of  Dunfermline.  Chatelard 
 followed  the  Queen  into  Fife,  and  at  Burntisland,  on  the  night  of  the  14th, 
 when  she  retired  to  her  bed-chamber,  he  contrived  to  enter  it  immediately 
 after  her,  to  clear  himself,  as  he  pretended,  from  the  former  imputation 
 against  his  conduct.  The  Queen  was  in  the  act  of  stepping  into  her 
 bed,  and  was  still  attended  by  her  ladies.  Astonished  at  the  audacity  of 
 Chatelard,  the  Queen  called  for  help,  and  the  shrieks  of  the  ladies  soon 
 alarmed  the  royal  household.  They  rushed  into  the  apartment  and  seized 
 the  intruder,  who  scrupled  not  to  acknowledge  that  he  had  meditated  an 
 attempt  on  the  honour  of  the  Queen.  AVhen  Mary  heard  this  her  indig- 
 nation was  roused  at  the  insult,  and  she  conunanded  the  Earl  of  Moray, 
 who  first  ran  to  her  assistance,  to  despatch  the  wretch  with  his  dagger. 
 But  Moray  more  prudently  took  him  into  close  custody,  and  resolved 
 to  bring  him  to  condign  i)unishment.  The  Earl  of  Morton,  who  had 
 succeeded  the  Earl  of  Huntly  as  Lord  Chancellor,  the  Lord  Justice-Clerk 
 liellenden,  and  other  members  of  the  I'rivy-Council,  were  summoned 
 from  Edinburgh.  On  the  second  day  after  the  outrage  Chati>lard  was 
 tried,  condemned,  and  executed  at  8t  Andrews  on  the  22d  of  February. 
 Handolph  says  he  "  died  with  rejientance,"  but  this  is  inconsistent  with 
 the  fact,  that  when  on  the  scaffold,  instead  of  attending  to  his  religious 
 devotions  he  took  out  of  his  pocket  a  volume  of  I{ons;iril,  and  read  that 
 French  i>oet's  hymn  on  death,  after  which  he  resigned  himself  to  his  fate, 
 and  received  the  fatal  stroke  with  gaiety  and  indifference.  The  Queen 
 ptTceiving  that  her  very  bed-chamber  was  not  s;ife  from  invasi(m,'aj)pointed 
 Mary  Fleming,  a  daughter  of  .Maholm  tliiid   Lord   I-Ieming,  to  be  her 
 
1562.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  179 
 
 his  master's  sake.  He  presented  unto  the  Queen  one  only 
 letter,  very  long,  from  his  master  :  little  knowledge  is  gotten 
 yet  what  it  contains  ;  always  I  am  assured  by  the  L.  of 
 Lidington  that  he  hath  neither  errant,  letter,  commission, 
 nor  credit,  to  move  this  Queen  in  any  thing  that  is  prejudi- 
 cial unto  my  sovereign  ;  and  that  if  any  such  thing  were,  as 
 is  suspected,  that  he  should  come  to  stir  or  move  her  any 
 way  against  her  Majesty,  that  neither  he  nor  any  other 
 could  prevail  therein,  no,  not  if  she  were  herself  willing ; 
 other  impediments  there  are  that  are  immoveable. i  What 
 his  errant  is  cannot  be  so  hastily  known  as  I  desire,  nor  I 
 trust  shall  not  be  so  long  secret  but  I  shall  shortly  get  wit 
 by  some  means  or  other.  He  is  well  entertained  by  the 
 Queen,  and  hath  great  conference  with  her  ;  he  ridcth  upon 
 the  soar-gelding  that  my  L.  Robert  gave  unto  her  Grace  ;  he 
 
 "  bed-fellow."  She  was  one  of  the  four  ladies  of  the  name  of  jNIary  who 
 went  to  France  with  the  Queen,  and  returning  with  her,  she  continued  one 
 of  the  maids  of  honour  till  her  marriage  to  Maitland  of  Lcthington  in  1567. 
 Such  is  the  story  of  Chatelard,  concerning  whose  alleged  familiarity  with 
 the  Queen  some  very  indecent  reflections  are  set  forth  by  Knox,  who 
 alleges  that  during  the  winter  of  1562-3,  Chatelard  was  so  intimate  "  in 
 the  Queen's  cabinet,  early  and  late,  that  scarcely  could  any  of  the  Nobility 
 have  access  to  lier."  When  the  Earl  of  jNloray  hastened  to  the  Queen's 
 assistance  at  Burntisland,  Knox  tells  us  that,  "  bursting  forth  with  a 
 womanly  affection,"  she  ordered  him — "  as  he  loved  her,  he  should  slay 
 Chatelard,  and  let  him  never  speak  a  word."  jNIoray  fell  upon  his  knees, 
 and  said  to  the  Queen — "  ^ladam,  I  beseech  your  Grace,  cause  me  not  to 
 take  the  blood  of  this  man  upon  me.  Your  Grace  has  entreated  him  so 
 familiarly  before  that  you  have  offended  all  your  Nobility,  and  now,  if 
 he  shall  be  secretly  slain  at  your  own  commandment,  wliat  Avill  the 
 world  judge  of  it  ?  I  shall  bring  him  to  the  presence  of  justice,  and 
 let  him  suffer  by  law  according  to  his  deserving."  "  O  !"  replied  the 
 Queen,  "  you  will  never  let  him  speak."  "  I  shall  do,"  said  Moray, 
 "  what  in  me  lieth  to  save  your  honour."  The  trial  took  place  at  St 
 Andrews,  and  Chatelard  after  his  condemnation  earnestly  requested  leave 
 to  write  to  France  the  cause  of  his  death,  which,  he  said,  was  ^)our  estre 
 trouve  en  lieu  troj^e  suspect,  and  Knox  translates  this — *'  Because  I  was  found 
 in  a  'place  too  much  suspected^  Knox  farther  says  that  on  the  scaffold  he 
 made  a  "  godly  confession,  and  granted  that  his  declining  from  the  ti'uth 
 of  God,  and  following  of  vanity  and  impiety,  was  justly  recomjiensed  upon 
 him."  Before  he  was  beheaded,  he  exclaimed — "  0  cruelle  DameT  which 
 Knox  renders — "0  cruel  mistress /"  malignantly  adding — "What  that 
 complaint  imported,  lovers  may  devine  ;  and  so  received  Chatelard  the 
 reward  of  his  dancing,  for  he  lacked  his  head,  that  his  tongue  should  not 
 reveal  the  secrets  of  our  Queen." — E.] 
 
 ^  A  very  fair  confession,  that  our  Queen  was  at  bottom  destitute  of  all 
 authority.     We  may  gness  who  were  these  immnvrahh  imprdinunfs. 
 
180  THE  HISTORY  OF  TllK  AFFAIRS  [15G2. 
 
 presented  a  book  of  his  own  making,  written  in  nieeter  ;  I 
 know  not  wliat  matter.  I  was  present  in  sight  when  the 
 letter  was  given  unto  her  (hace.  Her  countenance  signified 
 good  hking  enough  of  the  contents,  lie  and  I  never  yet 
 spoke  together ;  not  for  lack  of  knowledge  the  one  of  the 
 other  (for  his  master's  sake  I  did  shew  him  courtesy  at  his 
 being  here),  but  that  1  think  it  as  reasonable  for  him  to 
 offer  it  .as  me  to  receive  it ;  and  if  he  require  it  not,  my 
 sovereign  1  trust  will  pardon  me  if  he  have  a  slender 
 reconnnendation  either  to  Barwick,  or  to  any  other  that  he 
 shall  have  to  do  with. 
 
 "  At  Dundee  the  Duke  meeteth  the  Queen, ^  to  become 
 
 1  [After  Queen  Mary  left  Dunnottar  Castle,  she  journeyed  southwards 
 slowly  along  the  coast  to  Montrose.  While  in  that  town,  the  ill-fated 
 C'hatelard,  or  Chastellet,  mentioned  in  the  j)receding  note,  presented 
 himself,  lie  is  descrihed  by  Chalmers  as  a  "gentleman  by  birth,  a  soldier 
 ])y  jirofession,  a  scholar  from  education,  and  a  poet  by  choice."  When 
 Mary  arrived  from  France,  he  came  in  the  train  of  Monsieur  D'Anville, 
 on  which  occasion  he  probably  felt  the  influence  of  her  personal 
 beauty,  fascinations,  and  attractions,  and  he  now  willingly  returned  as  a 
 courier  from  his  protector  and  others.  lie  an-ived  an  hour  before  the 
 Queen's  supper,  and  brought  one  letter  consisting  of  three  sheets  of  paper, 
 which  Handolith  saw  delivered  by  him  to  the  Queen,  who  perused  it  with 
 great  satisfaction.  The  Queen  had  afterwards  long  conversations  with 
 Chatelard.  From  Montrose  she  proceeded  to  Dundee,  where  she  arrived 
 on  the  r2th,  and  she  was  met  in  that  town  by  the  Duke  of  Chatelherault, 
 who  came  to  solicit  the  i)ardon  of  his  son-in-law,  Lord  Gordon,  now  Farl 
 of  Iluntly.  'i'he  Queen  gave  him  little  satisfaction,  telling  him  that 
 notliing  could  be  finally  arranged  till  the  meeting  of  Parliament.  On  the 
 13th  of  November  the  Queen  left  Dundee  for  I'erth,  riding  through  the 
 Carse  of  (lowrie.  She  remained  in  Perth  till  the  Kith,  when  slie  dej)ai-ted 
 for  Edinburgh,  where  she  arrived  on  the  evening  of  the  21st,  after  an 
 absence  of  nearly  finir  months.  As  soon  as  the  Queen  arrived  at  lloly- 
 roodhouse  she  wan  taken  ill  of  a  disease  which  Chalmers  thinks  would 
 now  be  called  the  injlueuzay  and  which  confined  her  to  bed  six  days. 
 Kandoljih's  account  of  this  epidemic,  which  obtained  the  sobriquet  of  tlie 
 Niic  Ac'iuaintancc,  is  very  graphic.  It  occurs  in  a  letter  to  Cecil,  dated 
 iMlinburgh,  .'JOth  November  \')Q,2. — "  May  it  jyUase  your  Honour,  innne- 
 diatelye  \\\nn\  the  Queene's  arrival  here  she  fVll  actpiainted  with  a  newo 
 disease,  that  is  connnon  in  this  towne,  called  here*  the  Xtice  Acquaintanrc^ 
 which  passed  also  through  her  whole  Court,  neither  sparing  lorde,  ladie, 
 nor  danioysel,  not  so  muche  as  either  l-'ranche  or  Knglishe.  It  is  a  i)ayne 
 in  tlu'ir  heads  that  have  it,  and  a  soreni'ss  in  their  stomackes,  with  a  great 
 coughe  ;  it  remayneth  with  .some  longer,  with  othei-s  shorter  tyme,  as  it 
 find(>th  apte  bodies  for  the  nattire  of  the  dist'a.se.  The  Queue  kept  her 
 bedde  six  dayes."  Kandolph  adds  that  it  was  not  a  dangerous  epidemic — 
 that  tlie  I'.arl  of  Moray  is  "  now  j)resentlie  in  it"— that  Maitland  of 
 Lethington  "  liath  Imd  it"-  but  that  he  himself  had  been  "free  of  it,"  which 
 
15G2.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IX  SCOTLAND.  181 
 
 suiter  unto  lior  for  the  Lord  of  Gordon's  pardon.  Ho 
 received  little  comfort,  and  nothing  I  think  shall  be  granted 
 before  the  Parliament.  I  talked  with  him  at  good  length  : 
 I  find  him  as  always  I  was  wonted  to  do ;  he  desireth  to 
 have  his  service  recommended  unto  the  Queen's  Majestic. 
 
 "  By  the  way  coming  from  Aberdeen,  there  conieth  unto 
 the  Queen  one  Donald  Gormund,!  that  pretendeth  a  right  to 
 be  Lord  of  the  Isles ;  he  gave  himself  unto  the  Queen's  will, 
 and  hath  promised  his  true  obedience  ;  he  is  commanded  to 
 attend.  This  is  he  that  was  in  England  in  Queen  Mary's 
 time,  and  by  her  was  sent  into  Ireland.  I  think  that  he  is 
 like  to  receive  some  gift  of  lands,  upon  hope  of  his  good 
 behaviour  from  henceforth. 
 
 "  I  send  your  Honour  herewith  a  letter  from  this  Queen 
 to  the  Queen's  Majestic.  At  what  time  she  gave  it  me, 
 she  desir'd  me  to  witness  of  that  that  I  had  seen  and  heard 
 of  her  good  mind  towards  my  sovereign.  I  trust  it  be  as 
 well  meant  as  it  is  spoken.  I  desir'd  her  again  not  to  be 
 easy  of  credit,  nor  ever  doubtful  where  no  cause  of  evil  is 
 meant.  These  two  things  I  have  oft  fear'd  in  her  Grace ; 
 and  found  it  now  needful  to  speak  a  little  word  thereof, 
 because  of  the  French,  that  are  daily  rounding  in  her  lugs 
 some  title-tatles  or  other. 
 
 "  To  have  more  commodity  to  write  my  letters  unto  your 
 Honour,  I  took  my  leave  of  the  Queen  at  Dundee  upon 
 Sunday  last,  to  be  before  her  Grace  in  this  town,   who 
 
 proposeth  to  be  here  upon  Saturday  next. Then  shall 
 
 we  be  assured  when  the  Parliament  beginneth,  which  I 
 assure  your  Honour  will  be  sore  against  her  will ;  for  then 
 she  feareth  that  her  lovely  Mass  shall  go  to  wreck.  God 
 for  it  be  prais'd,  my  mistress's  credit  was  never  greater  in 
 Scotland  than  it  is  at  present.  Thus,  with  my  most  humble 
 commendations,  I  take  my  leave.  The  loth  of  November 
 15G2. 
 
 "  Your  Honour's  always  to  command. 
 
 "  Tiio.  Randolphe." 
 
 he  considered  fortunate,  "  seeing  it  seekoth  ac«iuaintancc  at  all  men's 
 hands."— Chalmers'  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  99.— E.] 
 
 *  [This  personage  ai)pears  to  have  been  Donald  Gorme  of  Sleat  in  the 
 Island  of  Skye,  the  son  of  Donald  (ionne  of  Sleat  killed  before  the 
 castle  of  EUandonan,  a  stronghold  of  the  Mackenzies,  in  the  Koss-shire 
 
182  THE  IIISTOKY  OF  THE  AiFAlKS  [15G2. 
 
 A  Letter  from  the  Laird  of  Lethlngton,   Principal  Secretary 
 of  State,  to  Sir  WiUiam  Cecil,  14M  Novemher  loG2.i 
 
 *'  Sir — If  I  have  thus  long  forborii  to  write  unto  you, 
 impute  it  not  to  any  lack  of  good  will,  or  that  1  mean  a 
 breach  of  the  intelligence  betwixt  us  ;  but  rather  judge,  I 
 pray  you,  that  our  matters  in  the  North  have  been  in  such 
 case,  and  I  therein  so  fully  occupied,  that  my  leisure  was 
 not  great  to  think  upon  any  other  thing.  Man-y,  now 
 (praisM  be  God)  they  be  brought  to  such  terms,  as  I  trust 
 the  example  thereof  shall  serve  to  good  purpose,  and  be 
 occasion  that  no  subject  hereafter  shall  be  found  so  unnatural 
 as  to  attempt  the  like  wicked  enterprises.  What  ungodly 
 delays  have  been  conspired,  and  what  hath  been  the  issue,  I 
 need  not  enter  in  ample  discourse  with  you,  being  well 
 assured  that  ^Ir  Randolph  hath  not  faiFd  from  time  to  time 
 to  advertise  you  sufficiently  thereof.  This  only  will  I  say, 
 I  am  sorry  that  the  soil  of  my  native  country  did  ever 
 produce  so  unnatural  a  subject  as  the  Earl  of  Huntly-  hath 
 prov'd  in  the  end  against  his  sovereign,  being  a  Princess  so 
 gentle  and  benign,  and  whose  behaviour  hath  been  always 
 such  towards  all  her  subjects,  and  every  one  in  particular, 
 that  wonder  it  is  that  any  could  be  found  so  ungracious  as 
 once  to  think  evil  against  her  ;  and  in  my  conscience  I  know 
 not  that  any  just  occasion  of  grudge  was  ever  offerM  unto 
 him.  AW'll,  the  event  hath  made  manifest  his  iniquity,  and 
 the  innocence  as  well  of  her  Majestic  as  of  her  ministers 
 towards  him.  And  now  God's  providence  hath  restored  to 
 us  good  and  perfect  quietness ;  God  grant  we  may  long 
 enjoy  it.  Marry,  foreign  matters  bo  now  come  to  so  harcl 
 terms,  that  the  discoursing  upon  them  sometimes  will  not 
 permit  me  to  live  in  perfect  security,  and  to  have  full 
 fruition  of  the  present  tranquillity.  I  see  they  nuist  with 
 time  drive  the  Queen  my  mistress  to  be  in  a  most  perplexed 
 case  ;  the  war  is  now  begun  betwixt  the  two  countries  in 
 the  earth  which  next  her  own  be  most  dear  to  her,  France 
 
 district  of  Kiutail,  wliilo  attempting,'  to  surprize  it  in  15;]?).  (Jrcgory's 
 HiHtory  of  the  Western  Highlands  and  Islands  of  ^Scotland,  8vo.  Edin. 
 1836,  p.  144,  145,  14f>,  176,  177,  tt  snj.-  K.) 
 
 *  Cali^'.  li.  X.  an  Oripnal. — (British  Museum.— K.J 
 
 '  [This  reflection  on  the  unfortunate  ICurl  of  lluntly  l>y  Maitlaud  of 
 i.ethington  comes  with  a  bad  grace  from  one  of  his  mortal  enemies. — E.] 
 
1562.]  OF  cHUKCii  a:nd  ^tate  in  Scotland.  183 
 
 and  England,  being  descended  of  the  blood  of  both  of  them 
 
 by  her  father   and    one  of  them  by  her  mother,   having 
 
 in  both  a   special    and  particular   interest  to   wish  them 
 
 well ;  in  the   one,  that  honour  that  she  was  once   Queen 
 
 of  it,  and  yet  rcmaineth  Dowager  ;  in  the  other,  such  as 
 
 you,  without  my  writing,  can  of  yourself  conceive.     When 
 
 they  shall  mortally  persecute  the  one  the  other,  it  shall  be 
 
 a  hard  matter  for  her  to  hold  the  ballance  just  betwixt 
 
 them.     She  hath  friends  in  both  that  be  most  tender  to 
 
 her;  in   France  the  most  part  of  all  her  kindred,  chiefly 
 
 her   uncles,    with   whom    she   hath  been    from   her  youth 
 
 nourished  and  up-brought,  and  who  do  honour  and  love  her 
 
 above  all  creatures,  and  whom  she  hath  also  good  cause  to 
 
 esteem.     In  that  Realm  the  Queen,  her  good  sister  and 
 
 cousin,   with  whom,  altho'  she  be  not  as  yet  so  thorowly 
 
 acquainted,  yet  (I  think)  her  natural  inclination  can  serve 
 
 her  to  love  her,   as  well  for  the  beginning  of  friendship 
 
 already  contracted  betwixt  them,  yea,  rather  more,  if  this 
 
 entry  in  amity  be  well  followed   out  by  both  parties.     I 
 
 perceive  her    Majestic  w411  shortly  be  pressed,  as  well  by 
 
 her  uncles  in  particular,  as  by  the  King  and  Queen-mother, 
 
 earnestly  required  by  virtue  of  the  ancient  League  betwixt 
 
 the  two  Realms,  not  to  forsake  the  defence  of  the  King  her 
 
 brother  and  that  Realm  where  she  had  all  her  education, 
 
 and  in  which  her  dowry  is  situate,  now  being  invaded  by 
 
 the   forces    of    England.       I    know   her   Majestic    will  be 
 
 sore  assaulted  with  these  messages,  and  many  perswasions 
 
 tending  to  the  breach  of  amity  with  her  good  sister  ;  w^hich 
 
 amity  I  know  the  State  of  France  will  never  well  digest,  as 
 
 a  thing  most  prejudicial  to  their  wealth.     AVhen  this  shall 
 
 come  to  pass,  I  as  he  who  most  chiefly  and  specially  hath 
 
 travelled  at  all  times  to  knit  up  friendship  betwixt  the  two 
 
 Queens  and  Realms,  and  whom  it  behoveth  most  to  stick  to 
 
 it,  will  not  fail  to  take  upon  me  to  pcrswade  the  contrary  at  ' 
 
 my  power,  and  answer  all  their  objections  so  far  as  I  can, 
 
 and  have  good  hope  to  find  her  own  mind  conformPcble 
 
 enough.     Marry,  I  see  some  arguments  to  be  laid  against 
 
 me,  which  it  will  be  heard  for  me  to  answer  sufficiently.     If 
 
 she  being,  thus  required,  shall  forsake  the  quarrel  of  the  King 
 
 her  brother  and  of  her  uncles,  casting  off*  their  friendship 
 
 in  their  necessity,  shall  she  not   lose  them  for  ever  ?     If 
 
184  TliE   IIISTOKY  OF  THE  AFFAlliS  [loG2. 
 
 she  have  to  do  witli  tlioir  aid  hereafter  in  any  action,  what 
 favour  can  slic  look  for  at  their  hands  whom  she  hath  first 
 broken  ofi'^  \\^hat  a})puy,i  or  of  wlioni  shall  she  have,  being 
 forsaken  of  her  own  and  old  friends  i  In  the  mean  season, 
 shall  she  not  endanger  the  loss  of  her  dowry  presently  I  To 
 countervail  all  these  dangers,  I  have  no  more  to  lay  in 
 ballancc  foment  them,  but  only  the  Queen  your  mistress's 
 love,  which  altlKr  it  is  worthy  to  be  much  esteemed,  yet  it 
 is  but  inclosed  in  her  own  heart,  et  non  transgrcditar  per- 
 sonam :  So  that  not  being  an  amity  contracted  with  the 
 Realm  publickly,  or  approved  by  an  open  fact  or  certain 
 demonstration,  but  only  a  familiarity  contracted  privately 
 betwixt  themselves,  if  God  should  at  any  time  call  your 
 mistress,  then  shall  mine  be  left  destitute  of  all  friends 
 when  she  shall  have  most  need.  I  have  ever  wish'd,  and 
 yet  do,  that  the  amity  were  so  straitly  knit  up  betwixt  their 
 Majesties,  so  solemnly  confirmed,  and  by  publick  demon- 
 stration uttered  to  the  world,  that  for  the  con(|uest  of  a 
 greater  friend  my  mistress  car\l  not  to  hazard  all  others  ; 
 and  that  the  world  might  have  occasioun  to  judge  that  her 
 change  in  that  behalf  did  not  proceed  of  any  childish  or 
 rash  judgment,  but  rather  that  of  wisdom  she  had  made  a 
 good  choice,  and  did  best  love  that  person  who  did  shew 
 greatest  token  of  love  towards  her.  The  danger  I  hear  the 
 Queen  your  mistress  has  been  in  of  late  maketh  me  to  write 
 more  attectionately  in  this  cause,  for  I  should  be  sorry  in 
 case  death  should  take  so  dear  a  friend  from  mine,  that 
 then  she  should  find  herself  destitute  of  all  friendship,  and 
 that  by  following  my  advice.  If  your  mistress  will  so  far 
 extend  her  love  towards  mine,  that  by  her  means  she  may 
 be  put  in  full  security,  that  hostihty  for  no  occasion  shall 
 ever  enter  betwixt  her  and  any  person  of  that  Realm,-  then 
 I  doubt  not  but  your  mistress  by  love  shall  have  more  power 
 'over  her  than  all  the  world  besides  ;  and  that  she  will  rather 
 be  directed  in  all  her  actions  by  the  good  advice  of  the 
 (^ueen  her  sister,  than  of  all  the  uncles  she  hath.  Marry, 
 so  long  as  in  any  case  the  forces  of  that  Realm  may  be  bent 
 against  her,  it  were  no  good  policy  for  her  to  lose  any  friend 
 
 *   [French,  "jijnn/,  or  appni,  Ku^.  jn-op,  stai/,  or  support. —  K.  | 
 ^  lie  nu'ans  with  rcspoi-t  to  the  fc?ucccsi>ion  to  thut  Crown,  and  all  hiis 
 drift  luMv  tonds  that  wav. 
 
1562.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  185 
 
 she  hath,  but  rather  to  purchase  moe  by  all  good  means 
 that  can  be  offered  to  her.  I  have  heard  it  whisperM,  that 
 in  this  late  storm  of  yours  a  device  was  intended  there  to 
 prefer  some  other  in  the  succession  to  my  mistress,  which  I 
 cannot  think  to  be  true,  seeing  none  is  more  worthy  for  all 
 respects,  nor  hath  so  good  a  title.  If  her  religion  hath 
 mov'd  any  thing,  seeing  her  behaviour  such  towards  these 
 that  be  of  the  religion  within  her  own  Realm,  yea,  and  the 
 religion  itself,  which  is  a  great  deal  more  increased  since  she 
 came  home  than  it  was  before,  I  see  no  reason  why  those 
 that  be  zealous  of  religion  should  suspect  her.  I  would  be 
 glad  to  hear  from  you,  how  far  hath  been  proceeded  there- 
 in ;  as  also,  that  you  should  consider  as  much  of  the  matter 
 touched  in  this  letter,  as  is  expressed  therein,  which  I  write 
 to  you  rather  to  be  weighVl  by  yourself  than  to  be  com- 
 municated to  any  others,  unless  it  be  to  such  as  you  know- 
 can  well  digest  it.  I  am  well  assured  whatsoever  cometh  from 
 me  shall  by  you  be  used  to  the  best.  I  have  ever  judged  it 
 a  chief  felicity  for  both,  that  England  and  Scotland  might 
 be  joinM  together,  and  whosoever  hath  credit  to  do  good 
 in  it  cannot  employ  it  to  a  better  end.  As  for  me,  I  always 
 remain  one,  and  will  continually  shoot  at  that  scope,  more 
 for  common  charity  than  for  particular  advantage  for  our 
 side  :  For  let  others  judge  as  they  list,  I  am  assured  men 
 that  will  judge  indifferently  shall  perceive,  that  your  gain  is 
 as  apparent  therein  as  ours.i  And  so  after  my  most  hearty 
 commendations,  I  take  my  leave.  From  Dundee,  the  14th 
 day  of  November  1562. 
 
 "  Your  Honour's  at  commandment, 
 
 "  W.  Maitland." 
 
 In  the  summer  of  this  year  the  Cardinal  of  Lorrain  had 
 made  a  visit  to  Ferdinand  the  Emperor  of  Germany,-  in  his 
 
 '  Perhaps  it  is  to  the  contents  of  this  letter  written  by  the  Secretary 
 that  Mr  Camden  refers  in  this  part  of  his  Annals,  and  probably  also  our 
 Queen  herself  has  touched  the  same  thinj^s  in  her  letters  to  Q.  Elizabeth. 
 We  see,  by  the  jjreceedin^r  dispatch,  that  Mr  Randolph  sent  a  letter  from 
 her  Majesty  unto  his  mistress. — [Camden's  Annals,  4to.  16*25,  p.!SG-89. — K.  | 
 
 2  [Ferdinand  I.,  Emperor  of  Gernuiny,  a  younjjer  brother  of  the  Emperor 
 Charles  A\  whom  he  succeeded  at  his  celebrated  abdication  in  lijGG.  He 
 was  born  in  1503, and  was  elected  Kin<f  of  the  Uonums  during  his  brother's 
 reign.  Ferdinand  was  conciliatory,  and  granted  entire  toleration  to  the 
 Protestants.     lie  died  iu  1564.— E.  1 
 
180  THE  HISTURY  UF  THE  AI  FAIiiS  [1502. 
 
 way  as  ho  was  returning  home  from  assisting  in  the  Council 
 of  Trent,^  at  which  time  he  proposed  a  marriage^  between 
 our  Queen  and  Arch-Duke  Charles,  second  son^  to  Ferdinand. 
 But  this  i)rojoct  coniin<r  to  the  knowledge  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
 
 '  [Tlu*  Council  of  Trent,  tlio  last  (so  called)  oecumenical  Council  of  the 
 Latin  or  Western   Church,  first  convoked  by  a  Bull  of  Pope  Paul  III. 
 dated  May  1542,  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  restonng  peace  to  the  Church, 
 agitated  by  the  proceedin<,'S  of  Luther  and  others.     After  various  proceed- 
 ings, adjournments,  and  convokings,  the  Council  was  prorogued  nearly 
 ten  years,  viz.  from  15.j2  to  I56I,  during  which  period  no  fewer  than  three 
 Popes  died  in  succession — Julius  IL,  Marcellus  IV.,  and  Paul  IV.     In 
 1561,  Poi)e  Pius  IV.  issued  a  Bull  for  the  re-opening  or  resuming  the 
 sessions  of  the  Council  at  Trent,  and  on  the  18th  of  January  1562  the 
 business  was  solemnly  commenced  in  the  Cathedral  of  Trent  by  the 
 Papal  Legates,  one  of  whom — Cardinal  Gonzaga — was  named  President 
 by  the  Pope.     On  the  subject  of  the  Episcopate,  a  question  arose  which 
 threatened  a  schism  in  the  Council.     It  was,  Avhether  Bishops  held  their 
 consecration  by  Divine  institution,  or  whether  they  held  their  faculty 
 from  the  Pope  as  Vicar  of  Christ?     The  settlement  of  this  important 
 question  was  deferred  till  the  arrival  of  Queen  Mary's  imcle,  the  Car- 
 dinal of  Lorraine,  who  was  considered  a  learned  canonist,  one  of  the 
 most  influential  personages  in  France,  and  who  was  anxiously  exjiected. 
 The  Cardinal  arrived  about  the  middle  of  November,  accompanied  by 
 fourteen  French  Bishops,  three  Abbots,  and  a  number  of  Doctors  of 
 Divinity,  chiefly  from  the  Sorbonne.     He  was  received  with  every  mark 
 of  respect  by  the  Papal  Legates  and  the  assembled  Prelates.    The  Cardinal 
 intimated   that   his   instioictions  from    Charles   IX.    and   Catherine   de 
 Medici  were — 1.  That  the  use  of  the  cup  in  the  Communion  should  be 
 granted  to  all  the  laity  in  France.     2.  That  the  Sacraments  should  be 
 administered  in  the  French  language.     3.  That  Divine  Service  should  be 
 celebrated  in  all  the  parish  churches  of  France  and  the  Catechism  taught 
 in  the  French  language.     4.  That  a  version  of  the  Psalms  ai)proved  by 
 the  Bisho])s  and  Universities  should  be  sung  in  French.     5.  That  some 
 measure  be  adopted  to  i)revent  the  licentious  life  of  many  Churchmen, 
 and,   if  this  could  not  be  satisfactorily  devised,   that   only  persons  of 
 mature  age  be  admitted  into  holy  orders.   Some  other  important  matters  of 
 discipline  were  presented  by  the  Cardinal,  all  of  which  were  arranged 
 under  thirty-four  heads,  and  presented  to  the  Council  at  the  commence- 
 ment of  156.'J,  as  ]»etitions  from  the  King  of  France,  by  Reiiaud  Ferrier, 
 President  of  the  I'arliament  of  Paris,  and  Orator  to  the  Council.     Both 
 the  Cardinal  and  Ferrier  supi)orted  them   in   elocjuent  though  general 
 terms,  insisting  on  the  necessity  of  a  thorough  reform,  and  of  restoring 
 the  Church  to  itsancient  purity,  but  though  they  agreed  with  the  deputies 
 sent  by  the  F.niperor,  they  were  opi)osed  by  the  Italian  Prelates. — E.] 
 
 2  Melvill's  Memoirs.— (Sir  James  Melville's  .Memoirs,  folio.  Loud.  16S3, 
 p.  .32.-K.1 
 
 ^  (The  Archduke  Charles  was  the  third— not  the  *(ro»(/— and  youngest 
 son  of  tlu'  I'.niperor  I'erdinand  L,  by  whom  he  was  created  Dukeof  Styria, 
 Carinthia,  and  Carniola.  The  Archduke  Charles  is  jjroperly  designated 
 the  Emperor's  youufjcst  son  in  the  abstract  of  Randolphs  letter  to  Cecil, 
 dated  15th  May.— E.] 
 
1562.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  187 
 
 to  whom  the  Arch-Duke  was  likewise  a  suitor,  she  ordered 
 Mr  Randolph  to  declare  to  our  Queen,  that — "  If  she  listened 
 to  the  Cardinal  as  to  any  thing  relating  to  that  match,  it 
 would  prove  the  ready  way  to  dissolve  the  good  agreement 
 between  Scotland  and  England,  if  not  to  exclude  her  from 
 any  hopes  of  succeeding  to  the  Crown  of  England  :  Which, 
 that  she  might  not  come  short  of,  she  warned  her,  as  a 
 friend,  to  make  choice  of  such  an  husband  out  of  the  English 
 nation,  as  might  be  both  acceptable  to  her,  and  lay  the 
 foundation  of  a  firm  peace  between  the  two  kingdoms  at 
 the  same  time,  and  secure  her  succession  to  the  Crown  ; 
 which  could  never  be  declared,  till  her  choice  were  publickly 
 known  as  to  this  matter."'!  Besides  the  proposal  of  this 
 match,  ^Ir  Knox  informs,^  that  an  embassy  came  likewise 
 from  Sweden  this  same  summer,  requesting  our  Queen  in 
 marriage  to  the  King  of  that  nation,^  but  that  his  suit  was 
 not  granted.  The  same  author  mentions  also  the  Infant  of 
 Spain,^  the  Duke  of  Nemours  in  France,  and  the  Lord 
 Darnley,5  their  having  been  all  talked  of,  for  partners  of  our 
 Queen  s  bed.  And  truly  that  Don  Carlos  was  projected  by 
 his  father,  the  King  of  Spain, ^  to  be  the  husband  of  our 
 
 1  Camden.— [Annals,  p.  88.— E.]       =  [Historie,  edit.  1732,  p.  311.— E.j 
 
 3  [See  the  first  note,  p.  113  of  this  volume. — Eric  XIV.,  son  of  Gustavus 
 Vasa,  known  as  Gnsta\'xis  L,  was  acknowledged  heir  to  the  Swedish  throne 
 by  a  Diet  held  at  Wateraas  in  1544,  when  in  his  eleventh  year.  He  suc- 
 ceeded his  father  in  1560.  It  may  be  here  stated  that  even  before  he  was 
 King  he  aspired  to  the  hand  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  who  gave  him  no  definite 
 answer,  and  after  his  accession  to  the  throne  he  resolved  to  pursue 
 his  addresses  in  person.  lie  actually  embarked,  but  a  violent  storm 
 compelled  him  to  return  to  Sweden,  and  as  he  was  a  superstitious  believer 
 in  astrology  he  gave  up  all  thoughts  of  the  match  with  Elizabeth,  and 
 turned  his  attention  to  ^Mary  of  Scotland,  with  no  better  success.  His 
 licentious  and  tyrannical  conduct  induced  the  Assembly  of  the  States  to 
 depose  liim  in  1578,  and  his  brother  .lohn  was  proclaimed  King.  After  a 
 severe  imprisonment  of  nine  years  in  the  castle  of  (iripsholm,  he  was  put 
 to  death  by  poison  in  1578  by  order  of  his  brother,  whose  destruction  he 
 had  long  meditated  before  liis  deposition. — E.] 
 
 ^  [The  imfortunate  Don  C  arlos  was  the  only  son  of  Philip  11.  of  Spain 
 by  his  cousin  Mary  of  Portugal  his  first  Queen.  He  was  thrust  into  prison 
 by  his  father  in  January  15G8,  in  whicli  he  died  in  a  few  months,  aged 
 only  twenty-three  years,  not  without  suspicion  that  his  deatli  was  hastened 
 by  poison  or  other  means  provided  by  his  father. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Eldest  son  of  tlie  Earl  of  Lennox,  and  the  future  husband  of  Queen 
 ^lary. — E.] 
 
 •^  [Philip  II.  of  Spain,  the  only  legitimate  son  of  the  Emi)eror  Charles  \ . 
 
188  THE   IIISTOllV  UF  THE  AFi'AlR.S  [loG2. 
 
 (^ucon,  is  evident  from  original  letters  already  made  publick.l 
 And  the  event  of  thin^^s  hath  made  it  certain  eriough,  that 
 the  talk  concerning  the  Lord  Darnly  has  not  been  without 
 foundation,-  at  that  time.  This  writer  alone  makes  likewise 
 mention  of  an  embassy  from  our  Queen  by  Secretary  Mait- 
 land,  both  to  the  Queen  of  England  and  the  French  Court. 
 lie  confesseth  indeed,  that  he  is  ignorant  of  Lethington's 
 credit ;  however,  that  he  has  been  in  the  right  concerning 
 the  embassy  is  evident  from  the  following  Instructions  de- 
 livered to  that  gentleman,  which  bear  in  them  assured  marks 
 of  the  general  time  of  the  embassy,^  though  the  precise  date 
 be  now  irrecoverably  lost.** 
 
 Instructions^  hy  the  Queen  of  Scots  to  her  Secretary, 
 Mr  William  Maitland,  younger  of  Lethlngton.^ 
 
 "  In  the  first,  ze  sail  recommend  ws  hertlie declair  to 
 
 hir  the  greit  contentment  we  ressavit letters  perceaving 
 
 thairby  alswele  hir  gude  recovery dangerous  sicknes,  as 
 
 restitutioun  of  hir quhilk  sendle  (seldom)  chances  to 
 
 ony  in  that  kind  of  distresse being  a  rare  and  singular 
 
 takin  of  God's  gudness   towerdt had  bene  a   sufficient 
 
 occasioun  that  we  suld  have to  congratulat  with  hir  in 
 
 that  behalf,  being  less  rejosit  of  hir  gude  luk  thairin  than 
 gif  it  had  bene persoun,  seing  luif  lies  producit  betwix 
 
 by  Isabella  of  Portii^Ml.  Jlr  iiuiriieJ  Mary  of  England,  \\\\o  vas  his 
 second  Qneen,  by  whom  he  had  no  issue. — E.] 
 
 ^  Labourenr  de  Vita  et  lleb.  Gest.  Sereniss.  rrinc.  Maria  Scot.  Reg. — 
 [Exst.  inter  Seriptores  xvi.  de  Vita  H.  Mariie  a  S.  Jebb  editos,  London, 
 fol.  1725,  torn.  ii.  p.  4G9.— E.] 
 
 ^  [Knox  says — "  The  marriage  of  our  Qnene  was  in  all  men's  mouths  ; 
 some  wald  have  Spain,  some  the  iMnperor's  brother,  some  Lord  Robert 
 Dudlie,  sonui  Duke  di'  Nemours,  and  some  tinhapi)iely  guessed  at  the 
 Lord  Dernlie." — llistorie,  edit.  17.*i2,  j).  322. — I-].] 
 
 •*  'J'his  embassy  must  have  been  in  the  end  of  the  year,  after  the  Queen's 
 return  from  the  North  parts  (since  herein  our  Queen  congratulates  the 
 Queen  of  England's  recov(>ry  from  sickness,  which  Mr  Itandolpli  ha»l 
 mentioned  the  18th  of  November.  'I'ho  Parliament  of  England  also, 
 which  is  touched  in  the  Instructions,  sat  down  in  thi'  nutnth  of  Janxiary 
 following. 
 
 *  rriiis  "  precise  date,"  which  our  Historian  thought  "  irn-eoverably 
 lost,'  wjis  tlie  12th  of  February  1562-.*}.  .Momy  to  Cecil,  MS.  Letter, 
 State- Paper  Office,  12th  February  1562-3;  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland, 
 v(»I.  vi.  niilfy  p.  275.  -  E,] 
 
 "'  This  title  is  su])plied.  '"  Shatter'd  MS.  a  Copy. 
 
1502.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  180 
 
 \vs  sic  simpathy the  anc  most  of  necessitie  have  sum 
 
 sense,  and  feiHng  of  that  which  happynneth  to  the  iither. 
 
 "  Item^  Zc  sail  declair  that  hir  letter  wes  the  mair  welcome 
 to  ws,  for  that  it  wes  lang  lukit  for  ;  sa  greit  a  tyrae  past 
 befoir,  without  ressaving  ony  word  from  hir.  (Juhilk  silence 
 we  mon  confess  specially  in  this  seasoun,  quhilk  of  itself  is 
 able  anewch  to  breid  suspicioun,  had  put  ws  in  sum  doubt, 
 gif  we  had  not  had  the  greiter  confidence  in  hir  constancie, 
 quhilk  we  beleve  neyther  tyme,  nor  uther  circumstance,  can 
 change  or  vary  a  jote  ;  the  rather  being  induced  sa  to  think 
 be  the  assurance  of  hir  said  letter. 
 
 "  Item.^  Tie  sail  impart  to  oure  said  gude  sustar  this 
 unquyet  thochtis  and  manifold  cairis  quhilkis  this  troublesum 
 tymes  dois  breid  unto  ws,  quhairin  the  present  calamiteis 
 we  see  be  so  greit,  that  thay  cannot  wele  ressave  ony  incress, 
 and  zit  we  cannot  bot  feare  werss  to  cum.  The  desolatioun 
 alreddy  chansed  in  that  noble  Realme  is  lamentable  to  all 
 men,  be  thai  nevir  so  far  strangearis  unto  it,  zea,  I  think 
 very  inymeis,  in  quhome  nator  mon  worke  sum  horror  or 
 compassioun,  eyther  for  pietie,  at  leist  for  the  examples  saik, 
 to  see  the  people  of  ane  cuntre,  kynsfolk  and  bretheren,  ryn 
 blyndlings  and  hedlong  to  the  distructioun  the  one  of  the 
 uther :  bot  to  ws  mon  be  maist  dolorous  for  the  honor  and 
 particular  interest  we  haif  thair.  We  consider  the  brader 
 the  flamb  groweth,  it  sail  entangle  and  endanger  all  the 
 nychbouris  the  more ;  and  thairfore  Christian  luif  and 
 common  charitie  requirethe,  that  every  one  put  to  his  helping 
 liand  to  quenche  the  fire.  The  mater  is  so  far  gone  alreddy, 
 and  oure  conscience  begynnis  to  prik  ws,  that  we  haif  to  long 
 forborn  to  deal  in  it  sa  far  as  we  micht  convenientlie,  at 
 leist  to  assay,  gif  be  oure  mediatioun  any  gude  micht  be 
 
 wrocht,  or  that  God  wald now  to  myslik  the lang 
 
 kept   ws  back,   and  to  think   that  the  same respcctis 
 
 aucht  maist  chieflie  to  have  sterit  ws  fordewert,  quhilk  lies 
 bene  oure  mishap,  that  the  persounis  in  tlie  warld  quha  arc 
 most  deare  and  tendir  to  ws,  is  incidentally  fallin  so  deid  in 
 
 this  quercll  of  France  that  they  ar becum  as  principal! 
 
 parties  ;  and  on  contrary  sydes,  we  ferit  that  entering  anys 
 to  meddle  any  wyss  in  it,  we  culd  nocht  so  justlie  hald  the 
 ballance,  nor  so  indiffercntlie,  bot  wo  suld  appcir  to  inclyne 
 moir  to  the  one  syde,  and  be  that  meane  offend  the  uther ; 
 
100  THE  HISTORY   OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1562. 
 
 So  that  how  uprichtHe  so  evir  oure  proceding  suld  be,  we  suld 
 thairby  hasard  the  losse  of  sum  of  oure  derest  freindis.  This 
 preposterous  fear  hes  thus  lonc^  kept  ws  in  suspense  :  bot 
 now  quhen  we  wey  on  the  uther  part  the  mater  to  be  so  far 
 gone  alreddy,  that  it  mon  eyther  end  be  victorie,  or  elHs  be 
 treaty,  the  victorie,  quliatsoevir  it  sail  be  to  utheris,  it  must 
 to  ws  be  most  dolorous ;  for  quhosoevir  wyn,  oure  dearest 
 freindis  sail  losse,  having  on  the  one  part  our  gude  suster,  and 
 on  the  uther  the  King  our  gude  bruthcr  and  oure  uncles,  so 
 that  we  cannot  bot  abhor  to  think  that  we  sail  be  spectatrix 
 of  so  unplesand  a  bargayne.  For  avoyding  of  the  quhilk,  of 
 necessitie  we  mon  turne  oure  self  to  the  onlie  remedie  that 
 remains,  to  haif  the  mater,  gif  it  be  possible,  takin  up  bo 
 treaty,  quhairof  as  nane  hes  bettir  cans  to  be  desirous,  so 
 gif  oure  crydet  be  als  gude  with  the  parties,  as  oure  affec- 
 tioun  towordis  baith  dessins,  thair  can  be  nane  mair  fit  ane 
 instrument  to  procure  gude  wayis.  Mary,  we  wald  be  laith 
 to  intervein  without  the  gude  will  and  plesour  of  baith  the 
 partyis :  Ze  sail  thairfore  desyre  upoun  oure  behalf  to  knaw 
 oure  said  gude  susteris  dispositioun,  and  finding  the  same 
 conformable,  ze  sail  offer  oure  labouris,  credit,  and  quhatso- 
 evir  we  may  do,  to  see  the  matter  amicabillie  componit  and 
 takin  up,  to  the  ressonable  and  honourable  contentatioun  of 
 baith  the  parteis.  And  that  we  will  immediatlie  dcall  with 
 the  King  oure  gude  brother  on  the  uther  part,  the  Quene- 
 mother  and  oure  uncles,  and  perswade  thame,  sa  far  as  we 
 can,  to  apply  thair  myndis  that  way  ;  traisting  wcle  that 
 oure  credite  and  auctorite  sail  bo  able  to  wirk  the  like  effect 
 in  the  myndis  of  oure  uncles,  in  quhome  we  hope  als  gude 
 inclinatioun  and  towardnes  sail  be  fund  to  ony  gude  purpos, 
 as  in  ony  uther  of  there  Estatis,  quliatsoever  hes  bene  to  hir 
 reportit  to  the  contrary.  We  beleve  suirlie  that  this  cauld- 
 ness  bctwix  hir  and  thame  is  rather  casuall  and  accidentelie 
 fallin  out,  then  of  any  sett  ])urpos  or  deliberatioun  on  ayther 
 part ;   for  we  remembir  (juliat  hir  gude  will  declarit  towerdis 
 
 thame  for  oure  respect  dessinit,  and  we and  thairfore 
 
 wald  be  glaid  to  be Kingis  commandement,  thair  dewtie 
 
 to in  the  places  thay  occupis,  thay  have  in  particular 
 
 done,  or  ])rocuring  to  be  done,  ony  thing  j)n'judiciall  to 
 owre  said  gude  suster,  so  gif  ony  report  hes  thairof  bene 
 inai<l  to  her  ;   in  (|iiliilk   cais  \v<> oonf^'riMicc  with  thame 
 
1562.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  191 
 
 be  letteris  and  messages,  sa  to  satisfie less  credit  ony 
 
 sinister  informatioun  of  tliame  thaireftir materis  have 
 
 past,  we  will  be  glaid  to  becum  a  mediatrix wyshe  that 
 
 oure  gude  suster  suld  rather  joyne  with  ws  to  that 
 
 precede  or  continew  as  a  partie  in  it ;   qiihilk  gif  she  will 
 
 do,  we God  sail  sa  bless  the  werk  in  oure  handis,  that  it 
 
 sail  be  brocht  to  a  happy  issue,  how  difficill  soevir  it  seme, 
 to  oure  greit  comfort,  with  mair  glorie  and  assurit  fame  in 
 the  eyis  and  earis  of  the  warlde  to  hir,  then  any  of  oure  sex 
 can  evir  obtcin  be  weir  or  force  of  armes.  This  office  is 
 worthie  of  oure  estait  and  sex,  and  mair  agreable  with 
 Christiane  religioun,  than  to  prosequute  materis  further  be 
 violent  meanis." 
 
 "  Viher  Instructionis^  to  the  L.  of  Lethingtoun^  our  Secretarand 
 Amhassatoicr,  to  he  usit,  gif  the  cans  sa  reqiiiris,  and  at  his 
 discretioun. 
 
 "  Gif  he  gettis  ony  knawlege,  advertisment,  or  understand- 
 ing, that  in  the  Parliament  of  Ingland  presentlie  haldin  it 
 be  proponit,  movit,  or  ony  questioun  or  difficultie  arys 
 tweching  the  successioun  of  the  Crown  of  Ingland,  failzying 
 of  oure  gude  suster  and  the  lauchfull  issue  of  hir  body, 
 quhairthrow  ony  danger  may  appeir,  that  ayther  be  mys- 
 knawledge  of  oure  titill,  or  neglecting  the  samyn,  the 
 successioun  may  be  establissit  in  the  persoun  of  ony  uther 
 than  ws  :  than  and  in  that  caiss,  oure  said  Ambassadour 
 sail  not  onlie  renew  unto  oure  said  gude  suster,  and  reduce 
 to  hir  remembrance  all  conferences  and  communicationis 
 past  betwix  oure  said  gude  suster  and  him  of  before  tweching 
 that  mater,  but  alswa  sail  enlarge  unto  hir,  and  mak  manifest 
 the  gude  titill  and  interesse  we  have  and  pretend  to  the 
 successioun  of  that  Crown,  as  nearest  and  lauchfull  in  the 
 richt  lyne  from  King  Harie  the  Sevint,  be  just  dissent  from 
 his  eldest  dochter  Margaret,  sumtyme  Queue  of  Scottis  : 
 And  desyrc  oure  said  gude  suster,  tliat  according  to  justice 
 and  equitie,  having  alsua  respect  to  the  gude  amytie  and  intel- 
 ligence presentlie  standing  betwix  ws,  intertcnyit  for  oure 
 part  be  all  gude  offices,  sclio  nathcr  do  procure  nor  suffer 
 
 '  By  this  latter  part  of  the  Tustructions  it  appears  tliey  have  been  given 
 in  the  end  of  the  year  15()2,  since  the  English  Parliament  sat  in  the  month 
 of  January  1562-.3. 
 
V)2  TIIK   HISTORY  OF  THE  yVFFATRS  [1562. 
 
 to  be  (lone,  or  proeurit  ony  tiling  that  may  be  prejudicial! 
 to  ws  and  oiire  titill  foirsaid  ;  and  in  caiss  hir  awin  con- 
 science, tlio  luif  of  liir  cuntre,  or  ernist  sute  of  the  people, 
 
 press  hir  to  establiss  in  hir gif  God  suld  call to  his 
 
 mercy quhilk  God  forbid,  then  hir dessyrc  that  we 
 
 persoun,  God  and  nature  be hes  plantit  the  just 
 
 titill  of  successioun,  may  be   appoynted successor  and 
 
 air  apparent  to  the  Crown,  assuring  hir,  that  as  the 
 
 cannot  be  ony  law  or  titill,  for  ony  respect,  be  justlie 
 transferrit  to  the  persoun  of  ony  uther  sa  lang  as  we  ar  on 
 live,  sa  can  sche  fynd  na  uther  that  ayther  is  mair  tendir  to 
 hirself,  or  zit  may  or  will  stand  hir  in  mair  steid ;   and  this 
 
 poynt  ze  sail  enlarge  according  to  the tioun  and  ample 
 
 declaratioun  of  oure  mind  maid  to  him  (you)  in  this  behalf. 
 "  Iteiu,  Ze  sail  desyre  to  have  access  and  intres  in  the 
 Parliament-Hous,  to  the  effect  ze  may  in  the  presence  of 
 the  Estattis  of  the  Realme  declaif  the  validity  of  oure  titill 
 and  interes  w  e  pretend  ;  and  desyre  of  thame  the  hedis 
 contenit  in  the  former  Articlis,  answer,  gif  neid  be,  the 
 objectionis  to  be  movit  in  the  contrair  ;  and  in  cais  thay 
 wald  sa  fer  neglect  the  commoun  law,  gude  order,  and 
 equite  of  oure  cans,  that  setting  the  samen  apart,  thay  will 
 refuiss  oure  ressonable  desyre,  and  precede  further  to  the 
 contrary  ;  ze  sail  in  oure  name,  and  upoun  oure  behalf, 
 publiclic  and  solempnitlie  protest,  That  we  are  thairby 
 iiijurlt  and  offencit,  and  for  sic  lauchful  remedyis  as  the  law 
 and  consuetude  lies  providit  for  thame  that  ar  enormlie  and 
 acccssivlic  hurt/'^ 
 
 TluTo  is  nuicli  notice  taken  by  Mr  Knox,^  of  a  great 
 famine  both  of  corn  and  flesh-meat  in  the  spring  of  this 
 year,  but  Mr  Buchanan^  mentions  only  a  proclamation  to 
 have  been  emitted  against  eating  of  flesh.  This  last  author 
 is  in  the  right  ;  for  in  the  Records  of  Privy-Council  there  is 
 an  Act,  dated  at  Edinburgh    the   11  th  day   of  l<\>bruary, 
 
 '  ( )ur  Quoon's  jrood  intentions  for  a  })oaco,  took  no  eftV'ct  ;  for  thoro  was 
 no  peace  conchuled  betwixt  l-'rance  and  En'jdanil  until  April  lo()4,  and 
 there  was  no  mediator  therein.  See  the  Treaty,  in  Rymer's  Feed.  Anj^I. 
 — [Vol.  XV.  p.  (;40-(J4S.— E.] 
 
 '^  I  Knox's  Historic,  Kdin.  1732,  p.  317,  31S.— K.] 
 
 •■'  [llistoria  Heruni  ycoticaruni,  ori;,MnaI  edit.  Ivlin.  ITi^'i,  ft)l.  200,  207. 
 Translation,  IMin.  17.52,  vol   ii.  p.  2!)s.-    i:.] 
 
15G3-4.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  193 
 
 against  eating  of  flesh  during  the  season  of  Lent  in  all 
 times  thereafter,  because,  as  the  Act  bears,  the  cattle  had 
 suffered  much  by  the  tempestuous  storms  of  the  winters 
 bypast.  But  of  any  scarcity  of  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  there 
 is  not  the  least  insinuation.!  Mr  Knox  is  at  much  pains 
 to  make  the  credulous  world  believe,  that  this  calamity  was 
 an  immediate  punishment  upon  what  he  calls  "  the  idolatry 
 of  our  wicked  rulers  ;""  and  he  adds  likewise,  that  "  the 
 riotous  feasting  and  excessive  banqueting  used  in  city  and 
 country  wheresoever  the  prophane  Court  repaired,  provoked 
 CJod  to  strike  the  staff  of  bread,  and  to  give  his  maledic- 
 tions upon  the  fruits  of  the  earth."  Every  distress  is  surely 
 the  effect  of  sin.  But  we  find  by  Queen  Elizabeth's  preced- 
 ing Instructions  to  Sir  Henry  Sidney,  that  immoderate  rains 
 liad  fallen  in  England,  where  no  Knoxian  idolatry  was  tole- 
 rated, as  well  as  in  Scotland.  And  why  might  not  ]\Ir 
 Knox  have  imagined  that  the  malediction  of  God  had  lighted 
 on  the  land  for  the  riotous  feasting,  excessive  banqueting, 
 and  the  prophane  masquerades  at  the  pious  Prior  of  St 
 Andrews'  marriage  ?2  He  must  have  known  that  God  is  no 
 respecter  of  persons.  Or  if  the  prophane  Court  must  still 
 be  the  principal  cause  of  the  calamity,  certainly  that  Court 
 consisted  mostly,  if  not  altogether,  of  Mr  Knox's  religious 
 friends. 
 
 There  is  nothing  in  the  Registers  of  Privy  Council  re- 
 lating to  publick  affairs  worth  the  noticing,  from  the  Queen's 
 return  out  of  the  North,^  during  the  course  of  this  period, 
 
 ^  See  the  Act  of  Privy-Council  in  the  Appendix,  Number  III. — [Erro- 
 neously enumerated  No.  IV.  by  our  Historian. — E.J 
 
 '^  [See  the  note  on  the  marriage  of  the  "  pious  Prior  of  St  Andrews," 
 Lord  James  Stuart,  Earl  of  :Moray,p.  103,  104  of  tliis  volume.— E.] 
 
 •■'  [We  have  seen  (note,  p.  180)  that  Mary  returned  to  Edinburgh  on  the 
 21st  of  November  1562,  when  she  was  seized  with  tlie  epidemic  known  as 
 i\\Q  New  Arriuahitmire.  After  her  recovery  we  find  her,  on  the  10th  of 
 January  lo(;2-;},  i)roceeding  to  tUstle  Campbell,  at  the  base  of  the  Ochil 
 mountains,  in  tlie  county  of  Clackmannan,  to  l»e  present  at  the  marriage 
 of  Sir  James  Stewart  of  Doune,  afterwards  Lord  Doune,  to  Lady 
 ^Lirgaret  Cami)bell,  daughter  of  Archibald  fourth  Earl  of  Argyll.  On 
 the  14th  tlie  Queen  retm-ned  to  Edinburgh,  and  resided  at  llolyrood 
 Palace  till  the  13th  of  February.  The  first  affair  of  Chatelard  occurred 
 on  the  12th,  and  he  followed  the  Queen  to  Fife,  where  he  repeated  his 
 violent  conduct,  for  which  he  wjis  executed  at  St  Andrews.  The  Queen 
 on  the  ir)th  of  February  left  Burntisland  for  Falkland  Palace,  on  the 
 H)th  she  dined  at  Cupar-Fife,  ami  in  tlie  afternoon  rode  to  St  Andrews, 
 
 VOL.  11.  13 
 
194  THE  HISTORY  OF  THi:  AFFAIRS  [15G3. 
 
 excepting  a  bond  by  the  master  cunzior^  granted  to  the 
 Queen,  whicli,  as  it  may  be  useful  or  agreeable  to  some 
 curious;  people,  upon  that  account  I  have  taken  the  freedom 
 to  insert  it  in  the  App<  lulix.- 
 
 wIkto  .she  ronuiiiu'il  till  the  istli  of  Marcli.  Marv  on  that  day  retunicil  to 
 CUipar-Fifo,  and  tluMicc  proceeded  to  Falkland  Palace,  Avhore,  on  the  20th, 
 21st,  and  22d,  she  enjoyed  the  exercises  of  riding  and  hawking.  On  the 
 23d  the  Queen  made  a  jn-ogress  in  part  of  the  neighbouring  counties  of 
 Clackmannan,  Kinross,  and  Perth,  and  returned  to  St  Andrews  on  the 
 2JHh  of  March.  She  remained  there  till  the  3d  of  April,  when  she  again 
 removed  to  Falkland. — 1'.] 
 
 ^  Number  IV. — [Our  Historian,  however,  prints  it  as  No.  III.,  but  he 
 mentions  that  as  Nos.  III.  IV.  V.  had  been  "  erroneously  twice  marked, 
 he  had  taken  care  to  insert  them  here  (in  his  folio  edition,  Aj)pendix,  j). 
 92),  according  to  the  })ages  where  they  come  in." — K.J 
 
 2  [John  Aitchison,  "  master  cunzier,"  or  ^faster  of  the  Mint.  The 
 Scottish  :Mint,  during  the  reign  of  Queen  Mary,  is  said  to  have  been  in 
 the  Canongate,  and  was  probably  near  the  I'alace  of  Ilolyrood.  The 
 document  inserted  by  our  Historian  in  his  Appendix,  to  which  he  refers 
 "  curious  people,"  specifies  the  lead  mines  of  Lcadhills  and  Wanlockhead 
 Hills,  in  the  mountainous  and  dreary  parts  of  Lanarkshire  and  Dumfries- 
 shire. As  gold  is  not  mentioned  in  the  bond  granted  by  John  Aitchison 
 and  his  partner,  "John  Aslowane,  burgess  of  Kdinburgh,"  but  silver  is 
 particularly  specified,  it  may  be  presumed  that  the  presence  of  the  former 
 metal  in  those  mines  had  not  then  attracted  sufficient  attention. — K.] 
 
1503.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  193 
 
 CHAPTER  VI. 
 
 CONTAINING  MATTERS  OF  STATE  FROM  THE  IST  OF  APRIL  1563, 
 UNTIL  THE  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  EARL  OF  LENOX  IN  SCOTLAND, 
 IN  THE  MONTH  OF  SEPTEMBER  OF  THE  FOLLOWING  YEAR 
 15G4. 
 
 Several  historical  facts  of  this  year  having  been  altogether 
 neglected,  and  others  not  duly  related  by  former  historians, 
 the  best  method  I  can  think  of  to  supply  these  defects  is  to 
 make  use  of  the  abstract^  of  letters  written  by  Mr  Randolph 
 out  of  Scotland,  from  the  1st  day  of  April  this  year,  directed 
 mostly  to  his  correspondent  the  Secretary  of  England,  and 
 some  few  to  that  Queen  herself. 
 
 ^'  To  Sir  W.  Cecill,  1st  Aprile  15G3. 
 
 "  The  Queen  of  Scots  full  of  grief  for  the  death  of  her 
 husband,^  her  great  dangers,  and  the  want  of  assured  friends. 
 
 ^  Tliis  abstract  is  in  the  Cotton  Library,  Calif^.  B.  10.  p.  217,  under  this 
 title — "  An  Abstract  of  jMr  Randolph's  Letters  from  Scotland,  from  the 
 1st  of  Aprile  1563,  imtill  the  30th  of  March  followinge."  What  may  have 
 become  of  the  principal  letters  themselves,  Ave  cannot  now  know. — [Many 
 of  the  letters  are  preserved  in  tlie  State- Paper  Ofl&ce,  London,  and  ample 
 use  is  made  of  them  by  ^Ir  Tytler  in  his  "  History  of  Scotland."  See  also 
 "  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Times,  a  Series  of  Letters,"  edited  by  Thomas 
 Wri<rht,  Esq.— E.] 
 
 ^  The  deatli  of  the  Queen's  uncle  the  Duke  of  Guise  liad  revived  the 
 loss  of  her  husband.  It  is  natural  for  people  to  recall  former  disasters, 
 upon  tlu'  intervention  of  new  ones,  or  perhaps  hushand  is  transcribed  for 
 luiclr. — ["  It  is  uncle  in  another  copy."  MS.  observation  written  on  p.  238 
 of  IJishop  Keith's  History  in  the  Library  of  the  Faculty  of  Advocates  at 
 ICdinljurtrli.  Queen  Mary,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  note  at  the  end  of  the 
 j)receding  Chapter,  was  in  Fife  at  this  time,  and  about  the  16th  of  March 
 was  informed  at  St  Andrews  of  the  murder  of  her  uncle  the  Duke  of 
 Guise.  Previous  to  Mary  receiving  the  melancholy  tidin]L,^s  she  ajjpcars 
 to  have  been  gay  and  lively,  amusing  herself  with  sports  and  pastimes  in 
 the  open  air.  "  The  Queen,"  itandolph  writes  to  Cecil,  lOth  March  1562-3, 
 *'  is  now  healthy  and  merry,  most  commonly  nding  in  the  fields,  as  time 
 will  serve  her.  Her  care  is  continually  great  for  her  uncles,  and  her  desire 
 wonderful  for  the  quiet  of  France."  After  Mary  left  St  Andrews  on  the 
 ISth  of  March  for  Falkland  by  way  of  Cupar-Fife,  she  tried  to  alleviate 
 her  grief  by  pastimes  at  that  Palace,  before  she  set  out  on  her  short  tour 
 to  the  neighbouring  districts,  and  her  return  to  St  Andrews  on  the  2.9th 
 
100  Tin-:  iiisTuUY  uf  thk  affairs  [15Go. 
 
 Ho  comforted  her  with  the  assurance  of  the*  love  of  his 
 soveraigne  her  sister,  whose  letters  she  received  with  infinite 
 expression  of  her  comfort ;  having  hard  to  her  grief  the 
 death  of  her  uncle  and  the  Grand-Pi-ior.^  The  Admiral 
 and  J^eza  authors  of  her  uncle's  murder  ;-  the  last  incourage- 
 inge  the  murderer  faintinge  in  his  resolution  with  theis  words, 
 Alles  vous  en.,  prennes  courage;  les  anges  vous  assisterontr 
 (i.  e.  Go,  and  undertake  it  couragiously  ;  angels  will  assist 
 you). 
 
 ''  To  Sir  W.  Ceclll,  10th  Aprile. 
 *'  QuEEN-MOTiiER  of  France  writeth  to  this  Queen,  to  de- 
 fend the  right  of  France,  according  to  the  Ancient  alliance 
 
 of  March,  and  Falkland  on  the  3d  April,  at  which  Palace  we  left  her  at 
 the  conclusion  of  the  note,  p.  194. — E.] 
 
 ^  The  Grand  Prior  had  fought  valiantly  at  the  Battle  of  Dreux,  where 
 lie  received  such  wounds  as  cut  him  off  on  the  Gth  of  March  this  year. 
 The  Duke  of  (Juise  was  barbarously  assassinated  by  one  of  liis  own  gentle- 
 men, Poltrot,  on  the  ISth  day  of  February  1562-3,  while  he  was  besieging 
 the  city  of  Orleans,  defended  by  the  Protestants.  The  Admiral  Coligni, 
 the  chief  of  the  Protestants,  and  Theodore  Beza,  the  famous  Protestant 
 minister,  were  hulced  charged  with  having  contrived  the  murder,  which, 
 however,  that  party  still  denied  ;  and  Coligni  called  the  murder  a  jcickcd 
 (hid.  Far  more  sober  was  he  than  Mr  Knox  here  at  home,  whose  words 
 concerning  this  murder  are — "(«od,  in  the  February  before,  had  striken 
 that  bloody  tyrant  the  Duke  of  Guise."  It  is  true,  (iod  may  be  said  to  do 
 what  he  ou\\  jx-i'miis,  but  one  would  think  Mr  Knox  means  mon  here, 
 and  that  as  he  tells  the  thing  with  an  air  of  satisfaction,  so  it  had  been 
 his  mind  that  (iod  instigated  I'oltrot  to  this  murder.  May  God  preserve 
 all  sober  men  from  such  dangerous  dirinitif !  The  Duke  of  Ciuise  was 
 surely  a  great  man  both  in  the  cabinet  and  in  tlie  field,  and  Mezerai 
 describes  him  a  nuin  not  at  all  inclined  to  cruelty. 
 
 '^  [The  accusation  against  Beza,  of  plotting  the  death  of  the  Duki'  of 
 (iuise,  was  founded  solely  on  the  confession  of  the  murderer  Poltrot,  a 
 Huguenot  fanatic,  which  lie  retracted,  and  to  the  moment  of  his  death 
 maintaiiu'd  Bezas  innocence.  The  celi'brated  Admiral  Coligni,  the  rival 
 of  the  Duke  of  (iuise,  who  generously  said  that  the  taking  off  such  a 
 personjige  by  such  means  was  a  most  dastardly  act,  was  unjustly  susjjected 
 of  having  directed  the  blow.  Nearly  ten  years  afterwards,  on  the  22d 
 of  August  1572,  only  two  days  before  the  atrocious  massacre  on  St 
 Bartholomew's  Day,  in  which  Coligni  unfortunately  perished,  he  was  shot 
 at  in  a  street  of  Paris  at  the  instigation  of  the  Duchess  of  Nemours,  the 
 widow  of  tlie  Duke  killed  by  Poltrot  at  the  siege  of  Orleans  ;  but  the 
 wounds  were  not  dangerous.  'J'lie  observations  of  .lohn  Knox,  >\  Iiicli 
 Bishop  Keith  justly  denounces  in  his  note,  occur  in  his  "llistorie,"  Kdin. 
 t'dit.  folio,  1732,  !>.  334,  and  he  malignantly  states  that  the  assassination 
 of  the  I)uke  of  (iuise  "somewhat  bralc  the  fard  (coxwaijc  or  ai'donr)  of  our 
 (^uene  for  a  season." — K.] 
 
15G3.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  107 
 
 between  the  two  Realms.  Semetli  she  is  jelous  of  her  for 
 England,  and  hath  courted  her  with  two  letters  of  her  owne 
 hand,  the  least  of  them  more  of  lines  than  she  hath  received 
 from  her  since  her  cominge  out  of  France.  It  semeth  by 
 some  passages  of  speach  that  the  Queen-mother  had  formerly 
 offended  her.  She  (Queen  of  Scots)  doubteth  what  will  be 
 the  issue  of  this  desire  in  the  Queen-mother  to  governe  all 
 alone." 
 
 "  To  Sir  W.  Ceclll,  1st  May. 
 
 "  Queen  fcareth  to  be  pressed  at  this  instant  Parliament  in 
 matters  of  religion.  Divers  priests  taken  in  Easter  saing 
 masse  in  secret  houses,  barnes,  and  woods. ^  Earle  of  Souther- 
 land,'^  that  conspired  with  Huntly,  hath  had  speach  with  the 
 Earle  of  Moray  to  procure  the  Queen's  mercy,  to  which 
 he  is  willinge  to  put  himself.  The  Lady  Huntley  can  get 
 neither  accesse  nor  hope  in  her  sute.''^ 
 
 "  To  Sir  W.  Cecill,  15th  May. 
 
 "  La  Crock's  arrivall  in  Scotland.  His  employment  to 
 taste  this  Queen's  minde  about  the  marriage  of  her  to  the 
 Emperor's  youngest  sonne,^  moved  by  her  uncle  the  Cardinal 
 of  Lorraine.  The  county  of  Tyroll^  is  offered  in  dowry  from 
 the  Emperor,  worth  30000  francks  by  yere.    Of  this  marriage 
 
 ^  ["  Some  of  them  were  driven  to  seek  shelter  in  England." — Chalmers' 
 Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  104. — E.] 
 
 2  [.John  tenth  Earl  of  Sutherland.  Seethe  note  in  this  volume,  p.  117. 
 llis  relationship  to  the  Earl  of  Iluntly  was  hy  his  grandmother,  Elizabeth 
 C  ountess  of  Sutherland  in  her  own  right,  who  married  Adam  Gordon  of 
 Aboyne,  second  son  of  George  second  I'arl  of  Iluntly.  The  eldest  son  by 
 this  mai-riage,  Alexander  Master  of  Sutherland,  predeceased  his  mother, 
 leaving  .John,  afterwards  tenth  Earl,  two  other  sons,  and  two  daughters. 
 Tliis  Earl,  who,  we  have  seen,  was  attainted  for  his  alleged  comiection 
 with  Iluntly's  insurrection,  had  attended  Queen  Mary  on  her  northern 
 tour,  and  wius  found  guilty  of  treason  merely  on  the  pretence  of  a  letter 
 wliich  was  said  to  have  been  foinid  in  Iluntly's  pocket  after  his  death  at 
 Corrichie. — E.] 
 
 3  She  could  not,  so  long  as  the  EarLof  Moray's  Court  lasted,  though  she 
 was  his  Lady's  aunt.  But  she  wa.s  a  Pai)ist. — L"  The  Countess  of  Iluntly, 
 who  came  to  support  the  cause  of  her  ruined  Eamily,  could  neither  get 
 access  nor  hope  in  her  suit.  Supported  by  the  preachers  and  populace  in 
 Scotland,  and  by  l''.lizabeth  and  Cecil  in  llngland,  Moray  acted  altogether 
 as  dictator."     Chalmers'  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  104. — E.] 
 
 ^  [The  Archduke  Chark^s.     See  the  note  in  this  volume,  p.  186. — E.] 
 ■"'  [The  country  of  the  'J\rol,  now  a  pait  of  the  Austrian  Dominions  in 
 
198  THE  HISTORY  OF  THK  AFFAIRS  [1503. 
 
 the  Ringrave  hath  signified  to  this  (^uoon  as  much.  She 
 dcferrcth  answerc  untill  Liddington's  returne  (viz.  from  his 
 late  cnibassy).  The  Bishop  of  St  Andrew's,  with  others,  to 
 be  arraignM  for  massing.'" 
 
 20M  May} 
 
 "  La  Crock  departing,  ordered  to  acquaint  the  (^ueen  of 
 Englande  with  his  imployment  in  Scotland.'' — (What  the 
 consequence  was  of  this  information  made  by  our  Queen  to 
 the  (^ueen  of  England,  I  shall  (quickly  impart  to  the  reader, 
 by  a  surer  Instruction  than  has  been  hitherto  published) .'- — 
 "  The  Bishop  of  St  Andrew's  arraigned ;3  so  was  the  Prior  of 
 
 CJemiany,  had  been  made  over  by  Margaret  Maultasche,  the  only  daughter 
 of  the  hist  sovereign,  to  her  cousins  the  Dukes  of  Austria,  in  1335. — E.J 
 
 ^  [Queen  Mary  had  before  this  date  returned  to  Edinburgh.  We  have 
 seen  that  slie  left  St  Andrews  for  l-^alkhmd  on  the  3d  of  Aprih  She  re- 
 mained at  Falkland  Palace  several  days,  when  she  removed  to  Lochleven 
 Castle,  the  place  of  her  future  imprisonment,  on  the  island  in  the  lake  of 
 Lochleven  in  Kinross-shire.  Here  she  honoured  her  mortal  enemy  John 
 Knox  with  a  long  interview  on  the  13th  of  A])ril,  having  desired  him  to 
 meet  her  there  for  the  purj)Oso  of  desiring  him  that  he  "  wald  be  the  m- 
 stniment,"  he  says,  "  to  perswade  the  people,  and  principallie  the  gentle- 
 men of  the  West,  not  to  put  hands  to  piniisch  ony  man  for  the  using  of 
 thameselffis  in  thair  religioun  as  pleised  them."  Mary  also  desired  him 
 to  attemi)t  the  reconciliation  of  the  Earl  of  Argyll  to  his  Coimtes.s,  her 
 illegitimate  sister.  Knox  gives  a  long  account  of  the  conversation  at 
 this  interview.  As  to  the  former  request  he  told  the  Queen  that  all 
 "  mesmongers,"  as  he  insolently  calls  them,  ought  to  be  put  to  death,  and 
 consequently  the  Queen  herself  would  have  been  included  ;  but  he  seems  to 
 have  complied  with  the  latter  request, which  elicited  a  course  and  indelicate 
 epistle  from  him  to  the  Earl  of  Argyll,  being  a  fierce  remonstrance  for 
 sei)arating  from  his  Countess,  dated  (Jlasgow,  7th  May  15()3,  which  Knox 
 says  was  not  "  weill  accepted  of  the  said  Earle."  The  whole  of  this 
 narrative,  and  his  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Argyll,  are  in  his  "  Historic," 
 i:din.  edit.  1732,  j).  ;}2()-32n.  On  the  day  after  the  interview  Knox  met 
 the  Queen  at  the  hawking  westward  of  the  town  of  Kinross.  On  the 
 ir)th  of  April,  Maiy  left  Lochleven  Castle,  dined  at  Strathendry,  and  rode 
 to  I'^alkland  in  the  evening.  On  the  16th  she  proceeded  to  Newark,  and 
 returned  to  Cupar-Fife,  where  she  remained  till  the  following  day,  when 
 she  rode  to  St  Andrews  after  dinner.  The  Queen  resided  ahnost  con- 
 stantly at  St  Andrews  till  the  Kith  of  May,  when  a  part  of  her  train  went 
 to  Edinburgh  by  thefi-rry  of  Kinghorn,  and  she  rode  to  Cui)ar-Fife,  where 
 slie  j).'ussed  the  night.  On  the  nu)rning  she  cro.ssed  the  Frith  of  l-'orth 
 to  Lt'ith,  and  arrived  at  her  I'alace  of  Ilolyroodhonse  in  the  evening,  after 
 an  ab.sence  of  nearly  five  months.— E.  J 
 
 '  [Setj  the*' .Memorial"  whicji  innnediately  follows,  p.  205  2(JS. — E.] 
 '  I  thought  not  fit  to  curtail   thesi-  abstracts  of  lett«'rs,  even  in  such 
 things  08  belong  to  Church  matters. 
 
1563.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IX  SCOTLAND.  199 
 
 Whithorne,^  and  the  Abbot  of  Corserogall^  should,  but  could 
 not  be  taken.  This,  though  the  Queen  be  otherwise  in 
 religion,  countenanced  with  her  person,  then  not  far  off."' 
 
 "  To  Sir  W.  CeclU,  M  June. 
 *'  Cause  of  the  Bishop's  arraignement,^  the  transgressinge 
 the  Queen's  ordonance  at  her  first  cominge.  That  religion 
 should  so  stand  as  she  found  it  in  her  Reahne.  The  Priests 
 of  Scotland  Catholique  fly  into  England  for  their  refuge. 
 The  Parliament  began  26th  May,  on  which  day  the  Queen 
 came  to  it  in  her  robes,  and  crowned  ;  the  Duke  carrying 
 the  Crown,  Argill  the  Scepter,  and  Moray  the  Sword.^  She 
 made  in  English  an  oracion^  publiquely  there,  and  was 
 present  at  the  condemnation  of  the  two  Earles,  Huntley  and 
 
 ^  [Malcolm,  Prior  of  Whithorn,  in  the  Bishopric  of  Galloway.  The 
 town  of  Whithorn  was  the  episcopal  seat.  Malcolm,  Prior  of  Whithorn, 
 was  convicted  with  Kennedy  of  Blairqnhan,  David  Kennedy,  Sir  Thomas 
 Montgomery  and  Sir  Thomas  Tailzefeer,  two  Priests,  of  celebrathig 
 Mass,  and,  with  the  said  Montgomery  and  Tailzefeer,  was  ordered  to  be 
 imprisoned  in  the  Castle  of  Dunbarton,  while  the  two  Kennedys  were 
 «  warded"  in  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh,  on  the  19th  of  May  1563.— Pitcairn's 
 Criminal  Trials,  4to.  vol.  i.  Part  I.  427,  428.— E.] 
 
 2  [Quint in  Jvennedy,  Abbot  of  Crossraguel  in  Ayrshire,  the  celebrated 
 disputant  with  John  Knox,  was  the  fourth  son  of  Gilbert  second  Earl  of 
 Cassillis. — E.] 
 
 ^  [John  Archbishop  of  St  Andrews,  and  forty-seven  others,  were 
 arraigned  before  the  High  Court  of  Justiciary  on  the  19th  of  jNIay,  for 
 "  celebrating  the  Mass,  attempting  to  restore  Popery  at  Kirkoswald, 
 Maybole,  Paisley,  &c.  and  convocation  of  the  lieges."  The  Archbishop 
 was  sentenced  to  be  imjn-isoned  in  theCastle  of  Edinburgh. — See  Pitcairn's 
 Criminal  ''J'rials  in  Scotland,  4to.  vol.  i.  Part  J.  ]).  427,  429. — E.] 
 
 ■*  Mr  Knox  says — "  Such  stinking  pride  of  women,  as  was  seen  at  that 
 Parliament,  was  never  seen  before  in  Scotland."  This  author's  mean 
 reflections  are  too  often  far  below  the  dignity  he  assumed  to  liimsolf,  and 
 he  makes  but  too  evident  his  unquenchable  thirst  for  reviling  the  Queen, 
 where  he  has  no  manner  of  foundation  afforded  him.  'J'his  was  the  first 
 time  the  Queen  had  ever  seen  a  Parliament,  and  it  is  customary  in  all 
 nations,  and  not  without  good  rea.son,  for  Princes  at  solemn  occasions  to 
 appear  in  great  state  and  majesty.  Mr  Knox,  by  his  manner,  deprives 
 himself  of  due  regard,  if  at  any  time  he  have  ground  to  make  com- 
 phiints.  —  [This  mibeconiing  observation  of  John  Knox  occurs  in  his 
 "  llistorie,"  Edin.  edit.  17.32,  p.  .'J.SO.  lie  was  evidently  enraged  at  the 
 people  exclaiming,  as  Queen  Mary  passed  to  and  from  the  Parliament — 
 "  God  save  that  sweet  face  !" — E.] 
 
 '  [The  "oration"  or  address  delivered  by  Queen  Mary  to  the  Parlia- 
 ment had  been  written  in  Erencli,  but  she  translated  it,  and  spoke  it  in 
 English.     Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vi.  p.  2sl. —  E. 
 
HOO  THE  IIIJ^TUIIY  OF  THE  AFFAIR>  [  loC^]. 
 
 SoutherlandJ  The  Earl  ot*  Mont<,'oinery,-  by  means  of 
 Lithington,  hath  a  remission  of  justice,  though  he  be  a 
 violent  Papist.  Botlnvell  we  hoar  is  at  libertye,^  but 
 extream  poor/' 
 
 The  Record  of  the  Parliament  is  lost  ;  however  the 
 Record  of  the  Parliament  in  April  1.307  mentions  both  the 
 20th  and  27th  of  May  to  have  been  appointed  for  the 
 beginning  of  it,  and  the  j)rinted  Acts  bear  date  the  4th  of 
 June  :  Yet  in  all  probability  the  Parliament  has  met  on  the 
 day  condescended  by  Mr  Randolph,  since  the  sentences  of 
 forefaulture  against  the  Earl  of  Huntly,  ko.  were  all  given 
 on  the  28th  day  of  May.  Among  the  twenty  printed  Acts 
 of  this  Parliament,  we  find  the  Act  of  Oblivion,  which  had 
 been  mentioned  at  the  Treaty  of  Edinburgh.^  And  we 
 arc  very  nuich  obliged  to  the  information  of  Archbishop 
 Spottiswood,  who  has  taken  care  to  advertise,  that  the  Queen 
 would  not  allow  that  Act  to  pass  "  with  any  regard  to  that 
 Treaty,  which  she  would  never  acknowledge.  Wherefore 
 (says  he)  it  was  advised,  that  the  Lords  in  the  House  of 
 Parliament  should  upon  their  knees  entreat  the  passing  of 
 
 '  What  befell  the  Family  of  lluntly  at  this  Parliament  hath  been 
 already  observed.  Several  gentlemen  descended  from  the  Family,  and 
 who  had  adhered  to  their  Chief,  were  likewissc  forefaulted  ;  as  was  also 
 the  Karl  of  Sutherland,  a  relation  of  the  Family.  Thoiii^^h  the  Record  of  this 
 Parliament  be  lost,  yet  the  Record  of  the  Parliament  in  A])ril  15(j7  bein^jf 
 still  preserved,  wherein  there  was  a  reduction  of  these  several  forefaulters, 
 we  thereby  come  to  know  the  particular  persons  that  were  now  forefaulted  ; 
 and  these  were,  .John  (Jordon,  eldest  son  to  Alexander  (Jordon  of  Strath- 
 down,  Alexander  (Jordon,  eldest  son  to  Mr  George  CJordon  of  Baldo>niy, 
 Patrick  CJordon,  son  to  .James  (Jordon  of  Lesmoir,  .John  (Jordon  of  Carn- 
 burro,  .lames  (Joidon  of  Tulyangus,  Mr  CJeorge  (Jordon  of  lJaldo\-iiy, 
 Thomas,  Alexander,  and  l^lizabeth  (Jordon,  children  to  Thomas  (Jordon 
 of  CraigcuUie  ;  besides  James,  Adam,  I'atrick,  Robert,  and  Thomas 
 (Jordon,  all  children  to  the  late  Karl  of  lluntly. — [See  the  notes,  i>.  ](>(>, 
 17-,  of  this  volume. —  K.J 
 
 '■^  lie  must  mean  Montgomery,  lOarl  of  Kglinton,  who  w  jus  indeed  Popish 
 at  that  time.  Aiid  this  ri-mission  is  jjcrhajts  for  the  divorce  of  his  first 
 Liidy,  and  nnirrying  another  by  the  Pope's  Disjiensation.  See  the  Peenige. 
 — [The  Peerage  to  which  liishop  Keith  refers  is  (Jeorge  C'rawfurd's  Peerage 
 of  Scotland,  folio,  Kdin.  llUi,  p.  P2.0.     See  the  notes,  p.  1.5.'),  172.— K.] 
 
 '"*  Se««  the  story  of  his  imiiri.soiunent  in  Mr  Knox,  when  that  Karl  «a.s 
 accused  of  treiuson  by  the  Karl  of  Arran.  !  Kno.x's  Historic,  Kdin.  edit. 
 17:J2,  p.  30S,  :U6.— K.] 
 
 *  Sco  the  Concessions,  p.  |;{7,  N.  Xi. 
 
15G3.]  OF  CHURCU  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  201 
 
 that  Act ;  which  accordingly  was  done.""i  ThiKS,  indeed,  is  a 
 very  material  point  to  be  known.  And  it  is  farther  to  be 
 noticed,  that  the  Act  is  drawn  up  with  all  the  caution 
 imaginable  for  securing  from  all  future  punishment  the  dis- 
 turbers of  peace  and  transgressors  of  the  Queen's  laws,  from 
 the  Gth  of  March  1558,  to  the  1st  day  of  September  15G1, 
 of  which  number  were  all  those  who  had  presently  the  chief 
 handling  about  the  Queen  ;  and  within  which  space  of  time 
 is  included  the  pretended  Parliament  in  the  month  of  August 
 15G0  : — a  most  plain  and  convincing  indication  that  the 
 Queen  looked  upon  that  meeting  as  illegal,  and  a  tacite  or 
 rather  open  acknowledgment  in  the  States,  that  they  had 
 no  right  to  frame  Acts  in  that  meeting. 
 
 "  To  Sir  W.  Cecill,  Vith  Junij. 
 
 "  In  this  Parliament,  tanquam  clavam  e  manu  Herculis^  the 
 Ministers  have  inferred  adultery  to  be  death." — (But  Mr 
 Knox  differs  here  from  Mr  llandolph,  and  avers  that  "  this 
 Act  proceeded  from  the  courtiers  themselves,  in  order  to 
 preserve  some  credit  with  the  ministers.''^  And  indeed  that 
 author  seems  not  to  be  in  the  wrong,  w^hen  he  says  of  this 
 Act,  and  another  concerning  the  manses  and  gleibs  of 
 ministers,  that  "  no  Law  and  such  Acts  were  both  alike  C^ 
 the  first  of  these,  at  least,  being  in  truth  conceived  in  a  very 
 singular  form.  But  he  takes  notice  that  the  Act  of  Oblivion 
 was  formed  in  another  strain,  "  because  (says  he)  some  of 
 the  Lords  had  interest  therein/'-^  Anger  sometimes  extorts 
 the  truth). — "  The  Queen'"  (continues  the  abstract),  "  the 
 Parliament  nowe  ended,  hath  made  her  Highland  apparel 
 for  her  journey  into  Argile." — (Mr  Knox  acquaints  us,  that 
 shortly  after  the  Parliament,  Secretary  Maitland  returned 
 from  his  negotiations  in  England  and  France  ;5  and  that 
 sometime  after  the  Queen's  return  from  the  hunting,  her 
 three   bastard   brothers  went   into   the   North, <5   as  far   as 
 
 ^  [Archbisho])  Spottiswoode's  History  of  the  Church  and  State  of  Scot- 
 land, folio,  London,  1G77,  p.  188. — K.] 
 
 *-^  [Tho  Kofornicd  i)reachers.  No  sucli  passajj^e  as  the  above  quoted  by 
 liisliop  Keith  appears  in  Knox's  account  of  this  Parliament. — JO.] 
 
 ■'  [Knox's  llistorie,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  331.—  K.]  *  [Ibid.— K.J 
 
 •'■'  [Knox's  Historic,  Kdin.  edit.  1732,  p.  334.— E.] 
 
 "  [The  Earl  of  Moray,  liovd  Robert  Stuart,  ("ommendator  of  Ilolyrood, 
 and  Lord  John  Stuart,  Conuncndator  of  Coldinrrjiam.     See   the  notes, 
 
202  Tin:  iii.<touv  uf  tiik  affairs  [15G3. 
 
 Inverness,!  where  Justice-Courts  were  holden ;  and  besides  the 
 puiiisliin;;  of  thicvt's  and  imirdcn  rs,  two  witches  were  burnt. 
 Lord  John  of  CoMiiigliani,  hr  says,  died  at  Inverness.- 
 
 "  To  Sir  W.  Cecill,  VM  JuniJ. 
 ''  IvANDoi.i'H  presents  his  letters  for  his  return  (into  Eng- 
 hmd),  wlilcli  she  ((Jueen  of  Scots)  granted  upon  Lithington's 
 return    IVoui   EuLdand.^     Qucon   of  Scots   offended    that    a 
 
 p.  99,  119,  12G,  of  this  voluiiu'.— Knox's  llistorie,  folio,  Kdin.  edit.  1732, 
 p.  3:J5.-K.] 
 
 '  There  is  no  Diet  of  Privy-Council  from  the  14th  of  October  till  the 
 14th  of  December,  in  which  time  it  is  likely  tlie  l^arl  of  Moray  has  gone 
 North  ;  for  he  is  present  at  all  the  preceding  Diets  of  Council.  And  the 
 Queen  lla^-ing  sat  in  Council  at  (Jlasgow  the  Sth  day  of  July,  after  wliich 
 day  both  she  and  the  Karl  of  Argyll  are  not  in  Council  until  the  19th  of 
 August  at  Dumfries  ;  tliat  i)rol)ably  has  been  the  time  her  Majesty  was 
 in  the  county  of  Argyll. 
 
 »  [Knox's* Historic,  IMin.  edit.  p.  :i3r>.  See  also  the  notes,  p.  99, 119, 132, 
 of  this  volume.  Knox  says  of  Lord  John  Stuart,  in  the  account  he  gives  of 
 his  death  while  on  this  northern  circuit — "  It  was  affirmed  that  he  com- 
 mandit  such  as  were  besyd  him  to  say  unto  the  Queue — *  That  unless  she 
 left  her  idolatrie,  (lod  would  not  fail  to  i)lague  her.'  He  asked  God 
 mercy — *  That  he  had  so  far  borne  with  her  in  her  impiety,  and  had 
 maintained  her  in  the  same  ;  and  that  no  one  thing  did  lie  more  regrate 
 than  that  lie  flattered,  fostered,  and  mayntened  her  in  her  wickedness 
 against  Clod  and  his  servands.'  And  in  very  deid  gret  cans  had  he  to  have 
 lanuMited  hir  wickedness  ;  for  besydes  all  his  uther  infirmities,  he  in  the 
 end,  for  the  (^ueiu's  jdcsure,  became  enemy  to  vertew,  and  to  all  verteous 
 men,  aiul  a  patrone  to  imjdety  to  the  uttermost  of  his  power.  Yea,  his 
 venom  was  so  kindled  jigainst  (Jod  and  His  word,  that  in  his  rage  he 
 bruited  furth  these  words — '  Or  I  sixe  the  Queue's  Majesty  so  trubled  with 
 the  rayling  of  tliir  knaves  (Knox  himself  and  the  Hetonned  preachers), 
 I  shall  leave  the  best  of  thamo  sticked  in  the  j)ulj)it.'  AVhat  farther 
 villany  cam  furth  of  baith  their  stinking  throttes  and  mouths  modesty 
 will  not  suffer  us  to  wryte  ;  whereof  if  he  had  grace  unfaiiu*dly  to  repent, 
 it  is  no  small  document  of  (lod's  mercies."  It  is  amusing  to  find  John 
 Knox  setting  up  a  claim  to  "  modesty."  Lord  .John  Stuart,  on  the  7th 
 of  February  156'0-1,  nearly  five  weeks  after  his  marriage  to  Lady  Jane 
 Hepbuni,  sister  of  the  n<»torious  Karl  of  Doth  well,  obtained  a  eharter  of 
 legitinuition  under  the  (Jreat  Seal.  Hy  Lady  Jane  Hejiburu  he  had  two 
 sons  an<l  a  daughter.  Francis,  the  elder  son,  was  created  I'.arl  of  Both- 
 well  ]»y  .lames  VI.,  in  consideration  of  his  maternal  descent  from  the 
 ILpburns.  He  was  the  turbulent  Karl  of  Hothwell  who  figures  as  the 
 \H-Hi  of  James  VI.  for  soverul  yeai-s,  but  at  last  losing  the  favour,  or  nither 
 exhausting  the  patience,  of  the  King,  he  was  nttaintt>d  in  1592,  and  died 
 wveral  years  afterwards  on  the  Contiiu'ut  in  obscurity  and  indigence  caused 
 by  his  bad  habits  and  debaucheries.— K.j 
 
 ^  The  Sivretary  was  not  in  Council  on  the  I'^th  of  .Imie,  but  he  was 
 present  next  Council-day,  vi/.  Sth  July. 
 
1563.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  203 
 
 packet  to  her  brought  by  a  merchant  was  opened  at  New- 
 castle. I  answered,  That  no  merchant  should  carry  close 
 letters  through  the  Borders,  by  an  auncient  order.  Ran- 
 dolph adviseth  Sir  William  Cecill,  if  any  suspected  letters 
 be  taken,  not  to  open  them,  but  send  them  to  my  Lord  of 
 Moray,  of  whose  service  the  Queen  of  England  is  sure.i 
 The  Queen  of  Scots  desirous  to  free  the  Bishop  of  St. 
 Andrew's,  could  not,  although  she  wept  to  see  her  power 
 resisted  and  opposed." 
 
 "  To  Sir  W.  Cecill,  2Qth  Junij, 
 
 "  An  ambassador  from  the  Kinge  of  Sweden  ;  his  busines 
 supposed  eyther  to  renue  the  old  state  of  marriage  for  his 
 master,  or  to  crave  some  supporte  against  the  Kinge  of 
 Denmark-  or  Muscovites.''^ 
 
 From  this  date  to  the  4th  September  following  there  is 
 no  abstract  of  letters,  so  that  the  intervening  space  has 
 been  the  time  of  Mr  Randolph's  absence  in  England. 
 
 From  Randolph  to  Sir  William  Cecill,  4th  September  1563. 
 "  The  Nobility  (of  Scotland)  like  well  of  his  (Randolph's) 
 returne.  The  Queen  receiveth  gratefully  the  letters  and  my 
 message,  but  adjourneth  me  to  a  further  conference  with 
 herself,  Moray  and  Liddington,  whom  she  will  only  be  made 
 privy  to  the  matter.  She  desireth  my  propositions  in 
 writing,  which  with  importunacy  I  granted.  Here  they 
 mislike  as  much  of  Austria,  or  any  forraine  mach,  as  we  doe." 
 
 The  reader  doth,  by  the  above  abstract  of  Mr  Randolph's 
 letter,  perceive  that  that  gentleman  was  already  returned 
 into  Scotland.  The  reason  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  having 
 recalled  Mr  Randolph  at  this  time  was,  no  doubt,  to  receive 
 oral  information  from  him  concerning  our  Queen's  marriage 
 
 ^  We  see  the  entire  confidence  Mr  Randolph  places  in  the  Earl  of 
 Moray  for  the  Qneen  of  England's  secret  service,  and  this  at  a  time 
 when  he  was  chief  minister  about  his  sister  ! 
 
 ^  [Christian  III.,  who  united  Norway  to  Denmark,  and  in  whose  reign 
 the  lleformation  was  introduced  into  both  kingdoms.— E.] 
 
 ■'  Whether  this  has  been  a  second  embassy  from  Sweden,  or  that  Mr 
 Knox  la.st  year  has  intended  only  this  present  embassy,  is  uncertain  ;  but 
 1  suppose  there  has  been  no  embassy  last  year  from  that  country,  other- 
 wise it  is  probable  this  resident  would  have  noticed  it. 
 
204  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15Go. 
 
 with  the  Arch<liikr,  and  to  concert  nieasiirc«  nnIiIi  lior 
 Couinil  an<l  l»ini  concerning  the  form  rmd  manner  of  re- 
 tiiniiiii^  an  answer,  and  likewise*  to  impart  to  liim  licr 
 drsi«^n  of  making  an  otKr  of  Robert  JJudlcy  to  our  (^ueen. 
 All  which  points  that  wise  (Jueen  has  thought  she  could 
 hi'ttor  talk  with  Mr  Randolph,  than  trust  her  mind  to 
 he  conveyed  in  writing.  Mr  Camden  says  only,  that 
 "  Queen  Elizabeth  repeated  by  Mr  Randolph  the  same 
 advice  «he  had  given  our  (^ueen  before  in  relation  to  this 
 point.  And  fartlur,  that  she  recommended  to  her  in  plain 
 terms  Robert  Dudley,^  whoso  wife,  one  Robsert's  heiress, 
 died  of  a  fall  from  some  height.-  And  engaged  farther, 
 tliat  if  she  would  marry  him,  she  should  be  declared  by  Act 
 of  Parliament  her  sister,  daughter,  or  heir  to  the  Crown,  in 
 •  ase  she  herself  died  without  issue.''  This  is  a  good  short 
 account  of  (Jueen  Elizabeth's  answer.  And  Sir  James 
 Mrlvill  agrees  with  Mr  Camden  as  to  the  private  instruction 
 ••onrerning  Lord  Robert  Dudley,  to  be  communicated,  I 
 suppose,  only  when  he  should  find  it  convenient.  Sir  James 
 likrwi.se  sets  down  the  writing  which  Mr  Randolph  gave  in 
 to  our  (^ueen  at  this  time.  Perhaps,  indeed,  nay,  it  is  even 
 vrry  likely,  that  Mr  Rantlolph  might  have  given  in  such  a 
 pripi-r  as  Sir  James  transcribes,  framed  upon  the  model 
 uf  the  Instructions  which  he  received  from  his  sovereign; 
 but  I  make  no  doubt  that  in  every  event,  the  readers  will 
 
 •  Soino rrjKjrt  that  ^^»'crt•tury  Ctfil,  who  hutotl  Lord  HoImmI,  put  it  into 
 */.  Kli74itM>th'M  head  to  imino  him  for  our  Quoon's  husband,  mertdy  to 
 work  hilt  ovtTthnjw.     Hut  I  find  Hontinipnts  dividtMl  on  this  point, 
 
 '  .\fti«r  hi-r  life  had  been  aittiiuptiMl  to  be  taken  away  by  poison,  in 
 "Mer  to  render  her  huslmnd  cajiable  i>f  anotluT  witV,  who  he  j)n»JHted 
 houhl  Ih»  g.  I'.lizaU'th,  she  was  at  htst  by  his  onh'r  made  to  fall  from 
 the  topofa  Htuir-avM',  and  ho  was  munh-red  by  the  fall.- :Surh  is  the 
 <  ommou  orcount  of  the  fate  of  .\my,  dau^diter  of  Sir  John  Uobsart,  whom 
 I  hi-  ••rl.l.rat.'il  Hobert  Dudley,  I'.arl  of  Leieester,  nuirried  when  he  wjw 
 ».  r\  \..iin^,  and  Sir  Walter  Seott  has  introdueed  it  with  jiowerfnl  eftiK-t 
 '  '  111.  ^|.!.  iidid  story  of  Kk.xilwortii.  It  is  at  least  certain  that  in  1.%'0 
 \'i\y  U'l»<.irt  died  suddenly  at  Cumnor  under  suspieious  eircumstances, 
 iMiird«T.-«l,  it  w  supiMiMMl,  at  the  instipition  of  her  husb.unl,  who,  seeini; 
 i.«.  UiumU  to  guii-n  l.li/jibeth's  partiality  and  friendship  for  him,  found 
 '  'dMtiule  to  his  ambition.     Tlion;;h  (jueen   Klizalxth  propose<l 
 
 I  a  nmt.h  for  (^leiMi  Mary  of  S<-o(land,  it   is  iloubtfnl   wlu-ther 
 
 ^    >.     I  iiMTe,  or  whether,  if  other  parties  had  hern  apeed,  she 
 '  '  li  '   '  ^     •  II  li«'r  roum>nt.     It  is  ulmust  unneeess;iry  to  sny  that   the 
 union  did  not  take  pl«cc.— E.] 
 
1563.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  205 
 
 not  take  it  amiss  to  lay  before  them  a  copy  of  the  original 
 Instructions,  as  they  were  signed  by  Queen  Elizabeth  herself, 
 and  delivered  to  her  agent. 
 
 "  Elizabeth  R. — A  Memorial  of  certain  Matters  committed 
 to  our  servant  Thomas  llandolpli^  sent  to  our  good  Sister  the 
 Queen  of  Scots,  20th  August  15G3.1 
 
 "  First,  you  shall  declare,  That  because  we  have  found  you 
 agreeable  to  her  for  the  entertainment  of  the  amity  betwixt 
 us,  we  have  presently  sent  you  to  declare  our  mind  in  a 
 matter  of  such  weight,  as  the  importance  thereof,  if  it  be 
 well  used  by  us,  may  bring  a  continual  comfort  to  us  both, 
 and  an  immortal  wealth  to  both  our  countries  ;  and  being 
 contrariwise  used,  must  needs  bring  notable  discontentation 
 to  us  both,  and  irreparable  damage  to  our  countries. 
 
 "  The  matter  is  the  marriage  of  our  sister,  which  we  wish 
 most  fortunate  to  our  sister,  and  see  great  cause  to  doubt, 
 whether  that,  which  may  have  appearance  to  some  of  her 
 friends  of  happiness,  may  not  prove  manifestly  to  the  con- 
 trary ;  and  for  discharge  of  our  friendship,  and  for  satisfaction 
 of  our  sister's  request,  we  have  not  onl}^  deeply  thought 
 thereon,  but  have  now  thought  it  necessary  by  you  to  adver- 
 tise her,  what  we  think  therein  both  meet  and  unmeet  for 
 her  to  understand,  and  necessary  for  us,  by  way  of  friendship, 
 to  declare  ;  and  therein  we  do  persist,  for  the  order  of  our 
 consideration,  in  the  same  sort  as  we  partly  shewed  our 
 mind  to  the  Secretary  the  L.  of  Lidington. 
 
 "  1st,  There  is  to  be  by  her  considered  (which  is  of  great 
 moment  in  all  marriages)  the  mutual  contentation  betwixt 
 both  parties  in  respect  of  their  private  personages,  that  the 
 love  may  probably  have  continuance  before  God  and  man. 
 
 "  2dly,  That  the  person  may  be  such,  as  she  being  a 
 Queen  of  a  Realm  and  multitude  of  people,  may  be  sure  of 
 an  unfained  allowance  and  love  of  him  by  her  llealm,  her 
 Nobility  and  Comnwns. 
 
 "  Sdl?/,  That  the  choice  be  such,  as  the  amity  which  is 
 now  so  straight  betwixt  us,  not  only  for  our  own  persons, 
 but  also  for  our  nation,  may  be  continued,  and  not  dissolved 
 or  diminished. 
 
 ^  Cotton  Library,  Cali^.  B.  X.  an  Oi-ifrinal.     This  is  the  intbrniatioii  I 
 j.roinised,  p.  I9S  [of  tliis  volmno.— 1C,| 
 
200  TIth  HIM'. m    <>F  THE  AFFAIRS  {\i)(jS 
 
 *•  Of  thv /trgt  ami  M^roiul  you  may  say,  Altlu>iiL'li  w  <loiibt 
 not  but  hIio  and  lior  ('oiiiiscllor-t  shall  HikI  imich  to  be  con- 
 sidored,  yet  wo  will  thus  paws  ( run )  them  ov«  r.  For  her 
 own  c<»uti'iitation,  cousich-rinL:  our  sist<r  liath  hitlui'toforo 
 boon  marrietl,  we  tlou!>t  not  hut  nha  will  be  thenin  well 
 odvinod,  and  therein  can  wo  say  very  little. 
 
 **  l''or  the  second  we  could  Hay  much,  but  for  that  we 
 know  »ho  hath  good  an«l  faithful  eounsrllors,  who  can  judge 
 what  Ih  meet  for  the  policy  of  that  Realm.  And  because 
 wr-  will  not  enter  into  the  considerations  of  the  conditions 
 of  th«'  pi'ople  of  another  Prince,  we  will  forbear,  only 
 wiHhing  our  sister  to  think  no  rule  nor  government  either 
 ■  asy  or  happy  that  is  kept  by  force,  or  subject  to  alterations  ; 
 but  contniriwise,  that  only  happy  that  is  ruled  by  natural 
 dlowance  of  the  nation. 
 
 ''  The  third  and  last  is  the  matter  most  properly  belong- 
 ing to  UH  to  give  advice  in,  and  so  jointly  aj>])crtaining  to  us 
 both,  as  th<'  good  din'ction  thereof  must  breed  cither  notable 
 ••ontentation,  or  notable  discjuietness,  beside  common  profit 
 •r  damage  to  our  kingiloms. 
 
 *'  The  seeking  of  a  husband  for  our  sister  is  honourable 
 and  convenient  for  her,  and  a  thing  that  wo  like  very  well 
 in  her,  although  hitherto  we  have  not  found  such  disposition 
 Mj  ourMelf;  ninitting,  n<»verthrless,  our  mind  and  heart  to  be 
 lirect-d  by  the  Almiirhty  (iod  as  it  shall  best  please  Ilira, 
 '  T  His  honour  and  the  weal  of  our  Realm  :  IJut  this  herein 
 \\M  eonwider,  that  to  neek  such  a  husband,  as  we  well  many 
 ways  perceive  is  sought  for  in  the  ICmperor's  lineage,  by  her 
 uncle  tho  Cardinal  of  Lorrain,  of  whose  former  practices 
 airiinwt  US  we  have  had  goo<l  experience,  must  needs  bring 
 a  manifest  danger  to  our  private  amity ;  an  apparent 
 •easion  to  diiwolvo  the  concord  that  is  presently  betwixt 
 'Mir  nations  ;  and  thirdly,  an  iiiterruj)tion  of  such  a  course, 
 as  oth.rwisr  might  be  taken  to  further  and  awake  such 
 I  iirht  or  title  as  she  might  have  to  succeeii  us  in  this  Crown, 
 if  we  shouM  (hj.art  without  issue  of  our  body. 
 
 For  our  private  amity,  wo  cannot  forbear,  but  frankly 
 let  our  sister  understand,  that  by  such  a  manner  of  marriage, 
 an  we  takr  this  t<»  be  intended  by  some  <.f  her  nuchas,  we  do 
 ^\<1I  judge  that  no  good  is  intentled  towards  us  :  And  how 
 \"  ran  continue  an  amity   where  so  great   cause  shall  be 
 
15G3.J  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  207 
 
 ministred  (we  mean  not  by  our  sister,  for  we  think  so 
 sincerely  of  her,  that  for  her  own  part  she  will  never  seek 
 to  break  the  amity),  we  must  leave  it  to  be  judged  by 
 herself. 
 
 "  But  although  we  should  contend  for  the  friendship 
 that  is  betwixt  us,  with  nature,  that  is,  not  disallow  that 
 which  we  know  is  intended  against  us,  yet  our  sister  shall 
 plainly  understand  that  there  be  many  causes  why  this 
 kind  of  marriage  shall  speedily  dissolve  the  mutual  concord 
 that  is  betwixt  our  nations ;  and  to  repair  that  we  must 
 confess  that  neither  it  shall  rest  in  the  power  of  her  nor  us. 
 
 "  La&tlij^  To  consider  her  own  particular,  which,  in  way 
 of  friendship  towards  her,  we  do  most  weigh,  we  do  assure 
 her,  by  some  present  proof  that  we  have  in  our  Realm,  upon 
 some  small  report  made  hereof,  we  well  perceive,  that  if  we 
 do  not  intermeddle  and  interpone  our  authority,  it  will  not 
 be  long  before  it  shall  appear,  that  as  much  as  wit  can 
 imagine  will  be  used  to  impeach  her  intention  for  the 
 furtherance  of  her  title.  And  considering  the  humors  of 
 such  as  (except  our  authority  and  the  fear  of  us  shall  stay 
 them)  mind  their  own  particular,  what  can  our  sister  think 
 more  hurtful  to  her,  than  by  this  manner  of  proceeding  by 
 her  friends  that  be  not  of  her  natural  nation  of  her  kingdom, 
 first,  to  endanger  the  amity  betwixt  us  ;  secondly,  to  dis- 
 solve the  concord  betwixt  two  such  mighty  nations  ;  and 
 lastly,  disappoint  her  of  more  than  ever  they  shall  recover  I 
 
 "  Wherefore  you  shall  conclude,  that  our  advice  is.  She 
 should  not  be  thus  abused,  under  pretence  of  greatness,  to 
 hazard  not  only  the  well  of  her  country,  but  also  the  ex- 
 pectation of  more  than  all  her  friends  can  procure  her.  And 
 further  than  this  our  meaning  is,  that  you  shall  not  proceed. 
 But  if  you  see  that  she  shall  think  light  of  this  manner  of 
 advice,  and  shall  press  you  to  know  precisely  what  we  would 
 have  her  to  do,  and  what  manner  of  marriage  she  should 
 seek,  then,  if  you  see  no  other  means  to  content  her,  you 
 shall  say — We  are  well  content,  if  our  sister  will  in  her 
 marriage  have  regard  to  these  things,  and  content  us  and 
 this  our  nation  in  her  marriage,  upon  assured  knowledge 
 thereof,  to  proceed  to  the  inquisition  of  her  right  and  title 
 to  be  our  next  cousin  and  heir,  and  to  further  that  which 
 shall  appear  advantageous  for  her,  and  to  hinder  and  impeach 
 
208  TlIK   IIlST<»nV  nV  Tin:  AFFAIRS  [150*3. 
 
 that  wliich  .sIkiII  hl'L'Ih  to  the  contrary  ;  using  iilso  therein 
 Huch  meun8  an  may  be  to  the  contentation  of  our  Realm, 
 hoth  Nohihty  an<l  (.'oinnionv. 
 
 '•  And  if  .^-he  .sh:ill  press  u\nm  you,  what  kind  ol'  marriage 
 \  ou  think  might  bo«t  content  us  and  our  Reahn,  ye  may  well 
 -ay — That  it  must  bo  such  as  may  not  1)0  apparent  to  us  or 
 our  people,  that  it  is  only  sought  to  procure  trouble  to  this 
 R<'alm,  08  «ho  saw  was  done  in  the  time  of  her  marriage  to 
 th«'  I'^rmch  Kin*::  And  therefore  you  may  say — You  can 
 l)Ut  wisii  that  there  might  be  found  some  Noble  person  of 
 good  birth  within  this  our  Realm  that  niiglit  be  agreeable 
 to  her;  or  if  that  shall  not  be,  yet  of  some  othr-r  country, 
 boing  one  whom  urither  we  nor  our  Realm  should  have 
 manifest  cause  to  judge  to  be  sought,  for  the  trouble  of  this 
 lu'alm;^  and  then  might  we  more  readily  and  easily  shew 
 iud  extend  the  good  will  that  we  have  to  the  furtherance  of 
 <jur  sister :  And  otherwise  you  may  plainly  say — We  can 
 promise  nothing  agreeable  to  the  fervent  desire  that  we 
 have  to  do  her  good,  which  is  of  our  own  natural  disposition, 
 to  have  her  to  enjoy  before  any  creature  any  thing  that  wo 
 liavo,  next  to  ourself,  or  to  our  children,  if  God  shall  so 
 onler  us  to  have  any.  And  this  you  may  say — ^V'e  assure 
 lior  at  this  time  is  our  desire  unfainedly.'^ 
 
 "  ELIZAnETII  R." 
 
 I  shall  leave  it  to  my  readers  to  form  their  own  reflexions 
 '»n  till"  precooding  Instniotions,  and  shall  profMod  in  the 
 ibntracts  of  Mr.  JJandolph's  letters. 
 
 To  *SVr  ir.  Cecilia  \m  Dcrember  l.",(;3. 
 
 •  Defect  of  justice  on   the   IJorders,   for  lack  of  the  Lonl 
 
 (Jovrmor's  proMonco.'i     The  Abbay  of  Hodington  in  Lodian 
 
 L'i\.  I.  bv  \\u'  (,)ii. .  .,   fo  Lithington.*     Randolph  attondinge, 
 
 >.  f.  lu  u\.\u'i  uortin,  Millie  iMTNon  inferior  to  tho  nmjcsty  otcmr  (^iuhmi. 
 •  'nM-m*  Iimtrurlioii.t  an*  ull  writti'ii  in  CWmPh  hand,  and  .si|,Miod  and 
 rount.T  .•i;n»«"«l  l»y  thr  (^n.i'n  of  Kn^^land  lursclf. 
 
 I  «ii.|H»iM.  Ii«.  iiuiuiH  i\\v  Kn^liHli  IlordiTH,  and  tho  Kurdish  (Jovernor, 
 I'T  IIhti-  wim  no  Mul,  titlr  now  in  Scotland. 
 
 (Ihiutr  i:ii/AlM>tii  llrplmni  wiw  rriorifw  of  thi.HCtMtertian  Convent  or 
 J  '    -rs  of   Nun<iut  the  Hefornmtion.     The  jrreater  part  of  the  hinds  wjw 
 
 :.  rn-d  by  K^xin-u  Mary  on  Stvretary  Maitland  of  l^-thington,  ai»d  also 
 •Ue  FnuirtMrAii  AMM»y  Chiirrh,  a  inaifiiifieent  Htnicture  when  entire,  and 
 
15o3.J  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND,  200 
 
 she  being  sick,  sent  in  his  sovereign's  token  by  the  Lady 
 Argile,!  which  the  Queen  received  gladly,  and  often  kissed 
 it.  He  attended  the  next  Sunday,  and  presented  both  his 
 letters,  together  with  thanks  for  the  Cardinal's  friendship  to 
 Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton.^  The  Queen  wore  the  ringe  on 
 her  finger  that  the  Lady  Argile  had  delivered  afore  from  me, 
 haveinge  upon  the  same  also  a  ringe  of  her  husband's,  saying, 
 That  these  two  should  never  goe  out  of  her  sight.  The  Lord 
 of  Arrain  is  growne  againe  into  his  madnes." 
 
 The  Borderers  of  both  nations  were  always  very  trouble- 
 some neighbours.  Not  much  above  two  months  ago  every 
 thing  relating  to  the  peace  of  the  Borders  had  been  settled, 
 extended  at  great  length,  and  sealed  by  Commissioners 
 deputed  by  both  the  Queens :  on  the  part  of  Scotland,  by 
 Sir  John  Maxwell  of  Terreigles,  afterwards  Lord  Harris,^ 
 Warden  of  the  West  Marches,  and  Sir  Thomas  Bellenden, 
 the  Justice-Clerk ;  and  on  the  part  of  England,  by  Sir 
 Henry  Scroope,  Warden  of  the  West  Marches,  Sir  John 
 Forrester,^  Warden  of  the  ^liddle  ^larches,  Sir  Thomas 
 Gargraif,  Vice-President  of  the  Queen's  Council  in  the 
 North,  and  John  Rookbie,^  Doctor  of  Law,  and  one  of  the 
 said  Council;  at  Carlisle  in  England,  and  at  Dumfries  within 
 Scotland,  on  the  11th  and  23d  days  of  September  15G3.t>" — 
 This  Border  Treaty  was  the  result  of  two  letters,  exchanged 
 
 formerly  called  the  Lamp  of  Lothian.  The  east  end  of  this  church  has 
 been  long  in  ruins,  but  the  west  end,  which  was  repaired  in  1811,  at  the 
 expense  of  L.6000,  is  used  as  the  parish  clmrch.  In  a  corner  of  the 
 edifice  is  the  sei)ulchre  of  the  Noble  Family  of  Maitland  Earls  of  Lauder- 
 dale, and  here  is  the  superb  monument  erected  to  tlie  memory  of  Lord 
 Chancellor  Thirlstane,  brother  of  Secretary  Maitland,  and  his  lady. — E.] 
 
 ^  [This  was  a  ring  presented  to  Queen  jNIary  by  Queen  Elizabeth. — E.] 
 
 -  This  gentleman  had  been  made  a  prisoner  at  the  battle  of  Droux  by 
 the  Duke  of  (luise. 
 
 •^  [Second  son  of  Robert  fourth  Lord  Maxwell,  married  Agnes,  eldest 
 daughter  and  co-heiress  of  AVilliam  fourth  Lord  1  Terries  of  Terreagles, 
 in  Dumfries-shire. — E.l 
 
 ■*  [Properly  Sir  John  Eorster.] 
 
 ''  [Properly  John  Pokeby.— E.] 
 
 "  See  this  Convention  or  Agreement  at  full  length  in  Rymer's  Fopd. 
 Angl.  tom.  XV.  under  the  title  of  Convcntiones  inter  Rcglnam  Scoti(i\ 
 Doageriam  Frayicice,  et  Elizabeth  apimnctuatc,  ct  concluacv.. — [P.  G31-63S.  This 
 Convention  or  Agreement,  notwithstanding  its  Latin  title,  is  in  English, 
 and  is  signed  by  Sir  John  Maxwell  .and  Sir  Thomas  Bellenden. — E.] 
 VOL.  II.  14 
 
'j{n  Tin:  HisTouY  OF  Tin;  affairs  [ir)(jo, 
 
 httwixt  oiu*  of  the  Kn<^lisli  Wardens  and  the  Seottish 
 Seen-tarv,  for  wliich  see  the  AiM'KNDlx."^ 
 
 •   To  *Sn-  ir.  Cicill,  '2\.st  Lhcciuher. 
 
 ''  Assembly  of  tho  Lords  for  three  causes.  One  about 
 unkindnes  from  the  Frencli  in  not  payeinge  the  Queen"'« 
 dowerv,  deprivinL'c  Chastelerhault  of  his  Duchie,2  and  be- 
 stowinge  thr  Captaine's  office  of  the  Guard  upon  a  French- 
 man, the  appointment  of  that  being  the  right  of  the  Prince 
 of  Scotland.  2do,  To  end  the  (piarrel  between  llothes  and 
 Lindesay"^  for  the  Sherifwick  of  Fife.  Stio,  To  take  order 
 witli  Knox  and  his  faction,  who  intended  by  a  mutinous 
 assembly  made  by  his  letter  before,  to  have  rescued  two  of 
 their  brethren  from  course  of  lawe,  for  usinge  an  outraige 
 upon  a  priest  saingo  masse  to  the  Queen^s  Houshold  at 
 Ilalliruydhows/"^ 
 
 '  NuiuIkt  V. 
 
 '  (This  statcniont  is  not  clear,  and  it  it  not  niontionod,  so  far  as  the 
 Editor  is  aware,  hy  any  historical  writers.  The  Duke  of  Hamilton  still 
 l>onrs  the  title  of  Duke  of  C'hatelherault,  conferred  on  the  Hefjent  Earl 
 of  .\rraii  in  l.')4S,  hut  it  is  alle;;ed  that  the  Manjuesses  of  Abercorn, 
 di-jiccMuliHl  from  I^ord  Claud  Hamilton,  third  son  of  the  Rej^ent  by  his 
 Duchesw  I^ndy  Marj^jin't  I)ouj,'las,  dau;j;hter  of  James  third  Karl  of  Morton, 
 li  iN<-  a  ••ujMTior  claim  to  the  title,  which,  however,  has  been  long  merely 
 il.  Sw  Preface,  by  W.  H.  D.  D.  Turnbull,  Kscj.,  Advocate,  to 
 iini  of  the  I'jirl  of  .Xrran  touching  the  Restitution  of  the  Duchy  of 
 rhaU'lh«rault,  HJV>,"  Kdin.  Svo.  184.1.— K.j 
 
 ■"  (Anilrew  fourth  I'jirl  of  Roth(>^,  nephew  of  Norman  l.eslii>,  one  of 
 the  munlcrerH  of  Cardinal  Il4'aton,and  I'atrick  sixth  l^>rd  Linds;iy  of  tho 
 Ilyrt*,  n  nuwt  zealoun  leader  of  the  so-called  Reforming  '*  Congregation," 
 and  cuUMpiruoufl  in  the  /itiitl  o/  /iuthrru—a  well  known  plot  to  .»iecure  the 
 [H'Tn  <n  of  .Iniiies  VI.  in  l.Wi.  Rothes  obtained  a  charter  of  the  sheriff- 
 dom of  Fifo  in  irw*.*},  which  was  ratified  by  rarliainent  in  l.')(>7,  yet  Lord 
 Lindrnty  obtaine4l  the  office  of  Sherifl'of  I'ife  in  rebnmry  loT.'M.— E.] 
 
 *  (Thift  affair  is  narrateil  by  .\rchbishop  Sj>ottiswoode  (History,  London, 
 lfi67,  p.  Iss),  Knox  (HiHtorie,  Kdin.  17.T2,  p.  335,  :W6),  and  Calderwood 
 (llintorit*  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland  printed  for  the  Woi>now  Society, 
 F.<linliun(h,  Svo.  1M3,  vol.  ii.  p.  230,  231).  It  occurred  in  the  month  of 
 .\ugiiH(,  when  the  (^uecn  hapiwned  to  be  at  Stirling,  and  Knox  asserts 
 tliAt  *^  u|>oun  thoHo  name  Sondays  that  the  kirk  of  I'.dinburgh  luul  the 
 minUlmtioun  of  the  l^iird's  tulile,  the  Tajustes  in  grrt  numbers  resorted 
 lo  thi'  AbtN*y  to  their  ulMimiiuitioun."  The  (Queen's  IVench  <lomestic.<«, 
 or  "ciTtane  dontitK>urH,"  a.H  Knt)X  calls  them,  "and  uthcrs  of  the  I'rench 
 •''  'lu»  hfodof  wliom  %vii.s  n  certain  Madame  Raylie — **  for  maids," 
 
 '^  "'•'I  to  add  :  **  that  Court  could  not  wrill  lM»ar"—  very  natunilly 
 
 »i<.M..j  iii<<  ftrrriMoof  their  own  religion,  and  Divine  Service  wius  cele- 
 brato<l,  arcorUing  to  the  ritual  of  the   Roman  Catholic  Church,  in  the 
 
]oG3.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  I2s^   SCOTLAND.  211 
 
 "  To  Sir  W.  Cecill,  oOth  December. 
 
 Sunday,  26th  December,  Randolph  sent  for  to  Courte. 
 Queen  demandeth  what  answere  from  her  good  sister.  He 
 answereth,  her  Majestie's  great  care  for  her  sister's  mar- 
 riage ;  and  that  to  mach  in  eyther  of  those  great  Houses^ 
 would  make  dissensions  :  Therefore  none  more  fit  then  some 
 Nobleman  of  her  Realme.  For  the  matter  of  title,  he 
 answereth  as  in  his  Instructions,  signifying  further  the  Queen 
 of  England's  pleasure  to  treat  further  of  these  matters  with 
 any  the  Queen  should  send.      He  perceiveth  Argile  willinge 
 
 Chapel-Royal  of  Ilolyrood.  On  this  particular  occasion  a  "  zealous 
 brother,"  as  Knox  designates  him,  one  Patrick  Cranston,  entered  the 
 Chapel-Royal,  and  finding  the  altar  covered,  and  a  priest  ready  to  com- 
 mence mass,  exclaimed — "  The  Queen's  ^lajesty  is  not  here  ;  how  dare 
 yon,  then,  he  so  malapart  as  openly  to  do  against  the  laws  ?"  Ivnox 
 pretends  that  nothing  more  was  said  or  asked  than  this  insolent  question, 
 and  yet  he  admits  that  the  Queen's  domestics  were  put  in  such  trepidation 
 by  this  violent  and  intolerant  fanatic,  that  they  sent  for  Wisliart  of 
 Pittarrow,  the  Comptroller,  who  happened  to  be  in  St  Giles'  church 
 listening  to  a  sermon,  to  proceed  to  Holyroodhouse  to  save  the  life  of 
 jMadame  Baylie,  and  also  to  protect  the  Palace.  Wishart  obeyed,  bring- 
 ing with  him  the  Lord  Provost,  ^Magistrates,  and  a  great  party  of  Avhom 
 Knox  calls  the  "faithless,"  but,  he  says,  "when  they  came  where  the 
 fear  was  bruted  to  have  been,  they  fand  all  things  quiet  except  the 
 tumult  they  brocht  with  themselfis,  and  peaceable  men  looking  to  the 
 Papists,  and  forbidding  thame  to  transgress  the  laws."  The  two  "  brethren" 
 whom  Knox  and  his  associates  are  reported  by  Randolph  to  Cecil  to  have 
 intended  to  rescue,  were  this  same  Patrick  Cranston  and  a  person  named 
 Andrew  Armstrong.  This  said  Andrew  Armstrong  and  George  Rynd, 
 described  as  burgesses  of  Edinburgh,  on  the  1st  of  October  1563  found 
 surety  to  "underly  the  law"  on  the  24th  of  that  month  for  breaking  the 
 Queen's  proclamations,  carrying  "pistoletts"  within  Edinburgh  and  the 
 Canongate,  and  for  "  convocation  of  the  lieges  at  the  Palace  of  Ilolyrood, 
 and  invading  sundry  of  the  Queen's  domestic  servants  therein."  On  the 
 24th  the  case  was  continued  till  the  13th  of  November,  when  Patrick 
 Cranston  was  commanded  to  appear.  It  is  curious,  however,  that  on  the 
 same  day  when  Armstrong  and  Rynd  were  arraigned  for  their  disorderly 
 conduct,  a  certain  Christian  Pinkerton,  described  as  spouse  of  James 
 Roger,  and  twenty-one  others,  men  and  women  in  the  lower  ranks  of  life, 
 were  "  delated"  for  being  present  in  the  Chapel-Royal  of  Ilolyrood  at 
 the  celebration  of  ^Mass  on  the  8th  of  August.  Archibald  Trench  and 
 his  wife,  and  John  Brown,  "  merchant,"  were  denounced  rebels,  and  their 
 cautioners  "unlawed."  No  fartiier  notice  of  these  cases  occurs.  See 
 Pitcairn's  Criminal  Trials  in  Scotland,  vol.  i.  Part  I.  Edin.  4to,  1833, 
 p.  434,  435.— E.] 
 
 ^  Viz.  of  the  Emperor,  or  King  of  Spain. — [Ferdinand  [.  and  Phih"])  IF. 
 -E.] 
 
"\'J  'IIK   HISTUHY  uV  Tin-    .MFAIIIS  [loGo. 
 
 I..  I>'  <  luployrd  in  it,  but  tho  Diikc  will  bo  (lispleased. 
 Many  iiiijjortiinc  to  kiiowf  what  person  tho  (^ucon  moans  ; 
 Honio  ima^nno  my  Lord  Ami).  Dudley,  some  Damley,  now 
 njy  Lord  Robert.^  The  Lord  Treasurer  of  Scotland-  put  to 
 open  ponanop  in  th^  cliiu'ch  for  tret  ting  a  wencli  with  child." 
 
 Tile  Insi ruction^  poinird  at  in  this  foregoing  letter  seem 
 to  be  tho  Memorial  of  tin;  17th  November,  transmitted  from 
 (/ueen  Elizabctli  to  her  llcsident,  which,  for  the  greater 
 .•satisfaction  of  my  n-aders,  I  juil;_'"<'  j»ropcr  here  to  subjoin. 
 
 '  IW'caiiM'  incntion  Iijls  aliViidy  lu'on,  ami  will  be  litToat'tfr  madf,  of  my 
 l^)r(l  UobiTt,  such  readi'r.s  a.s  are  unactiuaintcul  may  know,  that  tlii.s  wa-s 
 a  j,'OMtltMnau  of  tho  siniamo  of  Dmllcy,  wliosi"  fatluT  had  been  fii-st  created 
 lAtrd  Viwomit  Lisle  by  Kiii";  Henry  VIII.  (He  was  likewise  made 
 \dininil  of  I-!ii^laiid  by  this  Kin;,',  and  in  that  «iuality  commanded  the 
 HiH't  which  arrived  in  the  Krith  of  Kdinburj,'h  in  the  be^Mnnini;  of  May 
 1^4.  See  aliove  |i.  46'.)  He  wius  afterwards  created  I'.arl  of  Warwick 
 (the  Kiune  who  wa.s  Lieutenant  (ieneral  under  the  Duke  of  Somerset  at 
 the  unfortunate  Ilattle  of  Pinkie,  anno  1547)  and  Duke  of  Northumber- 
 land by  Kin^'  Kdward  VI.  Hut  both  he  and  his  eldest  son  were  executed 
 in  the  first  year  of  Quit'U  Mary  of  En;;land,  ujion  an  indictment  of  hij^h 
 trea.H<jn,  for  their  settin;,'  up  the  Lady  .lean  (Jrey  to  be  (^ueen.  Nor  was 
 llmt  title  revived  in  the  family  by  (^ucen  Klizabeth.  Her  Majesty,  how- 
 ever, create<l  .\mbrose  Dudley  (the  s;une  who  is  here  mentioned)  l^arl  of 
 Warwick,  and  his  brother  Kobert  Dudley,  who  was  fifth  son  to  his  father, 
 »«he  cn-atiMl  Ijirl  of  Leicester,  to  render  him  thereby  a  proper  match  for 
 our  Quei'ii,  UM  h\u>  pretended.  Kvery  boily  knows  of  the  esteem  his  mis- 
 tn-wi  the  Que-n  of  Kujrland  bare  him,  and  Sir  Jame.s  Melvil  tells  us,  that 
 when  she  ni.ide  him  Karl  c»f  Leicester  (the  wdemnity  of  which  creation  is 
 very  particularly  relate<l  by  some  Kurdish  %vriters),  "  her  Majesty,  who 
 heljMHl  to  put  on  his  ci-remonial,  could  lujt  refniin  from  puttini,'  her  hand 
 in  hiM  ni-ck,  Nmilin^dy  tickling;  hin>,  as  he  sat  on  his  knees  before  her.  Sir 
 .Iamc««  and  the  French  Anibas-Kador  standing  by."— [Sir  James  Melville's 
 MeuuiirH,  folio,  p.  47L  Bishop  Keith's  reference  in  this  note — "  See  aborcy 
 p.  4<>    "  iH  not  clear.  -  K  ] 
 
 •  Thifi  WW  Mr  HolH?rt  Hichanlson,  (V»mmendator  of  St  Mary  Isle. — 
 fin  Kirkrudbri;;ht}ihire,  near  the  royal  burgh  of  Kirkcudbright,  not 
 lit«'mlly  an  u/*-,  ns  it  is  a  portion  t»f  land  jut  tin,'  out  into  the  river  IKh*, 
 the  Hhon>  of  which  is  dry  at  low  water.  St  .Mary's  Isle  wivs  the  .site  of 
 a  I'riory  or  .\bbey  founded  by  Fergus,  I,onl  of  (Jalloway,  in  the  reign  of 
 David  I.,  and  wa«  a  dependency  of  the  Abbey  of  Holyrood  at  Kdinbtirgh. 
 It  IN  now  the  Inmutiful  mwi  <»f  the  Fjirl.**  of  S«'lkirk.  Ilichardson  wjis  Lord 
 High  'Inuwurer  of  Scotland  from  l.VJl  to  l.'><;4  (lii-atson's  Political  lnd«'X, 
 vi»l.  iii  p.  VI  ;  but  Cniwford  (Lives  of  the  Oncers  of  State  in  Scotland, 
 ftdio,  F.4bn.  IT'JiJ,  p.  :is;i.,  nays  that  he  wjis  ap|M)inte.l  in  l.VVS,  and  "  kept 
 \\\n  plnre*'  till  \\\n  d.-.ith  in  ir>7L  This  author  says  "  He  api)ears  to  have 
 Ih*,!!  a  %,.rj-  wi«4'  niodi>mt<>  man,  for,  w)  far  as  I  can  observe  fmm  the 
 %  of  thi**M<  time»s  he  kept  him-elf  more  in  a  niMitrality,  and  was  less 
 ^  man  than  any  other  that  held  oflice  aUnit  the  Court."— K.J 
 
]503.]  OF  ClIUllClI  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  213 
 
 "  Elizabeth  R. — A  Memorial  for  Thomas  Randolph,  sent  hy 
 the  Queen'' s  Majestie  to  the  Queen  of  Scots,  17 fh  November 
 1563.1 
 
 *'  We  liavc  heard  and  seen  in  writing  shewed  to  us  by  you, 
 liow  discreet  answers  the  Queen  our  good  sister  hath  made  to 
 you,  to  such  things  as  you  have  propounded  to  her  ;  wherein 
 you  shall  say  to  her,  we  do  perceive  her  good  acceptation  of 
 our  messages  to  the  sincerity  of  our  meaning,  whereof  we 
 are  very  glad,  and  thereby  are  provoked  to  proceed  to  some 
 further  perfection.  And  in  one  thing  only  we  find  some  lack 
 in  perusing  of  the  answers,  that  is,  we  see  not  so  much 
 inwardness  and  frankness  uttered  in  words,  as  we  perswade 
 ourself  we  should  have  found  in  private  communication  with 
 her  ourself ;  which  last  though  we  find,  yet  do  we  not  blame 
 it,  considering  we  impute  it  to  her  great  circumspection,  and 
 advice  used  in  committing  of  her  mind  to  writing,  wherein 
 commonly  more  strangeness  and  less  familiarity  is  used  than 
 in  speech. 
 
 ''  And  for  the  matters,  you  may  say,  That  we  are  very 
 glad  to  see  her  not  disallow  of  the  manner  used  by  us,  in 
 division  of  the  matters  requisite  to  be  considered  by  her  in 
 the  marriage  ;  which  being  principally  three,  that  is,  the 
 contentation,  first  of  herself,  next  of  her  people,  and,  thirdly, 
 of  us  and  our  Realm ;  whereof  the  two  former  seem  to  be 
 well  regarded  by  her ;  and  in  the  third,  which  concerneth 
 us  and  her,  remaineth  most  difficulty.  Therefore,  omitting 
 the  two  former,  you  shall  say.  That  we  have  considered  her 
 answers  to  the  same,  and  mean  to  let  her  understand  what 
 we  think  thereof. 
 
 "  You  shall  say,  That  where,  by  her  words,  she  desireth 
 to  clear  us  of  a  doubt,  which  we  have  conceived  of  the 
 intention  of  some  marriage,  wherein  no  good  is  meant  to  us, 
 assuring  us,  first,  of  her  own  sincere  meaning;  and  next, 
 undertaking  for  her  uncles,  that  they  will  always  be  ready 
 to  do  us  pleasure,  and  consecpiently  praying  us  to  suffer  no 
 such  impression   of  them  by  sinister  reports  to  take  place 
 
 ^  Cotton  Library,  C'ali^.  B.  X.  and  Lawvort^'  lJI)rary,aii  Ori<;inal.  The-sc 
 Instructions  are  in  Cocil's  hand,  and  si«»;ncd  and  comitersij^ncd  by  the 
 Queen. — [Rritisli  Museum,  and  Advocates'  Library,  Edinburgh. — E.  J 
 
214  TllL  III.STUUY  UF  TIIK  AKFAIUS  [1503. 
 
 witli   u>  :   Ml  rely  we  never  conceived  any  «udi  opinion  in 
 
 this  matter  of  Iut  niarria^^e  upon  her  own  intention,  but  do 
 
 think  of  her  even  as  she  would  have  us  do.     Neither  have 
 
 we  re/janled  any  rej)orts  made  of  any  of  her  uncles,  but 
 
 such  as  their  own  deeds  have  confirmed  ;  and  for  her  sake 
 
 wo  have  been  content  to  cast  behind  us  into  oblivion  all 
 
 fonner  acts  of  some  of  them,  which  not  only  ourselves,  but 
 
 all  the  rest  of  Christen<lom,  did  see  to  be  prejudicial  to  us, 
 
 and  in  that  we  do  let  our  good  sister  understand  what  it  is 
 
 that  wo  misliko  in  some  of  them.     We  assure  her,  we  have 
 
 not  been  ready  to  give  light  ear  or  credit  thereto  ;  but  when 
 
 such  things  pass  abroad  from  country  to  country,  even  from 
 
 themselves  originally,  when  no  pains  nor  travel  are  spared, 
 
 to  notify  to  the  world  their  earnestness  in  renewing  their 
 
 former  designs  and  practices,   wo  pray   our  sister  not   to 
 
 impute  this  our  conceit  to  the  sinister  perswasion  of  any 
 
 other.  For,  indeed,  both  for  her  sake,  and  for  respect  of  the 
 
 honourable  House  and  Family  of  her  uncles,  we  would  be 
 
 rather  content  to  have  good  offices  of  friendship  nourished 
 
 betwixt  us  and  them,  likeas  we  have  not  foreborn,  for  all 
 
 unkindiH'ss  past,  to  shew  ourselves  to  some  of  them  very 
 
 well  content  to  use  them  not  unkindly  ;  and  except  manifest 
 
 cause  be  given  us  to  the  contrary,  we  mean  not  to  show  any 
 
 offence  towards  any  of  them. 
 
 ''  And  for  the  last  part  of  our  sister's  answer,  whereunto 
 «ho  desireth  to  be  answered  in  two  points,  that  is,  first, 
 what  person  we  think  for  marriage  suitable  for  her,  and 
 whom  wc  allow,  and  whom  not ;  next,  what  way  we  mean  to 
 proceed  to  the  declaration  of  her  title  to  be  our  next  cousin, 
 u[>on  knowledge?  whereof,  she  will  give  us  a  resolute  answer. 
 N'ou  may  say,  that  these  two  matters  are  of  such  weight,  as 
 wo  aro  very  loth  to  make  answer  thereunto  by  message,  if 
 we  might  do  otherwise  conveniently,  finding  ourselves  better 
 <lisposed  to  deal  in  such  matters  by  connnunication  and 
 familiar  speeches,  so  as  the  one  of  us  might  satisfie  the  other 
 in  any  doubt,  and  neither  of  us  to  be  subjeet  to  be  mistakcMi 
 in  frieuilHlnp. 
 
 Novcrtholess,  bi'cause  she  shall  perctMve  we  mean  not  in 
 any  part  to  Ktny  this  mo  necessary  a  matter,  we  will  not 
 forbear   to  «b'Hcribe  to  her  what   kind   of  prison   wr  think 
 
1563.]  OF  ciiuiicn  ain^d  .state  in  Scotland.  215 
 
 meet,  and  consequently  to  manifest  to  her  in  some  sort  of 
 speciality  rather  who  are  not  meet,  than  precisely  to  appoint 
 by  name  who  are  meet. 
 
 "  A  person  meet  for  her  in  marriage,  as  we  judge,  ought 
 to  be  chosen  of  such  as  having  other  qualities  agreeable  to 
 her  own  liking  and  to  her  Realm,  have  no  less  disposition 
 and  determination  to  continue  the  strait  bond  of  love  and 
 concord  that  is  now  knit  between  us  two,  and  our  people 
 and  countries.  And  if  upon  advised  consideration  had 
 none  can  be  found,  being  a  stranger  born  to  both  our 
 countries,  with  such  an  assured  disposition  and  affection, 
 the  weight  of  this  matter  is  surely  such,  being  advisedly 
 weighted  and  considered,  that  it  were  to  be  wished,  and  so 
 for  our  part  we  would  be  right  glad,  that  some  Nobleman  of 
 right  birth  and  credit  within  this  isle  might  be  found, 
 having  natural  affection  towards  this  our  bond  of  concord, 
 and  not  unmeet  in  condition  and  qualities  for  the  other  two 
 points  requisite  to  be  considered  in  this  behalf.  Herein  if 
 our  sister  shall  advisedly  consider  our  opinion,  using  the 
 advice  of  those  who  both  love  herself  and  country,  she  shall 
 well  understand,  that  whatsoever  mountains  of  felicities  or 
 worldly  pomps  may  be  hoped  for  by  others,  being  strangers, 
 if  this  natural  disposition  to  conserve  concord  betwixt  us, 
 and  this  our  Realms  after  us,  be  not  assuredly  found  in  them, 
 the  success  thereof  shall  not  answer  her  expectation,  for  we 
 account  this  last  matter  in  choice  of  her  husband  not  to  be 
 of  less  moment  than  any  of  the  other.  And  well  may  we 
 call  this  conjunction  of  us  two  and  our  countries  the  prin- 
 cipal marriage  that  shall  make  all  other  marriages  (not  only 
 of  herself,  but  of  her  people,  and  our's  also)  fortunate, 
 happy,  and  fruitful ;  and  therefore  we  earnestly  pray  our 
 sister  to  think,  that  this  our  limitation  or  description  of  the 
 quality  of  a  person,  without  naming  to  her  of  any,  groweth 
 of  good  and  long  deliberation. 
 
 "  And  as  to  the  declaration  whom  we  think  not  meet, 
 our  sister  may  easily  understand  that^  by  comparing  the 
 contrary  ;  and  yet,  to  speak  more  openly,  we  think  our  sister 
 may  most  readily  judge  what  sort  of  persons  are  not  meet, 
 by  the  example  of  her  past  marriage  with  the  French  King  ; 
 wherein,  whatsoever  our  sister  shall  for  respects  affirm  to 
 the  contrary,  all  wise  men  in  the  world  did  see  that  the 
 
2lf»  "m:  histouy  <>k  tiik  affaihs  [l.V;.*], 
 
 •  Irvice  til.  n  Ml  xsas  neither  for  tlw  i)articuhir  weal  of  her  or 
 her  country,  nor  to  maintain  (|iiietncss  between  these  two 
 kinplonn  ;  and  so  did  the  succesH  also  declare  the  same. 
 And  wo  are  of  opinion,  that  none  who  shall  practise  in  like 
 »ort  to  make  any  marriage  betwixt  her  and  the  children  of 
 France,  Spain,  or  Austria,  can  have  any  other  intention,  if 
 n<.t  worse,  than  was  in  that  of  France.  And,  therefore,  to 
 conclude  this  point,  our  sister  may  perceive  what  manner  of 
 choice  we  wish  her  to  make,  not  naming  any  person  in  any 
 country,  nor  secluding  any  for  the  nature  of  the  country,  so 
 that  the  person  have  both  condition  and  disposition  agree- 
 n!»le  for  both  these  two  countries  ;  but  being  very  desirous 
 that  Almighty  (iod  may  please  to  direct  her  heart,  to  allow 
 such  an  one,  either  al)road  in  other  parts  of  Christendom  or 
 nearer  home,  if  it  so  be,  even  in  our  own  country,  as  with 
 her  contentation  may  also  be  effectually,  or  rather  naturally, 
 given  and  afl'ected,  to  the  perpetual  concord  and  weal  of 
 thcso  two  kingdoms  ;  the  conjunction  whereof  assuredly 
 made,  we  account  as  the  very  marriage  only  of  continuance 
 and  blessedness  to  endure  after  thisour  age,for  our  posterity, 
 to  the  pleasure  of  Almighty  God,  the  eternal  good  renown 
 of  both  us  being  Queens,  and  as  god-mothers  and  parents  of 
 our  countries.  And  if  our  sister  shall  not  think  this  our 
 answer  special  or  j)articular  enough  for  choice  of  some  meet 
 person,  we  pray  her  to  weigh  and  examine  our  words 
 well,  with  their  circumstances,  and  she  shall  find  no  great 
 obscurity  therein.^ 
 
 *•  As  for  the  last  part,  to  know  l»y  wliat  way  we  will 
 proceed  to  declare  her  title  ;  therein  wr  do  promise  her, 
 that  if  shr  will  give  us  just  cause  to  think,  that  she  will  in 
 the  choice  of  her  marriage  shew  herself  conformable  to  this 
 our  opinion  declared,  we  will  thereupon  further  proceed  to 
 the  in«|ui«iition  of  her  right  by  all  good  means  in  her  further- 
 ance, an<l  shall  be  content  to  give  ear  to  any  thing  that  sliall 
 U'  thought  meet  by  her  and  her  Council  to  be  declar.  <!  in 
 hrr  favour  :  .\n<l  if  we  shall  find  the  matter  to  fall  out  in 
 ln'r  Ix'half,  then,  upon  plain  knowledge  had  with  whom  she 
 ^hall  nmtcli  in  marriage,  we  will  pmceetl  to  the  tleclaration 
 
 SiirrI)  thf  ivimlM  n|i|N-ar  ilaik  »'iioiij;li,  wlmtoxn  tin-  «inum.staiicc8 
 nwy  lu»»r  lH^.n.  It  huiiM  rt|i|H'ar  llio  giut'ii  .if  I'.ii^'luiul  liail  iu»t  mura-jp 
 tt»  ret  to  tiAinf  tho  inrMMi  whom  shr  intrn«U«l 
 
1563-4.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  217 
 
 of  her  right,  as  we  might  do  for  our  natural  sister  or 
 dauorhter.  And  if  this  answer  shall  not  seem  to  content  our 
 sister,  you  may  say,  That  the  proceeding  herein  dependeth 
 so  upon  her  proceeding  in  her  marriage  ;  and  without  the 
 success  thereof,  this  cannot  follow  as  she  and  hers  would 
 desire  :  and  so  we  doubt  not  but  her  Council  shall  have 
 great  reason  to  perswade  her.  Finally,  if  you  find  her  not 
 so  well  satisfied  herein,  as  thereupon  she  will,  according  to 
 her  answer  last  made  unto  you,  give  us  a  resolute  answer  by 
 you,  then  may  you  require  her  to  send  some  of  her  most 
 trustiest  servants  hither,  to  confer  further  with  us  therein, 
 and  yourself  have  leave  to  return  home  :  and  if  she  shall 
 give  you  a  resolute  answer,  then  may  you  return. 
 
 "  Although  in  this  Memorial  mention  is  made  that  we 
 have  seen  our  sister^s  answer  in  writing,  as  we  did  ;  yet, 
 considering  that  answer  was  made  in  speech,  and  put  in 
 writing  at  your  request,  we  are  content  that  you  shall  not 
 press  any  argument  upon  the  writing,  but  upon  her  answer 
 in  speech. 
 
 "  Elizabeth  R." 
 
 "  To  Sir  W,  Cecill,  ISth  January  1563-4. 
 
 "  Moray  semeth  to  like  well  of  the  mach  (with  Lord 
 Robert  Dudley)  but  dares  not  perswade,  it  is  so  full  of 
 difficulties.  The  Duke  (of  Chastleherault)  sheweth  himself 
 an  earnest  friend  to  the  Protestants.  The  Queen,  by  missing 
 her  attempt  to  have  Knox  punished  for  his  former  seditious 
 letter,!  seeth  there  will  be  made  difficulties  to  attayne  her 
 owne  desire,  the  power  of  the  faction  is  so  strong.  A  purpose 
 in  this  Queen  to  writ  into  England  in  favour  of  Bothwell, 
 for   license    to    departe   into   France.""  —  (Mr   Randolph's 
 
 ^  This  most  probably  is  the  Letter  inserted  by  Mr  Knox  in  his  Book 
 of  the  date  at  Edinburgh  the  8th  of  October,  together  with  his  accusation 
 for  it  before  the  Queen.  Mr  Randolph  does  not  misname  it  >vhen  he  calls 
 it  seditions,  for  it  Avas  abundantly  so. —  [Knox's  extraordinary  and  insolent 
 letter,  dated  Edinburgh,  8th  October  15G3,  is  in  his  "  llistorie,"  Edin. 
 edit.  1732,  p.  33(),  337.  It  refers  to  the  charges  against  the  two  "  brethren" 
 Patrick  Cranston  and  A^idrew  Armstrong,  for  rioting  at  the  Chapel- 
 Jtoyal  of  Holyroodhouse  on  Sunday  tlie  Sth  and  Sunday  tlu^  l^th  of 
 August  preceding.  It  is  a  kind  of  circular,  detailing  the  circumstances  of 
 the  case,  and  requesting  the  presence  of  the  Reforming  leaders  on  th<> 
 day  of  trial. — E.J 
 
218  THE  HISTORY  «'F  TlIK  AFK.MHS  [ir)03-4. 
 
 information  in  tin**  liaw  bron  vcr}-  well  irnjundtcl,  siiicu  wo 
 luivf  thf  follow iiig  U'iivr  Irft  on  record). 
 
 Ifthr,  (^(Utn  of  Scotland  to  the  Queen  of  England.^ 
 *'  RiClIT  oxcfllent,  &c.  We  urait  to  zow  laitlie  at  tlu' 
 clc«vro  of  certaine  tho  Krle  of  noithwillis-  friendis  liere, 
 That  it  niicht  phin  zow  to  grant  him  libertie  to  pas  furth  of 
 that  zowr  K<aline  to  tho  parties  bczond  scy  (juhair  he  likit 
 best ;  and  bwauH  thav  undirstand  tliat  he  is  to  repair  towert 
 zowr  Court  for  obtenyng  of  the  saniin,  hcs  maid  new  suite 
 unto  W8  to  put  zow  in  remembrance  of  owr  former  request : 
 (^uhairfore  we  prai  zow,  deirist  sister,  to  gif  command  that 
 the  siiid  Krle  may  haif  fredom  to  depart  furth  of  zuwr 
 Kealmo  to  sic  countrcis  bezond  sey  as  sail  seame  to  him 
 nmist  convenient,  as  ze  will  do  ws  acceptable  plesour.  And 
 thu"  n-lif  «\cellent,  richt  heich  and  michtie  Princesse,  &c." 
 
 i'o  the  Queen  of  Ennland^  2\d  Januar^j. 
 
 **  Thk  (^uctMi-mother  of  T^ ranee  and  the  Cardinal  of  Ciuisc 
 understand  by  I)e  Fois*^  this  intended  mach,  and  (insinuate 
 to)  thi*<  Queen,  that  it  is  not  safe  to  trust  the  (^ueen  of 
 Kngland's  counsell  in  her  marriage,  who  meaneth  therein 
 only  to  sen-e  her  own  turnc  ;  nor  honorable  to  mach  so 
 baM4'ly  as  with  tho  Lord  Robert  or  Earl  of  Warwick,  of 
 which  the  onr  she  inteudeth  to  her,  and  the  otlur  to  Ik  rsclf." 
 
 To  Sir  W.  Cecill,  2'2d  Junmnj,. 
 
 "  riM»N  a  jealousio  of  this  amity  with  England,  letters  full 
 of  largo  promises  are  sent  (from  France)  by  tho  L.  of 
 Schcldon  to  the  (^ue<n  of  Scots,  whenin  they  desire  tlie  old 
 amity  to  b**  continuctl  betwixt  both  nations,  and  offer  to  the 
 C^ucfn  a  new  assurance  for  her  dowry  and  pension,  j)ayingo 
 part  in  hand;  provision  of  wynes  for  her  owne  HousIdM 
 without  impost  or  custome,  artilary  and  munition  what  she 
 shall  mn'tl  ;   the  band  of  im  n-at-armes  to  be  restored,  and 
 
 r'll  MS.  u  C\.|iy. 
 
 1  ii»<lrr  will  M>«>  in  our  liintoriniiH  that  this  Nobleman  having  btHMi 
 p«t  in  |»riM»ii,  ii|Kin  tin*  iiifuniuition  jfivni  in  a|>iiin.st  him  hy  tho  F^url  of 
 Airmn,  hr  inn-!-    '  -jm',  and  t-h(Uirc<l  to  Im>  vhhI   upon   thr  roast  of 
 
 K4i|;lanfl,  in  hi  ,,,^,1  |,y  m-o. 
 
 Ili»   naini'    .      ,,...,    .i.-    F<'\       '  is  now    I*nn<h    XnilmsNulor  in 
 
 FjiKUnd. 
 
1563-4.]  OF  ClIUKCII  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  219 
 
 the  Lord  Robert  of  Scotland  made  Captaine  ;  the  old  order 
 of  the  garde  to  be  renewed  ;  merchants  to  enjoy  their 
 priviledges  ;  pensions  to  be  continued  to  such  of  the  Scotts 
 nation  as  had  formerly,  and  newe  to  be  granted  to  those  she 
 shall  commend.'' 
 
 From  Mr  Bandolph  to  Sir  W.  Cecill,  27th  February. 
 
 "Op  continuance  of  amy  tie  he  nothing  doubts  ;  much  of  the 
 other,  (viz.  of  the  match  with  my  Lord  Robert  Dudley). 
 The  reasons  objected  to  him  (are  the)  Queen's  spirit  will 
 not  descend  to  mach  below  herself.  To  move  her  from  her 
 dignytie,  it  is  unfriendly,  suspicious,  and  in  a  subject  danger- 
 ous ;  and  respects  of  profit  in  Princes  not  so  fit  as  honor. 
 But  should  she  yield,  the  Queen  her  sister  would  off'er  no 
 doubt  the  best ;  and  that  best  being  the.  man  herself  so 
 much  esteemeth,  it  will  be  strainge,  and  for  him  to  be 
 divorced  from  that  worthy  rome  (Queen  Elizabeth's  affec- 
 tion) wherein  he  is  placed,  it  will  eyther  mach  him  to 
 dishonour  or  dislike  ;  and  therefor  the  impossibility  proves 
 it  a  shew  rather  of  good  will  then  of  a  good  meaninge.  For 
 the  matter  of  her  title  to  be  hereby  established,  the  assurance 
 cannot  be  much  the  better ;  for  what  one  Parliament  doeth 
 confirme,  another  may  revoke.  But  the  disparagement  by 
 such  mariage  is  without  remedie :  whereas  to  mach  in  her 
 own  ranck,  it  increaseth  honour  and  alliance,  whereby 
 Princes  will  be  more  fearfull  to  offer  her  indignitye,  and  she 
 better  enabled  to  hold  her  owne,  and  recover  her  right,  if 
 it  be  oppcTsed." — (This  is  a  continuation  of  the  objection 
 made  in  Scotland  against  the  match). — "  He  finds  ^loray 
 and  Lethington  willing  to  the  mach  ;  but  doubting  of  the 
 effecting,  wishing  me  to  deal  openly  with  the  Queen  con- 
 cerning the  person. 1  Some  unkindnes  between  Moray  and 
 the  Queen  about  Knox,  whose  parte  he   (Moray)  taketh.2 
 
 ^  By  this  it  would  a]ipear  that  Mr  llaiuloli)h  had  not  as  yet  mentioned 
 the  Lord  Robert  from  liis  own  mouth  for  our  Queen. 
 
 ^  [The  Earl  of  Moray  and  Knox  had  nevertheless  their  private 
 ([uarrels,  and  the  patience  even  of  the  former  was  unable  to  endure  the 
 hitter's  violence  and  suspicion.  Knox  considered  ISIoray's  zeal  not 
 sufhciently  ardent,  and  was  enraged  at  the  protection  he  afforded  to  the 
 Queen  in  the  exercise  of  her  religion.  Moray  also  gave  mortal  offence  by 
 extending  his  protection  to  the  Queen  and  her  ladies  in  what  Knox  calls 
 the  "  superfluities  of  their  clothes,"  which,  he  nuiintaincd,  would  excito 
 
22^»  Tin:  iiistouv  ^f  the  affairs  [loHo^. 
 
 lie  (Kaiplolj.il)  ili'soribcth  a  m'oat  feast,  to  wliicli  he  was 
 iiivit«'«l,  ami  saw  his  mistn'ss  much  honoured.  The  verses 
 of  the  shewo  ho  scndetli,  \\  lii' li  were  spoken  at  the  serving  up 
 of  every  course. 
 
 •'  Thf  first   service  to  the  tahle,  \>\uu\  Cupid  was  brought 
 in,  the  wayters  saying  to  this  verse  :  — 
 
 "  QucnU*  cului  rhcl  montlo  rhianin  ninorc.  Ernacquc  d'  otio  ct  di  loiK-ivia  liumana, 
 
 ' v,x||  et  vcilnii  iiit-Klio  Nutrito  diiK-iisier  dolei  et  soavi. 
 
 •  .  t-oiiio  nnntro  HiKnoro.  I'atto  si),'n«>r  et  dio  da  fjontc  vana, 
 
 itiln  et  ficro  vogHo  Quale  e  morto  da  hii,  qiial  eo'  pin  Rravi 
 
 iWu  &a  lii'il  (inivn,  i-t  flati  c<mu  plana.  Leggi,  inena  sua  vita  asi)ra  ct  aeccrba, 
 
 Anxl  niiir  oniii  v  in  (in  a<lliur  ti  Miegliu.  Sutto  niillc  cathene  et  niillc  ehiavi. 
 
 •  Tlh'  s.'cond  service,  a  fayer  younge  maid. 
 
 "  (  iuttiiR.H  blumli  domitrix  anioris,  I'na  ncc  eertara  Vcncriti  !>agittani, 
 
 ('oMtitoM  vliir  Hpit.-ini(>n  priorls.  Jura  ncc  fati  metuii*  scveri, 
 
 l.abe  cun»  punu  soIkjIc'.  colebat  Quip)(0  qua-  nirsus  morientc  major 
 
 Aureu  torra-H.  Morte  riMirgis. 
 
 r««tltAM  vitir  n|K>i-iniun  Hccundar,  Pura  euni  puris  agite-*  ut  a«vuin 
 
 Mortv  rum  vuta  soeiata  nicuibris  Angeli?. ;  quorum  studium  xecuta 
 
 Pum  nicnit  purl*  nwllantis  auhun  Colligc^  fruetus  socios  Heound»r 
 Inodet  rthrir.  Kcddita  vitar. 
 
 ••  The  hist  wa.M  a  younge  cliihle,  set  fortli  unto  tymc.   These 
 versoK  were  sung  by  tlie  wayters. 
 
 "  Armata  tclU  dcxternni,  Cimam  fidem  nnn  obruet, 
 
 Lvram  vtmcno  lurviat  Nt»n  j>ectorum  conbtantiaiu. 
 
 Mor»  :  cunc-ta  t4-mpUH  dcnietul  Durabit  usque  potiteris 
 
 Falco.  aut  •cmt-ta  a  dctAmt.  Intaminata  •<eculis 
 
 i"it«*,  Sinccra  quir  Hritannidatt 
 
 Ntttit  fidiw  Uoroidas. 
 •i>  Kcnini  KUprcmus  tcnninus 
 
 It  astra  torri»  miiKvat. 
 'tmU  Heglna  Stota  dlllget 
 
 '  -  ■» '   1.-  1.0111.  Anglaui,  Angla  Scutam  dillget." 
 
 From  Mr  Thomat  Randolph  to  Sir  WiUiam  Cecill,  ^M  March. 
 "TllK  (Queen's  answere  about  the  manage  is  general!,  and 
 an  uncertain  as  slio  luul  my  message  doubtfull,  yet  j)rofessing 
 aU  love  and  respwt  to  her  sister.     I\»r  expedition  of  pore 
 
 llif  Divine  von^i-.ujcf  •*  imt  onlv  on  tlu-  foolish  wonion,  but  on  the  whole 
 n-nlin.*'  Knox  allf^rr<l  that  Moray'H  conduct  resulted  from  a  fear  of 
 ofTendiuf;  the  gue«'n,  h-jit  nhe  should  repent  of  her  nmnificence  in  pnuitinjj 
 him  ihr  r^irldont  of  .Moray,  and  he  denounced  rucIi  motives  in  strong' 
 Un|fi»i»«»-,  iMTiwinjf  the  luirl  of  wu-rifieinf;  truth  to  convenience,  and  the 
 Mn^ic-  of  <;ih|  to  the  interi'stH  of  his  atnhition.  This  enni;:ed  .Moray,  and 
 hr»nd  Knox  f.,r  n.tirly  n  year  and  a  half  Kiireely  siM>ke  to  <«ach  otlnr, 
 for  thou|{h  the)  had  one  or  two  Nhort  interviews  durini:  that  interval,  it 
 wiMi  no  n<pird  for  Knox  whirh  induciMl  .Moniy  to  nuMt  him.  The  (Jueen'.s 
 mArriAce  to  I^>nl  Ihirnli-y  H<HMn»  to  have  Ikmmi  <»ne  of  th.-  first  «K<-un»'nres 
 which  rmrwixl  their  intimacy.-  F.-l 
 
15C3-4.]       OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  221 
 
 men's  causes  the  Queen  liatli  ordered  three  dayes  a  week, 
 auo-menting  the  judges'  stipends  for  their  attendance,  and 
 sitting  herself,  for  more  equitie,  often  tymes.  The  Cardinal 
 of  Loraine  hath  sent  to  her  to  procure,  if  she  can,  her 
 people  to  receive  an  Interim. ""i 
 
 Neither  good  Mr  Knox  nor  Mr  Buchanan  take  any  notice 
 of  this  piety  in  the  Queen ;  though  we  may,  without  breach 
 of  charity,  take  the  freedom  to  say,  that  had  either  of  them 
 had  a  bad  thing  to  tell,  they  would  not  have  failed  to 
 transmit  the  same  to  posterity,  and  that  also  in  more  odious 
 terms  than  it  could  well  bear  :  Their  ordinary  practice  gives 
 but  too  much  ground  for  this  surmise.  However,  to  leave 
 this,  I  see  a  project  for  the  administration  of  justice  very 
 much  resembling  this,  in  the  Records  of  Privy-Council  on 
 the  28th  December  before.  But  as  the  Registers  of  the 
 Council  are  nowamissing  after  the  2d  day  of  March  1563-4,2 
 
 i  It  were  too  tedious  to  narrate  here  the  history  of  that  particular  Book 
 and  Imperial  Constitution  termed  the  Interim.  It  may  be  sufficient  for 
 the  ordinary  readers  to  know,  that  in  the  year  1548  the  Emperor 
 Charles  V.  did  by  his  authority  cause  some  Articles  of  Agreement,  con- 
 cerning religious  matters,  to  be  drawn  up,  which  got  the  denomination  of 
 Intel  im,  for  this  reason,  that  both  Papists  and  Protestants  within  the 
 empire  of  Germany  were  bound  to  agree  to  them  in  the  mean  time  only, 
 until  a  General  Council  should  meet  in  some  town  within  the  limits  of 
 Germany.  So  that  by  an  Interim  projected  at  this  time  in  Scotland  by 
 the  Cardinal  of  Lorrahi,  it  is  plain  that  Prelate  meant,  that  the  subjects 
 of  Scotland  shoiild  be  dealt  with,  to  come  into  a  surcease  concerning 
 religious  differences,  during  a  certain  space  of  time,  until  some  more 
 regular  order  might  be  taken  therewith,  The  author  of  "  Martyre  de 
 Marie  Stuart,"  &c.  speaking  of  the  things  which  were  to  be  handled  in  the 
 
 Parliament  in  March  1565-6,  reckons  up  this "  That  the  Catholicks 
 
 might  be  permitted  to  live  after  the  accustomed  manner,  and  to  worship 
 God  according  to  their  own  consciences,  without  being  constrained  to 
 embrace  Calvinism."— [This  passage  occurs  in  p.  81  of  "  ^fartyrc  de  la 
 Koyne  d'Escosse  Dovairiere  de  France,"  12mo.  1588,  said  to  be  by 
 Blackwood,  a  Scotsman.— E.] 
 
 2  These  Registers  were  in  the  hands  of  some  persons  very  lately,  ])ut 
 are  now  abstracted.  The  first  after  this  date  begins  the  5th  September 
 1571.  During  this  space,  therefore,  I  shall  be  obliged  to  make  use  of 
 these  following  helps  :— 1.  'Hie  Abstracts  of  the  Privy-Council  drawn 
 out  by  Thonuis  Hamilton,  the  Lord  liegister  in  the  reign  of  James  VI., 
 afterwards  created  Earl  of  Iladdingtoun.  2.  Abstracts  of  Privy-Council 
 made  by  Sir  Alexander  Seton  of  Pitmedden,  Lord  of  Session  in  the 
 reigns  of  King  Charles  II.  and  King  James  VII.  3.  Such  Acts  of  Council 
 as  are  preserved  by  some  late  writers.   4.  Particular  Acts  of  Privj'-Council 
 
1>2*J  ..il.  IIIST*"'^    '  •    niK  Al'FAIHS  [1.50*4. 
 
 I  am  not  i-nablfd  to  allor-i  mv  niuhTS  any  farther  account 
 of  tlii**  matt'T,  than  what  is  n-cunled  on  the  said  l*8tli  day 
 of  December,  which  i»  a«  followetli, 
 
 ^'^  Apud  Edinhurnh,  28M  Decembris,  Anno  Dom.  150*3. 
 **Sbdkri:nt — JacohiuDax  de  C/iatelaraulf,  Sfc. ;  Jacobus  Comes 
 Moratifr;  Alexander  Comes  de  Glencarne;  Jacobus  Comes  de 
 MortuUHy  Cancell. ;  A rch ibaldus  Errjadiw  Comes ;  ^  \ ^illclm  us 
 M  a  re f  call  Comes;  Patricias  Dominus  Ituthven  ;  Joannes 
 Wishart  de  Pitarro,  Miles,  Rotidator;  Willehnus  Maitland, 
 junior  de  Lethinrftoun,  Secretarius;  Magisfer  Jacob  as  Macgill 
 de  Nether- Itanhllor,  Clericus  Registri. 
 
 '•  TlIK  (^ueniH  Majostic,  with  aviss  of  the  saidis  Lordis,  iindir- 
 Htanding  that  tlio  caussis  quhilks  the  poir  lieges  of  this 
 Hoalm  had  docidit  in  the  t'onsistorio^  of  bcfoir,  be  lang  delay 
 of  justice  ar  fnistrat,  and  thai  compellit  to  leif  the  soit  of 
 the  «aidi.s  caussis  :  Thairforo,  and  that  the  saidis  caussis 
 may  haif  the  niair  sunnnar  proces  and  schortar  end,  hir 
 Ilienc.*!,  with  aviss  of  hir  said  Counsale,  hes  thocht  gude  that 
 jurisdietionis  be  ercctit  in  sundrie  partis  of  this  Realm  for 
 discussing  of  the  saidis  caussis,  and  that  Commissaris  be 
 appointit  to  gif  attendence  thairupoun.  And  becaus  pre- 
 nontlie  the  saidis    Lordis   cannot  gudlie  await    upoun    the 
 
 copio<l  l)_v  Mr  HoluTt  Milii,  Writer  to  the  8ii,nu't  lioforo  tho  lU'volutioii 
 in  l(>>H,  since  which  tinu'  he  has  withdrawn  from  business,  and  is  now 
 much  fm|»h)ycHl  in  coMectin;,'  what  may  he  useful  to  the  knowU'd;,'e  of  our 
 Si-ottinh  afTairs,  and  who  very  generously  afforded  me  the  use  of  the  Acts 
 trnuNcrilMMl  hy  him  ;  which  are  so  very  ph'utiful,  that  tliey  may  well  nigh 
 iK'n-e  for  a  complete  record  of  the  more  jiuhlick  and  imjtortjint  tnmsiic- 
 tionii.  To  Nuch  Actn  OH  I  shall  take  from  him,  I  shall  affix  the  lettei-s 
 li.  M. — (The  nuthoritit^  mentioni*d  hy  Hishop  Keith  are  the  I'.arl  of 
 Ilttfldinf^ton'H  Minutes  of  rarliament,  rrivy-Council,  and  Exchequer, 
 Ms.  in  the  AdvtK'ate«'  Library,  IMinburgh.  Sir  Alexander  Seton,  Hart, 
 of  ritnuHlden,  a  .ludgi*  in  the  Court  of  Session  by  the  title  of  I^rd 
 ritmiHlden,  ]H>H<«e«<m>«i,  we  are  tohl  by  \V»)drow,  an  extensive  and  curioiis 
 librar)-.  Of  *♦  .Mr  UoIktI  Miln,  Writer  to  the  Signet  before  the  Itevo- 
 lulion  in  UWh,"  little  im  known  In-yond  the  fact  that  he  was  a  most 
 indtmlriouN collector  of  valuable  d(MMiments  illustnitive  of  S<'ottish  historv, 
 and  tltAt  he  WON  a  imtnouoI  friend  of   Hisho])   Keith.     His  "  .Mi.scellanea 
 
 *     ' "  MSS.  variiw  od  res  S<'otica.H  ]K'rtinentibus,  numu  sua  |)rt)pria 
 
 ^M-ripta,"  and  other  ^IS,  (\dl«-<«tion.s,  are  in  the  I.ibrarv  of  the 
 i  ...  MM,  ..r  Advoratenat  lUlinburgh.  -  K. ) 
 •    rhr«M'  wiT«'  ('uurtM  belonging  to  the  BiiUio|>s  in  fonhcr  times. 
 
15()4.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  223 
 
 devising  of  the  hale  ordour  of  the  saidis  jurisdictionis,  thai 
 haif  ordinit  Henrie  Bischop  of  Ross,l  Richart  Maitland  of 
 Lethingtoiin,  Knyt,  WilHam  IMaitland  his  sone,  Secretar  ; 
 the  Clcrkis  of  Register,  Justiciarie,  and  Advocat,  to  sit 
 doim  and  aviss  iipoun  the  said  Ordour,  that  thaireftir  the 
 samyn  may  bo  put  in  Articlis,  and  the  samyn  Articlis  with 
 the  Commissionis  to  be  orrantit  to  the  saidis  Commissionaris, 
 
 1  Henry  Sinclair,  a  son  of  the  Family  of  Roslin,  five  miles  from  Edin- 
 burn-li,  had  been  Abbot  of  Kilwinning-,  and  Parson  of  Glasgow,  the  Deanry 
 of  Avhich  Church  likewise  he  enjoyed  by  excambion  for  his  Abbacy.  He 
 was  a  man  of  very  valuable  parts,  and  singularly  knowing  in  the  laws,  was 
 first  a  Lord,  and  afterwards  President  of  the  Court  of  Session.  "  By  his 
 advice"  (says  Archbishop  Spottiswood),  "many  things  were  bettered  in  the 
 form  of  justice,  and  divers  abuses  in  the  forms  of  process  amended."  And 
 most  probably  it  has  been  he  who  advised  the  Queen  to  the  making  this 
 good  Act.  This  worthy  Prelate,  having  been  sorely  afflicted  with  the  stone, 
 went  over  into  France  in  the  beginning  of  July  this  same  year,  Avhere 
 he  suffered  the  operation  of  being  cut,  but  chanced  to  die  soon  after,  in 
 the  beginning  of  January  following.  INIr  Knox  discovers  only  his  own 
 prejudices,  when  he  talks  indiscreetly  of  this  learned  person  ;  but  the 
 liberty  of  that  waiter's  tongue  is  no  scandal ;  however  it  favours  of  some- 
 what worse  than  I  shall  name,  to  say,  that  "  God  struck  him  accordinr/  to 
 Ms  descrvings"  Mr  Knox  had  acted  a  wuser  as  well  as  more  Christian 
 part,  not  to  affix  the  epithet  of  judgments  upon  the  common  maladies  of 
 our  human  nature.— [Roslin  Castle,  most  of  it  now  in  ruins,  the  seat  of 
 the  St  Clairs,  Earls  of  Orkney,  and  latterly  of  the  St  Clairs  of  Roslin,  is 
 nearly  eight  English  miles  south  of  Edinburgh.  Archbishop  Spottis- 
 woode's  short  character  of  Bishop  Sinclair  of  Ross  occurs  in  p.  110  of  his 
 "  History,"  London,  edit.  1677.  Knox  abuses  this  Prelate  in  the  most 
 unmeasured  language,  speaking  of  "  jNIr  Henry  Sinclair,  styled  Bischopeof 
 Ross,"  as  "ane  perfyte  hypocrite,  and  ane  conjured  enemy  to  Christ  Jesus — 
 the  said  IMr  Henry  being  enemy  to  all  that  profess  the  Lord  Jesus,  but. 
 chiefly  to  John  Knoxc  for  the  liberty  of  his  tongue  ;  for  he  had  affirmed, 
 as  ever  still  he  does  affirme,  that  a  Bischope  that  receaves  profite,  and 
 feeds  not  the  flock  even  by  his  av/in  labours,  is  both  a  thief  and  murtherer." 
 This  is  a  tolerable  sample  of  John  Knox's  "  libertv  of  his  tongue."  But 
 the  real  origin  of  his  vituperation  was  connected  witli  his  seditious 
 letter,  dated  Edinburgli,  8th  October  15G3,  inviting  the  chief  leaders  of 
 his  party  to  proceed  to  l-^dinburgh,  and  be  present  at  the  trial  of  Patrick 
 Cranston  and  Andrew  Armstrong,  for  their  audacious  riot  in  the  Chapel- 
 Royal  of  Holyroodhouse  in  August  preceding.  That  circular  was  read  in 
 the  town  of  Ayr,  in  the  presence  of  Robert  Cunningham,  styk'd  Minister 
 of  Failfurd,  who  is  sneeringly  abused  by  Knox.  Cunningham  obtained 
 the  letter,  or  a  copy  of  it,  which  he  sent  to  Bishop  Sinclair,  then  Lord 
 President  of  the  Court  of  Session,  who  proceeded  to  Stirling,  and  laid 
 it  before  the  Queen  and  Privy  Council,  by  whom  it  was  pronounced  a 
 treasonable  document,  and  Knox  was  soon  afterwards  cited  to  answer  for 
 his  conduct. — E.] 
 
'J-J\  Tin:   IIISTuRY  OF  TIIK  AFFAIIIS  [I.;()*4. 
 
 tn  \jr  siil)><rivii  1m'  tilt'  (^uoni^-  (Jrace  for  corrol>orati<)iin 
 tli.'iirof.*' 
 
 Aote,  That  on  tho  12th  day  of  Marcli  15G3-4,  tlic  (iuceii 
 HiihscribcH  Instructions  to  tho  Commissaries,  which  may  be 
 seen  at  h'ligth  in  our  hooks  of  hiw.  And  Note,  There  is 
 nothing  else  in  this  Hook  of  the  Register  of  Privy-(Jouncil 
 relating  to  anv  ])uhlick  matter,  but  what  I  have  laid  before 
 the  reath'rs. 
 
 I'o  the  Quo,)  of  England,  Sth  March, 
 '*  Randolph  willed  by  tho  Queen  (of  Scots)  to  signifie  to 
 her  sister  her  aflection,  judgeing  better  of  her  meaning  then 
 her  words.  Princes  have  not  at  all  tymes  their  will,  but  her 
 heart  is  her  owne,  and  that  innnutable ;  and  she  desireth 
 that  their  enemycs  may  rather  envye  the  kindnes  between 
 them,  then  be  able  to  remove  it."" 
 
 ''  To  6'tr  ir.  Cecill,  inth  March. 
 
 '•  Hv  the  (^ueen  of  England's  letters  of  the  5th  of  March, 
 understanding  her  Majestie's  minde  of  the  person  intended, 
 he  will  at  his  best,  ne.xt  audience,  <leclare  him  to  this  (^ueen.'' 
 — (This  we  see  is  the  first  time  that  Mr  Uandolph  had  warrant 
 to  name  tho  I^rd  Robert  Dudley  to  our  (Jueen). — "  Knox 
 askt  in  church  to  be  marryed  to  Margrett  Steward,  the 
 ilaughter  of  the  Lord  Ochiltre.^  Much  the  (^ueen  is  offended, 
 and  <letermined  to  banish  him'' — (not  for  his  marriage  with 
 the  Lord  Ochiltree's  (laughter,  but  for  his  seditious  behaviour, 
 •tu  will  be  ^^rrw  in  the  I'lcdesiastick  Part). 
 
 "  To  the  Queen  of  England,  o()/'/<  March  l.)<)4. 
 "  UandoU'II,  u|>on  receipt  of  the  (Queen's  letter  oth  ^L'lrch, 
 nc<|iininted  the  Scottish  (/ueen  with  tlie  person,  my  Lord 
 Robert,  whom  she  offered  to  her  sister  as  the  fittest  maeh. 
 She  hard  it  with  patience,  but  deferreth  resolution.  The 
 Em|)cror  is  still  a  suter  to  tho  Cardinal,  tor  \u<  sonne  to 
 nuirry  this  (Jueen.  lie  ofTered  *J,()()().0()0  francks  yerely.  and 
 uftcr'hiH  death  ;i,()()0,()(M)." 
 
 '  (Marjpuvt  Stvwnrt,  younjfor  dn»i;;ht»T  of  Andn-w  siMMtnd  I.onl 
 (ichiUn-*',  IxTainr  th«'  wvond  wifo  of  .Itihn  Knox,  by  wlioin  slu'  had  throe 
 (lau^litcm.  'Iluj*  iiinrriap*  (>nuH4><l  nunicnuiH  wvon*  jokt»suiul  siitirrs  a^iinst 
 Kntix,  who  wiu«  thni  in  hii*  tifty-lifth  ynir,  and  wjis  not  ]»articularly 
 atlrnriivr  in  n|i|M>nmnrc,  or  noto<l  f«»r  jK»n*onnI  nrrotnplisluniMits, — K.j 
 
1504.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  225 
 
 To  Sir  W.  Cecill,  '^()th  March, 
 
 "  At  his  acquainting  the  Queen  with  Lord  Eobert'^s  name, 
 she  sayeth  that  one  of  the  three  advices  the  Queen  of 
 England  sent  her,  her  choice  was  to  respect  her  honour ; 
 and  can  that  (be)  my  honour  to  marry  a  subject  ?  He 
 answered — Yes  ;  for  by  means  of  him  she  is  hke  to  inherit 
 a  kingdom.  Not  so  (rephed  the  Queen  of  Scots),  for  my 
 sister  may  have  children,  or  outlive  me.  It  is  not,  said  she, 
 conforme  to  her  promise  to  use  me  as  her  sister  or  daughter, 
 and  marry  me  to  her  subject,  although  I  hear  well  of  the 
 gentleman.  I  said,  it  might  nowe  stand  with  her  promise, 
 for  there  was  not  a  w  orther  man  to  be  found  in  her  kingdom  ; 
 and  this  will  succor  peace,  inrich  your  countrey,  and  advance 
 justice  between  both  nations.  The  like  conference  he  had 
 the  same  tyme  with  Moray,  Argile,  Liddington,  appointed 
 by  the  Queen,  and  in  them  resolved  of  a  conference  and 
 meting  to  be  had  at  Barwick.  And  the  Earle  of  Bedford 
 was  well  liked  of  by  the  Queen  of  Scotts  to  be  one,  but  the 
 tyme  is  not  appointed.  He  hath  good  hope  of  the  business, 
 if  he  be  assisted  with  Sir  W.  CecilFs  directions ;  for  he 
 findeth  the  men  here  fearfuU."' — (Our  Queen  reasoned  here 
 smartly  like  herself ;  and  the  English  Resident  said  as  much 
 as  his  subject  could  admit,  and  that  was  very  little.  And, 
 no  doubt,  these  brisk  repartees  from  our  Queen  nettled  the 
 Queen  of  England,  and  had  their  own  weight  in  the  dis- 
 pleasurel  that  Queen  conceived  some  short  time  after  this). 
 
 To  Sir  W,  Cecill,  l^th  April 
 
 "  Randolph  hath  signified  my  Lord  of  Bedford's  arrival  at 
 Barwick^  to  the  Scottish  Queen.  Cesford-^  is  charged  by  her 
 to  proceed  in  matters  of  Border-justice  uprightly.  Queen 
 here  expecteth  daylie  from  England  an  answer  to  the  last 
 Conference."" — (That,  I  suppose,  which  is  contained  in  the 
 foregoing  abstract  betwixt  our  Queen  and  Randolph). — "  I 
 understand  by  one  nere  the  Queen,  that  in  this  business 
 she  will  cast  anchor  betwcne  Dover  and  Barwick,  though 
 
 ^  See  Melvil's  Memoirs,  p.  44. 
 
 ^  This  Nobleman  was  governor  of  the  town  of  Berwick. 
 ^  [Sir  Walter  Ker  of  Cessford,  an  ancestor  of  tlie  Earls  and  Dnkes  of 
 Roxbnrghe. — E.J 
 
 VOL,  II.  15 
 
l>-ji;  THE  III8T0IIY  OF  Tin:  All  A I  us  I  \'yC)4. 
 
 perchance  not  in  tlint  parte  we  wislilbr/' — (i.e.  Tlie  Queen  oi' 
 Scot«  will  take  a  husband  out  of  lOngland,  but  not  my  J.ord 
 Robert.  It  is  not  improbable  that  our  Queen  might  have 
 had  already  in  h«r  view  tlic  Lord  Danily). 
 
 To  Sir  ir.  Cecill,  22d  May. 
 "  I  If.  hathe  travdril  earnestly  with  the  Queen,  Moray, 
 Argilo,  and  Lethington,  to  know  a  resolution  concerning  the 
 interviowo,^  but  cannot  work  it.  Ho  feareth  it  will  not  be 
 \\\\<  vean'.  A  brute  here  of  one  comitted  to  the  Tower  of 
 London  for  writing  a  book  against  this  Queen.  Lennox 
 hath  a  licence  to  come  home,  and  sue  his  right.2  I  hope  my 
 mistress  will  stay  him  till  she  hear  further.  An  ambassador 
 from  Denmark  to  worlv  this  Queen  fi-om  permitting  her  sub- 
 jects to  serve  the  King  of  Sweden  in  his  (for(P,  her)  name 
 
 The  person  mentioned  in  this  abstract  to  have  been  com- 
 mitted to  the  Tower  was  most  probably  John  Hales,  Clerk 
 of  the  Ilanaper,  who  the  year  before  had  published  a 
 Treatise,  intituled — "  A  Declaration  of  the  Succession  of 
 the  Crowno  Imperiall  of  England,"^  in  which  he  labours  to 
 invalidate  our  (Queen's  right  to  the  same,  and  to  transfer  it  on 
 the  House  of  SuHblk.**    Sir  Nicholas  Bacon,  the  Lord  Keeper 
 
 '  Thij*  has  Ikhmj  a  new  project  for  an  interview  between  the  two  Queens, 
 not  on  fcMit  l»y  the  Queen  of  I'nj^huul  for  her  own  reasons. 
 '  Wi»  sluill  hear  much  of  tliis  matter  by  and  by. 
 
 •  ThiH  treatise  may  be  seen  at  full  lenjjth  in  the  Aj)|)endi.\  to  Bedford's 
 **  Ilenslitory  Ui^dit  to  the  Crown  of  Kn^hmd." 
 
 *  Tlie  prettMiHion  of  the  Family  of  Suffolk  to  the  Crown  of  I'npland 
 Ntood  thuH  :  CharleH  Hmndon,  first  Viscount  l.isK>,  and  afterwards  Duke 
 of  .Suffolk,  n  ;^i-at  favotiriti-  of  Kin<;  Henry  VIII.,  had  the  honour  to  pet 
 to  wifr*  that  Kin^'H  younger  sister  Mary,  then  l^ueen-Dowai,'er  of  l>anee. 
 W')}  her  hi-  hiid  two  daughters,  I'rances  and  Mleanor,  on  whom  their  uncle 
 cntaihil  his  Crown  after  his  own  son  autl  (hui;,ditt>rs,  excluding,'  thereby 
 the  (^ueen  of  Scotland,  tlescended  froni  his  elder  sister,  which  entaihnent, 
 h(i««>vcr,  by  her  father  (^ueen  F.li/abeth  did  iu>t  much  favour.  I4uly 
 Frj»iir«i»  Ilnuulon  wjis  nuirrietl  t«»  Henry  drey,  .Manpiis  of  Dorset,  and 
 nA.TMartU  cri'ute*!  likewise  Duke  of  Suftolk.  Hy  this  l^idy  that  Duke 
 had  thr«'««  dan^^hterH,  .I««an,  Katharine, and  .Mary,  fjjdy  .lean  was  married 
 to  Ihr  I.«»nl  (iuildford,  ftiurth  son  t«»  Du«Uey,  Duke  of  Northumberland  ; 
 and  to  thiN  Uwty  Jean  (irey,  aliuji  Dudley,  Kin;;  Fdward  VI.«lid  by  his 
 will  mid  t«<«taii)«>nl  lHM|tu>ath  the  Crown  of  Iji;.'laiul  after  his  decejisc, 
 rxrludin^  hiii  own  two  sisters  .Mary  ami  Kliwibith.  I^uly  .lean  was 
 pmrUimotl  guiN>n  by  the  partizans  of  the  House  of  Suftolk,  but  lost  her 
 hfc  in  the  rauiH<  ver>-  noon  after,  having  Ihmm  beheadetl  by  order  of  Queen 
 
15G4.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  227 
 
 of  England,  was  looked  upon  to  have  assisted  Mr  Hales  in 
 forming  this  scheme,  for  which  his  Lordship  had  well  nigh 
 lost  his  office  by  the  accusation  of  the  Earl  of  Leicester. 
 However,  he  was  restored  again  to  his  Queen''s  favour  by  the 
 interest  of  Secretary  Cecil.  When  Mr  Camden  is  talking 
 of  this  affair,  he  informs  that  the  zealots  of  the  Reforma- 
 tion were  keen  for  excluding  the  Queen  of  Scots  from  the 
 succession  to  the  Crown  upon  a  few  nicer  punctilios  in  law, 
 however  clear  and  unquestionable  her  title  was  in  other 
 respects  ; — that  the  greatest  part,  at  least  the  cooler  heads 
 among  the  Papists,  were  of  opinion  our  Queen's  pretences 
 were  good,  and  ought  to  stand,  being  firm,  and  according  to 
 law; — and  that  another  party  were  for  setting  up  Margaret, 
 the  Queen  of  Scots'  aunt,  wife  to  Matthew  Stewart,  Earl  of 
 Lenox,  and  her  children,  as  being  English  born.  Of  all  these 
 things  this  author  says  our  Queen  was  not  ignorant,  who 
 to  prevent  them  what  she  could,  sent  for  Matthew  Earl  of 
 Lenox  into  Scotland,  by  advice  of  her  aunt  the  Countess  of 
 Lenox,  upon  pretence  of  restoring  him  to  his  ancient  here- 
 ditary estate,!  but  in  truth  and  reality,  to  advise  with  him 
 in  these  particulars." 
 
 From  Randolph  to  Sir  William  Cecill,  Ath  June. 
 
 "  ScoTTS  Queen  with  excuses  breaketh  the  internour  to" 
 
 (We  have  no  more  of  this  abstract.      By  internour 
 
 would  seem  to  be  meant  interview,  for  we  see  there  had 
 been  some  new  talk  concerning  an  interview  betwixt  the  two 
 Queens.  Queen  Elizabeth  glanceth  at  such  a  thing  in  her 
 Memorial,  17th  November  1563,  but  in  such  a  manner  as  if 
 it  behoved  the  Queen  of  Scots  to  make  the  offer,  of  which, 
 however,  it  appears  by  Sir  James  JSlelvil,  p.  47,  that  our 
 
 Mary  ;  so  that  the  next  branch  of  the  House  of  Suffolk  was  the  Lady 
 Katharine  Grey,  on  whom  Mr  Hales  laboured  now  in  his  Book  to  fix  the 
 succession  of  the  Imperial  Crown  of  England.  Perhaps  the  thin<^  that 
 moved  Robert  Dudley,  Earl  of  Leicester,  to  interest  liimself  an;ainst  Sir 
 Nicholas  Bacon  and  Mr  Hales  has  been  the  unfortunate  success  of  the 
 Lady  Jean  Grey,  married  to  his  own  immediate  elder  brother  ;  and  unless 
 he  shewed  some  keenness  against  the  pretensions  of  the  Suffolk  Family, 
 Queen  Elizabeth  mi<>ht  look  on  him  with  a  less  favourable  aspect.  The 
 late  writer  of  his  Life  says  likewise,  that  he  did  this  to  recommend  himself 
 thereby  the  more  to  our  Queen's  favour. 
 
 ^  The  reader  hath  already  seen  in  this  Work  the  occasion  of  tliis 
 Nobleman's  banishment  and  forfeiture. 
 
ilU:    1II-I'»UV    nl     I  III.    Al  1  .\i 
 
 i.3»;4. 
 
 i^uct'ii  Ii.kI  mo  iiit'-ntioii.   nor  iii<l«M.'(l  oi*  an  interview  at  this 
 time). 
 
 ''  i)th  Jail/. 
 
 '•  (^IKKN  of  Kngland  writeth  to  the  Queen  of  Scotts  to  stay 
 the  coming  of  Lennox  into  Scotland/' — (If  it  be  true  tliat 
 the  (^ueen  of  Kndand  did  write  thus  at  this  time  to  her 
 cousin,  I  am  at  least  able  to  convince  my  readers,  by  what 
 shall  bo  here  subjoined,  that  she  did  not  always  so.  ihit 
 whatever  nii^dit  be  the  purport  of  her  Majesty's  letters  at 
 this  season,  we  find  that  the  same  was  by  no  means  agreeable 
 to  our  Queen,  and  hereupon  she  wrote  back  pretty  sharply 
 to  her  cousin  ;  and  thence  did  arise  in  the  mind  of  the 
 Knglish  C^ueen  much  dis])leasure,  as  may  be  seen  both  by 
 her  discourse  with  Mr  James  Melvil,  whom  our  Queen 
 sent  into  Entrland  in  the  month  of  September,  with  several 
 both  public  and  private  Instructions,^  and  by  the  (Jueen  of 
 Knglancrs  own  Instructions  also  to  Mr  Randolph,  her  agent, 
 ii^  X\\v  date  the  4th  of  October  following). 
 
 *'  27th  September.'-^ 
 *'  Lennox  cometh  to  lulinborough.^     Queen  of  Scotts  by 
 letters  promiseth  to  restore  Lennox  to  his  lands. 
 
 »  Mt'lvil's  Mi'in<,iis,  |).  44. 
 
 '  I  can  hardly  think  that  Mr  Itaiulolpli  has  been  the  anthor  of  this 
 abHtmct  of  the  27th  September,  whieh  is  but  tlie  very  day  precedin*^  the 
 date  of  .Mr  Melvils  Instructions,  seeing'  Melvil  found  Hand(>l]ih  at  London 
 at  hiH  arrival  there.  And  Mr  I{undoli)h's  own  Instructions,  bearin<^  date 
 the  llh  of  October  following,  confirm  the  suspicion  that  Mr  Randolph 
 luw»  ^'one  away  into  Kn^land  very  soon  after  our  (^ueen  took  journey  into 
 Athole.  Perhaps  also  there  is  a  niistake  in  Mr  Melvil's  printed  Instructions, 
 which  carry  the  2Sth  of  Septembi'r,  since  that  ^'entleman  says  expressly 
 tliat  he  Haw  I/ord  Itobert  hudley  cnuited  l'.arl  »»f  Leicester.  Now  it  is 
 certain  that  creation  wju*  nuide  on  or  aibout  Michaehnas  Day,  the  29th  of 
 8cptember.  It  m>i>ms  likewise  n»x't»ssary  that  .Mr  -Melvil  must  have  been 
 in  I^indun  hooner  than  his  printed  Instructions  would  well  bear  to  ^ive 
 time  for  new  hihtructions  to  b«>  drawn  up  and  delivered  to  Mr  Randolph 
 on  the  4th  OctobiT,  which  Instructions  nevertheless  nnike  mention  of 
 Qti«'<Mi  r.li/4tlM*tirn  having'  had  «ipportunity  alrea«ly  to  discoui-se  with  Mr 
 Melvil.  .\||  thcHi'  considiM'ationH,  therefore,  laid  together,  will  afford 
 ground  t«i  Mip|MMto  that  Midvil's  Instructions  have  Ihm'u  at  lea.st  /,Mven  on 
 ihe  20th  Si-piemlMT  inhtead  of  the  2.Sth,  by  an  easy  niist.ike  of  either  the 
 printer  or  tnutNtritM-r. 
 
 Wy  the  ti»(i  hiMt  al^NtractM  it  im  mo«t  obvious  that  .Mr  Huchanan,  and 
 after  him  .VrrhbUiiup  S|Kittiiiwoode,  lu»ve   In-en  j,'Teally  in  the  wronj?  to 
 
l064.]  OF  CHURCH  A2^I)  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  22,0 
 
 By  Mr  MelviPs  Instructions,  and  by  the  account  we 
 have  from  Mr  Knox,l  we  conic  to  be  apprised  that  our 
 sovereign  the  Queen  had  gone  into  Athole  to  a  hunting  in 
 the  month  of  July,  and  from  thence  had  made  a  progress 
 into  the  more  northern  parts  of  the  Reahn,  and  that  she 
 returned  to  Edinburgh  by  the  low  east-road  through  Fife  in 
 the  month  of  September.^    And  now  it  was  that  the  Earl  of 
 
 report,  that  the  Eurl  of  Leuiiox  arrived  in  Scotland  in  the  year  1563,  after 
 an  exile  of  twenty-two  years.  That  Noble  Lord  left  Scotland  in  the  year 
 1544,  so  that  he  was  absent  the  space  of  twenty  years  only,  and  according- 
 to  their  account  only  nineteen  years,  since  they  make  him  to  have  returned 
 in  the  year  1563.  Both  these  historians  have  run  their  narrations  precipi- 
 tantly  forward  into  the  year  1564,  omitting  in  agreat  measure  the  transac- 
 tions of  the  year  1563  ;  or  so  jumbling  the  transactions  of  these  two  years 
 together,  that  they  have  bred  thereby  a  world  of  confusion  to  their 
 readers. 
 
 ^  Mr  Knox  takes  no  notice  of  the  Queen's  having  gone  any  farther 
 north  than  Moray.  But  Mr  Holinshed  of  England  observes,  that  her 
 Majesty  went  from  Athole  through  Badzenoch  into  Inverness  and  the 
 Chanonry  of  Ross,  and  returned  by  Gartley,  Aberdeen,  and  Dunotar. 
 (This  is  a  Castle  belonging  to  the  Earl  Marischal  in  the  shire  of  Mearus, 
 a  peninsula  rock  in  the  sea,  one  mile  south  of  Stonehaven).  Mr  Knox 
 seems  likewise  to  be  mistaken  when  he  says,  that  "  all  this  while  there 
 was  an  appearance  of  love  and  tender  friendship  betwixt  the  two  Queens, 
 for  there  were  many  letters  full  of  civility  and  compliments  sent  from 
 either  of  them  to  the  other,  in  sign  of  amity."  However,  this  is  tru(^ 
 enough  in  the  general,  and  this  author  might  not  have  Icnown  the  later 
 displeasure  that  had  fallen  betwixt  these  Queens. 
 
 ^  [Previous  to  this  progress.  Queen  ]Mary  made  a  tour  into  Argyllshire, 
 but  not  into  the  district  of  Atholl  in  Perthshu'e,  as  Archbishop  Spottiswoode 
 asserts  in  mistake,  some  weeks  after  the  Parliament,  which  ended  on  the  4th 
 of  June.  On  the  29tli  of  June  the  Queen  rode  from  the  Palace  of  Holy  rood 
 to  Linlithgow  Palace,  where  she  slept,  and  on  the  following  day  she  pro- 
 ceeded to  Dunipace  in  Stirlingshire.  On  the  1st  of  July  she  went  from  Duni- 
 pace  to  Glasgow,  near  which  she  continued  till  the  13th,  visiting  Paisley  and 
 Hamilton.  She  rode  to  Dunbarton  on  the  14th,  on  the  15th  and  16tli,  Ave 
 find  the  Queen  at  Itossdhu  on  Lochlomond,  on  the  17th  and  Ibtli  again  at 
 Dunbarton,  and  on  the  22d  at  Inverary,  which  occupied  three  days  to  reacli. 
 The  Queen  remained  at  Inverarynearly  fourdayswith  her  illegitimate  sister 
 the  Countess  of  Argyll  ;  on  the  26th  she  went  westward  to  Strone,  where 
 she  slept,  and  proceeded  to  Dunoon  on  the  following  day.  She  left  Dunoon 
 on  the  29th,  and  rode  to  Toward,  opposite  Rothsay  in  Bute,  The  Queen 
 crossed  the  Fritli  of  Clyde,  and  slept  at  Southannan  in  Ayrshire,  whence 
 she  proceeded  to  the  castle  of  the  Earl  of  Eglinton.  Her  "Household 
 Book"  for  August  1563  is  lost,  but  it  appears  that  she  was  about  two 
 weeks  in  Ayrshire  ;  for  in  the  Privy-Seal  Records  it  is  stated  that  she  was 
 at  Dunure  on  the  13th  of  August.  Mary  proceeded  from  Ayrshire  into 
 Kirkcudbrightshire  ;  for  in  the  same  collection  a  charter  is  granted  by  her 
 at  St  Mary's  Isle  on  the  13th  August,  of  which  Priory  her  Lord  High 
 Treasurer  Richardson  was  Common dat or,  and  she  was  at  the  same  place 
 
!2.'>()  THK  HISTOKY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15(14. 
 
 Lenox  caino  an<l  presented  himself  to  lier  Majesty  in  her 
 I'alaco  of  Ilolyroodhousc,  from  wliom  his  Lordship  met 
 with  a  very  gracious  reception  ;  which,  with  some  other 
 partieul.irities  not  hitlicrto  known,  sliall  be  the  subject  of 
 til'-  f'"ll"\\ing  Chapter. 
 
 on  tlic  Istli.  She  was  at  Dumfries  on  tlie  20th,  from  wliich  she  returned 
 to  l-!(linl)ur;^'h  ul>out  the  be^Mnniii|(  of  Sej)teniber.  On  tlie  8th  of  that 
 month  she  set  out  to  Linlithi^'ow  and  Stirling,  at  whicli  latter  town  she 
 n'mniniHl  from  the  KUli  to  the  1.3th,  when  she  went  to  DrummondCiistle. 
 On  the  14th,  loth,  and  HJth,  she  wa.s  in  (ilenfinlas,  and  rode  to  Callander 
 on  the  eveninj;  of  the  Iflth.  On  the  17th,  we  find  her  at  Dunblane,  and 
 on  the  iSth  at  Stirling:,  where  she  remained  till  the  30th  of  September, 
 and  returned  to  Kdinburj^h.  It  was  durinj^  this  proj^ess  that  the  riot 
 (K'curred  in  the  Chaiiel-Iloyal  of  Ilolyrood,  mentioned  in  a  previous  note. 
 .Mary  was  at  Kdinburj^h  durin<^  the  month  of  January  and  most  of  Feb- 
 ruary ITifi^^,  aiul  on  the  6'th  of  March  she  left  Ilolyrood  Palace  and  pro- 
 co<'dcd  to  Perth,  where  she  remained  till  the  24th,  wlien  she  rode  to 
 Falkland  Palace  in  Fife.  On  the  4th  of  April  she  went  to  St  Andrews, 
 an«l  on  the  Gth  she  returned  to  Falkland,  where  she  remained  till  the 
 Kith,  and  aj^in  repaired  to  Perth.  She  visited  Ituthven  on  the  25th,  and 
 continued  at  Perth  till  beyond  the  middle  of  May,  when  she  returned  to 
 Kdinbur;;h.  'I'his  brin^  us  to  the  Queen's  journey  into  Atholl  mentioned 
 by  llishop  Keith  on  the  authority  of  Knox.  Tired  of  the  annoyances  of 
 Knox  and  his  partizans,  the  Queen,  on  the  22d  of  July,  rode  from  Edin- 
 bur;,di  to  Linlithc^ow,  and  thence  to  Stirlin»^,  where  she  continued  till  the 
 2.'>th,  when  we  find  her  dininp  at  Kincardine,  and  jjroceedinf:^  to  Perth  in 
 tlie  pveninp.  Mary  continued  at  Perth  till  the  .'Jlst,  wheti  she  went  into 
 the  district  of  Atholl  to  the  "  huntint;."  She  next  crossed  the  mountains 
 into  Inverness-shire,  and  thence  to  the  (hanonry  of  Hoss,  the  episcopal 
 wat  of  the  Bishops  of  Hoss.  The  Queen  returned  by  the  eastern  coast  to 
 .Mx'rdi'en,  remaining'  a  ni^'ht  at  (Jartly  Castle,  now  in  ruins.  From  this 
 plxu-e  she  proceeded  to  Aberdeen,  and  tlu'uce  to  Dunottar  Castle,  where 
 hiie  wa.H  on  the  .Oth  of  September.  Proceetlin;,''  by  the  coast  road  to 
 Dundee,  h\\v  j-rossed  to  Fif«',  and  went  t<»  St  Andri'ws,  where  she  eontinueil 
 for  a  few  days,  and  returned  to  l'.dinbur<;h  about  the  2(>th  of  Sejiteniber, 
 after  an  abH*'nce  of  two  months.     K.) 
 
1564.]  OF  CHURCH  ANJJ  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  231 
 
 CHAPTER  VII. 
 
 CONTAINING  MATTERS  OF  STATE  FROM  THE  ARRIVAL  OF  THE 
 EARL  OF  LENOX  IN  SCOTLAND,  IN  THE  MONTH  OF  SEPTEMBER 
 1564,  UNTIL  THE  ARRIVAL  OF  HIS  SON  THE  LORD  DARNLY 
 IN  THE  MONTH  OF  FEBRUARY  15G4-5. 
 
 In  the  preceding  Chapter  I  have  taken  the  freedom  to  find 
 fault  with  two  of  our  historians  (one  of  them  Hving  in  the 
 time,i  and  so  the  more  blameable)  as  well  for  their  incon- 
 sistency, as  for  the  lameness  of  their  narrations.  Mv  Knox, 
 it  is  to  be  acknowledged,  blunders  not  here  as  his  contem- 
 porary friend  does  ;  but  then  he  contributes  but  very  little 
 to  the  knowledge  of  the  publick  transactions  of  the  time  : 
 SO  that  had  it  not  been  for  some  original  Letters  and  Instruc- 
 tions that  are  still  remaining,  and  which  I  have  taken  care 
 to  insert  here,  all  this  civil  part  of  our  History  had  remained 
 buried  in  obscurity,  and  been  utterly  lost.  Mr  Camden 
 acquaints  us  that  not  only  did  the  Earl  of  Lenox  obtain 
 Queen  Elizabeth's  leave  to  depart  out  of  England,  but  also 
 her  letters  of  recommendation  to  the  Queen  of  Scots  for  a 
 kindly  reception  :2  And  Mr  Knox  observes  likewise,  that  the 
 
 1  [This  allusion  is  not  clear.  If  Bishop  Keith  means,  by  "  contemporary 
 historians,"  John  Knox  and  George  Buchanan,  both  were  alive  at  the  time 
 to  which  he  refers.  If,  on  tlie  other  hand,  he  means  Archbishop  Spottis- 
 woode,  whom  he  cites  in  the  preceding  Chapter,  ho  was  not  the  "  contem- 
 porary friend"  of  Knox,  who  died  m  1572,  v.hen  the  Archbishop  was  only 
 seven  years  of  age. — E.] 
 
 2  [jNIatthew  Stewart,  fourth  Earl  of  Lennox,  and  subsequently  llegent 
 of  Scotland,  succeeded  his  father  John  third  Earl,  m  1526.  lie  returned 
 to  Scotland  from  the  Continent,  wliere  he  had  been  engaged  in  the  mili- 
 tary service  of  France,  in  1543,  after  the  death  of  James  V.,  and  soon 
 became  the  rival  of  the  Earl  of  liothwell,  father  of  the  notorious  Earl,  as 
 an  aspirant  to  tlic  hand  of  the  widowed  Mary  of  Guise,  the  Queen  Dowager. 
 Lennox  was  a  zealous  ])romoter  of  the  projected  marriage  of  the  young 
 Queen  Mary  and  Edward  VI.,  and  was  compelled  to  leave  the  kingdom 
 for  supporting  the  English  interest  in  1544.  lie  signed  a  secret  agree- 
 ment with  Henry  VIlI.  in  June  that  year,  and  in  August  he  was  sent  to 
 Scotland  with  a  number  of  ships  and  several  hundred  men.  During  the 
 followhig  winter  ho  resided  at  Carlisle,  and  entered  into  a  correspondence 
 with  the  Earl  of  Glencairn  and  others  of  the  disaffected  Nobility  to  engage 
 them  in  the  English  interest.     Lennox  was  forfeited  in  the  Parliament 
 
23*J  THL  UISTOUV  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1504. 
 
 Karl  of  l.tnox  at  his  home-coming  presented,  to  our  Queen, 
 Quern  Kn/;ibcth'H  h'ttrrs  written  in  liis  favour.^  Now,  both 
 thew»  accounts  are  well  fortified  bv  the  following  remarkable 
 original  lettrr,  written  by  our  (^ueen  to  Queen  Elizabeth, 
 soon  after  the  arrival  of  the  Karl  of  Lenox  ;  and  conse- 
 <|Uently  if  it  be  true,  that  (^leen  lOlizabeth  wrote  to  our 
 (^ueen  to  stay  this  Karl's  coming  into  Scotland,  we  can  only 
 reconcile  that  (Queen's  letter  with  themselves,  by  having  re- 
 course tothe  refinement  and  politicks  of  Courts.  Andif  (^ueen 
 Kliz^-ibeth  was  in  good  earnest  desirous  to  have  the  Karl  of 
 Lenox  restrained  from  coming  into  Scotland,  nobody  had 
 that  so  nuirh  in  tin  ir  j)<)wer  as  her  Majesty's  own  self. 
 
 Letter  f  mm  the  Queen  of  Scotland  to  the  Queen  of  England !- 
 
 ''  Ri(  HT  heich  and  michtie  Princesse,  oure  deire  and  weil- 
 belovit  sister  and   cousin,   we  greit   zow   weill  :     By   zowr 
 
 hold  at  Linlitht^ow  in  OttctluT  1545  (Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii.  p.  \i^Q). 
 IIo  rnnaiiuMl  in  Ku^jlaiul  as  an  oxili'  under  the  jtrotoction  of  Henry 
 VIII.  till  15<»4,  JUS  mentioned  by  our  Hi.storian.  The  Karl  niamed  Lady 
 Mar^^irrt  Dou^jlas,  dau-^hter  of  the  Princes-s  Margaret,  Queen  Dowager  of 
 .lames  IV.,  und  sister  of  Henry  VIII.,  by  her  second  husband,  Archibald 
 luul  of  Angus,  and  by  this  marriafjo  he  became  the  father  of  Lord 
 I)aniley,  who  was  thus  the  "grandson  of  Henry  VII.  of  Knfrland,  and  the 
 Hccond  cousin  of  Quet'n  Klizabeth,  and  the  cousin  (by  half-blood  only)  of 
 QiUNMi  .Mary  of  Scotland.  Lennox  arrived  in  Kdinbur<,di  on  the  4th  of 
 8optemlM«r,  whiK'  Mary  was  absent  on  the  northern  projjress  mentioned 
 in  the  prtH-eding  (  liajjter.  He  resolved  to  i>roceed  to  Pertlishire,  and 
 visit  tlie  IJirl  of  Atholl,  with  wlujm  he  was  told  the  Queen  was  residing, 
 but  when  at  St  Andrews  he  lu'ard  of  the  Queen's  return  southward,  and 
 \\v  nnle  through  I'ife,  crossetl  tlu'  Frith  of  I'(trth,  and  presented  himself 
 in  olHdicner  to  Marys  invitation  in  the  Palace  of  Holyrood  on  the  27th 
 of  Septeniber.  **  Ilr  rode  to  the  Palace  of  Holyrood,"  says  Mr  Tytler, 
 referring  to  thr  "  Diurnal  of  (Hcurrents  in  Scotland,"  p.  77,  "having 
 twelve  gentlemen  before  him  splendidly  mounted  and  clothed  in  black 
 velvet  ;  behind  him  cume  a  tmoj)  of  thirty  attendants  bearing  his  arms 
 and  livery.  Ihiving  dismounted,  the  Queen  sent  for  him,  and  their  inter- 
 view, which  took  phice  in  the  presence  of  the  Nobility,  wa-s  flattering  and 
 r<irdiul."     History  of  S<-otland,  Is4"2,  vol.  vi,  p.  2J)7. — E. ] 
 
 '  lUit  I  HUs|M*ct  the  Fjirl  <»f  Iamiox  came  not  into  Scotland  by  thtMueiuis 
 rAiVtfy  of  thf  I'jirl  of  Moray,  HM  Mr  Knox  adtls.— [Our  Historian  is  right 
 in  hia  ronj»-cture  that  th<»  Fjirl  of  Moray  had  no  connintion  with  the 
 rHunj  <if  thf  I'jirl  of  Ix^nnox  to  Scothuid,  and  his  conduct  to  the  latter 
 pmvifi  that  hi'  would  have  preventtnl  it  if  he  had  pos-scssiHl  the  power. 
 Ilii*  lA  nltogithrr  an  unfounded  compliment  by  .f(»hn  Knox  to  his  friend 
 Ihi'  r.*rl  of  Moray,  iind  it*  ulterlv  at  variance  with  historical  truth. -F." 
 
 •  HhAitrr'd  Ms. 
 
1564.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  233 
 
 lettris  gevin  at  Northamptoun  the  first  of  this  instant,  and 
 deHverit  to  oure  handis  be  the  Erie  of  Levenax,  we  persave 
 how  entierhe  ze  tendir  the  caiiss  of  him,  and  of  our  richt 
 trustie  and  weilbclovit  cousin  his  wyfF.  And  to  the  effect 
 it  may  appeir,  not  onlie  to  zowr  self,  bot  alswa  to  all  utheris 
 in  baith  the  Realmis,  quhat  gude  regaird  we  haif  to  zowr 
 requestis,  by  oure  gentill  entreatinge  of  sic  as  frome  zow  ar 
 
 ernistlie  recommendit ;  we  haif  not  onelie  at  the first 
 
 gevin  him  sum  cast  of  oure  gude  will,  in  the  favourabill 
 receaving  of  him,  and  hering  of  his  petitionis,  bot  alswa 
 meane  to  proceid  further  to  the  full  restitutioun  of  him, 
 quhairby  he  sail  be  abill  to  enjoy  the  privilegis  of  a  subject, 
 the  hberteis  of  his  native  cuntrie,  and  his  auld  tittlis. 
 Besydis,  that  we  intend  to  deal  sa  favourabillie  with  him, 
 and  our  said  cousin  his  wyff",  in  all  thair  suitis  and  caussis 
 ressonabill,  that  thai  sail  haif  gude  occasioun  to  acknawlege 
 thameselffis  bund  unto  zow  for  the  benefyte  thai  sail  receave 
 at  oure  handis  :  And  thairfoir  rander  maist  humill  thankis 
 unto  zow,  for  quhais  saik  and  recommendatioun  maist  cheiflie 
 oure  favour  is  extendit  towartis  thame.  We  will  alwayis 
 willinglie  embrace  all  sic  meanis  as  sail  be  offered,  quhairby 
 ze  may  cleirlie  understand  how  weill  we  can  be  content  to 
 do  zow  plessour.  And  sa,  richt  heich  and  michtie  Princesse, 
 our  deir  and  weilbelovit  sister  and  cousin,  we  pray  the 
 Almichtie  God  to  grant  zow  as  prosperous  success  in  all 
 zowr  effaris  as  we  wische  unto  oure  self.  Gevin  at  oure 
 Palice  of  Halieruidhous  the day  of  Septembir  1564.'"'! 
 
 As  to  Mr  Melvirs  negotiation  in  England,  I  must  refer  my 
 readers  to  that  gentleman's  own  account  thereof,  which  in 
 this  present  point  is  well  worth  the  perusal,  and  shall  only 
 
 1  [This  acknoAvlcdgoment  by  Queen  Mary  of  Queen  Elizahcth's  recom- 
 mendatory letters  in  favour  of  the  Karl  of  Lennox  is  dated  the  2Sth  of 
 September,  and  was  consequently  written  on  the  day  after  tlie  Earl  had 
 the  interview  with  Queen  Mary.  «  Keith,"  says  Mr  Tytler,  «  printed  from 
 a  contemporary  copy,  which  leaves  the  day  of  the  month  blank.  The 
 original  is  in  the  State-raper  Office,  dated  28th  September  1564."— 
 History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vi.  note,  p.  297.  In  the  opinion  of  Chalmers 
 (Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  117),  the  Scottish  Queen's  answer 
 "  is  conceived  with  great  elegance,  and  is  executed  with  remarkable 
 happiness,  though  somewhat  debased  by  the  vulgar  language  of  that 
 age.»-E.] 
 
*J'A4  ini.    iII>>TOUY  «'F  TIIK  AFFAIRS  |  1.1(J4. 
 
 hen-  sft  (lowii  the  l.ittcr  part  of  the  report  lit-  made  to  his 
 iiUHtnfw.l  '•  Aii«l  th.-rt  h.r  Majesty,"  sayn  he,  ''  liad  at  great 
 length  un<l(*nitoo<I  all  my  manafrt'inent  and  proceedings  in 
 Knirlancl,  she  en<|uin'd  whether  I  thought  that  (^ueen  meant 
 tndy  t<)\vard  her  inwardly  in  her  heart,  as  she  ai)peared  to 
 do  outwanlly  in  her  speech  i  I  answered  freely,  That  in  my 
 judgment  there  was  neither  plain  dealing  nor  upright 
 meaning,  hut  great  dissimulation,  emulation,  and  fear,  lest 
 her  (our  (Queen's)  princely  qualities  should  oversoon  chaco 
 her  from  the  kingdom,  as  having  already  hindred  her 
 marriage  with  the  Arch-Duke  Charles  of  Austria.  It 
 appeared  likewise  to  me  by  her  (Queen  Elizabetirs)  offering 
 unto  her  (the  (Jucen  of  Scotland)  with  great  earnestness 
 my  Lord  Leicester,  whom  I  knew  at  that  time  she  could 
 not  want/'  This  is  a  heavy  charge  upon  the  Queen  of 
 Kngland  ;  and  it  may  be  better  credited,  that  Sir  James 
 Melvil  was  a  firm  Protestant,  and  so  not  biassed  with  views 
 of  religion  in  prejudice  of  that  Princess. 
 
 IJesidcs  the  returns  which  the  Queen  of  England  gave  to 
 Mr  Melvil,  we  have  likewise  her  own  Memorial  of  the  4th 
 October  already  mentioned,  delivered  to  Mr  Kandolph, 
 whom  she  sent  back  into  Scotland  very  soon  after  Mr  Melvil's 
 arrival  in  England  ;  and  we  have  also  some  original  letters 
 written  by  Mr  Randolph,  See,  all  which  together  will  afford 
 us  a  tolerably  good  prospect  into  the  business  of  this  other- 
 wise dark  period. 
 
 El.iZAiJKTii  n.—A  Memorial/or  Thomas  Randolph;-  beinqsent 
 to  the  Queen  of  Scots,  in  Message  from  the  Queens  Majtstie, 
 4th  October  L)04.:i 
 
 **  You  shall,  after  our  aflectionate  and  accustomed  recom- 
 mendations made  to  our  good  sister,  with  the  delivery  of 
 our  letters,  say,  That  your  coming  was  appointed,  and  your- 
 self ready  to  come  before  the  coming  of  her  servant  (James) 
 M-  Imh  last  hither,  to  have  declared  to  her  the  causes  that 
 
 (liiNho|)  Keith  tMitith«H  thi.s  iwwago  from  MolvillcH    Memoirs-"  Mr 
 Molvil'*  unfuvoumblr  JUMitimmts  of  the  (^hhmi  of  Kn-lnnd."  -  K.) 
 
 •  IHiiml.,1,,1,,  wim   had   h.'.«n   n»lh'<l   to    I.4mdon  tliirinj;  (^uwn  Mnrv's 
 northrni  juun.ov,  brou^rht  thin  "  M.-moriur'  with  him  whm  h.«  roturn'ed 
 to  MihhurKh.     hishop   Ki-ith  .iititloH  it     **  Handolpli  n>turns  into  Scot 
 iMiid  with  a  mc-wajj,.  of  recontihMiuMit  In^twixt  thi-  two  Qucons."— E.] 
 
 Callg.  II.  X.  w»  Oripiml      [IJritish  MuwMim  -  K.) 
 
1564.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  235 
 
 last  moved  us  so  long  to  forbear  the  returning  of  answer  to 
 your  last  message  brought  to  us  from  thence  ;  and  to  have 
 shewed  unto  her  our  determination  for  the  continuance  of 
 our  amity,  and  further  proceeding  to  the  good  cause  already 
 begun  betwixt  us  two.  And  although  we  did  impart  to  the 
 said  Melvin  some  of  the  causes  that  moved  us  to  forbear 
 our  answer,  and  have  received  a  full  satisfaction  by  his 
 message  to  all  doubts  ;  yet,  as  well  for  the  assured  satisfac- 
 tion of  our  good  sister  in  all  events,  as  for  answer  to  be 
 given  to  your  message,  we  thought  it  very  pertinent  to  both 
 our  amities,  to  send  you  at  this  time  thither. 
 
 "  And  before  you  shall  enter  to  declare  the  causes  of  our 
 former  stay,  you  shall  first  pray  our  good  sister  to  rest 
 herself  still  upon  her  old  opinion  of  us  for  her  constant  and 
 unchangeable  amity  towards  her,  whatsoever  accident  hath 
 happened  to  come  to  our  knowledge  that  might  in  appear- 
 ance anywise  diminish  or  alter  the  same  in  us  ;  and  upon 
 that  request  granted  to  us,  you  shall  tell,  That  you  are 
 commanded  to  signifie  to  her  the  particularities  of  the  matters 
 which  stayM  us  from  answer.     And  so  shall  you  begin. 
 
 "  First,  upon  your  return,  you  shall  say,  We  did  so  well 
 like  the  offer  of  our  said  sister  to  have  the  matter  treated 
 upon  by  trusty  persons  of  both  parts  with  secrecy,  that  we 
 did  both  determine  who  the  persons  should  be  for  our  part, 
 and  upon  what  points  they  should  treat,  and  to  what  ends. 
 In  the  midst  of  which  considerations,  the  same  being  such 
 as  were  not  delighted  a  little  to  be  therein  occupied,  we  had 
 intelligence  given  us  out  of  France  by  parties  of  no  small 
 credit,  that  it  was  there  understood,  and  frequently  reported 
 in  that  Court,  that  news  were  lately  come  from  Scotland, 
 what  motion  and  particular  offers  we  had  made  to  her  of 
 her  marriage,  and  how  nevertheless  she  was  determined  so 
 to  use  the  matter  as  she  would  entertain  us  in  a  communi- 
 cation thereof,  but  she  would  direct  herself  by  advice  of  her 
 other  friends,  to  take  another  way  than  that  which  we 
 propounded ;  and  so  we  were  advised  to  beware  how  we 
 should  enter  any  farther  in  this  matter,  lest  we  should  lose 
 both  our  good  will  and  our  labour.  This  matter  of  adver- 
 tisement (you  may  well  say)  seeniM  unto  us  very  strange, 
 being  also  so  well  confirmed  by  sundry  arguments  to  have 
 credit,  that  herewith   we  were   nuich  perplexed.     And  to 
 
230  THE  IIISTOUV  OF  TIIK  AFFAIK.S  [i')(j4. 
 
 increase  our  perploxitv,  within  a  few  days  after  we  hoard 
 the  Baniu  newly  contirnied  hy  report  here  in  our  Keahn  ; 
 and  found  thus  mmli  thereof  to  bo  true,  that  some  of 
 the  Fnneli  njiiiistrrM  did  not  only  report  by  speech  hero 
 in  Knglantl,  but  advrrtisrd  into  France  the  very  particular- 
 it'ies  of  our  ofler  of  marriage  made  to  her ;  whereof  we 
 could  not  but  conceive  some  misliking,  at  the  least  that 
 a  matter  imant  by  us  for  divers  respects  so  secretly 
 dealt  in,  should  thus  be  made  open,  and  so  common  in 
 that  sort  :  And  yet  notwithstanding  the  same,  finding  no 
 chantre  of  good  will  in  ourselves,  we  continued  our  purpose 
 to  have  advertised  her  what  persons  wc  intended  to  send  to 
 confer  with  some  of  hers.  But,  behold,  upon  a  just  occasion 
 given  us  to  write  a  letter  somewhat  before  that  time  to  our 
 said  sister  for  a  matter  concerning  the  Earl  of  Lenox  coming 
 thither,  we  received  in  that  unreasonable  time  an  answer 
 from  our  said  sister  in  writing,  much  different  from  our  desert 
 and  expectation  ;  and  therewithall  we  did  see  some  letters 
 writt<'n  from  the  Laird  of  Lethington  to  some  of  ours  in  the 
 same  matter,  of  a  stranger  manner  than  ever  had  come  to 
 our  knowledge  before,  using  some  sharper  words  in  disal- 
 lowing of  our  request,  than  was  reasonable  in  such  an  argu- 
 ment, wherein  our  dealing  was  such,  as  although  we  had 
 not  thanks  for  our  care  had  to  the  repose  of  our  said  sister, 
 ami  her  country  ;  yet  we  did  not  look  to  have  our  friendly 
 consiilerations  reproved  or  reprehended.  And  how  justly 
 we  did  conceive  so  nuich  of  both  the  letters,  you  shall  say, 
 that  we  mean  not  to  have  her  understand  it  now  by  you, 
 but  wc  could  not  but  shew  it  to  her  servant  James  ^lelvin. 
 who  liath  sern  the  letter's  sellj 
 
 '*  This  manner  of  writing  to  us  movM  u<  to  think  that 
 some  now  humour  might  have  entrcd,  not  into  her  breast, 
 but  rather  conv.-ycd  into  sonu>  of  their  heads  that  were  of 
 cretlit  in  counsel  with  her ;  and,  therefore,  being  by  these 
 accidcnta  much  perplexed,  and  carried  into  divers  disposi- 
 tiouH,  HouK'time.M  to  neirlcct  all  thesr  scruples,  and  send 
 amtwer  acconling  to  our  first  intention,  sometimes  again  to 
 fear  that  our  intention  would  prove  vain,  and  Ix-  abused  in 
 thi-   i\u\,    wi.   thus    determined,    that     understandinLT    tliat 
 
 ll  u.  pro|»cr  hm.  tluit  th»« rvtidvn  look  into  ^^ir  .laims  Mrlvil's  Meinoii s. 
 
loG4.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  2o7 
 
 Lord  Robert  and  our  Secretary  (who  were  also  much  per- 
 plexed herewith)  had  written  both  to  the  Earl  of  Moray 
 and  L.  of  Lethington,  by  way  of  complaint,  of  this  oblique 
 dealing  with  us  in  the  matter  of  the  Earl  of  Lenox,  we 
 should  see  by  the  answer  to  their  letters,  some  proof  whereof 
 this  strange  answer  made  to  us  did  proceed,  that  meant  so 
 sincerely,  hoping  therewith  that  they  should  have  answer 
 with  speed,  and  so  thereupon  it  would  appear  whether  there 
 were  indeed  such  change  of  that  part  in  any  intention,  as  by 
 the  former  accidents  we  did  gather ;  and  so  either  we  should 
 proceed  as  we  first  intended,  and  earnestly  desired,  or  else 
 cease  and  leave  off,  without  more  inconvenience.  But  with 
 great  grief,  after  this  our  mind  was  burdenVl,  hearing  no 
 answer  made  to  the  said  letters,  we  are  loth  to  have  any 
 repetition  made,  misliking  altogether  with  ourselves  the 
 remembrance  thereof.  And  after  some  time  unpleasantly 
 passed,  wherein  answer  might  have  once  or  twice  been  sent, 
 behold  unhappily  it  cometh  to  our  knowledge,  that  our 
 subjects  upon  our  Borders,  especially  upon  the  East  and 
 Middle  Marches,  had  knowledge  given  them,  by  means  to 
 them  credible,  that  her  Wardens  had  commandment  secretly 
 from  the  Court  there,  that  they  should  not  use  diligence  and 
 readiness  in  administration  of  justice  to  our  said  subjects, 
 as  they  had  of  late  used,  but  they  should  hold  their  hands 
 somewhat  straiter.  And  for  the  proof  of  such  an  intention 
 in  the  Wardens  indeed,  they  at  their  next  meetings  with 
 ours  refused  directly  without  colour  to  answer  justice  in 
 manifest  causes. 
 
 "  You^  shall  now  pray  our  sister,  but  imagine  with  herself 
 how  far  we  were  tempted  hereby  to  call  our  former  intention 
 in  question  ;  so  as  notwithstanding  all  these  former  scruples 
 and  unreasonable  accidents,  from  the  which  notwithstanding 
 all  former  provocations,  how  far  off  we  were  here  to  breed 
 any  new  offence,  it  may  manifestly  appear  by  this  one  thing, 
 that  in  this  very  time  being  so  cumbersome,  contrary  to  the 
 expectation  and  desire  of  our  people,  yea  contrary  to  the 
 disposition  of  no  small  number  of  our  Council,  and  that  also 
 to  some  part  of  detriment  to  ourself,  for  our  own  private 
 lucre,  by  the  intention  of  our  people,  to  have  gratified  us 
 
 ^  Thou<;li  this  paragraph  appears  very  confused,  yet  the  original,  written 
 by  Secretary  Cecil,  is  exactly  so. 
 
2.'W{  THE  HISTORY  oF  TIIK  AFFAIRS  (  \5C>4. 
 
 with  Koiiio  subsidy  ;  \vi«  t\'u\  even  IIkii  by  proclamation  pro- 
 long our  Parliament  J  that  now  should  have  begun  in 
 .  Octol)or,  meaning  of  puq>o8c?  to  have  no  assembly  wherein 
 the  int  rest  of  our  nist^r  miL^it  be  called  in  (picstion.  until  it 
 wen?  bettiT  ccnisidered,  that  no  harm  thereof  might  ensue  to 
 hor,  and  that  wo  two  had  further  proceeded  in  the  establish- 
 ment of  our  ainitv.  Thou^^h  in  consideration  of  wisdom  we 
 had  ciiUHv  to  make  sonu*  stay,  yet  our  inward  friendship,  and 
 our  natural  affection  toward  our  sister,  had  taken  so  deep 
 root,  as  neither  suspicion  nor  <loubt  could  shake  it  :-  And 
 to  s.'iy  the  very  truth,  our  judgment  was  overcome  with  our 
 love,  and  from  that  whercunto  reason  and  advice  would  have 
 le<i  us,  love  and  nature  carried  us,  and  provoked  us  not  to 
 forbear  any  longer  time,  nor  conceive  any  doubt  on  her 
 part,  but  to  send  you  thither  with  oui-  letters,  and  withal 
 this  message  that  now  you  bring. 
 
 "  And  as  we  had  resolved  with  ourself,  and  commanded 
 you  to  put  yourself  in  readiness,  you  may  show  her,  as  the 
 truth  was,  how  her  servant  James  Melvin  came,  by  whom, 
 both  by  the  good  letters  which  he  brought  from  our  good 
 sister,  an«l  from  others  there,  we  were  made  suddenly  so  glad, 
 as  having  been  overburdened  a  long  time  in  our  mind  with 
 care  and  trouble  with  the  inward  contention  betwixt  love 
 and  reason,  and  thereby  tossed  hither  and  thither,  wo  have 
 found  by  this  our  messenger''s  coming  a  whole  delivery  of 
 all  these  offences,  and  have  received  more  good  for  (piietness 
 sake  at  the  one  instant  than  ever  we  did  before  by  any 
 messenger  sent  to  us.^ 
 
 "  So  as  you  shall  conchuic,  that  we  thought  it  convenient 
 not  to  change  the  sending  of  you,  to  declare  this  comedy 
 how  it  had  passM  from  the  beginning,  assuring  her,  that  the 
 passions  therein  liave  been  almost  like  a  tragedy,  but  by 
 cause  the  end  hath  brought  (piietness.  And  for  the  matters 
 th.if   li'iv..   troublrd  us,   howsoever  they  have  hai>pened,  we 
 
 ■  ><•<•  Mr  (aniilt'ii  his  roa^on  for  proro;,iiti<)ii  of  tin-  railiamont. — 
 (C«m(lrn'H  AnimlM,  4to.  IW."),  p.  113,  114.-  K.| 
 
 •  It  i«  ft  pity  this  ;,Ti'ot  Quih'M  should  havt»  .sworvinl  at  any  timr  liorc- 
 oflor  from  hrr  motto,  Srmjirr  cadrnty  i.  e.  invariahli*  ;  or,  may  not  some 
 rmfl  Im*  MiM{M>(t«>4l  here*  f 
 
 Hut  (hi<«  iiiii«M4M)f^T  MUH|>ccto<l  (a»(l  perhaps  not  without  rejuson)  her 
 Mftjo»»ty'ii  mind  not  to  bo  genuine  in  hor  profowionn  eitlur  now,  or  at  any 
 timi'  hmmftor.     Sih-  hi*  Moujoini. 
 
15G4.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  230 
 
 are  minded  to  neglect  them  all  without  further of  the 
 
 natures,  the  causes,  or  other  circumstances  thereof,  as  you 
 shall  assure  her,  that  there  is  no  change  in  us  towards 
 her,  neither  do  we  think  that  there  has  been  in  her  towards 
 us  :  And  therefore  you  shall  say.  That  we  are  determined 
 fully  to  recontinue  our  former  motion  ;  and  to  the  end  some 
 conferences  may  be  had  thereupon  secretly,  and  without 
 delay  with  some  of  hers,  as  she  hath  desired,  we  have 
 thought  meet,  for  the  avoiding  inconveniences  of  making  the 
 matter  too  open,  to  appoint  you  to  attend  with  our  cousin 
 the  Earl  of  Bedford,  to  commune  hereupon  with  any  such 
 person  as  she  shall  name :  Or  otherwise,  if  she  shall  think 
 better,  to  send  any  of  hers  hither  to  us,  we  will  appoint  like 
 persons  to  commune  with  them.  Wherein  we  mind  to 
 proceed  frankly  and  plainly  without  obscurities,  as  to  our 
 amity  doth  belong. 
 
 "  And  if  she  will  have  the  matter  treated  upon  our 
 frontiers  as  we  first  mentioned,  you  shall  say,  that  you  have 
 commandment,  instruction  and  authority,  for  the  Earl  of 
 Bedford  and  yourself,  to  confer  thereon.  For  which  pur- 
 pose you  shall,  as  you  see  cause,  return  to  Berwick,  and 
 upon  conference  with  the  said  Earl,  you  shall  agree  upon 
 some  time  and  convenient  place  for  that  purpose  :  And 
 thereof  advertise  us  with  speed,  to  the  end  as  cause  shall  be, 
 we  may  give  you  further  direction. 
 
 "  Cecill." 
 
 An  abstract  of  Mr  Randolph's  letters  out  of  Scotland, 
 of  the  24th  of  October,  and  the  3d  and  12th  of  November 
 1564.1 
 
 To  Sir  William  Cecill,  24th  October. 
 
 "  Moray  and  Lethington  question  Mr  Randolph  why  he 
 deferred  the  answer  of  their  last  messages,  and  talked  of 
 the  unkindness  fallen  between  their  two  mistresses,  by  reason 
 of  their  Book  of  Succession  published  by  Ilalos,^  the  party 
 being  so  strictly  punished.  They  began  to  talk  of  their 
 mistress's  right  of  succession,  which  I  told  them  many 
 doubted  of :  and  I  wished  them  not  much  to  trust  the  party 
 
 1  Calig.  B.  X.— [British  Museum.— E.] 
 
 2  [John  Hales,  Clerk  of  the  Hanaper.  See  p.  226,  227,  of  the  present 
 volume. — E.] 
 
lMO  the  history  of  thk  afiaiu.s  [1jG4. 
 
 that  NVcU-hi  Imd  untlfrtakcn  for,  I  meant  the  Catholi«iiies. 
 He  telletli  tljeiu  the  unkiii(hiess  tlie  (^ueeii  [of  I'^n^^laiul] 
 Uketh,  in  that  her  siHter  received  Lenox  against  her  Hking.2 
 Moray  aiul  Lethington  to  enjoy  their  country,  hberty  and 
 liveH,  \>\  the  purchase  (.f  the  (^ueen  of  JMigland's  consumption 
 of  her  people  ami  treasure.  Lenox  giveth  to  the  Queen, 
 and  most  of  the  Council,  jewels  ;  but  none  to  Moray .3  Tho 
 Scottish  (/ueen  taxeth  the  (^ueen  of  Enghind's  ministers  in 
 France,  espr-cially  my  Lord  of  Ilunsden,^  for  disclosing  this 
 Treaty  of  her  marriage.  This  (^ueen  imputeth  the  coming 
 of  Lenox  to  the  (^ueen  of  I'jighuurs  request^  for  him  to 
 
 '  Thi-s  iiiuu  luus  been  a  private  iiitellif^enccr  to  our  Queen. 
 
 ^  If  (^ueen  Kli/abeth  hail  a  real  intention  that  Lenox  should  not  come 
 into  Seotland,  it  wa.s  certainly  in  her  power  to  liave  stopt  him. 
 
 '  I  Han«lolj)h  sent  an  account  of  a  dinner  f,Mven  by  Lennox  soon  after 
 bin  return,  at  which  he  wivs  pri*st>nt  with  the  Roman  Catholic  luirl  of 
 Alholl,  and  the  Titular  liishop  of  Caithness,  the  brother  of  Lennox — "  a 
 l*rol«'stant,"  he  says,  "  who  sometimes  j)reacheth."  lie  notices  the  elegant 
 furniture  in  the  llarl's  residence,  and  his  j)oj)ularity— that  he  "is  honour- 
 alily  u.h*h1  (»f  all  men,  and  that  the  Queen's  self  hath  j^ood  likin«,'  of  his 
 behaviour."  This  occurs  in  a  long  letter,  of  which  Bishop  Keith  only 
 pve«  the  above  brief  abstract  from  the  Cotton  Collection.  Iteforriuf^  to 
 l^'nnox,  Haniloli)h  writes—"  His  Lordship's  cheer  is  great,  and  his  house- 
 hold nuiuy,  though  he  hath  despatched  divers  of  his  train  away.  He 
 findeth  occasion  to  disburse  money  very  fast,  and  of  his  L.TUO  brought 
 with  him  I  am  sure  that  much  Is  not  left.  If  he  tarry  long,  Lennox  nuiy 
 [lorhajm  be  to  him  a  dear  j)urcha.se.  He  gave  the  Qui'en  a  marvellous  fair 
 and  rich  jfwel,  whereof  there  is  made  no  small  account,  a  clock,  and  a 
 dial  curiou.ily  wrought  and  set  with  stones,  and  a  looking-glass,  very  richly 
 not  with  htones  in  the  four  metals.  To  my  Lord  [Laird  J  of  [  Maitland  of  J 
 l^ethington  a  very  fair  diamond  in  a  ring  ;  to  my  Lord  [Karl  of]  Atholl 
 another— a.s  al.so  somewhat  to  his  wife — I  know  not  what  ;  to  divers 
 utherti  somewhat,  but  to  my  Lord  of  Moray  nothing.  He  i)resented  also 
 oacli  of  the  Marys  with  such  pretty  things  as  he  thought  fittest  for  them  ; 
 HUch  gtK)d  means  he  hath  to  win  their  hearts,  and  to  make  his  way  to 
 further  efl\«ct."  Handolph  to  Cecil,  MS.  State -Paper  Otlice,  '24th  October 
 l.'WH,  in  Tytler's  History  of  Scothuul,  vol.  vi.  p.  2!>7,  29S.—  K.] 
 
 *  (  Henry  Carey,  son  of  William  Carey, a  favourite  of  Henry  VI I L, and 
 IjmIv  .Mary  lioleyne,  sister  of  the  unfortunate  Anne  Holeyne.  He  was 
 ronMM|uently  first  cousin  of  Queen  I'.li/abeth,  who  after  her  accession 
 ct>nfern«<l  on  him  the  honour  of  Knighthood,  and  on  the  l.'Uh  of  January 
 I5.'»9  rreuted  him  Hainui  Hunsdun  withagnmt  of  the  mansion  of  Hunsdon 
 in  IliTtfordHhire,  and  a  |H>nsion  t»f  L.4(HM)  per  annum.  He  was  employed 
 in  iK>vrral  public  aftairs,  and  dietl  in  l.VJG.  The  Uarony  of  Hunsdon 
 became  rxtuui  in  ITG.'i,  at  the  death  of  William  Fenlinand  Carey,  eighth 
 I^H,  without  tJ4Nue.-K.) 
 
 •  And  wv  m-v  by  the  I,««lter  of  the  t^ueen  of  Scots  to  the  Queen  of 
 FjiKUnd  rI»ovc  »n«l  down,  that  she  said   no  less  to  that  l^u'en  ;  so  that 
 
15G4.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  241 
 
 come  to  pursue  his  right,  and  he  came  to  follow  his  title, 
 which  justice  cannot  deny.  She  deferreth  her  appointment 
 to  meet  at  Berwick  till  further  speech  with  Moray  and 
 Lethington.  The  Queen  undertaketh  to  end  the  quarrel 
 between  the  Duke  and  Lenox,  whose  name  now  Lethington 
 is  supposed  to  favour,  for  the  love  he  beareth  to  Mary 
 Fleming:.!  Seton  and  Lethino^ton  are  become  enemies  in 
 the  cause  of  Douglas.'-^  The  Queen  altereth  her  determina- 
 tion for  the  Lieutenancy  to  Moray,^  at  which  the  Protest- 
 ants are  offended.  All  pensions  granted  by  the  Queen  since 
 her  home-comins:  are  recalled.  A  new  Reformation  in  hand 
 of  the  thirds  of  the  benefices  to  be  paid  to  the  preachers.* 
 
 Queen  Elizabeth  has  both  interceded  for  the  Earl  of  Lenox's  journey 
 into  Scotland,  and  complained  that  he  was  alloAved  to  come. 
 
 ^  The  readers  may  see,  in  the  Peerage,  the  relation  betwixt  the  Earl  of 
 Lenox  and  the  Lord  Fleming. — [Crawford's  "  Peerage  of  Scotland,"  folio, 
 Edin.  1716.  See  the  note,  p.  172  of  the  present  volume.  Lady  ISIargaret 
 Stewart,  eldest  daughter  of  Matthew  second  Earl  of  Lennox,  married  John 
 second  Lord  Fleming,  and  it  appears  they  Mere  divorced,  without  issue. 
 This  was  apparently  all  the  "relation"  between  the  Families  of  Lennox  and 
 Fleming  at  that  time.  Mary  Fleming,  who  became  the  wife  of  Maitland  of 
 Lethington  in  1567,  was  a  daughter  of  iNIalcolm  third  Lord  Fleming,  son  of 
 the  second  Lord  by  Euphemia,  daughter  of  David  Lord  Drummond,  and 
 Joan  or  Janet  SteAvart,  illegitimate  daughter  of  James  IV.  by  Isabel 
 Stewart,  daughter  of  James  Earl  of  Buchan.  As  Maitland  of  Lethington 
 was  born  about  1525,  he  was  nearly  forty  years  of  age  Avhen  he  was  capti- 
 vated by  Mary  Fleming,  who  was  one  of  tlie  Queen's  "four  Marys." — E.] 
 
 2  [George  fifth  Lord  Seton  (grandfather  of  the  first  Earl  of  Winton) 
 and  INIaitland  of  Lethington  quarrelled  because  the  Douglas  Family  were 
 again  likely  to  become  influential.  Archibald  eighth  Earl  of  Angus 
 entered  in  1565  into  a  contract  with  Lady  IMargaret  Douglas,  heir- 
 general  of  the  Earldom  of  Angus,  Avith  consent  of  her  husband,  Matthew 
 Earl  of  Lennox,  and  Henry  Lord  Darnley,  their  eldest  son  and  heir- 
 apparent,  by  wliich  she  renounced  her  right  to  that  Earldom.  This  Earl 
 of  Angus  was  the  grandson  of  Sir  George  Douglas  of  Pittendriech,  second 
 son  of  George  Master  of  Angus,  whose  eider  son  David  succeeded,  Archibald 
 sixth  Earl  of  Angus,  the  husband  of  Margaret  of  England,  Queen-Dowager 
 of  James  IV.,  by  whom  lie  had  Lady  Margaret,  Countess  of  Lennox  and 
 mother  of  Lord  Darnley. — E.] 
 
 ^  [This  was  a  project  to  constitute  the  Earl  of  Moray  Lieutenant  of  tlio 
 Kingdom. — E.l 
 
 4  [In  1561  an  Act  was  passed,  ordering  the  whole  revenues  of  the  Arch- 
 bishoprics, Bishoprics,  Abbeys,  Priories,  and  all  benefices,  to  be  produced, 
 out  of  which  the  Roman  Catholic  dignitaries  and  clergy  agreed  to  give 
 one  third  to  the  Queen,  on  the  condition  that  they  were  to  retain  the  two- 
 thirds.  This  third  was  to  be  appropriated  to  the  maintenance  of  the 
 Reforming  preachers,  the  endowment  of  schools,  the  support  of  the  poor, 
 and  the  increa^ie  of  the  Crown  revenues. — E.] 
 
 VOL.  II.  16 
 
242  THK   IIISTOHY  OF  THP:  AFFAIRS  [15G4. 
 
 Buchanan  hath  the  temporahtics  of  Corseregal  Ahbey^  given 
 to  him  from  t)jo  (^nerii/'' 
 
 To  Sir  William  feci II,  -U  November. 
 *'  Randolph  tolleth  tho  Queen,  That  if  she  match  with  the 
 Queen  hi.s  niistrcMfl'M  hking,  she  will  examine  her  right,  and 
 m  <lfclaro  hor  nistcr  or  daughtcr-hcir.  No  word  the  Queen 
 makfth  of  Danily,*-  yet  many  suppose  it  concluded  in  her 
 heart ;  and  that  Lethington  is  bent  wholely  that  way. 
 This  (^uren  now  liketh  well  to  hear  of  marriage,  and  of  the 
 party.  No  answer  yet  of  appointm'^nt  of  ambassadors  to 
 meet  my  Lord  of  Bedford  about  the  marriage.  This  Queen 
 hath  commanded  tho  Duke  and  Lenox  to  abstain  from 
 (piarnl,  and  then  she  will  take  i)art  against  him  that  shall 
 
 *  Thi.s  Ahht'V  IS  ill  (arrifk.  The  Qiioon's  favours  to  thi-s  i^ontlemau 
 have  not  been  al)le  to  «w)ftt'n  his  hoart. — [Tho  AbbfV  of  C'rossraj:^iel,  one 
 of  the  nio*«t  entire  of  tho  old  nionusterios  in  the  West  of  Scotland,  though 
 much  dilnpidat<Hl,  is  in  the  parish  of  Kirkoswald,  Ayrsliire,  in  a  valley 
 between  tho  village  of  Kirkoswald  and  Mavbole,  and  in  the  neigbourhood 
 of  Culzean  Castle,  the  niaguificeut  seat  of  the  Earls  of  Cjissillis,  now  Mar- 
 quises of  Ail.s4i  in  the  Peerage  of  (ireat  Britain.  The  Abbey  was  founded 
 by  Duncan,  King  of  .Scotland  and  Karl  of  Carrick,  in  1200,  and  dedicated 
 to  the  Virgin  Mary.  Quintin  Kennedy,  fourth  son  of  CJilbert  Karl  of 
 r'aHsillis  and  his  Countess  Isobel,  daughter  of  Archibald  second  Karl  of 
 Argyll,  became  .\bbot  of  Crossraguel  in  1540.  lie  held  the  famous  dispute 
 with  .lohn  Knox  at  Maybole,  and, according  to  all  accounts,  gave  him  an 
 infinitude  of  trouble.  Jle  died  on  the  2*2d  of  August  15()4,  and  (^ueen  Mary 
 generously  bestowed  a  portion  of  the  revenue  of  the  Abbey,  which  at  the 
 Reformation  was  returned  at  L.4()4,  exclusive  of  a  great  many  payments 
 in  kind,  on  (Jeorge  IJiuhanan,  whom  she  appointed  "  pensioner  ''  of  Cross- 
 raguel. The  ingratitude  which  he  evinced  to  his  royal  benefactress  is 
 well  known.  Buchanan  had  been  preceptor  to  (iilbert  third  Karl  of 
 Ca»iillis,  the  Abbot's  brother,  who  died  in  l.'j.'iS  at  Dieppe,  and  it  is 
 evident  that  his  son  and  successor,  (Jilbert  fourth  Karl,  considered  him  in 
 the  light  of  an  intruder,  for  we  find  his  Lordship,  his  son  Lord  Kennedy,  his 
 brother,  and  their  accomplices,  accused  before  the  Privy  Council  at  Stir- 
 ling, in  April  l.OTI,  of  forcibly  carrying  Allan  Stewart,  the  Commendator, 
 to  Dunure  Cii-stle  for  refusing  to  sign  a  feu-charter  of  the  lands  belonging 
 to  the  AMm'V  and  a  lease  of  the  tithes,  and  in  that  stronghold  they  cruelly 
 torturifl  him  by  stripping  him  naked,  and  almost  half  roasting  him  before 
 a  ftro.  Tho  Vjxt\  was  orderoil  to  find  security  ui  L.*20(H)  n<»t  to  molest  the 
 ('„,„.,, .....1  ..,,p^  ^,j,|  jji^,  ^^„j^,  H(.<urity  to  Ihichanan  at  his  special  request. 
 ''"  MJH  to  Iwvo  held  the  temporalities  of  Crossraguel  till  the 
 
 d.ij.  ...  ....  M.alh.— K.J 
 
 '  (Ixjrd  Dnniley  wa«  still  with  his  mother  the  Countess  of  I^ennox  in 
 Fjigland,  hut  it  im  evident  that  Queen  .Mary  ha<l  heard  with  satisfaction 
 tho  fnvoumblo  rei>orU  of  his  ]»orsonal  appearance.— K.; 
 
1564.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  243 
 
 begin.  Lenox  complaineth  of  his  loss  by  banishment ;  the 
 Duke  defendcth  it  from  the  Prince's  authority,  and  his 
 desert.i  Argile  hath  rendred  what  he  had  of  his.  The 
 Duke  and  Lenox  meet  not  but  in  the  Queen's  presence. 
 He  (the  Duke)  supposeth  Lenox  is  called  home  for  his 
 overthrow,  especially  if  she  marry  Darnly  ;  and  that  his 
 hope  is  only  in  the  Queen  of  England.  Darnly  and  the 
 Lady  Lenox  looked  for.2  Welch  had  private  intelligence  with 
 the  Queen  and  Lethington,  and  telleth  that  the  Papists 
 of  England  are  of  her  side.  Moray  and  Lethington 
 appointed  to  meet  my  Lord  of  Bedford ;  and  what  they 
 agree  to,  she  consenteth." 
 
 To  Sir  William  Cecill,  12th  Novemher.^ 
 "  The  Cardinal  excuseth  himself,  that  having  by  John 
 Baptista  made  offer  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  for  her  husband, 
 he  doth  now  by  Beton^  offer  another.  The  Queen  offended 
 with  her  uncle  for  his  business  in  her  marriage,  wherein  he 
 respects  only  his  own  ends." 
 
 A  Letter  from  Mr  Randolph  to  the  Queen  of  England.^ 
 
 "  May  it  please  your  Majestie — The  more  I  desire  to 
 serve  your  Majestie  in  sort,  as  in  duty  I  am  bound,  the 
 more  discontentment  I  find  in  myself,  that  all  things  succeed 
 not  in  your  Majestie's  affairs  as  I  would.  How  from  time 
 to  time  I  have  dealt  with  this  Queen,  and  others  with  whom 
 
 1  The  difiference  betwixt  these  two  Noble  persons  takes  its  rise  from 
 Lenox's  disgrace  having  pi-oceeded  during  the  time  of  the  Duke's  regency. 
 The  reader  has  ah'eady  seen  the  pretensions  to  succession  of  the  Crown 
 made  by  the  Family  of  Lenox  against  the  Family  of  Arran.  It  is  likely 
 the  Duke  has  had  a  gift  of  some  part  of  Lenox's  estate. 
 
 2  ["  The  bruit  is  here  that  my  Lady  herself  and  my  Lord  Darnley  are 
 coming  after,  insomuch  that  some  have  asked  me  if  she  were  upon  the 
 way.  This  I  find,  tliat  there  is  here  marvellous  good  liking  of  the  young 
 Lord,  and  many  that  desire  to  have  him  here." — liandolpli  to  Cecil,  24th 
 October  15G4.— E.] 
 
 3  [On  this  day,  as  appears  from  her  Household  Book,  Queen  ^[ary  gave 
 a  grand  entertainment  in  the  Palace  of  llolyrood. — E.] 
 
 **  [James  Beaton,  Archbishop  of  Glasgow,  who  was  now  acting  as  Queen 
 Mary's  ambassador  in  France. — E.] 
 
 ^  Calig.  B[ook]  X.  an  Original. — [Bishop  Keith  entitles  this  document — 
 "  Letter  by  Mr  Bandolph  to  his  mistress  the  Queen  of  England,  contain- 
 ing the  secret  reasonings  of  our  Queen  concerning  her  marrying  the  Earl 
 of  Leicester,"  designed  Lord  Rohei%  meaning  Lord  Robert  Dudley. — E. j 
 
l:44  Tin:  histouy  ov  tiik  atfaiks  [1504. 
 
 it  pleartod  licr  tliat  I  shouUl  confer,  1  have  written  as  well 
 as  1  can  to  Mr  Secretary  ;  l>y  whom  I  trust  that  your 
 Majentio  knowctli  the  effect  of  that  which  hath  been  said, 
 and  how  far  I  have  jjroeeeded.  Some  things  there  are 
 that,  because  they  do  concern  your  Majcstie's  self  chiefly, 
 I  thought  I  would  writ<'  them  to  no  man  else.  Tho 
 chiefest  are  these,  which  I  know  l)y  others  than  this  Queen's 
 self :  Some  suspicion  she  hath  gathered,  that  your  Majestie's 
 perswasion  to  her  not  to  marry  in  tho  Houses  of  Austria 
 and  France  is  to  no  other  end  than  that  you  may  enjoy 
 yourself  whom  of  those  Houses  you  like  best.  Whether  by 
 this  it  bo  meant  either  tho  Infants  of  Spain,  or  Don  Carlo 
 of  Austria,  I  know  not  ;  for,  for  France  they  arc  assured 
 that  there  lacketh  nothinfr  but  a;;e  sufficient  that  it  is  not 
 <iided.  To  this  I  have  said,  that  your  Majestic  ever  had 
 and  hath  choice  of  them  all  where  you  like  best,  and  therefore 
 ncedeth  nothing  to  doubt  that  by  this  Queen  impediment 
 could  rise  to  your  Majestie's  will :  Ihit  as  I  thought  rather, 
 your  Majestic  having  no  mind  to  marry  at  any  time,  and 
 intending  good  unto  this  (Jueen,  would  be  loth  that  she 
 should  marry  where  her  people  had  misliking,  as  that  of 
 i^.  Mary  with  Spain,  or  should  bo  an  occasion  of  enmity,  as 
 that  of  herself  with  Franco  was,  or  impoverishment  of  the 
 Ib'alm  to  take  him  that  hath  nothing,  as  some  such  as  have 
 been  mentioned  and  spoken  of,  without  any  kind  of  good 
 liking,  as  far  as  ever  I  could  perceive. 
 
 ''  The  other  doubt  is  this — AN'hether  your  Majestic  in- 
 tendeth  as  nuich  in  this  oH'er  of  my  L.  Robert  as  by  me  is 
 spoken,  considering  your  Majcstie's  own  favour  towards  him, 
 and  therefore  unlikely  that  ever  your  Majestic  will  depart 
 with  him  to  any  other,  wherein  she  should  be  plainly  abused, 
 if  that  she  gave  her  consent  thereunto.  And  the  more 
 grievous  of  all  is  this,  that  if  after  many  pi'rswasions  she 
 could  be  brought  to  yield  unto  your  Majestic  to  be  bestowed 
 n«  you  would,  and  she  willing  to  accord  unto  your  Maje8tie"*s 
 desire  touching  my  L.  Robert,  that  then  your  Majesti<^  might 
 use  the  exampl«'  of  her,  that  she  would  be  content  to  take 
 him,  to  perswadc  such  of  your  Majestio's  Realm  that  have 
 miHliking  of  it   that  you  should  marry  him  yourself.^       To 
 
 '  We  inttv  |>orrpi%'e  !>v  this  lettrr,  that   Mr  Canidcn  Ims  not  narrated 
 
1564.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  245 
 
 both  these  I  have  answered — That  there  is  no  small  injury 
 done  to  your  Majestie  to  be  judged  of,  as  to  pretend  that  in 
 word  which  was  never  meant ;  but  most  of  all,  that  your 
 Majestie  should  be  thought  to  go  about  to  abuse  any,  much 
 less  such  a  Princess,  so  near  a  kinswoman,  and  one  of  whom 
 you  have  so  sood  liking.  And  where  the  people  offered  with 
 most  humble  prayers  unto  your  Majestie  great  sums  of 
 money,  that  it  might  be  found  good  to  your  Majestie  to  take 
 him,  there  need  no  such  coloured  practices  to  be  used.  They 
 ask  me  then  the  reason  of  your  Majestie's  stay  :  To  that  I 
 have  said — That  I  am  ignorant,  and  in  my  conjecture  it  is 
 either  that  your  Majestie  intendeth  not  to  marry,  or  will  not 
 match  yourself  with  your  own  subject.  Of  your  Majestie^s 
 disposition,  they  say  that  they  can  say  nothing,  but  that  your 
 years,  your  beauty,  your  personage,  require  not  to  be  married, 
 as  well  as  all  these  do  in  their  mistress,  they  marvel ;  and  to 
 match  with  a  subject,  they  think  it  as  unfit  for  her  as  for 
 your  Majestie.  To  this  I  have  said — That  if  there  be  any 
 misliking  that  ever  your  Majestie  found  in  my  Lord  Robert, 
 it  ^vas  either  for  that  he  was  not  a  king  of  a  realm  of  his 
 own,  for  the  worthiness  that  is  in  him  ;  or  a  subject  of  some 
 other  Prince,  that  worthily  he  might  be  called  to  be  a  king, 
 w^here  soverainty  and  vertue  being  met,  felicity  and  pros- 
 perity must  ensue  to  that  kingdom  that  he  shall  possess. 
 We  have  so  far  proceeded  in  these  discourses  that  also  it 
 hath  been  asked — What  profit  or  commodity  shall  ensue  to 
 this  Queen  if  she  shall  have  him?  I  have  in  this  advised 
 them  to  follow  the  common  course  of  all  these  that  are 
 marriage-makers,  to  know  first  what  liking  there  is  between 
 the  parties,  and  after  enter  into  talk  about  the  conditions. 
 Let  us  suppose,  say  they,  that  she  will.  Then,  say  I,  that 
 I  have  perpetual  peace  to  offer  them,  a  firm  amity  to  assure 
 them  of,  which  hitherto  hath  been  none  at  all,  or  very 
 uncertain ;  that  I  had  a  man  to  offer  her  that  I  am  assured 
 through  the  world  a  fitter  was  not  to  be  found  for  all 
 respects.  AVe  marry,  say  they,  in  these  days  as  well  for 
 lands  and  possessions  as  vertue  and  qualities.  For  peace 
 and  amity,  it  is  as  much,  say  they,  to  be  desired  on  your 
 
 these  suspicions  out  of  his  own  head,  but  that  he  has  narrowly  inspocted 
 the  Records  of  Papers,  &c. — [Camden's  Annales,  4to,  1625,  p.  110,  114, 
 115.— E.J 
 
24(1  THE  HISTOIIY  UF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1564. 
 
 part  a.s  ours.  I  arrant  it  iiredful  for  us  botli  (though  their 
 old  Hhakcn  houHOH  tcHtify  vet  who  hath  received  the  worst), 
 and  will  them  to  Ik)  ah  careful  of  it  for  their  part,  that  we 
 fall  not  into  the  like,  as  we  will  be  loth  of  ours.  It  is  too 
 sore,  nay  they  to  inc  again,  to  bind  us  to  one,  where  so  many 
 good  choices  are  to  be  found.  I  say,  that  where  the  best  is 
 offered  they  need  no  more  choice.  It  were  not  amiss,  say 
 they,  that  she  made  her  own  choice.  I  say  again,  that 
 seeing  in  her  choice  she  will  but  use  the  judgment  and  advice 
 of  others,  she  were  best  take  him  of  whom  most  men  allow; 
 and  yet  in  this  she  is  not  put  from  her  choice,  but  a  friendly 
 advice  given  her  to  take  the  best.  As  good,  say  they,  in  your 
 own  Realm  may  be  found  as  he.  I  will  them  to  name  him. 
 It  boteth  nct,^  say  they,  seeing  in  so  earnestly  pressing  the 
 other  upon  us  you  take  away  all  hope  of  getting  any  man 
 else.  The  Duke  of  Norfolk,  saith  one.  I  will  them  to  name 
 again,  for  that  is  not  the  man  they  mean.  M'  that  you 
 know  him,  say  they,  you  ought  yourself  to  name  him.  I  say, 
 if  they  be  not  ashamed  of  him,  I  do  marvel  why  they  do  not 
 name  him  (but  I  know  for  certain  that  the  man  they  mean 
 is  my  Lord  Darnly).-  They  suit  at  this,  to  have  him  rather 
 off*  red  by  your  Majestic  than  desired  by  themselves.  How 
 far  thev  are  from  their  purpose,  your  Majestic  both  knows, 
 and  I  am  assured  will  consider  the  unfitness  of  the  match, 
 for  greater  causes  than  T  can  think  of;  of  which  the  least 
 will  not  be  the  loss  of  many  a  godly  man's  heart  that  by 
 your  Majestie  enjoy  now  liberty  of  their  country,  and  know 
 not  in  how  short  a  time  shall  lose  the  same,  if  your  Majestic 
 give  consent  to  match  with  such  an  one,  as  either  by  dissen- 
 sion at  homo,  or  lack  of  knowledge  of  (iod  and  His  ^\'o^d, 
 may  persecute  those  that  profess  the  same.^ 
 
 •  i.  u.  It  profit etii  not,  or,  is  to  no  purjjoso. 
 
 •  [Lord  l)urnlf}'8  name  is  now  often  nientioncd,  tli(nin;li  ho  was  not  yet 
 in  Scotlnnil.  He  wtm  born  during  the  «'xiK>  of  his  lather  anil  niotlier,  tho 
 F-arl  and  t'ountesu  of  Lennox  in  l-*n^hind,  at  TenipU'-Newsonie,  now  tho 
 N'ttl  of  the  .Manjuis  of  Hertford,  three  inih's  from  Leeds,  in  L')4.')  or  1546', 
 and  ronneipiently  he  wius  eitljer  five  or  four  years  younpr  than  Queen 
 Mary.  For  wmie  particulars  respectin;*  Temple-Newsome  sec  the 
 HroTTuiwoonB  Mwcki.laxv,  vol.  ii.  p.  10.     K.] 
 
 •  Thin  wan  a  sort  of  eant,  arising  from  Darnley's  hein;,'  Popish,  and 
 •omo  p<'nK>nH  wero  already  bojfiui  to  thwart  the  (Queen's  marriage  with 
 thm  ycunj^  Nobleman.  |  A.s  to  "Darnley's  lM'in|f  Popish,"  to  quote 
 hiHhop  Keith'H  lanjriiaf;.-,  it  is  difTirult  to  s»y  what  such  an  indxK?ile  as  he 
 
1564.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  247 
 
 "  Such  like  complaints  I  hear  daily :  This  terrible  fear  is 
 so  entred  their  hearts,  that  the  Queen  tendeth  only  to  that ; 
 that  some  are  well  willing  to  leave  the  same,  others  with 
 their  power  to  withstand,  the  rest  with  patience  to  endure 
 it,  and  to  let  God  work  His  will.  The  coming  hither  of  my 
 Lady  Lenox  and  her  son  is  looked  for.  I  dare  not  take 
 upon  me  to  give  my  advice  where  I  know  so  far  passeth 
 mine ;  but  always  I  am  of  the  same  opinion  that  I  was  of  her 
 husband,  or  rather  worse. ^  This  further  I  thought  fit  to 
 come  to  your  Majestie's  knowledge,  that  if  she  (the  Countess 
 of  Lenox)  claim  her  the  Earldom  of  Angus,  there  will  be  a 
 gap  open  to  disprove  a  greater  title  that  she  prctendeth 
 unto,  nearer  your  JNIajestie's  self,  than  that  is  she  seeketh 
 for  here.  I  attribute  so  much  to  the  workers  hereof,  and 
 know  how  far  that  they  have  already  waded,  that  I  trust 
 she  shall  be  all  the  days  of  her  life,  or  any  of  hers,  far  enough 
 from  wearing  of  a  crown. 2 
 
 "  The  DukeS  so  standeth  in  doubt  of  himself,  that  he  is 
 some  time  in  mind,  either  with  leave  or  without,  to  forsake 
 his  country :  But  for  this  I  believe  he  feareth  more  than  he 
 needs  ;  he  hath  many  friends  here  that  would  be  loth  to  see 
 him  brought  to  that  point ;  much  of  his  hope  is  in  your 
 Majestie's  favour  towards  him,  for  the  succour  of  him  and 
 his  House.    Thus  much  from  him  I  am  desired  to  si^nifie  to 
 
 subsequently  proved  himself  to  have  been,  was  in  religious  matters.  His 
 father  was  undoubtedly  a  member  of  the  Church  of  England,  or  of  the 
 Church  in  the  reign  of  Henry  YIII.,  and  Avhen  he  returned  to  Scotland, 
 and  subsequently  succeeded  jNIorayas  Regent,  he  encouraged  the  Reformed 
 party,  which  is  proved  by  Buchanan's  Ei)igram  to  his  memory  printed  in 
 Crawford's  Peerage.  Darnley's  youth,  to  say  nothing  of  his  intellect, 
 precluded  him  from  forming  any  decided  religious  opinions  in  an  era 
 which  was  convulsed  by  theological  and  ecclesiastical  controversy,  for  he 
 was  only  nineteen  years  of  age  when  he  was  married  to  Queen  Mary. 
 Immediately  after  the  ceremonial  was  performed,  lie  left,  as  ]\Ir  Tytler 
 observes,  his  royal  bride  "  to  hear  ;Mass  alone,  suiTOunded  only  by  those 
 Nobles  who  adhered  to  the  ancient  Faith  ;"  and  soon  after  his  marriage 
 Darnley  attended  St  Giles'  church,  and  heard  a  sermon  from  John  Knox. 
 These  two  facts  prove  that  he  was  not  jiartlcularly  "  Popish." — E,] 
 
 ^  Mr  Randolph  declares  here  his  own  judgment,  but  his  mistress  knew 
 better  what  she  intended,  by  her  allowing  first  the  father  and  next  the 
 son  to  come  into  Scotland. 
 
 2  The  readers  can  be  at  no  loss  to  know  that  Mr  Randolph  means  here 
 the  succession  to  the  Crown  of  England  ;  nor  yet,  what  right  the  Lady 
 Lenox  stood  in  to  that  Crown.         ^  p^j^^  Duke  of  Chatelherault. — E.] 
 
248  TllK   llIMcRV  or  THE  AFrAIU:^  [15G4 
 
 your   Majrsti.',   with   most   huinl)k'  n'coiniiK'ndation  of  his 
 HiTviceJ 
 
 *'  Tho  Quern  hath  now  dctcnnined  that  my  Lord  of 
 Moray  and  Lord  of  Lidington  shall  be  at  Berwick  the  18th 
 of  tliis  instant,  to  entreat  of  such  matters  as  have  been  pro- 
 pounded unto  her  from  your  Majestie  :  She  is  now  desirous 
 that  th<'y  should  come  to  some  resolution,  and  hath  willed 
 them  that  all  their  doings  tend  to  that  end. 
 
 "  I  low  she  is  bent  already  toward  my  L.  llc)bert  I  know 
 nut.  1  find  that  there  are  many  here  that  wish  it  should 
 take  eftect ;  and  if  I  should  credit  all  that  is  spoken,  it  shall 
 stay  only  in  your  Majestie's  self.  Mary,  withal  I  know  that 
 they  look  for  no  small  matter  to  be  ottered  unto  them,  as 
 now  in  this  conference  I  doubt  not  but  it  will  appear.  I 
 find  in  my  Lord  of  Moray  a  marvellous  good  will  that  any 
 thing  that  is  to  your  Majestie's  contentment  should  take 
 place;-  but  in  this  he  is  very  loth  to  have  to  do:  The 
 matter  is  of  weight,  the  issue  uncertain,  the  burden  not 
 small,  the  danger  great  unto  him,  if  ever  after  this  there 
 should  grow  between  your  Majestic  and  his  soveraign  any 
 misliking,  or  if  in  this  she  find  herself  not  well  used.  How 
 many  also  there  are  that  would  be  glad  to  see  this  matter 
 queird  under  his  hands,  your  Majestie  doth  sufficiently  con- 
 sider. Therefore,  for  his  part,  he  doth  most  humbly  pray 
 your  Majestie,  that  however  so  earnest  he  be  in  this  cause 
 that  to  his  mistress's  honour  it  may  take  effect,  that  how 
 earnest  soever  he  b((  to  press  or  urge  that  which  in  his 
 mistress's  behalf  or  right  he  thinketh  duty  to  do  or  say,  that 
 your  Majestie  will  rather  think  him  tho  better  servant  unto 
 his  soveraign.  than  that  he  beareth  not  unto  your  Majestic 
 that  good  will  of  service,  that  with  duty  to  his  soveraign  he 
 may.  Ho  trustcth  also  that  your  Majestie  so  far  regardeth 
 his  good  will  and  mind  to  the  entertainment  of  a  perpetual 
 love  and  amity  between  the  tw(»  Realms,  that  whatsoever 
 procccdeth  finiu  liim  to  that  (  lul.  your  Majestic  will  take  in 
 good  part;  and  the  more  afl'eetionate  he  is  thereto,  your 
 Majestie  will  ]»ear  the  more  with  him,  if  in  all  earnest  sort 
 he  do  s.tU  tiir  MiiiK-.      W  iiat  is  in  the  I,,  nf  Lidington,  your 
 
 '  An  thiH   Nohlcinan  fluctuated  hither  and  thitlur,  so   tlu'  C^mcn  of 
 Kngland  never  showed  mucli  regard  to  his  Family. 
 •  llr  w»*  no  doubt  a  ffist  friind  there  to  his  last  moments. 
 
1564.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  249 
 
 Majestie  knowetli,  for  his  wisdom  to  conceive,  and  his  wit 
 to  convey,  whatsoever  his  mind  is  bent  unto  to  bring  to  pass. 
 I  find  him  well  affected  to  this  cause  ;  but  to  press  her,  he 
 will  not  in  anywise :  whatsoever  she  best  liketh,  that  he 
 most  alloweth.  Some  there  are  that  would  I  should  believe, 
 that  he  liketh  better  of  my  L.  Darnly  than  any  other  -A  I 
 have  heard  him  at  other  times  say  much  to  the  contrary ; 
 how  he  is  newly  affected  I  know  not,  nor  see  no  cause  why, 
 except  it  proceedeth  of  his  mistress's  affection  to  establish 
 this  Crown  to  her  name  again ;  whereunto  she  hath,  besides 
 her  own  desire,  many  that  move  her  thereto,  as  the  most 
 famous  act  she  can  leave  to  her  posterity .^  I  doubt  not  but 
 his  will  is  to  press  us  to  the  furthest  that  we  are  able  to 
 say,  and  I  think  not  but  his  desire  will  be  rather  to  know 
 what  will  be  the  uttermost  of  your  INIajestie's  will  towards 
 his  soveraign,  than  that  we  shall  know  assuredly  what  shall 
 be  her  mind,  or  whereunto  she  will  incline. 
 
 "  To  meet  with  such  a  match,^  your  Majestie  knowetli 
 what  wit  had  been  fit ;  how  far  he  exceedeth  the  compass 
 of  one  or  two  heads  that  is  to  guide  a  Queen  and  govern  a 
 whole  Realm  alone,  your  Majestie  may  w^ell  think  how  unfit 
 I  am  for  my  part,  and  how  far  he  is  able  to  go  beyond  me. 
 I  would  that  it  were  not,  as  I  know  it  to  be.  How  well  my 
 L.  of  Bedford  thinketh  of  his  own  ability,  I  think  that  it 
 be  signified  to  your  Majestie  before  this  time  by  his  own 
 letters,  whose  care  I  know  is  greater  in  this  than  in  any 
 other  that  ever  he  had.  Upon  these  occasions  I  have  taken 
 the  boldness  thus  to  write,  rather  taking  the  blame  upon  me 
 thus  much  to  trouble  your  Majestie,  than  that  any  thing 
 should  be  left  unknown  to  your  Highness  that  I  could  wish 
 
 ^  There  is  no  person  will  call  in  question  the  Laird  of  Lethington's 
 Avisdom  ;  and  whatever  wrong  steps  he  may  have  made,  yet  at  bottom  he 
 was  a  far  better  friend  to  his  Queen  and  country  than  Moray  and  tlie 
 others  of  the  faction.     No  doubt  he  was  for  this  marriage. 
 
 ^  Had  the  Lord  Darnley  behaved  liimself  prudently  after  he  came  to 
 enjoy  his  sovereign,  her  Majesty's  marrying  of  liim  was  surely  not  a  bad 
 step,  in  so  far  as  it  secured  to  their  posterity  a  right  to  the  Crown  of 
 England,  which  the  descendants  of  either  might  have  claimed,  if  well 
 supported.  His  bearing  the  same  name  of  Stewart  with  lier  Majesty  had 
 110  doubt  its  own  weight. 
 
 "*  Mr  Ivandolph  here  acknowledgoth  the  superior  abilities  of  the  Laird 
 of  Lethingtou,  and  owns  himself  unequally  matdied  with  him,  to  meet 
 and  confer  at  the  ensuing  appointment  to  be  kept  in  tlic  town  of  Berwick. 
 
2;30  TIIK  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIUS  [loG4. 
 
 nhouKl  come  to  your  Majcstie's  ears.  Almighty  God  pre- 
 serve your  Majestie's  prosperous  estate,  send  your  Majestie 
 continual  good  health,  and  us  sonio  happy  comfort,  that 
 shortly  we  may  hear  that  which  so  long  and  oft  in  your 
 Majestie  hatli  hecn  desired  ;  by  whom  we  may  hope  to  see 
 of  yourself  a  happy  Prince,  to  cut  off  the  care  that  now  all 
 men  do  take,  to  see  your  Majestie  live  a  sole  life.  At  Edin- 
 burgh the  7th  of  November  lo(J4. 
 
 "  Your  Majestie's  humble  and  obedient  servant, 
 
 "  Tiio.  Kandolpiie."' 
 
 The  readers  having  seen,  by  the  foregoing  letters,  that  our 
 Queen  had  agreed  to  a  meeting  in  the  town  of  Berwick 
 between  the  Earl  of  Moray  and  Mr  Maitland,  younger  of 
 Lethington,  on  her  part,  and  the  Earl  of  Bedford  and  Mr 
 liandolph  on  the  part  of  the  Queen  of  England,  wherein  they 
 were  to  confer  together  concerning  our  Queen's  marriage 
 with  the  ICarl  of  Leicester,  and  in  which  place  they  did 
 accordingly  meet  at  the  time  appointed,  I  should  reckon  my 
 readers  would  justly  comi)lain  did  I  pretend  to  offer  them 
 any  other  account  of  the  conference  than  what  1  am  enabled 
 to  afford  them  by  the  following  authentick  Paper. 
 
 A  Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Bedford  and  Mr  Randolph   to  the 
 Queen  of  England,  2'Sd  November  lo04.i 
 
 **  Our  bounden  duties  to  your  Highness  considered  :  It  mav 
 please  the  same  to  be  advertised.  That  the  18th  of  this 
 instant,  according  to  the  appointment  of  which  your  Majestie 
 wa«  made  privy,  there  came  to  this  town  my  Lord  of  Morav 
 and  Laird  of  Lidington,  in  the  receiving  of  whom  there  was 
 nothing  omitted  that  might  be  thought  for  your  Majestie's 
 honour  or  contentment  to  have  them  well  used. 
 
 ''  The  first  night  the  time  was  passed  over  by  their  con- 
 sent rather  in  familiar  talk,  than  that  any  thing  of  either 
 part  was  movM  of  that  matter  we  had  to  treat  of:  The 
 next  mornin'' was  thouifht  the  fittest  time.  At  our  beinir 
 together,  we  sought  as  many  means  as  we  could  to  have  had 
 them  have  begun  to  speak  ;  to  that  l»y  no  means  we  could 
 bring  them,  affirming  that   their  coining  was  to  li<ar  what 
 
 '  Talig.  B[ook)  X.  nii  Original.-  [British  Muwuni.  -E.| 
 
1564.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  251 
 
 would  proceed  from  us,  that  either  might  concern  the  con- 
 tinuance of  amity,  or  furtherance  of  that  motion  made  by 
 your  Majestic  concerning  my  L.  Robert.  In  these  terms, 
 after  we  had  stood  a  httle  space,  we  thought  it  for  the  best 
 to  let  them  understand  your  Majestio's  good  will  towards 
 their  soveraign,  the  desire  that  your  Grace  hath  to  continue 
 friendship  with  her,  and  earnest  will  that  the  same  may  be 
 confirmed  in  such  sort  as  no  doubt  may  be  but  the  same 
 may  long  endure.  And  having  left  nothing  unspoken  of 
 that  which  for  the  time  was  convenient,  or  that  we  might 
 think  agreeable  to  your  Majestie's  will,  according  to  our 
 Instructions,  which  being  declared  at  good  length,  as  well 
 from  what  the  beginning  of  this  motion  did  spring,  as  also 
 of  the  continuance  of  the  same,  we  gave  them  place  to  say 
 what  they  thought  good.  To  all  that  was  by  us  said  there 
 answered  my  L.  of  Lidington,  who  acknowledged  the  great 
 benefits  that  his  country  had  received,  besides  the  particular 
 commodity  of  diverse ;  he  confesseth  that  there  were  no 
 small  tokens  that  have  proceeded  from  your  Majestie 
 towards  his  soveraign,  and  that  not  the  least  that  your 
 Majestie  is  so  mindful  of  her  estate,  and  careful  of  herself, 
 as  to  have  her  well  bestowed  in  marriage.  He  allowed  all 
 that  was  spoken  of  my  Lord  of  Leicester  for  his  worthiness, 
 and  added  more  than  we  ourselves  would  speak  of  his  virtues, 
 and  good  hking  the  world  hath  of  him ;  but  withal  he 
 desired  us  (as  he  was  assured  your  Majestie  doth)  to  have 
 regard  to  their  mistress's  honour,  and  willed  us  to  have  in 
 mind  the  three  principal  points  which  your  JMajestie,  by 
 advice  in  her  marriage,  willed  her  to  observe,  wherein  we  in 
 this  talk  seemed  to  have  little  respect,  and  only  looked  upon 
 that  which  tendeth  most  to  our  own  commodity,  and  little 
 or  nothing  to  their  soveraign's  advantage,  as  to  take  my 
 Lord  of  Leicester  to  husband,  and  nothing  more  offered 
 with  him  but  in  general  terms  to  say,  that  great  good  would 
 ensue  to  both  the  Realms,  and  that  as  the  Queen's  Majestie 
 your  mistress  hath  begun  to  advance  him,  so  she  will  go 
 further  as  she  may  perceive  good  liking  of  him  from  thence  : 
 This  importeth  nothing  else  but  a  desire  in  your  mistress 
 that  ours  should  not  marry  great,  and  herself  to  be  at  liberty 
 to  do  what  she  will,  and  dispose  of  our  mistress  as  she 
 listeth ;  for  plainly  I  must  say,  that  my  L.  Robert,  as  only 
 
*S)'2  TIIK  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loG4. 
 
 Karl  of  Leicester,  is  no  fit  match  for  our  soveraii,'n,l  nor  in 
 that  respect  her  lionour  so  considered  as  friendly  and 
 sisterly  as  it  ought  to  bo.  An<l  in  tliis  long  proposition  of 
 you,  my  Lord  of  Bedford,  to  speak  franidy,  and  not  to  offend, 
 what  was  there  more  spoken  than  was  a  year  since  i  Or, 
 what  is  my  mistress  the  nearer  to  have  demanded  your 
 mistress's  advice  in  her  marriair*',  «'>iid  offer  made  by  her  to 
 follow  the  same,  as  in  honour  she  might,  and  with  the  con- 
 tentment of  her  subjects,  of  whom,  though  she  have  free 
 liberty  to  marry  whore  she  will,  yet  she  would  bo  loth  to  bo 
 noted  for  want  of  circumspection  in  her  choice,  besides  the 
 danger  that  might  ensue  to  us,  in  whom  she  hath  reposed 
 no  small  trust,  that  we  will  do  nothing  but  only  what  is 
 most  for  her  honour  and  surety  i  It  is  now  two  years  (saith 
 he)  since  this  advice  was  demanded,  a  year  since  my  Lord 
 Robert  was  offcTed  and  named  to  us :  Thus  long  our 
 mistress  hath  depended  upon  you,  we  have  showM  no  token  of 
 misliking  of  him  :  what  is  the  issue,  or  to  what  end  are  we 
 come  unto  f  And  of  that  which  now  we  hoped  for  most, 
 which  is,  that  wo  should  have  known  in  what  state  and 
 condition  your  mistress  would  have  been  content  to  have 
 imparted  with  him,  we  are  altogether  frustrate  of  our  expec- 
 tation, and  have  lost  our  labour ;  for  nothing  is  said  more 
 than  was  (formerly  by  you),  nor  other  answer  can  be  given 
 on  our  part  than  this,  That  without  it  seemed  good  unto 
 the  Queen's  >L'ijestie,  your  mistress,  to  deal  more  franklv, 
 and  give  further  signification  of  her  mind  than  hitherto  she 
 hath  done,  that  neither  she  in  honour  can  assent  unto  her, 
 nor  wo  in  duty  perswade  with  her  to  that  end,  as  otherwise 
 we  would  be  ^dad. 
 
 "  To  this,  and  like  your  Majestic,  it  was  my  L.  of  l{e<lford's 
 will  that  I,  who  from  the  beginning  had  dealt  in  this  matter, 
 and  by  reason  thereof  better  acjuainted  with  it,  should 
 give  answer ;  to  whom  I  said,  that  I  did  well  approve  in 
 him  the  acknowledging  of  the  benefits  received,  and  his 
 testimony  of  your  Majestir'^s  good  will  towards  his  mistress, 
 but  wluTe  he  desired  that  we  would  have  in  mind  the  advice 
 from  your  Majestic  in  thethreo  principal  points  to  be  observed 
 
 '  Yol  8ir  Jatiiofl  Mrlvil  (.hsrrvrs,  that  (^luon  Klizaboth  thonj,'ht  tlio 
 rrcattn^;  him  I'jirl  of  Ix-irt'NttT  would  bo  n  fn""""*'  <><'  <»»"  t^ie»Mrs  hi;;htM- 
 (•tcviii  of  him-  [  Mt-moin*,  folio,  p.  47.— K.l 
 
J  564.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  253 
 
 in  marriage,  I  said,  that  that  was  the  principal  point  that 
 yet  your  Majestic  had  regard  unto  in  this  motion  of  marriage 
 for  my  L.  of  Leicester  :  For  if  their  soveraign  sought  either 
 mutual  contentment  in  respect  of  their  private  persons,  or 
 in  such  a  man  in  whom  unfain'd  allowance  might  be  of  him 
 by  her  Realm  and  subjects,  or  continuance  of  amity  with 
 those,  with  whom  in  times  pass'd  they  have  had  enmity, 
 there  was  never  more  likelihood  that  all  these  three  respects 
 should  concur  in  one,  than  in  that  offer  of  your  Majestic 
 for  her  to  join  with  my  L.  E/obert.  To  confirm  this,  I 
 desired  no  other  judge  but  themselves,  whether  that  if  it 
 were  proclaimed  in  Scotland  with  sound  of  trumpet  that 
 my  L.  Robert  of  England  should  marry  their  soveraign, 
 whether  any  man  would  do  or  say  against  it  ;  or,  whether 
 that  the  most  part  would  not  prefer  him  either  to  Don 
 Carlo  of  Spain  or  Austria,  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  or 
 Prince  of  Conde  :  I  will  speak  nothing  of  Ferrara  ;  he  is  too 
 warm  placed  in  the  East  to  remove  his  habitation  so  far 
 North  ;  so  that  your  ^lajestie's  advice  being  well  mark'd, 
 there  was  no  cause  why  he  should  think  that  your  ^lajestie 
 sought  only  your  own  commodity,  and  nothing  that  tended 
 to  his  soveraign's  advantage.  To  offer  my  L.  Robert  as  he 
 was  only  Earl  of  Leicester,  I  said,  that  I  thought  it  was  not 
 your  Majestie's  mind  ;  but  to  vitter  what  you  would  do  for 
 him,  as  well  in  respect  of  kindred,  amity,  and  good  liking  of 
 their  mistress,  and  good  will  born  to  my  L.  Robert,  I 
 believed  that  your  Majestic  would  not,  nor  no  man  would 
 that  your  Majestic  should,  except  some  things  should 
 proceed  from  their  mistress,  whereby  your  INLajcstic  might 
 have  some  understanding,  conjecture,  or,  at  the  least,  an 
 inkling,  how  her  offer  should  be  embraced  ;  and  before  that 
 that  were  done,  we  could  not  find  it  reasonable  that  your 
 ]\Iajestie  should  proceed  any  further.  And  where  that  he 
 alledged  generalities  and  uncertainties  in  your  Majestie^s 
 offers,  I  said,  that  your  Grace's  offers  had  already  pass'd 
 those  bounds,  in  offering  yourself  to  deal  with  their  mistress 
 as  a  sister,  and  with  him  as  with  a  near  kinsman  or  nephew. 
 I  did  bid  them  weigh  well  these  words,  and  to  consider  to 
 what  end  they  tended.  Where  they  ask'd,  what  was 
 profer'd  at  this  time  more  than  was  before  ?  I  said,  no 
 small  testimony  of  good  will  that,  notwithstanding  the  small 
 
254  Tin:  iiisTouY  i^y  the  akiaiks  [15C4. 
 
 n';,'anl  liad  to  vour  Majrsti»''H  offers,  your  Majestic  continued 
 in  the  same  mind,  to  do  her  and  lier  country  good,  which  1 
 desired  them  to  make  such  account  of,  as  worthily  they 
 might  be  thouirht  well  of,  and  to  have  done  their  duty  to 
 their  soveraign.  Where  they  say,  that  the  time  hath  been 
 long,  I  answer,  That  in  great  matters  good  consultation 
 ought  to  be  had  ;  and  yet,  that  if  their  mistress  had  at  any 
 time  declare<l  her  mind,  the  matter  long  before  this  time 
 had  been  ended.  You  say  also,  that  you  arc  frustrate  of 
 your  expectation,  and  nothing  taken  effect  that  you  came 
 for;  I  said.  That  you  have  nuich  more  than  I  thought  to 
 liave  delivered  unto  you,  seeing  you  came  only  to  learn  and 
 know  of  us  what  you  could  (as  by  some  letters  of  yours 
 lately  to  the  Court  it  was  signified),  and  to  impart  nothing 
 that  might  do  good,  or  further  the  cause  that  is  in  hand. 
 Where  they  alledged  fear  and  doubt  in  themselves,  I  told 
 them  they  needed  not  so  to  do,  having  power  to  perswade 
 with  their  mistress  what  they  would,  having  credit  to  do 
 what  they  list»  «ind  their  soveraign's  good  assurance,  that 
 whatsoever  they  found  good,  boldly  she  might  give  her 
 consent  thereunto.  Jhit  as  boldly  and  frankly,  and  under 
 correction  they  had  spoken  an  earnest  word  ;  so  1  desired 
 without  offence  to  have  another,  which  is,  That  if  they  think 
 by  fineness,  policy,  practice,  or  any  other  means,  to  wring 
 any  thing  out  of  your  Majcstie's  hands,  they  were  but 
 abus'd,  and  did  deceive  themselves. 
 
 "To  this,  and  like  your  Highness,  much  was  said,  too 
 long  to  bo  rehearsed ;  much  talk  there  was  to  and  fro,  not 
 without  some  passions  of  either  part.  Our  talk  ended  at 
 that  time,  to  be  continued  after  dinner  :  at  what  time  my 
 Lord  of  Moray  beginneth  merrily  in  this  sort,  \\'hat  means 
 this  i  Can  we  find  no  means  to  bring  any  thing  to  pass 
 that  may  keep  these  Queens  together?  The  answer  was 
 givi-n,  that  it  stay\l  in  them.  Why  i  (saith  he)  you  offer 
 us  ever  one  man,  and  take  from  us  our  liberty  and  choice : 
 It  in  good  (saith  he)  for  (Queens  to  know  that  they  have 
 their  will,  and  yet  peradvrnture  may  be  perswadcd  to  yield 
 unto  that  they  wouM  not.  To  that  it  was  said,  that  w.- 
 would  be  content  to  take  that  as  a  perailvniturc,  and  that 
 yet  your  Maj<'stie  had  not  taken  from  hrr  that  liberty,  nor 
 wan  not  willing  to  bring  her  to  any  constraint,   but  at  the 
 
1564.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  255 
 
 first  offered  the  best,  herself  being  desirous,  and  almost 
 importunate  to  have  him  nam'd ;  and  that  your  Majestie 
 knew  only  who  were  not  meet,  rather  than  that  you 
 would  appoint  any  unto  her.  We  look'd  here  to  have  had 
 my  L.  Darnly  nam'd,  of  whom,  for  all  that,  there  was  not 
 one  word  spoken.  You  might  (said  the  L.  of  Lidington) 
 restrain  us  within  England.  We  bid  him  name  whom  he 
 liked  best.  To  confess  you  the  verity  (saith  he),  I  like  as 
 well  of  L.  Robert  as  yourself,  and  wish  him  the  same  that 
 you  do,  and  will  affirm  the  same  also  for  my  L.  of  Moray. 
 It  was  ask'd,  whereupon  it  stayVl  ?  The  answer  was,  That 
 he  was  not  a  king.  It  was  said,  that  kingdoms  were  hard 
 to  come  by,  but  where  Queens  were  to  be  married.  They 
 wished  him  the  best ;  and  we  confirmed  the  same.  Many 
 things  passM  our  mouths  merrily,  not  worth  the  rehearsal. 
 In  the  end,  thus  saith  the  L.  of  Lidington,  for  both  our 
 weals  I  wish  it  might  be  thus,  that  your  mistress  would  let 
 mine  marry  where  she  lists,  saving  in  those  places  where 
 she  desireth  her  to  forbear,  and  give  her  some  yearly 
 revenue  out  of  the  Realm  of  England,  and  by  Parliament 
 establish  unto  her  the  Crown,  if  God  of  your  ^lajestie  do 
 His  will,  and  leave  you  without  children  :  In  this  doing, 
 your  Majestie  may  have  the  honour  of  having  made  the 
 marriage,  and  be  known  to  the  world  to  have  used  her  as  a 
 dear  and  loving  sister  ;  and  yet  he  doubted  not  but  that 
 should  take  effect  that  yet  your  Majestie  desireth  in  my 
 Lord  of  Leicester.  JNIany  perswasions  were  made  on  his 
 part,  that  your  Majestie  should  find  it  good  ;  and  as  much 
 was  said  to  the  contrary  as  we  could.  We  did  put  him  in 
 remembrance  of  the  uncertainty  of  her  right,  and  variety  of 
 judgments  for  the  title  ;  and  ask'd  him  in  reason,  why  your 
 Majestie  should  so  much  seek  her  contentment,  seeing  she 
 would  do  nothing  that  would  satisfic  your  Majestie's  desire  ? 
 In  the  end,  it  was  said  by  my  Lord  of  JSIoray,  That  there 
 was  nothing  more  needful  for  their  mistress  than  to  have 
 these  matters  put  out  of  doubt,  and  that  she  could  not  long 
 remain  in  these  terms,  to  be  in  an  assured  friendship  with 
 no  man.  Their  advice  was  to  their  soveraign  that  she 
 should  marry  ;  the  people  crav'd  it  at  her  hands  ;  her 
 estate  required  it ;  and  they  the  more  earnest  to  press  her 
 to  it,  because  some  envious  men  have  spread  abroad,  that 
 
25C}  THE  UISTOUY  OF  TlIK  AFFAIUS  [1504. 
 
 they  would  not  tliat  nho  should  marry,  that  they  alono 
 might  have  tlie  ^^overmnent  :  Wherefore  they  warned  and 
 assured  u«,  tliat  if  it  took  not  effect  in  England  shortly,  it 
 must  nee«ls  do  elsewhere  ;  and  if  that  with  these  conditions 
 above  npecified  by  him,  or  any  other  reasonable,  your 
 Majestic  would  shew  yourself  contented,  they  promised  that 
 thoy  would  do  to  the  uttermost  of  their  power  to  perswado 
 their  sovrral^rn  that  it  mii,dit  take  effect,  as  your  Majestic 
 desireth,  towanls  my  Lord  Robert. 
 
 ''  This,  and  like  your  Majestic,  was  the  effect  of  our 
 negotiation  with  these  Lords  ;  in  the  which,  as  near  as 
 wo  could  possibly,  we  observed  that  which  was  given  us 
 in  special  (diarge,  nowise  to  exceed  our  Instructions,  nor 
 yet  to  have  any  diminution  of  the  old  friendship,  which 
 we  have  done  to  the  uttermost  of  our  powers.  Always 
 we  think  it  our  duties  to  signific  unto  your  Majestic,  that 
 by  as  nuich  as  we  can  gather  by  their  talk,  their  mistress 
 intendeth  so  shortly  as  may  be  (within  these  five  months, 
 ns  one  of  them  said)  to  join  herself  in  league  with  some 
 Prince  or  other,  that  her  subjects  remain  no  longer  in 
 these  doubtful  terms  that  hitherto  she  hath  held  them  in. 
 
 "  This  being  the  sum  of  what  we  thought  worth  to  report 
 to  your  Majestic,  trusting  that  our  good  wills,  and  hearty 
 desire  to  deserve  well  in  all  charges,  shall  be  acceptable 
 towards  your  Highness,  we  pray  Almighty  God  to  preserve 
 long  your  Majestie\s  life,  to  send  your  Grace  a  prosperous 
 govermuent,  and  after  many  happy  years  perpetual  joy  in 
 the  kingdom  of  Christ.  At  Berwick  the  2*3d  day  of  Novem- 
 ber lo(;4. 
 
 ••  N'our  ^L-ijcstie's  most  humble  and 
 
 '•  obedient  servants  and  subjects, 
 "  F.  BEnroRD. 
 "  Tuo.  RANDoLriii:." 
 
 This  original  letter  is  not  only  w.U  worth  the  perusal,  as  it 
 serves  to  disclose  unto  us  the  true  fact  as  it  then  passed,  but 
 likewise  as  it  serves  (like  many  others  of  these  letters)  to 
 confirm  the  authority  of  what  Mr  CamlMh  ii  nlat«  s  of  our 
 Scottish  affairs,  in  his  ''  History  of  the  Life  and  Reign  of 
 CJueen  Klizabuth."!     Hy  the  accounts  given  l)y  that  historian, 
 
 '  [Camden**  **  Annalen  of  the  Tnie  and  Roval  History  of  the  Famous 
 
1.5G4.  ]  OF  cnuRcn  and  state  in  Scotland.  257 
 
 and  by  Sir  James  Melvil,  we  have  ground  to  believe  that 
 the  Earl  of  Leicester  had  no  mind  to  be  very  warm  in  the 
 business  of  the  marriage,  and  that  Queen  Elizabeth  was 
 herself  afraid  lest  it  should  take  effect,  and  she  be  thereby 
 deprived  of  the  presence  of  her  favourite. ^  And  indeed  if 
 some  such  thing  was  not  at  bottom,  one  may  justly  wonder 
 to  see  such  trifling  in  the  affair,  if  the  Queen  of  England 
 had  it  as  much  at  heart  as  she  pretended.  This  the  Scottish 
 Commissioners  have  so  handsomely  urged  at  the  conference,^ 
 that  they  leave  nothing  for  persons  that  come  after  them  to 
 observe.  And  both  these  authors  deliver  it  as  their  opinion, 
 that  this  jealousy  was  the  chief  motive  that  induced  Queen 
 Elizabeth  to  allow  the  Lord  Darnly  to  go  into  Scotland,  at 
 the  request  of  his  mother,  for  the  space  of  three  months, 
 under  colour  of  enjoying  a  share  of  the  satisfaction  in  his 
 father's  restoration, ^  which  was  confirmed  in  the  Parliament 
 
 Empresse  Elizabeth,  Queene  of  England,  France,  and  Ireland,  &c..  True 
 Faith's  Defendresse,  of  Divine  RenoAvne,  and  Happy  Memory,"  4to. 
 London,  1625,  p.  111-115.— E.] 
 
 ^  ["  Leicester  himself  was  aware  that  he  had  been  proposed,  by  the 
 malignity  of  Cecil,  to  involve  the  man  whom  he  hated  in  a  difficult  pre- 
 dicament between  the  two  Queens,  and  Elizabeth,  to  gratify  her  own 
 envy,  persevered  in  her  purpose  to  embarrass  and  mortify  Mary. — 
 Elizabeth  was  disappointed  in  her  dubious  purpose  of  marrying  the 
 Scottish  Queen  to  the  Noble,  without  whom  she  could  not  live,  in  the 
 hope  of  perplexing  the  Queen,  whom  she  hated. — Leicester  himself,  as  we 
 learn  from  Cambden,  in  the  hope  of  enjoying  Queen  Elizabeth,  secretly 
 warned  Bedford  by  private  letters  that  he  should  not  be  eager  in  the 
 matter." — Chalmers'  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  1.  p.  118,119. — E.] 
 
 2  ["The English Commissionersproposedinviolableamity,perpetual peace, 
 and  assured  hope  of  succession, if  the  Scottish  Queen  would  marry  Leicester  ; 
 for  upon  this  condition  Elizabeth  liad  j^romised  to  declare  her,  by  Act  of 
 Parliament,  her  adopted  daughter,  or  sister,  as  soon  as  she  should  he  married. 
 The  Scottish  Commissioners  maintained  that  it  stood  not  with  the  dignity 
 of  a  Queen,  who  had  been  sought  unto  by  so  many  Princes,  to  condescend 
 to  the  marriage  of  a  new-created  Earl,  a  subject  of  L'ligland,  u^wn  hope 
 only,  without  dowry,  neitlier  stood  it  with  tlie  Queen  of  England's  honour 
 to  commend  such  an  husband  to  so  great  a  Princess,  her  kinswoman  ;  but 
 it  would  be  a  most  certain  argument  of  her  love  if  she  would  i)ermit  their 
 mistress  to  choose  for  herself  a  ])roper  personage  at  her  pleasure,  whicli 
 would  embrace  peace  with  England,  and,  withal,  assign  unto  her  some 
 annual  pension,  and  confirm  the  title  of  succession  ])y  Act  of  Parliament. 
 Tlius  ended  this  conference  on  a  very  serious  subject  witliout  any  fruitful 
 issue." — Chalmers'  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  119. — E.] 
 
 ■*  [The  rescinding  of  the  forfeiture  of  his  father  the  Earl  of  Lennox. 
 It  thus  appears  that  Darnley  was  not  accompanied  to  Scotland  by  any 
 of  his  relatives. — E.] 
 
 VOL.  II.  17 
 
258  THE   IIISTOIIY  OF  THK  AFFAIU<  [13«U. 
 
 of  Scotland  in  tlio  month  of  December  following. i  All  our 
 historianH  an*  at  pains  to  inform  us  that  this  Parliament 
 was  Bummoned  only  to  take  ofl'  the  Karl  of  Lenox's  forfeit- 
 ure, and  Mr  Knox  farther  says,  that  "  though  some  articles 
 
 were  given  in  by  the  Church there  was  nothing  granted.'"2 
 
 Hut  besides  the  two  Acts  of  this  Parliament  which  are 
 made  publick  (neither  of  them  respecting  the  Karl  of  Lenox), 
 we  will  src  by  the  abstracts  of  the  Knglish  Resident's  letters,^ 
 that  something  else  did  likewise  pass  in  the  Parliament ; 
 and  bv  the  same  abstracts  we  will  in  like  manner  get  a  more 
 clear  and  certain  light  into  the  publick  transactions,  than 
 tlic  i»rivato  historians  afford  us. 
 
 An  abstract  of  Mr  Randolph's  letters  out  of  Scotland, 
 from  th(»  2d  of  December  15G4  to  the  17th  of  ^Lircli 
 following.* 
 
 To  iSIr  WUUam  Cecill,  '2d  December  1o(j4. 
 
 *•  IvANDOLPH  misliketh  that  Darnly  should  come;  suspect- 
 oth  his  religion.  The  Karldom  of  Angus  is  confirmed  to 
 the  young  Earl,-''  from  my  Lady  (Lenox)  and  licr  heirs,  by 
 
 '  Mr  Knox  says,  the  Parliament  was  ordered  to  meet  on  tlie  l.'lth  day 
 of  Decemlter,  the  jjrinted  Acts  bear  its  date  to  ho  the  loth  ;  and  Mr 
 Randol[)h  takes  notice,  that  our  Parliament  had  already  done  business  on 
 the  3<1  (hiy  of  December.  Mr  Buchanan  says,  this  Parliament  was  in  the 
 month  of  .January  followinfr.  It  is  surprising  that  so  small  credit  is  to  be 
 piven  to  his  very  dates  of  Parliaments,  not  only  with  respect  to  days,  but 
 even  months.  We  shall  find  ^rrosser  mistakes  of  the  sjime  kind  in  this 
 author  afterwards. — [The  I'arliament  met  on  the  loM  </<»>/ of  December 
 15W,  ;\cta  Pari.  Scot,  vol,  ii.  j).  .'54.'3.  The  n'cords  of  its  i)roceeding8  are 
 lOHt.— K.] 
 
 "  f  Knox's  Historic,  I'.din.  eilit.  17;i'J,  folio,  y.  ;}(;s.^i:.] 
 '  Wc  have  abstracts  only  of  his  lett«'rs  fmm  the  I'd  of   December  this 
 year  to  tlu'  17th  of  March  followinj,'. 
 
 *  Cotton  Library.— [Hritish  Museum.— K.| 
 
 •  The  CountcHS  of  I^miox  wa.s  the  sole  heir  of  her  father  the  luirl  of 
 y\n^niH,  and  the  entailment  of  that  estate  and  honour  to  the  male  heir 
 wuH  nj)t  very  Ktron;;  :  so  it  seems  the  (^ueen  an<l  Countess  of  I^mox 
 have  thought  it  advisable,  in  ordt«r  to  procure  the  ICarl  of  Morton,  and 
 othrr  frifMids  of  the  Family  of  An^us,  to  be  favourers  of  the  Queen's 
 umrria^"*'  with  Ix)r«l  Darnly,  to  contirm  the  <»state  and  honour  of  Anjfus 
 to  the  mah"  repn«s<'ntative,  who  was  then  youn;^.  The  readers  will  know 
 that  thf  nnilc  hoir  of  the  Kamily  of  Anpis  has  attempted  to  set  a.side  the 
 CountuMM  of  Ia>u«*x*h  rijfht  uiK»n  the  h<'ad  of  illepitinuuy,  becatise  her 
 mother  !H>pamted  fr(»m  the  ICarl  of  An^is  for  a<Uiltery. 
 
1564-5.]         OF  CHDRcn  and  state  in  Scotland.  250 
 
 the  Queen  ;  and  that  she  taketh  to  be  better  than  to  have 
 her  declared  illegitimate,  which  was  laboured.  Scots  Queen 
 offereth  to  be  directed  by  Moray  in  her  marriage." 
 
 To  Sir  William  Cecill,  Sd  DecemherA 
 
 "  Lenox  restored,  by  Parliament  called  only  for  that 
 purpose.  Moray  and  Lidington  write  to  Sir  William  Cecill, 
 to  know  whether  the  Queen  meaneth  the  marriage  with 
 Leicester.  This  Queen  made  an  oration  in  the  Parliament, 
 shewing  the  reason  of  restoring  Lenox ;  and  the  rather, 
 because  it  was  at  the  request  and  suit  of  her  sister  of 
 England.2  ]Moray  has  his  Earldom,  and  Grange,  Ormiston, 
 and  ]\Ielros,3  their  lands  confirmed  in  this  Parliament. 
 Mass  made  forfeiture  of  goods,  lands,  and  life,  except  in  the 
 Queen's  chappel.  Raulet,  her  Secretary  for  the  French,  is 
 clean  out  of  favour,  for  being,  as  it  was  reported,  too  familiar 
 with  one ;    and  Rizio,^   an    Italian,    supplieth  that   place. 
 
 ^  Perhaps  this  should  be  13th,  and  so  the  difference  of  the  date  of  the 
 sitting  down  of  our  Parliament  would  not  be  so  wide. — [The  Parliament 
 met,  or  at  least  was  sitting,  on  the  IStli  of  December  1564.  Acta  Pari. 
 Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii.  p.  545. — E.] 
 
 ^  This  was  as  publick  a  declaration  of  the  fact  as  our  Queen  could 
 make,  and  it  is  to  be  presumed  that  this,  together  with  her  letter,  p.  232, 233, 
 to  Queen  Elizabeth,  will  render  the  fact  indubitable. 
 
 ^  [The  Earl  of  JNIoraj  did  not  procure  his  legal  "  Eatification"  to  that 
 Earldom  until  the  19th  of  April  1567,  when  it  was  passed  by  the  Parlia- 
 ment (Acta  Pari.  Scot.  vol.  ii.  p.  553).  Grange,  Ormiston,  and  Melrose, 
 are  territorial  designations  of  the  proprietors,  indicating  Kirkaldy  of 
 Grange,  Cockburn  of  Ormiston,  and  probably  one  of  the  ]\rorton  branch 
 of  the  Family  of  Douglas  ;  at  least  the  Abbacy  of  ]Melrose  was,  in  1568, 
 granted  to  James  Douglas,  second  son  of  William  Douglas  of  Lochleven, 
 afterwards  sixth  Earl  of  jSIorton,  and  nephew  to  tlie  Regent  Moray.  See 
 "  Liber  Sancte  jNIarie  de  Melros,"  Edin.  4to.  1837,  printed  for  the 
 Banxatyne  Club,  Preface,  p.  v.  vi. — E.] 
 
 ^  This  being  the  first  time  we  have  had  occasion  to  hear  of  this  man, 
 who  afterwards  made  so  great  noise  in  our  country,  it  is  fit  here  to  give 
 the  reader  some  small  account  of  him.  His  name  was  David  Kiccio,  born 
 at  Turin  in  Savoy.  His  father,  who  was  but  poor,  bred  him  up  and  the 
 rest  of  his  children  to  musick.  David  went  to  the  town  of  Nice,  where 
 the  Duke  of  Savoy  then  kept  Court  ;  and  it  was  his  chance  to  be  taken 
 into  the  service  of  Mens.  ISIoret,  who  was  shortly  to  go  ambassador  from 
 that  Duke  into  Scotland.  The  Queen  had  at  this  tune  three  valets  de 
 chambre,  who  sung  three  parts  in  musick,  but  they  wanted  a  bass  to  sing 
 the  fourth  part  ;  and  David  Riccio  being  a  good  musician,  and  a  merry 
 fellow,  they  told  her  Majesty  of  him,  as  a  person  fit  enough  to  make  the 
 fourth  concert.   It  seems  he  had  the  art  to  please  her  Majesty  so  far,  that 
 
2G0  TIfK   niSToKV  OF  TllK  AFFAIH:>  [l^fU-'). 
 
 Lenox   nportotli.  th.it   !»••  hojM'tli  tho  (/iw^rii  will   marrv  his 
 son/' 
 
 To  Sir  WiUiam  Cecill,  24t/i  Vccemher. 
 '*  TnK  DiKK,  Argilo,  and  Ariskino,^  like  well  of  this  English 
 marriage  with   Leicester.      Slwm-O-Xcal-  dosiivth  support 
 
 she  thoupjht  fit  to  employ  him  some  time  in  writing  her  French  letters, 
 ujKJii  thf  tlisirrace  of  her  former  secretary  for  that  language. — [Some 
 additional  particulars  by  the  Editor  respecting  this  unfortunate  foreigner 
 are  in  a  suhsequent  note  in  this  volume.—  E.] 
 
 '  [The  Duke  of  Chatelherault,  the  Karl  of  Argyll,  ajid  Lord  Erskine, 
 sixth  Juirl  of  Mar  of  the  surnanu;  of  I'.rskine,  afterwards  Regent  of 
 Scotland.— E.] 
 
 '  An  account  of  this  jierson,  and  others  of  Ireland  who  disturbed  the 
 peace  of  the  I'nglish  Crown  in  that  Realm,  nuiy  be  had  from  the  English 
 hi.<«torians. — [Shane,  or  .John  O'Neal,  or  Oneill,  was  the  son  of  Con  liaccagh 
 O'Neill,  Prince  of  Tyrone,  who  upon  relin(iuishing  his  royalty  a.s  the 
 represt»ntative  of  one  of  the  ancient  independent  I'rinces  of  Ireland,  and 
 submitting  to  the  I'.nglish  Crown,  was  created  Earl  of  Tyrone,  or  Tir- 
 Owen,  in  1542,  by  Henry  VIII.  ThisShane  O'Neill  and  Hugh  MacNeill 
 Oig,  Captain  of  Claneboy,  are  mentioned  some  years  before  the  date  in 
 the  text  in  a  letter  from  the  Lord  Chancellor  of  Ireland  to  the  Duke  of 
 Northumberland,  dated  Gth  May  1552,  as  in  league  with  the  Scots. — 
 (HarleianMSS, British  Museum,  No.  ^).  Shane  O'Neill  had  usurped  the 
 paternal  property  and  sovereignty  of  his  clan  in  opposition  to  the  declared 
 will  of  his  father,  who  had  aj)pointed  as  his  successor  an  illegitimate  son 
 named  Matthew,  whose  mother,  Shane  a.sserted,  was  a  low  woman,  the 
 wife  of  a  smith  in  Dundalk.  The  turbulent  life  of  Shane  O'Neill  is  sufti- 
 rieutly  set  forth  in  the  Irish  history  of  that  period.  See  also  Sir  (ieorge 
 Staidey  to  Eitzwalter  Earl  of  Sussex,  dated  Trim,  the  "  laste"  of  Fe- 
 bruary 15()0.  Cecil  to  the  I^arl  of  Sussex  on  Shane  OWeills  rebellion, 
 dated  1.0th  June  l-'Wll,  25th  .Inly  15()1,  12th  August  15(il,  7th  January 
 15f»l-2  ;  Shane  Maguire,  Lord  or  Chief  of  F(»rnuiuagh,  to  the  luirl  of 
 Sus.sex,  15th  August  15(;2  ;  the  liailifts  of  Dundalk  to  the  Earl  (»f  Sussex, 
 ftth  October  15(;2  ;  Shane  .Maguire  to  the  I'.arl  of  Sussex,  })th  and  20th  of 
 October  15G2— Wright's  "  (^ueeu  Elizabeth  and  her  Times,"  vol.  i.  p. 
 f;0-(:s,  70,  8f;-f)3,  110-11,3.  Shane  O'Neill  and  the  Earl  of  Argyll,  from  the 
 I»ro.\inuty  «)f  the  hitter's  country  to  the  North  of  Ireland,  w»>re  intimate 
 correspondents.  Randolph  writes  to  Cecil,  ilated  Eilinburgh,  7th  February 
 15(15-  "  .My  Lord  of  Argile  and  Shane  O'Neil  have  nu'tt,  and  accorded  to 
 lake  each  other's  part."  ShaneO'.Neill  waskilledin  15<;7.  TheO'.Neillswere 
 the  anceMt()rM  «.f  the  Noble  Family  t»f  O'Neill,  Viscounts  O'.Neill  in  the 
 Peerage  of  In-laud.  John  O'Neill,  F>q.  of  Shane's  Ca.stle  in  the  county  of 
 Anlriut,  wa.Hrreuted  Haron  O'Neill  in  17JKJ,  and  advancetl  to  the  dignity  of 
 Vi,«r<.uut  O'Neill  in  1795.  He  died  in  17J»^,  and  wavs  succtnuled  by  his 
 rider  »M»n  Charles,  who  was  created  Fjirl  O'.Neill  and  Viscount  Reymond 
 nt  ISOO.  This  Nobleman  tlied  without  i.ssue  in  IS41,  when  the  Earldom 
 b«TAmo  extinct, Hudhis  onlybrothor  John  succeo<led to  th«'  Viscounty.—  E.  | 
 
loG4-5.J  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  201 
 
 out  of  Scotland,  and  offereth  this  Queen  his  service.    Argile 
 is  wilhng  to  do  any  thing  against  him." 
 
 In  the  end  of  the  month  of  January  15G4-5,  the  Queen 
 made  a  short  progress  into  Fife,i  visiting  the  towns  and 
 several  of  the  gentlemen  of  that  country.  And  while  her 
 Majesty  was  at  St  Andrew's,  we  understand  by  the  next 
 abstract  that  the  English  Resident  presented  to  her  Majesty 
 letters  from  her  cousin  of  England. 
 
 To  Sir  William  Cecill,  5th  February  15G4-5. 
 
 "  Randolph  presenteth  the  Queen's  letters  at  St  Andrew's 
 to  the  Quecn,2  desiring  to  know  her  Majestie's  answer  to  the 
 
 ^  [Queen  jNIary  crossed  from  Edinburgh  to  Fife,  ^vith  a  part  of  her 
 train,  ou  the  19th  of  January  1564-5.  ^iandolph  followed  her  thither 
 about  the  1st  of  February,  with  Elizabeth's  letters,  desiring  an  answer  to 
 the*  propositions  discussed  at  Berwick  respecting  her  marriage  with 
 Leicester,  and  found  her  at  St  Andrews.  He  writes  to  Queen  Elizabeth — 
 "  Her  Grace  lodged  in  a  merchant's  house,  her  train  were  very  few,  and 
 there  was  small  repair  from  any  part.  Her  will  was,  that  for  the  time 
 that  I  did  tarry  1  should  dine  and  sup  with  her.  Your  ]SIajesty  was 
 oftentimes  dranken  unto  by  her  at  dinners  and  suppers." — E.] 
 
 ^  [Randolph's  account  of  his  interviews  with  Queen  Mary  at  St 
 Andrews,  as  transmitted  by  him  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  is  very  interesting. 
 After  dining  and  supping  with  the  Scottish  Queen  on  Sunday,  Monday, 
 and  Tuesday,  he  tells  his  royal  mistress  that,  in  compliance  with  her 
 Instructions  by  Secretary  Cecil's  letter,  he  introduced  the  subject  of  the 
 proi)ositions  arranged  at  Berwick  between  the  Earl  of  Bedford  and  the 
 Earl  of  Moray  and  Maitland  of  Lethington,  and  requested  her  "  resolu- 
 tion" concerning  them.  He  says  that  he  had  no  sooner  spoken  than 
 Queen  ISIary  replied — "  I  see  now  well  that  you  are  weary  of  this  company 
 and  treatment.  I  sent  for  you  to  be  merry,  and  to  see  how  like  a  bourgeois 
 wife  I  live  with  my  little  troop,  and  you  will  interrupt  our  pastime  with 
 your  great  and  grave  matters.  I  pray  you,  Sir,  if  you  be  weary  here, 
 return  home  to  Edinburgh,  and  keep  your  gravity  and  great  embassade 
 until  the  Queen  come  thither,  for,  I  assure  you,  you  sliall  not  get  her 
 here,  nor  I  know  not  myself  where  she  is  become.  You  sec  neither  cloth 
 of  Estate,  nor  such  appearance,  that  you  may  think  there  is  a  Queen  here, 
 nor  I  would  not  that  you  should  think  that  I  am  she  at  St  Andrews  that 
 I  was  at  Edinburgh."  Randolph  answered,  that  he  was  sorry  to  hear 
 these  sentiments,  for  he  had  heard  her  Majesty  say  at  Edinburgh  that  she 
 loved  his  mistress  more  than  any  other,  and  now  lie  was  afraid  sshe  had 
 altered  her  mind.  The  Queen  at  this  became  "  very  merry,"  and  called 
 him  '  by  more  names  than  were  given  him  in  his  Christendom.  "  But 
 well,  Sir,"  said  Mary,  "  that  which  then  1  spoke  in  words  shall  bo 
 confirmed  to  my  good  sister  your  mistress  in  writing.  Before  you  go  out 
 of  this  town  you  shall  have  a  letter  unto  her,  and  for  yourself  go  where 
 you  will,  1  care  no  more  for  you."     The  next  day,  however,  it  appears  he 
 
202  TIIK  HISTORY  nF  THK  AIFAIKS  [15G4-5. 
 
 matter  at  lJ«T\vick,  toiicliiii^'  Iior  inarriaf,'c'.  She  answer  d 
 after.  That  if  the  (^ueen  will  use  her  as  her  born  sister  or 
 daujc^hter,  slic  will  obey  a«  a  sister  ;  but  if  not,  she  must  not 
 look  to  be  so  far  rulM  by  her  :  For  my  mind  to  my  Lord 
 Robert  is  as  it  ou^dit  to  be  to  a  noble  gentleman,  and  such 
 an  one  as  your  mistress  would  marry,  if  he  were  not  her 
 subject ;  but  in  it  your  mistress  may  rule  me,  if  she  please."" 
 — (i.  e.  As  we  may  conjecture,  by  declaring  our  (^ueen  pre- 
 sumptive heir  to  the  Crown  of  England,''  &c  ) 
 
 (lined  with  Mnrv,  and  says  that  tht-  only  person  who  sat  between  him  and 
 till"  (^ueen  was  '*  worthy"  Mary  licaton,  who  had  been  a  Maid  of  Honour 
 frou)  hor  infancy.  "  Very  merrily,"  writes  Randolph  to  his  royal  mistress, 
 **  she  paKsc'th  her  time.  After  dinner  she  rideth  abroad.  It  pleased  her 
 the  most  part  of  the  time  to  talk  with  me.  She  had  occasion  to  speak 
 much  (»f  I'rance,  for  the  honour  she  received  there,  to  be  wife  unto  a  ip-eat 
 kin;;,  and  for  friendship  shewn  unto  her  in  i)articular  by  many,  for  which 
 occasions  she  is  bound  to  love  the  nation,  to  shew  them  pleasure,  and  to 
 do  them  poml  :  Her  accpiaintance  is  not  so  forgotten  there,  nor  her 
 friendship  so  little  esteemed,  but  yet  it  is  divers  ways  souj^ht  to  be 
 continue<l."  Other  con versjit ions  followed  between  Mary  and  Randolph 
 on  the  subject  of  her  marriajje,  and  the  proposed  match  with  the  Earl  of 
 Ixricester.     Chalmers'  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  123-127. — E.] 
 
15G4-5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  203 
 
 CHAPTER  VIII. 
 
 CONTINUATION  OF  STATE-AFFAIRS  FROM  THE  ARRIVAL  OF  THE 
 LORD  DARNLY  INTO  SCOTLAND  IN  THE  MONTH  OF  FEBRUARY 
 1564-5,  UNTIL  THE  MARRIAGE  OF  THIS  LORD  WITH  THE 
 QUEEN  OF  SCOTS,  IN  THE  MONTH  OF  JULY  156*5. 
 
 Though  the  period  assigned  to  this  Chapter  includes  not  a 
 space  of  time  much  larger  than  the  former,  yet  the  variety 
 of  incidents  that  here  occur  will  afford  a  far  larger  compass 
 of  reading  ;  and,  like  some  others  that  follow,  will  prove  an 
 entertainment  so  much  the  more  agreeable  to  the  minds  of 
 the  readers,  as  the  things  herein  to  be  mentioned  are  not 
 suspended  upon  the  uncertain  and  desultory  accounts  of 
 either  partial  or  private  intelligencers,  but  are  conveyed  to 
 them  from  the  very  purest  and  most  defecated  chanels,  the 
 mouths  of  the  then  two  British  sovereign  ladies,  the  deter- 
 minations of  their  cabinet-councils,  and  the  dispatches  of 
 their  immediate  servants  and  ministers  of  state. 
 
 To  Sir  William  Gecill,  19th  Feb. — "  Darnly  comes  to  Court,i 
 
 *  Her  Majesty  was  then  in  the  Castle  of  Wcmyss  in  Fife.  Mr  Buchanan 
 fixes  the  date  of  the  Lord  Darnly's  arrival  about  the  13th  of  February  ; 
 Mr  Knox  about  the  20th  ;  ]\Ir  Stow  of  England  says,  his  Lordship  went 
 from  London  on  the  3d  day  of  February  ;  and  Mr  Holinshed,  that  he 
 came  to  the  Queen's  presence,  in  the  Wemyss,  the  9th  day  of  February. — 
 [The  dates  in  this  note,  as  cited  by  Bishop  Keith,  ao-e  all  wronrj,  as  will 
 subsequently  appear.  Meanwhile  some  notice  is  necessary  of  the  locality. 
 "Wemyss  Castle,  in  which  Lord  Darnley  first  saw  Queen  Mary,  is  situated 
 a  short  distance  east  of  West  Wemyss,  or  "  the  Wemyss,"  as  it  is  locally 
 called,  a  burgh  of  barony  about  four  miles  east  of  Kirkcaldy  in  Fife,  on 
 the  shore  of  the  Frith  of  Forth.  Tlie  castle — a  large  massive  edifice, 
 without  any  arcliitectural  pretensions,  though  it  has  received  considerable 
 additions,  especially  in  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century  by  David 
 second  Earl  of  Wemyss,  and  subsequent  proprietors  descended  from  the 
 Noble  Family  of  Wemyss — occupies  a  cliff  between  thirty  and  forty  feet 
 above  the  level  of  tlie  sea,  conspicuously  overlooking  tlie  Frith.  The  date 
 of  the  erection  of  the  original  i)art  of  this  fine  baronial  residence  is 
 uncertain,  but  a  portion  of  the  east  wing  is  said  to  be  as  ancient  as  the 
 adjoining  ruinous  castle  of  Easter  AVemyss,  also  on  the  shore,  which  is 
 traditionally  designated  Macduff  \s  Caatlc,  from  its  alleged  founder  Macduff, 
 created  Earl  or  Thane  of  Fife  about  A.  I).  1057,  and  on  whom  King 
 ^Malcolm  Canmore  conferred  many  remarkable  privileges.     Queen  Mary, 
 
*J<U  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [13u4-5. 
 
 and    well    received. ^      It    is    suspected    that    liis    presence 
 may    hinder    other    purposes,    and    that     his    religion    is 
 
 tttl<T  luT  intiTvifWH  with  Hamhilpli,  who  \vt't  her  on  the  3d  of  February, 
 in  quiet  mid  unostfntatioiiH  rctireiiu'nt  at  St  Andrews, us  mentioned  in  the 
 end  of  the  preet-ilin^'  Chapter,  departed  from  the  old  arehiejjiscopal 
 city  on  the  11th,  and  prort'ede*!  to  Lundie,  near  Leven,  about  fourteen 
 inih"**  Noulh-wr?*t  of  St  Andrews,  and  nine  miles  ea«t  of  \Vemys.s  C'a-stle, 
 on  the  I*2th.  On  the  13th  the  Queen  rode  to  Wemyss  Castle,  whieh  was 
 then  inhaliittHl,  it  i.s  said,  ljy  the  I'arl  of  Moray,  though  the  property  of 
 Sir  John  \V«'niyss  of  Wi-niyss,  the  ^Teat-<jrandfather  of  the  first  Karl  of 
 Wemys!*.  On  the  11th  of  February  Lord  Darnley  reached  lladdinf,'ton 
 from  Dunbar,  on  his  way  to  lAlinburjjh  to  join  his  father  the  Karl  of 
 ix'iinox.  The  Countess  of  Lennox's  request  to  Queen  Klizabeth,  to  j)ermit 
 her  son  to  visit  his  father  in  Scotland,  was  ;^ranted  w  ithout  nmch  difficulty, 
 and  I,ord  Darnley,  with  letters  of  recommendation  from  the  Kn;,dish  Queen, 
 <'e<-il,  and  Leicester,  had  set  out  on  horseback  from  London  to  Kdinburgh 
 during;  a  winter  which  is  recorded  as  unconnnonly  severe.  He  passed  a 
 nij{ht  with  Secretary  Maitland  at  I-.<'thin«;ton,  and  arrived  at  Kdinburgh 
 on  the  12th  of  Febriuiry.  (MS.  Letter,  State-Paper  ( )ffice,  Hauduljjh  to 
 Cofil,  12th  I'ebrimry  15<)4-5).  He  brought  with  him  a  diamond  rin«,'  as  a 
 present  from  his  mother  to  the  Queen  her  niece,  a  diamond  from  the 
 iMinie  lady  to  the  Karl  of  Moray,  a  watch  set  with  rubies  and  diamonds  to 
 Secretary  Maitland,  and  a  rinj;  with  a  ruby  to  Sir  Kobert  Melville,  the 
 brother  of  Sir  .lames  Mi-jville  the  envoy.  The  Countess  of  Lennox  was 
 abo  not  liehind,  in  conjunction  with  Sir  Nicolas  Throfrmorton,  in  sending 
 many  prudent  advices  to  Mary.  "When  Darnley  arrived  in  Kdinbur<;h,  he 
 was  informe<l  that  the  Queen  was  in  Fife,  and  crossing  the  Frith  of  Forth, 
 he  was  introduced  to  Mary  on  the  sLrtreuth  of  February,  which  is  the  date 
 in  Cifil's  Diary  from  Randolph's  letters.  Darnley  was  well  received,  and 
 was  lodgt'd  in  Wemyss  Castle  with  the  Queen,  by  consent  of  the  Karl  of 
 Moniy,  who  assumed  that  his  journey  into  Scotland  was  approved  by 
 KHzalH>th.  After  remaining  a  few  days  in  Wemyss  Castle,  Darnley 
 journeyed  to  Dunkeld,  where  he  saw  his  father,  and  then  hastened  to 
 Kdinburgh,  whither  he  arrived  before  the  (^neen,  who  set  out  for  that 
 city  troni  Wemyss  Castle,  by  KirkcaUly,  Hurnt island,  Inverkeithing,  and 
 QueenHlerry,  where  she  crossed  the  Frith,  and  reached  the  I'alace  of 
 ilolyrood  on  the  24th.  Mary  was  induced  to  hasten  to  Kdinburgh  by  the 
 tidings  of  repeated  outrage's  in  the  Chapel-Itoyal  of  Ilolyrood  by  the 
 fanatical  followers  of  the  new  doctrin<«s.  .John  Knox  sarcastically  observes 
 (Ifistorie,  Kdin.  edit.  1732, p.  3(^S),  that  the  Queen,  during  this  residence  in 
 Fife,  and  "visiting  the  gentlemen's  houses,  wais  magnificently  ban(|ueted 
 every  where,  so  that  suche  superfluity  was  nevir  seen  befoir  w  itliin  this 
 Healme,  which  caused  the  wyMe  fowl  to  be  so  dear  that  partri<lges  were 
 »K>ld  for  a  crown  n-piece."  Although  I  >arnley  was  suspected  of  "  Fopi-ry," 
 he  M>4*n)M  to  have  put  himmdf  under  the  guidance  of  Moray,  for  we  find 
 hint  reporting  to  hear  .lolin  Knox  preach  in  St  (Jiles'  church  ;  luul  on  the 
 2<>th  of  Febnuiry,  after  a  si'rmon,  and  supper  in  Moray's  residence  at 
 F^linburyh,  ho  saw  the  (^uej'U  and  sonu'  of  her  bidies  <lance,  and  on  that 
 occa*ii.n  he  danc«-d  a  "galliard"  with  the  Queen  at  Momy's  recpie-st.  K.  | 
 Sir  .Inni<«H  Melvil  Kays  The  (^ueen  "  took  very  well  with  him,  an«l 
 jsiid  he  wtM»  the  pni|HTeMt  and  best  pro|>ortioned  long  num  that  ever  she 
 
1564-5.]  OF  CHUKCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  265 
 
 Popish. 1  Glencairden  and  Morton^  much  disHke  him,  and 
 wish  him  away.'' 
 
 To  Sir  William  Cecill,  4th  3Iarch. 
 
 "  Murray  of  Tillibarden^come  from  Both  well  out  of  France,'* 
 to  sue  for  some  favour,  either  liberty  to  return,  or  means  to 
 live  there:  They  think  him  worthy  of  no  favour  that  conspir  d 
 to  kill  the  Queen,  and  those  in  credit  about  her.  TheCardinal^ 
 practiseth  to  match  the  Queen,  either  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans, 
 or  the  French  King ;  and  for  that  purpose,  D'Osell  sent  to 
 Rome  for  a  dispensation.     The  Queen  distasteth  her  uncle's 
 
 had  seen  ;  for  (adds  he)  he  was  long  and  small,  even  and  straight."  lie 
 was  then  only  in  the  twentieth  year  of  his  age.  Camden  reports — That 
 he  obtained  liberty  to  come  into  Scotland  by  the  importunate  suit  of  his 
 mother.  And  it  is  true  that  Sir  James  jMelvil  had  a  secret  charge  to  deal 
 with  my  Lady  Lenox,  to  endeavour  to  procure  liberty  for  him  to  go  to 
 Scotland.  See  his  jNIemoirs,  p.  48.  But  if  Queen  Elizabeth  was  so  higldy 
 offended  at  the  father's  good  reception  in  Scotland,  why  did  she  at  all 
 allow  the  son  to  go  after  him,  especially  since  Mr  llandolph  had  already 
 advertised  her  that  Lenox  had  hopes  that  our  Queen  would  marry  his 
 son  ?  And  by  the  Conference  at  Berwick  in  November  last,  it  is  evident 
 the  IMinistry  of  England  were  aware  of  such  a  project.  There  must 
 have  been  some  Court-mystery  here. — ["  The  writers  of  Scotland,"  says 
 Chalmers  (Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  130),  "  would  have  us 
 believe  that  Mary  fell  desperately  in  love  with  Darnly  at  first  sight. — 
 Robertson,  one  of  the  best  of  those  historians,  imagines  JNIary  to  have 
 been  captivated  by  his  gir/anticff/tire,  yet  let  us  recollect  that  Darnley  was 
 merely  a  long  lad  of  nineteen^  The  writers  of  England,  however,  also 
 maintain  that  ISIary  fell  in  love  with  Darnley  at  first  sight.  See  Camden's 
 History  and  Annals  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  4to.  London,  1625,  p.  116.  Mr 
 Ty  tier  judiciously  observes — "  His  reception  was  flattering,  and  his  manners 
 and  address  created  a  prepossession  in  his  favour,  not  only  amongst  the 
 Scottish  courtiers,  but  in  the  more  severe  and  caustic  mind  of  Kandolph 
 the  English  ambassador. — *  His  courteous  dealing  with  all  men  deserved 
 praise,  and  is  well  spoken  of.'  MS.  Letter,  State-Paper  Office,  Randolph 
 to  Leicester,  19th  February  1564-5;  Ibid.  Randolph  to  Cecil,  27th  February 
 1564-5."     History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vi.  p.  314,  315.— E.] 
 
 ^  [It  will  be  seen  from  the  narrative  that  the  imbecile  Lord  Darnley 
 was  not  particular  in  his  religious  notions. — E.] 
 
 2  [Alexander  fifth  Earl  of  Glencairn,  and  James  fourth  Earl  of  .Morton, 
 afterwards  Regent. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Sir  William  ^lurray  of  Tullibardine,  father  of  Sir  John  Murray,  wlio 
 was  created  Lord  Murray  of  Tullibardine  in  April  1604,  and  Earl  of 
 Tullibardine  in  1606,  ancestor  of  the  Dukes  of  Atholl. — E.] 
 
 '^  [James  Hepburn,  fourth  Earl  of  ]3othwcll,  subsequently  the  cause  of 
 Queen  Mary's  misfortunes,  had  been  compelled  to  retire  from  Scotland  in 
 1563  for  a  supi)osed  or  real  plot  against  the  Earl  of  Moray.— E.] 
 
 •''  [The  Cardinal  of  Lorraine,  the  Queen's  uncle.— E.J 
 
!'♦;*;  TIIK  lll-l"in    "K  THE  AFKAIUS  [1504-5. 
 
 iiu  (MliiiiT.  ami  in  willin''  to  be  ilirectcd  by  her  .'^ister  of 
 lin^^laiKl.  An  Italian  Picniontcse,'  a  singer  that  came  hither 
 with  MoHH.  Morct,  i.%  in  place  of  Kaulet,  her  Secretary  for 
 tlir  French.  The  Kin;;  of  Denmark  warneth  her  subjects  to 
 tratlick  no  more  with  Sweden,  nor  to  pass  the  sound.'' 
 
 To  Sir  William  Cecill,  \')th  March. 
 •  The  Queen  misliketh  l^othweirs  coming  home,  and  hath 
 -ummoned  him  to  undergo  the  law,  or  bo  proclaimed  a  rebel. 
 I  le  is  chargM  to  have  sjjoken  dislionourably  of  the  Queen, 
 and  to  have  threatned  to  kill  Moray  and  J^ldington.  David 
 iVinglo,  one  of  Bothweirs  servants,  will  verifie  it.'' 
 
 To  Sir  William  Cecilia  IJth  March. 
 
 ■'  The  Scottish  Queen  desireth  a  passpoi-t  for  Lidington  to 
 lto  through  England  into  France.  The  Cardinal  of  Lorrain 
 anil  Grandville  have  advised  her  not  to  be  over-hasty  to 
 match  with  England.  The  (^ueen  hero  grieved  at  the  Queen's 
 answer,  and  mislikes  to  have  any  more  delay  mov'd,  for  she 
 hath  abus'd  her  in  spending  of  her  time,-  and  now  will  not 
 declare  her  title,  until  herself  be  married,  or  declare  she  will 
 not  marry."' 
 
 |}y  the  above  abstract,  we  are  infomied  of  a  design  in  the 
 (^ueen  to  send  her  Secretary  into  France.*^  13ut  whatever  in- 
 tention might  have  been  given  out,  I  suppose  it  w  ill  aj)pcar  by 
 the  He«|U(l,  that  that  gentleman  went  no  farther  than  England 
 at  this  time.  Mr  Knox  says,^  the  Queen  was  at  Stirling  when 
 Hhe  gave  order  to  Secretary  Lethington  to  pass  into  England, 
 and  that  the  chief  [>oint  of  his  message  was  to  declare  to  the 
 Qu<'en  of  Ihiglanil,  that  the  (Jueen  was  minded  to  marry  her 
 
 ousin  the  Lord  Darnly.  And  MrCambden  says,  Lethington 
 \' as  sent  to  (^u<'en  Elizabeth,  to  gain  her  consent  for  con- 
 
 'umnating  a  maiTiage  with  the  Lord  Darnly,  and  that  she 
 mi^rht  not  bo  debarred  so  natural  a  privilege  upon  hopes  and 
 
 '  (Tliw  was  David  Riccio,  %vliusc  al>ilitii>M  as  a  imi.sician  wcrr  luhlitionni 
 riiomint^ndationM  to  Quoon  Mary.— K.l 
 
 '  fH»Mnr  Imw  oxartly  Mr  C'ambdcn  nairatoH  tlii.s  sjiino  thing. — 
 rii— ...     nil  AnriulH  of  Qurtii  KlizaU'th,  Ito.  1«)*2.'),  p.  117.— K.] 
 
 '  »ry    Maitlaiul    of  lA.>thin;^on)   not    Hirrio,    the  Queen's  new 
 I  t.  iM  ...->■.•,  r«'tnn-. -  K.) 
 
 ♦  IIIiMorir,  lUlin.  o«Iit.  173*2,  p.  3(».— K.J 
 
1564-5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  267 
 
 prospects  merely  precarioiis.i  To  confirm  in  part  the  message 
 entrusted  to  the  Secretary,  I  have  put  into  the  Appendix^ 
 a  copy  of  the  commission  and  full  powers  delivered  to  him 
 by  the  Queen  in  most  ample  form. 
 
 We  have  been  informed  in  the  general  by  the  historians, 
 that  our  leading  men  were  not  very  well  pleased  with  the 
 prospect  of  the  Queen's  marrying  the  Lord  Darnly.^  But 
 for  a  more  particular  detail  of  what  was  a  doing  here  betwixt 
 them  and  their  friends  in  England,  and  of  some  other  state- 
 
 ^  [Our  Historian  here  scarcely  brings  out  Camden's  plain  statement. 
 His  words  are — "  As  soon  as  the  Queen  of  Scotland  saw  him  (Darnley) 
 she  fell  in  love  with  him;  and  to  the  end  to  keep  her  love  secret,  in  dis- 
 coursing with  Randolph,  the  English  ambassador  in  Scotland,  she  often- 
 times intermixt  her  discourse  with  the  marriage  of  Leicester,  and  at  the 
 sametime  seekes  a  dispensation  from  Rome  for  Darnley,  she  being  so 
 neere  in  blood  (his  cousin-german),  that  according  to  the  Pope's  ordnance 
 they  stood  in  neede  of  one.  This  being  come  to  every  bodie's  knowledge, 
 she  sends  Lidmgton  (Maitland  of  Lethington)  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  to  have 
 her  consent  to  contract  with  Darnley,  and  not  to  be  any  longer  detained 
 with  a  vain  hope  of  marriage."  History  and  Annals  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
 4to.  Lond.  1625,  p.  116,  117.— E.] 
 2  Number  V. 
 
 ^  [Such  writers  as  Knox  and  Buchanan  maintain  this  as  it  respects  the 
 "  leading  men,"  or  the  Nobility,  who  were  always  divided  into  factions 
 on  matters  of  far  less  importance,  and  it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  an 
 affair  of  such  consequence  as  the  Queen's  marriage  would  escape  their 
 jealousy.  But  Darnley,  after  his  arrival,  became  a  favourite  with  the 
 people,  and  as  Chalmers  observes  (Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  4to.  vol.  i. 
 p.  130) — "  every  eye  was  now  turned  toAvards  Darnley,  as  his  defects 
 were  not  yet  seen."  Mr  Tytler  observes—"  His  conduct  since  his  arrival 
 in  Scotland,  if  we  may  believe  Randolph— a  witness  whose  feelings  against 
 him  gives  weight  to  his  praise— had  been  prudent  and  pojjular.  He  had 
 come  to  the  Scottish  Court  not  only  with  the  full  approbation,  but  with 
 the  warm  recommendation,  of  Elizabeth  ;  and  this  Queen  had  repeatedly 
 assured  ISlary  that,  although  she  decidedly  opposed  her  marriage  to  a 
 foreign  Prince,  she  might  choose  any  of  her  English  Nobihty,  and  bo 
 certain  of  her  approbation.  When,  therefore,  she  selected  Darnley,  the 
 Scottish  Queen  had  reason  to  expect  the  approval  of  Elizabeth,  and,  if 
 we  except  Knox  and  his  party,  the  concurrence  and  support  of  all  clasises 
 in  the  State.— MS.  Letters,  State-Paper  Office,  Randolph  to  Cecil,  27th 
 February  1564-5  ;  Bedford  to  Cecil,  11th  February  1564-5."'  History  of 
 Scotland,  vol.  vi.  p.  321.  This  confirms  Sir  James  Balfour's  statement— 
 «  Darnley e's  marriage  secretly  favoured  by  Dudley  (Leicester),  zea,  by 
 Queene  Elizabeth  herself,as  the  wysest  and  best-sighted  thought.'"- Annals 
 of  Scotland,  vol.  i.  ]).  332.  Sir  James  Melville  expressly  asserts— "  My 
 Lord  Darnley  was  a  lusty  young  Prince,  and  apparently  was  one  of  the  two 
 that  the  Queen  of  England  had  told  mc  she  had  in  her  head  to  offer  unto 
 our  Queen,  as  boru  within  the  Realm  of  England."     Memoirs,  p.  42.— E.] 
 
L^«>8  Tin:  iiisTuiu  '•] nil.  Ai  fAiii.>  [1504-.3. 
 
 l.iisiuL'Ss  at  thr  time,  \vc  can  liavc  no  better  information  than 
 \>y  tlir  tnllowini;  letter. 
 
 A  Letter  from  Mr  liaiulol/fh  to  »Sir  WUliam  Cecill, 
 2i)f/i  March  1 ')(J4-5J 
 
 \\'HATSOEVER  I  have  wrote  unto  my  Lord  of  Leicester,  I 
 <loul>t  not  but  your  Honour  is  privy  thereunto,  and  there- 
 fore to  write  tlie  same  airain  should  be  double  pains.  Of 
 this  (^uceirs  answer,  and  how  the  matter  was  taken  that  I 
 broke  last  with  her  Grace  touching  the  Queen's  Majestie''8 
 rt'solutiun,  I  have  written  to  his  Lordship  ;  and  because 
 there  are  diverse  other  things  here  which  1  desire  should 
 rome  to  your  Honour's  knowledge,  which  put  me  in  great 
 doubt  that  either  troubles  shall  arise  among  themselves,  or 
 -omc  unkindness  grow  between  the  Queen's  Majestic  and 
 lier  wellwillers  here,  I  thought  good  to  put  that  in  a  letter 
 to  yourself,  to  be  consitlered  of  as  you  Hntl  just  cause. 
 
 *'  I  hear  daily  so  many  and  grievous  complaints  of  the 
 state  and  government  of  this  country,  that  either  there  is 
 great  lack  of  wisdom  in  these  that  have  the  chief  charge  to 
 direct  all  things  as  they  ought  to  be,  or  great  fault  in  the 
 subjects,  that  through  their  disobedience,  no  good  order  (be 
 it  never  so  well  devised)  can  be  observed.  What  troubles 
 have  arisen  in  this  country  for  religion  your  Honour  knoweth. 
 All  things  are  now  grown  into  such  a  liberty,  and  her  Grace 
 taken  unto  herself  such  a  will  to  do  therein  what  she  lists, 
 t  hat  of  late,  contrary  to  her  own  ordonanccs,  as  great  numbers 
 have  repaired  to  her  chappel  to  hear  mass,  as  sometimes 
 <ome  to  the  common  church  to  hear  sermon.  To  have  her 
 mind  alter'd  for  this  freedom,  she  desireth  to  have  all  men 
 live  as  they  list;  she  can  hardly  be  brought,  and  thinketh 
 It  too  great  a  subjection  for  her  being  a  Prince  in  her  own 
 <'»untry,  to  have  her  will  broken  therein.  The  subjects  that 
 (h.'sire  to  live  in  the  true  worsliip  and  fear  of  (iod  otter  rather 
 their  lives  again  to  be  sacrificed,  than  that  thoy  would  suHer 
 again  such  an  abomination,  yea,  almost  permit  herself  to 
 enjoy  the  mass,  which  is  now  more  plainly  and  openly  spoken 
 n^inst  by  tlie  preachers  than  ever  was  the  l*ope  of  Kome. 
 riuM  kindlrth   in   lur  a  desirr   to  revenge,  and  lirrcdctli   in 
 
 •  CaliK.  BLookJ  X.  an  Oritonul.- LBritUh  .Mubouin.-  r..| 
 
1564-5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  2G9 
 
 others  a  liberty  to  speak,  and  a  will  to  attempt  to  mend  that 
 by  force,  which  by  no  other  means  they  can  get  reformed. 
 What  may  this  grow  unto,  except  some  speedy  help  be  put 
 unto  it,  T  leave  your  Honour  to  think.  For  myself,  I  would 
 I  were  far  enough  from  the  sight  of  it.  (There  were)  two 
 notable  blasphemies  against  God,  yet  not  worthily  punished, 
 though  somewhat  with  difficulty  enough  to  have  the  doers 
 committed  to  prison.  A  schoolmaster  at  Haddingtoun  made 
 a  play  to  exercise  his  scholars  against  the  ministers,  and 
 baptised  a  cat  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  the  Son,  &c.  One 
 of  the  Queen's  chappel,  a  singing  man,  said,  that  he  believed 
 as  well  a  tale  of  Robin  Hood  as  any  word  is  written  in  the 
 Old  Testament  or  the  New.^  Her  own  mass,  and  the  resort 
 unto  it ;  such  blasphemies  as  these  unpunished  ;  her  will  to 
 continue  Papistry,  and  her  desire  to  have  all  men  live  as  they 
 list,  so  offendeth  the  godly  men's  consciences,^  and  so  many 
 besides  that  desire  alteration,  that  it  is  continually  feared 
 that  these  matters  will  shortly  break  out  to  some  greater 
 mischief.  By  the  way  I  will  tell  your  Honour  a  merry  tale, 
 but  very  true,  which  commonly  talcs  are  not.  There  is  one 
 that  attendeth  upon  this  Court  called  ]Moffet,  who  commonly 
 once  in  three  years  entreth  into  a  phrenzy.  Within  these 
 twenty  days  his  passion  taketh  him  with  such  an  imagination 
 
 ^  Mr  Knox  relates  the  same  story,  but  with  this  adjection,  viz. — "  Except 
 it  were  confirmed  hy  the  Doctors  of  the  Clmrchr  Which  adjection,  how- 
 ever, makes  a  considerable  alteration  ;  tliough  it  was  still  a  very  rash  and 
 imprudent  manner  of  talking-,  since  it  is  probable  the  man  (whose  name 
 was  Alexander  Stephan)  meant  no  more  than  that  the  Scripture  is  believed 
 to  be  the  Word  of  God  upon  external  evidence  only — a  position  which 
 has  been  held  by  a  great  many  both  good  and  learned  men. — [Knox's 
 version  of  this  story  is  worth  inserting  by  way  of  contrast  : — "  During  the 
 Queen's  absence  the  Papists  of  Edinbnrgli  went  down  to  the  Chappel  to 
 heir  Mess,  and  seeing  there  was  no  punischment,  they  waxit  more  bold. 
 Some  of  them,  thinking  thereby  to  pleiso  the  Queue,  upoun  a  certane 
 Sunday  in  February  they  made  an  Even-Song  of  tlieir  awn,  settinj^  two 
 priests  on  the  one  syde  of  the  Quene,  and  one  or  two  on  the  other  syde, 
 with  Sandy  Stevin,  menstrall  (baptizing  their  children,  and  makings 
 marriages),  who,  within  eight  days  after  was  convinced  [convicted]  of 
 blasphemy,  alleging  that  he  '  would  give  no  more  credit  to  the  New 
 Testament  than  to  a  tale  of  Robin  Ilood,  except  it  were  confirmed  by  the 
 Doctours  of  the  Church.'"  Historic,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  3G8.  The 
 observation  of  "  Sandy  Stevin,  menstrall,"  was  very  irreverent,  but  it 
 must  be  admitted  that  the  qnallfication  was  of  some  importance. — E.] 
 
 2  And  yet  these  f/odfy  men  begged  only  that  liberty  some  few  years 
 ago.     Some  of  them  were  vnr/odh/  enough. 
 
270  THE   IIISTuKY  OF  TIIK  AMAIK-  [  lofU-f). 
 
 tliat  ho  is  ilic  (Queen's  hu8han<l.  A  great  Protestant  he  is, 
 and  very  godly  when  ho  is  in  his  wits  :  He  came  one  day 
 into  the  (^noon's  ohappol,  and  finding  the  priest  at  mass, 
 drow  out  his  sword,  drove  tho  priest  from  the  altar  into  the 
 vestry,  broke  tho  chalice,  and  threw  and  pulled  to  pieces  all 
 tho  robes  and  roli<|Uos;  cross,  candlesticks,  and  all  that  was 
 thoro,  wore  cut  ancl  broken.  The  mass-sayer  was  the  Doctor 
 of  Sorbon,  and  at  tho  hearing  of  it  was  the  Queen's  physician, 
 and  (as  ho  saith  himself)  never  in  greater  fear  of  his  life,  and 
 iiid  himself  behind  the  tapestry  untill  this  execution  of  this 
 mass-god  was  past.  This  doth  as  much  anger  the  Queen, 
 as  it  <loth  please  many  others,  to  have  her  sacred  place  thus 
 disturbed. 
 
 "  These  often  debates,  these  common  controversies  between 
 her  Nobles,  must  needs  brin":  erreat  disliking; ;  and  so  often 
 ren«\v«'d,  yea,  almost  daily,  to  her  Grace's  grief  to  hear  of 
 tin  III,  nuist  needs  grow  to  a  mischief,  and  as  they  say, 
 crumperc  in  nervu/n.  Above  all  the  rest  this  is  that  is  feared 
 (that  will  be  the  breach  of  all  good  accord  and  quietness  of 
 this  estate,  though  the  rest  be  born  with),  that  is,  if  she 
 match  herself  with  a  Pai)ist,  by  whom  she  may  be  fortified 
 to  h(  r  intent.  Of  this  point  there  is  no  small  care  taken, 
 nd  nmch  doubt  risen  what  shall  become  of  tliose  who  in 
 times  j)ast  have  so  far  attempted  as  to  establish  here 
 churches,  &c.  without  her  consent.  Sometime  they  take 
 advice  to  bo  suitor  unto  the  Queen's  (of  England)  Majestie, 
 that  she  will  be  so  careful  of  this  estate,  and  with  those  that 
 with  all  reverence  and  humble  sort  are  ready  to  servo  her, 
 and  obey  her  next  unto  their  own  soveraign,  that  she  will 
 so  work  and  travel,  yea,  and  so  provide  for  her  in  marriage, 
 that  they  may  be  void  in  that  care  which  now  tlu^y  do  doubt, 
 which  they  think  can  be  no  way  so  well,  as  if  th(\se  matters 
 that  have  been  so  long  in  consultation  took  efleet,  as  to 
 match  her  with  my  Lord  of  Leicester,  being  himself  a 
 Protestant,  should  easily  enough  bring  her  to  be  of  the  same 
 n-ligion,  or,  at  tho  least,  cause  her  deal  more  moderately  in 
 those  matters  than  yet  she  doth.  If  this  take  not  oHect, 
 wlununto  nhe  is  now  meetly  well  inclined,  assuredly,  whom- 
 -oovor  she  doth  marry,  it  shall  bo  greatly  to  their  discontent- 
 inont  ;  besides  other  things  that  are  to  be  doubted  of  the 
 niconvcniincies  that  may  arise  botwoon  the  two  Koalms.  as 
 
1504-5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  271 
 
 if  she  either  ally  herself  with  France  again,  or  match  with 
 Spain,  whereof  what  likelihood  there  is,  or  how  she  is  able 
 to  bring  it  to  pass,  your  Honour  may  know  much  more  than 
 I.  But  to  what  end  this  journey  of  my  Lord  of  Lidington 
 is  to  the  Cardinal, 1  and  what  devices  are  between  Grandville 
 and  him,  I  know  no  further  than  what  I  wrote  in  my  last 
 letter.  One  thing  I  must  also  say,  that  men  here  that  either 
 love  the  commonwealth,  or  know  what  benefit  it  is  to  live  in 
 peace,  think  this  country  happy,  if  they  may  get  (as  they 
 call  him  still  here)  my  Lord  Robert.^ 
 
 "  I  have  over  long  held  your  Honour  in  one  purpose, 
 having  so  many  matters  to  write,  which  I  will  lay  before 
 your  Honour's  eyes  as  plainly  and  truly  as  I  can,  and  leave 
 the  judgment  to  yourself;  for  further  is  not  my  part  to 
 wade. 
 
 "  I  have  been  always  of  opinion,  that  my  Lord  Lenox's 
 coming  into  this  country  might  do  more  hurt  than  good, 
 wherein  I  never  had  so  much  respect  unto  himself,  or  any 
 other  man  here,  as  I  did  what  these  men  should  judge  of 
 my  soveraign  ;  or  whether  it  might  be  an  occasion  of  altering 
 diverse  men's  affections  towards  her  Majestie,^  who  was,  and 
 yet  is  accounted  a  protector  and  defender  of  the  godly  of 
 this  Realm,  and  in  whom  they  had  always  such  trust  and 
 hope,  that  as  she  hath  delivered  them  out  of  their  enemies' 
 hands,  so  would  she  have  a  continual  care  over  them,  and 
 keep  off  from  them  such  inconveniencies  as  may  fall  upon 
 them.  ^ly  Lord  of  Lenox  is  come  home,  restored  and 
 established  in  his  lands,  in  place  and  credit  with  the  Queen, 
 an  instrument,  and  ready  to  serve  her  against  any,  especially 
 those  whom  she  most  disliketh.  To  this  end  he  fortifieth 
 himself;  he  joineth  with  these  in  most  strict  familiarity 
 that  are  noted  greatest   enemies  to  all  vertue,  as  Athole 
 
 ^  This  confirms  Mr  Knox's  account  of  the  Secretary's  message  into 
 France. — [Our  Historian  is  here  in  error  as  it  respects  Maitland  of 
 Lethington's  "  message  into  France."  Knox  (Ilistorie,  Edin.  edit.}).  3(59) 
 expressly  mentions  that  he  was  ordered  to  "  pass  to  the  Queue  of 
 England,"  and  our  Historian  himself  previously  acknowledges  that  he 
 went  "  no  farther  than  England." — E.] 
 
 '■^  [Dudley,  Earl  of  Leicester. — E.J 
 
 ^  Is  not  this  a  plain  insinuation  that  his  mistress  has  had  a  liand  in 
 sending  Lenox  into  Scotland  i 
 
'Jt'2  THE   HISTORY  nV  THK   AriAIIlS  flo()4-.5. 
 
 ami  Caithness, 1  I^.irls  ;  liutlivcn-  and  llinnc,  Lords;  tlic 
 Lord  RobtTt,  vain  and  nothiiifi:  worth, "^  a  man  full  of  all 
 evil,  the  wholo  j^uidcr  and  ruler  of  my  Lord  Darnly.  These 
 things  bein;r  spied  and  noted  unto  the  world,  it  is  easy 
 to  sec  whrreunto  they  are  bent  that  in  their  hearts  aro 
 enemies  to  the  truth,  and  drsire  nothing  so  mueh  as  the 
 subversion  of  those  that  have  been  maintainers  of  the 
 same ;  as  in  speeial  the  Duke,  the  Earls  Moray  and  Argile, 
 who,  now  perceiving  tln.ir  intents,  seek,  by  the  best  means 
 that  they  can,  to  prevent  the  same.  'J'heir  chief  trust  next 
 unto  God  is  the  Queen''8  Majestie,  whom  they  will  repose 
 themselves  upon,  uot  leaving  in  the  mean  season  to  provide 
 f<»r  themselves  the  V)est  they  can.^  My  Lord  Argile  has  taken 
 into  his  defence  in  all  his  just  actions  the  Earl  of  Mont- 
 gomery', alias  Eglintoun,  and  iutendeth  to  make  a  marriage 
 between  the  l^arl  of  Cassils  and  the  Duke's  dau'diter :  or  if 
 that  cannot  be,  between  liim  and  the  Countess  of  Crawford 
 his  near  kinswoman,-''  and  the  greatest  marriage  in  Scotland. 
 To  both  thes<'  l']arls,  my  Lord  of  Lenox  hath  actions,  who 
 being  now  thus  joiuM  in  friendship,  shall  be  able  enough 
 to  defend  themselves,  or,  if  he  intend  any  tiling  bv  wav  of 
 dee<l,  shall  be  able  enough  to  debate  their  «piaiTels  ;  alwavs 
 they  are  loth  to  come  to  this,  and  are  sorrv  that  anv  such 
 
 '   IC;for;;o  Sinclair,  fourtli  I'.arl  of  Caithness.— K.] 
 
 '  Yet  this  lA>rd  was  a  f^eat  reformer  of  the  vices  at  ("uurt  uIkmi  lie 
 butchered  Hiccio. 
 
 '  I  Lord  Itohert  Stewart,  Prior  or  C'onnnendator  of  IIoljToodhouse, 
 afterwards  I'jirl  of  Orkney,  illeij^itinijite  son  of  .lames  A',  by  laiphemia, 
 danjfhter  of  Lord  Elphinstone.—  K.  j 
 
 *  Here  the  Association  is  a  formini,',  which  afterwards  broke  out  into 
 op<>n  relxdlion.— I  Tatrick  third  Lord  Kuthven,  fal her  of  the  first  Marl  of 
 Gowrie. —  K.] 
 
 •  lit  is  difticult  to  ascertain  who  this  lady  was,  for  it  appears  that 
 tliere  was  no  ('oun(rs»  of  Cnnrford  at  the  tinu",  imless  Mari;aret,  danijhter 
 of  Cardinal  IJ<'aton,  who  married,  in  L')4<>,  David  ninth  Karl  of  Crawford, 
 wa«  nlivj*,  and  it  \h  not  likely  that  she  would  in  1.%'4-.')  be  a  suitable  match 
 in  |M»int  of  years  for  a  younj;  Nobleman,  even  thouj^di  she  had  been  a 
 wid«>w,  which  wjis  not  the  case,  f«)r  her  husband  tlu'  IjuI  was  alive  in 
 L'>73.  'I'hi' nuirria;;e  of  the  llarl  of  Cassillis  to  the  <lau;;htor  of  the  Duke 
 of  CimtrllH'rnult  did  not,  however,  taki*  plact',  notwithstanding;  the  nuitch- 
 '  akin;;  projrcts  c»f  the  Karl  of  Ar/^yll,  assistt-d  by  his  new  ally  the  Karl  of 
 K^linton  ;  for  CaKsilliN  nuirrie<l  Marpiret  Lyon,  oidy  ilau^diter  of  .I<»hn 
 ninth   lx>rd  (;ianimis.  -i:.| 
 
15G4-5.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  SCOTLAND.  273 
 
 guest  is  suffered  to  come  amongst  them,  that  may  give 
 occasion  to  enter  into  such  terms  as  now  they  are  forced 
 unto.  It  is  now  found  by  the  wisest  among  them,  how 
 great  an  oversight  it  was  in  them  to  give  their  advices  to 
 let  him  come  home,  and  because  it  was  much  easier  to 
 have  been  stay\l  by  the  Queen's  Majestic,  than  to  be 
 withstood  here,  when  this  Queen's  affection  towards  his 
 return  was  known.  They  are  sorry  that  her  ^Majestic  did 
 so  much  yield  unto  her  will  to  let  him  come,  who  may  and 
 is  like  enough  to  be  the  occasion  of  so  great  troubles.  Of 
 my  Lord  Darnly  they  have  this  opinion,  that  in  wisdom  he 
 doth  not  much  differ  from  his  father.  The  honour,  counte- 
 nance, and  entertainment  that  he  hath  had  here,  maketh 
 him  think  no  little  thing  of  himself.  Some  perswade  him 
 that  there  is  no  less  good  will  born  unto  him  by  many  of 
 this  nation,  than  that  they  think  him  a  fit  party  for  such  a 
 Queen.  How  easily  a  young  man  so  born  in  hand,  daily  in 
 presence,  well  used,  continually  in  company  either  of  the 
 best  or  next  about  her,  may  be  induced,  either  by  himself 
 to  attempt,  or  by  perswasions  of  others  to  imagine,  I  leave 
 it  to  the  judgment  of  others.  Of  this  Queen  s  mind  hitherto 
 towards  him  I  am  void  of  suspicion  ;i  but  what  affection 
 may  be  stir'd  up  in  her,  or  whether  she  will  be  at  any  time 
 mov'd  that  way,  seeing  she  is  a  woman,  and  in  all  things 
 desireth  to  have  her  will,  I  cannot  say.  This  is  also  needful 
 for  your  Honour  to  understand,  that  this  Queen  hath 
 conceived  displeasure  towards  my  Lord  of  Argile.  Her 
 hatred  is  still  mortal  towards  the  Duke,  which  lately  burst 
 out  in  over  many  words,  and  in  too  many  men's  hearing. 
 He  thinketh  himself  in  evil  case  :  I  find  him  more  pitied, 
 and  better  beloved  than  ever  he  was."^  He  keepeth  con- 
 tinually at  home  ;  few  of  his  name  repair  to  the  Court ; 
 they  seek  all  quietly  to  live,  and  through  innocency,  or 
 not-offence  of  late,  to  avoid  all  dangers  that  are  intended, 
 or  what  mischief  soever  shall  be  practised  against  them, 
 whereof  they  do  most  assure  themselves,  if  this  Queen  do 
 marry  any  other  than  my  Lord  of  Leicester,  but  especially 
 
 1  ;Mr  Randolph  seems  to  have  been  duped  here  by  our  Queen.     Other 
 people  remarked  her  aflfection  rise  very  quickly  towards  this  young  Lord. 
 
 2  By  ]Moray  no  doubt  and  ])is  associates,  who  wanted  only  to  serve  a 
 present  turn  of  his  Grace. 
 
 VOL.  II.  18 
 
'JJ  {  Till:  m^Tuuv  OF  Tui:  afkaiks  [150*4-5. 
 
 if  she  shall  tako  my  Lonl  Danily.  This  putteth  no  small 
 Irar  uls<»  ainoii^'  the  I)oiiL,'lassos,  for  what  cause  your 
 Honour  knowetli  :^  With  diverse  of  them  of  late  I  have 
 had  some  talk  ;  1  maintain  them  in  good  hope  the  best  I 
 can,  that  thnv  is  no  danger  that  way.  From  the  Duke  I 
 have  received  this  message,  that  ho  cannot  bo  without  fear 
 of  the  overthrow  of  his  House,  if  the  Lord  Darnly  marry  tho 
 Quetn.  As  he  hath  hitherto  shew\l  himself  friend  and 
 servant  unto  the  Queen's  Majestic,  and  ho  hopeth  not  a 
 littli^  but  he  shall  always  have  occasion  to  serve  and  honour 
 her  during  his  life,  and  makes  his  whole  life  bound  unto 
 her  for  ever  ;  he  did  put  me  in  remembrance  of  a  letter 
 written  unto  him  by  the  (^ueen  a  little  before  his  soveraign^s 
 home-coming,  assuring  him  of  her  Majestie\s  favour  and 
 support  if  any  thing  should  be  unjustly  attempted  against 
 him,  he  doing  his  duty  to  his  soveraign.  He  will,  therefore, 
 repose  himself  wholely  upon  the  (Jueen's  Majestic,  and 
 desireth  her  Highness  to  have  her  care  over  him,  as  one 
 willing  to  serve  her,  and  may  hereafter  be  able  to  be  a 
 friend  at  conmiandment.'-  Of  this  message  was  my  Lord 
 (Gavin  Hamilton,  Abbot)  of  Kilwinning  messenger,  and  the 
 same  again  confirmed  by  my  Lord  of  Argile,  who  for  his 
 own  part  offereth  all  service  that  lyeth  in  his  power,  and  of 
 whom  I  have  received  the  effect  of  that  which  I  have  written 
 in  my  whole  letter.  These  things  I  doubt  not  shall  be 
 weighed  and  considered  by  your  Honour. 
 
 "  To  hell)  all  these  unhaps,  I  doubt  not  but  you  will  take 
 tho  best  way  ;  and  this  I  can  assure,  that  contrary  to  my 
 soveraign's  will  let  them  attempt,  let  them  seek,  or  let  them 
 8en<l  to  all  the  Cardinals,  or  devils  in  hell,  it  shall  pass  their 
 power  to  bring  any  thing  to  pass  :^  so  that  that  be  not 
 refusM  her  that  in  reason  ought  to  content  her.  How  long 
 tho  kindness  will  stand  between  my  Lord  of  Moray  and  Ijord 
 of  Lenox,  your  Honour  may  judge  by  this,  that  my  Lord  of 
 liCnox  hath  joinM  himself  with  those  whom  my  Lord  of 
 Moray  thinketh   worst   of  in    Scotland  ;   wliat    npinion    the 
 
 '  By  rfuw)ii  of  thf  just  chiiin  thoCountt'ss  <»f  Lt'iiox  luul  t«>  tho  ICarldom 
 of  Anji^iM. 
 
 '  llml  this  noble  Vovr  <l«'ult  less  with  the  (^m  on  of  Kn^'Umtl,  ho  ha»l 
 n»a<le  ti  Inttor  ti^nin'  in  Sr(»thind. 
 
 '  (Hftinlolph  i.H  hen*  iH'cnliarly  valinnt.  II. •  know  woll  tho  irrcMistiblc 
 influonoo  of  Kn^^'lish  jjohl.  — K.) 
 
150o.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  275 
 
 young  Lord  hath  conceived  of  him,  that  lately  talking  with 
 Lord  Robert,  who  shewed  him  in  the  Scottish  map  what 
 lands  my  Lord  of  jMoray  had,  and  in  what  bounds,  the  Lord 
 Darnly  said  that  it  was  too  much.  This  came  to  my  Lord 
 of  ^loray's  ears,  and  so  to  the  Queen,  who  advised  my  Lord 
 Darnly  to  excuse  himself  to  my  Lord  of  ^loray.^ 
 
 "  Though  these  be  no  matters  to  make  or  take  quarrels 
 for,  yet  these  suspicions,  doubts,  and  heart-burnings  between 
 these  Noblemen  may  break  out  to  great  inconveniencies. 
 And  for  my  own  particular,  I  would  not  greatly  care  (though 
 this  be  unadvisedly  spoken,  for  I  know  there  is  of  many  of 
 these  much  good  will  born  unto  me)  which  end  were  for- 
 ward,2  so  that  the  Queen's  Majestic  may  ever  be  thought  of, 
 and  repaired  to,  to  be  a  patron  and  friend  to  this  nation,  as 
 
 presently  she  is. Most  humbly  I  take  my  leave.     At 
 
 Edinburgh  the  20th  of  March  15G4. 
 
 "  Your  Honour's  bounden  ever  at  command, 
 
 "  Tho.  Randolphe." 
 
 Upon  the  arrival  of  the  Scottish  Secretary  at  London,^ 
 his  commission  was  laid  before  the  Privy-Council  of  that 
 Kingdom,  wherein  several  vigorous  resolutions  were  taken 
 to  impede  our  Queen's  marriage  with  the  Lord  Darnly,  as 
 may  be  seen  in  Oambden  and  Knox.^  However,  the  following 
 original  Papers  will  let  us  in  to  a  more  circumstantiate  view 
 of  some  succeeding  events,  than  what  the  private  writers 
 have  related  ;  as  likewise  into  the  knowledge  of  others 
 which  they  have  either  omitted,  or  had  not  the  opportunity 
 themselves  to  know. 
 
 ^  [Darnley's  conduct  at  this  period,  after  his  favourable  reception  by 
 the  Queen,  was  a  prelude  to  his  future  rashness  and  misfortunes.  Moray 
 was  a  dangerous  enemy,  and  Darnley's  observation  that  liis  property  was 
 too  extensive  would  not  soon  be  forgotten.  Darnley  became  the  tool  of  a 
 faction  at  this  early  stage,  and  his  father  Lennox  connected  himself  with 
 those  whom  j\[oray  hated  and  despised.  Though  Lennox  at  his  arrival 
 neglected  INIoray,  an  apparent  reconciliation  had  been  effected  between 
 them  ;  but  the  sagacious  Randolph  saw  that  it  would  be  of  no  long 
 continuance. — E.] 
 
 ^  This  gentleman  will  easily  obtain  credit  in  tliis.  lie  was  indeed  a 
 complete  tool  for  his  mistress's  evil  purposes. 
 
 ■^  He  arrived  at  Westminster  the  18th  April. 
 
 ^  [Camden's  History  and  Annals  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  4to.  London, 
 1625,  p.  117,  118;  Knox's  Historic,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  3()9.  See  also 
 Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  Edin.  1842,  vol.  vi.  p.  324,  338,  3.39.— E.J 
 
27<j  Tin:  history  of  the  affairs  [1505. 
 
 J   h'ferminatiun  of  the  Privy-Council  of  Enfjland  upon  the 
 Mnrriane  for  the  Queen  of  Scots,  ^st  May  15G5.1 
 
 "  TilK  (^ueon  s  Majestic  having  understood  from  her  good 
 Histor  the  (^ueen  of  Scots,  by  lier  principal  Secretary  the 
 L.  of  Lidington,  that  the  Queen  his  mistress  continuing  in 
 her  former  intention  to  re(|uire  the  advice  of  the  (Queen's 
 Majestic  in  her  marriage ;  and  having  for  her  sake,  as  he 
 saith,  foreborn  to  hearken  to  the  matching  with  any  foreign 
 I'rincc,  hath  tliouLrht  meet  to  send  him  hither  to  understand 
 her  Majestie's  mind  in  a  matter  movM  to  the  (^ueen  his 
 mistress,  for  a  marriage  with  the  Lord  Darnly,  what  her 
 Majestic  liketh  thereof;  and  furtlier,  to  let  her  Majestic 
 understand,  that  if  the  (Jueen  his  mistress  may  have  her 
 Majestie's  good  will  and  assent  thereto,  she  could  incline 
 herself  to  the  same,  Hennipon,  although  her  Majestic  at 
 the  first  found  this  matter  very  strange  and  unlikely  on  the 
 part,  as  well  of  her  sister,  as  on  the  part  of  the  parents  of 
 the  Lord  Darnly  himself,  being  her  Majestie's  subjects,^ 
 and  so  much  bound  to  her  and  the  Crown  of  England,  as 
 none  could  be  more  :  Yet  her  Majestic  thought  it  very  fit 
 to  conununirate  this  message  to  her  Privy-Council,  and  to 
 understand  their  advices  in  the  same  ;  and  to  this  intent, 
 the  Counsellers  whose  names  be  underwritten  were  made 
 privy  to  the  message  above  mentioned,  and  to  all  other 
 circinnstances  thereunto  conveniently  belonging. 
 
 ''  And  after  sundry  conferences  and  long  deliberations, 
 and  many  arguments  among  themselves,  they  all  with  one 
 assent  and  judgment  thought  tliis  marriage  of  my  L.  Darnly, 
 being  attended  with  sueli  circumstances  as  therein  do 
 appear  to  be  unmeet,  un}>n)Htable,  and  directly  prejudicial 
 to  the  sincere  amity  between  both  the  (Queens,  and  conse- 
 «ju<ntly  pcriijous  to  the  continuance  of  the  mutual  good, 
 concord,  and  tran<juillity  that  at  pn»sent  is  known  to  be,  and 
 were  to  be  earnestly  desired  on  both  ])arts  to  be  made 
 perpetual  betwixt  both  the  Ilcalms ;  and  therefore  the  said 
 Counsellers  did  for  further  advic««  therein  thiidv  meet  that  if 
 
 '  Cali^'.  Hfo<.k|  X.  II  ((.py. —  I  British  Musruni.-K.] 
 
 '  Thry  mijjht  lie  callcil  in  truth  Hul>jtfts  of  thi*  Crown  of  Kn;;lan«l,  from 
 •  he  tiniu  that  Mntthrw  i:arl  «.f  Lonox  .surrondtrt'd  himself  to  Kinfi;  llt»nry 
 VIII.  of  that  kingiloni. 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  277 
 
 the  proceeding  in  this  intended  marriage  with  the  L. 
 Darnly  should  depend  upon  the  Queen's  Majestie's  assent, 
 she  should  do  well  not  to  accord  thereunto,  but  according 
 to  the  procession  of  the  sincere  amity  that  is  betwixt  their 
 Majesties,  and  in  respect  of  the  continuance  of  the  common 
 tranquillity,  should  move  her  to  forbear  from  this,  as  a  thing 
 plainly  prejudicial  to  them  both,  and  consequently  dangerous 
 to  the  weal  of  both  their  countries,^  and  offer  unto  her  an 
 free  election  of  any  other  of  the  Nobility,  either  in  this  whole 
 Kealm  or  Isle,  or  in  any  other  place,  being  suitable  to  her 
 place,  and  agreeable  to  both  the  llealms  ;2  and  therein  also 
 for  her  satisfaction,  to  yield  unto  her  as  much  friendship  and 
 benefit,  as  upon  further  conference  might  be  devised  to  be  ; 
 first,  as  honourable  as  this  is  that  is  intended  ;  and  secondly, 
 more  commodious  to  both  the  Princes,  and  more  profitable 
 and  plausible  to  the  Nobility  and  common  people  of  both 
 the  Realms. 
 
 "  Wherein  the  said  Counsellors  (thinking  the  like  of  the 
 rest  of  the  Nobility  and  sage  men  of  the  Realm)  did  for 
 their  parts,  according  to  their  most  bounden  duties,  humbly 
 offer  unto  her  Majestic,  that  whatsoever  should  seem  meet, 
 and  w^ould  be  advised  for  the  Queen  of  Scots,  with  some 
 other  meeter  marriage,  being  agreeable  to  the  honour  of 
 God,  and  justice,  and  convenient,  to  maintain  the  concord 
 and  amity  already  begun  between  the  two  Realms,  the  same 
 should  be  allowed  with  their  advices,  and  furthered  with 
 their  services  at  all  times,  when  her  Majestic  should  com- 
 mand them,  according  to  their  most  humble  and  loyal 
 duties  :  whereupon  they  do  firmly  trust,  that  if  the  matter 
 may  be  firmly  thought  upon  and  considered  by  wise  and 
 good  men  on  both  parts,  good  success  may  ensue,  to 
 the  honour  and  comfort  of  both  the  Princes,  and  to  the 
 
 ^  It  is  a  pity  this  wise  Council  had  not  condescended  on  some  particular 
 prejudices  and  dangers  this  marriaL,'c  miirht  bring  to  the  two  Queens  and 
 their  Realms.  However,  though  it  were  no  difficult  matter  to  apprehend 
 some  of  them,  yet  the  readers  will  see  in  the  Ai)pendix,  Number  VI.,  a 
 more  authentick  account  of  these  drawn  out  by  Sir  William  Cecil. 
 
 2  In  other  words,  either  to  have  no  husband  at  all,  or  to  have  a  certain 
 person  imposed.  One  of  which  was  no  doubt  the  chief  and  sole  view  of 
 the  Queen  and  Ministry  of  England.  "  Tiie  sharj)est  thorn,"  says  Cas- 
 telnau,  "  that  ever  the  Queen  of  England  dreaded,  Mas  a  potent  alliance 
 to  be  made  by  the  Queen  of  Scots." 
 
'JJH  TIIK   IIISTOUy  OF  TlIK  AFFAIRS  [1505. 
 
 cstablisliiii^  <><  a  ixTpctual  concord,  peace,  and  traiKjuillity 
 betwixt  tlio  two  nations.^  Pruno  Mtiij  15(35,  Anno  se/jthno 
 EUzabethw  RegincB. 
 
 *'  WiNciiKSTKR.     E.  Rogers.  Ry.  Cakehyle. 
 
 NOUTIIFOLK.  F.   K. NOMA'S.  El) WARD  DeRBY. 
 
 Pemhroke.        William  Petres.     W.  Howard. 
 E.  Clyntox.      John  Masone.  W.  Cecill.'' 
 
 At  the  end  of  this  determination,  the  following  note  is 
 set  down  by  Sir  R.  Cotton,  viz. — ''  This  is  the  copy  of  the 
 Paper  delivered  to  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton." 
 
 Upon  the  breaking  up  of  this  Council,  the  Queen  of 
 MuE^land  lost  no  time,  but  gave  immediately  orders  to  Sir 
 Nicholas  Throckmorton  to  repair  into  Scotland,  and  com- 
 mune with  our  (^ueen  concerning  her  intended  marriage. 
 The  contents  of  that  gentleman's  Instructions,  and  the 
 Answers  he  received,  will  best  ai>pear  by  what  follows. 
 
 Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  to  the  Queen  of  England,  concerning 
 his  Negotiation  with  the  Queen  of  Scots,  2\st  May  15G5.- 
 
 "  May  it  please  your  Majestic  to  understand,  that  by  my 
 former  letters  of  this  instant  from  Berwick  to  the  Earl  of 
 Leicester  and  Mr  Secretary,  you  might  perceive  such  intelli- 
 gence as  I  had  received,  both  from  Mr  Randolph,  your 
 Majestic's  agent  in  this  country,  as  also  otherw  ise  concerning 
 the  forwardness  of  this  (Queen's  affection  in  the  matter  of 
 her  marriage,  as  also  of  such  former  honours  as  were  in- 
 tended by  the  said  Queen  to  be  conferred  on  the  Lord  Darnly. 
 Since  which  time,  accompanied  with  the  L.  of  Lidington,^  I 
 passed  from  Rerwick  to  the  castle  of  Dunbar,  the  1-th  of 
 May,  and  lodged  there  that  night,  where  I  found  the  L. 
 rrordon,  eldest  son  to  the  Earl  of  Ihmtly,  a  condenmed  man 
 
 '  What  Mr  ('uiikIcm  writes  concerning  militari/  force  resolved  upon 
 about  this  time  will  appear  to  have  been  true  enouLrh  by  subseijuent 
 orijfinal  l*ap«'rs,         '■'  t'lilig.  li[ookl  X.  a  Copy. — (British  .Museum. — E.j 
 
 •  IJy  ubhtractH  of  Letters  out  of  Scotland,  ^c.  written  by  Secretary 
 CeciI'M  own  hand,  it  appears  that  Sir  NichoIa.s  and  the  Scot.s  Secretary 
 <-aine  in  company  together  from  I^>ndon.  These  abstracts  are  continu»>«l 
 from  the  IHth  of  Ndvemlwr  l.'^Jt,  till  the  IJUh  Scpteniber  15<)T),  and  shall 
 Im«  entirely  iu.H4>rte<l  in  the  Appenilix  ;  and  therefore  to  s;ivc  tin'  trouble 
 of  making  continual  notes  an<l  observations,  1  would  wish  my  renders  to 
 liwl  thofM*  along  with  this  part  «.f  our  history,  and  to  adjust  the  one  by 
 •be  other. 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  279 
 
 for  high  trecason  :  there  the  L.  of  Lidington  made  me  a  very 
 good  supper.  The  next  day  we  arrived  together  at  Edin- 
 burgh, where  I  did  communicate  with  ^Ir  Randolph  your 
 Majestie's  Instructions  given  unto  me  for  this  legation: 
 There  the  L.  of  Lidington  received  a  new  commandment  to 
 seek  and  use  some  means  to  stay  me  at  Edinburgh,  three  or 
 four  days,  alledging  the  Queen's  infirmity  at  that  present, 
 and  also  that  no  order  was  as  then  given  for  my  lodging  at 
 Stirling.  Nevertheless  the  said  L.  of  Lidington  departed  in 
 great  diligence  towards  Stirling,  and  left  me  at  Edinburgh, 
 making  me  privy  to  his  charge,  and  remitting  me  to  my  own 
 liking ;  where  I  learned  by  the  means  of  Mv  Randolph,  that 
 this  Queen  intended  to  make  the  L.  Darnly  Knight  and 
 Baron,  and  also  to  create  him  Earl  of  Ross  the  15th  of 
 IVLay,  and  the  IGth  to  create  him  Duke  of  Albany.  The 
 collation  of  all  which  honours  her  mind  was  should  be  past 
 and  accompHshed  before  my  arrival  at  her  Court.  Where- 
 upon the  14th  I  departed  from  Edinburgh  to  Linlithgow, 
 and  lodged  there  that  night.  The  15th  I  arrived  in  the 
 morning  at  Stirling,  and  descended  from  my  horse  at  the 
 Castle  gate,  having  sent  before  my  cousin  Middlemore,  your 
 Majestie's  servant,  to  demand  my  audience.  At  my  arrival 
 at  the  Castle  the  gates  were  shut  against  me,  whether  it 
 proceeded  from  fear,  or  of  some  other  passion,  I  know  not. 
 I  thus  remaining  some  time  before  the  gate,  there  came 
 unto  me  the  Master  of  Arskine  and  the  Justice-Clerk,  who 
 desir  d  me,  on  the  Queen  their  mistress's  behalf,  to  retire 
 unto  my  lodging  which  was  appointed  in  the  town,  saying 
 that  after  I  had  reposed  myself  the  Queen  did  mind  to  give 
 me  audience.  I  pressed  to  have  audience  forthwith,  in  as 
 much  as  I  did  understand  the  creations  were  to  take  effect 
 that  day  ;  which  I  thought  meet,  for  your  Majestie's  better 
 service,  to  prevent,  and  to  defer  by  all  the  good  means  I 
 could.  Notwithstanding,  my  request  could  not  be  admitted, 
 and  thereupon  I  departed  to  my  lodging ;  to  which  place, 
 about  two  of  the  clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  Lords  Arskin 
 and  Ruthven  (two  of  the  Queen  s  Privy-Council)  came  unto 
 me,  to  accompany  me  from  thence  unto  the  Queen,  whom  I 
 found  in  the  Castle  accompanied  with  the  Duke  of  Chatel- 
 herault,  the  Earls  of  Argilo,  Moray,!  Morton,  Atliole, 
 1  Mr  BuchiUiau  seems  to  f^av  that  the  Earl  of  Moray  chose  to  beabseJit 
 
280  TIIK  IIISTOIIY  OF  THK  AFKAIIIS  [15G5. 
 
 Glencairdi'ii,  and  Kundrv  other  Earls  and  Barons,  so  as  it 
 appears  tliere  were  absent  very  few  of  the  Nobility  of  this 
 RuahiiJ  1  tlclivircd  your  letter  to  this  Queen,  and  pro- 
 ceeded with  lier  according  to  your  Majestie's  Instructions  ;2 
 and  aft<T  1  had  dccland  unto  her  your  Majestie\s  good 
 acceptation  of  lur  conformity  to  use  your  advice  in  her 
 marriaije,  as  you  did  well  perceive  in  her  ambassador  the 
 L.  of  Li<lington  ;  I  did  set  forth  your  Majestie's  disliking^ 
 and  disallowance  of  her  hasty  proceeding  with  my  Lord 
 barnly,  as  well  for  the  matter  as  for  the  manner,  wherein 
 she  err'd  by  unadvised ness  and  rashness  ;  and  the  said  Lord 
 
 from  this  Coiivciition  ;  ho  says  likewise  that  it  consisted  mostly  of  Coiirt- 
 fuvourites,  but  the  Heji;ister  liere  will  .shew  that  few  rarliaments  have 
 been  so  numerous  in  Nobility. 
 
 '  In  the  abstracts  of  the  Privy-Council  I  find  the  following  one  : — "  I  "> 
 Afaij  l^Cu),  Prejtcntc  Hen^ina :  Stderunt  Dux,  Comites  Morton,  Murray, 
 (jlencaime,  Athole  ;  Domini  Erskine,  Kuthven,  James  >raxwell  de 
 Tcrregleis  ;  S<'cretarius,  Clericus  .Justiciariie,  Re^^istri,  Advocutus,  The- 
 saurarius.  Extraordinarii,  ratione  conventionis,  Comites  Crawford,  Efjlin- 
 ton,  CiuHsils,  Rothes,  Caithness;  J)omini  Home,  Cray,  CJlamis,  IJorth- 
 wick,  Zester,  Flemin;,',  Levinston,  Senii)il,  Ross,  Lindesay,  Lovet,  lioyd, 
 Somerveil;  Ma;,Msterde  (Iraham,  Magister  de  Sinclair."  At  this  Convention 
 Mr  Huchanan  takes  notice,  that  not  one  person  opposed  the  Queen's 
 marriajje,  except  Andrew  Stewart,  Lord  of  Ochiltree  ;  and  yet  in  the 
 al)ove  list,  Lord  Ochiltree  is  not  so  much  as  marked  to  have  been  present. 
 Thus  we  see  the  slender  trust  people  ouirht  to  ji^ive  this  author,  when 
 not  supported  by  better  credentials  than  his  own  bare  and  bold  a.ssertion. 
 Mr  Knox  was  married  on  this  Lord's  sister  ;  and  yet  henuMitions  no  such 
 tlunjf  concerning  him,  though  he  takes  notice  of  this  Convention  pretty 
 largely.  'J'he  list  given  here  by  the  abstract  is  exactly  the  same  with 
 that  copied  out  of  the  Register  by  Mr  Robert  Miln,  with  the  Christian 
 names  of  the  members  at  full  length  ;  only  in  this  copy  are  added, 
 Jiobcrtwi  Commcndatariiut  Sunctm  Crucis,  (jarinii^  Commmdatarius  (/<  Kihci/nin'/^ 
 Andrmg  CommendaUirhis  dc  Jrdtntnjhy  J(t4:obiis  Comnundatarixis  In  uta  Snucti 
 Columbia  J onunrs  Coinmendutarins  de  Bahmnjnoch .  And  Mr  Miln  adjiH.'ts 
 this  NoUt^  viz. — **  'I'his  is  the  first  time  that  Commendators  have  siit  in 
 Council  aftiT  the  Queen's  retiirn  from  France." — 
 
 "  In  which  it  may  be  thought  was  contained  the  determination  of  that 
 Queen's  iVivy-Council,  according  to  Sir  Robert  Cotton's  observation  at 
 the  bott«)m  of  the  preceding  Pap«'r. 
 
 '  R«»th  Huchanan  and  Knox  acknowledge  that  tliis  nuirriage  was  very 
 gfiu'rally  bclievi>d  n<»t  to  be  contrary  to  the  Queen  of  England's  liking, 
 whatfvrr  grinuice  she  might  put  on.  And  I  have  thought  fit  here  to  set 
 down  the  French  agent,  Mons.  Castelnau  de  .Mauvissiere's  sentiments  of 
 thiM  nuittrr.  'riii.s  gentlenum,  s|H^aking  of  «»ur  Qutfu's  nuirriaige  with 
 foreign  iViiu-es,  fwiith— "  IJut  all  tht'S*'  great  alliances  were  r«|ual!y 
 disngriH'Hble  to  the  Queen  «»f  llngland,  who  never  drea«led  a  sharjM'r  thorn 
 in  her  foot  than  some  potent  foreign  alliance  to  be  nuide  by  the  Queen  ol 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  281 
 
 Darnly  and  his  parents  had  faiPd  in  their  duties,  by  their 
 arrogant  and  presumptuous  attempts  to  entcrprize  a  matter 
 
 Scotland,  whose  kingdom  lyes  so  close  upon  hers,  that  they  are  only 
 separated  by  a  fordable  river  ;  and  so  she  might  be  easily  annoyed  from 
 
 thence  by  a  bad  neighbour. This  the  Queen  of  England   foreseeing, 
 
 cast  her  eyes  on  the  young  Lord  Darnly,  to  make  a  present  of  him  to  the 
 
 Scottish  Queen and  found  means  to  perswade  the  said  Queen  of  Scots, 
 
 by  several  powerful  considerations,  that  there  was  not  a  marriage  in 
 Christendom  which  could  bring  her  more  certain  advantages,  together 
 with  the  eventual  succession  to  the  kingdom  of  England,  which  she  (the 
 Queen  of  Scots)  pretended  to  be  lodged  in  her  person,  than  this  with  the 
 Lord  Darnly  ;  because  they  two  being  joined  in  matrimony,  with  the 
 consent  of  the  Queen  of  England  and  the  wisest  men  in  both  the  kingdoms, 
 would  fortify  each  othei-'s  title,  and  so  take  out  of  the  way  many  scruples 
 which  in  the  event  of  time  might  come  to  disturb  these  two  neighbouring 
 
 States. Now  this  purpose  was  the  more  speedily  executed,  that  it  was 
 
 approved  by  those  in  whom  the  Queen  of  Scots  reposed  most  confidence, 
 namely,  the  Earl  of  INIoray,  bastard  brother  to  that  Queen,  who  had  the 
 management  of  all  her  affairs,  the  Laird  of  Lethington  her  Secretary  of 
 State,  and  their  confederates,  who  were  all  gamed  over  to  perswade  their 
 mistress  not  only  to  receive  the  said  Lord  Darnly  kindly,  and  to  give  him 
 a  new  title  to  his  father's  estate,  but  likewise  to  yield  a  favourable  ear  to 
 the  marrying  of  him,  as  being  more  useful  to  her  for  obtainirig  the  Crown 
 of  England  than  any  other  :  and,  moreover,  to  represent  to  her,  that  if 
 she  should  think  of  marrying  either  in  France  or  Spain,  the  expences  and 
 difficulties  of  accomplishing  the  same  would  be  greater  than  Scotland 
 could  well  bear.  Besides,  that  such  a  marriage  would  not  fail  to  create  a 
 jealousy  in  the  Queen  of  England,  who  could  take  none  at  all  against  the 
 Lord  Darnly,  her  own  subject,  and  her  own  blood,  as  the  Queen  of  Scots 
 herself  was."  Then  after  he  has  told  how  fond  our  Queen  became  of  this 
 marriage,  and  that  she  sent  him  into  France  to  obtain  that  King  and  the 
 Queen-mother's  consent  to  the  marriage,  he  adds — "  On  my  road  I  met 
 the  Queen  of  England,  who  had  been  travelling  into  some  parts  of  her 
 kingdom  ;  but  her  Majesty  did  not  outwardly  shew  the  joy  and  pleasure 
 which  was  in  her  heart,  when  I  told  her  that  this  marriage  was  advancing 
 apace  ;  on  the  contrary,  she  affected  not  to  approve  it  :  which  thing, 
 however,  did  rather  hasten  than  retard  it."  After  he  had  been  in  France, 
 and  obtained  their  ]\Iajesties'  consent  to  the  marriage,  he  returns  through 
 England,  and  then  says — "  I  found  the  Queen  of  England  much  colder 
 towards  the  Queen  of  Scots  than  formerly,  complaining  tliat  she  had 
 subtracted  her  relation  and  subject,  and  that  she  was  intending  to  marry 
 him  against  her  consent  and  apjn-obation.  And  yet  I  am  assured  tliat 
 these  words  were  very  far  from  her  heart  ;  for  she  used  all  her  efforts,  and 
 spared  nothing  to  set  this  marriage  a-going."  Now,  if  these  observations 
 be  well  founded,  what  shall  we  say  of  some  Princes  and  J*rincesses  i  It 
 will  manifestly  appear  by  subsequent  ami  authentic  Papers  that  the  Lord 
 Darnly  had  a  licence  from  Queen  Elizabeth  to  come  into  Scotland,  and 
 here  to  remain  a  certain  space  ;  yet  in  her  Listructions  to  Sir  Henry 
 Norris,  her  Ambassador  in  France,  expresseth  herself  thus — "  It  chanced 
 that  a  young  Nobleman,  our  near  kinsman,  brought  up  in  our  Court, 
 named  the  Lord  Darlie,  was  secretly  enticed  to  pass  into  Scotland,  upon 
 
282  TiiK  iiisTum  '.'i   iiih  AhKAiKs  [loOo. 
 
 of  80  great  con.siMjuc'iicr,  without  making  you  privy  there- 
 unto, br-ing  your  Hubjccts. 
 
 "  The  (Jueen  answered,  That  she  had  not  faiPd  on  her 
 behalf  to  connnunicate  the  matter  unto  your  Majestie  in  time 
 (tliat  wax  to  say)  as  soon  as  she  was  resolvM  of  tlic  manner 
 and  the  matter;  for  otlier  promise,  she  never  made  any 
 than  to  communicati?  unto  your  Majestie  the  person  whom 
 8ho  wouKl  hke  to  chuse.  And  as  for  your  Majestie's  mis- 
 liking  of  the  match,  slie  marvelled  not  a  little  thereat, 
 because  she  <li<l  Init  use  her  choice  according  to  your 
 Majestie's  j)rescription,  fortifying  her  sayings  and  doings  by 
 your  Majestie's  mind  declar  d  not  long  ago  by  Mr  llandolph, 
 to  this  effect  unto  her,  as  she  alledged  ;  that  is  to  say,  wliat 
 time  she  did  advertise  your  Majestie  of  the  motion  made 
 unto  her  of  Charles  Duke  of  Austria,  your  Majestie  dis- 
 swadintr  her  from  that  match,  and  from  any  of  the  Emperor's 
 House,  and  likewise  from  the  Houses  of  France  and  Spain, 
 you  are  contented  that,  these  Houses  only  excepted,  she 
 nn'ght  take  her  choice  of  any  person  within  the  Realms  of 
 IOni:Iand  or  Scotland,  or  any  otlier  country.  And  because 
 she  thought  none  might  be  more  agreeable  to  your  Majestie 
 and  the  Kealm  of  England,  and  likewise  to  her  subjects  and 
 Realm  of  Scotland,  than  the  Lord  Darnly  (he  being  your 
 Majestio's  kinsman  and  hers,  and  participating  of  the  English 
 and  Scottish  blood),  she  did  with  the  less  preciscness  proceed 
 so  far  forward  in  this  matter  as  she  had  done. 
 
 *•  Thereupon  I  replied,  and  took  occasion  to  impugn  her 
 sayings  by  the  very  words  of  Mr  Randolph's  Conunis- 
 sion,  containing  these  three  Articles  :  First,  For  her  own 
 eontentation.  Kex(,  The  allowance  of  her  people.  Thirdly, 
 That  lier  choice  be  such,  as  the  amity  which  is  now  betwixt 
 UH.  not  only  fr>r  our  own  persons,  but  also  for  our  nation,  may 
 
 otmr  J  r.triic.-s,  tor  jTivatc  suns  tor  laiuls,  and  siu-li  likcuin'  Lonl  Darnly 
 neither  Imd  nor  ronld  have  iiny  suit  for  lands),  and  there  without  our 
 knowledj^e,  arcordinj,'  to  the  siinie  former  practices,  whereof  we  were  not 
 allo^'rther  i^iioraiit,thou;,'li  wewould  not  seeniso  jealons(»f  thesanie,  he  wiuj 
 suddenly  arc«>|>te«l  by  that  (^neen  to  be  ully'd  inc(»ntn»ct  of  niarria^'e  with 
 her,  1U4  one  thou;,'ht  to  1m>  a  meet  perstm  to  work  troubles  in  «»ur  Kealm  for 
 her  H«lvantaj;e,  yea  contniry  to  the  atlvice  of  the  wiser  sort  of  her  Council 
 (thiN  is  wild  without  Kuflirient  foundntion),  and  consofjuently  contrary  to 
 our  will  and  likinjj,  wax  married  to  her  in  all  ha>te."  See  JSir  Dudley 
 OiKK'*'**  ronipleto  Ambiuisador,  p.  13. 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  283 
 
 be  continued,  and  not  dissolved  nor  diminished  ;  proving  to 
 her  by  many  and  probable  arguments,  that  L.  Darnly  did 
 not  satisfy  the  contents  of  that  liberal  permission,  where- 
 upon she  did  chiefly  ground  herself  to  have  your  Majestie's 
 allowance. 
 
 "  About  this  matter  we  spent  long  time,  and  had  many 
 and  sundry  disputes,  which  I  do  omit  to  declare  till  my 
 access  unto  your  jNIajestie,  and  so  also  of  all  my  other 
 negotiations  with  this  Queen  and  her  Council,  severally!  and 
 together.  And  in  the  meantime,  because  your  ISlajestie 
 may  be  truly  advertised  of  the  state  of  this  matter,  to  the 
 end  you  may  consider  of  it  in  good  hour,  and  to  direct  your 
 Councils  and  proceeding  as  shall  be  meetest  for  your  own 
 surety  and  commodity,  it  may  like  your  Majestie  to  under- 
 stand, that  this  Queen  is  so  far  past  in  this  matter  with  my 
 Lord  Darnly,  as  it  is  irrevocable,  and  no  place  left  to  dissolve 
 the  same  by  perswasion  and  reasonable  means,  otherwise  than 
 by  violence  :  albeit,  though  the  matter  be  not  yet  consum- 
 mate, neither  shall  be  (as  she  hath  willed  me  to  ascertain 
 your  Majestie)  these  three  months,  in  which  mean  time  she 
 mcaneth  all  the  best  means  she  can  devise  to  procure  your 
 Majestie"'s  acceptation  and  allowance  of  the  matter,  offering 
 in  general  words  to  leave  nothing  undone  that  she  may 
 honourably,  safely,  and  conveniently  do,  to  win  your  Majestie's 
 favour  to  this  matter.  And  for  this  purpose,  she  meaneth  (as 
 I  understand)  shortly  to  send  some  one  of  her  own  (but  not 
 the  Lord  Lidington,  who  standeth  presently  not  in  the  best 
 terms  with  her)  to  treat  and  negotiate  with  your  Majestie 
 in  this  matter,  and  to  procure  that  it  may  like  you  to  send 
 some  Commissioners  to  treat  with  some  of  her  Council,  at  a 
 place  appointed  by  you  for  that  purpose. 
 
 1  Sir  James  Melvil,  p.  56,  narrates  liow  that  this  Ambassador  had 
 Instructions,  in  case  our  Queen  would  not  follow  Queen  Elizabeth's 
 advice,  "  to  perswade  the  Lords,  and  so  many  as  were  of  the  Protestant 
 religion,  to  withstand  the  marriaj^e,  till  the  Lord  Darnly  should  subscribe 
 a  bond  to  maintain  the  Reformed  religion,  which  ho  had  ever  professed  hi 
 England."  And  truly  herein,  as  to  the  principal  aim.  Sir  Nicholas 
 effectually  prevailed.  Perhaps  ever  in  these  Memoirs  is  erroneously 
 printed  for  never;  for  in  many  other  narrations  concerning  the  Lord 
 Darnly,  he  is  represented  to  have  been  of  the  ancient  Form  in  religious 
 matters.  Or  if  he  has  professed  the  iiew  Form  at  any  time,  he  has  at  least 
 not  been  thought  very  zealous  in  it.  And  the  truth  is,  his  years  might 
 abate  of  his  keenness  either  way.     His  mother  continued  still  Popish. 
 
284  tin:  i!i>i"in  ui    nil.  AiFAiRS  [1505. 
 
 ''The  Lord  Danily  ncc'ived  tlic  honours  .specified  after 
 my  audience  the  15th  of  May,i  the  creation  of  Duke  of 
 Alhany  only  excepted^  the  confemng  of  whicli  honour,  this 
 Queen  at  my  leave-takiii^r  (whirh  was  the  10th  of  May)  did 
 promise  to  defer  till  she  niiglit  hear  how  your  Majestie 
 would  accept  tho  proceedings  and  answer  to  my  legation. 
 Nevertheless  I  do  fin<l  this  (Jueen  so  captivM,  either  by  love 
 or  cunning  (or,  rather  to  say  truly,  by  boasting  or  f<dly), 
 that  she  is  not  able  to  keep  promise  with  herself,  and 
 therefore  not  most  able  to  keep  promise  with  your  Majestic 
 in  these  matters. 
 
 "  The  day  before  my  departing  from  this  Queen  she  made 
 me  ilinc  with  her  at  her  own  table  only  ;  and  Mr  Randolph, 
 accompanied  with  the  Duke  and  the  rest  of  her  Nobility,  in 
 another  chand)er.  After  I  had  taken  my  leave,  she  sent  the 
 L.  of  Lidington  to  my  lodginir  with  my  dispatch,  who  brought 
 me  in  present  from  her  a  chain  of  gold  weighing  fifty  ounces. 
 
 ''  May  it  further  please  your  Majestic  to  understand 
 (notwithstanding  rendring  the  accomplishing  of  my  charge, 
 as  is  before  specified),  I  do  well  perceive  that  it  is  in  your 
 
 ^  f  Danili'V  wiis  croatod  Lord  of  Ardmaiuicli  and  Karl  of  lloss  iiftortlu' 
 Quern  pivc  an  audiiMice  to  Tliro«^Mn()rton,  wlio  had  boon  introducod  by 
 Lords  Hutljvon  and  Krskine,  and  on  that  occiusion  protested  on  the  i)art 
 of  Klizal>eth  in  the  stronf^est  hxnguaj,'e  a^^ainst  tlie  intended  niarria<,'e. 
 "  Mary,"  says  I)r  (lilbert  Stuart,  "  repressing  her  indignation,  informed 
 him  that  matters  were  gone  too  far  to  be  recalled,  and  that  Elizabeth  had 
 no  solid  cause  of  her  displeasure,  since  by  her  advice  she  had  fixed  her 
 affbctions  not  upon  a  foreigner,  but  an  Knglishman ;  and  since  the  pei-sonage 
 she  favoured  was  descended  of  a  distinguished  lineage,  and  could  boast  of 
 having  in  his  veins  the  best  blood  of  both  kingdoms."-  History  of  Scot- 
 land, 4to.  vol.  i.  p.  100.  Previous  to  all  this,  Darnley  had  made  a  proi)OSiil 
 of  marriage  to  (^ueen  Mary,  which  she  affected  to  di.scourage,  and  even 
 refuH4'd  a  ring  which  he  offered  to  her.  'J'his  incident  of  royal  coquetry 
 is  mentioned  by  Sir  .lames  .Melville,  who  was  then  at  the  Court,  and 
 enjoyed  Mary's  confidence.  The  Qtioen  is  supposed  to  have  fixed  her 
 aflt^ctions  on  Darnley  in  March,  before  Maitland  of  Lethington  reached 
 Ixjudon,  but  I'.li/abeth  had  been  well  informed  of  her  sentiments  before 
 his  arrival.  I^ord  Darnley  received  the  honours  conforn'd  upon  him  at 
 Stirling.  His  promotion  as  Duke  of  Albany  was  delayed  for  a  short  time, 
 and  this  trn  much  annoyed  him,  that  wlu'n  he  was  fii-st  informed  of  it  by 
 lAtul  Unthven,  he  threateneil  in  a  fit  of  pjuvsion  to  stab  that  Noblennm 
 with  his  «lagpT.  .\s  he  had  no  proper  establishment,  the  Queen  directed 
 her  French  Si^cretary  Hiecio  to  attend  him,  an«l  to  roceiv«'  and  pay  money 
 for  him.-  K.J 
 
 '  ThiM  wrvw  to  adju.Ht  the  tinu*  when  these  liononi>  were  conferred,  in 
 Hhich  our  hiDtoriuns  have  not  been  preci.sc  enough. 
 
loGo,]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  285 
 
 Majestie^s  power  either  to  dissolve  this  matter  betwixt  my 
 L.  Darnly  and  the  Queen  of  Scotland  (if  you  shall  like  to 
 use  your  power),  as  at  my  coming  I  shall  declare  particularly 
 unto  your  Majestic ;  or  it  resteth  in  your  pleasure  to  end 
 the  matter  more  amicably,  with  such  conditions  as  may  be 
 (in  my  simple  judgment)  to  your  honour,  surety  and  felicity. 
 And  the  rather,  to  bring  the  one  or  the  other  of  these  to 
 pass,  it  may  please  your  Majestic  to  put  in  execution  such 
 Memorials  as  I  have  presently  addressed  to  my  Lord  of 
 Leicester  and  Mr  Secretary."^ 
 
 "  I  do  mean  (God  willing)  to  be  at  Berwick  the  23d  of 
 
 May And  for  that  I  have  learned  by  good  means  that 
 
 there  is  a  dangerous  practice  intended  in  Yorkshire,  I  do 
 mean  to  return  by  York,  and  to  give  the  Lord  President 
 such  warning  as  he  may  foresee,  and  provide  for  these 
 inconveniencies  in  time. 
 
 "  Herewith  your  Majestic  shall  receive  a  memorial  of 
 several  honours  which  this  Queen  did  confer  upon  the  Lord 
 Darnly  the  15th  of  May,  wherein  is  inserted  the  very  form 
 of  the  oath  which  he  made  to  the  Queen  of  Scots,  for  some 
 respects  not  convenient  for  any  of  your  subjects  to  make  to 
 any  foreign  Prince,  as  you  may  perceive  by  the  contents  of 
 the  same. 
 
 "  This  Queen  resolves  to  summon  the  Estates  of  her  Par- 
 liament the  20th  of  July  next,^  and  likewise  intends  to 
 assemble  the  ministers  of  her  clergy  about  the  10th  or  12th 
 June  next,  to  the  end  they  may  put  in  readiness  for  the 
 Parliament  some  matters  concerning  religion  and  eccle- 
 siastical polity.  It  is  lookVl  for  that  they  should  shew  the 
 conformity  to  this  marriage,  and  tolerate  to  the  Queen  the 
 
 1  The  Memorial  lie  wrote  at  this  time  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester  and  Mr 
 Secretary  shall  be  immediately  presented  to  the  reader. 
 
 2  The  same  thing  is  related  by  our  historians,  and  the  following 
 authentick  voucher  may  not  be  disagreeable  : — "  Abstract  Prhy-Council^ 
 \dili  May — The  Lordis  of  Secret-Counsale,  with  aviss  of  the  Quene,  lies 
 thocht  expedient  that  ane  Parlement  be  called  at  Edinburgh  20  July,  and 
 that  the  Directour  of  the  Chancellarie  direct  precei)ts  for  the  said 
 Parlement  in  form  as  effeirs.  And  to  eflPect  that  things  neidful  to  be 
 treated  in  Parlement  may  be  fullie  agried  betwix  the  Quene  and  Lordis 
 befoir  the  said  tyme,  and  that  sclie  may  undirstand  what  they  will  requyre 
 of  hir  Majestic  to  be  done,  and  als  what  sclie  will  command  thame  with, 
 it  is  appoynted  that  the  saidis  Lordis  of  Secret  Coinisale  sohall  convene 
 inwith  upon  the  10  of  June  next." 
 
280  fllK   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIIlS  ,  [150.3. 
 
 rctainiiiL'  li<r  private  mass  witliout  contradiction.      About 
 this  matter  I  jK'rceivo  there  will  l)e  much  ado.^ 
 
 *'  This  Queen  hath  travelM  very  earnestly  since  my  leave- 
 takiiiL,'  to  compound  all  diff'-rences  betwixt  her  Noblemen, 
 and  namely  betwixt  tlic  Earl  of  Arf,nle  and  Earl  of  Lenox. 
 She  intends  to  depart  from  Stirling  to  St  Johnston, 2  as  soon 
 as  my  Lord  Darnly  shall  be  able'^  to  travel,  which  is  thought 
 to  be  within  these  four  or  five  days. 
 
 "  The  Duke  of  Chatelerault,  the  Earls  of  Argile,  Moray, 
 and  Cilencairden,  do  retire  themselves  all  to  their  own  houses 
 forthwith  for  a  time.^ 
 
 *'  May  it  please  your  ^lajestie,  I  do  understand  that  this 
 <^ueen  doth  mean  (if  her  mind  alter  not)  to  send  in  legation 
 to  your  ^Lajestie  the  Master  of  her  Re«|uests,  and  one  of  her 
 Privy  Council,  named  John  Hay,^  who  hath  reputation  hero 
 to  be  a  wise  and  honest  man  :  I  take  him  to  be  most 
 affected  towards  the  Earl  of  Moray,  which  may  peradven- 
 ture  stay  him  from  that  charge. 
 
 "  Forthwith  this  Queen  doth  send  an  express  messenger 
 into  France  to  her  ambassador  the  JJishop  of  Glasgow,^  who 
 hath  in  charge  from  her  to  employ  himself  by  all  the  good 
 means  he  can  to  make  this  match  agreeable  to  the  French. 
 1  do  understand  that  of  marriages  hitherto  mentioned  unto 
 
 '  Pcrluii)s  it  is  tlio  account  of  this  Assembly  we  meet  uith  in  Knox, 
 Itiit  that  author  rambles  so  hither  and  thither,  that  I  dare  not  aver  the 
 truth  of  it. 
 
 *  [Mary  had  summoned  a  Convention  of  the  Nobility  to  be  held  at 
 I'lTtii,  or  St  .lohnston,  on  22d  of  .June,  to  obtain  their  final  consent  to  her 
 
 1  irriai,'e  with  Darnley,  and  to  fix  the  day.— K.] 
 '  By  an  abstract  .^Oth  April,  we  learn  that   this  Lord  was  then  sick  of 
 H'  meaales  —  [Randolph  duly  informed  Cecil  of  Darnley's  illness,  and  of 
 le  (Queen's  **  marvellous  care  of  him."     I >arnlev,  however,  was  not  so  un- 
 well as  to  be  unable  to  attend  to  his  own  affairs — "  My  young  Lord,  lying 
 si«k  in  his  U-d,  liath  already  boaste<l  the  Duke  (of  Chatelherault)  to  knock 
 his  pute  when  he  is  whole."— Itantlolph  to  Ci'cil,  3d  May  1565.     Tytler's 
 History  of  .Scotland,  vol.  vi.  p.  .TK).— K.) 
 
 *  Tiuwe  were  the  secret  cabal  with  the  Queen  of  England  to  oppose  the 
 marriage. 
 
 '  There  ts  but  one  person  here  intended,  viz.  Mr  I  lay,  who  was  Master 
 
 f  Hp<iut>sts  and  a  Privy  Counsellor.     .Mr  Knox  siiys,  he  wa.s  likewi.se 
 
 lior  of  Moiiimusk,  a  cell  belonging  to  the  Priory  of  St  Andrews,  as  that 
 
 i'riory  wa.s  u  pendicle   to   the   Abbey  of  Holyroodhouse  ;    but   we   are 
 
 oHHured  that  he  wm*  Commenchitor  of  nalmerinoch.      The  Queen  did  send 
 
 him  into  Knghuul,  tut  we  shall  pres<>ntly  see. 
 
 *  .Inme*i  Il4>aton,  Archbishop  of  <iltt.sgf)w.— K.  i 
 
15G0.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  287 
 
 her,  her  uncles  did  most  desire  her  match  with  the  Prince 
 of  Spain,  which  I  perceive  was  in  greater  towardness  than 
 was  look'd  for  in  England. 
 
 "  This  matter,  as  I  can  learn,  was  chiefly  overthrown  by 
 the  Earl  of  Moray  and  Lord  of  Lidington.  As  to  the  Duke 
 Charles,  I  cannot  find  that  ever  she  was  thereunto  bent, 
 neither  earnestly  any  of  'her  Council.  True  it  is  that  the 
 Cardinal  of  Lorrain  did  carry  Spain  in  his  right  hand,  and 
 Austria  in  his  left :  and  of  all  men  within  England  or  Scot- 
 land, he  did  prefer  the  choice  of  him  that  now  she  hath. 
 Almightie  God  preserve  your  Majestic  in  all  health,  honour, 
 and  felicity.  From  Edinburgh  this  21st  of  May  15G5. 
 "  Your  Majestie's  most  humble,  faithful 
 "  subject  and  servant, 
 
 "  N.  Throckmorton." 
 
 Together  with  the  above  letter,  the  reader,  I  perswade 
 myself,  will  be  much  pleased  to  see  this  that  followeth, 
 written  the  said  day  by  the  same  person. 
 
 Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  to  Sir  William  Cecill,  Principal 
 Secretary  of  State.     Edinburgh,  21st  May  1565.1 
 
 "By  my  former  letter  to  the  Queen,  you  will  find  the 
 business  of  the  marriage  indissoluble,  though  she  granted  a 
 protract  of  three  months,  and  a  suspension  of  the  creation 
 of  Darnly  Duke  of  Albany.  Notwithstanding  this  precipi- 
 tation, I  perceive  the  Queen's  ^lajestie  hath  it  in  her  power 
 to  dissolve  the  same  violently,  for  it  will  admit  no  other 
 cure ;  or  by  allowance  thereof,  and  by  reasonable  composi- 
 tion proceeding  therein,  according  to  my  former  JNIemorial. 
 "  Sir,  I  should  be  sorry  if  Demoniser  (who  comes  into 
 Scotland)  should  be  able  to  give  this  Queen  intelligence 
 that  her  proceedings  with  L.  Darnly  is  not  so  ill  taken  there 
 by  her  ^lajestie  and  her  Cpuncil  as  I  pretended  in  all  my 
 negociations ;  for  that  would  much  hinder  the  purpose  the 
 Queen  would  be  at.  I  say  the  same  of  Graham,  Lidington's 
 servant,  and  of  one  Menzies,  another  Scotsman,  who  entred 
 England  when  I  came  to  ]]erwick,  and  so  of  all  others 
 who  may  give  the  same  intelligence  to  the  Scottish  Queen.2 
 
 1  Cotton  Library,  Califj.  B[ook]  X.  F.  285.— British  Museinu.— E.] 
 ^  By  a  letter  of  Mr  Randolph  to  Secretary  Cecil,  it  appears  that  our 
 
288  TIIK  IIISTuKY  OF  TMK  AlKAIKS  floGo. 
 
 You  may  receive  a  letter  from  Moray.  1  hope  you  will 
 have  some  consideration  of  Mr  Randolph,  who  is  at  great 
 chargc8  to  serve  her  Majestic  here.  lie  spent  larfrely  that  he 
 mi^ht  he  more  capable  to  do  the  services  expected.  ISow 
 receiving  nothing  hut  words,  and  that  there  is  no  money  to 
 gi-atifio  thosp  as  give  him  intelligence,  he  is  glad  to  bo 
 recalled,  and  live  privately;  which  he  calls  here  the  putting 
 his  head  in  a  hole,  since  he  finds  the  service  so  ill  rewarded.'' 
 
 Here  follows  the  memorial  of  the  honours  conferred  by 
 our  Queen  on  the  Lord  Darnly,  transmitted  by  Sir  Nicholas 
 Throckmorton  to  his  mistress,  and  mentioned  by  him  in  his 
 htter  to  h(T  Majesty. 
 
 The  Oath  of  a  Kniqht  mad'  hy  my  Lord  Darnly,  loth  May.^ 
 
 "  I  SHALL  defend  the  Christian  Faith  at  my  power. 
 
 "  I  shall  be  leel  and  true  to  my  Princess  my  soveraign 
 lady,  <^u<'en  of  Scotland,  an<l  her  successors. 
 
 "  I  shall  honour  and  do  reverence  to  all  wise  Orders  of 
 Nobility,  and  to  the  Office  of  Arms. 
 
 "  I  shall  fortifie  and  maintain  justice  without  feed  or 
 favour. 
 
 "  I  shall  use  and  exercise  myself  in  the  Office  of  Chivalry, 
 and  help  all  them  that  are  in  the  same  Order,  if  they  have 
 need. 
 
 "  I  shall  defend  the  Kealme  of  Scotland  from  all  aliens 
 and  strangers. 
 
 "  I  shall  never  fly  from  my  Princess,  Master  or  Fellow, 
 with  dishonour,  in  time  of  need. 
 
 "  I  shall  defend  all  orphans,  widows,  antl  maidens  of 
 good  fame. 
 
 •*  T  sli.ill  do  diligence  wherever  I  hear  is  any  murderers, 
 robbers,  or  masterful  thieves,  that  oppress  th<'  people,  to 
 bring  them  to  the  laws  at  my  power. 
 
 "  I  shall  en<juire  and  do  diligence  to  seek  all  arlieles 
 contained  in  the  liooks  of  Chivalry,  and  keej)  tlicm  all  at 
 my  power. 
 
 QncH»n  had  reccivod  intclliponco  from  tlu*  Countess  of  Lenox,  that  Queen 
 Kli/jih<>th'N  dttiideiiMure  a^iinnt  the  mnrriape  was  full  of  affectation.  Hut 
 •  hi«  Ix'tter  \h  tin-  most  hare  fae'd  discovtTv  of  the  myst»'rv  that  one  eould 
 
 WIMh. 
 
 •  (•nliK.*ll[<H,kl  X.— [ British  Museum.- E.] 
 
15G5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  289 
 
 "  I  shall  fortifie,  maintain,  and  defend  the  Noble  Order 
 of  Knighthood  which  I  am  ready  to  receive,  and  horse, 
 arms,  and  knightly  habilement  after  my  power.  So  help 
 me  God,  the  holy  Evangel,  by  my  own  hand,  and  by  God 
 Himself." 
 
 TJie  Oath  of  an  Earl  that  the  said  Lord  Darnly  made. 
 "  I  SHALL  be  true  and  leel  to  my  soveraign  lady,  Queen  of 
 Scotland,  maintain  and  defend  her  Highness'  body,  realm, 
 lieges,  and  laws,  at  the  uttermost  of  my  power.  So  help 
 me  God,  the  holy  Evangel,  by  my  own  hand,  and  by  God 
 Himself." 
 
 "  At  Stirling  the  15th  day  of  May  1565,  by  our  Soveraign 
 the  Queen's  Majestic,  Marie,  Heretrix  of  Scotland  and 
 Dowager  of  France,  Henry  Stuart,  eldest  son  to  Matthew 
 Earl  of  Lenox,  was  created  Lord,  and  made  Knight ;  and 
 gave  his  oath  thereupon.  2dly,  Was  made  Baron,  Baronet, 
 and  nam\l  Lord  of  Ardmanach,  and  Lord  of  our  Soveraign 
 Lady's  Parliament.  3dly,  The  said  Henry  afore  the  Queen's 
 Majestic,  made  the  oath  of  an  Earl,  and  was  beltit  Earl  of 
 Ross.  And  after  were  created  by  the  said  Henry,  afore  the 
 Queen's  Majestic,  fourteen  Knights,  whose  names  follow, 
 and  gave  their  oath  thereupon  :  Sir  Robert  Stuart  of 
 Straighton,  Sir  Robert  Stuart  of  Largis,  Sir  Alexander 
 Stuart  of  Dalswinton,  Sir  James  Stuart  of  Doun,  Sir 
 William  Murray  of  Tillibarden,  Sir  William  Stuart  of 
 Hawick,  Sir  Patrick  Houston  of  that  Ilk,  Sir  John  JNIaxwell 
 of  Nether-Pollock,  Sir  William  Livingston  of  Kilsyth,  Sir 
 John  Murray  of  Caldwell,  Sir  Robert  Drummond  of  Carnoch, 
 Sir  James  Hume  of  Fynlawis,  Sir  James  Stirling  of  Kier, 
 Sir  William  Ruthven  of  Baldenie."! 
 
 xi  Memorial  from  Sir  Nicholas   Throckmorton^  sent  to  the 
 
 Earl  of  Leicester   and  Secretary   Cecill^    to  communicate 
 
 the  Matters  contained   therein  to  the   Queen  of  England^ 
 
 21th  May  15G5.2 
 
 "  Imprimis,  That  her  Majestic,  and  all  you  of  her  Council, 
 
 do  make  it  appear  evidently  to  all  folks,  that  the  proceedings 
 
 ^  These  names  and  titles  are  copied  exactly.  '^  Cali^^.  B[ook]  X. 
 
 VOL.  II.  10 
 
1200  Tui;  liiM.-iiv  m    iiii;  affairs  [15G5. 
 
 of  til*'  Qiioon  of  Scotlaiul  witli  tlie  J^onl  Darnly  are  so 
 grievously  taken  ami  inislik.d.  tliat  her  Majestie  must  needs 
 chasten  tlio  arrogancy  of  licr  subjects,  aiul  revenge  the 
 iiulipiity  (lone  by  the  Queen  of  Scotland.  And  for  the 
 better  insinuation  thereof,  to  use  all  the  good  means  you 
 can  devise,  as  well  by  publishing  the  sending  down  my  Lord 
 of  Hedford  to  his  charge,!  ^yi^h  gome  supply  of  new  force ; 
 as  also,  admonishment  to  b(;  given  by  you  to  the  Wardens  of 
 all  the  Marches  to  stand  upon  their  guards,  and  to  be  in 
 readiness  to  serve  in  good  order,  when  they  shall  be  com- 
 manded ;  with  further  -charge,  to  shew  no  more  favour  to 
 this  nation  than  the  forbearing  the  breach  of  peace  will 
 suffer. 
 
 "  Item,  To  stay  the  Earl  of  Northumberland  at  London, 
 an<l  to  send  down  Sir  Ivichard  Chomley^  to  York  to  the 
 Council  there,  to  receive  ordinary  process  for  his  disorders 
 there  depending  ;  which,  as  I  hear  say,  will  procure  him 
 ordinary  imprisonment  there :  And  also  to  command  the 
 Lord  President  aiul  Council  at  York  to  have  a  good  eye  to 
 the  doings  of  the  Earl  of  rs'orthumberland,-'  and  the  Lady 
 Lenox's  faction  ;  and  further,  by  no  means  through  the 
 Realm  to  suffer  the  Papists  in  the  llealm,  neither  in  Court 
 nor  out  of  Court,  to  have  any  cause  to  think  themselves  in 
 any  credit  or  estimation. 
 
 "  Item,  To  have  some  gi'eater  restraint  put  upon  the 
 Lady  Lenox,  and  some  harder  secjuestration,  than  she  now 
 hath ;  so  as  she  may  have  conference  with  none  but  such  as 
 are  appointed  unto  her :  And  specially,  that  there  be  no 
 means  left  unto  her  to  have  intelligence  with  the  French 
 Ambassador,  but  chiefly  none  with  the  Spanish;  for  there 
 the  matter  importeth  most,  as  I  do  certainly  know'' — (from 
 the  Earl  of  Moray,  t^r.  no  doubt), 
 
 "  Item,   That    my    Lady   Somerset-*   do   find   some  more 
 
 '  It  luus  1k'<'h  ulrt'ady  told  that  this  Ndbli'  Lord  was  (Jovornor  of 
 Ik-rwick.  ''  (Or  C'holiiiondok'y.— K.) 
 
 '  This  was  Thomas  Piorcy,  one  of  the  heads  of  the  Popish  party  in 
 l-'.ii|;hiiid.     FurthtT  nuMition  will  ho  iiunK"  of  him  in  a  short  timo. 
 
 *  This,  I  HtippoM',  WHS  tlio  l^idy  Kaihariin' (Jroy,  srcoiid  dau^^htor  to  the 
 Diikr  of  Suft'ulk,  and  wifr  to  Kclward  Soymonr,  llarl  of  Ilortfonl,  son  to 
 tlu'  Duki'  of  Som«T»ct,  who  wa-sunclo  to  Kini,' l-dward  \'I.,  Lord  Protoctor 
 iuul«*r  that  Prinrr,  and  aftorwards  ludioadrd  hy  his  authority.  Soo  tlio 
 Kuf^linh  hiHtury  for  this  I^idy's  misfortune. 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  291 
 
 gracious  entertainment  in  the  Court  than  heretofore  she 
 hath  done. 
 
 "  Item,  That  the  Queen's  Majestie  ly  in  good  wait,  that 
 the  Lady  Lenox  neither  directly  nor  indirectly  have  any 
 intelligence  of  the  Queen's  ^lajestie's  doings  or  speech,  other 
 than  that  severity  is  intended. 
 
 "  lUm,  It  shall  be  to  very  good  purpose,  that  as  well  from 
 her  Majestie,  as  from  my  Lord  of  Leicester  and  you,  it  be 
 commonly  brought  to  the  Lady  Lenox's  knowledge,  that 
 you  all  marvel  how  Lidington,  being  a  man  of  knowledge 
 and  judgment,  can  be  so  blinded,  to  further  and  prosecute 
 this  marriage,  whereof  besides  your  certain  intelligence  from 
 hence,  you  did  too  well  espy  it  in  his  last  legation  there .^ 
 
 "  Item,  To  use  all  good  means  to  keep  yourselves  in 
 opinion  with  France  and  Spain,  to  the  end  you  may  bring 
 your  matters  better  to  pass  here ;  which  I  trust  will  well 
 succeed,  in  case  these  matters  will  be  well  put  in  use,  and 
 some  other  things  which  I  will  communicate  unto  you  at 
 my  coming. 
 
 "  These  things  are  to  be  done  without  delay,  and  either 
 a  breach  of  the  matter" — (viz.  of  the  marriage) — "  will 
 follow,  or  a  good  composition." 
 
 An  Abstract  of  a  Letter  from  Mr  Randolph  to  Sir  William 
 Cecill,  Sd  June?' 
 
 "  Queen  of  Scots  Counsellors  are  now  these  she  before 
 Hked  worst ; 3  Moray  lives  where  he  listeth ;  Lidington 
 hath  not  much  credit ;  David'^  now  worketh  all,  and  is  only 
 governor  to  the  King^  and  his  family ;  great  is  his  pride, 
 and  his  words  intolerable.  People  have  small  joy  in  this 
 new  master,  and  find  nothing  but  that  God  must  either  send 
 him  a  short  end,  or  them  a  miserable  life.  The  dangers  to 
 those  he  now  hateth  are  great,  and  either  he  must  be  taken 
 
 ^  This  lias  probably  been  with  a  view  to  create  some  difference  between 
 the  Family  of  Lenox  and  the  Secretary  Maitland.  And  it  is  a  sure 
 indication  that  this  gentleman  has  been  a  favourer  of  the  marriage. 
 
 2  Calig.  B[ook]  X.  -[British  ^luseum.— E.] 
 
 ■*  From  this  period  we  see  a  strange  alteration  in  this  gentleman's 
 letters. 
 
 ^  [David  Riccio,  Avho  courted  Darnloy,  and  assiduously  advanced  his 
 suit  with  the  Queen. — E.] 
 
 •'  This  must  be  said  by  way  of  derision,  for  as  yet  there  was  no  King. 
 
2i^'2  illi.    lllMMin     "l      1  111.    Ai  lAlILS  [1")0.3 
 
 away,  or  thoy  tind  some  support,  that  wliat  lie  intentleth 
 toothers  may  tall  upon  hiinselt'.^  With  l^igland  this  <^uoeu 
 meanoth  to  make  a  divnirc,  though  she  will  make  fair 
 weatlHT;  hut  with  I*' ranee  she  will  join.  She  dotcth  so  much 
 upon  her  husljand,-  that  some  report  she  is  bewitched  ;  the 
 parties  the  tokens  an*  named  that  contain  tlie  mysteries. 
 
 "  A  thole  ami  Ariryle  iratlier  ])ower  to  oHeml  each  other's, 
 hut  the  (^u<'en  sendeth  Lidington  to  pacify  them. 
 
 "  The  Convention  at  St  Johnston  was  to  work  those 
 present  to  like  the  match  with  Darnly  ;  and  a  rumour 
 spread,  that  the  next  l*arliament  there  shall  be  a  law  for 
 religion.  J)arnly  saith,  that  if  there  were  wars  with  England 
 they  should  have  more  friends  than  the  Queen.  The  friends 
 tliey  have  here  are  Athole,  Caithness,  Errol,  Montrose, 
 Fleming,  Cassils,  Montgomery, Hume;  Ruthven  and  Lindsay, 
 who  shamefully  have  left  the  Earl  of  Moray.3  This  Queen 
 wooeth  all  she  can  to  her  part.  The  Lord  Robert  shall  be 
 Earl  of  Orkney,  Areskine  of  Mar,  Hume  of  March,  and 
 I*'Ieming  of  NN'iirton.'' 
 
 Our  Queen  being  still  desirous  to  cultivate  a  good  under- 
 standing with  the  Queen  of  England,  and,  in  particular,  to 
 gain,  if  possible,  her  consent  to  her  marriage  with  the  Lord 
 Darnly,  had  been  advised  to  send  an  ambassador  to  that 
 (Queen's  Majesty  for  this  purpose.  ]3ut  if  Sir  Nicholas 
 Throckmorton  had  right  information  concerning  the  person 
 who  was  now  sent,  as  it  is  presumable  he  had,  we  may  take 
 the  freedom  even  to  say,  her  Majesty  has  been  under  a  bad 
 iiiHuence  and  direction,  and  that  her  counsellors  must  have 
 been  either  weak,  or  wicked,  which  is  worse,  as  cannot  fail 
 to  appear  by  the  following  Letter  and  Listructions. 
 
 Utter  from  the  Queen  of  Scotland  to  the  Queen  of  England  A 
 
 "  RiCIlT  excellent,  richt  heich  and  michtie  Princesse,  oure 
 (lerrest  sister  and  cousync,  in  oure  maist  hartie  mancr  wo 
 
 '   It  apiM-fti-s  tln"  death  <.f'  Danily.Dr  Iticcio,  (.r  hotli.  is  alroady  hatcliotl. 
 This  is  II  contimiutioii  of  the  drrision.     Ihichanan,  and  some  others, 
 relate  sueh  a  Htorv  of  witchcraft.     If  such  a  thin;;  was  sjiid  in  onr  days 
 il  wouM  he  justly  derided. 
 
 Trohahly  this  rewiMTts  the  two  last    nanie<l    Lords,  and|Miha|.s  tliev 
 have  iM-en  ratlirr  spie^  ,i,,„n  the  g.ieen  than  real  friends. 
 *  Shatter'd  .MS. 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  203 
 
 commend  ws  mito  zow.  For  certane  materis  of  importance 
 tending  to  the  mantainance  and  conservatioun  of  the  gude 
 intelligence  and  amy  tie  standing  betwix  ws,  we  haif  publiclio 
 directit  towertis  zow  the  berare  heirof,  oure  trustie  and 
 weillbelovit  Counsalour,  Maister  Johne  Hay,  Commendatore 
 of  Balmerinock,!  oure  principall  Maister  of  Requeistis,  pray- 
 ing zow  thairfoir,  gude  sister,  to  grant  him  audience  ;  and  in 
 sic  thingis  as  he  sail  declair  unto  zow  in  oure  behalf,  to  gif 
 him  firme  credit  as  unto  oure  self.  And  so,  richt  heich, 
 richt  excellent  and  michtie  Princesse,  oure  derrest  sister  and 
 cousyne,  we  commit  zow  to  the  tuitioun  of  Almichtie  God. 
 Gevin  undir  oure  Siernet  at  oure  toun  of  Sanct  Johnstoun 
 the  14  day  of  Junij,  and  of  oure  regime  the  xxiii.  zcir  15G5.'' 
 
 "  Tnstructionis  to  oure  weillbelovit  and  trustie  Counsalour^ 
 Maister  Johne  Hay^  Commendatore  of  BalmermocJc^  oure 
 principall  Maistir  of  Requeistis^  and  Amhassatour  presentlie 
 directit  to  oure  derrest  Sister  and  Cousyne  the  Queyie  of 
 Tngland^  datit  at  Sanct  Johnstoun  the  14  day  of  Junij 
 1565. 
 
 "  In  the  first,  eftir  oure  maist  hartie  recommendationis 
 maid  to  oure  said  gude  sister,  ze  sail  declair  unto  hir,  that 
 quhairas  be  the  message  of  S'^  Nicholace  Throkmortoun, 
 Knicht,  hir  late  Ambassatour  heir,  we  hard,  althoch  besydis 
 oure  expectatioun,  of  hir  greit  discontentatioun  and  mis- 
 lyking  of  oure  choyse  of  the  Erie  of  Ross  to  be  oure  hus- 
 band, ane  mater  quhilk  at  the  first  apperit  to  w^s  maist 
 strange  and  uncouth,  thinkand  rather  to  haif  ressavit  gude 
 will  and  approbatioun  of  oure  intentit  purpois,  principallie 
 in  consideratioun  that  be  the  space  of  ane  haill  zeir  past, 
 or  thairby,  be  the  declaratioun  of  Maister  Randolph,  hir 
 agent  in  this  oure  Realme,  schawin  in  manor  of  advyse,  we 
 haif  all  ways  undirstand,  and  takin  it  for  hir  meanyng,  that 
 in  caiss  we  could  be  contentit  to  forbeir  to  deale  with  the 
 Houses  of  France,  Hispanzie,  andAustriche,  in  marriage,  and 
 joyne  with  ony  subject  of  this  haill  Tie,  and  spcciallie  of 
 Ingland,  that  then  she  wald  maist  willinglie  embrace  and 
 allow  our  doing.2    And  when  as  we,  following  the  same  hir 
 
 ^  [In  a  previous  note  this  personat^o  is  (k'si^nated  I'rior  of  Monvimisk. 
 -E.] 
 2  This  remark  is  most  plain  and  certain. 
 
204  THE  msToin'  uf  thk  affaiks  [1505. 
 
 lulvyse  and  coiinsall  inovit  bo  it,  and  takand  a  gruitcr  rcgaird 
 of  the  sanu*,  nor  of  the  advyses  of  ony  oure  uther  nerrest 
 freindis,  (juhilkis  for  hir  respect  wo  passit  over,  and  di.sdaynit 
 to  use,  had  tluis  inclynit  ouro  self  to  niatolie  with  anc  of 
 this  Ik',  liir  awin  subject  and  neir  cousyne,  thinkand  thairby 
 to  half  fulho  api)k'.<it  liir  :  and  be  the  contrar,  undir.stude 
 hir  said  niislyking  and  discontentment,  wo  cukl  not  winder 
 aneuch,  finding  oure  sincen,'  nieanyng  swa  mistaking.  And 
 ahhough  befoir  the  cunnning  of  hir  ambassatour  we  had 
 fulhe  condiscendit  witli  oure  self,  and  in  our  hart  wcr  deter- 
 minat  to  haif  my  said  Lord  of  lloss  in  husband,  and  thair- 
 upoun  had  writtin  to  our  freindis,  cure  haill  Nobihtie  agreing 
 but  variance  to  the  jjurpos,  as  baith  thai  and  we  continew 
 in  the  same  mvnd  :  zit  havins:  consideratioun  of  oure  amvtie, 
 and  regarding  hir  message  declarit  be  hir  said  ambassatour, 
 we  war  contentit  to  delay  and  suspend  the  finall  accom- 
 plishment and  solemnizatioun  of  oure  marriage  for  a  con- 
 venient seasoun,  that  thairby  cure  said  gude  sister  micht 
 Weill  persave,  that  as  heirtofoir  we  haif  alwayis  usit  hir 
 advysses  speciallic  in  this  maist  weichtie  cans  of  oure  mar- 
 riage, and  thinkis  we  haif  done  na  utherwayis esteme 
 
 as  sche  plesis,  but  according  to  hir  meanyng,  sa  bef ding 
 
 of  it  all  occasounis  of  doubt,  suspicion  and  mislyking,  <|uhilk 
 
 -ainyn  apperantlie  could  procede,  micht  be  gude be 
 
 composit  and  takin  up,  that  by  this  fact  the  gude  and 
 
 intelligence  cpdiilk  sa  king  hes  continewit,  being  contirmit 
 
 and establissit,  all  thhigis  tending  to  the  rupture  of  it 
 
 may  be  ex cut  off.    And  for  this  pur])ois,  gif  it  may  pleis 
 
 oure  said  gude  sister  to  send  men  of  trust  and  gude  credeit, 
 
 sufHciontlie  auctorizit  to with  utheris  of  the  lyke  trust 
 
 and  credeit  to  be  sent  be  ws  at  the zc  sail  offir  on  oure 
 
 behalf,  that  oure  connnissaries  sail  meit  at day,  as  zo 
 
 think  gude  and  can  aggro  unto ;  and  in  cais  zo  bo con- 
 
 discend  in  speciall  upoun  the  names  of  thame  to  be  sent 
 
 be name  oure   riclit   trustio  and   weillbelovit    cousingis 
 
 and  counsallouris,  Jamos  Erie  of  Murray,  Lord  Abirnethy  ; 
 •lames  Krlo  of  Mortoun,  Lord  of  Dalketh,  Chancellar  of 
 Scotland;  Ak'xander  Krle  of  (Jlencarne,  Lord  of  Kihnauris; 
 i'atrick  Lonl  Ruthvon  ;  William  Maitland  of  Lcthingtoun, 
 z«»ung<'r,  Secrotar;  S'^.Tolnv  Hellendrn  of  Auehnowl<\  Kni.'ht 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  295 
 
 Justice  Clerk;  cand  Sr  Robert  Carnagie  of  Kinnard,  Knicht;i 
 or  ony  four,  thre,  or  tvva  of  thamo,  upoun  conditioun  ahvayis 
 that  the  commlssaris  for  the  part  of  oure  gude  sister  be 
 semblabillie  nominat,  quhois  namis  ze  sail  requyre  and  bring 
 with  zow.  And  this  ze  sail  declair  at  lenth  with  all  gude 
 and  honest  perswasionis,  tending  to  this  fyne  and  purpois. 
 
 "  Item,  Ze  sail  declair  unto  oure  said  gude  sister,  how 
 we  can  nocht  but  think  verie  strange  and  fremmit,  the 
 scharpe  intertreating  and  handilling  of  oure  deir  cousyne 
 the  Lady  Margarit  Dowglas,  Countes  of  Lennox,  oure  fadir 
 sister,  and  can  juge  na  uther,  as  we  wait  baith  oure  awin 
 subjectis  and  the  subjectis  of  Ingland  estemis,  bot  that  this 
 hir  evill  and  hard  intreatinge  is  for  oure  cans,  seing  that  the 
 day  immediatlie  proceeding  the  cumming  of  the  L.  of  Leth- 
 ingtoun  oure  Secretar,  and  lait  ambassatour  towart  oure 
 said  gude  sister,  it  plesit  hir  to  vesit  the  said  Lady  in  her 
 awin  chalmer,  doand  hir  thairthrow  greit  honoure,  and 
 schawand  hir  als  greit  humanitie  in  that  point  as  of  the 
 Prince  be  the  subject  could  be  askit  or  luikit  for ;  although 
 that  conceit  continewit  not  lang,  for  evin  on  the  morne,  and 
 ay  sensyne,  hir  cais  hes  bene  sic  to  oure  knawledge  that  we 
 pitie  it  ;2  and  scho  hirself  being  oure  said  gude  sisteris  sub- 
 ject, and  sa  neir  cousyne,  we  doubt  not  bot  the  same  will  be 
 reparit,  and  scho  relevit  of  hir  present  trouble ;  at  leist,  gif 
 it  wer  for  na  uther  cans,  bot  to  maik  the  sowaris  of  rumoris 
 disapoynted,  quhilk  thinkis  and  makis  all  men  to  beleive 
 that  hir  hard  intreating  is  for  oure  saik  ;3  quhilk  opinioun, 
 
 as  we  knaw  to  be  vane  and  untrew,  sa  wald  we wysche 
 
 be  hir  libertie  and  restitutioun,  it  micht  be  cuttit  off 
 
 and  deleit  furth  of  memorie. 
 
 "  Item,  Ze  sail  declair  to  oure  said  gude  sister  with  quhat 
 
 ^  The  Queeu  could  not  have  made  a  worse  choice  than  the  first  four  of 
 these  Counsellors. 
 
 2  Lethinjrton  arrived  at  the  Court  of  En«,^land  the  18th  day  of  April. 
 But  INIr  Stow  says,  the  Countess  of  Lenox  had  been  confined  to  her 
 lodging  in  Whitehall  from  the  22d  of  Fibruai-y.  Perhaps  that  Lady  was 
 under  confinement  the  time  Queen  Elizabeth  came  to  visit  her,  or  Stow 
 is  in  a  mistake,  as  ho  sometimes  is. 
 
 ■^  Whether  it  has  been  to  testify  a  further  displeasure  against  our 
 Queen,  or  to  shew  an  utter  contempt  of  her  intercession  for  my  Lady 
 Lenox,  I  shall  not  say  ;  but  in  the  abstracts  we  see  that  tlie  same  day  Mr 
 Hay  arrived  at  the  English  Court,  this  Lady  was  committed  prisoner  in 
 the  Tower  of  London. 
 
20G  Tin:  II  IS  run  Y  ur  tiii:  affairs  [1565. 
 
 gudc  hart  ami  att'cctiuun  uui-l'  cou.syiic  the  Earl  of  Lennox 
 is  myndit  to  do  hir  liunibill  service ;  and  becaus  liis  leving 
 lyis  ])ayth  in  Scotland  and  InLdand,  and  he  thairthrow  oblist 
 and  dcvinct  to  w.s  baytlu  and  baytli  ouro  kingdoines ;  that 
 thairfoir  it  may  bo  the  plesour  and  gude  will  of  cure  said 
 deiTi'st  sister  to  graunt  and  gitf  full  licence  and  libertle  to 
 tlie  said  Erie  to  pas  and  repas  betwix  this  oure  lleahne  and 
 the  lleahno  of  Ingland,  als  oft  as  he  thinkis  gude,  without 
 prescriptioun,  or  ony  certane  tyine  of  returnyng  or  remayn- 
 yng.  And  in  cais  be  that  libertie  it  may  perchance  be  .sus- 
 pectit,  that  he  is  abill  to  do  or  procure  thingis  in  hurt  or 
 prejudice  of  oure  said  gude  sister  and  hir  llealnic,  it  may 
 be  answerit  on  this  behalf,  That  during  his  remayning  in 
 Scotland,  his  lady  and  youngast  sone^  sail  remayne  in 
 Tngland  as  plegis  for  the  loyaltie  and  gude  behaviour  of  the 
 said  Erie  to  oure  said  gude  sister,  and  towart  hir  Realme 
 and  liegis  ;  swa  that  on  the  uther  part  his  saidis  lady  and 
 none  may  remayne  in  Scotland  (pdieii  he  is  in  Ingland.'' 
 
 before  Mr  Hay  could  have  been  arrived  at  the  English 
 Court  (which  was  on  the  :24tli  June)-  the  Queen  of  England 
 had  upon  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmortoifs  home-coming,  wrote 
 separate  letters  to  her  cousin  of  Scotland,  to  the  Earl  of 
 Lenox,  and  the  Lord  Darnly,  all  which  were  delivered  to  the 
 proper  persons  by  the  hands  of  the  English  Resident  :  And 
 not  only  will  the  principal  things  contaiiud  in  these  letters 
 become  obvious  to  the  reader,  by  the  perusing  of  that  gen- 
 tleman's returns  to  the  Secretary  of  his  own  nation,  but 
 several  other  private  transactions  will  likewise  by  that  means 
 come  to  our  knowledge. 
 
 Letter  from  Mr  Randolph  to  Sir  WiU'iam  Cec'ill,^  2d  Jidi/.^ 
 ''By  thys  tymc  your  Honour  lookethe,  I  am  sure,  to  hero 
 
 '  Charles,  who  succeeded  to  the  estate  and  dignity  of  Karl  of  Lenox. 
 
 ^  [Chalmers  says  that  Hay  arrived  in  Westminster  on  the  22<l  of  ^fat/^ 
 the  very  day  on  which  Darnleys  mother,  the  Countess  of  Lennox,  was 
 committed  to  the  Tower.    Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  13H. — E.] 
 
 '  Cott»Mi  Libniry,Cali^'.  H(ook]  X.an  Orij^inal.  -  (  British  Museum. — K.) 
 
 *  In  this  and  the  following'  letter  of  the  4th  .luly,  the  readers  will  find 
 Hoveral  points  of  our  Scottish  history  touched  at,  which  I  should  have 
 boon  <»blij;r<l  otherwise  to  mention,  but  shall  now  satisfy  my.self  with 
 their  Immu);  totuhrd  hore  :  And  of  this  my  ri'udcrs  will  ho  pleased  to  taki" 
 notice. 
 
15G5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  297 
 
 more  amplye  then  I  had  tyme  to  wryte  in  my  Uiste  letters, 
 of  the  answer  receaved  upon  the  dehverance  of  the  Queen^s 
 Majestie's  letters  to  thys  Queen,  the  Lord  of  Lenox,  and 
 the  Lord  Darlye.  According  to  the  commandement  given 
 me,  the  nyxt  daye  after  their  licence  was  expired  I  did  putt 
 their  Lordships  in  remembrance  thereof,  which  theie  said 
 theie  knew  verre  well,  but  thoughte  that  the  Queen's  JNlajestie 
 dyd  not  so  shortlye  looke  for  their  retorne,  seinge  the  Queen's 
 Grace  here  had  wrytten  in  their  favours,  and  that  theie 
 trusted  her  Majestic  wolde  be  good  unto  them,  seinge 
 nothinge  was  done  by  them,  but  that  which  myght  be  done 
 withowte  offence  to  the  Queen's  JNLajestie.  I  saide  not  much 
 unto  these  answers,  but  left  them  for  the  tyme.  The  vtil  of 
 thys  instante,  fyn dingo  no  lykelyhood  of  their  retorne,  I 
 delivered  to  the  Lord  of  Lenox  and  his  sonne  the  Queen's 
 Majesties  letters  in  their  severall  lodgings,  fyrste  to  the 
 father,  next  to  hys  sonne.  I  founde  the  father  greatly e 
 astonyshed,  for  that  he  thoughte  no  such  charge  sholde  have 
 byne  geven  unto  hym  before  the  embassadorr's  (Mr  John 
 Hay)  retorne  at  leaste,  that  the  Queen's  Majestic  wolde  be 
 no  more  favorable,  but  so  to  deal  wyth  hym.  After  the 
 readinge  of  the  letter,  and  I  desy cringe  his  Lordship's 
 answer,  he  sayethe,  that  he  could  not  gyve  me  the  answer 
 so  shortlye,  for  that  yt  was  to  hym  a  matter  of  greate  im- 
 portance, and  therfor  he  wolde  tayke  some  advisemente.  I 
 confessed  that  the  matter  was  wayghtie,  and  that  hys  refusall 
 myghte  breede  greate  inconvenience,  but  yet  I  thoughte  he 
 had  before  hand  taken  sufficient  advisemente,  seinge  he 
 knewe  when  the  tyme  of  licemente  expired,  and  what 
 daynger  he  myghte  fawll  into,  yf  he  did  not  retorne  before 
 the  same  was  ended,  and  therfor  I  belived  that  he  had  hys 
 answer  reddie,  and  that  he  ncaded  not  tarrie  farther  advise. 
 Other  answer  I  coulde  not  gette,  but  what  within  an  hower 
 I  sholde  not  fayle  but  to  have  ane  answer.  From  hym  I 
 departe  incontynente  to  the  Lord  Darlye,  and  he  imme- 
 diatlye  goethe  to  the  Queen.  The  Lord  Darlye  havinge 
 reade  the  letter,  sayethe  to  me  these  wordes — ''Mr  Randolphe, 
 thys  is  verre  sore  and  extreme,  and  what  wolde  you  do,  yf 
 you  were  in  my  case  T     To  thys  I  gave  hym  a  longe  tyme 
 
 ^  So  it  is  precisely  in  the  original,  and  possibly  it  respects  the  5th  of 
 June. 
 
208  niE  HISTORY  OF  THK  AFFAIRS  [loGo. 
 
 110  answer,  but  desyrcd  that  I  myglito  knowe  what  hys 
 Lordsliip  woldo  do.  *'  I  wyll  do/'  8ay<'the  ho,  "as  you  woldc 
 do,  yf  you  wore  in  my  case,  and  yet  do  I  not  raynde  to 
 retorne/'  I  asked  hyin,  yf  I  sliohle  rcyte  that  for  an  answer? 
 "No,''  sayctho  he,  "you  shall  «ryve  me  some  tymc  to  thinke 
 upon  the  matter."  I  tolde  hym,  that  I  thoughtc  that  he  was 
 at  a  poynte  with  hymself  wliat  he  woldo  do,  and  tlierfor  as 
 good  to  gyve  that  then,  as  after.  "  ^'ou  shall  not  longc  tarrie 
 for  that  (said  he),  and  yet  I  cane  not  gyve  that  at  thys  tyme." 
 In  thys  sorte  1  departe  from  hys  Lordship,  beingc  in  mynde 
 not  to  delyver  this  (Jueen  her  letter  from  the  Queen's 
 Majestic  untyll  the  ncxte  daye  ;  but  heringe  that  slie  woldc 
 ryde  owte  of  the  towne,  and  retorne  no  more  for  five  or  six 
 dayes,  I  desyered  to  have  licence  to  speake  with  her  Grace 
 before  her  departeur :  I  was  receaved  in  stray nger  sorte 
 then  ever  I  was  before,  as  a  man  newe  and  fyrste  come  into 
 her  presence,  whome  she  had  never  scene.  I  delivered  the 
 Queen's  Majesties  letter,  which  the  L.  of  Lidingtone  dyd 
 reade  to  her  Grace.  She  requyred  me  to  speake  that  which 
 I  had  to  saye :  I  told  her,  that  the  moste  parte  therof  was 
 contayned  in  that  letter,  which  yf  her  Grace  dyd  performe 
 at  the  Queen  my  mistres'  requiste,  I  had  no  more  to  saye. 
 At  these  wordes  she  smyled  and  saide — "  I  trowe  my  good 
 sistar  wyll  otherwysc  then  so  ;  and  yf  I  wolde  gyve  them 
 leave,  I  dowte  what  theie  wolde  do  themselves."  I  saide, 
 theie  muste  do  that,  or  worce ;  howe  sayethe  I,  theie  runne 
 into  the  (Jueen  my  mistres'  displeasure,  which  what  it  is, 
 your  Grace'  self  maye  knowe.  "  Peradventeur,"  sayethe  she, 
 "  your  mistres  is  of  another  mynde  by  thys  tyme."  I  saide, 
 that  1  dowted  not,  but  as  her  Majestic  sawe  obedience  in 
 them  beingc  her  subjects,  so  she  wolde  be  good  unto  them. 
 "I  see  no  wyll  in  them,"  sayethe  she,  "to  retorne."  I  saide, 
 that  I  was  sorrie  that  I  sawe  in  them  so  greate  tokens  of 
 disobedience;  but  desyered,  that  her  Majestic  wolde  well 
 advyso  them,  and  consider  what  daunger  myghte  insuc  to 
 herself  and  rountrie,  to  reteyne  anye  such  :  And  thus  farre 
 I  woKle  be  bolde  to  saye  unto  her  (J race  in  the  (Queen's 
 Majestic  my  mistres'  behalfe,  that  yf  theie  refused  to  retorne, 
 and  that  lu'r  (irace  comforted  them  in  wo  doiiige,  that  ihe 
 Que<Mi  my  nii>tres  hatln-  bothe  power,  minde,  and  will  to  be 
 revenged  up«.u  them,  Ixiiigo  her  subjects,  and  also  to  lrtt« 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  299 
 
 her  Grace  iinderstande  how  greatUe  she  hathe  faylod  in 
 freindschip,  as  by  her  late  deads  yt  is  manifeste,  and  that 
 the  world  shall  be  wytnes  howe  juste  cawse  her  Majestie 
 hathe  so  to  do.  "  I  truste,*"  sayethe  she,  ''  that  the  Queen  your 
 mistres  be  of  another  mynde  by  thys  tyme  :    You  knowe 
 that  I  have  sente  thyther  my  embassadorr  (Mr  Hay)  ;  I 
 have  wrytten  to  the  Queen  my  good  systar  to  tayke  these 
 matters  in  good  parte,  and  yf  these  letters  had  not  byne 
 dyspatched  before  hys  arrivall,  I  thynke  thcie  had  not  byne 
 sente,  and  therfor  I  can  gyve  you  no  other  answer  of  these 
 letters  for  thys  tyme,  but  I  desyre  to  live  in  good  amytie 
 with  the  Queen  my  good  systar ;  and  I  truste  that  she  wyll 
 be  of  another  mynde  bothe  towardes  me  and  the  Lord  Lenox 
 and  his  sonne,  then  when  those  letters  were  wrytten."  Other 
 answer  of  her  Grace  I  coulde  getto  none  ;  and  to  that  self 
 same  effecte  were  the  wordes  bothe  of  the  father  and  the 
 Sonne,  with  maynie  excuses  and  greate  protestations,  that 
 my  Ladie's  Gracel  was  ignorant  of  all  their  doings  here,  and 
 most  humblye  desyered  her  Majestie  that  so  she  myghte 
 be  thoughte. 
 
 "  These  letters  at  the  fyrste  I  am  sure  dyd  mervileusly 
 abashe  them  all ;  yt  appered  in  her  Grace's  self  by  her 
 wepinge,  in  the  father  by  hys  sadde  countenance,  in  the 
 Sonne  leaste ;  for  as  I  am  informed,  and  somewhat  thereof 
 hath  appered  in  privat  tawlke,  that  he  dothe  assure  hyni- 
 self  that  the  daunger  is  not  so  greate  as  yt  is  made  ;2  hys 
 behavior  is  suche,  that  he  is  runne  in  open  contempte  of  all 
 men,  even  of  those  that  wer  hys  cheif  freinds.  Whate  shall 
 become  of  hym  I  knowe  not,  but  yt  is  greatly  to  be  feared 
 that  he  cane  have  no  longe  lyfe  amongste  thys  people.^  The 
 Queen  herself  beinge  of  better  understandinge,  seekethc  to 
 frame  and  fashion  hym  to  the  nateur  of  her  subjects.  No 
 perswation  can  alter  that  which  custome  hath  made  old  in 
 hym :  he  is  counted  prowdc,  disdaynefull,  and  suspicious, 
 which  kynde  of  men  this  sayle  (soil)  of  any  other  cane  worse 
 
 1  Viz.  the  Countess  of  Lenox,  whom  the  Queen  of  i:n<i;land  had  now 
 shut  up  in  prison  from  disphnisure  a|,'ainst  her  husband  and  son. 
 
 2  We  have  had  ahcady  pretty  mueheertainty  that  there  was  affectation 
 in  all  this  displeasure  of  the  En<,dish  Queen. 
 
 ^  i.  e.  His  life  shall  be  taken  away  l)y  means  of  tliose  who  eabal'd  with 
 Mr  Randolph 
 
000  Tin:  nisToUY  of  the  affaiks-  [loG5. 
 
 i>L'ar.  Tuwaids  lier  Grace's  self,  I  never  sane  men's  myndcs 
 so  greatly iiltcrt'd,!  yea,  1  may  save  almost  to  utter  contempte 
 of  her  behaviour,  withowte  the  fear  of  God,  regayrde  to 
 princelye  majestie,  or  care  that  she  ought  to  have  over  her 
 subjects  and  countrie.  I  wrote  that  there  was  a  Convention 
 appoynted  at  St  Johnstone  the  xxii.  of  thys  instante,  to 
 which  there  were  speciallye  named  these — the  Duke,  Earles 
 Argilc,  Murraye,  Morton,  and  (ilcncarne  ;  onlye  Morton 
 came,  the  other  some  taried  at  their  howses,  as  the  Duke 
 and  Earle  of  Murraye  ;  other,  as  Argile  and  Glencarne, 
 came  to  Edinbourf^e  the  xxiv.  to  the  Convention-  of  the 
 
 1  *rotestants  there.  Witli  thys  her  Grace  is  greatlie  offended, 
 and  layethe  the  whole  fawlte  hereof  to  the  Earle  of  Murraye 
 and  Argile,  which  bothe  had  come  to  St  Johnstone,  but 
 that  my  Lord  of  Murraye  was  assuredlye  advertysed,  that 
 yt  was  intended  that  he  sholde  have  beyne  slayne  there. 
 The  manner  sholde  have  byne  thys  ;2  there  is  a  quarrell 
 betwene  the  Captaine  of  the  Garde  James  Stewarde,  and 
 one  (irant,  servant  to  the  Earle  of  Murraye,  who  gave  the 
 Captaine  the  bastinado.  Stewarde  was  sent  for,  and 
 advysed  to  take  hys  revenge  at  St  Johnstone,  whear  he 
 ^holde  have  the  assystance  of  the  Lord  AtholFs  freinds  and 
 Lord  of  Lenox;  and  that  my  Lord  of  Murraye,  ether  takinge 
 parte  agaynste  the  Captaine,  or  being  present  to  rydde 
 them,  sholde  hymself  be  slayne.  Of  thys  he  being  adver- 
 tysed, he  came  not  to  the  Courte,  nor  at  any  tyme  intend- 
 «tho  ;^  but  when  he  shall  be  habil  (i.  e.  able)  to  make  hys 
 parte  good  agaynste  the  greatest,  hys  soveraigne  excepted. 
 The  (^ueen  knowetho  that  thys  is  come  to  hys  eare.     She 
 
 •  xfusethe  yt  in  as  good  wordes  as  she  cane,  and  sayde  open- 
 lye  one  daye  in  the  hearingo  of  divers,  that  she  was  lyttlo 
 boholdinge  to  some   that  wentf^   abowte  to  put  evill   wyll 
 
 '  'I'here  was  no  such  tiling  found  sdiuc  sii(»i-t  spate  after  this,  when  her 
 Maj«'«ty'M  HuhjectH  had  an  occa.sion  «riwn  thoni  to  manifest  their  disaftW-t ion 
 to  her,  ha<l  the  thin*;  really  l»e<'n  a.s  this  Resident  would  repres«iit  it. 
 
 '   Kirk-As.send)ly. 
 
 *•  Compare  this  aceount  of  the  story,  and  that  which  is  contain«'d  in  the 
 followinjr  Irtter,  with  Mr  iJuchanan's  relation  (»f  it.  Iruth  is  always 
 iMiiforni,  hut  falHehooil  ever  puts  on  different  faces. 
 
 *  May  wc  not  justly  enouj,'h  infer  from  thi.s,  that  the  disease  which  the 
 l.arl  «»t  Moray  j^avc  at  this  time  f«)r  the  reas<»n  of  his  not  comin;;  to  Court 
 l»as  Iwcn  hut  pretended  '. 
 
\5G5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  301 
 
 betwene  her  and  her  brother.^  She  is  nowe  in  suspicion  of 
 all  men;  her  Courte  keapte  vere  secrete;  she  dynethe  seldome 
 abroade  as  she  was  accustomed,  but  ether  in  her  ownc 
 chamber,  or  with  the  Lord  Uarlye,  whose  lodgeinge  joynethe 
 unto  hers,  and  a  previe  passage  betwene  them.  The  father 
 lodgethe  farther  off,  and  keapethe  howse  with  hys  sonne, 
 whose  charge  the  Queen  defrayethe  ;  for  monye  of  our  owne 
 we  have  not,  and  have  extended  our  credit  allreddie  so  farre 
 as  yt  wyll  streatche.^  She  is  nowe  offended  with  the  moste 
 parte  that  serve  her.  Her  Maries  cleane  owte  of  credite, 
 and  tarrie  nowe  ever  at  home  whearsoever  she  rydethe. 
 Lidingtone  is  nowe  rather  to  (at)  Counsell  more  for  neade 
 of  hys  service  then  anyc  truste  that  she  hath  in  hym  ;3  thys 
 he  knowethe  and  confessethe.  The  Lord  Euthen  is  enterde 
 into  the  lyke  suspicion.  The  Earle  of  Athall  yet  keapethe 
 hys  owne  with  the  Queen,  the  father  and  the  sonne.  The 
 Lord  Robert,  nowe  Earle  of  Orknaye,  mislyked  of  the  Queen, 
 but  keapt  in  by  the  I<ord  Darlye,  whom  he  serves  with  hys 
 cappe  in  hys  hande,  as  also  (doth)  the  Lord  Fleminge, 
 which  bothe  were  present  when  I  spake  to  the  Lord  Darlye, 
 and  hearde  all  that  was  spoken. 4  To  Ruthven  her  Grace 
 went  upon  Mundaye  at  nyghte  to  her  supper,  one  myle  from 
 
 1  See  the  Acts  of  Privy-Council,  17th  and  19th  July. 
 
 2  He  means  the  Earl  of  Lenox  and  his  son  were  in  want  of  money.— 
 ["  So  much  pride,  such  excess  in  vanities,  so  proud  looks  and  despiteful 
 words,  and  so  poor  a  purse,  I  never  hoard  of.  :My  Lord  of  Lennox  is  now 
 quite  without  money  ;  he  borrowed  five  hundred  crowns  of  my  Lord  of 
 Lethington,  and  hath  scarcely  enough  now  to  pay  for  his  horse  meat ;  if 
 he  have  no  more  from  you,  we  shall  see  him  presently  put  to  his  shifts. 
 Ilis  men  are  bolder  and  saucier  both  with  the  Queen's  self  and  many 
 Noblemen,  than  ever  I  thought  could  have  been  borne  ;  divers  of  them 
 now  resort  to  the  mass,  and  glory  in  their  doings.  Such  pride  is  noted 
 in  the  father  and  tlie  son,  that  there  is  almost  no  society  or  company 
 amongst  them."— Randolph  to  Cecil,  3d  :May  1565.  Tytlor's  History  of 
 Scotland,  vol.  vi.  p.  330.— E.] 
 
 •■*  ITer  Majesty  had  good  reason  to  bo  displeased  with  liini  for  returning 
 into  Scotland  contrary  to  her  order,  which  found  him  on  the  l^nglish  road 
 in  company  with  Sir  Nicholas  'rhrockmortou. 
 
 "*  The  readers  will  easily  observe  tlu^  inaccuracy  of  Mr  Buchanan,  who 
 refers  the  advertisement  from  the  Queen  of  England  to  Lenox  and 
 Darnly,  for  their  return  into  that  kingdom,  to  have  been  made  by  Sir 
 Nicholas  Throckmorton.  That  author  likewise  talks  of  another  embassy 
 into  Scotland  in  this  montli  of  July  preceding  that  by  Sir  Nicholas 
 Throckmorton  :  all  which,  however,  is  nothing  else  but  a  complete 
 contexture  of  incongruities  and  misrepresentations. 
 
302  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [150.3. 
 
 St  JolinstoiK' ;  tlicro  remayned  that  ny^Iitc  and  the  whole 
 daye  untyll  after  supper,  wh<Mi  she  tooke  her  horse  accoin- 
 pagnicd  with  onlye  these,  the  lather  and  sonne,  the  Earlo  of 
 Athall  and  Lord  Ersken,  David  iilchio  the  Itahan,^  and  my 
 
 ^  [David  Kiccio  was  a  constant  attendant  on  the  Queen  in  his  capacity 
 of  French  Stcietary.  As  this  unfortunate  forei^^ner  luis  been  occasionally 
 mentioned  j)reviously,  it  nuiy  he  liere  stated  that  he  was  horn  at  Turin 
 in  rifdniont,  where  his  father  had  earned  a  precarious  subsistence  as  a 
 musiiian,  a  proft'ssion  in  which  the  son  was  a  ^-cat  proficient.  Sir  James 
 Melville  describes  him  as  a  "  merry  fellow  and  a  good  musician."  Iticcio 
 had  followed  the  Tiedmontesc  Ambassador  into  Scotland  as  one  of  his 
 attendants,  and  as  Mary  was  at  the  time  collecting  a  ])and  of  musicians 
 for  her  amusement,  lie  attracted  her  notice.  "  Her  Majesty,"  says  Sir 
 .lames  Melville,  "  had  three  valets  of  her  chamber  who  sung  three  parts, 
 and  wanted  a  bass  to  sing  the  fourth  part  ;  therefore  they  told  her 
 Majesty  of  this  man,  as  one  fit  to  make  the  fourtli  in  consort."  Sir  James 
 Melville's  statements,  however,  are  contradicted  by  Chalmers  (Life  of 
 Mary  (^ueen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  j).  15f)),  who  has  traced  the  source  of  Kiccio's 
 advancement  to  the  more  authentic  authority  of  the  Treasurer's  Accounts, 
 and  who  has  shewn  tliat  he  was  first  appointed  a  valet  of  the  Queen's 
 '  liainber.  On  the  Sth  of  January  l/jGl-'i  the  sum  of  L.50  was  paid  to 
 Hiccio  as  "  virlet  in  the  Queen's  chalmer,"  on  the  loth  of  April  15()2  he 
 was  paid  L.lo  as  "  chalmer  chield,"  usher  or  page,  and  in  Io(i4  four 
 •|uarterly  payments  were  made  to  him  at  the  rate  of  L.80  per  annum  as 
 "  virlet  of  the  (Queen's  chalmer,"  As  to  the  Queen's  musical  establishment, 
 the  Treasurer's  liooks  record  tliat  she  had  Hwc  sanf/sUrs,  five  vloluris,  or 
 \  iolin  players,  three  lute  players,  trumpeters,  and  heicbols,  yet  the  same 
 |{e<-ord  omits  the  notice  of  Kiccio  as  a  musician  of  any  kind,  though  he 
 niav  have  joined  in  the  (Queen's  concerts.  AVhen  her  French  Secretary 
 ilaulet  was  dismissed  for  improper  conduct,  Kiccio  was  ai)pointed  to  the 
 situation.  He  appears  to  have  been  unpopular  from  the  first,  and  liis 
 officious  interferences  soon  rendered  him  an  object  of  bitter  hatred. 
 Kiccio  was  suspected  to  be  a  pensioner  of  the  Pope,  which  by  no  means 
 alleviated  the  o<lium  towards  him.  He  interfered  with  the  administration 
 of  justice  in  the  Court  of  Session,  and  by  the  presents  he  received  to 
 secure  his  influence  he  soon  l)ecame  very  rich.  His  situation  necessarily 
 led  him  nnich  into  the  private  j>arties  given  by  the  Queen,  who  liked  his 
 polite  and  ob8e<iuious  manners,  his  superficial  talents,  and  his  fidelity. 
 Sir  Janu's  Melville  (Memoirs,  p.  C4,  .').'5),  relates  a  conversation  he  had 
 with  Kiccio,  who,  ho  says,  was  not  without  his  fears — *Mamented  his 
 .state  to  me,"  says  Sir  James,  "asking  me  one  day  my  comis*d  how  to 
 behave  himself."  Sir  .lames  advisetl  him  to  conduct  himself  with  humi- 
 lity iM'coming  his  station,  not  to  intermeddle  with  state-affairs,  luid 
 ilways  to  give  place  to  the  Nobility,  and  when  they  are  i)resent  to 
 n-tire  from  the  Queen.  **  And  that  he  might  desire  the  Queen  to  take 
 that  way,"  siiys  Sir  James,  "  I  told  him,  for  an  example,  how  I  had 
 been  in  ho  great  favour  with  tlH>  l^lector  J'alatini',  that  he  caused  mo 
 to  sit  at  his  own  table,  and  that  he  use<l  freijuently  to  confer  with  me  in 
 presrnce  of  his  whole  Court,  whereat  divers  of  them  took  great  indigimtion 
 lin^Hist  mr  ;  which,  as  soon  as  I  perceived,  I  requested  him  to  permit  me 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  303 
 
 countrie-man  borne  in  Kent,  Fowler  ;1   with  these  women, 
 the  Ladie  Ersken,^  the  Ladie  Seton,^  and  Rawlie  the  French 
 
 to  sit  from  his  own  table  with  the  rest  of  his  gentlemen,  and  no  more  to 
 confer  with  me  in  their  presence,  but  to  call  me  by  a  page  to  his  chamber 
 when  he  had  any  service  to  command  me,  seeing  otherwise  he  would 
 prejudge  himself  and  me,  both  by  giving  ground  of  discontent  to  his 
 subjects  in  too  much  noticing  a  stranger,  and  so  expose  me  to  their  prey; 
 which  I  obtained,  and  that  way  my  master  was  not  hated,  nor  I  any  more 
 envied.  I  advised  him  to  take  the  like  course,  if  he  was  resolved  to  act 
 as  a  wise  man."  Riccio  admitted  the  prudence  of  these  suggestions,  and 
 said  he  would  follow  the  advice  recommended,  but  he  afterwards  told  Sir 
 James  jNIelville  that  "  the  Queen  would  not  suffer  him,  but  would  needs 
 carry  himself  as  formerly."  Sir  James  relates  a  conversation  he  had  with 
 JMary  respecting  Eiccio,  advising  her  to  be  cautious  as  to  the  favour  she 
 evinced  to  one  Avho  was  suspected  to  be  a  pensioner  of  the  PoiJe,  and  to 
 "  alter  her  carriage"  to  him,  reminding  her  of  the  unfortunate  affair  of 
 Chatelard,  her  affability  with  whom  had  done  her  serious  injury.  Soon 
 after  Darnley's  arrival,  an  extraordinary  intimacy  was  formed  between 
 him  and  Riccio  before  he  married  the  Queen.  This  is  explained  by  Sir 
 James  INIelville — "  I  know  not  how  he  came  to  fall  into  acquaintance  with 
 Rixio,  but  I  found  he  also  was  his  great  friend  at  the  Queen's  hand,  so 
 that  she  took  ay  the  longer  the  better  liking  of  him,  and  at  length  deter- 
 mined to  marry  him."  Darnley,  in  short,  had  a  j)Owerful  advocate  to 
 promote  his  suit  and  secure  the  hand  of  ]Mary  in  the  obsequious  foreigner. 
 As  to  Riccio's  personal  appearance,  he  Avas  by  no  means  prepossessing.  We 
 are  exjDressly  told  that  he  was  advanced  in  years  and  deformed.  Buchanan 
 says  of  him — "  Non  faciem  cultus  honestabat,  sed  facies  cultum  distrue- 
 bat."  This  is  corroborated  by  other  writers,  who  speak  of  Riccio  as  an 
 old  man  when  he  was  employed  at  the  Scottish  Court.  "  Elle  tratoit 
 ordinairement,"  says  Caussin,  "  avec  David  Riccio,  son  Secretaire,  homme 
 ciage  et  pricdent,  possedoit  son  oreille."  Blackwood  observes — "  Estoit  bien 
 respecte  de  sa  maitresse,  non  par  aucune  beaute  ou  bonne  grace  qui  fust  en 
 lv.y,  estant  homme  asscz  aarje,  laid,  moine  et  mal  plaisant,  mais  j)Our  sa  grande 
 fidelete,  sagasse,  et  prudence,"  &c. ;  and  a  fourth  writer  says  of  him — 
 "  Senex  quidem,  et  corpore  deforrais."  Buchanan's  Ilistoria,  lib.  x\ii. 
 Caussin,  ajyiid  Jebb,  vol.  i.  p.  37;  Blackwood,  IMartyre  de  Alarie,  ajmd 
 Idem,  p.  202  ;  Con,  Vita  Maria),  aptul  Idem,  j).  24. — E.] 
 
 ^  [This  man  was  the  confidential  servant  of  the  Earl  of  Lennox. 
 Ty tier's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vi.  p.  328,  329.— E.] 
 
 ^  [Annabella  Murray,  daughter  of  Sir  William  Murray  of  Tullibardine, 
 one  of  the  fourteen  gentlemen  knighted  by  Lord  Darnley  on  the  15th  of 
 May,  when  ho  was  created  Earl  of  Ross  and  Lord  Ardmanach.  She 
 married  John  fifth  Lord  Erskine,  afterwards  sixth  Earl  of  Mar  of  the 
 name  of  Erskine,  and  Regent  of  Scotland. — K.] 
 
 '^  [This  "  Ladie  Seton"  appears  to  have  been  Mary  Pieryss,  or  Paris,  a 
 French  lady,  who  came  into  Scotland  with  Mary  of  (Juise,  Queen  Mary's 
 mother,  and  was  the  second  wife  of  (Jeorge  fourth  Lord  Seton.  The 
 only  other  Lady  Seton  at  this  time  was  Lsabel  daughter  of  Sir  William 
 Hamilton,  who  married  George  fifth  Lord  Seton,  son  and  successor  of 
 the  fourth  Lord.— E.] 
 
304  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [  loCo. 
 
 woman,!  .'m«l  went  tliat  ny<,'lite  to  Donkell  to  a  house  of  the 
 Lord  Atholl,-  wlioar  she  romayiiotli  four  (hiyes  ;  from  tlions 
 she  wvll  to  St  Johnstone  agayne,^  and  there  tarrie  one 
 nyglite  or  two  ;  so  to  tlic  Calandcr,^  a  howse  of  the  Lord  of 
 Livcstcn's,  to  baptyze  liys  barnc  :  farther  of  her  Grace's 
 designcs  I  knowe  not.  Thus  muche  I  thought  fitte  also  to 
 lette  your  Honour  understande,  tliat  at  her  being  at  St 
 Johnstone,  slie  sente  for  sixtene  of  the  cheifest  merchants  of 
 Edenbourge,  to  have  borrowed  of  tliein  in  reddie  monie, 
 and  theie  shohle  become  suretie  for  so  muche  in  wares  as 
 niounteth  unto  fyftie  thousande  ponds  Scots,  which  is 
 abowte  twelve  thousand  ponds  English.^  Thys  theie  have 
 refused  as  a  thinge  paste  their  powers.  Nowc  she  is  travail- 
 in<je  with  the  whole  towne  to  be  suretie  unto  certavne  that 
 «he  will  have  to  do  with  in  Flanders  for  the  same  sonnne. 
 Theie  are  nowe  in  consultation  what  theie  maye  do,  and 
 have  vet  six  daves  to  gyve  their  answer.^  With  France 
 1  knowe  she  hatli  a  continual  trafi<jue,  and  seemethe  to  be 
 loathe  to  loose  their  freindshipe.  Sence  the  arrival  of 
 Malvasier,~  who  pleased  her  but  lyttle,  there  is  come  no 
 man  hythcr  from  thens  ether  by  see  or  lande.  I  perceave 
 lyttle  intelligens  that  she  hath  from  any  parte,  savinge  that 
 I  am  borne  in  hande  that  my  Lord  of  Lenox  receaved 
 latlye  a  letter  from  my  Ladie''s  Grace,  that  all  that  the 
 Queen's  Majestic  intended  was  but  to  make  them  afrayde, 
 and  willed  them  to  ende  that  whearabowte  theie  went.     I 
 
 '  lProl>ahly  tho  wife  of  tlu"  (li>missi'(l  Fri-ncli  Secretary  Kaulet,  whom 
 Hiccio  succeoded. —  K.J 
 
 '  (The  then  luirl  of  Atholl  was  John  Stewart,  fourth  I'arl  of  tluit 
 Iiranch  of  the  Stewart  Family.  lie  zealously  promoted  the  match  between 
 .Mary  and  Lonl  Damh'y,  who  was  his  near  relative.  The  mansion  visited 
 by  the  Queen  at  the  ohl  episcopal  city  of  Dunkeld  was  the  ancient  one 
 near  the  present  Dunkeld  House,  the  seat  of  the  Dukes  of  Atholl. — E.] 
 
 =•  I  Perth.- K.] 
 
 *  (Calendar,  near  Falkirk,  the  jtatrimonial  and  family  residence  of  the 
 I^>rdN  lavin^tone,  afti'rwards  I\arls  of  Calendar  ami  Liulith;;ow. —  K.] 
 
 *  By  this  we  are  assured  that  the  money  of  Scotland  was  at  this  time 
 about  one-fourth  of  the  money  of  I'.njjland. 
 
 "  See  this  story  in  Knox  :  Hut  neither  now,  nor  at  any  time  luMcafter, 
 does  this  Resident  adject  the  uidikely  circiimstances  mentioned  by  that 
 author.— (The  story  to  which  IJishop  Keith  jilludes,  whati'ver  it  was,  is 
 not  to  bo  found  in  Kno.x's  "  Ilistorie,"  relating'  to  the  (Queen's  pecuniary 
 nftairH. — K.j 
 
 "  This  Hocms  nut  at  all  to  a;:ree  with  l\\\-<  is*'u\\t'\nii\\' s  Memoirs. 
 
15G5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND,  305 
 
 am  not  hastie  to  beleve  thys  iintyll  I  knowe  farther,  or  sec 
 greater  apparance  of  trothe,  excepte  Archibalde  Grehamc,! 
 broughte  anye  suche  letter,  to  whome  I  wyshe  ther  sholde 
 be  a  good  tye  taken  so  longe  as  he  remaynethe  with  you. 
 My  whole  credit  in  thys  Courte  is  utterlye  decayed.  Thys 
 whole  tyme  that  I  have  byne  at  St  Johnstone,  never  man 
 that  keapte  me  compagnie  but  he  was  noted,  and  open 
 defence  geven  to  sonic  not  to  have  to  do  with  me,  which 
 made  some  to  wake  at  midnyghte  that  were  wont  to  keape 
 compagnie  at  nonedayes.  I  spake  to  her  Grace  but  twise 
 in  twenty-four  dayes  that  I  was  at  St  Johnstone :  My  Lord 
 of  Lenox  and  Lord  Darlye  never  spake  to  me,  nor  I  to 
 them,  or  gave  token  or  countenance  of  anye  approvinge  of 
 their  doyngs,  farther  then  that  your  Honour  hathe  hearde 
 of  the  deliverance  of  the  letter.  Your  Honour  hathe  hearde 
 the  moste  parte  of  that,  which  I  am  habil  to  wryte  of  the 
 state  of  matters  here,  and  here  willinglye  wolde  mayke  an 
 ende  both  for  your  Honour''s  cawse  and  myne  owne,  savinge 
 I  knowe  that  your  Honour  lookethe  to  here  somethynge  of 
 thys  Convention  at  Edenbourge.  Thys  fyrste  your  Honour 
 shall  knowe,  that  the  Assemblye  was  never  greater  of 
 Protestants,  never  more  constante  or  more  erneste ;  I  send 
 your  Honour  the  coppie  of  their  whole  doyings,  with  the 
 Supplication  to  the  Queen.2  The  Commissioners  are  these, 
 the  Earle  of  Glancarne,  the  Larde  of  Cunninghamhed,  the 
 Larde  of  Spotte,  the  Larde  of  Graynge  of  Anguiss,  the 
 Larde  of  Dune,  and  Larde  of  Londie.^  These  yesterday 
 passed  towards  her  Grace,  and  not  looked  for  these  three 
 
 ^  The  reader  will  remember  that  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  wished 
 that  one  Graham  miglit  not  come  to  get  knowledge  of  Queen  Elizabeth's 
 mind,  though  it  be  likely  this  Graham  is  o.uother  i)ersou. 
 
 ^  It  is  to  be  seen  in  Knox,  and  1  shall  have  occasion  to  touch  this  in 
 the  Eccles;iastick  Part. 
 
 ^  This  agrees  not  precisely  with  the  names  set  down  by  Mr  Knox. — 
 [Knox's  list  consists  of  the  Lairds  of  Cunninghamhead,  Lundie,  Spott,  and 
 Grange  of  Angus,  and  James  Barron,  Burgess  of  Edinburgh,  for  the 
 "  Broughs." — Ilistorie,  edit.  1732,  p.  375.  He  consequently  omits  the 
 Earl  of  Glencairn,  and  the  Laird  of  Dun.  Caldeiwood's  list  (Ilistorie  of 
 the  Kii'k  of  Scotland,  1843,  printed  for  the  Wodrow  Society,  vol.  ii. 
 p.  289)  is  the  same.  The  parties  mentioned  by  liandolph  in  the  above 
 letter  were  Alexander  fifth  Earl  of  Glencairn,  William  Cunningham  of 
 Cunninghamhead,  George  Home  of  Spott,  William  Durham  of  Grange, 
 .John  Erskine  of  Dun,  and  Walter  Lundie  of  Lundie.— E.] 
 VOL.  II.  20 
 
;)()()  THi:   HISTORY  OF  Till:  AFFAIKS  [1505. 
 
 or  four  (lavs  iigayne.  In  the  begynningc  of  this  Assemblyc, 
 or  one  (lave  or  two  before,  1  receavcd  the  (^uceu  s  Majestie's 
 letters  of  the  xiii.  of  June,  and  fvndingo  in  the  same  verre 
 eomfortable  matter  to  the  greate  advancement  of  God's 
 irlorie  and  contvnuaneo  of  anivtie  bctwcne  the  two  Realmes,^ 
 I  tiioiighto  no  tymo  better  then  to  communicat  so  muche  as 
 I  thouirhte  good  to  the  chiofest  of  those  that  were  ther 
 present ;  and  bycawso  I  could(!  not  withowte  greate  suspicion 
 be  there  myself,  I  wrote  th'  effecte  of  thys  onlye  to  certayne 
 of  the  beste,  and  beste  to  be  trusted,  that  were  ther 
 asseniblede,  that  in  those  two  poyntes  the  Queen's  Majestic 
 wolde  assyste  them,  and  concur  with  them.  To  the  answear 
 whearof  theie  gave  God  prayse,  and  most  humblye  thanko 
 \\(}v  Majestic  to  have  that  care  over  them,  and  promcs  that 
 never  thynge  shall  be  attempted  by  their  consents  that 
 ether  shall  tende  to  the  breache  of  amytie,  or  alteration  of 
 religion  from  that  state  that  standcthe,  but  to  better  yf 
 yt  mayo  be ;  which  two  poyntes  beinge  by  her  Majestie 
 observed,  theie  dowte  not  but  God  wyll  prosper  her,  and 
 sende  her  manic  haj)pic  and  good  dayes,  wliich  most  humblye 
 theie  crave  of  hym  to  sende  her  Majestie  that  is  everlastinge. 
 ^V^ith  my  Lord  of  Murraye  I  have  latclye  spoken ;  he  is 
 greved  to  see  these  extreme  follyes  in  hys  soveraign  ;  he 
 lamentethe  the  state  of  thys  countrie  that  tendethe  to 
 utter  mine;  he  fearethethat  the  Nobilitie  shall  be  forced  to 
 assemble  themselves  together,  to  do  her  honour  and  rever- 
 ence as  theie  are  in  deutio  bounde,  but  so  provyde  for  the 
 State,  that  yt  do  not  utterlye  peryshe  ;-  the  whole  countrie 
 beinge  nowe  broken,  and  everye  man  lyvinge  in  suche  dys- 
 contentement  as  theie  do.  The  Duke,  the  Karle  of  Argile, 
 and  he,  concur  in  this  divyse  ;  maynie  other  are  lyke  to  joyno 
 with  them  in  the  same:  What  wyll  ensue,  lette  wyse  men 
 judge.  I  cane  thynke  but  lyttle  good  to  those  that  are  the 
 chiefc  occasion  of  these  greate  alterations  that  latlye  are 
 come  amongste  us,  which  so  greatlye  apperetlio  in  thys 
 Queen  from  that  which  she  was,  as  she  is  not  knowen  to  be 
 the  same,  and  before  God  semythc  to  be   nether  in  face, 
 
 *  Kxclusivo  no  doubt  of  ono  of  tlio  Qiioons. 
 
 '  TluM  I>or(l  iH  still  on  the  reforming  hand,  cxropt  \\\w\\  ho  himself  is 
 at  the  helm  ;  but  he  and  this  Resident  di«l  not  Hud  matters  ^o  at  this 
 time  aA  they  no  doubt  expected. 
 
15G5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  SO? 
 
 countenance,  or  majestic,  that  men  thynke  she  hath  a  mis- 
 lykinge  of  her  owne  doyings,  and  before  God  so  muche  to 
 be  pyttied  and  lamented,  that  I  never  beholde  her  but  I  am 
 greved  in  my  harte,  and  sorrio  to  see  in  her,  that  which  I 
 do,  farre  from  her  accustomed  manner  of  governmente  of 
 herself  in  all  cases. 
 
 "  Thynkinge  here  to  have  ended,  and  sorrie  that  I  had 
 thus  longe  troubled  you,  I  receaved  your  Honour  s  letter  of 
 the  xxii.  of  thys  instante,  in  the  which  yt  pleased  your 
 Honour  to  advertyse  me  of  the  arrivall  of  Mr  John  Haye^ 
 there,  and  also  what  is  become  of  my  Ladie''s  Grace,  and 
 some  other  matters  in  the  same.  I  dowte  not  of  Mr  John 
 Haye  good  usage,2  as  in  my  laste  I  wrote  ;  but  the  lesse 
 comforte  that  thys  Queen  be  put  in,  that  the  Queen's 
 Majestic  will  allowe  of  her  doyngs,  the  souner  shall  her 
 Majestic  brynge  that  to  passe  here  that  she  moste  desyrethe, 
 and  mo  at  her  ^lajestie's  devotion  then  at  thys  tyme  she 
 hathe  ther  were  never  in  Scotlande.  Some  that  allreddie 
 have  hearde  of  my  Ladle's  Grace  imprisonment,^  lyke  verre 
 well  thereof,  and  wyshe  bothe  father  and  sonne  to  keape 
 her  compagnie.  The  question  hath  byne  asked  me.  Whether, 
 yf  theie  were  delyvered  us  into  Barwick,  we  wolde  receave 
 them  ?4  I  answerde,  That  we  coulde  nor  woldo  not  refuse 
 our  owne,  in  what  sorte  soever  thqie  came  unto  us.  What- 
 soever the  embassador  reported  from  this  Queen's  Grace 
 here,  yf  those  reports  which  I  have  hearde  from  such  as  I 
 maye  truste  be  trowe,  and  by  some  thyngs  that  myself  I 
 have  hearde,  you  wyll  fynde  that  the  ende  of  all  will  be  but 
 
 ^  [John  Hay,  jSIaster  of  Requests,  already  mentioned  as  sent  by  Queen 
 Mary  to  Queen  Elizabeth. — E.] 
 
 ^  This  serves  to  confirm  the  bad  choice  our  Queen  had  been  advised  to 
 make  of  this  person. — [Mr  Tytler,  on  the  other  hand,  describes  Hay  as 
 "  a  prudent  and  able  man,  a  fuvonrer  of  Moray,  and  a  friend  of  Randolph." 
 History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vi.  p.  342. — E.] 
 
 ^  This  is  meant  of  my  Lady  Lenox  ;  she  was  put  in  the  Tower  of  London 
 the  24th  day  of  June,  and  from  the  20th  day  of  April  before,  or  there- 
 about, had  been  confined  in  her  own  dwellinir-house  at  Whitehall.  Her 
 Ladyship  remained  prisoner  in  the  Tower  of  London  until  the  news  of 
 her  son's  nmrder,  King  Henry,  reached  the  Queen  of  England,  and  then 
 she  was  immediately  released.   See  Stow,  and  Abstracts  in  the  Ajjpendix. 
 
 ^  i.  e.  The  cabal  had  projected  to  seize  the  Earl  of  Lenox  and  his  son, 
 and  convey  them  privately  to  Berwick.  Sec  Melvil's  Memoirs,  p.  56. 
 Knox  takes  some  small  notice  of  this,  and  Ruchnnan  would  fain  turn  it  into 
 an  idle  and  ridiculous  story. 
 
:jU8  nil.  iiiM'-j.>  'i   iiih  Ai  rAii»:5  •      [lo(Jo. 
 
 to  g)  vo  you  wordr's  for  go<j(l  uK'uningc  :  1  ii.ssure  you  I  cane 
 lynd'u  none.  Yt  is  no  small  coinibrte  to  all  those  that  favour 
 God's  worde  to  hear  that  the  Queen  s  Majestie  is  deter- 
 mined to  advance  the  trewe  religion,  and  to  abasse  the  con- 
 trarie:  I  dowte  not  hut  in  so  doinge  God  wyll  sende  her 
 Majestie  maynic  good  dayes,  and  a  prosperous  reigne.  Of 
 her  Majesties  (of  England)  marriage  we  tawlke  more  then 
 we  knowe  for  certayne.  We  hear  bothe  of  Charles  and  the 
 Frenchc  Kinge,  but  wyshe  yt  souner  to  the  Earle  of  Leices- 
 ter, vf  hvs  happe  be  so  good,  for  whose  cawsc  yt  wyll  bo 
 here  undertaken,  that  France  and  Scotlande  shall  never  be 
 so  grette,  that  Englande  shall  neade  to  dowte  their  allyance. 
 I  tliynko  that  I  maye  well  excuse  the  L.  of  Lidingtone  to 
 be  previe  to  the  book  that  latlye  was  founde,  for  that  I  do 
 believe  he  never  sawe  the  other :  but  more  I  cane  knowe  of 
 thys  in  tyme. 
 
 "  Thys  nowe  being  all  thinge  that  presentlye  I  have  to 
 wryte,  savinge  thys  onlye  that  for  wante  I  maye  not  in 
 maynie  neadfull  matters  do  as  I  sholde,  I  must  moone 
 (hi'inoan)  my  case  agayne  to  your  Honour,  and  purposlye 
 sende  thys  bearer,  my  servant,  to  brynge  tliat  with  hym, 
 that  her  Majestie  thinketho  may  releve  my  neade,  and 
 mayke  me  liable  to  contynue  her  service  to  her  Majestie's 
 Grace.  I  am  forced  in  all  places,  savinge  thys  town,  to 
 keape  howse ;  how  largelye  I  nuiste  spende,  laye  owte  and 
 gyve,  whear  nothynge  cane  be  come  bye  but  with  monie,  or 
 bye  rewarde,  your  Honour  cane  judge ;  and  in  the  more 
 dowtfull  and  harder  termes  the  (Queens  do  stande,  the  more 
 is  my  care,  the  greater  is  the  charge ,}  howe  good  cawse  I 
 have  also  to  looke  unto  myself,  if  her  Majestie  were  other- 
 wysi',  !  wolde  I  had  had  other  cawse  to  thynke  then  I  do. 
 Tlusc  thyngs  maye  move  her  Majestie  by  your  good  advise 
 to  be  favorable  in  this  my  sute,  which  hathe  dryven  me  to 
 farther  shyftes  then  I  will  treble  your  Honour  with  the 
 rehersall. 
 
 ''  I  have  at  other  tymes  wrytten  in  the  favour  of  Grehame  ; 
 to  Hom<'  1  have  wyshed  some  good  ende  of  hys  sute,-  as  yet 
 
 *  i.  e.  I  If  wa.H  (>hli;^ed  to  lay  out  more  money  to  pot  intoUijjonco,  and 
 dclmuch  th»«  Hubjoct«  of  Scotland. —  |  Knox's  Historio,  Kdin.  rdit,  17.'i2, 
 |».  .^73.     But-hnnan's  History,  Tran>lati«>n,  vol.  ii.  p.  302.  — 10.  j 
 
 '  In  tho  Sliattor'd  M.S.  I  sec  Archibald  (irahani  reconimended  to  the 
 
15Go.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  SCOTLAND.  309 
 
 I  do,  but  fynde  so  lyttle  favour  amongste  the  Oounsall  of 
 thys  towne,  of  the  which  he  ys  one,  in  a  sute  that  Clerkei 
 hathe  before  them,  that  I  cane  but  desyer  that  he  maye  hear 
 therof,  and  knowe  ho  we  lyttle  he  deservethe.  Moste  hum- 
 blye  I  take  my  leave.  At  Edenbourge  the  seconde  of  Julyo 
 at  nyghte. 
 
 "  Your  Honour's  bounden  at  commande, 
 
 "  Tho.  Randolphe.'' 
 
 Another  Letter  from  Mr  Randolph  to  Secretary  Cecily 
 4th  July!^ 
 
 "  May  yt  please  your  Honour  :  Of  thys  Queen's  journayo 
 to  Athall,  and  howe  she  was  accompagnied  thyther,  your 
 Honour  hath  hearde  by  my  last  letters  of  the  seconde 
 instante. 
 
 "  Upon  Saturdaye  her  Grace  came  from  thence^  to  St 
 Johnstone,  whear  worde  was  broughte  her  that  the  Earle 
 of  Argile  and  Earle  of  Murraye  had  assembled  maynie  of 
 their  frends  and  servantes,  and  intended  to  tayke  her  and 
 the  Lord  Darlye  rydinge  betwene  that  towne  and  the  Lord 
 of  Liveston's  howse,^  and  to  have  carried  the  Queen's  Grace 
 to  St  Andrews,  and  the  Lord  Darlye  to  Oastell-Oamell,^  a 
 howse  of  the  Earle  of  Argile. *5     These  ty dings  dyd  put  her 
 
 Queen  of  EDgland  by  our  Queen,  to  obtain  redress  of  a  ship  and  the 
 loading  that  had  been  Avrecked  in  the  north  parts  of  England. 
 
 1  And  in  the  same  Shatter'd  j\IS.  there  is  likewise  a  recommendation 
 from  the  Queen  of  England  in  favour  of  one  William  Clerk,  who  had  his 
 ship  seized  on  the  coast  of  Scotland. 
 
 2  Cotton  Library,  Calig.  B[ook]  X.  an  Original. — [British  Museum. — E.] 
 ^  The  Queen  has  been  to  visit  the  Earl  of  Athole  perhaps  ;  for  her 
 
 Majesty  had  been  at  St  Johnstone  (i.  e.  the  town  of  Perth)  sometime 
 before  Mr  llandolph  wrote  his  last  letter.  And  Knox  observes,  that  the 
 Queen  about  this  time  went  to  Dunkeld,  which  place  is  in  the  bounds  of 
 Athole,  and  stands  nine  miles  north  of  Pertli. — LDwukeld  is  fifteen 
 English  miles  from  Perth. — E.] 
 
 **  This  is  the  Palace  of  Calendar,  about  eighteen  miles  west  of  I-^din- 
 burgh.— [Calendar,  which  had  never  any  pretensions  to  be  a  "  Palace," 
 and  never  was  considered  as  such,  is  in  the  vicinity  of  Falkirk — a  town 
 twenty-four  English  miles  from  Edinburgh.  Probably  the  word  "  Palace" 
 is  a  misprint  for  Plarc.^  a  very  common  designation  in  Scotland  of  a 
 family  mansion . — \\  ] 
 
 •^  [Castle-Cami)bell,  now  a  solitary  ruin,  then  theproi)orty  of  the  Argyll 
 Family,  at  the  base  of  the  Ochill  Hills  near  Dollar. — E.] 
 
 •^  This  Castle  is  about  eight  miles  east  from  Stirling,  at  the  foot  of  the 
 Ochil  Hills,  and  about  six  miles  west  of  the  road  the  Queen  was  to  pass. — 
 
310  tin:  iiistouy  .-i  mi:  atfaiks  |  1.")(jo. 
 
 and  her  wIkjIo  compagnic  in  greate  feare,  who  thoughte  St 
 Jolinstono  no  place  of  .<uivtie  for  her  to  reinayne  in  ;  but 
 (letcrininvn^o  to  keap  her  promes  to  the  Lord  of  Liveston 
 to  be  with  livni  upon  Sonchiyc  at  nvghto,  caused  the  Earlo 
 of  Atliall  ami  Lord  Kuthen,!  wyth  other  gentlemen  there- 
 aboute,  to  sendo  for  their  forces  wyth  speede,  whoe  being 
 assembled  to  the  number  of  three  hundred  persons,  she 
 tooke  her  horse  by  fyve  of  the  clockc  in  the  morninge,  and 
 roode  wyth  grcato  speede,  having  onlyo  three  women  in  her 
 travnr,-  untyll  she  came  to  the  Queen's  Ferrie,'^  passinge 
 thorow  a  little  towne  called  Kinrosse,  harde  by  Loughelevin, 
 whear  my  Lord  of  Murraye  was  in  a  howse  in  the  Loughe^ 
 
 (Scottish  miles  are  a,L,Min  meant.  Castle-Campbell  is  at  least  twelve 
 Kn;,'lisli  miles  from  Stirling/,  and  nearly  nine  Kn<,'lish  miles  west  of  the 
 road  mi-ntioned.—  K.] 
 
 ^  [Lord  Uuthven.     See  i)re\'ioiis  notes  in  this  volume. — E.] 
 
 *  This  j,'entleman  in  the  former  letter  was  pleased  to  say,  that  the 
 Queen's  Maries  went  now  no  where  with  her  ;  and  yet  here,  notwith- 
 standing,' the  suddenness  and  celerity  of  her  journey,  her  Majesty  has  three 
 women  about  her  ;  which  Mr  Randolj)!!  seems  to  think  somewhat  rare, 
 by  his  adjectin<^  the  word  onhj.     It  is  a  good  thing  to  write  consistently. 
 
 •*  [An  ancient  and  principal  passage  across  the  Frith  of  Forth,  about 
 nine  miles  from  Edinburgh,  so  called,  because  St  Margaret,  the  canonized 
 Queen  of  Malcolm  Cannu)re,  always  crossed  at  it  in  her  j)rogresses  to  and 
 from  Dunfermline  to  Edinburgh.  The  Frith  contracts  at  this  place  to  a 
 mile  and  a  <iuarter.  The  royal  burgh  of  Queensferry  is  on  the  south  or 
 Linlithgowshire  side. —  1^.] 
 
 *  This  Lord's  mother  was  marri(»d  to  Robert  Douglas,  Laird  of  Loch- 
 levin. — [The  Earl  of  Moray's  mother,  Margjiret,  second  daughter  of  Joliu 
 fourth  Lord  Erskine,  and  i)roperly  fifth  Earl  of  Mar  of  the  Family  of 
 Erskinc,  married  Sir  Robert  Douglas  of  Lochleven.  It  is  stated  in  a  sub- 
 He«iucnt  note  by  the  Editor  that  this  imperious  dame  scrupled  not  to 
 assert  that  she  had  been  secretly  married  to  James  V.,  and  that  her  son 
 \s-i\n  not  only  legitimate,  but  the  rightful  heir  to  the  Crown.  The  *'  house 
 in  the  Loughe"  mentioned  by  Randolph  in  the  letter,  in  which  Moray  lay 
 sick  of  the  "  fluxes,"  was  Lochleven  Civstle,  the  ruins  of  which  are  still  an 
 ol»jr(t  of  interest  as  connected  with  Quih'h  Mary,  on  one  of  the  islands  in 
 Lochleven.  The  **  little  tonne  called  Kinrosse"  is  pleasiuitly  situated  in 
 the  county  and  parish  of  its  name  on  the  iu)rth-western  shore  of  Lochleven, 
 27  nules  from  IMinlmrgh,  and  is  a  place  of  considerable  antiquity,  on  the 
 road  from  Edinburgh  to  Perth,  'i'he  island  on  which  l/ochlevcn  Castle 
 is  situated  is  no  great  tlistance  from  the  promontory  near  the  town  on 
 wIiIcIj  is  the  sjilcndid  numsion  of  Kinross  Jlou.sc,  erecti'd  by  Sir  \Villiam 
 Rrucc,  architect  to  Charles  IL,  and  .s;iid  to  have  lieen  originally  intended 
 JUS  a  rc««idt'nce  for  the  Duke  of  York,  aiftcrwanls  .lames  IL,  in  the  event 
 of  the  threatened  Rill  of  Exclusion  having  brcMi  jiassed  against  his  succes- 
 sion. The  site  of  Kinross  IL)use  was  anciently  occupied  by  a  castle  of 
 great  strength.  -  E-l 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  311 
 
 with  hys  mother  and  the  Larde  of  Loughlevin  his  brother, 
 with  a  smale  number  of  hys  servantes,  having  byne  sycke  of 
 a  fluxl  not  four  dayes  before,  intending  for  all  that  to  have 
 mette  the  Queen,  and  to  have  convoide  her  as  farre  as  her 
 Grace  wolde  gyve  hym  leave ;  but  heringe  that  her  Grace 
 was  paste  that  towne  three  or  foure  houres  before  that  he 
 looked  for  her,  he  remayned  still,  and  went  not  forthe.  My 
 Lord  of  Argile  also  being  at  Camell,  not  above  ten  myles 
 from  Loughlevin,2  heringe  that  the  Queen  wolde  come  that 
 waye,  and  that  my  Lord  of  JVIurray  was  ther,  thynkinge 
 that  the  Queen  wolde  dyne  ther  as  she  was  accustomed, 
 determined  to  meete  her  at  that  place  the  tyme  of  her 
 dynner;  and  becawse  divers  brutes  were  sprede  of  hym, 
 that  he  was  the  cheif  setter  forwarde  of  all  matters  moved 
 at  the  Convention^  at  Edenbourge,  he  purposed  to  have 
 spoken  unto  her  somewhat  of  that  matter,  and  to  have  moved 
 her  Grace  to  accepte  their  doinges  in  goode  parte,  as  thyngs 
 tendinge  to  the  honour  of  God,  beneficiall  to  herself,  and 
 that  which  sholde  breede  a  quietnes  to  her  realme  to  have 
 the  same  of  one  accorde.  Two  howers  before  thys  Lord 
 came  to  that  towne,  the  Queen  was  paste,  and  yet  he 
 thoughte  that  he  wolde  dyne  wyth  the  Earl  of  Murraye, 
 and  so  returned  home.     To  augment  thys  suspicion,^  the 
 
 ^  [Knox  pretends  that  the  Earl  of  Moray,  when  on  his  way  to  Perth  to 
 attend  the  Convention  summoned  by  the  Qneen,  "  chanced  to  fall  sick  of 
 the  fluxes  m  Loclileven,  where  he  remained  till  the  Quene  came  forth  of 
 Saint  Johnstone  to  Edinburgh,  where  the  General  Assembly  of  the  whole 
 Church  of  Scotland  was  held  the  24th  of  July."— Historic,  Edin.  edit. 
 1732,  p.  374.— E.] 
 
 '^  [Castle-Campbell  is  at  least  nearly  fifteen  English  miles  from  the 
 coimty  town  of  Kinross. — E.] 
 
 3  By  this  is  meant  the  Assembly  of  the  Kirk,  already  refen-ed  to  from 
 Knox  and  Spottiswood. — [Dignified  with  the  title  of  the  "  General 
 Assembly."  See  Knox's  Historic,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  374,  375  ;  but,  not- 
 withstanding Bishop  Keith's  reference.  Archbishop  Spottiswoode,  in  the 
 ordinary  editions  of  his  "  History,"  omits  this  "  General  Assembly," 
 narrating  at  some  length  the  proceedings  of  the  "  General  Assembly  held 
 in  December  1564,"  and  then  proceeding  directly  to  the  murder  of  David 
 Rizzio. — E.J 
 
 **  The  case  was  certainly  suspicious  enough,  when  all  circumstances 
 related  here  are  considered,  as  likewise  what  a  convenient  piece  of 
 ground  for  such  an  affair  that  was  through  which  the  Queen  was  to  ride. 
 Knox  and  Buchanan  do  both  take  notice  of  such  a  thing  having  been 
 rumour'd  abroad,  and  Melvil  speaks  of  it  as  an  attempt  that  had  failed. 
 Note,  the  Path  of  Dron,  mentioned  by  Mr  Knox,  where  the  Queen  was 
 
l]\2  THE  HISTORY  OF  THi:  AKi  Aii:s  [1565. 
 
 DuUc  wiiii  at  KcncuP  in  her  verrc  waye  ;  and  thoughe  of  hym 
 ther  was  nothynge  reported,  yet  bccawse  she  had  heardo  that 
 these  three  above  named  ha(l  made  a  bandf  to  defende  each 
 other,  and  to  assiste  eaclie  other  in  lawfull  ca\v.ses,2  f^l„3 
 took  the  more  feare.  Alwayes  she  came  falsely  to  her 
 jorneyos  ende  to  the  Calandor  (the  Lord  Livesten's  howse), 
 and  sawe  in  her  whole  waye  not  six  persons  mo  then  those 
 whicho  she  bronghte  wyth  her  for  her  defence.^ 
 
 to  have  been  surprized,  is  a  very  steep  aiul  wild  pass  about  tliroe  miles 
 8outh  of  Perth.  And  Heatli,  mentioned  by  fSir  James  Melvil,  is  a  tract  of 
 cumbersome  ground  some  few  miles  north  of  the  Queen's  Ferry.  The 
 Hill  of  lieath,  about  three  [five  En^dish]  miles  east  of  the  town  of  Dun- 
 fermline, was  the  place  where  our  Coivimiattomrs  first  assembled  to  form 
 themselves  into  a  society,  and  from  that  remarkable  event  has  by  some 
 been  termed  Conffnyation-hill. 
 
 ^  [Kinniel  House,  near  Borrowstounness  in  Linlithgowshire. — E.] 
 
 '■'  They  were  certainly  rebellious  causes. 
 
 ^  Thouj,di  this  were  true,  yet  it  is  nothing  at  all  to  the  purpose,  since 
 now  the  Queen  had  a  force  about  her,  which  these  Lords  were  not  able  to 
 cojie  with,  and  so  would  not  think  it  advisable  for  themselves  to  peep  out. 
 — [The  jdot  referred  to  in  the  above  letter  was  concocted  after  the 
 Reforming  party,  led  by  the  Earls  of  Argyll  and  Moray,  had  not  only 
 made  repeated  attempts  to  overawe  Mary,  but  actually  debated  among 
 tliemselves  whether  they  ought  to  murder  Darnley,  or  seize  him  and  his 
 father,  and  deliver  them  up  to  Elizabeth,  whose  assistance  they  Mere 
 earnestly  soliciting.  We  have  already  seen  that  Mary  had  summoned  a 
 Convention  of  the  Nobility  to  be  held  at  Perth  on  the*2*2d  of  June,  chiefly 
 to  procure  their  consent  to  her  union  with  Darnley,  and  to  fix  the  day  of 
 the  marriage.  Put  a  most  formidable  and  serious  ojiposition  was  orgtinized 
 to  annihilate  all  the  Qiieen's  projects.  Moray,  on  the  jjretence  that 
 Darnley  had  formed  a  consjtiracy  against  his  lifi",  refused  to  proceed  to 
 Perth  ;  and  Argyll,  in  concert  with  John  Knox,  appointed  the  "  CJeneral 
 Assembly"  of  the  Reforming  preachers  to  be  held  at  Edinburgh  on  the 
 25th  of  .lune,  which  accordingly  met  on  that  day.  (IJooke  of  the  Univer- 
 sall  Kirk  of  ScotUmd,  printed  for  the  P.\x>'aty.ne  C'llh,  4to.  Edin.  1S39, 
 Part  L  p.  ru).  John  Knox  was  to  convene  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  of 
 Edinburgh  in  the  fields  in  the  suburbs,  at  which  officers  were  to  be 
 chosen,  and  the  weapons  of  all  who  were  suj)posed  favourable  to  the 
 Queen's  marriage  to  Darnley  were  to  be  seized.  Meanwhile,  on  the  26th 
 of  June,  the  Queen  left  Ituthven  in  the  vicinity  of  Perth,  and  rode  to 
 Duiikeld,  where  she  remained  till  the  3()th,  on  which  day  shi>  returned, 
 and  slept  at  Perth.  Mary  seems  to  have  continued  at  I'erth  till  the  4th 
 of  July.  The  plot  for  seizing  Mary,  consigning  her  to  Lochleven  ('jistle, 
 and  sinding  L<>Mnox  and  Darnley  to  Berwick  as  prisoners  to  t^ueen 
 Elizabeth,  now  denumds  our  attention.  Moray  had  furnished  Loehleven 
 Cufltle  with  ammunition  and  artillery,  and  was  himself  in  that  insulated 
 htronghold  pretending  that  he  was  seized  with  the  "  tlu.xes."  'I'ho  Earl  of 
 Rothes  and  a  party  of  armed  followers  were  postetl  at  a  locality  no  great 
 distance  fron>  Lochleven  called  the  Parrot    WeU.     Moray,  Argyll,  and 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  313 
 
 "  The  Lorde  Erskeni  beinge  in  thys  compagnie  passinge 
 with  the  Queen  harde  by  Loughlevin,  sent  in  worde  to 
 knowe  what  my  Lord  was  doynge,  and  howe  yt  came  to  passe 
 that  the  Queen  had  taken  so  grcate  feare  of  hym,  that  she 
 
 Lord  Boyd,  had  previously  held  a  secret  meeting  in  Lochleveu  Castle,  and 
 had  sent  a  confidential  servant  to  Randolph  to  ascertain  if  Elizabeth  would 
 secure  Lennox  and  Darnley  as  prisoners  at  Berwick  ;  and  his  encouraging 
 reply  was,  as  stated  in  his  letter  to  Cecil  of  the  2d  of  July,  (p.  307),  that  his 
 royal  mistress  would  receive  her  own  subjects  "  in  what  sort  soever  they 
 came.''    Argyll  stationed  himself  at  his  own  residence  of  Castle-Campbell 
 near  Dollar,  and  the  Duke  of  Chatelherault,  who  was  also  in  the  plot,  was 
 purposelv  at  his  seat  cf  Kinniell  near  Borrowstonness,  little  more  than 
 eight  miles  west  of  Queensferry.     The  plan  was  to  seize  ^Jary  either  in 
 the  wild  narrow  defile  called  the  Pass  of  Dron,  a  few  miles  from  Perth,  or 
 near  the  parish  church  of  Beatli,  on  her  route  from  Perth  by  Queensferry 
 to  Callander  to  be  present  at  the  baptism  of  Lord  Livingstone's  child  ;  and 
 so  confident  were  the  parties  of  success,  that  even  Cecil  in  his  Diary, 
 under  date  7tli  July  1565,  says—"  A  rumour  spread  that  the  Queen  of 
 Scots  should  have  been  taken  by  the  Lords  Argyll  and  :Moray."     If  we 
 are  to  credit  Randolph,  the  project  in  the  first  instance  was  to  carry  Mary 
 to  St  Andrews,  and  Darnley  to  Castle-Campbell;  but  the  ultimate  agree- 
 ment was  that  Moray  was  to  murder  Darnley,  seize  the  government,  and 
 imprison  the  Queen  for  life  in  Lochleven.— (Tytler's  History  of  Scotland, 
 vol.  vi.  p.  349,  350).     When  Mary  returned  from  Dunkeld  to  Perth  on  the 
 30th  of  June,  she  obtained  some  information  of  the  plot,  and  she  imme- 
 diately directed  the  Earl  of  Atholl  and  Lord  Ruthven  to  convey  her  to 
 Callander  House  near  Falkirk  on  the  following  morning.     The  Queen 
 mounted  her  horse  at  five  in  the  morning,  and  left  Perth  accompanied  by 
 Atholl,  Ruthven,  and  an  escort  of  three  hundi-ed  horse.   Without  drawmg 
 bridle  she  passed  through  Kinross,  close  to  Lochleven,  before  :Moray  had 
 the  least  suspicion  of  her  movements,  reached  North  Queensfeiry,  wliich 
 is  thirty-three  miles  from  Perth,  crossed  the  Frith  of  Forth,  and  proceeded 
 directly  to  Lord  Livingstone's  house  of  Callander,  where  she  arrived  in 
 safety,  eluding  every  ambuscade  of  her  enemies  for  her  seizure  and  imprison- 
 ment.    Two  hours  after  the  Queen  passed  Argyll  appeared  at  Kinross, 
 but  her  acti\aty  and  resolution  defeated  the  conspirators,  whose  treacherous 
 enterprize,  when  it  became  known,  created  the  utmost  indignation  against 
 them.     I^Iary  remained  at  Callander  House  till  tlie  4th  of  July,  on  which 
 evening  she  returned  by  way  of  Linlithgow  to  Iklinburgh.   Moray,  Argyll, 
 and  Bo"yd,  deliberated  in  Lochleven  Castle  on  the  1st  of  July,  and,  relying 
 on  Elizabeth's  i)rotection,  they  resolved  to  take  arms,  appear  in  open 
 rebellion,  and  solicit  the  English  Queen  for  the  sum  of  L.3000,  which  she 
 had  engaged  to  pay.     They  were  unable,  however,  to  proceed  to  their 
 ulterior' nteasures,  as  the  Qi\cen  had  not  only  sent  Maitlaud  of  Lethington 
 and  the  Lord  Justice-Clerk  Bellenden  to  order  Argyll,  who  was  about  to 
 attack  AtlioU,  to  disband  his  forces,  but  had  proliibited  a  gathering  of 
 ISIoray's  adherents  in  Glasgow  under  pain  of  treason,  and  summoned  her 
 subjects  to  meet  her  instantly  in  arms  at  Edinburgh  with  fifteen  days' 
 provision,  that  she  might  proceed  against  his  enemies.— E.] 
 1  This  Lord  was  uncle  to  the  Earl  of  ^foray. 
 
.*il4  THE  HISTUIIY  OF  TlUi  AFFAJllS  [loGo. 
 
 passed  in  so  great  hasto,  and  raysed  tlie  whole  coiintrie  to 
 accoiiii)a[:ijie  lier.  The  messenger  Ibunde  liym  scarce  owte  of 
 hys  bedde  ;  but  hearinge  of  thys  message,  he  wrytethe  to 
 ray  Lord  to  this  effecte — That  he  marvelled  muclie  of  her 
 Grace's  haste  and  feare,  wliear  no  daynger  was,  or  anie 
 matter  intended  :  the  cawse  of  hys  beingo  ther  was  the 
 fluxes  that  took  hym  att  Edcnbourgo,  which  stayed  Imn 
 from  comynge  to  St  Johnstone,  and  that  he  left  Edenbourge 
 for  the  suspicion  tho  Queen  his  soveraigne  had  of  the  Earlo 
 of  Argile  and  hym  :  but  seing  other  in  Courte  had  farther 
 credite  then  he,  he  was  contente  that  her  Grace  sholde  take 
 triall  of  bothe ;  but  was  sorrie  to  see  her  so  suspicious  over 
 those  whom  she  oughte  beste  to  truste,  and  so  far  ledde  by 
 her  newe  counsellers,  to  her  owne  dyshonour,  and  men  of 
 her  countrie.i 
 
 "  Thys  letter  was  delivered  to  the  Lord  Ersken,  whoe  dyd 
 shewe  yt  unto  the  Queen.  Notliyngc  can  wyepe  awaye  the 
 dowtc  she  hathe  of  these  two  Lords.  Yt  is  not  a  lyttle 
 augmented  bothe  by  the  Lord  of  Lenox  and  hys  sonne, 
 whome  yf  I  did  not  now  meetlye  welle  knowe  by  their 
 government  and  usage  in  thys  Courte,  I  coulde  scarcelye 
 believe  that  ther  wer  so  lyttle  wysdome  as  ther  is,  and  so 
 fewo  wayes  to  wyne  men's  hearts  as  I  see,  foundinge  on 
 such  termes  as  thcie  do,  beloved  of  fewe,  counted  by  manyie 
 the  plague  and  destruction  of  thys  countrie,  and  hated 
 allmost  mortallye  by  the  greateste  parte. 
 
 *'  The  brute  of  thys  greate  haste  and  feare  the  Queen  was 
 in  is  rumie  throughc  the  whole  countrie ;  divers  brutes  and 
 tales  there  are  of  yt,  but  your  honour  shall  fynd  thys  the 
 moste  certane  and  trewe. 
 
 *'  As  vehementlye  as  the  (^uccn  dotlie  suspect  these  two 
 Earles  in  spcciall,  and  generallye  all  other  of  the  religion,  so 
 do  thcie  consider  in  what  daynger  theie  stand  themselves, 
 nether  liable,  but  wytho  greate  dyfticultie,  to  avoide  her 
 displeasure,  nor  willingo  to  sco  the  Realme  thus  guyded, 
 religion  ovorthrown,  and  the  amytie  broken  bctwcne  the 
 two   countries,   for  the  mayntenance   of  which   flu  i<^  h.ivc^ 
 
 '  Tho  romh'rs  will  jiul^jo  for  themsclvjvs  if  all  this  h«>  i,'tnuim',  wiun 
 thoy  (<\nininc*  it  hy  otlior  pnfts  of  this  ji^cntloinnn's  Ifttcrs  and  this  Lord's 
 iM-huviour.  TIh'V  will  liUrwiso  obwrvp  if  in  this  discour.sr  thtTt-  he  any 
 foundation  to  rro«lit  a  plot  n^iinst  this  Karl. 
 
15G5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  315 
 
 gcven  their  faytlies,  and  promesed  upon  their  honours  rather 
 to  yeelde  their  lyves  then  to  give  their  consentes.     Divers 
 consultations   have  byne   had   hereupon   howe   these   two 
 poyntes  may  be  preserved,  their  soveraigne  being  knowne 
 unto  them  to  be  enemie  unto  them  bothe,  and  theie  not 
 offend  in  deutie  towards  her.     Divers  humble  letters  have 
 byne  wTytten  unto  her,  divers  godlye  advyses  gevin  her, 
 the  daynger  laid  before  her  eyes,l   not  so  muche  as  her 
 povertie   left   undeclared,    yf  anye   thynge    be    attempted 
 agaynste  her  ether  from  abroode  or  at  home.    These  thynges 
 move  her  Grace  nothyngc,  nor  yet  are  her  intents  so  quietlye 
 keapte  within  herself  but  theie  burste  owte,  and  come  so 
 farre  abroode  that  theie  increase  much  mischief  and  malin 
 day  lie  more  and  more.     The  Lords  are  determined  to  stande 
 upon  their  garde,  not  to  come  to  the  Courte  hot  in  suche 
 sorte  as  theie  may  be  habil  to  debate  and  defende  them- 
 selves ;  yt   is   resolved   that   whensoever   anye   thynge  be 
 attempted  ether  agaynste  the  religion  or  amytie,  that  theie 
 wyll  withstande  yt  wyth  all  their  forces.    Yf  yt  chance  that 
 anye  one  of  them  do  fawle  into  their  ennemies'  hands,  that 
 he  shall  be  relieved  by  the  reste. 
 
 "  That  her  intente  is  to  prosequute  those  that  are  of  the 
 religion,  besyds  that  which  she  speakethe  openlye,  besyds 
 that  which  theie  do  knowe  of  her  devyses  and  counsells,  of 
 her  messages,  of  her  offers  and  promesses,  she  hathe  yester- 
 daye  made  full  declaration  of  her  mynde,  and  sente  unto 
 thys  towne  from  Calander,  the  Lord  of  Livesten  s  house,  a 
 commandement  to  the  Provoste  and  Baylies,^  to  apprehend 
 and  commytte  unto  strayte  ward  four  of  the  chief  Pro- 
 testants, men  of  greate  honestie  and  of  good  welthe,  viz. — 
 Alexander  Guthrie,^  Alexander  Clerk,^  Gilbert  Lauder,  and 
 
 1  One  is  at  a  loss  to  find  out  the  jrround  of  all  this  noise.  Was  it  only 
 because  the  Queen  had  a  mind  to  marry  tlie  Lord  Darnly,  a  young  man 
 without  experience,  without  friends,  witliout  money,  in  a  word,  without 
 every  thing  that  could  render  him  terrible  ?  What  if  the  Queen  had 
 been  to  marry  in  the  Houses  of  France,  Spain,  or  Austria,  as  had  been 
 projected  ? 
 
 2  [The  Lord  Trovost  of  Edinburgh  in  1565  was  Sir  Simon  Treston  of 
 Craigmillar,  who  held  the  office  till  15C8.  See  "  Historical  Sketch  of  the 
 Municipal  Constitution  of  the  City  of  Edinburgh,"  12mo.  1S2().— E.] 
 
 3  He  was  Town  Clerk. 
 
 *  [This  gentleman  was  probably  Alexander  Clerk,  or  Clark,  of  Bal- 
 birnie,  who  was  Lord  Provost  of  Edinburgh  from  1579  to  1583.— E.J 
 
Andrew  SclattcrJ  Tliys  liatli«'  move  J  .suche  an  alarom  in 
 tliys  townr,  and  tlie  Queen  havin<;e  nente  for  suche  of  her 
 fiiends  that  she  trustethe  besto,  that  thcie  thynkc  yt  shall 
 l)e  putte  unto  the  sack.  Thei(?  hegync  allrc(Mic  to  niayke 
 away  wyth  their  chief  wares,  and  nowo  do  wyshe  that  their 
 •  hief  substance  were  in  the  towne  of  IJarwicko,  whear  theie 
 thynk»,'  to  have  yt  surer  then  in  the  Castell  of  Edenbourgc, 
 w  lierc  yt  was  laste  in  the  tynie  of  comber. 
 
 '  I'lie  very  names  and  nuniber  of  these  persons  are  likowibo  iu  Mr 
 Knox.  I  Jut  it  is  stranp^e  to  find  this  Resident  and  that  author  appear  to 
 lu'  in  the  hvist  surprised  at  what  the  Queen  did  herein,  since  Knox 
 expressly  tells,  that  "  tlie  brethren  assembled  themselves  at  .St  I.eonard's 
 Craif  (a  hill  adjacent  to  Kdinbur^^h),  where  they  concluded  they  would 
 di'fend  themselves  ;  and  for  the  same  purpose  elected  ei<i;ht  ])ersons  of  the 
 most  able,  two  of  every  quarter,  to  see  that  the  brethren  should  bo  ready 
 armed/'  Yet  when  this  comes  to  the  Queen's  ears,  Mr  Knox  is  in  a  sort 
 of  justonishment  how  lier  Majesty,  "  without  any  trial,  or  perfect  notice 
 taken  in  the  case,  could  send  to  the  Provost  and  Baillies  of  Kdinbur^h, 
 commanding'  them  to  take  and  apj)rehend  the  four  above  named  persons, 
 ami  put  them  in  prison  in  the  Castle."  A  sober  j)er.son  should,  methinks, 
 ratht-r  wonder  how  her  Majc'sty  could  do  otherwise.  The  ICnglish 
 Resident  is  now  one  of  the  faction,  which  makes  him  talk  at  the  rate  we 
 now  find  him  doin<:j  in  this  and  other  his  letters,  and  by  which  he 
 (liscovereth  some  thiiifjs  that  private  historians  could  not  easily  come  to 
 the  knowled^  of.  Archbishop  Spottiswoode  speaking  of  this  story, 
 saith— **  In  the  town  of  Edinburgh  the  i)eople  (at  the  instigation  of 
 Knox,  &c.)  began  to  mutiny,  and  a.ssembling  themselves  in  companies  on 
 St  Ix'onard's  Crags,  took  counsel  to  put  their  burgesses  in  arms,  to 
 nsHign  them  Captains,  and  to  tlisiirm  such  of  the  townsmen  as  they  knew 
 to  bo  aftecte<l  to  the  nuirriage.  The  Queen  higlily  incensed  at  this 
 mutiny,  did  hasten  to  the  town,  at  whose  coming  the  heads  of  the  faction, 
 .\ndn'W  Sclater,  \c.  fled  forth  of  the  town,  and  were  denounced  rebels." 
 Ill  all  this  account  there  is  not  a  word  of  an  order  having  been  sent  by  tlie 
 t^ueen  to  the  Magi.strates  of  I^dinburgh  before  her  Majesty's  own  arrival  ; 
 ancl  I  can  a.'vsure  my  readers,  that  neither  is  there  the  least  appearance 
 of  it  in  the  Rj'gister  of  the  Town-Cimncil,  which  could  not,  I  suppose, 
 luivc  been  omitted,  had  any  such  thing  been.  All  other  messages  from  the 
 l^ueen  are  faithfully  recorded  in  that  Register.  And  liere  I  cannot  but 
 take  occasion  to  offer  my  opinion  concerning  Archbishop  Spottiswoode, 
 viz.  that  wh«'rein  he  narrates  matters  different  from  Knox  or  Buchanan, 
 he  iM  generally  in  the  right.  It  is  that  good  Prelate's  fault  to  have  taken 
 things  upon  too  nnich  trust  of  these  two  writers.— [The  affair  of  St 
 Leonard's  Crags  iH  subsecpiently  noticed.  The  pa>isag(»s  cited  by  Bishop 
 Keith  in  the  above  note  occur  in  Knox's  "  Ilistorie,"  Ktlin.  edit.  1732 
 p.  :i77,  and  .Archbishop  Sp<itti.swoode's  History,  Lonchm  edit.  1()'77,  p.  I!M», 
 nml  tlie  affair  is  mentioned  a.s  having  happened  in  ir)f;4.  The  .Vrchbishop 
 MunioralcH  NVilliiim  llarlaw,  Michael  Rhiml,  James  Iiiglis,  and  James 
 .  '»ung,  as  implicated  in  the  projected  "  mutiny."  llarlaw,  or  Harlow, 
 IukI  be<>n  a  taihir  in  the  Canongate,  and  was  at  the  time  one  of  the 
 Itrtormed  preachers.— IC] 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  317 
 
 "■  These  thyngs  beinge  knowne  unto  the  two  Earles,  theie 
 thynke  yt  tyme  to  putte  to  that  remedie  theie  cane  ;  theie 
 depende  greathe  upon  the  comforte  received  from  the  Queen's 
 Majestie  our  soveraigne ;  theie  knowe  that  yt  as  well 
 tendethe  to  her  Majestie's  suerty  for  that  which  may  insue, 
 as  the  present  hurt  and  daynger  to  themselves.  Wherefore, 
 havinge  considered  her  JNIajestie's  godlye  and  friendlye  offer 
 to  concurre  wyth  them,  and  to  assyste  them,  and  seinge  that 
 ther  is  nothynge  purposed  herein,  but  the  grounde  thereof 
 is  good,  honorable,  and  deutifull,  as  from  subjects  that  see 
 how  farre  their  soveraigne  is  ledd  by  unadvised  persons, 
 from  her  deutie  to  God,  and  care  that  she  ought  to  have 
 of  the  weal  of  her  countrie,  theie  most  humblye  desyer 
 performance  of  her  Majestie's  promes  ;  and  for  signification 
 of  their  myndes  in  their  owne  names  and  names  of  their 
 bretherne,  have  sente  unto  me  thys  letter  inclosed,  by  a 
 gentleman  of  good  truste,  whose  credite  is  thys  in  effect — 
 That  the  said  Earles  do  see  their  soveraigne  determined  to 
 overthrowe  religion  receaved,!  sore  bente  agaynste  those 
 that  desyer  the  amytie  to  be  continued.  Which  two  poynts 
 theie  are  bound  in  conscience  to  mayntayne  and  defende, 
 and  therefore  are  determined  to  withstande  all  attemptes 
 that  shall  be  made  agaynste  the  same,  and  are  resolved  to 
 provyde  for  their  soveraigne's  estate,  better  then  at  thys 
 tyme  she  cane  consyder  thereof  herself.^  AVherefore  their 
 Lordships  become  moste  humbil  suiters  unto  the  Queen's 
 Majestie,  that  yt  wyll  please  her  Highnes  to  give  unto  them 
 some  suche  supporte  as  may  be  habil  to  bear  them  owte  to 
 that  ende ;  and  bycawse  theie  do  knowe  and  consyder  howe 
 before  tyme  her  Majestie  hathe  byne  greatlye  burdayned  to 
 their  supporte  and  releef  agaynste  the  Frencliemen,  and  in 
 manye  other  just  actions  synce  that  tyme,  to  the  comforto 
 of  manye  a  godlye  persone,  they  are  loothe  so  fiirre  to  charo-e 
 her  Majestie  as  to  desyer  anye  number  of  men  to  take  their 
 parte  ;  but  that  yt  wyll  onlye  please  her  Majestie  to  healpe 
 
 ^  Her  Majesty  had  never  yet  done  one  overt  deed  to  make  tlieni  see 
 this.     But  it  is  now  as  of  old,  Quotics  v'tsfallere  plehem^finge  Dium. 
 
 2  Some  of  our  own  historians,  and  ■Mr  Cambden  of  Enf,'^land  likewise 
 inform  us,  that  these  questions  were  now  tostod  among  the  faction,  viz. 
 "  Whether  a  Papist  might  be  lawfully  made  their  King  ?  Whether  the 
 Queen  was  at  liberty  to  make  choice  of  a  husband  to  herself?  and 
 Whether  the  States  ought  not  to  appoint  a  husband  to  her  ?' 
 
i318  Tlii;    IIIM"liV    (.'K    IIIJ.    Al  KAIJC.^  [15(>'). 
 
 tlwni  with  mnw  sucha  somes  of  monie  as  for  a  tyine  may 
 be  habil  to  keapc  tliemselves  to^etlier,^   bo  yt   tliat  theie 
 
 •  lotennino  to  bo  whearsoover  the  (Queen's  self  is,  or  to 
 remayiie  in  Edeiibourtre,  wliear  tlieie  maye  besto  putte  order 
 unto  all  those  grievous  enormities  that  latlye  are  sprongo 
 up  amongesto  them,  to  the  utter  confusion  of  tlie  whole 
 State,  and  full  resolution  taken  by  their  adversaries,  that 
 yf  in  thys  tlieie  cane  prevailc,  theie  wyll  leave  nothyngo 
 unattempted  that  maye  molesto  or  troblc  their  neighbour.2 
 Lest  also  that  theie  sholde  seem  to  dcsyre  anie  suehe  some  as 
 tlie  greatnes  then-fore  sholde  seem  a  burdayne  to  her  Majestie, 
 and  altogyther  that  waye  discourage  her  from  doynge  any 
 
 liynge  at  all,  theie  thynkc  that  yf  her  Majestie  wolde 
 i  t'Stowe  onlye  three  thousand  lib.  sterlinge  for  thys  year, 
 'Xcepte  some  forraine  force  be  broughte  in  agaynste  them, 
 that  th(/ie  shall  be  habil  verre  well  to  bringe  thys  Reaulme 
 in  rrvste  and  <|uietnes,  and  the  same  to  be  bestowed  as  theie 
 wyll  answer  to  (iod  to  be  most  apparante  to  the  weale  of 
 bothe  the  countries,  and  furtherance  of  those  two  prineipall 
 cawses,  in  the  defence  of  which  theie  promes  and  have 
 whorne  to  adventour  their  boddies,  and  spcnde  their  goods 
 to  the  uttermost  of  their  powers. 
 
 "  Thys  bcingo  their  retpiesto  and  credite  commytted  unto 
 
 hat  gentleman,  and  their  desyer  to  me  to  advertyse  the 
 -ame  to  her  Majestie  wyth  diligence,  I  thoughtc  yt  my 
 deuti«3  so  to  do,  and  wytliall  knowinge  howe  neadi'ull  yt  is 
 that  some  suche  healp  were  gevcn  unto  tluin  nowe  in  due 
 tyme,  I  thoughte  yt  my  parte  thus  farre  to  testifie,  that  I 
 do  certaynlye  belcve  that  yt  wyll  torne  to  no  small  advantage 
 in  the  cn«Ie,  and  nnuhe  to  her  Majestie's  honour,  whoe  hatho 
 nowe  the  full  divotion  of  the  chiefeste  and  beste  of  thys 
 nation  ;•'  the  sooner  also,  for  tliat  these  trebles  are  growne 
 
 '  '1  he  Iliirl  of  Moray  i.s  succoured  by  the  l'.uil  of  IJcdford,  as  it  wore 
 without  the  (Quern's  privity,  to  avoid  suspicion  and  blame  of  tlio  Scots 
 t/uccn  ;  and  tlic  factious  Lords  of  Scotland  desire  no  succour  of  men,  but 
 luoufv  this  yj'ar  from  the  (jueen  of  I'.n^land.  Strype's  Annals  of  the 
 Itefonnation.-  [  London,  folio,  1700,  vol.  i.  p.  47.').-  K.j 
 
 ^  I  low  came  they  to  know  this  resolution  I     We  have  not  seen  to  this 
 
 •  l.iy  any  jiroper  voucher  of  it  produced. 
 
 ■*  It  tlid  not  ap|)onr  ho  by  the  event.  Hut  one  thini,'  ajtjx-ars  evident, 
 that  all  Qu«>en  .Mary's  enemies  have  been  animate«l  and  supported  by 
 t^ueen  i'.li/abeth. 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  319 
 
 by  suche  over  whome  her  Majestie  had  power  to  have 
 retayned,  who  are  nowe  the  cawses  of  these  trobles  and 
 ennemies  unto  her  Majestie's  self.'" 
 
 Here  follow  some  Reasons  he  gives  to  Cecill  for  writing  so 
 particularh/. 
 
 "  Yt  is  wyshed  that  the  Lord  Hume,l  who  is  the  onlye 
 man  of  the  Marche  or  Lodian^  that  she  trustethe  in  to  serve 
 her  torne,  sholde  wyth  some  show^e  of  the  Queen's  Majestie's 
 displeasure  towards  thys  Queen,  be  sometymes  keapte 
 wakeinge,  that  some  suche  good  fellows  were  lette  loose 
 that  would  take  of  his  gear  to  gyve  him  occasion  to  keape 
 home. 3 
 
 "  Yt  is  saide  that  the  Earle  Bothewell  and  Lord  Seton* 
 are  sente  for,  which  hathe  appearance  of  trothe,  and  are 
 knowne  to  be  feet  men  to  serve  in  thys  worlde.  Yt  is 
 wyshed,  if  theie  do  arryve  in  Englande,  that  theie  myghte 
 be  putte  in  good  suerty  for  a  tyme,  passe  their  tyme  ther. 
 1  am  requyred  agayne  to  move  your  Honour  to  do  in  the 
 favour  of  the  Master  of  Marshall,^  ether  that  he  retorne 
 upon  bande,  or  be  putte  unto  some  ransome  that  he  is 
 habil  to  paye,  not  to  his  utter  undoynge.  In  thys  tyme 
 suche  a  man  of  whome  my  Lord  of  Murraye  dothe  assure 
 himself, 6  were  evle  spared.     Yt  were  no  matter  thoughe  the 
 
 1  [Alexander  fifth  Lord  Home.  See  the  first  note,  p.  96  of  this  volume. 
 After  the  failure  of  the  plot  concerted  by  the  Earls  of  IMoray  and  Argyll 
 to  seize  Queen  Mary  and  Lord  Darnley  on  the  road  from  Perth  to  Lord 
 Livingstone's  house  near  Falkirk,  an  attempt  was  made  by  ]Moray  and 
 his  associates  to  excite  the  people  to  insurrection.  They  also  implored 
 the  aid  of  Elizabeth,  and  besought  her  to  let  loose  "  some  strapping 
 Elliots"  upon  Lord  Home,  Mary's  great  partizan,  on  the  marches  towards 
 Lothian,  who  miglit  keep  his  liands  full  at  home.— Randolph  to  Cecil,  4tli 
 .July  1565.     Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vi.  j).  351. — E.] 
 
 2  [Properly  the  ]Merse,  now  Berwickshire,  and  East  Lothian,  or 
 Haddingtonshire.— E.] 
 
 3  Here  is  added  on  the  margin  by  Mr  Kandolj)!!  himself—"  That  thirty 
 or  forty  of  the  strapin  Elliots  myght  be  hired  to  oblige  him  to  take  care 
 of  his  corn  and  cattle." 
 
 *  [I^Ioray  and  his  associates  were  anxious  to  impress  upon  Elizabeth  that 
 the  Earl  of  Bothwell  was  the  mortal  enemy  of  the  Jhiglish  influence. 
 Lord  Seton  appears  to  have  been  on  intimate  terms  with  IJothwell. — E.] 
 
 5  This  gentleman  (called  Lord  Keith  by  Mr  Holinshed)  had  been  taken 
 prisoner  at  an  inroad  in  the  year  1558. — See  Holinshed. 
 
 "  My  Lady  Moray  was  sister  to  the  blaster  of  Marischal. 
 
.S20  tin:  iii-T"Kv  "i    nii:  .\iiAiii-  [  loO"). 
 
 Lord  Cirayt'l  were  called  upon  for  liys  cntrio,  thoughe  he  be 
 lyttle  «,'ood  worthe. 
 
 Shortlye  tlier  «liall  bo  wytli  your  Honour  a  Prelate  of 
 thys  coimtrii',  the  yoiige  liyshope  of  Domblane  ;''^  I  wolde 
 wyshe  that  his  budgets  niyghte  be  ryfied  by  some  good 
 slyghto  or  other.  Yt  is  made  me  beleve  that  he  postethe 
 to  Uome,'^  thouirlie  he  wolde  seem  it  were  onlye  to  Paris  to 
 the  scholes,  whear  he  hathe  byue  longe  tyme  before,  as  also 
 in  Joalyc  (sic)  latelye  anyved  from  Lovayne,  from  that 
 good  fompagiiie  ther.  1  have  recommended  hym  to  Ijarwicke, 
 by  the  L.  of  Lidingtone's  rcqueste  in  the  (Queen's  name  ;  he 
 lykethe  so  well  his  owne  crafte,  that  he  wyll  not  be  called  a 
 Bysliope,  but  ys  named  a  man  of  credite.  Thus  muclie  I 
 thoughte  to  wryte.  that  your  Honour  sholde  not  be  unwarned 
 of  hym. 
 
 Yt  is  tolde  me,  that  ther  are  greate  somes  of  monie 
 promised  from  the  Hollye  Father  to  thys  Queen,  and  that 
 thys  messenger  is  sente  thy  ther ;  1  knowe  not  what  to 
 beleve  hereof.  Ther  arryved  a  shippe  owte  of  Flanders 
 upon  Mundaye  laste ;  in  the  same  ther  was  a  servante  of 
 the  Earle  of  Lenox,  who  broughte  wyth  hym  a  cheste,  in 
 the  which,  by  the  weighte,  yt  was  suspected  that  ther  was 
 some  good  store  of  monie. ^  Yf  that  waye  theie  have  ether 
 meanes  or  credite,  yt  is  so  muche  the  worse. 
 
 '  Lord  (J ray  had  boon  likewise  some  slu»rt  time  after  made  a  prisoner, 
 and  was  allowfd,  as  would  seem,  to  come  home  on  his  parole. — Ilolinshed. 
 
 '  i  William  C'hisliolm  succeeded  his  uncle,  also  called  William  (hisholm, 
 in  the  IJishojiric  of  Dunblane.  He  was  appointed  coadjutor  by  Tope  I'ius 
 IV.  in  ir^fil.  Ilis  uncle  died  in  15G4.  IJishop  Chisholm  was  uitich 
 employed  by  the  Queen  Mary  in  public  aftairs.  See  Uishop  Keith's 
 C'ttl«lo^nie  of  Scottihli  Bishops,  4to.  IT^.'),  p.  lOf),  106*. — E.] 
 
 *  Our  hi.HtorianH  talk  of  our  C^ueen's  havin;,'  sent  William  Chisholm, 
 IJiwhop  of  Dunblane,  to  Home,  in  order  to  obtain  a  di.spensation  from  the 
 Tope  for  her  marrying  the  Lord  Darnly,  her  Majesty  and  that  Nobleman 
 bein;;  related  to;^'ether  within  the  dejjrees  of  consanguinity  prohibited  by 
 the  Church  of  Honn'  for  contracting  of  marriage. —  [The  statement  is 
 correct  that  liishop  Chisliolm  was  s.'ut  to  Kome  to  obtain  a  dispensjition 
 from  the  roj)e,  and  he  arrived  with  it  about  the  end  of  July.-  K.j 
 
 *  Sir  .lames  .Melvil,  .Menu  p.  r>7,  speaks  of  SOOO  crowns  in  gold  having 
 been  sent  from  the  Tope  to  the  Queen  ;  but  the  ship  was  broken  on  the 
 eoa«t  of  Kngland,  and  the  I'.arl  of  N<irthumberland,  though  a  friend  to  our 
 Queen,  yet  wouhl  not  deliver  the  money.  Such  is  the  power  of  money 
 with  some  people. 
 
15G5.J  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  321 
 
 "  Thys  nyghto  the  Queen  comethe  to  thys  towne,  some 
 saye  to  lodge  in  the   Castell,  which  I  do  not  beleve,  but 
 
 rather  whear  she  was  wonte  at  Holly rood-howse. .^     At 
 
 Edenbourge  fourth  of  Julyc  1565. 
 
 "  Your  Honour's  bounden  at  commande, 
 
 "  Tho.  Randolphe." 
 
 Another  letter  was  wrote  by  this  English  minister  to  the 
 Secretary  of  that  Crown  on  the  6th  day  of  this  same  month 
 of  July,  which,  however,  has  not  come  to  our  hand  :  But 
 we  can  easily  guess  at  the  contents  of  it,  not  only  by  the 
 two  proceeding  ones,  but  much  better  by  the  Queen  of 
 England's  answer  to  this  her  servant,  dated  the  10th  of 
 this  month,  and  which  upon  sundry  accounts  will  merit  to 
 have  a  place  here. 
 
 The  Queen  of  England'^s  Letter  to  Mr  Randolph^ 
 mil  July  1565.2 
 
 "  We  have  seen  your  letters  of  the  4th  and  6tli  to  our 
 Secretary,  by  which  we  perceive,  to  our  no  small  grief, 
 appearance  of  troubles  to  arise  in  that  Realm,  if  God  do 
 not  prevent  the  same,  as  we  hope  He  will ;  for  we  cannot 
 judge  that  the  Lords  there  with  whom  the  Queen  is  mov'd 
 to  be  offended  have  any  intention  but  to  the  weal,  surety, 
 and  honour  of  their  soveraign,  for  otherwise  we  would  not 
 endure  to  allow  them.  If  you  shall  find  occasion  to  speak 
 to  the  Queen,  you  may  say.  That  we,  hearing  by  common 
 report,  and  especially  by  means  of  such  as  come  in  her 
 name  to  the  French  ambassador,  how  troublesome  the 
 estate  of  that  Realm  begins  to  be,  did  pity  the  same,  and 
 wills  her  to  understand  our  compassion  and  advice  in  two 
 things  :  1.^  That  her  late  dealings  with  us  in  her  marriage 
 without  her  knowledge  and  consent.  2.  Lest  at  this  time 
 she  should  think  us  willing  to  intermeddle  in  her  affixirs 
 without  her  own  contentation.     And  if  these  two  causes  had 
 
 ^  Iloro  folio wcth  a  paraj^ruph  which  concliules  the  letter,  l)efj_!^in^  money 
 tor  himself,  as  usual,  and  a  great  many  compliments  to  Cecil,  but  contains 
 nothing  material :  only  he  adviseth  to  send  the  Karl  of  Bedford  to  Ber- 
 wick, to  countenance  and  support  the  Lords  of  the  religion. 
 
 2  Calig.  B[ook]  X.  F.  309.  a  Copy.— [British  Museum.— E.] 
 
 •■*  The  transcriber  here  has  not  done  his  dutv  \v(>ll. 
 VOL.  IL  21 
 
:V2'2  TllK   HISTORY  UF  THK  AFFAIRS  [loO'O. 
 
 not  boon,  you  may  assure  her  wo  would  have  (shewn) 
 presently  som*?  (h'nionstration  of  our  sisterly  good  will 
 toward  h.r.  Nevertheless  we  wish  her  to  be  well  advised 
 how  to  sutl'rr  her  Council  and  Nobility  to  nourish  any 
 suspicion  one  of  the  other,  for  thereof  can  come  no  good  to 
 her  Realm,  nor  comfort  to  herself ;  and  if  she  shall  attempt 
 anv  innovation,  whereby  her  Nobility,  that  have  truly  and 
 faitlifuUv  served  her,  should  perceive  trouble  growing  to  the 
 State,  and  peril  to  themselves,  she  is  evil  counselled,  and 
 the  causes  of  the  offence  given  us  cannot  but  give  her 
 warning.  And  let  the  Nobility  know  what  advice  we  willed 
 you  to  give  their  soveraign.  And  for  their  part,  as  long  as 
 they  intend  nothing  but  the  maintaining  of  religion  to  the 
 honour  of  (Jod,  and  consequently  uphold  their  soveraign's 
 estate,  and,  thircllf/,  nourish  the  amity  between  the  two 
 Realms,  we  shall  allow  them,  and  so  esteem  of  them,  as 
 in  all  just  and  honourable  causes  they  shall  find  us  to  regard 
 their  state  and  continuance.  And  because  such  great 
 matters  are  fittest  to  be  remedied  in  the  beginning  before 
 thev  take  root,  we  wish  they  make  the  Queen  understand 
 plainly  the  sincerity  of  their  intentions,  and  to  offer  unto 
 her  all  manner  of  service  by  counsel  and  advice,  so  as  they 
 may  be  safe  from  the  intrappings  of  their  private  adversaries 
 laid.  In  this  sort,  if  they  with  one  accord  proceed  dutifully 
 and  plainly,  it  is  to  bo  hoped  that  you  will  open  her  eyes  to 
 behold  their  sincerity  and  honour.  In  the  mean  time,  whilst 
 she  is  advised  by  their  adversaries,  we  wish  the  Nobility 
 forbear  to  resort  in  companies  together,  that  they  be  not 
 ensnared  in  any  one  place  by  their  adversaries. 
 
 ••  I'inaliy,  you  shall  assure  them,  that  they  doing  their 
 duty,  if  they  shall  by  malice  or  practice  be  forced  to  any 
 inconveniency,  they  shall  not  find  lack  in  us  to  regard  them 
 in  tlif-ir  truth.  And  as  we  shall  hear  further  from  you,  so 
 shall  we  impart  more  of  our  mind  to  be  delivered  unto  them 
 in  this  cause. 
 
 ''  And  where  it  seemeth  by  your  writing,  that  the  Nobility 
 are  detennined  to  keep  gi'eat  forces  for  their  defence,  wo 
 are  of  opinion  that  thereby  the  (Jueen  takes  most  suspicion 
 of  their  intentions,  and  by  this  they  shall  be  driven  to  greater 
 charges    tli.iii    is    expedient  :    upon  which   you   sliall  do  well. 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  323 
 
 as  you  see  cause,  to  give  them  advice,  neither  to  make 
 greater  expence  than  their  security  makes  necessary  ;  nor 
 less,  which  may  bring  danger ."i 
 
 Our  Queen  being  now  returned  from  her  progress  to  her 
 Palace  of  Holyroodhouse,  began  immediately  (and  not 
 without  good  reason)  to  examine  into  the  late  tumultuous 
 assembling  of  the  citizens  of  Edinburgh.  We  learn  from 
 Knox  and  the  agent  of  England,  that  the  disturbance  had 
 solely  arisen  from  the  Lords  and  Kirk  ministers,  opposers  of 
 the  Queen's  marriage,  who,  knowing  well  that  nothing  could 
 so  effectually  thwart  the  same  as  to  raise  false  surmises 
 concerning  religion,  as  if  her  marriage  with  the  Lord  Darnley 
 would  enable  the  Queen  to  overturn  the  new,  and  introduce 
 the  ancient  form  (though  it  be  no  easy  matter  to  see  what 
 mighty  accession  of  power  for  effectuating  this  could  accresce 
 to  her  Majesty  by  that  marriage).  In  this  view,  however, 
 they  had  exhibited  certain  Articles  to  the  Queen,  but  she 
 chusing  to  defer  her  answer  for  the  space  of  eight  days,  until 
 she  should  return  to  Edinburgh,  and  have  a  great  many  of 
 the  Nobility  present  :  "  at  the  same  time,  says  INIr  Knox, 
 as  the  General  Assembly  was  holden  in  Edinburgh,  the 
 brethren  perceiving  the  Papists  to  brag,  and  trouble  like  to 
 be,  they  assembled  themselves  at  St  Leonard's  Crag,"^  (&c. 
 
 1  This  letter  is  an  evident  demonstration  of  the  English  Queen's 
 fomenting  and  supporting  a  rebellion  in  Scotland  :  and  the  rebellious 
 Lords  knew  too  well  what  they  had  to  trust  to. 
 
 2  Some  people  well  acquainted  in  the  places  about  Edinburgh  have 
 told  me,  that  the  hill  above  the  Caltoun  (now  called  the  Caltoun  Crags) 
 was  formerly  called  St  Leonard's  Ci-ag.  But  tliere  was  likewise  a  chapel, 
 called  by  the  name  of  St  Leonard's,  on  the  side  of  the  rising  ground,  on 
 the  top  whereof  the  wall  of  the  King's  Park  on  the  west  side  now  runs, 
 and  where  is  a  stair  over  the  wall  giving  entry  into  the  Park.  A  little 
 north  from  this  stair,  and  on  the  rising  ground,  there  may  be  seen  at  this 
 day  a  large  stone  or  two,  with  some  hollow  cutting  sunk  into  tlie  gi-ound, 
 which  seems  to  have  pertained  to  St  Leonard's  Chai)el. — [liishoj)  Keith's 
 informants  were  decidedly  in  error  wlien  they  asserted  that  the  Calton 
 Hill  at  Edinburgh  was  at  any  time  designated  St  Lconanrs  Crags.  The 
 Calton  Hill,  which  is  in  the  parish  of  South  Leith,  was  known  as  the 
 Caldton,  or  Wester  Ecsia I rir/,  and  in  Slezer's  "  Thoatrum  Scotiaj "  it  is  also 
 termed  NciVs  Crar/s,  the  origin  of  wliicli  is  unknown.  The  Town-Council 
 of  Edinburgh  purchased  the  superiority  of  the  Caldtoiiy  or  Wester  Ikstalriij, 
 from  John  fifth  Lord  IJalmcrino,  half  brother  of  the  unfortunate  Arthur 
 sixth  Lord,  and  in  172.5  obtained  a  charter  from  George  I.  erecting  tlie 
 
.*324  TllL  HISTORY  OF  TlIK  AKFAI  US  [I3Go. 
 
 CL8  beforc-inentiornMl).  This  unwarrantablo  and  illegal  pro- 
 ceeding of  the  brethren  having  been  told  to  the  Queen  while 
 she  was  at  Calendar,'  she  was  very  nuieh  displeased,  and  at 
 
 Htrti't  uiidtT  till"  wivst  iireci|>ici's  «if  the  Ilill,  culled  tho  Loir  or  La'iijh  ColOm 
 into  a  bur^'h  of  barony.—  S^ee  Maitland's  History  of  l>diiibur^h,  folio, 
 17.').'J,  p.  '212.  Tho  proper  locality  called  St  LtonanCs  Hill  is  on  the  south 
 side  of  the  city,  immediately  in  front  of  Salisbury  Cnij,^^,  and  is  now 
 included  in  tin*  suburbs.  St  Leonard's  Hill  overlooks  that  portion  of  tlie 
 royal  parks  of  Holyrood  which  slopes  down  to  the  base  of  Salisbury  Crags, 
 and  forms  a  deej),  retired,  and  verdant  valley.  The  street  called  St 
 Leonard's  Hill  is  a  jtart  of  the  ancient  road  of  the  Uumljiccli/kcs,  immor- 
 talized by  Sir  Walter  Scott,  Here  stood  St  Leonard's  Chapel  and 
 Hospital,  the  few  vestiges  of  which  mentioned  by  liishop  Keith  have 
 entirely  disai)peared.  Maitland  (History  of  I'Minburgh,  folio,  1753, 
 p.  176*)  states  that  in  his  time  were  to  be  seen  the  font  and  holy  water 
 stone,  and  that  the  site  of  the  chapel  was  a  cemetery  for  those  who 
 committed  suicide.  According  to  Knox's  narrative  (Historic,  Edin.  edit. 
 1732,  p.  377),  the  Queen,  while  at  Callander  House,  was  informed  "by 
 word  and  letters  of  false  brethren,  that  a  great  part  of  the  Protestants  of 
 Ktlinbtirgh  had  lately  convened  upon  St  Leonard's  Crags,  and  thare  maid 
 a  conspiratioun  agsiinst  her  ;  and  chosen  for  the  same  purpois  certaue 
 cai)tanes  to  govern  the  rest.''  Whatever  Knox  may  assert  about  the 
 "  word  and  letters"  of  "  false  brethren,''  by  which  he  insinuates  that  no 
 such  gatlu-ring  at  St  Leonard's  Crags  was  contemplated,  it  is  certain  that 
 the  Karl  of  (Jlencairn  came  to  Edinburgh  to  concert  an  uisurrection,  but 
 the  Queen's  unexpected  arrival  frustrated  this  attempt  to  overawe 
 her.— E.] 
 
 '  Both  Handolph  and  Knox  inform  us,  that  the  Queen's  visit  in  this 
 l>Iace  was  t«5  witnj'ss  the  baptism  of  a  child  of  the  Lord  Livingston,  and 
 •Mr  Knox  further  ac(|uaints  us  that  here  her  Majesty  gave  her  presence 
 to  the  Protestant  sennon.  ihit  this  condescension  he  seems  to  vilify  in 
 these  words— jf /</(•/<  tran  rtrkoui(fj  siiys  he,  a  f/irut  malhr,  and  no  doubt 
 it  was  so.  And  had  that  person  behaved  himself  w  ith  more  discretion, 
 her  Majesty  might  have  been  gained  over  to  relish  other  things,  but  his 
 impolished  ami  insolent  moinur  kept  her  still  at  a  distance.  He  had  told 
 a  little  before,  that  the  Queen  dechucd  slu'  desired  nothing  more  than  the 
 Witihfying  of  men's  consciences  :  and  that  albeit  she  was  not  persuaded 
 in  any  religion  but  in  that  wherein  she  was  brought  up,  yet  she  promised 
 that  she  woidd  hear  conference  and  disputation  in  the  Scrijjtures,  and 
 public  preaching  from  the  mouth  of  Mr  Erskineof  I)un,the  Superintendent 
 of  Angus  and  Mearns,  for  he  was  a  mild  and  sweet-natured  num,  with 
 true  honesty  and  uprightnes.s  :  Therefore  Knox  makes  the  remark,  that 
 *♦  Hhe  would  only  hear  preaching  out  of  the  mouth  of  such  jis  pleased  her 
 Mnjexty."  U  wiui  truly  no  wonder  that  her  .Maij<'sty  disliked  to  hear 
 Hcnnon  from  a  iwissionate,  furious,  and  turbvdent  spirit  ;  and  it  is  not 
 improbable  that  upon  thi.s  very  account  Mr  Knox  bore  her  so  much 
 nmlire,  as  he  vomits  out  (m  all  occa-sions.— [  It  appears  from  Knox's 
 narrative  (Historie,  p.  377),  that  the  baptism  of  I>ord  Livingstone's  child 
 wjw*  |M'rfonned  according  to  the  then  newly  devised  form,  an«l  "  when  the 
 minister  made  tho  sermone,  a:id    exhortation    concerning  baptism,  the 
 
15G5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  325 
 
 her  return  to  Edinburgh  she  caused  a  day,  2Gth  of  tlio 
 month,  bo  set  for  their  trial ;  and  finding  that  they  had 
 thought  fit  to  abscond,  she  then  ordered  them  to  be  denounced 
 rebels,  their  goods  seized,  &c.  Yet  such  was  her  Majesty's 
 clemency,  that  all  these  persons  were  afterwards  pardoned 
 at  the  intercession  of  the  magistrates  of  the  town.  The 
 Queen  likewise,  to  quiet  the  minds  of  such  of  her  subjects 
 as  might  be  deceived  by  false  and  cunning  suggestions,  was 
 pleased  to  emit  on  the  12th  of  July  a  publick  Proclamation, 
 which  in  the  Records  of  the  Privy-Council  is  termed  An 
 Assurance  towart  the  State  of  Religion.  The  reader  may 
 see  it  in  our  account  of  Church  Affairs. 
 
 The  time  of  the  Parliament  now  drawing  on,  it  would 
 appear  the  Queen  and  Council  have  not  judged  the  present 
 unsettled  situation  a  proper  season  for  entering  upon  business, 
 and  therefore  we  see  the  following  Act  of  Privy- Council. — 
 
 ''^  Api(jd  Edinhurgli^  l^th  Julij^  Anno  Dom.  1565. 
 
 "  Sederunt — Matthwus  Comes  de  Levenox;  Jacohus  Comes  de 
 Mortoun,  Cancell. ;  Joannes  Dominus  Erskine  ;  Richardus 
 Maitland  de  LetJiingtoun.,  Miles.,  Custos  Secreti  Sigilli  ,• 
 Secretarius,  Computorum  Rotulator,  Thesaurarius.,  Clericus 
 Justiciar  ice.,  A  dvocatas. 
 
 "  The  quhilk  day  the  Quenis  Majestic,  with  aviss  of  the 
 Lordis  of  Secreit  Counsel,  for  certane  ressonabill  caussis  and 
 occasiounis  presentlie  occurring  and  moving,  hir  Hienes  hes 
 thought  guid  that  the  Parlement  quhilk  of  befoir  at  Striviling 
 was  appointed  to  the  20th  day  of  July  instant,  be  contincwit 
 quhill  the  1st  day  of  September  nixt  tecum  ;  thairfoir 
 ordanis  Ictteris  to  be  direct  to  officiaris  of  armis,  shereffis 
 in  that  pairt,  to  pass  to  the  mercat-croces  of  all  burrowis  of 
 this  Realme,  and  thair  be  opin  proclamatioun  in  hir  Hienes 
 name  and  authoritc  mak  publicatioun  of  the  said  contincwa- 
 tion  of  the  said  Parlement  to  the  day  above  writtin  ;  and  to 
 command  all  hir  Hienes,  the  Estaitis  quhilkis  of  befoir  wer 
 warnit  to  compeir  the  said  20th  day  of  July,  to  compcir  and 
 
 Quene's  Majesty  came  in  tlio  cud  and  said  to  tho  Lord  Livinpstouii — 
 *  That  she  would  sclicw  him  that  favour  that  she  had  not  done  to  ouy 
 uther  before.'  " — E.] 
 
^2C}  THE   IIISTOUY  OF  Tfli:   AFFAIRS  [1505 
 
 keip  tlie  said  Ist  day  of  Srptoniber,   sicklykc   as  gif  thai 
 ressavit  special  picroptis  and  foiniiK'indnKTitis  to  that  effect. 
 
 And  that  h«  r  Majesty  nn<,dit  provide  against  any  smhlen 
 distnrhance  from  the  discontented  Lords,  she  set  fortli  on 
 the  l.")th  of  tlie  month  a  l^rochnnation  byadviccof  hcrConncil, 
 certifying  all  her  good  subjects,  that  as  they  had  not  hitherto, 
 so  should  they  not  for  the  time  to  come  be  molested  in  the 
 matter  of  religion  ;  and  Uum  "  charging  all  and  sindrio  hir 
 subjectis,  als  weill  to  burgh  as  to  land,  rcgalitie  as  roaltie, 
 that  thai,  and  ilk  ane  of  thame,  weill  bodin  in  feir  of  weir, 
 address  them  to  cume  to  hir  Majestic,  furncist  to  remane  for 
 the  space  of  fifteen  dayis  efter  thair  cuming,  for  attending 
 and  awayting  upon  hir  Hienes  :  and  that  with  all  possible 
 <lilligrnce  eftir  thai  be  chargit  thairto,  under  the  pane  to  be 
 re|)ut  and  haldin  assistaris  and  partakaris  with  the  dis- 
 obedientis,  and  to  bo  punist  thairfoir  accordinglie."" 
 
 Besides  this  T*roclam.'ition,  we  have  by  Mr  Knox  the  copy 
 of  a  letter,  which  he  says  "  she  wrote  to  a  great  number  of 
 Lords,  13arons,  gentlemen,  and  others  that  were  nearest,  in 
 Fife.  AuLTUs,  Lothian,  Merse,  Teviotdale,  Perth,  Liidithgow, 
 Clidsdale,  and  others,  to  resort  to  her,''  in  this  form  of  words 
 hereafter  following  : — ^ 
 
 '•Tklstv  FukinD,  we  greet  you  weill.  W'e  ar  greived  indeid 
 be  tlie  cvill  bruite  spread  amongst  our  liegis,  as  that  we  sould 
 have  molested  ony  man  in  the  using  of  his  religioun  and 
 conscience  freely,  a  thing  which  never  entred  into  our  minds; 
 yit  since  wo  perceave  the  too  easy  beleving  such  reports  hath 
 maid  thame  careles,  and  so  we  think  it  becomes  us  to  be 
 cMnfull  for  the  safety  and  preservatioun  of  our  Stat(^  (juhair- 
 foir  we  pray  you  most  affectionately,  that  with  all  p()ssil)lt> 
 haist,  eftir  the  receipt  of  this  our  letter,  you,  witii  your 
 Iviudred,  freinds,  and  whole  force,  wc^ill  furnisched  with  amies 
 for  warro,  be  provided  I'oi-  fifteen  days  el'ter  your  coming, 
 addn»s  you  to  come  to  us,  to  wait  and  attend  upoun  us, 
 ai-eording  to  our  expectatioun  and  trust  in  yoii,  as  you  will 
 
 '  (Bishop  Kritli  fh'sriilK's  tliis  letter  -  "  The  Quooii  writes  also  to  some 
 ron«*pirt«ou««  persons,  iiivifinL'  them  to  come  to  her  a.ssistance." — E.] 
 
l5Go.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IX  SCOTLAND.  :327 
 
 thairby  declare  the  good  affectioun  you  bear  to  the  man- 
 teinance  of  our  authority,  and  will  do  us  thairin  acceptable 
 service.  Subscribed  \Yith  our  hand  at  Edinburgh,  the  17th 
 day  July  1565." 
 
 I  should  be  loath  to  say  that  this  is  not  a  genuine  letter 
 by  the  Queen,  yet  because  there  is  another  original  subscribed 
 by  her  Majesty's  own  hand  the  very  day  before,  preserved 
 in  a  very  valuable  repository,  I  may  expect  the  readers  will 
 easily  pardon  the  inserting  it  likewise  here. 
 
 "  Traist  Friend,!  we  grete  you  wele.  The  evill  brute  and 
 untrew  reporte  spred  be  seditious  personis  amangis  oure 
 liegis  hes  grevit  ws  indeid,  as  that  we  suld  have  intentit  to 
 impede  or  moleste  ony  oure  subjectis  in  the  using  of  thair 
 religioun  and  conscience  frelie  ;  a  thing  quhilk  nevir  enterit 
 in  oure  mynde,  althought  owir  mony  hes  creditit  the  report : 
 And  to  the  effect  that  this  vane  brute  may  evanyshe,  as  a 
 thing  without  ground  or  occasioun,  we  have  directit  oure 
 letteris,  to  signifie  oure  syncere  meaning  to  all  oure  guid 
 subjectis ;  and  with  that  we  thought  it  verie  mete  and  con- 
 venient to  wryte  unto  you  in  particular,  as  ane  of  quhome  we 
 nevir  had  bot  guid  opinioun,  and  saw  your  reddy  guid  will  to 
 shue,  quhen  the  occasioun  of  our  commoun  wele  requirit.  The 
 effect  is  to  certifie  and  assuir  you,  that  as  hiddertillis  ye  haif 
 neuir  persauit  ws  meyn  stop,  stay,  or  molestation  to  you,  or 
 ony  utheris,  in  using  your  religioun  and  conscience,^  sa  may 
 ye  luik  for  the  same  oure  guid  will  and  clemencie  in  tyme 
 coming  ;  for  nixt  God  behauing  you  as  a  guid  subject  to 
 ws,  think  na  uthir  bot  to  fynd  ws  a  fauorable  and  bene- 
 ficial maistres  and  prince,  willing  to  contcne  you  in  guid 
 peas  and  quietnes,  but  innovatioun  or  alteratioun  in  ony 
 sorte  :  And  in  caiss  ye  sal  be  desirit  to  ryss  and  concur 
 with  ony  man,  as  under  pretenss  of  this  vane  bruitis,  wo 
 pray  you  to  estay,  and  tak  na  liede  to  thame  that  sa  sal 
 desire  you.     As  alswa,  gif  it  sal  happin  ws  to  hauc  to  do, 
 
 ^  Cotton  Library,  Calig.  B.  X,  F.  3IG,  an  Original,  liut  it  is  pasted  on 
 another  leaf  of  paper,  so  that  the  direction  on  the  back  is  not  to  be  seen. 
 
 ^  Nor  indeed  do  we  perceive  that  the  Queen  had  given  any  molestation 
 to  the  form  of  religion  she  found  in  the  kingdom  at  her  return,  or  had 
 pressed  people,  contrary  to  their  inclinations,  to  follow  her  form. 
 
*>28  Tin:  IIISTUKY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15Go. 
 
 owthir  with  ouro  auld  inymoiH,  or  uthcrwys,  we  luk  to  be 
 cortifit  bo  you  prescntlic  in  \\r\U;  with  the  berair,  (juhat  we 
 may  lippin  for  at  yoiiro  handis.     Farther  of  oure  mynd  we 
 
 haiie  dcclarit  to  the  borair  heirof (juhom  to  ye  sal  gif 
 
 firinc  crcdito.  Subscriuit  with  oure  hand  at  Edinburgh  the 
 Ib'th  day  of  Julij  LKJ."). 
 
 *'  marik  k;" 
 
 To  this  letter,  all  written  by  her  Majesty's  own  hand,  is 
 annexed  the  following  postscript  in  a  different  hand,  but 
 still  a^fove  the  (Jueen's  subscription. 
 
 "  Eftir  thir  our  lettrc  WTittin,  and  quhen  we  hopit  tliat 
 
 ea  suddanlie  we  neidit  not  to zou,  we  ar  consornit  to 
 
 gif  zow  warnins,  and  pray  zow  effectuusly,  that  ze  with  zowr 
 coniin  freindis,  and  force  ze  may  mak,  addres  zow  to  com  to 
 WH,  bodin  in  feir  of  weir,  and  providit  for  1.3  dayis  eftir  zoNvr 
 cuniine,  to  attend  and  await  upon  ws.  For  seing  armour 
 takin  on  already  without  occasion,  it  war  little  ancwch  that 
 we  luikit  to  oure  awn  suretie  and  estait.  This  we  doubt  not 
 bot  ze  will  do  according  to  oure  lippinnins  with  all  possible 
 haist. 
 
 "  Wo  have  not  a  commodious  berare  reddy,  and  zit  wald 
 
 not  delay  it for  it  will  sufficientlie  anewch  deelair 
 
 niir.'  meanynf,^s/'' 
 
 i'reciscly  about  this  time  the  heads  of  the  disaffected 
 faction  were  so  emboldened  as  to  convene  within  the  town 
 of  Stirling,  "  pretending  to  consult"  (says  Mr  Knox)^  "■  what 
 should  be  done  as  well  in  religion  as  for  the  eonnnonwealth."" 
 This  author  likewise  tells  of  a  message  sent  by  the  Queen 
 to  those  at  Stirling,  and  the  answer  which  they  returned 
 to  her  Majesty.  However,  that  gentleman  labours  under 
 some  mistake  here  :  for  that  there  was  a  message  sent  by 
 the  (Jueen  at  this  time,  and  by  the  very  persons  ho  mentions, 
 is  indeed  fact  ;  but  then  the  message  was  neither  to  all  the 
 pLTsons,  nor  was  the  import  of  the  message  the  same  ii»  he 
 mentions.  This  author  informs  the  world  likewise  of  several 
 |»articulars   rolatini:  t<»  th«'  Earl  of  Mornv,   ospeciallv  that 
 
 ■  lllistorio,  Kdin.  o.lit.  1732,  p.  378.— E.) 
 
1565.]  OF  .CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  »320 
 
 that  Lord  was  under  a  necessity  not  to  repair  to  the  queen  b 
 presence,  for  fear  of  his  life  from  those  that  were  about  her 
 Majestic.  But  of  all  these  things  the  reader  will  obtain  a 
 more  authentick  and  satisfactory  account  from  the  original 
 Records  which  I  have  put  into  the  Appendix. 
 
 What  private*  concert  the  rebel  Lords  at  Stirling  had 
 agreed  upon  among  themselves  to  carry  on  their  factious 
 courses,  cannot  be  known  :  However,  there  is  one  principal 
 point  of  their  consultations  that  comes  to  light  by  the 
 following  letter,  which  was  drawn  up  by  them,  and  trans- 
 mitted to  the  Queen  of  England. 
 
 Letter  from  the  factious  Lords  at  Stirling,  to  the  Queen  of 
 
 England,   ISth  July^ 
 
 "  May  it  pleis    your    Majeste.      Understanding   be  your 
 
 Hynes  ambassador  Sir  Nycholas  Throgmorton,   and  als  be 
 
 the  information  of  your  INIajestie's   servand  Maister  Ran- 
 
 dolphe,  heir  Resident  upon  your  Hynes'  affayres,  the  guid 
 
 and  gratius  mynd  your  Majestic  with  continuance  beareth 
 
 to  the  meyntenance  of  the  gospell,   and  ws  that  profess  the 
 
 same  in  this  Realme,  hes  thought  expedient  to  latt  your 
 
 Majestic  understand,  that  laitly  we  haif  presentit  the  Quenis 
 
 Majestic  our  Souverayne  certayne  Articlis2  for  establishing 
 
 of  the  Evangell  in  this  our  natyve  cuntrey.     Quhairof  as 
 
 •  the  answer  is  long  delayt,  so  hoip  w^e  but  verray  slenderly 
 
 thairof :  And  heirfor,  fearing  that  our  ernist  sute,  joyned 
 
 with  the  profession  of  the  said  religion,  sail  at  length  procuir 
 
 unto  ws  no  guid  will  of  our  souverayne  w^ithout  our  meriting; 
 
 and  seing  it  hayth  pleased  God  to  bliss  your  Majestic  with 
 
 that  most  honorable  tytile  to  be  under  God  Protectrix  most 
 
 special  of  the  professors  of  the  religion,  and  haifing  in  our 
 
 selfs  experimentit  maist  amply  your  Majestie's  gracius  libcr- 
 
 alite  in  that  behalf,  can  do  non  uther  in  tyme  of  necessity 
 
 nor  with  thankfull  hartis  for  the  past,  and  good  hope  for 
 
 that  sail  cum,  haif  i-ccours  to  your  Majestie's  accustumyt 
 
 bonte,  with  the  quhilk  your  Hyness  embrased  ws,  and  mony 
 
 utheris   in   ours  and   thairis   most   extremyte  :    Quhilk   wo 
 
 remember  with  thankfulness,  and  sail  riuhill  tliro  our  lyiff^ 
 
 1  Cotton  Library,  Cali^-.  B[ookJ.   X.  fol.  317,  an   Original.- L British 
 Museum. — E.] 
 
 2  These  Articles  may  l)e  seen  in  our  Ecclesiastical  Part. 
 
St^O  Tm:   HISTOKY  f»F  TlIK  AFFAIRS  [15G5. 
 
 ((juhilks  Ood  \)\  your  Majestic  liayth  rodeniyt)  sail  induir  : 
 And  for  that  cause  waM  Ix'  most  soroiiful  to  sc  ony  occasion 
 fall  out  that  uivcht  trouhlr  the  mutual  amytc  of  thir  two 
 nations,  so  hajiprlyc  and  upon  so  guid  ground  foundit  and 
 hcgonn  by  your  liyncs  lihoralito,  to  your  innnortal  prayso. 
 And  for  this  cause  hes  comandit  this  berar  to  declarat  our 
 guid  willis  and  bent  affcctionne  to  the  prcsenationne  thairof 
 to  your  Majestic,  to  quhom  thairfor  it  may  picis  your 
 Majestic  gif  crcdite  on  our  behalf  as  to  our  selfs.^  And 
 thus  after  our  maist  humyll  commendation  of  our  service 
 unto  vour  Majestic,  we  comit  your  Ilynes  to  the  protection 
 of  (iod.  From  Striueling  the  xviii.  of  July  1505. 
 "  Your  Majestie's  most  humyll  Seruiteuris, 
 
 "  James  IIamvlton.'- 
 
 "  Ar.  Arc  ill. 
 
 "  Jamks  Stewart.'"^ 
 
 '\\)  the  [)rece('ding  letter  it  is  very  [)rop('r  to  add  these 
 that  follow  from  the  English  Kesident,  as  contributing  still 
 more  light  into  our  affairs. 
 
 Letter  from  Mr  RuaduJph  to  Secretary  Cecily  \i)th  Juli/.^ 
 
 "  Maye  yt  please  your  Honour  :  Thys  daye  the  18th  I 
 receaved  the  (Queen's  Majestie's  letter,  and  one  from  your 
 Honour  of  the  11th,  contayninge  matter  to  be  declared  to 
 thys  (^ueen  from  the  (Queen's  Majestic,  and  certayne  of  the 
 Lords  whoe  are  not  nowe  present,  and  therfore  re(|uirethe 
 some  conveniente  tyme.  In  the  meane  season  your  Honour 
 shall  understande  that  I  lacko  no  matter  to  wryte  of,  for  all 
 thyngs  do  growe  here  daylie  worce  and  worce,  and  arc  lyke 
 to  come  unto  a  mervillous  extremitie. 
 
 "  Tiiys  Queen  at  thys  tyme  hathe  assembled  all  her  forces, 
 
 '  This  i»robal»ly  Iijis  been  Mr  Nieljoliis  Klphiiiston,  ^vl^(),  Ktiox  s;iys, 
 wiw  sent  into  I',n<;lan(l  by  tliese  Lords,  and  retnrned  with  a  very  liberal 
 aUowancu  of  money. —  [  Knox  says  that  Mr  Nich<»las  I^ljihinstune  broii^dit 
 from  Kn^dand  L.10,000  sterling',     llistorie,  p.  3.S0.- K.) 
 
 '  This  \va.s  the  usnal  sidwcription  of  the  Duke  of  ('ha.stelheratilt's  ehK*st 
 son,  the  ICarl  of  Arran  ;  yet  most  probably  this  hjvs  been  the  UiiUe  himself, 
 wein^  his  (Jrare  wus  at  Stirling;  now  amon;^  the  discontented  Lords,  Imt 
 not  his  son,  for  he  was  at  this  time  prisoner  in  the  Casth'  of  I'.dinliuruh. 
 
 ••  i   e.  The  I',arl  of  Moniy. 
 
 *  Cotton  Library,  Call-.  n;ook|X.  f.  .'Hs,  an  ()ri',Miial.  |  British 
 MuscMim.-  K.l 
 
1505.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  331 
 
 SO  maynie  as  she  is  liable  to   mayke  to  be  here   in    tliys 
 towne  thys  daye,  to  morrowe,  and  the  nexte,  to  what  ende 
 yt  is  not  yet  knowne,  farther  then  by  conjectour,  either  to 
 assayle  the  Duke,  the  Earles  of  Argile  and  Moray,  with 
 their  complices,  or  to  keape  them  present  in  thys  towne 
 imtyll  her  manage  be  paste,  whych  shall  be  openly e  solemnized 
 wythowte  fayle  upon  Sondaye  come  eight  dayes.     One  other 
 occasion  there  is,  of  the  whych  somewhat  your  Honour  hathe 
 hearde  in  my  other  letters,  that  four  honeste  menl  of  thys 
 towne  were  accused  of  unlawful!  assemblye  in  thys  towne  ; 
 theie  are  warned  to  a  daye  of  lawe  the  2Gtli  of  thys  instant : 
 She  fearethe  that  theie  shall  be  so  mayntayned  in  their  juste 
 action  by  the  Protestants,  that  she  shall  not  have  her  wyll  of 
 them,  excepte  she  be  stronger  then  the  towne  and  those  that 
 will  assyste  them  ;  and  therefore  she  intendethe  to  keape  the 
 greater  force  abowte  her,  untyll  she  see  what  wyll  become 
 of  that  matter.     Here  are  presentlie  the  Lord  Home  wyth 
 hys  whole  force,  the  Larde  of  Cesforde  wyth  as  manyie  as 
 he  cane  brynge  ;  dyvers  other  of  the  Marche  and  Lodian  are 
 comynge,  so  are  there  from  all  parts  as  maynie  as  wyll  at 
 thys  tyme   obey  her  commandemente.     Another  occasion 
 of  thys  assemblye  was,  that  the  Lords  of  the  Congregation 
 assembled   themselves   yesterdaye   at    Sterlinge,    onlye    to 
 conclude  what  their  parts  sholde  bo,  yf  the  Queen  wolde 
 overthrowe  religion,  or  do  anye  manor  of  acte  that  myghte 
 gyve  occasion  to  the  Queen''s  Majestic  our  sovereigne  to 
 mayke  warre   agaynste   thys  countrie.^      She    takinge  an 
 opinion  that  theie  wolde  have  come  to  thys  towne,  and 
 assayled  her  here,  sente  for  them  wyth  the  greater  expedition, 
 as  by  thys  letter  inclosed^  your  Honour  maye  pcrceave,  in 
 the  whych   your  Honour  maye   note    in   what    credit  the 
 Queen's  Majestic  our  Mistres  is  yet  in,  that  she  cane  be 
 
 ^  They  might  perhaps  be  honest  in  one  sense,  but  surely  tliey  were 
 dislionest  in  another. 
 
 ^  The  readers  do  see  the  result  of  that  day's  meeting  ])y  their  letter  to 
 the  Queen  of  England.  This  Resident  perhaps  thinks  that  the  adjection 
 of  the  word  onlt/  may  serve  to  justify  the  assembling  of  those  Congnga- 
 tion-Lords  (a  term  we  have  not  heard  of  for  some  time  bypast),  tliough 
 every  body  may  easily  perceive  that  there  could  not  be  a  more  treasonable 
 assembling  together  ;  for  it  was  surely  to  conclude  no  less  than  that  they 
 would  rise  in  arms  for  the  Queen  of  England  against  their  own  sovereign. 
 
 ^  This  has  been  a  copy  of  our  Queen's  letter  just  now  already  set  down, 
 as  we  may  perceive  by  the  expression,  our  old  enemies. 
 
t]ti'2  Till-:   llI■^lMI;v    Ml    Mil.    \ii.\!l:-  [|.'>()J). 
 
 <"()ntento  to  use  thyn  teniK'  (our  oKle  ••nncniies),  besyds 
 inaynio  other  unhonorablo  words,  that  I  knowe  that  she 
 hathe  openlyo  spoken  wythiu  tliose  few  dayes,  latlyor  then 
 my  lastc  Icttt'rs  wore  wrytten  to  your  Honour  ;  and  i>laynli<> 
 I  nmste  saye,  that  she  is  so  niuche  altered  from  tliat 
 majestic  that  I  have  seen  in  her,  from  tliat  modestie  that  I 
 have  wofidercd  at  to  bo  in  her,  that  she  is  not  nowe  countcde 
 by  her  owne  subjects  to  bo  the  woman  she  was.^  I  here 
 yet  nctlicr  from  herself,  nor  anye  other  from  her,  anye 
 motion  or  lykelyhoode  that  she  desyerethe  anye  accordo, 
 but  trustethe  that  for  those  that  are  here  she  shall  gyde  as 
 she  wyll  ;  for  thereste,  she  wyll  attende  her  good  fortune. 
 She  is  so  poore  at  thys  present  that  reddic  monie  she  hathe 
 verielyttle,  credit  none  at  all,  frendeshippe  wyth  fewe;  bothe 
 she  and  her  howsbonde  (so  I  maye  nowe  well  call  hym)  so 
 hygheharted,  that  yet  theie  thynk  themselves  e<piall  to  the 
 greatest,  and  liable  in  tyme  to  attayne  unto  whatsoever  theie 
 desyer.^  To  let  the  worldc  understande  that  the  Lords 
 have  some  other  i)retence  in  their  head  then  religion,  she 
 seemethe  now  willinge  to  mayke  no  alteration  of  religion,-^ 
 and  thinkethe  that  waye  to  mayke  the  Protestants  the 
 more  odious  to  the  reste,  but  she  herself  alterethe  nothyng 
 of  lier  accustomed  sorte  ;  and  bycawse  my  Lord  Darlye 
 woldo  secme  to  bo  indifferente,  sometyme  he  goeth  wyth  the 
 Queen  to  the  masse,  and  these  two  lasto  dayes  hathe  byne 
 at  the  sermonds.  Yt  is  also  sayde  that  she  wyll  be  mariede 
 wyth  a  minister,  whearof  I  do  dowte.^  Some  thynke  that 
 thougho  the  brute  l^e,  that  she  shall  be  mariede  upon 
 Sondaye  come  eight  dayes,  that  yt  shall  yet  be  prevented. 
 and  be  upon  Sondaye  nexto,  before  thys  compagnie  that 
 are  here  do  breake  :  However  that  yt  be,  your  Honour  shall 
 have  as  spedie  knowledge  as  I  cane  gyve  you.  Alway<v^ 
 ynur    ll(>n«>ur  niayc  see  how    her  promes  is  keapte  to  tin- 
 
 '  Ami  yet  i(  apin'an'd  vt-ry  shortly  that  the  (^iicrii  was  \\v\\  oln'ycd  l>y 
 tho  most  piut  of  her  suhjocts— iiiul  that  she  had  no  ilitlirulty  to  ilrivt'  the 
 tactions  Lords  out  of  the  kingdom. 
 
 *  Ami  tlu'n'in  they  wcro  not  niistakm. 
 
 *  Nor  do  I  rrnn'inl)er  tluit  ever  .she  made  any.  This  irentleman  wouhl 
 fain  attribute  tho  unuw  ProUMnnttt  to  the  rehel  Lords  only,  in  distinction 
 from  the  other  professorH  of  the  now  Kstahlishment. 
 
 *  (  Han(U>l|)irs  s|HHMdations  on  (^uoon  Mary's  marriji^'o,  i\s  recording  the 
 f^osNip  of  the  time,  are  amusing;  when  contra.sto<l  w  ith  tho  real  facts. — E.J 
 
1565. J  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  333 
 
 Queen's  Majestie,  that  her  manage  shokle  be  dyfferred  for 
 three  monethes,  and  nothynge  done  therin  before  the 
 Parlemente,  whych  nowe  is  proroged  to  the  fyrste  of 
 September.  These  matters  are  thus  guydid  by  my  Lord  of 
 Lenox,  Lord  Roberte,  and  David.  Other  counsell  she  takethe 
 lyttle  of  anye  subjecte  she  hathe.  Mr  John  Haye  is  sento 
 to  declare  unto  my  Lord  Moray,  the  Lord  of  Lenox  and 
 Lord  Darlye's  good  wyll  towards  hym,  and  to  purge  them 
 that  ever  anye  of  them  were  consentinge  to  have  slayne  hym, 
 as  yt  was  reported,  and  in  that  quarrell  the  Lord  Lenox 
 dothe  offer  to  fyghte  wyth  whomesoever  dare  avoue  yt. 
 Whether  yt  be  trewe  or  not,  that  the  Lord  Graye  sholde 
 have  done  yt,  I  knowe  not ;  but  by  hym  I  here  saye  yt  is 
 come  forthe.i  Shortly e  we  shall  knowe  to  what  ende  these 
 forces  are  assembled,  and  the  Castall  furnyshed  wyth  all  the 
 munition  that  theie  are  liable  to  provyde,  whither  yt  is 
 thoughte  that  the  Queen  wyll  retire  herself,  yf  she  fynde 
 herself  not  liable  to  mayke  parte  agaynste  suche  as  are  of 
 the  contraire  partie.  My  Lord  of  Lenox  upon  Sundaye  laste 
 sholde  have  gone  to  Glascowe,  and  was  in  a  reddynes  ;  but 
 
 ^  This  plot  against  the  Earl  of  Moray's  life,  which  Mr  Buchanan  is  at 
 some  pains  to  expatiate  upon,  in  order  to  evade  the  other  against  the 
 Queen,  the  Lords  Lenox  and  Darnly,  we  see  by  this  Resident's  account  of 
 it  is  suspended  on  very  uncertain  reports.  Yet  Buchanan,  who  was  not 
 in  Scotland  at  the  time,  can  narrate  all  the  particulars  very  precisely. 
 But  it  seems  this  author,  in  all  his  narrative  of  these  times,  took  up  with 
 Machiavel's  maxim — Calumniare  mtdacter  aliquid  adhcerehlt;  i.  e.  A  hold 
 calumny  will  leave  some  llemish. —  [Buchanan's  History,  Translation, 
 1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  300,  SOL  Bishop  Keith  is  in  error  when  he  states  that 
 Buchanan  "  was  not  in  Scotland  at  the  time."  On  the  26th  of  June 
 1565,  the  second  day  of  the  General  Assembly  "  conveeuit  at  Edinburgh 
 in  the  Nether  Tolbuith,"  Bishop  Both  well  of  Orkney,  John  Craig, 
 Christopher  Goodman,  John  Row,  Robert  Pont,  and  O'eorrje  Buchanan^ 
 were  "ordained  to  convene  and  sit  from  six  till  eight  in  the  morning  to 
 decide  questions  proponed  or  to  be  proponed,  and  to  report  their  decision 
 to  the  Assemblies,  that  the  samen  may  be  insert  in  the  Register."  Booke 
 of  the  Universall  Kirk  of  Scotland,  i)rintod  for  the  BAXNATYJiE  Club, 
 Part  I.  p.  60,  61,  62.  l']rskine  of  Dun,  Christopher  (Joodman,  and  Georfjc 
 ^iAc7ia?ia??,  were  appouited  on  the  27th  of  .June  to  consider  a  complaint  for 
 the  want  of  a  preacher  at  the  parish  church  of  Kilmany  in  Fife.  Ibid, 
 p.  62.  Buchanan  api)ears  to  have  returned  from  the  Continent  to  Scot- 
 land in  1560,  and  in  1562  he  became  classical  tutor  to  Queen  Mary,  who 
 gave  the  pension  of  L.500  Scots  trom  the  revenues  of  Crossraguel  Abbey 
 for  his  services.  In  1566  the  Earl  of  Moray  a])pointed  liim  Principal  of 
 St  Leonard's  College  in  the  University  of  St  Andrews,  and  in  the  following 
 year  he  was  elected  Moderator  of  tlie  General  Assembly.— E.] 
 
tVM  THK  iiisTuiiY  uv  Tin:  ai  taiks  [15G5. 
 
 that  purpose  was  altered,  bycawse  th'othcr  were  to  maynie 
 in  his  wave,  and  indeade  wolde  have  foughte  yf  he  had  holde 
 on  his  jornay.  In  thys  state  and  case  hathe  he  brou^dit 
 hymself,  the  Queen,  and  the  whole  countrie,  that  before  hys 
 coniynire  was  in  good  reste  and  quietncs,  she  as  well  beloved 
 and  obeyed  of  her  snbjectes  as  in  deutio  theie  were  bounde, 
 whear  now  yt  wyll  grieve  any  man  to  hear  the  sorowefuU 
 lamentation  that  ys  made  of  all  those  that  are  wyse,  godlye, 
 and  honeste,  as  well  the  Papysts  as  other.^  My  Lord  of 
 Lenox  hathe  put  from  hym  all  the  Engleshemen  that  served 
 liym.  My  Lord  Darlye  retaynethe  onlye  six,  of  which  four 
 arc  willinge  to  leave  hym  ;  and  I  thynke  yt  maye  stande 
 with  the  Queen's  Majestie's  pleasure  that  I  sholde  warne 
 them  so  to  do.  I  wrote  of  a  cheste  that  came  owte  of 
 Flanders  ;  yt  was  onlye  apparcll  belonginge  to  one  Nycolson, 
 a  taylor  that  dwelte  in  Pauleys  Churehe- Varde,  that  slewe  a 
 man,  as  I  hear,  four  yeares  paste,  and  seekethe  nowe  to 
 serve  the  Lord  Darlye.  \\\  a  shippe  that  arrived  ycsterdaye 
 from  Flanders,  I  understande  that  ther  arc  two  Engleshemen, 
 in  apparence  gentlemen,  comynge  in  another  shippe  hyther ; 
 what  I  maye  saye  to  anye  suche,  or  re(iuere  to  be  done  unto 
 them,  yf  theie  come,  I  wolde  be  gladde  to  be  advertyscd 
 from  your  Honour.  The  letter  to  revoke  the  Erie  Bothewell 
 was  subscribed  within  these  three  dayes  ;  whether  yt  shall 
 passe  by  sea  or  hmde,  I  know  not.  Thys  Frencheman  that 
 came  laste,  broughte  letters  in  the  favour  of  the  Prince  of 
 Condie  from  the  Cardinall,  l>ut  theie  doe  beare  an  ulde 
 date.  Some  thynke,  for  all  that,  that  the  Cardinall  is  well 
 cnoughe  j)leased  wyth  thys  man  (Lord  Darnly),  in  hope  that 
 thys  (^ueen  maye  in  tyme  the  c^aslyar  come  by  that  which 
 she  desyerethe  in  Englande.  Your  Honour  cane  not  be 
 ignoranto  but  what  frendeschipo  soever  the  Frenche  and 
 S[)anysho  eml)assadors  (in  England)  maye  shewe,  by  waye 
 of  intelligence,  or  practyse  wyth  thys  (^ueen,  she  shall  lacke 
 nothynge  that  lyetlie  in  tlieir  powers.  Of  all  tli(>se  thyngs 
 your  Honour  cane  have  farther  consyderation  th<'n  I  neade 
 to  j»ut  your  Honour  in  remembrance;  as  also  of  the  late 
 motion  made  unto  the  (iuecn\s  Majestic  by  the  Lords  here 
 for  their  supporte,   whearof  theie  look   from   tyme  to  tyine 
 
 '  A  roj>otition  still  of  tin-  fi>nu('r  false  rant. 
 
]565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  SSo 
 
 to  receave  some  good  answer.  That  which  I  wrote  laste 
 somewhat  dowtingHe  to  the  Queen's  Majestie,  I  cane  nowe 
 moste  certaynlye  assure  her  Majestie  that  yt  was  so.  Thus, 
 leavinge  farther  to  trouble  your  Honour  for  thys  tyme,  I 
 tayke  my  leave.     At  Edenbourge  the  19th  of  Julye  1565. 
 
 "  I  have  receaved  a  cypher  from  your  Honour,  and  will 
 use  yt  hereafter  as  I  fynde  occasion. 
 
 "  Your  Honour's  bounden  at  commande, 
 
 "  Tho.  Randolphe." 
 
 On  the  back  is  written  with  another  hand — 
 
 "  Randolph  to  Sir  W.  Cecill,  Idth  July  1565. 
 
 "  The  Queen  of  Scotts  commandeth  all  her  freinds  to  be 
 be  at  Edinborough  the  20th,  to  assault  Argill  and  Moray, 
 or  secure  herself.  Bothwell  is  sent  for.  Moray's  pretence 
 was,  he  should  have  bene  murthered  :  the  Queen  denieth  it 
 by  proclamation." 
 
 Another  Letter  from  Mr  Randolph  to  Sir  William  Cecill^ 
 
 21st  Jidy^ 
 
 "  Yesterday  I  had  audience  of  the  Queen,  to  whom  I 
 delivered  my  message  word  by  word,  as  I  had  it  in  writing  : 
 To  which  she  said,  '  That  she  took  in  very  good  part  ^\q 
 Queen  my  Mistress's  advice ;  but  for  these,'  saith  she, 
 '  whom  your  mistress  calls  my  best  subjects,  I  can't  esteem 
 them  so,  nor  so  do  they  deserve  to  be  accounted  of,  that 
 will  not  do  my  commands  :  and  therefore  my  good  sister 
 ought  not  to  be  offended,  though  I  do  that  against  them 
 they  deserve.'  2  I  pray'd  her  ^lajcstie  to  consider  from 
 what  head  that  advice  came,  that  she  should  be  so  altered 
 in  mind  and  will  towards  such  as  of  all  others  had  most 
 truly,  obediently,  and  faithfully  served  her ;  and  so  long  as 
 she  esteemed  of  them  as  they  are  worthy,  and  gave  unto 
 
 ^  Lawyers'  Library,  from  Cotton  Library,  Calig.  B.  X.  an  Orin^inal. — 
 [Advocates'  Library,  Edinbnr^li,  from  the  M88.  Cotton  Library  in  the 
 British  jNIuseum. — E.] 
 
 ^  We  may  perceive  by  this,  that  tlie  Queen  of  Eni^land  has  interceded 
 for  the  Earl  of  Moray,  &c.  to  preserve  them  still  in  favour.  I'robably  this 
 audience  had  proceeded  upon  the  Queen  of  l"ji;;land's  letter  of  the  10th 
 instant. 
 
;).3G  THE  insTOUY  UF  TIIi:  AFFAIRS  [15C;5. 
 
 tliem  Huch  credit  as  apixTtaiiiH  to  men  of  tlieir  place  and 
 calling,  her  estate  was  (|uiet,  licr  country  in  repose,  her 
 Hubjects  well  rul«"d  ;  where  now,  if  speedy  remedy  bo  not 
 taken,  and  good  advice  followed  in  time,  her  whole  country 
 was  like  to  bu  ruined,  her  Noblemen's  blood  shed,  and  per- 
 chance her  own  person  fall  into  some  danger.!  *  For  all 
 these  things,'  saith  she,  '  I  have  remedy  enough,  and  will 
 never  esteem  them  good  subjects  that  will  do  so  far  contrary 
 to  my  will  as  they  do/  I  reasoned  no  farther  with  her 
 Grace,  but  took  my  leave. 
 
 "  Where  your  Honour  requires  me  to  write  plainly  the 
 answer  of  the  Lord  Lenox  and  Lord  Darnly  to  the  letters 
 given  them  by  mo  for  their  return  into  England,  it  may 
 please  your  Honour  to  understand  that  yesterday  I  went  to 
 them  both  again,  first  to  the  father,  and  then  to  the  son.  I 
 did  put  them  in  mind  of  the  charge  given  unto  them  from 
 the  (Queen's  Majestic,  upon  their  allegiance  to  return  ;  and 
 because  their  former  answer  was  uncertain,  I  desired  that  I 
 might  have  a  resolute  and  plain  answer,  which  the  father 
 gave  in  this  sort : — '  You  know,'  saith  he,  '  in  what  case 
 my  wife  is,^  and  how  hardly  she  is  dealt  with  upon  no 
 <lesert ;  you  have  also,  I  am  sure,  heard  that  would  not 
 please  her  Majestic  to  accept  my  letters  of  humble  submis- 
 sion, wherefore  I  think  it  too  dangerous  for  me  to  venture 
 to  return  :  and,  therefore,  I  pray  you  to  take  this  for  an 
 answer,  that  I  mind  not  to  come  again  into  England,  except 
 I  can  stand  more  assured  of  the  Queen's  Majestie's  favour 
 than  yet  I  do  ;  notwithstanding  I  shall  be  ready  to  serve 
 her,  as  now  lawfully  I  may.'  To  these  words  I  said  not 
 much,  saving  one  word  of  the  Queen's  ALajestie's  clemency, 
 and  advice  unto  him  to  give  such  counsel  that  the  apparent 
 troubles  and  j)rescnt  danger  might  soon  be  taken  away ;  for 
 greater  hazard  did  hang  thereu])on  than  ho  did  presently 
 see.  From  him  1  went  to  my  Lord  Darnly,  and  spake  in 
 like  manner,  wlio  in  other  sort  answered  m<'  than  in  duty 
 became  him,  or  with  patience,   1    could   hear  :       I   «!«>  now 
 
 '  Tlios*^  arc  tlir  throatiMiinifs  df  what  tin-  party  intcndi'il. 
 
 "  **  Tho  2*2il  April,  the  I^uly  Marpiret  ('(»iintfss  of  Limiox  was  coni- 
 iimiitltHl  (Hays  How)  to  kvv\>  her  chamber  at  thi-  Whitehall,  where  she 
 r«Mnaiiie<l  till  the  22d  of  .hme,  and  then  conveyed  1m»  Sir  I'rancis  Knolls 
 ami  the  (iuard  to  the  Tower  of  l^ondon  l»v  water." 
 
15G5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  oSJ 
 
 saith  he,  '  acknowledge  no  other  (kity  or  obedience  but  to 
 the  Queen  here,  whom  I  serve  and  honour ;  and  seeing  that 
 the  other,  your  mistress,  is  so  envious  of  my  good  fortune, 
 I  doubt  not  but  she  may  have  need  of  me,  as  you  shall  know 
 within  a  few  days  :  Wherefore  to  return  I  intend  not,  I  find 
 myself  very  well  where  I  am,  and  so  purpose  to  keep  me  ; 
 and  this  shall  be  for  your  answer.''  To  this  I  said.  That  he 
 had  much  forgotten  his  duty,  to  esteem  so  lightly  such  a 
 Princess  as  my  soveraign  is  ;  and  in  such  despiteful  words 
 to  reject  and  give  over  the  bond  of  duty,  was  neither  dis- 
 creetly spoken  of  him,  nor  otherwise  to  be  answered  of  me, 
 than  that  I  hoped  to  see  the  wreck  and  overthrow  of  as 
 many  as  were  of  the  same  mind  with  him.  And  so  turning 
 my  back  to  him,  without  reverence  or  farewell,  I  went  away. 
 
 "  For  the  other  part  of  the  Queen's  Majestie's  letter, 
 which  is  for  advice  to  be  given  to  the  Lords  that  now  are 
 in  displeasure,!  I  have  not  found  many  to  whom  I  would 
 communicate,  but  to  some  I  have,  that  like  it  very  well,  and 
 intend  (as  I  may)  to  signify  the  same  to  the  rest.^  For 
 our  present  state  it  standeth  thus  :  Her  Grace  in  all 
 appearance  determined  the  overthrow  of  these  Noblemen, 
 and  in  special  the  Earl  of  Moray,  to  whom  she  sent 
 yesterday  with  one  of  her  Advocates  a  charge,  that  upon 
 pain  of  treason  he  repair  towards  her  with  diligence,''^  and 
 manifest  unto  her  and  her  Council  the  authors  of  the  bruit 
 that  he  allegeth,  and  now  all  Scotland  speaketh,  that  the 
 Lord  of  Lenox  and  Lord  Darnly  should  consent  unto  his 
 death,  if  he  had  come  to  St  Johnston.  The  answer  is  not 
 yet  returned ;  but  I  am  assured  she  must  do  as  she  saith, 
 that  is,  fetch  him  before  he  come. 
 
 "  Of  the  certainty  of  her  marriage,  your  Honour  shall 
 know  by  this  ticket  inclosed,  the  very  copy  of  that  which  was 
 delivered  to  the  minister  to  be  proclaimed  on  Sunday,  which 
 is  to-morrow.  Though  in  the  banns  he  be  titled  Duke  of 
 Albany,  I  hear  nothing  of  his  creation. *     Her  whole  forces 
 
 1  This  is  still  a  farther  ground  to  believe  that  Queen  Elizabeth's  letter 
 of  the  10th  has  been  the  occasion  of  this  axidience. 
 
 2  It  seems  the  Kesident  has  not  found  things  so  forward  as  he  expected. 
 ^  This  gentleman  does  not  precisely  narrate  tlie  truth  here.   The  readers 
 
 will  see  the  whole  matter  in  the  Ajjpendix. 
 
 ^  We  shall  however  quickly  see  tliat  the  Queen  gave  him  this  same 
 title  in  two  publick  Proclamations.     And  Knox  likewise  narrates,  that  on 
 VOL.  ir.  22 
 
^^y  Tin:   HISTUKY  OF  THE  AFFAIHS  [150.3. 
 
 arc  ill  town,  .•md  many  other  conic  daily  ;^  what  part  they 
 will  take,  1  know  not.  They  Lords  have  retired  to  their 
 own  houses,2  and  8tand  upon  their  guard,  and  assuredly  not 
 without  marvellous  threat  irround  and  danger  to  themselves, 
 and  utter  overthrow  of  religion,  if  that  they  be  overthrown. 
 There  are  of  this  party  many  wise  and  honest  men,  persons 
 whom  your  Honour  shall  shortly  hear  of,  and  have  some  ono 
 man  to  confer  with  at  more  length  than  I  can  write  :  He  shall 
 como  secretly,  and   light  at  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton'^s.^ 
 
 the  23il  of*  .July  the  Queen  created  Lord  Dariily,  Duke  of  Rothesay,  with 
 preat  poinj).  IJut  there  must  no  doubt  be  a  mistake  here  of  Rothesay  ior 
 Albany,  and  ])erhaps  of  the  day  of  the  month  too.  Rothesay  is  a  Castle 
 in  the  Isle  of  Bute,  the  ancient  patrimony  of  the  Steward  of  Scotland 
 before  that  Family  came  to  the  Crown.  K'uvr  Robert  Til.  created  his 
 eldest  son  David  Duke  of  Rothesay,  the  first  that  enjoyed  the  title  of 
 Duke  in  this  kin<^dom.  And  the  same  year,  viz.  1399,  he  created  his  own 
 brother  Robert,  then  Earl  of  Fife  and  Menteth,  Duke  of  Albany. — 
 [Lord  Darnley  was  created  Duke  of  Albany  on  the  20^/(  of  July,  the 
 Queen  havin|^  previously  received  the  approbation  of  her  uncle  the 
 Cardinal  of  Lorraine  respecting  the  mamage,  and  also  the  dispensation  of 
 the  Rope.  'J'he  banns  of  marriage  are  thus  entered  in  the  "  Buik  of 
 the  Canongate,"  under  date,  21st  July  1565 — "  The  which  day  Johne 
 lirand,  niynister,  presented  to  the  Kirk  ane  writing,  written  be  the  Justice 
 Clerk's  hand,  desyring  the  Kirk  of  the  Canagait,  and  mynister  thereof,  to 
 proclainii'  llarie,  Duk  of  Albayne,  Erie  of  Roise,  on  the  one  parte,  and 
 •Marie,  be  tin*  grace  of  God,  Queue  of  Scottis,  Souerane,  on  the  other 
 parte  :  The  which  the  Kirk  ordainis  the  mynister  to  do,  with  invocation 
 of  the  name  of  (iod." — ICdinburgh  Magazine,  October  1817,  p.  33.  The 
 following  day  wjus  Sunday,  and  the  banns  of  maiTiage  were  proclaimed 
 in  the  Chapel- Royal  of  Holy  rood,  then  the  parish  church  of  the 
 Canongute. — E.] 
 
 '  This  is  much  contrary  to  what  this  person  would  fain  have  madi*  our 
 Queen  to  believe. 
 
 '•'  They  saw  they  had  not  force  sufficient  to  make  head  against  the 
 Queen,  notwithstanding  all  the  noi.se  they  made  about  the  danger  of 
 religion. 
 
 ^  Who  this  person  has  been  I  cannot  jjrecisely  Siiy.  I  see  Mr  Knox 
 mentions  one  Nicholas  Elphinston  to  have  been  .sent  into  England  by  the 
 rebel  Lords,  and  I  perceive  one  Livingston  in  the  abstracts  of  letters  by 
 Cecil.  Rut  I  am  inclined  to  think  there  may  be  herein  a  mistake  of  ono 
 name  for  another,  the  n'semblance  bi'ing  pretty  near.  And  that  Elphinston 
 has  been  the  person  appears  very  probable,  because  on  the  13th  day  of 
 August  I  see,  in  the  Rec(»rds  of  Rrivy-Council  copied  by  Mr  Miln,  a 
 warrant  given  to  search  for  .Mr  .Michael  I'.lphinston  ;  and  if  he  be  not 
 persoiuilly  found,  to  charge  him  by  open  proclamation  at  the  market-cross 
 of  IMinburgh,  Coujiar,  Terth,  and  all  other  places  needful,  to  present 
 himself  before  th«>  King  and  (^tieiMi,  to  answer  to  such  things  as  shall  be 
 Iai<l  to  his  charge  within  six  days,  under  the  pain  of  rebellion.  This 
 gi-ntlenmn  has  no  designation  ut  all  in  the  Record.     One  of  his  name,  a 
 
loG5,]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IX  SCOTLAND.  339 
 
 Most  humbly  I  take  my  leave.  At  Edinburgh  21st  of  July 
 15 Go,  at  seven  of  the  clock  in  the  morning. 
 
 "  I  am  glad  of  my  Lord  of  Bedford's  arrival.!  I  most 
 earnestly  desire  still  to  be  a  mean  for  the  Master  of  Marshal,^ 
 an  assured  friend  taken  to  be  in  the  cause.  The  Lord  Gray 
 were  better  there  than  here.  Of  the  other  two  that  I  wrote 
 of,  little  good  is  to  be  thought  of  them. 
 
 "  Your  Honour's  bounden  at  command, 
 
 "  Tho.  Randolphe." 
 
 The  result  of  the  consultations  at  Stirling  having  now,  it 
 seems,  discovered  itself  by  an  open  taking  up  of  arms,  the 
 Queen  being  advertised  hereof,  sent  forth  Proclamation 
 under  the  severest  penalties  to  all  the  lieges,  to  repair  forth- 
 with to  the  assistance  of  her  Majesty,  in  the  following 
 terms  : — 
 
 "  Apud  Edinburgh^  22d  Julij^  Anno  Dom.  1565. 
 
 Sederunt — Prwsente  Regina  ;  Matthwus  Comes  de  Levenox; 
 Jacobus  Comes  de  Mortoun  Cancellarius ;  Joannes  Dominus 
 ErsMne  ;  Custos  Secreti  Sigilli,  Secretarius^^  Thesaurarius^^ 
 Clericus  Begistri,  ^  Clericus  Justiciariw^  ^  A  dvoca  tus,  '^  Decanus 
 de  Restalrig  Prwsidens  Sessionis.^  Extraordlnarii  ratione 
 Conmntus — Alexander  Dominus  Hume  ;  Joannes  Dominus 
 Fleming ;     Willielmus   Dominus    Levingston  ;    Patricius 
 
 son  of  the  Lord  Elphinston,  was  Master  of  the  Household  to  King 
 James  VI. 
 
 ^  i.  e.  To  his  government  of  Berwick,  in  order,  I  reckon,  to  implement 
 the  project  advised  by  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton. 
 
 2  [William  Lord  Keith,  eldest  son  of  William  fourth  I*]arl  Marischal. 
 -E.] 
 
 ^  [Maitland  of  Lethington,  Secretary  of  State. — E.] 
 
 *  [William  Stewart,  Provost  of  Lincluden,  who  succeeded  Robert 
 Richardson,  Commendator  of  St  Mary's  Isle,  as  Lord  High  Treasurer  of 
 Scotland,  in  15G4.     Beatson's  Political  Index,  vol.  iii.  p.  84. — E.] 
 
 ■''  [James  Macgill  of  Rankeillor  in  Fife,  turned  out  for  his  concern  in 
 Riccio's  murder. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Sir  John  Bellenden  of  Auchnoul.  See  the  first  note,  p.  69  of  this 
 volume. — E.] 
 
 '  [Either  John  Spens  of  Condie,  or  Robert  Crichton  of  Elliock,  both 
 of  whom  are  mentioned  as  Lord  Advocates  of  Scotland  from  1561  to 
 1573.— E.] 
 
 ®  [John  Sinclair,  Dean  of  Restali-ig  near  Edinburgh,  Lord  President  of 
 the  Court  of  Session. — E.] 
 
')40  THK   mSTuUY  OF  TlIK  AFFAlllS  [loGo. 
 
 JJominus  Lindsay;  Ilugo  Dominus  Lovet ;^  Jacobus  Do- 
 ininui  Somervel  ;*-  Joannes  Dominus  Borthick  ,-3  Andreas 
 Magister  de  Errol \^  Rohertus  Commendatarius  do  Dum- 
 fermling;^  Rohertus  Comtncndatarias  Santw  Crucis  ;^  IVil- 
 lielnius  Commendatarius  de  Kelso  ;'^  Andreas  Commenda- 
 tarius de  Jedhurgh  ;'*  Marcus  Commendatarius  de  Neio- 
 bottill;'-^  Rohertus  Commendatarius  de  JJeir  ;'^^  Alexander 
 Stewart  de  Garleis,  Walter  us  Ker  de  Gessford^  Milites ; 
 Thomas  Ker  de  Phaj/rnihirst ;  Joannes  Stewart  de  Tra- 
 quair  ;^i    Willielmus  Edhustoun  de  DuntrethX^ 
 
 "  FORSAMEKILL  as  after  divers wickit,  ungodlie,  and  seditious 
 personis,  irkit  of  the  giiid  tran([uillitie  wliilk  sen  the  arryval 
 of  the  Queiiis  Majestie  and  during  hir  gratious  government 
 hes  continewit,  had  spred  untrew  reportis  amangis  the  sub- 
 jectis,  as  that  lilr  Majestie  had  intentit  to  impod,  stay,  or 
 inok'st   ony  of  thanic  in   the  uscing  of  tliair  rcli«rioun  and 
 
 '   [Ilu^'h  Fraser,  sixth  Lord  Lovat. — E.] 
 "  [Jainos  sixth  Lord  Soincrville. — E.] 
 ^  [John  fifth  Lord  Borthwick.— K.] 
 
 *  [Andrew,  Master  of  Erroll,  succeeded  his  father  as  seventh  Earl  of 
 l>roU  in  157o,  or  in  1576. — E.J 
 
 '  1  Uobt-rt  Pitcaim,  lay  Abbot,  or  Commendator  of  Dunfermline. — E.J 
 
 *  [  Robert  Stewart,  one  of  the  Queen's  illegitimate  brothers,  Abbot  of 
 llolyroodhouse.     See  the  notes,  p.  99  and  119  of  this  volume. —  E.] 
 
 "  [William  Ker,  second  son  of  Sir  Walter  Ker  of  C'essford,  who  wiis 
 an  ancestor  of  the  I'.arls  and  Dukes  of  Hoxburghe. —  E.] 
 
 "  [  Apjjareiitly  Andrew  son  of  (leorge  fourth  Earl  of  Home,  who  wa.s 
 Abbot  of  Jedburgh  at  the  Heformation,  and  was  alive  in  157S. — E.J 
 
 "  Son  to  Sir  Walter  Ker  of  Cessford,  and  predecessor  to  the  now 
 Manpiis  of  Lothian. — [Second  son  of  Sir  Andrew  Kerr  of  Cessford.  He 
 was  the  father  of  Mark,  first  Earl  of  I^othian. —  E.] 
 
 '"  He  wjus  .son  to  the  Ilarl  Marischal. —  'Second  son  of  William  fourth 
 Fjirl  Marischal,  created  Lord  Altrie  by  royal  charter  in  15^7,  He  died 
 before  KiOfl,  and  the  Peerage  devolved  to  tlu'  Earls  .Marischal,  who  were 
 Lords  Keith  and  Altrie. —  E.] 
 
 "  [Sir  John  Stewart,  second  son  of  William  Stewart  of  Tnnpiair,  who 
 wits  ancestor  of  the  Earls  of  Tranuair,  descemled  from  James  Stewart, 
 I'jirl  of  lUichan.  Sir  John  was  knighted  at  tlu*  creation  of  Lord  Darnley 
 jLs  Duke  of  Albany,  20th  July  ISfM,  and  was  constituted  Captain  of  the 
 Queen's  (Juards  in  l.'ifitJ. —  E.] 
 
 "  [William  Isdmonstone  of  Duntreath  in  Stirlingshire,  apparently  the 
 father  of  Sir  .Iame.s  Edmonstone,  Knight,  constitute<l  in  \,u^  Justici*- 
 D<puty  under  the  Ijirl  of  Argyll,  Justice-deneral.  From  him  lineally 
 dcMM-nditl  .Archibald  Ednionstone,  Esq.  grand  nephew  of  .Vrchibald  first 
 Duke  of  Argyll,  creatcMl  a  Baronet  of  the  United  Kingdtuu  in  1774.  — E.l 
 
1505.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  SCOTLAND.  341 
 
 conscience  frelie,  the  success  of  the  quhilk  untrew  report 
 hes  takin  effect,  to  the  greit  grief  of  hir  Hienes,  seing  a  greit 
 numer  of  hir  legeis  causless  to  have  takin  on  armis,  and 
 tliairby  to  ministrat  sufficient  occasioun  of  jelosy  and  mis- 
 lyking ;  quhairas  indeid  hir  Majestic  never  presumit  alter- 
 atioun  of  the  guid  and  quiet  estait  of  the  comoun  weill. 
 And  sen  this  defectioun  is  enterit  altogidder  contrarious  to 
 hir  Grace's  expectatioun,  hir  Majestic  man  proveyd  for  the 
 dew  saiftie  and  preservatioun  of  the  estait  quhairin  God  hes 
 placeit  hir  Hienes  :  ordainis  thairfoir  letteris  to  be  direct  to 
 officiaris  of  arniis,  shireffis  in  that  pairt,  charging  thamc 
 to  pass  to  the  mercat-croce  of  the  burrowis  of  Edinburgh, 
 Haddingtoun,  Duns,  Lawder,  Peebles,  Lanerk,  Linlytgow, 
 StriviHng,  Clackmanan,  Kuh'oss,  Cuper,  Dumbartane,  Ren- 
 frew, and  thair  be  open  proclamatioun  to  command  and 
 charge  all  and  sundrie  hir  Hienes'  leigis,  als  weill  to  burgh 
 as  to  land,  regalitie  as  roaltie,  that  thai,  and  ilk  ane  of 
 thame,  weill  bodin  in  feir  of  weir,  with  fifteen  dayis  provision 
 efter  thair  cuming,  address  thame  to  cume  to  hir  Majcstie 
 with  all  possible  haist  and  dilligence,  efter  thai  be  chargit 
 thairto,  for  attending  and  awayting  upon  hir  Hienes,  under 
 the  pane  of  tinsall  of  lyfF,  landis,  and  guids." 
 
 Of  the  same  date  with  this  Act  we  meet  with  the  following 
 letter  by  the  Earl  of  Moray  to  his  good  and  trusty  friend 
 the  Earl  of  Bedford,  Lieutenant  for  the  Queen  of  England 
 in  the  north  parts,  and  Governor  of  the  Town  of  Berwick. 
 
 Letter^  the  Earl  of  Moray  to  the  Earl  of  Bedford, 
 St  Andreio\  July  22d  15G5.1 
 "  Right  honourable,  my  very  good  Lord :  After  my  most 
 hearty  commendations,  I  trust  the  bruit  of  some  Noblemen's 
 proceeding  against  me  is  so  far  spread  abroad,  that  it  hath 
 also  reached  your  ears.  I  know  no  merit  in  myself,  saving 
 the  earnest  affection  God  hath  granted  me  to  his  true 
 worship,  the  good  will  I  bear  to  the  commonwealth  of  my 
 country,  and  the  entertainment  of  an  mutual  amity  betwixt 
 both  Realms.  And  seeing  that  my  single  intention,  grounded 
 upon  so  good  heads,  have  ingendercd  to  me  the  peril  wherein 
 
 ^  Lawyers'  [Advocates']  Library  [Edinburgli],  from  Cotton  Library, 
 Calig.  B[ook]  X.  f.  324,  an  Original.  -  [British  Museum.— E.] 
 
'U2  THE   HISTORY  OF  THK  AKFAIKS  [1.50*5. 
 
 prcsciitlv  I  and  ;ill  my  lik«'  in  this  Jii'.ilni  Htandeth,  and 
 knuwin*^  your  gooil  Lonlship's  earnest  affection,  joined  with 
 sincerity,  to  the  same  end,  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  give 
 your  T.ordsliiji  to  understand  the  same,  knowing  well  tliat 
 as  your  good  will  is  nuicli  to  our  comfort,  so  is  your  room 
 and  place  of  power  to  perform  the  same  in  a  great  part ; 
 especially  seeing  the  persons  most  dangerous  and  trouble- 
 some to  our  party  doth  ly  very  near  your  bounds,  we  would 
 wish  and  for  my  own  part  most  earnestly  crave  of  your 
 Honour  to  stay  off  us  by  all  means  their  power,  which  your 
 Lordship  hath  moyen  to  do.  And  so  as  matters  shall  further 
 proceed  to  our  strait,  we  crave  further  your  Lordship's 
 comfort,  as  of  one  to  whom  God  hath  granted  to  know  the 
 subtile  devices  of  Satan  against  the  innocent  professors  of 
 the  Gospel,  to  stir  up  the  powers  of  the  world  against  the 
 same,  and  how  many  ways  he  can  colour  his  enterprize.  And 
 thus  not  doubting  of  your  Lordship's  good  will,  I  c(nnmit 
 your  honourable  Lordship  to  the  protection  of  God."l 
 
 The  Records  of  our  I'rivy-Council,  which  I  have  put  into 
 the  Appendix,  contain  the  knowledge  of  what  passed  through 
 the  ensuing  week,  until  Saturday  the  28th  July ;  on  which 
 day  we  find  sul)joined  to  another  Act,  which  the  readers  see 
 in  the  Appendix,  this  following  Proclamation  by  the  Queen, 
 not  published  at  the  market-cross  of  Edinburgh  till  near  an 
 hour  after  sunsetting,  if  we  may  credit  Mr  Knox. 
 
 "  Marik,  be  tlie  grace  of  (jod  (Juene  of  Scotland,  to  our 
 lovitis,  Lyon-King-at-Arms,  and  his  brither  iK^auldis,  and  to 
 (»ur  lovitis,  messengeris,  our  shireffis  in  that  pairt,  conjunctlie 
 an«l  severallie,  speciallie  constitute,  greeting  :  Forasmekill 
 as  we  intend,  at  the  ])leisure  and  will  of  God,  to  solenmizat 
 and  compleit  the  band  of  matrimonie  in  face  of  llallie  Kirk 
 with  the  rycht  nobill  and  illuster  Prince,  IIknky  Duke  of 
 Albany  :  In  respect  of  the  <juhilk  mariage,  and  during  the 
 timethairof,  w(»  will,  ordane,  aiul  consentis,  that  he  be  namit 
 and  stylit  King  of  this  our  kingdom,  and  that  all  our  letteris 
 to  be  direct  eftir  our  sai«l  mariage  sua  to  be  compleitit,  bo 
 
 '  Sotf — In  «)M»>  of  tli»>  abstracts  in  tin-  Appfnilix,  ot  \\\v  date  the  2M\\ 
 •Ttily,  it  is  r«Mnark<Ml  that  "  tho  Karl  of  Hodford  moved  to  have  liccnco  to 
 .Miccour  the  Marl  ot  Morav,  and  himself  to  bear  the  blame." 
 
150.5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  343 
 
 in  the  names  of  the  said  illuster  Prince  our  future  husband 
 and  us,  as  King  and  Queue  of  Scotland  conjunctlie.  Our  will 
 is  heirfoir,  and  we  charge  you  straitlie  and  coramandis,  that 
 incontinent  thir  our  letteris  seine,  ze  pass  to  the  mercat- 
 croce  of  our  burgh  of  Edinburgh,  and  all  utheris  places 
 neidfull,  and  thair  be  oppin  proclamatioun  mak  publicatioun 
 and  intimatioun  heirof  to  all  and  sundrie  our  leigis  and 
 subditis  as  appertenis :  And  thairaftir  we  ordane  thir  our 
 letteris  to  be  registrat  and  insert  in  the  bukis  of  our  Counsal, 
 ad  perpetuam  rei  memoriam^  quhairunto  thir  presentis  sail 
 serve  our  Clerk  of  Register  for  a  sufficient  warrant,  as  ze 
 will  answer  to  us  thairupoun,  delivering  thir  our  letteris 
 be  zow  dulie  execut  and  indorsat  agane  to  the  berare. 
 Subscribit  with  our  hand,  and  gevin  under  our  signet  at 
 Hallierudhouse,  the  28th  day  of  Jully,  and  of  our  reigne  the 
 twenty-third  zeir." 
 
344  Tin;  m>Tnuv  mf  the  akfaius  [  I. 5(30. 
 
 CHAPTER  IX. 
 
 ('UNTAININQ  STATK-AFFAIKS  I'lluM  THE  QUEEN's  MARRYING  THE 
 LORD  DARNLY  IN  THE  END  OF  JULY  loGo,  TILL  THE  lURTH 
 OF  THE   PRINCE  IN  THE  MONTH  OF  JUNE  loCA). 
 
 Mary  Stewart,  Hereditary  Queen  of  Scotland  an<l 
 Dow.ijxcr  (^ueen  of  France,  one  of  the  liandsoniest  and  most 
 beautiful  of  her  sex,  and  now  in  the  blooming  prime  of  her 
 youth,  being  in  lier  twenty-third  year,  was  pleased  to  take 
 In  marriage  her  first  cousin, ^  Henry  Stewart  Lord  Darnly, 
 eldest  son  to  Matthew  Earl  of  Lenox,  by  the  Lady  Margaret 
 Douglas,  aunt  to  her  Majesty. 2  The  ceremony  was  per- 
 formed^  after  the  ancient  form,  in  the  Chai)el  of  Holyrood- 
 house,  on  Sunday  the  2yth  day  of  July  15G.),  between  the 
 hours  of  five  and  six  in  the  morning.^     After  the  ceremony 
 
 ^  William  Chisholm,  tlio  new  Bishoj)  of  Dunblane,  had  brought  from 
 Home  the  Po])e'.s  dispensation  for  the  marria<xe,  by  reason  of  consanguinity. 
 
 '^  This  young  Lord  was  either  in  the  nineteenth  year  of  his  age,  or 
 little  more. 
 
 '  The  j)erson  that  had  the  honour  to  celebrate  the  man-iage  wa.s  John 
 Sinclair,  Dean  of  Restalrig  beside  IMinburgh,  and  liishoj)  of  Brechin. 
 lie  succeeded  his  own  brother,  Henry  Hisliopof  Uossin  the  PresidiMitship 
 of  tlic  Court  of  Session,  and  Hke  to  him  wius  very  well  skilled  in  the  laws. 
 lie  died  in  tlie  month  of  April  next  year. —  [John  Sinclair  wius  the  fourth 
 son  of  Sir  Oliver  Sinclair  of  Hoslin,  and  younger  brother  of  Henry 
 Sinclair,  Bishop  of  Brechin.  He  was  admitted  an  Ordinary  Ix)rd  of 
 Session  in  Apnl  154(),  and  he  afterwards  obtained  the  Deanery  of 
 lli'stalrig.  He  attended  his  brother  Henry  to  France  in  1564,  and 
 brought  with  him  the  materials  which  the  latter  had  collected  for  a 
 continuation  of  Boece's  Hi.story  of  Scotland.  It  is  doubtful  whether  the 
 work  entitled  Sinclair's  Practicks,  which  contains  the  decisions  of  the 
 Court  of  Ses,sion  from  the  1st  of  June  1540  to  the  28th  of  May  154!), 
 ought  to  be  a-scribed  to  Bishop  John  Sinclair,  or  to  his  brother  Bishoj» 
 Hrnry  Sinclair.— Historical  Account  of  the  Senators  of  the  College  of 
 Justice,  Kdin.  ls:{2,  p.  iil^  (;4.-I':.] 
 
 *  This  was  the  Sunday  immediately  succeeding  the  Sunday  on  which 
 Mr  John  Brand  proclaimed  the  banns  of  this  ill-fate«l  marriage.  CaltKr- 
 wood  (lliHt<)rie  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Wonuow  Society, 
 vol.  ii.  p.  2f)2)  most  erroneously  statt's  that  "  thenuirriage  was  solemnized 
 upon  the  27M  nj  ./it///,"  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  it  was  on  Sntitloi/  tlu 
 2f)<//,  its  stated  by  our  Historian.     It   is  farther  alleged  by  Calderwood- 
 
 Witches  in  both  the  Heidnu'H  had  foretold  that  if  the  nuirriage  were 
 celebrated  before  the  end  of  July,  bothe  the   Uealmes  would  reape  nxvixi 
 
1505.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  345 
 
 was   over,   the   Queen   went  to  mass  ;    but  it   is  observed 
 the  bridegroom   did  not  accompany  her   Majesty  to  that 
 
 benefite  thereby  ;  if  otherwise,  great  inconvenience  would  follow.  A  day 
 was  set,  before  which  it  was  bruited  the  Queen  of  England  should  dee, 
 which  savoured  rather  of  conspu'acy  than  soothsaying.  Our  Queene 
 herself  feared  her  xuicles  would  cast  in  some  imj)edinient  if  it  were 
 delayed  ;  but  Seigneur  Davdd  (Rizzio)  assured  them  that  both  the  father 
 and  the  son  were  zealous  Catholicks,  of  a  Noble  Family,  great  friendship 
 and  superioritie,  weill  beloved  in  both  the  Realmes,  so  there  was  no 
 impediment  more  feared  that  way."  The  reason  for  the  performance  of 
 the  ceremonial  at  such  an  hour  is  not  given,  but  it  was  then,  and  long  after, 
 the  custom  with  all  classes  to  rise  early.  Hence,  we  find  in  the  "  General 
 Assemblies''  of  the  Reformed  preachers,  that  they  often  appointed 
 Committees  to  sit  at  six  in  the  morning.  The  Chapel-Royal  of  llolyrood 
 was  the  scene  of  the  marriage  of  Mary  and  Darnley.  It  has  been 
 invariably  recorded  that  on  this  eventful  occasion  "  Mary  was  habited  in 
 deep  mourning,  and  it  was  superstitiously  observed  that  it  was  the  same 
 dress  which  she  wore  on  the  melancholy  day  of  her  late  husband's 
 obsequies." — Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  \i.  p.  356.  It  was  certainly 
 a  very  extraordinary  fancy  which  induced  Queen  Mary  to  select  such  au 
 attu-e  for  her  bridal  dress.  But  historical  writers  have  overlooked  a  most 
 important  fact,  which  probably  explains  the  motive  of  the  Queen  for 
 preferring  a  dress  which  is  now  considered  to  be  emblematical  of  "  deep 
 mourning."  We  have  already  seen,m  the  note  near  the  end  of  Chapter  I. 
 of  this  volume,  that  Mary  mourned  for  her  deceased  husband  Francis  II., 
 in  white — that  she  always  wore  that  dress  while  she  remained  in  France, 
 which  procured  for  her  the  appellation  of  la  Rtlne  Blanche — and  that  she 
 continued  to  wear  her  white  dress  during  her  widowhood  after  her  return 
 to  Scotland.  The  misfortunes  which  resulted  from  this  unhappy  marriage 
 both  to  the  Queen  and  Darnley  may  have  induced  some  to  think  that  the 
 apparently  "  deep  mourning  dress"  worn  by  jNIary  at  her  marriage  in  the 
 Chapel-Royal  of  llolyrood  was  ominous  of  the  dreadful  crimes  which 
 were  soon  to  happen  ;  but  it  is  evident  that  the  Queen  considered  wh  ite  as 
 her  mourninr/  habit,  and  by  adopting  the  very  opposite,  she  intimated  that 
 her  youthful  widowhood  had  terminated.  It  ought  to  be  recollected, 
 moreover,  that  a  distinctive  and  general  mourning  dress  was  unknown 
 in  Scotland  till  1537,  only  twenty-eight  years  before  Mary's  marriage, 
 when  jNIagdalene  of  France,  the  first  Queen  of  her  father  James  X., 
 died  universally  lamented.  These  remarks  are  here  inserted  chiefly 
 to  shew  that  Mary's  dress  at  her  marriage  must  have  been  merely 
 a  matter  of  her  own  taste  and  choice,  and  that  it  would  be  the 
 most  absurd  superstition  to  assume  that  it  was  in  the  least  indicative 
 of  the  events  which  followed,  entailing  ruin  on  the  parties  more  or  less 
 concerned.  Nevertheless,  the  appearance  of  Queen  Mary  attracted  the 
 special  notice  of  Randolph,  who,  thougli  he  admits  that  lie  was  not  oculutus 
 to<?s,  assures  the  Farl  of  Leicester,  in  a  hotter  dated  .luly  31 — "Of  tlie 
 veritie  your  Lordsliip  shall  not  neede  to  dowte,  howsoever  I  came  by  it."— 
 "  The  manner  of  the  marriage  wa.s  in  tliys  sorte.  Upon  Sondaye,  in  the 
 morning,  between  five  and  six,  she  (Mary)  wa.s  couveide  by  divers  of 
 her  Nobles  to  theChappell.  She  had  ujjon  her  backe  the  great  mourning 
 gowne  of  blacke,  with  the  great  wide  mourning  hoode,  not  iinlyke  unto 
 
•340  TIIK   llLblUllY  OF  THE  AFFAIK.-?  [loOO. 
 
 office.^  During  the  splendid  entertainment  of  that  day,'^  the 
 Queen  was  served  In  the  Karl  of  Atholl  as  sewer,  the  Earl  of 
 Morton  as  carver,  and  the  Earl  of  Crawford  as  cupbearer; 
 and  the  bridcf^ooni  ])y  the  Earls  of  Eglinton,  Cassillis,  and 
 Gleneairn.  The  day  after  the  marriage  the  Lord  Darnly, 
 now  husband  to  tlie  Queen,  was  by  her  Majesty's  order 
 proclaimed  King  with  sound  of  trumpet  at  the  market- 
 that  wliicli  slie  woro  the  dolcfull  dayof  tlie  huriall  of  hor  housbande.  She 
 was  h'dch'  unto  tlie  (.'haj>p('ll  by  the  Karles  Lenox  and  Athol,  and  there 
 she  was  K'ft  untyll  her  husband  came,  who  also  was  conveide  by  the  same 
 Lords.  'J*he  ministers,  two  priests,  did  there  receave  them.  The  bans 
 arc  a.sked  the  thyrde  tyme,  and  an  instrument  taken  by  a  notarie,  that  no 
 man  siiyde  a^^aynst  them,  or  alledged  any  cause  why  the  marriage  might 
 not  procede.  The  words  wore  spoken  ;  the  rings,  which  were  three,  the 
 middle  a  riche  diamond,  were  put  upon  her  finger  ;  they  kneel  together, 
 and  manie  prayers  said  over  them.  She  carrieth  owte  the  .  .  .  and 
 he  taketh  a  kysse,  and  leaveth  her  there  and  went  to  her  chamber, 
 whether  in  a  space  she  foUoweth,  and  there  being  required,  according  to 
 the  solemnitie,  to  cast  off  her  care,  and  lay  asyde  those  son-owfull 
 garments,  and  give  herself  to  pleasiinter  lyfe.  After  some  prettie  refusal, 
 more  I  believe  for  numner  sake  than  greef  of  harte,  she  suffreth  them 
 that  stood  by,  everie  num  that  coulde  aj)proche,  to  take  owte  a  pin,  and 
 so  being  commytted  unto  her  ladies  changed  her  garments,  but  went  not 
 to  bedde,  to  signifie  unto  the  worlde  that  it  was  no  luste  moved  them  to 
 marri«',  but  onlye  the  necessitie  of  her  countrie,  not  if  she  wyll  to  leave  it 
 destitute  of  an  heere.  Suspicious  men,  or  such  as  are  given  of  all  things 
 to  make  the  worst,  wolde  that  it  sliolde  be  beleeved  that  they  knew 
 each  other  before  that  they  came  there.  I  would  not  your  Lordshij) 
 should  so  Indeeve,  the  lykelyhoods  are  so  great  to  the  contrarie,  that  if  it 
 were  possible  to  see  such  an  act  done  I  would  not  beleeve  it."  Handolpli 
 to  Hobert  Dudley,  lOarl  of  Leicester,  in  Wright's  "Queen  Klizabeth  and 
 her  Tinu's,"  vol.  i.  p.  '202,  20.3.— K.] 
 
 '  ["They  were  married  with  all  the  solemnities  of  the  Topyshe  tynu\ 
 Hiiving  that  he  hearde  not  the  ma.s.se  ;  his  sjteech  and  talke  argueth  his 
 myndt',  and  yet  wolde  he  fayne  .seem  to  the  world  that  he  were  of  .sonu? 
 religion."— Randolph  to  the  F>iirl  of  Leicester,  .'Ust  .luly,  L%T).  In  the 
 8anu»  letter  Kand()l|)h  writes  "  He  wolde  now  seem  to  be  indifferent  to 
 both  the  religions,  she  to  use  her  masse,  and  he  to  come  sometymes  to 
 the  preachyng."-  Iv  | 
 
 "  I" 'I'o  their  dymier  tlii-y  were  conveii'di>  by  the  whole  Nobles.  'Jhe 
 trumpets  sounde,  a  larges.s  cried,  luul  money  thrown  abowte  the  hou.se  in 
 great  abundance  to  suche  as  were  happie  to  get  any  part.  They  dyne 
 both  at  one  tabh'  ujion  the  upper  hand.  After  dyni'r  they  dance  awhyle, 
 and  retire  thems<'lves  tyll  the  hour  of  supper,  and  as  they  dyne  so  do  they 
 sup.  Sonie  dancing  there  was,  and  so  they  go  to  l)ed.  I  was  sent  for  to 
 have  bene  at  the  supper,  l)ut  lykc  a  curlish  oruncourtoy.se  carle  I  refused 
 to  bo  there."— Randolph  to  the  Karl  of  Leicester,  .'Ust  .Inly  iry65.  Knox 
 Hays  (IliMtorie,  edit.  IT.'K,  p.  ;JH0)—"  During  the  space  of  three  or  four 
 days  there  was  nothing  but  balling,  dancing,  and  banquetting."-  K.J 
 
15G5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  347 
 
 Cross  of  Edinburgh;   and  I   have  taken  the   freedom  tu 
 annex  here  a  copy  of  the  Proclamation. 
 
 "  We  do  zou  to  wit,  Forsamekill  as  Proclamation  wes  maid 
 at  this  Croce  iipoiin  the  28th  day  of  Jully  instant,  be  virtew 
 and  at  command  of  the  Quenis  Majestic  our  soverane  ladie's 
 letteris,  makand  mentioun  that  forsamekill  as  hir  Hienes, 
 at  the  will  and  plesoure  of  God,  intendit  to  solemnizat  and 
 compleit  the  band  of  matrimonie  in  face  of  Hallie  Kirk  with 
 the  rycht  nobill  and  illuster  Prince  Henry  than  Duke^  of 
 Albany :  And  in  respect  of  the  said  mariage,  and  during 
 the  tyme  thairof,  hir  Majestic  will,  ordanit,  and  consentit, 
 that  he  suld  be  namit  and  styllit  King  of  this  kingdom, 
 and  that  all  letteris  to  be  direct,  eftir  the  said  mariage, 
 sould  be  in  the  name  of  the  said  illuster  Prince,  then  her 
 Hienes  future  husband,  and  of  hir  Majestic,  as  King  and 
 Quene  of  Scotland  conjunctlie,  as  the  letteris  direct  thair- 
 upon,   and  proclamit,   as   said   is,    mair  lairglie  proportis. 
 And   now  sen   the    said   mariage   is  fully  solemnizat  and 
 compleit,  at  the  plesoure  and  will  of  God,  we  command  and 
 charge  in  the  names  and  authoritie  of  thair  Majesties,  that 
 all  letteris  quhilk  heirafter  sail  be  direct  and  set  furth,  be 
 in  the  names  of  baith  thair  Majesties,  as  King  and  Quene 
 of  Scotland  conjunctlie;    and  heirof  presentlie    we   make 
 intimatioun  and  publication  to  zow  all  and  sundrie  thair 
 Hienesses  liegis  and  subditis.     Subscrivit  be  thair  Majesties, 
 and  undir  thair  Signet,  at  Hallierudhouse,  the  penult  day 
 of  Jully,  and  of  our   reignes   the  first  and   twenty  third 
 zeires.""! 
 
 As  the  Queen  by  the  above  Proclamation  was  pleased  to 
 honour  her  husband  with  the  royal  title,  so  did  she  desire 
 every  one  who  respected  her  to  do  him  all  manner  of  honour, 
 to  wait  upon  him,  and  pay  him  all  deference  due  to  the 
 King  ;2    which  was  so  far  complied  with,  that  his  retmue 
 
 1  [«  This  day,  Mondaye,  at  twelve  of  the  clocko,  the  Lords,  all  that 
 were  in  this  to^^^le,  were  present  at  the  proclaiming  of  hyni  agayne,  when 
 no  man  sayd  so  much  as  Amen,  saving  his  father,  that  cried  owte  aloudc- 
 *  God  save  his  Grace  !'  "—E.J  ..   ,     ,    ,1 
 
 2  [«  All  honor  that  may  be  attributed  unto  any  man  by  a  wyte  he  hath 
 ,vholly  and  fully,  all  prayse  that  may  be  spoken  of  hym  he  lacketh  not 
 from  hersclfe,  all  dignities  that  she  can  indue  hym  with  are  already  given 
 
348  Tin;  ni-T"i;v  "i   nu;  affairs  [loOo. 
 
 becamo  very  numerous,  aii<l  it  was  ubservcd  that  such  as 
 wanted  favour  at  Court,  and  made  their  addresses  through 
 him,  ha<l  still  tho  best  success  in  their  suits. ^ 
 
 The  disaffreti'd  Lords,  how  soon  they  heard  of  tho 
 solemnization  of  the  </ueen's  marriage,  and  her  Proclamation 
 thereupon,  appointing  to  her  husband  the  dignity  and  title 
 of  A7;/<7,  and  that  all  publick  letters  should  pass  and  be 
 directed  in  the  King's  name  as  well  as  in  her  own,  did  innne- 
 diately  send  forth  their  comi)laints  into  all  parts,  as  if  tho 
 kingdom  was  openly  wronged,  and  the  liberties  thereof 
 oppressed,  and  a  King  imposed'-^  upon  the  people  without 
 advice  and  consent  of  the  States  (a  thing  they  alledged  was 
 contrary  to  the  laws  and  received  custom  of  the  country)  ; 
 desiring,  therefore,  all  good  subjects  to  lay  the  matter  to 
 heart,  and  join  with  them  in  resisting  these  beginnings  of 
 
 and  granted.  No  iiuui  plcii-^i'tli  liir  that  contcntc'th  not  Iiyni,  and  what 
 may  1  say  more,  slie  liath  <,MVfn  over  iinto  hym  her  wliok-  wyll,  to  be 
 ruled  and  i^uidcd  as  hymself  best  lyketli.  Slie  can  as  miicli  i)revayle  with 
 hym  in  any  thyner  that  is  a;,'aynst  liis  wyll,  as  your  Lord:-hip  may  with  me 
 to  pei-swade  that  I  sholde  hani,'  myself." — Jtandolph  to  the  Karl  of 
 Leicester,  31st  .Inly  15()5.     K.] 
 
 '  Melvil's  >remoirs. — [Memoiresof  Sir  James  Melville  of  llalhill,  folio, 
 London,  HKJ,  p.  58.  It  cannot  be  doubted  that  Darnley's  conduct  after 
 his  marria^'e  made  him  numerous  eni-mies,  esjjecially  amonfj  the  Nobility, 
 who  were  sufHciently  inflammable  without  his  display  of  hauj,'htiness. 
 The  Kn|,dish  Resident  writes — "  Ills  word.s  to  all  men  a<;aynst  whom  he 
 conceiveth  aiiy  displeasure,  how  urj^ent  soever  it  be,  so  prowde  and 
 (4]>itefull,  that  ratlu'r  he  seemeth  a  monarche  of  tho  worlde  than  he  that 
 not  loiifj  since  we  have  .seen  and  known  the  Lord  Darnlye.  He  looketh 
 now  for  revenue  of  manie  that  have  lyttle  will  to  jjyve  it  hym,  and  some 
 there  are  that  do  ^'yve  it  that  thynke  hym  lyttle  worthye  of  it." — 
 Randolph  to  the  I^jirl  of  Leicester,  31st  July  LKi.'i. — K.] 
 
 ^  I'erhajjs,  indeed,  it  wiusa  wrong  stej)  in  the  Queen  to  g^ive  her  husband 
 tho  tith?  and  atithority  of  Kiiuj :  She  had  cause  .soon  to  repent  it,  and  her 
 eneniieH  who  exclaimed  most  a;,minst  it  now,  made  it  afterwards  sub- 
 wrvient  to  their  own  turns. — 1"  This  last  di«?nitie  owte  of  hand  to  have 
 hym  proclaimed  Kinge,  she  would  have  it  detterred  untyll  it  were  agreed 
 l)y  rarh'mente,  or  have  bene  hymself  of  twenty-one  yeres  of  age,  that 
 thyngs  done  in  his  name  myght  have  the  better  autoritye.  lie  wohl  in 
 no  vixsv  have  it  deferred.  Wh('reuj)on  thys  dowte  is  rysen  amongst  our 
 men  «)f  hiwe,  whether  she,  being  clad  with  a  hou>bande,and  her  housi'band 
 not  tw««nty-one  yeres,  any  thynge  without  J'arlement  can  be  of  strengthe 
 that  is  »lone  betwene  them.  Upon  Saturdaye  at  afternone  the.se  nnitters 
 were  long  in  debating,  and  before  they  were  w»ll  res(»lved  upon,  at  nine 
 h<»un'}*  at  night,  by  thre«'  herauld(>s  at  soundi'  of  the  trumpet,  he  wa.s 
 proclaimed  King."  -  Ranflolph  to  th.'  Karl  of  Leice.strr,  31st  Julv  !.')(;.'>. 
 -K.l 
 
15G5.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  349 
 
 tyranny.  But  though  the  faction  was  busy  in  thus  fomenting 
 a  rebelhon  in  the  nation,  yet  they  had  the  mortification  to 
 see  but  very  Httle  ear  given  to  their  wicked  insinuations ; 
 and  even  Mr  Knox  acknowledgeth^ — "  There  were  diverse 
 bruits  among  the  people,  some  allcdging  that  the  cause  of 
 this  alteration  (in  the  discontented  Lords)  was  not  for 
 religion,  but  rather  for  hatred,  envy  of  sudden  promotion  or 
 dignity,  or  such  worldly  causes.'"  The  Lords  had  already 
 taken  themselves  to  arms,  and  the  Queen  had  likewise  taken 
 proper  measures  to  disappoint  their  entcrprizes  ;2  and  now 
 their  Majesties  were  resolved  to  crush  them  before  they 
 had  time  to  spread  the  poison  into  the  minds  of  their  loyal 
 subjects,  it  having  been  often  times  perceived  that  impunity 
 encourageth  sedition,  nourisheth  and  reduceth  to  maturity 
 attempts  against  the  State,  which  by  a  more  vigorous  and 
 timeous  execution  of  the  laws  might  have  been  easily 
 prevented.  To  this  purpose  several  Proclamations  w^ere 
 issued  by  authority  of  their  Majesties  and  their  Privy- 
 Council,  some  of  which  I  shall  give  at  full  length,  and  of 
 others,  that  may  not  be  so  material,  the  abstracts  only,^ 
 for  it  would  be  too  tedious  to  give  them  all  verhatim.    And  I 
 
 1  [Historie,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  380.— E.] 
 
 ^  [Calderwood  says — "  Not  onlie  manie  of  the  Nobilitie  but  also  of  the 
 Commouiis,  Avere  oflfended  that  by  the  voice  of  an  herald,  at  the  Queen's 
 commandment,  Lord  Darnley  sould  have  been  proclaimed  Khig  without 
 the  consent  of  the  Estates  in  Parliament.  The  number  of  malcontents 
 was  the  gi-eater,  because  manie  of  the  Nobilitie  were  absent,  or  did  not 
 countenance  either  the  marriage  or  the  proclamation,  viz.  the  Duke  of 
 Chatelerault,  the  Erles  of  Argyle,  JNIurrey,  Alexander  Erie  of  Glencarne, 
 Andrew  Erie  of  Kothesse,  the  Lord  Uchiltre,  and  sindrc  others.  Heralds 
 were  sent  to  call  them  in.  They  refuse,  and  are  condemned  to  banish- 
 ment."—Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed  for  the  AVodrow 
 Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  292,  293.  And  yet  this  very  Earl  of  Glencairn  is 
 expressly  mentioned  as  serving  Darnley  at  the  banquet  on  the  day  of  the 
 marriage  with  the  Earls  of  Eglinton  and  Cassillis,  as  stated  by  our 
 Historian,  and  by  Kandolph  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester  in  his  letter  of  the 
 31stof  July.— E.] 
 
 ^  Abstracts  of  some  of  these  Acts  are  to  bo  seen  in  the  places  I  have 
 already  mentioned.  But  the  laborious  Mr  Robert  Miln  having  written 
 out  all  these  Acts  at  full  length,  I  shall  make  my  abstracts  from  his 
 copies,  and  more  fully  too  than  these  tliat  are  done  by  the  other  gentle- 
 men :  And  I  likewise  do  this  the  more  cheerfully,  as  it  will  serve  to 
 rectify  the  dates,  and  set  in  due  order  of  time  the  several  motions  that 
 were  made  the  following  two  or  three  montlis,  wliich  in  our  former 
 historians  are  too  much  disconcerted. 
 
^OO  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGo. 
 
 nhall  bo  tlie  more  exact  in  tlie  doing  of  this,  that  the 
 principal  Kugistors  are  now  aniissing  and  perhaps  may  not 
 be  soon  recovered. 
 
 '•  Ajjiiil  Edinhurgh^  1  Auf/usti,  Anno  Do)a.  J.jIJo. 
 
 "  Sederunt  ^ — Jacobus  Comes  de  Mortoun,  Cancellarius  ; 
 Joannes  Comes  de  Athole  ;  Georgius  Comes  de  Errol ; 
 Alexander  Comes  de  Glencarne  ;  Joannes  Comes  de  Mar  ;2 
 Patricius  Dominus  Ruthwn  ;  Joannes  Maxwell  de  Terreglis, 
 Miles  ;^  Secretarius^  Thesaurarius^  Computorum  Botulator^^ 
 ClericusRenistri,  Advocatits.  Extraordinarii — Da vid Comes 
 de  Crair/urd  ;  Gilbert  as  Comes  de  Cassils  ;  Alexander  Do- 
 minus Hume;  Robertus  Dominus  Sempill;^  Jacobus  Dominus 
 Rossdellackit;^  Jacobus  Dominus  Somervill ;  Hugo  Dominus 
 Lovet ;  Alanus  Dominus  Cathcart ;  Patricius  Dominies 
 Lindsay  de  Byris  ;  Patricius  Dominus  Gray  ;''  WilUelr 
 mus    Magister   de    Grahame  :^     WilUelmus    Magister    de 
 
 '  rosterity  may  perhaps  be  pleased  to  know  what  persons  sate  in 
 Council,  otherwise  I  should  not  have  troubled  either  my  readers  or 
 myself  with  settinp^  down  their  names. 
 
 *  This  is  the  first  time  this  Nobleman  has  the  title  of  Earl  of  Mar,  for 
 on  the  28th  July  he  is  only  Lord  Krskine  :  so  that  he  has  been  created 
 llarl  at  or  about  the  Queen's  marriajje,  perliaps  to  keep  his  Lordship 
 steady  to  her  Majesty  aj::ainst  the  I'.arl  of  Moray,  whose  uncle  the  Lord 
 Krskine  wa-s,  now  Karl  of  Mar.~["  To  honor  tlie  (marriage)  fea.st,  the 
 Ix)rd  luirsken  was  made  Karl  of  Marre,  and  manie  made  Kuiiihts  that 
 never  shewed  any  ^^reat  token  of  their  viussela<je."  Itaiidoljdi  to  the  Karl 
 of  Leicester,  31st  .luly  1.%'5.— K.] 
 
 '  [Sir  John  Maxwell  of  Terrea<,des,  better  known  as  Lord  Hemes,  was 
 the  second  son  of  Jtobert  fourth  Lord  Maxwell. —  K.] 
 
 *  f  Probably  Sir  William  Murray  of 'i'ullibardine,kiiii,dit(>(l  by  Daniley, 
 Coniptrolb-r  of  Scotland  from  I'yil'A  to  I'yiil  — K.] 
 
 °  [Robert  Sfmpill,  third  Lord  Semjiill,  who  obtained  the  lands  of 
 Crookston,  Thankerton,  and  Daniley  in  Henfrewshire,  at  the  forfeiture 
 of  the  Ijirl  of  Lenno.x  in  1544. —  1^.] 
 
 "  [James  Hos.s,  fourth  Lord  Ross  of  Ilawkhead,  near  PaisK'y,  who 
 marri.'d  Jan«',  dau^jhter  of  the  third  Lord  Semjiill.-   K.] 
 
 '  [Patrick  (Jray  of  liutterpusk,  who  succeeded  his  relative  the  fourth 
 Lord  JUS  fifth  Lord  (J ray.--  K.] 
 
 "  [According;  to  the  IVerajre  statenu'uts,  William  secoutl  I'.arl  of 
 Montrosp,  whose  father  William  the  first  larl,  fell  at  the  battle  of 
 I'lo(bl(Mi  in  15].'),  and  who  died  in  l')71,  liad  four  sons,  viz.  Kol)ert,  who 
 was  kilb'd  on  the  old  britl^'e  over  the  Ksk  at  Muss('ll)ur;,di  when  crossing; 
 with  the  Scotti.sh  anny  to  the  Imttle  field  of  Piuki<'  in  the  vicinity  in 
 LM7,  Alexander,  Munp>,  and  William.  The  eldest  son  Robert  left  a 
 posthumous  son   John,  who   succe.'(l(><l    his   irraiidfathrr  as  third   F>iirl  of 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  351 
 
 Sinclair  ;i  Joannes  Dominus  Glamis  ,-2  Joannes  Dominus 
 BorthwicJc;  Willielmus  Dominus  Hai/  de  Yesfer;  Willlelmus 
 Dominus  Levingsto7i ;  Laurentius  Magister  de  Oliphant.^ 
 
 "  The  qiihilk  day,  forsamekill  as  James  Erie  of  Moray  was 
 nocht  onlie  divers  tyraes  gentillie  requiret,  hot  als  in  the 
 Quenis  Majestie's  name  and  autlioritie,  be  virtew  of  Acts  of 
 hir  Graces  Counsall,  commandit  and  chargit  to  have  pre- 
 sentit  himself  before  hir  Hienes  at  ane  certane  day  bygane, 
 to  haif  anserit  to  sic  things  as  sould  be  laid  to  his  charge, 
 and  hes  nochttheless  hiddirtillis  disobcdicntlie  absentit 
 himself:  Thairfoir  the  King  and  Quenis  Majesties,  with 
 advyse  of  the  Lordis  of  thair  Secret  Counsall,  and  utheris 
 Nobilitie  present,  ordanis  letteris  to  be  direct  to  officiaris 
 of  armis,  charging  thame  to  pass,  and  in  thair  Hienesses 
 name  and  authoritie,  command  and  charge  the  said  James 
 Erie  of  Moray  personallie,  or  at  his  dwelling-place,  to  present 
 himself  befoir  thair  Majesties  at  Edinburgh,  or  quhair  it 
 sail  happin  thame  to  be  for  the  tyme,  the  1st  day  of  August 
 instant,  to  anser  to  sic  thingis  as  sallbe  laid  to  his  charge, 
 under  the  pain  of  rebellion,  and  putting  of  him  to  the 
 home  ;  and  gif  he  failzies  thairin,  the  said  day  being 
 bypast,  to  denounce  him  rebel,  and  put  him  to  the  home, 
 and  escheat .''4 — R.  M.5 
 
 JNIontrose.  Some  difficulty  in  consequence  occurs  as  to  the  person  men- 
 tioned in  tlie  above  list  as  "  Willielmus  :Magister  de  Grahame."— E.] 
 
 1  [The  identification  of  this  personage  is  also  difficult,  unless  William 
 second  Lord  Sinclair,  who  succeeded  his  father  the  first  Lord,  killed  at 
 Flodden,  is  meant  ;  but  this  Lord  Sinclair  had  no  son  named  William  : 
 He  had  two  sons,  Henry  and  Mungo,  and  the  former  succeeded  him  as 
 third  Lord.— E.] 
 
 2  [.John  eighth  Lord  Glammis,  father  of  the  first  Earl  of  Kinghorn, 
 whose  grandson  became  the  first  Earl  of  Strathmore  and  third  Earl  of 
 Kinghorn. — E.] 
 
 a  [He  succeeded  his  father  as  fourth  Lord  Oliphant  in  1566.— E.] 
 4  In  the  front  of  this  Act  there  is  another  constituting  John  Lord 
 Fleming  Chamberlain  of  Scotland,  and  Master  Usher  of  the  King  and 
 Queen's  chamber-doors.  Upon  account  of  both  which  offices  that  Noble- 
 man gives  bodelie  aith  that  he  sail  lellie  and  trewlie  use  and  exerce  the 
 said  offices,  as  he  will  answer  to  God  and  her  Hienes  thairupon.— ["  The 
 Lord  St  John  had  his  office  of  Chief  Chamborlaine  taken  from  hym,  and 
 it  was  given  to  the  Lord  Flemenge,  now  in  principall  credit  witlx  our  new 
 King."     Randolph  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester,  .'Ust  July  1565.— E.] 
 
 3  [The  initials  of  Robert  Miln,  to  Avhose  imlustry  our  Historian  often 
 acknowledges  himself  indebted,  especially  in  his  own  note,  p.  349.— E.J 
 
^52  TIIK   HISTORY  OF  THK   .\I  FAIKS  [1505. 
 
 On  tho  2(1  of  AiiL^ust  th«n'  is  a  charge  coinmanding 
 Andrew  Earl  of  llutheH  aiul  William  Kirkaldy  of  (n-ange 
 to  enter  theniHelvcs  j)risoner8  within  the  Castle  of  Dunbarton ; 
 and  Mr  Janics  Ilalihiirtoii,  Provost  of  Dundee,  to  enter 
 prisoner  within  the  Castle  of  Dunbar,  in  the  8j)ace  of  five 
 days  after  they  bo  charged,  under  tho  pain  of  rebellion. 
 
 The  (^uccn  was  not  only  careful  to  provide  against  those 
 Lords  and  gentlemen  who  resisted  her  present  proceedings, 
 but  judged  it  expedient  likewise  to  relieve  such  persons  as 
 she  had  reason  to  expect  would  assist  her  in  this  turbulent 
 time ;  and  so  we  see  her  bounty  extended  now  to  the  Lord 
 Gordon,  who  had  been  all  along  detained  in  prison  since  the 
 unfortunate  affair  of  his  father  the  Earl  of  Iluntly :  For  on  the 
 od  August  these  following  j)ersons  are  entered  in  the  Hooks 
 of  Privy-Council  as  cautioners,  conjunctly  and  severally,  in 
 the  sum  of  ten  thousand  pounds,  that  the  said  George  Lord 
 Gordon  shall  enter  in  ward  within  any  place  the  King  or 
 Queen  shall  be  pleased  to  command,  upon  twenty  days' 
 warning.  The  cautioners  are  Alexander  Lord  Hume,  Sir 
 John  ALaxwell  of  Terreglis,  John  Gordon  of  Lochinvar, 
 Knight, 1  Sir  Alexander  Stewart  of  Garlies,^  Sir  Matthew 
 Campbell  of  Lowdon,^  and  Sir  James  Cockburn  of  Scraling, 
 Knight.^  The  Earls  of  Bothwell  and  Sutherland  were  about 
 this  time  likewise  allowed  to  return  into  Scotland. 
 
 On  the  4th  August  there  is  a  Proclamation  issued  out, 
 declaring  that  their  Majesties,  having  knowledge  of  sundry 
 disaffected  and  disobedient  persons  to  their  authority  within 
 the  country  of  Fife,  and  their  Majesties  being  resolved  to 
 go  thither  in  person,  for  reduciuix  them  to  their  duty, 
 therefore  they  command  and  chaige  all  the  Earls,  Lords, 
 Ilarons,  freeholdc^rs,  landed  men,  .-md  substnntious  gentlemen 
 within    the    sheriffdoms    of    ]'](linburgh,     Haddington,    and 
 
 '  He  was  jirodecessor  to  tln'  \'isfuimt  of  Keuimiro. — [The  grandfather 
 of  the  first  N'iscount  Kenimni',  so  created  in  KJ.'KJ. — K.] 
 
 -  rrede(»'.s.sor  to  tlie  Marl  of  (iaUoway. — ['I'hc  ^andfather  of  Sir 
 AK'Xander  Stewart,  cn-atrd  l,(.rd  (larlicsiii  1«;(>7,  and  Karl  of  (lalloway 
 in  1G-2;J.— K.J 
 
 ^  Predcet'ssor  to  the  I'arl  of  Kowdim. —  (  Kather  of  Sir  Hugh  ('ainplM'll  of 
 Loudoun, ereatcd  KordCaniphi'll  of  Loudoun  in  I (>()], \vh(»sr grand-daughter 
 Ntnrgnret  succjH'ded  a.s  Haroness  Loudoun  in  her  own  right,  and  married 
 Sir  John  Caniphell  of  l^iwei-s,  created  Karl  of  I^oudoun  in  l<;3.'l,  well 
 known  in  Scottish  history'  as  the  "Covenanting  Kjirl." — K.] 
 
 *    Now  fvtinrf . 
 
15G5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  S5'S 
 
 Linlithgow,  with  their  hoiisholds,  honest  friends  and  ser- 
 vants, "  well  bodin  in  feir  of  weir,""  and  provided  for  fifteen 
 days  after  their  coming,  to  meet  the  King  and  Queen  at 
 Edinburgh,  the  9th  of  August ;  the  inhabitants  of  Stirling 
 and  Clackmanan  to  meet  their  Majesties  betwixt  Linlithgow 
 and  Falkirk,  the  11th  of  the  same  month ;  the  inhabitants 
 of  Stratherni  at  Stirling  Bridge,  the  12th  ;  and  the  inhabit- 
 ants of  Perth,  Fife,  and  Kinross,  at  Falkland,  the  14th  of 
 the  month  :  then  and  there  to  attend  and  wait  their 
 Majesties'  commands  and  directions,  "  under  the  pain  of 
 tinsal  of  lyff,  landis,  and  guidis."  And  also  charging  all 
 the  inhabitants  of  the  burgh  of  Edinburgh,  betwixt  sixty  and 
 sixteen  years,  and  others  fencible  persons,  with  provisions 
 for  fifteen  days  after  their  departing  forth  of  Edinburgh,  to 
 convoy  their  Majesties,  under  the  pain  above  written.^ 
 
 August  7th — That  whereas  James  Earl  of  ^loray  was 
 denoimced  rebel  on  the  Gth  of  the  said  month  of  August, 
 intimation  thereof  is  appointed  to  be  made  to  James  Duke 
 of  Chastelherault,  Archibald  Earl  of  Argyll,3  personally, 
 or  at  their  dwelling-places,  and  to  all  other  the  lieges,  by 
 open  Proclamation  at  the  market-crosses  and  other  places 
 needful,  with  certification,  that  whoever  shall  reset,  supply, 
 or  intercommune  with  the  said  Earl  of  Moray,  shall  be 
 punished  as  rebels. 
 
 ^  [The  district  of  Perthshire  traversed  by  the  Earn. — E.] 
 2  The  Council  of  Edinburgh,  being  desirous  to  redeem  the  inhabitants 
 from  this  journey  and  attendance,  did  very  Avisely  consent  to  the  following 
 Act,  viz.  — "  4th  August  1565. — The  quhilk  day  the  Baillies,  Dean  of  Gild, 
 and  Couusale,  understanding  Proclamatioun  alreddic  maid,  chargeing  all 
 manor  of  man  to  pass  forewart  with  the  King  and  Quenis  Majesties,  in  the 
 persute  of  the  Erie  of  ^Morray  and  his  colleages,  and  that  thai  are  subjectit 
 by  thair  said  Proclamatioun  to  pass  with  thame  ;  tlie  dyet  bein  lang,  and 
 the  journey  tedious,  consentis  and  grantis  thataneuniversall  extent  bayth 
 of  marchant  and  craftsmen  be  upliftit  and  gadderit,  for  raiscing  and 
 furnisching  of  twa  hunder  men  of  weir  for  ane  moneth,  to  pass  forewart 
 with  thair  Uienesses  in  thair  said  journey.  And  Allane  Purvos  for 
 himself,  and  in  name  of  the  hale  Dekynnis,  dissasents  ;  and  protestit,  that 
 he  nor  the  said  Dekynnis  are  na  furder  subjectit  nor  to  the  fyf-part  of  the 
 said  extent,  conformc  to  tlie  auld  use  and  consuetude  ever  observit  in  sic 
 caises." 
 
 ^  Hitherto  it  appears  the  Earl  of  Argyll  had  not  been  denounced  rebel, 
 contrary  to  what  Mr  Knox  relates.  It  would  seem  by  the  intimation 
 which  is  here  ordered  to  be  made  to  tlie  Duke,  and  Earl  of  Argj-ll,  the 
 Court  has  been  desirous  to  divide  \}\o<o  two  Noble  persons  from  the  Earl 
 of  Moray. 
 
 VOL.  II.  23 
 
3r)4  THE  HISTORY  or  TIIK  AFFAIRS  [loGo. 
 
 August  JHli  — "  Sederunt  Jacobus  Comes  do  Mortoun, 
 Cancell.;  Joannes  Comes  de  A  thole;  Joannes  Conies  de  Mar; 
 Patricius  Doniinus  Kuthven  ;  Secretarius,  Thesaurarius, 
 Computoruni  Jlotulator,  Clericus  llegistri,  Clericus  Justi- 
 ciariio,  Advocatus'' — the  lieges  are  discharged  from  attending 
 their  Majesties  on  the  days  appointed  by  the  Proclamation 
 of  the  4th  August,  but  arc  required  to  hold  them  in 
 readiness  as  they  shall  be  advertised,  on  twenty-four  hours' 
 warning,  according  to  the  former  Proclamation  in  all  points, 
 and  under  the  pains  contained  in  the  same."l 
 
 ]k'fore  I  proceed  farther  in  their  Majesties'*  operations,  in 
 order  to  the  reduction  of  the  rebel  Lords  to  their  duty,  I 
 nuist  take  notice  of  a  message  at  this  time  from  the  (^ueen 
 of  England,  by  the  hands  of  one  John  Tamworth,-  a 
 gentleman  of  her  Privy-Chamber,  who  was  dispatched  with 
 Instructions  from  his  mistress  in  the  latter  days  of  July, 
 and  delivered  his  message  in  writing  in  the  first  week  of 
 August.-^  Cambden  is  the  only  person  that  has  hitherto 
 given  any  tolerable  account  of  this  message,  and  withall 
 he  observes,  that  Tamworth  was  a  forward  insolent  man^ 
 (and  who  knows  but  the  Queen  of  England  might  have 
 picked  him  out  for  that  very  thing  to  send  him  into  Scot- 
 land at  this  juncture?)  ;  and  that  our  Queen,  having  smelled 
 the  nature  of  his  message,   would   not  admit  him  into  her 
 
 *  fit  appears  that  a  few  clays  after  the  above  mentioned  9th  of  Au^nist 
 a  serious  riot  orcuiTed  in  lxlinbnr<;h. — "  'J'he  ncwe  Kinj^'s  sonldiei-s  and 
 tlie  townsmen  of  ICdinbroujjh  have  been  to^^ethcr  by  the  eares,  and  some 
 of  the  townsmen  shiyne.  Their  Kin^  was  puttinjj  on  his  armour  to  liave 
 parted  the  fray,  but  did  not,  or  if  he  did,  came  not  abrode.  lie  loseth 
 many  of  his  frendes  dayly,  who,  seeinjr  Ids  government,  leane  to  th'other 
 part.  The  Queue  petteth  as  many  to  the  masse,  and  never  was  there  so 
 many  as  now  there  were  at  it  on  Sonday  hist." — The  Karl  of  Bedford  to 
 Cecil,  ISth  Au^ist  15(>5,  in  Wright's  "  Qu^en  Elizabeth  and  her  Times," 
 vol.  i.  p.  204.— K.j 
 
 ^  [Tamworth  is  said  to  have  behaved  rudely  in  his  mission,  and  was 
 stoi)ped  on  his  return  for  want  of  liis  passport,  which  lie  had  not  obtained,  to 
 avoid  acknowled^nn^'  Darnley  as  Kin«^,  as  related  by  our  Historian. —  K.J 
 
 ^  See  Knox  and  some  .\bstr.»ets  in  tlu«  Apjiendix.  'Jhere  is  likewise 
 an  abstract  of  this  gentlenuin's  Instructions  in  the  I«\wyers'  Library,  with 
 this  title.  Articles  jYrojutscz  a  la  licifne  W Kscoasr  jmr  I'Amhn  mdittr  (/<•  hi  linftte 
 (rAni/hi,nr,  le  8.  Aoiut  15(»5.— [By  the  "  I^iwyers'  Lil>rary"  is  meant  the 
 Library  <»f  the  Faculty  of  Advocates  at  Kdinbur;,di. —  K.] 
 
 *  Yet  this  author  erroneously  postpones  the  daite  thereof  a  niojith  or 
 two,  nn<l  perha])s  Spottiswood,  relying'  on  his  authority,  has  delayed  it 
 longer.— [Camden's  Aunalls  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  \G'2r),  p.  122,  123.— E.j 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  Soo 
 
 presence,  but  ordered  an  answer  for  liim  in  writing.  What 
 truth  may  be  in  this,  I  shall  not  take  upon  me  to  decide  ; 
 only  we  may  guess,  by  the  length  both  of  his  message  and 
 the  answers,  that  neither  of  them  have  been  delivered  by 
 word  of  mouth.  And  it  is  very  visible  likewise  by  the  tenor 
 of  the  message,  that  as  Mr  Tamworth  had  not,  nor  indeed 
 could  have,  any  Commission  to  our  Queen's  husband,  then 
 become  King,  so  neither  did  he  vouchsafe  him  any  other 
 title  but  Lord  Darnly.  As  for  the  message  and  answers 
 here  in  question,  which  are  very  luckily  preserved  in  the 
 Shatter'd  Manuscript,  they  are  so  prolix,  that  I  chuse  rather 
 to  insert  them  in  the  Appendix,!  and  shall  here  satisfy  myself 
 to  impart  to  my  readers  the  knowledge  of  what  else  has 
 come  to  my  hand  concerning  this  messenger  from  the  Cotton 
 Library. 
 
 July  30th — Queen  Elizabeth  advertises  Randolph  that 
 she  had  sent  Tamworth  to  the  Queen  of  Scots,  who  will 
 impart  to  Randolph  his  message  ;  and  that  he  (Randolph) 
 shall  assist  Tamworth  in  his  business, 
 
 July  31st — Mr  Tamworth  is  sent  into  Scotland.  He  was 
 staid  at  Dunbar.  August  19th — Tamworth  returned  from 
 Edinburo^h.  Ditto  21st,  he  is  at  Hume  Castle.2  Au<just 
 7th — Tamworth  and  Randolph  write  to  Cecil  from  Edinburgh, 
 that  if  the  (rebel)  Noblemen  get  no  support  from  the  Queen 
 of  England,  they  are  like  to  be  overthrown.  August  10th — 
 Tamworth  writes  to  Cecil  from  Edinburgh,  that  Mr  Randolph 
 was  by  our  Queen  urged  to  promise  u])on  his  honour  not  to 
 meddle  with  her  rebels,  or  else  he  should  have  a  guard  set 
 upon  his  house.  Randolph  was  desired  by  Lethington  to 
 withdraw  to  Berwick,  but  he  denied  it.  August  27tli — 
 Randolph  w-rites  to  Cecil  that  he  had  made  complaint  that 
 Tamworth  was  staid  by  the  Lord  Hume.  The  Queen  of 
 Scots  answered,  That  it  w^as  his  own  fault  who  had  refused  a 
 safe-conduct.  To  which  Randolph  replied.  Because  it  was 
 given  under  the  hand  of  Darnly,  whom  he  could  not  acknow- 
 ledge King,  being  a  subject  of  his  sovereign,  and  from  whom 
 he  looked  to  have  him  come  and  do  his  duty,  as  being  her 
 
 1  Number  VII. 
 
 2  [A  ruinous  fortalice,  the  residence  of  the  Lords  Home,  in  the  parish 
 of  Ilume  annexed  to  Stitchel,  partly  in  tlie  counties  of  Berwick  and 
 Roxburgh. — H] 
 
O.)0  THE   HISTORY   OF  THK   AFFAIRS  [150."). 
 
 Ambassador.  \W  this  abstract,  and  tho  Instructions  by 
 Queen  l^lizabeth  in  tho  niontli  of  November  following  to  Sir 
 Walter  Mildmay,  wc  come  to  know  that  as  Mr  Tamworth 
 was  nady  to  depart  home  ho  refused  to  take  a  safe-conduct 
 undrT  Kin;,'  Henry's  subscription  ;  whereupon  he  was  stopt 
 at  Dunbar  by  the  l^ord  Home,  and  by  him  carried  prisoner 
 to  his  castle  of  Hume,  and  there  detained  some  two  or  three 
 days.  This  has  been  the  treatment  which  nettled  Tamworth 
 to  the  (juick,  and  made  him  depart  out  of  Scotland  little 
 satisfied  with  the  reception  he  had  got,  and  which,  says  Mr 
 Cambden,  was  in  his  judgment  much  beneath  his  character.^ 
 And  if  it  be  true  what  this  same  autlior  remarks,  viz.  that 
 he  uttered  unbecoming  speeches  concerning  our  Queen  while 
 he  was  here,  we  need  not  search  farther  for  a  cause  of  this 
 keen  resentment.  To  return  now  to  the  prosecution  of  tho 
 rebels. 
 
 On  the  13th  of  August,  besides  the  order  to  soardi  for 
 Mr  Mirliae]  Mlpliinston  ah'cady  mentioned,  there  is  another 
 charging  Walter  Heriot  of  llamorny,  George  Lermonth  of 
 Balcomy,  David  Monypenny,  younger,  of  Pitmillie,  Mr 
 Jolni  \\'ood,'-  and Seytoun  of  Perbroath,  to  enter  in 
 
 *  [IIi8tor\'  and  Aniuills  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  iVc.  4to.  London,  1625, 
 p.  12.^-K.] 
 
 "*  All  thi'so  persons  being  inhabitants  of  Fife,  this  Wood  ha.sbeen  of  the 
 Woods  of  I^ar^'o  :  He  was  a  retainer  to  the  Karl  of  Moray,  is  afterwards 
 desi^nu'd  that  Lord's  servant,  wlio  in  the  time  of  his  I{e<,M'ney  made  him 
 a  Lord  of  Session  ;  and  by  all  the  accounts  we  can  ^^f^atlu'r  of  him,  lie  has 
 been  a  most  violent  enemy  to  the  Queen,  and  a  rapacious  devourer  of  all 
 her  friends. —  [John  Wood  of 'rillieda>'y  was  a  son  of  Sir  Amlrew  Wood 
 of  I^Jir^'o,  of  which  parish  he  was  vicar,  and  attached  himself  to  the 
 luirl  of  Moray,  when  I>ord  .laimes  Stiuirt  and  Prior  of  St  Andrews,  whom 
 he  accompanied  to  I'rance  in  1.'548.  He  became  an  active  partisan  of  the 
 so  eddied  *'  Lords  of  the  Contfre^^ation,"  and  corresponded  with  the 
 r.n^dish  Hesidt-nt  in  lilof).  Knox  complains  that  in  the  end  of  15(>0  he 
 withdrew  from  the  (leneral  Assend)ly,  and  probably  this  temporizing 
 policy  procured  for  him,  on  the  Oth  of  December  l')()"2,  the  appointment  to 
 bean  ICxtraordinary  Lord  of  Session  ;  but  in  lofi.'J  he  forfi'ited  the  Queen's 
 favour,  and  acquired  that  of  Knox,  by  rudi'ly  repn)vin|,'  her  for  dancing. 
 He  sided  with  Moray  in  his  rebellion  on  accmmt  «>f  the  Queen's  marriage 
 to  Darnley,  and  was  deprivetl  of  his  seat  in  the  Supreme  Court,  but  ho 
 contrivrtl  to  obtain  temporary  pos.session  of  it  in  ITytUi.  Wood  joined  tho 
 Association  which  drove  .Mary  from  the  throne  in  l.'")()7,and  was  one  of  the 
 Commissioners  a;,'-ainst  her  at  York.  He  was  killed  by  the  Laird  of  Hires 
 a  sliort  time  after  the  assassination  of  Moray  at  Linlithgow.  Sir  .lames 
 .Mdvillc  represents  him  as  mercenary  and  ambitious,  and  accust\s  liim  of 
 
15G5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  3o7 
 
 ward  within  the  Castle  of  Dunbarton,  under  the  pain  of 
 rebellion. 
 
 August  14th — "  Sederunt — Comites  de  Mortoun,  Cancell. 
 Athole,  Mar,  Dominus  Ruthven,  Secretarius,  Thesaurarius, 
 Computorum  Rotulator,  Clericus  Registri  et  Justiciarise, 
 Advocatus.''  Charge  to  deliver  up  the  Abbey  of  St  Andrew's  ;i 
 castle,  tower,  and  fortalice  of  Bambrich  ;2  place  and  fortalice 
 of  Halyards,^  and  others  pertaining  to  the  Earls  of  ^loray 
 and  Rothes,  Kirkaldy  of  Grange,  and  Haliburton,^  Provost 
 of  Dundee,  now  denounced  rebels,  under  the  pain  of  treason. 
 
 The  rebel  Lords,  &c.  not  meeting,  it  seems,  with.,that 
 encouragement  among  the  people  they  expected,  and  per- 
 ceiving that  the  King  and  Queen  were  too  far  before-hand 
 with  them,  found  it  expedient  to  retire  into  Argyllshire,  and 
 other  fastnesses  of  the  Highland  country,  in  order  to  have 
 more  security  and  leisure  to  concert  their  measures.  In 
 this  time  Mr  Knox  informs,^  that  "  they  sent  into  England 
 Mr  Nicholas  Elphinston  for  support,  who  brought  some 
 money  in  this  country,  to  the  sum  of  10,000  pounds  sterling.""^ 
 The  same  author  likewise  narrates^  how  that  "  the  Duke, 
 
 selling  to  Elizabeth  all  the  letters  written  by  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  which 
 could  do  him  any  serious  injury. — Historical  Account  of  the  Senators  of 
 the  College  of  Justice,  8vo.  Edin.  1832,  p.  114,  115.— E.] 
 
 ^  [The  Earl  of  Moray  still  held  the  temporalities  of  the  Prioryor  Abbey 
 of  St  Andrews  as  Commendator. — E.] 
 
 2  [The  castle  of  Bambriech,  or  Ballenbrioch,  long  a  residence  of  the 
 Earls  of  Rothes,  is  a  ruinous  fortalice  near  the  western  extremity  of  the 
 parish  of  Flisk  in  Fife,  in  the  vicinity  of  Newburgh,  overlooking  the  Tay, 
 and  surrounded  by  a  small  plantation. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Ilallyards,  which  is  now  a  ruin,  in  the  parish  of  Auchtertool,  in  the 
 neighbourhood  of  Kirkcaldy  in  Fife,  then  belonged  to  Kirkaldy  of  (irange. 
 It  is  near  a  lake  occupying  eighteen  acres  of  surface  called  Camilla  Loch 
 — the  word  Camilla  being  an  evident  corruption  of  the  name  Cami)bolI, 
 Ilallyards  having  been  the  residence  of  Anne  Countess  of  Moray,  a 
 daugliter  of  Archibald  ninth  Earl  of  Argyll  uho  was  executed  for  liigh 
 treason  in  1G85.  When  James  V.  was  on  his  way  to  Falkland  Palace, 
 after  the  rout  of  his  army  at  the  Solway  Frith,  he  lodged  one  ni^^ht  in 
 Ilallyards.  The  ruin  is  said  to  have  been  the  rendezvous  of  the  Fife 
 lairds  who  were  in  favour  of  the  Enterprize  of  1715.  See  the  note,  vol.  i. 
 p.  24,  25,  of  the  present  edition. — E.] 
 
 •*  [Historic,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  380.— E.] 
 
 ^'  Though  Mr  Knox  may  be  wrong  herein  the  jn-ecisesum,yet  concern- 
 ing money  remitted  at  tliis  time  by  the  Queen  of  England  to  the  rebels  of 
 Scotland,  the  readers  shall  before  long  receive  undoubted  satisfaction. 
 
 «  [Historic,  p.  380.— E.J 
 
358  Till;  HISTORY  OF  Till-:  AFFAIRS  [1565. 
 
 Earls  of  Argyll,  Moray,  Glcncaiin,  and  Rothes,  the  Lords 
 IJovd,  OchiltnM',  with  diverse  J3aroiis  and  gontleraon  of  Fife 
 and  Kyle,  met  at  Aire  about  the  15th  day  of  August,  where 
 they  concluded  to  be  in  readiness,  uitli  tluir  whole  forces, 
 the' 24th  of  the  said  month.''  But  of  this  meeting  I  can 
 perceive  no  proper  vestige  in  any  Records  that  are  come  to 
 my  hand  as  yet,  though  I  will  not  say  but  tlie  preamble  to 
 the  Proclamation  22(1  August  may  have  respect  to  some 
 such  meeting. 
 
 August  14th — Proclamation  setting  forth,  that  whereas 
 James  Earl  of  Moray,  rebel,  accompanied  with  divers  other 
 rebels,  have  withdrawn  into  Argyll  and  Highlands  adjacent, 
 to  the  end  *'  thair  rehellioun  suddainUe  sail  he  tenable  to  be 
 repressit :'''  Therefore  charging  the  Cai)tain,  Constable,  and 
 keepers  of  the  Castle  of  Dunbarton,  tlic  Provost  and  Baillies 
 of  Glasgow,  Dunbarton,  Aire,  Irvine,  and  other  places  need- 
 ful, and  all  other  lieges,  not  to  supply  tlie  said  rebels,  under 
 tile  pain  of  being  holden  as  rebels  themselves. 
 
 August  15th — Proclamation,  that  whereas  the  Earls  of 
 Murray  and  Rothes,  Grange,  and  Provost  Ilaliburton, 
 denounced  rebels,  do  notwithstanding  '•  rydc  and  gang  in  the 
 Realm  where  thai  pleis,  and  are  intertenit  as  gif  thai  were 
 guid  and  trew  subjectis  :"  Therefore  prohibiting  all  the  lieges 
 to  supply  or  intercomnume  with  the  saids  rebels,  their 
 favourers  or  assisters,  nor  give  or  send  to  them,  or  suffer  to 
 be  given  or  sent  to  them,  meat,  drink,  nmnition,  or  armour, 
 under  the  pain  foresaid. 
 
 Edinburgh  2lM  August — "  Sederunt  Comites  Mortoun, 
 Cancell. ;  Athole,  Mar,  Dominus  Ruthven,  Secretarius,  The- 
 saurarius,  Clericus  R 'gistri,  et  dusticiariiu,  Advocatus.'' 
 Proclamation  narrating  that  "  the  rebels  minding  not  only 
 to  rebell  thamselfis,  but  to  perswado  and  allure  to  thame  all 
 sic  trew  and  obedicMit  subjectis  as  thai  are  abil  to  entise, 
 and  to  invaid  and  molest  thair  peaceabil  and  guid  subjectis;*" 
 and  their  Majesties  intending  to  go  in  proper  person  and 
 pursue  the  rebels  with  tire  and  sword  :  Therefore  charging 
 and  connnanding  all  and  sundry,  Earls,  Lords,  Barons,  &c. 
 within  the  shires  of  Haddington  and  Edinburgh,  &c.  pro- 
 vided for  fifteen  days  after  their  coming,  to  meet  their 
 Majesties  in  Edinburgh  on  Satunlay  the  25th  of  August 
 instant  at   <vtn  ;   tlie  inhabitants  of   Linlithirow  at   Awand 
 
15G3.]  OF  CUURCIl  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  350 
 
 [Avon]  Watei-i  on  Sunday,  by  twelve  o'clock  ;  the  inhabi- 
 tants of  Stirhngshire  at  Falkirk  on  Monday,  by  six  in  the 
 morning;  the  inhabitants  of  Fife,  Kinross,  and  Clackmanan, 
 in  the  town  of  Stirling,  the  said  day  at  even  ;  the  inhabitants 
 of  Lanerk  at  Kirkintilloch  on  Tuesday,  by  nine  in  the 
 morning;  the  inhabitants  of  Dunbartonshire  and  Renfrew  in 
 Glasgow,  the  said  day  at  even  ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  "  Aire, 
 Wigtoun,  Dumfreis,  Kirkcudbright,  Kyle,  Carrick,  and 
 Cuninghani,  at  Irvine  on  Wednesday,  under  the  pain  of 
 tinsal  of  lyff,  landis  and  guidis." 
 
 Then  follows  the  same  day  a  Proclamation  for  the  state 
 of  religion  to  remain  as  formerly,  which  I  shall  insert  in  the 
 affairs  of  religion.  It  was  meet  to  publish  this  Proclamation 
 at  this  time,  because  the  most  plausible  handle  the  rebels 
 could  invent  for  their  rebellion  was  the  fear  of  subverting 
 the  religion. 
 
 Eodem  die — Proclamation  advertising  the  lieges,  that  the 
 rebels  intending  to  "  alluir  and  perswade  to  thame  and  thair 
 faction  all  sic  trew  and  obedient  subjectis  as  thai  are  abill  to 
 entysse  :"  Therefore  charging  them,  that  "  thai  on  na  wayis 
 ryiss,  concur,  nor  assist  with  the  saidis  rebellis.  And  gif 
 ony  of  thame  hiddirtillis  (hitherto)  has  riddin  or  bene  in 
 thair  cumpany,  or  presentlie  are  with  thame,  that  thai  leif 
 thair  armour,  pas  hame  to  thair  dwelling-houses,  and  allu- 
 tirlie  leif  oure  saidis  rebellis,  under  the  pane  of  tinsal,"  &c. 
 
 August  23d — Sederunt  the  same  persons  as  in  the  last 
 Council-day  :  That  whereas  the  Earl  of  Argyll  continues  to 
 assist  the  Earl  of  Moray  and  other  rebels;  and  their  ^lajesties 
 having  given  commission  to  John  Earl  of  AthoU  to  be  their 
 Lieutenant  in  the  north  parts  of  the  Realm,  with  power  to 
 pursue  all  the  saids  rebels  and  their  assisters  with  fire  and 
 sword  :  Therefore  several  immunities  are  granted  to  persons 
 of  every  rank  and  quality  that  shall  happen  to  "  be  slane, 
 hurt  or  deid,  or  takis  sickness  in  the  army  ordanit  to  pass 
 furthward  under  the  charge  of  the  said  Lieutenant.^'- 
 
 ^  [This  roiidezvous  must  have  been  at  Linlithgow  Ijridgi',  a  hamlet 
 about  a  mile  from  the  royal  burgh  of  Linlithgow  near  the  bridge  over 
 the  Avon,  a  romantic  stream  separating  the  counties  of  liinlithgow  and 
 Stirling.— E.J 
 
 ^  This  Act  is  agreeable  to  former  Acts  of  this  nature,  which  the  Reader 
 will  find  in  the  printed  Acts  of  Parliament. 
 
300  I  hi:  iii>rnj;v  nr  thi:  amaiks  [1505. 
 
 'J'heir  M.-ij  est  its'  willing'-,  as  would  seem,  to  accompany 
 tlieir  regal  Act  and  rroelamation  emitted  the  day  before 
 with  a  friendly  and  gentle  rc(jucst,  signed  the  following 
 letter  with  hoth  tlicir  hands. 
 
 ''  TiusTii:  1"'kieni),  We  greit  zow  weill.  That  (juhilk  befoir 
 we  susj)ecti8  lies  now  declarit  itself  in  deidis,  for  our  rebellis 
 he  (have)  reiterate  (i.  e.  i^etired)  thame  to  the  in-cuntrie,  the 
 suffering  (|uhairof  is  na  wayis  to  us  honourabil.  We  mynd, 
 ( iod  willing,  in  i)roi)er  j)ersonis  to  pas  for  thair  pcrsute,  quhair- 
 unto  it  is  neidful  that  we  be  weill  and  substantiouslie 
 aceumpaneit.  ^Vq  pray  zow  thairfore  effectuuslie  that  zc 
 with  zour  kin,  freindis,  and  houshald,  weill  bodin  in  feir  of 
 weir,  and  providit  for  fifteen  day  is  eftir  zour  cuming,  addres 
 zou  to  mete  us  at  Edinburgh  the  25tli  day  of  August  instant, 
 be  six  hours  at  evin,  and  swa  to  pas  furthwart  with  us,  as 
 ze  will  declair  the  guid  affectioun  ze  beir  to  us  and  oure 
 service,  and  do  us  maist  acceptabil  plessoure.  Subscribit 
 with  oure  handis  at  Edinburgh  the  2od  day  of  August 
 1505. 
 
 "  Marie  R.        IIexrie  11."^ 
 
 By  this  letter,  and  what  shall  follow,  it  will  a])p('ar  that 
 the  rebels  had  indeed  been  in  the  low  count rie,  as  Mr 
 Knox  relates,  and  that  they  had  prej)ared  several  things  for 
 an  insurrection  there,  as  well  as  in  tho  Earl  of  Argyll's 
 highland  lands ;  since  their  Majesties'  progress  tends  west- 
 ward to  the  town  of  Irvine,  and  the  Earl  of  Atholl  was  to 
 invade  Argyllshire  with  a  body  of  Highlanders  under  his 
 c(jnnnan(l,  separate  from  the  Queen's  army.  And  their 
 Majrstics  having  now  taken  the  resolution  to  march  away 
 from  I']d  in  burgh,  did,  however,  wisely  enough  consider  that 
 many  disaffected  persons  might  l)e  lodged  in  that  ca})ital,  as 
 well  iidiabitants  as  strangers  (the  ordinary  fate  of  all  capital 
 cities),  who  might  be  easily  instigated   to  take  nj)  arnis  in 
 
 »  Ci.tton  I.ihran,  Cali^r,  J'.[ook]  10.— [HritLsh  Miiscuin.— K.] 
 "  'riuM  is  III)  oripiml  letter,  but  it  is  imsted  on  another  leaf  of  paper  for 
 lires««rvation,  HO  that  the  dinction  is  not  to  Ix'  seen.     However,  we  may 
 riH-kon  there  have  been  many  eopies  of  it  sent  about  to  the  most  etMisider- 
 alih-  p«'i-sonH  in  the  rehpwtive  shires. 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  361 
 
 their  absence,  either  by  the  authority  or  connivance  of  the 
 Lord  Provost,  Archibald  Douglas  of  Kilspindie,  a  man 
 strongly  addicted  to  the  rebels,  by  which  means  their 
 Majesties  might  come  to  be  hemmed  in  with  enemies  both 
 behind  and  before.  And  that  their  Majesties  had  reason 
 sufficient  to  suspect  such  a  management,  they  might  easily 
 gather  from  the  insinuations  which  were  industriously  thrown 
 into  the  minds  of  the  common  people  relative  to  religion  ; 
 the  great  sway  Mr  Knox^  and  the  other  preachers  at  that 
 time  had  ;  and  the  late  insurrection  either  tolerated,  or 
 too  much  neglected  by  those  whose  province  it  was  to  have 
 queird  it.  On  these  considerations,  their  Majesties  sent  an 
 express  order  to  the  Town-Council  for  the  deposing  of  their 
 Provost,2  and  placing  of  another  in  his  room  ;  both  which 
 injunctions  were  complied  with  by  the  members  of  that 
 body.  But  as  I  reckon  the  particular  management  of  this 
 matter  may  prove  satisfactory  to  some  people,  I  shall  upon 
 that  account  give  it  a  place  in  the  Appendix, 3  from  the 
 original  Records  of  the  Good  Town.^ 
 
 Edinburgh,  24  August — "  Sederunt — Comites  Mortoun, 
 Cancell.  ;  Athole,  Mar,  Dominus  Ruthven ;  Secretarius, 
 Thesaurarius,  Clericus  Registri,  et  Justiciaria?,  Advocatus." 
 Proclamation  narrating,  that  whereas  the  Earls  of  ^loray 
 and  Rothes,  Kirkaldy  of  Grange,  and  Provost  Haliburton, 
 being  lawfully  denounced  rebels,  are  nevertheless  supported 
 and  supplied  by  the  Earl  of  Argyll  and  his  friends,  servants 
 and  tenants,  inhabitants  of  the  lands  of  Broadalbine,^  Lorn, 6 
 
 ^  See  theCliurcli  Affairs  of  this  period. — [Book  III.  of  this  History. — E.] 
 
 2  The  same  person  whom  the  Queen  had  in  the  year  1561  removed 
 from  that  office,  and  whom  site  had  likewise  recommended  to  be  elected 
 again  in  the  next  year  15G2. 
 
 ^  Number  YIII. 
 
 4  [The  "  Good  Town'''  or  in  the  Scottish  patoin,  the  "  Ouid  Toun,""  is  a  well 
 known  soubriquet  applied  to  Edinburgh.  Other  cities  and  towns  had, 
 and  still  have,  popular  designations.  Thus,  Perth  is  the  "  Fair  City," 
 Dundee  is  "  Bonnie  Dundee,"  Kirkcaldy  is  the  "  Lang  Town,"  and 
 Musselburgh  is  the  "  Honest  Town. — E.] 
 
 °  [Breadalbane  is  a  most  mountainous  district  of  Perthshire,  extending 
 among  the  Grampians,  and  surrounded  by  Lochaber,  Atholl,  Strathcarn, 
 Mentcith,  Lorn,  and  Knapdale.  The  word  Breadalbane  is  said  to  signify 
 tlie  highest  land  in  Scotland,  and  is  applicable  to  the  district. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Lorn  is  a  district  of  Argyllshire,  and  comprizes  the  subdivisions  of 
 North,  Mid,  and  South  Lorn,  all  of  which  are  fanciful,  and  are  politically 
 not  recognized.     Loch  Etive  bounds  Lorn  on  the  south,  which  separates  it 
 
.SC2  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1505. 
 
 Ergyle,  &c.  in  contompt  of  their  Majesties"'  aiitliority  ;  and 
 that  their  Majesties  have  given  commission  to  the  Earl  of 
 Atholl,  their  Lieutenant  in  the  north  parts,  to  pursue  the 
 saids  rebels  and  their  assisters  with  fire  and  sword  ;  There- 
 fore connnanding  and  charging  all  the  lieges  within  the 
 shires  of  Inverness,  Nairn,  Elgin,  Forres,  Banff,  Aberdeen, 
 Kincardine  (i.  e.  Mearn.s),  Forfar  (i.  e.  Angus),  he-west 
 and  about  (Jlammis,!  Perth  and  Strathern  (Menteth 
 excepted),'-  all  betwixt  sixty  and  sixteen  years  of  age,  and 
 provided  to  remain  for  twenty  days  after  their  coming  to 
 Lorn,  there  to  attend  the  said  Lord  Lieutenant  upon  the 
 20th  September  next  to  come,  and  to  pass  forward  with 
 him  as  they  shrdl  be  commanded,  "under  pain  of  tinsal,'"  &c.-^ 
 "  August  2(jth — A  former  commission  granted  by  the  Queen 
 the  7th  January  15G3-4^  to  Colin  Campbell  of  Glenurquhy"^ 
 
 from  Kiiapdulo  ;  the  Atlantic  and  the  Sound  of  Mull  bound  it  on  the 
 west ;  Lochaber  and  Moydart  on  the  north  ;  and  IJreadalbane  on  the 
 oast.— E.] 
 
 '  I  cannot  see  upon  what  account  the  other  part  of  this  last  named 
 shire  lyin<^  to  the  east  has  been  disjjcnsed  with  ;  tlie  length  of  the  march 
 could  not  be  the  reason.  Perhaps  there  have  been  many  disaffected 
 persons  there,  favourers  of  Provost  llaliburton  of  Dundee. 
 
 "  [Menteith,  or  Monteith,  is  the  south-west  part  of  Perthshire,  with  the 
 exception  of  the  j)arish  of  Balquidder,  which  anciently  belonged  to  the 
 Stewartry  of  Strathearn.  The  district  includes  all  the  tract  in  Perthshire 
 west  of  the  Ochiil  Hills,  the  waters  of  which  ai'e  discharged  into  the 
 Forth.  It  derives  its  name  from  the  vale  of  the  Teith,  is  about  28  miles 
 in  extreme  length  from  cast  to  west,  and  15  miles  in  breadth.— E.] 
 
 '  Note^  This  Act  bears  in  the  title — "  Commission  of  Leutenendcy  to  the 
 luirle  of  Atholl." 
 
 *  In  the  original  Records  of  Privy-Council  tlurc  is  a  Ctmimission,  dated 
 at  Stirling  the  22d  of  Sej)teinber  15().'l,  to  several  Noblemen,  heritors  of 
 the  Highland  countries,  to  prosecute  the  Clan  (Jregor,  and,  amongst  the 
 rest,  to  C<»lin  Cami)bell  of  (Jlenurchy.  And  ag.iin,  in  the  same  Register 
 is  a  Commission  recorded  the  Sth  of  January  lob'3-4,  to  the  Laird  of  Cilen- 
 urchy  alone,"  giving,  granting,  and  committing  the  Queen's  full,  free,  and 
 plain  jMiwer  to  j)ass,  search,  and  seek,"  Ace. —  [Sir  Colin  Campbell  of 
 (flenorchy,  known  as  the  liUuk  Kni'jht  of  Lochmcfy  treated  the  Clan  (Jregor 
 in  the  most  ferocious  and  coercive  manner.  The  sept  were  deprived  of 
 their  lands  of  (ilenorchy,  which  subsecpiently  originatf(l  a  deadly  feu<l, 
 and  severe  acts  of  the  legislature  against  them  c()nii)Ietely  precUuh-d  them 
 frouj  ever  recovering  any  portitin  of  what  they  considered  tlu'ir  ancient 
 inheritance."— Macleay's  Historic4il  .Memoirs  of  l{ob  Roy  and  the  Clan 
 (Jregor,  12mo.  (Jlasgow,  iSlS,  p.  .04,  05. -K. ) 
 
 •'  'I'hc  predecessor  of  the  Earl  of  llroadalbin,  whose  eldest  son  l)««iu> 
 now  tlie  title  of  Lord  (Jlenurchy.-  (Sir  Colin  Campbell  was  the  great- 
 L'tandfatlur  of  Sir  .lohu  Campbell  of  (Jb-norehy,  who  attempted  to  secure 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  363 
 
 against  the  Clan  Gregor,i  their  assisters  or  resetters,  is  this 
 day  discharged,  because  he  had  not  only  abused  his  said 
 Commission,  but  likewise  under  colour  thereof  had  committed 
 divers  oppressions  and  slaughters  upon  their  Majesties'  lieges 
 not  being  rebels.  It  may  be  rationally  supposed,  that 
 Glenurchy,  being  a  relation  of  the  Earl  of  Argyll,^  has  been 
 in  this  time  assisting  to  that  Earl,  which  has  occasioned 
 this  Commission  to  be  taken  away ;  besides,  that  such  a 
 Commission  might  now  interfere  with  the  Earl  of  AtholFs 
 Lieutenantry,  since  the  country  of  Broadalbin,  where 
 Glenurchy's  interest  lay,  is  a  part  of,  and  included  in,  that 
 new  Commission  to  the  Earl  of  Atholl. 
 
 These  precautions  taken,  and  affairs  being  put  in  the 
 best  order,  the  King  and  Queen  left  their  capital  city  on 
 the  25th  of  August,  according  to  the  Proclamation,  and,  as 
 Knox  informs,^  marched  forward  to  Linlithgow,  Stirling, 
 and    Glasgow."^      The    rebels    hearino-  of  this  march,   and 
 
 for  himself  the  Earldom  of  Caithness,  and  actually  obtained  a  patent  for 
 it  in  1G77  to  the  prejudice  of  Sinclair  of  Keiss,  whom  the  Privy-Council 
 found  entitled  to  the  dignity,  and  he  took  his  place  in  Parliament  as  Earl 
 of  Caithness  in  1681.  Sir  John  Campbell,  thus  deprived  of  this  object  of 
 his  ambition,  obtained  ajjatent  that  year  creating  him  Earl  of  Breadalbane, 
 Viscount  of  Tay,  Lord  Glenorchy,  &c.  lie  was  deeply  implicated  in  the 
 atrocious  massacre  of  the  Macdonalds  of  Glencoe. — E.J 
 
 ^  [The  Clan  Gregor,  or  the  JNIacgregors,  were  also  known  as  the  Clan 
 Alpin,  by  their  pretensions  to  be  descended  from  Alpin,  an  alleged 
 Scottish  King  of  the  ninth  century.  The  district  occupied  by  this  Clan 
 stretched  along  the  romantic  wilds  of  the  Trossachs  and  Balquidder  to  the 
 more  northerly  and  westerly  mountainous  tracts  of  Rannocli  and  Glenorchy, 
 including  portions  of  the  counties  of  Argyll,  Perth,  Stirling,  and  Dun- 
 barton,  called  the  Country  of  the  Macgrcgors.  The  stupendous  and  rugged 
 aspect  of  those  districts  rendered  them  difficult  of  access,  sheltered  the 
 iidiabitants  from  the  sudden  and  desultory  intrusion  of  other  marauding 
 and  ferocious  Clans,  and  preserved  tliem  from  the  immediate  cognition  of 
 the  law  or  the  infliction  of  the  military.  The  usual  i)lan  of  punishment 
 was  to  grant  letters  of  fire  and  sword  to  some  neighbouring  Chief  against 
 the  offending  Clan.  The  Macgregors  were  long  a  peculiarly  turbulent 
 and  daring  sept. —  E.] 
 
 -  [Sir  Colin  Campbell  of  Glenorchy  is  mentioned  as  the  great-grandson 
 of  Sir  Colin  Campbell,  third  son  of  Duncan  first  Lord  Camj)bell  of  Lochawe 
 by  Marjory,  daughter  of  Robert  Duke  of  Albany,  Regent  of  Scotland.  He 
 is  the  reputed  fomider  of  the  Noble  Family  of  Campbell  of  Breadalbane, 
 l)ut  the  "  relationship"  of  Sir  Colin  and  the  then  Earl  of  Argyll  was 
 rather  distant. —  E.J 
 
 3  [llistorie,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  381.— E.] 
 
 ■*  [Calderwood's  account  of  this  progress  of  Queen  Mary  and  Darnley  to 
 suppress  the  rebellion  raised  by  Moray  is  as  follows — "  The  King  and 
 Queen  goe  to  Paisley  with  foure  thousiuul  men,  to  persueso  manie  rebclls 
 
364  THE  IIISTOKY  Ul-   THK  AFFAIRS  [15Go. 
 
 knowing  that  they  were  in  no  condition  to  dispute  the 
 matter  by  force,  they  made  at  first  a  feint  as  if  tliey  would 
 advance.'  towards  (ilasgow,  the  next  day  after  the  (Queen's 
 arrival  thitli-r;  yet  they  came  no  farther  than  Paisley,^ 
 where  they  remained  all  night,  being  in  company  about 
 one  thousand  horse.'-  On  the  morrow  they  made  their 
 whole  intention  to  appear;  for  instead  of  attacking  tljeir 
 Majesties,  whose  complete  forces  were  nevertheless  not  yet 
 
 as  romaiued  at  Paisley.  An  herald  was  sent  to  command  the  cast  ell  of 
 JIamilt(»n  to  be  delivered.  The  Ilamiltons breathed  nothinij  but  crueltie. 
 No  iu?sured  i)eace  could  be  had  in  their  judgment  but  by  cutting  off  both 
 Kinp  and  Queue — *  for  the  enmitie  of  Kings,'  said  they,  *  could  not  be 
 extinguished  but  by  death.'  The  King  and  Queene  return  to  Gliu>gow, 
 ■where  the  Krle  of  Lennox  was  made  Wardane  of  the  West  Marches. 
 They  returne  to  Stirline,  and  therafter  make  their  progresso  through 
 Fife,  where  the  Noblemen  and  JJarons  were  compelled  to  sweare  and 
 l)romise  a.ssistance,  if  thore  came  any  armie  from  England." — Historic 
 of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Woduow  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  293. 
 
 ^  This  is  a  fine  plea.sant  village  five  miles  west -south-west  from  Glasgow. 
 It  had  formerly  a  rich  and  stately  Abbey. — [The  "  fine  pleasant  village?' 
 of  Paisley,  7i{  English  miles  from  its  cross  to  that  of  Glasgow,  is  now  a 
 large  manufacturing  town,  returning  one  member  to  the  Imjierial  Parlia- 
 ment, containing  by  the  census  of  ISll  a  population  of  60,9G3.  The 
 "  rich  and  stately  Abbey"  mentioned  by  our  Historian  was  founded  about 
 A.  D.  IKJ.'J  by  Walter  High  Steward  of  Scotland  for  Monks  of  the  Cluniac 
 Order  of  Uefonned  IJenedictines,  and  was  dedicated  to  St  James  the 
 Apostle,  St  Mirinus,  and  St  Milburga.  The  ruins  of  it  still  exist,  and  the 
 nave  of  tlie  church  has  been  used  as  the  church  of  the  Abbey  j)arish  of 
 Paisley  since  the  Hefurmation. — E.] 
 
 "  ['I'he  rebellious  Nobility,  with  Moray  at  their  head,  held  a  meeting  at 
 Ayr  on  the  15th  of  August,  and  resolved  to  be  jtrepared  with  their  forces 
 on  the  24th,  when  they  would  commence  operations.  They  were  in  the 
 meanwhile  joined  by  the  I'^irl  of  Glencairn,  who,  we  have  seen,  was  con- 
 spicuous at  the  (Queen's  marriage  to  Darnley,  and  by  Wishart  of  Pittarrow, 
 Comjitroller  of  the  Queen's  H«)usehold,  the  avowed  partizan  of  Moray. 
 Sir  .John  .Maxwell,  the  Warden  of  the  Western  Marches  before  the 
 appointment  of  the  lOarl  of  Lennox,  had  been  induced  to  join  the  rebels 
 in  Dumfriesshire,  where  he  held  the  chief  command.  On  the  .'JOth  of 
 August,  .Mary  and  Darnley  accomjjanii'd  their  forces  to  Hamilton,  but 
 wlu'u  they  were  informed  on  the  way  that  the  rebels  had  left  that  town  for 
 Edinburgh,  they  nuirehed  back  to  (ihusgow.  The  movements  of  the  rebels 
 previous  to  this  can  be  briefly  stated.  On  the  2J)th  of  August,  the  day  of 
 the  Queen  s  arrival  in  (Jlasgow  from  Stirling,  they  entered  Paisley  with  a 
 thousand  horsemen,  but  fintling  themselves  too  weak  to  «)iipi)se  the  royal 
 forces,  they  nuirehed  to  Haniilton  on  the  .'JOth,  an<l  on  the  .'ilst  to  I'.din- 
 burgh.  The  Queen's  troops  followed  the  rebels  to  Etlinburgh  on  the 
 1st  of  September,  .Mary  and  Darnley  sleeping  first  in  Calendar  House, 
 and  on  tli.>  following  night  in  Stirling  Ca.stle,  wjiilo  their  anny  rendez- 
 voused at  Kilsyth.-    E.] 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  3G5 
 
 come  up,  and  being  by  this  time  deserted  by  all  the  Ilamil- 
 tons  (an  inconsiderable  number  with  their  chief  excepted) 
 they  changed  their  route,  and  took  their  march  towards 
 Edinburgh  on  the  last  day  of  the  month,  in  hopes,  no  doubt, 
 to  have  met  with  a  great  increase  of  men  in  that  city  and 
 adjacent  counties.  But  herein  they  were  much  disappointed, 
 and  then  appeared  the  good  effect  of  the  Queen's  manage- 
 ment within  the  city  ;  for  though  the  rebels  found  means 
 to  enter  the  city  by  the  West  Port,l  notwithstanding  the 
 endeavours  of  the  new  Provost,  who  caused  the  bells  to  be 
 rung  for  convening  the  townsmen  to  oppose  them  ;2  yet 
 they  came  soon  to  perceive  that  they  could  make  but  little 
 advancement  to  the  cause,  after  all  the  trouble  they  had 
 been  at.^  "  Immediately  after  their  arrival,"  says  Knox, 
 "  they  dispatched  messengers  southward  and  northward  to 
 assist  them,  but  all  in  vain :  And  immediately  after  they 
 were  in  their  lodgings,  they  caused  to  strike  or  beat  the 
 drum,  desiring  all  such  men  as  would  receive  wages  for  the 
 defence  of  the  glory  of  God,  that  they  should  resort  the 
 day  following  to  the  church,  where  they  should  receive 
 good  pay .4  But  they  profited  little  that  way :  Neither 
 could  they  in  Edinburgh  get  any  comfort  or  support,  for 
 none  or  few  resorted  unto  them ;  yet  they  got  more  rest 
 and  sleep  when  they  were  in  Edinburgh  than  they  had  done 
 in  five  or  six  nights  before. 
 
 "  The  Noblemen  of  this  company  were  the  Duke,  the 
 Earls  of  Moray,  Glencarne,  and  llothesse,  the  Lords  Boyd 
 and  Ochiltree ;    the  Lairds  of   Grange,    Cunninghamhead, 
 
 1  [The  West  Port  was  one  of  the  city  ^ates  of  Edinburgh,  and  the 
 pi'incipal  entrance  into  the  old  city  from  the  west.  It  stood  at  the 
 western  end  of  the  spacious  street  called  the  Grassniarket. — I^.] 
 
 ^  Mr  Alexander  Erskine,  Captain  of  the  Castle  under  his  brother  the 
 Earl  of  Mar,  discharged  only  two  cannon  shots  against  tlioni ;  and  had  he 
 done  his  duty,  there  is  little  doubt  to  be  made  but  he  might  have  galled 
 them  much  in  their  road  to  the  city. 
 
 ^  [The  active  movements  of  the  Queen  and  tlie  royal  forces  completely 
 disconcerted  the  rebels.  They  had  sent  messengeis  everywhere,  imploring 
 aid  for  their  "good  cause,"  but  these  eflbrts  were  unavailing,  though  they 
 were  assisted  by  the  sermons  of  Knox,  who  had  prei)arod  them  for  this 
 emeicte  by  his  exhortations.  On  tlie  19th  of  August,  when  Darnley  attended 
 St  Giles'  church,  Knox  had  preached  against  the  government  of  women 
 and  boys,  meaning  the  Queen  and  Darnley. — E.] 
 
 •*  They  thought  a  sermon  by  Mr  Knox  would  inspire  the  whole  congre- 
 gation with  a  martial  spirit. 
 
3G(J  THE  HISTORY   OF  THE  AFFAIHS  [15G5. 
 
 Balcomic,  and  Lawors  ;i  the  Tutor  of  i'itcur  ;2  the  Lairds  of 
 Barr,  Cariul,  and  I)rc<zhorne  ;*^  and  the  Laird  of  Pittarow, 
 Comptroller,-*  went  with  them.  Some  said  merrily,  that 
 they  were  come  to  keep  the  Parliament,  for  the  Parliament 
 was  continued  till  the  1st  of  September."  Thus  far  he.^ 
 When  they  arrived  in  I'^dinburgh,  he  reckons  them  one 
 1300  horse. 
 
 The  rebels  now  perceiving  their  error,  and  the  misfortune 
 they  were  like  to  meet  with,  resolved  to  bethink  themselves 
 of  cooler  measures ;  for  which  purpose,  on  the  1st  of 
 September,  they  dispatched  a  letter  of  pretended  submission 
 to  the  King  and  Queen,  "  provided  the  true  religion  of  God 
 might  be  established  f'  but  adding  in  the  close,  "  that  if 
 their  enemies  would  seek  their  blood,  they  should  understand 
 that  it  should  be  dear  bought."  Mr  Knox  says  they  had 
 written  twice  already  to  the  same  effect,^  but  that  they 
 received  no  answer  ;  and,  indeed,  there  was  no  wonder  in 
 that,  since  it  could  not  fail  to  be  evident  to  every  person 
 that  that  submission  was  only  fained,  and  of  purpose  to 
 gain  time,  or  to  watch  a  better  opportunity  afterward. 
 
 The  Queen  having  got  an  account  of  the  march  of  the 
 rebels  towards  Edinburgh,  without  any  delay  set  forth  with 
 the  King  in  pursuit  of  them,  with  no  less  than  5000  men 
 in  their  army ;  the  van  whereof  was  led  by  the  Earl  of 
 Lenox,  the  middle  by  the  Earl  of  Morton,  and  the  rear  by 
 the  King.  Hereupon  the  rebels,  perceiving  to  their  regret 
 that  they  could  get  no  support  in  Jvlinburgh,  nor  soldiers 
 for  money  (with  which  by  the  bounty  of  their  sincere  friend 
 the  Queen  of  England  they  were  well  supplied),  ''  albeit," 
 says  Knox,  "  they  had  travelh'd  all  they  could  ;"  and  being 
 advertised  of  the  Queen's  speedy  return  with  an  army  so 
 
 '  [  Kirkaldy  of  (Jranijo,  Cunningham  of  C'unnin^'hanilu'ad,  Loarmontli 
 of  Hal((»nii(>,  and  ('ain|>l)('ll  of  Lawors. — K,] 
 
 ^  ( llallyburton  of  Titcur  in  I'orfarshirc— K.] 
 
 =«  (l*robably  Crawford  of  liarr  in  the  parish  of  I^rgs,  Ayrsliire.  The 
 othor  two  west  coinitry  "  hiirds"  are  uncertain.  A  proi)erty  raUed  Carniel 
 Hank  is  in  Kilniaurs  jtarish  ;  and  Dre^'horn,  in  the  parish  of  its  name,  is 
 said  to  havf  hrvn  acquired  in  152()  by  Ilui,di  first  Karl  of  K^^linton, 
 previous  to  whieh  it  was  in  the  family  of  a  branch  of  the  Stewarts  of 
 Honkill.-    !■:.) 
 
 *  IWishartof  I'ittarrow,  Comptroller  of  the  Queen's  Household.— K-l 
 
 »  r  Knox's  Historic,  Kdin.  edit.  1732,  p.  3.S1,  :is2.— E.] 
 
 «  (  Historic,  Kdin.  edit.  1732,  p.  382.— K.j 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  3G7 
 
 far  superior  to  them,  after  several  consultations  went  first 
 to  Lanerk,!  and  from  thence  to  Hamilton.^  The  King  and 
 Queen  being  advertised  of  this  route,  and  judging  that  the 
 rebels  had  a  design  to  enter  into  Glasgow,^  returned  by  the 
 way  they  came;*  but  having  got  an  account  at  Glasgow, 
 that  the  rebels  had  taken  another  road,  and  were  gone  to 
 Dumfries,^  on  purpose,  as  would  appear,  to  have  it  in  their 
 power  to  make  their  escape  into  England,  if  it  should  so 
 fall  out  that  their  affairs  did  not  take  a  speedy  and  pros- 
 perous turn  :^  Their  Majesties,  I  say,  hearing  of  this  route 
 
 ^  It  is  a  town  about  twenty-four  miles  distant  from  Edinburgh  to  the 
 south-west. —  [The  county  town  of  Lanark  is  thirty-three  English  miles 
 from  Edinburgh.^ — E.] 
 
 ^  [Perceiving  that  the  citizens  were  not  to  be  excited  either  by  the 
 preaching  of  Knox  or  the  exertions  of  !Moray,  the  rebels  left  Edinburgh 
 on  the  2d  of  September  before  daybreak  to  escape  a  volley  from  the 
 Castle,  and  marched  to  Lanark,  Avhence  they  proceeded  to  Hamilton, 
 where  they  were  joined  by  Sir  John  INIaxwell  and  Douglas  of  Drumlanrig. 
 They  were  induced  to  march  from  Hamilton  into  Dumfries-shire  on  the 
 4th  of  September. — E.] 
 
 ^  The  village  of  Hamilton  is  eight  miles  east  of  Glasgow,  near  on  the 
 road  to  Edinburgh. — [Hamilton,  now  a  Parliamentary  burgh,  in  the 
 Falkirk  district  of  burghs,  which  includes  Lanark,  is  at  present  a 
 thriving  town  eleven  English  miles  from  Glasgow,  Avith  a  population 
 of  8689  in  184L— E.] 
 
 ^  [This  Mas  by  Calendar,  w'here  Queen  Mary  dined,  whence  she  pro- 
 ceeded to  Stirling,  and  passed  the  night.  On  the  3d  of  September  she 
 joined  her  forces  at  Kilsyth,  and  accompanied  them  to  Glasgow.  She 
 remained  there  on  the  4th  and  5th,  without  making  any  effort  to  pursue 
 the  insurgents  into  Dumfries-shire,  rode  to  Stirling  on  the  6th,  leaving  the 
 Earl  of  Lennox  as  her  Lieutenant  at  Glasgow  with  the  Western  subsidies, 
 while  her  forces  proceeded  to  Stirling,  and  on  the  8th,  under  her  and 
 Darnley,  into  Fife. — E.] 
 
 ^  This  town  is  about  fifty  miles  south  from  Edinburgh,  and  twenty-four 
 miles  north-west  from  Carlile  in  England. — [Tlio  county  town  of  Dumfries 
 is  73  English  miles  from  l-^dinburgh  by  Aloffat,  76  miles  by  Biggar,  and 
 33  miles  from  Carlisle. — E.] 
 
 ^  [JNIoray  and  the  leading  insurgents,  after  marching  into  Dumfries- 
 shire, had  ample  opportunity  to  correspond  with  Elizabeth's  officers  on  the 
 Borders,  and  to  urge  her  to  declare  war  against  Mary.  On  the  8th  of 
 September  tliey  jjublislied  a  manifesto,  pretending  that  they  took  up  arms 
 for  the  religion,  and  this  was  followed  by  anotlier,  or  probably  the  same, 
 dated  Dumfries,  19th  December,  entitled  a  "  Declaratioun  of  the  Lords 
 proclaimed  at  Dumfreis  against  the  Queen's  Proceedings,  anno  1565." 
 (Calderwood's  Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  j)rinted  for  the  Wodrow 
 Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  569-576).  It  is  a  long  document,  and  is  particularly 
 severe  in  its  denunciations  of  "  idolatrie  and  superstitioun."  The  rebels 
 carefully  concealed  their  original  motive  for  the  insurrection,  which  was 
 
^08  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAFliS  [loOo. 
 
 taken  by  the  rebels,  thoii<,'ht  it  not  wortli  wliile  to  follow 
 them,  but  went  first  to  Stirling,  and  from  thence  into  Fife, 
 haviniif  by  the  way  taken  into  their  custody,  without  nmch 
 impcdimont,  the  Castle-Campbell  belonging  to  the  Earl  of 
 Argyll.^  The  Queen  i)assed  (juickly  to  St  Andrew's,^  in 
 which  city  several  disaffected  gentlemen^  of  the  country 
 subscribed  a  bond  to  defend  the  persons  of  tho  King  and 
 Queen  against  I'iUglishmen  and  rebels.  At  the  same  time, 
 the  Duke,  the  Ivirls  of  Glencairn  and  Argyll,  and  Lords 
 lioyd  and  Ochiltree,  &c.  having  been  charged  to  come  into 
 St  Andrew's  within  six  days,  and  make  answer  to  such 
 things  as  should  be  laid  against  them,  the  time  being 
 expired,  and  they  not  compearing,  they  were  all  denounced 
 rebels.  From  St  Andrew's  the  King  and  Queen  crossed 
 tlie  river  Tay,  and  went  to  the  town  of  Dundee,  where  they 
 remained  two  days  ;  and  complaint  having  been  made,  that 
 the  magistrates  of  that  town  had  secretly  favoured  the 
 rebellious  Lords,  and  had  allowed  some  men  to  be  raised 
 
 the  Queen's  marriage.  Elizabetli,  in  consequence,  on  the  11th  of  September 
 orilert'd  the  Karl  of  Bedford,  lier  Lieutenant  on  the  Borders,  to  advance 
 with  .']00  men  to  Carlisle,  to  aid  the  insur<;ent  Lords  at  Dumfries. — E.] 
 
 '  This  shews  that  the  Queen  has  entered  Fife  hy  the  foot  of  the  Ochell- 
 hills,  since  Castle-Camplji'll  stands  there. —  [As  Queen  Mary's  object  was 
 to  secure  the  Earl  of  Ar^^yU's  stron^^hold  of  C'astle-Canipbfll,  on  her  way 
 to  Dunfermline,  the  route  by  the  base  of  the  Ochills  was  the  most  direct 
 for  her  purpose.— E.J 
 
 *  [The  Queen  and  Darnley  remained  at  Stirling'  on  the  7th  of  Septem- 
 ber, and  on  the  JStli  they  pi'oceeded  to  Dunfi>rmline,  by  way  of  t'astle- 
 Camjjbell.  They  slept  at  Dunfermline,  on  the  followin<r  day  they  dined 
 at  Lochleven,  aiul  afterwards  rode  to  I'alkland.  On  the  lOth  they  went 
 to  St  Andrews,  and  jKussed  the  next  day  there.  On  the  l'2th  the  Queen 
 went  to  Dundee,  tho  Provost  (llallyburton)  of  which  was  an  avowtni 
 parti/an  for  Moray.  The  Queen  and  Darnley  continued  in  Dundee  on 
 the  13th  and  14th,  and  actually  issued  a  proclamation  in  favour  of  the 
 Hefonned  relij,Mon,  exposing'  the  misrejjresentations  which  had  induced 
 many  to  jt)in  the  rebels,  and  j)r()misin«r  to  summon  a  Parliament,  which 
 had  only  been  prevented  by  thi'  traitorous  coiuluct  of  the  disatl'ected,  to 
 confirm  whatever  had  been  promised  to  the  lleformin<,'  jiarty.  On  the 
 ITAh  the  Queen  and  Darnley  went  to  Pi'rth,  and  resided  chiefly  at 
 Ruthven  till  the  isth,  when  they  procei'ded  to  Dunfermline.  On  the 
 I9th  the  Queen  and  her  husbaiul  left  Dunfennline,  dined  at  Queensferry, 
 and  rode  to  llolyniod  Palace,  where  the  Queen  resided  till  the  8th  of 
 October.— E.J 
 
 '  Not  twenty  in  number,  th()u;,'h  Knox  and  Huchanan  would  represent 
 this  in  another  li;;ht.  See  Appendix.  [  Knox's  llistorie,  Edin.  edit. 
 J7:V2,  p.  .3.S.1  ;  Huchanan's  History,  Translation,  Edin.  17o2,  p.  305.— E.J 
 
1565.]  OF  CUURCII  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  oG9 
 
 there  for  their  service  ;  the  town  was  fined  in  a  small  sum 
 of  2000  merks.i  From  Dundee  their  Majesties  returned  to 
 St  Andrew's,  and  from  thence  to  Edinburgh.^  And  here 
 they  having  taken  a  resolution  to  pursue  the  rebels  in 
 person,  who  were  now  in  the  south  country  about  Dumfries, 
 the  lieges  had  warning  to  convene  at  Biggar^  on  the  9th  day 
 of  October  following.  It  is  said  their  ^Majesties  went  from 
 Edinburgh  the  day  before,  and  that  an  army  of  no  less  than 
 18,000  men  waited  on  them,^  at  which  formidable  appearance 
 
 ^  Mr  Knox  condescends  on  this  precise  sum,  and  yet  Archbishop 
 Spottisw'oode  says  the  towns  of  Perth,  Dundee,  and  St  Andrews  were 
 fined  in  great  sums;  hut  2000  merks  could  be  no  great  sum  for  sucli 
 towns,  since  the  readers  will  observe  that  several  gentlemen  of  the 
 sirname  of  Gordon  were  obliged  three  years  ago  to  give  bail  for  the  sum 
 of  5000  merks  for  each  person,  and  several  sureties  for  gentlemen  at 
 this  same  time  were  higher  than  2000  merks.  Mr  Holinshed  discovers 
 the  ground  of  this  treatment  of  these  three  towns,  by  informing  us  that 
 several  persons  belonging  to  them  received  money  from  the  Earl  of  ]\[oray 
 to  take  part  with  him,  "  for  which  (he  adds)  they  w^ere  after  punished." 
 Mr  Knox  seems  likewise  to  own  this. 
 
 2  ["  The  Household  Books  ascertain  the  dates  of  the  several  move- 
 ments. Keith  was  misled  by  Knox  in  stating  that  the  King  and  Queen 
 returned  from  Dundee  to  St  Andrews,  and  thence  to  Edinburgh." — 
 Chalmers'  Life  of  INEary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  154. — E.] 
 
 ^  It  is  a  small  village  about  twenty  miles  south-west  from  Edinburgh. — 
 [The  neat  little  town  of  Biggar,  in  the  parish  of  its  name  in  Lanarkshire, 
 is  28  English  miles  from  Edinburgh  on  the  shorter  road  to  Dumfries. — E.] 
 
 ^  Besides  the  gathering  together  of  the  lieges  to  form  an  army,  the 
 ancient  and  ordinary  manner  used  in  Scotland,  the  Queen  had  at  this 
 insurrection  kept  several  companies  of  men  in  regular  pay,  for  the 
 defraying  which  charge  she  had  asked  assistance  from  her  friends  abroad; 
 and  Sir  .James  Melvil  acquaints  us,  as  before  noticed,  that  the  Pope  had 
 sent  her  8000  crowns,  but  that  the  ship  Avhich  carried  the  money  was  lost 
 within  the  Earl  of  Northumberland's  bounds  on  the  coast  of  England,  who, 
 though  he  was  a  Roman  Catholic,  could  not  bo  i)rcvailed  with  to  deliver 
 the  money  to  our  Queen.  So  powerful  is  the  love  of  money  above  that  of 
 religion  !  Though  what  Sir  James  reports  of  this  cannot  in  the  least  be 
 suspected,  since  he  tells  that  himself  was  sent  to  the  Earl  of  Northumber- 
 land to  demand  the  money,  yet  for  the  farther  satisfaction  of  the  reader 
 I  have  here  subjoined  a  letter  on  this  head  from  our  Queen  to  the  Queen 
 of  England.  Shattcr'd  MS.—"  Rycht  excellent,  &c.  In  the  lait  rebellion 
 quhilk  sum  of  oure  subjectis  laitlie  raisit  up  aganis  ws,  we  Avar  constranit 
 to  lift  certane  cumpaneis  of  men  of  weir,  and  for  sustaining  of  thame  to 
 
 sum  of  oure  friendis,  with  leving  of  pairt  of  money,  quhilk grantit, 
 
 deliverit,  and  cummand  to  oure  Kealme,  the  schij)  quhairin  the  same 
 money  was  contenit,  as  we  are  informit,  is  brokin  wiihin  zowr  Kealme,  and 
 cum  in  the  handis  and  posscssioun  of  certane  zowr  subjectis  :  And  sen 
 the  same  money  justlie  appertenis  to  ws,  we  pray  zow,  derest  sister,  gif 
 VOL.  II.  24 
 
*>70  TIIK  IIISTOUV  nF  Till-    AFFAIRS  [1505. 
 
 tli«j  rebels  were  so  terrifi'.'d,  tliat  tliey  retired  towards 
 Carlisle  in  the  Borders  of  lOn^dand,  where  they  were  well 
 assured  of  a  safe  retreat,  and  had  the  hopes  of  a  powerful 
 assistance.!  See  AprKNDix.  The  K\ng  and  Queen  being 
 advertised  of  this,  gave  over  any  farther  exi>eetation  of 
 getting  the  principal  men  into  their  hands  ;  and  so  having 
 reposf'd  themselves  a  short  space  at  Dumfries,  and  visited 
 the  castle  of  Lochmaben,'-  wliich  had  been  in  the  keeping  of 
 Sir  John  Maxwell,^  formerly  one  of  the  rebels,  but  at  this 
 
 strait  (^iniiuindiiiont  and  directioun  to  zowr  Licutenentis  and  Ofl&ciaris 
 on  the  liordouriH,  that  tlio  said  money  and  ^niidis  be  haldin  togiddir 
 undissipat  and  scatterit,  and  be  fnllie  restorit  and  deliverit  to  sic  personis 
 as  we  sail  direct  for  ressait  of  the  same  :  Quhairin  as  ze  sail  do  that  quhilk 
 in  itself  is  C(inall  and  accordin*,'  to  ressoun,  sa  will  we  ^Tant  ws  to  have 
 ressavit  a  speciall  plessonr  at  zonr  handis,  and  will  endevoir  oure  self  to 
 accpiite  zow  with  semblabill  ^uid  will,  (juhensoevir  occasionn  may  occnr 
 qnhair  we  may  in  ony  wyiss  gi-atifie  zow.  And  thisabydand  zowr  answer 
 heirin,  rycht  excellent,  &c."  In  all  this  matter  we  njay  take  the  freedom 
 to  remark,  that  the  Qneen  has  been  bnt  ill  advised  to  receive  money  from 
 the  Pojje,  or  yet  to  demand  the  restitution  of  it  from  the  Queen  of 
 En^Mand  ;  at  lea.st,  she  miy;ht  hardly  expect  to  recover  it. 
 
 ^  [From  the  rendezvous  at  Bijrgar  the  royal  forces  marched  into  the 
 Nithsdale  district  of  Dumfries-shire  thron<,di  the  mountain  passes,  and 
 arrived  on  the  10th  of  September  at  Castlehill  near  Durrisdeer,  where  a 
 Pri\7-Council  for  rei,ailatin^'  the  command  Wiis  held.  So  determined  was 
 Mary  in  tlie  jiursuit  of  the  rebel  Lords,  that  "  she  rode,"  observes  Mr 
 Tytler,  "  with  pistols  at  her  saddle  bow,  and  declared  to  Randolph  that 
 she  would  rather  peril  h(>r  crown  than  lose  her  revenge." — (MS.  Lettei-s, 
 Htate-PajM-r  Office,  Randolph  to  (-ecil,  September  4,  15G5.  History  of 
 Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  S).  The  van  was  ivssigned  to  Lennox  ;  the  centre  to 
 Darnley,  attended  by  Morton,  Hothwell,  Uuthven,  and  others  of  the 
 Nobility,  accompanied  by  Queen  >Liry  in  i)erson  ;  and  the  rear  was  to  be 
 led  by  Atholl,  Iluntly,  and  a  few  loyal  IV'crs.  'J'he  whole  force,  however, 
 was  most  motley  and  discordant,  yet  the  march  was  effected  to  Dumfries 
 on  the  11th,  previous  to  which  Moray  and  his  friends  tied  into  Enj^land, 
 where  they  were  kindly  reci'ived  at  Carlisle  by  the  Karl  of  IJedford,  and 
 thus  terminated  the  insurrection. — K.] 
 
 '  [FiOchmaben  Castle,  now  a  dilajtidated  ruin,  is  near  the  little  royal 
 burgh  of  Lochnialn'u,  for  such  it  is,  though  merely  a  rural  village,  eight 
 miles  from  Dumfries.  The  ancient  castle,  a  residence  of  King  Robert 
 Bruce  as  Lord  of  Annandale,  was  close  to  the  decay I'd  burgh  on  a  mound 
 callt'<l  the  Castlehill,  surrounded  by  a  moat  and  fosse.  Tho  present 
 ruinous  castle,  then  visited  by  (^ueen  Mary,  is  alleged  to  have  bcvn  built 
 from  the  stones  of  the  old  edifice,  and  occupies  a  peninsula  on  the  south- 
 east side  of  the  Castlehill  L(»eh,  one  of  the  nine  lakes  which  surround  the 
 antiipie  burgh  of  Lochmaben.  It  was  of  great  strength  and  extent,  the 
 «)ut works,  it  is  alleged,  enclosing  sixteen  acres.  The  castle  ha.*!  thrw 
 courts,  and  the  walls  are  in  some  entire  parts  twelve  feet  thick. — K.) 
 
 •'  He  was  second  son  to  th(>   Lord   Maxwell,  and  married  the  eldest 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  371 
 
 time  upon  his  humble  submission  received  into  favour  ;i  they 
 returned  forthwith  to  Edinburgh  to  take  care  for  the  farther 
 security  of  their  government.^ 
 
 I  thought  it  not  amiss  to  lay  before  the  readers  this  short 
 account  of  the  proceedings  against  the  rebels,  which  I  have 
 chiefly  formed  from  Mr  Knox,  as  being  more  exact  and 
 particular  herein  than  the  other  historians  :  Yet,  because  I 
 would  not  leave  my  readers  without  better  instruction  in  all 
 this  matter,  I  have  inserted  in  the  Appendix^  the  several 
 Acts  of  Privy-Council  relating  to  it,  together  with  such  other 
 Acts  as  were  made  for  the  better  security  of  the  Govern- 
 ment, after  their  Majesties'  return  from  Dumfries,  about  the 
 18th  of  October.  In  the  Appendix  will  likewise  be  seen 
 several  abstracts  from  the  Cotton  Library,  w^hich  will  afford 
 more  certainty  of  some  things  that  hitherto  have  been 
 reported  only  upon  hearsay. 
 
 The  Queen  of  England  having  all  this  time  had  an  atten- 
 tive eye  upon  the  affairs  of  Scotland,  and  perceiving  that 
 the  rebel  Lords,  whom  she  had  buoyed  up,  were  not  able  to 
 make  good  their  evil  intentions,  thought  it  no  longer  advis- 
 able for  her  to  keep  at  a  distance  from  our  Queen ;  and 
 therefore  dissembling  in  some  sort  what  was  past,  she  wrote 
 her  a  letter,  and  gave  Mr  Randolph  instructions  to  confer 
 with  her  concerning  some  proper  means  to  compose  the 
 difference  that  had  lately  fallen  out  betwixt  them.     This 
 
 co-heiress  of  the  Lord  Herries,  and  by  her  right  came  to  be  Lord  Herries. 
 Before  he  was  Lord  Herries,  he  is  designed  Sir  John  ^Maxwell  of 
 Terreigles. — [Sir  John  INIaxwell,  seeing  the  cause  of  the  rebels  hopeless, 
 submitted  to  the  Queen's  clemency,  and  was  continued  Warden  of  the 
 West  Borders, — E.] 
 
 1  In  the  Record  of  Privy-Council  is  inserted,  by  order  of  the  King  and 
 Queen,  a  declaration  signed  by  them  of  the  date  the  1st  of  January  15G5-6, 
 vindicating  and  pardoning  this  gentleman  for  sundry  points  of  treason 
 allcdged  to  have  been  committed  by  him,  among  which  is  particularly 
 mentioned,  "  for  that  he  accumpanycit  in  l')umfries  of  late  ane  numer  of 
 oure  subjectis  quhilk  now  ar  rebellis,  and  past  in  England ;  for  that  we 
 undirstand  that  he  was  nevir  of  mynd  to  ayd  thame  against  us;  and  als 
 be  his  continowal  humane  labouring  to  us  for  thame  ;  and  als  that  he  wald 
 on  na  wayis  tak  pairt  nor  assist  with  liigland,  nor  pass  with  thame  in  that 
 realme;  nor  as  we  knaw  wos  nevir  of  counsal,  nor  privy  to  na  particularis 
 we  haif  to  lay  to  thair  charge  before  thair  cuming  to  oure  town  of 
 Dumfries." 
 
 2  [Mary  and  Darnloy  returned  to  Edinburgh  on  the  18th  of  October, 
 and  remained  in  that  city  till  the  end  of  the  year.— E.] 
 
 3  Number  IX. 
 
372  TIIK  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1565. 
 
 letter  is  no  wliere  now  to  bo  seen,  nor  any  account  of  the 
 Queen's  conference  with  Mr  Kandolpli ;  nor  had  we  come  at 
 all  to  the  knowledge  that  ever  tliere  had  been  any  such  thing, 
 unloss  by  the  following  record  of  our  Privy-Council. 
 
 ••  Apud  Edinburfjk^  5  Kovemh.  Anno  Doin.  1505. 
 
 ^'Skdekunt  —  Jacobus  Comes  de  Mortoun^  Cancellarius  ; 
 Georgius  Conies  de  HuntUe  ;^  Jacohus  Comes  de  Bothicell  ;^ 
 Joannes  Maxwell  de  Terreglis^  Miles  ;  Alexander  Episco- 
 pus  Candidw  Casa^;^  Secrefarins,  Thesaurarius^  Computorum 
 Bofidator^ClericHsReqistri,  Clericus  Justiciariw,  Adoocatus; 
 Mac/ister  Jacohus  Balfour^  Rector  de  Fl'isk;^  Symon  Preston 
 de  eodem  Prapositus  de  Edinburgh. 
 
 '  The  readers  "svill  take  notice  by  the  Acts  in  tlie  Appendix  at  wliat 
 time  these  new  Councillors  are  introduced. 
 
 ^  [T\ni  notorious  Karl  of  IJothwell,  who  had  previously  been  in  exile. 
 "  At  this  crisis,"  says  Mr  Tytler,  "  the  Earl  of  liothwell  returned  from 
 France,  profit in<;  by  the  dis<rrace  of  Moray,  whoso  power  had  expelled 
 him  from  his  country,  lie  was  favourably  received  by  the  Queen,  althouj^h 
 wt'll  known  to  be  a  rash,  darin<;,  and  profli<;ate  man  ;  but  his  extensive 
 Border  estates  [^ave  him  much  power,  and  the  circumstances  in  which 
 Mary  was  placed  made  lier  welcome  any  Baron  who  could  bring  a 
 formidable  force  into  the  field.  In  his  comi)any  came  David  Chambers, 
 a  j)erson  of  a  dark  intriguing  spirit,  who  had  long  been  a  retainer  of  this 
 >i'o])leman,  and  although  a  Lord  of  the  Session,  more  likely  to  outrsige 
 than  administer  the  law." — History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  8,  9.  David 
 Chalnn>rs,  or  Chambers,  of  Ormond,  a  native  of  Itoss-shire,  educated  at 
 Aberdeen,  successively  pai*son  of  Suddy — a  parish  now  annexed  to  Kilmuir 
 AV ester  in  Koss-shire,  Provost  of  Crichton,  and  Chancellor  of  the  Diocese 
 of  Uoss,  was  admitted  an  ( )rdiiiary  Lord  of  Session  on  the  2«Jth  of  .January 
 L')(>5-(*  in  room  of  Jlenry  Sinclair,  Bishop  of  Ross,  and  he  was  also  consti- 
 tuted a  Privy  Councillor.  Hi*  wa.s  openly  accused  of  the  murder  of 
 Darnley,  and  was  forfeited  for  his  assistance  to  Queen  Mary  after  her 
 escape  from  Lochleven.  As  a  contrast  to  Mr  Tytler's  character  of  this 
 personage,  Dempster  designates  him  as  tur  multtv  tt  var'uv  itec  iiiani(eni 
 im/ivii  (llistoria  Kcclesia-stica,  4to.  Kdin.  1829,  j)rintedfor  the  B.\nnatyxb 
 Clud,  vol.  i.  p.  194),  and  Mackenzie  (Lives  of  Scottish  W'ritei's,  vol.  iii. 
 p.  391)  speaks  of  him  in  the  highest  tenns  of  eulogy. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Alexander  (Jordon,  Bishoj)  of  Galloway,  or  Candida  Ca.sa,  luid 
 Titular  Archbishoj)  of  Athens,  again  ai>i)eai-s  in  public  life,  although  an 
 avowed  adherent  of  the  Reformers.  See  the  note,  vol.  i.  p.  'J.'jO,  2o1,  of 
 the  present  edition. —  E.] 
 
 *  (Elisk  is  a  parish  on  the  banks  of  the  Tay,  below  Newburgh,  in  tlie 
 north  side  of  Fife.  Sir  .lames  Balfour  of  Pittendreich  is  described  by 
 Robertson  (History  of  Scotland,  vol.  ii.  ]t.:VA)  lus  "  the  most  corrupt  man 
 of  his  ago,"  and  he  belonged  to  a  family  who,  aecording  to  Knox,  had 
 "  neither  fear  of  (Jod  nor  love  of  virtue  farther  than  the  present  com- 
 nn)(lity  served  them."     He  was  successively   Parson  of  I'lisk,  an  Extra- 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  373 
 
 "  The  qiihilk  day,  the  Quenis  Mtijestie  having  ressavit  ane 
 letter  from  hir  guid  sister  the  Queue  of  Ingland,  and  with 
 that  had  sum  conference  with  Mr  Randolph  upoun  sic 
 thingis  as  he  had  instructioun,  tending  to  the  pacificatioun 
 of  allelestisiand  controversies  standingbetwixtkair  Majesties, 
 quhairby  the  Kingis  Hienes,  hir  Grace's  husband  may  in 
 tyme  cuming  be  recognoscit,  and  all  thingis  tending  to  the 
 weilfair  and  tranquillitio  of  baith  the  Realmes  composit  and 
 takin  up.  In  fyne,  the  said  Mr  Randolph  requirit  to  haif 
 ane  saulfe-conduct  general),  subscrivit  onelie  be  the  Quenis 
 Majestic,  to  sum  personagis  of  guid  truist  and  qualitie,  sic 
 as  it  sould  pleis  the  Quene  his  maistress  to  nominat  to  cum 
 into  this  Realme,  to  treat  upoun  the  above-named  matteris  ; 
 quhairunto  the  Quenis  Majestic  wald  mak  na  anser,  quhill 
 first  hir  Majestic  had  opponit  and  exponit  the  caiss  to  the 
 Counsall.  And  thai  having  at  greit  length,  and  with  guid 
 deliberatioun,  considerit  the  matter,  and  ressonit  baith  the 
 partis,  quhat  commoditie  or  incommoditic  heirupoun  may 
 follow  :  For  thair  opinioun  declair.  That  thai  think  the  said 
 saulf-conduct  may  weill  enouch  be  grantit  in -forme,  and  to 
 the  effect  above  specifeit,  without  prejudice  to  the  Quenis 
 Majestic,  dishonor  to  the  Kingis  Hienes  hir  Grace's  husband, 
 or  hurt  or  incommoditic  of  this  Realme,  and  common  weill  thair- 
 of,  bot  rather  a  greit  commoditie  to  baith  thair  Majesties.'"^ 
 
 Agreeable  to  this  determination  of  the  Scottish  Council, 
 the  Queen  of  England  did  nominate  two  or  more  persons  to 
 come  into  Scotland,  but  whatever  might  have  intervened 
 to  alter  that  Queen  s  intentions  I  cannot  take  upon  me  to 
 ascertain  ;  only  we  are  certain  that  there  is  no  vestige  loft 
 in  any  historian  of  either  nation  that  such  an  embassy 
 came  at  all  into  this  country.    Nay,  it  rather  appears  by  the 
 
 ordinary  Lord  and  an  Ordinary  Lord  of  Session,  one  of  the  fonr  Commis- 
 saries, a  PrivA'  Councilloi-,  was  kni^dited,  and  aiijjointed  Clerk  Ke<,nster,  and 
 Lord  President  of  the  Court  of  Session,  in  addition  to  various  emoluments 
 Avhicli  he  contrived  to  secure.  lie  is  said  to  have  been  the  deviser  of  the 
 murder  of  Darnley,  and  prepared  the  house  in  the  Kirk-of- Field,  which 
 belonged  to  his  brother  as  Provost,  for  the  reception  of  his  unfortunate 
 victim.  Sir  James  lialtour  is  supposed  to  have  died  peaceably  in  1583, 
 though  connected  with  severable  murders. — K.] 
 
 '   [So  printed  by  our  Historian,  and  evidently  a  typograithical  error.— K.] 
 ^  [Our  Historian  adds  to  this  document   the  initials  P.  >r.     See  the 
 notes,  p.  349,  351,  of  this  volume. — E.] 
 
374  Tin;  iiisT"iiv  or  nu;  ah-airs  [15G.^. 
 
 tenor  of  all  the  original  letters,  &e.  that  are  as  yet  fallen  into 
 my  hands,  that  this  intended  embassy  did  not  take  effect. 
 It  is,  however,  true  that  very  largo  Instructions  wore  drawn 
 np  at  this  time,  a  copy  whereof  I  have  seen  from  the  Cotton 
 
 Library,  btauing  this  title — "  Instructions  to and  Sir 
 
 Walter  Mild/nay^  November  1505^'^  They  contain  a  recapi- 
 tulation of  all  former  demands  and  expostulations,  and  the 
 chief  point  I  judged  noticeable  in  them  was,  that  (^ueen 
 Elizabeth  therein  declares  herself  willing  to  allow  that  clause 
 in  the  Treaty  of  Edinburgh  to  be  altered,  by  whieli  our  Queen 
 complained  that  her  right  to  the  Crown  of  England  was 
 taken  away  altogether,  and  that  the  Treaty  be  renewed  in 
 such  terms  as  that  preclusion  should  subsist  no  longer  than 
 the  natural  lives  of  (Juoen  Elizabeth,  or  the  issue  of  her  own 
 body.2 
 
 During  the  remaining  part  of  this  year  are  to  be  seen  in 
 the  Register  of  Privy-Council  a  good  number  of  bonds  of 
 cautionry  and  suretyship,  for  such  persons  up  and  down  the 
 countries  of  Eife  and  Lothian"  especially,  as  had  been 
 suspected  of  favouring  the  rebel  Lords,  Sec,  as  likewise 
 for  the  delivering  up,  when  required  by  the  King  and  Queen, 
 the  castle  of  St  Andrew's,  now  put  in  the  possession  of 
 John  Archbishop  of  St  Andrew's,  the  castle  of  Tantallon,^ 
 
 *  Wc  sec  this  person  in  the  number  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  Privy-Coun- 
 sellors ;  and  Canibden  takes  notice,  in  the  end  of  tlie  next  year,  that  he 
 was  made  under-treasurer  of  tlie  IOxche<[uer. — [Camden's  History  and 
 Annalls  of  Queen  Klizabetli,  London,  162">,  p.  1.%'.  J?ir  Walter  Mildmay 
 succeeded  Sir  Richard  iSaekvillc  as  Chancellor  of  the  Kxchetpier. 
 Camden  desi^rnates  him  an  "  nncorrupt  and  considerate  man."  Beatson 
 designates  him  .SVr  William  Mildmay. — Political  Index,  vol.  i.  p.  332. — K.J 
 
 '  S»'e  Sir  Dudley  Di/j^«rs'  Complete  Ambassador.  Jtan,  Instructions 
 next  year  following;  by  the  hands  of  the  Karl  of  IJedford,  —  [Queen 
 Kli/,al)etirs  Instructions  to  Sir  Henry  Norris,  Ambass;ulor  Ui'sident  in 
 I'rancc,  in  "  The  Compleat  Ambassador,"  collected  by  Sir  Dudley  Digges, 
 Kni-ht,  Ma.ster  of  the  Kolls,  fol.  London,  1()T>.-),  p.  J)-!?.— K.] 
 
 ^  [The  county  of  Fife,  and  those  of  Linlithgow,  I'.dinburgh,  and 
 Haddington,  also  known  as  West,  Mitl,  and  I'jvst  Lothian. —  I^.j 
 
 *  (Tantullon  Castle  crowns  a  lofty  and  projecting  rock  surrounded  on 
 three  sides  by  the  sea,  ovcrl(K)king  the  Bass  Hock,  and  the  entrance  into 
 the  Frith  of  Forth  from  the  (lerman  Ocean,  in  the  parish  of  North  Ber- 
 wick, county  of  Haddingtt)n.  This  cistle  was  long  considered  so  impreg- 
 nable, that  to  "  ding  doon  Tantallon  and  niak  a  brig  to  the  Ba^^s  "  were 
 two  things,  in  the  vernacular  of  the  peasuitry,  impjissible.  On  the  we«t 
 sidr,  by  which  alone  it  is  accessible,  it  was  difendcd  by  two  ditch(>s  of 
 great  ilepth,  and  by  iniissiv.'  fnuiis    Tin-  <'n  trance  was  ovrra  draw  bridi:c 
 
loG5.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  375 
 
 then  in  the  hands  of  the  Earl  of  Morton  by  right  of  ward  ; 
 and  the  castle  of  Lochleven,  pertaining  to  William  Douglas 
 proprietor  thereof.  But  because  there  is  some  more  specialty 
 with  respect  to  this  last  place,  it  may  not  be  improper  to 
 impart  the  same  to  the  readers.  On  the  7th  of  November 
 an  order  is  given  to  a  herauld  to  charge  Margaret  Erskine 
 (Earl  of  Mar's  sister,  and  Earl  of  Moray's  mother),  Lady 
 Lochleven,  William  Douglas  of  Lochleven,  and  Robert 
 Douglas  his  son,  to  render  the  castle  and  fortress  of 
 Lochleven,  and  remove  themselves  forth  of  the  same,  within 
 six  hours  after  they  bo  charged  thereto.  On  the  13th  of 
 the  same  month  compears  in  Council  Adam  Macculloch, 
 herauld,  with  the  execution  of  his  charge,  and  declared 
 likewise  that  William  Douglas  of  Lochleven,  being  sick  and 
 in  his  bed,  in  peril  of  his  life  to  his  appearance,  professed 
 himself  most  willing  to  obey  the  charge,  and  desired  the 
 said  herauld  to  remain  with  him  while  he  and  the  Countess 
 of  Buchan,!  who  was  just  then  travelling  with  child  within 
 
 through  a  strong  stone  gateway.  The  outer  structure  of  Tantallon  Castle 
 is  comparatively  entire,  but  roofless  and  completely  desolate,  the  in- 
 terior a  mass  of  broken  staircases,  fragmented  and  ruined  apartments,  and 
 repulsive,  dreary,  and  dismal  subterranean  dungeons.  The  date  of  its 
 erection  is  unknown,  but  it  came  into  notice  with  the  rise  of  the  Douglas 
 Family,  who  obtained  the  barony  of  North  Berwick  at  the  accession  of 
 Robert  II.  For  centuries  it  was  the  stronghold  of  the  Earls  of  Douglas. 
 In  1479,  twenty-four  years  after  their  forfeiture,  Archibald  fifth  Earl  of 
 Angus,  the  celebrated  BcU-thc-Cat,  received  a  gi'ant  of  it  from  James  III. 
 The  next  Earl  of  Angus,  who  married  the  Queen-Mother  of  James  V. 
 after  he  had  lost  all  influence  over  the  })erson  of  the  young  monarch,  shut 
 himself  up  in  Tantallon  Castle,  and  defied  the  hostile  power  of  the 
 kingdom.  James  V.  endeavoured  to  reduce  it  in  September  1528,  but 
 notwithstanding  his  formidable  preparations  and  efforts,  he  was  compelled 
 to  raise  the  siege,  and  he  only  obtained  possession  by  the  subsequent  flight 
 of  Angus  into  England.  After  the  death  of  James  V.  the  Earl  was 
 permitted  to  return  from  exile,  and  in  1542  he  was  restored  to  his 
 possessions,  when  he  repaired  the  castle,  in  which  he  died  about  1557. 
 In  1639  the  Covenanters  contrived  to  secure  Tantallon  on  account  of  its 
 lord,  the  Marquis  of  Douglas,  opposing  their  rebellion,  and  they  even 
 garrisoned  it  against  Charles  I.  Sir  Hew  Dalrymple,  Lord  President  of 
 the  Court  of  Session,  having  bought  the  Castle  and  the  adjacent  barony 
 of  North  Berwick  from  the  Duke  of  Douglas  about  the  beginning  of  the 
 eighteenth  century,  dismantled  it,  and  reduced  it  to  a  mass  of  iiiins,  in 
 which  state  it  has  since  continued. — E.] 
 
 1  This  Lady  was  heiress  of  Buclian,  and  married  to  Robert  Douglas, 
 second  brother  to  William  Douglas,  now  of  Lochleven,  in  whose  riglit  he 
 was  Earl  of  Buchan  :  as  his  eldei-  brother  came  afterwards  to  be  Earl  of 
 
.^7^  'Hh  iii.>i<»io  "'1   1  111.  Ai  I  All;.-?  [1565. 
 
 tlie  liouHL',  ini^^lit  rciiiovc  tlioinselvos  forth  of  the  place. 
 Hereupon  the  Kin^  and  (^ueen  are  pleased  to  receive  surety 
 for  \\'illiani  Douglas,  for  his  mother  Margaret  Erskine,  and 
 his  son  liolxrt  Douirlas,  that  the  said  castle  of  Lochleven 
 ''  sail  he  n-ddic  and  patent  at  thair  Majesties'  commandment, 
 with  all  till'  nmnitioun  and  artailzearic  beinf;  within  the 
 samvn  (pdiilkis  pei'teint  to  James  Erie  of  Moray,  at 
 <[uhatsumL'vir  tynie  thair  Ilienesses  sail  requyre  the  samyn, 
 upon  twenty-four  houris  warning ;  and  that  nane  of  thair 
 Majesties  rebellis,  servandis,  messengeris,  sail  be  resset 
 suppleit  or  interteynit  in  the  said  place  in  the  mean  tyme, 
 under  the  pain  of  5000  markis/'  Note — The  Earl  of  Mar  was 
 not  in  Council  on  the  7th  of  November,  but  was  present 
 on  the  loth  day. 
 
 In  the  <'nd  of  this  year  it  is  obsei*ved  that  several  dis- 
 turbances had  fallen  out  on  the  Borders  of  the  two  king- 
 doms, whereof  complaints  had  been  reciprocally  made,  but 
 more  on  the  part  of  the  Queen.  It  appears  for  certain  that 
 the  Queen  of  England  was  at  least  willing  that  the  Earl  of 
 Bedford,  her  Lieutenant  in  the  north  parts,  should  give 
 some  annoyance  to  the  Borders  of  Scotland,  thereby  to  try 
 what  uneasiness  he  might  create  the  Scottish  government,^ 
 
 Morton. — [Cliristian,  only  dan^'litor  of  John,  Master  of  Bnchan,  elder  son 
 of  .John  tlurd  Karl  of  IJuchan,  of  the  surname  of  Stewart,  descended  from 
 James,  uterine  brother  of  James  1 1.,  and  second  son  of  Sir  James  Stewart, 
 the  Jilack-  Kni'jht  of  Lniii,  hy  Jane  Queen  of  Scotland,  Dowager  of  .James  I. 
 Cliristian,  Countess  of  Ihichan,  wjis  infeft  as  heir  to  her  father  (who  was 
 killed  at  the  battle  of  Pinkie  in  1547)  in  July  1547.  She  was  contracted 
 to  the  Earl  of  Moray,  while  he  was  Commendator  of  St  Andrews,  in 
 .January  1. '54.'),  but  this  alliance  was  by  some  means  or  other  j>revented, 
 and  she  niarrii'd  Moray's  uterine  brt>ther  Jtobert  Douglas,  second  sou  of 
 Sir  l{()lM'rt  Douglas  of  I^ochlcven,  who  in  her  right  became  fourth  Karl  of 
 IJiK'han.  'I'lu'ir  only  son  .James  succeeded  as  fifth  Karl,  and  by  the 
 marriage  of  his  only  child  Mary  Countess  of  Ituchan  to  James  Krskine, 
 eldest  son  of  John  Karl  of  Mar  by  his  second  Countess,  the  luirldom  of 
 Ihichan  was  conveyed  to  that  branch  of  the  Noble  l*'amily  of  I'.i-skine. — E.J 
 *  [llie  I'.arl  of  liedtord,  however,  appears  to  have  acted  with  great 
 pru'l'-nce  in  his  oflice  of  Warden.  He  wrote  to  the  I'.arl  of  Leicester, 
 ilated  Herwick,  '2(lth  October  15(15-  "  I  am  adverti.st«d  foure  or  five  wayes 
 that  the  Scottish  Queen  meanelh  to  take  Aymouth  (KyemoutlO,  and  that 
 v\K'\\  shortly.  1  have  written  heretofore  that  it  hath  been  often  viewed, 
 and  now  I  write  that  it  will  be  fortifyed.  'I'hat  Queen  .sendeth  men  to 
 divers  place.**,  as  to  Kelsoe  four  hundretl,  to  Hume  Castle  fifty  harque- 
 buysers,  and  yet  cannot  we  be  jiei'suade*!  that  tlu' Queen  meanetli  warres, 
 l>ecause  We  m can e  peace.     Ifow  peace  will  follow  upon  such  j)n»i:uMstic4i. 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND,  3/7 
 
 if  he  should  not  be  able  to  send  home  the  rebel  Lords  of 
 Scotland,  contrary  to  their  sovereign's  inclination.  Yet  all 
 these  efforts  proved  but  unsuccessful ;  and  the  best  satis- 
 faction I  can  afford  my  readers  therein,  is  to  insert  in 
 the  Appendix  such  original  Papers  as  have  come  to  my 
 hand  concerning  them. 
 
 The  rebel  Lords  having  been  kindly  entertained  by  the 
 Earl  of  Bedford  at  Carlisle,  made,  however,  but  a  short  stay 
 in  that  town,  and  removed  themselves  to  Newcastle  ;  from 
 which  place,  without  much  loss  of  time,  they  deputed  the 
 Earl  of  Moray  and  Gavin  Hamilton,  Abbot  of  Kilwinning, 
 to  repair  to  the  Queen  of  England,  and  negotiate  their 
 common  interests  with  that  Princess.  But  to  their  own 
 and  other  their  friends'  great  surprize,  these  gentlemen  could 
 obtain  no  audience  of  that  Queen  ;  howbeit,  Mr  Knox  says,i 
 the  Earl  of  Moray  obtained  audience  by  means  of  Mons.  de 
 Four,2  the  French  ambassador.  And  when  he  came  into 
 her  presence,  that  crafty  Princess  asked  him  with  a  fair 
 countenance.  How  he^  being  a  rebel  to  her  sister  of  Scotland^ 
 durst  take  the  boldness  upon  him  to  come  loithin  her  Realm  ? 
 And  she  plainly  told  him,  that  she  had  never  promised  to 
 support  them^  nor  never  meant  any  such  thing  in  that  way. 
 To  which  the  Earl  of  Moray  should  have  rephed — "Madame, 
 whatever  thing  your  Majestic  meant  in  your  hairt,  we  ar 
 thareof  ignorant ;  bot  thus  much  we  know  assuredly,  that 
 we  had  lately  faythfull  promises  of  ayd  and  support  by  your 
 ambassadour  and  familiar  servants  in  your  name,  and 
 further,  we  have  your  awn  hand  wryting  confirming  the 
 said  promises.''^     In  fine,  there  was  nothing  to  be  had  from 
 
 tious  of  warres  I  cannot  couceyvo,  nor  will  it  not  sinkc  into  my  head.  J 
 have  heard  the  old  Borderers  say  that  the  Scottes  were  ever  those  that 
 broke  the  peace  and  sett  upon  the  warres,  either  by  stealyng  or  open 
 violence.  And  because  they  be  of  an  old  custome  the  first,  and  ever 
 aforehand  w  itli  them,  we  are  loath  to  break  them  of  the  same,  for  we 
 never  stirre  till  we  have  receyved  too  much  injury,  or  else  feel  it  sraai't 
 too  sore.  I  would  be  as  s^lad  of  a  good  and  assured  peace  as  any  other, 
 and  as  much  I  have  done  to  preserve  the  same," — Wright's  "  Queen 
 Elizabeth  and  her  Times,"  vol.  i.  p.  215,  21(>.— E.] 
 
 ^  [llistorie,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  388.  Knox  designates  Monsieur  de 
 Four,  or  Foix,  the  Fiench  Ambas;>ador,  the  l^arl  of  Moray's  *'  true 
 friend."— E.] 
 
 2  Foix. 
 
 ^  This  is  a  bold  reply  Mr  Knox  puts  in  the  mouth  of  tlio  Earl  ot 
 
oJS  Tfir;  iiisTnjiv  or  Tin:  Ari-Aius  [15Go. 
 
 that  Qucon  l)ut  scorn  and  disdain,  until  at  length  the  Earl 
 and  the  Abbot  were  pcrswadrd,  iij)on  promises  of  the  assist- 
 ance they  demanded  to  tlio  uttermost  of  her  power,  to  come 
 and  confess  to  her  upon  their  knees,  in  presence  of  the 
 French  and  Spanish  ambassadors,!  who  complained  in  their 
 raasters"  names  that  her  Majesty  had  fomented  the  rebellion 
 in  Scotland,  and  that  her  only  delight  was  to  stir  up 
 dissension  among  her  neighbours — "  That  her  Majesty  had 
 never  moved  them  to  any  opposition  or  resistance  against 
 their  Queen's  marriage."  Then  said  she  to  them — "  Now  you 
 have  told  the  truth  ;  for  neitlier  did  I,  nor  any  in  my  name, 
 stir  you  up  against  your  Queen  ;2  for  your  abominable 
 treason  may  serve  for  example  to  my  own  subjects  to  rebel 
 against  me.  Therefore  get  you  out  of  my  presence  ;  ye  are 
 but  unworthy  traitors."  What  the  Queen  of  England  said 
 on  this  occasion,  Mr  Randolph  stoutly  though  falsly  averred. 
 Hut  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton,  who  was  a  man  of  integrity, 
 stood  neither  in  awe  of  Queen  nor  Council,  but  freely  owned 
 that  he  had  made  promises  to  the  Scottish  Lords  in  name 
 of  his  mistress  ;  for  which  plainness  it  was  thought  he 
 might  have  suffered  largely,  had  he  not  wisely  obtained  an 
 Act  of  Secret  Council  for  his  warrant,  when  he  came  into 
 Scotland  and  made  these  promises,  and  which  Act  he 
 boldly  at  that  time  offered  to  produce. 3 
 
 Moray  ;  bolder,  I  siis])i-(t,  tli;iii  Uv  dtirst  iiavo  uttori'd  in  puldick.  It'  he 
 said  80  at  all,  it  luws  been  proliably  in  a  corner. — [This  conversation 
 between  Queen  Klizabeth  and  tlie  Karl  of  Moray  is  narrated  by  Knox  in 
 hiH  "  Ilistorie,"  Kdin.  edit.  1732,  j).  IISH,  38!).— K.] 
 
 '  If  the  readers  find  any  inconf,'niity  in  the  behaviour  of  the  French 
 anibiissidor,  Mr  Ivnox  is  to  answer  for  it. 
 
 "  Sir  .lames  Melvil,  Memoirs,  p.  57,  says,  that  "  the  Queen  of  En<,dand 
 promised  Ijy  her  ambassadors  to  hazard  her  crown  in  their  defence,  in 
 cjise  they  were  driven  to  any  strait,  becau.se  of  ajjpearing  ajrainst  the 
 marria;,'e."  IJut  there  are  so  many  glaring  instances  of  that  Queen's 
 promising  to  as«ist  the  nOjels,  that  to  repeat  thi-ni  wen-  but  loss  <^f  time 
 and  expence. 
 
 •'*  Mclvil's  .Memoirs.—  f"  And  the  .sjiid  Sir  Nicholas,"  .says  Sir  .Ianu»8 
 .Melvilh',  **  was  so  angry  that  he  had  been  made  an  instrument  to  deceive 
 the  Scots  banish(>d  Lords,  that  he  advised  them  to  sue  humbly  for  jtanlon 
 at  tlu'ir  own  (^Ui'en's  haiul,  and  to  engage  never  again  to  offend  her  for 
 satisfaction  of  any  Trince  alive  :  And  because  a.s  they  were  then  state*! 
 thry  had  no  interest,  he  penned  a  i)erswasive  letter,  and  sent  unto  her 
 Majesty."  Tliis  letter  of  Sir  .\icliola.s  Throgmorton  to  Queen  Mary  is 
 imme<liatelv    inserted    by    our    I  listoiiati    from    Sir    .Tjiim.'s    MflviJle's 
 
1565.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  370 
 
 This  management  by  the  Queen  of  England  is  a  piece  of  as 
 refined  dissimulation  as  is  likely  to  be  met  with  in  any  age 
 or  Court ;  for  notwithstanding  all  that  seeming  displeasure, 
 yet  she  both  had  already,  and  continued  not  only  to  afford 
 the  rebels  a  secure  retreat  into  her  kingdom,  but  secretly  also 
 to  supply  them  with  money,  as  Mr  Knox  acknowlcdgeth,! 
 who  it  is  to  be  supposed  knew  better  their  secret  remittances 
 than  Sir  James  ^lelviF,  who  here  narrates  the  contrary.^ 
 
 After  these  things  were  done  in  the  Court  of  England, 
 the  Duke  of  Chastelherault,  perceiving  that  the  Queen  his 
 sovereign  was  not  so  much  incensed  againt  him  as  the 
 other  Lords,3  and  judging  likewise  by  the  behaviour  of  the 
 English  Queen  that  matters  would  neither  quickly  nor  easily 
 be  compounded  at  home,  dispatched  the  Abbot  of  Kilwinning 
 from  Newcastle  to  his  own  sovereign,  to  make  in  his  name 
 humble  submission  to  her  Majesty,  and  to  supplicate  her 
 favour  and  pardon  for  the  wrong  steps  he  had  made  of  late. 
 This,  according  to  Abp.  Spottiswood,^  "  he  easily  obtained, 
 because  he  was  known  to  be  nothing  so  guilty  as  the  others, 
 and  to  have  been  craftily  drawn  upon  that  faction  ;  so  that 
 he  returned  into  Scotland  in  the  month  of  December  follow- 
 ing." But  Mr  Knox  says,^  "  it  was  with  great  difficulty^ 
 that  the  Abbot  got  pardon  for  the  Duke,  and  his  friends 
 and  servants,  upon  this  condition,  that  he  should  pass  into 
 France,  which  he  did  soon  after .''7 
 
 «  Memoii-s,"  edited  by  George  Scott,  Gent,  folio,  London,  1683,  p.  60-63. 
 
 — E.] 
 
 1  [Historie,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  389.— E.] 
 
 2  [As  for  secret  help,  she  (Elizabeth)  gave  them  none,  only  they  obtauied 
 a  small  contribution  among  some  of  their  own  religion  there,  who  were 
 their  friends,  which  was  distributed  among  them  at  Newcastle,  where 
 they  remained  comfortless  and  in  great  trouble."— Sir  James  Melville's 
 Memoirs,  p.  57.— E.]  ,     .  ,,  . 
 
 3  This  will  appear  by  the  leaving  his  name  out  of  the  summons  ot 
 treason,  which  the  reader  will  presently  hear  of. 
 
 4  [Archbishop  Spottiswoode's  History  of  tlie  Church  and  State  of 
 Scotland,  folio,  London,  1677,  p.  192.— E.] 
 
 5  [Historic,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  389.-E.] 
 
 e  The  difficulty  arose  from  the  King  ;  for  it  is  observable  that  the 
 Queen  was  well  enough  disposed  towards  the  Duke,  and  afterwards  even 
 towards  the  Earl  of  Moray,  against  both  whom  the  King  shewed  nmch 
 opposition.-[The  «  King"  here  mentioned  is  Daruley.-E.] 
 
 7  lloliushed  says  much  the  same,  but  whether  this  was  a  condition  of  the 
 Duke's  remission,  I  cannot  say.    However,  thus  much  is  certain,  that  the 
 
»*J80  THE   III.STUUY   ur  TilK  AFFAIU."5  [1.3(j.3. 
 
 The  (iov«  rniiirnt  Ixiiig  now  utterly  delivered  from  any 
 apprehension  of  distiirljance  from  the  rebels,  had  resolved 
 to  deal  by  them  with  the  utmost  ri<,'our ;  and  for  this  pur- 
 pose a  resolution  was  taken  to  hold  a  Parliament  in  the 
 beginning  of  I'cbruary  next,  to  which  they  were  to  be  sum- 
 moned, in  order  to  forefciture.  In  the  end  of  November 
 the  summons  of  treason  was  executed  against  them,  and  on 
 the  1st  of  December  we  find  this  declaration  that  followetli 
 inserted  in  tlie  Privy-Council  Books. 
 
 "  Apud  Edinburgh^  1  Decemh.  Anno  Dora.  1565. 
 
 "  Sederunt — Jacobus  Comes  de  Mortoun^  Georgius  Comes  de 
 IfuntUe,  Joannes  Comes  de  Athole,  David  Comes  de  Craw- 
 ford;  Alejcander  Eplscojms  Candidas  Casw ;  ISecretarius^ 
 Thesaurarius^  Clericus  Registry  et  Justiciarice,  Advocatus ; 
 Maqlstcr  Jacohus  Balfour,  Rector  de  Flisk ;  Rohertus  Car- 
 nenyc  de  Ki/na  ird, Miles. ^ — Declaratioun  anent  the  executioun 
 of  tJie  summondis  of  tressoun. 
 
 "  The  (juhilk  day,  in  presence  of  the  King  and  Quenis 
 Majesties,  and  Lordis  of  Secret  Counsall,  comperit  Mr  Johne 
 Spens  of  Condy,  advocate  to  thair  Hienesses,  and  cxponit 
 how  at  thair  Majesties'  command  he  had  lybellit  summondis 
 of  tressoun  aganis  Archibald  Erie  of  Ergyle,  James  Eric  of 
 Murray,  Alexander  Erie  of  Glencarne,  Andro  Erie  of  Rothes, 
 Andro  Lord  Uchiltrie,  Robert  Lord  Royd,  and  divers  uthcris, 
 to  compeir  in  the  nixt  Parlement  to  begin  the  ferd  day  of 
 February  nixt  to  cume,  to  heir  thanie  decernit  to  haif 
 incurrit  the  crymc  of  leso-majestie,  and  to  haif  tynt-  and 
 
 Duke  went  into  forei^Mi  countries  at  this  time  under  the  pretext  of  getting 
 the  a.ssistanee  of  iiliysieiiins  ;  for  in  the  ShatUr'd  ^fS.  there  is  a  letter  of 
 reconiniendation  in  the  Latin  tongue,  directed  by  the  King  and  Queen  to 
 all  I'rinct's,  States,  ^:c.  to  allow  the  siiid  Duke  to  pass  and  reside  among 
 them  for  the  advice  of  ijhysicians.    This  letter  is  dated  at  llolyroodhonso 
 
 on  the day  of  .January  15f>.'>-G,  and  these  precise  words  are  contaiuid 
 
 in  the  letter — uhi p  ritorum  nicdkorum  ct  copiu.-  [It  is,  however,  generally 
 asserted  hy  historians  that  the  Duke  of  Chatelherault  wius obliged  to  leave 
 bcothuul  and  retire  to  Fmnee.     He  returned  in  lot!!).— K.J 
 
 *  (Sir  Robert  Carnegie  of  Kinnaird,  grandfather  of  David  first  Marl  of 
 Southesk,  aiul  of  .lohn  tirst  Karl  of  Northesk.  lie  Wius  much  engaged  in 
 p\iblir  aftairs,  was  appointed  a  Lord  of  Sessio»j  in  I.'>47,and  died  in  .lanuary 
 I56r)-6,  a  few  weeks  afler  the  above  meeting  of  thi-  rrivy-Coimcil. —  Ivj 
 
 >  Lost. 
 
15G5.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  381 
 
 forfault  lyff,  landis  and  gudis,  for  certaync  crymes  of  trcssoun 
 and  lese-majestie  specifeit  in  the  said  summondid.  Bot 
 becaus  thair  wer  divers  of  the  saids  personis  outwithi  the 
 Realme,  and  havand  na  certane  dwelling  places,  uthoris  to 
 quhais  dwelling  places  and  presence  thair  is  na  suir  passage,^ 
 it  behuvit  thame  to  be  summoned  be  oppin  proclamatioun 
 at  the  mercate-croce  of  Edinburgh,  and  utheris  croces  nixt 
 adjacent,  according  to  the  common  law  ;  and  thairupoun 
 desyrit  a  declaratioun  and  determinatioun  of  thair  Majesties 
 and  Lordis  forsaids.  The  quhilk  being  reasonit  with  guid 
 deliberatioun  and  advysment,  thair  Majesties  and  Lordschips 
 findis  and  declaris  that  the  saids  personis  being  summoned  in 
 manner  above  specifeit,  the  executioun  is  als  sufficient  in  all 
 respectis  as  gif  the  same  summondis  wer  execute  upon  thame 
 personallie,  or  at  thair  dwelling-places."^ 
 
 Note — From  this  day  forward  until  the  murder  of  David 
 Riccio,  I  can  see  but  very  few  diets  of  Council  either  in  the 
 abstracts  or  transcribed  Acts.  The  first  after  this  is  on 
 the  22d  day  of  the  same  month  of  December — "  Sederunt 
 Comites  Mortoun^  Huntlie^  Argile,  Athole,  31  ar,  Dominus 
 Ituthven,  Episcopus  Candidw  Oasw,  Joannes  Mamcell  de 
 Terreglis^  Miles:''''  Calculation,  "with  advice  of  the  Comp- 
 troller, of  what  money  and  victuals  will  yearly  furnish  and 
 sustain  their  Majesties'  house  and  averie  ;"  together  with 
 an  order  to  the  said  Comptroller  for  payment  and  furnishing 
 of  the  same,  viz.  35000  pounds  in  money,  seventy-two 
 chalders  of  wheat,  fifty  chalders  of  bear,  ISO  chalders  of 
 oats.  And  here  it  may  be  proper  to  desire  the  readers  to 
 take  notice,  that  the  ounce-weight  of  silver  was  in  value  at 
 that  time  in  Scotland  only  thirty  shillings  ;  whereas  at  this 
 present  time*  it  is  valued  at  sixty  :  so  that  35,000  pounds 
 Scots  was  equal  in  weight  to  23,000  ounces  of  silver,  and  would 
 make,  according  to  the  common  computation  used  in  Scotland 
 now,  and  for  many  years  bygone,  no  less  than  72,000 
 pounds.^     If  35,000  pounds  shall  appear  a   contemptible 
 
 1  Without.        ^  This,  no  doubt,  respects  the  Earl  and  Shire  of  Arfjyll. 
 
 3  [This  document  is  also  initialed  "  K.  M."  l>y  our  Historian.— 8ee  the 
 notes,  p.  349,  351,  373,  of  this  volume. — E.] 
 
 *  [When  our  Historian  published  his  "  History,"  which  was  in  1734. — 
 E.] 
 
 ■'  We  come  hereby  to  leain  that   the  Scottish  monev  of  tliat  time  has 
 
•382  THE  irrsTORY  of  the  affairs  [1o05-G. 
 
 811111  for  tlie  cxpoiico  of  tlic  royal  liouse,  we  must  call  to 
 mind,  that  in  that  time  the  prices  of  all  necessaries  were 
 vastly  lower  than  what  they  now  are,  as  will  appear  by 
 several  Acts  of  Privy-Council  regulating  the  same,  and 
 consequently  the  price  of  silver  proi)ortionably  the  more 
 valuable.  King  Henry  VIII.  of  England,  by  his  latter  will 
 and  testament,  bequeaths  to  the  executors  thereof,  being 
 the  most  principal  persons  of  his  kingdom,  several  sums, 
 none  of  which  exceeds  five  pounds ;  the  Archbishop  of 
 Canterbury  in  the  front  of  all  receives  but  five  merks, 
 and  some  receive  but  one  merk.  See  Uereditary  Eight, 
 Appendix. 
 
 The  same  22d  of  December  is  the  Act  for  the  coinage  of 
 a  piece  of  silver  called  the  Marij-Ityaiy  On  the  1st  of 
 January  \(j(S^-(j  is  the  vindication  of  Sir  John  Maxwell  of 
 Terreglis;  on  the  4th  day,  caution  for  the  castle  of  St 
 Andrew's ;  and  on  the  7th  ditto,  caution  for  the  castle  of 
 Tantallon.  On  the  12th  of  February  there  is  a  private 
 Act,  not  worth  the  mentioning,  but  nothing  after  this  till 
 the  murder  of  Riccio  was  over. 
 
 been  but  six  times  lower  thaii  the  English  computation,  since  from  the 
 reign  of  Quclmi  Mary  of  that  kingdom  the  ounce  of  silver  luis  given  but 
 five  shillings,  a.s  it  is  there  to  this  day.  8ee  the  tables  of  coin  in  the 
 "Chronicon  Preciosum."  From  hence  we  may  also  j)erceive  that  the 
 English  computation  has  continued  very  much  fixed,  but  that  our  Scottish 
 money  has  been  in  a  continued  fluctuation  and  gradual  lowering  from  the 
 English  computations  ;  we  having  already  seen  in  this  work  that  it  was 
 formerly  one-fourth  of  the  English,  was  afterwards  one  sixth,  and  is  now 
 in  our  days,  and  hjvs  been  for  a  considerable  space  bygone,  but  one  twelfth. 
 Mr  Kaijdolph  likewise  computed,  in  this  simie  year  15G5,  the  Scottish 
 money  to  be  one-fourth  of  the  English. 
 
 *  [The  7?t«/,  or  Roijal^  was  a  gold  piece  anciently  current  in  England  for 
 ton  shillings.  Mary,  after  her  union  witli  Darnley,  ordered  a  coinage  in 
 156*5,  and  in  15()f)and  15G7.  In  that  of  1  ")()(>  her  name  alone  appeai-s,  while 
 tlic  otliers  contain  the  names  Munj  and  J/an'i/.  'i'he  Mary-Iiiitl  of  15(j()  is 
 that  mentioned  by  our  Historian.  See  Cardonnel's  Numisnuita  Scotiie,  or  a 
 Series  of  the  Scottish  Coinage  from  the  Hcign  of  William  the  Lion  to  the 
 Union,  Ito.  IMin.  IT^G,  j).  1(>,  17,  IS,  f)7,  98.  The  Act  for  the  coinage  of 
 this  Heal  is  <lated  22d  December  ISfJ.'),  as  mentioned  in  the  text.  On  one 
 side  is  the  royal  shield  of  Scotland  crowned,  surmounted  on  each  side  by  a 
 thistle,  surrounded  by  the  words — "mauia  dki  qua.  scotouim  ukoixa  ;''  and 
 on  the  otliiM- apalm  tree  crowned,  sunnounted  by  a  thistle,  witli  the  words 
 — "  DAT  GLORIA  vinEs"-below  the  leaves  on  a  scroll,  a  shell  jiaddock,  or 
 lizzard  creeping  u\i  the  trunk  of  the  tree,  and  surrounded  by  the  motto 
 — "  KxiJROAT  nsus  ET  nissirENT*.  iNiMici  E-Ms"— the  «lnte  15fi(>.— E.] 
 
15C5-G.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  383 
 
 Mention  having  been  already  made  of  the  integrity  of  Sir 
 Nicholas  Throckmorton  in  the  case  of  the  rebel  Lords,  it 
 is  proper  now  to  add,  that  that  gentleman  took  in  so  bad 
 part  his  having  been  made  a  tool  by  the  Queen  and  Council 
 of  England  to  deceive  these  Lords,  that  he  thought  he  could 
 not  do  them  a  better  office,  and  so  make  amends  for  the 
 snare  he  had  indirectly  led  them  into,  than  to  advise  them 
 to  sue  humbly  for  pardon  at  the  hands  of  their  own  Queen  ;l 
 and  in  order  to  procure  the  same,  to  engage  themselves 
 never  again  to  offend  her,  for  the  satisfaction  of  any  Prince 
 alive.  And  because  he  was  a  secret  favourer  of  our  Queen's 
 right  of  succession  to  the  Crown  of  England,  and  therefore 
 was  loath  that  her  Majesty  should  make  any  steps  that 
 might  any  way  lessen  the  number  of  her  friends  in  either 
 kingdom,  or  do  any  thing  that  might  possibly  obstruct  her 
 succession  in  a  convenient  time,  but  on  the  contrary  take 
 all  such  measures  as  might  facihtate  the  same,  he  was  so 
 generous  as  to  frame,  and  so  couragious  as  to  transmit,  the 
 following  letter  to  the  Queen,  which,  for  the  good  sense 
 therein  contained,  and  the  meetness  of  it  for  our  present 
 purpose,  I  have  taken  the  freedom  to  give  it  a  place  here. 
 
 Letter  hy  Sir  NicJiolas  Throckmorton  in  hehcdf  of  the  Scottish 
 Lords  icho  had' fled  from  justice  into  England. 
 
 "  Your  Majesty  hath  in  England  many  friends  of  all 
 degrees  who  favour  your  title,  but  for  diverse  respects. 
 Some  for  very  conscience  sake,  being  perswaded  that  in  law 
 your  right  is  best;  some  for  the  good  opinion  they  have 
 conceived,  by  the  honourable  report  they  have  heard  of 
 your  vertues  and  liberality,  the  consideration  whereof 
 engageth  them  to  esteem  your  Majesty  most  worthy  to 
 govern ;  some  for  factions,  who  ftivour  your  religion  ;  some 
 for  the  ill  will  they  bear  to  your  competitor,  seeing  their 
 own  danger  if  the  Lady  Katharine  should  come  in  that 
 place. 
 
 Of  these,  some  are  Papists,  some  Protestants  ;  and  yet 
 however  they  differ  among  themselves  in  religion,  or  other 
 particulars,  they  are  both  of  one  mind  for  the  advancement 
 
 1  Wc  find  by  au  abstract  that  the  Earl  of  Moray  had  sent  Robert 
 Molvil  to  make  intercession  for  liim,  which  the  Kuig  chiefly  obstructed. 
 
'IVA  Tin:   HISTORY  (>¥  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G5-C. 
 
 of  your  title  Your  Majesty  hath  also  diverse  enemies,  for 
 various  respects  not  unlike  to  tlie  other,  whose  study  hath 
 always  been,  and  will  be,  unless  they  be  made  friends,  to 
 hinder  any  thing  that  may  tend  to  your  advantage.  In 
 one  point  all  concur,  both  friends  and  enemies,  yea,  the 
 whole  people,  that  they  are  most  desirous  to  have  the 
 succession  of  the  Crown  declared  and  assured,  that  they 
 may  be  at  a  certainty  ;  only  the  Queen  herself  is  of  a 
 contrary  opinion,  and  would  be  glad  the  matter  should 
 always  be  in  suspense. 
 
 "  Your  unfriends  have  done  what  they  could  to  take  the 
 advantage  of  the  time  to  your  prejudice,  and  for  that  end 
 pressed  the  holding  of  the  Parliament,  which  was  before 
 continued  till  October  last ;  knowing  assuredly  that  if  the 
 l^arliament  held,  the  succession  of  the  Crown  would  be 
 called  in  (question.  And  they  thought  the  time  served  well 
 for  their  purpose,  when  there  was  division  and  trouble  in 
 your  own  Realm,  and  no  good  understanding  betwixt  you 
 and  the  (^ueen  of  England  ;  and  her  subjects  your  friends, 
 for  eschewing  that  inconvenience,  and  winning  of  time,  to 
 give  your  Majesty  place  to  work  and  remove  all  impediments, 
 so  far  as  wisdom  may,  have  found  the  means  to  drive  it  off 
 till  the  next  spring.^  Now  their  advice  is,  that  in  the  mean 
 time  your  Majesty  endeavour  by  wisdom  to  assure  yourself 
 of  the  whole  votes,  or  at  least  of  the  best  and  most 
 considerable,  of  the  Parliament,  when  ever  the  matter  shall 
 be  brought  in  question  ;  which  may  be  done  by  retaining 
 the  hearts  of  those  you  have  gained  already,  recovering  of 
 those  who  arc  brangled,  winning  of  the  neutrals,  and  so 
 many  of  your  adversaries  as  may  be  gained.  For  it  is  not 
 to  be  sujjposed  that  all  can  be  won  who  are  already  so  far 
 addicted  to  the  contrary  faction,  but  when  the  cause  of 
 their  aversion  is  removed  the  eH'ect  will  cease. 
 
 '•  Generally  your  Majesty  will  do  well  to  forbear  any  act 
 that  will  offend  the  whole  people,  and  use  such  means  as 
 will  render  you  most  accei)table  to  them.  Strangers  are 
 universally  suspected  to  th(^  whole  people,  against  which 
 your  Majesty  hath   in  your  marriage  wisely  provided,   by 
 
 '  By  D'l'.wos'.s  .lounials  of  railiamnits  durin^r  tlu'  irijjii  of  Qucon 
 Klizabetli,  wi»  sec  tlmt  tlu»  Mu<;li.sli  ruiliaiiu'iit  was  iiidrt  »1  j)ioro«rnod  from 
 tho  4t1»  OftolitM-  I.'jG.')  to  the  7th  I'rhruatv  \r}Ct'i-U. 
 
1565-6.]  OF  CHURCH  ANL>  STATE  m  SCOTLAND.  ^385 
 
 abstaining  to  match  with  a  foreign  Prince  i^  so  do  they 
 advise  your  Majesty  to  abstain  from  any  league  or  con- 
 federacy witli  any  foreign  Prince  that  may  offend  England, 
 till  you  have  first  essayed  what  you  can  purchase  by  the 
 benevolence  of  the  born  subjects  thereof.  Not  that  they 
 would  desire  your  Majesty  to  forfeit  your  friendship  with 
 France  and  Spain,  but  rather  that  you  should  wisely  enter- 
 tain them  both  to  remain  at  your  devotion,  in  case  afterward 
 you  have  need  of  their  favour.  Nevertheless  it  is  their  wish, 
 that  the  same  may  rather  remain  in  general  terms  as  here- 
 tofore, than  that  you  proceed  to  any  special  act  which  may 
 offend  England,  which  you  cannot  with  honour  bring  back 
 again  when  you  would.  As  many  of  your  adversaries  as  are 
 addicted  to  the  contrary  faction,  for  hatred  of  your  religion, 
 may  be  gained  when  they  see  your  Majesty  continue  in  the 
 temperance  and  moderation  you  have  hitherto  used,  within 
 your  own  Realm,  in  matters  of  religion,  without  innovation 
 or  alteration. 2  As  many  as  by  raisreports  have  been  carried 
 to  the  contrary  faction,  may  by  true  report  be  brought  back 
 again,  when  they  shall  hear  of  your  clemency  used  towards 
 your  own  subjects ;  which  virtue  in  Princes,  of  all  others, 
 most  allures  the  hearts  of  people  to  favour  even  their  common 
 enemies.^  As  many  as  can  deal  warily  and  discreetly  with 
 your  friends  of  both  the  religions,  and  are  only  addicted  for 
 conscience  sake  to  my  Lady  Katharine,^  being  perswaded 
 of  the  preference  of  your  title  in  law,  may  be  gained  to  your 
 Majesty  by  contrary  perswasions,  and  by  adducing  of  such 
 reasons  and  arguments  as  may  be  allcdged  for  proof  of  your 
 good  cause,  whereof  there  are  abundance  to  be  had.  Some 
 your  Majesty  will  find  in  England,  who  will  hazard  as  far  as 
 they  dare,  to  serve  your  turn  in  this  behalf :  but  because  it  is 
 so  dangerous  to  men  to  deal  in,  and  may  endanger  lives  and 
 lands,  if  they  be  seen  earnest  medlers,  travelling  in  that  point 
 so  as  would  be  necessary ;  it  will  re(|uire  such  instruments 
 
 ^  Sir  Nicholas  now  speaks  out  his  own  sense  of  thin<,'s  ;  he  is  not  now 
 clothed  with  a  publick  character. 
 
 2  A  very  good  and  honest  testimony  to  the  Queen's  prudence  and 
 discretion.  Nor  can  it  be  alleged  that  Sir  Nicholas  was  a  stranger  to 
 this  country,  or  to  her  Majesty's  doings. 
 
 ^  He  wisely  here  lays  before  the  Queen  what  he  would  wish  her  to  do 
 in  the  business  of  the  rebel  Lords. 
 
 ^  The  Lady  Katharine  Gray,  the  present  heir  of  the  Suffolk  Family. 
 
 VOL.  II.  25 
 
»^8(j  Tin-  HISTORY  or  the  affairs  [15G5-G. 
 
 of  your  own  wlicn  time  comes,  who  may  boldly  speak 
 without  clanger,  and  with  whom  the  subjects  of  England 
 dare  freely  communicate  their  minds,  and  enter  into  con- 
 ference. If  any  be  afraid  of  your  Majesty,  thinking  that 
 you  have  an  ill  opinion  of  them,  the  assurance  by  a  trusty 
 nn'nistcr  of  your  good  will,  whom  they  may  credit,  will 
 (juickly  put  them  out  of  doubt,  and  make  them  favourable 
 enough.  They  who  are  constantly  yours  are  easily  retained 
 at  your  devotion.  Those  who  heretofore  have  born  any 
 favour,  and  by  the  late  occurrences  are  any  way  brangled, 
 will  bo  brought  homo  again,  when  they  shall  see  your 
 Majesty,  now  when  it  is  fallen  into  your  hands  to  use  rigour 
 or  mercy  as  you  please,  rather  incline  to  the  most  plausible 
 part  in  shewing  your  magnanimity,  when  you  have  brought 
 your  subjects  to  submission  and  gentleness,  as  the  good 
 pastor  to  reduce  his  sheep  that  were  gone  astray  home 
 again  to  the  fold.  Those  who  are  yet  neutrals,  by  the 
 same  means,  and  true  information  of  your  interest  by  law, 
 may  all  be  won  to  your  side.  This  done,  when  the  matter 
 comes  in  question,  your  friends  will  earnestly  press  your 
 interest  at  this  Parliament,  and  you  will  without  controversy 
 bear  it  away.l 
 
 "  This  advice,  in  so  far  as  concerns  your  reconciliation 
 with  your  subjects,  is  not  a  fetch  for  their  favour,  but  is 
 thought  expedient  for  your  service  by  many  who  have  no 
 favour  for  them,  and  are  different  from  them  in  religion. 
 For  it  will  bring  the  Queen  of  England  greatly  to  favour 
 you,  when  she  shall  see  such  an  union  in  your  own  kingdom, 
 of  the  head  and  whole  members  together.  She  will  not 
 know  how  to  disturb  your  Majesty's  estate,  especially  when 
 the  reconciliation  takes  effect  in  the  hearts  of  the  subjects 
 in  England,  who  will  think  themselves  in  an  happy  condition 
 if  they  should  come  under  the  government  of  so  benign  a 
 Princess,  who  can  so  readily  forgive  great  offences.  For 
 albeit  it  must  be  acknowledged  my  Lord  of  Moray  liath  by 
 his  inconsiderate  carriage  given  your  Majesty  great  ground 
 of  offeiice.   yet  it  is  hard  to  perswadc  the  Protestants  that 
 
 '  lint  that  I'urlianit'iit  was  iv^iuw  |)roro;,MUHl  to  the  .'>(»tli  of  St'iit»>nibi'r, 
 at  whicli  sessions  tliorc  was  much  stir  about  a  succrssor  to  the  Kn^Misli 
 Crown  ;  and  jjrobahly  onou^^li  the  matter  niiirht  liave  been  raised,  at  K»ast 
 fomented,  by  otir  (Queen's  favourers. 
 
1505-G.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  387 
 
 your  quarrel  against  him  hath  any  other  foundation  than 
 that  he  differed  from  you  in  rehgion.  Upon  this  ground  they 
 find  themselves  engaged  to  espouse  his  quarrel. i  If,  then, 
 they  perceived  your  Majesty  graciously  inclined  to  take  him 
 again  into  favour,  and  forgive  what  is  past,  the  Protestants 
 in  England  would  doubtless  declare  themselves  more  affec- 
 tionate to  your  interest,  when  they  shall  see  more  of  their 
 own  religion  so  clemently  handled.  And  that  your  Majesty 
 may  have  experience,  that  it  is  your  advancement  your 
 friends  would  by  this  means  procure,  and  not  the  advantage 
 of  those  with  whom  your  Majesty  is  offended,  a  middle  way 
 may  be  followed,  as  is  freciuently  used  in  such  like  cases, 
 where  not  only  the  multitude  is  spared,  but  the  chief  authors 
 are  preserved.^  It  may  please  your  Majesty  to  cause  a  letter 
 to  bo  penVl  in  good  terms  and  form,  and  publish  the  same 
 by  proclamation,  declaring  the  just  cause  of  your  anger 
 against  all  of  them ;  and  that  yet,  for  declaring  your  own 
 good  nature  above  their  deservings,  you  are  content  to 
 remit  the  whole,  except  such  principals  as  you  please  to 
 reserve  and  except  by  name  from  the  general  pardon,  and 
 that  with  whom  you  will  not  take  such  severe  order  as  you 
 might  in  law,  till  you  have  further  trial  and  experience  of 
 their  penitence.  The  persons  so  to  be  nominated  and 
 excepted  shall-^  depart  out  of  England,  to  what  country 
 pleaseth  your  ^lajesty,  there  to  remain  during  your  pleasure. 
 In  this  mean  time,  if  your  Majesty  find  that  this  benign 
 usage  of  yours  shall  produce  such  fruit  as  is  here  spoken, 
 your  Majesty  may  further  extend  your  favour,  as  you  find 
 convenient  and  profitable  for  your  self;  for  your  Majesty 
 hath  still  the  crimes  lying  above  their  heads.  In  the  mean 
 time,  all  who  favour  them  in  England  will  plead  in  their 
 cause  with  your  Majesty,  so  far  as  their  power  extends,  as 
 if  they  were  agents  for  your  ]\Iajesty.  They  will  in  nowise, 
 if  they  can  eschew  it,  be  again  in  the  Queen  of  England's 
 debt,  neither  by  obtaining  of  any  favour  at  your  hand  by 
 her  intervention,  nor  yet  for  any  support  in  the  time  of  their 
 
 1  The  certainty  of  this  obsorviition  is  hoyond  all  doiiht,  and  xmdov  this 
 shelter  this  Lord  thought  ho  might  attempt  any  thing. 
 
 2  Rather  reserved. 
 
 3  The  Earl  of  Moray,  &c.  have  been  willing  to  take  mion  tliem  this 
 banishment  ;  and  have  been  i)]eased  that  Sir  Nicholas  should  suggest  the 
 same. 
 
o88  Tin;  iiistohy  uf  the  affaius  [15G5-G. 
 
 banisliiiieiit ;  but  rather  it  iiiuy  plcaso  your  Majesty,  that 
 tlieir  charges  be  allowed  them  of  their  own  lands.  By 
 following  this  advice,  wliich  in  nowise  can  be  prejudicial  to 
 your  Majesty,  but  will  much  conduce  for  your  interest,  you 
 may  recover  the  greatest  part  of  the  Bishops  of  England — 
 many  of  the  greatest  Nobility  and  gentlemen — who  are  yet 
 neutral/' 
 
 Sir  James  .Melvil,  from  whose  Memoirs  I  have  taken 
 this  letter,^  proceeds  to  inform  us,  that  "  their  names  were 
 declared  to  her  Majesty  in  cypher,  by  whose  means  Sir 
 Nicholas  alledged  her  Majesty  should  obtain  so  great  an 
 interest  in  England,  that  albeit  Queen  Elizabeth  would 
 appear  against  her,  she  needed  not  care.  For  in  sending  but 
 1000  men  of  her  own,  out  of  four  parts  of  England,  a  suffi- 
 cient number  should  join  with  them,  by  whose  forces,  without 
 any  strangers,  her  Majesty  should  obtain  the  thing  which 
 is  wrongfully  refused  and  retained." 
 
 This  same  author  who  was  at  that  time  in  great  credit 
 about  our  Queen  tells  us  next — ''  When  her  Majesty 
 had  seriously  pondered  the  proceeding  letter,  it  had  great 
 influence  upon  her  to  move  her  to  follow  the  desire  thereof,  as 
 well  for  the  good  opinion  she  had  of  him  who  sent  it,  as 
 being  of  her  own  nature  more  inclined  to  mercy  than  rigour  ; 
 she  being  also  wise,  and  being  convinced  that  it  tended  to 
 the  advancement  of  her  affairs  in  England.  She  was  there- 
 fore fully  resolved  to  have  followed  the  advice  thereof,  and 
 to  prolong  the  l*arliament  which  had  been  called  to  forefault 
 the  Lords  who  had  fled.  Ilizio  appeared  also  to  have  been 
 gained  for  counselling  her  hereto :  My  Lord  Moray  had 
 sue'd  to  him  very  earnestly,  and  more  humbly  than  could 
 have  been  believed,  with  the  present  of  a  fair  diamond 
 inclosed  within  a  letter,-  full  of  repentance  and  fair  i)romises; 
 which  the  said  Jlizio  granted  to  do  with  the  better  will,  that 
 
 ^  [Sir  James  Melville's  Memoirs,  p.  GO-63.— E.] 
 
 *  liuchanan  would  he  losith  to  discover  such  meanness  in  his  patron. 
 IIemiys,that  "  when  the  other  Nobles  courted  this  upstart  fellow,  Moray 
 alone,  who  had  no  dissimulation  in  his  heart,  was  so  far  from  fawning'  on 
 liim,  that  he  gave  him  numy  a  sour  look."  Hut  now  that  Lord's  stomach 
 had  taken  a  new  (puilm.  Mr  Ihichanan  can  dress  up  a  hero  when  he 
 pk-ases.— [This  passaq^c  occurs  in  IJuchanan's  History,  Translation,  Kdin. 
 1752,  p.  .'iiK).     Whatever  Buchanan  may  sav  to  the  contrary,  to  suit  liis 
 
loGo-G.]  OF  CIIUIICII  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  389 
 
 he  perceived  the  King  to  bear  him  httle  good  will,  and  to 
 frown  upon  him.i"  And  Sir  James  adds — "  The  Queen's 
 Majesty,  following  this  advice  and  advertisement  given  by 
 Sir  Nicholas,  sent  my  brother  Sir  Robert  Melvil  to  remain 
 her  ambassador  in  ordinary  at  the  Court  of  England,  to 
 be  ready  at  all  occasions,  in  case  any  thing  were  treated  at 
 the  Parliament  concerning  the  succession,  and  to  pursue  the 
 design  laid  down  by  Sir  Nicholas  and  her  other  friends  in 
 England. "'2  Sir  James's  brother  had  been  so  far  trusted  by 
 the  rebel  Lords,  that  he  was  sent  by  them  from  Dumfries 
 to  soHcit  in  their  behalf  aid  from  the  Queen  of  England.^ 
 
 own  purposes,  and  to  elevate  his  patron  Moray,  tlie  affairs  of  the  latter 
 were  at  that  crisis  in  such  a  desperate  state  that  he  interceded  with 
 Leicester,  wrote  to  Cecil,  imploriii^  him  to  save  him  from  being  "  wrecked 
 for  ever,"  addressed  a  letter  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  and  condescended  to 
 court  Riccio.  ]\Ioray  "  bespoke  his  good  offices  by  the  present  of  a  rich 
 diamond,  with  a  letter  soliciting  his  assistance."  Tytler's  History  of 
 Scotland,  vol.  vii.p.  16,  17.— E.] 
 
 ^  Some  of  our  historians  report  that  by  reason  the  King  was  oftimes 
 absent  at  his  diversions,  therefore  the  Queen  caused  make  a  cachet  for 
 stamping  his  name,  which  she  delivered  to  JNIr  Riccio,  and  that  this 
 created  him  anger  from  the  King.  They  say  likewise  that  the  Italian 
 gentleman  was  too  haughty  in  his  behaviour,  and  prodigal  in  his  equipage, 
 and  that  he  appeared  more  splendid  tlian  the  King  himself.  But  I  sup- 
 pose this  last  may  be  exaggerated,  since  Sir  James  Melvil,  who  complains 
 of  his  too  great  interest  at  Court,  says  nothing  at  all  thereof. — [Riccio  was 
 at  this  time  in  considerable  affluence.  On  the  1st  of  August  1565  he 
 received,  by  order  of  Mary  and  Darnley,  black  "  taffete"  worth  L.5:4s., 
 and  black  satin  worth  L.6  ;  on  the  24th  he  was  supplied  with  money  for  a 
 bed  and  furniture,  and  he  "  seems  to  have  now  acted  as  privy  purse  to 
 the  King  and  Queen,  as  money  was  imprested  to  him  for  the  King  and 
 pages  ;  and  on  the  28th  of  February  1565-6,  he  was  paid  by  the  Queen's 
 precept  L.2000  in  part  of  10,000  merks  owing  to  the  Queen  from  the 
 comptoir  of  the  coinage  for  the  space  of  two  years." — Chalmers'  Life  of 
 Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  ii.  p.  157.  "  In  this  Courto  dyvcrs  contentions, 
 quarrels,  and  debates  ;  nothing  so  much  sought  as  to  maintayne  mischief 
 and  disorder.  David  (Riccio)  yet  retayneth  still  his  place,  not  without 
 heart  grief  to  many  that  see  their  soveraigne  guided  chiefiie  by  such  a 
 fellow." — l{andol})h  to  Cecil,  dated  Edinburgh,  7th  February  1565-6,  in 
 Wright's  "  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Times,  vol.  i.  \).  221.  Riccio  had  a 
 brother  named  Josei)li,  who  is  said  to  have  succeeded  him  as  private 
 Secretary  to  Queen  Mary.  "  Whatever  there  may  be  in  that  intimation, 
 there  is  certainly  a  letter  remainuig  from  tlie  Queen  to  Drury,  of  the  17tli 
 of  January  1566-7,  desiring  him  to  detain  Joseph  Riccio,  an  Italian,  *  our 
 domestic'  who  had  left  Scotland  with  Iiis  friend's  money."  —  Chalmers' 
 Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  ii.  p.  157. — E.] 
 
 2  [Sir  James  Melville's  Memoirs,  p.  63. — E.] 
 
 •'See  Knox,  and  Letters  in  the  A})])ondix. — [Knox's  Historic,  Edin. 
 edit.  1732,  p.  386.— E.J 
 
o[)0  THE  HISTORY  OF  TIIK   AFl-AIKS  [150o-0. 
 
 IJiit  notwitlistandiiii!^  tliis  hU'\)  made  by  Mr  Melvil,  the  Queen 
 was  pleased,  nevertln'less,  to  pardon  the  same,  and  send  him 
 at  tliis  time  from  herself  into  Enpjland,  by  reason,  I  suppose, 
 of  the  aneicnt  and  continued  friendship  between  his  brother 
 Sir  James  and  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  ;  and,  by  what 
 follows  in  Sir  James's  Memoirs,  it  appears  he  did  the  Queen 
 very  notable  service  in  England.  Her  Majesty  being  aware 
 that  her  sending  Ixobert  Melvil,  who  had  been  so  lately  a 
 messenger  for  her  rebels,  might  prove  an  occasion  of  no 
 small  reflexion,  thought  fit,  for  obviating  the  same,  to  send 
 along  with  him  letters  of  recommendation  to  the  Queen  of 
 England,  and  to  one  of  her  principal  ministers,  which  letters 
 T  have  put  into  the  Appendix. ^  These  letters  want,  indeed, 
 the  date,  but  by  other  abstracts  in  the  Appendix  likewise 
 we  come  to  know,  that  the  time  of  sending  Mr  llobei-t 
 Melvil  into  England  by  the  Queen  was  in  the  beginning  of 
 February  this  year. 
 
 About  the  same  time,  namely,  in  the  beginning  of  February, 
 arrived  in  Scotland,  Messirc  Jaques  d'Augcnncs,  Seigneur  de 
 Remboilliet,  with  a  deputation  from  the  King  of  France  to 
 invest  our  Queen's  husband  with  the  order  of  Knighthood 
 of  St  Michael,2  commonly  called  the  Scalloj),  or  CocHe-Shell 
 Order.-*^  This  gentleman  had  been  at  the  Court  of  England 
 on  an  errand  of  the  same  kind  ;  and  it  was  observed  that 
 he    came    from    thence    into    Scotland    with    a    more    than 
 
 '  Number  X. 
 
 »  [The  Order  of  St  Mitlmel  was  instituted  in  14(;j)  by  Louis  IX.  "  The 
 inuntle  of  the  Order  waij  of  white  damask,  bordered  round  with  embroidery 
 in  <,'okl  and  colours,  ropresentinj;  the  colhir  of  the  Oi'der,  and  lined  with 
 ermine.  The  ehajjeron  was  of  erimson  velvet,  embroidered  like  the 
 mantle,  under  which  the  Kni(,dits  wore  a  short  coat  of  crimson  velvet. 
 Thr  bad;;e  of  the  Order  was  a  medallion  of  <>old,  represent  in  <>;  St  Michael 
 tiumj»lin|i;  on  a  dra^^on,  enamelled  in  jjrojjcr  colours,  and  worn  j>endant  to 
 a  c(jllar  composed  of  escalloj)  shells,  and  chains  of  <;old  interwoven  like 
 knots.  'I'he  kni^dits  usually  wore  this  badi^e  j)endent  to  a  broad  black 
 watered  ribbon."— Hees'  Cycloptedia,  4to.  London,  vol.  xxiii.  The  French 
 Order  of  St  Michael  declined  uiuler  tlu'  rei^^ns  of  Charles  IX.  and 
 Henry  II  I.,  but  it  wa.s  re;,'ulaled  in  lO'dT  by  Louis  XIV.  who  lessened  the 
 number  of  the  Kni^dits,  and  restored  its  ri'putation. —  K.j 
 
 •'  Tlu)u<,di  Mr  Knox  j)laces  this  ^rentleman's arrival  in  the  end  of  .lanuary, 
 yet  he  had  scarcely  time  to  make  his  journey  hither  from  Ltnidon  after 
 tilt'  24th  of  .January,  on  which  day  we  see  by  authentic  records  that  he 
 instiilb'd  into  the  same  Order  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  and  Marl  of  Leicester 
 at  Wrstminster.-  See  Ashmole's  "  Order  of  the  (Jarter,"  and  "  Life  of  the 
 
15G5-6.]        OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland. 
 
 391 
 
 ordinary  train.  The  ceremony,  Holinshed  acquaints  us,^ 
 "  was  accomplished  with  great  solemnity  and  reverence  in 
 the  Chapel  of  Holyrood-house  the  10th  of  February,  being 
 Sunday,  after  which  the  said  Remboillet  returned  into 
 France,  being  highly  rewarded.''  And  some  time  there- 
 after another  French  gentleman,  named  Villamonte,  was 
 sent  hither  with  a  commission  to  disswade  our  Queen  from 
 shewing  any  favour  to  the  rebel  Lords,  because  the  Roman 
 Catholick  Princes  had  all  bandied  together  to  root  out  the 
 new  pretended  Reformation. 2    This  advice,  Sir  James  Melvil 
 
 Earl  of  Leicester."  Mr  Randolph  also  in  an  Abstract  February  6tli  this 
 year,  takes  notice  of  Rambouillet's  arrival  at  Edinburgh,  the  Sunday 
 before,  which  Avas  the  third  of  the  month.— [Rembouillet  had  been  at 
 Windsor,  wlierc  lie  represented  his  sovereign  Charles  IX.  of  Fi-ance,  who, 
 by  him  as  proxy,  was  installed  a  Knight  of  the  CJarter.  Tho  invefrtiture 
 of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  and  the  Earl  of  Leicester  took  place  at  Whitehall. 
 — Ilolmshed,  p.  1209.— E.] 
 
 1  [No  doubtexists  of  the  factof  Darnley's  investiture, which  was  probably 
 no  great  compliment,  as  we  have  seen  that  Charles  IX.,  who  presented  him 
 with  the  Order,  had  allowed  it  to  decline.  Knox  says  that  the  ceremo- 
 nial took  place  after  the  celebration  of  mass  in  the  Chapel-Koyal  of  Holy- 
 rood,  and  that  the  Earls  of  Lennox,  Atholl,  and  Eglinton,  were  present, 
 with  "  divers  sic  uther  Papists  as  wald  pleis  tlie  Queue,  who  thrie  days 
 efter  caused  the  herauld  to  convene  in  counsall,  and  ressouned  Avhat 
 amies  should  be  given  to  the  King." — Historic,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  391. 
 An  exhibition  given  by  the  Queen  to  the  French  ambassador  on  this 
 occasion  was  by  no  means  dignified  or  decorous. — "  Upon  the  ellevint  day 
 of  the  said  moneth,"  says  the  Diurnal,  "the  King  and  Queene  in  lyk 
 manner  bankettit  the  samin  ambassatour  ;  and  at  evin  our  Soveranis 
 made  the  maskrie  and  mumschance,  in  the  quhilk  the  Quenis  G-icice  and 
 all  Jar  Maries  and  ladies  tvere  cdl  clad  in  men's  appardl  j  and  cverie  ane  of 
 them  presentit  ane  whinger,  bravelie  and  maist  artificiallie  made  and 
 embroiderit  with  gold,  to  the  said  ambassatour  and  his  gentilmeu,  everie 
 ane  of  them  according  to  his  estate."  Ivembouillet,  according  to  Holinshed, 
 was  himself  a  Knight  of  the  Order  of  8t  ^Michael.  "  Monsieur  Kambolet 
 came  to  this  towne  upon  Mondaye.  He  spake  that  night  with  the  Queue 
 and  her  husband,  but  not  longe.  The  next  day  he  had  conference  with 
 them  both,  but  nothing  came  to  the  knowledge  of  any  whereof  they 
 entreated.  I  cannot  speak  with  any  that  hath  any  hoi)e  that  there  will 
 be  any  good  done  for  the  Lords  by  him,  though  it  is  said  that  he  hath 
 very  good  will  to  do  the  uttermost  of  his  power.  He  is  lodged  near  to 
 the  Courte  (Holyroodhouse),  and  liveth  upon  the  Quene's  chardges." 
 Randolph  to  Cecil,  dated  Edinburgh,  7th  February  ISGij-O',  in  Wright's 
 «  Queen  I^izabeth  and  her  Times,"  vol.  i.  p.  220.-  E.] 
 
 ^  [This  League  was  planned  by  the  Uuke  of  Alva  and  Catherine  de 
 Medici,  Queen- Do wagiM-  of  France,  mother  of  Charles  IX.  "  Tliei-o  Wivs 
 a  bande  latelie  devised,  in  which  the  late  Pope  (Tins  IV:  who  died  on  the 
 8th  of  December  ir)f)5,  and  was  succeeded  by  Michael  (ihisleri  lus  Pius  V. 
 elected  on  the  17th  of  .lanuaiy   following),  the   Emperor,  the   King  of 
 
tyj2  THE  lilSTuUY  OF  THE  AFFAIK>  [15C5-G. 
 
 says,^  proceeded  chiefly  from  the  Cardinal  of  Lon*ain,  and 
 the  (^ueen  was  loath  to  offend  her  relations  of  the  House  of 
 Guise.  Riccio  likewise  being  of  the  same  religion,  came 
 easily  into  the  same  measures.^  And  so  the  Queen  took  a 
 second  deliberation,  contrary  to  what  the  letter  from  Sir 
 Nicholas  Throckmorton  had  infused  into  her.^ 
 
 Si)aiiK',  tlie  Diiko  of  Savoy,  with  divors  Princes  of  Italy,  and  tlie  Quene- 
 niotlicr  (of  Fiance)  suspected  to  be  of  the  same  confederacy,  to  maintayne 
 Tapistrye  throughout  Christ  en  dome.  Tliis  bande  was  sent  out  of  France 
 by  'J'horneton  (a  person  employed  by  Archbishop  Beaton  of  Glasgow),  and 
 is  subscribed  by  this  Quene.  The  copie  whereof  remayning  with  her, and 
 the  principall  to  be  returned  verie  shortlie,  as  I  heare,  by  Mr  Steven 
 AVilson,  a  fit  minister  for  such  devilish  devises." — Handoljjh  to  Cecil, 
 dated  Edinburgh,  7th  February  1565.  Queen  Mary  secretly  joined  the 
 confederacy,  to  which  she  might  have  been  induced  by  self-defence 
 against  her  factious  Nobility,  as  well  as  by  inclination. — "  In  an  evil 
 hour,"  says  Mr  Tytler,  "  she  signed  the  League,  and  determined  to  hurry 
 on  the  I'arliament  for  the  forfeiture  of  the  rebels.  This  may,  1  think,  be 
 regarded  as  one  of  the  most  fatal  errors  of  her  life,  and  it  jjroved  the 
 source  of  all  her  future  misfortunes.  She  united  herself  to  a  bi  .jotted  and 
 unj)riiicii)le(l  association,  which,  under  the  mask  of  defending  the  truth, 
 oftered  an  outrage  to  the  plainest  precepts  of  the  Gospel.  She  imagined 
 herself  a  su])porter  of  the  Catholic  Church,  when  she  was  giving  her 
 sanction  to  one  of  the  worst  corruptions  of  Romanism  ;  and  she  was 
 destined  to  reap  the  consequences  of  such  a  step  in  all  their  protracted 
 bitterness." — History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  20.  Mary  fondly  cherished 
 the  hope  of  restonng  the  Papal  Hierarchy  not  only  in  Scotland,  but  in 
 Britain.  Her  letters  to  the  Pope,  the  King  of  Sjjain,  and  her  uncles  the 
 Cardiiuils  of  Lon-aine  and  Guise,  express  her  strong  feelings  on  the  subject. 
 The  documents  preserved  in  the  Medicean  archives  at  Florence  ])rove 
 that  the  Italian  Princes  took  a  deep  interest  in  the  affairs  of  Scotland  ; 
 and  Cosmo  I.,  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany,  maintained  an  agent  at  Edin- 
 burgh.— E.] 
 
 '  [Sir  James  Melville's  Memoirs,  p.  G3,  64.— E.] 
 
 -  [The  Earl  of  liedford,  in  a  letter  to  Cecil,  designates  Kiccio  that 
 "great  enemy  of  religion. ^^ — E.] 
 
 •'  Tliis  account  given  by  Sir  James  Melvil,  and  a  letter  by  Mr  Randolpli 
 of  tlie  6th  of  I'ebruary  to  Sir  William  Cecil,  do  nmtually  confirm  each 
 otlu'r,  for  lie  tells  of  one  "  Clernau  a  Frenchman  being  come  from  the 
 Cardinal  of  Lorrain,  since  whose  arrival  no  good  to  the  banislied  Isolds." 
 |{;iiul  to  introduce  P()i)ery  in  all  Christendom  signed  by  tlie  (Jueen,  and 
 tlu'  original  to  be  sent  back  by  Mr  Stejdien  Wilson."  Sir  William  l>rury 
 also  in  his  letter  from  Berwick,  to  be  seen  in  the  Appendix,  mentions 
 "  Mons.  de  Clarenoc  to  be  come  from  the  Cardinal  of  Lorrain  ;  the  hitters 
 whicji  they  sjiy  he  brought,  much  hindered  "  the  banished  Lords."  It 
 would  appear  by  tliese  different  lettei-s,  that  Mons,  de  Villamonte  and 
 Clernau  or  Claren«>c,  have  been  but  one  and  the  siune person. — (Sir  James 
 MelviHe'.s  Memoirs,  folio,  p.  (!(>-(».'J.  Handolph  wrote  to  (Yvil,  dated  Edin- 
 burgh, "tth  of  Feliniary,  not  the  6M,  ir)6.')  6— "  Within  these  fiftene  daies 
 tliere    was  .some  good   hope  that   this  Quene   would  have  showed  some 
 
1565-6.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  (STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  303 
 
 By  the  summons  of  treason  raised  against  the  rebels,  we 
 find  that  the  Parhament  should  have  been  kept  on  the  4th 
 of  February ;  but  by  the  reasoning  contained  in  Sir  Nicholas 
 Throckmorton's  letters,  the  Queen,  it  seems,  had  judged 
 proper  to  adjourn  the  Parliament ;  and  now  that  she 
 had  altered  her  mind  a  second  time,  the  Parliament  was 
 appointed  to  sit  on  the  12th  day  of  March.  And  as  it  was 
 usual  to  prepare,  in  a  Council  of  Articles,  such  matters  as 
 were  to  come  before  the  Parliament,  the  Queen  called  these 
 Lords  to  convene  in  the  Tolbooth  of  Edinburghi  on  Thursday 
 the  7th  of  March,  and  laid  before  them  the  case  of  the  rebels 
 living  in  voluntary  exile  ;  and  after  some  debate  thereupon, 
 the  result  was,  that  their  forfeiture  should  be  proposed  in 
 open  Parliament.  Now,  the  rebel  Lords  had  many  friends 
 in  the  kingdom,  some  upon  the  account  of  consanguinity, 
 others  upon  that  of  religion,  and  both  these  had  still  shewed 
 an  inchnation  that  the  exiles  should  be  received  into  favour, 
 at  least  they  should  obtain  pardon  for  what  was  past ;  and 
 because  they  looked  upon  Riccio  as  the  chief  let^  thereof,  he 
 
 favour  towards  the  Lords,  and  that  Robert  Melviii  should  have  returned 
 unto  them  with  some  comfort  upon  some  conditions.  Since  that  tyme 
 there  are  come  out  of  France,  Clerau  by  land,  Thornton  by  sea,  the  one 
 from  the  Cardinall  (of  Lorraine),  the  other  from  the  Bishop  of  Glascowe  ; 
 since  whose  arrival  neither  can  there  be  good  word  gotten,  nor  appearance 
 of  any  good  intended  them,  except  they  be  able  to  persuade  the  Queue's 
 Majesty  our  soveraigne  to  make  her  heir-apparent  to  the  Crowne  of 
 Englande."  The  state  of  Queen  Mary's  Court  as  it  respects  religion  is 
 described  by  Randolph  in  the  same  letter—"  Upon  Sonday  the  order  is 
 given  :  great  means  made  by  many  to  be  present  that  daye  at  tlie  masse. 
 Upon  Candlemas-daye  there  carried  then  candles  with  the  Queue,  her 
 husband,  the  Earle  of  Lenox,  and  Earle  Atholl.  Divers  other  Lords  have 
 bene  called  together,  and  requyred  to  be  at  the  masse  that  day.  Some 
 have  promised,  as  Cassels  (Cassillis),  Montgomerie  (Eglinton),  Seton, 
 Catness  (Caithness)  ;  others  luive  refused,  as  Fleminge,  Livestone  (Living- 
 stone), Lindsay,  Huntley,  and  Bothwell  ;  and  of  them  all  Bothwell  is 
 stoutest,  but  worst  thought  of.  It  was  moved  in  Counsoll  that  masse 
 should  liave  bene  in  St  Giles'  church,  which  I  believe  was  ratlier  to  tempt 
 men's  mindes  tlian  intended.  Indeed,  she  was  of  late  minded  agayne  to 
 send  Robert  Melvyn  to  negotiate  with  such  as  slie  trusteth  in  amongst  the 
 Queue's  Majestie's  sul)jects,  of  whose  good  wills  this  way  1  trust  tliat  the 
 brute  is  greater  than  the  truthc."  Wright's  "  Queen  Elizabeth  and  lier 
 Times,"  vol.  i.  p.  219,  220.— E.J 
 
 ^  [The  Tolbootli  or  .Liil  of  Edinburgli  was  commonly  the  i)lace  where 
 meetings  of  the  Privy-Council  and  J\irliaments  were  lield.  It  was  the  old 
 buildhig  which  stood  near  St  (ules'  chunli,  immortalized  by  Sir  Walter 
 Scott  as  the  Heart  of  Mid-Lothi.vn. — E.J 
 
 ^  [Hindmim  or  obdadc.    Calderwood  cliarges  Riccio  with  tlie  following 
 
31)4  THE   HISTORY  OF  THK  AFFAIRS  [loG'5-G. 
 
 having'  altered  his  mind  ui»oii  the  arrival  of  Villamoiite, 
 several  dark  speeches  had  run  in  the  country,  as  if*  his  life 
 was  aimed  at  by  those  who  envied  his  favour  and  sway  at 
 Court,  of  which  both  himself  and  the  (Jueen  had  received 
 intimation  ;  but  they  despised  all  threatenings,  and  reckoned 
 these  speeches  to  be  nothing  else  but  rumours  raised  on 
 purpose  to  terrify  the  Court  into  a  compliance  with  their 
 desires.l  Besides  the  persons  who  had  particular  attach- 
 very  improbable  project — "David  Rizio,commouiilie  callodSei/^iieur Davie, 
 liavin;^;L,'ottin  the  Court  in  a  m.mer  solitarie,  at  least  free  of  malconteiited 
 Nobles,  adviseth  the  Queene  to  cut  off  some  of  the  Nobilitie  for  a  terrour 
 to  others.  IJecause  the  Scottish  Guarde  would  not  be  readie  to  put  in 
 exeeutiouu  sucheadesit,'n,  he  counselled  her  to  send  for  strangers,  namely, 
 I  talians,  because  they  were  commounlie  voide  of  all  sense  of  religioun, 
 broui,'ht  up  under  tyrants,  accustomed  to  mischiefe  ;  who  being  farre  from 
 home  might  be  soon  stirred  up  to  attempt  anie  thing.  Because  they  were 
 his  own  countriemen  he  thought  he  might  move  them  to  do  what  he 
 ])leased.  They  come  out  of  Flanders,  one  by  one,  least  the  purpose  should 
 have  been  discovered.  There  was  greater  danger  to  offend  one  of  them 
 than  to  offend  the  Queene  herself." — Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland, 
 printed  for  the  Wodrow  Society,  p.  310.  It  must  be  admitted  that,  if 
 the  above  outrageous  scheme  is  true,  Kiccio  was  not  very  complimentary 
 to  the  character  and  jn-inciples  of  his  countrymen.  This  story  is  also  in 
 Buchanan's  History,  Translation,  Edin.  edit.  vol.  ii.  p.  306'. — E.] 
 
 ^  It  was  certainly  an  error  in  the  Queen  to  admit  a  foreigner  into  much 
 confidence  in  matters  of  State.  This  is  a  piece  of  management  has  seldom 
 been  seen  to  succeed.  The  natural  born  subjects  never  fail  to  envy  such 
 preferments,  and  even  Uiccio  himself  seems  to  have  been  sen.sible  of 
 some  such  thing.  See  Melvil's  Memoirs.  It  was  no  doubt  a  fault  in  the 
 Privy-Counsellors  that  they  did  not  remonstrate  to  the  Queen  against  her 
 employing  him.  Mr  Buchanan  vamps  up  very  pretty  flourishes  in  his 
 invective  against  Hiccio.  lie  represents  liim  as  a  member  of  the  Articles, 
 which  Silt  on  the  7th  day  of  March  ;  and  yet  that  poor  num  never  sat  at 
 all  in  an  ordinary  Council.  Again,  he  rei)resents  his  insolence,  in  "  pro- 
 hibiting the  Queen  to  read  over  a  very  large  and  obliging  letter,  full  of 
 ])rudent  advice,  from  the  Queen  of  ICngland,  endeavouring  to  incline  her 
 from  a  watchful  to  a  reconcileable  tem])er  towards  her  rebels."  1  shall 
 not  take  upon  me  to  say  i)eremptorily  that  no  letter  came  from  the 
 Queen  of  JCngland  to  our  Queen  about  the  time  Buchanan  here  points  at  ; 
 but  I  may  be  free  to  say,  that  there  is  no  api)earance  left  to  us  of  any 
 letter  at  that  tinu',  and  by  all  that  we  can  now  see,  the  (^leen  of  England 
 had  already  given  uj)  any  further  intercessions  in  favoui-s  of  the  rebels  of 
 Seotli'iid,  since  our  Queen  had  expressly  desired  she  might  not  medio 
 betwixt  her  and  her  subjects.  If  it  was  Tamworth's  nu'ssage  that  Mr 
 Buchanan  aims  at  (and  lus  Hapin  Thoyras  understands  him)  truly  it  was 
 no  very  great  insolence  for  any  person  in  the  (Queen's  presence  to  say  her 
 Majesty  had  Inward  enough  of  that  iuxohvt  memorial.  There  is  a  certain 
 mamier  of  doing  a  thing,  wliich  uuiy  be  de<ent  or  indecent  according  to 
 thf  circunis'iini-cs.      And  it  is  w.U  Known  tliit  Mr  I'liclianan  lias  a  knack 
 
15G5-G.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  305 
 
 iiicnts  to  the  rebel  Lords,  there  were  others  also  that 
 laboured  with  all  their  might  to  obstruct  the  meeting  of  the 
 Parliament,  because  they  dreaded  the  revocation  of  several 
 grants  that  had  been  made  during  the  Queen's  minority, 
 of  which  sort  was  the  lilarl  of  Morton.  And  there  was 
 another  set  yet,  who  had  no  mind  that  the  Parliament  should 
 hold,  lest,  as  they  had  heard  it  whispered,  the  Queen  should 
 therein  call  them  to  account  for  the  ecclesiastick  benefices 
 they  had  seized,  without  proper  law,  during  the  late  changes 
 in  religion.  All  these  malcontents  had  joined  their  consul- 
 tations how  to  make  an  alteration  at  Court,  and  the  best 
 expedients  they  could  light  on,  which  some  people  likewise 
 affirm  to  have  been  suggested  to  them  from  the  Court  of 
 England,  was  to  foment  dissensions  betwixt  the  King  and 
 Queen,  and  to  remove  Mr  Riccio  out  of  the  way.i  The  Earl 
 of  Morton,  they  say,  was  set  to  manage  the  contrivance, 
 who  not  only  acted  his  ovvn  part  very  dexterously,  as  it  is 
 certain  he  had  a  head  well  turned  for  matters  of  cunning, 
 
 of  representing  matters  Avitli  abundance  of  lively  satyr.  And  it  is  not  a 
 little  observable,  that  his  late  French  copyist  finds  himself  luider  a 
 necessity  about  this  juncture  to  say — ^^ perhaps  this  historian  greatly 
 aggravates  matters^  I  own  Ilolinshed  takes  notice  of  the  Queen  of 
 England  her  sending  a  gentleman  into  Scotland  to  intercede  for  favour 
 in  her  name  to  the  rebellious  Lords  ;  but  as  this  author,  otherwise  indeed 
 of  more  than  ordinary  exactness,  represents  this  to  liave  been  obtained 
 from  the  Queen  of  England  at  the  request  of  the  Earl  of  Moray,  his 
 accoimt  herein  is  the  less  to  be  depended  on,  since  we  know  the  Queen  of 
 England  aifected,  at  least,  a  different  outward  deportment  towards  that 
 Earl  at  this  time,  howsoever  assisting  she  might  be  to  him  and  his 
 fellows  secretly  and  under-hand. — [Sir  James  INIelville's  Memoirs,  p.  55  ; 
 Buchanan's  History,  Translation,  Edin.  edit.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  309. — E.] 
 
 ^  [When  IMary's  adhesion  to  the  Roman  Catholic  League,  and  her  resolu- 
 tion to  hasten  the  meeting  of  Parliament  to  forfeit  ^loray  and  his  rebellious 
 friends  were  known,  they  saw  at  once  that  their  only  escape  from  niin  was 
 to  adopt  desperate  measures.  "  The  time,"  says  Mr  Tytler,  "  was  fast 
 running  on,  and  the  remedy,  if  there  was  any,  must  be  sudden.  Such 
 being  tJie  crisis,  it  was  at  once  determined  that  the  meeting  of  Parliament 
 sliould  be  averted,  the  government  of  the  Queen  and  her  ministers 
 overturned,  and  that,  to  effect  this,  lliccio  must  be  murdered.  This  last 
 atrocious  expedient  was  no  new  idea,  for  the  seeds  of  an  unformed 
 conspiracy  against  the  foreign  favourite  had  been  sown  some  time  before, 
 and  of  this  Moray's  friends  now  availed  themselves,  artfully  uniting  the 
 two  plots  into  one,  tlie  object  of  which  was  the  return  of  Moray,  the 
 dethronement  of  the  Queen,  and  the  re-estal)lishnu'nt  of  the  Protestant 
 leaders  in  the  ])ower  wliich  tlwy  had  lost."  History  of  Scotland,  vol. 
 vii.  p.  21.  -   i:.| 
 
»3t)(>  Tin;  HisT'jiiv  ui  Tin:  afiaii:-;  [13G.5-0. 
 
 but  made  good  use  likcwiso  of  a  cousin  of  his  own,  (rcorge 
 Douglas,^  wlio  was  continually  about  the  King,  and  infused 
 into  him  such  suspicions,  as  the  discontented  party  thought 
 j)ropor  to  suggest  for  their  own  ends.  The  vile  aspersion  of 
 the  Queen's  honour,  as  entertaining  a  criminal  familiarity 
 with  the  ugly  ill-favoured  Iliccio,2  deserves  not  to  be  regarded.^ 
 
 '  Ho  was  commonly  called  the  Postulate  Bishop  of  Moray.  lie  was 
 bastard  uncle  to  the  King,  beinj^  natural  son  to  the  Earl  of  An;,ais  by  a 
 dau;,^liter  of  the  Family  of  Morton. — [Mr  Tytler  (History  of  Scotland, 
 vol.  vii.  p.  22)  desii^nates  this  person  Darnley's  cousin.  He  was  the  illegi- 
 timate son  of  Archibald  sixth  Earl  of  Angus,  who  maiTied  Margaret, 
 Queen  Dowager  of  Scotland,  and  by  her  had  I^ady  Margaret,  the  mother 
 of  Lord  Darnley.  Our  Historian  is  correct  in  the  relationsliip,  for  George 
 Douglas  was  the  "  bastard  uncle,"  not  the  cousin,  of  Darnley.  He  was 
 appointed  Titular  liishop  of  ^Moray  in  1573  by  his  relative  the  l{egent 
 Morton  at  the  death  of  Patrick  Hepburn,  the  last  consecrated  liishop  of 
 that  See  of  the  Koman  Catholic  Hierarchy. — E.] 
 
 ^  He  is  so  called  by  Buchanan,  besides  other  writers. — [See  the  note,  as 
 to  Kiccio's  personal  appearance,  p.  302,  303,  of  the  present  volume.  Our 
 Historian  justly  designates  this  atrocious,  false,  and  infamous  calumny  the 
 "  vile  aspersion  of  the  Queen's  honour  as  entertaining  a  criminal  familiarity 
 with  the  ugly  ill-favoured  Riccio,"  and  properly  observes,  that  it  "  de- 
 serves not  to  be  regarded."  Buchanan  also  pretends  that  Queen  Mary,  to 
 enable  Riccio  to  sit  in  the  Convention  of  Estates,  applied  in  the  most 
 earnest  manner  to  the  proprietor  to  sell  the  lands  of  Maleville,  now 
 Melville,  in  the  parish  of  Laswade,  six  miles  south  of  Edinburgh,  that 
 she  might  bestow  them  on  her  favourite — that  in  vain,  however,  she  dealt 
 with  the  o^\nier,  his  father-in-law,  and  others  of  his  friends,  to  persuade 
 him  to  it — that  she  took  the  refusal  as  an  affront — and  that  Riccio  was 
 indignant  at  the  result.  This  story  ])robably  originated  the  tradition  in 
 I.aswade  parish  that  the  old  house  of  Melville,  on  the  site  of  which  is  built 
 Melville  Castle,  the  splendid  seat  of  Lord  A'iscount  Melville,  actually 
 belonged  to  Riccio,  and  that  it  was  occasionally  inhabited  by  Maiy. 
 Buchanan  farther  alleges  that  the  Queen  intended  to  promote  Riccio  to 
 the  "  degree  of  the  Nobles,  that  she  might  cover  the  meanness  of  his 
 birth  and  the  defects  of  Jiis  body  with  the  lustre  of  dignity  and  promotion, 
 and  that,  having  (jualified  him  to  sit  and  vote  in  I'arliameut,  she  might 
 1)0  able  to  give  such  a  turn  us  she  pleiused  to  the  debates  of  that  Assembly." 
 — History,  Translation,  Edin.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  30S.  These  statements 
 contain  their  own  refutation. — E.J 
 
 •'  Knox  gives  a  slender  touch  of  this,  and  lUuhaium  is  fond  to  dwill 
 upon  it.  But  Sir  James  Melvil,  who  ha<l  better  opportunities  of  coming 
 at  the  secrets  about  the  Court,  takes  not  thi^  least  notice  of  any  such 
 thing,  though  otherwise  he  is  .severe  enough  on  the  affair  of  Riccio. 
 Neither  do  we  meet  with  the  smallest  hint  thereof  in  all  Mr  Randolph's, 
 or  other  State  l^etters  at  this  time  ;  which  to  an  impartial  observer  must 
 surely  be  an  evident  conviction  of  the  calunmy.  It  is  indeed  not  a  little 
 surprising  to  find  Rapin  de  Thoynis  assume  the  confidence  to  aver  that 
 Sir  James  Mi-h  il  <!u(li  cithi-i  liint  :it  fliis  in:irt.r,  or  sup^tose  it.     But  that 
 
15G5-(j.]         OF  CHURCH  and  istate  in  Scotland.  307 
 
 But  that  the  faction  would  indeed  make  it  their  business  to 
 represent  to  the  young  King  that  he  was  kept  too  much 
 inferior  to  his  wife,  whose  head  and  lord  he  was,  and  that 
 the  Italian  Secretary  had  too  much  of  the  publick  business 
 committed  to  him  ;  that  through  his  intervention  also  the 
 King  was  withholden  from  receiving  the  matrimonial  crown, 
 and  from  obtaining  an  Act  for  continuing  the  regal  succes- 
 sion in  his  person,  if  her  JNIajesty  should  chance  to  die  before 
 him: — I  say, that  these  men,  who  wanted  to  overthrow  Eiccio 
 at  any  rate,  and  thereby  serve  their  own  purposes  at  Court, 
 would  make  such,  and  other  like  insinuations,  is  not  at  all 
 to  be  questioned.! 
 
 foreigner  was  determined  to  think  so  himself,  and  by  that  means  he  sees 
 in  Sir  James  what  he  wishes  to  see.  It  is,  however,  hicky  that  these 
 Memoirs  are  not  in  his  hands  only.  Crawford's  Memoirs  represent  this 
 to  have  been  a  subtile  fetch  by  Secretary  Lethington,  who  envied  Riccio, 
 as  being  prejudicial  to  him  in  his  office. — [Knox's  Historic,  Edin.  edit. 
 1732,  p.  391,  though  he  chiefly  complains  that  "  David  Riccio,  the  Italian, 
 ruled  all,"  but  Buchanan  "  is  fond  to  dwell  upon  it."  One  of  his  stories 
 sets  forth,  "  respecting  the  Queen's  favour  to  Riccio" — ^'  at  last  it  came  to 
 this,  that  none  but  he  and  one  or  two  more  sat  at  table  with  her,  and 
 that  the  littleness  of  the  room  might  take  off  something  from  the  envy  of 
 the  thing,  sometimes  she  would  eat  in  a  small  parlour,  sometimes  at 
 David's  own  lodgings  ;  but  the  way  she  thus  took  to  abate  did  but  increase 
 the  reflexions,  for  it  nourished  suspicions,  and  gave  occasion  to  odd 
 discourses."  Again — "  In  private  men  went  farther  in  their  mutterings, 
 as  it  useth  to  be  in  matters  not  very  creditable  ;  yet  the  King  would 
 never  be  persuaded  to  believe  it,  unless  he  saw  it  with  his  own  eyes,  so 
 that  one  time  hearing  that  David  was  gone  into  the  Queen's  bed- 
 chamber, he  came  to  a  little  door,  the  key  of  which  he  always  carried 
 about  him,  and  found  it  bolted  in  the  inside,  which  it  never  used  to  be  ; 
 he  knocked,  nobody  answered  ;  upon  that,  conceiving  great  wrath 
 and  indignation  in  his  heart,  he  could  hardly  sleep  a  wink  that 
 night.  From  that  time  forward  he  consulted  with  some  of  his 
 domestics  how  to  rid  David  out  of  the  way,  for  he  durst  trust  but  a 
 few,  many  of  them  having  been  corrui)ted  by  the  Queen,  and  put  on  him 
 rather  as  spies  of  his  actions  than  attendants  on  his  person." — History, 
 Translation,  vol.  ii.  p.  307,  308.  So  anxious  was  Buchanan  to  calumniate 
 his  benefactress  Queen  Mary,  that  his  statements  cannot  be  received  for 
 a  moment.  Some  of  the  fanatics  in  subsequent  years,  in  the  bitterness  of 
 their  hatred  to  James  VI.,  revived  Buchanan's  slanders,  and  asserted 
 that  he  was  not  the  son  of  Lord  Darnley,  but  of  David  Riccio.  Queen 
 Elizabeth's  Residents  are  completely  silent  in  their  despatches  respecting 
 an  odious  intrigiie,  accounts  of  which,  if  it  had  been  true,  or  even  believed 
 at  the  time,  would  have  been  carefully  transmitted  to  England. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Two  conspiracies  were  now  in  progress — the  dethronement  of  the 
 Queen  and  the  murder  of  Riccio,  the  "  origin,  gi'owth,  and  subsequent 
 combination"   of  which,   Mr  Tytler  observes,  "  have  never  yet   been 
 
308  Tlir-    HISTORY  OF  TIIK  AFl'Al US  [15G5-G. 
 
 Tlioii^^li  both  Knox  ciiul  Huchanani  ^verc  formerly  at  pains 
 to  complain   of  the   (Queen's   conferring  the   title  of  King 
 
 undcrstcKxl,  althou^'li  tlicy  can  hv  distinctly  traced."  It  ai)pears  that  the 
 first  ])lot  for  the  death  of  Hiceio  was  formed  by  no  less  important  personages 
 than  Darnley  himself  and  his  father  tlie  Karl  of  Lennox,  ori<^inating  in 
 their  jealousy  and  ambition,  and  in  Mary's  imprudent  conduct.  The 
 Queen,  in  the  enthusiasm  of  her  love,  had  jtromised  to  confer  on  Darnley 
 the  ci'oicn-mutriinonkdy  which  meant  an  ecjual  share  of  the  f^overnment 
 with  herself.  According  to  Chalmers,  a  crown-mutrimonlul  wa.s  imknown 
 to  the  old  law  and  history  of  Scotland,  and  Ctltic  Scotland  never  recognized 
 female  lieirs,  but  Saxoii  Scotland  was  favourable  to  such  heirs,  and  it 
 became  at  length  an  established  practice,  of  which  numerous  instances 
 could  be  adduced,  that  when  a  Countess  in  her  own  right  maiTied  a 
 gentleman  or  commoner,  he  became  a  matrimonial  Early  and  he  acted  and 
 was  acknowledged  as  such  during  his  life.  When  Queen  Mary  mairied 
 the  L)aui)hin  of  France,  the  French  statesmen  claimed  the  croicn-matri- 
 7Honial,  which  the  Scottisli  Parliament  allowed,  and  it  was  upon  this 
 concession  and  analogy  that  Darnley  had  been  proclaimed  King.  Hut  as 
 it  respected  Darnley,  the  Queen  discovered,  a  few  months  after  her 
 marriage,  that  her  love  had  been  thrown  away  upon  one  whom  it  was 
 imi)ossilde  to  treat  with  confidence  or  regard — "  fickle,  proud,  and  susj)i- 
 cious,  ambitious  of  power,  yet  incapable  of  business,  and  the  easy  dupe  of 
 every  crafty  or  interested  companion  whom  he  met."  Mary  I'esiled  from 
 her  first  promise,  and  Darnley  was  persuaded  that  Kiccio  was  the  sole 
 instigator  of  those  measures  which  had  deprived  him  of  the  crown -mutri- 
 mon'ial  and  his  share  of  the  government,  for  which  it  was  too  obvious  he 
 was  utterly  incai)acitated  by  his  habits,  disposition  and  imbecility.  To 
 widen  the  breach  between  him  and  the  Queen,  he  "  had  the  folly,"  as  Mr 
 Ty tier  observes,  "  to  become  the  dujjeofamore  absurd  delusion."  He 
 actually  became  jealous  of  Hiceio,  whom  he  believed  had  supplanted  liim 
 in  the  Queen's  affections,  and  he  scrupled  not  to  .'issert  that  the  Italian 
 Secretary  had  dishonoured  his  bed.  In  this  frantic  state  of  mind  he 
 sent  his  relative  Cieorge  Douglas  on  the  10th  of  February  to  implore 
 Lord  Ruthven,  in  whom  he  had  the  utmost  confidence,  to  assist  him 
 again.st  the  "  villain  David."  Ruthven  was  at  the  time  so  ill  that,  as  he 
 himsL'lf  says,  lie  "  was  scarcely  able  to  walk  twice  the  length  of  his 
 chamber,"  yet  he  consented  to  engage  in  the  murder,  and  Darnley  was 
 sworn  to  keej)  all  secret,  but  Randolph  was  informed  of  the  plot,  and 
 rcvcak'd  it  to  the  Earl  Leicester  in  a  letter  which  still  exist.*?,  dated 
 ICdinburgli,  I3th  February  ISfio-G.  The  agent  of  Cosmo  I.,  (Jrand  Duke 
 of  'J'uscany,  mentions  that  one  attempt  to  murder  Riccio  had  been 
 frustrated  by  Lord  Seton.  It  was  afterwards  i)roposed  to  assassinate 
 him  while  playing  a  game  of  nickets  with  Darnley,  who  was  to  invite 
 him  for  the  purpose.  Randolph  wrote  to  Leicester  that  Daridey  and 
 his  father  Lennox  were  resolved  to  murder  Riccio — that  it  would 
 be  done  in  ten  <lays — that  the  crown  wouUl  be  torn  from  the  Queen 
 whoso  dishonour  had  been  discovered—  and  that  still  darker  designs  were 
 meditated  against  her  person  which  lu'  dui-st  not  commit  to  writing. 
 Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  21,  2*2,  23. — E.] 
 
 '  I  Knox's    Historic,   I'Min.   edit.    1732,   p.   380;    Ruclianans    History, 
 Translation,  Edin.  edit.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  303.— E.] 
 
1505-G.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  309 
 
 upon  her  husband,  yet  they  are  now  as  careful  to  complain 
 that  her  ^lajesty  had  by  this  time  caused  either  the  King's 
 name  to  be  altogether  omitted,  or  placed  after  hers  in  all 
 publick  writs.i  But  that  these  two  gentlemen  have  here 
 been  misinformed,  appears  obvious  by  all  the  remaining 
 Records  of  that  time.  We  have  already  seen  by  an  original 
 letter,  that  in  less  than  a  month  after  the  marriage,  and 
 not  of  late  only,  the  Queen  did  sign  her  name,  first  in  order, 
 before  the  King.  Moreover,  as  to  these  writs,  which,  I 
 suppose,  can  come  most  properly  under  the  denomination  of 
 Mr  Buchanan  s  D'q^lomata, I  mean  the  royal  charters  granted 
 by  the  crown  to  the  subject,  I  have  been  at  pains  to  look 
 them  all  over  very  carefully,  and  can  certify  my  readers, 
 with  the  utmost  assurance,  that  the  Queen  s  name  is  never 
 so  much  as  once  set  before  the  King  s,  not  only  during  the 
 time  previous  to  Riccio's  slaughter,  but  even  during  the 
 whole  period  of  their  joint  lives.  Nor  is  there  any  act  or 
 proclamation  recorded  in  the  Books  of  Privy-Council  which 
 remain  at  present,  but  what  bears  always  the  King's  name 
 before  the  Queen  s,  one  only  excepted,  concerning  the  3Iary 
 Byal,  which  the  readers  will  see  in  the  Appendix.  Besides 
 the  public  charters  and  acts  of  Councils,  there  are  likewise 
 several  state  letters,  commissions,  &c.  recorded  in  the 
 Blattered  MS.  during  the  Queen  s  marriage,  all  v,hich  do 
 still  bear  the  King's  name  before  that  of  the  Queen  ;-  and 
 if  all  these  together  do  not  exhaust  what  Buchanan  would 
 mean  by  his  Biplomata,  I  acknowledge  myself  at  a  loss  what 
 else  to  look  after.  Besides,  I  do  much  suspect  that  no 
 person  can  now  discover  any  publick  diploma  that  bears  the 
 Queen's  name  before  that  of  tlie  King  ;  and  had  there  been 
 many,  surely  some  one  might  have  had  the  chance  to  escape 
 the  general  overthrow  of  the  rest. 
 
 It  is  likewise  objected  against  the  Queen,  that  though 
 immediately  after  the  marriage  she  had  been  pleased  to 
 allow  the  King's  name  to  be  set  upon  the  public  coin  of  the 
 
 1  [Knox's  Historic,  p.  392  ;  Buchanan's  lli.story,  vol.  ii.  p.  30G.— E.J 
 
 2  ["  There  remains,"  says  Chahners, "  also  a  bond  of  Darnloy,  calling  him- 
 self A7»y/  of  Scotland  and  husband  of  the  Queen's  Majestiiy  dated  the  1st  of  March 
 1565-6,  whereby  he  engages  to  save  harmless  all  those  Lords  and  others  who 
 might  assist  him  in  removing  Kiccio,  and  other  persons  from  the  Queen's 
 presence.  'Vh'rn  detestable  document  remains  in  the  Cotton  Library,  Cal. 
 B[ook]  X.  fol.  212."— Life  of  .ALary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  ii.  p.  159, 160.- E.] 
 
400  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G5-0. 
 
 klngdoni  even  hefore  her  own,  yet  now  she  had  called  in 
 that  money,  and  caused  new  money  to  bo  stampt  with  his 
 name  after  hers.  Indeed,  there  is  in  the  Register  of  Privy- 
 Council,  as  hath  been  already  noticed,  an  Act  on  the  22d 
 day  of  December  15G5,  appointing  "  to  be  cunzeit  ane 
 penny  of  silver  callit  the  Mary  Ryall,l  of  weicht  ane  ounce, 
 with  this  circumscriptioun  —  Exurgat  Deus  et  dissij^entur 
 inimici  ejus ;  and  on  the  uthii»  syde  this  circumscriptioun — 
 Maria  et  Henricus  Dei  Gratia  Regina  et  Rex  Scotorum  r 
 but  of  the  calling  in  any  former  money  there  is  not  a  word 
 in  the  Act.  Several  of  these  silver  pieces  remain  to  this 
 day ;  but  there  is  never  any  one  penny  of  gold  or  silver,  of  a 
 larger  or  smaller  size,  to  be  met  with  in  any  the  most  curious 
 repository,  carrying  the  King's  name  be/ore  the  Queen's, 
 which  to  me  is  a  strong  presumption  that  any  such  has 
 never  been  stampt .2 
 
 Mr  Buchanan  likewise  narrates^  how  the  Queen,  in  order 
 to  have  more  leisure  to  follow  her  private  intrigues,  sent 
 away  the  King  forcibly  to  Peebles,  with  a  very  scrimp 
 attendance,  in  the  rigour  of  winter,  in  which  place  he  is 
 represented  to  have  been  in  great  scarcity  of  entertainment 
 suitable  to  what  he  had  been  always  accustomed  ;  nay,  that 
 he  was  even  in  danger  of  losing  his  life  there  for  want  of 
 necessary  food,  she  having  thrust  him  away  thither,  rather 
 to  become  a  sacrifice  himself,  than  to  have  the  pleasure  of 
 hawking  and  hunting.  This  story  may  indeed  have  a  foun- 
 dation so  far,  as  the  King  may  have  gone  to  Peebles^  for 
 
 1  [See  the  previous  noto,  j).  '.]S'2  of  this  vohimc. — E.] 
 
 "^  iBisliop  Keith  is  here  in  error.  Shortly  after  Mary's  inarria<,H'  to 
 Danih'y  a  coin  was  stanii)od,  on  the  one  side  having  the  heads  of  the 
 Queen  and  Darnlcy  frontin<,'  each  other,  under  them  the  date  15G5, 
 above  them  a  thistle,  and  surrounded  by  the  names  iienuicus  &  maria 
 I).  ORA.  R.  ET  R.  scoTouuM.  Oil  the  ivveise,  the  royal  shield  of  Scotland 
 between  two  leaved  thistles,  and  the  words — "  «^uos  deus  conjuxxit  homo 
 NoN  8EPAKET."  This  is  at  least  07n  in  tancc  of  Darnley's  name  appearinjj; 
 before  the  (Queen's  (Cardonell's  Numismata  Scotia^  or  a  Series  of  the 
 Scottisli  Coiuajj;e,  4to.  p.  J)7,  J»S)  ;  but  it  is  i)robably  the  only  one,  for  in 
 other  three  coins  of  date  156V>,  maria  precedes  iienuicus,  and  on  the 
 Mary-Keal  the  name  maria  only  appears,  which  is  the  case  witii  two 
 coins  of  1507.— K.J 
 
 3  [lluchauan's  History,  Translation,  ICdin.edit.  17.'')2,vol,  ii.j).  307. — E.] 
 
 *  Peebles  is  the  county  town  of  Tweedale,  and  in  the  nei;,'libourhood 
 thereof  is  j^ood  j^'round  for  the  sport.— L^y  the  "county  of  Tweedale"  is 
 meant  I'eobles-shire.—  l''.j 
 
1565-6.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  401 
 
 his  sport  and  recreation  ;  but  as  to  all  the  accounts  thereof 
 which  relate  to  the  Queen,  there  is  little  doubt  but  these 
 are  owing  to  this  author  s  humour  of  calumniating.  For, 
 except  the  King  had  been  delivered  over  as  a  prisoner  to  the 
 small  retinue  he  had  about  him,  which  this  writer  has  not  the 
 confidence  to^  affirm,  he  had  it  in  his  power  to  have  come 
 to  Edinburgh  at  any  time  in  the  space  of  a  few  hours,  the 
 distance  from  thence  to  the  town  of  Peebles  being  only  six- 
 teen miles.2  And  as  for  the  scarcity  of  eatables,  I  suppose 
 the  gentlemen  of  that  country  might  be  ready  to  censure 
 this  author  for  his  rash  and  false  representation. 
 
 But  Mr  Knox^  will  give  the  reader  a  more  feasible  account 
 of  this  whole  story,  and  of  the  King's  manner  of  living 
 during  the  season  here  condescended  on.  "  As  for  the 
 King,"  he  says,  "  he  past  his  time  in  hunting  and  hawking,^ 
 and  such  other  pleasures  as  were  agreeable  to  his  appetite, 
 having  in  his  company  gentlemen  willing  to  satisfy  his  will 
 and  affections."^  And  that  the  King's  errand  has  been  his 
 own   diversion,^  appears  plain  enough  even  by  Buchanan's 
 
 ^  On  the  contrary,  he  calls  the  company,  which  sat  -svith  the  King, 
 comitatus,  which  in  the  Latin  tongue  (whereof  this  author  was  a  chief 
 master)  signifies  companions  and  friends ;  and  when  applied  to  men  of 
 the  King's  rank,  denotes  a  sort  of  honour  and  dignity  to  be  put  on  those 
 who  are  allowed  to  be  about  his  person.  And  hence  the  Nobles  were 
 first  called  Comites,  i.  e.  Companions  of  the  Prince. — [Buchanan — Ilistoria 
 Rerum  Scoticarum,  original,  edit.  Edin.  1582,  fol.  209. — E.] 
 
 2  [The  county  town  of  Peebles  is  twenty-two  English  miles  from 
 Edinburgh. — E.] 
 
 '^  [Knox's  Historic,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  389.— E.] 
 
 ^  INIr  Ilolinslied  says  also — "  The  King  past  the  most  part  of  that  winter 
 in  the  countries  of  Fife,  Strathern,  Strivoling-shire,  and  Lothian,  spending 
 his  time  in  hawking."  But  not  a  word  of  what  Bucluinan  insinuates, 
 though  had  the  story  been  true,  that  circumstance  had  been  as  notorious 
 as  the  journey.  Things  of  that  kind  are  rather  augmented  by  report 
 tlian  diminished. — [Of  the  districts  enumerated  by  Ilolinslied,  as  quoted 
 by  Bishop  Keith,  Stiathearn  i;;cludes  the  valley  of  the  Earn  in  Perthsliire, 
 and  Lothian  indicates  the  present  counties  of  Haddington,  Edinburgh, 
 and  Linlitligow,  often  designated,  l^ast,  Mid,  and  AVest  Lothian. — E.] 
 
 •'  This  is  good  Enrjlish  for  Buchanan's  comitatus.  And  ji  little  after 
 this,  the  same  author  speaks  of  the  King's  going  to  Leith  accom])anied 
 witli  seven  or  eight  horse  to  pass  liis  time  there. — [Buchanan — Ilistoria 
 Rerum  Scoticarum,  original  edit.  Edin.  1.582,  fol.  209. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Darnley's  visit  to  Peebles-shire,  wliicli  Ijuchanan  i)urposely  distorts, 
 
 was   a  simple   and   common   affair.      After    enjoying   the   festivities   of 
 
 Christmas  1565,  in  the  midst  of  the  various  intrigues,  and  teasing  Queen 
 
 Mary  for  the  crown-matrimonial,  to  obtain  which  he  became  every  day 
 
 VOL.  U.  2G 
 
402  Tin:  iiiMnin  Ml'  iiu;  Ari'MR?:  [loG5-G. 
 
 own  manner  of  expression,  namely,  tliat  ''  tlic  King  was 
 thrust  away  to  Peebles,  rather  to  be  a  prey  himself  tlian  to 
 make  a  proy."""!  And  in  his  infamous  "  Detection '2  he  says 
 — "  In  that  wvntcr  (juhen  he  (the  King)  went  to  Pebles 
 with  small  trayne,  v\'in  too  meane  for  the  degro  of  ane 
 private  man,  not  being  sent  thither  a  hawking,  but  as  com- 
 mandit  away  into  ane  corner,  far  from  counsell  and  knaw- 
 ledge  of  publict  affairs.''  To  hear  this  man  alone  ho  would 
 bo  ready  to  make  the  world  believe  the  Queen  had  had  an 
 absolute  dominion  over  her  husband  like  a  child — that  she 
 sent  him  out  and  called  him  in  like  a  lackey — and  that  the 
 King  was  entirely  passive  in  her  hands.  But  his  misfortune 
 is  that  he  is  neither  the  single  writer  of  that  time,  nor  has  he 
 any  other  contemporary  to  support  what  he  says. 
 
 That  there  had  already  intervened  some  jars  betwixt  the 
 King  and  Queen  seems  to  be  a  matter  past  all  hesitation  ;'^ 
 
 more  impatient,  Darnley,  who  was  fond  of  huntinu:,  went  into  Peebles- 
 shire in  the  be^dnninf,'  of  January,  to  enjoy  the  diversions  of  tlio  field  for 
 a  few  days  ;  but  not  findin^r  the  game  plentiful,  he  soon  returned  to 
 Edinbur<^h,  and  indulged  daily  in  his  sensual  propensities. — E.] 
 
 ^  "  In  prcBclam  verius  quam  aucujnum.'" 
 
 2  [This  is  a  work  written  in  Latin  purporting  to  be  a  "  Detection"  of 
 Queen  Mary's  actions,  which  Buchanan  carried  with  him,  when  he 
 accompanied  the  Regent  Moray  into  England,  to  meet  the  Commissioners 
 ajipointed  by  Elizabeth  to  examine  the  witnesses  called  from  Scotland, 
 for  the  purpose  of  substantiating  the  charges  upon  which  -Mary  had  been 
 expelled  from  the  throne.  The  "  Detection "  was  laid  before  the 
 Commissioners  at  Westminster,  and  was  soon  afterwards  most  indus- 
 triously circulated  by  the  English  Court. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Kandolph  writes  to  the  Earl  of  Leicester  (see  the  preceding  note,  p. 
 397,  31)8),  dated  Edinburgh,  13th  February  15G5-G— «  I  know  now  for  cer- 
 tain that  this  Queen  repenteth  her  marriage— that  she  hateth  him  (Darnley) 
 and  all  his  kin.  I  know  that  he  knoweth  himself  that  he  hath  a  partaker 
 in  play  and  game  with  him  ;  I  know  that  there  are  practices  in  hand,  con- 
 trived between  the  father  and  the  son,  to  come  by  the  Crown  against  her 
 will.  I  know  that  if  that  take  effect  which  is  inteiuled,  David  (Hiccio), 
 with  the  consent  of  the  King,  shall  have  his  throat  cut  within  these  ton 
 days.  Many  things  grievouser  and  worse  than  these  are  brought  to  my 
 ears  ;  yea,  of  things  intended  against  her  own  person,  which,  because 
 I  think  better  to  keep  secret  than  write  to  Mr  Secretary  (Cecil),  I  speak 
 not  of  them  but  now  to  your  Lordship."  Ty tier's  History  of  Scotland, 
 vol.  vii.  p.  23.  Mr  Tytler  adds  in  a  note — "  This  remarkable  letter, 
 which  luus  never  been  published,  is  to  be  found  in  the  Aj)pendix  to  a 
 privately  printed  and  anonymous  work,  entitled  *  Maitlands  Narrative,' 
 of  which  only  twenty  cojjies  were  printed.  The  book  was  politely  pre- 
 s(>nted  to  me  by  Mr  Dawson  Turner,  in  whose  valuable  collection  of  MSS. 
 tlu'  original  letter  is  preserv«'d."  — E.  | 
 
1565-G,]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  SCOTLAND.  40o 
 
 and  our  two  historians  have  found  it  serviceable  to  their 
 purpose  to  remove  the  whole  blame  thereof  from  the  King, 
 who  formerly  was  not  in  their  good  graces,  and  throw  the 
 same  upon  the  Qeecn,  that  they  might  with  the  better 
 colour  misrepresent  her  Majesty  afterwards.  But  truth 
 sometimes  comes  to  light,  maugre  all  the  industry  to  con- 
 ceal it.  Mr  Knox  has  given  us  sufficiently  to  understandi 
 that  the  King  was  entirely  possessed  with  juvenile  recreations, 
 and  worse  ;  but  the  following  letter  will  satisfy  any  impar- 
 tial person,  that  the  Queen  had  too  strong  reasons  to  be 
 offended  with  one  whom  she  had  honoured  so  far  as  to  render 
 him  her  equal. 
 
 Letter'^  hy  Sir  William  Drurt/^  to  Sir  William  Cecil, 
 Berwick,  16th  February  1565. 
 
 " Mons.  de  la  Roc  Paussay  and  his  brother  arrived 
 
 here  yesterday  (from  Scotland).  He  is  sick,  my  Lord 
 Darnley  having  made  him  drink  of  aqua  comiJositaA  All 
 people  say  that  Darnley  is  too  much  addicted  to  drinking.^ 
 It  is  certainly  reported,  there  was  some  jar  betwixt  the 
 Queen  and  him  at  an  entertainment  in  a  merchant's  house 
 in  Edinburgh,  she  only  diss  wading  him  from  drinking  too 
 much  himself,  and  enticing  others  ;  in  both  which  he  pro- 
 ceeded, and  gave  her  such  words,  that  she  left  the  place 
 with  tears,6  which  they  that  are  known  to  their  proceedings 
 
 1  [Historie,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  389.— E.] 
 
 2  Cotton  Library,  Calig.  B[ookJ  X,  f.  370.— [British  Museum.— E.] 
 
 3  Captain  of  the  fortress  of  Berwick. — [Governor  of  Berwick. — E.] 
 
 4  [Apparently  the  distilled  ardent  spirit  known  as  whishj.  Darnley, 
 in  all  probability,  intoxicated  the  twoFrenchmen  wilfully,  by  plying  them 
 with  a  liquid  to  which  they  were  unaccustomed,  and  of  the  potency  of 
 which  they  had  no  conception.  At  that  time  the  Incorporation  of 
 Surgeons  in  Edinburgh  possessed  the  exclusive  right  of  selling  whisky  in 
 the  city,  Avhich  was  conferred  on  them  by  their  Seal  of  Cause  in  1505,  a.s 
 printed  in  the  singular  little  work,  the  "  History  of  the  Blue  Blanket," 
 p.  58.  See  Dr  Jameson's  Supplement  to  liis  Etymological  Dictionary  of 
 the  Scottish  Language,  4to.  vol.  ii.  p.  675. — E.] 
 
 •^  [Mary's  refusal  of  the  crown-matrimonial  soon  led  to  coldness,  re- 
 proaches, and  an  absolute  estrangement  on  the  part  of  Darnley.  In  public 
 he  treated  the  Queen  M'ith  haughtiness,  indulged  in  low  habits,  forsook 
 her  company,  and  intrigued  with  her  enemies.  Tytler's  History  of 
 Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.22.— E.] 
 
 "  [Darnley  was  now  evidently  leading  a  most  dissipated  and  profligate 
 life,  and  the  above  is  an  instance  of  his  indecent  behaviour  in  the  house 
 
404  I  i;i.    Iil>lnu^    u|     Mil:   Al-FAIKS  [15G5-G. 
 
 say  is  not  .strange  to  ho  seen.  These  jars  arise,  amongst 
 other  things,  tVoni  his  .seeking  tlie  matrimonial  crown, 
 which  she  will  not  yield  unto ;  the  calling  in  of  the  coin 
 wherein  they  were  both,""  and  the  Duke's  (of  Cliastelherault) 
 finding  so  favourable  address  ;  which  hath  much  displeased 
 both  him  and  his  father.  Darnley  is  in  groat  misliking  with 
 the  Queen.  She  is  very  weary  of  him  ;  and,  as  some  judge, 
 will  be  more  so  ere  long :  for  true  it  is,  that  these  who 
 depend  wholly  upon  him  are  not  liked  of  her,  nor  they 
 that  follow  her  of  him,  as  David  (Kiecio)  and  others. 
 Some  say  .she  likes  the  Duke-  better  now  than  formerly  ;  .so 
 some  think  that  if  there  should  be  the  quarrel  betwixt  her 
 and  Darnloy,  which  she  could  not  appease,  that  she  will  use 
 the  Duke's  aid  in  that  affaii*.  There  also  have  arisen  some 
 unkind  speeches  about  the  signing  of  letters  :  he  immediately 
 after  his  marriage  signed  first, ^  which  .'^he  will  not  allow  of 
 now.  His  government  is  very  nuich  blamed,  for  he  is 
 thought  to  be  wilful  and  haughty,  and,  some  say,  vicious  ; 
 whereof  too  many  were  witnesses  the  other  day  at  Inchkeith,-* 
 
 of  one  of  tlie  Queen's  subjects.  The  name  of  tlie  merchant  of  Edinburgh 
 who  gave  this  entertainment  to  the  Queen  and  Darnley  is  not  stated,  but 
 Mary  often  accepted  such  invitations,  and  walked  to  the  houses  of  the 
 parties  on  foot  with  a  few  attendants.  Her  son  James  VI.  Mas  even 
 more  familiar  with  the  citizens  of  Edinburgh,  and  before  he  married 
 Anne  of  Denmark  he  frej^ueutly  left  Ilolyrood  I'alace,  and  resided  with 
 some  of  the  more  opulent  of  them  in  the  High  Street  a  few  days  at  a 
 time. — E.] 
 
 *  This  is  an  evident  mistake,  capable  to  invalidate  this  wliole  story  of 
 the  coin,  for  Sir  William  Drury  would  here  nuike  us  believe  that  the 
 late  alteration  in  the  coui  had  been  the  leaving  out  the  King's  name 
 altof/ctlur,  which,  however,  by  the  Act  of  Council,  and  the  coined  money 
 remaining  to  this  day,  we  see  is  utterly  false. — [Our  Historian,  however, 
 might  have  recollected  that  it  is  probable  Darnley  was  oiVended  at  the 
 coinage  of  the  Mary-Real^  on  which  his  name  wa.s  omitted.  See  the  notes, 
 p.  382,  400  of  this  volume.  This  supi)ositi()n  authentieates  Sir  William 
 Drury 's  statement. — E.] 
 
 ■■^  [The  Dukeof  Clmtelherault.— E.J 
 
 ^  AVe  hav(>  already  seen  what  faith  is  to  be  given  to  this. 
 
 '  [This  was  evidently  a  scandalous  drinking  carousixl  on  the  island  of 
 Inchkeith  in  the  I'rith  of  I'orth.  'I'he  other  pei"sonages  named  were 
 Lord  Jlobert  Stuart,  his  illegitinuite  brother-in-law,  repeatedly  mentioned 
 as  Comnieiidator,  or  "Abbot,"  of  llulyroodiiouse,  and  .John  fifth  Lord 
 I'Meming,  father  of  the  first  l'.arl  of  Wigton.  Darnlt>y's  general  beJia- 
 viour  and  his  i)rivate  habits  must  now  have  been  peculiarly  disgusting  to 
 the  Queen,  nu)re  especially  when  it  is  considered  that  at  this  time 
 she  was  fur  advanced  in  ]»regnancy.     As  tliis  was  doubted  by  some,  and 
 
156*5-6. J         OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  405 
 
 with  the  Lord  Robert,  Fleming,  and  such  Uke  gravel 
 personages.  I  will  not  rehearse  to  your  Honour  what  of 
 certainty  is  said  of  him  at  his  being  there. '"'^ 
 
 Abstract,  24th  January  '\^Q^-Q>,  Randolph  to  CecilL 
 "  Darnly  demands  the  crown-matrimonial  with  such  impa- 
 tience^" — (and  this  was  at  the  very  time  Buchanan  tells  his 
 story  of  Peebles)^ — "  that  the  Queen  repents  that  she  has 
 done  so  much  for  him"' — See  Appendix. 
 
 Item,  Abstract,  3d  July  1565.5 — "  Darnly  is  of  an  insolent, 
 imperious  temper,  and  thinks  that  he  is  never  sufficiently 
 honoured.     The   Queen    does   every  thing    to    oblige    him, 
 
 scarcely  credited  in  England,  though  ardently  hoped  l>y  Mary's  partizans, 
 Randolph  po  itively  assures  Cecil  of  the  fact.  See  his  letter,  dated 
 16th  January  1565-6,  in  Wright's  "  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Times," 
 vol.  i.  p.  217.— E.] 
 
 ^  This  is  said  ironically. 
 
 2  These  must  have  been  black  and  odious  doings,  which  Sir  William 
 was  ashamed  to  rehearse.  One  might  perhaps  say  for  Mr  Buchanan, 
 that  his  purity  could  not  allow  him  to  give  any  hint  of  this  ;  but  by 
 mischance  this  writer  offends  oftimes  the  minds  of  his  readers,  by  the 
 nasty  things  he  talks  of  the  Queen  from  liis  own  corrupt  fancy  only. 
 
 2  [Randolph  writes  to  Cecil,  dated  Edinburgh,  16th  January  1565-6  — 
 "  I  cannot  tell  what  mislykings  of  late  there  hath  bene  betwene  her 
 Grace  and  her  husband  ;  he  presses  ernestly  for  the  matrimoniall  crowne, 
 which  she  is  lothe  hastelye  to  graunte,  but  willing  to  keepe  somewhat  in 
 store  vmtyll  slio  knowe  how  Avell  he  is  worthy  to  enjoye  suche  a 
 sovereigntie,  and  therefore  it  is  thoughte  that  the  Parlement  for  a  tymc 
 shall  be  deferred,  but  hereof  I  can  write  no  certayntie." — Wright's 
 «  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Times,"  vol.  i.  p.  217.— E.] 
 
 4  [The  hunting  expedition  of  Darnley  into  Peebles-shire.     Ruchanan- 
 Historia  Rerum  Scoticarum,  original  edit.  Edin.  1582,  fol.  209. — E.] 
 
 5  [This  date  must  be  a  mispruit  as  it  respects  the  month.  Previous  to 
 the  murder  of  Riccio,  which  was  perpetrated  on  the  9i/<  of  March  1565, 
 Randolph,  who  evidently  api)rovcd  of  the  plot  again.st  Riccio,  was  ordered 
 to  leave  Scotland  by  Queen  Mary,  who  had  discovered  undoubted  proof 
 that  he  had  assisted  and  encouraged  the  Karl  of  Moray  in  his  rebellion. 
 "  MS.  Letter  comminiicated  to  me,"  says  Mr  'j'ytler  (History  of  Scotland, 
 vol.  vii.  p  24)  "  by  the  lion.  William  Leslie  Melville  ;  Mary  to  Melville, 
 17th  February  1565-6— a  copy.  Mary  confronted  Randoli)h  before  the 
 Privy-Council  with  Johnston,  the  jjcrson  to  whom  he  had  delivered  the 
 money  to  be  conveyed  to  Moray,  and  the  evidence  being  considered 
 conclusive,  he  received  orders  to  quit  the  Co\n-t,  and  retired  to  IJerwick  " 
 In  conjunction  with  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  Randolph  wrote  to  the  English 
 Privy-Council  from  Berwick,  dated  27th  March  I5()6,  detailing  the 
 particulars  of  the  murder  of  Riccio  and  the  .subsequent  results.  'I'his  wa-s 
 apparently  oive  of  the  last  despatches  from  Randoli)!!  to  Cecil  on  Scottish 
 affairs. — E.J 
 
400  TlIK  11I.<TUUV  Ml    Till-:  Al  lAlKS  [15(J5-G. 
 
 thoii«^'h  liL'  fiinnot  be  prevailed  upon  to  yield  the  smallest 
 thing  to  please  her." — Now  if  this  was  the  ease  before  his 
 marriage  (at  which  season  suitors  are  certainly  most  com- 
 plaisant, especially  it  well  became  him  to  be  so),  can  we 
 suppose  he  had  altered  his  favour  afterwards  i  Surely  no. 
 Mr  Strypc  likewise  in  his  "  Annals,*"!  September  1565 — 
 "  The  young  King  was  so  insolent,  as  his  father  grew  weary 
 of  his  government,  and  departed  from  the  Court.'' 
 
 Let  the  impartial  world  now  judge  whether  the  Queen 
 had  not  abundance  of  ground  to  look  somewhat  down  upon 
 her  husband,  as  she  was  a  woman,  a  Queen,  and  the 
 sovereign  of  her  husband  ;  and  whether  by  his  manner  of 
 doing,  rambling  up  and  down,  hunting  and  hawking,  he  did 
 not  put  her  under  a  necessity  of  taking  that  assistance  i'rom 
 her  servants  in  the  administration  of  the  government,  which 
 he  ought  to  have  made  it  his  business  to  afford  her.  But 
 so  far  was  he  from  being  reclaimed  by  all  the  methods  the 
 Queen  could  take,-  or  the  leaving  his  wild  courses,  and 
 applying  himself  to  be  more  gracious  to  the  Queen,  that 
 giving  ear  to  the  wicked  suggestions  both  of  his  own  and 
 her  enemies,^  he  at  last  determined  to  concur  in  the  nmrder 
 of  the  Secretary  Riccio.  The  first  man  the  King  made 
 privy  to  this   barbarous   design  was  the   Lord   Ruthvcn.^ 
 
 ^  [Stryjic's  Annals  of  the  Reformation  and  Establishment  of  Religion 
 in  the  Cliurch  of  England,  folio,  London,  1709,  vol.  i.  p.  478. — E.] 
 
 ^  Sir  James  Meh  ii  says  expressly  that  the  Queen  "  advised  him  to  wait 
 upon  the  King  who  was  but  young,  and  give  him  liis  best  counsel,  a«  he 
 had  formerly  done,  which  might  lielp  him  to  shun  many  inconveniencies." 
 — [Sir  James  Melville's  Memoirs,  folio,  p.  58.  Sir  James  adds — "  And 
 bIu'  gave  me  her  liand,  that  she  would  take  all  in  good  part,  whatever  I 
 did  sj)i'ak,  as  j)roceeding  from  a  loving  and  faithful  servant,  desiring  me 
 also  to  befriend  Kiccio,  Avho  was  hated  without  a  cause."  In  his  narra- 
 tive of  the  murder  of  Uiccio,  Sir  James  thus  describes  Darnley — "  The 
 Kijig  was  yet  very  young,  and  not  wdl  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  tliis 
 nation?*     Memoirs,  p.  64. — E.J 
 
 ^  Sir  James  likewise  seems  to  lay  the  whole  blame  of  this  wickedness 
 upon  the  Earl  of  Morton,  and  George  Doughis,  biustard  son  to  the  late 
 Earl  of  Angus.— [See  the  ])revious  note  resi)ecting  George  DougUis,  jt. 
 \VM\  of  this  volume. — E.] 
 
 ■•  [Repeatedly  mentioned  as  Tatrick  third  Lord  Kuthven  and  DirKton, 
 father  of  William  fourth  Lord  Jiuthven,  created  Earl  of  (Jowrie  in  l.^^Sl. 
 Lord  HuthviMi  was  l)()rn  about  ir)20,  and  wits  educated  at  St  Andrews. 
 His  patrimonial  property  in  and  near  IVrth  enabled  him  to  exercisr 
 cousidcrable  authority  in  tlu*  "  l-'air  City,"  of  which  he  wax  Provost  in 
 l.')4l,  when  he  wjis  turned  out  by  tin*  influence  of  Cardinal  Beaton,  and 
 again  appointcil  ill    loJ7.     \\i    wa>^  also   I'rnvost  of  Perth  from   \XA  »<> 
 
1565-0.]         OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  407 
 
 As  to  the  time,  place,  and  other  circumstances  of  this 
 detestable   murder,!    there    have    been  already    published 
 
 1566.  His  narrative  of  the  murder  of  Riccio,  inserted  by  our  Historian 
 in  his  Appendix,  induced  Walpolc  to  include  him  in  his  "  Catalogue  of 
 Ivoyal  and  Noble  Authors."  Lord  Kuthven,  in  his^own  account  of  the 
 murder,  in  which  he  claims  to  have  been  the  principal  contriver,  omits 
 the  slightest  expression  of  regret  for  a  crime  as  dishonourable  as  it  was 
 inhuman.  ISIackenzie,  hi  his  "  Lives  of  Scottish  Writers,"  appropriately 
 says  of  him  that  "  perhaps  no  age  has  produced  the  instance  of  one  who 
 acknowledged  himself  to  be  guilty  of  a  fact  which  all  mankind  must 
 admit  to  be  a  murder."  The  death  of  the  unfortunate  Riccio  was 
 singularly  avenged  in  the  fate  of  Lord  Ruthven's  descendants.  His  son, 
 the  first  Earl  of  (ilowrie,  was  attainted,  forfeited,  and  beheaded  for  high 
 treason  at  Stirling  in  May  1584,  and  his  two  grandsons,  John  thii-d  Karl 
 of  Gowrie  and  Alexander  Ruthven,  perished  in  the  celebrated  Gowrie 
 Conspiracy,  attempted  in  August  1600  ;  their  titles,  honours,  and  pos- 
 sessions— which  had  been  restored  in  1586  to  John  their  eldest  brother, 
 the  second  Earl,  who  died  while  a  youth — were  forfeited,  their  arms 
 cancelled,  their  very  name  was  ordered  to  be  abolished,  and  their 
 surviving  relatives  declared  to  be  incapable  of  succeeding  to  or  of  holding 
 any  office,  dignities,  or  property. — E.] 
 
 ^  [The  first  conspirators  were  the  Earl  of  Morton,  Lords  Ruthven  and 
 Lindsay,  and  Maitland  of  Lethington,  and  the  last  contrived  to  make 
 Daruley  the  patron  of  the  plot,  and  the  dupe  of  the  perpetrators.  They 
 intended  to  murder  Riccio  on  the  4th  of  February,  but  were  prevented  by 
 the  prorogation  of  the  Parliament.  This  delay  enabled  them  to  enlarge 
 their  plans.  According  to  the  narrative  of  Mr  Tytler,  Lord  Ruthven 
 induced  the  Earl  of  Morton  to  join  the  conspirators,  to  which  he  willingly 
 consented,  as  he  hated  Riccio,  was  the  personal  friend  of  Moray,  belonged 
 like  him  to  the  Reformed  party,  and  like  him  dreaded  the  assembling  of 
 the  Parliament,  from  a  report  that  he  was  to  be  deprived  of  certain  crown 
 lands  which  he  had  improperly  obtained,  and  lose  his  office  of  Lord 
 Chancellor.  Morton  accordingly  "  proceeded,"  as  ^Ir  Tytler  remarks, 
 "  to  complete  the  machinery  of  the  conspiracy  with  greater  skill  than  his 
 fierce  but  less  artful  associates."  He  first  endeavoured  to  secure  the 
 co-operation  of  the  Reformed  party,  including  the  preachers  ;  he  next 
 followed  Ruthven's  idea  by  embarking  the  Earl  of  Moray  in  the  i)lot, 
 making  it  the  means  of  his  return  from  exile  to  power  ;  and,  thirdly,  to 
 obtain  the  countenance  of  Queen  Elizabeth  and  lier  ministers  Cecil  and 
 Leicester.  Morton  was  successful  in  these  i)rojects.  As  it  was  known 
 that  Mary  had  signed  the  Roman  Catholic  League,  and  as  it  was  feared 
 that  measures  were  in  progress,  to  be  sanctioned  by  the  Parliament,  for 
 the  restoration  of  the  Papal  Hierarchy,  the  consent  of  the  leaduig 
 Reforming  Nobility  and  of  tlie  infiuential  preacliers  was  easily  obtained. 
 John  Knox  and  Jolm  Craig,  then  designated  "  ministers  of  Edinburgh," 
 were  admitted  into  the  secret  of  the  conspiracy,  as  were  Bellenden  of 
 Auchnoul,  Lord  Justice  Clerk  ;  ^[acgill  of  Rankeillour,  Clerk  Register  ; 
 Crichton  of  Brunstane,  Cockburn  of  Ormiston,  Sandilands  of  Calder,  and 
 others  connected  with  the  Reforming  party.  Morton's  grand  i)rojects  were 
 to  break  up  the  Parliament  by  the  murder  of  Riccio,  imprison  the  Queen, 
 place  Dai'nlcy  in  the  nominal  sovereignty,  and  make  the  Earl  of  Moray 
 
408  THE  niSTORY   OF  TIIK  AFl-AIKS  [15G5-6. 
 
 four     several     accounts    thereof,    viz.    one    by    the     Lord 
 lluthven,    the    ])rincipal    actor    in    it,    and    one    by    each 
 
 tho  head  of  the  <;ovi'iiiiiu'iit.     'i'liosc  desperate  designs,  by  which  it  wa.s 
 conehuU'd  the  Uoinan  C'atliolic  religion  wouhl  be  extirpated,  were  readily 
 adoj»ted  by  the  Jieloriiied  party,  and  as  the  murder  of  Riccio  had  been 
 fixed  for  tlie  week  in  March  in  which  the  Parliament  was  to  assemble, 
 it  was  resolved  that  the  ^^eneral  Fast,  which  was  apin-oaching,  an<l  always 
 convened  a  numerous  and  formidable  body  of  adherents  in  Kdinburi,di, 
 should  be  lield  in  that  city  at  the  same  time.     iMorton  now  resolved  to 
 inform  Moray  of  the  i)lot,  and  for  this  purpose  Lennox,  Darnley's  father, 
 went  to  lji«,dand.    ^foray  was  easily  persuaded  to  embark  in  an  enterprize 
 which  held  out  lioj)es  of  averting'  his  dan*^er,  and  restorin*,'  liim  to  his 
 former  station.     It  was  arranged  by  Moray,  Lord  Ochiltree,  father-in-law 
 of  John  Knox,  Kirkaldy  of  Grange,  and  the  other  banished  Noblemen  and 
 gentlemen,  that  whenever  the  day  was  fixed  for  the  murder  they  should 
 be  informed  of  it,  and  that  they  were  to  return  to  Edinburgh  immediately 
 after  it  was  committed.     Two  Bonds,  or  CovmanU,  for  the  i)erpetration 
 of  the  murder  were  also  drawn  up,  and  signed  by  Darnley  and  the  rest 
 of  the  consjjirators.      The  first   Covenant   was   expressed   in    Darnley's 
 name,  though  many  were  i>arties  to  it,  especially  Darnley  himself,  "for," 
 says  Knox,  "  they  durst  not  tiiist  the  King's  word  without  his  signet," 
 Morton,  and  Kuthven  ;  and  its  contents  were  communicated  to  the  Earls 
 of  Moray,  Argyll,  and  Rothes,  Lords  Boyd  and  Lindsay,  :Maitland  of 
 Lethington,  and  Kirkaldy  of  (irange,  some  of  whom  were  in  England,  and 
 consetpiently  could  not  i)ersonally  a.ssist  in   the  murder,  but  to  whom 
 Morton  and  lUithven  alluded  when  they  afterwards  declared  that  "  the 
 most  honest  and  the  most  worthy"  cordially  approved  of  the  murder. 
 This  Covenant  contained  denunciations  of  the  stnnujcr  called  David,  whom 
 with  other  "  enemies"  it  was  declared  they  had  resolved  to  seize,  and  if 
 resistance  was  offered,  to  "  cut   them  oft'  immediately,  and   slay   them 
 wherever  it  happened,"  while  Darnley  solemnly  ])romised,  on  the  word  of 
 u  Prince,  that  he  would  nuiintain  and  defend  his  associates  in  the  murder, 
 though  it  was  even  perpetrated  within  the  i)recincts  of  the  Palace  and  in 
 presence  of  the  Queen.     The  second  Covauint  wivs  sui)i)lementary  to  the 
 first,  and  the  parties  to  it  were  the  Earls  of  Moray,  Argyll,  CJlencairn, 
 und   Rothes,  Lords  JJoyd  and  Ochiltree,  and  their  "  comjilices."     They 
 promised   to  support  J)arnley  in  all  his  just  quarrels,  to  give  him   the 
 crown-matrimonial,  to  maintain  the  Reformed  religion,  and  to  extirjiate 
 its  enemies.     Darnley,  on  the  other  lumd,  engaged  to  jiardon  Moray  and 
 the  banished  Lords,  to  frustrate  all  proceedings  for  their  forfeiture,  and 
 to  restore  them  to  their   lands  and  dignities.     The  consjjiracy  appeai-s 
 to   have   assumed    this   form   a   few    days   previous  to  the  dismissal   of 
 Randolph    from    the   Scottish    Court,    and    it    only    remained    to   com- 
 municate  the   plot   to    Elizabeth  and  lier   ministers  for  their  approval 
 and  support.     The  Earl  of  iJedford  and  Itandolph  wrote  from  Berwick 
 on    the   (\{\\  of  March    to  Elizabeth,   intimating   to  her   "  a    nuitter   of 
 no   small  consequence  being  intended   in  Scotland,"  and  referring  to  a 
 more  particular  statement  transmitted  by  tln-ni  to  Cecil.     In  this  letter 
 of  the  Gth  of  March  it  is  exjilicitly  declared  by  Bedford  and  Randolph, 
 that  those  in  Seotland  engaged  in  the  jdot  were  Argyll,  Morton,  Boyd, 
 Rudiven,  and  Maitland  of  Lethington;  in   ICngland,  the  I^irls  of  Moray 
 
1565-6.]         OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  409 
 
 of    the   three    contemporary   historians,    Knox,i    Biichan- 
 
 and  Rothes,  and  Kirkaldy  of  Grange;  and  Bedford  and  Randolpli  assert 
 that  they  knew  the  conspiracy,  though,  "  if  persuasions  to  cause  the 
 Queen  to  yiekl  to  these  matters  do  no  good,  they  purpose  to  proceed  we 
 know  not  in  what  sort."  Some  hints  of  impending  danger  were  conveyed 
 to  Mary,  who  imprudently  disregarded  them.  Even  Riccio  himself,  the  in- 
 tended victim,  received  a  significant  caution  from  one  Damiot,  a  professed 
 astrologer,  whom  Calderwood  designates  a  "  French  priest  and  a  sorcerer." 
 This  ])erson  Avarned  Riccio  to  beware  of  the  bastardy  alluding  to  George 
 Douglas,  already  mentioned  as  the  illegitimate  son  of  the  Earl  of  Angus; 
 but  the  doomed  Secretary  imagined  that  Damiot  alluded  to  ^Moray, 
 and  derided  his  apprehensions.  The  same  Damiot,  or  one  called  Siguier 
 Francis,  says  Calderwood,  also  advised  him  speedily  to  settle  his  affairs, 
 and  leave  Scotland.  Riccio  replied  that  he  was  not  afraid  of  them — they 
 were  mere  ducks — strike  one  of  them,  and  all  the  rest  would  lie  in.  "  You 
 will  find  them  geese,"  was  the  reply;  "if  you  handle  one  of  them,  the 
 rest  will  fly  ujion  you,  and  pluck  you  so  that  they  will  leave  neither 
 feather  nor  doAvn  upon  you,"  On  Sunday  the  3d  of  !March  the  Fast  was 
 held  in  Edinburgh,  and  the  directions  for  prayers  and  sermons  were  duly 
 prepared  by  Knox  and  the  preachers.  The  subjects  were  selected  from 
 the  Old  Testament,  and  consisted  of  the  curses,  plagues,  and  blessings 
 denounced  in  the  27th  and  2Stli  chapters  of  the  Book  of  Deuteronomy  ; 
 the  slaying  of  Oreb,  Zeeb,  and  Sisera ;  the  fast  of  Queen  Esther  ;  the 
 hanging  of  Ilaman,  and  other  examples.  On  Thursday  the  7th,  Parlia- 
 ment assembled,  according  to  the  Queen's  letter  to  Archbishop  Beaton, 
 but  Mr  Tytler  says  it  was  on  the  4th.  The  Queen  opened  the  Parliament 
 in  person,  proceeding  from  the  Palace  of  llolyrood  to  the  Tolbooth,  near 
 St  Giles'  church,  the  place  of  meeting,  in  "  wondrous  gorgeous  apjjarel," 
 according  to  Knox,  "  albeit  the  number  of  Lords  and  train  was  not  very 
 great."  She  requested  Darnley  to  accompany  her,  but  he  preferred 
 riding  dov.u  to  Leith"  with  seven  or  audit  horse,"  to  amuse  himself.  The 
 Lords  of  the  Articles  were  chosen,  and  the  forfeiture  against  Moray  and 
 the  banished  Nobility  was  discussed  with  great  diversity  of  opinion  on 
 Friday  and  Satuixlay,  some  contending  that  the  summons  was  not  "  well 
 libelled  or  dressed,"  while  others  thought  that  "  the  matter  of  treason  was 
 not  sufficiently  proved."  The  influence  of  the  Queen  eventually  prevailed, 
 and  the  attainder  of  Moray  and  his  friends  was  to  have  been  passed  on 
 the  following  Tuesday,  the  12th,  when  it  was  arrested,  and  the  Parliament 
 broken  up,  by  the  fearful  catastrophe  of  Riccio's  murder,  related  by  the 
 Queen  herself  in  the  letter  to  Archbishop  Beaton.  Tytler's  History  of 
 Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  2.'3-34  ;  Calderwood's  Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland, 
 printed  for  the  Wodrow  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  310-315. — E.] 
 
 ^  Knox  observes,  that  "  by  the  death  of  David  Riccio,  the  Noblemen 
 were  relieved  of  their  trouble,  and  restored  to  their  places  and  rooms, 
 and  likewise  the  Church  reformed,  and  all  that  professed  the  Evangel 
 within  tliis  Realm,  after  fasting  and  jjrayer,  was  delivered  and  freed  from 
 the  ajiparent  dangers  which  were  like  to  have  fallen  upon  them."  And  a 
 little  before  he  says—"  Upon  Siuulai/  the  3d  day  of  March  began  the  fasting 
 at  Edinburgh."  Alas  !  can  we  say  that  murder  will  l)e  the  effect  of  any 
 good  man's  fa'^ting  and  prayer  '.     It  is  jnty  that  Mr  Knox  should  give  the 
 
410  Tin:  iiisTuiiY  of  tiie  atfaiks  |  150*5-0*. 
 
 an,^    and    Mclvil.-      I    shall    not  trouble   my  readers  with  a 
 
 iidv€»rsjirios  so  much  ground  for  hutied  and  contempt.  And  .si)eukin^  of 
 Kiccio's  first  rise  and  favour  at  Court,  he  says — "  But  of  his  be^innin;^  and 
 propi^ress  we  delay  now  furtlicr  to  speak,  because  that  his  end  will  require 
 the  description  of  the  whole,  and  refei-s  it  unto  such  as  God  shall  raise  up 
 to  do  tlic  sanic  /"  This  is  exactly  in  conformity  with  what  the  same  writer 
 speaks  concerning  the  barbarous  murder  of  Cardinal  Bethune.  Such 
 men  must  have  strange  notions  of  Crod  Almighty,  They  shape  and  dress 
 Ilim  up  according  to  their  own  lusts  and  imaginations,  and  so  fancy  them- 
 selves alone  11  is  friends  and  favourites  ;  and  every  the  greatest  barbarity 
 and  most  heinous  crime,  if  it  serves  for  their  worldly  purposes,  is  all 
 projected  in  Heaven,  and  the  perpetrators  of  it  are  the  immediate  instru- 
 ments and  ministers  of  the  IMost  High.  What  else  is  this  but  to  hound 
 out  people  to  do  mischief! — [Knox's  Ilistorie,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  34S, 
 392,  394.— E.] 
 
 *  Buchanan  adds  to  his  account  of  this  nmrder,  that  "  the  Queen  caused 
 the  body  of  Riccio  to  be  taken  out  of  the  grave  where  it  was  first  laid, 
 and  deposited  in  the  sepulchre  of  her  father  and  children,  and  almost 
 into  the  arms  of  Queen  Magdalene  her  father's  first  wife."  But  this  is 
 unsupj)orted  by  any  body  else  \  And  if  we  should  grant  that  Kiccio's 
 body  was  indeed  deposited  in  that  narrow  vault  where  the  other  bodies 
 mentioned  by  him  do  now  lie,  it  must  have  been  taken  out  again  sometime 
 tliereafter  ;  for  it  is  certain  that  no  such  thing  is  now  to  be  seen  there,  as 
 every  one  nmst  testify  that  has  viewed  the  vault,  and  anybody  may  at 
 pleasure  get  into  it. — [Buchanan — llistoria  Kerum  IScoticarum,  original 
 edit.  Edin.  15S2,  fol.  211  :  Translation,  Edin.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  313.  lie 
 adds,  that  "to  increase  the  indignity  of  the  thing,  she  put  the  miscreant 
 almost  into  the  arms  of  Magdalene  of  Valois,  the  late  Queen" — meaning 
 the  first  Queen  of  James  V.,  who  was  interred  in  the  royal  vault  in 
 the  Chapel- Royal  of  llolyrood.  Although  Bishop  Keith  controverts 
 Buchanan's  statement,  it  is  alleged  on  the  most  undoubted  authority  that 
 the  mangled  body  of  the  unfortunate  Kiccio  was  actually  first  carried 
 into  the  royal  vault  by  the  Queen's  express  order— a  circumstance  after- 
 wards remembered  to  her  disadvantage.  Buchanan  aptly  designates  this 
 as  "  one  of  her  unaccountable  actions,  which  gave  occasion  to  ugly 
 reports." — "  Et  hoc  factum  ut  inter  pauca  impvohiim  sinistris  scnnonibii^  locum 
 prabuit.'^  llistoria,  fol.  211.  The  supposed  ffnwQ  of  Riccio  is  still  pointed 
 out  in  the  Chapel-Royal,  in  a  i)art  of  the  floor  which  by  the  extension 
 of  the  Palace  is  formed  into  the  i»a.ssiige  to  the  Chapel- Hoyal  from 
 the  piiizza  of  the  (piadrangle.  A  fiat  stone,  with  some  remnants  of 
 sculpture,  is  traditionalhi  said  to  cover  the  remains  of  the  Italian  ;  luit 
 if  Riccio  had  been  interred  within  the  Chapel-Royal,  though  not  in  the 
 royal  vault,  this  wjts  no  peculiar  mark  of  resj)eet,  as  many  pei-sons  of 
 less  importance  have  been  Iniried  in  that  edifice.  Sir  James  Balfour,  how- 
 ever, expressly  states  (Annales  of  Scotland,  vol.  i.  p.  3.34)  that  he  was 
 interred  in  the  "  church-zainl  of  llolyrudhousse  Abbey."  This  wa.s  the 
 former  cemetery  adjoining  the  Chapel- Hoyal,  and  the  burying  place  of 
 the  parishioners  of  the  Canongate. —  l"2.j 
 
 ■^  Sir  .lames  Melvil  writes  with  much  sobriety  conceniing  the  murder, 
 and  Ills  accoinit  (lescrves  well  to  l»e  jierused. 
 
1565-G.]         OF  CHURCH  aisjj  «tate  in  Scotland.  411 
 
 repetition  of  these  three  last  named  accounts  ;i  but  the 
 fourth,  as  being  rare  to  be  met  with,  I  have  put  into  the 
 Appendix.^  However,  there  is  a  fifth  yet  remaining,  which 
 the  world  has  not  hitherto  been  informed  of,  namely,  that 
 which  was  transmitted  by  the  Queen's  Majesty  to  her 
 Ambassador  in  France,  James  Bethune,  Archbishop  of 
 Glasgow,^  with  orders  to  him  to  communicate  the  same 
 to  that  Court ;  and  this  I  subjoin  here  for  the  satisfaction 
 of  the  curious. 
 
 Letter^  of  Queen  Mary  to  the  Archbishop  of  Glasgow^  her 
 Ambassador  in  France^  concerning  David  Riccio'^s  murther 
 on  the  dth  March  15GG. 
 
 "  Maist  Reverend  Fadir,  we  greit  you  weill.  We  received 
 your  depesche^  sent  by  Captain  Mure  ;  and  sensyne  sindrie 
 novelles  having  occurrit,  knowing  not  what  bruit  is  passed 
 thereupon,  we  thought  necessary  to  make  you  some  discourse 
 thereof.  It  is  not  unknawn  to  you  how  our  Parlament  was 
 appointed  to  the  12th  of  this  instant  moneth  of  March,  to 
 whilk  these  that  were  our  rebels  and  fugitives  in  England 
 war  summoned,  to  have  heard  themselves  forfeited.  The 
 day  thereof  approaching  we  required  the  King  our  husband 
 to  assist  with  us  in  passing  thereto  ;  who,  as  we  are  assured 
 being  pers waded  by  our  rebels  that  were  fugitive,  with  the 
 
 ^  Another  contemporary  historian,  the  author  of  the  "  Memoirs"  which 
 go  under  the  name  of  CraAvford,  has  this  short  touch  of  the  matter  : — 
 "  He  (the  King)  introduced  Patrick  Lord  Ruthven  with  his  eklest  son, 
 and  some  other  conspirators,  through  his  own  chamber,  upon  the  9th  day 
 of  March  1565  ;  and  there  witliout  either  reverence  had  to  her  Majesty, 
 not  only  injured  her  with  words  as  she  then  sat  at  supper,  but  also  hxid 
 violent  hands  on  hei-  Italian  Secretary,  and  hal'd  him  unmercifully  to 
 another  chamber,  and  there  murdered  him  to  death."  Now,  my  readers 
 will  be  pleased  to  know,  that  as  ofttn  as  I  shall  have  occasion  to  quote 
 these  "Memoirs,"  I  take  my  quotations  from  a  ^[S.  copy  which  was  taken 
 from  the  very  MS.  made  use  of  by  Mr  Crawford  before  he  caused  it  to  be 
 printed.  There  arc  considerable  variations  betwixt  the  manuscript  and 
 the  print. 
 
 2  Number  XI. 
 
 •^  In  the  Shattered  MS.  is  contained  this  Prelate's  commission  to  be  her 
 Majesty's  Ambassador,  drawn  up  in  the  Latin  tongue,  and  in  as  ample 
 form  as  can  be  devised.  It  bears  date  at  Edinburgh,  1st  June  15()4,  and 
 the  Great  Seal  ordered  to  be  appended. 
 
 ^  An  Original.  Colleg.  Scot.  Paris.  Mem.  Sc-otl.  Tom.  ii.  fi)l.  1(U. 
 Though  the  modern  spelling  be  gi-nerally  followfd,  yet  the  coi)y  is  other- 
 wise exactly  conformable  to  the  original.  ''  l)ispatch. 
 
412  Tiir:  iiistohv  <>f  tiik  afi-airs  [15Go-G. 
 
 advice  and  fortification  of  tlie  Earl  of  Morton,  Lords 
 lliithv(!n  and  Lindsay,  tlicir  assistars  and  complices,  wha 
 was  with  us  in  company,  by  their  suggestion  refused  to  pass 
 with  us  thereto,  as  we  suppone  because  of  his  faciHty,  and 
 subtile  means  of  the  Lords  foresaid,  he  condescended  to 
 advance  the  pretended  religion  publisht  here,  to  put  the 
 rebels  in  their  rouines  and  possessions  which  they  had  of 
 before,  and  but^  our  knawledge  grant  to  them  a  remit  of  all 
 tlxir  trespasses.  The  saids  rebels  and  their  favorars 
 promittit  they  should  forder  him  to  the  crown-matrimoniall, 
 giv(.^  him  the  succession  thereof,  and  ware  their  lives  in  all 
 his  affairs  ;  and  if  any  would  usurp  contrary  to  his  authority, 
 they  should  defend  the  samyne  to  the  uttermost  power,  not 
 excepting  our  own  person.  Whilks  subtil  factions  being 
 unknown  to  us,  hoping  no  inconvenience  to  have  been 
 devised  or  succeeded,  we,  accompanied  with  our  Nobility 
 for  the  time,  past  to  the  Tolbuith  of  Edinburgh,  for  holding 
 of  our  Parlament  upon  the  7th  day  of  this  instant,  elected 
 the  Lords  Articulars  :'-  the  Spirituall  Estate  being  placed 
 therein  in  the  ancient  maner,  tending  to  have  done  some 
 good    anent  restoring    the    auld    lleligion,"'    and    to    have 
 
 '   Without. 
 
 ^  [Tlie  Lords  of  the  AiticU's,  The  proceedings  of  tliis  rarliameiit  are 
 now  lost. — E.] 
 
 ^  This  seems  ckvirly  to  verify  the  account  given  by  Sir  James  Melvil 
 concerning  the  message  sent  to  tlie  Queen  out  of  France  by  Villamonte. 
 —  [Sir  James  Melville's  Memoirs,  p.  G3.  This  "  message"  by  Villamont 
 according  to  Sir  .Tames,  was  that  tlie  Queen  wjis  to  shew  no  "favour  to 
 the  Protestant  banished  Lords,  because  that  all  Catholic  Princes  were 
 banded  to  root  them  out  of  all  Europe,  which  was  a  device  of  the  Cardinal 
 of  Lorraine,  lately  returned  from  the  Council  of  Trent."  AVhat  the 
 Queen  meant  by  stating  that  she  intended  "  to  have  done  some  good  anent 
 restoring  the  auld  Iteligion"  it  is  difficult  to  ascertain.  She  might  hav(> 
 written  this  as  i)lea.sant  intelligence  to  Archbishoj)  JUaton,  her  ambassador, 
 who  had  expatriated  himself  at  the  violent  outbreak  of  the  Reformat i(»n; 
 but  unless  she  was  utterly  blinded  by  the  .supposed  power  of  the  JUnnan 
 Catholic  League,  to  which  she  had  become  a  party,  she  ought  to  have 
 known  that  the  "  restoring"  of  the  "auld  Religion"  was  then  im]>ossible. 
 If  she  considered  that  the  presence  of  the  "  Si)iritual  Estate"  in  the  Par- 
 lianuMit  was  an  important  step  in  this  matter,  it  only  shews  that  she  was 
 too  sanguine  ;  for  in  reality  even  after  l.'iJJ'J,  wheu  I'resbyterianism  was  in 
 a  certain  sense  established,  it  had  no  influence  on  the  constitution  of  the 
 sub.seipient  I'arliaments,  in  every  one  of  which  the  titular  Pi.shops  and 
 lay  Abbots  appeared  jts  the  rejiresentatives  of  the  "  Sjaritual  E.state." 
 — Lawson's  Episcopal  Church  of   Scotland  from  lli<>    HcfoniMtion    to   the 
 
1565-6.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  413 
 
 proceeded  against  our  rebels  according  to  their  demerits."^ 
 Whilk  for  such  occasions  as  are  notourly  known,  we  thought 
 necessarly  should  be  punisht,  likeas  of  truth  the  crimes 
 committed  by  them  being  notified  and  made  patent  in  face 
 of  our  Estates  in  Parlament  assembled,  were  thought  and 
 reputed  of  such  weightiness,  that  they  deserved  forfaltour 
 therethrow;  and  the  samyne  being  voted  and  concluded. 
 Upon  tlie  0th  day  of  March  instant  we  being,  at  even  about 
 seven  hours,^  in  our  cabinet  at  our  supper,  sociated  with  our 
 sister  the  Countess  of  Argyll,"  our  brother  the  Commendator 
 of  Halyrudhouse,^  Laird  of  Creich,^  Arthur  Erskin,^  and 
 certain  others  our  domcstick  servitors,  in  quiet  manor, 
 especially  by  reason  of  our  evill  disposition,'^  being  counselFd 
 to  sustean  ourselves  with  flesh, §  having  also  then  past  almost 
 
 Revolution,  8vo.  Edin.  1844,  p.  241 .  Queen  Mary's  proceedings,  however, 
 at  this  period  had  excited  the  alarm  of  the  Reforming  leaders  and 
 preachers.  "  It  was  known,"  says  ^Slr  Tytler, "  that  Mary  had  signed  the 
 Popish  League;  it  was  believed  that  Riccio  corresponded  with  Rome,  and 
 there  was  no  doubt  that  some  measures  for  the  restoration  of  the  Roman 
 Catholic  religion  were  in  preparation,  and  only  waited  for  the  Rarliament 
 to  be  carried  into  execution."     History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  25.— E.] 
 
 1  [The  Earl  of  ]N[oray  and  his  banished  associates  in  England. — E.] 
 
 2  [On  Saturday  the  9th  of  March  1565-6,  about  seven  o'clock  in  the 
 evening. — E.] 
 
 3  [Jane,  illegitimate  daughter  of  James  V.  by  Elizabeth,  daughter  of 
 John  Lord  Carmichael.  Lady  Jane  Stuart  was  the  first  Countess  of 
 Archibald  fifth  Earl  of  Argyll.  She  died  without  issue,  and  was  interred 
 in  the  royal  vault  in  the  Chapel-Royal  of  Holyrood. — E.] 
 
 4  [Lord  Robert  Stuart,  one  of  the  Queen's  illegitimate  brothers,  lay 
 "  Abbot"  or  Commendator  of  Holyroodhouse.— See  the  fourth  note, 
 p.  404  of  this  volume. — E.] 
 
 °  Ilis  name  was  IJethune,  a  branch  of  the  family  of  Balfour.— [The 
 Master  of  the  Queen's  Household,  apparently  Robert  Bethune  of  Criech,  a 
 castle  now  in  ruins  in  the  parish  so  called  in  the  north-west  of  Eifeshire. 
 Elizabeth  Bethune,  or  Beaton,  daughter  of  Sir  John  Bethune  of  Criech, 
 was  the  mother,  by  James  V.,  of  Jane  Countess  of  Argyll,  who  was  at 
 supper  with  Queen  Mary  on  the  evening  of  Riccio's  murder.  Janet, 
 daughter  of  this  Sir  John  Bethune  of  Crcich,  was  the  second  wife  of  Sir 
 Walter  Scott  of  Branxholm,  who  waskilled  in  a  nocturnal  encounter  with 
 Sir  Walter  Ker  of  Cessford  on  the  High  Street  of  Ediuburgli  in  1552. 
 She  is  celebrated  in  the  Lay  of  tub  Last  Minstrel.  Sir  David  Betluuie 
 of  Creich,  the  grandfather  of  that  lady,  was  Lord  High  Trea.surer  of 
 Scotland  from  1507  to  1509.  The  Bethunes,  or  Boatons,  of  Criech  were 
 nearly  related  to  the  Beatons  of  Balfour  iu  Fife,  the  family  of  Cardinal 
 Beaton. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Subsequently  nu*ntionod  in  this  letter  as  the  Captam  of  the  Queen's 
 Guard.— E.]  "  [Sidhj  or  injirm  /a'ulth.—E.] 
 
 ^  Because  it  has  been  the  season  of  Lent. 
 
414  THK  HISTORY  <)F  THK  AFFAIRS  [1505-(k 
 
 to  the  011(1  of  seven  iiioneths  in  our  birth  ;l  the  King  our 
 liusband  came  to  us  in  our  cabinet,  placed  him  beside  us  at 
 our  supper.  The  ICarl  of  Morton  and  Lord  Lindsay,  with 
 thcirassistars,  bodin  in  warHck  manor,  to  the  number  of  eight 
 score  persons  or  tliereby,-  kept  and  occupied  the  wliole  entry 
 of  our  Palace  of  Halyrudhouse,  so  that  as  they  believed  it 
 was  not  possible  to  any  person  to  escape  forth  of  the  same. 
 In  tliat  mean  time  the  Lord  Ruthven,  bodin  in  like  manor, 
 with  his  complices,  took  entry  perforce  in  our  cabinet,  and 
 there  seeing  our  secretary,  David  Riccio,  among  others  our 
 servants,  declared  he  had  to  speak  with  him.  In  this 
 instant  we  required  the  King  our  husband,  if  he  knew  any 
 thing  of  that  interprise  ?  who  denyed  the  samyne.  Also  we 
 commanded  the  Lord  Ruthven,  under  the  pain  of  treason, 
 to  avoyd  him  forth  of  our  presence ;  declaring  we  should 
 cxhibitc  the  said  David  before  the  Lords  of  Parlament  to 
 be  punislit,  if  any  sorte  he  had  offended.  Notwithstanding, 
 the  said  Lord  Ruthven  perforce  invadit  him  in  our  presence 
 (he  then  for  refuge  took  safeguard,  having  retired  him 
 behind  our  back),  and  with  his  complices  cast  down  our 
 table  upon  ourself,  put  violent  hands  in  him,  struck  him  over 
 our  shoulders  with  whinzeards,  one  part  of  them  standing 
 before  our  face  with  bended  daggs,'^  most  cruelly  took  him 
 forth  of  our  cabinet,  and  at  the  entry  of  our  chamber  give 
 him  fifty-six  strokes  with  whinzeards  and  swords.^    In  doing 
 
 '  [The  Queen  means  that  slio  had  nearly  conchuled  the  seventh  month 
 of  her  pre^j^iancy. — E.] 
 
 -  [In  the  indictment  of  Yair,  one  of  the  persons  executed  for  Kiccio's 
 murder,  it  is  stated  tliat  five  hundred  persons  assisted  at  the  seizure  of 
 the  PaUice  of  Ilolyrood  on  the  evenin«i:  specified. — E.] 
 
 =*  ristols. 
 
 *  [Knox  (Ilistorie,  Edin.  edit.  \7:V2,  p.  31)2)  Siiys  that  the  murderers 
 at  first  intended  to  han<^  Kiccio,  and  hrou«,dit  a  rope  for  tlie  i)urpose,  hut 
 they  were  prevented  hy  the  jx'cuHar  circumstances  Mliich  occurred,  and 
 they  dispatched  him  with  their  "  whin«,'ers  or  dai,'^'ers,"  hy  itjtij-tJircc 
 »r(m7?(^.-»— tliree  less  than  the  numher  specified  hy  the  Queen  in  her  letter 
 to  Archhishop  IJeaton.  The  scene  of  Kiccio's  murder  in  the  Palace  of 
 Ilolyrood  cannot  he  surveyed  without  painful  interest.  The  only 
 remaining,'  portion  of  the  old  Palace  is  the  north-west  tower,now  included 
 in  the  (luadran^de  huilt  hy  Charles  II.  close  to  the  Chapel-Hoyal.  This 
 tower,  like  the  rest  of  the  Palace,  contains  a  ^round-tloor,  two  storeys, 
 aiul  attics,  and  has  two  an^^ilar  round  turrets  risin«,'  from  the  hase, 
 surmounted  hy  a  hartizan.  The  j,'round  floor  and  the  fii-st  storey  comprise 
 the  apartments  occupied  hy  tlu»  Duke  of  Hamilton  ns  Hereditary  Keeper 
 
156o-C.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  415 
 
 whereof,  we  were  not  only  struck  with  great  dreadour,  but 
 also  by  sundrie  considerations  was  most  justly  induced  to 
 take  extream  fear  of  our  life.     After  this  deed  immediately 
 
 and  the  second  storey  contains  several  rooms  known  as  Queen  Man/s 
 Apartments.  These  are  reached  by  the  staircase  entered  from  the  piazzas 
 in  the  interior  of  the  quadrangle,  and  also  by  a  narrow  private  stair  on 
 the  north  side  of  the  Palace,  near  the  western  or  grand  entrance  of  the 
 Chapel-Royal,  to  which  it  had  access  before  the  present  Palace  was  erected. 
 This  was  the  access  by  which  the  assassins  entered  the  Queen's  apartments, 
 and  into  the  room,  occupying  the  whole  breadth  of  the  north-west 
 tower,  now  designated  Queen  Mary's  Becl-Chamher,  which  has  one  window 
 on  the  south  and  another  on  the  west,  and  connected  with  a  small  closet, 
 called  Queen  Marrfs  Dvessin(j-Room^  formed  by  the  south  turret,  while  the 
 north  turret  contains  tlie  supping  closet  in  Avhich  the  Queen  was  with  her 
 friends  on  the  evening  of  the  murder.  Crawford  (Memoirs  of  the  Affairs 
 of  Scotland,  p.  9)  asserts  that  Riccio  was  sitting  at  a  side-table,  as  he 
 always  did  when  waiting,  when  the  assassins  unexpectedly  appeared,  but 
 Archbishop  Spottiswoode  states  that  he  sat  at  table  with  the  Queen 
 (History,  p.  194).  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  closet  is  so  small  that  the 
 distinction  could  be  scarcely  perceptible.  The  conspirators  had  been 
 admitted  to  Darnley's  apartment  below,  on  the  first  floor,  by  the  private 
 turnpike-stair  already  mentioned.  Darnley  ascended  this  stair  as  if  to 
 join  the  Queen,  threw  up  the  arras  which  concealed  its  opening  in  the 
 wall,  and  entered  tlie  little  apartment  in  which  the  Queen,  the  Countess 
 of  Argyll,  the  Commendator  of  Ilolyrood,  Beaton  of  Criech,  Artliur 
 Erskine,  and  Riccio,  were  convened.  He  cast  his  arm  fondly  round  her 
 waist,  and  seated  himself  beside  her  at  the  table,  but  he  partook  not  of 
 the  repast.  The  Earl  of  IVIorton  and  Lord  Lindsay  kept  guard  without, 
 having  one  hundred  and  sixty  men  in  the  coiirt,  and  about  five  hundred 
 surrounding  the  Palace.  A  minute  had  scarcely  elapsed  when  Lord 
 Ruthven,  a  man  of  tall  stature,  clad  in  complete  armour,  abruptly  broke 
 in  on  the  party.  He  had  risen  fi'om  a  sick-bed  to  j)erpetrate  this  murder, 
 and  his  features  were  so  sunk  and  pale  from  disease,  his  appearance 
 so  repulsive,  and  his  voice  so  hollow,  that  the  Queen,  far  advanced  in 
 pregnancy,  started  up  in  tei'ror,  and  commanded  him  instantly  to  depart, 
 while  her  guests  and  attendants  sat  paralyzed  at  his  sudden  intrusion. 
 According  to  one  writer  (Goodall,  vol.  i.  p.  251,  252,  et  seq.)  Ruthven,  when 
 he  entered,  merely  wished  to  speak  to  Riccio,  but  the  Queen  suspected 
 violence,  and  Ruthveu's  refusal  to  leave  the  closet  alarmed  the  Italian, 
 who  ran  behind  the  Queen.  Darnley  was  asked  for  an  explanation,  but 
 he  hypocritically  affected  ignorance,  while  he  scowled  fiercely  at  the 
 victim.  Mary  had  scarcely  uttered  her  order  to  Ruthven  when  the  light 
 of  torches  glared  in  the  outer  room  or  bed-chamber,  a  confused  noise  of 
 voices  and  weapons  was  heard,  and  instantly  George  Douglas,  Ker  of 
 Fawdonside,  and  others  crowded  into  the  closet.  Ruthven  drew  his 
 dagger,  fiercely  exclaiming  to  the  Queen — "  No  harm  is  intended  to  you, 
 Madam,  but  only  to  that  villain  :"  and  made  an  effort  to  seize  Riccio, 
 who  sprang  behind  the  Queen,  seized  her  dross,  and,  according  to  some 
 accounts,  almost  clasped  her  in  his  arms  in  a  state  of  distraction,  shouting 
 in  a  foreign  accent — "  Justice  !  justice  !   save  my  life,  Madam  !   save  my 
 
41(j  THE   HISTORY  UF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loOO-(J. 
 
 tlio  said  Lord  Rutlivon  coming  again  in  our  presence, 
 declared  Iiow  they  and  their  complices  foresaids  were  highly 
 offended  witli  our  })roceedings  and  tyranny,  which  was  not 
 
 life  !"  All  was  now  in  disorder,  the  chairs,  table,  dishes,  candlesticks, 
 were  overturned,  and  Darnlev  endeavoured  to  unloose  Kiccio's  liands 
 from  the  Queen's  j)erson,  assuring  her  that  she  was  safe.  Ker  presented 
 a  pistol  to  the  breast  of  the  Queen,  and  threatened  to  destroy  both 
 her  and  Hiccio  if  she  caused  any  alarm.  While  she  shrieked  with 
 terror,  and  Darnley  still  lield  her  in  his  arms,  Iticcio  was  stabbed  over 
 her  shoulder  by  Georf^e  Douj^las  with  Darnley's  dagger,  which  he  had 
 snatched  from  the  side  of  the  latter,  and  left  it  in  the  body  of  the  Italian. 
 lie  was  then  dragged  through  the  Queen's  bed-room  to  the  entrance  of  the 
 Presence-Chamber,  Avhere  Morton  and  his  associates  inished  on  him,  and 
 plunged  their  daggers  to  the  hilt  in  his  body,  which  weltered  in  a  pool 
 of  blood,  with  Darnley's  dagger  in  it,  to  shew  that  he  had  sanctioned 
 the  murder.  If  tradition  is  to  be  credited,  Kiccio  was  murdeied  at  the 
 top  of  the  private  staircase,  and  some  lai'ge  dark  spots  are  pointed  a.s 
 the  indelible  marks  of  his  blood — a  statement  utterly  fabulous,  and 
 unworthy  of  the  slightest  credit,  more  especially  when  it  is  recollected 
 that  this  ])art  of  the  Palace  was  completely  gutted  by  fire  in  Cromwell's 
 time.  Kiccio's  body  was  dragged  to  the  porter's  lodge,  stri})ped  naked, 
 and  treated  with  every  mark  of  indignity.  After  the  murder  was  per- 
 l)etrated.  Lord  Kuthven  staggered  Into  the  Queen's  cabinet  in  a  state 
 of  exhaustion,  and  found  Mary  standing  distracted,  and  in  terror  of  her 
 life.  He  .sat  down,  and  called  for  wine.  AVhen  tlie  Queen  reproached 
 him  for  his  cruelty,  he  not  only  vindicated  himself  and  his  associates,  but 
 astonished  the  Queen  by  declaring  that  her  husband  Darnley  was  the 
 contriver.  At  this  crisis  one  of  the  Queen's  ladies  suddenly  rushed  into 
 the  cabinet,  and  exclaimed  that  Kiccio  was  slain,  for  up  to  that  moment 
 the  Queen  was  ignorant  of  the  completion  of  the  murder.  When  Mary 
 was  informed  that  Darnley  was  the  chief  leader  in  the  crime,  a  scene  of 
 mutual  recrimination  ensued,  which,  if  we  are  to  credit  the  Earl  of 
 Bedford  and  liandolph,  in  their  letter  to  Cecil  dated  IJerwiek,  27th  ^larch, 
 was  most  discreditable  to  either  party.  It  was  a  most  outrageous  charge 
 by  Darnley  that  the  Queen  had  been  too  familiar  with  Uiccio,  and  Mary's 
 answers,  a.ssuming  the  accusations  and  retorts  to  be  correctly  rejjorted  by 
 Dedfurd  and  l{andolj)h,  were  very  undignified,  though  every  allowance 
 must  be  nuide  for  the  heat  of  passion,  and  the  unparalleled  insult  she 
 as  the  sovereign  had  received,  by  the  atrocious  crime  which  had  just 
 been  perpetrated  in  her  ])resence,  aided  and  abetted  by  her  own  husband, 
 whose  recent  conduct  for  some  months  j)revious  had  greatly  estranged  her 
 affections  from  him,  and  had  rendered  her  most  unhapi)y.  See  the  notes, 
 p.  402,  40.%  and  the  fourth  note,  p.  404,  of  the  ]>resent  volimie.  Imme- 
 diately after  the  unfortimate  Hiccio  had  been  di.-patched,  the  assi\.ssins 
 kept  the  Queen  a  close  prisoner  in  her  apartment  ;  Darnlev  assumed 
 the  regal  ])ower,  dissolved  the  Parlianu'ut,  commanded  the  Instates 
 to  leave  ICdinburgh  within  three  hours  on  pain  of  treason  ;  and 
 orders  were  sent  to  the  Magistrates,  enjoining  them  to  be  vigilant  with 
 tluMr  city  force,  and  to  prevent  all  Uoman  Catholics  from  leaving  their 
 houses.  To  the  Earl  of  Morton  and  his  armed  retainers  were  entruste<l 
 the  ;,'ates  of  the  Palace,  with  injunctions  that   none  should  e8cai>e.     The 
 
15G5-G.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  SCOTLAND.  417 
 
 to  them  tolerable ;  how  we  was  abused  by  the  said  David, 
 whom  they  had  actually  put  to  death,  namely,  in  taking  his 
 counsell  for  maintenance  of  the  ancient  religion,  debarring 
 of  the  Lords  which  were  fugitive,  and  entertaining  of  amity 
 with  foreign  princes  and  nations  with  whom  we  were  con- 
 federate ;  putting  also  upon  Council  the  Lords  Both  well  and 
 Huntly,  who  were  traitors,  and  with  whom  he  associated 
 himself.  That  the  Lords  banisht  in  England  were  the  movne 
 to  resort  toward  us,  and  would  take  plain  part  with  them 
 in  our  contrary ;  and  that  the  King  was  willing  to  remit 
 them  their  offences.  We  all  this  time  took  no  less  care  of 
 ourselves,  than  for  our  Council  and  Nobility,  maintenars  of 
 our  authority,  being  with  us  in  our  Palace  for  the  time ;  to 
 wit,  the  Earls  of  Huntly,  Both  well,  A  thole.  Lords  Fleming 
 
 Earls  of  Huntly  and  Botlivvell,  however,  contrived  to  elude  the  guards  by 
 leaping  over  a  window  towards  the  garden,  on  the  north  side  of  the  Palace, 
 in  which  some  lions  and  other  wild  animals  were  kept.  The  Earl  of 
 Atholl,  Murray  of  Tullibardine,  Maitland  of  Lethington,  and  Sir  James 
 Balfour  of  Pittendreich,  were  permitted  to  retire,  which  they  readily  did 
 in  fear  of  their  lives.  Sir  James  jNIelville  says  that  on  the  following 
 morning,  which  was  Sunday,  he  was  "  let  forth"  at  the  gate.  The  Queen 
 saw  him  passing  through  the  outer  gate,  and  throwing  up  the  window 
 sash,  she  implored  him  to  warn  the  citizens,  and  take  her  out  of  the  hands 
 of  the  traitors.  "  Run  fast,"  said  the  Queen,  "  for  they  will  stay  you." 
 One  Wisbet,  master  of  Lennox's  household,  was  sent  with  a  party  to  stop 
 him,  but  Sir  James  told  him  he  was  merely  "  going  to  sermon  at  St 
 Giles'  church."  He  Avent  to  the  Provost  of  the  city,  the  common  bell 
 was  soon  rimg,  and  the  chief  magistrate,  with  a  body  of  armed  citizens, 
 rushed  into  the  court  of  the  Palace,  demanding  the  release  of  their 
 sovereign.  Alary  in  vain  entreated  the  assassins  to  allow  her  to  address 
 the  citizens.  She  was  dragged  from  the  window,  with  threats  that  if 
 she  attempted  to  shew  herself  they  would  cut  her  in  pieces,  Darnley 
 appeared  in  her  stead,  assured  the  Provost  and  his  party  tliat  the  Queen 
 and  he  were  in  safety,  and  commanded  tliem  to  disjicrse,  whicli  they 
 instantly  obeyed.  As  it  respects  Kiccio's  pecuniary  circumstances,  we 
 have  the  following  information  : — "  Of  tlie  greate  sul)stance  he  had  thert? 
 is  much  spoken.  Some  saye  in  golde  to  the  value  of  two  thousand  pounds 
 sterling.  His  apparell  was  verie  goode  ;  as  it  is  sayde,  fourteen  payre  of 
 velvet  hose.  His  chamber  well  furnished  ;  armour,  daggs,  pystoletts, 
 harquebusses,  twenty-two  swords.  Of  all  this  nothing  spoiled,  nor  lacking, 
 saving  two  or  three  daggs.  He  had  the  custodie  of  all  the  Queen's  letters, 
 which  were  delivered  unlooked  upon.  We  heare  of  a  jeweli  tliat  he  luid 
 hanging  about  his  necke  of  some  price  tliat  cannot  be  heard  of.  He  had 
 upon  his  backe,  when  he  was  slayne,  a  nyglito  gowne  of  damaske  furred, 
 with  a  sattyne  doublet,  and  hose  of  russet  velvet."  liedford  and  Randolph 
 to  Cecil,  dated  Berwick,  27th  of  March  lo6(>,  in  Wright's  "  Memoirs  of 
 Queen  Elizabeth  and  lier  Times,"  vol.  i.  p.  2X\  234.— E.] 
 VOL.  ir.  27 
 
418  THK   IlTSTOllY  OF  TIIK  AFFAIRS  [l,>Go-0. 
 
 and  Livingstone,  Sir  James  Balfour,^  and  certain  others 
 our  familiar  servitors,  against  whom  the  interprise  was 
 conspired  as  well  as  for  David ;  and  namely  to  have  hanged 
 the  said  Sir  James  in  cords.  Yet,  by  the  providence  of 
 God,  the  Earls  of  lluntly  and  Bothwell  escaped  forth  of 
 their  chambers  in  our  Palace  at  a  back-window  by  some 
 cords  ;  wherein  thir  cons|)irators  took  some  fear,  and 
 thought  themselves  greatly  disappointed  in  ther  inteq)rize. 
 The  Earl  of  Athole  and  Sir  James  Balfour  by  some  other 
 means,  with  the  Lords  Flemin":  and  Levin<2:ston,  obteined 
 deliverance  of  their  invasion.  The  Provost  and  town  of 
 Edinburgh  having  understood  this  tumult  in  our  Palace, 
 caused  ring  their  common  bell,  came  to  us  in  great  number, 
 and  desired  to  have  seen  our  presence,  intercomoned-  with 
 us,  and  to  have  known  our  welfare :  to  whom  we  was  not 
 permitted  to  give  answer,  being  extreamly  bostcd''^  by  thir 
 Lords,  who  in  our  face  declared,  if  we  desired  to  have  spoken 
 them,  they  should  cut  us  in  collops,  and  cast  us  over  the 
 walls.  So  this  community  being  commanded  by  our  husband, 
 retired  them  to  quietness. 
 
 "  All  that  night  we  were  detained  in  captivity  within  our 
 chamber,  not  permitting  us  to  have  intercomoned  scarcely 
 with  our  servant-women  nor  domestic  servitors.  Upon  the 
 morn  hereafter  proclamation  was  made  in  our  husband's 
 name,  by^  our  advice,  commanding  all  Prelates,  and  other 
 Lords  conveened  to  l\arlcni(  ut,  to  retire  themselves  of  our 
 burgh  of  Edinburgh.  That  haill  day  we  was  keeped  in  that 
 firmance,-'''  our  familiar  servitors  and  guard  being  deJjarred 
 from  our  service,  and  we  watched  by  the  connnittars  of  thir 
 crimes ;  to  whom  a  part  of  the  connnunity  of  Edinburgh, 
 to  the  number  of  fourscore  persons,  assisted. 
 
 "  'J'he  Earl  of  Moray  that  same  day  at  evin,  accompanied 
 with  the  Earl  of  Rothes,  Pctarro,  Grange,  tutor  of  Pitcurr, 
 rind  others  who  were  with  him  in  Enirland.  came  to  them,«^ 
 
 '  He  was  by  this  time  iiuulc  Clcik-Hc'^fistt'i-,  in  tho  looin  of  Mr  .laiiu>s 
 Mac;,nll,  ono  of  the  conspirators  of  this  ninrdor. —  [See  the  fouith  note, 
 p.  .'$7*2  of  this  volinne. — K.J 
 
 '■*  Spoken.  a  Tlneatened. 
 
 ••  Without.  **  Prison  or  captivity. 
 
 •'  The  Kin<r  had  written  for  tlieni  accordini,'  to  the  homl  hetwi.xt  him 
 and  the  Lord  Hutliven,  wlien  the  murder  was  conspired. 
 
1565-C.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  419 
 
 and  seeing  our  stated  and  intertainment,^  was  moved  with 
 natural  affection  towards  us.^  Upon  the  morn  he*  assembled 
 the  interprisars  of  this  late  crime,  and  such  of  our  rebels  as 
 came  with  liim.^  In  their  council  they  thought  it  most 
 expedient  we  should  be  warded  in  our  castle  of  Streviling,^ 
 there  to  remain  while^  we  had  approved  in  Parlamcnt  all 
 their  wicked  interprizes,  estaUisht  their  religion,  and  given 
 to  the  King  the  crown-matrimoniall,  and  the  haill  govern- 
 ment of  our  Realme :  or  else,  by  all  appearance,  firmly 
 purposed  to  have  put  us  to  death,  or  detained  us  in  per- 
 petual captivity.  To  avoyd^  them  of  our  Palace  with  their 
 guard  and  assistars,  the  King  promised  to  keep  us  that 
 night  in  sure  guard,  and  that  but^  compulsion  he  should 
 cause  us  in  Parlament  approve'  all  their  conspiracies.  By 
 this  moyen  he  caused  them  to  retire  them  of  our  Palace. 
 
 "  This  being  granted,  and  the  guard  commanded  to  servo 
 us  in  the  accustomate  manner  (the  fear  and  dreadour 
 always  remained  with  us),  we  declared  our  state  to  the 
 King  our  husband,  certifying  him  how  miserably  he  would 
 be  handled,  in  case  he  permitted  thir  Lords  to  prevaiU^^  in 
 our  contrare ;  and  how  unacceptable  it  would  be  to  other 
 Princes,  our  confederates,  in  case  he  altered  the  religion. 
 By  this  perswasion  he  was  induced  to  condescend  to  the 
 
 1  Coudition.  ^  Treatment. 
 
 ^  ["  It  was  noAv  Sunday  night,  tlie  mxirder  had  been  committed  late  on 
 Saturday  evening,  and,  according  to  their  previous  concert,  Moray, 
 Rothes,  and  Ochiltree,  with  others  of  the  banished  Lords,  arrived  in  the 
 capital,  and  instantly  rode  to  the  Palace.  They  were  welcomed  by 
 Darnley,  and  so  little  did  INIary  suspect  JNIoray's  foreknowledge  of  the 
 murder,  that  she  instantly  sent  for  him,  and  throwing  lierself  into  his 
 arms,  in  an  agony  of  tears  exclaimed — '  If  my  brother  had  l)een  here,  he 
 never  would  have  suffered  me  to  have  been  thus  cruelly  handled.'  The 
 sight  overcame  him,  and  lie  is  i-eported  to  have  wept ;  but,  if  sincere,  his 
 compunction  was  momentary." — Tytler'.s  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii. 
 p.  39.  Randolph  and  Bedford  to  Cecil,  dated  Berwick,  27th  Marcli,  in 
 Wright's  "  Queen  I^lizabeth  and  her  'J'imes,"  vol.  i.  p.  230. — K.] 
 
 4  ]Moray. 
 
 ^  Mr  Knox,  and  from  him  Abp.  Sjjottiswood,  say,  tliat  the  I2arl  of 
 Moray,  &c.,  went  on  the  r2th  March,  the  day  of  the  meeting  of  the  Par- 
 liament, to  the  Tolbooth,  where  it  was  then  ordinarily  kei)t,  and  there 
 took  protestation  that  they  were  ready  to  answer  tlie  summons  of  for- 
 feiture directed  against  them  ;  and  tlmt  none  did  })ursue. — [Knox's 
 Historic,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  394.- K. I 
 
 «  [Stirling  Castle— K.]  "  Till.  ^  Remove. 
 
 9  Without.  *"  Against  us. 
 
420  TIIK  IIISTURY  OF  THK   AIFAIUS  [loGo-G. 
 
 purpose  taken  by  us,  and  to  retire  him  in  our  company  to 
 Dunbar;  wliicli  wo  did  under  night,  accompanied  with  the 
 captain  of  our  guard,  Artliur  Erskine,  and  two  others  only.^ 
 Of  before  we  being  of  mind  to  have  gotten  ourselves  relieved 
 of  this  detention,  desired  in  (juiet  manner  the  Earls  of 
 I3othwell  and  Iluntly  to  have  prepared  some  way  whereby 
 they  might  have  performed  the  same  ;  who  not  doubting 
 therein,  at  the  least  taking  no  regard  to  hazard  their  lives 
 in  that  behalf,  devised  that  we  should  have  come  over  the 
 walls  of  our  Palace  in  the  night  upon  towes-  and  chairs, 
 which  they  had  in  readiness  to  that  effect. 
 
 "  Soon  after  our  coming  to  Dunbar,  sundry  of  our  Nobi- 
 lity, zealous  of  our  well,  such  as  the  Earls  of  Huntly,  Both- 
 well,  jNIarshall,  Athole,  Caithness  ;  Bishop  of  St  Andrew's, 
 with  his  kin  and  friends  ;  Lords  Hume,  Yester,  Sempil,  and 
 infinite  others,  assembled  to  us.  By  whose  advice,  procla- 
 mations being  made  for  convening  our  lieges  to  attend  to  us 
 and  our  service,  the  Lords  conspirators  perceiving  the 
 samen,  the  Earl  of  Glencairn,  as  innocent  of  this  last  crime, 
 resorted  towards  us  by  our  tolerance,  and  hath  taken  his 
 remission,  and  sicklike  the  Earl  of  Rothes.  The  Earl  of 
 Moray  and  Argyle  sent  diverse  messages  to  procure  our 
 favour,  to  whom  in  likewise,  for  certain  respects,  by  advice 
 of  our  Nobility  and  Council  being  with  us,  we  have  granted 
 remission,^  under  condition  they  nowise  apply  themselves  to 
 
 '  [Mary  soon  succeeiled  in  (U'taching  Darnley  from  tlie  murderers,  and 
 he  had  the  hardihood  falsely  to  deny  all  connection  with  the  consj)iracy. 
 On  the  assurance  of  a  free  pardon,  Huthven  and  his  associates  left  the 
 Palace  of  Ilolyrood,  and  went  to  the  Earl  of  Morton's  house.  The  guards 
 were  removed,  and  the  domestics  of  the  Queen  were  permitted  to  resume 
 their  duties  in  the  household.  "  All  men  being  gone  to  their  lodgings, 
 and  no  suspicion  taken  of  any  tliat  either  she  wulde  departe,  or  not  per- 
 form the  promise  to  the  Lords,  aboute  twelve  of  the  clocke  at  night  she 
 conveied  herself  a  jjHvate  way  out  of  the  house  (Palace);  she,  her  liusbande, 
 and  oiu'  gentlewoman, came  to  the  place  where  Arthur  I'^rsken,  thecaj»tayn 
 of  her  garde,  kept  the  horses,  and  so  rode  her  wave  l)eliinde  Arthur 
 Kr.skcn  until  she  came  to  Seton.  There  she  took  a  horse  to  herself,  and 
 rode  to  Donbarre,  to  the  Castle,  whither  resorted  unto  her  Iluntly  and 
 IJothewell,  and  so  dyversof  the  whole  countrye."  Itandolph  and  Hcdford 
 to  Cecil,  dated  Berwick,  27th  March  ITiGG,  in  Wright's  "Queen  Klizabeth 
 and  her  Tinu's,"  vol.  i.  p.  2'.W,  2'M. —  \].\ 
 
 ••'   Kopi-s. 
 
 '  Sir  .Tames  M civil  says,  the  Queen  subscribed  diverse  remissions  for 
 my  Lord  Moray  and  his  deponders,  in  the  town  of  Haddington,  on  her 
 
lo65-G.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IX  SCOTLAND.  421 
 
 thir  last  conspirators,  and  retire  themselves  in  Argyle 
 during  our  will.  Thinking  it  very  difficult  to  have  so  many 
 bent  at  once  in  our  contrarc,  and  knowing  the  promises 
 past  already  betwixt  the  King  and  them,  and  our  force  not 
 sufficient,  through  inability  of  our  person,  to  resist  the 
 samen,  and  put  the  matter  in  so  great  hazard.! 
 
 "  We  remained  in  Dunbar  five  days,^  and  after  returned 
 to  Edinburgh^  well  accompanied  with  our  subjects. ^  The 
 last  conspirators,  with  their  assistcrs,  have  removed  them- 
 selves forth  of  the  samen  of  before,^  and  being  presently 
 
 way  from  Dunbar  to  Edinburgh,  and  assigns  the  same  reasons  for  her  so 
 doing. — [Sir  James  Melville's  Memoirs,  folio,  p.  66. — E.] 
 
 ^  jNIr  Knox  says  that  the  Queen  "  might  be  the  better  revenged  upon 
 the  slayers  of  David  Riccio,  she  intended  to  give  pardon  to  all  such  as 
 before  had  been  attainted  for  ^chatsomevcr  crime.''  But  this  is  more 
 than  he,  or  any  man  for  him,  can  make  out.  To  decide  concerning  the 
 intentions  is  no  easy  matter. — [Knox's  Historic,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.' 393. 
 -E.] 
 
 2  [Dunbar  Castle  was  then  crown  property,  though  possessed  by  the 
 Earl  of  Bothwell,  who  was  infeft  as  keeper  and  captain  of  it  in  1567.— E.] 
 
 3  [AVhen  the  Queen  returned  to  Edinburgh,  she  preferred  the  house  of 
 a  private  citizen  in  the  High  Street  as  her  residence  to  the  Palace  of 
 Holyrood,  and  a  few  days  afterwards  removed  to  another  tenement  nearer 
 the  Castle.  Randolph  and  Bedford  to  Cecil,  dated  Berwick,  27th  March 
 1566,  in  Wright's  "  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Times,"  vol.  i.  p.  232.— E.J 
 
 *  Knox  also  says,  that  the  Queen's  army  consisted  already  of  about 
 8000,  and  that  she  came  to  Edinburgh  on  the  18th  of  INIarch  ;  and  that 
 for  fear  of  punishment  the  Lords  conspirators  fled  from  that  city  the  day 
 before,  being  Sunday. — [Knox's  Historic,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  393.  Ran- 
 dolph and  Bedford,  in  their  letter  to  Cecil,  dated  Berwick,  27th  ^farcli, 
 reduce  the  alleged  8000  men  to  "  abowte  three  thousand." — E.] 
 
 5  Our  historians  say,  that  the  Earl  of  Morton,  the  Lords  Ruthven  and 
 Lindsay,  and  Secretary  Maitland,  fled  into  England  ;  that  others  betook 
 themselves  to  the  mountainous  a)id  inaccessible  parts  within  the  kingdom, 
 and  Mr  Knox  hid  himself  in  the  west  country  of  Kyle,  thereby  plainly 
 taking  upon  him  to  have  been  one  of  the  contrivers  (at  least  abettors)  of 
 the  ungodly  deed,  as  Mr  Buchanan  well  remarks  in  the  close  of  his  obser- 
 vations on  this  head.  "  And  such  a  change,"  says  Ab]).  Si)ottiswood,  "  you 
 should  have  seen  as  they  who  the  night  proceeding  did  vaunt  of  the  fact 
 as  a  godly  and  memorable  act,  affirming  some  truly,  some  falsly,  that  tliey 
 were  present  thereat— did,  on  tluMUorrow,  foreswear  all  tliat  l)efore  they 
 had  afflrmed." — [Buclianan — Historia  Rerum  Scoticanim,  original  edit. 
 Edin.  1582,  fol.  211  ;  Translation,  Edin.  edit.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  313.  Knox 
 distinctly  associated  liimself  with  the  murderers  of  Riccio,  who  fled  when 
 the  Queen  returned  to  Edinburgh,  and  states  that  he  retired  to  the  district 
 of  Kyle  in  Ayrshire  (Historic,  p.  395)  ;  but  .lohn  Craig,  his  colleague, 
 who  was  also  ])rivy   to   the  murder,  remained  in   the  city.      Mr  Tytler 
 
422  THE  HISTORY  0¥  THE  AFFAIRS  [15Go-G. 
 
 fugitive  from  uiir  laws,  we  have  caused  by  our  charges  their 
 hail  fortunes,  strengths,  and  houses,  to  be  rcndred  to  us ; 
 have  caused  make  inventar  of  their  goods  and  geir,  and 
 intend  further  to  pursue  them  with  all  rigour.l  Whereunto 
 we  are  assured  to  have  the  assistance  of  our  husband,  who 
 liath  declared  to  us,  and  in  presence  of  the  Lords  of  our 
 Privy-Council,  his  innocence  of  this  last  conspiracy,  how 
 he  never  counselled,  commanded,  consented,  assisted,  nor 
 approved  the  same.  Thus  far  only  he  oversaw  himself,  that 
 at  the  enticement  and  perswasion  of  the  late  conspirators, 
 he,  without  our  advice  or  knowledge,  consented  to  the 
 bringing  home  forth  of  England  of  the  Earls  of  Moray, 
 Glencairn,  Rothes,  and  other  persons  with  whom  we  were 
 offended.  This  ye  will  consider  by  his  declaration  made 
 hereupon,  which  at  his  desire  hath  been  published  at  the 
 mercat  crosses  of  this  our  Realm ;-  whereof  with  thir 
 presents  we  thought  necessary  to  send  you  the  original.  We 
 have  informed  this  bearer,  Mr  James  Thornton,  upon  sundry 
 other  our  particular  affairs,  to  whom  give  credit.  We 
 require  you,  in  case  of  your  absence  from  Court,  that  ye  pass 
 thereto  with  diligence,  to  declare  all  our  proceeding  to  the 
 King  and  Queen-mother,  and  our  uncle  the  Cardinal  of 
 Lorrain,  to  whom  we  have  also  written  anent  the  premisses. 
 And  so  we  commit  you  to  the  protection  of  the  eternal 
 God.     Of  Edinburgh  the  second  day  of  April  loGG.'' 
 
 Postscript  in  French  with  the  Queens  own  hand. 
 ^'  Je   vous  prie   ne   faillez,  incontinant  ces  lettres    vues, 
 aller  a  la  Cour,  afinque  vous  puissiez  empescher  les  bruits 
 
 completely  proves  that  Knox  was  in  the  plot.  iSt-e  his  "  Jlistorical 
 Remarks  on  Knox's  inij)lication  in  Riccio's  murdrr,"  History  of  Scotland, 
 vol.  vii,  Aj)pen(lix,  p.  4'27-43*2. — E.] 
 
 '  "  How  the  Jlarons'  wives  are  oppressed,''  says  the  Lord  Ruthvon,  in 
 liis  account  of  this  murder,  "  by  spoilinjr  tlieir  places  and  rohbini;  their 
 goods,  it  would  pity  a  [food  heart."  He  no  doubt  means  the  wives  of  the 
 murderers,  but  t lie  yj/aofa  and  yoo(/»  did  not  ludon^' to  them,  but  to  their 
 husbands  ;  and  tlieir  husbands  had  merited  the  severest  treatment.  Some 
 have  read  a  rjodhj  heart,  (foodvtss  and  tjodUncsgy  too,  are  much  in  the 
 mouth  of  some  people,  while  they  are  far  enough  from  their  hearts.  We 
 know  that  hitter  has  been  put  for  sweety  and  mrct  for  bitttr. 
 
 "  Our  liistorians  take  notice  of  this  Proclamation. 
 
Io05-G.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  423 
 
 faux  (Festre  creus  ;  et  faites  en  iin  discoiirs  a  rambassadeur 
 d'Espagno  ct  autres  etrangers.i 
 
 "  Votre  bien  bonne  Maistresse  et  Amie, 
 
 "  Marie,  lir 
 
 By  the  close  of  this  foregoing  paper,  and  by  the  accounts 
 given  by  our  historians,  the  readers  having  seen  what  steps 
 the  Queen  did  take  after  she  was  rescued  from  the  hands  of 
 the  murderers,  I  have  besides,  for  their  more  sure  and  par- 
 ticular information,  added  in  the  Appendix^  all  the  Acts  of 
 Privy-Oouncil  relating  to  that  affair.  And  though  there 
 was  at  first  a  very  rigorous  prosecution  against  the  assassins, 
 and  all  others  who  had  any  hand  in  that  more  than 
 barbarous  villany,  yet,  notwithstanding  all  this  intended 
 severity,  so  gracious  was  her  Majesty,  that  before  the 
 end  of  the  year  she  received  all  the  delin(|uents  into 
 favour  again.  Young  Lethington  tasted  first  of  the  royal 
 bounty  by  means  of  the  Earl  of  Athole,  though  much 
 against  the  inclination  of  the  Earl  of  Bothwell ;  and  Morton 
 and  Lindsay  obtained  their  remission  at  the  requests  of  the 
 Earl  of  Huntly  and  Bothwell.  But  the  Lord  Ruthven  died 
 on  the  loth  of  June  this  year  at  Newcastle,  for  he  was  in 
 a  languishing  state  of  health  at  the  time  of  the  murder. 
 Two  persons  only^  were  put  to  death,  viz.  Thomas  Scot,"* 
 hanged  and  quartered  in  the  month  of  April,  whose  head 
 
 ^  i.  e.  "  I  desire  that  how  soon  this  shall  come  to  your  hand,  you  com 
 municate  the  conteuts  to  the  Court,  thereby  to  prevent  any  false  reports 
 from  being  credited.  Be  sure  likewise  to  impart  the  same  to  the  ambas- 
 sador of  Spaui  and  other  foreign  ministers." 
 
 2  Number  XII. 
 
 ^  Yet  Buchanan  tliinks  fit  to  say  .sonw  were  put  to  di-ath,  using  this 
 ambiguous  expression  to  make  the  world  believe  that  mndr//  persons  had 
 been  executed  to  death. — [Buchanan  s  History,  Translation,  Kdin.  edit. 
 1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  313.— E.] 
 
 **  Knox  calls  him  sheriff-depute  of  St.  Johnston  ;  llolinshed,  .sheriff- 
 depute  of  Perth  ;  and  l{andol[)h's  Abstract,  4th  April  15()'G,  under-sheriff 
 to  the  Lord  Ituthven.  So  it  appears  the  Lord  Ituthven  has  lieeu  at  the 
 time  high-sheriff'  of  Perth. — [Lord  liuthven  wa.s  Provost  of  Perth  at  the 
 time  of  liiccio's  murder.  Thomas  Scott  of  Cambusmichael,  sheriff- 
 depute  of  Perth,  was  tried,  with  William  Ihirlaw  and  .lohn  Mowbray, 
 described  in  the  indictment  as  "  burgessi's  of  Edinburgh,"  on  tlu'  1st  of 
 April  1566.  He  was  found  guilty,  and  sentenced  to  be  hanged,  "drawn, 
 quarterit,  and  demaueit  as  ane  traitour." — Pitcaiiii's  Criminal  Trials  of 
 Scotland,  vol.  i.  Part  IL  p.  480.— E.] 
 
424  THK  HISTORY  UF  TlIK  AFFAIRS  [  15G0. 
 
 was  set  on  the  tower  in  the  Trainee;  and  one  Henry  Yair,i 
 formerly  a  priest,  Init  now  a  retainer  abont  tlie  Lord  llutli- 
 ven,  in  the  month  of  August ;  his  head  was  set  on  the  gate 
 of  tlie  eity  called  the  Nether-Bow.  William  Ilarlaw,  sa<ller, 
 and  John  Moubray,  a  merchant  in  Edinbui-gh,  were  con- 
 victed and  brought  to  the  place  of  execution  ;  but  had  their 
 lives  spared  at  the  intercession  of  the  Earl  of  Bothwell. 
 
 We  are  told  by  Sir  James  Melvil,-  that  the  Queen, 
 upon  her  returning  to  Edinburgh  after  lliccio"'s  murder, 
 took  up  her  lodgings  within  the  Castle  :^  and  on  the  5th  of 
 April  we  find  this  following  Queen's  diet,  as  it  is  termed, 
 inserted  in  the  Books  of  Privy-Council. 
 
 "  Apiid  Edinburgh^  btli  April  Anno  Dom..  1566. 
 
 "  Sederunt — Georgius  Conies  de  Huntlie^  Jacobus  Comes  de 
 Bothcell^  Joannes  Comes  de  Athole,  Wi  Helm  us  Comes 
 Mariscall^  David  Comes  de  Crawfurd^  Georgius  Comes  de 
 Caithnes,  Joannes  Comes  de  Mar ;  Joannes  Maxwell  de 
 Terreglis,  Miles;  Alexander  Episcopus  Candidw  Cascc ; 
 Joannes  Commendatarius  de  Lindoirs  ;  Jacobus  Balfour  de 
 Pittendrich,  Miles  ;   et  Clericus  Begistri. 
 
 "  The  Lordis  of  Secreit-Counsall  thinkis  it  maist  commodious 
 to  the  common n  weill  of  this  cuntrie,  gif  it  may  stand  with 
 the  Quenis  Majestie's  plessour,   and  with  th^   helth  of  hir 
 
 ^  Mr  Knox  ushers  in  the  story  thus — "  The  Queen  not  yet  satisfied  with 
 the  death  of  her  man  David,  caused  in  Auf»iist  to  be  apprehended  a  man 
 
 han^'ed  and  (juartered."     liy  this  numner  of  speech,  one  mij^ht 
 
 rationally  conclude  that  much  blood  had  been  shed  uj)on  this  account 
 fifforc.  liut  we  are  not  li;,ditly  to  credit  the  ianiuvdos  :  nay,  not  the  plain 
 affirmations  of  every  body  indifferently. — [Knox's  Ilistorie,  Kdin.  edit. 
 1732,  p.  :J99.  Knox  only  pives  the  (liristiun  name  of  this  man,  whom  he 
 d('.sii,'nutes  JIaric,  "  (juho  some  tyme  had  been  of  hir  (the  Queen's)  C'ha])pell 
 Royall,  hot  efterward  becanu;  an  exhorter  in  a  reformed  kirk,  and  for 
 want  of  stipend,  or  ut her  necessaries,  pa.st  in  service  to  my  Lord  Kuthven, 
 and  chanced  that  nycht  to  be  present  when  the  said  David  was  slain." 
 Now,  this  assertion  that  Henry  Yair  was  apprehended  in  Auijn.ii(  by  the 
 Qu<'en's  connnan<l  is  a  pure  fiction.  He  was  "delatitof  treason''  on 
 the  Jh-nt  of  April  ir)()(»,  the  same  day  on  whicli  Scott  of  C'aiiibiismiehael 
 was  convicted,  and  Ids  sentence  was  the  same. — Pitcairn's  Criminal  Trials, 
 vol.  i.  I'art  II.  p.  4K1,  4s2.— K.J 
 
 =  (Memoirs,  folio,  p.  66. -K.) 
 
 '  [The  Queen  went  first  to  a  private  house  in  the  Hi^di  Street,  and  then 
 to  another  nearer  the  Castlo.     See  th.>  third  note,  avtr,  p.  421.— E.] 
 
1566.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  425 
 
 body,  that  hir  Majestie  remane  in  the  Castell  of  Edinburgh 
 till  hir  Grace  be  dehverit  of  hir  birth.  And  in  caiss  hir 
 Majestie  pas  to  ony  uthir  part  to  remane,  the  Counsall  to 
 remane  still  in  Edinburgh,  and  sum  forces  with  thame 
 during  the  said  space ;  and  sum  Nobillmen  to  remane  with 
 the  Quenis  Majestie  where  hir  Grace  reraanes.^l 
 
 The  Castle  of  Edinburgh  being  thus  pitched  upon  by  the 
 Lords  of  the  Queen's   Council,   as  the  most  commodious 
 place  for  her  Majesty's  in-lijing,  it  was  at  the  same  time 
 thought  likewise  improper,  that  so  noted  a  person  as  the 
 Earl  of  Arran  should  remain  a  prisoner  within  the  place, 
 where  her  ISIajesty  and  the  whole  kingdom  had  the  apparent 
 prospect  of  receiving  the  joy  of  an  heir  to  the  imperial 
 crown  of  this  Realm.     And,  therefore,  on  the  26th  day  of 
 the  same  month  of  April,   there  is  an  Act  of  Council  for 
 receiving  the  Earl  of  Huntly,  Chancellor,  Argyll,  Moray,  and 
 Glencairn,  Sir  John  Maxwell  of  Terreiglis,  John  Hamilton 
 Archbishop    of    St  Andrew's,    Claud    Hamilton,    Dean   of 
 Dunbar,  William  Bailly  of  Lamington,  James  Muirhead  of 
 Lauchop,  and  seventeen  gentlemen  besides,  all  of  the  name 
 of  Hamilton,  as  cautioners  and  sureties2  severally,  in  the 
 sum  of  20,000  merks,  that  James  Earl  of  Arran^   shall 
 remain  in  Hamilton  Castle  and  four  miles  about  during  the 
 King  and   Queen  s  pleasure,  and  shall  in  the  mean  time 
 behave  himself  as  an  obedient  subject,  and  return  himself 
 prisoner  within  the  said  Castle  of  Edinburgh,  the  Castles  of 
 Dunbar  and  Dunbarton,  upon  twenty  days  warning,  if  he 
 shall  happen  to  be  required.     And  the   Earl  of  Arran  is 
 obliged  to  reheve  his  cautioners.^ 
 
 1  [Initialed  R.  M.  by  our  Historian,  iis  obtaiiu^d  iVoni  his  tVicnd  Mr 
 Kobert  Mill!.— E.] 
 
 2  Archbishop  Spottiswoode  is  far  mistaken  to  mention  only  the  l.arlsot 
 Moray  and  Glencairn  to  be  sureties. 
 
 3  [The  son  of  the  Duke  of  Chatelherault,  who,  thougli   insane,   was 
 detained  in  Kdinbur<;h  Castle  as  a  kind  of  state-prisoner.— E.] 
 
 •*  Then  follows  immediately  in  the  Council-Hook  the  Earl  of  Arran's 
 bond  (there  called  rdtvamen)  to  his  forenamed  cautioners,  in  which  are 
 
 these  words "  And  sicldyke  sail   obey,  observe,   use,   and   keip   my 
 
 fricndis  counsall  in  all  sortis,  als  weill  towart  the  behaviour  of  my  body 
 and  use  thairof,  as  utherwayis  ;  and  sail  not  intromctt  with  my  Lord  my 
 fVidir's  levins,  destroy  nor  cut  doun  the  wodis,  parkis,  deir  thairin, 
 cunyngaris,  nor  yit  uthir  part  thairof.     Attour  sail  not  troubil,  inquiet  or 
 
42G  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGG. 
 
 On  the  2f)t]i  of  April  the  Earl  of  Ilimtly,  Lord  Chancellor,! 
 produced  in  Council  a  letter  subscribed  by  the  King  and 
 Queen,  discharging  his  own  cautioners^  from  their  obligation 
 3d  August  last  year.  Also,  another  letter  commanding  the 
 clerk  of  Council  to  delete  forth  of  the  Books  thereof  the 
 Act  of  the  said  3d  August.  Which  desire  the  Lords  finding 
 reasonable,  ordered  the  foresaid  Act  to  be  deleted. 
 
 In  this  last  Sederunt  of  Counsellors,  viz.  on  the  29th  of 
 April,  the  Earls  of  Argyll,  Moray,  and  Glencairn,  are 
 marked,  which  serves  to  confirm  the  account  given  us  by 
 Holinshed  the  English  writer,  preferably  to  our  own 
 historians,  namely,  that  "  in  the  end  of  April  the  Queen, 
 willing  to  have  the  Earls  of  Argyll  and  Moray  joined  with 
 the  residue  of  the  Council,  sent  for  them  to  come  to  the 
 Castle  of  Edinburgh,  where  all  griefs  and  controversies  that 
 rested  betwixt   them   on  the   one  side,   and  the   Earls   of 
 
 molest  my  vaid  Lord  and  fadir's  clialmerlands,  factouris,  officiaris,  nor  iia 
 utheris  personi.s  intrometteris  with  his  k'viiifr  quhatsumevir  perteiiiiif];  to 
 him,  in  ony  tyme  cuming,  but  according  to  his  directioun  in  all  sortis  ; 
 lykas  sail  be  prescryvit  to  me  be  his  directioun  and  wryttings.  And  gif 
 it  sail  hai)j)in  me,  as  God  forbid,  to  contravein  the  directioun,  couusall 
 and  mynd  of  my  saidis  friondis  in  the  premisses,  or  ony  thing  ([uhilk  is 
 for  my  wcill,  conform  to  our  saidis  soveranis  directiouns,  in  that  case,  1 
 am  content,  and  be  thir  presentis  consentis,  that  my  saidis  friendis  tak 
 and  re-entir  and  put  me  within  the  castels  of  Edinburgh,  Dunbar,  oi- 
 Dunbartane,  conform  to  our  soveranis  plessour,  directioun  and  ordinance 
 maid  thairuiK)un."  Xotr,  In  this  obligation  the  bounds  this  Lord  is  at 
 liberty  to  travel  al)Out  Hamilton  is  said  to  be  two  miles  only.  And,  iSW, 
 that  this  bond  by  the  Karl  to  his  cautioners  will  serve  to  clear  what 
 Hpottiswoode  narrates  on  this  head. 
 
 '  The  JOarl  of  lluntly  was  made  Chancellor  on  the  2(Hh  of  March  last, 
 in  the  room  of  the  Earl  of  Morton. 
 
 "  I  forgot  to  take  notice  in  the  account  of  the  late  Earl  of  Uuntly's 
 misfortune,  that  Holinshed  relates  how  that  Mr  Ivobert  Richardson, 
 Treasurer, Mr. James  Macgill,C'leik-Register  (now  with  the  lateC'lianeellor 
 Morton  concerned  in  the  murder  of  Kieeio),  Mr  John  Spence,  the  (Queen's 
 Advocate,  and  the  Laird  of  I'itarrow,  Comptroller,  were  left  in  Aberdeen 
 a.s  commissioners  to  compound  for  the  escheats  of  those  that  were  in  the 
 field  with  the  J^arl  of  lluntly,  and  from  whom  they  had  levii'd  great  sums 
 of  money.  An<l  it  may  not  be  amiss  here  to  actpuiint  my  readers,  that  I 
 observe  in  the  "  Atlas  Scotito,"  printed  by  lUaeu,  1()G2,  and  compiled  by 
 Mr  Kobcrt  (Jordon  of  Straloeh,  that  the  Earldom  of  Moray  had  been  taken 
 from  the  late  lOarl  of  lluntly  during  the  regency  of  the  present  (Queen's 
 mother.  Aiul  the  same  author  takes  no  notice  at  all  that  ever  the  I'.arl 
 of  lluntly  had  enjoyed  the  Karldom  of  Mar  ;  so  that  the  difference 
 between  the  l'.arl  of  lluntly  and  tlu'  Queen's  bastard  brother  has  not 
 arisen  upon  account  of  cither  of  these  Earldoms. 
 
15GG.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  427 
 
 Huntly,   Atholl,    and   Bothwell,    on  the    other  side,   were 
 referred  to  the  Queen,  who  agreed  them  ;^  and  they  all 
 remained  with  her  the  rest  of  the  summer."     Some  time 
 after  this,  as  would  appear,   the  Queen  being  desirous  to 
 breathe  in  a  better  air  for  a  little  space  (for  the  Castle  of 
 Edinburgh,  though  standing  on  a  high  rock,  is  nevertheless 
 generally  reckoned  to  be  very  unhealthy),^  took  a  tour  to 
 Stirling,  with  some  intention,  according  to  Sir  James  JSIelvil, 
 to  ly-in  there.     From  thence  her  Majesty  went  down  to  the 
 pleasant  scat  of  Alloa,3  and  from  that  place  returned  again 
 to  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh.     The  King,  they  say,  followed 
 her  in  this  tour ;  but  it  was  observed  she  did  not  regard 
 him  much,  as  in  truth  he  was  become  universally  despised 
 for  his  late  misbehaviour.     The  murderers  of  lliccio  con- 
 temned him  for  his  deserting  them,  and  causing  proclaim 
 himself  innocent  of  the  deed ;  and  it  is  much  to  be  questioned, 
 whether  any  woman  of  whatsoever  rank  could  ever  afterwards 
 
 1  See  Abstract,  April  25th,  1566  ;  and  the  Archbishop  observes  that  the 
 Queen  did  feast  the  Nobility  in  the  Castle,  and  made  them  all  friends 
 
 •^  [Such  may  have  been  the  case  when  the  North  Loch,  which  Lishop 
 Keith  did  not  live  to  see  drained,  was  at  the  base  of  the  rock  on  which 
 the  Castle  is  built  on  the  north-east,  and  the  Borough  Loch  was  in  the 
 vicinity  on  the  south.  Edinburgh  Castle  is  peculiarly  healthy  and 
 salubrious. — E.] 
 
 3  It  belongs  to  the  Family  of  INIar,  and  is  lour  miles  below  Stirhng  ; 
 
 but  the  many  windings  of  the  river  Forth  betwixt  it  and  Stirling  ai'e 
 
 computed  to  be  no  less  than  twenty-four  miles  ;    which  renders  the 
 
 prospect  from  the  Castle  and  town  of  Stirling,  all  down  the  Lorth,  most 
 
 a-reeable  to  the  eye.-[Alloa  is  seven  English  miles  from  Stirling    and 
 
 twenty-one  miles  by  water,  or  the  Links  of  Forth,  -^  the  beautitul  windings 
 
 of  the  river  are  called.     Alloa  Castle,  or  Tower,  is  close  to  the  town, 
 
 near  the  modern  seat  of  Alloa  House.     It  was  built  before  A.D.  1300, 
 
 and  stands  in  a  secluded  park  surrounded  by  oaks,  beeches    sycamores, 
 
 and  other  trees.     The  Tower  is  square,  its  walls  eleven  feet  thick  and  its 
 
 hiMiest  turret  eighty-nine  feet  from  the  ground.     The  edifice,  which  for 
 
 centuries  was  the  chief  residence  of  the  Noble  Family  of  Erskine,  Earl  ol 
 
 Mar  had  from  time  to  time  received  considerable  additions,  but  the  whol.' 
 
 wasaccidentallv  destroyed  by  fire  in  August  1800,  and  the  Tower  only 
 
 remains      ^lany  valuable  curiosities  were  then  consumed,  among  which 
 
 was   a   portrait   of  Queen    Mary,  on  coj^per,  perhaps  the  only  genuine 
 
 original  then  existing  in  Scotland,  gifted  by  lier  to  one  of  the  hulies  who 
 
 attended  her  before  her  execution.     Queen  Mary  spentsome  ot  her  intant 
 
 years  in  Alloa  Tower,  and  she  passed  two  nights  in  it  after  her  apparent 
 
 reconciliation  to  Darnlev  in   ir,6(>,  by  Monsieur  Mauvissicre,  the  Irench 
 
 ambassador.     This  w.us'on   the  occasion  of  another  visit  mentioned  in  a 
 
 subseipient  note. — E.]  ' 
 
428  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15GG. 
 
 be  fond  of  a  luisljand,  who  liad  treated  licr  after  the  manner 
 he  had  done  the  C^ueen.  Such  an  action  tears  up  the  very 
 foundation  of  conjugal  affection  ;  besides,  it  could  not  fail 
 to  leave  a  still  deeper  impression  upon  the  Queen,  who  had 
 raised  her  husband  from  the  condition  of  a  subject  to  royal 
 honour  and  diofnitv. 
 
 The  forcmentioned  ITolinshed  informs  that  "  the  Queen, 
 hearing  that  the  Earl  of  Morton,  the  Lord  lluthven,  and 
 others  their  assistants,  were  received  in  England  and 
 remained  at  Newcastle,  she  sent  Mr  James  Thornton, 
 chanter  of  Moray,  with  letters  to  the  Queen  of  England, 
 and  likewise  to  the  King  of  France,^  and  other  friends 
 there,  declaring  by  the  tenor  of  the  same  letters,  the  abuse 
 and  presumptuous  attempts  of  certain  her  subjects  against 
 her,  desiring  them  not  to  receive  them  within  their  Realms 
 nor  Dominions.  And  shortly  after  the  (Jueen  of  England 
 sent  a  gentleman  called  Henry  Killigrew  into  Scotland,  with 
 letters  and  message  to  the  Queen,  promising  to  cause  them 
 to  depart  forth  of  her  Realm  of  England  ;  and  withal  sent 
 unto  them  warning  to  depart  betwixt  that  present  time  and 
 
 midsummer  then  next   ensuing. And  from  thenceforth 
 
 the  Earl  of  IMorton  and  the  Master  of  Ruthvcn  remained 
 secretly  near  to  Alnwick,  and  other  places  on  the  Borders, 
 till  they  obtained  pardon,  and  were  restored.'*'2  gii-  James 
 Melvil  tells  us  likewise,^  that  his  brother  Robert,  by  her 
 Majesty's  direction,  pressed  the  t^ueen  of  England  to  put 
 the  Earl  of  Morton,  &c.  forth  of  her  kingdoms  ;  and  he 
 adds,  that  they  durst  not  go  to  France,  where  the  (^ucen 
 had  so  many  friends. 
 
 "  In  the  mean  time"  (continues  this  author)^  "  Mr  Henry 
 Killigrew  was  sent  hither  ambassador  from  the  Queen  of 
 
 '  Wo  soo  the  Queen's  letter  to  her  anibjujsador  in  Trance,  with  the 
 account  of  the  execrabh»  murder  of  Itiecio,  was  sent  l>y  the  hand  of  this 
 very  person  ;  which  serves  still  to  confirm  the  credit  of  this  writer. 
 
 "  'I'he  (^ueen  of  |jif,'land  sent  a  messenfjer and  promised  to  cause 
 
 them  depart  befon'  midsummer,  liut  the  rejjorter  or  warner  siiid  that 
 Enfjlnnd  was  long  and  LrcHul.  Calderwood's  MS.  and  Sir  James  Melvil 
 observe  that  they  were  secretly  overlooked,  upon  condition  that  they 
 would  keep  themselvcH  quiet.— [Calderwood's  Jlistorie  of  the  Kirk  of 
 Scotland,  Svo.  1843,  printed  for  the  Wodrow  Society,  vol.  ii.  j».  ;J17. 
 Sir  James  Melville's  Memoirs,  p.  GS.— K.J 
 
 ^  [Memoirs,  p.  (J8.— K,] 
 
 *  [Sir  Jame.s  Melville's  Memoirs,  p.  «S,  «9.— E.] 
 
150G.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  421) 
 
 England,  who  was  in  great  suspicion  of  her  estate,  finding 
 so  many  of  her  subjects  favourers  of  our  Queen.  The  said 
 ambassador  complained  against  one  Mr  Ruxbie,  who  was 
 harboured  in  Scotland,  being  a  rebel  and  a  Papist ;  declar- 
 ing how  that  the  Queen  his  mistress  had  commanded  INIorton 
 and  his  complices  forth  of  her  country  by  open  proclamation. 
 
 Mr  Killigrew  allcdged  also.  That  the  Queen  s  INIajesty 
 
 (of  Scotland)  had  been  practising  with  Oncel  in  Ireland,  and 
 that  she  had  his  ambassador  presently  in  Edinburgh,  in 
 company  of  the  Earl  of  Argile.l  And  thirdly,  he  (Killigrew) 
 complained  of  some  disorders  upon  the  Borders  made  by 
 Scottish  men.  But  the  principal  pretext  of  his  commission 
 (Sir  James  adds)  was  to  comfort  the  Queen  over  her  late 
 troubles,  and  congratulate  her  freedom  and  good  success 
 over  her  wicked  and  rebellious  subjects."^ 
 
 It  is  indeed  true 'that  Christopher  Ruxbie,  the  fellow 
 complained  of  by  Queen  EHzabeth,  was  in  Scotland  ;  but  it 
 is  no  less  true,  that  being  a  Papist,  he  feigned  himself  a 
 refugee  from  England  upon  account  of  religion,  but  in  reality 
 was  secretly  sent  hither  by  the  Queen  of  England  and  Mr 
 Secretary  Cecil,  under  colour  of  appearing  a  zealous  favourer 
 of  her  Majesty's  right  and  title  to  the  Crown  of  England. 
 He  was  to  endeavour  to  speak  with  our  Queen,  and  to  take 
 an  occasion  of  informing  her  Majesty  of  the  great  friendship 
 diverse  of  the  Roman  Catholicks  had  for  her,  who  durst  not 
 deal  with  the  Scottish  ambassador  in  England,  because  he 
 was  a  Protestant.  Yet  all  this  was  nothing  but  downright 
 roguery  ;  for  his  true  errand  was  to  labour  to  come  at  the 
 truth  of  what  was  passing  betwixt  our  Queen  and  the 
 subjects  of  England,  and  to  give  advertisement  thereof  to 
 Secretary  Cecil :  For  howsoever  secretly  Robert  Melvil  had 
 managed  his  dealings  in  England,  yet  something  thereof  had 
 reached  Queen  Elizabeth ;  and  it  was  observed,  no  doubt 
 with  displeasure  enough,  that  during  the  late  indisposition 
 of  the  English  Queen  the  most  part  of  her  subjects,  both 
 
 1  This  Irish  «rontloinan  of  great  interest  in  that  country,  gave  Queen 
 Elizabeth  much  trouble.  Our  Queen  disclaimed  having  any  dealing  with 
 him,  though  1  suspect  she  therein  rejiaid  Queen  Elizabeth  in  her  own 
 English  coin. 
 
 2  Thete  compliments  amongst    Princes  have  rarely  any  foundation  of 
 
 reality. 
 
4'30  THE   IlISTOUY  OF  Till-    AFFAIRS  [1.5GG. 
 
 Po})isli  and  Protestant,  had   dctorniined   to   send   for   our 
 t^iieen,  and  set  the  Crown  u})on  her  head. 
 
 Ruxbio  got  access  to  our  Sovereign  by  the  means  of  John 
 Leshe,  IJisliop  of  Ross,i  and  wrote  something  whicli  he 
 had  learned  here  in  Scotland,  to  the  English  Secretary; 
 from  whom  likewise  he  had  a  retui-n  written  in  cyj)her  : 
 Rut  Robert  Melvil,  who  was  in  great  credit  in  England, 
 coming  to  the  knowledge  of  this  contrivance,  advertised  our 
 Queen  to  beware  of  Ruxbie,  and  how  to  behave  herself  with 
 him,  in  order  to  countermine  the  English  plot.  So  that 
 when  Mr  Killigrew  made  his  complaint  against  Ruxbie,  the 
 Queen  immediately  caused  him  to  be  apprehended,  together 
 with  all  his  cyphers  and  papers,  among  which  was  found  the 
 letter  written  by  j\Ir  Secretary  Cecil.  Ruxbie  finding  himself 
 thus  discovered,  fell  immediately  upon  his  knees,  owned 
 himself  worthy  of  a  thousand  deaths,  and  humbly  begged 
 our  Queen's  pardon.  And  her  Majesty  caused  him  to  be  so 
 secretly  kept,  that  the  English  ambassador  could  get  no 
 intelligence  for  what  cause  he  was  taken  into  custody ;  until 
 at  last  it  pleased  her  Majesty  to  shew  the  ambassador,  that 
 upon  his  complaint,  and  to  satisfy  her  good  sister,  she  had 
 caused  apprehend  Ruxbie,  whom  she  promised  likewise  to 
 deliver  up  any  time  after  his  return  into  England,  as  it 
 should  please  her  sister  the  Queen  of  England  to  send  for 
 him.  But  she  very  wisely  took  no  notice  that  she  knew  any 
 thing  of  his  true  errand  ;  for  her  Majesty  had  been  advised 
 to  appear  altogether  ignorant  of  any  of  his  practices  against 
 her  devised  by  Secretary  Cecil,  it  not  being  thought  her 
 interest  to  put  that  shame  upon  one  who  professed  so  much 
 to  be  her  friend.'^  Nor  was  it  time  to  cast  off  intelligence, 
 so  long  as  it  was  found  profitable  to  entertain  it. 
 
 As  we  owe  this  curious  jjiece  of  English  policy  entirely  to 
 Sir  James  Melvil,*^  so  there  can  be  no  manner  of  doubt  but 
 
 '  Sii-  .lames  Mclvil  l)l:unes  this  J'relato  inuch,  and  I  make  no  doubt 
 l)Ut  ho  lias  been  jliijK'd  by  Jlnx])ie.  It  seems  likewise  that  Mr  Kandoljth 
 lias  known  nothing  of  Uuxbie's  true  errand.  See  Abstract,  .lunc  14th, 
 ITiGG,  in  the  Appendix. 
 
 ^  No  body  was  at  bottom  a  /^M-cater  enemy  to  our  Queen  than  Secretary 
 Cecil  ;  or  rather,  no  body  pursued  his  own  Queen's  interest  with  more 
 assiduity  and  faithfulness  to  her. 
 
 =*  (Sir  .lanu-s  Melville's  Memoirs,  p.  (>8,  fi.O.— E.J 
 
15G6.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  431 
 
 the  readers  will  be  extremely  well  pleased  to  see  Sir  James's 
 account  fortified  by  the  following  original  letter. 
 
 Ruxhie  to  Sir  William  Cecil,^  Edinburgh,  2d  July  1566.2 
 
 "  My  duty  premised  unto  your  Honour.  This  1st  of  July 
 I  have  received  your  letters,  wherein  I  perceive  not  only  your 
 godly  exhortation,  but  also  your  honourable  and  friendly 
 counsel,  which  by  the  leave  of  God  I  design  to  follow,  and 
 think  myself  thereby  more  bound  to  your  honour  than  ever 
 my  service  could  be  able  to  deserve.  Truth  is,  I  cannot 
 deny  but  I  have  offended  the  Queen's  Majesty.  Extremity 
 drove  me  thereunto,  but  according  to  your  desire  I  will  stay. 
 I  desire  God  may  bo  no  glader  of  my  soul  than  T  w^ould  be 
 to  have  favour  of  my  Prince  and  country  again,  and  would 
 willingly  spend  my  life  therein.  I  am  not  one  of  that  deep 
 judgment  as  to  wade  into  so  high  matters,  for  it  requires 
 great  secrecy,  otherwise  I  seek  mine  own  destruction,  which 
 I  doubt  not  but  your  honour  will  consider.  And  I,  in  hope 
 of  that  good  will  I  ever  looked  for  from  your  hand,  will 
 hazard  my  life  in  following  your  advice.  As  yet  you  need 
 not  take  notice  that  England  hath  any  suspicion  of  me, 
 making  no  more  account  of  me  but  as  a  simple  person,  who 
 by  apparent  causes  of  debt  am  driven  out  of  my  country. 
 I  dare  not  as  yet  venture  to  speak  with  ^Ir  Killigrew,  lest 
 I  should  be  suspected  ;  but  I  trust  to  have  means  to  have 
 conference  with  him  hereafter.  In  the  mean  time  make 
 notes  of  instructions  of  all  things  wherein  you  would  have 
 my  labour  used,  and  by  the  leave  of  God  I  will  satisfy  your 
 expectation.  But  your  Honour  must  understand  I  cannot 
 come  into  any  great  credit  with  the  (Jucen  of  Scotland, 
 unless  there  may  appear  in  me  some  towardness  of  doing 
 her  pleasure,  which  may  be  used  with  words,  and  not  in 
 deeds.  I  have  taken  such  comfort  in  your  Honour's  letter, 
 that  I  make  bold  to  write  to  you  myself.  If  I  might  by 
 your  good  means  have  leave  to  speak  to  Sir  Henry  Picrcy 
 
 ^  Cotton  Library,  Caliir.  Blook]  X.  f.  37!).— I  British  Museum.— E.] 
 ^  I  would  suspect  a  flaw  in  this  date,  seeing  Sir  James  Melvil  assures 
 us,  that  Avhen  he  went  into  IjigUmd  to  acquaint  Queen  Elizabeth  with  the 
 l)irth  of  the  Prince  of  Scotland,  lie  told  that  Queen,  that  liis  own  mistress 
 had  already  caused  Kuxbie  be  apprehended.  This  date  should  therefore 
 in  all  likelihood  be  June  in  place  of  July. 
 
4:)2  TIIK   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G0. 
 
 about  Norhain,  1  would  trust  to  be  better  able  to  do  service 
 to  my  country J" 
 
 In  the  month  of  June,  the  Queen  perceiving  the  time  of 
 her  deliverance  to  approach,  wrote  unto  all  the  principal 
 Noblemen  of  her  Kealm  to  come  and  remain  within  the  town 
 of  Edinburgh  during  that  juncture.  In  obedience  to  her 
 Majesty's  desire,  a  great  many  assembled  thither ;  and  the 
 King,  with  the  Earls  of  Argyll,  Atholl,  Moray,  and  Mar, 
 remained  with  the  Queen  in  the  Castle ;  and  the  Earls  of 
 Iluntly,  liothwell,  and  the  other  Noble  persons,  lodged  in 
 the  city.2  And  matters  being  thus  far  regulated,  it  pleased 
 Almighty  God  that  the  Queen  was  happily  delivered  of  a 
 male  child  on  Wednesday,  the  19th  day  of  the  same  month 
 of  June,  betwixt  the  hours  of  nine  and  ten  in  the  forenoon. 3 
 
 ^  This  lias  been  granted,  for  Sir  James  Melvil  takes  notice  that  Ruxbie 
 conveyed  his  letters  into  i:n;;laiid  by  the  means  of  Sir  Henry  Piercy, 
 brother  to  the  Earl  of  Nortliuml)erland,  who  was  Popish  at  the  time. 
 
 ^  Ilolinshed  and  S})ottiswood. 
 
 3  Archbishop  Spottiswood,  from  Buclianan  probably,  and  the  wretched 
 Knfrlish  translator  of  Bnchanan,  have  both  perverted  that  anther's  words, 
 so  as  to  make  this  birth  fall  out  betwixt  these  hours  in  the  night  of  that 
 day.  But  Sir  James  Melvil's  clear  authority  rectifies  their  misunder- 
 standing of  Mr  Buchanan's  nice  astronomical  expression. — [Buchanan 
 writes  —  "  Atcjue  decimo  nono  die  Junii  paulo  ])ost  horam  nonam 
 equinoctialem  filium  peperit  ;"  and  his  Translator  (vol.  ii.  p.  313)  rendei-s 
 the  piussagi — "  On  the  l{)th  of  June,  a  little  after  nine  o'clock  at  night, 
 (the  Queen)  was  brought  to  bed  of  a  son."  Sir  James  Melville's  authority 
 is  conclusive.— Memoirs,  p.  G9.  Darnley  also,  on  iho  foi-moon  of  his  son's 
 birth,  announced  the  event  in  a  letter  to  the  Cardinal  of  Guise,  which,  he 
 says,  he  sent  by  a  certain  "gentleman,"  whose  name  is  not  mentioned. 
 This  letter  is  dated  "from  Edinburgh  Castle,  lJ)th  June  1566',  i»  great 
 hastcy*'  and  is  very  short.  It  is  inserted  in  Miss  Strickland's  "  Lettei-s  of 
 Mary  Queen  of  Scots,"  8vo.  London,  1842,  vol.  i.  p.  '21 .  It  is  singular  that 
 Mr'J'ytler  (History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  4S)  narrates  the  birth  of  James 
 VI.  as  in  tho  jtrevioii;i  year,  or  1565.  Mr  Tytler  ol)serves  of  Queen  Mary 
 in  preparing  for  her  accouchement—"  Unci'rtain  that  she  should  survive 
 her  confinement,  she  called  for  her  Nobility,  took  measures  regarding  the 
 government  of  the  kingdom,  maile  her  will,  became  reconciled  to  the 
 King  (Darnley),  and  personally  arranged  every  thing  either  for  life  or 
 death."  'J'he  Queen  wrote  three  copies  of  her  will,  one  of  which,  in  the 
 event  of  her  decea.se,  was  to  be  sent  to  her  relatives  in  France  ;  another 
 Wiv.s  presented  to  the  Noblemen  and  Ofhcers  of  State  who  conducted 
 public  affaii-s  during  her  accdiu  licnnnt  ;  mid  the  third  she  kept  in  lu-r 
 own  possession. —  E.] 
 
150G.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  8TATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  4:53 
 
 «  CHAPTER  X. 
 
 CONTINUATION  OF  STATE  AFFAIRS  FROM  THE  BIRTH  OF  THE 
 PRINCE  OF  SCOTLAND,  AFTERWARDS  KING  JAMES  VI.  ON  THE 
 19th  of  JUNE  15GG,  until  the  murder  of  THE  KING  ON 
 THE  10th  of  FEBRUARY  1567-8. 
 
 As  the  birth  of  a  Prince  was  one  of  the  greatest  of  blessings 
 that  God  could  bestow  upon  this  poor  divided  land,  so 
 was  the  same  most  thankfully  acknowledged  by  all  ranks  of 
 people,  according  as  the  welcome  news  thereof  reached  their 
 ears.  Great  joy  and  triumph  was  made  in  Edinburgh ;  and 
 all  the  Nobility  that  were  present,  together  with  many 
 people,  repaired  to  the  High  Church,^  and  returned  thanks 
 to  God  for  so  signal  a  mercy  both  to  the  Queen  and  the 
 whole  Realm  ;  and  made  their  humble  prayers  that  the 
 young  Prince^  might  be  endued  with  the  fear  of  God,  with 
 virtue  and  knowledge  to  govern  the  Realm  and  subjects 
 thereof,  whenever  the  same  should  happen  to  come  into  his 
 
 1  Perhaps  the  Archbishop  defers  this  assembling  iu  the  church  till  next 
 day,  because  he  marks  the  birth  to  have  been  iu  the  evening  before  ;  but 
 I  have  no  proper  voucher  either  to  support  or  correct  him,  only  Ilolinshed 
 makes  this  assembling  to  have  been  the  same  day  of  the  birth. — [Archbishop 
 Spottiswoode  seems  to  be  the  "  Archbishop"  referred  to  by  our  Historian, 
 but  the  precise  correctness  of  the  incident  is  of  little  moment.  St  Giles' 
 church,  in  which  John  Knox  preached,  is  the  "  High  Church"  mentioned 
 by  Bishop  Keith,  but  tliough  a  part  of  it  is  so  called,  it  was  not  then 
 designated  the  High  Church.  The  apartment  in  which  James  VI.  was 
 born  in  Edinburgh  Castle  is  still  shewn.  If  it  has  undergone  no  alteration, 
 it  is  a  most  repulsive-looking  room,  of  very  limited  dimensions,  having  a 
 small  fire-place,  and  lighted  by  one  window  looking  down  to  the  Grass- 
 market  and  the  south-east  of  the  city.  It  is  on  the  ground-floor  of  the 
 south-east  side  of  the  ipiadrangle,  in  which  the  Regalia  are  kept,  close  to 
 the  Half-Moon  Battery.  This  part  of  the  (quadrangle  was  often  occuj)ied 
 as  a  royal  residence,  and  in  it  Queen  Mary's  mother  died  in  15(]0. — K.j 
 
 ^  [Margaret  Houston,  the  widow  of  a  person  named  I>everidge,  was 
 Queen  Mary's  midwife,  and  Margaret  (also  called  Heh'n)  Little,  spouse  of 
 Alexander  Gray,  burgess  of  J^dinburgh,  was  the  infant  Prince's  "  niaistress 
 nurse,"  for  which  she  and  lier  husl)aiul  obtained  a  liferent  of  half  the 
 lands  of  Kingsbarns  near  Crail  in  Fife  ;  but  Margaret  Houston  wjis  not 
 forgotten,  as  in  July  loGf)  the  Queen  granted  to  her  and  her  son  Thomas 
 Beveridge  during  their  lives  two  chalders  and  fom-  bolls  of  barley  from 
 Newtown  of  Falkland. — E.l 
 
 VOL.  II.  28 
 
434  TIIK  HISTORY  OF  THE   AFFAIRS  [loGG. 
 
 hands.  Her  Majesty  had  taken  such  care  to  advertise 
 speedily  the  Queen  of  England  of  her  delivery,  that  she 
 had  £:iven  previous  orders  to  Mr  (afterwards  Sir)  James 
 Melvil,^  to  hold  himself  in  continual  readiness  to  mount 
 his  horse  :  ami  for  that  effect  she  had  before-hand  siofned  a 
 letter  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  bearing  a  blank  to  be  filled, 
 either  with  son  or  daughter,  according  as  it  should  please 
 God  to  grant  her.2  And  because  no  other  author  has 
 touched  at  this  gentleman's  performance  at  this  time  but 
 liimself,  and  that  no  person  could  do  it  so  well  as  himself,  I 
 shall  take  the  freedom  to  insert  here  word  for  word  his  own 
 account  thereof. 
 
 *'  All  the  while,''  saith  he,^  "  I  lay  within  the  Castle  of 
 lildinburgh,  praying  night  and  day  for  her  Majesty's  good 
 and  happy  delivery  of  a  fair  son.  This  prayer  being  granted, 
 I  was  the  first  who  wcis  thereof  advertised  by  the  Lady  Boiu^ 
 in  her  Majesty's  name,  to  part  with  diligence  the  19th  of 
 June  loGG,  betwixt  ten  and  eleven  in  the  morning.  By 
 twelve  of  the  clock  I  took  horse,  and  was  that  night  at 
 Berwick.  The  fourth  day  after  I  was  at  London,  and  did 
 first  meet  with  my  brother  Sir  Robert,  who  that  same  night 
 sent  and  advertised  Secretary  Cecil  of  my  arrival,  and  of  the 
 birth  of  the  Prince,  desiring  him  to  keep  it  quiet  till  my 
 coming  to  Court  to  shew  it  myself  unto  her  Majesty,  who 
 was  for  the  time  at  Greenwich,  where  her  ^Lajesty  was  in 
 
 *  He  acquaints  us  tliat  lie  sui)i)lietl  now  the  Secretary's  place,  youn«^ 
 LcthinL;ton  hein^'  not  yet  j-eceived  into  favour. 
 
 *  llolinslied  alone  informs  that  *'  shortly  after  the  Queen  was  brouirht 
 to  bed,  she  sent  one  of  her  •,'entlemen  called  Monsieur  Clarinoch  (.this 
 would  seem  to  be  the  same  person  who  came  from  her  uncle  the  Cardinal, 
 aiul  mentioned  by  Sir  William  Drury  I\'bruary  KJth,  15()a-(»,  under  the 
 name  of  Clarenoc),  with  letters  to  the  Kin<j[  of  France  and  to  the  Duke 
 of  Savoy,  desiring  them  to  send  ambassjidors,  which   in  their  name  as 
 
 ji^odfathers  mi^ht  receive  her  son  at  the  baptism. These  Princes  were 
 
 jrlad  hereof,  and  promi.sed  to  send  ambassadors  to  that  effect,  as  afterwards 
 they  did." 
 
 3  Memoirs,  p.  V>9. — [See  also  the  note  at  tlu>  end  of  (he  jjrecedinu; 
 ('hapter. — K.] 
 
 ••  [Or  Boyne,  a  territorial  desif^ation,  but  who  this  lady  was  is  not 
 known,  excei)t  that  she  was  on  this  occasion  a  personal  attendant  on  the 
 Queen.  It  was  common  in  Scotland  to  address  the  wives  of  landed 
 proprietors  by  tlie  name  of  their  estates,  thou<,di  possessiuf^  no  hereditary 
 titles.  A  locality  called  IJoyne  is  near  Portsoy  in  Hanffshire,  in  tlie  parish 
 uf  Fordyce,  on  the  Moray  Frith.   -K.) 
 
1566.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  4l]5 
 
 great  mirth,  dancing  after  supper.  But  so  soon  as  the 
 Secretary  Cecil  whispered  in  her  ear  the  news  of  the  Prince's 
 birth,  all  her  mirth  was  laid  aside  for  that  night ;  all 
 present  marvelling  whence  proceeded  such  a  change,  for  the 
 Queen  did  sit  down  putting  her  hand  under  her  cheek, 
 bursting  out  to  some  of  her  ladies — '  That  the  Queen  of 
 Scots  was  mother  of  a  fair  son,  while  she  was  but  a  barren 
 stock."*  The  next  morning  was  appointed  for  me  to  get 
 audience,  at  what  time  my  brother  and  I  went  by  water  to 
 Greenwich,  and  were  met  by  some  friends,  who  told  us  how 
 sorrowful  her  Majesty  was  at  my  news,  but  that  she  had 
 been  advised  to  shew  a  glad  and  cheerful  countenance  : 
 which  she  did  in  her  best  apparel,  saying,  That  the  joyful 
 news  of  the  Queen  her  sister's  delivery  of  a  fair  son,  which 
 I  had  sent  her  by  Secretary  Cecil,  had  recovered  her  out  of 
 a  heavy  sickness  which  she  had  lyen  under  for  fifteen  days. 
 Therefore  she  welcomed  me  with  a  merry  volt,  and  thanked 
 me  for  the  diligence  I  had  used  in  hasting  to  give  her  that 
 welcome  intelligence.  All  this  she  said  before  I  had  de- 
 livered unto  her  my  letters  of  credence.  After  that  she 
 had  read  it,  I  declared  how  that  the  Queen  had  hasted  mo 
 towards  her  Majesty,  as  one  whom  she  knew  of  all  her 
 friends  would  be  most  joyful  of  the  glad  news  of  her  delivery, 
 albeit  dear  bought  with  the  peril  of  her  life,  she  being  so 
 sore  handled  that  she  wished  she  had  never  been  married. 
 This  I  said,  by  the  way,  to  give  her  a  little  scare  from 
 marriage.  For  so  my  brother  had  counselled  me,  because 
 sometimes  she  boasted  to  marry  the  Archduke  Charles  of 
 Austria,  when  any  man  pressed  her  to  declare  a  second 
 person.  Then  I  requested  her  Majesty  to  be  a  gossip  to 
 the  Queen,  to  which  she  gladly  condescended.  '  Your 
 Majesty,'  said  I,  '  will  now  have  a  fair  occasion  to  see  the 
 Queen,  whereof  I  have  heard  your  Majesty  so  oft  desirous.' 
 Whereat  she  smiled,  saying,  she  wished  that  her  estate 
 and  affairs  might  permit  her  ;  in  the  meantime  she  promised 
 to  send  both  honourable  lords  and  ladies  to  supply  her 
 room.  Then  I  gave  her  Majesty,  in  my  Queen's  name,  most 
 hearty  thanks,  for  her  friendly  visiting  and  comforting  her 
 by  Mr  Henry  Killigrew.  She  en(iuired  if  I  had  left  him  in 
 Scotland,  and  what  was  the  cause  of  his  long  stay  I  I 
 answered,  that  the  Queen  took  her  chamber  shortly  after  his 
 
43G  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15GG. 
 
 arrival,  wliich  was  the  cliicf  cause  of  liis  delay.  But  I  had 
 in  couuiiission  to  toll  her  Majesty  something  thereabout,  to 
 satisfy  her  mind  in  the  meantime,  and  to  thank  her  Majesty 
 for  the  putting  away  of  the  Scots  rebels  out  of  her  country, 
 albeit  there  were  some  reports  that  they  were  yet  secretly 
 entertained  by  some  of  her  subjects,  though  I  hardly 
 believed  that  any  of  her  subjects  durst  be  so  bold  or  so 
 disobedient.  She  affirmed  they  were  out  of  her  dominions, 
 and  if  it  might  be  otherwise  tried  out,  it  should  not  pass 
 without  rigorous  punishment.  I  told  her  Majesty,  that 
 upon  her  desire,  and  ambassador's  complaint,  the  Queen 
 had  caused  to  apprehend  Mr  Ruxbie,  and  had  ordered  him 
 to  be  delivered  to  her  Majesty  whenever  she  should  please 
 to  send  for  him.  And  as  concerning  O'Neel,  she  had  no 
 dealing  with  him,  nor  knew  that  there  had  been  any  servant 
 of  his  sent  to  my  Lord  Argile,  until  INIr  Killigrew's  coming 
 that  she  caused  to  enquire  at  the  said  Earl,  who  acknow- 
 ledged that  O'Ne'el  had  sent  one  unto  him  about  private 
 purposes  betwixt  themselves,  but  that  she  did  neither  see 
 nor  speak  with  that  man,  nor  had  any  dealing  with  any  man 
 in  Ireland. 
 
 "  Her  ^Majesty  seemed  to  be  well  satisfied  with  the 
 matters  of  Ireland,  and  concerning  Mr  Ruxbie  ;  but  she 
 forgot  to  send  for  him.  Before  I  took  ray  farewell  in  order 
 to  my  return,  I  entred  with  her  Majesty  concerning  the 
 title.  For  my  Lord  of  Leicester  was  become  my  (Queen's 
 avowed  friend,  and  had  been  twice  in  hand  with  the  Queen 
 of  England  a  little  before  my  coming,  desiring  her  to 
 declare  mymistress  next  heir:  alledging  it  would  be  her  great 
 security,  and  cried  out  in  anger  that  Cecil  would  undo  all. 
 Likewise  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  the  Earl  of  Pembroke,  and 
 several  others,  shewed  themselves  openly  her  friends,  after 
 they  understood  the  birth  of  the  Prince.  So  that  her 
 Majesty's  matters  in  England  were  hopeful  ;  and,  therefore, 
 I  was  advised  to  say  unto  her  Majesty,  that  I  was  assured 
 she  had  formerly  delayed  the  declaring  the  Queen  second 
 person,  only  till  she  might  see  such  succession  of  her  body 
 as  now  CJod  had  graciously  granted  ;  entreating  her  Majesty 
 to  embrace  that  fair  offered  opportunity  of  satisfying  the 
 minds  of  many,  as  well  in  England  as  in  Scotland,  who 
 desired  to  sec  that  matter  out  of  doubt.     And  the  rather 
 
1560.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  SCOTLAND.  437 
 
 because  that  the  Queen  my  mistress  would  never  seek  any 
 place  or  right  in  England  but  by  her  Majesty's  favour  and 
 furtherance.  She  answered,  that  the  birth  of  the  Prince 
 was  a  great  spur  to  cause  the  most  skilful  lawyers  in 
 England  to  use  greater  diligence  in  trying  out  that  matter, 
 which  she  esteemed  to  belong  most  justly  to  her  good  sister, 
 and  that  she  wished  from  her  heart  that  it  should  be  that 
 way  decided.  I  replied,  that  at  my  last  being  with  her  I 
 found  her  Majesty  upon  the  same  terms,  but  that  as  I  had 
 brought  her  good  news  from  the  Queen,  I  was  very  desirous 
 to  be  so  happy  as  to  carry  home  with  me  unto  her  Majesty 
 the  good  tidings  of  that  so  long  delayed  declaration.  She 
 answered,  she  was  resolved  to  satisfy  the  Queen  in  that 
 matter  by  those  Noblemen  she  was  resolved  to  send  into 
 Scotland  for  the  baptism  of  the  Prince.  All  this  I  perceived 
 to  be  but  shifts,  and  so  took  my  leave,  because  my  brother 
 was  to  remain  there.  The  next  day  her  Majesty  sent  unto 
 me  her  letter,  with  the  present  of  a  fair  c^ain.'"* 
 
 What  follows  here  in  Sir  James's  Memoirsi  being  still 
 necessary,  or  convenient  at  least  for  the  suit  of  the  History, 
 I  have  therefore  adventured  to  add  the  same  likewise  here. 
 
 "  My  brother  gave  me  the  advice  of  her  Majesty's  friends, 
 together  with  his  own  instructions  how  to  proceed  after  my 
 coming  home,  as  folio weth. 
 
 "  Firsts  That  he  is  in  such  suspicion  for  his  handhng 
 there,  by  the  advertisements  of  Mr  Ruxbie,  and  practices  of 
 her  enemies,  that  her  Majesty  must  signify  to  ^Ir  Killigrew 
 that  she  is  minded  shortly  to  call  him  home,  else  he  fears 
 he  shall  be  commanded  to  return. 
 
 "  Secondly^  That  her  Majesty  retjuire  the  Earl  of  Leicester 
 and  Secretary  Cecil  to  be  sent  to  be  her  gossips,  as  fittest 
 instruments  to  perfect  all  articles  and  good  offices  of  amity 
 betwixt  them. 
 
 "  Item,  That  Mr  Killigrew  be  well  treated  and  rewarded, 
 that  he  may  make  good  rcjport  to  hold  of  discord,  that 
 intelligence  may  continue  ;  and  desire  him  to  declare  unto 
 the  Earl  of  Leicester  and  Secretary  ('ecil,  that  it  cannot 
 stand  with  good  friendship  to  be  so  long  fed  witli  fair  word,^^ 
 without  effect. 
 
 ^  [Sir  James  Melville's  Memoirs,  folio,  p.  71-71. — E.J 
 
438  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G0. 
 
 "  Item,  Tliat  her  Majesty  cast  not  off  the  Earl  of  North- 
 umberland, albeit  as  a  fearful  and  facile  man  he  delivered 
 her  letter  to  the  Queen  of  England  ;  neither  appear  to  find 
 fault  with  Sir  Henry  Peircy  as  yet  for  his  dealing  with  Mr 
 Ruxbie,  which  he  doth  to  gain  favour  at  Court,  being  upon 
 a  contrary  faction  to  his  brother  the  Earl. 
 
 "  Item,  That  ^Ir  Ruxbie  be  well  kept,  and  sent  far  north 
 to  some  secure  part,  that  he  give  no  hasty  intelligence ;  for 
 he  hath  already  written  unto  Secretary  Cecil  by  Sir  Henry 
 Peircy  his  conveyance,  that  he  can  discover  all  your  practices 
 and  secrets. 
 
 "  Let  my  Lord  Argile  entertain  O'Neel  as  of  himself,  the 
 Queen  not  appearing  to  know  thereof. 
 
 "  The  Secretary  Cecil  devised  strange  practices  against 
 the  meeting,  which  because  my  Lord  of  Leicester  discovered 
 unto  the  Queen  his  mistress,  Cecil  stirred  up  the  Earl  of 
 Sussex  to  forge  a  quarrel  against  him,  but  the  Queen  took 
 the  Earl  of  Leicester's  part,  and  finally  agreed  them,  and 
 also  Leicester  and  Ormond. 
 
 "  Item,  That  her  Majesty  should  write  two  letters  with 
 Mr  Killigrew  to  my  brother,  the  one  that  he  might  shew 
 unto  the  Queen  of  England,  the  other  that  he  might  shew 
 unto  the  Secretary  Cecil. 
 
 "  Item,  To  advertise  my  brother  what  he  should  do  more 
 for  my  Lady  Lenox,  whose  liberty  might  do  much  good. 
 
 "  Now  to  conclude,  seeing  the  great  mark  which  her 
 Majesty  shoots  at,  let  her  Majesty  be  more  careful  and 
 circumspect  that  her  desires  being  so  near  to  be  obtained, 
 bo  not  all  overthrown  for  lack  of  secrecy,  good  management, 
 and  princely  behaviour,  having  so  many  factious  enemies 
 lying  in  wait  to  make  their  advantage  of  the  least  appearance 
 that  can  be  made. 
 
 "  Shortly  after  my  coming  home,  Mr  Killigrew,  the 
 English  ambassador,  obtained  his  dispatch,  with  a  friendly 
 answer  to  his  contentment,  and  a  fair  chain  ;  and  with  him 
 her  Majesty  sent  these  two  letters  following  to  my  brother 
 by  his  own  advice,  that  he  miglit  take  occasion  to  let  the 
 (Jueen  of  England  see  the  one,  and  Mr  Cecil  the  other, 
 partly  to  servo  to  put  some  doubts  out  of  their  minds  ingen- 
 (Icrcd  by  Mr  TJuxbic's  advertisements  ;  foi-,  as  T  have  said, 
 tbc  lilslx.p  (>r    Ross  ni.'idc  flic  said  Ixuxbie's  address  to  tlie 
 
1506.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  SCOTLAND.  430 
 
 Queen,  for  neither  he  nor  the  Earl  of  BothvvcU  desired  her 
 Majesty's  affairs  to  prosper  under  my  brother's  manage- 
 ment, because  he  was  not  of  their  faction,  so  that  by  their 
 means  Ruxbie  got  that  inteUigence  as  put  all  her  Majesty's 
 affairs  once  in  a  venture,  until  my  brother's  extraordinary 
 intelligence,  from  such  as  were  most  intimate  with  the  Queen 
 of  England,  made  him  cause  to  apprehend  the  said  Ruxbie 
 with  his  whole  letters  and  memoirs,  as  said  is ;  so  are  many 
 good  princes  handled,  and  commonly  their  truest  servants 
 decourted,  by  the  envy  and  craft  of  their  factious  enemies  ; 
 for  wicked  men  who  have  lost  their  credit  by  trumpery  and 
 tricks,  whereby  they  get  no  place  to  do  good  service  to 
 princes,  essay  to  creep  unto  their  favour  by  wiles,  flattery, 
 and  other  unlawful  means,  whereby  they  may  decourt  such 
 as  surmount  them  in  virtue  and  honest  reputation.  Her 
 Majesty's  letters  to  my  brother  were  as  folio weth — 
 
 "  '  Trusty  and  well  beloved,  Wee  greet  you  well:  Whereas 
 your  brother  James  hath  told  us  of  the  friendly  and  faithful 
 advice  given  unto  you  and  him  by  Mr  Secretary  Cecil, 
 toward  the  continuation  of  the  amity  betwixt  the  Queen  our 
 good  sister  and  us,  tending  also  to  our  own  particular 
 advantage,  we  thought  meet  to  send  these  few  lines  to  you, 
 that  you  may  thank  him  heartily  in  our  name,  and  declare 
 unto  him  our  meaning  and  intention,  as  you  find  oppor- 
 tunity, touching  the  three  points  that  he  did  mention  at 
 that  time. 
 
 "  The^/'s^,  as  we  understand,  touching  our  towardliness 
 to  them  of  the  religion.  The  second^  touching  strict  justice 
 to  be  observed  upon  the  Borders.  The  third,  that  we  will 
 endeavour  by  no  means  to  come  to  the  Succession  of  the 
 Crown  of  England,  but  by  the  favour  and  forth-setting  of 
 our  good  sister. 
 
 "  As  to  the  first,  you  shall  answer  in  our  name.  That 
 since  our  return  out  of  Franco  we  have  neither  constrained 
 nor  persecuted  any  for  cause  of  religion,  nor  yet  minds  to 
 do ;  their  credit  with  us  being  so  manifest,  that  they  arc 
 entrusted  witli  the  principal  offices,  and  bear  the  chiefest 
 charges  in  the  kingdom,  and  |)rincipally  enii)loycd  in  our 
 most  urgent  affairs  before  all  others.  Sir  Nicholas  Throck- 
 morton can  testify  what  he  hath  seen  and  licard  at  liis  l»eing 
 
440  THE  HISTORY  OF  TlIK  AFFAIRS  [1566. 
 
 here  thcreanent,  howbeit  that  contrary  bruits  are  blown 
 abroad  by  the  niahce  and  practices  of  our  enemies.  To  the 
 second,  concerning  the  ]5orders,  it  is  most  certain  that  the 
 principal  officers  on  both  the  sides  are  special  instruments 
 of  all  tlie  disorders,  taking  occasion  upon  our  late  troubles, 
 when  as  they  perceived  that  we  might  not  so  well  take  order 
 with  them,  as  we  were  willing ;  as  now  when  it  hath  pleased 
 God  to  grant  unto  us  more  quietness.  Desiring  him  also  to 
 procure  at  the  Queen  his  sovereign's  hands  that  the  like 
 diligence  be  taken  for  her  part  as  shall  be  seen  used  by  us  ; 
 and  then  we  doubt  not  but  that  both  he,  she,  and  all  other 
 who  complain  shall  be  satisfied.  As  to  the  third  and  last 
 head,  you  shall  shew  unto  him  the  tenor  of  our  other  letter, 
 for  satisfaction  to  the  Queen  and  our  other  friends  in  these 
 parts.  So  with  my  friendly  commendations  to  him  and  his 
 wife,  I  commit  you  to  the  protection  of  the  Almighty.  From 
 the  Castle  of  Edinburgh,  this  year  1566.'' 
 
 "  '  Trusts/  and  well  beloved,  We  greet  you  loell:  We  ha^e 
 received  great  comfort  and  contentment  by  the  declaration 
 your  brother  hath  made  to  us  of  the  Queen  our  good  sister's 
 continual  affection  and  constant  love  towards  us,  which  she 
 liatli  now  shewn  unto  you,  and  your  brother  at  his  coming, 
 as  also  by  her  letters  unto  our  self :  Likewise  for  the  grant 
 she  hath  made  to  be  our  gossip,  and  promises  to  send  so 
 honourable  a  company  of  lords  and  ladies  for  solcmnizinc: 
 the  same  in  her  name,  for  which  in  our  behalf  you  shall 
 Gfivo  her  Majesty  most  hearty  thanks,  and  shew  unto  her 
 that  we  desire  nothing  to  be  done  therein  but  as  may 
 conduce  best  for  her  advantage,  and  least  to  her  expence  ; 
 praying  her  always  that  the  principal  man,  whom  it  will 
 please  her  to  send,  bo  such  a  one  as  we  have  by  long 
 experience  known  to  have  been  most  familiar  with  her,  to 
 whom  we  may  the  more  freely  open  our  mind,  and  signify 
 divers  things  which  wo  intended  to  have  spoken  by  mouth 
 unto  herself,  if  God  had  granted  our  desired  meeting.  As 
 concerning  O'Neel,  Iluxbie,  and  all  other  matters,  we  hope 
 that  Mr  Killigrew  will  satisfy  her  sufficiently  ;  and  also  how 
 that  we  desire  to  have  no  advancement  in  that  country,  but 
 by  her  only  means  and  help,  hoping  and  intending  so  to 
 direct  our  course  and  behaviour  toward  her,  as  she  shall 
 
156G.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  441 
 
 have  cause  more  and  more  to  procure  earnestly  and  carefully 
 her  self,  all  things  that  may  further  our  weal  and  advance- 
 ment in  this  country,  that  kingdom,  or  any  other.     In  the 
 which  hope  we  will  do  our  best  to  follow  such  measures  as 
 may  please  her,   and  to  avoid  all  things  that  may  offend 
 her  ;  and  we  give  our  most  strict  command  unto  you  to  do 
 the  like,  so  long  as  you  remain  there,  and  wherever  you  be 
 about  our  service  even   as  I  gave  you  commandment   of 
 before :    Nevertheless,   in   the  mean   time    entertain  most 
 kindly  and  discreetly  all  those  in  that  country  who  profess 
 to  bear  good  will  unto  us  and  to    our  title,  yet  in  such 
 sort  as  neither  you  nor  they  offend  the   Queen  our  good 
 sister.     And  if  there  chance  to  come  to  you  any  hasty  or 
 seditious  persons,  admonish  them  gently  to  cease  ;  and  if 
 they  forbear  not,   shew  unto  them  that  we  have  promised 
 to  the  Queen  to  declare  the  names  and  practices  of  such 
 unto  her,  and  that  we  will  not  fail  to  do  it  indeed,  if  they 
 cease  not :   So  shall  it  be  known  that  such  as  are  about  to 
 sow  discord  between  the  Queen  our  good  sister  and  us  doth 
 it  rather  upon  particular  respects  and  for  their  own  advan- 
 tage, than  for  any  design  to  advance  her  affairs  or  ours.' 
 
 "  These  kind  of  writings  were  for  that  time  devised  to 
 overthrow  and  cast  down  some  intelligences  which  were 
 discovered  by  Ruxbie,  and  some  reports  raised  by  enemies, 
 that  my  brother  by  his  practices  and  perswasions  had  kindled 
 a  great  fire,  and  had  raised  a  great  faction  in  England.  He 
 did  not  deny  but  he  had  dealt  with  many  to  win  what  favour 
 he  could  to  his  mistress,  but  that  he  had  done  nothing  that 
 could  offend  the  Queen  of  England,  and  that  he  had  no 
 commandment  to  enterprize  any  thing  which  could  be 
 displeasing  to  her.  By  this  means  Ruxbic's  intelligence  was 
 suppressed,  and  my  brother  suffered  to  stay  still  in  England, 
 whereby  the  Queen  s  friends  so  increased  that  many  whole 
 shires  were  ready  to  rebel,  and  their  captains  already  named 
 by  the  election  of  the  Nobility."     To  return  now. 
 
 The  readers  will  observe,  in  the  course  of  the  rebellion 
 last  year,  that  Mr  Randolph,  the  Resident  of  England,  had 
 come  into  much  suspicion  of  favouring  and  assisting  these 
 rebels,  and  that  he  had  even  been  advertised  by  our  Queen 
 not  to  proceed  in  that  manner;  however,  it  would  seem  the 
 
442  THE   lII.STUltY  OF  THE  AFFAIIIS  [  I5(j(). 
 
 evidence  for  it  had  not  been  so  plain,  that  the  Queen  could 
 fix  it  upon  him  with  incontestable  conviction,  liut  now  her 
 jNIajesty,  having  come  at  a  more  certain  intelligence  of  that 
 gentleman's  misbehaviour  (for  he  had  all  along  made  it  his 
 business  to  foment  misunderstandings  between  her  and  her 
 subjects),  resolved  once  for  all  to  get  rid  of  him,  and  send 
 him  out  of  her  dominion.  There  is  a  notable  letter  on  this 
 head  chances  to  be  preserved,  and  which  well  deserves  a 
 room  here. 
 
 Queen  of  Scots  to  the  Queen  of  England,  i 
 
 *'  Rycht  excellent,  rycht  heich  and  mychtie  Princesse,  oure 
 derrest  sister  and  cousin,  in  oure  maist  hartlie  maner  we 
 commend  ws  unto  zow  :  We  have  undirstand  be  zowr  declar- 
 atioun  maid  not  onlie  to  oure  derrest  brither  the  King  of 
 France,  and  to  his  ambassatour  resident  thair  with  zow,  bot 
 alswa  to  ]\Ionsiour  Rambolet,  his  lait  ambassatour  heir,  and 
 be  Maistcr  llandolphe  zowr  agent,  that  neither  ze  had  aydit, 
 nor  was  myndit  to  ayde  and  support,  oure  rebellis  agains  ws  ; 
 <|uliilk  we  have  alwayis  takin  to  bo  undoubtedlie  trew,  and 
 w  ill  luke  for  na  uther  at  zowr  handis  :  sic  accompt  make  we 
 of  zow,  and  of  that  zowr  declaratioun,  quhilk  we  will  na  wayis 
 mistrust.  Zit  we  have  certane  knawledgo  that  oure  saidis 
 rebellis  wer  support  it  with  the  soum  of  three  thousand 
 crownis,  sent  to  the  Lady  Murray  be  Maister  Randolphe 
 about  the  middis  of  August  bipast,  as  the  man  cjuha  caryit 
 the  money  hes  confessit  in  his  awin  presence  :  (Juliilk  his 
 preceding  as  wc  have  just  occasioun  to  think  maist  strange, 
 and  besydis  the  office  of  a  gude  minister  professing  himself 
 a  peacibill  officiar  and  intertenear  of  amyty  :  evinsa  we 
 and  oure  (Jounsall  cannot  think  w^ill  of  his  behaviour,  bot 
 
 ^  Shattered  MS. — [Our  Historian  thus  preludes  iu  a  marginal  note 
 Randolph's  dismissal — "  The  English  Resident  Itandolph  is  .sent  away 
 for  his  assisting  the  Scottish  rebels  ;"  and  he  entitles  the  above  doeu- 
 ment — "  Letter  by  the  Queen  to  the  Queen  of  England  in  justifieation  of 
 the  me;isure."  According  to  Mr  Tytler,  Itandolph  was  dismissed  for  his 
 intrigues  with  Moray  befor>'  the  murder  of  Jtieeio. — "At  this  time  (13th 
 February  ISOTi-G)  Uandoljth,  who,  from  the  terms  in  which  he  describeil 
 it,  a])iiears  to  have  had  no  objection  to  the  plot  (the  murder  of  Riccio), 
 was  banished  by  Mary  to  lierwiek,  the  Queen  having  now  discovered 
 r«'rtain  ])ro<)f  of  his  having  encouraged  and  assisted  Mnmy  in  his 
 r(l)i>llion."      History  of  iScotlaud,  vol.  vii.  p.  23,  24.— K.) 
 
1566.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  443 
 
 takis  it  to  be  besydis  zowr  opinioun,  and  tending  to  sum 
 iither  fyne  and  purpois  nor  that  for  the  quhilk  he  wes 
 directit  heir  be  zow ;  and  hes  tane  occasioun  to  send  him 
 hame  to  zow,  quhair  his  behaviour  in  this  caiss  may  be 
 tryit,  and  he  orderit  accordinghe  at  zowr  discretioun.  Of 
 the  quhilk  oure  preceding  we  pray  zow  think  not  strange, 
 seing  oure  cognitioun  thairin  is  upoun  na  lycht  report,  hot, 
 as  we  have  said,  of  the  same  self  man  quha  ressavit  of  his 
 handis  the  money  caryit  in,  and  reportit  the  Lady  Murray's 
 lettre  of  the  ressait  of  the  samyn  agane  to  him,  as  at  grittar 
 lenth  we  have  commandit  oure  servand  Robert  JMalvile^  to 
 communicat  unto  zow\  And  gif,  as  of  befoir,  zowr  plessour 
 be  to  have  a  servand  resident  heir,  quhomsoevir  it  sail 
 pleis  zow  send,  being  a  man  inclynit  to  amytio  and  gude 
 offices,  he  sail  be  gladclio  welcum ;  and  for  zowr  respect 
 will  we  command  all  humanitie  and  gude  intertenement  to 
 be  schawin  that  appertenis.    And  thus,  rycht  excellent,  &c.'' 
 
 Though  the  date  of  the  foregoing  letter  be  not  affixed, 
 yet  there  are  some  abstracts  remaining  which  go  near  to 
 ascertain  the  time  of  this  event. — "May26th,  1dQ(j, Randolph 
 to  Sir  William  Cecil.  Queen  ISIary  accuses  Randolph  for  liaving 
 given  3000  crowns  to  Moray,  which  was  discovered  by  a 
 servant  of  Moray's.  He  denied  it.  She  also  blames  him 
 for  being  the  author  of  a  scandalous  book  reflecting  on  that 
 Queen's  birth,  dignity,  and  government.  She  sent  Robert 
 Melvil  to  the  English  Court  to  have  him  recalled. 
 
 '-^Randolph  to  Sir  William  Cecil,  June  17th,  1566 — He  is 
 glad  that  he  has  liberty  to  return  from  the  Borders  to 
 Court.2  He  acquainted  the  Scotch  Protestant  Lords  that 
 he  is  to  be  succeeded  by  Mr  Killigrew,  with  wliom  they  arc 
 to  communicate  their  affiiirs." — "  July  17th,  15G6,  Earl  of 
 Bedford  to  Sir  William  Cecil — Randol[)h  is  recallcil,  and 
 Killigrew  comes  in  his  place.     This  change  is  a  great  loss 
 
 1  [lie  was  brother  of  Sir  Jaines  Melville  of  l[alhill,  the  author  of  the 
 "  Memoirs." — Iv] 
 
 *  lie  has,  it  seems,  remained  on  the  IJorders  within  the  limits  of  Knjjland, 
 after  his  having  been  sent  out  of  Scotland,  until  he  .should  obtain  his 
 mistress's  allowance  to  come  to  Court. —  |  {{andolph,  we  have  seen,  reside<l 
 for  some  time  at  IJerwick. — K.] 
 
444  TIIK   niSTMHY  OF  Till-:  AFFAIRS  [15GG. 
 
 to  tlio  intcllii^^'nce  from  Scotlanil,  and  \\hieh  can  only  be 
 supplied  by  the  Laird  of  ({ range. ^'^ 
 
 The  two  last  abstracts  arc  of  farther  use  to  certify  us 
 that  ^Ii-  KilllLn'ow,  who  had  lately  gone  into  England  after 
 Sir  James  Melvirs  return  from  thence,  w'as  again  sent  down 
 to  Scotland,  to  take  upon  him  the  management  of  Queen 
 Elizabeth's  affairs  here  in  the  room  of  Mr  Tlandolidi. 
 Neither  Mr  Cambden  nor  Sir  James  Melvil  take  notice  of 
 that  gentleman's  having  come  twice  into  Scotland  :  and  the 
 former,  though  he  narrates  very  exactly  Killigrew's  com- 
 mission- in  the  month  of  June,  according  as  Sir  James  has 
 given  the  account  thereof  at  good  length,  yet  he  is  so  far 
 mistaken  as  to  omit  that  first  journey  altogether,  and  refers 
 the  commission  concerning  Ruxbie  to  Killigrew's  second 
 coming  into  Scotland,  in  order  to  pay  the  Queen  of  England's 
 compliment  to  our  Queen  after  the  birth  of  her  son.  So  the 
 only  historian  that  has  taken  due  notice  of  Killigrew's  two 
 journeys  hither  is  Mr  Holinshed,  who  sets  them  down  most 
 distinctly  one  after  the  other,  and  has  his  authority  as 
 clearly  affirmed  by  these  two  collateral  proofs  of  Melvirs 
 Memoirs^  and  the  above  recited  abstracts. 
 
 The  Queen  being  now  pretty  well  recovered  after  child- 
 bearing,  thought  fit  for  the  sake  of  her  health  to  take  a  little 
 refreshment  of  better  air  in  the  country  ;  and  the  place  she 
 made  choice  to  retire  unto  was  the  sweet  seat  of  Alloa, 
 whither  she  went  by  water  in  the  beginning  of  August, 
 accompanied  by  the  Earl  of  Mar,  the  proprietor  of  the  place, 
 and  the  Earl  of  Moray."*  During  the  time  her  Majesty 
 remained  in  Alloa,  Mons.  Malvoisir^  arrived  in  Scotland  to 
 
 ^  llereljy  we  see  the  loss  the  English  ministry  were  sensible  they 
 sustained  by  the  want  of  Ran(loli)h  in  Scotland. — [I5y  the  "Laird  of 
 Grange"  Sir  William  Kirkaldy  is  indicated.  See  some  notices  of  him 
 and  his  family  in  tlio  note,  vol.  i.  p.  24,  25,  of  tlie  presiMit  edition. — K.J 
 
 '"*  [History  and  Ainiulls  of  Quene  ILli/.abeth,  4to.  l(J2r),  p.  128;  bnt 
 t-amden  writes  as.if  the  English  QnecMi  had  sent  Killigrew  into  Scotland 
 solely  to  congratulate  Mary  on  the  birth  of  her  son. — E.| 
 
 •'  (Sir  .James  MelviUes  Mi'inoirs,  folio,  j».  6X,  (iU. — \].\ 
 
 '   Holinshed. 
 
 ■  Though  Ca-slelnau  Mauvissier  Siiys  nothing  expressly  of  this  matter 
 in  Ijis  own  Memoirs,  yet  he  acknowledges  his  being  sent  into  S<'otIan<l 
 some  time  after  the  murder  of  Hiccio.    And  the  Alistraefs  in  the  Ap]>en<li.\ 
 
1566.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  445 
 
 congratulate  her  safe  delivery  and  birth,  on  the  part  of  the 
 French  King;  and  was  conveyed  thither  by  the  Bishop 
 of  Ross.  This  gentleman  being  well  acquainted  with  her 
 Majesty,  was  joyfully  received  by  her  ;  and  made  it  his 
 business  while  here,  to  labour  a  reconciliation  in  the  Queen 
 both  towards  the  King  her  husband  and  the  other  assassins 
 of  Riccio.  And  in  both  these  he  seems  to  have  succeeded 
 pretty  well ;  for  by  abstracts  in  the  Appendix  we  learn  that 
 Secretary  Maitland  was  allowed  to  wait  of  her  Majesty  at 
 Alloa  ;  and  there  likewise  the  King  and  she  were  together 
 two  nights.i     And  in  the  end  of  the  same  month,  the  King 
 
 render  it  certain,  that  ho  was  in  Scotland  at  tliis  precise  time.— [Queen 
 Mary  promoted  Joseph  Riccio,  the  brother  of  David  Riccio,  who  had 
 arrived  in  the  suite  of  JMalvoiser,  or  Mauvissiere,  the  French  ambassador, 
 when  he  came  into  Scotland  in  15G5,  to  be  her  private  Foreign  Secretary. 
 For  Mau^^ssiere's  arrival  in  1565,  see  p.  304  of  this  volume. — E.] 
 
 1  Let  the  readers  compare  this  with  Buchanan's  story.— [Buchanan's 
 story  is,  that  wlien  Queen  :Mary  left  Edinburgh  to  proceed   to  Alloa 
 Tower,  Bothwell  "  was  alone  the  man  ;    he  managed  all  affairs.     The 
 Queen  was  so  inclined  to  him,  that  she  would  have  it  understood  no  suit 
 would  be  obtained  from  her  but  by  his  mediation  ;  and  as  if  she  were 
 afraid  her  fiivours  to  him  were  but  mean,  and  not  sufficiently  known,  on 
 a  certain  day  she  took  one  or  two  with  her,  and  went  down  to  the  haven 
 called  Newhaven  (near  Leith),  and  her  attendants  not  knowing  whither 
 she  was  going,  she  went  on  board  a  small  vessel  prepared  there  for  her  ; 
 William  and  Edmund  Blacater,  Edward  Robertson,  and  Thomas  Uickson, 
 all  Bothweirs  creatures,  and  pirates  of  known  rapacity,  had  filled  the  ship 
 before.     With  this  guard  of  robbers,  to  the  great  admiration  of  all  men, 
 she  ventured  to  sea,  taking  none  of  her  honest  servants  with  her.     She 
 landed  at  Alloa,  a  castle  of  the  Earl  of  IMar,  where  she  so  demeaned 
 herself  for  some  time  as  if  she  had  forgotten  not  only  the  dignity  of  a 
 Queen,  but  even  the  modesty  of  a  matron."— Ilistoria  Rerum  Scoticarum, 
 original  edit.  Edin.   1582,  fol.  211,  212  ;  Translation,  Edin.  edit.  1752, 
 vol.  ii.  p.  314,  315.     The  malignancy  of  this  narrative  is  obvious.     It 
 seems  that  Darnley  followed  the  Queen,  and  a  reconciliation  was  effected 
 between  hhn  and  the  Queen  by  tlie  French  ambassador  MauvissitTe  in 
 Alloa  Tower  ;  but  Buchanan  scruples  not  to  assert  that  though  "  his 
 design  and  hopes  were  to  be  with  her,  and  to  enjoy  mutual  society  as 
 husband  and  wife,  yet  he,  as  an  unfortunate  disturber  of  her  pleixsures, 
 wa.s   ordered  to  go  back  from  whence  he  came,  and  liad  hardly  time 
 allowed  him  for  his  servants  to  refresh  themselves."     The  reader  need 
 hardly  be  reminded  that  all  this  is  gratuitous  fiction,  having  no  foundation 
 in  foct.     Chalmers  justly  observes  (Lifi'  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  ii. 
 p.  1(;5) — «  It  was  reserved  for  Buchanan's  falsehood  to  say  that  she  went 
 to    Alloa   with    plmtca:'      The    ''pirate,"    were    Bothwell,    Lord   High 
 Admiral  of  Scotland,  who  provided  the  vessel  and  the  seamen  for  the 
 Queen's  convi'vance,  and  she  was  accomj)anied  by  the  Earls  of  Mar  and 
 
440  THE  IIISTURY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15GC. 
 
 and  Queen  together,  accompanied  by  the  Earls  of  Huntly, 
 Moray,  Bothwell,  and  divers  others,  went  into  Megatland^ 
 
 Moray.  As  carriages  were  not  know  n  in  Scotland,  and  as  the  Queen  was 
 not  sufficiently  recovered  from  her  accouchement  to  risk  a  long  ride  on 
 horseback,  she  resolved  to  proceed  to  Alloa  by  water.  Kandolph  informs 
 Cecil  that  the  Queen  had  wcUhd  out  a  mile  beyond  Edinburgh  Castle 
 while  recovering  from  child-birth — an  incident  proving  that  Mary  had  no 
 wheeled  carriage,  and  we  have  repeatedly  seen  that  riding  on  horseback 
 was  her  usual  mode  of  journeying.  'J'he  first  wheeled  carriage  seen  in 
 Scothmd  was  a  chariot  which  the  Princess  Margaret,  Queen  of  James  IV. 
 and  daughter  of  Henry  VII.,  brought  with  her  from  England,  and  after  her 
 death  it  was  conveyed  from  Methven  Castle  to  Edinburgh,  and  repaired 
 in  March  1542-3.  But  to  return  to  Buchanan's  ";>/ra<f»,''  ^^e  have  seen 
 that  they  were  the  Lord  High  Admiral  Bothwcll,  the  crew  of  the 
 vessel,  the  Earl  of  Mar,  and  Buchanan's  particular  friend  the  Earl  of 
 Moray,  who  attended  Queen  Mary  on  this  occasion.  Daraley  would  not 
 accompany  the  Queen  on  this  short  voyage  on  account  of  his  feud  with 
 Moray,  but  i)referred  travelling  by  land,  and  joining  her  at  Alloa  Tower. 
 Mary  renuiined  at  Alloa  only  a  few  days.  On  the  29th  of  July  156'G,  a 
 pajnnent  of  ten  shillings  to  a  boy  passing  from  Edinburgh  with  sealed 
 "  writings,"  or  letters,  to  the  Queen  at  Alloa  is  entered  in  the  Lord  High 
 Treasurer's  Books.  Mary  returned  to  the  Palace  of  llolyrood  on  the  31st 
 of  July,  went  back  to  Alloa  on  the  3d  of  August,  and  after  residing  a  few 
 days  she  left  for  Eduiburgh,  and  prepared  for  the  hunting  expedition  into 
 Meggetdale. — E.] 
 
 ^  Ilolinshed.  This  Megatland  is  a  large  open  tract  of  ground  in  the 
 shire  of  Tweeddale,  that  same  very  likely  whither  the  King  had  resorted, 
 when  Buchanan  made  his  invidious  reflection  already  taken  notice  of. — 
 [The  district  of  Meggetlaiul,  or  Meggetdale,  which  takes  its  name  from 
 the  Meggft  Water,  comprizing  the  southern  extremity  of  Peebles- 
 shire, on  the  borders  of  the  counties  of  Selkirk  and  Dumfries.  It  is  one 
 of  the  most  elevated  districts  in  the  South  of  Scotland,  and  some  of  the 
 mountains  rise  to  a  considerable  height.  The  district  is  above  six  miles 
 in  length,  and  in  some  parts  ujjwards  of  five  miles  in  breadth,  bounded  on 
 the  e;ist  by  the  pari.sh  of  Yarrow,  on  the  south  by  those  of  Etterick  and 
 Moffat,  on  the  west  by  that  of  Tweedsniuir,  and  on  the  north  by  that  of 
 Manner.  It  is  entirely  mountainous,  the  hills  extending  in  two  parallel 
 ranges  from  east  to  west,  having  between  them  a  narrow  valley,  scarcely 
 a  (piarter  of  a  mile  in  breadth,  traversed  by  the  Megget  Water,  which 
 rises  among  the  hills  on  the  west,  and  after  a  short  course,  and  receiving 
 various  tributaries,  enters,  at  the  east,  the  large  and  beautiful  lake  called 
 St  Mary's  Loch,  from  which  i.ssuesthe  Yarrow.  Meggetland,  or  Megget, 
 is  parochially  connected  with  the  parish  of  Lyne,  although  that  parish  is 
 fourteen  mUes  distant,  the  river  Tweed  and  the  parish  of  Manner 
 intervening.— New  Statistical  Account  of  Scotland— Peebles-shire,  p.  1()7. 
 "  As  Megget,"  says  the  writer  of  that  Uei>ort,  "  ajjproaches  the  confines 
 of  England  and  Scotland,  it  nmy  be  supposed  that  when  the  two  kingdoms 
 were  governed  by  different  sovereigns,  its  inhabitants  would  experience 
 the  disturbances,  and  be  distinguished  by  the  character  and  habits,  which 
 wore  then  so  prevalent  amoni,'  the  Borders."— E.] 
 
15GG.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  447 
 
 to  take  the  recreation  of  hunting.^     And  after  they  had 
 returned  to  Edinburgh,  they  went  both  together  to  Stirhng.2 
 
 1  [This  was  on  the  14th  of  August,  after  the  Queen's  return  from  Alloa 
 detailed  in  another  note,  for  on  the  12th  a  payment  of  twelve  shilhngs  is 
 entered  in  the  Treasurer's  Books  to  a  boy  who  «  passed  with  close 
 writincrs"  from  the  King,  as  Darnley  was  called,  and  the  Queen,  to  the 
 Earl  of  Bothwell,  the  Sheriff  of  Selkirk,  and  the  «  Gudeman"  of  Torsonce, 
 which  were  doubtless  commands  to  make  preparations  for  tlie  royal  sport. 
 On  the  16th  of  August  the  Queen,  Darnley,  and  their  retinue,  held  a 
 Council  at  Rodono  in  the  district,  where  they  made  an  ordinance  reciting 
 the  scarcity  of  deer,  which  had  spoiled  their  amusement,  ordaining  that 
 the  animals  should  not  be  shot  under  pains  of  law.  They  were  at 
 Traquair  on  the  19th,  and  returned  to  Edinburgh,  disappointed  at  the 
 result  of  their  expedition,  on  the  22d.— E.] 
 
 2  [This  was  on  the  22d  of  August,  two  days  after  the  arrival  of  Mary 
 and  Darnley  at  Holyrood  Palace  from  Peebles-shire,  though  it  appears 
 that  from  tlie  time  of  the  Queen's  accouchement  to  the  14th  of  August 
 the  latter  chiefly  resided  in  ^Morton's  castle  of  Dalkeith.     They  took  with 
 them  the  infant  Prince,  who  had  been  placed  under  the  care  of  the  Earl 
 and  Countess  of  Mar  in  Edinburgh  Castle,  and  leaving  him  in  Stirling 
 Castle  with  them,  they  went  on  a  hunting  expedition  into  Perthshire, 
 visiting  Glenartney,  an  extensive  red-deer  forest  in  the  glen  so  called 
 between  the  mountains  Bon-Voirlich  and  Strick-a-chroan,  in  the  vicinity 
 of  Loch  Earn.     On  the  30th  of  August,  the  Queen  and  Darnley  were  at 
 Drummond  Castle,  in  the  parish  of  ISIuthill  near  Crieff,  the  seat  of  the 
 Lords  Drummond,  ancestors  of  the  Earls  of  Perth,  and  on  the  31st  they 
 returned  to  Stirling,  where  they  remained  together  nearly  a  fortnight. 
 On  the  11th  or  12th  of  September  the  Queen  went  to  Eduiburgh  on  public 
 business,  but  Darnley  declined  to  accompany  her,  not  wishing  to  have 
 any  intercourse  with  >[oray  and  the  other  members  of  the  Privy-Council. 
 The  Queen  held  meetings  of  the  Council  on  the  17th  and  21st  of  September, 
 and  returned  to  Stirling  on  the  latter  day.  She  was  anxious  that  Darnley 
 would  remove  with  her  to  Edinburgh,  where  her  presence  was  necessary, 
 but  he  obstinately  refused,  and  chose  to  remain  at  Stirling.     Mary  in 
 consequence  returned  to    Edinburgh,   where  she   held  meetings  of  the 
 Privy-Council  on  the  23d  and  24tli  of  September.     She  left  Le  Croc,  the 
 French  ambassador,  with  Darnley  at  Stirling,  where  Beaton,  the  brother 
 of  the   Archbishop   of  Glasgow,  had  arrived  from    France   before  her 
 departure,  and  during  her  aljsence  Darnley  first  intimated  to  Le  Croc 
 that  he  hitended  to  leave  the  kingdom,  though  he  did  not  inform  the 
 latter  of  the  whole  of  his  i)roject.    His  father  Lennox  came  from  GU-^gow 
 on  a  visit  to  him  at  Stirling,  and  when  he  wa.s  told  of  his  resolution  to  go 
 abroad   he   remonstrated  with  him  on  the  folly  of  such    a  procedure. 
 When  Lennox  returned  to  (Jlasgow  he  announced  his  son's  resolution, 
 and  his  inabilitv  to  dissuade  him  from  it,  in  a  letter  to  the  Queen,  which 
 she  received  on  the  morning  of  the  2J)tii  of  September,  and  laid  it  before 
 the  Privy-Council.     About  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  that  day  Darnley 
 arrived  at  the  Palace  of  Holyrood,  wlu-re  the  Queen  was  residing,  and  not 
 in  the  «  Checker  House,"  as  related  by   Buchanan,  who   so   states  to 
 inculpate  her  with  Bothwell.     Darnley  refused  to  enter  th.>  Palace  unless 
 
448  THE  HISTORY  ..F  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGO. 
 
 Stranf|^o  and  surprisingly  wild  arc  the  accounts  c^iven  by 
 Knox,  but  most  especially  by  Buchanan,  concerning  the 
 King  and  Queen  about  this  time.  I  shall  not  reckon  it 
 worth  while  to  transcribe  them  here  ;  and  the  best  and 
 shortest  confutation  I  could  propose  of  them,  is  to  leave  my 
 readers  the  trouble,  or  rather  satisfaction,  to  compare  the 
 same  with  the  just  now  mentioned  abstracts,  and  the  three 
 following  authcntick  letters. 
 
 Letter  from  Mons.  le  Croc^  the  French  Ambassador  m  Scotland^ 
 to  the  Archbishop  of  Glasgow^  the  Queen  of  Scots'  Ambassador 
 in  France.'^ 
 
 "  Monsieur — On  the  22d  day  of  the  last  month  your 
 brother  Mr  Bethune^^  arrived  in  Stirhng,  wdiere  he  found  this 
 Queen  in  good  health,  as  Hkewise  the  Prince  her  son,  who 
 is  a  very  fine  child,  and  thrives  so  well,  that  again^^t  the 
 time  of  his  christening  his  godfathers  will  feel  the  weight  of 
 bearing  him  in  their  arms.  They  are  lookt  for  about  the 
 end  of  this  month.  The  Queen  is  now  returned  from  Stirling 
 to  Lisleburgh,^  as  being  vacation  season,  which,  as  you  know, 
 
 Moray,  Argyll,  Rothes,  Secretary  Maitland,  and  some  other  of  the  Officers 
 of  State  left  it ;  and  when  this  was  intimated  to  the  Queen,  she  conde- 
 scendingly went  without  to  receive  him,  conducted  him  to  her  own 
 apartments,  in  which  he  remained  with  her  during  the  night.  She 
 questioned  him  about  his  design  to  leave  Scotland,  and  requested  his 
 reasons  for  such  an  extraordinary  project,  which  he  refused  to  assign,  yet 
 lie  would  not  ackn<)wle<lge  that  he  had  any  cause  of  discontent.  On  the 
 following  day  the  Privy-Council  met  in  the  Queen's  apartments,  at  wliich 
 the  Queen  and  Darnley  were  present.  The  Privy-Council  argued  the 
 matter  with  him,  as  related  in  Le  Croc's  letter,  to  which  the  reader  is 
 now  referred. — E.] 
 
 ^  [liC  Croc  had  been  in  Scotland  in  1559.  See  vol.  i.  j).  225  of  the 
 present  edition. — E.] 
 
 '^  IJibl.  Colleg.  Scot.  Paris.  Mem.  Scot.  Tom,  ii.  j).  255,  an  Origiiuil.  1 
 liave  translated  this  and  the  following  letter  into  I'^nglish  for  the  benefit 
 of  the  ordinary  readers  ;  liut  have  likewise  j)ut  the  French  copies  of  them 
 into  the  Ajipendix,  Number  XIII. 
 
 ■'  ['I'liis  gentliMuan  wjus  the  lirother  of  Archl>ishop  Heaton,  or  Hethune, 
 of  CJlasgow,  and  he  was  a  nei)heM'  of  the  ceU'brated  Cardinal  Beaton, 
 having  been  one  of  the  seven  sons  of  John  Heaton  of  lialfour,  the 
 Cardinal'.s  elder  brother. —  IC.] 
 
 ■*  [Edinburgh.  See  the  fourth  note,  vol.  i.  j).  16()  of  the  present  edition, 
 and  also  the  note  by  our  Historian  to  the  letter  from  tlu>  Lords  of  the 
 IScottish  Privy-Council,  whith  immediately  follows  this  from  Mons.  le 
 C'roc  to  Archbi.shop  lieaton  in  the  jiresent  volume. — E.j 
 
loGG.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  449 
 
 continues  in  this  country  from  August  until  Martinmass, 
 and  during  which  the  Nobility  are  convened  to  look  after 
 the  publick  affairs  of  the  Queen  and  herKealm.  The  King, 
 however,  abode  at  Stirling,  and  he  told  me  there  that  he 
 had  a  mind  to  go  beyond  sea,  in  a  sort  of  desperation. i     I 
 
 ^  [This  aud  the  following  letter  refer  to  a  project  of  leaving  Scotland, 
 which  Darnley  had  formed  either  of  his  own  accord,  or  at  the  suggestion 
 of  others,  for  some  sinister  purpose.  To  explain  this  it  is  necessary  again  to 
 revert  to  the  murder  of  Iliccio.  After  the  perpetration  of  that  crime,  it 
 was  certainly  ominous  to  see  such  personages  as  the  Earls  of  Bothwell  and 
 Moray  reconciled,  and  the  Earls  of  Argyll  and  Atholl  agreeing  to  susjiend 
 their  differences.  While  such  discordant  and  unprinci])led  alliances  were 
 forming.  Queen  Mary  was  apparently  disposed  to  pardon  the  Earl  of 
 Morton,  Maitland  of  Lethington,  and  the  other  principal  conspiratoi'S, 
 if  that  procedure  could  have  secured  peace  to  the  kingdom.  When 
 Darnley  was  informed  of  her  intentions,  he  became  alarmed,  and  loudly 
 denounced  his  former  fri4»nds  who  had  murdered  Riccio.  This  exasper- 
 ated them  against  him  ;  they  retaliated,  by  accusing  him  in  the  most 
 unequivocal  language  as  the  sole  instigator  and  contriver  of  that  crime  ; 
 and  to  prove  this  they  laid  the  two  Bonds,  or  Covenants,  before  the 
 Queen,  who  saw  at  once  for  the  first  time  his  falsehood  and  duplicity — 
 that  he  was,  to  adopt  the  expressive  words  of  Mr  Tytler,  the  "  principal 
 conspirator  against  her,  the  defamer  of  her  honour,  the  plotter  against 
 her  liberty  and  her  crown,  the  almost  murderer  of  herself  and  her  unborn 
 child" — that  he  was  "  convicted  as  a  traitor  and  liar,  false  to  his  own 
 honour,  false  to  her,  false  to  his  associates  in  crime."  Randolph  wrote  to 
 Cecil,  dated  Berwick,  4th  April  1566 — "  The  Queen  hath  now  seen  all 
 the  Covenants  and  Bands  that  passed  between  the  King  (Darnley)  and 
 the  Lords,  and  now  findeth  that  his  declaration  before  her  and  the 
 Council  of  his  innocency  of  the  murder  of  Da\dd  Avas  false."  The 
 consequence  was  that  whilfe  Morton,  Moray,  Maitland  of  Lethington,  and 
 their  associates,  were  in  the  utmost  indignation  at  Darnley's  conduct, 
 accusing  him  of  betraying  them,  and  of  attemjjting  to  purchase  his  own 
 safety  by  their  destruction,  Mary  avoided  the  company  of  her  wretched 
 husband,  and  prohibited  her  friends  to  countenance  him,  or  shew  him 
 any  kindness.  It  appears  that  she  was  meditating  a  divorce,  and  it  Avas 
 re[)orted  that  she  had  sent  Thornton,  mentioned  by  Le  Croc  in  this  letter,  to 
 Rome  for  that  purpose  (Randolph  to  Cecil,  dated  Berwick,  2.jth  April  1566, 
 MS.  State-Paper  Office,  in  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  47).  So 
 miserable  was  the  Queen,  that  she  entertained  the  extraordinary  design 
 of  returning  to  France,  and  entrusting  the  government  of  the  kingdom  to 
 a  Regency  composed  of  the  Earls  of  Moray,  Iluntly,  Mar,  Atholl,  and 
 Bothwell.  But  as  the  period  of  her  accouchement  a])proachcd,  she 
 relented  towards  Darnley,  and  immediately  before  the  l)irth  of  her  sou 
 James  VI.  she  was  reconciled  to  him.  After  that  event  the  Queen 
 was  convinced  of  the  expediency  of  recovering  lier  authority,  and  she  was 
 disposed  to  sacrifice  her  own  feelings  and  adoi)t  a  lenient  course  toAvards 
 Morton  and  the  exiled  Nobility.  She  listened  to  the  intercession  of 
 Moray,  Avhom  she  again  treated  Avith  confidence.  Maitland  of  Lethington 
 was  reconciled  to  BothAvell  and  pardoned.  Crichton  of  Brunstane, 
 VOL.  II.  29 
 
4.")0  TIIK   IIISTOUY  OF  THH   AFFAIRS  [15GG. 
 
 .said  U)  him  what  I  thoui,^lit  proper  at  the  time,  but  still  I 
 could  not  believe  that  he  was  in  earnest.  Since  that  time 
 the  Earl  of  Lenox  his  father  came  to  visit  him  ;  and  ho  has 
 written  a  letter  to  the  Queen,  signifyin^^  that  it  is  not  in  his 
 power  to  divert  his  son  from  his  intended  voyage,  and  prays 
 her  Majesty  to  use  her  interest  therein.  This  letter  from  the 
 Earl  of  Lenox  the  Queen  received  on  Miehaelmass  Day  in 
 the  morning,  and  that  same  evening  the  King  arrived  here 
 about  ten  of  the  clock.  When  he  and  the  Queen  were 
 a-bed  together,  her  Majesty  took  occasion  to  talk  to  him 
 about  the  contents  of  his  father's  letter,  and  besought  him 
 to  declare  to  her  the  ground  of  his  designed  voyage  ;  but 
 in  this  he  would  by  no  means  satisfy  her.  Early  next  morn- 
 ing the  (^ueen  sent  for  me,  and  for  all  the  Lords  and  other 
 Counsellors.  As  we  were  all  met  in  their  Majesties'  presence, 
 the  Bishop  of  Ross  (John  Leslie)  by  the  Queen's  command- 
 ment declared  to  the  Council  the  King's  intention  to  go 
 beyond  sea,  for  which  purpose  he  had  a  ship  lying  ready  to 
 sail ;  and  that  her  Majesty's  information  hereof  proceeded 
 not  from  the  rumour  of  the  town,  but  from  a  letter  written 
 
 Sandilaiids  of  Caldcr,  and  Cockbiirn  of  Ormiston,  the  chief  leaders  of  the 
 Reforming  party,  were  received  into  favour  ;  but  John  Knox  was  still 
 compelled  to  continue  in  liis  retreat  in  Ayrshire.  Tlic  Earl  of  Morton, 
 Lords  Lindsay  and  lluthven,  were  in  exile,  but  the  Eai'ls  of  Moray, 
 Uothwcll,  Argyll,  and  Atholl,  and  Maithind  of  Letliington,  wlio  all  now 
 acted  in  concert,  zealously  exerted  themselves  to  i)roeure  a  pardon  for 
 their  banished  associates,  to  which  the  Queen  was  iiiclined  to  listen.  Tliis 
 enraged  Darnley,  and  he  began  to  intrigue  with  tlie  Roman  Catholic 
 party,  writing  even  to  the  Pope,  and  impugning  the  conduct  of  the  Queen 
 for  dehiying  to  restore  the  ritual  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  Notwithstand- 
 ing the  aj)parent  reconciliation  between  him  and  the  Queen  at  Alloa,  his 
 folly  and  imbecility  incited  liim  to  such  desperate  courses.  "  Wlien  his 
 h'tters  were  interce])ted,"  siiys  oSIr  'J'ytler,  "and  his  practices  discovered, 
 ho  complained  bitterly  of  the  neglect  into  which  he  had  fallen,  affirmed 
 that  he  had  no  share  in  the  government,  accused  the  Nobles  of  a  plot 
 against  his  life,  and  at  hist  formed  the  desperate  resolution  of  leaving  the 
 kingdom,  and  remonstrating  to  foreign  i)Owei-s  against  the  cruelty  with 
 which  he  was  treated.  This  mad  project  ahirmed  his  father  Lennox, 
 who  communicated  his  fears  to  the  Queen,  and  Mary  made  an  earnest 
 attemi)t  to  restore  him  to  his  duty." — History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  j).  49, 
 .50.  The  interview  and  remonstrances  are  detailed  in  the  above  letter  of 
 Le  Croc,  and  in  that  which  follows  from  the  Lords  of  the  I'rivy-Council 
 to  the  Queen-mother  of  France,  and  "are  of  nnuh  importance,"  as  Mr 
 Tytler  observes,  "  in  estimating  the  dark  iliarges  afterwards  brou^rht 
 against  Mary." — E.] 
 
loGG.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  SCOTLAND.  451 
 
 to  her  by  his  own  father  the  Earl  of  Lenox,  which  letter 
 was  likewise  read  in  the  Council ;  and  thereafter  the  Queen 
 praj'ed  the  King  to  declare  in  presence  of  the  Lords  and 
 before  me  the  reason  of  his  projected  departure,  since  ho 
 would  not  be  pleased  to  notify  the  same  to  her  in  private 
 betwixt  themselves.  She  likewise  took  him  by  the  hand, 
 and  besought  him  for  God's  sake  to  declare  if  she  had  given 
 him  any  occasion  for  this  resolution  ;  and  entreated  he  might 
 deal  plainly,  and  not  spare  her.  Moreover,  all  the  Lords 
 likewise  said  to  him,  that  if  there  was  any  fault  on  their 
 part,  upon  his  declaring  it,  they  were  ready  to  reform  it. 
 And  I  likewise  took  the  freedom  to  tell  him,  that  his 
 departure  must  certainly  aflPect  either  his  own  or  the  Queen's 
 honour — that  if  the  Queen  had  afforded  any  ground  for  it, 
 his  declaring  the  same  would  affect  her  Majesty  ;  as  on  the 
 other  hand,  if  he  should  go  away  without  giving  any  cause 
 for  it,  this  thing  could  not  at  all  redound  to  his  praise  : 
 therefore,  that  since  I  was  in  this  honourable  employment,  I 
 could  not  fail,  according  to  my  charge,  to  give  my  testimony 
 to  the  truth  of  what  I  had  both  formerly  seen,  and  did 
 presently  see.  After  several  things  of  this  kind  had  passed 
 amongst  us,  the  King  at  last  declared  that  he  had  no  ground 
 at  all  given  him  for  such  a  deliberation  ;  and  thereupon  he 
 went  out  of  the  chamber  of  presence,  saying  to  the  Queen — 
 '  Adieu,  Madam,  you  shall  not  see  my  face  for  a  long  space  :' 
 after  which  he  likewise  bade  me  farew^ell,  and  next,  turning 
 himself  to  the  Lords  in  general,  said — '  Gentlemen,  Adieu.' 
 He  is  not  yet  embarked,  but  we  receive  advertisement  from 
 day  to  day  that  he  still  holds  on  his  resolution,  and  keeps  a 
 ship  in  readiness.  It  is  in  vain  to  imagine  that  he  shall  be 
 able  to  raise  any  disturbance,  for  there  is  not  one  person 
 in  all  this  kingdom,  from  the  highest  to  the  lowest,  that 
 regards  him  any  farther  than  is  agreeable  to  the  Queen. 
 And  I  never  saw  her  Majesty  so  much  beloved,  esteemed, 
 and  honoured  ;  nor  so  great  a  harmony  amongst  all  her 
 subjects,  as  at  present  is  by  her  wise  conduct,  for  I  cannot 
 perceive  the  smallest  difference  or  division.  I  suppose  your 
 brother  Mr  Bethune,  Mr  Thornton, i  and  other  friends,  write 
 
 ^  This  is  the  Chanter  of  Moray. — [The  person  said  to  have  been 
 sent  by  Mary  to  Rome  for  the  purpose  of  obtuininp;  a  (livoi(>e  from 
 Darnley. — E.] 
 
452  TIIK   HISTORY  OF  TIIK  AFFAIRS  [15GG. 
 
 you  HO  amply  conccrnin*^'  all  matters,  that  T  need  trouble 
 you  with  no  more.  This  (^ueen  hath  commanded  me  to 
 write  to  the  Queen  her  mother-in-law  (Queen-mother  of 
 France)  touchinf,^  the  promise  which  the  late  King  her 
 father-in-law  made  be  ratified  to  you  by  the  late  King  her 
 husband,  and  afterwards  by  the  King  now  reigning.  Mr 
 Thornton  can  inform  you  what  I  have  wrote  thereanent. 
 And  I  beg  you'll  believe  that  1  will  as  cheerfully  perform 
 any  thing  that  concerns  you,  as  you  can  desire  me ;  for  I 
 am  very  much  beholden  to  you,  both  for  the  good  offices 
 you  do  me  yourself,  and  for  those  I  receive  from  your  friends 
 here,  for  all  which  I  render  you  my  most  humble  thanks. 
 The  Cardinal  of  Lorrain  acquaints  me  that  I  must  remain 
 here  about  the  Queen  two  months  longer  than  was  in  my 
 commission,  and  assures  me  that  money  for  the  defraying  of 
 my  charges  shall  be  sent  by  my  son,  who  is  to  come  hither 
 in  the  retinue  of  the  Count  de  13riene.i  I  wish  it  may  be 
 so,  for  in  the  mean  time  I  lay  out  a  great  deal  of  money, 
 though  still  I  be  not  able  sufficiently  to  express  the  honour 
 and  bounty  the  Queen  here  shews  me,  for  she  often  prays 
 me  to  ask  money  from  her,  or  any  other  thing  I  stand  in 
 need  of.  All  the  Lords  likewise  open  their  purses  to  me, 
 and  testify  a  desire  that  I  may  not  go  away.  Howsoever,  I 
 am  hopeful  (please  God)  to  return  immediately  after  the 
 baptism  is  over.  You  will  be  informed  that  the  Nobility  here 
 do  write  an  account  of  all  things  they  and  I  were  and  are 
 daily  witnesses  of  to  the  King  and  Queen-  (of  France),  and 
 the  Cardinal  of  Lorrain.  This  is  all  T  have  to  say  at  this  lime, 
 except  to  recommend  myself  most  humbly  to  your  favour, 
 in  which  I  beseech  you  to  allow  me  both  to  live  and  die.  I 
 ])ray  CJod,  Monsieur,  to  grant  you  long  life  and  health. 
 From  Jedburgli  this  15th  of  October  15()G. 
 
 "  Your  most  humble  and  obedient  servant, 
 
 "  Le  Croc." 
 
 "  P.S. — After  1  had  finished  this  letter,  the  Queen  resolved 
 to  delay  her  dispatch  until  she  should  be  at  this  town  of 
 
 *  This  /irciitlciuan  came  into  Scotland  in  tlio  end  of  the  year,  to  assist 
 at  thi' baptism  oftlic  Prince. 
 
 "  The  acconnt  to  the  Queen  nf  I'raiice  is  that  which  immediately 
 follows  hen- 
 
15GG.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  453 
 
 Jedburgh,  and  ordered  me  to  follow  her  thither  in  five  or 
 six  days,  which  I  did.  And  during  the  five  or  six  days 
 that  I  continued  at  Lisleburgh,!  the  King,  who  had  gone  to 
 Glasgow,  sent  me  word  to  come  and  meet  him  half-way 
 betwixt  Lisleburgh  and  Glasgow.'^  I  obeyed  him,  and  found 
 his  father  the  Earl  of  Lenox  with  him.  We  had  much 
 communing  together,  and  I  remonstrated  to  him  every  thing 
 that  I  could  think  of ;  and  now  I  believe  he  will  not  go  out 
 of  the  kingdom,  though  I  can  perceive  that  he  still  enter- 
 tains some  displeasure.  I  came  hither  to  Jedburgh,  on 
 purpose  to  signify  to  the  Queen  what  the  King  had  spoken 
 to  me,  and  what  I  had  said  to  him.*" 
 
 The  above  letter,  the  readers  will  see,  is  penned  with  much 
 discretion  and  good  sense,  and  confirms  the  character  given 
 to  the  author  by  Mr  Holinshed,  whose  words  concerning 
 him  are  these — "  About  this  time  " — (viz.  some  time  after 
 Riccio's  murder,  and  before  the  birth  of  the  Prince) — "there 
 came  from  the  King  of  France  a  wise  aged  gentleman  named 
 Mons.  le  Croc,  as  his  ambassador,  and  remained  in  Scotland 
 all  the  winter  following."  And  as  this  gentleman's  testimony 
 alone  may  be  a  sufficient  counterbalance  to  that  of  Mr 
 Buchanan,  so  these  that  are  yet  to  follow  must  cast  the 
 scales  entirely  against  him. 
 
 Letter  hy  the  Lords  of  the  Prmy-Council  of  Scotland  to  the 
 
 Queen-mother  of  France,^  dated  October  oth  J5GG,4  sent  hy 
 
 Secretary  Lethington^  to  the  Archhishop  of  Glasgow ,   the 
 
 24th  October  15G6. 
 
 "  Madam — The  great  benefit  this  nation  has  always  reaped 
 
 from  the  ancient  confederacy  and  mutual  good  understanding 
 
 ^  [Edinburgh.  See  the  fourth  note,  vol.  i,  p.  1G()  of  the  i»rosc'nt 
 edition,  and  the  note  on  tlie  following  V'^n^  of  this  volume. — E.J 
 
 ^  [Probably  at  Linlithgow  or  Falkirk.  Darnley  had  gone  to  (JUisgow 
 to  visit  his  father  Lennox,  while  the  Queen  and  the  rrivy-Council  were 
 preparing  to  hold  a  Justice  Court  at  Jedburgh.  lie  had  proceeded  to 
 Glasgow  after  his  unceremonious  retreat  from  the  Privy-Council,  and  his 
 abiiipt  leave  of  the  Queen  mentioned  by  Le  Croc  in  his  letter. — E.J 
 
 ■^  [Catherine  de  Medici,  mother  of  Francis  TL,  (^ueen  >Liry'8  deceiised 
 husband,  and  of  his  brother  and  successor  Charles  IX. — E.l 
 
 '  Diblioth.  Colleg.  Scot.  Paris.  .Mem.  Scot.  Tom.  ii.f.  250,  a  copy. 
 
 •'*  [Maitlandof  Lethington  to  James  Beaton,  Archbishop  of  (Jlasgow, 
 Scottish  ambassador  at  Paris.— E.] 
 
454  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15GG. 
 
 between  the  two  Crowns  of  France  and  Scotland  emboldens 
 us  to  transmit  this  narration  to  your  Majesty,  though  we  are 
 sorry  at  the  same  time  to  have  any  grounds  of  complaint 
 against  those  to  whom  we  owe  all  dutiful  obedience.  The 
 respect  we  bear  to  the  King,  as  being  husband  to  the  Queen 
 our  sovereign,  on  whom  she  has  been  pleased  to  confer  so 
 much  honour,  and  raise  him  to  so  high  a  degree  of  dignity, 
 inclines  us  to  speak  of  him,  and  of  every  thing  that  relates 
 to  him,  with  much  modesty,  and  would  dispose  us  joyfully  to 
 pass  over  in  silence  the  huge  injury  ho  does  to  himself,  to 
 the  Queen''s  Majesty,  and  of  consequence  to  all  of  us  here, 
 if  our  concealing  the  same  could  had  the  influence  to  bury 
 it  in  obscurity.  But  seeing  that  he  himself  is  the  very  first 
 person  who  by  his  deportment  will  needs  discover  it  to  the 
 world,  we  can  do  no  less,  both  for  satisfying  the  office  we 
 bear,  and  the  duty  we  owe  to  the  Queen,  than  to  testify  the 
 things  which  we  have  both  seen  and  heard,  to  all  those  who 
 are  allied  to  her  Majesty,  especially  to  the  King  your  son 
 and  your  Majesty's  own  self,  whom  we  look  upon  to  be  the 
 principal  supports  of  our  sovereign  and  her  Crown  ;  that 
 by  these  you  may  have  opportunity  to  perceive  the  great 
 trouble  and  vexation  the  Queen  our  sovereign  labours  under 
 at  present,  and  the  occasion  of  it.  About  ten  or  twelve 
 days  ago  the  Queen  at  our  request  came  to  this  town  of 
 Lisleburgh,^  to  give  her  orders  about  some  affairs  of  state, 
 which  without  her  personal  presence  could  not  be  got 
 dispatched.  Her  Majesty  was  desirous  the  King  should 
 have  come  along  with  her,  but  because  he  liked  to  remain 
 at  Stirling,  and  wait  her  return  thither,  she  left  him  tlurc, 
 with  intention  to  go  towards  him  again  in  five  or  six  days. 
 Meantime,  while  the  Queen  was  absent,  the  Earl  of  Lenox, 
 his  father,  came  to  visit  him  at  Stirling,  and  having  remained 
 with  him  two  or  three  days  he  went  his  way  again  to  (Glasgow, 
 tlu?  ordinary  place  of  his  abode.  From  Clasgow  my  Lord 
 Lenox  wrote  to  the  Queen,  and  acipiainted  her  Majesty,  that 
 
 '  l>y  many  and  inc-ontostiil)lc  ovidoncfs,  1  now  see  tluit  LisUhnri^li  was 
 I  In;  Frcuch  appellation  for  iMlinbur^di,  Init  why  tlicy  ronio  so  to  call  it 
 J  know  not.— (Sfo  the  note,  vol.  i.  p.  !(>(>  of  the  prosiMit  edition.  It  is 
 tlu'i-e  stated  that  iMlinbuiT^h  wa.s  so  di-si-^natid  hv  tlio  l''n'nt'h  on  account 
 of  the  nuinbor  of  small  lakes  which  then  surrounded  the  city.  l>r 
 .Tamieson,  in  his  "Scotti.sh  Dictionary,"  adds  that  it  may  have  originated 
 in  some  fancied  resemblance  of  Edinbur;;h  to  Lisle  in  Flanders. — E.] 
 
15G6.]  OF  CHURCH  akd  state  in  Scotland.  455 
 
 although  formerly  both  by  letters  and  messages,  and  now 
 also  by  communication  with  his  son,  he  had  endeavoured  to 
 divert  him  from  an  enterprize  he  had  in  view,  ho  nevertheless 
 had  not  the  interest  to  make  him  alter  his  mind.  This 
 project,  he  tells  the  Queen,  was  to  retire  out  of  the  kingdom 
 beyond  sca,^  and  that  for  this  purpose  he  had  just  then  a 
 ship  lying  ready.  The  Earl  of  Lenox's  letter  came  to  the 
 Queen's  hand  on  St  Michael's  Day  (29th  September),  and 
 her  Majesty  was  pleased  to  impart  the  same  incontinent 
 to  the  Lords  of  her  Council,  in  order  to  receive  advice 
 thereupon.  And  if  her  Majesty  was  surprised  by  this 
 advertisement  from  the  Earl  of  Lenox,  these  Lords  were 
 no  less  astonished  to  understand  that  the  King,  who  may 
 justly  esteem  himself  happy  upon  account  of  the  honour  the 
 Queen  has  been  pleased  to  confer  upon  him,  and  whose  chief 
 aim  should  be  to  render  himself  grateful  for  her  bounty,  and 
 behave  himself  honourably  and  dutifully  towards  her,  should 
 entertain  any  thought  of  departing  after  so  strange  a  manner 
 out  of  her  presence,  nor  was  it  possible  for  them  to  form  a 
 conjecture  from  whence  such  an  imagination  could  take  its 
 rise.  Their  Lordships,  therefore,  took  a  resolution  to  talk 
 with  the  King,  that  they  might  learn  from  himself  the 
 occasion  of  this  hasty  deliberation  of  his,  if  any  such  ho 
 had ;  and  likewise  tliat  they  might  thereby  be  enabled  to 
 advise  her  Majesty  after  what  manner  she  sliould  comport 
 herself  in  this  conjuncture.  The  same  evening  the  King 
 came  to  Edinburgh,  but  made  some  difficulty  to  enter  into 
 
 ^  ;Mr  Knox  says,  the  King  "  wrote  to  the  Pope,  to  the  King  of  Spain, 
 and  to  the  King  of  France,  complaining  of  the  state  of  tlie  country, 
 which  was  all  out  of  order,  because  that  JNlass  and  Poi)ery  were  not  again 
 erected,  giving  the  whole  blanie  thereof  to  the  Queen  as  not  nuinaging 
 the  Catholick  cause  aright.  15y  some  knave  this  poor  Prince  was 
 betrayed,  and  the  Queen  got  a  copy  of  these  letters  into  her  hands,  and 
 thereafter  threatened  him  sore,  and  there  was  never  after  that  any 
 appearance  of  love  betwixt  them."  Of  this  story  we  nu'ct  with  iu» 
 vestige  in  these  letters  by  the  Lords  of  Privy-Council,  and  the  French 
 ambassador.  P>ut  if  the  thing  was  so  as  Knox  relates  it,  surely  it  was 
 no  wonder  that  the  Queen  was  higlily  displeased.  Mr  Knox  calls  him 
 now  2^001'  Prince/  Commiseration  is  certainly  a  good  ([uality,  but  when 
 it  is  too  much  restricted  to  particular  persons  and  things,  peo])le  are 
 ready  to  term  it  partiality.  However,  the  King  was  not  always  in  Knox's 
 good  gi-aces. — [The  passage  quoted  from  Knox  in  this  note  occurs  in  his 
 «  llistorie,"  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p,  390.--  K.] 
 
45G  THE  IILSTUIIY  Ul'  THE  AFFAIRS  [1566. 
 
 tho  Palace,  by  reason  that  three  or  four  Lords  were  at  that 
 time  present  witli  the  (^iieen,  and  perenii)torily  insisted  that 
 they  might  be  gone  before  he  would  condescend  to  come  in  : 
 which  deportment  appeared  to  be  abundantly  unreasonable, 
 since  they  were  three  of  the  greatest  Lords  of  the  kingdom, 
 and  that  those  Kings  who  by  their  own  birth  were  sovereigns 
 of  the  Ivealm  have  never  acted  in  that  manner  towards  the 
 Nobility.  The  Queen,  however,  received  this  behaviour  as 
 decently  as  was  possible,  and  condescended  so  far  as  to  go 
 meet  the  King  without  the  Palace,  and  so  conducted  him 
 into  her  own  apartment,  where  he  remained  all  night ;  and 
 then  her  Majesty  entred  calmly  with  him  upon  the  subject 
 of  his  going  abroad,  that  she  might  understand  from  himself 
 the  occasion  of  such  a  resolution.  But  he  would  by  no 
 means  give  or  acknowledge  that  he  had  any  occasion 
 offered  him  of  discontent.  The  Lords  of  Council  being 
 accjuainted  early  next  morning  that  the  King  was  just 
 a-going  to  return  to  Stirling,  they  repaired  to  the  Queen's 
 apartment,  and  no  other  j)erson  being  present  except  their 
 Lordships  and  Mons.  du  Croc,  whom  they  prayed  to  assist 
 with  them,  as  being  here  on  the  part  of  your  Majesty.  The 
 occasion  of  their  meeting  together  was  then  with  all  humility 
 and  reverence  due  to  their  Majesties  proposed,  namely,  to 
 understand  from  the  King  whether,  according  to  advice 
 imparted  to  the  (^ueen  by  the  Earl  of  Lenox,  he  had  formed 
 a  resolution  to  depart  by  sea  out  of  the  Realm,  and  upon 
 what  ground,  and  for  what  end — that  if  his  resolution 
 proceeded  from  some  discontent,  they  were  earnest  to  know 
 what  persons  had  afforded  an  occasion  for  the  same — that 
 if  he  could  comi)lain  of  any  of  the  subjects  of  the  Realm,  be 
 they  of  what  (juality  soever,  the  fault  should  be  immediately 
 repaired  to  his  satisfaction.  And  here  we  did  remonstrate 
 to  him,  that  his  own  honour,  the  Queen's  honour,  the  honour 
 of  us  all,  were  concerned  ;  for  if,  without  just  occasion 
 ministrcd,  he  would  retire  from  tho  place  where  ho  had 
 received  so  much  honour,  and  abandon  the  society  of  her  to 
 whom  he  is  so  far  obliged,  that  in  order  to  advance  him  she 
 has  humbled  herself,  and  from  being  his  sovereign,  liad 
 surrendred  herself  to  l)e  his  wife — ^if  he  should  aet  in  this 
 sort,  the  whole  world  would  blame  him  as  ingrate,  regardless 
 of  the  friendship  the  Queen  bare  him,  and  utterly  unworthy 
 
15G6.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  457 
 
 to  possess  the  place  to  which  she  had  exalted  him.     On  the 
 other  hand,  that  if  any  just  occasion  had  been  given  him,  it 
 behoved  the  same  to  be  very  important,  since  it  inclined  him 
 to  relinquish  so  beautiful  a  Queen  and  noble  Realm ;   and 
 the  same  must  have  been  afforded  him  either  by  the  Queen 
 herself,   or  by  us  her  ministers.     As  for  us,  we  professed 
 ourselves  ready  to  do  him  all  the  justice  he  could  demand ; 
 and  for  her  Majesty,  so  far  was  she  from  ministring  to  him 
 occasion  of  discontent,  that,  on  the  contrary,  he  had  all  the 
 reason  in  the  world  to  thank  God  for  giving  him  so  wise  and 
 virtuous  a  person,  as  she  had  shewed  herself  in  all   her 
 actions.     Then  her  Majesty  was  pleased  to  enter  into  the 
 discourse,  and  spoke  affectionately  to  him,  beseeching  him 
 that,  seeing  he  would  not  open  his  mind  in  private  to  her 
 the  last  night,  according  to  her  most  earnest  request,  ho 
 would  at  least  be  pleased   to  declare  before   these  Lords 
 where  she  had  offended  him  in  anything.     She  likewise  said, 
 that  she  had  a  clear  conscience  that  in  all  her  life  she  had 
 done  no  action  which  could  anywise  prejudge  either  his  or 
 her  own  honour  ;  but  nevertheless  that  as  she  might  perhaps 
 have  given  him  offence  without  design,  she  was  willing  to 
 make  amends  as  far  as  he   should  require,  and  therefore 
 prayed  him  not  to  dissemble  the  occasion  of  his  displeasure, 
 if  any  he  had,   nor  to  spare  her  in  the  least  matter.     But 
 though  the  Queen  and  all  others  that  were  present,  together 
 with  Mens,  du  Croc,  used  all  the  interest  they  were  able  to 
 perswade  him  to  open  his  mind,  yet  he  would  not  at  all  own 
 that  he  intended  any  voyage,  or  had  any  discontent,   and 
 declared  freely  that  the  Queen  had  given  him  no  occasion 
 for  any.     Whereupon  he  took  leave  of  her  Majesty,  and 
 went  his  way  ;    so  that  we  were  all  of  opinion  that  this  was 
 but  a  false  alarm  the  Earl  of  Lenox  was  willing  to  give  her 
 Majesty.    Nevertheless,  by  a  letter  which  the  King  has  since 
 wrote  to  the  Queen  in  a  sort  of  disguised  stile,  it  appears 
 that  he  still  has  it  in  his  head  to  leave   the  kingdom,   and 
 there    is    advertisement   otherwise  that  he  is  secretly  pre- 
 parint'  to  be  gone.     Of  all  which,  and  what  passed  betwixt 
 their  Majesties  and  us,  we  could  not  fail  to  inform  you,  and 
 to  testify,   likeas  we  do  by  these  presents,  that  so  far  as 
 things  could  come  to  our  knowledge,   he  has  had  no  ground 
 of  complaint ;  I'ut  on  the  contrary,  that  he  has  the  very  best 
 
4.38  THE  iiisTuiiY  uF  THE  AiFAi us  I  loGG. 
 
 of  reason  to  look  upon  himself  as  one  of  the  most  fortunate 
 Princes  in  Christendom,  could  he  but  know  his  own  happiness, 
 and  make  use  of  the  good  fortune  which  God  has  put  into 
 his  hands. ^  It  is  true  that  in  the  letter  he  wrote  the  Queen, 
 he  grounds  a  complaint  on  two  points.  One  is,  that  her 
 Majesty  trusts  him  not  with  so  much  authority,  nor  is  at 
 such  pains  to  advance  him  and  make  him  be  honoured  in 
 the  nation  as  she  at  first  did  ;  and  the  other  point  is,  that 
 nobody  attends  him,  and  that  the  Nobility  desert  his 
 company.  To  these  two  points  the  Queen  has  made  answer, 
 that  if  the  case  be  so  he  ought  to  blame  himself,  not  her, 
 for  that  in  the  beginning  she  had  conferred  so  much  honour 
 upon  him  as  came  afterwards  to  render  herself  very  uneasy, 
 the  credit  and  reputation  wherein  she  had  placed  him  having 
 served  as  a  shadow  to  those  who  have  most  hainously 
 offended  her  Majesty  ;  but,  howsoever,  that  she  has  notwith- 
 standing this,  continued  to  show  him  such  respect,  that 
 although  they  who  did  perpetrate  the  murder  of  her  faithful 
 
 ^  [Although  John  Knox  despised  Daniley,  yet  his  hatred  to  Queen 
 Mary  induced  liiin  to  write  of  her  infatuated  husband  in  a  sympatliizing 
 mood  : — "  Always,"  he  says  (Historic,  Edin.cdit.  1732)  "he  was  destitute 
 of  sic  things  as  were  necessary  for  him,  havuig  scarcely  six  horses  in 
 train  ;  and  being  thus  desolate,  and  half  dcsi)erate,  he  sought  means  to 
 go  out  of  tlie  country."  This  is  Knox's  version  of  Darnley's  insane 
 project.  Buchanan,  also,  who  thoroughly  hated  Darnley,  boldly  asserts  in 
 his  "  Detection,"  that  lie  could  not  get  as  much  as  would  maintain  his 
 daily  exjienses.  Chalmers  (Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i,  ]>.  ISG) 
 proves  that  "such  calumnious  intimations  are  clearly  falsified  by  the 
 Lords  of  the  Council,  and  also  by  the  Treasurer's  Accounts."  On  two 
 days  alone,  the  13th  and  31st  of  August,  the  Trea.surer  supplied  Darnley, 
 by  the  Queen's  and  Darnley's  own  order,  with  a  vast  number  of  articles, 
 amounting  to  L,300,  which  was  more  than  the  Queen  lierself  received, 
 including  her  necessaries,  during  her  accouchement.  "  The  fact  is,"  says 
 Chalmers,  "  that  ho  was  allowed  to  order  by  himself  payments  in  money 
 and  furnishings  of  necessiiries  from  the  public  treasury.  Of  those 
 payments  and  furnishings  which  were  made  by  the  Treasurer,  part  were 
 by  the  King's  (Darnley's;  order  alone,  [)art  by  the  joint  order  of  the  King 
 and  (^ueen,  aiid  part  by  the  Queen  alone,  a.s  the  Treasurer's  IJooks  evince  ; 
 and  the  Treasurer's  Accounts  show  that  he  wa.s  amply  furnished  with 
 necessaries  at  the  very  time  when  those  calumnious  statements  wi«re 
 asserted  hy  men  who  knew  them  to  J)e  untrue."  The  truth  is,  Darnley's 
 conduct  was  Ix'coming  so  intolerable,  his  temper  so  capricious  and 
 unlx'arable,  and  his  carriage  so  outnxgrous,  that  we  need  not  l)e surprised 
 at  [\w  (Ireadful  catastroi)he  which  sooji  befell  him,  and  which  W{V>  at  this 
 ^ery  time  projected,  although  the  nvtde  of  muidering  liini  had  not  been 
 decided.— K.J 
 
1566.]  or  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  450 
 
 servant,  had  entred  her  chamber  with  his  knowledge,  having 
 followed  him  close   at  the  back,  and  had  named  him  the 
 chief  of  their  enterprize,   yet  would  she  never  accuse  him 
 thereof,  but   did  always  excuse  him,   and  was   willing  to 
 appear  as  if  she  beHeved  it  not.     And  then  as  to  his  being 
 not   attended,    the   fault  thereof  must    be   charged   upon 
 himself,  since  she  has  always  made  an  offer  to  him  of  her 
 own  servants.     And  for  the  Nobility,  they  come  to  Court, 
 and  pay  deference  and  respect  according  as  they  have  any 
 matters  to  do,  and  as  they  receive  a  kindly  countenance, 
 but  that  he  is  at  no  pains  to  gain  them,  and  make  himself 
 beloved  by  them,  having  gone  so  far  as  to  prohibit  these 
 Noblemen  to  enter  his  room,  whom  she  had  first  appointed 
 to  be  about  his  person.     If  the  Nobility  abandon  him,  his 
 own  deportment  towards  them  is  the  cause  thereof  :  for  if  he 
 desire  to  be  followed  and  attended  by  them,  he  must  in  the 
 first  place   make  them  to  love  him,   and  to  this  purpose 
 must  render  himself  amiable  to  them,  without  which  it  will 
 prove  a  most  difficult  task  for  her  Majesty  to  regulate  this 
 point,  especially  to  make  the  Nobility  consent  that  he  shall 
 have  the  management  of  affairs  put  into  his  hands,  because 
 she  finds  them  utterly  averse  to  any  such  matter.    And  now 
 your   Majesty   will   by   this  narrative  be   able  to  form  a 
 judgment,   whether  or  no    the  reasons  be   well   grounded 
 which  the  King  alledgcs  for  the  colouring  over  his  project. 
 We  were  willing  to  lay  them  before  you,  according  to  all  the 
 knowledge  w^e  have  of  them,  most  humbly  beseeching  your 
 Majesty  that   if,   in  order  to  palliate  his  fault,  any  other 
 persons  shall  happen  to  report  any  otherwise  to  you  than 
 what  we  do  write,  your  Majesty   may  not  trust  any  thing 
 they  shall  contrive,  in  prejudice  of  the  truth  and  of  our 
 testimony.     And  thus.  Madam,  we  earnestly  pray  God  may 
 grant  vou  health,  and  the  accomplishment  of  all  your  desires. 
 From  Lisleburgh^  this  8th  October  15CG.'' 
 
 1  [Or  Ediubur^'li.  Tlic  Privy-Council  llej^nster  specifies  the  numes  of 
 those  who  were  present,  and  anthorized  tlie  above  letter.  They  wen« 
 the  Earl  of  lluntly,  who  had  now  sncceeded  the  Earl  of  Morton  as  Lord 
 Chancellor  ;  the  Ivirl  of  Ar^ryll,  Lord  .Justice  C.eneral  ;  the  Earls  of 
 Moray,  Atholl,  Caithness,  and  Rothes  ;  Arehl.ishop  Hamilton  of  St 
 Andrews  ;  Gordon,  still  called  T.ishop  of  (Jalloway  ;  John  Leslie,  liishop 
 of  Ross  ;  Adam  Botlnvell,  styled  r.ishop  of  Orkney  ;  Crichtoii,  liishoi.  of 
 Dunkeld;  Secretary  Maitland  of   Lcthinoton  ;  and  tho  usual  Officers  of 
 
4G0  TIIK   Ill.-;TnUY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15GG. 
 
 Letter  hy  Mr  Robert  Melml}  Ambassador  for  Mary  Queen  of 
 Scots  at  the  Court  of  England^  to  Archbishop  Bethune, 
 her  said  Majesty  s  Ambassador  in  France!^ 
 
 "  Efter  my  hiiniil  commendatioun  and  service  unto  zoiir 
 Lordschip,  I  have  bien  in  this  countre  this  aught  dayis  past, 
 and  wauld  have  bien  glad  to  have  advertisit  your  Lordschip 
 as  wcil  of  the  estait  heir  as  of  our  awin  countre,  and  the 
 hik  (leant)  of  suir  bearirs  hes  impedit  the  same.  First,  for 
 our  awin  affaires,  I  will  impairt  to  your  Lordschip  quhilk  T 
 am  sory  of.  The  Queue  our  soverane  wes  in  sum  displeisur 
 at  my  department  upoun  evil  behaviour  of  the  Kingis  pairt, 
 who  wes  of  mynd  to  depairt  out  of  the  Realme,  and  no 
 occasioun  gevin  him  be  hir  Majestic,  as  the  hole  Counsale 
 can  record  ;  nether  will  he  declair  quhairin  his  discontent- 
 ment is,  bot  in  general  that  he  is  not  regardit  with  the 
 
 State.  The  Karl  of  liothwell  was  present  in  the  Council  on  the  3d  and 
 6th  of  October,  and  on  the  latter  day  departed  to  the  Borders  to  prepare 
 for  the  Queen's  reception.  "The  long  statement  of  the  Privy-Council  to 
 the  Queen-mother  of  France,"  says  Chalmers,  "in  which  Moray  and 
 Maitland  joined,  was  drawn  by  Maitland,  and  decidedly  falsifies  Moray's 
 journal,  which  was  afterwards  fabricated  by  Buchanan  to  calumniate  the 
 Queen." — Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  188.  ^Ir  Tytler 
 observes — "  Yet  neither  the  temjjerate  conduct  of  the  Queen,  the  remon- 
 strances of  the  Council,  nor  the  neglect  into  which  he  found  himself 
 daily  sinking,  produced  any  amendment  in  Darnley.  lie  persisted  in  his 
 project  of  leaving  the  kingdom,  denounced  Lethington,  the  Justice  Clerk 
 Bellenden,  and  Macgill  the  Clerk  Kegister,  as  principal  conspirators 
 against  Riccio  ;  insisted  that  they  should  be  deprived  of  their  offices  ;  and 
 became  an  object  of  dislike  and  suspicion  not  only  to  Mary,  but  to  all 
 that  powerful  and  now  united  i)arty  by  whom  she  was  surrounded.  Its 
 leaders  Moray,  I^ethiugton,  Argyll,  and  Bothwell,  saw  in  him  the  bitter 
 opponent  of  Morton's  j)ardon.  The  faction  of  the  church  hated  him 
 for  his  intrigues  with  Kome  ;  Cecil  and  the  party  of  Elizabeth  susi)ected 
 him  of  i)ractices  with  the  lOnglish  Roman  Catholics;  the  llamiltons  liad 
 always  looked  on  him  with  dislike  as  an  obstacle  between  them  and  their 
 hopes  of  succession  ;  and  the  Queen  bitterly  repented  that  she  wa.s  tied 
 to  a  wayward  and  intemperate  person,  who  had  already  endangered  her 
 life  and  lier  Crown,  and  was  constantly  thwarting  every  mea-smo  which 
 promised  the  restoration  of  tran(iuillity  and  good  government."  —  M.S. 
 Letters,  8tate-l*ai)er  Oftice,  Foster  to  Cecil,  Alnwick,  KJth  May  1. ")()()  ; 
 Itandolph  to  Cecil,  Berwick,  13th  May  IHG'G  ;  Knox's  Historic,  (Jla.'^gow 
 edit,  by  M*(Javin,  1832,  p.  3-18;  Rogers  to  Cecil,  dated  O.xford,  July  5, 
 I.'")r;f;,"  all  cited  in  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  M.— K.] 
 '  1  Hrother  (»f  Sir  James  Melville  of  Halhill.  -  K. ) 
 •    r,il.Vu>tli.  Coll.  P.  Sent.  Paris.  M(>m.  Scot.  Tom.  ii.  an  Original. 
 
15G0.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  4G1 
 
 Nobilite  as  he  sould  be,  nctlier  can  obtenc  sic  thingis  as  he 
 sickes,  to  witt,  sic  personis  as  the  Secretary  (Lethington) 
 the  Justice-Clerk,  and  Clerk  Register,!  to  be  putt  out  of 
 thair  office  ;  allcdging  they  sould  be  gilty  of  this  last  odious 
 fact,2  quhairof  the  Quenis  Majestic  hath  takin  tryal,  and 
 findis  thame  not  giltie  thairin,  with  dyvers  uthir  thingis  not 
 worth  the  rehearsal.  Sens  my  depairture^  I  heir  he  is 
 stayit,  bot  lies  not  sens  come  neir  the  Queue.  Hir  Majestic 
 in  Jedward'*  presentlie  and  remanis  fifteene  dayis  langar,  gif 
 the  goeing  of  the  Commissionaris  for  the  christening  of  the 
 Prince  do  not  haist  hir  Majestic.  The  Erie  Bodwel^  having 
 an  occasioun  to  ryd  in  Liddisdail^  befoir,  to  bring  in  sum  of 
 the  Elioats,  wes  hurt  be  one  of  thame,  bot  he  will  recover. 
 The  circumstances  this  berar  can  declair  to  your  Lordschip. 
 The  Nobilite  wes  in  gude  accord  among  thairselvis,  and  the 
 countre  quyet. 
 
 ^  [ISIaitland  of  Lethington,  Bellenden  of  Achnmill,  and  Macgill  of 
 Bankeillour. — E.] 
 
 ^  David  Riccio's  murder. 
 
 ^  By  this  and  the  first  part  of  the  letter  it  appears  Mr  Robert  Melvil 
 had  lately  made  a  trip  into  Scotland. 
 
 **  [The  royal  burgh  of  Jedburgh,  46  miles  from  Edinburgh  by  Lauder, 
 and  12  miles  from  the  English  Border,  is  beautifully  situated  in  a  vale  on 
 the  west  side  of  the  river  Jed,  Avhich  enters  the  Teviot  about  two  and  a 
 half  miles  below.  Queen  ISIary,  the  Officers  of  State,  and  the  whole 
 Court  left  Edinburgh,  for  Jedburgh  on  the  8tli  of  October,  the  very  day 
 on  which  Bothwell  was  severely  wounded  in  the  hand  at  Hermitage 
 Castle,  in  a  scuffle  with  Elliot  of  Park.  The  Queen  received  notice  of 
 this  within  two  days  afterwards,  and  we  shall  immediately  see  the  result. 
 Darnley  proceeded  to  his  father  at  Glasgow,  and  a  few  days  after  tlie 
 departure  of  the  Queen  and  the  Court  he  sent  to  Le  Croc,  requesting  that 
 ambassador  to  meet  him  half-way  between  that  city  and  Edinburgli. 
 Le  Croc  complied  with  his  wishes,  and  fouiul  liis  father  Lennox  with  him. 
 After  this  conference  Le  Croc  followed  tlie  Queen  to  Jedburgh  by 
 appointment,  to  inform  her  of  Darnley's  intentions. — E.] 
 
 ^  [The  Earl  of  Bothwell  held  the  office  of  the  Queen's  Lieutenant  of 
 the  Borders. — E.] 
 
 "  [Liddesdale  was  so  called  from  the  river  Liddol,  which  rist's  in  the 
 Dead  Water  Bog,  and  during  its  course  forms  the  boundary  with  England 
 for  a  few  miles  till  it  joins  the  Esk  above  Canonbie.  This  mountainous 
 part  of  Roxburghshire  now  forms  the  parish  of  Castleton,  the  largest  in 
 the  South  of  Scotland,  extending  eighteen  miles  in  length,  and  from 
 twelve  to  fourteen  miles  in  breadth,  bounded  on  the  south  and  ea.st  by 
 the  English  Border.  The  monuments  of  antiquity  are  numerous  in  this 
 sequestered  mountain  district,  and  in  it  are  the  Castle  of  Hermitage, 
 mentioned  in  a  subsequent  note,  and  the  town  of  Langholm. — E.J 
 
4G2  THE  HISTORY  UF  THE  ATFAIUS  [15(30. 
 
 "  For  the  ost;iit  of  tliis  Jloalmc,  the  Parhamcnt  sitts 
 <laily,  and  no  matter  of  importance  passit  at  this  present.^ 
 I  was  direckit  from  my  soverano  to  knaw  at  the  Quene 
 heir,  qidiither  it  be  Iiir  mynd  to  move  any  thyng  of  the 
 succession,  &c.2" — (The  rest  of  this  letter  is  concerning  the 
 succession,  Hke  others  from  the  same  hand.) — "  At  London 
 the  22(1  of  October. 
 
 *'  Be  zour  Lordschip's  to  command  at  power  and  service, 
 
 "  Robert  Melvil." 
 
 As  there  had  not  been  a  settled  peace  on  the  Borders  of 
 the  two  nations  from  the  time  that  our  Queen's  marriage 
 began  to  be  talked  of  in  earnest,  occasioned  by  the  animosity 
 and  displeasure  of  the  Queen  of  England,  as  the  readers 
 will  have  perceived  by  undoubted  vouchers  ;  so  of  late  much 
 more  had  the  disturbances  and  troubles  increase*!  there,  to 
 the  great  prejudice  of  our  Queen's  authority  within  her  own 
 Realm.  By  several  abstracts  of  letters  in  the  Appendix  it 
 docs  appear  that  the  Earl  of  Morton  had  gained  many  of 
 the  Scottish  ] borderers  to  his  party,  and  among  these  the 
 Laird  of  Cessford^  himself.  Warden  of  the  Middle  Marches  ; 
 and  as  the  Queen  was  resolved  not  to  tolerate  such  a  public 
 
 ^  Thougli  MrCambdon,  whose  "Annals  of  the  Rei<^n  of  Queen  Eliza])etli" 
 is  in  most  i)eoi)le's  liands,  fixes  tlie  be<,nnnin<(  of  tliis  Enf^lish  rarlianient 
 to  the  1st  day  of  November,  yet  the  "Journals  of  all  the  Parliaments 
 durin<r  the  l{ei<,ni  of  Queen  Elizabeth,"  collected  Ity  Sir  Simon  D'Ewes, 
 afford  us  better  assurance  that  this  Parliament  did  really  meet  on  the  last 
 day  of  Sej)tember  15GG,  and  continued  to  sit  and  do  business  until  the  2d 
 of  .January  thereafter.  In  this  book  of  Journals  any  curious  person  may 
 see  the  whole  authentic  progress  of  the  points  moved  in  the  Parliament 
 conceniing  the  marriaf,'e  of  the  Queen  of  Ennrland,  and  her  a})pointinfi:  of 
 a  successor  in  failure  of  heirs  of  her  own  body.  On  the  iSth  of  October  a 
 motion  thereof  was  first  made  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and  althougli 
 afterwards  there  were  several  speeches  concerning;  these  two  i)oiuts  both  in 
 that  House  and  in  the  House  of  Peers,  yet  the  .Journalist  observes  that  no 
 direct  petition  from  the  Parliament  was  at  all  preferred  to  Queen  Elizabetli 
 on  these  heads.  On  the  la«t  day  of  the  Parliament  her  .Majesty  took 
 occa.sion  to  shew  lier  resentment  against  the  sticklers  for  her  marriage  and 
 HUcccRsor,  especially  the  latter — a  j)()int,  as  ha.s  been  observed,  she  never 
 liked  to  hear  of. 
 
 ^  See  the  Earl  of  Bedford's  Instructions,  Novemlxr  7tii. 
 
 ^  [Sir  Walter  Ker  of  Cessford,  fr(><iuently  mentioned  in  preceding 
 notes,  grandfather  of  Sir  Hobert  Ker  of  Cessford,  about  l^DfJ  created 
 Baron  Uoxburghe,  and  in  KIKJ  Earl  of  Hoxburghe,  l^ml  K«'r  of  Cessford 
 and  Caverton. — E.] 
 
156G.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  fciCuTLAND.  403 
 
 contempt  and  disowning  of  her  authority,  she  intended  now 
 to  pass  in  person  towards  the  ]3orders,  and  hold  Courts  of 
 Justice  at  the  town  of  Jedburgh  for  the  trial  and  punishment 
 of  all  loose,  disorderly,  and  traiterous  persons.!  And  because 
 the  Earl  of  Bothwell  was  Lord  Lieutenant  in  these  parts, 
 and  had  an  interest  there,  she  sent  him  before^  "  to  the 
 province  of  Lidsdale,  to  compel  certain  unbridled  insolent 
 thieves  to  give  their  obedience  to  her.  But  when  his  Lord- 
 ship went  thither,  they,  according  to  their  unruly  custom, 
 despised  him  and  his  commission  in  such  sort,  that  they  in- 
 vaded him  fiercely,  and  hurt  him  in  divers  parts  of  his  body 
 and  head,  that  hardly  he  escaped  with  safety  of  his  life,  and 
 that  in  particular  by  the  hands  of  John  Eliot  of  the  Park,^ 
 so  that  he  was  carried  to  his  own  Castle  of  Hermitage,^  until 
 
 1  See  the  Proclamation  at  Jedburgh,  p.  468,  469. 
 
 2  On  the  17th  of  September  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  is  in  the  Council  at 
 Edinburgh,  but  is  not  there  on  the  6th  of  October.— [According  to  another 
 authority  our  Historian  is  here  mistaken.  Bothwell,  as  observed  in  a 
 previous  note,  was  present  in  Council  on  the  3d  and  6th  of  October,  and 
 left  Edinburgh  for  the  Borders  in  the  afternoon  of  the  latter  day. 
 Chalmers'  Life  of  INIary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  188. — E.] 
 
 ■^  The  Eliots,  Armstrongs,  and  Scots,  Avere  all  now  bandied  together.— 
 [The  mountainous  district  of  Liddesdale  was  chiefly  inhabited  by  the 
 Elliots  and  the  Armstrongs,  septs  prominent  in  the  predatory  histoiy  of 
 the  Border,  and  several  of  their  castles  or  peel-towers  are  still  to  be  seen 
 in  ruins.  On  this  occasion  a  deadly  feud  existed  between  the  Armstrongs 
 and  the  Johnstones,  in  which  the  Elliots  and  Scotts  took  part,  and 
 Bothwell's  expedition  was  to  reduce  them  to  obedience.  ElHot  of  Park, 
 who  severely  wounded  Bothwell,  was  killed,  and  his  head  sent  to 
 Edinburgh.     Birrel's  Diary,  p.  5. — E.j 
 
 •*  It  was  a  castle  in  Liddisdale,  alias  Lidderdale,  near  ihe  English 
 Border.  The  inhabitants  of  Liddisdale  were  mostly  of  the  sirname  of 
 Armstrong.— [One  of  the  most  graphic  descriptions  of  the  habits,  customs, 
 and  peculiarities  of  the  inhabitants  of  Liddesdale  is  in  (iuY  Mankeuing, 
 for  it  is  the  country  of  Dandie  1  )inmont.  Hermitage  Castle,  the  projjcrty 
 of  the  Duke  of  Buccleuch,  is  situated  on  the  stream  called  tlie  Hermitage 
 Water,  a  tributary  of  the  Liddel,  in  a  valley  ten  miles  in  length,  between 
 ranges  of  steej)  lofty  mountains.  This  castle,  anciently  one  of  the  largest 
 and  strongest  on  the  Borders,  and  now  thorouglily  repaired  by  his  Grace 
 Walter  Francis  iifth  Duke  of  liuccleuch,  consists  of  a  ma.ssive  tower 
 nearly  100  feet  square,  defended  by  a  strong  rampart  and  ditch.  It  was 
 built  by  Comyn  Earl  of  iMenteith  in  the  thirteenth  century.  It  i)assed  into 
 the  possession  of  the  Family  of  Soulis,  and  was  next  accpiired  by  the 
 Family  of  Douglas.  The  sixth  lOarl  of  Angus  exchanged  it  with  the 
 Earl  of  liotlnvell  for  the  castle  and  bai'ony  of  Bothwell  on  the  Clyde. 
 Among  the  crimes  and  atrocities  perpetrated  in  this  castle  was  the  murder 
 of  the  brave  Sir  Alexander  Ramsay  of  Dalhousie,  who  was  starved  to 
 
404  THK  HISTORY  df  the  affairs  [loOO. 
 
 he  should  recover  of  his  wouiuls.  The  Queen  being  then 
 at  Jedburgh,  and  understanding  the  certain  report  of  this 
 accident,  was  so  liiglily  grieved  in  heart,  that  she  took  no 
 repose  in  body  until  she  saw  him."i  And,  indeed,  if  we 
 shall  consider  the  situation  of  the"  Borders  at  that  time, 
 and  the  insolence  of  the  rogues  in  attacking  openly  the 
 person  of  the  Queen\s  representative,  it  was  no  wonder 
 though  her  Majesty  should  not  deem  it  below  her  to  put 
 such  a  mark  of  regard  on  the  Earl  in  his  present  distress, 
 as  to  pay  him  a  visit,  especially  seeing  he  surely  believed  to 
 have  departed  from  this  life,  and  hereof  had  advertised  the 
 Queen.2     Her  Majesty,  therefore,  went    from  Jedburgh  to 
 
 doatli  in  it  by  Douglas,  the  Knight  of  Liddesdale,  in  1342.  See  a  descrip- 
 tion of  Hermitage  Castle  before  it  was  repaired,  and  many  curious 
 traditions  concerning  it,  in  Sir  Walter  Scott's  "  Border  Antiquities,"  vol.  i. 
 p.  lix.  vol.  ii.  p.  160-169.— E.] 
 
 '  Crawford's  ^Memoirs,  MS.  The  reader  will  observe  the  difference 
 betwixt  this  account  of  the  matter  and  that  which  is  given  by  Knox  and 
 IJuclianan. — [Respecting  Crawford's  Alemoiis,  MS.,  see  the  third  note, 
 vol.  i.  p.  234  of  this  edition.  Knox.  sinii)ly  states  (Historic,  Ediu.  edit. 
 1732,  p.  311)  that  Bothwell  "believed  himself  surely  to  have  departed 
 furth  of  tliis  lyfe,  and  sent  word  thereof  to  the  Queuis  Majesty,  who  soon 
 after  past  furth  of  Jedwart  to  the  Hermitage,  to  visit  him  and  give  him 
 comfort."  Buclianan,  however,  is  most  erroneous  in  his  nan*ative,  for 
 he  states  that  the  Queen  was  first  informed  of  Bothwell's  wound  at 
 Borthwick-y  whence  she  "  flew  in  haste"  first  to  Mtdross,  or  Melross,  then  to 
 JedbuTfjhy  and  thougli  she  received  certain  intelligence  that  the  Earl  was 
 alive,  "  yet  being  impatient  of  delay,  and  not  able  to  forbear,  even  in 
 such  a  bad  time  of  the  year"— though  the  month  of  October  is  not  often  in 
 Scotland  a  bad  time  of  the  year — "  and  the  danger  of  robbers,  she  put 
 herself  on  her  journey,  with  such  attendants  as  hardly  any  lionest  man, 
 thougli  he  was  ])ut  of  mean  condition,  would  trust  his  life  and  fortune  to." 
 This  is  in  the  same  distorted  style  of  his  story  that  the  Queen  sailed  from 
 Newhavcn,  near  Leith,  to  Alloa,  after  her  recovery  from  childbirth,  in 
 tlie  company  of  pirates  / — E.j 
 
 ^  [Bothwell  ajjpears  to  have  considered  himself  dangerously  wounded. 
 His  arrival  as  the  Queen's  Lieutenant,  with  a  commission  to  reduce  the 
 turbulent  se|)ts  to  obedience,  increased  the  disturbances, and  in  attemi)ting 
 to  secure  Elliot  of  Park,  he  was  left  for  dead  on  the  field.  Lord  Scrope 
 sent  an  account  of  this  skirmish  to  Cecil.  ",I  liave,"  he  writes, 
 "  jiresently  gotten  intelligtMU'e  out  of  Scotland,  "  that  the  Earl  of 
 Bothwell,  being  in  Liddesdale  for  the  apprehension  of  certain  disordered 
 persons  theie,  had  aj)|>relu'nded  the  Lairds  of  Mangerton  and  Whitehaugh, 
 with  sun<lry  other  Armstrongs  of  their  surname  and  kindred,  whom  he 
 liad  put  within  the  Hermitage.  And  yesterday,  going  about  to  take  such 
 like  persons  of  the  Elliots,  in  pursuit  of  them,  his  Lonlsliip  being  foremost, 
 and  far  before  his  company,  encoinitered  one  .lohn  IClliot  of  the  Park, 
 Inind  to  hand,  and  shot  him  through  the  thigh  with  a  dag  (pistol),  upon 
 
1560.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  4G5 
 
 Hermitage  Castle,  but  returned  that  very  same  day  to 
 Jedburgh  again, ^  because  she  did  not  think  her  person  in 
 security  in  the  midst  of  so  many  loose  vagabonds,  who 
 might  easily  have  conveyed  her  over  into  England  in  a  few 
 hours.  Upon  her  return  to  Jedburgh  she  quickly  fell  into 
 a  sharp  burning  fever,  occasioned,  no  doubt,  by  such  a  long 
 journey  in  the  night  air.2     At  first  she  swooned  away,  and 
 
 which  wound  the  man  feelmg  himself  in  peril  of  death,  with  a  two-handed 
 sword  assailed  the  Earl  so  cruelly,  that  he  killed  him  ere  he  could  get 
 any  rescue  or  succour  of  his  men." — MS.  Letter,  State-Paper  Office,  Lord 
 Scrope  to  Cecil,  dated  Carlisle,  8th  October  15GG.  Sir  John  Foster  to 
 Cecil,  dated  Berwick,  2.3d  October  15(j6',  in  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland, 
 vol.  vii.  p.  57,  58.  Bothwell,  however,  revived,  and  was  carried  severely 
 wounded  to  his  Castle  of  Hermitage.  This  occurred  on  the  7th  of 
 October  ;  the  Queen  arrived  in  Jedburgh  on  the  8th,  and  opened  the 
 Justice  Court,  at  which  she  was  occupied  till  the  15th,  when  she  rode  to 
 Hermitage,  and  visited  Bothwell. — E.] 
 
 ^  Crawford's  MS.  The  distance  may  be  about  eighteen  miles  betwixt 
 Jedburgh  and  Hermitage. — [The  distance  of  Hermitage  Castle  from 
 Jedburgh  is  from  twenty  to  twenty-five  English  miles.  Queen  Mary  rode 
 to  Hermitage  and  back  to  .Jedburgh  in  one  day,  achieving  a  ride  of  nearly 
 fifty  miles.  The  joTirney  was  the  more  severe,  when  it  is  recollected  that 
 it  was  obstructed  by  every  local  difficulty,  few  bridges,  and  miserable 
 roads,  and  that  the  Queen  penetrated  into  a  district  which  must  have 
 been  a  terra  hicof/nita  to  her.  The  assertion  of  Buchanan  and  others 
 that  Queen  Mary  ventured  into  Liddesdalc  with  few  and  disreputable 
 attendants  is  the  reverse  of  the  fact.  She  was  accompanied  by  his  friend 
 the  Earl  of  INForay  and  several  of  her  Officers  of  State,  in  whose  presence 
 she  conversed  with  Bothwell. — E.] 
 
 2  Ibid,  adds — "  And  the  great  distress  of  her  mind  for  the  Earl  of 
 Bothwell." — [The  object  of  Queen  Mary's  visit  to  Bothwell  appears  to 
 have  been  to  obtain  information  from  him  on  the  state  of  the  disturbed 
 district  of  which  he  was  the  Lieutenant.  Her  anxiety  was  natural  under 
 the  circumstances,  as  Bothwell  was  the  only  personage  who  could  exi)laiu 
 to  her  the  position  of  the  hostile  septs,  before  she  could  advise  with  the 
 Privy-Council  to  restore  order  and  peace  on  the  Borders.  "  Lord  Scrope, 
 who  immediately  informed  Cecil  of  the  visit,"  says  Mr  Tytler,  "  added 
 the  precise  information,  that  she  had  remained  two  hours  at  the  Castle,  to 
 Bothwell's  gi-eat  pleasure  and  contentment.  Such  a  visit  wi\s  undoubtedly 
 a  flattering  mark  of  regard  paid  by  a  sovereign  to  a  subject;  but  he  was  of 
 high  rank,  he  had  nearly  lost  his  life  in  the  execution  of  his  duty,  and  he  wa.s 
 a  favourite  with  the  Queen."— History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  .^S,  .'J9.  For 
 ten  days  the  physicians  despaired  of  the  Queen's  life.  She  believed  herself 
 dying,  expressed  her  entire  resignation  to  the  Divine  will,  earnestly  en- 
 treated the  Nobility  to  live  in  unity  nnd  j)eace  with  each  other,  and  diligently 
 provide  for  the  government  of  the  kingdom  and  the  education  of  her 
 son.  The  Queen  also  sent  her  afl^"ectionate  remembrances  by  Le  Croc  to 
 the  King  of  France  and  her  relatives  in  that  kingdom,  and  declared  her 
 resolution  to  die  in  the  profession  of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion. — 
 
 VOL.  II.  30 
 
4(j(j  Tfir:  HISTORY  of  the  affairs  |  15GG. 
 
 lay  as  dead  for  the  space  of  two  hours,  and  for  some  time 
 thereafter  the  fever  became  so  violent  as  to  deprive  her  of 
 the  use  of  her  senses.  But  these  afterwards  returning,  she 
 very  wisely  thought  that  perhaps  death  might  be  approaching, 
 and  therefore  she  desired  the  Lords  present  to  pray  for  her, 
 and  behaved  herself  with  much  i)iety  and  wisdom  during  all 
 the  course  of  her  illness;  and  her  Majesty  was  pleased  to 
 recommend  her  son  to  the  guardianship  of  the  Queen  of 
 
 Tytlcr,  vol.  vii.  ]».  GO, referring  to  MS.  Letter,  State- Paper  Office,  Maitland 
 of  J.otliiiifjton  to  Cecil,  dated  24tli  October  15G6,  and  to  No.  XIV.  of 
 Dislioj)  Keith's  Ajjpendix  to  this  Book  II. — the  Scottisli  Privy-Council  to 
 Archbishop  Beaton  at  Paris.  Even  Knox,  in  his  own  way,  admits  that 
 the  Queen  sustained  liersolf  piously  during  this  dangerous  malady.  "  She 
 desired,"  he  says  (Historic,  ]>.  39D),  "  the  Lords  to  pray  for  her  to  (iod  ; 
 she  said  the  Creed  in  English,  and  desired  the  Lord  of  Moray,  if  slie 
 should  chance  to  depart,  that  he  would  not  be  over  extreme  to  such  as 
 were  of  her  religioun  :  The  Duke  (of  Chatelherault)  and  he  should 
 {were  to)  have  been  Regents.  The  bi-uit  went  from  Jedwart  in  the  moutli 
 of  October  1565  (properly  15G6)  that  the  Queen  was  dejiarted  this  lyfe,  or 
 at  least  she  coidd  not  live  ony  time  ;  wherefore  there  were  continually 
 ])rayers  puldicly  made  at  the  cliurch  of  Edinburgh  and  divers  other  places 
 for  her  conversion  towards  God  and  amendment.  Many  were  of  opinioun 
 that  she  should  come  to  the  preaching,  and  renounce  Popery  ;  but  all  in 
 vain,  for  God  had  other  things  to  do  by  her."  The  Queen's  illness  wiis 
 a.scribed  by  some  to  the  fatigue  of  her  long  journey  to  and  from  Hermitage 
 Ca.stle,  which  doubtless  would  be  one  principal  cause  ;  but  Maitland  of 
 Lethington,  in  a  letter  to  Archbishop  Beaton,  with  equal  probability 
 alleged  that  it  was  also  occasioned  by  distress  of  mind  on  account  of 
 Darnley's  ungrateful  and  outrageous  conduct.  "  The  Queen's  sickness," 
 lie  writes,  "  so  far  as  I  can  understand,  is  caused  of  thought  and  dis- 
 pleasure, and,  I  trow,  by  wliat  I  coxild  wring  fm-ther  of  her  own  declaration 
 to  me,  the  root  of  it  is  the  King." — Sloan  MSS.,  British  Museum,  .*n99, 
 fol.  141 ;  Maitland  to  Archbishop  Beaton,  24th  October  15GG,  ijuoted  by 
 Mr  Tytler  in  his  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  j).  5.'),  GO.  It  is  also  i>robablo 
 that  tlio  Queen's  regard  for  Bothwell  had  its  due  intluence.  Her  jtartiality 
 for  him,  though  he  was  ten  years  her  senior,  and  had  married  Liidy  Jane 
 Gordon  only  .seven  months  before  this  event,  liad  been  early  detected  by 
 Moray,  Maitland,  and  their  associates,  who  artfully  Hattered  his  vanity, 
 and  encouraged  an  ambition  daring  enough  at  any  time  to  aspire  to  a 
 height  which  he  had  never  before  contemplated.  Sir  James  Melvillo 
 (Memoirs,  p.  170,  173)  alleges,  from  jxTSonal  observation,  that  BothwcU's 
 l)lot  for  the  murder  of  iJarnley  and  possession  of  the  Queen  commenced 
 about  tlu^  time  he  was  sent  to  suj)j)ress  the  disturbances  in  Lidilesdale.  Tliis 
 was  Bothwell's  private  svhcmCy  but  Moray,  Morton,  Maitland,  and  others, 
 were  also  in  a  plot  agaiust  Darnley,  wliiih  seems  to  have  been  formed 
 about  the  end  of  Sej)tember  15GG,  espicially  after  he  abruptly  left  the 
 Queen's  presence  in  Holyroodhouse,  exclaiming— "  Adieu,  Madam  !  you 
 shall  not  see  my  face  for  a  long  space." — E-l 
 
15G0.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  407 
 
 England.!  Care  was  taken  to  advertise  the  King  of  her 
 INIajesty's  sickness  ;  but  if  he  came  at  all  to  see  her,  it  is 
 certain  he  made  no  great  haste,  contrary  to  what  Buchanan 
 and  Knox  have  related. 2  Of  this  we  have  the  sure  testimony 
 of  the  French  Ambassador,  in  a  letter  from  Jedburgh  of 
 the  24th  of  October,  wherein  he  has  these  words  : — "  The 
 King  is  at  Glasgow,  and  has  not  come  to  this  place,  although 
 he  has  both  received  advertisement,  and  has  had  time 
 enough  to  come  had  he  been  willing.  This  is  such  a  fault 
 as  I  know  not  how  to  apologize  for  it."^ 
 
 During  the  Queen's  illness  at  Jedburgh,'^  the  Lords  that 
 were  there  present  with  her  Majesty,  suspecting  that  some 
 disorders  might  possibly  fall  out  at  that  time,  as  is  ])ut  too 
 
 ^  See  the  Queen's  letter,  p.  472. 
 
 2  [Buchanan  pretends  that  when  Darnley  heard  of  the  Queen's  ilhiess 
 he  instantly  set  out  to  Jedburgh  from  Glasgow  to  shew  his  sjonpathy,  and 
 to  advise  her  to  a  "  better  course  of  life,  hoping  she  might  repent  of  wliat 
 she  Iiad  done  ;"  but  she  would  not  be  reconciled  to  him,  and  prohibited 
 any  one  from  saluting  him  Avhen  he  appeared,  or  offering  him  a  single 
 night's  entertainment  (llistoria,  original  edit.  Edin.  1582,  fol.  212  :  Trans- 
 lation, Edin.  edit.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  316.  The  whole  of  Buchanan's  narrative 
 of  this  affaii'  is  a  gross  misrepresentation.  Darnley  did  not  visit  the 
 Queen  at  Jedburgh  till  the  2Sth  of  October,  the  second  dcvj  after  she  had 
 recovered  from  her  sickness.  He  remained  only  one  night  in  Jedburgh, 
 and  conversed  chiefly  Avith  the  French  ambassador,  for  he  returned  on 
 the  following  day  to  his  father  Lennox  at  Glas[/oiv,  and  not  to  Stirlimj,  as 
 Buchanan  and  Knox  erroneously  assert.  Knox  tells  his  story  briefly  in  a 
 similar  manner  to  Buchanan,  Historic,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  399,  400. — E.] 
 
 3  «  Le  Roy  est  a  Olasco^  et  tt'est  jtoint  vam  icy,  si  est  ci  gu'il  a  etc  averti 
 
 par  quelques  tins,  et  a  eu  du  temps  asscz  pour  vcnir  s'il  eitst  voulu.  (Test  unc 
 faultc  quije  ne  puis  excuscr.''^ — Colleg.  Scot.  Paris.  In  the  same  Rei)Ository 
 is  an  original  letter  of  the  23d  October  at  Jedburgli,  from  the  Lords  of 
 Privy-Council  to  Archbishop  Bethune,  of  the  Queen  falling  sick  six  days 
 before,  signed  by  Iluntly,  James  Stewart  (Moray),  Atlioll,  Lethingtou, 
 /tewi,  A  letter  by  the  Bishop  of  Boss,  containing  an  account  of  the 
 Queen's  behaviour,  &c.  during  lier  illness.  See  Apjjcndix,  Number  XIV. 
 — [The  French  extract  at  the  commencement  of  this  note,  of  which  our 
 Historian  gives  a  translation  in  his  text,  is  from  a  letter  written  by  Le 
 Croc. — E.  ] 
 
 ■*  [The  house  in  which  Queen  Mary  resided  during  her  severe  sicknes.s  at 
 Jedburgh  is  (1845)  entire,  in  a  back  street — a  large  building  with  small 
 windows  and  very  thick  walls.  A  broad  stone  stair  leads  to  the  second 
 storey,  and  a  narrow  winding  stair  to  the  third, and  to  the  Queen's  private 
 ai)artnient  —  a  small  room  with  two  windows.  In  the  Privy-Council 
 Record  this  tenement  is  styled  the  Iioiisc  of  the  Loiul  O  nit  posit  or.  It  istaid 
 that  some  of  the  tapestry  which  it  contained  at  the  time  is  still  in  good 
 preservation . — E .  ] 
 
M)i]  TUE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1500. 
 
 usual  in  the  sickness  and  deatlis  of  Princes,  very  wisely 
 thought  fit  to  emit  this  following  Proclamation. 
 
 Jedburgh,  2o  Octoh.  Anno  Dom.  15G0. 
 
 Sederunt — Georgius  Comes  de  IluntUe  ;  Jacobus  Comes  de 
 Moray;  Jacobus  Comes  de  Bothwell ;  Joannes  Comes  de 
 Athole ;  Andreas  Comes  de  Rothes;  Georgius  Comes  de 
 Cathnes ;  Episcopus  Galloway  ;  Episcopus  Rossen.  ;  Epis- 
 copus  Orchaden.  ;  Secretarius ;  Thesaurarius ;  Clericus 
 Registri ;  Clericus  Justiciaries. 
 
 Froclamatioun  to  keip  gude  Reule  at  Jedburgh. 
 
 "  FouSAMEKiLL  as  the  Quenis  Majestic,  movit  of  the  zeale 
 her  Hienes  lies  continowallie  borne  to  justice,  rcparit  to  this 
 countrie  accumpanyit  with  her  Nobilite,!  foradministratioun 
 thairof  to  the  uthir  oppressit  subjectis,  and  for  hir  hither 
 earning,  at  Goddis  plcssour,  hir  Majestie  is  vexit  with  infir- 
 mite  and  sicknes,  quhairthrow  hir  Hienes  is  not  abill, 
 according  to  hir  gude  inclinatioun,  to  attend  upoun  that 
 thing  quhilk  wes  the  occasioun  of  hir  Majestie's  reparing 
 in  thir  partis  at  first ;  and  albeit  the  Nobillmen  and  Counsal 
 present  hes  gude  hoip  and  confidence  of  her  gracious 
 convalescence  and  restoring  to  helth,  yet  in  the  men  tyme 
 divers  personis,  luffaris  of  unquyetnes,  and  inncmeis  to  this 
 
 '  liy  this  iiuthentick  Proclamation,  and  tlio  foron^oinfj  letter  of  the  French 
 anibassailor,  the  readers  will  observe  the  notorious  I'alshood  of  Buchanan, 
 who  represents  the  Queen  to  have  flown  in  ^n-eat  haste  from  liorthwick 
 to  Mtlros,  and  from  Melros  to  Jedburgh,  upon  her  hearing;  the  misfortune 
 of  liothwell.  Her  Majesty  was  at  Jedbur^di  several  days  before  tliat 
 accident  fell  out,  and  went  thither,  as  this  I'rodamation  informs,  in  the 
 comi>any  of  her  Nobility,  and  with  a  very  honourable  and  laudable  design. 
 This  I'roclamation  contirnis  tlu*  ingenuity  of  Crawford's  MS.,  w  Inch  repre- 
 sents the  Queen  as  having  gone  to  .Jedburgh  to  hold  Courts  of  Just  ice,  and 
 as  hearing,  while  there,  the  misfortune  the  I'.arl  of  Both  well  had  come  by. 
 Very  contrary,  indeed, to  the  other  author's  misrepresentations.  No  wonder 
 that  hisrejieated  fal.shoodsdej)rive  hinj  of  credit. — [Buchanan's  notoriously 
 false  statements  about  the  (^ueen  j>roceeding  from  Borthwick  to  Melrose, 
 and  from  Melro.se  to  Jedburgh,  when  she  was  informed  of  Bothwell's 
 accident,  deserve  this  severe  attack  by  our  Historian.  Chalmers  observes 
 tot>  truly — "  In  proportion  as  the  sad  catastrophe  of  Harnley  approaches, 
 the  writings  of  Buchanan  and  Knox,  Melville  and  others,  become  more 
 absurdly  fal.se,  and  outrageously  ciilumnious  against  the  Queen,  in  order 
 to  cast  the  guilt  from  Moray's  faction  ujjon  her." — Life  of  Mary  Queen  of 
 Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  liKl.— !•:.) 
 
lo6G.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  409 
 
 commoim  weill,  mair  respectand  thair  particular  querrellis 
 nor  the  quytncs  of  the  countre,  may  pcradventure  tak 
 occasioun,  throw  hir  Hienes'  disease  and  seiknes,  to  revenge 
 thair  privat  qucrrelhs,  and  mak  molestatioun  and  pertur- 
 batioun,  to  the  disturbing  of  all  gude  ordour  ;  quhilk  the 
 Nobilite  and  Oounsal,  tymeouslie  fearand,  lies  with  ane 
 voice  and  mynd  consentit,  and  in  the  presence  of  God,  and 
 on  thair  honors,  faithfullie  prommittit  to  utheris,  that,  all 
 particularitie,  feid,  favour,  or  affectioun,  set  asyd,  thai  sail 
 declair  thamselffis  innemeis  to  the  persoun  or  persounis 
 quhatsumevir  comittaris  of  the  said  disordour  and  unquyet- 
 nes,  as  gif  the  offence  were  done  to  ony  of  thamselffis  in 
 particular.  And  thairfoir  ordanis  ane  officiar  of  amies  to 
 pas  to  the  mercat-croce  of  the  burgh  of  Jedburgh,  and 
 thair  be  opin  proclamatioun  command  and  charge  all  and 
 sundrie  hir  Majestie's  legeis  and  subdittis  quhatsumevir, 
 that  thai  and  ilk  ane  of  thame  contein  thamselffis  in  quyetnes 
 and  gude  ordour,  and  on  nawayis  to  tak  upoun  hand  to  put 
 on  armour,  or  to  invaid,  molest,  persew,  or  inquiet  utheris 
 in  bodyes  or  gudes,  be  word,  deid,  or  countenance,  undir  the 
 pain  of  tressoun  :  Certifycing  thame  that  sail  presume  to  do 
 in  the  contrair,  besyde  the  puneisment  ordinar  of  the  law 
 and  consuetude  of  the  Realme,  thai  sail  be  persewit  and 
 followit  to  the  deid  as  traitouris  to  the  hail  Realme,  and 
 the  hail  force  and  power  of  the  Nobilite  sail  be  usit  agains 
 thame,  as  gif  the  offence  were  committit  agains  ony  of  thair 
 awn  personis  in  particular .'" 
 
 How  soon  the  Queen  was  in  any  tolerable  condition  for 
 travel,  her  Majesty  set  out  to  return  towards  Edinburgh  ; 
 and  being  desirous  of  a  long  time  to  view  the  town  of 
 Berwick,  she  came  through  the  shire  of  Merse^  for  that 
 purpose.  Of  this  progress  there  is  nowhere  so  good  and 
 circumstantiate  an  account  as  that  which  here  follows : — 
 
 "  The2  Quenis  Majestic  being  convalescit  of  hir  infirmitic, 
 departit  of  Jedburgh,  and  came  first  to  Kelso,  quhair  cftir 
 hir  Crrace  had  renumit  twa  nights,  passed  to  Hume  ;   and  in 
 
 ^  [Now  Ik-rwickshirc,  which  extomls  between  Hoxhui'^Mishire  and  the 
 (Jermau  Ocean  on  tlie  north. — E.] 
 
 ^  Letter  by  Secretary  Maithmd,  Novemher  l!»th  15<;5,  Collep;.  Scot. 
 Paris. 
 
470  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [I0G6. 
 
 the  way  vi.sit  WcrkoJ  From  Hume  to  Langtoun  and 
 Wedderburn  ;  and  then  took  purpose  to  visit  iiarwick,  and 
 upon  the  15tli-  day  of  this  instant,  hir  Majestic  past 
 theither  accompanied  with  800  or  1000  horse.  Sir  John 
 Forester,  Dcputie,  undir  my  Lord  of  JJcdford,  for  avoiding 
 of  all  suspicioun  quhilk  she  might  take,  came  and  met  hir 
 at  the  ]}ownroad,  accompanied  with  the  captanes  and 
 honest  men  of  the  town,  quhose  hail  numbir  exceedit  not 
 threscore  horse ;  and  swa  conveyit  hir  Hienes  to  Halydon 
 Hill,3  and  from  that  west  the  town,  ^juhair  she  might  have 
 the  perfyte  view  thairof ;  and  swa  the  hail  ordonance  being 
 scliot,  he  conveyit  hir  Majestic  almost  to  Aymouth,  doand 
 all  the  humanitie  and  honour  to  hir  Hienes  that  wes  possible 
 to  him.*     From  this,  restand  ane  night  at  Coldingham,  she 
 
 ^  This  is  a  Castle  on  tlie  English  side  of  the  Kiver  Tweed. — [Wark,  or 
 Werk  Castle,  Is  in  the  parochial  curacy  of  Carham-upon-Twced,  county 
 of  Northumberland,  and  Diocese  of  Durham,  opposite  the  Scottish  parish 
 of  Coldstream.  It  is  now  an  inconsiderable  ruin  on  a  rising  ground  close 
 to  the  Tweed,  and  conveys  no  intimation  that  it  was  once  a  formidable 
 stronghold.  Wark  Castle  was  repeatedly  besieged  by  the  Scots,  Avho 
 several  times  took  it,  and  dismantled  the  fortifications.  George  Buchanan 
 was  present  as  a  soldier  at  a  siege  of  it  in  1523,  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII. 
 See  Sir  Walter  Scott's  "  Border  Antiquities,"  vol.ii.  p.  121, 122, 123. — E.] 
 
 ^  Her  Majesty  then  must  have  begun  her  journey  about  the  10th  of 
 November.  Cecil's  Diary  is  manifestly  erroneous  iu  this  journey,  and  in 
 some  subsequent  dates. 
 
 •'*  [Ilalidon  llill,  at  which  a  battle  was  fought  between  tlie  Scots  and 
 English,  most  disastrous  to  the  former,  is  in  the  vicinity  of  Berwick-upon- 
 Tweed,  within  tlie  Liberties,  and  close  to  the  Scottish  Border. — E.J 
 
 ••Sir  James  Melvil  says  —  "Sir  Jolm  Forster,  Warden  upon  the 
 English  Borders,  came  and  conferred  with  the  Queen  for  keeping  of  good 
 order;  and  in  the  niean  time,  while  he  was  speaking  with  her  Majesty  on 
 liorseback,  his  courser  did  rise  up  with  his  foremost  legs  to  take  the 
 Queen's  horse  by  the  neck  with  his  teeth,  l)ut  his  feet  hurt  her  Majesty's 
 thigh  very  ill.  Incontinent  the  Warden  lighted  oft'  his  horse,  and  sate 
 down  upon  his  knee,  craving  her  Majesty's  pardon,  for  then  all  Knglaud 
 did  much  reverence  her  ;  her  Majesty  made  him  rise,  and  said  that  she 
 was  not  hurt,  yet  it  compelled  lier  Majesty  to  tarry  two  days  at  tlie  Castle 
 of  Home  until  she  recovered  again."  And  here  this  author  adds — "  The 
 King  followed  her  Majesty  about  whithersoever  she  rode,  but  got  no  good 
 countenance."  But  as  Sir  James  is  in  a  numifest  error  in  this  jjart  of  his 
 Memoirs,  I  shall  not  need  to  coiTect  him  in  the  last  particular  j)oint. 
 His  other  three  contemporaries,  Buchanan,  Knox,  and  Crawford's 
 Memoirs,  contradict  him  plainly  herein,  and  Lethington's  silence  is  a.s 
 strong  against  him. — [The  passage  quoted  from  Sir  .Iannis  Mehille  in 
 this  note  by  our  Historian,  occurs  in  the  fonner's  "  Mcmoii-s,"  p.  77,  and 
 1 1  is  assertion  that  "  Mc  Kituj  folloical  Inf  uhithcrsoivn'  s/u  icatt,  but  could 
 
15f)G.J  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  471 
 
 came  to  Dunbar,  and  frae  that  to  Temptallon,^  passand 
 fordwards  towards  Oraigmillor,-  quhair  she  minds  to  stay 
 unto  liir  passing  west  to  Stirling  to  the  baptism,  which  is 
 yet  deterrit  to  the  12th  of  December,  because  of  the  king 
 tarrie  of  the  ambassador  of  Savoye,  Sec." 
 
 While  the  Queen  lay  at  Dunbar,  her  Majesty,  having 
 received  some  agreeable  dispatches  from  her  ambassador 
 Mr  Robert  Melvil,  wrote  the  following  letter  to  the  Privy 
 Council  of  England. 
 
 obtain  no  countciuincc,'''  is  utterly  untrue,  for  all  this  time  Darnley  was  with 
 his  father  at  Glasgow.  Chalmers  appropriately  observes  of  Sir  James 
 Melville — "  If  he  really  wrote  this,  it  would  shew  that  he  was  capable  of 
 deliberate  falsehood,  or  rather  that  his  book  was  interpolated,  as  he 
 attended  the  Queen  throughout,  and  knew  that  her  husband  meantime 
 resided  with  his  father  at  Glasgow.  There  are  many  other  paragraphs  in 
 Melville's  JMcmoirs  which  are  equally  false,  and  equally  shew  that  the 
 book  nmst  have  been  greatly  interpolated." — Life  of  Mary  Queen  of 
 Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  193.— E.] 
 
 ^  [Tantallon  Castle.  See  the  note,  p.  374,  375,  of  this  volume. — E.] 
 '^  I  make  no  doubt  but  the  Earl  of  liothwell  might  be  in  the  Queen's 
 retinue,  but  1  hope  this  parade  of  a  journey  quite  confounds  Buchanan's 
 intrigue  at  this  time  betwixt  her  and  Dothwell  all  alone. — [After  the 
 Queen  visited  Bothwell  at  Hermitage  Castle,  he  was  removed  by  some 
 mechanical  conveyance  to  Jedburgh  ;  and  Buchanan,  who  completely 
 pervei'ts  the  whole  facts,  and  in  this  jiart  at  least  of  his  History  is 
 imworthy  of  the  least  credit,  has  the  effrontery  to  state,  that  no  soonei- 
 had  Darnley  returned  from  visiting  the  Queen  at  Jedburgh  to  Stirlinfj 
 —  though  we  have  seen  that  he  went  to  Glasgow  —  than  Bothwell 
 was  carried  from  the  house  he  occupied  after  his  arrival  in  that 
 town  to  the  "  Queen's  lodgings  in  the  face  of  all  the  people,"  and  he 
 writes  as  if  the  Queen  and  Bothwell  journeyed  together  to  Kelso  and 
 Coldingham  unaccompanied  by  any  parties,  reaching  Craigmillar  "  ({uite 
 indifferent  and  careless  as  to  the  reports  that  were  s]»i-ead  of  them  by  the 
 way."  Nothing  can  be  more  reprehensible  than  this  wilful  perversion  of 
 facts.  Bothwell  probably  arrived  at  Jedburgh  from  Hermitage  Castle  on 
 the  24th  of  October,  for  he  was  so  far  recovered  as  to  be  jjresent  at  the 
 Council  held  on  the  following  day,  which  authorized  the  preceding 
 "  Proclamatioun  to  keip  guid  Heule  at  Jedburgh."  His  name — 
 "  Jacolus  Comes  dc  Bothwcir — is  the  third  on  the  list,  and  Bisho])  Lesley  of 
 Ross  wrote  from  Jedburgh  on  the  27th  of  October  L"56'(>  to  Archbishop 
 Beaton  at  Paris — "  My  Lord  of  Bothwell  is  hero,  who  convalesces  well  of 
 his  wounds." — Sec  the  lettei-  in  No.  XI  \'.  of  our  Historian's  Aj)|)endix  to 
 Book  IL  The  existing  Records,  and  Maitland's  account  of  the  Queen's 
 progress  through  Berwickshire  in  tiic  te.xt,  in  which  Bothwell's  name  is 
 not  once  mentioned,  compUtely  refute  Buchanan's  eahnnny.  He  was 
 merely  one  of  the  Noblemen  who  accom|)anied  the  Queen  jus  Sheriff  of 
 the  counties  througli  which  she  ]>assed,  and  he  attended  the  Privy- 
 Council  meetings  she  held  at  Dunbar,  when  hIic  a<ldrcssed  the  above 
 letter  to  the  English  Privy-Council. — E.) 
 
472  THE  HISTORY  of  the  affairs  [loGO. 
 
 Letter  from  the  Queen  of  Scotland  to  the  Pr'noy  Council 
 of  Encflandy 
 
 "  Right  trustv  und  well  beloved  cousins,  we  greet  you 
 heartily  well  :  Whereas  we  have  understood  by  report  of  our 
 familiar  servant  Robert  Melvil,  the  good  offers  made  to  our 
 behoof  by  the  Queen  our  good  sister  your  sovereign,^  we 
 think  ourself  obliged  to  do  her  whatsoever  a  good  sister  and 
 tender-hearted  cousin  ought,  where  she  finds  so  great 
 thankfulness ;  and  that  we  could  not  declare  the  affection 
 we  bear  toward  our  said  dearest  sister  better,-^  nor  by  that 
 which  we  did,  when  we  lookt  not  to  have  bruiked  this  life 
 twelve  hours  in  our  late  sickness  ;  at  which  time  our  meaning 
 was,  that  the  special  care  of  the  protection  of  our  son  should 
 rest  upon  our  said  good  sister.  We  believe  you  have  been 
 always  good  ministers,  to  move  your  sovereign  to  shew  her 
 own  reasonable  favour  to  our  advancement  in  that  which 
 is  right,  and  surely  look  you  will  so  continue.  We  take 
 oui'self  (as  we  doubt  not  but  you  know)  to  be  the  (^ueen 
 your  sovereign's  next  cousin,  and,  next  herself,  and  lawful 
 issue  of  her  body,  to  have  greatest  interest  of  all  others  to 
 that  which  has  been,  as  is  reported,  lately  motioned  in  the 
 Parliament  House.  And  albeit  we  had  not  of  mind  to  press 
 our  said  good  sister,  further  than  shall  come  of  her  own 
 good  pleasure,  to  put  that  matter  in  question,  yet,  because 
 in  that  case  we  will  be  judged  by  the  laws  of  the  Realm  of 
 England,  we  do  effectuously  require  you  to  have  respect  to 
 justice  with  indifferency,  whensoever  it  shall  please  the 
 Queen  your  sovereign  to  put  the  same  matter  in  deliberation. 
 As  to  us,  we  will  noways  insist  therein  till  such  time  as  it 
 shall  please  herself  to  give  us  warning,  ^^'e  desire  you  in 
 the  mean  time  to  have  that  opinion  of  us,  that  as  we  mean 
 to  continue  all  our  life  in  good  intelligence  with  the  Queen 
 your  sovereign  and  that  Realm,  so  if  any  prince  on  earth 
 would  offend  the  same,  we  would  withstand  him  at  our  utter 
 power,  and  that  you  cannot  advise  our  said  dearest  sister 
 to  extend  her  favours  towards  any  that  shall  recognosce  it 
 
 '  Culi^'.  IHook]  X.  Jin  ()ri|rinal.— [Hritisli  Musouiu.— E.j 
 *■*  Tlu-  substance  of  these  oftVrs  will  he  known  In-  the  Queen  of  England's 
 Instructions  to  the  I'.arl  of  Uedfonl.     See  them,  i».  477. 
 '*  Than. 
 
15GG.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  473 
 
 in  a  better  sort.     And  so  we  conmiit  you  to  the  protection 
 of  God.     At  Dunbar  the  18th  day  of  November  15GG. 
 "  Your  gud  cousignacc, 
 
 "  Marie  R." 
 
 Together  with  this  letter,  it  was  thought  expedient  that 
 the  Scottish  ministers  of  State  should  likewise  write  to  the 
 ministers  of  England.  Their  letter  is  entirely  of  the  same 
 strain,  and,  that  it  might  not  be  lost,  I  have  put  it  into  the 
 Appendix.! 
 
 The  Queen  it  seems  kept  close  at  Craigmillar^  after  her 
 
 1  Number  XV. 
 
 2  [Cragmillar  Castle,  now  a  massive  and  stately  ruin  in  the  parish  of 
 Libberton,  is  three  miles  south  of  Edinburgh,  near  the  road  to  Dalkeith 
 as  stated  in  the  short  note,  p.  92  of  this  volume.     The  date  of  the  erection 
 of  this  Castle  is  unknown,  but  the  embattled  wall,  which  has  circular 
 towers  on  the  east  side,  was  built  in  1427,  as  appears  from  an  inscription 
 over  the  gate.    The  entrance  into  the  court -yard  is  on  the  north,  and 
 this  leads  into  the  Castle,  a  huge  edifice,  of  considerable  height,  and  the 
 walls  of  great  thickness.     The  principal  staircase  conducts  to  all  the 
 apartments  above  the  ground  storey,  one  of  which  is  a  splendid  hall  still 
 entire.    The  Castle  contains  a  great  number  of  apartments,  and,  as  it 
 respects  architecture  and  accommodation,  is  much  superior  to  the  gene- 
 rality of  old  Scottish  castles.  It  was  for  at  least  three  centuries  the  property 
 and  residence  of  the  Prestons  of  that  Ilk, whose  arms,  with  those  of  their 
 family  connections  by  marriage  or  otherwise,  are  seen  on  the  battlemented 
 wall  which  defends  the  court-yard.    On  the  south  the  Castle  is  inaccessible, 
 built  on  a  perpendicular  rock,  and  in  the  deep  hollow  beneath  are  the 
 remciins  of  an  orchard  and  garden.     On  the  north,  beyond  the  wall  of  the 
 court-yard,  was  an  extensive  wall,  and  in  some  parts  are  vestiges  of  a 
 ditch  or  moat.     The  west  portion  of  the  Castle,  which  is  an  addition  m 
 the  manor  house  style,  was  built  after  the  llcstoration  of  Charles  II.  by 
 Sir  John  Gilmour,  Lord  President  of  the  Court  of  Session,  who  had 
 acquired  the  property  by  purchase,  and  was  his  taniily  residence.     In  Sir 
 .Tohu's  time,  and  many  years  afterwards,  the  old  Castle  was  habitable, 
 but  it  does  not  appear  when  it  was  allowed  to  become  ruinous.     John 
 Ivirl  of  Mar,  a  younger  brother  of  James  III.,  was  confined  in  Cragmillar 
 in  1477,  and  it  was  a  temporary  residence  of  .James  ^^  during  his  minority, 
 when  an  epidemic  caused  his  removal  from  Edinburgh  Castle  for  safety. 
 It  was  severely  damaged  by  the  English  in   1543,  and  again  in  1547,  but 
 it  was  soon  repaired,  and  was  subse<iuently  the  scene  of  several  important 
 transactions.     Cragmillar  was  a  favourite  retreat  of  Queen  Mary,  though 
 the  neighbouring  peasantry  ignorantly  assert  that  she  was   iwprisoual  m 
 tlic  Casric.     Her  supi)osed  bedroom  is  pointed  out,  seven  feet  long  by  five 
 feet  broad— a  most  uncomfortable  looking  chamber  even  in  its  bi-st  days. 
 A  sycamore  on  the  south  side  of  the  Castle  is  alleged  to  have  been  planted 
 by  her.      At  the  foot  of  Cragmillar  1 1  ill,  some  hundred  yards  to  the  south- 
 west of  the  Castle,  on   the    Dalkeith  i«»a<l,  is  the  hamlet  of   l.iUk  Fmvo , 
 
474  THE  HISTORY  OF  THK  AFFAIRS  [loGO. 
 
 arrival  thitlicr,  until  the  time  that  she  went  to  Stirling  for 
 the  baptizing  of  the  Prince.  Archbishop  Spottiswood 
 acquaints  us  that  here  tho  Secretary  renewed  to  her  Majesty 
 the  purpose  of  a  divorce  from  the  King  lier  husband  in  the 
 hearing  of  the  Earls  of  Argyll  and  Iluntly,  and  that  Prelate 
 sets  down  likewise  the  Queen's  return  to  tho  Secretary. 
 That  this  author  has  had  some  general  account  of  this 
 matter  which  passed  at  Craigmillar  at  this  time,i  is  evident 
 
 wliich  is  traditionally  said  to  have  received  that  name  from  the  circum- 
 stance of  the  Queen's  French  domestics  residing  there  when  she  occasionally 
 became  the  visitor  and  guest  of  Preston  of  Craigmillar.  The  Castle 
 commands  a  magnificent  view  of  the  city  of  Edinburgh,  Arthur's  Seat, 
 Salisbury  Crags,  the  Frith  of  Forth  and  Aberlady  Bay,  and  the  coasts 
 of  Fife  and  Haddington,  on  the  north  and  east  ;  and  the  finely  cultivated 
 district  extending  south  beyond  Dalkeith  and  the  Pentlaud  Hills  on 
 the  south  and  south-west. — E.J 
 
 ^  [This  was  a  projected  divorce  from  Darnley,  which  the  Queen,  how- 
 ever, refused  to  sanction,  and  the  discussion  was  long  knowni  as  the 
 Conference  of  Cra'ajmUkw.  A  curious  account  of  it  is  giAen  in  the  Appendix 
 to  this  Book  II.,  No.  XVI,,  in  the  document  entitled  the  "  Protestation  of 
 the  Erles  of  Iluntly  and  Argyll  touchingthcmurthour  of  the  King  of  Scots" 
 (Darnley).  Our  Historian  quotes  part  of  it  in  his  text.  The  unirder  of 
 Darnley  had  been  concerted  before  December  1566,  the  time  when  Queen 
 Mary  was  in  Cragmillar  Castle,  after  returning  from  her  j)rog]-css  througli 
 Berwickshire  and  Haddingtonshire.  Those  concerned  in  the  Conference  of 
 Cralijiiullar  wore  the  Earls  of  Moray,  Iluntly,  Argyll,  and  Bothwell,  and 
 Secretary  Maitland.  They  were  all  residing  in  the  Castle,  for  Moray  and 
 Maitland  are  alleged  to  have  first  commenced  the  business  in  Argyll's 
 room,  waiting  on  him  while  he  was  in  bed,  and  the  preliminary  discussion 
 was  how  to  j)rocure  the  Earl  of  Morton's  pardon  and  recall  from  exile. 
 Maitland  said  the  certain  mode  of  obtaining  Morton's  pardon  would  be  to 
 ol)taiu  theQueen's  divorce  from  Darnley.  Argyll  rej>lied  that  he  did  not  sec 
 liow  it  could  be  done,  and  Moray  was  silent.  Maitland  argued  that  the 
 means  could  bo  obtained,  and  they  sent  for  Huntly,after  which  they  went  to 
 Both  well's  room,  and  then  proceeded  to  the  Queen.  As  the  conversation 
 is  given  in  the  document  in  the  Appendix,  it  is  unnecessary  to  insert  it 
 here.  The  Queen  was  at  this  time  very  unwell  ;  tlie  retrospect  of  the  past 
 filled  her  with  bitterness,  the  future  excited  her  ai)prehensions  ;  her  feais 
 suggested  many  calamities;  and  her  despondency  alarmed  the  attendant 
 lOarls,  who  well  mulerstood  the  cause.  Le  Croc  wrote  to  Archbishop 
 Beaton,  2d  December  1566—"  The  Queen  is  for  the  present  at  Crag- 
 millar, about  a  league  distant  from  this  city.  She  is  in  the  hands  of  the 
 physicians,  and  1  do  tussure  you  is  not  at  all  well  ;  and  I  do  believe  the 
 principal  part  of  her  disease  to  consist  of  a  deep  grief  and  sorrow.  Nor 
 does  it  seem  possible  to  make  her  forget  the  same.  Still  she  repeats  these 
 words — *  /  onOd  uish  to  he  ilcidJ'  "  See  Le  Croc's  letter  in  our  Historian's 
 "  Advertisoraent  to  the  Reatler,''  vol.  i.  p.  xcvi.  xcvii.  of  tlu*  present 
 edition.  Though  Mary  enjoined  the  four  luuls  and  Maitland,  in  the 
 extraonlinary  conversation   at    Cragmillar,   to   abandon   all   thoughts  of 
 
15GC.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  475 
 
 from  the  more  authentick  account  thereof  contained  in  the 
 pubUck  protestation  emitted  by  the  two  Earls  of  Argyll  and 
 Huntly  in  the  year  1568,  wherein  they  declare— That  the 
 Earl  of  Moray  and  the  Secretary  Lethington  came  to  their 
 apartments,  and  that  afterwards  they  four,  together  with 
 the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  went  to  the  Queen,  and  in  her  and 
 their  presence  the  Secretary  made  a  proposal,  that  if  her 
 Majesty  would  be  pleased  to  pardon  the  Earl  of  Morton, 
 the  Lords  Ruthven  and  Lindsay,  they  should  find  the  means, 
 with  the   rest   of  the   Nobility,   to  bring  about  a   divorce 
 between  her  and  the  King,  without  her  having  any  hand 
 therein.     The  four  Earls  supported  the  Secretary's  proposal, 
 and  the  Queen  declared  she  would  no  otherwise  agree  to 
 the  divorce,  except  under  these  two  conditions.     One  was, 
 that   the  same  should  be  made  lawfully  :  the    other,    that 
 it  should  nowise  prejudge  her  son—"  otherwise  hir  Hienes 
 w^ald  rather  endure  all  tormentis,  and  abyde  the  perrelles 
 that  mycht  chaunce  hir  in  hir  Grace^s  lyftyme.'^   The  Secre- 
 tary after  this  having  said  some  dark  words,  the  Queen  again 
 answered—"  I  will  that  ye  doe  nathing  quhairto  any  spot  may 
 be  layit  to  my  honour  or  conscience,  and  thairfor  I  pray 
 you  rather  let  the  matter  be  in  the  estait  as  it  is,  abyding 
 till   God   of  His  goodness  put  remeidt  hairto  :— that   ye, 
 believing  to  do  me  service,  may  possibill  turne  to  my  hurt 
 and  displeasor.''  ^ 
 
 whatever  design  they  were  forming  to  separate  her  from  Darnley,  the 
 
 conspiracy  proceeded,  and,  after  the  usnal  custom  of  the  age,  a  Bond,  or 
 
 agreement  for  his  murder,  was  actually  drawn  up  at  CragmiUar,  oi  which 
 
 B^othwell  kept  possession.     It  was  said  to  have  been  written  by  bir  James 
 
 Balfour   of  Titteudriech,   afterwards    Lord   President    of  the   Court  of 
 
 Session  (sec   the   note,  p.  372    of  this   volume),  then  an   unscrupulous 
 
 follower   of  Bothwell,   and  it   was   signed    by  him,    Bothwell,   lluntly, 
 
 Argyll,  and  Maitland.     It  declared  their  resolution  to  cut  off  Darnley  as 
 
 .1  fool  and  a  tyrant,  as  insolent  to  the  Nobility,  and  as  having  conducted 
 
 himself  in  an  intolerable  manner  towards  the  Qiieen.     The  existence  oi 
 
 this  Bond  to  murder  1  )arnley  is  provi'd  by  the  confession  of  Ormiston,  one 
 
 of  the  perpetrators,  wl.o  declared  that  he  saw  it  in  Botlnvell's  possession 
 
 (Pitcairn's Criminal  Trials,  vol.  i.  Part  II.  p.  512),  and  had  been  subscribed 
 
 nearly  three  months  before  the  murder  was  committed  ;  and  when  the 
 
 said  Ormiston  expressed  his  reluctance  to  have  any  concern  in  it,  Bothwell 
 
 replied—"  Tush,  Ormiston,  ye  need  not  take  fear  of  this,  for  the  whole 
 
 Lords  liave  concluded  the  same  lang  syne  in  CragmiUar,  all   tliat  were 
 
 there  with  the  Queen,  and  nane  daur  find  fault  with  it  when  it  shall  be 
 
 done."     Ibid.  vol.  i.  Part  n.  p.  511.— K.l 
 
 '  These  answers  of  the  Queen   are  surely  very  far  difterent  Irom  Mr 
 
4T()  THE  HISTORY  OF  TIIK  AFFAIRS  [15GG. 
 
 Tn  the  bc'ginniii<r  of  December  the  (^iicen  received  a  letter 
 I'rom  the  Earl  of  JJedford,  the  English  ambassador,  desiring 
 to  have  a  safe-conduct,  and  to  be  informed  of  the  time  when 
 he  should  present  himself  before  her  Majesty,  because,  as 
 would  appear,  he  had  not  as  yet  got  sure  advice  of  the  day 
 appointed  for  the  baptism  of  the  Prince.  To  which  her 
 Majesty  made  the  following  answer  : — 
 
 Letter — Queen  of  ^'^icots  to  the  Earl  of  Bedford.^ 
 
 '•  Rk.iit  trusty  and  well-belovod  Cousin,  we  greet  you  well  : 
 \Ve  have  received  your  letter  from  the  gentleman,  bearer 
 thereof.  And  whereas  you  require  that  by  hira  you  may 
 have  full  and  perfect  understanding  of  our  pleasure,  for 
 ascertaining  the  time  when  you  shall  repair  towards  us, 
 we  assure  you,  whenever  you  please  to  come,  you  shall  be 
 as  welcome  as  we  may  make  you,  and  thereunto  all  times 
 shall  be  alike.  T]ut  in  consideration  that  the  very  day  of 
 our  son's  baptism  shall  be,  God  willing,  the  15th  instant, 
 we  think  it  best  that  you  address  you  to  enter  on  Scots 
 ground  upon  the  8th  day  of  this  same  month,  against 
 the  which  we  have  commanded  our  Warden  to  meet  you, 
 and  to  convoy  you  hither.  And  albeit  your  own  person, 
 employed  in  such  a  message,  were  surety  enough  both  for 
 yourself  and  your  hail  company,  and  that  you  needed  no 
 other  pasport  at  all,  yet  for  satisfaction  of  your  letter,  you 
 shall  herewith  receive  our  safe-conduct  according  to  your 
 desire.     Further  presently  we   need   not  write,   seeing  we 
 
 Jiuchanan's  wicked  suggestions  on  the  lu'ad.  Hut  if  any  one  will  prefer 
 that  man's  credit,  who  was  neither  eye  nor  ear  witness,  before  that  of 
 these  two  noble  Earls,  we  may  safely  say  that  (/nat  is  V'.at  pcrsoiCs  faith  ! 
 See  this  Protestation  at  length  in  the  Apjjendix,  No.  XVI. — [The 
 "  Protestation"  of  the  Earls  of  lluntly  and  Arf/yll,  in  which  is  the  account 
 of  the  C<mfcixncc  of  Cni'jviilkir.  Buchanan's  "  wicked  suggestions"  are 
 contained  in  the  following  pa-ssage,  in  which  he  assjiils  the  Queen — "  !She 
 woidd  ever  and  anon  sj)eak  of  a  divorce,  aiul  would  sjiy  it  might  be  easily 
 effected  if  the  J'ope's  Bull  was  but  recalled,  by  which  i)aJdon  had  been 
 granted  them  for  marrying  contrary  to  the  Papal  laws  ;  but  seeing  tliis 
 nuitter  was  not  likely  to  go  as  she  expected,  for  those  things  were  acted 
 in  the  presence  of  many  of  tlie  Nobility,  she  left  oft*  all  her  other  methods, 
 and  contrived  nothing  else  in  her  mind  but  how  to  dispatch  him  out  of 
 the  world  at  once." — Ifistoria  HiMum  Scoticarum,  Edin.  original  edit. 
 15.S2,  fol.  212  ;  Translation,  Edin.  I7")2,  vol.  ii.  j).  31f).  See  also  his 
 "  Detection  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scot.s,"— E.] 
 
 '  C'alijr.  Blook J  X.  f.  ;i8J>,  an  Original.— [Brit isii  Museum.— E.] 
 
15(3G.]  OF  CIIUROII  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  477 
 
 look  SO  shortly  for  your  own  presence,  whereunto  we  refer 
 the  rest,  committing  you  to  the  tuition  of  God  Oraigmillar, 
 December  4th  15GG. 
 
 "  Your  right  good  friend, 
 
 "  Marie  R." 
 
 "We  desire  you  to  send  forward  this  our  letter  to  our 
 servant  Robert  Melvil  at  Court/' 
 
 Sir  James  Melvil  acquaints  us,i  that  when  the  Queen  was 
 advertised  of  the  Earl  of  Bedford's^  arrival  at  Berwick  she 
 sent  him  to  Coldingham,  to  be  the  EarFs  first  convoy,  and 
 to  inform  him  rightly  of  all  her  proceedings,  and  to  over- 
 throw all  evil  bruits  invented  by  the  malice  of  her  adversaries: 
 and  Sir  James  adds,  that  the  good  Earl  gave  him  more 
 credit  than  he  did  to  any  wrong  report  of  her  that  was 
 made.  The  Earl  arrived  at  Court  with  a  great  retinue,  to 
 the  number  of  fourscore  horses  ;  and  besides  the  particular 
 publick  errand  he  was  known  to  come  about,  namely,  the 
 witnessing  the  baptism  of  the  Prince,  he  had  likewise  private 
 instructions  to  negociate  at  this  time  with  our  Queen,  a 
 copy  whereof  I  here  lay  before  my  readers. 
 
 Instructions^  to  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  of  her  Majesty's  Privy- 
 Council,  Lord  Warden  of  the  west-marches  toicards  Scotland, 
 Governor  of  Berwicl\  sent  hy  the  Queens  Majesty  into  Scot- 
 land to  he  an  assistant  at  the  christening  the  Queen  of  Scots' 
 son  the  Prince  there,  7th  November  1566.^ 
 *'  The  first  cause  of  your  sending  is :   Seeing  the  Queen  of 
 Scotland  required  us  to  be  god-mother  to  tlie   Prince  of 
 Scotland,  her  son,  as  also  the  French   King  and  Duke  of 
 Savoy*"'  to  be  god-fathers ;    and  the  French  King  hath  sent 
 
 ^  [Sir  James  Melville's  Memoirs,  p.  70 — E.] 
 
 2  [Francis  Russell,  second  Va\v\  of  Bedford,  already  mentioned  in 
 previous  notes. — E.] 
 
 =*  The  reader  will  perceive  by  these  Instnictions  that  the  Queen  of 
 England  has  been  in  fjood  earnest  desirous  to  cherish  frieiulship  with  our 
 Queen.  The  birth  of  a  Prince  in  Scotland,  and  the  ferment  now  in  the 
 Parliament  of  England  for  the  want  of  a  known  successor,  has  perhaps 
 driven  her  Majesty  to  this  condescendence. — [This  is  clearly  intimated  by 
 all  the  historians  of  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign.  Sec  C'anulen's  Annalls, 
 1G25,  p.  121,P2!)-134.-E.] 
 
 4  Calig.  lJ[ookJ  X.  f.  384.— [Pritish  Museum.— E.J 
 
 ■>  [Cliarles  IX.  of  France,  and  Emmanuel  Philibert,  Duke  of  Savoy. — E.] 
 
478  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGG. 
 
 the  son  of  IJryon  to  represent  him,  as  the  Marquis  of 
 Chambcry^  doth  the  Duke :  we  have  sent  you  to  her  to 
 tell  her,  That  according  to  our  former  agreement,  upon  her 
 first  sending  to  us,  we  have  dispatched  you  to  assist  and 
 attend  such  a  person  in  her  Realm,  as  we  have  chosen  to 
 represent  us,  who  is  our  dear  and  well-beloved  cousin  the 
 Countess  of  Argilc,^  whom  with  allowance  of  our  good  sister 
 we  have  appointed  and  required  to  supply  our  place,  because 
 now,  being  winter,  wo  could  not  well  send  any  of  the  ladies 
 of  our  Realm.  We  have  the  rather  made  choice  of  her, 
 hearing  how  dear  she  is  to  our  good  sister.  You  shall 
 deliver  our  letter  to  that  Countess,  with  our  most  hearty 
 recommendations,  and  our  earnest  request  to  take  the 
 pains  to  supply  our  place,  which  surely  with  all  our  heart 
 we  would  as  gladly  do  ourself  as  she  shall,  if  conunodity 
 and  convenience  could  as  well  suffer  it  as  our  desire  could 
 further  it.  As  for  the  behaviour  at  this  christening,  you 
 shall  govern  yourself  so  as  shall  be  most  for  our  honour,  and 
 pleasure  of  our  good  sister  ;  and  to  avoid  such  things  as  be 
 against  your  conscience,  and  contrary  to  the  religion  we 
 profess,  it  is  best  to  imitate  the  example  of  Moray  and  the 
 other  Lords  of  the  same  religion,  for  which  they  have  the 
 permission  of  that  Queen.  At  convenient  time  you  are 
 to  present  her  the  font  of  gold, 3  which  we  send  with  you ; 
 
 ^  Yet  Sir  James  Melvil  calls  him  Mons.  de  Moret  ;  and  he  adds,  that 
 he  came  not  until  the  bai)tisni  was  past  and  over.  Crawford's  Memoirs 
 and  Spottiswood  report  that  Mons,  le  Croc  stood  for  the  Duke  of  Savoy 
 at  the  baptism. — [Sir  James  Melville's  Memoii-s,  j).  76.  Archbishop 
 Spottiswoode's  statement  is  confirmed  by  inidoubted  authority  : — "  There 
 assisted  to  this  baptisme,  for  the  K'mrr  of  France,  the  Count  of  Bryen  ; 
 for  the  Queyne  of  Jutland,  the  Erie  of  Bedford  ;  for  the  Duke  of  Savoy, 
 Monsieur  La  Croco." — Historic  of  Kmp^  James  the  Sext,  4to.  Kdin.  1825, 
 printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  5. — E.] 
 
 -  [Queen  Elizabeth  jjrobabiy  selected  the  Countess  of  Argyll  to  be  her 
 l)roxy  at  the  baptism  of  James  \'l.,  as  much  on  account  of  her  royal 
 descent,  thou<rh  ille;;itimate,  as  from  personal  considerations,  that  lady 
 having  been  the  daii^diter  of  James  V.  by  l'>lizabeth,  dau^diter  of  John 
 Lord  Carmichael,  and  conse(iuently  Queen  Mary's  sister  and  Queen 
 I'Jizabeth's  cousin.  The  Countess  of  Aru^yll  wa.s  the  Siune  who  was 
 suppin<^  Avith  Queen  Mary  on  the  eventful  night  of  Biccio's  mm-der. — E.] 
 
 '•*  This  font  wei|,djed  IV33  ounces,  which  Mr  Stow  says  came  to  L.1043, 
 10s.,  which,  if  he  is  right,  fixes  the  value  of  gold  at  that  time  within  the 
 Kingdom  of  F'nglaml.  Mr  Knox  is  evidently  wrong  in  his  calculation. 
 I  The  weight  of  this  gold  font  is  confirmed  in  the  "  Ilistorie  of  King 
 Jain.'s  the  Sext,"  4to.  Edin.  1825,  j).  5.     Knox's  "  caloilation,"  to  which 
 
156G.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  470 
 
 you  may  say  pleasantly,  that  it  was  made  assoon  as  we 
 heard  of  the  Prince's  birth,  and  then  it  was  big  enough  for 
 him,  but  now  he,  being  gi'own,  is  too  big  for  it :  therefore 
 it  may  be  better  used  for  the  next  child,  provided  it  be 
 christened  before  it  outgrow  the  font.  And  seeing  there 
 are  matters  of  greater  consequence  that  you  are  to  treat 
 with  her,  and  because  you  desired  one  to  be  with  you  who 
 is  acquainted  with  the  affairs  of  that  Queen,  we  have 
 appointed  John  Tamworth,  of  our  Privy  Chamber,  to  attend 
 and  be  present  with  you,  when  you  shall  treat  of  that  affair 
 with  her. 
 
 "  You  shall  at  some  convenient  time  say  to  the  Queen, 
 that  as  we  would  be  loath,  by  repeating  things  past,  to 
 stir  up  unkindnoss,  so  we  expect  that  she  will  conceive  a 
 great  deal  of  our  inward  affection  in  our  digesting  her 
 strange  dealings  with  us  in  the  beginning  and  prosecution 
 of  her  marriage,  1  wherein  we  have  been  ready  to  show  her 
 kindness,  though  wo  conceaved  cause  of  the  contrary  ;  yet 
 we  are  content  that  we  did  bestow  our  kindness  upon  her, 
 and  will  be  ready  always  to  augment  the  same. 
 
 "  After  which  you  shall  let  her  know,  that  by  sundry 
 messages  sent  to  her  to  signify  our  misliking,  that  sundry 
 subjects  of  ours,  truly  not  worth  the  living  at  home,  being 
 of  light  behaviour,  have  repaired  hither, 2  upon  several 
 pretences  of  great  offers,  more  apt  to  breed  suspicion  of 
 unkindness,  rather  than  produce  any  effect  or  satisfaction 
 to  her.     And  though  our  sister  owns  that  there  hath  been 
 
 Bishop  Keith  alludes,  is  that  the  font  was  "  valued  to  1)0  worth  tliric 
 thousand  crowns."     Ilistorie,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  400.— E.] 
 
 1  The  English  Queen  is  very  earnest  here  to  lay  open  her  own  merits 
 towards  our  sovereign.  The  birth  of  a  Prince  was  a  bitter  pill  and  a 
 piercing  sword  to  her. 
 
 ^  Mr  Cambdon  mentions  Yaxley,  Standon,  and  Welch,  tliree  Englisli 
 fugitives,  to  have  got  reception  in  Scotland.  The  last  of  these,  viz.  Welch, 
 has  been  formoily  named  by  Randolph.  IJy  inadvertency  I  tlien  called 
 him  an  IntclUrjcnccr  to  our  Qiiccv,  as  if  lie  had  been  still  in  Kngland, 
 though  by  Cambden's  information  he  has  certainly  been  at  tliat  time 
 within  Scotland. — [C'ambden  alleges  that  one  reason  which  induci'd  Queen 
 Elizabeth  to  protect  the  Earl  of  Morton  and  his  a.ssociates  in  exile  for 
 the  murder  of  Kiccio  wa.s,  "  because  the  Queen  of  Scothmd  had  received 
 into  her  protection  Yaxley,  Standon,  and  Walsh,  English  fugitives."  Mary 
 was  also  accused  of  having  encouraged  the  "  Irish  (>'Neal(>,  and  that  she 
 had  held  councels  with  the  l*ope  against  the  English,  and  had  not  done 
 justice  ui>on  thieves  and  i)irates."     Annals,  1G25,  p.  120,  121. — E.J 
 
480  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1500. 
 
 such  offers  and  tenders,  yet  she  gave  no  consent  or  allowance 
 thereto  that  might  in  anywise  impair  the  amity  to  which 
 she  is  firmly  resolved  to  stand,  without  any  change  or 
 alteration  of  mind,  which  at  an  interview  we  would  certainly 
 understand ;  for  want  of  which  she  wished  to  have  some 
 person  of  credit  and  confidence  sent  from  us,  to  whom  she 
 might  freely  impart  what  concerned  us  in  that  behalf. 
 Therefore  we  have  appointed  you  to  wait  of  her,  for  which 
 special  account  we  have  sent  you  and  our  said  servant 
 Tamworth,  whom,  for  his  understanding,  faithfulness,  and 
 secrecy,  wc  can  trust  as  well  as  any  of  our  servants.^ 
 
 "  And  you  may  assure  her  of  such  secrecy  herein  as  she 
 can  demand,  and  that  we  shall  requit  her  friendship  therein 
 by  all  means  possible. 
 
 "  And  as  for  what  passed  of  late  betwixt  our  said  sister 
 and  us,  as  well  by  ^lelvil  and  otherwise,  concerning  the  title 
 to  be  here  considered  and  declared,  we  think  herein  she  did 
 not  design  to  molest  us,  considering  she  found  the  same 
 disagreeable  to  us,  and  we  think  she  should  be  satisfied 
 with  such  answers  as  we  formerly  made,  viz.  That  wc  never 
 would  (do)  or  suffer  anything  to  be  done  prejudicial  to 
 her  right,  and  would  earnestly  prohibite  and  suppress  all 
 attempts,  directly  or  indirectly,  against  the  same ;  and 
 that  she  might  well  assure  herself  of  our  amity  :  And  that 
 if  any  motion  shall  be  made  that  way,  she  may  trust  to 
 our  friendship,  and  will  meet  with  as  much  favour  and 
 furtherance  as  justice  and  equity  can  anywise  devise  to  her 
 contentation. 
 
 "  You  shall  also  inform  her  how  that  last  summer  a 
 certain  case  of  law  seemed  to  touch  her  interest,  which  did 
 so  much  offend  us,  that  we  could  not  be  quieted  until  wo 
 had  the  party  sent  for,  and  the  circumstances  thereof 
 examined  ;  but  finding  no  such  matter  of  moment  to  the 
 prejudice  of  our  said  sister,  we  did  forbear  such  ])unishment 
 as  we  were  otherwise  resolved  to  iuHict  upon  the  parties,  as 
 we  intimated  to  her  servant  Robert  Mclvil,  by  whom  we 
 hope  she  is  informed  of  the  sincerity  of  our  dealing.  And 
 you  are  to  use  your  discretion  in  th<'  deelarati(^n  thereof.- 
 
 ^  This  is  said  with  a  view  to  iiphraiil  oui-  (.^uooii  lor  hor  lato  troatinrnt 
 of  Tamworth. 
 
 ^  QueoM  Klizabetli   no  doubt   points  hon*  at  Mr  Tlioruton,  a  reader  of 
 
l^Ou.J  OF  CIIUllCII  AND  STATE  IX  SCOTLAND.  4o  I 
 
 •'  There  aiv  certain  particular  cases,  as  sundry  of  our 
 subjects  having  their  goods  detained  in  that  country  ;  for 
 remedy  whereof,  you  shall  use  means  to  that  Queen. 
 
 "  You  shall  also  secretly  inquire  wliat  was  the  meaning  of 
 the  journey  whicli  the  Earl  of  Argyll  should  have  made  into 
 Ireland,  and  how  it  was  stayed ;  and  if  the  same  be  not 
 stayed,  then  to  use  all  means  with  such  as  have  received 
 benefit  from  us  to  stay  any  such  ungrateful  enterprize  to 
 aid  our  ungrateful  rebels  in  that  sort ;  and  take  occasion  to 
 thank  the  Queen  for  staying  of  him,  and  that  we  could  not 
 take  it  in  good  ])art  to  do  otherwise,  to  permit  any  of  hers 
 to  treat  with  so  manifest  a  rebel  of  ours.i  witliout  imparting 
 the  same  to  us. 
 
 "  It  may  be  demanded,  that  according  to  a  late  re(iuest 
 made  to  us  by  her  servant  Mr  Melvil,  to  cause  certain 
 persons  now  living  to  be  examined  of  their  knowledge  of  the 
 manner  of  the  last  testament  of  King  Henry  our  father, 
 you  may  tell,  that  for  satisfaction  of  her  and  our  own 
 conscience  wo  mean  to  examine  the  same,  as  soon  as 
 with  convenience  we  may .2 
 
 law  ill  Liiicolii's-Inn,  whu  had  called  our  Quet'ii's  title  in  question,  ami 
 whom  the  Queen  of  England,  u])on  complaint  made  hy  our  Queen,  did 
 incarcerate  in  the  Tower.     Cambden. — [Annals,  1G25,  p.  134. — K.] 
 
 ^  This  M'as  Shan  O'Neal  of  the  kini^dom  of  Ireland. — [Shane  O'Neil 
 was  murdered  by  a  body  of  the  Ilebridean  Islanders  at  a  feast  in  loGT, 
 and  his  head  sent  to  Dublin. — E.] 
 
 ^  That  my  readers  may  be  informed  of  Avhat  may  be  contained  ami 
 intended  here,  they  must  know  that  the  Parliament  of  England  havin«r 
 •granted  powei-  to  King  Henry  VIII.  to  limit  and  dispose  of  the  succession 
 of  that  crown  to  such  person  or  persons  as  he  should  appoint  by 
 his  last  Avill  made  in  writing,  and  "  signed  with  his  mod  ;/racioiis  hand" 
 that  King,  in  pursuance  and  by  virtue  of  this  Act,  did  on  the  3()th  day  of 
 December,  four  weeks  before  he  died,  sign  a  testament  wherein  he 
 excluded  the  royal  family  of  Scotland  descended  from  Jiis  eldest  ^•ister, 
 and  entailed  his  imperial  crown  to  the  House  of  SulVolk,  descended  from 
 liis  second  sister.  This  will  of  King  Henry  lay  as  a  strong  bar  against 
 our  Queen;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  partisans  of  the  House  of  Suffolk 
 built  all  their  expectation  upon  it.  To  get  clear  of  this  obstacle,  the 
 supporters  of  our  Queen's  claim  alledged  two  great  invalidities  in  King 
 Henry's  will  -  one,  that  the  said  will  was  not  signed  with  tlie  King's  own 
 hand,  but  with  a  duuip  or  sl;fn-manuaf,  which  tJiat  King  wa.s  known  to 
 have  used  for  some  large  space  back  ;  the  other,  that  the  witnesses  and 
 the  stamp  were  all  feigned,  i.  o.  affixed  when  the  King  w;is  either  dead, 
 or  past  all  sense  of  life.  Queen  Elizabeth  luid  never  regarded  much  her 
 father's  will  in  her  advancement  to  the  throne,  and  by  tluit  means  the 
 will  had  fallen  bv,  or  wa.s  so  mislaid  as  not  ea.sily  to  be  recovered  ;  or 
 
 VOL.  ir.        '  .*^I 
 
4o2  Tim   lllSTnHY  oF  Till-    ArFAIRS  [1  ')0(]. 
 
 "  And  as  yourself  knows  how  wo  sont  you  to  France  to 
 that  Queen,  to  require  the  confirmation  of  the  Treaty  of 
 l^linburgh,  and  the  same  being  since  deferred,  upon  account 
 of  some  words  therein  prejudicial  to  the  Queen\s  right  and 
 title,  before  all  others  after  us,  our  moaning  is  to  reijuire 
 nothing  to  be  confirmed  in  that  Treaty  but  that  which 
 directly  appertains  to  us  and  our  children,  omitting  any 
 thing  in  that  Treaty  that  may  be  prejudiciid  to  her  title,  as 
 next  heir  after  us  and  our  children  ;  all  which  may  be 
 secured  to  her  by  a  new  treaty  betwixt  us.  And  for  her 
 security,  she  may  have  from  us  an  engagement  that  we  will 
 never  do  or  suffer  any  thing  that  may  be  to  the  prejudice 
 of  her  title,  and  shall  declare  against  any  who  shall  invade 
 the  same.^       You  may  pcrswade  her  that  this  manner  of 
 
 perhaps  Queen  Elizabeth  bein«r  not  very  fond  of  her  father's  entail,  was 
 not  willing  to  let  it  apj)ear.  All  this  made  our  Scottish  ^^Titers,  such  as 
 John  Leslie,  Bishop  of  Ross,  and  William  Maitland  the  Secretary, 
 strenuously  maintain  the  two  former  invalidities  in  that  testament  ;  and 
 so  far  had  they  come  to  be  perswaded  of  the  truth  of  these,  that  Mr 
 Melvil  we  here  see  had  an  instruction  to  solicite  Queen  Elizabeth  to  cause 
 lier  father's  will  be  searched  into  and  examined,  and  which  that  Queen 
 promises  to  do  Avith  conveniency.  The  misfortunes  which  befell  om- 
 Queen  shortly  after  this  did  put  an  end  to  any  further  business  of  this 
 kind,  otherwise  both  she  and  her  best  friends  would  have  found  their 
 requests  to  the  Queen  of  Enj^land  very  muchmis})laced,  and  that  Princess 
 consulted  better  the  Scottish  interest  in  sufferinij  her  father's  will  to 
 remain  in  obscure  corners,  than  to  propale  it  to  the  lifjht :  For  nmc  that 
 testamentary  deed  is  made  publick  by  the  reverend  author  of  the 
 '*  Hereditary  Right  to  the  Crown  of  England,"  and  the  sufficiency  thereof 
 cleared  by  him  beyond  all  possibility  of  reply.  And  therefore  I,  for  niy 
 particular,  must  freely  own,  that  Queen  lUizabeth  has  never  had  an 
 intention  to  set  aside  the  right  of  our  Queen,  and  introduce  her  father's 
 nomhuvH.  Note,  What  the  liishop  of  Ro!-s  maintains  against  the  will  of 
 King  Henry  may  be  seen  in  his  "  Defence  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,"  and 
 Secretary  Maitland's  objections  to  it  in  his  letter  written  from  Stirling 
 the  14th  of  .lanuary  l.'5()()-7,  directed  to  the  English  Secretary  Cecil,  and 
 j)ubli-hed  by  JUshop  nurnet  in  the  Appendix  to  the  1st  vdI,  Hist,  lieform. — 
 (Second  edition,  London,  KiSl,  folio,  vol.  i.  p.  267-270.  Maitland's  letter 
 to  Cecil  is  dated  Stirling,  14th  January  l5(iG,  nearly  a  month  after  the 
 baptism  of  James  VL  Our  Historian  justly  observes  that  Queen 
 Elizabeth  never  intended  to  "  set  aside"  the  right  of  Queen  Mary  to  the 
 Crown  of  I'.ngland  as  her  successor.  'J'his  is  comj)letely  |)roved  by  her 
 conduct  befon-  her  death,  when  she  explicitly  announced  that  none  other 
 should  succeed  her  except  James  VL — E.] 
 
 '  Had  Queen  Elizabeth  yielded  this  point  at  first,  the  secret  giudge 
 botwixt  her  and  her  cousin  had  been  in  a  great  measure  removed.  Mr 
 l5inli;inau  w:is  too  hastv  when  lu^  narrates  this  to  have  been  the  issue  of 
 
JoGG.]  OF  ClIUHCII  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  48.'] 
 
 proceeding  is  the  way  to  avoid  all  jealousies  and  difficulties 
 betwixt  us,  and  the  only  way  to  secure  the  amity. 
 
 "And  before  parting  you  may  tell  her  in  our  name, 
 that  we  saw  nothing  so  fit  to  prevent  the  designs  of  those 
 who  arc  for  stirring  up  troubles,  than  to  have  a  mutual 
 confirmation  of  a  treaty  of  perpetual  amity,  and  an  assurance 
 of  her  part  to  us,  according  to  a  clause  in  the  Treaty  of 
 Edinburgh ;  and  the  same  assurance  for  us  to  her,  that  we 
 would  neither  do  nor  attempt,  nor  suffer  to  be  attempted, 
 any  thing  derogatory  to  her  title  to  be  next  heir  after  us 
 and  our  children  ;  whereof  the  one  part  to  be  made  by  her 
 to  us  is  just,  and  you  may  say  to  be  demanded,  and  by  the 
 denying  of  it,  we  may  conceive  some  want  of  good  meaning 
 to  us,  which  we  are  unwilling  to  do.  And  as  for  the  other 
 part,  though  we  are  not  bound  thereto,  yet  we  are  content, 
 from  the  favour  we  bear  to  her,  to  engage  ourselves  in  as 
 good  sort  as  she  shall  do  for  the  other,  and  so  quit  her  with 
 a  benefit  of  mere  good  will,  for  that  which  justly  we  claim 
 to  be  done  by  hcr.^ 
 
 "  You  may  deal  with  such  of  her  Council  whom  you  find 
 best  addicted  to  the  amity,  that  they  may  be  satisfied  that 
 this  is  the  most  certain  and  only  way  to  preserve  the  amity; 
 and  that  without  such  provisions,  though  we  are  inclined  to 
 preserve  it,  yet  occasions  will  happen  to  incline  either  of  us 
 to  be  jealous  one  of  another,  which  cannot  be  remedied  but 
 by  the  proceeding  foresaid.'' 
 
 As  the  Queen  of  England,  for  the  reasons  here  alleged, 
 appears  to  have  been  desirous  to  maintain  a  good  correspond- 
 ence and  friendship  with  our  Queen,  so  could  she  not  but 
 be  sensible  that  the  sending  Tamworth  along  with  the  Earl 
 of  Jkdford  would  be  construed,  and  justly  too,  a  i)lain 
 insulting  of  her  cousin  of  Scotland.  However  nuich,  there- 
 fore, she  might  have  had  an  inclination  to  take  a  kind  of 
 
 Lethingloirs  coiiforoiirc  with  the  Queen  of  Kn^liiud,  the  fii-st  time  he  was 
 sent  into  Eii^jjhmd  sifter  our  Queen's  arrival  home  in  the  year  1561.  I 
 have  already  observed  that  this  proposal  made  a  i)art  of  the  Instructions 
 intended  to  have  been  sent  last  year  by  Sir  Walter  Mihhnay. 
 
 *  Thou<;h  Queen  Elizabeth  appears  here  to  have  been  fond  of  outward 
 amity  with  our  Queen,  yet  she  seems  unwilling;  to  abate  any  thing  of  her 
 former  hei<;ht.  Our  soverei<^n  was  now  in  the  meridian  of  In'r  j!:lory, 
 but  very  (piickly  tumbled  into  obscurity. 
 
4o4  TIIK   lIIST«.liV   (.!••  Tin:   All  AlKS  [150G 
 
 rovcngc  of  <»ui*  (^ikh'h  for  licr  Intc  treatmont  of  tliis  man 
 TciiTiworth  ;  yc^t  upon  second  thoughts,  she  very  wisely 
 recalled  her  intention  of  sending  him  into  Scotland  at  this 
 time,  and  so  we  find  tlie  following  letter  : — 
 
 QvMn  EUzahetJis  Letter  to  the   Earl  of  Bedford, 
 Noveraher  dth  150G.1 
 
 ''  Wiip:ueas  by  our  Instructions  in  your  embassy  to  the 
 (Jueen  of  Scots,  we  mentioned  John  Tamworth  whom  we 
 designed  to  join  with  you  ;  now  we  have  changed  our 
 resolution,  and  acquaint  you  with  it.  And  if  our  sister  shall 
 enquire  about  him,  you  may  tell  her  that  we  have  changed 
 our  purpose  of  sending  him.'' 
 
 The  time  of  the  baptism  being  now  at  hand,  the  Queen 
 for  that  purpose  removed  from  the  place  of  Craigmillar  to 
 the  Castle  of  Stirling.2  Our  historians  do  take  notice  of  the 
 great  preparations  that  were  made  for  rendering  the  solemnity 
 of  the  baptism  splendid  ;  and  as  it  had  been  customary  in 
 events  of  this  nature  to  grant  our  Princes  a  taxation  from 
 the  subjects,  so  now  a  taxation  of  L. 12,000  was  given  by 
 the  States  for  defraying  this  extraordinary  expence.-'^ 
 
 1  Calig.  B[ook]  X.  F.  387.— [British  Museum.— E.] 
 
 ^  Thouf^li  Sir  .James  Melvil,  by  his  way  of  expressing:,  woukl  seem  to 
 say  that  the  Queen  took  tlie  Prince  alonj^  with  her  to  Stirling,  yet  by  tlie 
 preceding  k'tter  of  Mons.  Le  Croc  we  are  assured  the  Prince  Mas  ahvady 
 in  Stirling. — [King  James  VI.  had  been  removed  to  Stirling  Castle  in  the 
 autumn  of  15GG.  Le  Croc  informs  Archbishop  Beaton  that  his  (the 
 Arclibishoj)'s)  brother  liad  seen  the  infant  Prince  at  Stirling  on  the  22d 
 of  Se])tember,  and  describes  him  as  "  a  very  fine  child.''  lie  wa.s 
 committed  to  the  care  of  the  Countesss  of  Mar.  The  Queen  removed  from 
 Cragmillar  Castle  to  llolyroodhouse  on  the  5th  of  December,  and  went  to 
 Stirling  on  the  10th  or  11th,  to  ])repare  for  her  son's  baptism.  Damley 
 liad  visited  the  Queen  at  Cragmillar,  and  remained  with  lier  a  few  days 
 in  IMinburgh.  Le  Croc  found  from  a  conversation  with  him  that  nuittei'S 
 l)etween  him  and  the  Queen  were  "  worse  and  worse." — (See  letter  to 
 Archbishop  Beaton,  dated  2d  of  December  1566,  in  our  Historian's 
 "  Advertisement  to  the  Bcader,"  \^.  xcvi.  xcvii.  of  the  present  edition). 
 Darnley  set  out  to  Stirling  two  days  before  the  Queen,  and  "his  uiulecided 
 miiul,"  says  Chalmer.'*,  "  had  not  determined  whether  to  be  present  at  the 
 baptism  of  his  child,  or  to  remove  to  (Jlasgow,  where  he  might  enjoy  the 
 feeble  communication  of  his  father." — Memoirs  of  Lord  Darnley,  in  Life 
 of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  ii.  p.  174.— K.l 
 
 ■*  Because  i)erhai)s  some  readers  may  be  at  a  lo.s.s  to  comprehend  how  a 
 taxation  could  be  imposed  without  a  Parliament,  for  their  information 
 and  satisfaction  I  have  thought  lit  here  to  insert  the  narrative  of  the  Act  of 
 rrivy-Couiu-ilJr.inscnbed  from  the  original  Itecord,  viz. — "  Edinburyh^  QlL 
 
]o(3G.]  OF  ClIlllOll  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  485 
 
 Oil  the  14tli  of  December  I  see  a  proclamation  was 
 emitted  at  Stirling,  commanding  all  the  lieges  to  abstain 
 from  all  manner  of  disturbance  during  their  abode  there  at 
 the  present  convention  of  Nobility,  ambassadors  of  foreign 
 Princes,  &c.,  or  at  their  departing  from  thence ;  neither  to 
 wear  any  fire-arms  about  their  persons,  under  the  pain  of 
 death.    And  on  the  15thi  day  of  the  month,  being  Sunday, 
 
 October  15GG — Sederunt  Ocoiyias  Comes  de  Iluntlie,  Archibaldiis  £r[/aduc 
 Comes,  Jacobus  Moravice  Courts,  Jacobus  Conies  de  Bothuill,  Joannes  Comes  d<: 
 AUiolly  Georylas  Comes  de  Calthncs,  Andreas  Comes  de  Rothes,  Joannes 
 Archiepiscopus  Sti  Andrew,  Alexander  Episcopus  Canlidce  Casce,  Joanna 
 Eptscopu,s  Rosscn.  Adam  Ephcopns  Orchadcn.  Robertas  EpiscopiLS  Dwikelden.  ; 
 Commissarii  Burtjorum,  Edinbur</h,  Dundie,  Abcrdcin,  Striuiftn//,  Perth,  St 
 Androis,  Lithgow,  Haddin'jton  ;  Thcsaurarius,  Computorum  Rotulator,  CUrkus 
 RiyUtri,  Clericus  JusticlarUe,  Adrocatuj.  Taxutiouii  grautit  of  twelve 
 thousand  pounds.  Forsanickill  us  sum  of  the  greitest  Princes  in  Cristendoni 
 hes  erncstlic  loquiiit  of  our  soveians  that  bo  thair  anibassatouris  thai 
 may  be  witnesses  and  gossepis  at  the  baptisnie  of  thair  Majesties'  deirest 
 son,  tlie  native  Prince  of  this  Heahne,  quhais  reiiuisitiouu  being  baitU 
 ressonabill  and  honourabill,  thair  Majesties  lies  gladlie  condescendit 
 thairunto,  and  daylie  lukis  for  the  arryving  of  the  saids  anibassatouris  ; 
 for  the  quhilk  purpois  honourabill  exi)enses  wil  be  requisite,  quhilk  niovit 
 thair  Majesties  to  expone  the  mater  to  a  gude  nunier  of  the  I'relatis, 
 Nobiiitie,  and  Comniissionaris  of  Buirowis  convenit  this  day  to  that  etJcct. 
 And  thai  understanding  the  occasioun  to  be  sa  necessarie,  tending  to  the 
 honour  and  estiniatioun  of  our  soverans  thair  llealme,  and  connnoun 
 Weill  thairof,  hes  all  with  ane  consent  and  voyse,  liberallie  and  voluntarie 
 grantit  to  thair  Majesties,  for  supplying  and  releif  of  the  saids  expenses, 
 ane  taxatioun  of  twelve  thousand  pounds,  to  be  payit  be  the  saidis  1-lstaitis 
 at  the  last  day  of  November  nixt  to  cume,  in  maner  following;  that  is  to 
 say,  six  thousand  [iounds  be  the  iSpirituall  Estait,  four  thousand  i)ounds  be 
 the  Paronis  and  Frehaldaris,  and  twa  thousand  pounds  be  the  Burrowis,  in 
 compleit  jmyment  of  the  soume  of  twelve  thousand  })ouuds.  And  for 
 inbringing,  c*^c."     P.  M.—  [Ptobert  Myln.— E.] 
 
 •  Spottiswoode  alone,  of  all  the  other  historians,  either  Seottish  oi- 
 English,  is  right  as  to  the  day  of  the  baptism,  and  from  him  only  like 
 wise  we  liave  an  account  of  theceremony. — [  Knox  states  that  the  ba]»tism 
 of  James  VI.  took  i)lace  on  the  s.rcnttxnt/i  of  December.  Historic,  Edin. 
 edit.  1732,  p.  400.  Chalmers,  in  his  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  (vol.  i. 
 p.  19()),  gives  the  same  date,  as  al.so  Mr  'J'ytler,  History  of  i^^cotlaml,  vol. 
 vii.  p.  (}(].  Our  Historian,  however,  admits  that  the  date  in  Archbishop 
 Spottiswoode's  work  is  inaccurate,  in  Ins  first  note  to  the  letter  of  Le  Croc 
 to  Archbishop  Beaton  (see  the  "  Advertisement  to  the  Header,"  vol.  i.  p. 
 xcvii.  xcviii.  of  this  edition)-  S>>'  Jmnt's  Balfour  (Annals  of  Scotland, 
 vol.  i.  p.  335)  says  that  the  King  *'  was  c/iristinal  in  the  Chapel-H<»yal  of 
 Stirling  the  2'2d  of  August  this  s;ime  year  by  the  name  of  Charles  .luujes.'' 
 Calderwood  merely  states—"  About  the  beginning  of  December  the 
 I'rince  w;is  bapti/ed"  (Historic  <if  tlie  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printrd  for  tin- 
 WoDKow  Society,  vol.  ii.  i».  327;,  and  adds  the  following  gossip—"  It  is 
 reported  by  persons   wortliie  of  credite,  that   that  day  the  Prince  wa.s 
 
480  TlIK   inSToUY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1500. 
 
 at  five  in  the  eveniiiLS  the  Prince  was  carried  by  the  French 
 ambassador  from  his  chamber  unto  tlie  chapel,  betwixt  two 
 rows  of  barons  and  gentlemen,  each  holding  a  pricket  of 
 wax  in  his  hand.  Next  after  the  French  ambassador  came 
 the  Earl  of  Athole  bearing  the  great  serge  of  wax,  the 
 Earl  of  Eglinton  carried  the  salt^  the  Lord  Sempil  the 
 cude,  the  Lord  Ross  the  hason  and  ewer ;  these  Noblemen 
 were  all  of  the  Roman  profession.  In  the  entry  of  the 
 chapel  the  Prince  was  received  by  the  Archbishop  of  St 
 Andrews,  whose  collaterals  were  the  Bishops  of  Dunkeld. 
 Dunblane,  and  Ross ;  and  there  followed  them  the  Prior  of 
 Whitehorn,  sundry  Deans  and  Archdeacons,  with  the  singers 
 of  the  chapel  in  their  several  habits  and  copes.  The  Prince 
 was  held  up  at  the  font  by  the  Countess  of  Argyll,^  in  name 
 of  and  commission  from  the  Queen  of  England,  and  the 
 Archbishop  of  St  Andrews  did  administer  the  sacrament  of 
 baptism  with  all  the  ceremonies  used  in  the  Roman  Church,- 
 the  spittle  only  excepted  by  express  order  from  the  Queen. 
 Neither  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  nor  any  of  the  Scottish 
 Nobility  of  the  new  form,  entered  into  the  chapel,  but  stood 
 without  the  door.^     After  the  rites  were  all  performed,  the 
 
 Imptizc'd,  there  Mas  sitting  in  the  centre  of  the  Castell  a  poore  man 
 asking  ahiious,  having  a  young  child  upon  his  knee,  whose  head  was  so 
 great  that  the  bodie  of  the  childe  could  skarse  beare  it  up.  A  certaue 
 gentleman  perceaving,  could  not  refraine  himself  from  teares,  for  fear  of 
 the  evills  he  judged  to  be  portended."  A  contemporary  authority  asserts 
 that  the  baptism  was  on  the  tenth  of  December  (see  Titcairn's  Criminal 
 Trials,  vol.  i.  I'art  11.  p.  479).  'I'he  infant  Prince  was  named  Omrlos  at 
 the  request  of  the  King  of  France,  and  Jarms  by  the  command  of  Queen 
 Elizabeth. —E.J 
 
 ^  [The  Countess  of  Argyll  was  compelled  by  Knox  and  the  preachers 
 to  do  "^>cH«/ice"  for  the  part  she  sustained  at  the  baptism  of  the  infant 
 Prince.  In  the  "  General  Assembly''  which  met  at  Edinburgh  on  the 
 '25th  of  December  15(j7,  the  Countess  was  ordered  to  "  nuike  public 
 repentance  in  the  Chapel-Uoyal  of  Stirling  uj)on  ane  Sunday  in  time  of 
 j)reaching"  for  her  jiresence  at  this  bajitism  jierformed  in  a  "  papistical 
 manner."  liook  of  the  Universal  Kirk  of  Scotland,  4to.  Edin.  printed  for 
 the  Uannatym:  Cllu,  I'art  1.  p.  117. —  1  ^  | 
 
 -  [It  is  singular  that  the  arrangement  of  the  ceremony  of  the  Princes 
 bajitism  was  committed  to  IJothwell,  though  he  was  an  avowed  Protestant. 
 (MS.  Letter  State-Paper  Office,  Sir  John  Poster  to  Cecil,  dated  Berwick, 
 11th  December  1567),  in  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  G(i). — E. ) 
 
 •*  [Kno.\  says — "I'he  Queue  laboured  much  with  the  Nobilmen  to  bear 
 the  salt,  greu<.e,  and  candle,  and  other  things,  ])ut  all  refused  ;  she  found 
 :it  last  the  Earlcs  ef  Eglintoun,  .\thole,  and  the  Lord  Seaton,  wlio  assisted 
 
loGG.J  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  487 
 
 cliikrs  name  iind  titles  were  thrice  proclaimed  by  the 
 heraulds  under  sound  of  trumi)et — Ciiahles  James,  James 
 Charles,^  Frince  and  Steward  of  Scotland,  Duke  of  Rothemy^- 
 Earl  of  CarricJc,  Lord  of  the  Isles,  and  Baron  of  Renfrew. 
 Then  did  the  nmsick  begin,  and  after  it  had  continued  a  good 
 space  the  Prince  was  again  conveyed  to  his  apartment.-^ 
 The  feasting,  triumph  and  mirth  upon  this  occasion  was 
 
 at  the  baptism,  and  brought  in  the  said  trash."  After  the  ceremony  he 
 alleges  that  the  Earl  of  Bedford  thus  addressed  the  Queen — "Madam, 
 
 rejoyce  very  greatly  at  this  time,  seeing  your  Majesty  hath  here  to 
 serve  you  so  many  Nobihnen,  especially  twelve  I'^arls,  whereof  only  two 
 assist  at  this  baptism  to  the  suj)erstitioun  of  Popery."  The  Queen,  he 
 farther  observes,  "  kept  good  countenance"  at  this  rude,  insolent,  and 
 uncourteons  observation,  which  it  is  not  likely  the  Earl  of  liedford  ever 
 uttered. — Knox's  History,  Edin.  edit.  1732. — E.] 
 
 ^  See  Crawford's  Mem.  and  Spottiswood's  Hist,  both  MS8.  This  last, 
 which  is  now  in  my  hands,  appears  to  be  the  same  Bishop  Burnet  mentions 
 in  the  History  of  his  own  Times. — [Both  the  MSS.  mentioned  by  our 
 Historian  are  in  the  Library  of  the  Faculty  of  Advocates  at  Edinburgh. 
 'J'liis  reference  to  Bishop  Burnet  is  apparently  a  mere  conjecture.  The 
 "great  defect,"  in  Bishop  Burnet's  o])ini()n,  "that  nuis through  Archbishop 
 Spottiswoode's  History"  is  prominently  stated  in  the  former's  "  ilistoiy 
 of  his  Own  Times,"  folio,  London,  1724,  vol.  i.  p.  8. — E.] 
 
 '^  This  is  a  new  })roof  that  the  Triiice's  father  had  not  received  this 
 title,  as  I  have  foi-inerly  observed. 
 
 •*  yT\\fi  infant  Prince  had  a  regular  Household  in  15G7  at  Stirling  Castle, 
 where  he  spent  his  youthful  years  under  the  guardianship  of  the  Earl  of 
 Mar,  afterwards  iiegent,  before  and  after  the  death  of  tluit  Nobleman  in 
 1572.  The  Countess  of  Mar  was  his  governess,  and  Helen  Little  was  his 
 "  maistress  nutrix,"  assisted  by  one  man-servant  and  two  female 
 domestics.  Five  ladies,  one  of  whom  was  the  daughter  of  Lord  John 
 Stuart,  Prior  of  Coldingham,  were  his  "  liockaris,"  and  Alison  Sinclair 
 was  "  Keei)er  of  the  King's  claythis."  It  is  unnecessary  to  ])articularize 
 the  servants  in  the  several  de])artments  of  the  '■^  Puntrie,  Kitclnn,  Wyiu- 
 Scllar,  AM  Sella )•"  and  "  Laundru.'"  We  find  among  them  a  "  maister 
 cuick,"  a  '*  foreman,"  a  "  keeper  of  the  veschell, '  a  "  porter  in  the 
 kitchen,"  a  "  browster  and  cellar-man"  for  the  ale,  a  "  furnishar  ol 
 coalls,"  and  "  ane  pasti-sar."  .lolin  Cunningham  wjus  "  maister  iioushald," 
 John  Duncanson  was  "minister,"  ami  Andrew  Hagie  was  "  sti'ward." 
 The  infant  I'rince  was  allowed  four  "  violaris"  to  jjlay  for  liis  amusement, 
 who,  with  tlieir  servant,  were  all  boairded  in  Stirling  Ca.stle.  'I'he  thrw 
 following  entries  are  curious — "  /Urn,  To  the  King's  awue  nuiuthe  ilaylio, 
 ij^  gret  bred.  //«/«,  Of  aell,  to  the  Kings  mowth,  1  <|t.  1  pt.  /^m<,  To 
 his  mowth  daylii',  ij  caponis."  The  "  A'/h'/"  here  nuMicioned  is  the  infant 
 Prince,  who,  it  will  soon  be  seen,  was  crowned  at  the  deposition  of  his 
 mother  Queen  Mary  wheu  he  wjis  only  thirteen  months  and  ten  days  old. 
 S»'e  the  detail  of  the  Household  of  the  I'rince  at  Stirling  Castle  in  .March 
 l.'3<)7,  from  an  original  document  in  tin-  archives  of  the  Earl  of  .Mai-,  in 
 Chalmers'  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  17G-17i). — E.J 
 
488  Till-;  iiisTouv  of  thk  ah'aius  [156G. 
 
 fxcoediui,'  sj)lL'n»li>l,  and  continued  .so  all  tlif  tinit'l  the 
 ambassadors  remained  here,  llowbeit  the  King  was  neither 
 present  at  the  office  of  baptism,  nor  at  the  publick  enter- 
 tainments. For  this  Mr  JJuchanan,  after  his  ordinary 
 manner,  makes  the  Queen  to  assign  a  ridiculous  pretence, 
 viz.  that  his  embroiderers,  goldsmiths,  and  other  tradesmen, 
 had  neglected  to  provide  him  with  furniture  suitable  for  the 
 occasion.-     But  it  is  not  to  be  inuigined  her  Majesty  would 
 
 '  See  a  merry  story  related  by  Sir  James  Melvil,  p.  76. — ['J'lie  "  merry 
 story"  recorded  by  Sir  James  Melville  in  his  "  Memoirs"  describes  a 
 pageant  or  shew  on  the  occasion  evidently  devised  by  a  Frenchman  named 
 Biuilien,  probably  the  same  as  Scbadian,  on  the  nij^ht  of  Avhose  marria<^e  at 
 Ilolyroodhouse  tlie  murder  of  Darnley  was  perpetrated.  This  i>a<,a^ant 
 was  most  indecorous,  and  displays  in  a  very  unfavourable  manner  the 
 frivolities  of  Queen  Mary's  French  domestics.  "  At  the  principal 
 banquet,"  says  Sir  James  Melville,  "  there  fell  out  a  great  grudi,'e  among 
 the  Englishmen,  for  a  Fronchmaii  called  Ba^tun  devised  a  number  of  men 
 formed  like  satyis  with  long  tails  and  whips  in  their  hands,  running 
 before  the  meat,  which  was  l)rought  tlirough  the  great  hall  upon  a 
 machine  or  engine,  marching,  as  ajjpeared,  alone,  with  musicians  clothed 
 like  maids,  singing  and  playing  u])on  all  sorts  of  instruments.  But  the 
 satyrs  were  not  content  only  to  make  way  or  room,  but  put  their  hands 
 l)ehind  them  to  their  tails,  which  they  wagged  with  their  hands  in  such 
 sort  ;is  the  Englishmen  supposed  it  had  been  devised  and  done  in  derision 
 of  them,  weakly  apprehending  that  which  they  should  not  have  ap})eared 
 to  understand."  Sir  Janies  proceeds  to  narrate  that  most  of  the  gentlemen 
 in  the  suite  of  the  Earl  of  Bedford  "  desired  to  sup  before  the  Queen  and 
 great  banquet,  that  they  might  see  the  better  order  and  ceremonies  of  the 
 triunijili,  but  so  soon  as  they  jierceived  the  satyrs  wagging  their  tails,  they 
 all  sat  down  upon  the  bare  floor  behind  the  back  of  the  table,  that  they 
 might  not  see  themselves  derided,  as  they  thought.  Mr  llatton" — one  of 
 the  English  gentlemen— "siiid  unto  me,  if  it  were  not  in  the  Queen's  j)re- 
 sence  he  would  j)ut  a  dagger  to  the  heart  of  that  French  kiuive  Bastien, 
 who,  he  alleged,  had  done  it  out  of  despite  that  the  Queen  made  more  of 
 them  than  of  the  Frenchmen.  I  excused  the  matter  the  best  I  could,  but  the 
 noise  was  so  gieat  bohlnd  the  (Queen's  back,  where  her  Majesty  and  my 
 Lord  of  Bedford  did  sit,  that  they  heard  and  turned  about  theii*  faces  to 
 inquire  what  the  matter  meant.  1  informed  them  it  was  occasioned  by  tlie 
 mtifrs,  so  that  the  Queen  and  my  Lord  of  Bedford  had  both  enough  to  do  to 
 get  them  aj)peascd."  This  exiiibition  was  the  more  reprehensible,  accord- 
 ing to  our  notions  of  projjriety,  as  it  occurred  on  a  Sunday  evening. — E.J 
 
 "^  The  same  writer  uses  likewise  more  impertinence  here,  in  which, 
 liowc'ver,  he  is  left  unsiq)ported  by  Knox  and  Melvil,  the  last  of  which 
 had  nuich  better  opi)ortnnity  of  knowing,  and  tlu' former  would  Iiave  bern 
 as  loath  to  conceal  a  bad  thing. —  |  The  adtlitional  "■  inij)ertinence'*  of 
 Buchanan  is,  that  "  for  fear  Bothwell  should  not  have  ornaments  enough, 
 the  (^ueen  wrought  nuiny  of  them  with  her  own  hand." — liistoria  Keruni 
 Sroticarum,  original  edit.  Edin.   ir)K2,  fol.  213  ;  Translation,  Edin.  1752, 
 
 vol.  ii.  p.  :n7.  -E.j 
 
1.50G.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  scutland.  480 
 
 urge  so  shameful  an  excuse,  since  no  less  than  six  months 
 had  passed  between  the  birth  of  the  Prince  and  his  baptism. 
 But  if  it  be  true  what  Mr  Cambden  tells,  that  the  Queen  of 
 England  gave  a  strict  charge  that  neither  the  Earl  of  Bed- 
 ford, nor  any  Englishman  in  his  retinue,  should  give  the 
 title  of  King  to  the  Lord  Darnley,  the  King's  absence  has 
 most  probably  flowed  from  this  prohibition  ;  because,  as  a 
 late  writer  well  observes — ''  it  would  have  been  inconsistent 
 \Yith  his  Majesty's  honour  to  have  been  refused  the  regal 
 title  in  a  Scottish  Court ;  and  it  was  necessary  at  that 
 juncture  not  to  quarrel  ^^ith  the  Queen  of  England."'^ 
 
 As  the  Earl  of  Bedford  had  brought  a  letter  and  instruc- 
 tions with  him  from  the  Queen  of  England  to  our  sovereign, 
 so  her  ^lajesty  charged  the  said  Earl  with  a  part  of  her 
 mind  to  be  communicated  back  again  to  her  cousin,  a  copy 
 whereof  I  am  here  to  insert.  And  because,  in  the  same 
 Shattered  MS.  from  which  I  take  it,  there  is  immediately 
 in  the  front  of  this  paper,  a  letter  likewise  to  the  Queen  of 
 England,  respecting  the  Earl  of  Bedfoi'd  and  the  message 
 
 ^  History  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  Loud.  1725,  8vo. — [The  piissage  in 
 the  text  quoted  by  our  Historian  occurs  in  a  volume  which  must  be  a 
 reprint  of  tliis  work,  entitled  the  "  History  of  the  Life  and  Reii,ni  of 
 ]SIary  Queen  of  Scots  and  Dowager  of  France,"  by  Bevil  Iliggins,  Esq.  of 
 the  I^Iiddle  Temple,  12mo.  Dublin,  1753,  p.  G'2.  It  is  evident  that  this 
 excuse  for  Darnley's  absence  from  his  sou's  baptism  is  frivolous  and 
 unsatisfactory.  He  was  then  residing  in  Stirling  Castle,  and  Le  Croc 
 (letter  to  Archbishoj)  Beaton,  vol.  i.  p.  xcvii.  xcviii.  of  this  edition)  states 
 that  though  the  "  King,"  as  Darnley  was  designated,  "  had  still  given  out 
 that  he  Avould  depart  two  days  before  the  baptism,"  nevertheless  "  when 
 the  time  came  on  he  made  no  sign  of  removing  at  all,  only  he  still  kept 
 close  within  his  own  apartment.  The  very  day  of  the  baptism,"  continues 
 Le  Croc  in  his  letter,  "  he  (Darnley)  sent  three  several  times,  desiring 
 me  either  to  come  and  see  him,  or  to  appoint  liim  an  hour  that  he  might 
 come  to  me  at  my  lodgings  ;  so  that  I  found  myself  obliged  at  last  to 
 signify  to  him  that,  seeing  he  was  in  no  good  correspondence  with  the 
 Queen,  I  had  it  in  charge  from  the  most  Christian  King  to  have  no 
 conference  with  him."  Le  Croc  adds—"  His  bad  deportment  is  incurable, 
 nor  can  there  be  any  good  expected  from  liim  for  several  reasons  which 
 I  might  tell  you,  was  I  present  with  you."  Mr  Tytler  observes — "The 
 causes  of  this  strange  conduct  were  no  doubt  to  be  foimd  in  his  sullen  and 
 jealous  temper,  the  coldness  between  him  and  the  Queen,  and  the  ill- 
 disguised  hostility  with  which  he  was  regarded  by  Bothwell,  Moray,  and 
 the  riding  party  at  Court,  who  were  now  busy  labouring  for  the  recall  of 
 Morton,  so  recently  Darnley's  associate  in  the  murder  of  Kiccio,  l)ut  now 
 liis  most  bitter  enemy." — History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  G7.--K] 
 
4J)0  THE  IILSTUKY  OF  TllK  All  Al  US  [15CG. 
 
 sent  by  him,  I  hiivc  therefore  put  them  together  here, 
 according  as  the  subject-matter  of  them  seems  to  reciuire. 
 
 Mart/  Qfieen  of  Scots,  to  Elizabeth  Queeii  of  England."^ 
 "  Ryciit  excellent,  rycht  heich  and  mychtie  Princesse, 
 our  derrest  sister  and  cousin,  in  our  maist  hartlie  maner  we 
 commend  ws  unto  zow  :  We  have  ressavit  zowr  lettre  sent 
 be  the  Erie  of  Bedforde,  zowr  lait  ambassatour  towart  ws, 
 and  lies  hard  of  him  sic  materis  as  he  had  in  charge  to  move 
 to  ws  on  zowr  behalf,  tending  to  the  incress  and  continew- 
 ance  of  our  amy  tie  and  gude  intelligence  betwix  our  cuntreis, 
 esteming  with  oure  self  the  honour  and  gude  will,  sa  greit 
 and  large,  ([uhilk  at  this  tynie  ze  have  seliawin  ws,  that 
 we  cannot  rander  zow  condigne  thankis  according  to  the 
 worthines  of  it,  (juhilk  we  have  ressavit  at  zowr  handes  ; 
 and  zit  may  ze  be  weill  assurit,  that  on  oure  part  nathing 
 sail  be  omittit  (^uhairin  we  may  mak  demonstratioun  of  oure 
 gude  hart  to  gratifio  zow  in  semblabill  maner,  or  ony  uther 
 wayis  to  schaw  zow  plessour,  giff  that  any  thing  stand  in  ws 
 ([iiliilk  may  be  acceptabill  and  to  zowr  contentatioun.  And 
 for  the  materis  proponit  to  ws  be  zowr  said  ambassatour, 
 we  have  anscrit  him  thairin  as  we  trust  to  his  satisfac- 
 tioun  ;  the  particular  report  (juhairof  we  remit  to  his  awin 
 sufHciencie.  Bot  in  speciall,  <|uhairas  zo  requeir  that  by  a 
 r('cij)rocus  contract  to  pas  betwix  zow  and  ws,  it  may  be 
 manifested  to  the  warld  that  we  mene  not  to  pretend  ony 
 thing  may  be  derogatorie  owther  in  honour,  or  utherwayis 
 to  zowr  self  during  zowr  lyff,  or  zit  eftir  the  same,  to  the 
 lauchful  issue  of  zowr  bodie  ;  and  on  the  uther  part,  that 
 ze  will   nevir  do   nor   suffer   ony  thing  to   be   done  to  the 
 
 [)rojudice  of  oure  titill  and (pihilk  we  have  as  zowr  nixt 
 
 cousing  :   Bot  at  zowr will  repres  and  subdue  all  maner 
 
 of  attcmptis  that  sail  directlie  or  indirectlie  tend  to  the 
 overthraw  or  liindcrance  thairof.  The  proceding  in  tliis 
 mater  is  of  all  utheris  to  zowr  self,  derrest  sister,  best 
 knawin  ;   for  alwayis  have  we  commondit  ws  and  the  oquitic 
 
 of  oure  cans  to  zow,  and  lies  certanelio  lukit  for freind- 
 
 Kchip  thairin  :   Quhairon  we  have  continewalie oure  st'lf, 
 
 and  now  think  ws  fullie  assurit  of  the  same,  having  thairof 
 
 '  Sluittrr'd  MS. 
 
1.5GG.]  OF  OHUIICII  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  401 
 
 sa  largo  pruif,  bo  knawlodge  of  zowr  gudo  mynd  and  cntiere 
 affectioun  doclarit  be  zowr  said  ambassatour,  as  alswa  be 
 cure  servitour  Robert  Malvile  ;  not  doubting  bot  in  tyme 
 convenient  ze  will  proceid  to  the  perfyting  and  consunnna- 
 tioun  of  that  ze  have  begun  to  uttir,  alsweill  to  zowr  awin 
 people  as  utheris  nationis,  the  opinioun  ze  have  of  the 
 equitie  of  oure  cans,  and  zowr  affectioun  towart  ws,  and 
 namelie  in  the  examining  of  the  will  supposed  maid  be  the 
 King  zowr  fader,  (^uhilk  sum  wald  lay  as  a  bar  in  oure  way, 
 according  to  zowr  awin  promeis  to  ws,  alsweill  contenit  in 
 zowr  lettre  sent  be  oure  servitour  Robert  Malvile,  as  maid 
 to  him  in  direct  termis  ;  quhairof  he  hes  maid  ws  report 
 that  ze  wald  proceid  thairin,  befoir  zowr  Nobllitie  (being  at 
 this  present  assemblit)  depart  towartis  thair  awin  houses, 
 the  particularis  quhairof  we  have  remittit  to  the  declaratioun 
 of  zowr  said  ambajtsatour  :  And  thairfoir  that  sic  a  contract 
 may  pass  ordourlie  to  bayth  oure  contentmentis,  we  will 
 accord  to  send  sum  of  oure  Counsale,  in  tyme  convenient, 
 authorizat  to  treate,  confer  and  accord  with  zow  and  zowr 
 Counsale  in  all  thingis  may  tend  to  zowr  satisfactioun  and 
 the  Weill  of  ws  bayth,  and  perfyte  establishing  of  an  invio- 
 labill  amytie  betwix  ws  and  oure  countreis,  sa  far  as  of 
 justice  and  equitie  be  ather  of  ws  may  be  cravit ;  for  we 
 lyke  Weill  of  the  motioun  maid  be  zow  in  that  behalf.  And 
 in  the  mene  tyme  we  will  with  oure  haill  hart,  and  be  all 
 gude  meanis  possibill  to  us,  study  to  interteny  and  increis 
 the  gude  amytie  and  intelligence  betwix  ws,  and  sail  neglect 
 na  manor  of  thing  on  oure  syde  that  may  further  and 
 advance  the  samyn  ;  luking  alwayis  for  the  lyke  of  zow, 
 derrest  sister  and  cousyn,  (pdiome  in  gude  licit h  we  pray 
 God  lang  to  contincw  in  prosperous  regime,  (jiuvin  undir 
 oure  signet  at  Striviling  the  third  day  of  Januare,  the  xxv 
 zeir  of  our  regime,  1 '){](}'' 
 
 ''  3Iore  of  sic  Heidis  as  tee  have  dest/rit  oure  Corny  ng  the  Erie 
 of  Bedforde  to  declair  to  oure  derrcut  Sister  the  Qiune  his 
 Soverane. 
 
 ■'  In  tln'  J'irst,  Quhairas  ihe  (^uene  oure  gude  sister, 
 alswuill  to  oure  servant  Robert  Malvile  resident  with  her 
 the  tyme,  as  be  hir  awin  lettres  to  ws,  hes  promittit  in 
 direct  tennis  tliat  scho  wald   nius  examinat   the  will  allegit 
 
402  THE   III.STOKY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [  loOG. 
 
 maid  be  the  King  Henry  the  Aueht  hir  fader,  (juhilk  sum 
 wahl  lay  as  a  bar  in  oure  way,  and  that  seho  wald  proceid 
 thairin  befoir  tlie  dissohitioun  of  this  Parhament,  at  luist 
 bt'foir  tlie  Nobilhnen  convenit  sould  (ki)art  towartis  thair 
 awin  houses  ;  we  pray  zow  that  ze  will  move  this  mater  anew 
 unto  oure  said  gude  sister,  and  ernestlie  requeir  hir  for  sum 
 perfeetioun  in  it,  that  upoun  the  examinatioun  a  record  of 
 the  trewth  may  be  maid  ad  i)er]petuai)t-  rei  memoriam.  And 
 quhensoevir  scho  thinkis  gude  to  perfyte  the  same,  we  will 
 at  hir  advertisement,  gif  scho  sail  think  it  meit,  send  sum  of 
 ours  to  attend  thairupoun  ;  (juhairupoun  we  desyir  be  zow 
 to  knaw  hir  answer. 
 
 ''  And  forsamekill  as  at  this  Parliament,  and  in  the  verie 
 Parliament-hous,  an  Daltoun^  lies  spokin  sum  thingis  rycht 
 prejudiciall  and  tlisadventageous  to  ws,  quhaii'unto  na  answer 
 was  maid  at  that  tyme,  and  thairthrow  it  is  occasioun 
 aneuch  for  everie  commoun  man  at  his  luimc-passing  to 
 comnumicate  to  his  nychtbouris  that  thing  (piliilk  to  thamo 
 wes  befoii-  obscure,  and  zit  to  ws  sa  hurtfull  that  we  cannot 
 bot  ernistlie  requeir  the  reparing  of  it,  considering  the  thing 
 spokin  will  be  as  ane  impressioun  in  thair  hartis,  without 
 thai  persave  the  same  disallowit  be  utheris.  And  althoch 
 oure  servand  wes  than  attending  thair,  zit  had  he  oure 
 connnandment  neyther  to  speik  nor  to  do  ony  thing  bot 
 according  to  hir  aj)i)oyntment  and  plesour ;  (pdiilk  we  traist 
 he  observit.  And  sen  we  have  usit  ws  in  this  cais  na  uther- 
 wayis,  we  think  then  scho  wald  have  wischit  ws,  and  in  that 
 respect  thinkis  ws  the  mair  suirlie  persuadit  of  hir  steidfast 
 friendschip  and  gude  will  ;  and  that  scho,  according  to  hir 
 promeis  maid,  will  nowther  do  nor  suffer  ony  thing  to  be 
 done  to  oure  prejudice  :  We  will  pray  zow  to  desyire  of  hir 
 sic  ordour  to  be  put  heirin,  that  hir  mislyking  and  discon- 
 tentatioun  of  this  sa  rasche  ane  interpryse  may  be  manifest 
 alsweill  to  her  awin  subjectis  as  utheris,  that  thai  all  may 
 Weill  knaw  the l>v  his  face  to hir  in  deid.  and   (he 
 
 '  III  h'Jlwcss  .louriKil,  Mr  Dalton  is  named  iis  ouo  of  tlio  meinbois;  uf 
 tlic  lioiiso  of  Coimiioiis  who  repaired  toa  (^ominitteo  of  Lords  on  tlie  ia^t 
 day  of  Oetober,  in  older  to  a  conference  about  a  successor  to  tlu'  Crown. 
 'I'lic  speech  of  this  Dalton  is  not  recorde<l  in  the  .lournal,  luit  it  is 
 in»»l)id)Iy  the  siune  pei-son  and  speech  that  Secretary  Lethin^ton  aims  at 
 ill  his  httor  air*  adv  menlioned,  to  tjie  Ku'dish  Secretary  Cecil. 
 
15CG.]  or  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  40.3 
 
 niatir  to  bo  rcparit discretioun,  as  alsvva  all  Imkis  sft 
 
 furtli dischargeit  and  supprosseit. ' 
 
 "  Mairovvir,  albeit  we  mynd  nawyis  to  gif  avysc to 
 
 the  Queue  oure  glide  sister  in  the  mater  of  hir nor  we 
 
 sail  find  ao:reabill  to  hir,  knawinc^  hir aljill  to  tak  a  <ijude 
 
 counsale  to   hirself,  and  to awin  affaris  bettir  than  wo 
 
 can  devyss  ;  zit  quhen  scho  sail  be  movit  to  zeale  unto 
 marriage,  quhilk  being  for  the  honour  and  commoditie,  we 
 
 wische  to  be  schortlie.     We for  oure  part  the  personage 
 
 (pdiome  with  scho  sould  joyne,  nixt  hir  awin  contentment, 
 sould  be  inclynit  to  the  utilitie  of  bayth  the  countreis,  and 
 intertening  of  oure  amytie  and  intelligence  :  And  gif  the 
 Archduc  Charles  the  Emperouris  bruther  sould  be  that 
 persoun,  thair  is  nane  quhome  we  wald  lylvo  bettir  of,  nor 
 rather  wyschc  in  that  place,  knawing  the  gude  affectioun 
 quhilk  alsweill  he  as  the  Princes  his  freindis  beris  to  ws, 
 and  the  freindschip  and  intelligence  alswa  betwix  thame  and 
 oure  freindis  ;  of  the  quhilk  oure  meaning  we  make  th<.' 
 Quene  oure  gude  sister  demonstratioun. 
 
 "  And  quhairas  oure  loving  subject  the  Lord  Keith  hes 
 now  be  the  space  of  audit  or  nine  zeiris  bene  continewalie 
 detenit  prisonar  be  the  Erie  of  Northumberland  and  Sr 
 Harie  Percy,  and  for  his  ransom  hes  oftymes  offerit  all 
 reasoun  that  of  sic  a  Nobilhnan  could  justlie  be  requeirit : 
 Nevirtheless  not  onelie  is  all  reassonabill  ransoum  refusit, 
 bot  the  trible  thairof  urgentlie  cravit,  to  the  pernicious 
 exempill  of  the  subjectis  of  bayth  the  Realmes,  quhairof 
 the  rigour  is  sic,  that  the  lyke  hes  nevir  bene  senc  nor  usit 
 in  tyme  of  grittest  weir  and  hostilitie  betwix  the  Realmes  ; 
 alswa  a  thing  verie  repugnant  to  oure  mutuall  intelligence 
 and  amity.  With  this  we  are  crediblie  informit  be  ane 
 ancient  law  of  merche  establissit  betwix  the  Erllis  of 
 Dowglas  and  Northumbei'land,  inviolable  obscrvit  to  this 
 aige ;  it  is  provydit — '  Thnt  (pdiair  unressonabill  ransoum 
 sould  be  pertinatlic  rcquirit  (m  athcr  syde,  and  difierence 
 standing  thairon,   the  ransoum   sould   be  cstimat  and  maid 
 
 be  a  convenient  nowmer  of  inditfcnMit  men  of  ather 
 
 chosin  and  sworne  to  that  eflect  :  And  tlu'  prcsonar  to  pay 
 sic  a  ransoum  as  thai  sould  find  his  state  and  habilitie  miirht 
 beir ;'  and  the  same  was  his  taker  constranit  to  accept. 
 Quhilk'  l;iudabill  <'ustom  we  ci'ave  in   t!ic  Lord  Keith's  cans 
 
494  TIIK  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loOO. 
 
 to  be  observit  ;  at  leist  that  it  wald  pleis  the  Queue  oure 
 glide  sister,  that  the  said  Sr  Ilarie  may  be  chargeit  to 
 appeir  befoir  hir  and  hir  honourabill  Counsale,  and  sum 
 ressonabill  ordour  put  to  liis  indiscretioun,  sa  far  passing 
 the  boundis  of  ressoiin ;  leist  in  tymo  cuming  this  evill 
 exempill  and  prei)arative  dryvc  the  subjectis  of  ather  Reahne 
 falling  in  lyke  caises  to  ane  of  twa  inconvenientis  ;  that  is, 
 ow  thir  perpetual!  servitude  of  impresonment,  or  uther  rcwyne 
 or  destructioun  of  houses  and  states  on  ather  syde.  And 
 fordir,  it  is  of  trewtli,  that  besydis  the  unressonabill  ransoum 
 and  befoir  commoning  of  it,  thair  is  requirit  for  the  Lord 
 Keith's  chargeis,  being  a  singill  man  and  presonar,  that 
 (juhilk  of  resoun  mycht  stand  for  his  full  ransoum,  that  is 
 twa  hunder  lib.  sterling. ''^ 
 
 We  are  acquainted  by  Sir  James  Melvil,^  that  the  English 
 ambassador  at  his  departure^  was  rewarded  by  a  rich  chain 
 
 ^  Here  follow  some  lessor  matters  concernin;r  captures  of  ships. 
 
 ^  [Sir  James  Melville's  ^Memoirs,  folio,  p.  77. — E.] 
 
 ^  At  what  time  the  Earl  of  Bedford  left  this  kingdom  I  cannot  precisely 
 see.  But  the  short  Diary  in  Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  ii.  p.  271,  makes 
 his  Lordship  depart  from  Stirling  on  the  23d  of  December  towards  St 
 Andrews.  And  Sir  William  Cecil,  in  a  letter  dated  10th  February,  says — 
 "  Mons.  Moret  (the  ambassador  of  Savoy)  is,  I  think,  on  the  way  coming 
 hither  out  of  Scotland.  'My  Lord  of  Bedford,  who  came  long  ago  out  of 
 Scotland,  arrived  liere  but  of  late."  In  the  same  letter  it  a])pears  Le 
 Croc  was  then  arrived  at  London. — [Mary  signed  the  Earl  of  Morton's 
 pard<  n,  and  that  of  s«r7j///-«/.r  of  his  associates,  on  the  24th  of  December, 
 at  the  earnest  entreaty  of  Moray,  Bothwell,  and  their  adherents,  and  with 
 the  entire  concurrence  of  the  ICarl  of  Bedford.  ^!S.  Letter,  State- Taper 
 Office,  Bedford  to  Cecil,  30th  December;  Ty  tier's  History  of  Scotland, 
 vol.  vii.  p.  G8,  GO.  The  Queen  excei)ted  only  two  of  the  murderers  of 
 Uiccio  from  the  pardon  — (Jeorge  Douglas  (see  the  note,  p.  3G9  of  this 
 volume),  who  had  stabbed  Riccio  over  lier  shoulder,  and  Andrt'w  Ker  of 
 Fawdonside,  who  had  presented  a  i)istol  to  her  breast  when  the  deed  was 
 perpetrated  in  the  Palace  of  Holyrood.  When  Darnley  was  informed 
 that  the  Queen  had  signed  these  j)ardons,  he  expressed  his  feelings  in  the 
 most  indignant  manner,  and  departed  from  Stirling  abruptly  to  his  fathers 
 residence  at  Gla.sgow,  without  taking  leave  of  the  Queen,  on  the  wry  day 
 she  ratified  the  recall  of  Morton  and  his  a.ssociates  from  exile.  The 
 amba.ssadors  soon  afterwards  left  Stirling.  The  Earl  of  Bedford  accom- 
 panied the  I^arl  of  Moray  through  Fife  to  St  Andrews,  "where,"  he  Siiy.s, 
 "  he  had  much  honour,  great  cheer,  and  courteous  entertainment." 
 Meanwhile  Morton  returned  to  Scotland  about  the  beginning  of  January 
 \i)(Ul-ly  while  Darnley  was  lying  sick  at  (Jlasgow.  On  his  way  from 
 England  to  his  own  residence  at  Dalkeith  Castle,  he  halted  at  Whittingham 
 in    Uiiddin-'toushire,   the  srat    of  his   )u>nr  lehilivc   Arcliiltald    Douglas, 
 
15GG.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  405 
 
 of  difimonds  wortli  2(}()0  crowns  ;  Mr  Gary,  eldest  son  to 
 the  Lord  Hunsdon,^  the  first  person  of  his  retinue,  with  a 
 chain  of  pearl,  and  a  ring  with  a  fair  diamond  ;2  Mr  Hatton, 
 another  of  the  retinue,  a  person  greatest  in  favour  for  the 
 time  with  the  Queen  of  England,  got  a  chain  with  our 
 Queen's  picture,  and  a  ring  ;  Mr  Lignish,  a  man  much  in 
 favour  with  the  Duke  of  Norfolk, 3  together  with  five  other 
 gentlemen,  had  each  of  them  gold  chains.'^  Several  persons 
 were  ordered  to  convoy  the  Earl  of  Bedford  to  the  English 
 J^order ;  and  Sir  James  Melvil,  who  was  one  of  the  number, 
 takes  notice,  that  they  parted  all  very  well  contented  and 
 satisfied  with  our  Queen,  but  that  they  lamented  to  perceive 
 the  Kins^  so  much  slio-hted,  and  that  the  Earl  of  Bedford 
 desired  him  in  particular  to  request  her  Majesty  to  entertain 
 the  King  as  she  had  done  at  the  beginning,  for  her  own 
 
 where  he  was  joined  by  tlie  Earl  of  Bothwell  and  Maithmd  of  Lethinn^ton. 
 Bothwell,  in  the  presence  of  Archibald  Douglas,  informed  Morton  tliat 
 they  had  resolved  to  murder  Darnley,  and,  as  an  inducement  for  him  to 
 join  the  plot,  liothwell  declared  that  the  Queen's  consent  was  obtained, 
 Morton  declined  solely  on  the  ground  that  he  was  "  unwilling  to  meddle 
 with  new  troubles,  Avhen  he  had  scarcely  got  rid  of  an  old  otfence." 
 Douglas  earnestly  entreated  him  to  be  a  party,  and  in  a  second  interview 
 liothwell,  in  Maitland's  presence,  reiterated  his  statements  and  insisted 
 that  the  mIioIc  was  arranged  according  to  the  Queen's  desii'e.  "  Bring 
 me,  then,"  said  Morton,  "  the  Queen's  hand-writ  for  a  warrant,  and  then 
 you  shall  have  my  answer."  Douglas  immediately  accompanied  Bothwell 
 and  Maitland  to  Edinburgh,  and  he  soon  afterwards  received  an  order 
 from  the  latter  to  return  to  Whittingham,  and  inform  Morton  that  the 
 Queen  would  "  receive  no  speech  of  the  matter  ai)pointed  unto  him." 
 Ty  tier's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  ^^i.  p.  70, 74, 7G,  and  the  Earl  of  Morton's 
 confes.sion  before  his  execution  in  Bannatyne's  Memorials,  printed  for 
 the  Bannatyne  Club,  4to.  p.  317,  318. — E.] 
 
 '  [(Jeorge  Carey,  who  succeeded  his  father  in  15[)6  as  .second  Lord 
 Ilunsdon.     See  the  fourth  note,  p.  240  of  this  volume. — E.] 
 
 -  [Apparently  Sir  Christopher  Hatton,  first  one  of  Queen  Elizabeth's 
 gentlemen-pensioners,  afterwards  .successively  gentleman  of  the  I'rivy- 
 Chamber,  Captain  of  the  Guard,  A'ice-Chamberlain,  a  Privy  Councillor, 
 Lord  Chancellor  of  England,  and  Knight  of  the  (iarter.  He  died  in 
 November  1591.- E.l 
 
 •'  ['J'homas  Howard,  fourth  Duke  of  Norfolk,  who  succeeded  his  grand- 
 father the  third  Duke  in  1554.  His  father,  the  ICarl  of  Surrey,  was  most 
 unjustly  condemned  and  executed  by  order  of  Henry  VIII.  and  he  shared 
 the  same  fate  in  1572  for  his  correspondence  with  Queen  Mary  when  a 
 prisoner  in  ICngland. —  E.] 
 
 ■*  As  the  aml)a.'Jsador  of  France  brouglit  no  present,  so  we  hearctf  nom- 
 that  lie  got  from  our  Queen. 
 
400  Tin:  HIST. )RV  <>r  Tin:  Ai'FAinb  [1500. 
 
 honour  and  the  advrincfnicnt  of  hor  affairs;   which,  ho  says, 
 he  forgot  not  to  do  at  all  occasions. i 
 
 The  Christmas  holidays  being  now  close  at  hand,  the 
 Queen  went  to  pass  that  time  in  the  houses  of  the  Lord 
 Drunnnond  and  Laird  of  Tillibardin  ;2  and  in  the  beginning 
 of  January  she  returned  again  to  Stirling,  where  we  find  she 
 sign.«<  the  foregoing  letter  to  the  Queen  of  England."^  ]}y  the 
 diary  just  now  mentioned,  it  would  appear  the  King  had  taken 
 the  time  of  the  Queen's  absence  to  remove  himself  to  his 
 father  at  Glasgow  ;  and  Mr  Knox  acknowledges  he  went  away 
 from   Stirling  toward  Glasgow  without   ^'-  nood-nifjldr     In^ 
 
 '  It  had  boon  suroly  a  pioco  of  gi-eat  prudence  in  the  Queon  to  have 
 overcome  the  indignities  done  her  by  the  King,  l)ut  tliese  things  are 
 sooner  said  than  done.  By  this  discourse  of  the  Earl  of  IJedford,  it  may 
 be  inferred  tliat  the  King's  absence  from  the  baptism  has  flowed  fiom 
 the  Queen  herself :  though  still  the  consequence  is  not  altogether 
 ijidu]>itable. — [The  contemplated  pardon  of  Morton  widened  the  breach 
 between  Darnley  and  the  Queen.  Sir  James  Melville  was  well  aware 
 that  the  Karls  of  Moray  and  Bothwell,  assisted  by  the  Earl  of  Bedford, 
 were  tlie  principal  agents  in  procuring  the  j)ardon  of  Morton  and  his 
 exiled  friends.  "Even  the  slanderous  ^Melville,"  observes  Chalmers, 
 "  says  nothing  of  the  IncxoraUoiess  of  the  Queen.  She  had  already  pardoned 
 Moray  and  his  associates,  and  her  whole  reign  consisted  of  plots  and 
 pardons."  The  cause  of  Darnley's  unceremonious  departure  to  (llasgow, 
 besides  his  own  wayward  humour,  was  evidently  the  pardon  of  Morton. 
 Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  19S,  100.— E.] 
 
 ^  The  Castle  of  Dnmimond  is  twelve  miles  from  Stirling,  and  the 
 House  of  Tillibardin  near  the  same  distance. — [Drummond  Castle  is  at 
 least  eighteen  I'nglish  miles  from  Stirling,  and  if  by  the  "  house  of 
 Tullibardiue,"  Dunkeld  is  meant,  the  distance  is  upwards  of  fift(HMi 
 Ijiglish  miles.  The  th;'n  l^ord  Drummond  was  David  second  Lord,  the 
 grandfather  of  the  first  I'arl  of  Perth,  and  father  of  the  first  Lord 
 Afadderty,  ancestor  of  the  Viscounts  of  Strathallan.  The  Laird  of 
 Tullibardiue  was  Sir  William  Murray,  who  was  knighted  by  Darnley, 
 bnjtiicr-in-law  of  the  Earl  of  Mar,  and  father  of  the  first  I'^.arl  of 
 Tullibardiue,  from  whom  descend  the  Dukes  of  Atholl.  Sir  AVilliam 
 Murray  was  then  Comi)troller  of  the  Queen's  Ilou.sehold. — E.] 
 
 '•*  [Mary  returned  to  Stirling  from  her  visit  to  Lord  Diummond  on  tlu' 
 20th  of  December,  and  on  the  31.st  .'^lie  went  to  Tullibardiue,  wIumc  she 
 remained  only  one  night,  na  she  was  again  at  Stirling  on  the  following 
 day,  when  she  was  joined  by  the  lOarl  of  Moray,  accompanied  l)v  the  I'.arl 
 of  Bedford,  from  Eife.  On  the  .3d  of  January  156*6*-7  the  Qiuhmi  prejiared 
 the  preceding  answer  to  IClizabeth,  which  wiis  carried  by  the  I-'arl  of 
 Bedford,  who  took  his  leave  at  Stirling  on  the  r)th,  and  left  Edinburgh 
 for  Berwick  on  the  (Jth.  Queen  Mary  continued  at  Stirling  till  the  13th 
 of  .lauuary. — E.] 
 
 *  Not  only  this  Diary  of  Cecil's,  but  Crawford's  Memoirs  also  and 
 Jloliushed  sjiy  expressly,  that  the  King  w:is  '\u  Glasgow  before  he  sickened  ; 
 
1566.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  41>7 
 
 this  last  mentioned  city  the  King  fell  deadly  ill,i  and  con- 
 tinued to  be  sick,  at  least  never  recovered  perfect  health 
 until  the  day  of  his  untimely  death.  T3y  the  same  Diary  the 
 Queen,  it  seems,  continued  still  in  Stirling  until  the  14th2  of 
 January,  on  which  day  her  Majesty  returned  to  Edinburgh,^ 
 
 so  it  seems  the  story  of  the  poison  having  Ijeen  ^ivQii  him  at  Stirling,  and 
 his  sickening  ahout  a  mile  from  that  place,  had  not  been  then  trumped 
 up,  and  the  unexpected  and  secret  departure  of  the  King  may  in  a  great 
 measure  serve  to  discredit  the  story. — [We  have  seen  that  Darnley  so 
 indignantly  resented  the  i)ardon  of  Morton  and  the  other  exiles,  and 
 dreaded  their  return,  that  he  abruptly  left  Stirling  on  the  24th  of  Decem- 
 ber, and  went  to  his  father  Lennox  at  Glasgow.  The  house  in  which 
 Lennox  resided  was  on  the  east  side  of  Limmerfield,  a  short  distance 
 south  of  the  present  Barony  church  and  the  venerable  Cathedral  of 
 Glasgow,  and  a  part  of  the  south  wall  of  the  tenement  was  preserved  in 
 1835.  The  story  that  Darnley  was  poisoned,  or  that  his  illness  was 
 caused  by  some  deleterious  drug,  is  a  fiction  unworthy  of  the  least  notice. 
 Soon  after  his  arrival  at  Glasgow  he  Mas  seized  with  a  disease  which  threw 
 out  pustules  over  his  body,  and  this  originated  the  false  report,  main- 
 tained by  Buchanan,  that  he  had  been  poisoned,  llobertson  also  narrates 
 most  eri'oueously,  that  before  Dariiley  reached  Glasgow  he  Mas  taken 
 dangerously  ill  on  the  road.  But  though  this  had  been  the  fact,  the 
 rumour  that  he  had  been  poisoned  was  not  extraordinary,  when  we 
 recollect  the  Bond  for  his  murder  concocted  at  Cragmillar,  and  M-hich  its 
 authors  only  waited  a  safe  opportunity  to  execute.  Darnley's  disease 
 sheM'ed  itself  to  be  the  small  pox,  which  then  prevailed  in  Glasgow, 
 and  he  was  seized  Avith  it  as  soon  as  he  arrived. — E.] 
 
 ^  Bishop  Leslie  says  his  disease  M-as  the  French  xiox,  and  it  is  certain 
 he  dealt  enough  in  the  May  to  obtain  them. — [AVhatever  truth  may  be  in 
 this,  which  M'ould  be  a  complete  proof  of  Darnley's  licentious  and  profli- 
 gate life,  no  doubt  exists  of  the  small  pox  Iiaving  seized  him.  The  Earl 
 of  Bedford,  on  the  9th  of  January,  throe  days  after  he  left  Edinburgh, 
 stated  in  a  letter  to  Cecil  that  Darnley  had  the  small  pox,  and  that  the 
 Queen  sent  her  omu  jjhysician  to  liim.  Drury  also  Mrote  to  Cecil  that 
 "  the  small  pox  spreadeth  from  GlasgoM."  Birrel  in  his  Diary  (p.  fi) 
 mentions  that  Darnley  "was  lying  sick  hi  Glasgo>v  of  the  smallpox,'' 
 adding  the  common  and  idle  rumour  of  the  time — "  but  some  said  he  liad 
 gotten  poison." — E.] 
 
 2  We  may  give  the  more  credit  to  this,  tliat  on  tin-  l(»th  of  January  an 
 Act  of  Council  at  Stirling  is  copied  by  Mr  Miln  relating  to  Church 
 matters,  at  Mhich  the  Queen  is  cxj)ressly  marked  to  be  present. 
 
 ^  Mr  Knox  mentions  the  Queen's  return  to  Edinburgh  in  the  month  of 
 January. —  [Queen  Mary  s(>t  out  from  Stirling,  taking  Mith  her  the  infant 
 Prince,  on  the  l.'Jth  of  January.  She  remained  one  night  at  Callender- 
 Ilouse  near  Falkirk,  and  arrived  in  lldinburgh  on  the  Nth.  Birrel  in  his 
 Diary  states  that  the  Queen  came  to  Edinburgh  on  the  13M,  but  the  fact 
 of  her  halting  at  Callendcr  House,  the  seat  of  Lord  Livingstone,  is  proved 
 by  a  grant  from  her  at  that  Nobleman's  mansion  f»n  the  14tli,  v  hich  is 
 mentioned  in  the  Privy  Seal  Register. —  E.j 
 
 VOL.  II.  32 
 
4J)o  Tin:   IIISTdllY  OF  Tin:  AFIWrRS  [l:)f)C-7. 
 
 ;in(l  ])r()iiL'"lit   tlio  vouiio:  Prince^  .'ilons:  witli   her;   and  after 
 six-  had  staid  at    Kdinl)ur<,di   the  s|)aco  of  a  woclv,  slie  took 
 
 '  niiclianan  caiinot  suftVr  the  Qucon  to  have  the  privilefi^c  to  take  her 
 own  cliihl  ah)n;,'  with  her,  but  ho  inujst  rejiresent  her  as  contrivinj;^ 
 and  falli<i<j  on  sliifts  how  to  get  him  into  her  liands.  This  f/ooil  man 
 shouhl  have  tohl  us  wliat  ])ers<)n  was  to  controul  her  Majesty  from  coti- 
 veying  her  ehiUl  whitlier  slie  thon<;Iit  proper.  She  sent  him  at  first  from 
 /"Alinbitr;//!  to  Stivl'uKi  of  her  own  j)roper  motion,  and  she  liad  jmwer  to 
 take  him  out  of  Stirlinr/  to  Edinburijh  apain  by  the  same  authority  ;  and 
 for  this  no  man  could  say  unto  her.  What  dost  thou  I  Only  Mr  liuehanan 
 must  ever  he  snarlin<j;.—  [Buchanan  j)rctends  that  the  Queen,  "  expecting 
 to  hear  every  day  of  the  King's  dealli,  to  prevent  the  worst,  resolved  to 
 have  her  son  in  her  own  power."  History,  Translation,  Edin.  edit.  1752, 
 vol.  ii.  J).  317.  He  was  either  not  aware,  or  he  concealed  the  fiict  for  party 
 purposes,  that  the  Queen  was  harassed  by  two  rumours  wliich  she  liad 
 heard  at  Stirling — the  one  that  Darnley  intended  to  depose  her,  crown 
 the  infant  Prince,  and  assume  the  government ;  and  the  other  wa.s  a  design 
 to  imjjrison  Darnley  himself,  or  at  least  i)lace  him  under  restraint.  When 
 those  rei)orts  were  examined  by  tlie  Privy-Council  they  were  traced  from 
 a  man  named  Walker  to  the  town-clerk  of  Gla.sgow  named  Hiegate,  who, 
 however,  denied  that  he  was  the  origiiuxtor.  See  the  letter,  Qiu^en  Mary 
 to  Archbishop  Beaton,  dated  20th  January  1566-7,  in  our  Historian's 
 "  Advertis(>ment  to  the  Header,"  vol.  i.  p.  xcix.  c.  ci.  of  the  present  edition. 
 .\notlier  rumour  had  reached  France,  and  the  Spanish  ambassador  in  a 
 friendly  manner  hinted  that  some  design  was  meditating  against  the  Queen 
 to  her  ambassador,  which  induced  the  latter  to  write  to  her  to  double  her 
 ;/uard».  Darnley,  in  reality,  before  this  illness  ai)i)ears  to  have  constantly 
 occupied  himself  in  ]»rojects,  intrigiu^s,  and  plots;  and,  intluenccHl  by  his 
 father  lieniu).\,  he  evinced  a  determination  to  frustrate  all  the  Queen's 
 intentions,  and  to  continually  excite  her  vexation  and  alarm.  "  In  all 
 these  enter])rizes,"  says  Mr  Tytli>r,  "  there  was  so  miu'h  inconsistency 
 and  jealousy,  so  evident  an  inability  to  carry  any  plot  into  successful 
 execution,  and  yet  such  a  perverse  desire  to  create  mischief,  that  the 
 Queen,  in  addressing  her  ambassador  (Archbishop  Beaton)  in  France  at 
 this  moment,  exj)ressed  herself  towards  him  with  nnuli  severity."  In  the 
 letter  above  mentioned  to  Archbishop  Beaton,  dated  2()th  January  1566-7, 
 written  while  Darnley  lay  sick  at  (ila.sgow,  the  Queen  says—"  As  for  the 
 King  our  husband,  (Jod  knows  always  our  part  towards  him,  and  his 
 behaviour  and  thankfulness  to  us  is  ecjually  well  kiuiwn  to  God  and  the 
 world,  especially  our  own  indift'erent  (hujxirtUd)  subjects  see  it,  and  i>i 
 their  hearts,  we  doubt  not,  condemn  the  same.  Always  we  perceive  him 
 occupied  and  busy  enough  to  have  inquisition  of  our  doings,  which,  God 
 willing,  .shall  always  be  sju-h  a.s  none  shall  have  occasion  to  be  oft'ended 
 with  them,  or  to  rei)ort  of  us  any  ways  Imt  honourably,  however  he,  his 
 father,  and  their  fautors  speak,  which  we  know  want  no  good  will  io 
 make  us  have  ado,  if  their  power  were  ecpiivalent  to  their  miiuls.  But 
 (Jod  moderates  their  forces  well  enough,  anl  takes  the  means  of  the 
 execution  of  their  pretenc«'S  from  them  ;  for,  as  we  ])elieve,  they  shall 
 tind  none  or  very  few  approvers  of  their  councils  and  decrees  imagined  to 
 our  disi>l<«asun'  and    niisliking.."     Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii. 
 
l."){J()-7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATK  IN  SCOTLAND.  AU[> 
 
 jounicy  to  visit  the  King  at  Glasgow,^  and  there  remained 
 some  days  cherishing  and  comforting  liini  in  a  singuhir 
 manner,  insonuicli  that  all  good  men  were  glad  to  behold 
 and  hear  of  the  ha[)py  reconciliation   between   them  two.- 
 
 p.  70,  71  ;  QiiecMi  Mary  to  Arclibishop  lii'jitoii,  in  vol.  i.  ]>.  xcix.  c.  ci.  of 
 the  present  edition. — K.] 
 
 ^  [According;- to  the  Einl  ofMoray's Journ:il,  wliirh  ("halnu'r.s])ronounc'es 
 "  not  famous  for  its  veracity,"  Mary  proceeded  from  Jliliubur^h  to  (Jlas^row 
 on  th(^  2\st  of  Jamianj  attended  by  the  Earls  of  llothwell  and  Iluntly, 
 but  the  same  writer  observes,  on  the  evidence  of  records,  that  "  the 
 Queen  at  the  soonest  did  not  set  out  from  Kdinbui-^^li  till  the  evenin/^  ol" 
 the  24th,  and  perluips  without  the  two  lOarls."  Chalmers  atlds  in  a  note- 
 "There  are  documents  in  the  Privy-Seal  Register,  xxxvi.  44,  and  also  in 
 the  Kej^ister  of  Signatures,  IJook  11.,  whicli  were  executed  by  the  Quei'u 
 on  the  2'2d  and  24th  of  January  l.")(jG-7,  so  that  it  is  obvious  the  Queen 
 could  not  have  arrived  in  Cilasgow  till  the  25th  of  .January." — Life  of 
 Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  203.  Mr  Tytler  asserts  that  the  Queen 
 went  to  Gljisgow  on  the  22d  ;  lli.story  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  \).  76. — E.] 
 
 ^  Even  Buchanan  and  Knox  are  forced  to  acknowledge  the  Queen'.s 
 kindness  at  this  time  to  the  King  ;  and  therefore,  perhaps,  it  liaa  been 
 found  necessary  to  forgo  the  pretended  intercei)tod  letters.  However,  in 
 this  I  determine  nothing.  -[The  statements  of  Knox  and  Buchanan  are 
 of  no  importance,  and  are  so  grossly  partial,  that  they  are  unworthy  of 
 the  least  credit.  Mr  Tytler's  account  of  the  meeting  of  the  Queen  and 
 Darnley  at  GIa.sgow  is  interesting  and  authentic — "  Darnley  was  now 
 partially  recovered  from  his  late  sickness,  but  he  had  received  some 
 private  intelligence  of  the  plots  against  him.  He  was  aware  of  the  return 
 of  Morton,  who  regarded  him  as  the  cause  of  all  his  late  sufferings  ;  he 
 knew  that  amongst  his  mortal  enemies,  who  had  never  forgiven  him  his 
 desertion  of  them  in  the  conspiracy  against  Riccio,  were  some  of  the  high- 
 est Nobility,  who  now  enjoyed  the  confidence  of  the  Quei'u.  He  had 
 recently  heard  from  one  of  his  servants  that  Mary  had  spoken  of  him  with 
 much  .severity,  and  lier  visit,  therefore,  took  him  by  surprize.  Under 
 this  feeling  the  King  sent  Crawford,  one  of  his  gentlemen,  to  meet  the 
 Queen,  with  a  message,  excusing  himself  for  not  wailing  u])on  her  in 
 person.  He  was  still  infirm,  he  said,  and  did  not  [jresume  to  come  toiler 
 until  he  knew  her  wishes,  and  wa.s  assured  of  the  reuu)val  of  her  dis- 
 plea-sure.  To  this  Mary  replicnl  that  there  was  no  medicine  against  fear, 
 and  pjussing  forward  to  (Jlasgow  came  into  Darnlev's  be(l-chamber,  when 
 after  greeting,  and  .some  indifferent  talk,  the  subjects  which  had  estranged 
 them  from  each  other  were  introduced.  Daridey  profes.sed  a  deep 
 repentance  for  his  errors,  pleaded  his  youth,  and  the  few  friends  he  now 
 had,  and  declared  to  her  his  unalteralde  affection.  Mary  remind«>d  him 
 of  his  complaints  and  sus])icions,spoke  against  his  foolish  plan  of  leaving  the 
 kingdom,  aiul  recalled  to  his  mind  the  '  ]>nr/)o.e  of  lliifjatc'—vk  nanu'  given 
 to  a  plot  which  Darnley  afHrnu'd  he  had  discovered,  and  of  which  he  waa 
 himself  to  be  the  victim.  The  Queen  denuinded  who  wa.s  his  informer. 
 He  rei)lied,  the  Laird  of  Minto,  who  had  told  him  that  a  letter  was 
 presented  to  her  in  Craginillar,  made  by  her  own  device,  and  sub.scril>ed 
 by  certain  others,  who  desired  her  to  sign  it,  which  she  refused.    Darnlev 
 
.')()()  TIIK   iriSTuUY   OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGG-7. 
 
 And  when  the  King  was  in  a  condition  to  travel,  her  Majesty 
 caused  him  to  ])e  conveyed  in  a  litter  to  Kdinburgh,!  where 
 
 then  addcil  tlijit  he  would  never  tliink  that  sho,  wlio  was  his  own  proper 
 flosh,  would  do  liini  any  liiirt,  and  if  any  others  sliould  do  it,  tliey  should 
 buy  it  dear,  unless  tliey  took  liini  sleepinp^.  lie  observed,  liowever,  that 
 he  suspected  none,  and  only  entreated  her  to  ])ear  him  company,  and  not, 
 as  she  was  wont,  to  withdraw  lierself  from  liim.  Mary  then  told  him 
 that  as  he  was  still  little  able  to  travel,  she  had  brou/^ht  a  litter  with  her 
 to  caiTy  him  to  Crafjmillar  ;  and  he  declared  his  readiness  to  accompany 
 her,  if  she  M'ould  consent  that  they  should  ai,^in  live  together  at  bed  and 
 board.  She  j)romised  it  should  be  as  he  had  spoken,  and  gave  him  her 
 hand,  but  added,  that  before  this  he  must  be  thoroughly  cleansed  of  his 
 sickness,  which  she  trusted  he  would  shortly  be,  as  she  intended  to  give 
 him  the  bath  at  Cragmillur.  The  Queen  also  requested  him  to  conceal 
 the  promises  which  had  now  passed  between  them,  as  the  suddenness  of 
 their  agreement  might  give  umbrage  to  some  of  the  Lords  ;  to  which  he 
 replied,  that  he  could  see  no  reason  why  they  should  mislike  it.  AVhen 
 Mary  left  him,  Darnley  called  Crawford  to  him,  and  informing  him  fully 
 of  all  that  had  passed  at  the  interview,  bade  him  communicate  it  to  his 
 father  the  Earl  of  Lennox.  He  then  asked  him  what  ho  thought  of  the 
 Queen  taking  him  to  Cragmillar.  *  She  treats  your  Majesty,'  said  Craw- 
 ford, *  too  like  a  jirisoner.  AVhy  should  you  not  be  taken  to  one  of  your 
 own  houses  in  Edinburgh  ?'  '  It  struck  me  much  the  same  way,'  answered 
 Darnley,  *and  I  have  fears  enough,  but  may  God  judge  between  us,  1  have 
 her  promise  only  to  trust  to  ;  but  I  have  put  myself  in  her  hands,  and  I 
 shall  go  with  her,  though  she  should  murder  me.'  It  is  from  Crawford's 
 evidence  taken  on  oath,  which  was  afterwards  produced,  and  still  exists 
 endorsed  by  Cecil,  that  we  learn  these  minute  particulars,  nor  have  I  been 
 able  to  discover  any  sufficient  ground  to  doubt  its  truth." — History  of 
 Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  76-79.  Soon  after  this  interview  Mary  carried 
 Darnley  by  slow  journeys  to  Edinburgh,  and  they  airivid  there  on  the 
 last  day  of  .January. — E,] 
 
 '  Cecil's  Diary  marks  the  Queen  to  have  taken  journey  from  Edinburgh 
 on  the  21st  of  January,  and  to  have  entered  Glasgow  on  the  'i-Sd— that  her 
 Majesty  set  out  again  from  Glasgow  with  the  King  on  the  27th  January 
 to  the  house  of  Ivalendar — that  on  the  2Sth  they  came  to  Linlithgow, 
 wlu're  they  remained  all  the  next  day — and  that  on  the  30th  they  arrived 
 at  I'dinburgh.  Concerning  this  Diary  I  have  already  observed  that  it 
 has  very  prol)ably  been  communicated  to  Secretary  Cecil  by  Mr  Ihiehanan 
 or  liis  amanuensis.  The  perversity  of  it  will  appear  by  the  continued 
 repetition  of  "  Mc  Qiiccn  and  Bothucll  w?m<, "  &c.  whereas  in  her 
 Majesty's  late  journey  from  Jedburgh  to  Cragmillar  Ave  know  that 
 several  persons  of  distinction,  and,  amongst  the  rest,  her  own  brother  the 
 Earl  of  Moray,  were  present,  yet  even  Oun  the  Diary  acknowledges  no 
 other  person  present  but  IJothwell  ;  from  which  we  may  see  what  little 
 credit  men  ought  to  give  to  some  writings.  And  here  it  nuiy  not  be 
 improper  to  observe  likewise,  that  though  .Mr  Anderson,  in  his  Collections, 
 thinks  to  recommend  his  papers,  l)y  ac«iuainting  us  that  this  and  the 
 other  paper  is  marked  ]>y  Cecil's  hand  ;  yet  this  is  .so  far  from  being  a 
 reeommendation  of  such  papery  as  make  (i;/(ii)ist  tmr  Qjieen'x  honour  ami 
 
15GG-7.]         OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  501 
 
 he  inlgbt  have  better  conveniency  of  physicians,^  kc.  And 
 because  the  air  of  Holyroodhouse  was  reckoned  to  be  too 
 damp,  he  was  lodged  in  a  house  which  had  formerly  per- 
 tained to  the  Provost,  or  superior  of  the  church,  commonly 
 called  the  Kirk  of  Ficld,2  a  suburbs  standing  on  a  higher 
 
 for  her  enemies,  that  to  me  nothing  is  a  mark  of  greater  suspicion.  Most 
 of  Cecil's  own  papers  are  drawn  against  our  Queen,  and  sucli  in  his 
 possession  as  are  for  her  are  interlined,  and  perverted  by  him.  And 
 hereof  the  readers  of  Cecil's  Papers  would  do  well  to  take  heed.  Any 
 curious  person  may  ol)serve  this  in  the  Cotton  Library,  for  Sir  Kobeit 
 Cotton,  the  Collector  of  these  Manuscripts,  purchased  most  of  Sir  William 
 Cecil's  Papers. 
 
 ^  [According  to  Birrel's  Diary,  the  Queen  and  Darnley  arrived  in 
 Edinburgh  on  the  31st  of  January. — E.] 
 
 2  This  was  the  suburbs  on  the  south  side  of  the  city,  whereabout  now 
 stands  the  University.  The  place  got  its  name  from  a  collegiate  church 
 dedicated  to  the  Mrgin  Mary.  Such  a  church  would  now  1)0  called 
 St  Marjf s-in-the-Fidds.  And  though  Ihichanan  should  muster  up  double 
 the  quantity  of  rhetorick  he  had  already  employed  in  his  "  Detection"  and 
 "  History"  to  disparage  the  place,  yet  every  person  that  has  been  in  Edin- 
 burgh knows  for  certain  that  this  suburbs  is  the  place  of  best  air  about 
 the  city.  He  says  the  house  where  the  King  lodged  was  in  vada  soUtudinc^ 
 where  no  noise  nor  outcry  could  be  heard,  but  does  not  reflect  that 
 himself  owns  the  Duke  of  Chastelherault  had  a  lodging  very  near  at  hand, 
 and  at  the  same  time  takes  notice  of  the  Archbishop  of  St  Andrews  being 
 lodged  there  at  the  very  time  of  the  King's  death. — [We  have  seen  in 
 the  preceding  note,  containing  the  account  from  Mr  Tytler's  History  ot 
 Queen  ]\Iary's  interview  with  Darnley  at  his  fiither  Lennox's  house  on  the 
 east  side  of  Limmei-field  near  the  Barony  parish  church  and  cathedral  of 
 Glasgow,  that  it  was  the  intention  of  the  Queen  to  remove  l^arnley  to 
 Cragmillar  Castle,  but  tliis  purpose  was  changed,  and  he  was  brought  to 
 the  Kirk-of-Field.  Its  proper  designation  was  the  Colkgiate  Church  of  St 
 Mary-in-the-Fldd,  and  Arnot  (History  of  Edinburgli,  4to,  1779)  describes 
 it  as  a  "  large  and  handsome  building  in  which  a  Provost  and  ten 
 Prebendaries  officiated."  He  conjectures  that  it  was  founded  about  the 
 same  time  as  the  adjoining  Monastery  of  the  Black  Friars  or  Dominicans, 
 which  was  a  short  distance  ea.stward  of  the  present  Hoyal  Infirmary,  on 
 the  ground  occupied  by  the  building  formerly  erected  for  the  High  School 
 of  Kdinl)urgh,  and  by  the  tenements  forming  Surgeons'  Square,  while  the 
 church  stood  on  a  part  of  the  site  of  the  University.  As  the  Mona.stery 
 of  the  Black  Friars  wa.s  founded  by  Alexander  II.  about  A.D.  1230,  the 
 church  of  St  Mary-in-thc-Field  was  of  considerable  antiquity,  and  wjis  in 
 the  gift  of  the  Aichbishop  of  St  Andrews.  According  to  -Maitland 
 (History  of  Edinburgh,  folio,  p.  3;3()),  the  luicient  title  of  this  church  wjls 
 Tcmplum  dc  Pncfcrtura  Sanciiv  MarUv  in  Citiiijiis,  but  he  jtrofesses  his 
 ignorance  of  its  foundation,  merely  observing — "  It  must  have  Ikmmi 
 erected  before  the  year  ISKf,  for  by  the  town's  Hecords  it  appears  that 
 Matthew  Kerr  was  then  Provost  of  it."  Though  Bishop  Keith  states 
 that  "  such  a  church  would  noic  be  called  St  Mary's-in-t he-Fields,"  it 
 might  have  been  the  case  in  his  time,  but  it  would  soon  have  lost  thai 
 
502  TiiK  nisTdiiY  or  the  affairs  [15G6-7. 
 
 ground,  tliough  some  say   he   was  brought  thither  with  a 
 
 designation  as  apidied  literally,  for  the  streets  and  squares  of  that  i)ortion 
 of  the  nioderu  city  of  Edinburgh  known  a.s  the  Southern  Districts  extend 
 nearly  u  mile  farther  south.  The  precinct  of  the  Kirk-of-Field,  or 
 St  Alary's-in-the-J'iclds,  consisted  of  two  divisions,  separated  by  an 
 ancient  alley  which  has  long  disai>peared,  known  as  Raplaw's  ArVynd, 
 which  led  from  the  Cowgate  through  the  site  of  the  ([uadrangle  of  the 
 University  to  the  street  called  the  Potterrow,  where  was  formerly  one  of 
 the  city  ports  or  gates.  On  the  south  and  west  of  Raplaw's  Wynd  were 
 the  church,  houses,  and  gardens  of  the  Provost  and  the  I'rebendaries. 
 The  locality  will  be  best  understood  by  stating  that  the  south  side  of  the 
 University  and  South  College  Street,  extending  from  Nicolson  Street  to 
 the  Potterrow  and  Lothian  Street,  occupy  the  ground  of  the  Kirk-of-Field, 
 and  it  is  traditionally  said  that  the  house  of  the  Provost  of  the  church 
 stood  as  near  as  possible  without  the  then  city  walls  on  the  site  on  which 
 a  Dissenting  Presbyterian  meeting-house  is  built  in  South  College  Street, 
 but  the  south-east  angle  of  the  University  towards  Drummond  Street  is 
 more  correctly  the  exact  spot.  Though  Buchanan  absurdly  terms  the 
 locality  a  "  Umcsome  solitary  place" — "  locus  cedU  per  aliquot  annos  d^serta, 
 laurisquc  urbits  conjunctm  in  vasta  nolitudinc  inter  duorum  temjtlorum  ruinas" — 
 meaning  the  ruinous  churches  of  the  Black  Friars  and  of  St  Mary,  which 
 had  been  dilapidated  at  the  Reformation — "  undc  ncque  clamor  aut  birepitu.i 
 cxaudiri  possd,''  nevertheless  the  locality  w^as  retired,  and  literally  in  the 
 country,  the  east,  south,  and  west,  with  the  exception  of  a  few  old  houses 
 in  the  Potterrow  containing  fields  and  gardens.  The  Duke  of  Cliatel- 
 herault's  town  resid(!nce  was,  however,  in  the  vicinity,  and  we  shall  soon 
 ascertain  that  Archbishop  Hamilton  of  St  Andrews  had  good  rea.son  to 
 be  in  it  at  the  time.  In  later  times  the  Duke  of  Douglas  had  a  town 
 residence  either  near  it,  or  a  short  distance  west  of  the  Potterrow,  on  the 
 siteof  the  present  Lothian  Street.  The  exact  scene  of  the  murder  of  Darnley 
 is  ascertained  from  Gordon's  map  of  the  city  in  1G47,  where  the  ruins  are 
 I)rominently  indicated,  for  they  were  not  then  removed.  The  house,  or 
 Prehendarivs'  Chamhei',  as  it  is  also  termed,  was  then  possessed  by  Robert 
 Balfour,  the  JVovost,  brother  of  Sir  James  JUdfour  of  Pittendriwh,  the 
 ( ontriver  of  the  murder.  It  was  very  mean  in  external  appearance,  and 
 consisted  of  two  storeys  with  a  turnpike,  or  spiral  staircase  behind.  The 
 gable  adjoined  the  city  Avail,  which  extended  in  a  line  east  and  west,  and 
 the  house  contained  a  cellar,  its  postern  opening  through  that  wall.  In 
 the  upper  flat  were  a  chamber  and  closet,  with  a  little  gallery  having 
 a  window  also  through  the  town  wall.  In  this  room  Darnley  was 
 deposited  in  an  old  travelling  bed.  Beneath  his  room  wixs  an  apartment 
 in  which  the  Queen  slept  a  few  nights  before  the  murder.  According  to 
 the  view  of  the  scene  of  Darnley 's  murder  given  by  Chalmers  in  liis  Life 
 of  Mary  (vol.  i.),  the  buildings  connected  with  the  Kirk-of-Field  formed 
 three  sides  of  a  square,  those  on  the  ea.st  and  south  having  been  chiefly  of 
 one  storey,  and  a  well  was  in  the  centre.  This  scjuare  was  entered  in  the 
 south-east  corner  by  an  arched  doorway  called  the  Pritsts  Entrance,  and 
 east  of  this  were  some  low  roofed  houses  termed  the  ^/ilk■  Pair,  leading  to 
 Our  I.ndi/s  SfijKi  in  the  city  wall,  on  a  line  with  the  Provost's  lunise,  by 
 which  access  was  <»btained  to  the  Kirk-of-Field  l)urying-grcund  imme- 
 diatelv  to  tlir  norlli,  on  wliich  the  University  of  Fdinl'urgh  is  now  built. 
 
loGO-7.]  OF  CIIUIICII  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  oOo 
 
 worse  intention.!  Here  her  Majesty  continued  to  look  pretty 
 close  after  her  husband,  and  lay  some  nights  in  a  room 
 beneath  the  King's.     But  he  had  not  been  in  this  place  two 
 
 A  little  to  the  north-west  of  the  hou.se  in  which  Dainley  wus  niuideied, 
 almost  opi)o.site  the  Provost's  Place— a  promenade  so  designated,  was  the 
 church  of  St  Mary-in-the-Fields  in  ruins,  whicli,  if  the  view  is  correct, 
 must  liave  been  in  the  form  of  a  cross,  and  a  tower  rising  at  the  west  end. 
 Close  to  this  is  the  Kirk-of- Field  Port  or  6'«fc,  the  same  as  the  Potterrotv 
 Party  on  which  two  human  heads  are  spiked  ;  and  outside  of  this  gate, 
 close  to  the  Potterrow,  is  a  building  which  is  designated  the  Ckupel  of 
 Ease.  An  alley  running  nearly  south,  and  then  turnhig  westward,  is 
 called  the  Tliief  Roio.  This  alley,  which  is  enclosed  by  walls,  separated 
 that  portion  of  the  grounds  in  which  the  dead  bodies  of  Darnley  and  his 
 servant  were  found  from  the  buildings  of  the  Kirk-of-Field. — E.] 
 
 ^  [It  is  almost  impossible  to  account  for  Mary  placing  Darnley  in  sucli 
 a  locality  as  the  Kirk-of-Field  instead  of  Cragmillar  Castle,  unless  we 
 are  to  assume  that  she  knew  of  the  conspiracy  ;  but  she  may  have  w  ished 
 him  to  be  nearer  the  Palace  of  llolyrood  than  Cragmillar,  which  is  three 
 miles  distant,  and  she  may  have  also  acted  by  the  advice  of  her  jjhysicians. 
 It  cannot  be  doubted  that,  making  allowance  for  the  rudeness  of  the 
 domestic  accommodation  of  the  age,  the  house  was  insecure  and  confined. 
 'J'he  proprietor,  moreover,  was  Kobert  Balfour,  a  dependant  of  the  Karl 
 of  Bothwell,  and  the  brother  of  Sir  James  Balfour,  the  deviser  of  the 
 Bond  for  the  murder  drawn  up  at  Cragmillar.  According  to  the  depo- 
 sition of  Thomas  Nelson,  "  cubicular"  to  Darnley,  who  narrowly  escaped 
 the  fate  of  his  master,  when  the  resolution  fo  convey  him  to  Cragmillar 
 was  altered,  "because  he  (Darnley)  had  na  will  thairof,"  and  it  was 
 determined  to  take  him  to  the  Kirk-of-Field,  the  said  Nelson  believed 
 that  he  was  to  be  placed  in  the  Duke  of  Cliatelherault's  house.  Bothwell 
 had  recently  returned  from  Liddesdale,  and  when  he  was  informed  that 
 Mary  and  Darnley  were  on  the  road  from  Gla.sgow,  he  met  them  with 
 his  attendants  a  short  distance  from  Edinburgh,  and  escorted  them  to  the 
 Kii-k-of-Field.  When  the  cavalcade  arrived  there,  Taylor,  Darnley's 
 page,  went  directly  to  the  Duke  of  Chatelherault's  house,  thinking  that 
 it  was  the  lodging  provided  for  his  master,  but  the  Queen  intimated  to 
 him  that  it  was  the  "  other  house" — meaning  the  Kirk-of-Field,  and 
 conveyed  Darnley  thither.  The  keys  were  partly  in  the  doors,  and  weiv 
 delivered  to  Taylor  by  Itobert  Balfour,  except  the  key  of  the  door 
 entered  by  the  town  wall  into  the  cellar,  which  could  not  be  found,  but 
 one  nametl  Bonkle  told  him  that  he  "  suld  clois  it  weill  aneucli  within." 
 All  the  keys  were  kept  by  Taylor  and  Darnley's  other  attendants  until 
 the  Queen  came  to  the  house  ;  but  this  was  a  vain  jjrecaution  if  the 
 deposition  of  Hepburn  of  Bolton,  one  of  the  murderers,  is  to  be  believed, 
 that  fourteen  false  keys  were  nuide  for  opening  all  the  doors  in  the  Kirk- 
 of-Field  house,  which,  he  s;iy.s,  he  threw  into  the  Quarry-Holes  near  the 
 Palace  after  the  murder  was  committed.  Another  im|)()rtant  circunistauie 
 must  not  be  omitted.  After  their  recent  meeting  at  Whittinghani,  {\u- 
 murder  w;is  fidly  determined  by  Bothwell,  Morton,  Sir  James  Balfour, 
 and  Maitland  of  Lethington  ;  but  the  Earls  of  Huntly,  Argyll,  and 
 Caithness,  Archbishop  Hamilton  of  St  Andrews,  and  othersof  the  leading 
 
504  Tiih  HIS  1  Ilia  "1  iiih  AFi'AiKs  [15G0-7. 
 
 weeks,  when  the  house  was  blown  up  with  gun  powder,  on 
 Monday  the  lOtli  of  February,  about  one  or  two  in  the 
 morning,  a  few  hours  only  after  the  Queen  had  left  him  !  i 
 
 Nobility  and  Ofticors  of  tStato  had  joined  the  conspiracy,  wliile  a  neutral 
 party,  the  most  i)roniinent  of  whom  was  the  Karl  of  Moray,  were  duly 
 iufoniied  of  the  whole  plot,  yet  cautiously  avoided  any  direct  implication 
 in  it,  considerinfj  it  dangerous  and  impolitic  to  make  it  known.  Tytlers 
 History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  SO,  81. — E.] 
 
 ^  [At  this  time  the  reconciliation  between  the  Queen  and  Darnley 
 seemed  to  be  comjjlete.  ^lary  had  assiduously  attended  personally  to 
 every  thing  which  could  add  to  his  comfort,  treated  him  with  affectionate 
 tenderness,  passed  much  of  her  time  in  his  society,  and  the  chamber  under 
 his  was  prepared  for  her  accommodation,  in  which  she  slejjt.  llis  confi- 
 dence was  partially  restored  by  such  marks  of  attachment.  On  the  night  of 
 Sunday  the  9th  of  February,  the  greater  i)art  of  which  day  she  had  i)assed 
 with  Darnley  apparently  on  the  most  affectionate  terms.  Hay  of  'J'allo, 
 Hepburn  of  liolton,  aud  the  conspirators  hired  by  Bothwell  to  commit 
 the  niurdei',  contrived  to  enter  the  apartment  used  by  the  Queen,  which 
 was  immediately  under  Darnley's,  and  deposited  on  the  ffoor  a  large 
 quantity  of  gunpowder  in  bags,  while  the  Queen  was  engaged  in  conver- 
 sation with  her  unfortunate  husband.  They  then  laid  a  train,  which  was 
 connected  with  a  slow  match,  and  nuide  the  necessary  jjreparations  for 
 the  ignition.  Some  of  them  immediately  left  the  place,  but  two  of  them 
 remained  on  the  watch  to  ascertain  the  movements  of  the  Queen,  who 
 was  still  sitting  with  Darnley  in  the  upper  storey,  and  never  again  entered 
 the  apartment  under  it  fitted  up  for  herself.  Mary  had  at  first  declared 
 her  intention  of  remaining  all  night  in  the  house,  but  she  recollected  an 
 engagement  to  be  present  at  an  entertainment  in  the  Palace  of  llolyrood, 
 which  was  the  more  extraordinary  as  it  was  actually  given  on  the  SunUut/ 
 night.  This  most  profane  and  unhallowed  amusement  on  the  evening  of 
 such  a  day  was  a  masque  which  the  Queen  had  i)romised  to  honour  the 
 marriage  on  that  day  of  a  foreigner  named  Sebastian,  or  Seba.stiani,  who 
 belonged  to  her  household,  and  Margaret  Carwood,  one  of  her  favourite 
 women.  This  Seba.stian  was  probably  the  '*  iJestiau"  already  mentioned 
 (p.  468  of  the  present  volume),  who  offendi>d  the  Kngli>h  gentlemen  in  the 
 suite  of  the  Karl  of  Bedford  by  a  foolish  exhibition  at  the  bai)tism  of  the 
 infant  Trince  at  Stirling.  The  Queen  embraced  Darnley,  kissed  him, 
 took  a  ring  from  off'  her  finger  placed  it  on  his  as  a  mark  of  her  fondest 
 affection,  bade  him  farewell  for  the  night,  and  left  the  house  with  lu>r 
 attendants.  It  is  inten-sting  to  know  the  way  by  which  the  Queen 
 returned  to  the  Palace  on  this  fatal  night  on  which  was  perj)etiated 
 another  of  the  horrible  crimes  of  that  age,  aiul  we  learn  her  route  by  the 
 confessions  of  the  villains  ex<H-uted  for  the  foul  deed.  After  Mary  left 
 Darnley,  she  walked  with  her  attendants  down  an  alley  within  the  city 
 wallonthe  site  of  the  present  street  oj)posite  the  University  and  Koyal  Intir- 
 nuiry,  a  part  of  which  alley  still  e.xists  near  the  east  end  of  Infirmary  Street, 
 leading  from  it  into  the  Cowgate,  and  is  known  as  the  High  School  Wynd, 
 from  the  fornier  High  School  luiving  been  in  the  immediate  vicinity. 
 The  Queen  then  crossed  the  Cowgate  and  walked  up  the  lUackfriars' 
 W'vn.i     .,    vtTv  ancient  alley  almost   opposite  the  Hi;,^h   School  Wyn<i. 
 
156G-7.]  OF  CllUKCll  A^l)  STATE   IN   tJt'uTLA^sD.  50.") 
 
 and  his  body,  together  with  that  of  a  servant  sleeping  by 
 him  in  the  room,  was  found  lying  naked  on  the  adjacent 
 ground,  without  any  mark  of  violence,  any  hurt  or  wound 
 upon  it ;  so  that  he  was  reckoned  to  have  been  suffocated, 
 and  carried  out  by  the  hands  of  men  before  the  powder  had 
 taken  fire.  But  though  this  seems  indeed  to  have  been  the 
 prevailing  sentiment  at  that  time  concerning  the  King\s 
 death,  yet  by  all  the  depositions  of  the  nuu-derers  that 
 remain  now  on  record, i  it  never  appears  that  he  was  either 
 
 communicating  with  the  High  Street  ;  and  she  proceeded  down  the  High 
 Street,  through  the  former  Ncther-liow  Port  or  Gate  at  the  head  of 
 St  Mary's  and  Loitli  Wynds,and  thence  direct  along  the  present  street  of 
 the  Cauongate  to  the  Pahicc.  When  the  villains  returned  from  depositing 
 the  gunpowder  in  the  Kirk-of-Field  house  on  their  way  to  Botliwell's 
 residence  near  the  Palace,  one  of  them  named  William  Powrie  deponed 
 that  they  saw  the  Queen  on  her  Avay  to  Holy  rood  "  ganging  before  them 
 with  licht  torches  as  they  came  up  the  Black  Freir  Wind." — (Pitcairn's 
 Criminal  Trials,  vol.  i.  Part  II.  p.  493).  This  curious  fact  that  the  Qneeu 
 walhd  on  foot,  with  lighted  torches,  without  guards,  and  a  very  few 
 attendants,  through  tliese  now  disnuil  alleys,  and  along  a  portion  of  the 
 then  i)rincipal  street  of  the  city  on  a  Sunday  evening,  yet  excitijig  no 
 particular  attention,  is  a  singular  contrast  to  what  wonld  take  place  at 
 such  a  pedestiian  display  of  royalty  in  onr  times.  Bothwell  also  left 
 the  Kirk-of-Field  house  at  the  same  time  with  the  Queen,  and  joined  in 
 the  most  miseemly  festi\'ities  held  at  the  Palace  occasioned  by  the 
 marriage  of  Sebastian,  from  which,  however,  as  we  are  informed  by 
 I'owrie  in  his  confession,  he  stole  away  about  midnight,  and  prepared 
 himself  for  the  deed  by  changii]g  his  rich  dress,  w  hich  was  "  a  pair  of 
 blak  velvet  hoise  truissit  with  silver,  and  ane  doublet  of  satm  of  the 
 same  numer,"  and  arrayed  himself  in  "  ane  uther  pair  of  blak  velvet 
 hoise,  and  ane  doublet  of  canves,  and  tuke  his  (long)  side-rideing  cloak 
 about  him,  and  incontent  past  furth."  George  Dalgleish,  another  of  the 
 villains,  gives  similar  evidence  resjjccting  Botliwell's  dress,  only  adding 
 that  his  "  canves  dowblet"  was  white,  and  that  his  long  side-riding  cloak 
 was  of  "  sad  (dark)  Inglish  claith  callit  the  new  colonr."  Meanwhile 
 Darnlcy,  the  victim,  had  retired  to  his  bed-room.  "Since  liis  last 
 illness,"  says  Mr  Tytler,  "  there  appeared  to  have  been  a  great  change  in 
 him.  He  had  become  more  thoughtfnl,  and  thonght  had  brought  with  it 
 re[)entance  of  his  former  courses,  ile  lamented  there  wore  few  near  him 
 whom  he  could  trust,  and  at  times  he  would  say  that  he  knew  he  should 
 be  slain,  complaining  that  he  was  hardly  di*alt  with  ;  but  from  these 
 sorrows  ho  had  sought  refug.*  in  religion,  and  it  was  remarked  that  on 
 this  night,  his  last  in  this  world,  he  had  repeated  the  55th  Psiilm,  whicli 
 he  would  often  read  and  sing."-  (MS.  Letter,  State-Paper  Oflice,  Drury 
 to  (*ecil,  Ajiril  15(J7,  cited  by  Mr  Tytler)—"  After  his  divotion,"  continues 
 Mr  Tytler,  "  he  went  to  bed  and  fell  asleep,  Taylor,  his  page,  being 
 beside  him  in  the  same  apartment."— History  of  b'cotland,  vol.  vii. 
 ,).  82,83.- l<:.l 
 
 '  Jiesi«les  tlie  depositions  of  iIk-  dinnnals  (hat  suft'ered  deatii,  and  whirh 
 
BOG  Tin;  histi»i[y  <>f  tiii:  affaik.s  [1500-7. 
 
 slain  or  taken  out  of  the  house  before  the  powder  was  fired. ^ 
 Thus  died  in  a  barbarous  and  most  wicked  manner  King 
 llem-y,   formerly    l^oid   j)arnly,   in   the  twenty-first  year  of 
 
 are  [niblislu'd  \)Y  Mr  Aiuk-rson,  the  readers  will  see  the  exaniinati«ju  ol" 
 one  of  the  Jviiif^'s  servants  who  lay  in  the  house  at  the  time  of  the  murder, 
 in  Ajjpendix,  Number  XVII. 
 
 ^  [Darnley  was  murdered  alon^with  his  page  before  Bothwellmade  his 
 ajipearance  at  the  Kirk-of-Field  house.     The  moment  he  went  to  bed 
 and  fell  asleep,  the  murderers,  wlio  lurked  in  the  lower  room,  prepared  to 
 complete  their  purpose,  "  but  their  miserable  victim,"  says  Mr  Tytler, 
 "  was  awakened  by  the  noise  of  their  false  keys  in  the  lock  of  his  apart- 
 ment, and  rushing  down  in  his  shirt  and  pelisse,  endeavoured  to  make  his 
 escape,  but  he  was  intercepted  and  strangled,  after  a  desperate  resistance, 
 his  cries  for  mercy  being  heard  by  some  women  in  the  nearest  house.  The 
 page  was  also  strangled,  and  their  bodies  carried  into  a  small  orchard 
 without  the  garden  wall,  where  they  were  found — the  King  in  his  shirt 
 only,  and  the  pelisse  by  his  side.     Amid  the  conflicting  stories  of  tin? 
 ruffians  who   were  executed  it  is  difficult  to  arrive  at  the  whole  truth, 
 but  nodouljt  rests  on  the  part  acted  by  Bothwell,  the  arch-conspirator." 
 AVhen  he  left  his  residence  near  the  Palace  of  Holyrood  in  the  dress 
 already  described,  to  consunmiate  the  murder,  he  was  accompanied  by  a 
 Frenchman  named  Nicolas  Hubert,  who  figures  in  the  narrative  by  the 
 soubri(|uet    of    French    Paris,   William  Powrie,  George    Dalgleish,   and 
 Patrick  Wilson.     As  all  the  localities  in  the  vicinity  of  Ilolyroud  Palace 
 aie  now  considerably  altered,  and  many  buildings  are  removed   which 
 existed  longafter  Queen  Clary's  time,  it  is  conse(juently  difficult  to  under- 
 stand the  i)eculiar  places  mentioned.     It  is  stated  that  Bothwell  and  his 
 hirelings,  when  he  left  his  own  residence, proceeded  "down  the  turni)ike" 
 and  along  the  back  wall  of  the  Queen's  garden,  till  they  came  to  the  back 
 of  the  "  cunzie-house"  or  Mint,  which  wa.s  then  within  the  precincts  of 
 the  Palace,  and    they   next   entered    the   Canongate.     As   the   Queen's 
 "  South  Garden''  is  prominently  specified,  all  the  above  localities  must  have 
 been  on  the  south-west  side  of  the  Palace  towards  the  base  of  Salisbury 
 Crags,  and  not  on  the  north-west  side,  where  an  enclosed  garden  is  still 
 called  Qwcn  Man/s  Garden.      When    they   jiassed    the   Queen's   ISouth 
 (larden,  two  sentinels  at  the  gate  leading  into  the  "  outer  close"  asked 
 them     "Who  is  that  J"    They  answered — "Friends."    "  What  friends  f" 
 wjis  the  next  question.     "  My  Lord  Bothwell's  friends,"  was  the  reply, 
 which  was  considered  siitisfactory,  and  they  were  allowed  to  pjiss.     They 
 })roceeded  uj)  the  Canongate,  jind  at  the  Nether- Bow  (late,  which  they 
 found  closed,  I'atrick  Wilson  summoned  John  (Jalloway  to  "  o\\v\\  the  port 
 to  friends  of  my  Lord  Bothwell."    The  gate  wjus  opened  by  the  porter, 
 who,  angry  at  this  jteremptory  disturbance,  asked  them  why  they  were  out 
 of  theirbeds  at  that  time  of  night.    'J'hey  procei'iU'd  a  short  distance  uj)  the 
 High  Street,  above  the  house  occui)ied  by  the  ceU'brated  early  !^cottish 
 printer  P.assintin(>  ;  and  as  the  south  side  of  tlu>  High  Street  is  mentioned, 
 that  house  must  have  been  nearly  ojiposite  tin*  public  well  called  the  I'oun- 
 tain  Well.    IL-re  they  entered  a  stair,  and  called  for  two  of  theira.vsociates 
 named  Ormiston,  but   they  receivc»l  no  answer.     'J'hey  then  went  ilown 
 the  alley  inuler  the  Blackfiiars' Wyi.d,  which  must  have  been  theprescnt 
 
1566-7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  507 
 
 his  ago,  and  just  two  years  from  his  coining  into  Scotland, 
 within  which  such  short  space  he  had  experience  both  of 
 the  smiles  and  frowns  of  fortune  in  a  very  eminent  degree. 
 He  is  said  to  have  been  one  of  the  tallest  and  handsomest 
 young  men  of  the  age,  that  he  had  a  comely  face  and  pleasant 
 countenance,  that  he  was  a  most  dextrous  horseman,  and 
 exceedingly  well  skilled  in  all  genteel  exercises,  prompt  and 
 ready  for  all  games  and  sports,  much  given  to  the  diversions 
 
 Todiig's  Wynd,  and  crossed  tlie  Cowgate  to  a  gate  connected  with  the 
 former  Monastery  of  the  JiUick  Friars.  Jlere  liothwell  ordered  Patrick 
 Wilson  and  Georj^e  Dalgliesh  to  remain  till  he  returned,  and  he  proceeded 
 to  the  Kirk-cf-Field  house.  Darnley  had  by  tliis  time  been  strangled, 
 and  his  dead  body,  with  that  of  his  page,  carried  into  the  adjoining  garden. 
 Bothwell's  arrival  was  the  signal  fur  the  murderers  to  complete  their 
 pur])ose.  The  match  was  laid  to  the  train  of  guni)Owder,  but  it  burnt  too 
 slow  for  their  impatience.  While  they  cautiously  crept  forward  to 
 examine  it,  the  match  took  effect,  and  about  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  a 
 fearful  noise  was  heard  throughout  the  city;  the  Kirk-of-Field  house  was 
 blown  in  pieces,  and  utterly  demolished,  at  the  very  time,  after  the 
 absence  of  half  an  hour,  Bothwell,  accompanied  by  Hay  of  Tallo,  and 
 Hepburn  of  Bolton,  came  back  to  Wilson  and  Dalgliesh  at  the  Black- 
 friars'  gate.  They  all  re-entered  the  Cowgate,  where  they  separated, 
 running  up  the  Blackfriars'  Wynd  and  another  alley,  and  meeting  in  the 
 High  Street  at  the  Xether-Bow.  They  proceeded  down  an  alley  on  the 
 north  side  of  the  High  Street,  with  the  intention  of  getting  over  a  broken 
 part  of  the  city  wall  in  Leith  Wynd,  but  Botliwell  thought  it  was  too 
 high,  and  they  were  compelled  again  to  rouse  the  gate-keeper  at  the 
 Nether-Bow,  who  opened  to  them  as  "  friends  of  my  Lord  Bothwell." 
 They  then  went  down  St  Mary's  Wynd,  and  reached  Bothwell's  residence 
 near  the  Palace  by  the  street  called  the  South  Back  of  the  Canongate. 
 There  they  were  again  challenged  by  the  sentinels,  and  their  reply  was — 
 "  Friends  of  my  Lord  Bothwell."  The  sentinels  asked — "  What  crack 
 was  that  ?"  They  answered  that  they  knew  not,  and  they  were  told  that 
 if  they  were  Bothwell's  servants  they  might  "gang  their  way."  When 
 Bothwell  entered  his  house  he  called  for  a  drink,  undressed,  and  went  to 
 bed,  in  which  he  was  scarcely  half  an  hour  when  a  person  named  (ieorge 
 llalket  rushed  into  his  chamber  "  in  ane  greit  effray,  as  black  as  any  pik, 
 and  not  ane  word  to  speik."  "  What  is  the  matter  ("  asked  Bothwell. 
 "  The  King's  house  is  blown  up,"  was  the  re])ly,  "  and  1  trow  the  King  be 
 slain."  "  Fie,  treason  !"  exclaimed  Bothwell  in  feigned  astonishment, 
 and  starting  up,  he  dressed  hiujself.  lie  wius  immediately  joined  by  the 
 Earl  of  Jluntly,  a  brother  consi)irator,  and  they  both  entered  the  Queen's 
 apartments,  accompanied  by  other  persons  connected  with  the  Court. 
 When  Mary  wa.s  informed  of  her  husband's  fate  she  evinced  the  utmost 
 horror,  and  secludetl  herself  in  her  chamber  overwhelmed  with  sorrow. 
 See  her  letter  to  Arehbisho])  Beaton  at  Paris,  detjiiling  the  particuhirs  of 
 the  murder  of  her  unfortunate  husband,  dati'd  11th  IVbruary  l.'itKi-T,  in 
 our  Historian's  "  Advertisement  to  the  Ueader,"  vol.  i.  p.  ei.  eii.  of  the 
 jiresent  edition. — Fi.j 
 
•^t)8  Tin:   HISTOKY  OF  TIIK  AFFAIRS  [1500-7. 
 
 of  hawking  and  liunting,  to  horse-racing  and  niusick,  espe- 
 cially phiying  on  the  lute,  lie  could  speak  and  write  well, 
 and  was  bountiful  and  liberal  enough.!  jj^^  i^ii^n  to  balance 
 these  good  natural  qualifications,  he  was  much  addicted  to 
 
 ^  [Our  llistoriiui's  description  of  Darnley's  accomplishments  may  be 
 authentic,  but  in  tracing  Jiis  brief  career  from   his  marria«,'e  to  Queen 
 Mary  to  his  murder  it  is  obvious  that  ho  was  utterly  unfitted  for  the 
 elevation   he  obtained,  and  which    was   eventually  his   ruin.     Little   is 
 known  of  his  juvenile  years,  or  of  the  develo])ement  of  his  character  and 
 habits,  as  he  ai)pears  to  have  ])ecn  educated  in  his  father's  house  under  a 
 private  procci)tor,  and  his  acquirements  were  in  consequence  pettish  and 
 childish.     The  earliest  notice  of  him  is  a  letter  he  wrote  iii  March   1554 
 to  his  cousin   Mary  Tudor,  who,  by  a  strange  mistake,  is  supposed  in 
 the  "  Catalogue  of  Royal  and  Noble  Authors,"  to  have  been  the  Scottish 
 Queen,  then   in    France   in   the  twelfth  year  of  her  age.     lie  was  the 
 second  son  of  the  Earl  of  Lennox,  his  elder  brother,  also  named  llenry, 
 having  died  before  his  birth  in  November  1545  when  nine  months  old. 
 lie  is  noticed  as  a  "  tall  lad"  of  nineteen  at  the  Court  of  Queen  Elizabeth, 
 when  we  first  see  him  in  public  life,  and  he  soon  afterwards  ai-rived  in 
 Scotland  with  all  his  puerile  prejudices  and  weaknesses.     When  he  first 
 came  to  Scotland  his  personal  ajjpearance  rendered  him  popular,  but 
 after  he   married   Queen   Mary  he  proved   himself  to   be  a  complete 
 imbecile.      The   Queen   was   sensible   of  his   defects,    and  laboured   to 
 inijirove  his  mind,  smooth  his  temper,  and  inspire  him  with  the  manners 
 of  a  Nobleman  and  of  a  courtier.   Sir  James  Melville  informs  us  that  soon 
 after  the  marriage  the  Queen  requested  him  to  wait  upon  Darnley,  give 
 him  judicious  advice,  and  help  him  to  avoid  many  difficulties  ;  but,  as 
 Chalmers  justly  observes,  he  was  "  too  self-sufficient  for  instruction,  and 
 too  ira-scible  for  social  intercourse,  so  that  he  seemed  to  verify  I\andoIi)li's 
 prediction  t/iat  the  Qmcn  would  have  hut  a  son-i/  life  with  him"     Among 
 Darnley's  other  mad  projects,  it  is  said  that  he  at  one  time  intended  to 
 take  i)Ossession  of  Scarborough  Castle  in  Yorkshiie,  and  of  seizing  one  of 
 the  Scilly  Islands.    Secretary  Cecil,  who  allowed  nothing  to  pass  unnoticed, 
 caused  a  person  to  be  examined  wlio  had  been  in  Scotland,  and  said  he  had 
 conversed  with  Darnley  about  his  future  i)rojects.     It  is  curious  to  trace, 
 in  the  i)erson  of  the  fickle,  foolish,  and  unaccountable  husl)and  of  Queen 
 Mary,  the  arrangements  of  Divine  Providence,     lie  wa.s  destined  to  be 
 the  progenitor  by  that  marriage  of  the  future  British  Sovereigns  of  the 
 House  of  Stuart,  of  those  of  the  House  of  Hanover,  of  the  Orleans  brancli 
 of  the  Hourljon  Family  called  to  the  throne  of  France  at  the  Itevolution  of 
 18.'J(),  of  the  reigning  I'amily  of  Sardinia,  and  of  the  numerous  descendants 
 of  his  grandson  Charles  J.  in   the  Continental  States  of  Euroj>e.     l-'rom 
 Darnley  also  descend  the  Kings  of  the  Netherlands  and  of  Denmark  by 
 intermarriage   with    the   House   of  Hanover,   to   say   nothing  of  other 
 sovereign    I'rinces,  or  even  of  the  many  descendants  of  the  illegitimate 
 sons  of  (Charles  II.  among  the  British  Nobility,  or  of  tliose  of  James  II. 
 in  France.     Darnley's  fate  wjus  a  most  extraordinary  one,  and  we  cannot 
 follow  his  career  from  his  nuirriage  to  Queen  Mary  until  his  barbarous 
 ii)iir<l.v  without  the  most  intense  and  painful  interest. —  E.) 
 
15C)C)-7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  509 
 
 intemperance,  to  base  and  unmanly  pleasures  ;^  he  was 
 haughty  and  proud,  and  so  very  weak  in  mind,  as  to  be 
 a  prey  to  all  that  came  about  him  ;  he  was  inconstant, 
 credulous,  and  facile,  unable  to  abide  by  any  resolutions, 
 capable  to  be  imposed  upon  by  designing  men,  and  could 
 conceal  no  secret,  let  it  tend  ever  so  much  either  to  his  own 
 welfare  or  detriment. 
 
 1  Mr  Knox  very  honestly  puts  this  as  a  part  of  the  Kinf^'s  cliaracter, 
 that  "  he  ^vas  much  r/ivcn  to  Vcmts^s  chamber.'"  But  Mr  Buchanan,  who 
 never  wants  a  good  tale  for  his  friend,  says  in  his  Detection — "  Ferit 
 scho  (the  Queen)  leist  he  (the  King)  a  zoung  man,  bewtiful,  and  ane 
 King,  suld  cast  wantoun  eyis  upon  sum  uther  woman  in  hir  absence  ? 
 Na,  God  wait  ;  for  tliat  was  it  scho  maist  desyrit.  For  scho  hirself  had 
 practizit  to  allure  him  thairto  befoir  ;  scho  hirself  had  offerit  him 
 the  occasiounis,  and  of  hirself  schawit  him  the  meanis." — (O  vile  and 
 shameless  traducer  !) — "  This  was  it  that  maist  grevit  hir,  quile  scho 
 was  seiking  causis  of  divorce,  that  scho  culd  not  find  in  him  sa  mekle 
 as  ony  sclender  suspicioun  of  adulterie."  The  readers  may  chuse  which 
 branch  of  these  contradictions  to  give  the  best  credit  unto.  The  former 
 a])peared  to  me  best  supported  by  collateral  evidence.  The  best  of  friends 
 may  chance  to  differ,  as  the  case  now  is  with  Knox  and  Buchanan. — 
 [Knox's  character  of  Darnle}^,  which  is  much  the  same,  though  shorter, 
 as  that  given  by  our  Historian,  Avith  the  exception  of  the  indelicate 
 statement  about  "  Veims's  chamber,"  occurs  in  his  "  Historic,"  Edin. 
 edit,  folio,  1732,  p.  404.  The  passage  from  Buchanan,  whom  Bishop 
 Keith  indignantly  denounces  as  a  "  vile  and  shameless  traducer,"  is  part 
 of  an  "  Oration,"  in  his  "  Detection  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots"  entitled  "  An 
 Appendix  to  the  History  of  Scotland,"  8vo.  London,  1721,  p.  72. — E.] 
 
;>10  TIIK  HISTORY  or  THK  AFFAill>  I  J.3(jl> 
 
 CHAPTER  XI. 
 
 CONTINUATION  UF  STATE  AFFAIRS  FROM  THE  KING's  MURDER 
 ON  THE  IOtH  of  FEBRUARY  1566-7,  UNTIL  THE  QUEEN's 
 MARRIAGE  WITH  THE  EARL  OF  BOTHWELL  ON  THE  15tH  OF 
 MAY  IN  THE  SAME  YEAR  1567. 
 
 TiiK  rumour  of  the  King's  murder  having  spread  itself 
 througli  the  city  of  Edinburgh  the  more  quickly,  by  reason 
 of  the  great  crack  occasioned  by  the  blowing  up  of  the 
 ])o\vder;  the  general  report  came  as  quickly  to  run  about, 
 that  the  Earl  of  liothwcll  had  performed  or  contrived  that 
 inhumane  wickedness  ;  others  laid  it  at  the  doors  of  the 
 Earls  of  Morton  and  Moray,^  and  some  had  tlie  assurance 
 
 ^  The  Earl  of  Morton  at  liis  execution  for  tliis  murder  many  years  after 
 owned  his  knowledji^e  of  it,  but  as  to  the  Earl  of  Moray,  I  have  never 
 seen  any  thinfj^  authentick  to  fix  the  knowledge  of  the  murder  upon  him, 
 cxcei)t  what  liere  follows, — "  Is  it  unknov.n,  think  ye,  the  Erie  of  ^loray 
 (says  lip.  Leslie  in  his  Defence,  &c.),  what  the  Lord  Harris  said  to  your 
 face  openly,  even  at  your  owne  table,  a  few  daies  after  the  murther  was 
 committed  ?  Did  he  not  charge  you  with  the  foreknowledge  of  the  same 
 murther  ?  Did  not  he,  nulla  circuitionc  usus,  flatly  and  plainely  burthen 
 you,  that  you  riding  in  Fiffe,  and  coming  with  one  of  your  most  assured 
 trusty  servants  the  said  day  wherein  you  departed  from  Edhiburgh,  said 
 to  him  among  other  talke,  *  Tliis  nUjht  ere  momimj  the  Lord  Darnhy 
 shall  lone  his  lift."  But  as  the  Lord  Ilerries  was  a  great  manag  r  for  the 
 Queen  his  sovereign,  it  may  be  justly  thought  strange  that  this  Lord  should 
 never  have  emitted  any  declaration  of  this  matter  by  himself;  and  on  the 
 other  hand,  that  he  should  never  have  contradicted  this  affirmation  by 
 the  iJishop,  his  colleague  in  the  Queen's  aftairs.  The  declaration  already 
 mentioned,  and  signed  l)y  the  Earls  of  lluntly  and  Argyll,  does  indeed 
 contain  the  sentiments  of  these  two  Peers,  that  the  Earl  of  Moray  might 
 luive  had  a  hand  in  the  murder  of  the  King,  but  their  conclusion  is  by  no 
 means  probative  against  him.  To  that  declaration  his  I^ordship  made  an 
 answer,  which  I  have  likewise  put  into  the  Ajjpendix.  'J'he  readers  will 
 form  their  own  sentiments  concerning  it,  and  I  shall  acknowledge  that 
 for  my  j)art  1  judge  it  to  be  a  very  general  and  evasive  paper.  He  ought, 
 in  my  opinion,  to  have  narrated  in  tluit  jiaper  of  his  all  and  every  thing 
 he  says  he  declared  to  the  Queen  of  I  Jigland,  otherwise  we  are  now  just 
 as  wise  as  we  would  have  been  had  he  declared  nothing  at  all,  and  nuule 
 no  answer  at  all.  He  falls  next  ujjon  the  story  of  signing  of  Jitiinhy  and 
 descants  largely  thereof;  and  yet  in  all  the  declaration  by  tiie  other  two 
 Peers  then?  is  not  a  word  concerning  any  liaml  at  all.  Finally,  he  takes 
 no  notice  of  the  challenge  made  by  the  two  t^irl^  but  only  says  he  will 
 av(»\v  and  maintain  (\r.  as  in  his  paper;,  not   nt   all   diirrfh/  to  the  things 
 
L)r)f]-7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  TX  SCOTLAND.  ^)^\ 
 
 to  blast  the  Queen's  reputation  with  it.^  It  were  too  laborious 
 as  well  as  unnecessary  a  task  for  nie  to  represent  here  the 
 various  and  contradictory  accounts  of  writers,  their  accusa- 
 tions and  recriminations  on  this  head.  I  chusc  rather  to 
 remit  my  readers  to  the  authors  themselves,  and  shall  only 
 take  notice,  that  by  the  concurrent  testimonies  of  the 
 criminals  that  suffered  a  publick  death  upon  the  account  of 
 this  murder,  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  was  really  the  principal 
 person  concerned  in  it,  and  that  the  Queen  seems  not,  so 
 
 cliaro;ed  hy  the  Earls  of  Tluiitly  unci  Argyll.  Xote,  The  day  before  the 
 King's  murder  the  Earl  of  ^[oray  pressed  the  Queen  hard  to  allow  him 
 to  pass  into  Fife  to  visit  his  Lady,  who  he  said  was  fallen  ill,  and  was  like 
 to  miscarry  of  a  child.  Some  people  have  observed  that  this  Xol)leman 
 went  still  out  of  the  way  when  any  fatal  accident  was  to  fall  out,  though 
 they  aver  that  he  had  as  deep  a  share  therein  as  those  that  were  i)resent. 
 — [The  Earl  of  Moray  was  the  leader  of  that  neutral  party  who  cautiously 
 avoided  sharing  directly  in  the  conspiracy  against  Darnley,  and  yet  who 
 considered  any  public  announcement  to  frustrate  it  dangerous  or  impolitic. 
 His  "  superior  sagacity,"  observes  MrTytler,  "enabled  him  to  avoid  any 
 direct  connection  with  the  atrocious  design  which  they  (Bothwell,  Morton, 
 Sir  James  Balfour,  Maitland  of  Lethington,  and  their  associates)  now 
 hurried  on  to  its  accomplishment."  Both  Morton  and  Moray  were  absent 
 from  Edinburgh  at  the  time  of  the  murder.  Tlie  latter  went  on  a  visit  to 
 his  Countess  in  Fife  on  the  day  before  the  crime  was  perpetrated. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Darnley  was  murdered  about  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  and  at  day- 
 break multitudes  of  the  citizens  crowded  to  the  Kirk-of-Field.  Bothwell 
 soon  appeared  with  a  guard  to  prevent  any  minute  examination,  and  Darn- 
 ley's  body  was  removed  to  an  adjacent  house,  where  it  lay  till  it  was  inspected 
 by  the  Privy-Council  ;  but  in  the  short  interval  it  was  noticed  that  the 
 bodies  of  Darnley  and  his  page  were  untouched  by  fire  or  powder,  and  no 
 blood  wound  was  ap])arent  on  either.  This  originated  many  contradictory 
 reports  and  conjectures,  in  some  of  which  the  "  Queen's  rei)utation"  was 
 seriously  involved.  Her  conduct  and  the  proceedings  of  her  advisere  were 
 narrowly  scrutinized,  and  it  was  renuirked  that  two  days  were  allowed  to 
 elapse  before  measures  were  adopted  to  discover  the  perpetrators  of  the 
 murder.  It  was  not  till  Wednesday  that  a  i)roclamation  was  issued, 
 oftei'ing  a  reward  of  L.200()  to  any  who  would  give  information  ;  but  on 
 that  very  night,  Jis  sul)sequently  stated  by  our  Historian,  a  paper  wa.s 
 affixed  on  the  door  of  the  'I'olbooth,  charging  the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  Sir 
 James  l^alfour,  and  David  Chambers,  as  the  guilty  parties.  "  Voices, 
 too,  were  heanl  in  the  streets  at  the  dead  of  night,  arraigning  the  same 
 ])ersons,  and  as  the  fate  of  the  King  had  excited  the  deepest  indignation 
 in  the  jieople,  Mary's  friends  looked  with  the  utnu>st  anxiety  to  tlie 
 conduct  she  should  pursue.  To  their  mortification  it  was  any  thing  but 
 satisfactory.  Instead  of  acting  with  that  sjtirit,  pronii)titude,  and  vigour, 
 which  she  had  so  recently  exhibited  under  the  most  trying  emergencies, 
 she  betrayed  a  deplorable  ap-atliv  and  remissness." — History  of  Scotlanri. 
 vol.  vii.  p.  «r).-  E.l 
 
512  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGG-J . 
 
 far  as  they  knew,  to   have  had  any  hand  therein. ^     True 
 
 *  [Tliis  is  one  of  those  historical  qitedionea  vcxatce  which  will  probably 
 ever  remain  undecided.  Much  has  been  written  in  defence  of  and  af^ainst 
 the  Queen,  and  tlio  present  I^ditor  only  ventures  his  opinion  on  a  subject  so 
 much  disputed,  that  Mary  had  no  autlientic  knowledge  of  the  conspiracy 
 against  her  husband.  The  origin  of  the  plot  has  been  traced  in  preceding 
 notes  to  our  Ilistorian's  text,  and  the  subsequent  developement  of  the 
 horrible  tragedy  confirms  this  statement.  Nevertheless  the  Queen  acted 
 with  great  imprudence  in  not  only  associating  with  Bothwcll,  who 
 continued  in  high  favour  and  enjoyed  the  most  familiar  intercourse  with 
 her,  but  in  neglecting  the  earnest  remonstrances  of  Darnley's  father 
 Lennox  and  of  her  ambassador  Archbishop  Beaton  at  Paris,  immediately 
 to  apprehend  the  murderers  denounced  by  public  rumour.  The  reply  of 
 the  latter  to  the  Queen's  account  of  the  murder,  which  she  transmitted  to 
 him  on  the  day  after  it  was  i)erpetrated,  is  in  our  Ilistorian's  "  Adver- 
 tisement to  the  Keader,"  vol.  i.  p.  civ.  cv.  of  the  present  edition,  dated 
 I'aris,  0th  of  March.  The  Archbishop  told  ^Mary  that  it  was  a  crime 
 which  had  astonished  all  Europe,  and  that  it  was  absolutely  necessary  for 
 her  own  honour  to  have  it  thoroughly  investigated.  "  Of  this  deed,"  he 
 candidly  says,  "  if  I  should  write  all  that  is  spoken  here,  and  also  in 
 England,  of  the  miserable  state  of  that  liealm  (Scotland)  by  the  dishonour 
 (corrupt  conduct)  of  the  Nobility,  mistrust  and  treason  of  your  whole 
 subjects,  yea,  that  yourself  is  greatly  and  icronyoiisly  calumniated  to  he  the 
 motive  principal  of  the  tchole,  and  all  clone  by  your  command,  I  can  conclude 
 nothing,  by  what  your  ^lajesty  writes  to  me  yourself,  that  since  it  hath 
 pleased  God  to  preserve  you  to  take  a  rigorous  vengeance  thereof,  that, 
 rather  than  it  be  not  actually  taken,  it  appears  to  me  better  in  this  world 
 that  you  had  lost  life  and  all. — Here  it  is  needful  that  you  show  fortli 
 now,  ratlier  than  ever  before,  the  great  virtue,  magnanimity,  and 
 constancy  which  God  has  granted  you,  by  whose  grace  I  hope  you  shall 
 overcome  this  most  heavy  envy  (reproach)  and  displeasure  of  the 
 committing  therefor,  and  preserve  that  reputation  in  all  godliness  which 
 you  have  acciuired  long  since,  which  can  appear  no  way  more  clearly 
 than  that  you  do  such  justice  as  the  whole  world  may  declare  your 
 innocence,  and  give  testimony  for  ever  of  their  treivson  that  have 
 committed,  without  fear  of  God  or  man,  so  cruel  and  ungodly  a  murder." 
 Aichbishoj)  Beaton  solemnly  admonishes  the  Queen  that  her  conduct  and 
 the  state  of  her  kingdom  were  the  common  talk  of  all  Europe,  and  he 
 ill  inly  adds — "  Yet  is  not  the  hand  of  God  and  His  mighty  power  short, 
 but  by  His  comfort  and  helj),  imploring  truly  the  same,  and  serving  Him 
 with  all  your  lieart,  you  may  have  such  consolation  by  Him,  that  ye  shall 
 b(>  able  to  remove  that  which  is  to  your  Majesty's  harm  or  disadvantage, 
 and  establish  that  reputation  that  hitherto  the  whole  world  has  conceived 
 of  your  virtue."  The  attecting  admonitions  of  this  excellent  Prelate  were 
 eitlier  disregarded,  or  Mary  found  hersi-lf  utterly  powerless  to  carry  them 
 into  effect.  Mr  Tytler  ai)propriately  ol)serves — "  Happy  had  it  been  for 
 this  unftntunate  Princess  if  she  had  listened  for  a  moment  to  the  calm 
 and  earnest  advice  of  her  amba-ssador  at  the  Court  of  1^-ance,  when  he 
 imjilored  her  to  punish  her  husband's  murderers,  and  warned  her  in  such 
 solemn  terms  that  the  eyes  of  Europe  were  fixed  upon  her  conduct,  but 
 liis  U>tter  appears  to  liave  made  little  inij>ression.     The  collusive  trial  of 
 
1566-7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  513 
 
 indeed  it  is  that  Nicholas  Hubert  the  Frenchman,  connnonly 
 called  Paris^^'  in  his  declaration  at  St  Andrews  of  the  date 
 the  10th  August  1569,  says  several  things  not  very  favourable 
 for  the  Queen.  But  then  it  is  to  be  remembered  that  this* 
 man  had  been  now  full  two  years  and  a  half  kept  in  prison, 
 by  which  time  he  that  was  a  stranger,  and  destitute  of  all 
 means  of  subsistence,  might  have  easily  been  prevailed  with 
 to  emit  any  declaration  his  examiners  should  think  proper 
 upon  a  promise  of  releasment :  or  the  very  irksomness  of  a 
 long  and  tedious  prison,  and  a  sort  of  desperation  arising 
 from  thence,  might  have  had  the  same  effect  upon  him. 
 Nay,  a  person  in  his  circumstances  might  be  ready  enough  to 
 beg  his  life  to  be  taken  away  at  any  rate.  And  how  unre^i- 
 sonable  it  is  to  give  faith  to  poor,  hungry,  indigent,  starving 
 persons,  though  no  other  suspicious  circumstances  were  in 
 the  case,  common  law  and  common  reason  do  sufficiently 
 discover  ;  and,  in  fact,  such  sort  of  witnesses  are  justly 
 rejected  both  by  the  Roman  and  our  own  Scottish  laws. 
 Nor  can  there  be  any  other  tolerable  ground  thought  on 
 why  this  poor  man  should  be  detained  so  long  time  a 
 prisoner  after  the  execution  of  the  other  criminals,  had 
 there  not  been  some  sinistrous  view  therein.  And  no  doubt 
 our  suspicion  against  his  testimony  may  justly  receive  an 
 additional  weight  by  supposing  the  person  to  be  a  poor, 
 empty,  silly,  facile  fellow — which  character  may  as  rationally 
 be  ascribed  to  him  as  any  other  at  this  time  of  day.  Besides, 
 his  very  declaration,  hammered  out  as  it  now  stands,  carries 
 along  some  sort  of  inconsistencies,  at  least  some  things  that 
 have  not  the  best  aspect  in  the  world.  It  seems  to  ascribe 
 to  him  too  hasty  an  acquaintance  and  confidence  with  the 
 Queen,  no  sooner  than  on  the  road  to  Glasgow.  \Vhat  was 
 the  use  of  delivering  to  him  300  crowns  in  a  purse  to  bo 
 given  to  the  Earl  of  Bothwell,   when  that  Earl  was  present 
 
 IJotliwell  pfiivo  ;i  shock  to  her  l)ost  friends,  ;uul  the  extraordinary  events, 
 which  now  rapidly  succeeded,  confirmed  the  woi-st  suspicions  of  his 
 enemies." — History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  103. — K.) 
 
 *  [This  man  is  mentioned  by  the  sobriquet  o{  French  Paris,  which  seems 
 to  have  originated  from  the  place  of  his  birth,  and  he  styles  himself 
 "  Paj-wV/i "  in  his  confession.  He  was  executed  on  the  KJth  of  Au^ist 
 1569,  and  in  the  Lord  Ilij^h  Trea.surer's  Accounts  are  charc^es  for  sendint,' 
 two  of  the  quarters  of  his  body  to  Perth  and  Dundee,  aud  his  hea<l  and 
 one  of  his  Icfj^  to  St  Andrews. — E.] 
 
 VOL.  II.  33 
 
•">I4  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loC6-7. 
 
 himself  with  the  Queen  ?     How  mean  was  it  in  the  Queen 
 to  tell  him  by  word  of  mouth,  and  to  charge  him  to  tell 
 Bothwell   that  the  King   had   desired   to  give  her  a   kiss, 
 and  that  she  had  rejected  him,  and  that  the  Lady  Riris^ 
 would  bear  her  witness  of  the  truth  thereof?    He  represents 
 the    Queen    as    utterly    diffident    of    Alexander   Durham, 
 servant  to  the  King,  whereas  Buchanan  makes  this  same 
 Durham  her  only  confident  about  the  King  to  the  very  last 
 minute    of   his   life.     He  pretends  the   Earl    of   Bothwell 
 told  him  of  his  criminal  correspondence  with   the  Queen, 
 and   the  manner  he  was  taken  into   her  chamber  in   the 
 night  time  !     Such  secrets  are  not  communicated,  far  less 
 to  servants  of  so  inferior  rank.     Is  it  credible  that  he  had 
 the  charge  of  making  the  Queen's  bed  I     And  at  the  first 
 time  he  says  he  made  it,  he  introduces  Bothwell  as  declaring 
 in  plain  undisguised  words,  that  in  that  very  spot  he  (Both- 
 well)  intended  to  lay  powder  to  blow  up  the  house ;  and  yet 
 John  Hepburn,2  in  his  deposition,  declares  that  the  project 
 of  murdering  the  King  by  powder  was  not  thought  of  until 
 two  days  before  the  murder,  the  former  design  having  been 
 to   kill   him  in  the  open  fields.     He  represents  himself  as 
 using  freedoms  with  the  Queen,  and  her  Majesty  with  him, 
 more  and  greater  than  can  easily  be  credited,  and  a  farther 
 trust  reposed  in  him  in  such  an  arduous  and  momentous 
 affair  than  can  ordinarily  be  accounted  for.     And  besides, 
 though  this   declaration   of  his   be  attested  by  Alexander 
 Hay,  Clerk  to  the  Privy-Council,  yet  it  is  somewhat  observ- 
 able that  Mr  Hay  does  not  at  all  attest  before  what  persons 
 the  same  was  emitted  ;  he  only  says — ''  ^This  is  a  treic  copy 
 of  the  Declaratioun  of  the  said  Nicholas  Hubert^  alias  Paris, 
 quhairof  the princi2)all  is  marJclt  every  lef  with  his  awn  handT 
 Neither  does  Mr  Hay  inform  us  at  what  time  he  himself 
 made  this   notorial  copy,   nor  what  certainty   he   had   that 
 
 '  t  Probal)ly  the  wife  of  a  ^'ontleinan  named  Forbes  of  Hiiis  or  lieres. — K.J 
 "  By  this  person's  declaration  likewise  IJotlnvell  seems  by  ehance  to 
 speak  as  if  the  Queen  knew  nothinj;  of  the  powder,  and  yet  IJuehanan 
 makes  Paris's  coming'  into  the  presence  of  the  Kinj^  and  Queen  to  have 
 been  the  sign  for  tlu-  Queen  to  be  gone,  that  now  the  powder  and  all 
 things  were  ready  for  the  execution. —  [The  examination  and  confession 
 of  Nicoljis  Hubert,  alias  Frauh  Paris,  are  inserted  in  Pitcairn's  Criminal 
 Trials,  vol.  i.  Part  II.  p.  502-510.  They  are  in  the  French  language, 
 dated  at  St  Andrews,  ;)th  and  10th  of  August,  and  the  originals  are  still  in 
 the  British  Museum,  Calig.  B.  IX.  fol.  'MO,  and  C:il    ''    I    <"1   .ns      K.] 
 
1.560-7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN   SCOTLAND.  ol.) 
 
 Hubert  had  actually  formed  that  subscription.  ]5ut  above 
 and  beyond  all  critical  observations  and  remarks  as  to  this 
 Declaration,  it  is  of  the  utmost  avail  here  to  consider  that 
 Bishop  Leslie,  in  his  fore-mentioned  "  Defence  of  Queen 
 Mary's  Honour,"  has  these  express  words, — "  For  as  for  him 
 that  ye  surmise  was  the  bearer  of  them  (letters), ^  and  whom 
 you  have  executed  of  late  for  the  said  murther  (viz.  this  same 
 Frenchman),  he  at  the  time  of  his  said  execution  took  it 
 upon  his  death,  as  he  should  answer  before  God,  that  ho 
 never  carried  any  such  letters,  nor  that  the  Queen  was  par- 
 ticipant nor  of  counsayle  in  the  cause.''  And  again — "  We 
 can  tell  you,  that  John  Hayc  of  Galoway  (Talo)  that  Powry, 
 that  Dowglish,  and  last  of  all,  that  Paris,  all  being  put  to 
 death  for  this  crime,  toke  God  to  record  at  the  time  of  their 
 death  that  this  murther  was  by  your  counsayle.  invention, 
 and  drift  committed  ;  who  also  declared,  that  they  never 
 knew  the  Queen  to  be  participant,  or  ware  thereof."  Now, 
 as  this  book  was  published  by  that  Prelate  about  a  dozen 
 of  years  before  Mr  George  Buchanan's  death,  and  probably 
 before  that  ever  he  began  to  write  his  "  History  of  Scotland," 
 at  least  before  he  had  compiled  the  latter  part  thereof 
 relating  to  this  period,  nn'ght  it  not  have  been  expected 
 that  that  accurate  writer  should  have  taken  some  notice  of 
 this  bold  and  plain  affirmation,  and  have  obtained  proper 
 credentials  from  persons  then  alive  and  present  at  the 
 execution  for  silencing  the  Bishop  of  Ross,  and  for  preventing 
 
 ^  These  were  tlie  letters  M'liich  the  Queen's  enemies  aftirnied  slie  hud 
 Avritteii  to  Bothwell,  and  were  intercejited  on  the  road  from  the  CiustU'  of 
 Edinburfj^h,  concerning  which  so  much  luxs  ah-eady  been  said  j\ir  and 
 ufia'nuty  that  I  willingly  abstain  from  entering  into  the  controvei*sy.  I 
 shall  only  put  the  Acts  of  Council,  relative  to  this  point,  in  the  Appendix, 
 and  there  add  any  remark  that  may  be  proper.  Besides  these  pretended 
 intercei)ted  letters,  there  are  eleven  other  letters  lately  published  for  the 
 first  timeat  Westminster  in  the  year  17'2(),  imder  the  title  of"  The  (lenuinc 
 Letters  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  to  James  Earl  of  Bothwell,  found  in  hia 
 Secretary's  Closet  after  his  I)ecc;use,"  &c.  But  if  those  letters  can  be 
 esteemed  to  contain  the  tunu'mc  language  of  170  years  ago,  either  \\»  to 
 the  phra.seology  or  the  syllabication,  the  present  generation  nmy  e^usily 
 judge. — [This  spurious  collection  of  letttMS  is  pretended  to  be  translated 
 from  the  "  French  originals"  by  I'.dward  Simmonds,  Westminster,  Svo. 
 172().  They  were  republished  under  the  title  of  "The  Love  Ix-tters  of 
 Mary  Queen  of  Scots  to  James  I;Larl  of  Bothwell,"  e<lited  l>y  Hugh  ("amp- 
 bell,  LL.D.  London,  Svo.  IS'i.'i.  A  more  outrageous  mass  of  rubbish  and 
 falsehood  never  was  printed. — E.  1 
 
.3 JO  Tin:  iiisToiiY  ur  the  aitaiiis  [l50()-7. 
 
 the  world  to  lay  any  stress  on  what  he  so  publickly  avers  • 
 Jhit  of  this  no  one  word  drops  from  him  at  all ;  nay,  which 
 is  not  a  little  observable,  he  does  not  in  the  least  fortify  his 
 own  narration  by  the  testimonyof  this  Frenchman,  though  he 
 had  been  at  pains  in  his  wicked  "  Detection''  to  rake  together 
 all  such  reports  as  he  thought  could  any  way  contribute  to 
 stain  the  Queen ;  he  thinks  it  sufficient  in  that  book  and 
 in  his  "  History""  to  affirm  boldly,  and  he  supposes  the  world 
 must  take  for  truth  all  that  flows  from  his  eloquent  mouth. 
 And  truly  to  hear  him  talking  of  this  murder,  wc  should  be 
 ready  to  imagine  the  Queen,  or  some  confident  of  hers,  had 
 revealed  the  whole  villany  to  this  author,  so  exact  and 
 pointed  is  he  in  every  exterior  circumstance,  and  even  in 
 the  very  secret  motions  and  intentions  of  the  Queen ;  and 
 yet,  by  all  the  other  accounts  that  have  hitherto  come  to 
 light,  he  could  know  nothing  at  all  of  the  one,  and  next  to 
 nothing  of  the  other.  The  Earl  of  Moray  and  the  other 
 enemies  of  the  (Jueon  (among  whom  this  author  was  like- 
 wise present)  found  themselves  utterly  at  a  loss  in  the  con- 
 ferences next  year  with  the  Commissioners  of  Queen  Elizabeth 
 in  England,  how  to  fix  upon  their  sovereign  any  foreknow- 
 ledge of  the  King's  murder ;  and  yet  this  writer  now  is 
 enabled  to  transmit  to  posterity  a  precise  narration  of  all 
 that  hellish  tragedy  as  acted  by  the  Queen,  without  any 
 other  helps  or  memorials  than  was  known  the  first  moment 
 after  the  fact.  When  Mr  Buchanan's  readers  have  com- 
 ])ared  his  whole  narration  of  this  wicked  murder,  &c.  with 
 such  authentick  credentials^  of  any  part  as  are  yet  upon 
 record,  they  will  then  be  able  to  form  a  judgment  whether 
 h<'  has  narrated  the  truth  therein  or  no.  The  place  also 
 whither  the  men  in   power  wei-e  pleased  to  convey  French 
 
 '  The  authentick  papers  relating  to  this  matter  are  to  be  seen  in  Mr 
 Anderson's  Collections,  and  1  believe  I  may  a.ssure  my  readers  that  there 
 is  not  one  Act  of  Privy-Council  relatin«j  to  this  matter  more  than  that 
 fjentleman  has  set  down,  viz.  those  of  the  l!2th  February,  14th  and  2Sth 
 March,  and  these  will  servo  to  condemn  what  IJuchanan  talks  so  larijely 
 of  proclamations.  The  letters  that  i)assed  between  the  Queen  and  EiU'l 
 of  Lenox  will  serve  to  rectify  him  in  that  i)art  of  his  narrative,  and  liishop 
 Leslie's  "  Defence"  of  the  Queen,  together  with  Crawford's  Memoirs,  will 
 justify  her  Majesty  in  her  behaviour  after  the  murder,  and  in  the  burial 
 of  the  King.  And  jierhaps  there  is  scarcely  any  one  minute  circumstance 
 in  Mr  Huchanan,  but  what  may  be  disproved  by  authors  of  e(|ually  gootl 
 iviMlit  with  himself. 
 
15GG-7.]         OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  ,')\7 
 
 Hubert,  and  iit  last  to  execute  Iiiiu,  namely,  St  Andrews, 
 affords  its  own  suspicion  of*  some  secret  and  unfair  manage- 
 ment, as  being  out  of  the  road  of  careful  observers  ;  and 
 upon  that  account  they  had  carried  this  foreigner  thither, 
 to  render  him  the  more  subvervient  to  their  own  purposes. 
 It  may  be  said  that  had  there  been  no  flaw  in  this  matter, 
 the  men  in  power  might  have  thought  it  worth  while  to  hav<* 
 re-conducted  the  prisoner  to  Edinburgh,  and  there  have 
 made  his  declaration  and  execution  as  notorious  and  i)ublick 
 as  their  affairs  seemed  to  re(piire  it,  especially  seeing  we  jdl 
 know  very  well  tliat  in  the  year  preceeding  his  execution 
 their  groat  difficulty  lay  in  making  obvious  to  the  (^ucen  of 
 England  that  their  sovereign  was  guilty  of  aiding  or  con- 
 triving the  death  of  her  husband,  as  I  just  now  observed. 
 And  we  know  likewise  that  though  these  men  might  be 
 knaves,  yet  they  were  no  fools.  Finally,  do  not  the  questions 
 put  to  this  criminal,  and  to  none  of  the  rest,  smell  strong  of 
 some  prepared  contrivance  i 
 
 To  return  now  from  this  digression.  After  that  the 
 King's  dead  body  had  been  embalmed, ^  it  was  decently, 
 though  privately  deposited  in  the  vault^  beside  the  Queen's 
 
 ^  [Daniley  was  embowellod  and  embalmed  on  the  12tli  of  February 
 1566-7,  by  the  Quceir.s  special  command,  as  a|)i)cars  from  the  followiiifr 
 charf^e  in  the  Lord  1 1  i<;h  Treasurer's  Accounts — "To  Marten  Titcanit, 
 ypothegar,  to  mak  furnisliinf^  of  diuf^gis,  si)icis,  and  other  nccessaris,  for 
 ai)i)inyn<^  and  perfuminii^  of  the  King's  (Jrace  Majestie's  umquhill  l)odie, 
 L.40 ;  Item,  for  colis,  tubbis,  hardis,  barrellis,  and  utheris  necessaris  i)rc- 
 parit  for  bo  waling  of  the  King's  Grace,  L.2.  6s.'' — E.] 
 
 2  The  Diary  mentions  the  King's  body  to  have  been  laid  in  the  ("hapel 
 on  the  12t]i  of  February,  two  days  only  after  the  murder.  C'rawfoid's 
 MS.  says,  that  "  ui)on  the  fifth  day  his  body  was  buried  in  the  tomb  of 
 the  Kings  at  llolyroodliouse,  quietly  in  the  night,  without  any  kind  of 
 solemnity  or  mourning  heard  among  all  the  ])ersons  at  Court.''  Thus  this 
 author,  liut  nuclianan  ac<iuaints  us  besides  tliis,  that  the  "  Nobles  at 
 Court  had  decreed  that  a  royal  and  magnificent  funeral  shonld  be  made 
 for  him,  but  that  tlie  Queen  took  care  to  have  him  buried  in  tlu'  night 
 time  by  porters,  without  any  funeral  honour;  antl  which  biglily  increased 
 the  indignity,  she  (M'dered  him  to  bedepositetl  beside  David  Iticcio,  thereby 
 designing,  jus  it  were,  to  propitiate  the  ghost  of  that  most  vil»>  follow  by 
 the  Kjicrifice  of  her  husband's  deatli."  This  truly  is  a  heavy  charge  against 
 the  Queen,  but  the  misfortuni'  is  that  Hishop  Leslie  in  his  "  Defence"  of 
 the  Queen  has  these  words — "  Was  m)t  his  body  embalmed,  inseared,  and 
 terred  beside  the  Queen's  fathei-  the  lati-  King  .lames,  accomjuiuieil  with 
 the  Justice-CJlerk,  the  Lord  of  Traquair,  and  divers  other  gentlemen  f 
 The  ceremonies  iiuleed  were  the  fewer,  because  that  the  greater  part  of 
 the  Council  were  Protestants,  and  had  before  interred  their  own  parents 
 without  accustomed  solemnities  of  ceremonies.     Neither  vet  was  there 
 
518  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loG6-7. 
 
 father   King  James  V.  at  Holyroodhouse  :    against  which 
 
 any  such  order  taken  or  appointed  by  the  Council  (and  this  Prelate  was 
 one  of  the  Council)  for  the  interring  of  the  said  Lord  Darnley's  body  in 
 such  sort  a.s  ye  notice,  l)ut  even  directly  to  the  contrary."     Moreover,  as 
 to   what   Buchanan  says  of  depositing  the   King's  body  beside  that   of 
 Riccio,  some  notice  of  this  has  been  taken  already  ;  and  as  it  is  certain 
 that  the  body  of  liiccio  lies  not  now  in  the  vault  with  tlie  Kings,  it  might 
 have  been  expected  we  should  have  heard  something  of  its  transportation, 
 since  the  vault  was  certainly  filled  with  the  few  corpses  that  are  presently 
 therein  several  years  before  Mr  Buchanan's  death.     These  corpses  are 
 King  James  V.'s,  his  first  Queen  Magdalen's,  Lord  Dandy's,  Lady  Jean 
 Stewart's,  the  Queen's  natural  sister  and  Countess  of  Argyll,  and  two 
 young  infants,  sons  to  King  James  V.,  whose  coffins,  because  there  is  no 
 more  space  in  the  vault,  are  laid  across  the  other  corpses. — [Darnley  was 
 intei-red  by  torchlight  in  the  Chapel-Royal  of  Ilolyroodhouse  on  the  loth 
 of  February,  five  days  afttr  tlte  murder,  in  presence  of  the  Lord  Justice- 
 Clerk  Bellenden,  and  Sir  John  Stuart  of  Traciuair,  who  had  been  recently 
 appointed  Captain  of  the  Guard  by  Queen  Mary.    Bishop  Leslie  designates 
 him  the  "  Lord  of  Traquair,"  meaning  that  he  was  proprietor  thereof,  and 
 not  "  Lord  Traquair"  for  that  Peerage  was  not  created  till  16'28,  when  Sir 
 John  Stuart  of  Traquair,  the  grandson  of  James  the  youngest  brother  of 
 the  above  mentioned  "  Lord  of  Traquair,"  was  created  Lord  Stuart  of 
 Traquair  in  1628,  and  Earl  of  Traquair  in  1633.     He  was  the  celebrated 
 Earl  of  Traquair  who  occupies  a  prominent  position  in  Scottish  affiiirs 
 during  the  reign  of  Charles  I.  and  the  tyranny  of  the  Covenanters.     The 
 passage  quoted  from  Buchanan  by  our  Historian  in  his  note  occurs  in  his 
 "  Historia  Kerum  Scoticarum,"  original  edit.  Edin.  1582,  fol.  214,  215. 
 Translation,  Edin.  1752,  vol.  ii.  }».  323.     Buchanan's  assertion  that   the 
 Nobility  intended  a  "  stately  and  honourable  funeral"  for  Darnley  is  a 
 gratuitous  fiction.     The  passage  of  Bishoj)  Lesley  occurs  in  his  "  Defence 
 of  the  Honour  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scotland,"  1569,  p.  13,  14.     Two  thigh 
 bones  were  long  in  the  royal  vault,  which  were  traditionally  .said  to  be 
 those  of  Darnley,  and  if  genuine,  proved  that   he  was  of  tall  stature. 
 Bishop  Keith  writes  of  the  ai)pearance  of  the  royal  vault  as  in  his  time, 
 but  it  is  now,  and  has  long  been,  in  a  very  different  state.    In  1683,  when 
 the  vault  was  examined  by  Lord  Strathnaver,  the  JCarl  of  Forfar,  Bishop 
 Hamsay  of  Dunblane,  and  Robert  Scott,  minister  of  the  Canongate,  it  con- 
 tained the  coffins  of  James  V.,  Magdalen  of  France  his  first  Queen,  with 
 Latin  inscrii»tions,  his  infant  son  Prince  Arthur,  and  Prince  Arthur  infant 
 son  of  .lames  I  \'.  without  inscriptions.     Darnley's  leaden  coffin  was  also 
 in  the  vault  without  any  inscription,  and  it  was  ascertained  on  measure- 
 ment that  he  was  not  so  tall  as  James  \ .     The  only  other  coffin  was  that 
 of  (^ueen  Mary's  illegitimate  sister  the  Countess  of  Argyll,     'i'he  skull  of 
 this  lady  was  found  to  be  .sawn  in  two  ])ieces,  and  the  inscri])tion,  con- 
 taining simply  her  name  and  title,  was  in  gilt  letters  within  a  small  .S(iuare 
 of  the  lead  coffin.    The  present  Editor  was  in  the  royal  vault  at  Ilolyrood 
 in    1845,  and  fimnd  every  trace  of  the  above  interesting  memorials  of 
 departed  greatneas  obliterated.     The  vault  itself  had  the  appearance  of  a 
 most  repulsive  cell  half  under  ground,  lighted  by  an  iron-grated  floor,  and 
 the  only  relics  of  mortality  were  a  collection  of  hum  n>   l...ii.-~  lni<l<ll«  <i 
 together  at  the  south  eiul,  fronting  the  entrance.— E.) 
 
15G6-7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  510 
 
 time  the  Queen  thought  it  becoming  her  to  remove  from 
 that  Palace  to  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh. i 
 
 On  the  12th  of  February  a  proclamation  was  emitted  by 
 the  Privy- Council,  promising,  besides  other  things,  a  reward 
 of  L. 2,000  to  any  person  that  should  first  reveal  the  devisers, 
 counsellors,  or  actual  committers  of  the  King's  murder  ;  as 
 likewise  a  pardon  of  the  crime,  although  he  wove  participant 
 and  culpahle  thereof.  And  in  the  night  of  the  IGth  day  a 
 ticket,  bill,  or  placaert,  was  set  on  the  door  of  the  Tolbooth 
 of  Edinburgh,  in  which  was  affirmed  that  the  Earl  of 
 Bothwell,  Mr  James  iJalfour,  Mr  David  Chalmei-s,  and  black 
 Mr  John  Spence,  were  the  persons  concerned  in  the  murder.- 
 
 ^  I  Mary  immediately  removed  to  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh  fur  security- 
 after  the  murder  of  Dai'uley,  while  his  body  lay  in  state  in  the  Palace  of 
 Ilolyrood.  Tier  conduct  on  that  memorable  occasion  will  of  coui*se  be 
 viewed  differently  by  her  partizans  and  accusers.  She  shut  herself  up  in 
 a  close  apartment  in  the  fortress,  and  was  apparently  at  least  absorbed 
 iu  grief  at  the  awful  crime  which  had  made  her  a  widow  a  second  time. 
 -E.J 
 
 2  Buchanan  sets  down  the  form  of  the  placaert  in  his"  Detection,"  and  in 
 a  letter  by  Sir  "William  Cecil  the  English  Secretary,  iu  the  "  Cabala,"  it 
 runs  thus — "  I,  according  to  the  proclamation,  have  made  intpiisition  for  tlie 
 slaughter  of  the  King,  and  do  find  the  Earl  Ijothwell,  Mr  .lames  IJalfour, 
 parson  of  Flisk,  ^Ir  David  Chambers,  and  black  Mr  John  Spence,  the 
 principal  devisers  thereof:  And  if  this  be  not  true,  spier  at  (Jilbert 
 Balfour."  And  Sir  William  says — "  There  were  also  words  added,  which 
 he  is  loath  to  report,  that  touched  the  Queen  of  Scots  ;  which  he  holds 
 best  to  be  supprest,  because  such  persons  anointed  are  not  to  be  thought 
 ill  of,  without  manifest  proof." — [The  "  placart"  affixed  to  the  door  of  the 
 Tolbooth  or  prison  of  Eduiburgh  on  the  night  of  the  lO'th  of  February, 
 and  seen  by  the  citizens  on  the  17th,  avus,  as  inserted  by  Buchanan,  in  his 
 "  Detection  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots"  (London,  edit.  1721,  p.  151),  to  the 
 following  effect — "Because  proclamation  is  made  that  whosoever  will 
 reveal  the  murtherers  of  the  King  shall  have  L.2,(>0(),  J,  who  have  mad«' 
 inquisition  by  them  that  were  the  doers  thereof,  affirm  that  the  commit- 
 ters of  it  were  the  Earl  liothwell.  Master  (Sir)  .lanu's  Balfour,  Parson  (jf 
 Flisk,  Mr  David  Chambers,  black  Mr. John  Spence,  who  was  principal 
 deviser  of  the  murther,  and  the  Qut'eii  assenting  thereto,  through  the 
 persuasion  of  the  I'^arl  Bothwell  and  the  witchcraft  of  the  Lady  Buck- 
 lough."  Mr  'J'ytler  says  (History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  ji.  tS(>)  that  this 
 and  the  "placart"  mentioned  by  our  Historian  in  the  next  note,  accu.sing 
 Bothwell,  were  "openly  exposed"  while  the  Queen  wa.s  at  Seton  House  ; 
 ])ut  it  is  undoubted  that  Mary  was  then  in  tlu-  Cttstle  of  Edinburgh,  to 
 which  she  had  retired  from  the  I'ahue  of  Holyrood  after  Darnlev\s 
 murder,  for  security.  The  connection  or  "  witchcraft "  (»f  tlu-  *'  I^idv 
 Bucklough'' or  Buccleuch,  with  thi' crime,  is  not  apparent,  except  tha' 
 she  is  accused  of  having  bei'U  a  paramour  of  Bothwell.  She  wjus  Lawlv 
 Margaret  Doughis,  eldest  daughter  of  David  seventh  Lail  of   .Vngus,  iiiid 
 
520  TiiK  HISTORY  or  the  affairs  [15GC-7. 
 
 Hereupon  it  is  said  that  a  new  proclamation  was  emitted, 
 desiring  the  setter  up  of  the  former  bill  to  subscribe  his 
 name,  and  he  should  receive  the  sum  promised  in  the  first 
 proclamation  ;  and  that  in  answer  to  this,  a  second  bill  was 
 set  up  in  the  former  place,  offering  to  come  on  Sunday  next 
 and  avow  the  matter,  provided  the  money  were  consigned 
 and  put  into  indificrent  hands.' 
 
 niece  of  the  Karl  of  Morton,  and  she  married  Sir  Walter  JScott  of 
 Diicelouch.  Her  only  son  by  this  alliance  was  Sir  Walter  Scott,  who 
 was  Lord  Scott  of  J3uccleucli  in  1G08 — the  father  of  Walter  second  Lord, 
 and  first  Earl  of  Biiccleuch. — E.  1 
 
 ^  1  have  mentioned  this  second  proclamation  and  second  placaert, 
 because  I  sec  them  both  mentioned  by  the  Earl  of  Lenox  in  his  letters  to 
 the  Queen,  though  I  reckon  it  to  be  certain  that  there  was  never  a  second 
 proclamation  emitted  by  the  Privy-Council,  both  because  Mr  Anderson, 
 who  had  in  his  hands  the  on<?inal  record  of  Privy-Council,  does  not 
 jmblish  or  take  notice  of  a  second  proclamation,  nor  is  any  such  thing  to 
 be  seen  in  ^Ir  Mibi's  excerptions  :  Mr  Anderson  and  he  in  great  harmony 
 |>lacing  immediately  after  the  diet  of  Council  on  the  l'2th  of  February 
 that  which  was  held  on  the  14th  of  March  ensuing,  so  that  in  the  utmost 
 probability  there  has  been  no  intervening  diet  of  Council. — [IJuchanan  in 
 his  "Detection,"  alleges  that  when  the  "  jilacart"  of  the  16'th  was 
 exhibited,  another  ])roclamation  was  issued,  desiring  the  author  to  appear 
 and  avow  the  same  before  the  Queen  and  Privy-Council,  and  he  would 
 receive  the  promised  sum  of  L.2,000,  which  elicited  the  second  "  placart" 
 affixed  to  the  door  of  the  Tolbooth  on  the  19th  as  follows  : — "  Forsomuch 
 as  proclamation  hath  been  made  since  the  setting  up  of  my  first  letter, 
 desiring  me  to  subscribe  and  avow  the  same  ;  for  answer,  I  desire  the 
 money  to  be  consigned  into  an  evenly  (honest)  man's  hand,  and  I  shall 
 appear  on  Sunday  next,  with  some  four  with  me,  and  subscribe  my  fii*st 
 letter,  and  abide  thereat.  And  further,  I  desire  that  Signior  Francis 
 liastian,  and  .losej)h,  the  Queen's  goldsmith,  be  stayed,  and  I  shall  declare 
 what  every  num  did  in  particular,  with  their  complices."  Buchanan  says 
 the  Queen  and  Privy-Council  returned  no  answer  to  this  "  placart,"  which 
 is  not  surprizing,  a.s  the  preliminary  condition  that  the  L.2,000  should  be 
 deposited  in  the  hands  of  an  "  evenly  man"  was  very  like  an  attempt  to 
 extort  the  money.  The  "  Signior  Francis  Bastian"  mentioned  is  evidently 
 the  foreigner  Sebastian,  at  whose  marriage  festivities  Queen  Mary  was 
 present  in  the  Palace  of  llolyrood  on  the  night  of  Darnley's  murder. 
 The  other  person,  ilescribed  as  "  .Joseph  the  Queen's  goldsmith,"  was 
 Joseph  Riccio,  the  brother  of  the  unfortmuite  David  Kiccio.  He  was  in 
 the  service  of  Queen  Mary,  as  was  another  Italian,  named  .Iosei)h  Lutyui, 
 who  hehl  a  situation  in  the  Koyal  Household,  and  wa.sthe  intimate  friend 
 of  Josei>h  Hiccio.  Mary  had  sent  Lutyui  on  a  mi.ssion  to  France  on  the 
 O'th  of  January  preceding  Darnley's  murder,  but  lie  had  only  reached 
 Berwick  when  tlu' QmHMi  sent  urgent  letters  to  Sir  William  Drury,  the 
 (Jovernor  or  Marshal,  earnestly  recpiesting  that  the  said  Lutyui  should 
 be  apiuehendi'd  ami  sent  back  as  a  thief,  who  had  absconded  with  money. 
 Sir  William  Drury  examine«l  him  and  fouml  means  to  obtain  a  letter 
 written  to  him  by  Joseph  Iticcio,  and  its  contents  convinced  the  English 
 
1566-7-]         OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  521 
 
 The  Queen  having  withdrawn  from  the  Palace  of  Holy- 
 roodhouse  against  the  time  of  the  King  s  burial,  as  dccency 
 seemed  to  require,  her  Majesty  remained  about  ten  days  in 
 the  Castle  of  Edinburgh,  in  which  mean  time  Mr  Robert 
 Melvil,  who  had  probably  come  from  the  Court  of  England 
 after  the  rising  of  the  Parliament  of  that  nation  on  the  2d 
 of  January,    was   dispatched  back   again  to   that    Court, 
 whither  we  are  certain  he  was  arrived  before  the  20th  of 
 February ;  for  by  him  Secretary  Cecil  says  they  expected 
 to  have  heard  many  of  the  circumstances  of  the  murder, 
 but  observes  that  Mr  Melvil  either  could  not,  or  might  not, 
 tell  any  more  than  they  had  heard  before.i     And  during 
 the  same  space  of  time  likewise,  that  is,  while  the  C^ucen 
 was  in  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh,  arrived  hither  Henry  Killi- 
 grew,  whose  business  was  to  condole  and  comfort  our  Queen 
 in  her  present  distress,-  in  the  name  of  his   mistress  the 
 Queen  of  England. 
 
 Knight  that  Mary  dreaded  the  disclosure  of  some  important  secret  of 
 which  Lutyni  had  possessed  him.  Joseph  Riccio's  letter  informed  Lutyni 
 tliat  they  were  both  severely  censured,  and  he  (Lutyni)  particularly,  for 
 pryin^^  into  or  abstracting  some  of  Queen  Mary's  private  papers,  and  he 
 entreated  him  when  examined  on  his  return  to  Scotland,  if  he  valued  his 
 own  and  his  friend's  life,  to  adhere  to  a  certain  story  which  he  (Riccio) 
 had  told  the  Queen.  Sir  William  Drury  found  Lutyni  in  the  greatest 
 alarm  lest  he  should  be  sent  back  to  Scotland,  declaring  tliat  it  would 
 be  to  "  a  prepared  death,"  and  he  consulted  Cecil,  who  ordered  him  to 
 be  detained  at  Berwick.  As  to  Joseph  Riccio,  the  Queen  treated  him 
 with  great  favour,  yet  his  conduct  was  such  that  Lennox  publicly  named 
 him  as  one  of  Darnley's  murderers  in  his  letter  of  the  16'th  of  March  to 
 the  Queen  inserted  by  our  Historian  in  this  chapter.  About  a  week 
 after  Darnley's  murder  Sir  Williani  Drury  sent  Lutyni  back  to  Mary, 
 who  ordered  him  to  be  examined  by  Bothwell.  That  ])ersonage  wi^ 
 satisfied  with  tlie  reasons  he  assigned  for  liis  Hight,  and  i)ermitted  him  to 
 return  to  Berwick,  the  Queen  at  the  same  time  sending  bim  thirty  crowns. 
 He  soon  afterwards  left  the  country  rejoicing  at  bis  esca})e.  Ty tier's 
 History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  71-74,  87,  88.— K.] 
 
 1  Cabala,  Letter,  20th  February  1566-7. 
 
 2  Buchanan  in  bis  "  Detection"  says  this  gentleman's  messiige  wa-s  to 
 comfort  the  Queen.  Tliough  this  "  Detection"  sufficiently  ihhrt)<  it.self  to  be 
 l)ut  oju^  continued  piece  of  satirical  romance,  yet  I  cannot  abstain  from 
 desiring  the  reader  to  observe  the  poor  and  pitiful  fetch  tbat  author 
 thinks  fit  to  make  use  of,  in  order  to  discover  to  the  world  the  Queen's 
 secret  behaviour  in  the  first  days  of  her  mourning.  His  words  arc— 
 "  Tliough  he  (Killigrew)  being  ane  auld  eourteour,  and  ane  gudo  discreit 
 gentilnran,  did  nathing  haistely  ;  zit  he  came  in  s;i  unsossonabilly  or  the 
 stage  was  preparit  an.l  funiischit,  that  he  fand  the  windows  oppin,  the 
 candillis  not  zit  liehtit,  and  all  the  pn.visiouu  for  the  play  out  of  ordonr." 
 
r)22  TliE   IILSTORY   OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [156G-7. 
 
 On  the  21st  of  February,   tho  (^uceii,  by  advice  of  lior 
 Privy-Council  and  physicians,  retired,  for  the  enjoyment  of 
 
 Now,  .siii)j)osin<^  even  tliat  the  windows  of  the  Queen's  chauiher  had  been 
 open,  and  the  candles  not  lighted,  what  mij^hty  crime  or  indecency  was 
 there  in  all  that  ?     Though  ceremony  may  require  a  room  to  be  cloathed 
 in  ])lack,  the  light  of  tlie  sun  to  be  shut  out,  and  the  light  of  candles  to  be 
 used  in  place  thereof,  is  it  therefore  required  that  at  no  time,  even  when 
 no  stranger  is  present,  a  mourning  person  shall  never  enjoy  a  i)eep  or  ray 
 of  the  sun  light  ?    By  no  means.     Howsoever,  let  the  thing  be  so  ;  yet  this 
 incident,  as  narrated  by  Buchanan,  happening  at   Mr   Killigrew's  first 
 audience  and  presence,  could  ever  any  person  but  the  great  Mr  Buchanan 
 himself,  imagine  that  a  foreign  ambassador,  or  other  inferior  minister, 
 was  to  pop   (not  into  a  King's)  but  into  a  Queen's  private  bed-chamber, 
 without  the  least  notice  given  of  his  arrival,  especially  when  we  shall  add 
 in  the  present  case,  that  our  Queen  was  now  lodged  within  the  strong 
 fortress  of  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh,  the  gates  whereof  we  cannot  suj)i)ose 
 to  be  standing  open  for  every  passenger  to  enter  in  ?  Truly  if  any  one  has 
 stomach  to  swallow  down  this  farce,  such  a  person  is  prepared  for  any 
 inconsistency  whatsoever.     It  seems,  indeed,  every  great  ^tuius  must  have 
 its   flaws.      Mr  Buchanan  could   both  think  and  write  well,  but  sure  he 
 could  not  always  ailjust  well  ;  or  felse  he  has  reckoned  all  mankind  to  be 
 fools,  himself  excepted.     But  let  us  hear  Bishop  Leslie  likewise  on  the 
 same  point — "  And  yet  did  this  good  gentle  lady  bemone,  even  such  a 
 one  [the  King]  a  notable  time,  enjoying  and  using  none  other  than  candle 
 light,  as  was  known  to  all  the  Nobility  of  Scotland,  and  also  to  one  Mr 
 Henry  Killigrew,  who  was  sent  thither  from  England  to  her  comfort, 
 according  to  the  use  and  manner  of  Princes."     Now  at  least  this  man's 
 ?/(«  is  as  good   as    Mr  Buchanan's  ??«.?/• — [The  passage   quoted  by   our 
 Historian  from  Buchanan  at  the  commencement  of  this  note  occurs  in 
 the  "  Detection  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,"  London,  17*21,  p.  28.  Buchanan's 
 narrative  is  altogether  a  nuiss  of  misrepresentation  and  calumny,  vague 
 assertions,  and  ])Ositively  false  a.ssumptions.     Our  Historian,  however,  has 
 not  minutely  stated   the  Queen's  movements.     When   Mar}'  retired  to 
 I'^dinburgh  Castle  after  Darnley's  murder  she  shut  herself  uj)  in  a  close 
 apartment.     Her  })hysicians,  alarmed  at  the  apparent  state  of  her  health, 
 represented  her   condition   to  the  Trivy-Council,  who  advised  her  to  a 
 change   of  air   for   a   short   j)eriod,  and   on  the  l(>th   of  February  she 
 proceeded  to  Seton  House,  eleven  miles  east  of  Edinburgh.     The  Queen 
 remained  at  Seton  House  till  the  7th  of  March,  when  she  returned  to 
 lAlinburgh,  «nd  received   in  the  Castle  the  letter  of  condolence   from 
 I'.li/abeth  delivered  by  Killigrew.     Mary  again  rode  to  Seton  llou.se  on 
 tlie  full,  but  she  seems  to  have  retired  to  lOdinburgh  on  the  following  day. 
 On  the  l!)th  of  March  the  infant  Prince  was  conveyed  from  the  Ca.stle  to 
 Stirling,  in  which  fortress  he  was  delivered  in  trust  to  the  Earl  of  Mar 
 till  he  should  attain  the  age  of  seventeen  years.     On  that  day  the  Earl  of 
 Mar  surrendered  the  command  of  I'dinburgh  Castle  to  the  Queen  and 
 I'rivy-Council,  and  received  a  "  dischaige"'  for  himself,  and  lus  succes.sor 
 of  liis  father,  and  for  his  deputies  and  .servant.s,  of  his  "  intromissionn" 
 witli  the  CaHtle,   which  wa.s  ratified  by  the  Parliament  on  the  IGth  of 
 Nl'ril.     Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii.  ]».  (;47.  — E.| 
 
1566-7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  523 
 
 better  air,  to  Seton,  the  dwelling  place  of  the  Lord  SotonJ 
 
 ^  "  Who    (the  Queen)    had   a   longer  time   in   this    hxnientable    wise 
 continued,  had  she  not  been  most  earnestly  dehorted  by  the  vehement 
 exhortations  and  perswasions  of  her  Counsaile,  who  were  moved  thereto 
 by  her  physician's  informations,  declaiming  to  them  the  great  and  imminent 
 dangers  of  her  health  and  life,  if  she  did  not  in  all  spede  break  uj)  and 
 leave  that  kind  of  close  and  solitary  life,  and  repair  to  some  good,  open 
 and  holesome  air  :    which  she  did,  being  thus  advised    and    earnestly 
 thereto  solicited  by  her  said  Counsaile.     All  which  notwithstanding,  this 
 her   fact   is   with   these   most  severe  and  grave  censors  taken  for  and 
 reputed  as  the  very  next  sin  of  all  to  the  most  grievous  sin  against  the 
 Holy  Ghost." — Bp.  Leslie's  Defence.     The  readers  will  see  how  bitterly 
 the  Queen  is  taxed  by  Knox  and  Buchanan  for  her  retiring  to  Seton. — 
 [In  the  edition  of  Knox's  "  Historic,"  published  at  Edinl)urgh  in  1732, 
 Queen  Mary's  visits  to  Seton  House  and  her  motives  for  retiring  thither 
 are  not  even  mentioned.    Buchanan,  however,  writes  in  his  usual  distorted 
 style.     He  pretends  that  about  twelve  days  after  the  murder  of  Darnley, 
 "  being  hardened  against  all  the  people  could  say,  the  Queen  wont  to 
 Seton,  and  never  let  Bothwell  be  one  moment  from  her  side.     There  her 
 carriage  was  such,  that  though  she  changed  her  habit  a  little,  yet  she  did 
 not  seem  at  all  to  mourn  within.     The  place  was  full  of  tlie  Nobility,  and 
 she  went  constantly  every  day  abroad  to  the  usual  sports,  though  some  of 
 them  were  not  so  proper  for  the  female  sex.     But  the  arrival  of  Mr  Le 
 Croc,  a  Frenchman,  who  had  often  before  been  aml)assador  in  Scotland, 
 in  some  little  degree  disturbed  their  measures,  for  he  telling  them  how 
 famous  the  matter  sounded  amongst  foreigners,  they  returned  to  Edin- 
 burgh ;  but  Seton  (House)  had  so  many  conveniences,  that  though  the 
 farther  hazard  of  her  credit   lay  at  stake  upon  it,  yet  she  must  needs 
 return  thither  again.     There  the  main  head  of  the  consultation  wa.s,  how 
 Bothwell  might  be  acquitted  of  the  King's  murder."    In  his  "  Detection" 
 the  i)hilosoi)hical  Buchanan  is  even  more  vehement.     "  What  meant," 
 he  asks,  "  that  removing  to  Seton  ?     Why  shunned  she  the  town's  resort 
 and  people's  eyes  i     Was  it  because  she  was  ashamed  to  mourn  openly, 
 or  because  she  could  not  well  cloak  her  joy,  or  secretly  to  give  herself  all 
 to  sorrow  ?     No,  for  at  Seton  she  threw  away  all  her  disguised  jjersonage 
 of  mourning  ;  she  went  daily  into  the  fields  among  ruffians  ;  and  not  only 
 resorted   to   her   former   custom,   but   also   affected    to   exercise   manly 
 l)astimes,  and  that  among  men,  and  openly.     So  lightly  she  desi)ised  the 
 opinion  and  speech  of  her  country."— History,  Translation,  edit.  1752, 
 vol.  ii.  p.  325  ;  Detection  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  edit.  1721,  p.  80,  81. 
 Buchanan's  statement  that  while  Queen  Mary  was  at  Seton   IIou.se  she 
 "  went  daily  into   the  fields  among  ruffiam''   is  in  accordance  with  his 
 falsehood  that  after  her  accouchement  she   sailed  from  Newhaven  near 
 Leith  to  Alloa  in  the  company  of  "  pirates."— (See  the  note,  p.  445,  446,  of 
 the  jiresent  volunu'.)    The  "ruftians"  who  accompanied  the  Queen  to  Seton 
 House  were  the  Karl  of  Bothwell,  SheritT  of  the  county  of  Haddington, 
 in  which  that   mansion   was  situated,  the   Karls  of  Huntly  and  Argyll, 
 Archliishop  Hamilton  of  St   Andrews,   Lords   Fleming  and   Livingstone, 
 Maitland  of  l>ethington,  and  about    one    innidred   attendants.      So   far 
 Burhanan  is   eorreet   that   Seton    House  was  th.-n  "full   of  Nobility"- 
 
524  Tin:  HISTORY  of  the  afi-airs  [ToHG-?. 
 
 And  thither  came  Mons.  Lo  Croc,^  wlio  liad  only  gone  from 
 tliis  country  after  the  baptism  of  the  Prince,  and  was  still 
 at  London  about  the  time  of  the  King's  murder. 
 
 A  little  before  this  had  began  the  intercourse  of  some 
 letters  between  the  (iucen  and  the  Earl  of  Lenox,  relating 
 lo  the  finding  out  and  trying  of  the  criminals  concerned  in 
 the  late  nun'der.  And  if  any  misrepresentiun  of  that  corrcs- 
 jjondencc  hath  been  conveyed  to  the  minds  of  men  by  some 
 former  writers,  a  clear  and  distinct  account  of  the  same  is 
 now  to  be  had  by  the  publication  of  these  letters,  and  the 
 whole  form  of  the  process  against  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  on 
 the  12th  of  April  following ;  for  though  it  does,  indeed, 
 ai)pear  that  one  or  two  of  these  letters  may  be  lost,  yet  the 
 ingenious  readers  will  easily  perceive  that  what  was  material 
 in  that  correspondence  is  still  preserved  in  those  that 
 remain.  I  thought  it  useful  for  this  History  to  insert  here 
 these  letters,  together  with  the  more  material  part  of  the 
 trial . 
 
 "  cclcWatur  locus  magna  nohiUUUiis  frcqiicniiay — Ilistoria,  original  edit. 
 Edin.  1582,  fol.  215.  Most  of  those  personaf^es  were  in  one  sense  "  ruffians," 
 tor  they  were  all  in  the  plot  ap^ainst  Darnley,  though  Bothwell  was  the  actual 
 murderer,  and  Maitland  was  one  of  the  devisers  of  the  dreadful  crime  ; 
 hut  it  may  be  asked,  in  what  manner  could  the  Queen  rid  herself  of  those 
 l)ersonages,  when  it  is  recollected  that  they  were  some  of  the  leading 
 Nohility  of  the  kingdom  i  At  the  same  time  it  cannot  be  denied  tliat 
 Mary  evinced  the  most  imprudent  conduct  immediately  after  such  an 
 awful  catastroi)he  had  befallen  her  husband,  and  with  which  public 
 rumour  too  deeply  implicated  her.  "It  did  not  escape  attention,"  says 
 Mr  Tytler,  "  that  scarce  two  weeks  after  her  husband's  death,  whilst  in 
 tlie  country  and  in  the  city  (of  lulinburgh)  all  were  shocked  at  the  late 
 occurrences,  and  felt  them  as  a  stain  on  their  national  character,  tlu^ 
 Court  at  Seton  was  occupied  in  gay  amusements.  Mary  and  IJothwell 
 would  slioot  at  the  butts  against  lluntly  and  Seton,  and  on  one  occasion, 
 after  winning  the  nuitch,  they  forced  the  Lords  to  pay  the  forfeit  in  the 
 sliiipo  of  a  dinner  at  Tranent."  MS.  Letter,  State-I\iper  Office,  Sir 
 William  Drury  to  Cecil, dated  Berwick,  28th  February  15()G-7,  in  Tytler's 
 History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  f)l. — E.] 
 
 '  Ihichanan  talks  much  of  the  indecencies  committed  likewise  by  the 
 (^ueen  in  the  sight  of  Mr  Killigrew  and  Le  Croc,  but  had  one  or  both 
 tlicse  ministers  said  ought  thereof  any  where,  that  would  merit  more 
 credit.— [This  occurs  in  Buchanan's  "  Detection,"  l^ondon  edit.  1721, 
 p.  M  : — "  But  I  bcshrew  that  same  Killigrew  and  Monsieur  Le  Croc, 
 that  came  upon  her  .so  unsea-sonably  and  shewed  to  others  her  cojintor- 
 teited  person  unvizored.  For  had  they  not  been,  many  things  that  wore 
 done  might  have  been  denii'd;  many  things  might  have  been  handsomely 
 perjured;  and  n\\ir\\  of  f|i<-  matter  might  h;iM'  be.>ii  lielp< d  l>v  forc-irrii 
 vunu)ui-s." — E.  1 
 
1.5GG-7.]         OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  525 
 
 A  Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Lennox  to  Queen  Mary^  20^A 
 February  156G-7.^ 
 
 "  Pleisit  zoiir  Majestie,  I  haif  ressavit  be  this  berare,  my 
 servand,  zoiir  maist  gratious  and  comfortabill  lettre,  for  the 
 ([iihilk  I  raunder  unto  zoiir  Hienes  maist  humbill  thanks, 
 and  trusts  novir  to  deserve  uther  at  zour  Majestie's  hands, 
 then  as  zour  Hienes  offeris  in  zour  said  lettre.  And  seing 
 it  pleisis  zour  Majestic  to  accept  and  tak  in  gud  pairt  my 
 sympill  advys  and  counsall,  it  boldens  me  the  mair  to 
 continew  thairin,  and  specialHe  in  this  following. 
 
 "  That  quhairas,  notwithstanding  the  travel  and  laubour 
 quhilk  I  perceave  zour  Majestie  takis  for  the  just  tryall  of 
 this  lait  cruall  act,  and  zet  the  offendars  not  being  knawn  ; 
 to  my  greit  grief  I  am  thairfoir  forcit,  be  nature  and  dewtie, 
 to  be  sa  bald  as  to  gcve  zour  Majestie  my  poore  and  simpill 
 advyse  for  bringand  the  mater  to  licht,  quhilk  is  to  beseik 
 zour  Majestie  maist  humelie,  for  Goddis  cause,  and  the 
 honour  of  zour  Majestie  and  this  zour  Realme,  that  zour 
 Hienes  wald,  with  convenient  diligence,  asembill  the  haill 
 Nobilitie  and  Estatis  of  zour  Majestie's  Realme ;  and  thai, 
 be  zour  advyss,  to  tak  sic  gude  ordour  for  the  perfit  trial  1 
 of  the  mater,  as  I  dout  not  bot,  with  the  grace  of  Almichtie 
 God,  his  Halie  Sprit  sail  sa  wirk  upon  the  hartis  of  zour 
 Majestie,  and  all  zour  faythfull  subjectis,  as  the  bluddie  and 
 cruall  actoris  of  this  deid  sail  be  manifestlie  knawn.  And 
 althoch  I  knaw  I  neid  not  to  put  zour  Majestie  in  remem- 
 berance  thairof,  the  mater  tuiching  zour  Majestie  sa  neir  as 
 it  dois,  zet  I  sail  humelie  desyre  zour  Majestie  to  bcro  with 
 me  in  trubilling  zour  Hienes  thairin,  being  the  fader  to  him 
 that  is  gone. 
 
 "  Sa  committis  zour  Majestie  to  the  protcctioun  of 
 Almichtie  God,  quha  preserve  zou  with  lang  lyf  and  maist 
 hap[>ie  regne.      From the  xx  day  of  l^V-bniar."' 
 
 A  Letter  from  Queen  Mary  to  t/n  Karl  of  Leunoj-.- 
 
 "  Right  trast  cousing  and  counsalour,  we  groit  zou  wi  ill. 
 We  haue  ressavit  zour  Icttn*  of  Houstoun,'^  the  xx  day  of 
 
 '  Anderson's  Ci>lloftions  from  Cotton  Librarj'. 
 
 ^  An  Orifi^inal. 
 
 ^  [At    tho   tinio    of  this    conospomlcncc,   tho    ICarl    of  I^cnno.x    was 
 
52(]  TIIK   IIISTUIIY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGG-J . 
 
 this  instant,  gevand  \vs  thankos  for  the  accepting  of  zour 
 glide  will  and  counsall  in  sa  gude  part.  In  that  we  did 
 onlie  it  (iiihilk  wos  richt,  and  in  schcwing  zou  all  the  plessur 
 and  gudo  will  that  we  can,  we  do  bot  our  dewtie,  and  it 
 (juhilk  natiirall  affoctioun  mon  compcll  ws  unto,  alwayes  of 
 that  zc  may  assuir  zour  self  als  certanly  at  this  present,  and 
 hcreefter,  sa  lang  as  God  gevis  ws  lyff,  as  euir  ze  mycht 
 haue  done  sen  our  first  acquentance  with  zou.  And  for  the 
 cssembleof  the  Nobilitie  and  Estaits,  quhilk  ze  advise  ws  to 
 cans  be  convenit,  for  a  perfite  triall  to  be  had  of  the  King 
 our  husbandis  cruell  slauchter,  it  is  indeid  convenient  that 
 sua  suld  be ;  and  evin,  schortlie  before  the  recept  of  zour 
 lettre,  we  had  causit  proclame  a  Parleraent,  at  the  quhilk 
 we  doubt  not  bot  thay  all,  for  the  maist  part,  sail  be  present, 
 •  juhair,  first  of  all,  tliis  mater  (being  maist  deir  to  ws)  sail 
 be  handillit,  and  nothing  left  vndone  quhilk  may  further  the 
 clere  triall  of  the  same.  And  we,  for  our  awin  part,  as  we 
 aucht,  and  all  Noblemen  likwiss  (we  doubt  not)  sail  maist 
 willinglie  direct  all  our  witts  and  ingynis  to  this  end,  as 
 experience,  in  fyne,  with  Goddis  grace,  sail  gif  witnessing  to 
 the  warld.  And  sua  wo  commit  zou  to  God.  At  Seytoun 
 the  xxi  day  of  Fcbruar  15 GG. 
 
 "  Zour  gud  Dohter, 
 
 "  Marie  R." 
 
 A  Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Lennox  to  Queen  Maryy 
 "   I  RANDER  maist  humyll  thanks   onto   zour  Majestic  for 
 
 ajjparently  residing  at  the  old  l)aronial  castle  of  Houston  (a  corruption  of 
 Ilui/li's  trncnj  in  the  i)arish  of  its  name,  county  of  Renfrew,  ujjwards  of  ten 
 miles  in  a  direct  line  from  his  patrimonial  and  territorial  property  of 
 Darnley,  in  the  pai-ish  of  Eastwood,  in  the  same  county.  Houston  Castle 
 M  as  a  large  and  ancient  edifice,  forming  a  stiuare,  with  a  spacious  court- 
 yard, on  an  eminence  overlooking  an  extensive  plain  to  the  eastward, 
 near  the  village  of  Houston.  On  the  north-west  corner  was  a  high  tower 
 — the  original  portion  of  the  building,  and  on  the  front  were  two  turrets, 
 between  which  was  the  main  entrance  into  the  coxirt-yard,  arched  above, 
 and  secured  by  a  portcullis.  The  edifice,  which  was  surrounded  with 
 woods  and  gardens,  was  demolished,  with  the  exception  of  the  east  side, 
 in  17N(),  by  the  tlien  i)roprietor,  James  Macrae,  ex -governor  of  Madra.s, 
 who  built  the  village  of  Houston  of  part  of  the  materials. — K.] 
 
 '  [This  letter  is  printed  by  Huchanan  in  his"  Detection,"  London  edit. 
 1721,  p.  107,  lOS,  lOf).  About  the  time  it  was  written  by  Lennox,  a  .smith 
 was  mentioned,  in  a  placard  affixed  to  the  Tron  beam  in  the  High  Street 
 where  goods  were  weighed,  who  had  furnished  false  keys  to  the  Kirk-of- 
 
loGG  7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  527 
 
 zour  gracious  and  comfortable  lettre  qiihilk  I  haif  ressauit 
 the  xxiiii  of  yis  instant ;  and  quhairas  I  persaif  be  the  same 
 that  it  is  zour  Majestie's  plessur  to  remit  the  triall  of  yis 
 lait  odious  act  to  the  tyme  of  a  Parlement,  plesit  zour 
 Majestic,  althocht  I  am  assurit  zour  Hienes  thinks  the  tyme 
 als  king  as  I  do,  till  ye  mater  be  tryit,  and  ye  actors  of 
 that  deid  condinglie  punisit  (zit  I  sail  humelie  craif  zour 
 Majestie's  pardonis  in  trubilling  zour  Hienes  sa  oft  thairin 
 as  I  do,  for  yat  the  mater  twechis  me  sa  near),  beseiking 
 zour  ^Majestic  maist  humelie  to  accept  yis  my  symple  advyse 
 in  gude  part,  as  followis,  quhilk  is,  that  quhair  ye  tyme  is 
 lang  to  ye  Parlament,  yis  mater  not  beinge  ane  Parlament 
 mater,  bot  of  sic  wecht  and  importance,  quhilk  audit  rather 
 to  be  with  all  expedicioun  and  diligence  socht  out,  and 
 punisit  to  the  exemple  of  ye  hail  warld,  as  I  knaw  zour 
 Majestie's  wisdome  consideris  ye  same,  far  mair  nor  my  witts 
 can  comprehend  ;  zit,  forsamekill  as  I  heir  of  certane  tikatts 
 that  hes  bene  put  on  ye  Tolbuith  dure  of  Edinburgh,^ 
 ansuering  zour  Majcstie's  fyrst  and  second  proclamationcs, 
 (juhilks  names   in  spcciall  certane  personis  devysars  of  ye 
 
 Field  liouse,  and  who  promised  on  due  .security  to  come  forward  and 
 make  known  his  em])loyers.  A  person  was  also  said  to  have  been 
 discovered  in  Edinburgh  from  whom  Sir  James  Balfour  had  purchased  a 
 large  quantity  of  gunpowder,  and  other  documents  appeared  in  which 
 the  Queen  and  Bothwell  were  directly  imidicated.  MS.  Letter,  State- 
 Paper  Office,  Drury  to  Cecil,  dated  Berwick,  28tli  February  1566-7,  in 
 Tytler-s  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  %-!{.  p.  89,  90.— E.] 
 
 ^  [There  were  the  "  placarts"  already  mentioned  accusing  Bothwell 
 and  certahi  others  of  Darnley's  murder,  affixed  to  the  door  of  the  Tolbooth 
 on  the  16th  and  19th  of  February.  On  tlie  20th  the  Earl  of  Lennox 
 commenced  this  correspondence  with  the  Queen,  who  had  gone  to  Seton 
 House  on  the  21st,  the  day  she  answered  the  Earl's  letter.  "  Had  the 
 Queen,"  observes  Mr  Tytler,  "  entertained  any  serious  idea  of  discovering 
 the  perpetrators  of  the  murder,  the  steps  to  be  pursued  were  neither 
 dubious  nor  intricate.  If  she  was  afraid  to  seize  the  higher  delinquents, 
 it  was  at  least  no  difficult  matter  to  have  apprehended  the  persons  who 
 had  provided  the  lodging  in  which  the  King  was  slain.  The  owner  of  the 
 house,  llobert  Balfour,  was  wtll  known;  her  own  servants,  who  had  been 
 entrusted  with  the  keys,  and  the  King's  domestics  who  had  absented 
 themselves  l)ef()re  the  explosion,  or  were  preserved  from  its  effects,  were 
 still  on  the  spot,  and  might  have  been  arrested  and  brouglit  before  the 
 I'rivy -Council.  But  nothing  of  this  kind  took  jjlace,  and  in  this  interval 
 of  delay  and  apparent  indecision,  many  persons,  from  whom  information 
 might  have  been  elicited,  aiul  some  who  were  actually  accused,  took  the 
 ojjportunitv  of  leaving  the  c<mntrv."  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  {>.  88. 
 -E.l 
 
528  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGG-J. 
 
 email  murthour,  1  sail  thairfor  iiiaist  humelic  besoik  zour 
 Majestic,  for  the  luif  of  God,  ye  honors  of  zour  Majestic  and 
 zour  Rcalino,  and  weill  and  quyctncs  of  ye  same,  that  it  will 
 |»lci.s  zour  Majestic  furthw  vth,  not  onlic  to  apprehend,  and  put 
 in  suir  keiping,  the  personis  namit  in  the  said  tikatts,  bot  als 
 with  diligence  to  assemble  zour  Majestie's  Nobilitie,  and 
 than,  be  oppin  proclamatioun,  to  admoncis  and  rcijuyir  ye 
 writtars  of  ye  said  tikattis  to  compeir,  according  to  ye  effect 
 thairof.  At  quhilk  tyme,  gif  yai  do  not,  zour  Majestic  may, 
 be  ye  advyse  of  zour  Nobilitie  and  Counsall,  releif  and  put 
 to  libertie  ye  personis  in  tikatts  foirsaid ;  sa  sail  zour 
 Majestic  do  ane  honorable  and  godlie  act  in  bringing  ye 
 mater  to  sic  ane  narrow  point,  as  ather  ye  mater  sail  appeir 
 l)lainlie  befoir  zour  Majestic,  to  the  pvnisment  of  yamc  quha 
 lies  bene  ye  actors  of  yis  cruall  deid,  or  alls  ye  said  tikatts 
 to  be  found  vane  of  yame  self,  and  ye  personis  quhilks  ar 
 sklanderit  to  be  exoncrit  and  put  to  libertie  at  zour  JNIajestic's 
 plessur.  Sa  committis  zour  Majestic  to  the  protectioun  of 
 Almiclitic  God,  qua  preserve  zou  in  helth  and  maist  happic 
 reigne.     Of  Houstoun  the  xxvi  day  of  Februar/' 
 
 A  Letter  from  Queen  Mary  to  the  Earl  of  Lennox  ^ 
 
 "  RiCHT  trast  cousing  and  counsalour,  we  greit  zou  weill. 
 AVe  haue  ressauit  zour  lettrc,  and  be  the  same  persauis  that 
 ze  haue  tliair  lie  mistaken  our  lait  lettre  sent  zou  with  zour 
 servand,  upoun  the  xxiiii  of  Februar,  in  that  point,  that  we 
 suld  remit  the  triall  of  the  odious  act  committit  to  the  tyme 
 (jf  a  l\arlemcnt ;  we  menit  not  that,  bot  rather  waldo  ^^7she 
 to  God  that  it  mycht  be  suddanlie  and  without  delay  tryit, 
 for  ay  the  sounair  the  bettir,  and  the  gretair  confort  for  w.s  ; 
 zit  becaus  zour  advyse  was,  that  wo  suld  convent  our  haill 
 N(»l)ilitie  for  that  purpos,  we  anserit  zou,  that  we  had 
 alreddie  proclamit  a  Parlement,  at  the  quhilk  thai  wald 
 convene,  and  befoir  the  (pdiilk  we  jugeit  it  suld  not  be  able 
 to  get  thame  togidder,  sen  thai  wald  think  dowble  con- 
 venyng  hevy  to  thame  ;  and  sua,  in  mention  making  of  a 
 Parlament,  we  menit  not  that  this  triall  wes  a  Parlament 
 mater,  nor  that  it  wes  re(iuisit  i^uhill  then  to  <liffer  it.  bot 
 that  then  the  Nobilitie  wald  be  best  convonit.     And  <|uhair 
 
 '   An  Oii|rinal. 
 
156G-7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  529 
 
 ze  desyr,  that  we  sulci  causs  the  nainis  conteiiit  in  sum 
 tikatts  affixit  ou  the  Tolbuith  dure  of  Edinburgh  to  be  put 
 in  suir  keiping.  Thair  is  sa  mony  of  the  saidis  tikatts,  and 
 thairwithal  sa  differit  and  contrarious  to  vtheris  in  conipting 
 of  the  namis,  that  we  wot  not  vpoun  (^uhat  tikkat  to  })ro- 
 ceid  ;  bot  gif  thair  be  ony  namis  mentionat  in  thame  that 
 ze  think  worthie  to  suffer  a  triall,  vpoun  zour  advertisement 
 we  sail  sua  proceid  to  the  cognitioun  taking,  as  may  stand 
 with  the  lawis  of  this  Realme  ;  and  being  fund  culpable,  sail 
 see  the  punishment  als  rigoruslio  execute  as  the  wecht  of 
 the  cry  me  deservis.  Quhar  other  thing  ze  think  meit  to  be 
 done  to  that  purpose  we  pray  zou  latt  ws  understand,  and  we 
 sail  not  omit  ony  occasioun  quhilk  may  cleir  the  mater ;  and 
 sua  fair  ze  weill.     At  Seytoun,  the  i.  day  of  Marche,  lo(JO. 
 
 "  Zour  gud  Dohter, 
 
 '^   JNlARIE  R." 
 
 A  Letter  from  the  Earl  of  Lennox  to  Queen  Mari/. 
 
 "  I  TFIANK  zour  Majestic  maist  humelie  for  zour  gentill 
 answer  as  twechin  ye  ward  of  the  Lennox, i  albeit  ye  samyn 
 dois  not  signifie  unto  me  quhidder  it  be  zour  Majestie's  will  to 
 bestow  the  same  vpon  me  or  not,  or  utherwyse  to  dispenss 
 with  ye  Prynsis  aige,^  conforme  to  my  wrytting  and  humill 
 suit,  quhairin  1  wald  be  glad  to  knaw  zour  Majesties  plessur. 
 Forther,  (juhair  zour  Majestic,  in  your  formar  lettre,  wryttis 
 unto  me,  that  gif  yair  be  ony  namis  mentionat  in  ye  tikatts 
 that  were  affixit  vpoun  the  Tolbuith  dure  of  Edinburgh,  that 
 I  think  worthie  to  suffer  a  triall  for  ye  murthour  of  the 
 Kyng  zour  Majestie's  husband,  vpoun  my  advertisement 
 zour  Majestic  suld  proceid  to  ye  cognitioun  takin,  as  may 
 stand  with  ye  lawis  of  yis  Realme,  and  being  fund  culpable,  sail 
 see  ye  punischment  als  rigorouslie  execute  as  ye  wecht  of 
 the  cryme  deservis  :  plesit  zour  Majestic,  my  humill  peti- 
 tion was  vnto  zour  Hiencs,  and  zit  is,  that  it  may  pleiss  zou 
 not  onelie  to  apprehend  and  put  in  suir  keiping  the  personis 
 namit  in  the  tikatts,  quhilk  answcrit  to  zour  Majcstie's  fyrst 
 and  second  proclamationis,  bot  als  with  diligence  to  assemble 
 
 ^  [The  "ward  of  tlii>  Lennox"  indicates  i)rol)aMy  a  "  ratification"  of 
 his  Earldom  of  Lennox. — E.) 
 
 2  [By  the  "  Trynsis  aijre"  is  meant  tlie  then  infant  Prince,  afterwaid-s 
 James  VL — E.J 
 
 VOL.  II.  34 
 
03()  Tin-    HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1500-7. 
 
 zoiir  Majostie's  haill  Nobilitie,  and  yan,  be  0})i)iii  procla- 
 niatioun,  to  admonyshc  and  requyre  ye  wryttars  of  ye  said 
 tikatts  to  compeir,  accordyng  to  the  effect  yairof ;  at  quhilk 
 tyme,  gif  thay  do  not,  zour  Majestic  may,  be  ye  advyse  of  zour 
 said  Nobilitie  and  Counsall,  releif  and  put  to  libertie  ye  per- 
 Honis  in  ye  tikatts  foirsaid  ;  and  for  ye  namis  of  ye  pcrsonis 
 foirsaid,  I  mcrwell  that  ye  samyn  hes  bene  keipit  fra  zour 
 Maje.^tic's  eairs,  considering  ye  effect  of  ye  said  tikatts,  and 
 ye  namis  of  ye  pcrsonis  is  swa  oppinlie  taulkit  of ;  that  is  to 
 say,  in  the  fyrst  tikatt  ye  Erie  Bothwcll,  Maister  James 
 lialfowr,  Maister  David  Chalmirs,  and  blak  Johnc  Spenss  : 
 And  in  the  second  tikatt,  Synzour  Francis,  ]3astiane,i  Johne 
 dcBurdeouss,-  and  Joseph,  Dauryis  brother,^  quhilk  pcrsonis, 
 I  assuyre  zour  Majesty,  I,  for  my  part,  greitlie  suspect ; 
 and  now  zour  Majestic  knawing  yair  namis,  and  being  ye 
 partic  als  weill,  and  mair  nor  I  am,  althocht  I  was  ye  fader, 
 I  doubt  not  bot  zour  Majestic  will  take  ordour  in  the 
 mater  accordyng  to  the  wecht  of  the  cause,  quhilk  I  maist 
 inteirlic  and  humillie  beseik.  Sa  committis  zour  Majestic 
 to    the  protectioun   of  Almichtie    God.     xvii    of   Marche, 
 
 i5mr 
 
 Besides  the  above  letter,  we  find  one  of  the  same  date 
 
 '  [Apj)arently  the  Se])astiaii  marriod  on  the  day  preceding  Darnley's 
 murder  (see  the  notes,  p.  4S8,  r>04,  of  this  volume.  He  was  one  of  the 
 Queen's  foreign  domestics,  and  soon  decamped,  for  "  on  the  19th  of  Feb- 
 ruary, only  ten  days  after  the  explosion,"  sjiys  Mr  Tytler,  "  Sir  W.  Drury 
 addressed  an  interesting  letter  to  Cecil  from  Berwick,  in  which  he  men- 
 tioned that  Dolu,  the  Queen's  treasurer,  had  arrived  in  that  town  with 
 eight  others,  among  whom  was  13astian,  on(^  of  those  denounced  in  the 
 jjlacards.  Francis,  tlie  Italian  steward,  the  same  person  whose  name  had 
 been  also  jmblicly  posted  up  as  engaged  in  the  murder,  was  exiiected,  he 
 added,  to  pass  that  way  within  a  few  days,  and  other  J'renchmen  had  left 
 Scotland  by  sea."—  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  88,89.  This  proves  that 
 "Synzour  Francis"  and"  liastiane"  were  different  persons.  'J'he  latter, 
 however,  appears  to  have  been  subse(|uently  api)rehended.  It  is  stated 
 that  on  the  16th  of  June  l.%7,  one  "  Sebilstiane,  Frenchman,  snsjjccted 
 for  the  art  and  i)airt  of  slauchter  of  unuiuliile  the  King  foirsaid,  wes  taken 
 and  put  in  captivitie  within  the  Tolbuith  of  Kdinburgh."— Diurnal  of 
 Remarkable  Occurrents  in  Scotland  since  the  Death  of  James  IV.  to 
 ir)7.>,  4to.  Kdin.  183.*^,  jjrinted  for  the  Bannaty.vk  Club,  p.  115. — K.] 
 -  [John  de  Bourdeaux,another  of  Queen  Mary's  I'rench  domestics. — E.] 
 •*  David  Hiccio's. —  [Jo.seph  Kiccio,  who  must  have  hated  Darnley  as  the 
 principal  jtssassin  of  his  brother  J)avid,  a  name  juMverted  into  "  Daury" 
 —a  misprint  of  Dauvi/  -  in  the  above  letter.  He  had  joined  the  plot,  but 
 the  extent  of  liis  connection  witli  it  is  unknown. — K.J 
 
15()G-7.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  SCOTLAND.  Ool 
 
 published  by  Buchanan  in  his  "  Detection,"^  which  I  here 
 likewise  subjoin,  leaving  it  to  my  readers  to  form  what 
 judgment  they  shall  think  fit,  why  there  should  be  two  letters 
 left  on  record  of  the  same  date,  but  of  a  different  form. 
 
 "  Pleisit  zour  Majestic,  quhair  zour  Hienes  in  zour  last 
 lettre  to  me  wrytis,  that,  gif  thair  be  ony  namis  in  the  tikatts 
 that  was  affixit  vpoun  the  Tolbuith  dure  of  Edinburgh,  that 
 I  think  worthie  to  suffer  ane  triall  for  the  mourthour  of  the 
 Kyng  zour  ^lajestie's  husband,  vpoun  my  aduertisement, 
 zour  Majestic  suld  proceid  to  the  cognitioun  taking,  as 
 may  stand  with  the  lawis  of  this  Realme  ;  and  being  fund 
 culpabill,  sail  se  the  punischement  as  rigoruslie  executit  as 
 ye  wecht  of  ye  cryme  deseruis.  Pleisit  zour  Majestic,  sen 
 the  ressait  of  zour  Hienes'  lettre,  I  haue  still  luikit  that 
 sum  of  the  bluddie  murthourirs  suld  haue  bene  oppinlie 
 knawin  or  now.  And  seing  thay  ar  not  zit,  I  cannot 
 find  in  my  hart  to  conceil  the  mater  ony  langer,  hot  let 
 zour  ]\Iajestie  understand  the  namis  of  thame  quhome  I 
 greitlie  suspect  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  Erie  Bothwcll,  Maister 
 James  Balfour,  and  Gilbert  Balfour  his  brother;  Maister 
 David  Chalmers,  blak  Maister  Johne  Spens,  Seinzeour 
 Francis,  Bastiane,  Charles  de  Burdeaux,  and  Joseph, 
 David's  brother.  Quhilk  personis  I  sail  maist  inteirlie  and 
 humbillie  beseik  zour  Majestie,  that,  according  to  my 
 former  petitioun  unto  zour  Hienes,  it  will  pleis  not  onlie  to 
 apprehend  and  put  in  suir  keiping,  bot  als  with  diligence  to 
 assembill  zour  Majestie's  haill  Nobilitie  and  Counsell,  and 
 then  to  tak  sic  perfite  ordour  of  the  foirnamit  persounis, 
 that  thay  may  be  justlie  tryit,  as  I  dout  not,  bot  in  sa  doing, 
 the  Spirite  of  God  sail  wirk  in  the  said  mater  as  the  treuth 
 sail  be  knawn.  Sa  sail  zour  Majestic  do  ane  maist  godlie 
 and  honourabill  act  for  zourself.  being  the  partie  as  ze  ar  ; 
 and  an  grcit  j^atisfactioun  it  sail  be  to  all  that  belangis  unto 
 him  that  is  gane,  (juha  was  sa  deir  unto  zour  Hienes.  And 
 now  not  doutit  but  zour  Majestic  will  tak  ordour  in  the 
 mater,  according  to  the  wecht  of  the  cans,  quhilk  I  maist 
 humblie  beseik,  I  commit  zour  Majestic  to  the  protcctioun  of 
 the  Almichtie  (Jod,  quha  preserue  zou  in  helth,  lang  lyfe,  and 
 maist  ha})pie  reign-.  Of  lioustoun  this  xvii  of  Marchc."' 
 ^  [Detection  of  Mary  qwvu  of  Scots,  LoikIom,  17*21,  p.  IDJ),  110.— K.] 
 
532  TIIK   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFA1R<  [15(]G-7. 
 
 A  Letter  from  Queen  Mary  to  the  Earl  of  Lennox} 
 
 "  Right  traist  cousing  and  counsalour,  we  greit  zoii  weill. 
 We  haue  ressavit  zoiir  lottre  of  Houstoun,  the  xvii  of  this 
 instant,  rclatiiic  to  our  last  wryting  sent  zou,  and  speciallie 
 naniand  tlic  persounis  contenit  in  the  tikatts,  quhom  zc 
 greitlie  suspect.  For  the  conuention  of  our  Nobihtie  and 
 Counscll,  we  haue  preuentit  the  thing  desyrit  be  zou  in  zour 
 lettre,  and  hes  sent  for  thame  to  be  at  vs  in  Edinburgh  this 
 oulk2  approcheand,  quhair  the  persounis  nominate  in  zour 
 lettre  sail  abyde  and  underlye  sic  triall  as  be  the  lawis  of 
 this  Realme  is  accustoniat ;  and  being  fund  culpable,  in  ony 
 wise,  of  that  cry  me  and  odious  fact  nominat  in  the  tikatts, 
 and  quhairof  ze  suspect  yame,  we  sail  evin,  according  to  our 
 former  lettre,  see  the  condigne  punischment  als  rigoruslie 
 and  extremlie  executit  as  the  wecht  of  that  fact  deseruis, 
 for  indcid  (as  ze  wrait)  we  esteme  ourself  partie  gif  we  war 
 resolut  of  the  auctours ;  and  thairfore  we  pray  zou,  gif  zour 
 lassour  and  commoditie  may  sut,  addres  zow  to  be  at  vs  heir 
 in  Edinburgh  this  oulk  approcheand,  quhair  ze  may  see  the 
 said  triall,  and  declair  thay  things  quhilk  ze  knaw  may 
 further  the  same  ;  and  thair  ze  sail  haue  experience  of  our 
 ernest  will  and  effectuus  mynd  to  haue  an  end  in  this  mater, 
 and  the  auctors  of  sa  unworthie  a  deid  realie  punist,  als  far 
 furth,  in  effect,  as  befoir  this,  and  now  presentile  we  haue 
 wrytten  and  promist.  And  sua  for  the  present  commitis  zou 
 to  (iod.     At  Edinburgh,  the  xxiii  day  of  Marche  loGO. 
 
 "  Zour  gud  Dohter, 
 
 ''  Marie.  Mr 
 
 In  consequence  of  the  preceding  letters,  we  find  in  the 
 |)ublick  Records  an  Act  of  Council  28th  March  lo()7,  direct- 
 ing the  trial  of  the  Earl  of  ]5othwell,  and  all  other  persons 
 suspected  or  delated  as  principals  or  accessories  to  the 
 nuirder  of  the  King,'^  to  undergo  an  assize  for  the  said  nuirder 
 on  the  12th  of  April  following;   and  warning  to  be  given 
 
 '  An  Ori^rinal.  ^  Wock. 
 
 ^  [It  is  rcniarkahk'  that,  iiotwithstaiuliiii,'  all  this  atlottod  /oal  io  hr'uv^ 
 tho  murdorors  of  DaniU-y  to  justice,  little  was  done  in  the  matter,  and 
 some  of  those  wlio  weresuhsoqnently  executed  for  it  expiated  their  crime 
 a  considerable  time  afterwards. — Iv] 
 
156G'7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  533 
 
 the  Earl  of  Lenox,  and  all  others  that  will  accuse  the  said 
 Earl  of  Bothwell,  and  remanent  persons  suspected,  at  several 
 market-crosses,  to  appear  the  said  12th  day  of  April  in  the 
 Court  of  Justiciary,  and  there  do  what  shall  be  necessary 
 for  trial  of  the  said  matter.!  But  before  we  proceed  in  the 
 sequel  of  this  affair,  it  will  be  proper  to  bring  up  the  other 
 matters  that  were  then  doing. 
 
 On  the  10th  of  March  the  Queen  returned  from  Scton  to 
 Edinburgh,  where  she  remained  until  the  24th,  during  which 
 space,  it  is  reported,  much  in(|uisition  was  made  after  the 
 upsetters  of  the  placacrts,  &c.  But  all  I  can  perceive  of 
 authentick  at  that  time,  is  the  Act  of  Council  on  the  14th 
 March  for  the  apprehending  of  James  Murray,  "  who,"  as  the 
 Act  bears,  "  had  devysit,  inventit,  and  causit  to  be  set  up 
 certane  payntit  paperis  upon  the  Tolbuith-dure  of  Edin- 
 burgh, tending  to  her  Majestie's  sclander  and  defamatioun, 
 and  swa  commitand  oppin  and  manifest  tressoun  aganis  her 
 Hienes,"  &c.2 
 
 ^  See  Anderson's  Collect,  vol.  i.,  and  I  observe  that  this  gentleman, 
 after  marking  this  Act,  adjects,  p.  60,  Contents,  the  following  N.  B.  viz. — 
 "  The  residence  of  the  Earl  of  Lenox  at  that  time  was  near  Dnnbarton, 
 above  forty  miles  distant  from  Edinbnrgh."  But  what  great  matter  he 
 would  infer  from  thence,  I  cannot  discern. — [Dnnbarton  is  fifty-eight 
 English  miles  from  Edinburgh  by  Mid-Calder  and  Kirk  of  Shotts  to 
 Glasgow,  the  same  distance  by  Bathgate  and  Airdrie,  and  sixty-one  miles 
 by  Linlithgow  and  Falkirk.  As  the  Earl  of  Lennox  dates  his  letters  to 
 Queen  Mary  from  Houston  in  Renfrewshire,  the  county  opposite  Dun- 
 bartonshire, from  which  it  is  separated  by  the  Clyde,  he  was  residing 
 several  miles  from  Dnnbarton,  in  a  different  county,  but  that  town  is 
 probably  mentioned  as  the  then  principal  i)lace  near  Houston. — E.] 
 
 ^  See  Anderson's  Collect,  vol.  i.  p.  3S.  Buchanan  complains  much  that 
 tiie Queen  should  have  kept  .such  a  pother  now  about  finding  (uit  the  authors 
 of  the  placaerts,  i)ainted  papers,  &c.,  but  was  at  no  pains  at  all  to  find  out 
 the  murderers  of  her  husband.  But  as  we  have  seen  by  authentick 
 records  that  this  is  not  precisely  true,  so  Avhatever  defect  might  be  therein, 
 tlie  readers  will  ])erceive  by  perusal  of  this  Act  in  tlie  place  here  referred 
 to,  that  his  own  fjood  and  irlifjious  patron,  the  J-'arl  of  Moray,  sat  in 
 council,  and  liad  a  hand  in  this  day's  act. — [See  Buchanan's  History, 
 Translation,  Edin.  edit.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  32().  Although  the  anxiety  to 
 discover  the  auth()i*s  of  the  placards  was  commendable  to  further  the  i)ur- 
 poses  of  justice  against  those  concerned  in  Darnley's  nnirder,  other  circum- 
 stances occurred  which  were  greatly  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  Queen, 
 and  wcrecans<Ml  by  her  imprudent  intimacy  with  Bothwell.  The  placards 
 and  drawings  publicly  posted  in  the  strei't  dinctly  accused  Mary  and 
 the  Earl.  "  But  the  only  effect  produced  liy  such  intimations,"  says  .Mr 
 Tytler,  "  wius  to  rou.se  this  daring  man   to  a   passionate  declaration   of 
 
.");>4  THE   HISTURY  OF  TllK  AFFAIRS  [lofjMj- 
 
 /  . 
 
 J}y  tlu'  l)iary  so  oi'ten  mentioned  \vc  arc  informed  that 
 the  Queen  went  again  to  Seton  House  on  the  24th  of 
 March,  and  contiiuicd  there  until  the  10th  of  April,  but 
 seeing  her  Majesty  signs  a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Lenox  on 
 the  24th  of  March  at  Edinburgh,  and  the  Act  of  Privy- 
 Council  2oth  of  March  at  Edinburdi  likewise,  directino^  the 
 trial  of  the  Earl  of  ]Jothwell,  mentions  the  (^ueen  to  have 
 that  day  called  for  the  advice  of  her  Nobles  and  Privy 
 Council,  these  two  considerations  laid  together  may  perhaps 
 render  the  authority  of  the  Diary  somewhat  suspicious  here, 
 though  not  umiuestionably  false. i 
 
 vengeance.  Accomi)auied  ])y  fifty  guards,  he  rode  to  the  capital  from  iSeton, 
 and  with  furious  oaths  and  gestures  decUired  publicly  that  if  he  knew 
 who  were  the  authors  of  the  bills  or  drawings  he  would  uash  his  hund;i  in 
 their  blood.  It  was  noticed  that,  as  he  passed  through  the  streets,  his 
 followers  kept  a  jealous  watch,  and  crowded  round  him  as  if  they  appre- 
 hended an  attack,  whilst  lie  himself  spoke  to  no  one  of  whom  he  was  not 
 jissured  without  his  hand  on  the  hilt  of  his  dagger.  His  deportment  and 
 fierce  looks  were  much  observed  by  the  people,  who  began  at  the  same 
 time  to  express  themselves  openly  against  the  Queen.  It  was  remarked 
 that  Captain  Cullen  and  his  company,  well  known  to  be  sworn  followers 
 of  Bothwell,  were  the  guards  nearest  her  person  ;  and  that  whilst  all 
 inquiry  into  the  murder  appeared  to  be  forgotten,  an  active  investigation 
 took  place  as  to  the  authors  of  the  jdacards.  ^lore  minute  circum- 
 stances were  also  noted,  which  seemed  to  argue  a  light  and  indifferent 
 behaviour,  at  a  time  when  lier  manner  should  have  been  especially 
 circumspect  and  guarded.— On  the  evening  of  the  day  in  which  the  Karl  had 
 I'xhibited  so  much  fury  in  the  streets  of  the  cajjital,  two  more  placards 
 were  hung  up.  On  the  one  were  written  the  initials  >f.  R.,  with  a  hand 
 holding  a  sword.  On  the  otlu-r,  Bothwell's  initials,  with  a  nuillet  painted 
 above — an  obscure  allusion  to  the  only  wound  found  upon  the  unhai)py 
 Prince,  which  appeared  to  have  been  given  by  a  blunt  instrument." — 
 Ty tier's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  90,91.— K.] 
 
 '  (Chalmers  (Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i,  p.  21.*])  gives  a 
 different  account  of  Mary's  movements.  He  agrees  with  our  Ilistonan 
 that  the  Queen  returned  from  Seton  to  Edinburgh  on  the  lOth  of  March, 
 and  he  says  that  she  remained  in  her  capital,"  daily  engaged  in  the  i)ublic 
 ])usiness,  "  till  the  18th  of  April.  Yet  lie  aftirms  that  ^fary  rode  to 
 Dunbar  on  that  day,  where  she  was  on  the  second  and  third  of  that  month 
 — that  she  spent  the  three  following  days  at  Seton,  and  repaired  to 
 Edinburgh  on  the  7th  of  April,  "  where  she  probably  remained  till  the 
 meet  ing  of  rarliament."  This  gross  blundering  in  dates  is  most  provoking, 
 but  probably  the  eitfhtccnth  of  April  is  a  misprint  for  some  day  in  the 
 preceding  month  of  March.  On  the  I'MX  of  that  month  the  Queen  attended 
 a  solemn  dirge,  or  "  saule-ma.ss,"  in  the  Chajjcl- Royal  of  Ilolyrood  for 
 Darnley,  which  was  celebrated  by  her  express  command,  (IJirrel's  Diary, 
 p.  7);  and  it  was  observed  by  those  who  were  near  her  on  that  affecting 
 occasion,  that  Iwr  health  and  beauty  had  undergone  a  melancholy  change. 
 
150G-7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  535 
 
 In  the  abstracts  of  Privy-CoiiuciU  tliero  arc  these  two 
 following,  viz. — "  Apud  Seyton,  5tli  April  1507,  Act  ordain- 
 ing proclamatioun  to  bo  maid  to  discharge  the  Comptroller 
 to  nu'll  or  uptake  anio  of  hir  Majestie's  rents,  becans  she 
 was  informit  that  the  samen  was  to  be  applyed  to  uthir  uses. 
 Apud  Dunbar,  penult.  April  1507,  Act  contramanding  the 
 Act  and  Proclamatioun  afoirsaid  5th  April." 
 
 On  the  9th  of  April  the  Earl  of  ^loray,  having  lately 
 sought  and  obtained  leave  to  go  into  France,  departed  forth 
 of  the  kingdom,  taking  his  journey  through  England;  and 
 it  is  affirmed  by  some,  that  during  his  absence  he  should 
 have  recommended  the  care  of  all  his  affairs  to  the  Queen 
 and  Earl  of  Both  well. 2 
 
 and  that  she  was  suffering  from  acute  mental  agony.  Tlie  letters  she 
 received  from  France,  instead  of  soothing  her  feelings,  made  her  more 
 wretched.  The  Queen-Mother  and  her  uncle  the  Cardinal  rcproaclied 
 lier  in  the  most  severe  manner,  and  distinctly  intimated  that  if  she  failed 
 to  avenge  the  death  of  their  cousin  her  husband,  and  to  clear  herself  of 
 the  imputations  publicly  and  universally  alleged  against  her,  they  would 
 consider  her  as  utterly  disgraced,  and  would  become  her  determined 
 enemies.— Drury  to  Cecil,  2f)th  March  1567,  MS.  Letter,  State-Paper 
 Office,  in  Ty tier's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  95.  It  is  alleged  that 
 on  the  5th  of  April,  while  the  Queen  was  on  one  of  her  migratory  or 
 casual  visits  to  Seton  House,  she  entered  into  a  regular  marriage-contract 
 Avith  Bothwell.  Chalmers  (Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  213) 
 ridicules  this  statement,  because  Bothwell  was  "  then  a  married  man," 
 and  "  this  same  contract,  as  the  plotters  also  affirm,  was  written  by  the 
 Chancellor,  Earl  of  Iluntly,  the  brother  of  Bothwell's  wife.  AVithout 
 being  a  lawyer,  Huntly  knew  that  such  a  contract  of  marriage  was  unlaw- 
 ful, and  also  injurious  to  his  sister."  But  subsequent  events  prove  that 
 the  "  i)lotters"  may  have  been  right  in  this  important  matter,  which,  if  true, 
 is  most  disgraceful  to  the  Queen;  and  as  to  Himtly's  conduct,  more  unscru- 
 pulous things  were  done  in  that  age  than  writing  such  a  contract,  even 
 though  his  sister  was  the  principal  party  to  whom  it  would  have  been 
 "  injurious." — E.] 
 
 ^  Lord  Pitmedden's  Abstracts. — [Sii-  Alexander  Seton  of  Pitmedden, 
 Bart.,  a  .Judge  in  the  Court  of  Session  l>y  the  title  of  Lord  Pitmedden 
 from  the  I.'Jth  of  November  lf)77  to  the  Hevolutioji,  when  he  refused  to 
 take  the  oaths  of  allegiance  to  William  and  Mary,  and  retiring  into  private 
 life,  he  died  at  an  advanced  life  in  1711).  Wodrow  states  that  Lord 
 Pitmedden  possessed  a  most  extensive  and  curious  Library. — E.l 
 
 2  These  authors  take  likewise  the  freedom  to  observe  here,  that  this 
 cunning  Lord  went  always  out  of  the  way  when  he  had  any  mischievous 
 tiling  to  do  at  Court  by  his  friends.— [The  Eurl  of  .Moray,  though  he 
 jirudentially  kept  on  friendly  terms  with  the  l^arl  of  Bothwell,  was  so  dis- 
 gusted at  the  power  and  interest  of  tiie  latter  with  Mary  that  he  requested 
 permission  from  the  Queen  to  leave  the  kingdom,  and  travel  in  England  and 
 Franc<",  which  he  easily  proetn-<'d.    It  was  certainly  remarkabh*  that,  when 
 
530  TlIK   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1560-7. 
 
 The  Earl  of  Lenox,  having;  received  advertisement  of  the 
 trial  of  the  Karl  of  Bothwell,  his  Lordship  took  journey  to 
 come  to  Edinburgh,  in  order  to  be  present  thereat.  But 
 having  received  likewise,  as  would  appear,  some  advice  from 
 his  friends  not  to  come  forward  nor  be  present  at  the  trial ; 
 after  he  was  advanced  tlie  length  of  Stirling  he  wrote  from 
 thence  this  letter  that  followeth  to  the  Queen,  in  which  he 
 now  alters  the  strain  of  his  writing,  and  wants  by  all  means 
 to  have  the  trial  delayed,  wliich  he  had  been  at  pains  formerly 
 to  liastcn  forward.    A  longer  time,  he  pretends,  would  enable 
 
 any  crime  was  to  be  perpetrated,  or  events  to  occur  in  which  Moray  could 
 not  particii)ate  without  loss  of  character,  he  always  contrived  to  be  absent 
 ironi  the  scene  of  action,  while  his  conduct  jiroves  that  he  was  in  close 
 communication  with  the  prominent  parties.     We  have  seen  that  on  the 
 day  after  Kiccio's  murder  Moray  and  his  exiled  associates  returned  to 
 lulinburgh,  and  were  soon  afterwards  pardoned.     On  the  day  before  the 
 murder  of  Darnley  we  find  ]Moray  proceedinf^  to  Fife  on  a  visit  to  his 
 Countess,  who  was  alleged  to  be  unwell,     lie  gave  an  entertainment  to 
 Bothwell,  after  that   Nobleman  had  been  publicly   denounced  as    the 
 murderer  of  Darnley,  a  few  days  before  he  left  Edinburgh  ;  and  now,  on 
 the  9th  of  April,  only  three  days  before  Bothwell's  trial,  when  sundry  other 
 events  were  to  occur  connected  with  the  sad  tragedy  of  Mary's  life,  he 
 followed  his  usual  policy.  Chalmers  observes — "  Calumny  indeed  remarked 
 that  this  artful  man  always  went  out  of  the  way  when  any  signal  mischief 
 was  in  contemplation."     Aloray  left  the  management  of  his  afl'airs  to 
 Morton  and  Maitland,  with  whom  he  maintained  a  regular  corresjjondence, 
 and  he  ai)parently  had  conciliated  lluntly.    In  London  he  was  too  prudent 
 not    to  j»ay  court  to   Elizabeth,  and  in   his  conferences  with  Cecil  lie 
 communicated   the   whole   detail   of    what    was   designed    in    Scotland. 
 Moray,  in   short,  seems  to  have  been  completely  aware  of  Bothwell's 
 ambitious  intention  to  marry  the  Queen  after  divorcing  his  Countess,  and 
 of  Mary's  acipiiesceiice  to  that   infatuated  union.     Indeed,  before   the 
 niurder    of    Darnley  he   and  others  had    observed    Bothwell's   aspiring' 
 advances  to  the  Queen,  and  had  artfully  encouraged  him  in  his  }>roject8 
 to  further  their  own  purj)oses.     It  farther  appears  that  Cecil,  in  conse- 
 (pience  of  Moray's  inforniation,  received  orders  from  Elizabeth  to  promote 
 the  success  of  the  intended  measures,  and  the  Earl  of  Bedford  was  again 
 sent  to   lierwick  to  "  countenance  the    Lords,"    when    they    took  arms 
 Jigainst  the  Scottish   Queen   and   Bothwell.     From  London  the  Earl  of 
 Moray  proceeded  to  Bari.s,  and  was  hosj)itab1y  received  by  the  French 
 Court  until  he  was  susj>ected  of  sharing  in  the  recent  atrocities.     Arch- 
 bisho])  Beaton  considered  it  his  duty,  as  Mary's  ambassador,  to  i)rocure 
 Moray's  arrest,  and  applied   for  an  order,  but  the  Earl  anticii)ated  this 
 disagreeable  position  by  a  speedy  dei)arture,  and  the  arrest  arrived  at 
 Diepjie   only   a   few    hours   after   lie   sailed.     Moray    returned   through 
 I'.ngland,   where    he    was   again    favourably   entertained    by   Elizabeth, 
 and  returned  to  Edinburgh  on  the  11th  of  August,  after  an  absence  of 
 fo\ir  months,  during  which  the  most  important  events  had  occurred.— E.] 
 
15GG-7.]         OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  537 
 
 him  to  search  after  the  murderers,  though  we  may  bo  assured 
 this  was  all  a  mere  shift,  since  the  tickets  had  already 
 mentioned  their  names,  and  he  had  formerly  pointed  them 
 out  to  the  Queen.  1 
 
 1  [Lennox  had  named  them  twice,  m  his  letter  of  the  17tli  of  March 
 to  the  Queen,  inserted  by  our  Historian.  On  the  2bth  of  March  the 
 rrivy-Council  ordered  Bothw ell's  trial  to  take  place  on  the  12th  of  April; 
 but  it  was  only  by  the  repeated  ajipeals  of  Mary's  relatives  in  France,  and 
 the  force  of  i.ubUc  opinion,  that  she  consented  to  this  trial.  Nothing,'  can 
 exceed  the  extraordinary  infatuation  of  the  Queen  in  all  her  proceedin^rs 
 at  that  period  of  her  life,  and  the  circumstances  connected  with  that 
 mock  exhibition  of  justice  were  most  mischievous  to  her  interest. 
 Chalmers  strangely  asserts  that  Lennox,  when  he  received  notice  of  the 
 day  of  LJothwell's  trial,  "  discovered  that  it  Avas  more  easy  to  write  letters 
 of  accusation  than  to  adduce  proofs  of  guilt"— that  he  wrote  to  Mary  and 
 to  Elizabeth  to  obtain  a  postponement  of  the  trial— and  that  the  English 
 Queen  answered  him  by  a  letter  to  Mary,  which  was  only  delivered  to 
 her  at  Ilolyrood  Palace,  on  the  morning  of  the  day  appointed  for  the  trial, 
 though  it  was  sent  by  express.  These  palliations  are  plausible,  but  they 
 fail  to  convince.  The  observations  of  Mr  Tytler  on  this  unhappy 
 procedure  are  candid  and  judicious,  especially  when  it  is  recollected  that 
 Bothwell  had  become  so  powerful  by  Mary's  favour,  was  in  possession  of  so 
 many  offices,  and  was  paramount  at  the  Court— and  that  while  he  remained 
 at  large  no  person  had  the  courage  to  accuse  such  a  dangerous  and 
 unprincipled  man.  After  the  resignation  of  the  Earl  of  Mar  as 
 Governor  of  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh  on  the  19th  of  March  1566-7, 
 Bothwell  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  that  fortress  by  the  Queen, 
 and  also  of  the  Castle  of  Blaclmess  and  of  Inchkeith ;  and  the 
 superiority  of  Leith  Avas  conferred  on  him.  Instead  of  Lennox's  letter 
 being  a  "mere  shift;'  as  our  Historian  chooses  to  designate  it,  the  document 
 is  prudentlv  and  calmly  written.  «  The  Earl  of  Lennox,  who  at  an 
 earlier  period  had  in  vain  implored  the  Queen  to  investigate  the  murder, 
 and  to  collect,  whilst  it  was  attainable,  such  evidence  as  might  bring  the 
 guilt  home  to  its  authors,  now  as  earnestly  and  justly  pleaded  the  necessity 
 of  delay.  He  had  been  summoned  to  appear  and  make  good  his  accusa- 
 tion against  Bothwell,  but  he  declared  that  it  was  in  vain  to  expect  him 
 to  come  singly,  opposed  to  a  powerful  adversary,  who  enjoyed  the  royal 
 favour,  and  commanded  the  town  and  the  Castle,  lie  conjured  the  Queen 
 to  grant  him  some  time  that  he  might  assombU>  his  friends.  He  observed 
 that  when  the  suspected  persons  were  still  at  liberty— powerful  at  Court 
 and  about  her  Majcstv's  person,  no  fair  trial  could  take  place  ;  and  when 
 all  was  in  vain  he  applied  to  Elizabeth,  who  wrote  to  Mary  in  the  strongest 
 terms,  and  besought  her,  as  she  hoped  to  save  herself  from  the  worst 
 suspicions,  to  listen  to  so  just  a  rcpiest.  It  was  forcibly  urged  by  the 
 English  Queen  that  Lennox  was  well  a.ssurcd  of  a  combination  to  accput 
 Botliweli,  and  to  accomplish  by  force  what  could  never  be  attaiiu-d  by 
 law  ;  and  she  advised  her,  in  the  maiuigement  of  a  cause  which  touched 
 her  so  nearly,  to  use  that  sincerity  and  prudence  which  might  convince 
 the  wliole  world  that  she  wius  guiltless."     MS.  Letter,  Statc-rai»cr  Office, 
 
 Drury  to  Cecil,  4th  April  1567,  in  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vu. 
 p.  96'— E.J 
 
538  THE  IIISTOllY  OF  THK  AFFAIRS  [1506-7. 
 
 "  Pleis  zoiir  Majestic,  I  am  laitlic  informit  that  thair  hes 
 bene  proclaiiiatiounis  maid  at  Gla.sgu  and  Dumbartane, 
 cliargin*^'  me  and  others  havand  or  pretendand  to  have 
 entrcss  to  concur  with  zour  Majestic,  and  to  persew  the 
 Erie  IJotliwell  and  utheris  for  the  tresonablc  miirthour  of 
 the  King  zour  Majcstie's  husband,  to  compcii*  befoir  zour 
 Hienes'  Justice  or  his  Deputeis  in  the  Tolbuitli  of  Edinburgli 
 the  xii  day  of  Apryll  instant.  The  quhilk  I  assuir  zour 
 Majestic  I  am  not  abill  to  keip  ;  for  being  presentHe  on  my 
 jornay  upon  sett  purpoiss  and  dehberit  mynd  to  keip  the 
 saim,  am  fallin  in  sic  disease  that  I  may  noway  gudelie 
 travell ;  zea,  althoct  I  war  abill,  I  dout  not  bot  in  considcra- 
 tioun  of  the  schortnes  of  tyme  and  importance  of  this  greit 
 and  weichtie  mater,  and  als  in  respect  of  sundre  uthers  reson- 
 able  raotivis  and  causis  belonging  to  the  same,  zour  Majestic 
 will  beir  with  me  in  beseiking  zour  Majestic  maist  humelie 
 for  justice  and  rychtious  causis,  and  for  zour  awin  honour, 
 being  maist  principall  parte,  that  it  will  pleis  zour  Majestic, 
 conforme  to  my  formar  scuerall  lettres,  zour  Hienes  wald 
 cans  apprehend  and  put  in  suir  keipingthe  suspect  persounis 
 namit  in  the  saim  (avoyding  zour  ^lajestie's  cumpanie  of 
 thame).  For  it  was  ncvir  hard  of,  bot  in  the  triall  of  sic 
 anc  odious  fact,  all  suspectit  persounnis  was  alwayis 
 apprehendit,  quhat  dcgre  soevir  thai  war  of,  suppois  thai 
 war  not  giltie  of  the  fact,  till  the  mater  was  trewlie  tryit. 
 And  alswa,  that  it  wald  pleis  zour  Majestic  to  differ  this 
 day  of  law  onto  sic  ane  resonable  tyme,  as  I  may  not  onlie 
 convene  my  frends  for  keiping  of  the  saim,  conforme  to  the 
 lawis  of  this  Realme,  as  zour  ^lajestie  sail  appoint,  bot 
 alswa,  that  I  may  haif  sufticient  tyme  to  serfs  and  seik  trew 
 triall  at  all  hands,  and  in  all  partes,  for  manifestatioun  of 
 this  maist  odious  cryme,  swa  1  sail  not  faill  (God  willing)  to 
 keij)  that  tyme  appoyntit,  and  hoippis  in  (lod  to  bring  with 
 mo  sic  pruif  as  the  trewth  salbe  knawn  :  utherwayis  the 
 suspect  persounis  continewing  still  at  libertie,  being  gret  in 
 Court,  and  about  zour  Majesties  persoun,  comfortis  and 
 incoragis  thame  and  thairs,  and  discoragis  all  utheris  that 
 wald  gyf  in  (nidence  agains  thame.  Sa  that  gif  zour 
 Majestic  suffer  this  schort.  day  of  law  to  go  forwart,  eftir 
 the  maner  as  is  appoyntit,  I  assuir  zour  Majestic  ze  sail  haif 
 na  just  tri.dl  as  y.n  sail  haif  h<irpftir;   and   this  geving  zour 
 
1566-7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE   IN  SCOTLAND.  539 
 
 Majestie  my  symple  advyss  in  the  wayis  I  can  for  the  just 
 triall  of  this  unnatural  and  email  fact,  sa  neir  as  Cod  gives 
 me  the  grace  according  to  my  dewtie  ;  bcseiking  alswa  zour 
 Majestie  maist  humelie  to  grant  me  zour  hie  commissioun 
 to  apprehend  and  tak  sic  persounis  as  I  sail  get  knawledge 
 that  wes  at  the  cruall  murthour,  I  connnitt  zour  INlajestic 
 to  the  protexioun  of  Almichtie  God.  I  humelie  beseik  zour 
 Majestie  to  pas  this  licence,  to  the  effect  of  zour  Hienes 
 last  lettro  sent  vnto  me.  From  Streveling,  the  xj  day  of 
 Apryll.^^i 
 
 The  readers  will  easily  observe  tliat  though  the  Queen  had 
 been  willing,  it  would  now  have  been  very  improper  to  have 
 adjourned  the  Court ;  and  therefore  next  day,  which  was  the 
 12th  of  April,  the  day  appointed  for  the  trial  of  the  Earl  of 
 Bothwell,  the  Court  of  Justiciary  was  kept  in  the  Tolbooth- 
 
 1  Anderson's  Collections.— [Collections  relating  to  the  History  of  ^lary 
 Queen  of  Scots,  4  vols.  4to.  Edin.  1725-1728.  Lennox  had  advanced  from 
 Glasgow  to  Stirling  where  he  wrote  the  above  letter,  hut  ho  liad  his  mis- 
 givings as  to  the  result,  as  he  was  probably  aware  that  both  the  Earl  of 
 Morton  and  Maitland  of  Letliington,  two  of  the  conspirators  against  his 
 son,  were  supporting  Bothwell.  He  was  nevertheless  actually  on  the 
 road  to  Edinburgh  to  appear  as  the  prosecutor  at  the  trial,  accompanied 
 by  a  large  i)arty  of  his  friends,  when  he  received  an  order  not  to  enter 
 Edinburgli  with  more  than  six  persons  in  his  company,  and  as  this  wa-s 
 an  undoubted  intimation  of  what  was  intended,  he  prudently  declined  to 
 come  forward,  but  sent  the  above  letter,  which  he  wrote  on  the  11th  of 
 April.— MS.  Letters,  State-Paper  Office,  Foster  to  Cecil,  and  Drury  to 
 Cecil,  15th  April  15G7,  cited  in  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii. 
 p.  99.— E.] 
 
 2  [The  bitter  reproaches  and  threats  which  ISIary  received  from  her 
 relatives  in  France,  and  other  reasons,  induced  her  to  consent  that 
 Bothwell  should  be  brouglit  to  a  public  trial,  but  as  it  was  altogether  a 
 mockery,  this  tardy  exhibition  of  justice  only  rendered  mattei-s  worse.  It 
 is  uncertain  whether  Mary  received  Elizabeth's  letter,  urging  her  to  delay 
 the  trial,  because  Lennox  wius  well  assured  of  a  combination  to  acquit 
 Bothwell,  in  sufficient  time  to  stay  the  jiroceedings,  as  it  was  written  only 
 four  days  before  the  Court  of  .Justiciary  was  held.  Nevertheless  Sir 
 William  Drury  arrived  with  Elizabeth's  letter  at  Edinburgh  on  the 
 morning  of  the  12th,  the  very  day  of  the  trial,  and  found  the  city  com- 
 pletely in  possession  of  Bothwcll's  friends  and  their  followers,  who 
 amounted  to  no  fewer  than  4000  men,  exchisive  of  u  guard  of  2(»0  hack- 
 butters.  Bothwell's  retainers  surrounded  the  Palace  of  llolyrood,  and 
 perambulated  the  streets  of  the  city,  while  the  Castle,  of  which  he  had 
 been  appointed  fJovornor,  was  at  his  command.  When  Drury  presented 
 liimself  at  Holyrood,  and  announced  that  he  was  the  bearer  of  a  letter 
 from  Elizabeth,  the  purport  of  it  was  suspected,  and  be  was  rudely  dosig- 
 iiated  an  "  English  \ill.ii\t;'  wIioIi.kI  com.'  (o  stoj)  the  "assize,"  or  trial  by 
 
540  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1566-7. 
 
 of  Edinburgh  by  the  Earl  of  Argyll,  then  hereditary  Lord 
 High  Justice,^  with  whom  sat  four  Assessors,  namely,  Robert 
 Pitcairn,  Commendator  of  Dunfermline,-  the  Lord  Lindsay,'^ 
 
 a  jury,  and  he  was  told  that  the  Queen  was  too  busy  with  other  matters 
 of  the  day.  At  that  moment  Bothwell  and  Secretary  Maithmd  of 
 Lethinpfton  came  out  of  the  Palace,  and  ]  )i'ury  frave  Queen  Elizabeth's 
 letter  to  the  Secretary,  wlio,  accomi)auied  by  his  friend  liothwell,  returned 
 and  delivered  it  to  Mary.  As  no  answer  was  intimated,  when  the  Earl  and 
 Maitland  soon  afterwards  appeared  and  mounted  their  horses,  Drury 
 eagerly  demanded  a  reply  to  Elizabeth's  letter.  The  Secretary  told 
 liim  that  Mary  was  asleep,  and  they  would  not  disturb  her,  but  this  was 
 immediately  discovered  to  be  a  falsehood,  for  a  servant  of  the  Erench 
 ambassador  Le  Croc,  avIio  was  standing  near  Drury,  looking  up  towards 
 the  Ealace,  saw  and  pointed  out  Queen  Mary  and  ^lary  Fleming,  Mait- 
 land's  wife,  standing  at  a  window.  It  was  also  observed  that  the  Queen 
 gave  Bothwell  a  friendly  salute  as  he  rode  out  of  the  court -yard  of  Holy- 
 rood.  The  cavalcade  then  proceeded  up  the  Canongate  and  High  Street 
 to  the  Tolbooth,  where  the  trial  took  place — Bothwell's  hackbutters 
 permitting  none  to  enter  who  were  considered  hostile  to  their  master. — 
 Drury  to  Cecil,  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  97,  98.—  E.] 
 
 ^  [Repeatedly  mentioned  as  Archibald  fifth  Earl  of  Argyll,  whose 
 Countess  was  at  supper  with  Queen  Alary  in  the  Palace  of  Uolyrood  on 
 the  night  of  Riccio's  murder,  and  who  was  ordered  to  do  "  penance"  by 
 the  preachers  for  her  presence  as  godmother  at  the  ba])tism  of  James  VI. 
 The  office  of  "  Lord  High  Justice,"  or  properly  Lord  Justice-General, 
 now  held  by  the  Lord  Presidents  of  the  Court  of  Session,  was  long 
 hereditary  in  the  Argyll  Family.  It  is  curious  that  this  Earl,  who  was 
 one  of  the  conspirators  against  Darnley,  or  at  least  was  deejily  implicated 
 in  the  plot,  scrupled  not  to  preside  in  a  court  of  justice  where  he  knew 
 the  trial  was  altogether  a  mockery. — E.] 
 
 '  [Robert  Pitcairn,  son  of  David  Pitcairn  of  that  Ilk,  born  about  1520, 
 was  the  successor  of  George  Durie  as  "  Commendator,"  or  lay  Abbot,  of 
 Dunfermline.  He  was  a])pointed  a  Lord  of  the  Articles  in  15()7,  and  went 
 to  Stirling  that  year  to  attend  the  coronation  of  the  hifant  King  James 
 VI.  Pitcairn  signed  the  Bond  of  Association  with  many  others  after  the 
 dei)Osition  of  the  Queen  in  July  I5()7  at  I'dinburgh,  wiis  aj)i)ointed  an 
 Ordinary  Lord  of  Se-sion  on  the  2d  of  June  \5GS,  accompanied  the  Regent 
 Moray  to  York  as  one  of  the  commissi(.ners  against  Queen  Mary,  and 
 was  made  Secretary  of  State  in  the  end  of  1570,  succeeding  Maitland  of 
 Lethington  in  that  office,  whieh  he  held  during  the  Regencies  of  Lennox, 
 Mar,  and  Morton.  He  was  one  of  those  concerned  in  the  successful 
 attempt  to  secure  the  person  of  Jiunes  VI.  called  the  Raid  of  Rntlnin  in 
 15S2,  and  after  being  connected  with  many  jjublic  transactions  he  died 
 in  his  own  residence  on  the  south  side  of  the  Maygatc  in  Dunfermline — 
 a  mansion  still  jminted  out,  on  the  18th  of  October  1584,  in  the  fi4th  year 
 of  his  age.  See  Historical  and  Statistical  Account  of  Dunfermline,  by 
 the  Rev.  Peter  Chalmers,  A.  ^L  8vo.  Edin.  1844,  p.  199-202.— E.] 
 
 •*  [Patrick  sixth  Lord  Lindsay  of  the  Byres,  who  this  \er\  year 
 15fi7  was  dejMited  by  the  confederated  Lords  to  wait  on  Queen  Maiy  when 
 a  i)risonor  in  Loehlcven  Castle,  with   the  documents  of  her  resignation  of 
 
156G-7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  541 
 
 Mr  James  Macgill,^  and  Mr  Henry  Balnaves,^  two  Se- 
 nators of  the  College  of  Justice  i^  And  after  other  pre- 
 vious formalities,  the  following  Dittay  was  ordered  to  be 
 read  : — 
 
 "  James  Erie  Bothwell,  Lord  Haillis  and  Crcichtoun,  &c. 
 ze  ar  indytit  for  arte  and  parte  of  the  cruall,  odious, 
 tressonabil,  and  abominabill  slauchter  and  murther  of  the 
 innquhile,  the  richt  excellent,  richt  heich,  and  michtio 
 Prince,  the  Kingis  Grace,  derrest  spous  for  the  tyme  to  our 
 Souerane  Ladie  the  Quenis  Majestic,  under  silence  of  nicht 
 in  his  awin  ludgeing  besyde  the  Kirk-of-Field,  within  this 
 burgh,  he  being  taking  the  nichtis  rest,  tressonabillie  raising 
 fyre  within  the  same  with  ane  greit  quantitie  of  powder, 
 throw  force  of  the  quhilk  the  said  haill  ludgeing  was  raisit 
 and  blawin  in  the  air,  and  the  said  um(pihile  King  was 
 murtherit  tressonabillie,  and  maist  cruallie  slane  and  destroyit 
 be  zow  thairin,  upon  set  purpois,  prouission  and  foirthocht 
 fellonie  ;  and  this  ze  did  upon  the  ninth  day  of  Februar  last 
 bypast,  under  silence  of  nicht,  as  said  is,  as  is  notourlie 
 knawin,  quhilk  ze  cannot  denie."'^ 
 
 the  Crown,  and  the  nomination  of  Moray  as  Regent,  for  her  signatnre,  on 
 wliich  occasion  lie  conducted  himself  -Nvitli  great  harshness  and  brutality 
 tOM-ards  the  unfortunate  Queen. — E.] 
 
 ^  [James  Macgill  of  Nether-Rankeillour  in  Fife,  implicated  in  the 
 murder  of  Riccio,  for  which  he  was  deprived  of  the  office  of  Clerk- Register, 
 but  restored  to  it  by  the  Regent  Moray  in  December  lo70.  lie  had  been 
 appointed  a  "  Senator  of  the  College  of  Justice,"  or  Court  of  Session,  in 
 lo54.— E.] 
 
 ^  [See  the  note  respecting  Henry  Balneaves  of  Ilalhill,  vol,  i.  p.  G9,  of 
 the  present  edition. — E.] 
 
 ^  These  four  assessors  went  all  afterwards  to  England,  and  accused  the 
 Queen  of  the  murther  of  the  King  by  means  of  the  Earl  of  Bothwell. — 
 [There  was,  however,  no  inconsistency  in  this  if  they  thought  Mary 
 guilty.  The  trial  of  Bothwell  elicited  no  information  whatever,  and  as 
 no  prosecutor  api)cared,  he  was  necessarily  acquitted  of  the  crime  which 
 the  presiding  Earl  of  Argyll  and  his  four  assessors  well  knew  he  had 
 committed. — E.] 
 
 ■*  This  indictment,  and  the  whole  process  of  the  trial,  is  also  to  be  seen 
 in  Anderson's  Collections. — [In  the  new  edition  of  Howell's  and  Cobbett's 
 State  Trials,  8vo.  London,  1809  (vol.  i.  p.  109),  the  proceedings  in  the  mock 
 trial  of  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  are  detailed  in  an  abbreviated  and  mutilated 
 form.  OntheliJthof  April  I^CTj^-Iames  Krle  of  Bothwell,. lames  Ormestoun 
 of  that  Ilk,  Hob  Ormestoun,  hisfather's-brother,  Patrick  Wilsone,  William 
 
.)4l!  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15GG-7- 
 
 Then  the  Justice,^  after  some  other  forms,  "  causit  cal 
 the  same  James  Erie  Bothwell,  as  defender  on  that  ane 
 part,  and  Matthew  Erie  of  Lennox,  and  all  iitheris 
 our  Souerane  Ladyis  liegis,  hauand  and  pretendand  to 
 persew  in  the  said  mater,  to  compeir  befoir  him  in  this 
 Court  of  Justiciarie,  to  persew  and  defend  as  accordis  of 
 the  law. 
 
 "  Compeirit  immediatlie  thairefter  in  judgement  the  said 
 James  Erie  Bothwell,^  and  enteris  as  parsonale,  and  then 
 cheissit  Maister  Dauid  Borthwick  of  Luchthill  and  Maister 
 Edmund  Hay,^  prolocutoris  for  him,  qulia  alswa  compeirit 
 
 Murray,  Sim  Arnistronf,',  callit  Wantoun  Siinle,  Tareis  (Nicolas  Hubert), 
 Frenchman,  (dilated)  for  the  cruel  murtlier  of  Kin/^  Ileurie,  our  Souerane 
 Lord's  father,  for  seizing  of  the  Queen's  persoun  at  the  Foul-briggs,  and 
 imprisoning  of  her  persoun  in  the  Castell  of  Dunbar,  and  compelling  her 
 to  compleit  marriage  with  him." — Pitcairn's  Criminal  Trials,  vol.  i.  Part.  II. 
 p.  489.  Mr  Pitcairn,  however,  ought  to  have  stated  that  this  must  have 
 been  a  grouping  of  subsequent  events,  for  none  of  them,  except  the 
 murder  of  Darnley,  occurred  till  after  the  mock  trial  and  Bothwell's 
 acquittal.  Sir  Patrick  Hepburn  of  Whitecastle  was  also  accused  or 
 dilated  on  the  12th  of  April  as  an  accessory  to  the  murder,  but  none  of 
 the  perpetrators  were  brought  to  justice  till  some  time  after  the  dei)osition 
 of  Queen  Mary. — E.] 
 
 '  [Archibald  fifth  Earl  of  Argyll,  who,  as  Lord  Justice-General  of 
 Scotland,  presided  at  this  trial.  This  is  another  proof  that  the  trial  was 
 a  mockery,  for  Argyll  was  deeply  implicated  iu  the  conspiracy  against 
 Darnley.— E.] 
 
 '^  The  author  of  "  Innocence  de  Marie,"  &c.  says  the  Earl  of  Morton 
 attended  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  in  the  pannel. — [Bellforest,  the  author  of 
 "  Innocent  de  la  tres  lllustre,tres  CMiaste,et  Debonnaire  Princesse, Madame 
 Marie  Hoyne  d'Escosse,"  I2mo.  1572,  might  have  obtauied  this  informa- 
 tion from  Archbishoj)  Beaton  at  Paris,  If  the  statement  is  true,  it  is 
 another  instance  of  the  unprincipled  criminality  of  Morton  and  his 
 associates,  and  of  the  miserable  situation  of  Mary,  who  could  not  avoid 
 contact  with  those  men.  It  cannot  be  denied  that  both  Morton  and 
 Maitland  were  zealous  for  Bothwcll's  acipiittal.  The  whole  i)roceedings 
 at  the  trial  had  been  arranged  in  a  council  held  a  short  tinie  before,  at 
 which  Bothwell  was  j)resent,  and  gave  directions  regarding  his  own 
 arraignment, — Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  i,  p.  50,  cited  in  Tytler's 
 History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii,  p.  98.— Iv] 
 
 •'  (Mr  David  Borthwick  and  Mr  IMnnind  Hay  ai>j)eared  as  Bothwell's 
 advocates  or  counsel  at  the  l)ar  to  undertake  his  defence,  David  Borthwick 
 of  Lochill,  one  of  nine  i)rocurators  selected  by  the  Court  of  Session 
 on  the  1st  of  March  1549,  appears  to  have  acted  as  Bothwell's  ordinary 
 counsel.  He  was  ajipointed  Lord  Advocate  and  an  Ordinary  Judge  of  the 
 Court  of  Session  on  the  20tli  of  (October  157J,  and  retained  both  situations 
 till  his  death  in  January  15S1.  He  is  Siiid  to  have  acquired  much 
 liu.lcd  pvo].»M  ty,  in  which  he  infefted  his  son,  Sir  James  Borthwick,  who 
 
15G6-7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  543 
 
 parsonallie  in  judgement,  and  wer  adniittit  be  the  Justice  to 
 
 that  effect. 
 
 "  The  said  Matthew  Erie  of  Lennox,  and  utheris  our 
 Souerane  Ladyis  Hegis,  hauand,  or  pretandand  to  liauc 
 entres  to  persew  in  the  said  mater,  being  oftintimes  calHt  to 
 haue  compeirit  and  concurrit  \vith  the  said  Aduncates  in 
 persute  of  the  said  actioun,  compeirit  llobert  Cuninglianie, 
 alledgeing  him  seruand  to  the  said  Matthew  Erie  of  Lennox, 
 and  producit  the  wryting  undcrwrittin,  quhilk  he  subscriuit 
 with  his  hand  in  judgement,  as  he  that  had  power  to  use  the 
 same ;  and  protestit  and  desyrit  conform  thairto  in  all 
 pointis.     Of  the  quhilk  wryting  the  tcnnor  followis  : — 
 
 "  ^1y  Lordis,  I  cum  heir,  send  be  my  maister  the  Erie  of 
 Lennox,  to  declair  the  cans  of  his  absence  this  day,  and  with 
 his  power,  as  the  same  beiris.  The  caus  of  his  absence  is 
 the  schortnes  of  tyme,  and  that  he  is  denyit  of  his  friendis 
 and  seruandis,  quha  suld  haue  accumpanyit  him  to  his 
 honour  and  suretie  of  his  lyfe,  in  respect  of  the  greitnes  of 
 his  partie,  and  he  hauing  assistance  of  na  friendis  bot  onlie 
 himself ;  and  thairfoir  his  Lordschip  hes  connnandit  me  to 
 desyre  an  sufficient  day  according  to  the  wecht  of  the  caus, 
 quhairthrow  he  may  keip  the  same.  And  gif  zour  Lordschips 
 will  proceid  at  this  present,  I  protest  that  1  may,  without 
 ony  displesure  of  ony  man,  use  thir  thingis  committit  to 
 my  charge  be  my  Lord  my  maister,  (pdiairof  I  tak  ane 
 document. 
 
 "  Item,  I  protest,  that  gif  the  persounis  quha  passis  upoun 
 assyse  and  incpieist  of  thir  persounis  that  sail  enter  im 
 pannell  this  day,  elenge^  the  said  persounis  of  the  nun-ther 
 of  the  King,  that  it  salbe  wilfiill  error  and  not  ignorance, 
 be  ressoun  that  it  is  notourlic  kiiawiii  thir  pi  rsounis  to  b(' 
 
 was  a  most  inniro\  idt'iit  person,  and  sold  the  estates  bi'fore  liis  father 
 died.  When  on  his  death-bed  ho  wa.s  informed  that  his  son  had  sold  the 
 estate  of  Ualnacrieft",  the  old  .ludj^e  is  siiid  to  have  exelaimed— '*  What 
 shall  I  sav  ?  I  have  j^iven  him  to  the  devil  that  ^'ets  a  fot)l,and  makes  not 
 a  fool  of  him."  Tliis  indi^Miant  eharaeter  of  his  son  Ixfame  i)roverbiul  as 
 Mr  David  linrthwlvL's  TisUuncnt.  As  to  Mr  Kdnuind  Hay,  he  appears  to 
 have  been  an  eminent  cotinsel  of  the  day,  bnt  he  never  obtained  a  seat  on 
 the  lieneh.  He  is  probably  the  Kdmnnd  Hay  (»f  Me;;;,'iiuh,  mentioned  in 
 the  entail  exeeuted  by  (Jeorj^e  sixth  Karl  of  Krrol,  Doujjla-s'  Peerage 
 edited  by  Wood,  v(.l.  i".  p.  549.— E.]  »   tC'hallenjrc.— K.J 
 
044  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [156G-7. 
 
 the  murthoreris  of  tho  King,  as  my  Lord  my  maister 
 alledgeis.  Upouii  the  (jiihilk  protestation  I  reqiiyre  ane 
 document^ 
 
 "  Robert  Cuninghame.'' 
 
 "  Upoun  the  productioun  of  the  quhilk  wryting  and 
 protestatioun  the  said  Robert  askit  actis  and  instrii- 
 mentis.- 
 
 "  The  Justice  being  aiiysit^  with  the  foirsaid  wryting 
 and  protestatioun  producit  and  usit  be  the  said  Robert 
 Cuninghame,  in  respect  of  tlie  letteris  and  wrytingis  send  to 
 our  Souerane  be  the  said  ^latthew  Erie  of  Lennox,  producit 
 and  red  in  judgement,  quhairof  the  copyis  ar  undcrwrittin. 
 Be  the  quhilk  letteris  and  wrytingis,  the  said  Erie  of  Lennox 
 desyrit  schort  and  summare  proccs  to  be  deducit  in  the 
 said  mater,  and  als  of  the  Act  and  Ordinance  of  the  Lordis 
 of  Secreit  Counsell  grantit  thairupoun  ;  and  siclyke,  in 
 respect  of  the  ernist  insisting  of  the  Aduocates  desyring 
 proces  and  richt  sute  of  the  said  Erie  Bothwellis  ernist 
 petitioun  and  dcsyre  of  triall  to  be  had  in  the  said  mater  ; 
 with  advyse  of  the  Lordis  and  Baronis  Assessoris  present, 
 fand  be  interlocutor,  That  proces  suld  be  deducit  in  the 
 said  actioun  this  day  conforme  to  the  lawis  of  this  Realme, 
 notwithstanding  the  wryting  and  protestatioun  producit  be 
 
 ^  See  the  ridiculous  turn  Buchanan  puts  upon  this  Protestation,  and 
 then  consider  wliat  faith  is  to  be  [^iven  tliat  writer,  even  where  he  lias  u 
 foundation  to  narrate  a  fact. — ["  Robert  Cunnin«i:hani,*'  says  liuchanan, 
 one  of  Lennox's  family  (household),  put  a  small  stoj)  to  the  proceedin<i;s. 
 He,  cravin<r  liberty  to  speak,  declared  that  the  process  was  not  accordin<r  to 
 law  nor  custom,  where  the  accused  person  was  so  powerful  that  he  could 
 not  be  broii^'ht  to  i)unishment,  and  the  accuser  was  abst«nt  for  fear  of  his 
 life  :  and  therefore  whatsoever  should  be  determined  there,  as  being 
 ai^ainst  law  and  e(pnty,  was  null  and  void." — History,  Translation,  Kdin. 
 1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  .32S,  tSee  also  liuchanan's  "  Detection  of  Mai;^:jyueen  of 
 Scots,"  London,  1721,  p.  10(),  107.— E.l  "^ 
 
 '  [When  Lennox  was  "  summoned  to  make  ^ood  his  accusation,"  says 
 Mr  Tytler,  "a  t,rentUMnan  named  Cunnini,diam  appeared,  and  stated  that 
 he  luul  been  sent  by  the  I'arl  his  master  to  reiterate  the  charge  of  nnirder, 
 but  toreipiest  delay,  as  his  friends,  who  had  intended  to  have  accompanied 
 him  both  for  his  honour  and  security,  had  changed  their  resolution.  On 
 this  being  refused  to  Lennox's  envoy,  he  i>ubliely  protested  against  the 
 validity  of  any  sentence  of  acquittal,  and  withdrew."  Sir  John  Forster 
 to  Cecil,  dated  Alnwick,  ISth  April  15(57,  MS.  Letter,  State-Paper  Office, 
 TytUr's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  ;>J).-  K.]  ^  [  Advised.— E.J 
 
15()7.J  OF  CHURCH  anl>  state  in  Scotland.  :)4o 
 
 the  said  Robert  Cuninghame  ;  and  als  admittit  him  to 
 concur  and  assist  to  the  said  Adiiocates,  in  persute  of  the 
 said  actioun,  gif  he  pleissit. " 
 
 FOLLOWS  THE  ASSYSE.^ 
 
 Andro'Erle  of  Rothes  ,-2  George  Erie  of  Caithnes  ;^  Gilbert 
 Erie  of  Cassillis  ;^  Lord  Joline  Hammiltoun,  Commendater 
 of  Arhroith,  sone  to  the  Lord  Bale  ;^  James  Lord  Ros  ;^ 
 Robert  Lord  Sim2)le(^  Johne  MaxvM  Lord  Hereis\^ 
 Laurence  Lord  Oliphant  ;^  Johne  Maister  of  Forbes  ;^^ 
 Johne  Gordoun  of  Lochinwar  ;^^  Robert  Lord  Boyde  ,-i2 
 James    CoJcburne    of    Lantoun  ;^^     James    Somerwell    of 
 
 ^  ["  The  assyse,"  or  jury,  consisted  principally,  if  not  altogether,  of 
 parties  favourable  to  Bothwell  ;  the  Law  Officers  of  the  Crown  were 
 either  in  his  interest,  or  overawed  into  silence  ;  no  witnesses  were  sum- 
 moned ;  the  indictment  was  framed  with  a  flaw  too  manifest  to  be 
 accidental." — Tytlcr's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  98,  99. — E.] 
 
 2  [Andrew  fourth  Earl  of  Rothes,  eldest  son  of  George  third  Earl  by 
 his  second  Countess  Agnes,  daughter  of  Sir  John  Somerville  of  Cambus- 
 nethan.  His  son  John,  Master  of  Caithness,  married  Botliwcll's  only 
 sister.  Lady  Jane  Hepburn,  widow  of  Lord  John  Stuart,  Prior  of  Colding- 
 ham,  and  mother  of  Francis  Stuart,  Earl  of  Bothwell  in  the  reign  of 
 James  VI. — E.] 
 
 •^  [George  fourth  Earl  of  Caithness,  of  the  surname  of  Sinclair. — E.] 
 
 *  [Gilbert  fourth  Earl  of  Cassillis,  a  most  zealous  adherent  of  Queen 
 Mary.— E.] 
 
 •^  [Lord  Jolm  Hamilton  was  the  second  son  of  James  second  Earl  of 
 Arran,  Regent  of  Scotland  and  Duke  of  Chatelherault.  Lord  John  was 
 created  Marquis  of  Hamilton  in  15.09. — E.] 
 
 "  [James  Ross,  fourth  Lord  Ross  of  Hawkhead,  who  married  Jean 
 daughter  of  Robert  third  Lord  Sempill. — E.] 
 
 "^  [Robert  third  Lord  Sempill,  the  father-in-law  of  Lord  Ross. — E.] 
 
 "*  [Sir  .John  Maxwell,  second  son  of  Robert  fourth  Lord  Maxwell,  as- 
 simied  the  title  of  Lord  Herries  in  right  of  his  wife  Agnes,  eldest  daughter 
 and  heiress  of  William  fourth  Lord  Herries  of  Terreagles.  He  is  repeat- 
 edly mentioned  in  j)receding  notes. — E.] 
 
 '-'  [Lawrence  Oliphant  fourth  Lord  Oliphant,  who  succeetled  his  father 
 Laurence,  third  Lord,  in  l/5()(>. —  E.] 
 
 ^"  [Afterwards  eighth  Lord  Forbes,  but  at  the  time  eldest  son  of  William 
 seventh  Lord. — E.] 
 
 "  [Sir  John  (Jonlon  of  Lochinvar,  grandfather  of  the  first  Viscount 
 Kenmure. — E.] 
 
 ^2  [Robert  fourth  Lord  Royd,  ancestor  of  William  ninth  Lord  and  first 
 Earl  of  Kilmarnock. — E.] 
 
 ^^  [James  Cockburn  of  Langton  in  Herwicksliire,  son  of  Alexander 
 Cockbuni  of  Langton,  and  grandfather  or  great-grandfather  of  Sir  William 
 Cockburn,  created  a  liaronet  of  Nova  Scotia  in  1^27. — \-\.] 
 
 VOL.  II.  :3.5 
 
540  TlIK  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507. 
 
 Camhusnethain  ;^     Mowbray   of  Bamehowgall ;-    Ogilhye 
 of  Boyne?' 
 
 "  Tho  foirnamit  pcrsounis  of  assyso  being  chosin,  admittit, 
 and  sworne  in  judgement,  as  use  is ;  and  thairfoir  the  said 
 Erie  Botliwell  being  accusit  of  the  said  dittay  of  the  cryme 
 afoirsaid,  and  the  same  being  denyit  be  him,  and  referrit  to 
 the  delyuerance  of  the  said  assyses,  thay  remouit  furth  of 
 the  said  Court,  and  altogidder  conuenit ;  and  efter  lang 
 ressoning  had  be  thame  upon  the  same  dittay,  and  pointis 
 thairof,  thay,  and  ilk  ano  of  thame  for  thameselfis,  votit, 
 delyuerit,  and  acquytit  the  said  James  Ei*le  ]]othwcll  of  arte 
 and  parte  of  the  said  slauchter  of  the  King,  and  pointis  of 
 the  said  dittay. ^ 
 
 ^'  And  sen  (then)  the  said  George  Erie  of  Caithnes, 
 Chanceler  of  the  said  assyses,  in  his  and  thair  names  askit 
 instrumentis,  that  nouther  the  said  Aduocatis,  nor  the  said 
 Robert  Cuninghame,  as  hauand  commissioun  of  my  Lord  of 
 Lennox,  nor  na  utheris  broucht  unto  thame  ony  wryting, 
 takin.  or  vcrificatioun  quhairby  the  dittay  abone  writtin 
 micht  be  fortifyit,  nor  the  said  assyse  perswadit  to  delyuer 
 ony  utherwise  then  is  abone  writtin :  nor  zit  was  the  said 
 dittay  sworn,  nor  na  partie,  except  the  said  Aduocatis, 
 compeirit  to  persew  the  same  :^  And  thairfoir,  in  respect 
 
 ^  [Somerville  of  Camlnisncthan  was  a  near  relative  of  the  Lords  Sonier- 
 ville.— i:.  I 
 
 *  [Sir  John  Mowliray  of  Harnbouf^rU.,  noar  C'ramond,  now  Dalnienv  Park, 
 on  the  shore  of  the  Kritli  of  Forth, —  E.] 
 
 '  [  A])i)arently  AlexancU'r  O^^nlvie  of  lioyne,  prol)ably  tlie  liusband  of  (he 
 "  Lady  IJoyn"  mentioned  by  Sir  .Tanie.s  Melville  as  annoinKin<j  to  liini  in 
 IMiiil)ur^h  Ciustle  tiie  birth  of  .lames  VL  This  lady's  name  is  s;iid  to 
 have  been  Mary  Bcthunc. — E.] 
 
 ■*  Mr  Cambden  says — "  The  f^reat  and  sole  coneern  of  the  eonspirators 
 (meaninjf  Moray,  Morton,  and  that  gant;)  was  to  pet   liothwell  eleared  of 
 
 the  puilt  of  the  Kind's  murdi'r. On  the  day  aiijjointed  was  liotJiwell 
 
 arrai<rned  and  ae<iuitted  by  his  jnd^es,  and  by  Morton's  mana«;ement." 
 An<l  llishop  Li'slie  says  to  the  faetion  in  his  "  Defenee" — *'  Were  not  ye,and 
 your  band  and  adherents,  theehief  and  i»rineii)al  authors,  lussisters,  fautoi-s, 
 aiders  and  abetters,  for  the  elearin",' and  justifying  of  the  said  IJothwell, 
 accused  and  indited  as  pity  of  the  wiid  mnrtlu>r  T' — [Camden's  statement 
 is  historically  correct,  but  the  I'arl  of  Moray,  though  certainly  one  of  the 
 "fj:anj^,"  was  not  at  the  time  in  Scotland. —  I'^.l 
 
 ^'  C'onformabh*  to  this,  Crawford's  MS.  says  the  jury  "  acquitted  him 
 (liothwell)  from  all  suspicion  of  accession   to  the   murder  of  the  King, 
 
1567.J  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  547 
 
 that  thay  delyuerit  according  to  thair  knawledge,  protestis 
 that  thay  suld  incur  na  wilfull  error  in  ony  wise  heireftcr. 
 Quhilk  instrument  and  protestatioun,  immediathe  efter  the 
 
 because  it  was  neither  proved  by  witnesses,  nor  notified  to  be  probable 
 accusation." — [When  the  jury  returned  the  verdict  of  acquittal  in  favour 
 of  Bothwell,  the  Earl  of  Caithness,  who  acted  as  Chancellor,  protested  in 
 their  name  that  no  blame  could  be  imputed  to  them  on  that  account, 
 because  no  accuser  had  appeared,  and  no  proof  was  adduced  of  the  indict- 
 ment. The  Earl  also  noticed  that  the  ninth  instead  of  the  hnth  of 
 February  was  specified  in  the  indictment  as  the  day  on  which  Darnley 
 was  murdered.  When  the  mode  in  which  trials  were  at  that  time  con- 
 ducted in  Scotland  is  considered,  liothwell's  acquittal  is  of  no  consequence 
 in  determining  the  question  of  his  guilt  or  innocence.  That  desperate 
 personage  wrote  a  narrative  of  his  personal  history,  his  adventures  on  the 
 coast  of  Norway,  and  other  matters,  after  his  flight  from  Scotland,  which 
 was  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club  in  1S29  by  the  title  of  "  Les  Affaires 
 du  Conte  de  Boduel,  I'An.  m.d.xxviii."  A  copy  of  this  narrative  was  taken 
 by  Mr  Backman,  an  officer  in  the  Swedish  Service,  under  the  authority  of 
 Coinit  Wetterstadt,  the  Minister,  and  transmitted  to  England.  The 
 accuracy  of  this  transcript  was  duly  autheiiticated  at  Stockholm  in  June 
 1824,  by  Mr  Ilasselstrom,  Sub-Librarian  of  the  Royal  Libiary  at  Drott- 
 ningholm,  and  by  Mr  Gelinek,  notary-public.  It  was  communicated  to 
 the  Editors  of  the  New  Monthly  Magazine,  by  whom  a  translation  of  it 
 was  published  in  1825  (vol.  xiii.  p.  521-537).  Th(^  jierson  who  translated 
 the  Narrative  for  that  periodical  must  have  been  in  utter  ignorance  of  the 
 localities  of  l-Alinburgh,  for  he  makes  Bothwell  write  as  if  Riccio  had 
 been  nmrdered  in  the  Castle  of  Edlnhurgh,  mistaking  the  words  "  C/uutcait 
 irKUnbounj,"  which  indicate  i\\e  Palace  of  Hohjrood,  ior  CaMlc  of  Edinhunjh. 
 In  the  above  mentioned  production  Bothwell  more  directly  alleges  that 
 the  murder  of  Darnley  originated  in  the  murder  of  Riccio,  which  latter 
 crime  he  says  was  perpetrated  by  the  Earl  of  Morton,  Lords  Lindsay  and 
 Ruthven,  and  other  acconii)lices  of  the  Earl  of  Moray  who  was  then 
 exiled  in  England — that  the  denial  of  Darnley  of  any  imj)lication  in 
 Riccio's  murder,  and  his  threats  against  those  who  persisted  in  accusing 
 him,  enraged  those  Noblemen — and  that  in  consecpience  they,  not  Both- 
 well,  concerted  his  murder,  and  were  the  i)erpetrators.  In  all  this  much 
 truth  is  evident  and  undeniable,  but  Bothwell's  assertion  of  his  own 
 innocence  is  not  to  be  credited  for  a  moment.  lie  pretends  that  on  the 
 morning  of  Darnley's  nnirder,  while  he  was  in  bed  with  his  Countess— a 
 sister  of  the  Earl  of  Iluntly,  utterly  ignorant  of  tlie  conspiracy  or  its 
 agents,  the  said  I'arl  of  Huntly,  his  brotlier-in-law,  came  to  him,  and 
 informed  him  of  the  murder— "At  which,"  says  he,  "  I  was  much  grieved, 
 and  many  others  with  me."  Bothwell  next  asserts  that  he  and  the  Earl 
 of  Iluntly  made  a  diligent  search  at  the  Kirk-of- Field  for  the  guilty 
 parties  on  the  morning  of  the  connnission  of  the  crime,  and  that  they 
 arrested  several  persons,  and  detained  them  until  they  could  clear 
 themselves  in  a  satisfactory  maimer — the  said  Bothwell  all  the  time  most 
 innocently  never  imagining  that  ho  was  himself  suspected.  "  However," 
 he  says,  "  some  of  the  members  of  the  Council,  fearing  lest  the  attention 
 of  the  Queen  and  myself  should  be  directed  to  them,  entered  into  a  l(\'igue 
 
.548  THK  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loG7. 
 
 rc-cntric  of  the  said  Eric  of  Caithnes  Chancclcr,  and  ano 
 part  of  tlio  namit  of  tlio  said  pcrsounis  of  assy  so,  in  the 
 said  Court  of  Justiciarie,  bcfoir  the  pronunciatioun  of  thair 
 delyueranco  foirsaid,  at  the  dcsyro  of  the  said  Eric  of 
 Caithnes,  was  oppinhe  red  in  judgement ;  and  thairupoun 
 he  of  new  askit  actis  and  instrumentis,  and  protestis  in 
 maner  abone  cxpremit. 
 
 "  Extractum  de  Libro  Actoruni  AdjornaHs  S.  D.  N.  Regime, 
 per  me,  Joanneni  Bellenden  de  Auchnoule,  MiHtem, 
 Clericuni  Justiciariae  ejusdem  Generalem,  sub  meis 
 signo  ct  subscriptione  nianuahbus. 
 
 "  Joannes  Bellenden,  Clericus  Justiciaries.'''' 
 
 'J'hus  was  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  acquitted  by  an  assize^ 
 of  the    murder   of  the    King,    and   yet   nothing   is   more 
 
 with  each  other  nirainst  lior  Majesty  and  \is  to  ]irevent  it.  They 
 accordingly  exerted  all  their  malice  and  ingenuity,  by  affixing  letters  and 
 placards  at  night  to  the  Court-Ilouse  (Tolbooth),  the  church-doors,  and 
 about  the  streets  and  highways,  in  order  to  render  me  and  my  friends 
 suspected  of  the  said  act.  On  learning  that  I  was  by  these  means 
 censured,  and  accused  of  having  committed  a  crime  of  whicli  /  and  all 
 mine  were  innnccnf,  as  I  call  God  to  witness  (!),  I  besought  the  Queen  and  her 
 CJouncil  to  allow  legal  ])roceedings  to  be  instituted  against  me,  that  if 
 upon  strict  inquiry  I  should  be  found  guilty,  I  might  be  pimished  as  such 
 a  crime  should  deserve  ;  but  if  found  innocent,  as  in  truth  I  am,  that  such 
 scandalous  reports  should  cease."  Bothwell  then  proceeds  to  give  his 
 own  version  of  the  trial,  and  the  verdict  of  acquittal,  falsely  asserting  that 
 he  i)roduce<l  "  res])i'ctal»le  witnesses"  to  prove  "  in  what  place  he  was 
 when  the  calamity  (Daniley's  murder)  occurred."  "On  hearing  that  I 
 Avas  declared  innocent,''  he  continues,  "  my  opponents  and  enemies  rose, 
 and  earnestly  besought  me  not  to  j>roceed  against  them  on  account  of  the 
 unfounded  charges  they  had  brought  against  me  ;  but  the  feelings  of  their 
 hearts  and  the  fair  expressions  of  theii-  lii)S  were  completely  at  variance, 
 as  J  have  since  exj)erienced,  and  continue  to  experience  even  now." — 
 Translation  of  the  Manuscript  of  the  I'arl  of  Bothwell  in  the  New 
 Monthly  Magazine,  vol.  xiii.  ]).  527,  S'iS  ;  Les  Affaires  du  Conte  de 
 iJoduel,  4to.  Kdin.  1S2{),  printed  for  the  Bannattne  C'luh,  p.  L%  14, 
 15.— E.) 
 
 ^  Buchanan,  Knox,  and  Sjxittiswood,  d«)  all  agree  in  the  story  of  the 
 ICarl  of  Cassils,  though,  after  all  they  have  said,  it  apjiears  to  be  told  with 
 too  doiditful  circumstances  ;  for  if  that  Nobleman  was  willing  to  pay 
 the  mulct  for  refusing  to  be  of  the  jury,  it  is  much  to  be  suspected  the 
 Queen  could  not  command  him  iinder  the  pain  of  treason,  as  these  writers 
 are  i)leased  to  represent  the  matter.  Besides,  Mr  Buchanan  in  his 
 "  Detection"  says — "  It  was  concludit  that  the  meaner  sort  of  the  judges 
 might  with  favour  and  fair  promises  l)e  led  ;  and  the  rest  of  tlie  greater 
 and  gi-aver  sort   (whom  for  fashion  sake  they  were  driven  to  call  to  the 
 
1507.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  .STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  549 
 
 certain  than   that  he  was  the   very  principal  contriver  of 
 that   nefarious  wickedness,    as  appeared  soon  after,    botli 
 
 matter)  mi<,'lit  l)e  drawn  with  fear  to  acquit  him"  (Bothwell).  If  this  was 
 the  case  in  Buchanan's  days,  it  may  be  justly  suspected  that  in  our  days 
 tear  ojjerates  most  on  the  meaner  sort,  and  favour  on  the  (jrcattr.  This 
 author  says  likewise  that  the  judges  were  constrained.  One,  methinks, 
 would  not  wish  to  appear  for  life  and  death,  before  a  bench  of  judges 
 constrained  to  sit  ;  such  a  one  might  reasonably  dread  an  unfavourable 
 cast.  And  Avhereas  this  author  is  pleased  to  divide  the  jury  into  a  meaner 
 and  AtjreaVr  sort,  perhaps  that  division  will  not  bo  found  so  just  as  he 
 would  misrepresent  it,  since  it  is  certain  that  all  the  persons  of  the 
 assize  were  very  honourable,  and  sufficient  by  our  law  to  sit  on  the 
 trial  of  any  I'eer  whatsoever.  Mr  JJuchanan  makes  also  a  huge  complaint, 
 that  the  usual  form  of  forty  days  was  not  allowed  to  elapse  betwixt  the 
 indictment  and  the  trial ;  but  I  suppose  there  may  be  herein  some  mistake 
 by  this  author,  seeing  no  such  space  of  time  is  now  re<|uired  to  intervene  ; 
 fifteen  days  only  is  the  legal  term  :  And  since  we  find  the  same  precise 
 time  betwixt  the  2.Sth  of  March,  the  day  on  which  the  tiial  of  the  Earl 
 of  Bothwell  was  appointed,  and  the  12th  of  April,  the  day  on  which  he 
 was  tried,  we  may  safely  conclude  that  the  term  betwixt  indictments  and 
 trials  has  been  the  same  then  as  now.  And  as  to  the  grounds  of  Buchanan's 
 complaint,  it  may  with  justice  be  affirmed  that  in  the  present  case  the 
 Earl  of  Lenox  as  pursuer  seems  to  have  had  small  cause  of  dissatisfaction 
 against  the  shortness  of  the  Diet,  since  he  had  formerly  in  his  letters 
 pressed  much  for  a  speedy  trial,  nor  could  his  Lordsliip  and  the  setters 
 up  of  the  tickets  be  at  any  loss  to  produce  their  evidences  after  what 
 they  had  so  vigorously  affirmed.  The  Earl  of  Lenox  seems  indeed  to 
 have  had  better  foundation  of  complaint,  that  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  was 
 still  not  only  allow  ed  to  enjoy  his  liberty  after  having  been  accused,  but 
 allowed  besides  to  be  at  Court,  and  sit  in  the  very  Coimcil  which  directed 
 the  trial  of  himself  and  other  persons  alleged  guilty  of  this  murther.  To 
 which,  whether  it  be  a  sufficient  reply,  that  criminals  are  shut  up  in 
 prison  only  to  secure  them  against  escaping  out  of  the  way  of  justice,  I 
 leave  other  people  to  judge  ;  and  it  is  certain  that  after  an  indictment 
 is  served,  all  persons  have  access  to  the  pannol. —  [Our  Historian,  at  the 
 commencement  of  his  note,  quotes  from  Buchanan's  "  J)etection  of  Mary 
 Queen  of  Scots,"  London,  1721,  p.  30.  Buchanan's  narrative  in  reference 
 to  the  Earl  of  Ciussillis  in  that  production  is,  that  the  siiid  Earl  "  willing 
 rather  to  ])ay  his  amercement,  as  the  manner  is,  than  to  l)e  a  ju<lge 
 (juryman)  in  the  nuitter,  when  he  had  stood  in  it  a  while,  and  would  not 
 appear  at  the  Queen's  reipu'st  and  menacing,  Vi-a,  though  she  sent  her  ring 
 for  credit  both  of  her  earnest  prayer  and  threatening;  at  length,  con- 
 strained with  fear  of  exile  and  punishment,  he  yielded." — Detection,  \c. 
 p.  31.  He  repeats  this  statement  in  his  "  History"  (Translation,  Edin. 
 e<lit.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  32S),  ajwerting  that  when  the  l'>iirl  of  C'assillis  oftered 
 to  pay  the  fine  ratlier  than  act  jus  one  of  the  jury-  "  in  tlmt  very  instant 
 of  time  a  mes.senger  l)rought  him  a  ring  from  the  Queen,  witli  a  command 
 that  he  should  sit  lus  one  of  the  judges,  or  else  she  threatened  to  commit 
 him  to  prison  ;"-  and  "  when  that  did  not  prevail,  she  sent  a  second 
 messenger,  who  told  liim  he  should  be  punished  as  a  traitor  if  he  refused." 
 Knox    briefiy   reiterates  this   allegation  in    liis   "  llistorie,"    Edin.  edit. 
 
550  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507- 
 
 by  the  declaration   of  several   persons  who    acknowledged 
 themselves  guilty  as   accessory  to  the  same,^   and   by  his 
 
 1732,  \>.  405.     The  narrative  of  Buchanan  and  Knox  is  apparently  unsup- 
 ported by  any  evidence. — E.] 
 
 ^  See  the  Depositions  of  those  j)crsons  who  were  executed  for  the  murder 
 in  Anderson's  Collection,  vol.  ii. —  [See  also  the  Deposition  of  William 
 Powrie  at  ]'Minbur<,di,  23d  June  and  3d  July  1507,  in  jjresence  of  the 
 J^rivy-Council  ;  the  Dejjosition  of  Georf^e  I)al<^leish  at  Kdinburf,di  on  the 
 26th  of  June,  in  presence  of  the  Karls  of  Morton  and  Atholl,  the  Provost 
 of  Dundee,  and  Sir  William  Kirkaldy  of  Granirc  ;  the  Deposition  of  John 
 Hay,  youno;er  of  Tallo,  on  the  13th  of  September,  in  presence  of  the 
 Re^^ent  Moray,  the  Earls  of  Morton  and  Atholl,  the  Lairds  of  Lochleven 
 and  Pitarrow,  the  Lord  Justice-Clerk  Bellenden,  and  James  Macf^ill 
 of  Rankeillor  ;  the  Deposition  of  John  Hepburn,  called  "  Johne  of 
 Bowtoun,"  on  the  8th  of  December,  in  presence  of  the  Regent  Moray,  the 
 Earl  of  Atholl,  Lord  Lindsay,  Kirkaldy  of  Grange,  and  the  Lord  Justice- 
 Clerk  Bellenden  ;  the  two  Depositions  of  Nicolas  Hubert,  alias  French 
 Paris,  at  St  Andrews,  in  August  1569  ;  the  Confession  of  Onniston  of  that 
 Ilk,  alias  Black  Ormiston,  in  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh,  13th  of  December 
 1573.  All  these,  including  the  Confessions  of  Hepburn,  Hay,  Dalgleish, 
 and  Powrie,  and  the  Deposition  of  Thomas  Nelson,  "  cubicular"  to 
 Darnley,  and  who  escaj)ed  the  fate  of  his  master,  are  inserted  from 
 Anderson's  Collections,  the  British  Museum,  and  other  Records,  in 
 Pitcairn's  Criminal  Trials,  vol.  i.  Part  II.  p.  493-513.  On  the  14th  of 
 June  15G7,  Captain  William  Blackadder  was  "  convict  and  fylit  by  ane 
 jissize  of  art  and  pairt"  of  Darnley's  murder,  soon  afterwards  executed 
 and  quartered  at  the  Cross  of  Edinburgh,  and  his  arms  and  legs  sent  to 
 Stirling,  Glasgow,  Perth,  and  Dundee,  on  the  2()th  of  July.  On  the  3d  of 
 January  1567-8,  IIei)burn  of  Bolton,  Hay  of  Tallo,  William  Powrie,  and 
 George  Dalgleish,  were  executed  at  the  Cross  of  Edinburgh,  after  trial 
 and  conviction  before  the  High  Court  of  Justiciary,  by  which  Ilejiburn, 
 I  lay,  and  Powrie,  were  sentenced  to  be  *' hangit  to  the  deid  on  ane 
 gib])et,"  and  "  thair  heidis,  leggis,  and  armis,  to  be  cuttit  from  thair 
 Itodii'S,  and  ]»ut  uj)  and  hangin,  as  for  example,  on  the  j)orts  (gates)  of 
 Edinburgh,  and  other  j)orts  of  the  principal  burrowis  of  this  Realme  ;  and 
 their  bodies  to  be  brynt  and  consumit  in  fyre  besyde  the  said  gibbet." 
 (Jeorge  Dalgleish  was  ordered  to  b(^  "  hangit  to  the  deid,  and  his  heid  to 
 be  cuttit  fra  his  bodye,  and  put  upon  the  j)ort  of  I'dinburgh."  This  wjis 
 after  the  flight  of  Bothwell  subsetpu'utly  narrated.  In  the  Lord  High 
 Trciusurer's  Accounts  are  the  following  entries  of  j)ayments  : — "  Jan.  13, 
 1567-8.  linn,  to  Johne  Brown,  messinger,  and  ane  boy,  pa.ssand  of 
 Edinburgh,  with  dois  writtingis,  togidder  witli  the  heid  of  Powrie,  leggis 
 of.rohne  Hay,  younger  of  Tallo,  and  Johne  llepburne  of  Bolton,  to  be 
 affixed  on  the  portis  of  Gla.sgow,  Ilammiltoun,  Dunbertane,  Air,  and 
 Wigtoun,  iiij  li.  ijs.  Item,  to  ane  boy  passand  of  Edinburgh  to  Leith, 
 Haddingtown,  and  Jcdburcht,  with  thair  leggis  to  be  aftixit,  xxii  s. 
 /^//^,  to  tliree  boys  passand  of  Edinburgh,  with  the  rest  of  thair  amies 
 and  leggis  to  the  burrowis  of  Perth,  Dundee,  Aberdene,  Elgin,  and 
 Inverness,  to  be  aftixt,  Iv  s.  //»//<,  for  crelis  (willow  baskets)  and  tui-sing 
 (conveying)  of  the  sai<lis  heidis,  leggis,  and  armis,  and  candle  for  packing 
 thairof,  x.  s."— Pitcairn's  Criminal  Trials,  vol.  i.   Part   II.  i».  491,  492. 
 
15C7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  551 
 
 own  confession  in   Denmark  the  time  of  his  death  ;i    the 
 
 Nicolas  Hubert,  alias  French  Paris,  was  executod  fur  the  murder  of  Daruley 
 in  August  1569,  aud  Orniistou  of  tliat  Ilk  in  December  1573.  On  the  1st 
 of  June  1581,  the  Earl  of  Morton,  who  had  demitted  theliegency  in  1578, 
 ■was  tried  before  tlie  Iligli  Court  of  Justiciary  for  his  knowledge  of  tlie 
 murder,  on  the  accusation  of  his  implacable  enemy  Captain  JamesStewart, 
 King  James  VI. 's  new  favourite,  by  whom  he  had  been  created  Earl  of 
 Arran — one  of  the  most  profligate  men  of  the  age.  The  condemnation 
 aud  execution  of  Morton  by  the  instrument  which  he  is  said  to  have 
 introduced  into  Scotland,  called  the  Maklm,  are  well  known.  On  the 
 3d  of  June  1581,  John  Binning,  described  as  "  servant  to  Mr  Archibald 
 Douglas,  Parson  of  Glasgow,"  was  tried  for  having  been  "  airt  and  pairt 
 of  tlie  tressonabill  parricide,  murthour,  and  crewall  slaucliter  of  unKpdiill 
 Ilenrie,  King  of  Scottis,"  and  was  sentenced  to  be  executed. — Pitcairn's 
 Criminal  Trials,  vol.  i.  Part  II.  p.  95,  9G.  On  the  IG'th  of  June  that  year, 
 George  Home  of  Spott  was  tried  and  acquitted  of  having  been  an  accessory 
 to  the  murder  of  Darnley  and  of  the  Regent  Moray. — Ibid.  p.  101-108. 
 The  defective  state  of  the  Scottish  Criminal  Records,  which  are  said  to 
 have  been  wilfully  destroyed  during  that  troublesome  period,  precludes 
 an  accurate  knowledge  of  all  the  parties  who  were  tried,  acquitted,  or 
 convicted  of  Darnley's  murder,  but  we  may  assume  that  numbers  were 
 accused  or  implicated.  On  the  26th  of  May  1586,  the  before  mentioned 
 Archibald  Douglas,  "Parson  of  Glasgow,"  was  tried  for  the  murder  of 
 Darnley.  He  was  the  cousin  of  the  Regent  Morton,  and  one  of  the  Ordi- 
 nary Lords  of  Session.  He  was  acquitted  chiefly  by  the  intrigues  of 
 Patrick,  Master  of  Gray,  and  of  Randolph,  the  English  ambassador.  It 
 appears  from  that  indictment  that  another  domestic  of  Darnley,  named 
 Andrew  M'Caig,  was  murdered  with  him,  and  his  page  Taylor,  at  the 
 Kirk-of-Field  house. — Pitcairn's  Criminal  Trials,  vol.  i.  Part  II.  p.  14*2- 
 154.     Arnot's  Criminal  Trials,  4to.  Edin.  1785,  p.  7-20.— E.] 
 
 ^  [This  is  Bothwell's  own  Narrative,  entitled,  "  Les  Aflfaires  du  Conte  de 
 Boduel,  I'An.  m.d.lxviii.,"  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  and  men- 
 tioned hi  the  previous  note,  p.  547  of  this  volume.  This  curious  narrative 
 was  presented  to  the  Banxatyxe  Club  by  Henry  Cockburn,  Esq.  Advocate, 
 appointed  a  Judge  in  the  Scottish  Supreme  Court,  taking  his  seat  on  the 
 Bench  by  the  title  of  Lord  Cockburn,  in  1834,  and  by  Thomas  Maitland, 
 Esq.  of  Dundrcnnan,  Advocate,  Solicitor-!  Jeneral  for  Scotland  in  1840  aud 
 1841.  The  volume  is  illustrated  by  I'othwi'H's  arms,  ])rinted  on  the  title- 
 page,  and  engraved,  tin*  learned  Editors  inform  us,  '*  from  a  stamp  nj»on  a 
 coi)y  of  Lcs  Durzc  Livns  dc  Robert  Valvtrhi  tuiuhant  la  J)igcij>lint  M'ditairt  a 
 Paris,  1555,  in  the  Library  of  the  College  of  Edinburgh,  wjiich  aj»pcars  to 
 have  belonged  to  the  ICarl."  The  family  arms  are  two  lions  pulling  at  a  rose; 
 the  supporters  are  lions  ;  the  crest  is  the  head  and  neck  of  a  horse  bridled, 
 and  the  motto  keep  TUEST,the  whole  surrounded  by  the  inscription — jacobus 
 
 HEPBURN  comes    BOTMV.  1)(0M1NUS)   IIAILLES,  CRICHTONE  ET  LIDDES(nALE),    ET 
 
 magn.  ad.miral  scoti.k.  a  fac-simile  of  liothwi'll's  signature — jamks  erle 
 BOTiiuiLLE — in  bold  and  legible  hand- writing,  is  also  copied  from  "a  Pre- 
 cept of  dare  constat  granted  by  him  at  I'.diiibiirgh  on  the  5th  of  March 
 1565,  a.s  superior  of  the  lands  of  Clelaudtown  in  tlie  Barony  of  Botliwell 
 and  shire  of  Lanark,  to  William  Cleland,  as  heir  of  his  father,  Alexander 
 Cleland  of  that  ilk."     This  document,  written  on  parchment,  is  preserved 
 
0;)2  TlIK  IIISTUIIV  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567. 
 
 particulars  of  wliicli  last,  so  far  as  1  have  got  information, 
 the  readers  may  see  in  the  Appendix. l 
 
 in  the  chart or-clifst  of  North  Dalrj'mple,  Esq.  of  Fordel  and  Cleland,  in 
 1845  presuniijtive  heir  to  liis  brotlier  Jolm  Earl  of  Stair,  and  has  Botliwell's 
 seal  attached  to  it  in  a  very  entire  state,  bearing  the  inscription — sigillum 
 
 JACOBI  CO.MITES  DE  BOITUVILE  DOMINI  IIALIS   ADMIRAL.      It  will  be  SCCn  that 
 
 Bothwell,  after  his  flight  to  Denmark,  was  consigned  to  several  prisons  in 
 that  kingdom,  and  the  learned  Editors  state  that  at  "  an  early  period  of 
 Ids  confinement  he  AVTote  a  Nan-utive  of  leading  events  which  terminated 
 in  his  flight  from  Scotland  iii  1567,  and  of  his  subse«ineut  adventures  upon 
 the  coast  of  Norway."  It  is  farther  observed  in  the  Preface  to  "  Les 
 Affaires  du  Conte  de  Boduel,"  that  the  orighial  is  preserved  in  the  Royal 
 Library  at  the  Castle  of  Drottnuigholm  in  Sweden,  written  in  old  French, 
 and  occupies  sixteen  leaves,  neatly  written,  with  a  number  of  contractions, 
 which  render  it  difficidt  to  be  decyphered,  of  a  volume  of  MSS.  entitled 
 — "  Les  Affaires  du  Conte  de  Boduel  I'An.  156S,  nee  non  Caroli  l)antza}i 
 Gallai-um  Regis  Legati,  Litera3  ab  anno  1575  ad  annum  1586,  ad  Kegem, 
 Reginam,  Proceresque  Gallias,  datie  durante  Legatione  in  Dania ;  (juibus 
 adjuucta?  sunt  varia3  Princiijum  et  lllustrium  Virorum  ad  Dantzajum 
 Literae."  Botliwell's  Narrative,  it  is  added,  "  has  apparently  been  revised 
 by  the  author,  from  the  number  of  additions  and  contractions  which  occur 
 in  a  different  hand,  and  in  which  the  first  person  jc  is  invariably  used." 
 Jt  appears  from  an  attestation  on  the  MS.  by  the  Chevalier  Dan tzay,  who 
 during  the  latter  part  of  the  sixteenth  century  was  ambassador  from 
 France  to  the  Courts  of  Sweden  an'd  Denmark,  that  Bothwell  entrusted 
 it  to  him  that  it  might  be  submitted  to  Frederick  II.,  Kuig  of  Denmark, 
 and  it  is  presumed  that  the  answer  received  by  the  Chevalier  Dantzay 
 was  unfavourable.  "It  is  just  possible,"  observe  the  leai-ned  Editors, 
 "  that  the  Narrative  committed  to  Dantzay  may  have  been  the  same  with 
 that  of  which  the  King  of  Denmark  is  said  to  have  transmitted  a  copy  to 
 Elizabeth  (Jebb,  ii.  227),  and  which  Mary,  in  her  correspondence  with 
 Beaton,  accuses  the  English  Queen  of  suj)pressing,  (Laing,  ii.  357)."  A 
 Latin  inscriiUion  on  the  title-page  intimates  that  the  MS.  came  into  the 
 possession  of  Dr  Claudius  Plumius,  a  Professor  iii  the  Royal  Academy  at 
 Copenlmgen,  who  Is  said  to  have  presented  it  to  the  Royal  Libniry  of 
 Denmark  in  1644.  The  learned  Editors  inform  us,  on  the  conjecture  of 
 Mr  (iranberg.  Historiographer  to  Charles  Xl\'.  (Bernadotte),  King  of 
 Sweden,  that  it  "  must  have  l>een  carried  off  from  this  establishment  by 
 some  Swede  wlio  accomi)anied  Charles  X.  in  his  descent  upon  Zeahmd, 
 and  that  in  this  way  it  ultimately  jKitised  into  the  hands  of  (Justavus  III. 
 of  Sweden,  by  whom  it  was  deposited  in  the  royal  collection  at  Drottning- 
 holm,  where  it  still  remains."  A  transcript  of  Bothwell's  MS.  was 
 obtained  by  the  Curatoi-s  of  the  Advocates'  [library  at  Edinburgh  by  the 
 influtMire  of  i'rofi'.s,sor  Uiusk  of  Coi)eiihagen,  and  under  the  su|)erintendence 
 of  Mr  Wallmark,  Librarian  to  the  King  of  Sweden,  and  this  transcript, 
 whidi  wa.s  transmitted  to  Edinburgli,  sulliciently  attested  a.s  to  its  authen- 
 ticity, was  that  jiriuted  in  1^2.*)  for  tlie  Ba.nmatvne  Clib. — K.] 
 
 '  .Numb.  XVI 1 1.  (The  (lying  Confi'ssion  of  IJotliwell  printed  l)y  our 
 Historian  in  liis  Appendix  from  a  AIS.  in  thi-  then  Scottish  College  at  l*aris, 
 and  of  which  a  co[»y  is  in  the  Cotton  Library,  Britisli  Museum,  Is  spurious, 
 and  cannot  be  received  as  an  authentic  document.     As  it  respects  the 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  o5S 
 
 Two  days  after  the  acquittal  of  the  Earl  of  Bothwell, 
 viz.  on  Monday  the  14th  of  April,  the  Parliament  of 
 this  kingdom  sat  down,  and  the  Earl  of  "  Bothwell  was 
 "  promoved  to  bear  the  royal  sceptre^  to  the  Parliament 
 "  House."'-     And  because  the  affairs  of  this  meeting  has 
 
 made  any  at  all  immediately  before  his  death,  but  this  has  no  connection 
 with  his  own  Narrative  of  his  "  Affairs,"  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club. 
 Some  writers  have  referred  to  it  as  convincin<^  evidence  of  liis  own  guilt 
 and  of  the  innocence  of  ^lary,  while  others  (Laing,  vol.  ii.  p.  52)  denounce 
 it  as  a  forgery,  and  contend  that  as  Bothwell  is  alleged  to  have  died  mad, 
 he  was  incapable  of  any  genuine  declaration  at  his  death.  Dr  Gilbert 
 Stuart,  who  admits  the  document  })rinted  by  our  Historian  in  his  Appendix 
 to  be  spurious,  observes  that  "  the  want  of  the  real  Confession"  is  "  still 
 a  deficiency  in  our  history."  On  this  point  the  learned  editors  of  "  Les 
 Aflfaires  du  Conte  de  Boduel"  state — "  The  obscurity  which  hangs  over 
 the  last  years  of  Bothwell's  life  excludes  the  hope  of  ever  resolving  this 
 disputed  point  Avith  any  degree  of  certainty.  Little  is  known  of  his 
 personal  history  during  this  period,  (from  1567  to  his  death  in  captivity 
 at  the  castle  of  Malmoe  in  the  province  of  Schonen  in  Sweden  in  1576), 
 or  of  the  circumstances  attending  his  death." — Preface,  p.  iii.  iv. — E.J 
 
 ^  [This  appearance  of  Bothwell  in  the  procession  to  the  Parliament, 
 which  was  held  in  the  Tolbooth,  greatly  irritated  the  people,  who  were 
 indignant  at  his  mock  trial  and  acquittal,  and  who  strongly  expressed 
 their  disgust  when  it  was  publicly  rumoured  that  a  divorce  was  meditated 
 between  the  Earl  and  his  Countess.  Some  allege  that  Bothwell  carried 
 the  Sword  of  State — not  the  Sceptre — before  the  Queen,  while  Mr  Tytler 
 alleges  on  the  other  hand  that  he  carried  the  "  Crown  and  Sceptre," 
 referring  as  his  authority  to  our  Historian,  who  says  nothing  of  the 
 Crown  in  his  brief  extract  from  Crawford's  spurious  MS.  The  conduct 
 of  Queen  Mary  at  this  period  evinces  a  fatality  and  imbecihty  which  can 
 only  be  explained  by  viewing  her  as  under  the  influence  of  a  strong, 
 engrossing,  and  ungovernable  passion.  She  well  knew  the  j)ublic  feeling, 
 for  even  in  the  streets  and  in  her  presence  it  was  not  repressed.  Tlie 
 very  market  women  exclaimed  as  she  passed  them — "  Ciod  preserve  your 
 Grace  if  you  are  innocent  of  the  King's  death."  It  had  been  observed 
 that  Bothwell  rode  to  liis  pretended  trial  on  Darnley's  favourite  horse, 
 and  it  was  reported  to  Drury  that  during  the  proceedings  at  that  insult  to 
 justice  Mary  had  sent  him  a  message  and  token  of  her  esteem. — (Drury 
 to  Cecil,  ^IS.  Letter,  State-Pajier  Office,  cited  in  Tytler's  History  of 
 Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  100,  101.)  When  she  j)roceeded  to  the  Parliament, 
 she  declined  the  ancient  custom  of  a  guard  from  Holyrood  formed  by  the 
 Magistrates  and  the  civic  body  long  known  as  the  Trained  Bands, 
 preferring  a  company  of  hackbutters  ;  and  a.s  if  still  farther  to  excite 
 sorrow  and  indignation  at  her  conduct,  she  selected  Bothwell  to  a])i)ear 
 prominent  with  the  Sceptre  at  a  time  when  prudence  might  have  suggested 
 to  her  a  different  course. —  E.) 
 
 ■'*  Crawford's  MS.  And  this  author  immediately  adds — "  And  the  Earl 
 of  Lenox,  perceiving  all  things  to  go  astray  in  Scotland,  thought  it  unsure 
 to  remain  any  longer  to  behold  such  unpunished  bai]»arity  ;  he  therefor^ 
 
554  THE  IIISTOIIV  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 not  been  hitherto  candidly  represented,  and  a  late  publisher 
 of  Collections^  thinks  fit  only  to  mention  two  or  three  Acts 
 thereof,  and  omit  tiie  rest  as  being  not  necessary,  I  reckon, 
 for  his  purpose,  I  shall  therefore  be  the  more  punctual  in 
 reciting  the  journal  of  it,  which  through  good  fortune  is 
 preserved  entire  among  the  Records. 
 
 The  l^arliament^  begun  and  holden  at  Edinburgh  on 
 Monday  the  14th  of  April  1507.  This  day  the  Queen  was 
 not  present, 3  and  nothing  farther  was  done  than  the  calling 
 of  the  members,  and  marking  those  that  were  absent.  The 
 Parliament  was  holden  this  day  by  Conmiissioners  therein 
 named,  viz.  John  Archbishop  of  St.  Andrews,  Primate  of 
 our  whole  kingdom,  and  Legate  born  {totius  Regni  nostri 
 Primatem,  Legatum  natutu),  Alexander  Bishop  of  Galloway, 
 AVilliam  ]5ishop  of  Dunblane,  Adam  Bishop  of  Orkney, 
 John    Bishop    of  the    Isles  ;4    Archibald    Earl   of  Argyll, 
 
 retired  himself  to  England  l>y  tlie  west  sea." — [See  Historic  and  Life  of 
 King  James  the  Sext,  4to.  j)riuted  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  8,  in  the 
 Preface  to  wliich  Crawford's  MS.  is  severely  exposed,  and  our  Historian 
 himself  censured. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Collections  relating  to  the  History  of  ^Sfary  Queen  of  Scotland, 
 revised  and  published  by  James  Anderson,  Esq.  in  Four  Volumes,  Ediu. 
 4to.  1727,  vol.  i.  p.  117-127.— E.] 
 
 ^  I  supj)ose  my  readers  do  know  that  all  the  Records  of  our  Parliaments, 
 the  Acts  excepted,  are  in  the  Latin  tongue,  and  I  have  here  turned  a 
 l)art  of  this  Ki'cord  into  English  only  for  the  benefit  of  those  that  under- 
 stand not  tluit  language. 
 
 ^  [On  the  14th  of  April,  when  the  Parliament  assembled,  tlie  Queen 
 wa.s  absent,  but  she  was  present  on  the  16th,  two  days  afterwards,  when 
 till'  real  business  of  the  Parliament  conunenced.— E.J 
 
 *  Tills  wiLs  John  Carsewcll,  at  first  made  Su]>erintendant  of  Argyll  and 
 tlie  Isles,  aiul  afterwards,  in  the  year  156*6,  presented  by  the  Queen  to 
 the  Pishopric  of  the  Isles,  for  which,  and  for  his  being  present  in  this 
 Parliament,  he  was  censured  by  the  Assembly  of  the  Kirk.— [Cai'sewell 
 was  rector  or  par.son  of  Kilmartin  in  Argyllshire,  and  had  been  i)romoted 
 to  be  oneof  thonewlydevised"Supt'riutendants"  in  ir)()'()  by  the  infiuenceof 
 the  Ivirl  of  Argyll,  who  hoped  to  be  assisted  by  him  in  his  projected  seizure 
 of  the  tem]»oralities  of  the  Pishoprics  of  Argyll  and  The  Isles,  which  ho 
 afterwards  effected.  Carsewell  was  merely  a  Titular  or  Tulchan  Pishoj), 
 l)ut  the  other  four  mentioned,  viz.  Archbishop  Hamilton  of  St  Andrews, 
 Pishoj)  (Jordon  of  Galloway,  Pishoj)  Chisholm  of  Dunblane,  and  Pishop 
 Pothwcll  of  Orkney,  had  been  canonically  consecrated  during  the  estab- 
 lishment of  the  Pai)al  Hierarchy.  Pishops  (iordon  and  Pothwell, however, 
 became  Reformed  preachers,  and  the  latter  was  a  Judge  in  the  Court  of 
 Session.  Carsewell  was  censured  by  the  (Jeneral  Assembly  in  ir)6S  for 
 his  atteiulance  at  this  Parliament  and  for  becoming  a  Titular  Pisho]).— 
 Pooko  of  the  Universall   Kirk  of  Scotlan<l,  Part  I.  p.  144.— E.] 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  555 
 
 James  Earl  of  Both  well,  George  Earl  of  Caithness,  David 
 Earl  of  Crawford,  Hew  Earl  of  Eglinton,  Andrew  Earl  of 
 Rothes  ;  George  Lord  Seton,  John  Lord  Fleming,  James 
 Lord  Ogilvie,  John  Lord  Herries,  Laurence  Lord  Oliphant ; 
 John  Coramendator  of  Aberbrothwick  ;  Sir  Richard  Mait- 
 land  of  Lethington,  Keeper  of  the  Privy  Seal ;  William 
 Maitland  younger  of  Lethington,  Secretary ;  Sir  James 
 Balfour  of  Pittendriech,  Clerk  of  Register  and  Council ;  Sir 
 John  Bellendein  of  Auchnoul,  Clerk  of  Justiciary ;  Mr 
 Robert  Richardson,  Prior  of  St  Mary  Isle,^  Thesaurer ;  Mr 
 John  Spence  of  Condie,  our  Advocate — Commissar ios  per 
 specialem  commissionem  dictcc  supremw  Domincc  nostra'  Regincv 
 constitiitos ;  together  with  Monan  (Ninian)  Hog,  Deputy  of 
 the  Eai'l  ^Lirischal,  William  Henderson  the  Constable's 
 depute,  David  Kintore,  macer,  Andrew  Lindsay,  dempster.2 
 On  the  IGth  of  April,  the  Queen  was  present,  and  the 
 Lords  of  Articles  were  chosen.^  Same  day  a  discharge  to 
 the  Earl  of  Mar  of  his  own  and  his  father's  keeping  of  the 
 Castle  of  Edinburgh,   conformable  to  a  prior  exoneration 
 
 ^  [Richardson  had  been  a  canon  and  sacristan  of  the  Abbey  of  Ilolyrood 
 in  1520.— Liber  Sententiarum  Officialis  St  Andrea»,fol.  83.— P:.] 
 
 ^  In  Latin  it  is — una  cum  Davidc  Kintore,  Scrjando,  ct  Andrea  Lindcsaj/y 
 Judicatorc. — [Da\'id  Kintore's  situation  or  office  of  "  macer"  is  ob\'ious, 
 and  the  name  of  Andrew  Lindesay,  "  dempster,"  often  occurs  in  the 
 Justiciary  Records  of  the  time.  The  duty  of  the  "  dempster"  in  Scotland 
 was  to  pronounce  the  doom  or  sentence  in  the  High  Court  of  Justiciary, 
 as  directed  by  the  clerk  of  the  court  or  the  jud<i;e.  Tlie  dempster  was 
 often  the  executioner,  thougli  it  was  different  from  that  revoltin*^  office  ; 
 but  in  the  case  of  the  ]N[a<,nstrates  of  Kdinbur<rh,  when  they  appointed  an 
 executioner,  it  was  customary  to  furnish  him  with  an  extract  recording 
 tlie  appointment,  which  that  functionary  j)resented  to  the  High  Court  of 
 Justiciary,  and  he  was  in  consecjuence  nominated  dvmp.  ttr.  Such  a 
 functionary  lias  been  long  in  disuse,  the  judges  of  the  Court  now  pro- 
 nouncing sentence. — E.] 
 
 ^  [They  were  Archbishop  Hamilton  of  St  Andrews,  lUshoj)  Lesk'y  of 
 Ross,  Bishop  Bothwell  of  Orkney,  the  Titular  IJishop  Carswcll  of  The 
 Isles,  the  Abbots  or  "  Comnu-ndators"  of  Aberbrotliock,  Kilwinning, 
 Balmerino,  and  St  Colm,  as  rejiresenting  the  Spiritual  ICstate  ;  the  luirls 
 of  Argyll,  Bothurll,  Crawfurd,  Morton,  Cassillis,  and  Marischal,  Lords 
 Fleming  and  Herries,  for  the  Nobility  ;  the  Provost  of  Edinburgh,  and 
 Alexander  Clerk,  William  Fleming  for  Perth,  Gill>ert  Menziea  for 
 Aberdeen,  Richard  iJlyth  for  I)unde(>,  John  Lockhart  for  Ayr,  Charles 
 Dnnnmond  for  Linlithgow,  and  John  Forhouse  for  Haddington,  as 
 rei)resenting  the  bnrghs. — Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii.  p.  r)4().  This 
 was  the  last  l\\ilianu'nt  which  Queen  Mary  was  allowed  to  hold. — E.] 
 
55G  THE  IlISjTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507. 
 
 made  by  the  Queen  and  Privy-Council  at  Holyrood-house, 
 19th  March  15GC>-7.^ 
 
 Last  day  of  the  Parhament,  viz.  10th  April,  are  these 
 several  Acts  :- — 1.  Act  concerning  thcRcHgion — to  be  seen 
 among  the  printed  Acts  towards  the  end  of  Pari.  1  King 
 James  VI.'^  2.  Ixatification  of  the  Earldom  of  Mar,  Regality 
 
 1  The  reader  Avill  remember  that  tlie  keepin<^  of  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh 
 had  been  committed  to  the  Lord  Erskine,  father  of  the  now  Earl  of  Mar, 
 about  the  time  the  Duke  of  Chastelherault  demitted  the  Regency  of  the 
 kingdom  anno  1554.  And  now  this  Earl  of  Mar  resigned  up  the  said 
 Castle  to  the  Queen,  and  her  Majesty  delivered  into  his  Lordship's 
 keeping  the  young  Prince  her  son. 
 
 2  [The  whole  of  the  Acts  of  the  last  Parliament  of  Queen  Mary  are  in 
 the  Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii.  p.  545-590.  Our  Historian,  in  his  list, 
 makes  the  "  Act  concerning  the  lleligion"  to  be  the  Jir.^t  Act,  but  it  was 
 in  reality  the  second,  for  the  first  was  the  "  Earl  of  Mar's  discharge  of  the 
 Castell  of  Edinburgh,"  which  was  passed  on  the  16th  of  April,  when  the 
 Queen  was  i)resent,  and  is  the  only  document  of  business  done  on  that 
 day,  when  the  Lords  of  the  Articles  were  chosen  to  prepare  the  Acts 
 which  occui)ied  the  Parliament  on  the  19th,  the  last  day  of  the  meeting, 
 for  in  those  times  "  parliamentary  sessions"  were  unknown.  The  Act  or 
 "  Discharge,"  exonerating  the  Earl  of  Mar  from  all  liabilities  connected 
 with  Edinburgh  Castle,  which  had  been  signed  l)y  the  Queen  at  Ilolyrood 
 Palace  on  the  19th  of  March,  bears  the  additional  signatures  of  the  Earls 
 of  Iluntly,  Argyll,  Bothu'dl,  Moray  (who  signs  himself  James  Stcicart), 
 Crawfurd,  Cassillis,  Atholl,  Rothes,  and  Caithne&s,  Bishops  Gordon  of 
 Galloway  and  Lesley  of  Ross,  Lords  Fleming  and  llerries,  Rol)ert  Rich- 
 ardson, Lord  High  Treasurer,  Sir  William  Minray  of  Tullibardine, 
 Comptroller  of  the  Queen's  Household,  Sir  James  Balfour,  the  Lord 
 Justice  Clerk  liellenden,  Secretary  Maithuid  of  Lethington,  John  Spence 
 of  Comrie  ;  and  a  personage  who  is  styled  "  Ga.  Hossen."  Gur  Historian 
 enumerates  only  twenty-four  Acts  of  this  Parliament,  but  thirtii  are 
 recorded.  The  six  which  Hislioj)  Keith  tmiits  are — "  Ratification  to  the 
 Laird  of  Dalhousie"  (Acta  I'arl.  Scot.  vol.  ii.  p.  572),  who  was(Jcorge 
 Ramsay,  grandfather  of  the  first  Lord  Ramsay  of  Dalhousie,  and  of  his 
 brother  John  Earl  of  Holderness  ;  one  of  the  two  "  Iteductions  of  the 
 Forfaltour  of  umquhile  George  Erie  of  Iluntly  ;"  and  four  other  "  Rcdnc- 
 tions"  of  the  forfeitures  of  gentlemen  of  the  name  of  (iordon,  who  had 
 been  concerned  in  Huntly's  insurrection  and  the  battle  of  Corrichie. —  E. ) 
 
 "  This  Act  is  so  full  and  explicite  for  the  settlement  of  the  new  Form, 
 that  the  Parliament  held  in  the  month  of  December  following  by  the 
 Queen's  inveterate  enemies  and  rebels  could  devise  nothing  stronger, 
 and  therefore  satisfied  themselves  with  repeating  it  in  that  new  Parlia- 
 ment. It  is  therein  declared  that  "  the  Queen  had  attemptit  nothing 
 contrair  the  estait  of  religioun,  quhilk  hir  Majestic  fimd  imbliklie  an«l 
 universallie  staiuling  at  hir  airival."  Nobody  needs  find  strange  that 
 Mr  Buchanan  should  roiuully  aflirni  that  nothing  coidd  be  obtaiue<l  at 
 this  Parliament  from  the  (^ueen  in  favour  of  the  Reformed  religion  ;  but 
 that  Archbishop  Spottiswood  should  blindly  go  into  the  same  steps, 
 is    uni>aril<)nablc   in    that    great    Prelate.— |  Buchanan's    statements    are 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  iji  Scotland.  557 
 
 of  Garioch,^  Heritable  Capitanrie  of  the  Castle  of  Stirling, 
 and  keeping  of  the  park  thereof;  Sheriffdom  of  Stirling, 
 Bailliary  and  Chamberlainry  of  the  Lordship  thereof ;  Cham- 
 berlainry  of  certain  lands  in  Menteith,^  Sic.  to  John  Erskinc, 
 
 Tuiworthy  of  the  least  credit.  lie  ulle^^es  that "  the  Queen  in  that  Parliament 
 was  more  rugged  than  formerly,  for  whereas  before  she  pretended  civility 
 in  her  carriage,  she  now  plainly  discovered  an  inclination  to  tyranny,  for 
 she  now  flatly  denied  what  she  had  promised  at  Stirling  in  matters  of 
 religion,  and  that  M-as  that  the  laws  established  under  Popish  tyranny 
 should  be  abrogated  in  the  first  Parliament,  and  the  Reformed  religion 
 should  be  strengthened  by  new  laws  ;  and  when,  besides  her  promise,  two 
 edicts  signed  with  her  own  hand  were  produced,  benig  caught  here,  she 
 eluded  them,  and  commanded  the  commissioners  of  the  Kirk  to  attend  her 
 another  time,  but  after  that  she  never  gave  them  an  opi)ortunity  to  appear 
 l)efore  her  again.' — History,  Translation,  Edin.  edit.  1752,  vol.  ii.  \).  329. 
 All  this  is  gross  misrepresentation.  We  have  seen  that  Mary  Mould 
 willingly  have  restored  the  Papal  Church,  but  she  never  had  the  power 
 even  to  attempt  it,  and  at  this  time  the  series  of  events  and  crimes  which 
 were  rapidly  succeeding  each  other,  and  her  encouraging  familiarity  with 
 Bothwell,  had  rendered  her  so  unpopular  that  her  authority  was  only 
 nominal.  But  the  Queen's  procedure  in  this  Parliament  was  the  very 
 reverse  of  that  which  Buchanan  states.  Mr  Tytler  writes — "  It  is  worthy 
 of  remark  also,  that  in  this  same  Parliament  the  Roman  Catholic 
 partialities  of  the  Queen  seemed  to  be  modified,  and  it  is  by  no  means 
 improbable  that  owing  to  the  influence  of  Bothwell,  who  was  a  Protestant, 
 the  Reformed  party  were  treated  with  greater  favours  than  before.  ^Mary 
 willingly  agreed  to  abolish  all  laws  afi'ecting  the  lives  of  her  subjects  on  the 
 score  of  their  religion  ;  she  passed  an  Act  securing  a  provision  to  the  poorer 
 ministers  ;  and  it  is  likely  more  would  have  been  granted  if  this  Assembly 
 had  refrained  from  recommending  a  rigid  incjuiry  into  the  King's  murder, 
 which  she  resented  and  declined."— History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  102. 
 Mr  Tytler  cites  as  his  authority  for  the  latter  statements  two  MS.  Letters 
 in  the  State-Paper  Office  from  Drury  to  Cecil,  dated  the  19th  and  27th  of 
 April  15G7  ;  but  no  such  Act  "securing a  provision  to  the  poorer  ministei-s" 
 occurs  in  the  Records  of  this  Parliament  ;  and  as  to  the  fierce  invective 
 transmitted  by  the  Kirk  (Jeneral  Assembly,  "  recommending  a  rigid 
 incpiiry"  into  Darnley's  murder,  that  body  did  not  meet  till  the  2.'5th  of 
 June,  upwards  of  two  month.i  after  the  last  meeting  of  the  Parliament  on 
 the  19th  of  April,  and  (Joorge  Buchanan  was  elected  Moderator.  In  the 
 accomit  of  the  proceedings  in  the  "  Booke  of  the  Universall  Kirk  of  Scot- 
 land" (Part  I.  p.  93-99)  no  allusion  occurs  to  the  murder  of  Darnley  ;  but 
 in  another  (Jeneral  Assem])ly  held  on  the  21st  of  July  that  year,  a  fierce 
 invectiveoccursagainsttheperpetratorsof  thatcrime.— (Ibid.p.  los.)— K.l 
 
 ^  [Garioch  is  one  of  the  five  ancient  districts  of  Aberdeenshire,  and 
 one  of  ten  districts  into  which  the  county  is  divided  in  the  Court  of 
 Lieutenancy.  It  is  a  beautiful,  fertile,  and  well  cultivated  tract,  long 
 known  as  the  Graiuu-y  of  Abtrdan,  in  the  centre  of  the  county,  containing 
 about  iriO  scpiare  miles  and  fifteen  parishes. — E.l 
 
 '^  [The  district  in  Perthshire  so  called,  apart  of  which  is  now  the  parish 
 of  Port-of-Menteith,  near  the  river  Forth. — E.] 
 
558  THE   HISTORY  OF  TIIK  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 Earl  of  Mar.  3.  Ratification  of  the  barony  of  Blyth  to  Sir 
 Richard  Maitland  of  Lethington,^  Keeper  of  the  Privy  Seal. 
 4.  RatiHcation  to  Mr  David  Chalmers-  of  Ochterslo,  Castle- 
 ton,  &c.  5.  Ratification  to  the  Earl  of  Bothwell-^  of  several 
 lands,  &c.,  to  defray  his  charges  in  keeping  the  Castle  of 
 Dunbar.^     G.  Act  concerning  the  Obhvion.^     7-  Act  anent 
 
 ^  [Father  of  Secretary  Maitland  and  of  his  second  brother  Sir  John 
 Maithind,  Lord  Cliancellor  of  Scotland,  who  was  created  Lord  Maitland 
 of  Thirlstane  in  15!)0,  and  whose  only  son  John,  second  Lord,  was  created 
 Viscount  of  l^auderdale  in  1G16,  and  Earl  of  Lauderdale  in  16'24.  Sir 
 Itichard  Maitland,  who  filled  several  important  offices,  and  was  a  very 
 eminent  personat^e,  died  at  an  advanced  age  in  1586. — E.] 
 
 ^  [One  of  the  devisers  of  the  murder  of  Darnley,  and  a  follower  of 
 Bothwell.   See  tlienote  respecting  him,  ]).  372  of  tlie  present  volume. — E.J 
 
 ^  [The  ])reaml)le  of  this  Act,  which  confirmed  Bothwell  in  all  his  lands 
 and  hereditary  and  acqnired  offices,  is,  considering  the  circumstances,  and 
 the  Clime  of  which  he  was  accused,  not  a  little  remarkable.  It  sets  forth 
 that  the  Queen's  Majesty  "  taking  regard  and  consideration  of  the  great 
 and  manifold  good  service  done  and  performed  not  only  to  her  Highness' 
 Iionour,  Weill,  and  estimation,  but  also  to  the  common  weill  of  her  Realm 
 and  lieges  tliereof  by  her  right  trusty  cousin  and  councillor  James  Earl 
 J5otliwell,  Lord  Hailes,"  &c.  The  preamble  of  the  "  Ratification"  to  3Ir 
 David  Chalmers  is  expressed  in  similar  language.  Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio, 
 vol.  ii.  I).  549,  550.— E.] 
 
 •*  Tlie  Queen  likewise,  besides  the  Castle  of  Dunbar,  had  committed  to 
 the  Earl  of  Bothwell  the  keeping  of  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh,  for  wliich 
 and  other  great  offices  i)ut  into  the  hands  of  this  Nobleman  it  is  no  wonder 
 that  tlie  otlier  Peers  would  make  complaints ;  for  besides  that  he  wiis 
 Heritable  (Iroat  Admiral  of  the  nation,  he  was  just  now  Lord  Warden  of 
 all  the  Marclies.      These  heaps  of  favour  loaded  on   this  person  bring 
 into  my  mind  the  ridiculous  story  narrated  by  Buchanan  concerning  tlie 
 fitting  uj)  the  King's  clothes,  in  order  to  be  worn  by  the  Earl  of  Bothwell. 
 The  readers  may  see  a  smart  observation  hereupon  by  Mr  Crawford  of 
 Drumsoy,  in  the  Preface  to  the  Memoirs  which  go  under  his  name. — 
 (('rawford's  "  smart  ol)servation"  in  liis  Preface  to  his  so  called  "  Memoirs 
 of  the  Affairs  of  >'cotland,"  8vo.  London,  170f),p.  xvii.  xviii.)  is  apparently 
 the  following  passage  :— "  Now,   consider   liothwell  ha.s  all   the  casli  a 
 |)rodigal  (^ueeii  can  sj)are  to  make  him  wondrous  beauish  ;  nay,  slie  must 
 have  some  of  her  own  handy  work  upon  him  too,  though  it  was  not  easy 
 for  a  sovereign   oppressed   with  cares  and   business  to  sow  so  much   in 
 private,  and  if  she  did  it  in  jtublic  slie  was  very  fond  indeed  to  i)ut  it  upon 
 iier  gallant's  l)aek  before  the  world,  and  ni)on  so  solemn  an  occasion. — 
 Having  thus  eipiipt  the  I'ail,  made  him  a  downright  beau,  and  the  poor 
 King  a  very  tatterdemalion,  not  fit  to  be  seen  in  so  .scurvy  a  pickle,  you 
 will  imagine  perhaps  the   I'rince   is   about  to   borrow   a   suit   from   his 
 Lcndship,  to  serve  the  jtresent  or  any  other  occa.sion  ;  but  instead  of  that 
 be  i)lea.sed  to  turn  the  leaf,  and  to  your  great  surprise  you  will  find  the 
 King  dead,  and  a  tailor  fitting  up  his  shabby  coat  to  make  Bothwell  a 
 spark." — E.J 
 
 ''  These  two   ])receding  Acts  see  in  "  Anderson's  Collections,"  vol.  i. 
 p.  117-l-2(;. 
 
15C7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  559 
 
 the  makers  and  upsetters  of  placearts  and  bills.i  8.  Rati- 
 fication to  the  Lord  Robert  Stewart,  Abbot  of  Holyrood- 
 house,2  the  Queen's  natural  brother,  and  to  his  children,  of 
 several  payments  to  be  made  from  her  Majesty's  thirds  of 
 the  Abbacy  of  Holyroodhouse.3  9.  Ratification  to  the  Queen's 
 natural  brother  James  Earl  of  Moray^  of  the  said  Earldom, 
 of  the  date  22d  January  1563-4  ;  and  Strathdee,  of  the  date 
 20th  October  1564.  10.  Ratification  to  John  Chisholm  of 
 her  Highness's  lands  called  the  King's  WarJc  in  Leith.^ 
 11.  Ratification  to  the  Earl  of  Huntly  of  several  lands.  12. 
 Ratification  to  the  Lord  Herries  of  Terreigles,  to  be  holden 
 in  blanch-farm  of  the  Crown.  13.  Ratification  of  some 
 lands   to   John  Sempil,  son  to  Robert  Lord  Scmpil.^     14. 
 
 1  See  this  Act  on  the  next  page. — [P.  561  of  this  edition. — E.] 
 
 2  [See  the  note,  p.  99, 126,  of  the  present  volume.  Lord  Robert  Stuart  was 
 created  Earl  of  Orkney  in  1581,  twelve  years  after  he  had  exchan^^od  the 
 Abbey  of  Ilolyrood  with  Bishop  13othwell  for  the  temporal  estates  of  the 
 See  of  Orkney.— E.] 
 
 '^  [These  "  thirds"  of  the  Abbey  of  llolp'ood,  assigned  for  the  "  nurish- 
 ing  and  upbringing  of  Lord  Robert  Stuart's  bairns,"  were  an  annual 
 pension  for  life  of  L.990  Scots,  nine  chalders  four  bolls  of  wheat,  thirteen 
 chalders  eight  bolls  barley,  eleven  chalders  eleven  bolls  oats,  and  one 
 chalder  five  bolls  meal,  to  "  be  uplifted  and  uptakenby  them,  their  factors 
 and  tutors  in  their  names  yearly  during  their  life  times." — Acta  Pari. 
 Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii.  p.  552,  553.  The  "  bairns"  mentioned  in  the  Act  as  the 
 lawful  issue  of  Lord  Robert  Stuart  and  his  wife  Lady  Janet  Kennedy, 
 eldest  daugliter  of  Gilbert  third  Earl  of  Cassillis,  are  Henry,  Jane,  and 
 ^Mary  Stuart,  and  two  illegitimate  sons  named  Robert  and  James,  lleury 
 is  said  to  have  died  before  his  father,  but  the  Commendator  of  Ilolyrood, 
 or  Earl  of  Orkney,  had  subsequently,  according  to  the  Peerage  narratives, 
 four  other  children.  Those  were  Patrick,  who  succeeded  him  as  second 
 Earl  of  Orkney,  John,  who  became  Earl  of  Carrick,  and  two  daughters- 
 Lady  Elizabeth  and  Lady  Barbiira.  The  two  illegitinuite  sons  are  men- 
 tioned as  Sir  James  Stuart  of  Tullos,  a  gentleman  of  the  bed-chamber  to 
 James  VI.,  and  Sir  Robert  Stuart.  Patrick,  the  successor  of  liis  father 
 as  second  Earl  of  Orkney,  was  after  a  brief  career  of  extraordinary  turbu- 
 lence and  prodigality  tried,  convicted,  aiul  executed  for  high  treason  at 
 the  Cross  of  Edinl)urgh,  on  the  6th  of  February  1614,  and  his  estates  and 
 honours  forfeited  to  tlie  C-rown. — E.] 
 
 **  [Moray,  who,  it  will  l)e  recollected,  was  at  the  tinu'  out  of  Scotland, 
 had  entrusted  the  nuxnagenuMit  of  his  aftairs  to  Morton  and  Secretary 
 Maitland,  and  they  looked  faithfully  after  the  interests  of  one  wlio  Mas 
 soon  to  be  conspicuous  in  the  great  projects  about  to  be  developed. —  E.] 
 
 "  [The  "  lands"  were  houses.  The  Kivf/^s  Work-  in  Leith,  consisted  of  a 
 series  of  buildings  of  great  anticpiity,  occasionally  a  royal  residence,  and 
 covering  a  considerable  extent  of  ground,  l)etween  the  present  Broad 
 Wynd  and  Bernard  Street,  overlooking  the  harbours  and  «piays. E.] 
 
 ^  [John  Sempill,  only  son  of  Robert  third  Lord  Sempill  by  his  second 
 
5G0  THE   IIISKJRY   OF  Tin:   AFFAIRS  [1507. 
 
 llatification  to  James  0<;ilvici  of  the  lands  of  Fincllater, 
 &c.  i').  Katificatioii  to  Michael  Balfour^  of  Jiurley  of  the 
 Coronership  of  the  shire  of  Fife.     16.  Ratification  to  the 
 
 wife  Elizabt'tli,  dau<^liter  of  Lord  Carlile  of  Torthorwald,  married  Mary, 
 youngest  daiif,'liter  of  Alexander  fifth  Lord  Livinj^stone,  one  of  the 
 Queen's  "  four  Marys."  John  Knox  notices  tlie  marriage  of  Mary 
 Livingstone,  whom  lie  ungallantly  designates  "the  ludy,'^  to  John  Senipill 
 "  the  dancer"  in  one  of  his  tirades  against  the  morals  of  Queen  Mary's 
 Court,  and  he  alleges  — "  It  was  weill  knawin  that  shame  haistit  the 
 marriage,"  which  took  place  about  the  end  of  1563. — Historic,  Edin,  edit. 
 1732,  p.  345.  On  the  9th  of  March  following  Queen  Mary  granted  to 
 .John  Semi)ill,  who  had  been  one  of  her  Household, and  Mary  Livhigstone, 
 a  charter  of  the  lands  of  Auchtermuchty  in  Fife,  and  vanous  properties, 
 some  of  which  in  the  North  had  belonged  to  the  forfeited  Karl  of  lluntly,till 
 they  should  be  proWded  with  an  estate  of  L.500  per  annum,  in  considera- 
 tion of  the  "  long  continued  services"  of  the  latter, "  her  Majesty's  familiar 
 servitrice,"  and  of  her  husband,  the  Queen's  "  daily  and  familiar  servitour." 
 By  this  Act  of  1567  all  the  lands  granted  to  John  Sempill  and  Mary 
 Livingstone  in  1564  were  ratified,  with  tlie  exception  of  those  of  the  Earl 
 of  lluntly,  which  were  restored  to  him  at  the  removal  of  the  forfeiture  of 
 his  Family  in  the  person  of  his  father  who  fell  at  the  battle  of  Corrichie. 
 Sempill  acquired  the  lands  of  Belltrees  in  Renfrewshire.  In  1576  the 
 Regent  Morton  increased  his  unpopularity  by  proposing  to  re-assume  as 
 crown  lands  the  properties  ratified  to  Sempill  in  this  Parliament,  on 
 the  pretence  that  they  were  unalienable,  and  when  the  latter  was  informed 
 of  Morton's  design,  he  is  reported  to  have  exclaimed,  that  if  he  lost  his 
 lands  he  should  also  lose  his  head.  The  Regent  ordered  him  to  be 
 ajjprehended  on  a  charge  of  conspiring  to  assassinate  him  in  the  month  of 
 January  1565-6,  and  he  was  put  to  the  torture,  under  which,  from  weak- 
 ness and  fear,  he  confessed  whatever  charges  were  alleged  against  him. 
 On  the  15th  of  Juue  1577,  Semj)ill  of  Belltrees  wjis  tried  for  this  pre- 
 tended consj)iracy  against  Morton,  convicted,  ordered  to  be  executed  at 
 the  Cross  of  Edinburgh,  and  all  his  lands  were  forfeited  ;  but  he  was 
 afterwards  pardoiu-d.  It  is  said  that  a  gentleman  named  Adam  AVhiteford, 
 the  son  of  John  Whiteford  of  that  Ilk  and  Milton,  who  had  married  a 
 half-sister  of  Senii)ill,  was  also  tortured  respecting  the  same  false  plot, 
 which  he  jtersisted  in  utterly  denying,  though  his  body  was  cruelly 
 mangled.  He  had  been  sunnuoned  to  ai>i>ear  for  trial  on  the  15th  of  May 
 1577,  and  had  been  outlawed  for  not  choosing  to  risk  the  wrath  of  the 
 Regent.-  ritcairn's  Criminal  Trials,  vol.  i.  Part  II.  p.  70,  7*2.  Belltrees 
 continued  in  this  branch  of  the  Noble  Family  of  Sempill  till  about  the 
 end  of  the  seventeentli  century.  Sir  James  Sempill,  a  Scottish  Poet  of 
 considerable  talent,  was  the  son  of  John  Sempill  and  Mary  Livingstone. 
 His  son  Robert  Seni])ill,  and  grandson  I-^raneis  Semi)ill  (sou  of  Robert), 
 who  sold  Belltrees,  are  also  known  as  Scottish  Poets. — E. ) 
 
 '  [See  the  notes  re.sj)ecting  ( )gilvy  of  I'indlater,  p.  155,  156,  of  the  present 
 volume.     He  nuinied  another  of  Queen  ^Lary's  four  "  Marys." — E.J 
 
 ^  [The  father-in-law  of  Sir  .lames  Balfour  repeatedly  mentioned,  who 
 married  Margaret  his  only  child  by  liis  wit\'  Christian,  a  daughter  of 
 licatnii  of  Cieirh.  -E.I 
 
15C7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  5G1 
 
 Earl  of  Crawford.  17.  Ratification  to  the  Earl  of  Rothes. 
 18.  Ratification  to  the  Earl  of  Morton.  19.  Ratification  to 
 the  Earl  of  Anirns.  20.  Ratification  to  the  Earl  of  Cathness 
 of  the  office  of  Justiciary  within  the  bounds  and  Diocese  of 
 Cathness,  &c.  21.  Reduction  of  the  Forfeiture  against  the 
 Earl  of  Huntly,!  made  at  Edinburgh  in  the  Parliament  28th 
 ]\lay  1563.  22.  Reduction  of  Forfeiture  against  the  Earl 
 of  Sutherland.'^  23.  Four  several  Reductions  of  Forfeiture 
 against  gentlemen  of  the  sirnamo  of  Gordon^  for  assisting 
 in  the  battle  of  Corrichie.  24.  Reduction  of  Forfeiture 
 against  David  Balfour  of  Balbutheis,  given  in  Parliament 
 14th  August  1540',  for  the  murder  of  Cardinal  Beaton."* 
 
 Follov:s  the  Act  anent  the  3Ial:aris  and  Upsettaris  of  Placardis 
 and  Billis.^ 
 
 "  The  quhilk  day,  forsamekle  as  be  ane  licentious  abuse 
 
 ^  The  reader  ^vill  likewise  remember  that  this  Earl  had  been  imprisoned 
 soon  after  his  father's  unfortimate  death,  and  the  Earl  of  Moray  had  also 
 been  solicitous  enough  to  have  the  sentence  of  death  executed  upon  this 
 present  Earl  of  Iluntly,  even  so  far  as  to  obtain  a  surreptitious  warrant 
 for  that  purpose,  which,  how  soon  it  came  to  the  Queen's  knowledge,  she 
 Avas  pleased  graciously  to  recal.  (See  Crawford's  Lives  of  the  Chancellors.) 
 About  the  time  of  her  marriage  with  the  Lord  Darnly,  she  restored  this 
 Earl  not  only  to  his  liberty,  but  besides  made  him  Lord  High  Chancellor, 
 upon  removing  the  Earl  of  IMorton,  20th  March  1565-6.  Nevertheless  the 
 forfeiture  given  against  his  father  had  not  been  reversed  imtil  now.  Mr 
 Anderson,  in  the  Contents  of  the  1st  Vol.  of  his  "Collections,"  p.  65,  says — 
 "  The  reasons  and  grounds  of  this  Reduction  seem  to  be  somewhat  extra- 
 ordinary," The  principal  reason,  so  far  as  I  could  observe,  is  the  infor- 
 mality of  the  sentence  of  forfeiture  ;  and  the  same  reason  is  assigned  for 
 reducing  the  forfeitures  of  the  other  persons  at  that  time  concerned  with 
 the  Earl  of  Iluntly. 
 
 ^  [The  Earl  of  Sutherland  had  been  forfeited  for  his  alleged  concern 
 in  lluntly's  insurrection. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Alexander  Gordon  of  Strathdon,  George  (Jordon  of  Baldornie  and 
 his  son,  James  Gordon  of  Lesmoir,  John  Gordon  of  Cairnburrow,  James 
 Gordon  of  Tullyangus,  and  "  uinipihile"  Tliomas  (Jordon  of  Cragtullie, 
 all  implicated  in  the  Earl  of  Huntly's  affair  at  Corrichie. — Acta  Tarl. 
 Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii.  p.  576-586.— E.J 
 
 •*  [David  Balfour  of  Balbithie  was  a  Eife  laird.  In  the  sununons  of 
 treason  against  Norman  Leslie  and  others  he  is  designated  David  Balfour^ 
 son  to  the  Laird  of  Mountiiuhannic,  also  in  Fife. — Acta  Pari.  Scot.  vol.  ii. 
 p.  467.     He  was  undoubtedly  a  near  relative  of  Sir  James  Balfour. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  ii.p..552.  This  Act  is  undenial)le  evidence 
 that  the  posting  of  the  placards  gave  Mary  much  uneasiness,  while  those 
 of  the  Nobility  concerned  in  Darnley's  murder  would  willingly  sanction 
 any  measure  whicli  imposed  silence  or  stifled  public  clamour. — f].] 
 
 \^0L.  H.  36 
 
5G2  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loG?. 
 
 ontcrit  laitlio  and  cum  in  practize  within  this  Reahnc,  thair 
 hes  bono  placardis  and  bilHs,  and  tickittis  of  defamatioun, 
 set  up  under  silence  of  nycht,  in  diverse  publick  places, 
 alswcill  witliin  burgh  as  uthcrwyss  in  the  Ivealme,  to  the 
 sclandcr,  rcproche,  and  infamye  of  the  (^ucnis  ^lajestie  and 
 diverse  of  the  Nobilitie  ;  quhilk  dissordour,  gif  it  be  sufferit 
 langar  to  remane  unpunyst,  may  redound  nocht  only  to  the 
 greit  hurt  and  detriment  of  all  Nobillmen  in  thair  gude 
 fame,  privat  calumpniatours  having  be  this  mcanis  libertie 
 to  bakbyte  thaine,  bot  als  the  connnone  may  be  inquietit, 
 and  occasioun  of  querrelltakinupon  fals  and  untrew  sclander.^ 
 For  reineid  quhairof,  the  Quenis  Majestic  and  thre  Estaitis 
 of  Parlament  statutis  and  ordanis,  that  in  tyme  cuming, 
 quhair  ony  sic  bill  or  placard  of  defamatioun  beis  fundin 
 affixt  or  tint,  the  persoun  first  seand  or  findand  the  samin 
 sail  tak  it,  and  incontinent  destroy  it,  swa  that  no  forder 
 knawledge  nor  copy  pas  of  the  samin  :  And  gif  he  failzies 
 thairin,  and  that  thairthrow  outher  the  writing  beis  copyit, 
 or  proceidis  to  forder  knawledge  amang  the  peple,  the  first 
 sear  and  findar  thairof  sail  bo  punist  in  the  samin  manor 
 as  the  first  inventar,  writtar,  tynar,  and  upsettar  of  the 
 samin,  gif  he  wcr  apprehendit ;  that  is  to  say,  the  defamaris 
 of  the  Quene,  under  the  pane  of  deid,  and  to  extend  upoun 
 all  the  utheris  to  imprisonment,  at  the  Quenis  grace  plessur, 
 and  forder  to  be  punyst  at  hir  Hicncs  plessur,  according  to 
 the  (jualitie  of  the  persoun  swa  defamit/' 
 
 After  the  rising  of  the  Parliament,  in  which  the  Earl  of 
 Bothwell  is  marked  every  day  to  have  been  present,  a  very 
 infamous  and  remarkable  scene  did  quickly  open.  This  was 
 the  subscribing  a  IJond  by  a  great  many  of  the  Nobility  in 
 favours  of  the  Earl  of  ]3othwell,  bearing  testimony  of  his 
 acquittal  of  the  late  King''s  murder,  reconnnending  him  as  a 
 proper  person  upon  several  accounts  for  partaking  the 
 honour  of  the  (Queen's  bed,  and  pledging  their  mutual 
 assistance  in  defence  of  the  EarPs  marriage  with  her 
 Majesty.     The  tenor  of  the  Bond  was  this.2 
 
 '  The  jj^round  and  reason  of  this  Act,  as  here  narrated,  is  certainly  very 
 Hufficient  for  nijikin;:^  a  severe  law  ajj^ainst  such  practices,  let  Buchanan 
 turn  tlie  same  into  lus  ninth  ridicule  as  he  will. 
 
 -'  [  We  now  see  percejitibly  the  dev(?lopement  of  the  confederacy  to  niin 
 (^M(MMi  Mary,  wlurh  her  infatuated  jtrodilection  for  Bothwell  rendered  an 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  0G3 
 
 "  Wee,  under  subscryvcand,  understanding  that,  although 
 the  nobill  and  mightie  Lord  James  Erie  Bothwell,  Lord 
 Hal  is,  Creightoun,  and  Liddisdale,  Great  Admirall  of  Scot- 
 land, and  Lievetcnnent  to  our  Soverane  Lady  over  all  the 
 Marches  thairof,  being  not  onlie  bruitit  and  calumniat  be 
 placartes  privilie  affixit  on  the  publick  places  of  the  kirk  of 
 Edinburgh,  and  utherwaycs  sklanderit  be  his  evill  willaris 
 and  privie  enymeis  as  airt  and  pairt  of  the  haynous  mur- 
 thour  of  the  King,  the  Queues  Majestie's  lait  husband,  bot 
 also  be  speciall  letteris  sent  to  her  Hienes  be  the  Erie  of 
 Lennox,  and  delaitit  of  the  samyne  cryme,  quha  in  his  letteris 
 earncstlie  desyrit  and  requyreit  the  said  Erie  Bothwell  to 
 be  tryit  of  the  said  murthour,  he  be  condigne  inqueist  and 
 assisseofcertaneNobillmenhis  peeres,  and  utheris  barronnes 
 of  gud  reputation,  is  fund  guiltles  and  innocent  of  the  odious 
 cryme  objectit  to  him,  and  acquite  thairof,  conforme  to  the 
 lawes  of  this  Realme,  quha  also  for  farder  tryell  of  his  part 
 has  offerit  him  reddie  to  defend  and  mantane  his  innoccncie, 
 contrair  all  that  will  impugne  the  samyne,  be  the  law  of 
 armes,  and  sua  hes  omittit  nothing  for  the  perfyte  tryell  of 
 his  accusatioune,  that  any  Nobillman  of  honor,  or  be  the 
 lawes,  ought  to  underlye  and  accomplishe  ;  and  wee,  con- 
 siddering  the  anciencie  and  nobillcnes  of  his  Houis,  the 
 honorable  and  guid  service  done  be  his  predecessoris,  and 
 
 easy  achievement.  After  his  acquittal  at  the  mock  trial,  Bothwell,  by  a 
 public  cartel,  challenged  any  gentleman  who  should  persist  in  accusing 
 liim  of  Darnley's  murder.  In  his  own  Narrative  he  says  that  "  according 
 to  the  usage  of  the  country  and  the  laws  of  war,"  ho  affixed  the  following 
 document,  scaled  with  his  own  seal,  to  the  doors  of  the  Tolbootli,  St 
 Giles'  church,  and  other  public  places  :— "  For  the  defence  of  my  honour 
 and  reputation,  if  there  be  any  one,  whether  noble  or  commoner,  rich  or 
 poor,  disposed  to  accuse  me  of  treason,  secret  or  overt,  h't  him  j)resent 
 himself,  that  1  may  give  him  combat  in  this  just  cause."— Les  Affiiires  du 
 Conte  de  Boducl  (JUNxNatyne  C'luh),  P-  15.  When  Sir  William  Drury 
 heard  of  this  imjnulent  defiance,  lie  wrote  to  Cecil,  recpiesting  him  to 
 obtain  Queen  Elizabeth's  permission  to  allow  him  to  accept  it,  as  he  was 
 convinced  of  Bothwcirs  guilt,  and  on  the  following  day  a  paper  waa 
 posted  in  Edinburgh  declaring  that,  if  a  day  was  fixed,  a  gentleman  would 
 ai)pear  ;  but  the  affair  was  dropped.  In  the  J'arlianu'nt  the  principal 
 conspirators  against  Darnley  were  all  jjarticularly  benefited.  Among 
 those  were  Morton,  Argyll,  Huntly,  and  Mr  David  Chalmers.  Bothwell 
 himself  had  received  a  "  Ratification  of  the  Lordship  and  Castle  of 
 Dunbar,"  with  an  enlargement  of  his  office  of  High  Admiral  from  the 
 Queen  ;  and  his  lionds  with  the  greater  Nobility  had  been  placed  in  sncli 
 strong  position  that  none  dared  to  resist  him. — E.] 
 
•)G4  THE  HISTORY  OF  TIIK  AFFAIRS  [1.567. 
 
 spcciallic  hinvsolffe  to  oiire  Soverane,  and  for  the  defence  of 
 this  her  I  limes''  Realme  againis  the  enymeis  thairof,  and  the 
 amytie  and  frien(lshij)pe  (pihilk  sa  lang  lies  perseverit  betwix 
 liis  Ilouis  and  everie  ane  of  us,  and  utlieris  our  predecessoris 
 in  particular,  and  therewithal!  seinghowall  Nobillmcn  being 
 in  reputation,  honor,  and  credito  with  their  Soverane,  ar 
 coinonlie  subject  to  sustene  asweill  the  vaine  bruites  of  the 
 comraone  people  inconstant,  as  the  accusatioune  and 
 calumnies  of  thair  adversers,  invyfull  of  our  place  and 
 vocation,  quhilk  we  of  our  dewtie  and  friendship  are  astrictit 
 and  debtbund  to  repress  and  withstand :  Thairfore  oblies 
 us,  and  ilk  ane  of  us,  upon  our  faith  and  honors,  and  treuth 
 in  our  bodies,  as  we  are  Nobillmen,  and  will  answer  to  God, 
 that  in  caice  heireftir  anie  maner  of  person  or  persones,  in 
 ([uhatsumevir  nianer  sail  happin  to  insist  farder  to  the 
 sklander  and  calunmiatioun  of  the  said  Erie  of  Bothwell,  as 
 participant,  airt  or  pairt,  of  the  said  hyneous  murther, 
 quhairof  ordinarie  justice  hes  acquite  him,  and  for  the  (^uhilk 
 he  hes  offerit  to  do  his  devoire  be  the  law  of  amies  in  maner 
 above  reherst  ;  wee,  and  everie  ane  of  us,  be  our  selffes,  our 
 kyn,  friendis,  assistaris,  partakeris,  and  all  that  will  doe  for 
 us,  sail  tak  trew,  effauld,  plane,  and  upricht  pairt  with  him, 
 to  the  defence  and  mantenance  of  his  quarrell,  with  our 
 bodies,  heretage,  and  guids,  agains  his  privie  or  publick 
 calumnyatoris,  bypast  or  to  cum,  or  onie  utheris  presumeand 
 onie  thing  in  word  or  deid  to  his  reproach,  dishonor  or 
 infamie.  Mairovir,  weying  and  considdering  the  tymc 
 present,  and  how  our  Soverane  the  Queues  Majestic  is  now 
 destitute  of  a  husband,  in  the  quhilk  solitarie  state  the 
 common weall  of  this  Realme  may  not  permit  her  Hienes 
 to  continew  and  indure,  but  at  sum  tyme  her  Ilienes  in 
 appearance  may  be  inclynit  to  yield  unto  a  manage  ;  and 
 thairfore,  in  caice  the  former  affectionate  and  hartlie  service 
 of  the  said  Eric  done  to  her  Majestic  from  tyme  to  tyme, 
 and  his  uther  gude  qualities  and  behaviour,  may  move  her 
 Majestic  so  farr  to  humble  her  selff,  as  preferring  ane  of 
 her  native  born  subjectis  unto  all  forrane  Princis,  to  tak  to 
 husband  the  said  Erie,  wee,  and  everie  ane  of  us  under- 
 subscryveand,  upon  our  honors  and  fidclitie,  oblies  us,  and 
 promitts,  not  onlie  to  forder,  advaimce,  and  set  ford  wart 
 the   mariage,  to   be  solcnmizat  and    comploitit    botwix   hir 
 
1507.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  505 
 
 Hienes  and  the  said  noble  Lord,  with  our  voates,  counsell, 
 fortificatioun,  and  assistance  in  word  and  deid,  at  sic  tymc 
 as  it  sail  pleisc  her  Majestic  to  think  it  convenient,  and  how 
 sone  the  lawes  sail  leave  it  to  be  done  ;  but  in  caice  onie 
 wald  presume  directlie  or  indirectlie,  opinlie,  or  under 
 quhatsuraevir  colour  or  pretence,  to  hinder,  hald  back,  or 
 disturb  the  same  mariage,  wee  sail  in  that  behalfe  esteime, 
 hald,  and  repute  the  hinderaris,  adverseris,  or  disturbaris 
 thairof,  as  our  comoune  enimyis  and  evill  willeris,  and 
 notwithstanding  the  samyne,  tak  pairt  and  fortifie  the  said 
 Erie  to  the  said  mariage,  so  farr  as  it  may  pleise  our  said 
 Soverane  Lady  to  allow  ;  and  thairin  sail  spend  and  bestow 
 our  lyves  and  guidis  againes  all  that  leive  or  die  may,  as  we 
 sail  anser  to  God,  and  upon  our  awin  fidelities  and  conscience; 
 and  in  caice  we  doe  in  the  contrare,  never  to  have  reputatioun 
 or  credite  in  na  tyme  heireftir,  but  to  be  accounted  unworthie 
 and  faithles  tray  tors.  Li  witnes  of  the  quhilk  wee  have 
 subscryveit  thir  presents,  as  follows,  at  Edinburgh,  the  xix 
 day  of  Aprile,  the  zeire  of  God  15 G7  zcires.'" 
 
 This  J3ond  is  taken  from  a  copy  in  the  Cotton  Library, 
 and  the  names  of  the  subscribents  are  contained  in  a  separate 
 paper  bearing  this  title,  viz. — "  The  names  of  such  of  the 
 Nobility  as  subscribed  the  Band,  so  far  as  John  Kead 
 might  remember,  of  whom  I  had  this  copy,l  being  in 
 his  own  hand,  being  commonly  termed  in  Scotland  Aynslies 
 ^iip'perr'  The  Earles  ^Moray,^  Argile,  Huntley,  Cassiles, 
 Morton,  Sutherland,  Rothes,  Glencairn,  Cathncsse.  Lords 
 Boyd,  Seyton,  Sinclare,  Scrapie,  Oliphant,  Oglevy,  Rosse- 
 
 1  Viz.  Sir  William  Ccoil,  for  the  Bond  is  among  his  Collections  in  the 
 Cotton  Library,  Calig.  B.  I.  F.  1. — [The  Earl  of  Moray's  name  as  first  at  the 
 above  Bond  is  altogether  unwarrantable,  as  he  was  not  in  Scotland  at  the 
 time.     This  fact  renders  several  of  the  signatures  very  suspicious. — E.J 
 
 ^  [A  soubriquet  occasioned  by  the  parties  meeting  in  the  hostelry  or 
 tavern  of  a  man  named  Ainslie. — E.] 
 
 3  Mr  Anderson,  Collect,  vol.  i.  p.  11*2,  justly  observes,  that  "  Mr  Read's 
 memory  might  have  slipt  in  other  Noblemen's  names,  as  he  seems  toliave 
 done  in  the  first  that  he  sets  down  as  a  suUscriber,  viz.  the  lOarl  of  Moray," 
 who  was  at  that  time  certainly  out  of  the  kingdom.  This  .lohn  Head  (or 
 Reid)  was  Mr  (Jeorge  Buchanan's  amanuensis,  and  he  has  been  employed 
 in  coi)ying  papers  for  Mr  Cecil,  the  English  Secretary  :— so  we  may  guess 
 at  the  unworthiness  of  these  paper.s,  and  how  small  regard  is  to  be 
 given  them. 
 
56G  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567. 
 
 Ilacat,^    Carlcile,2  Horris,   Humo,    Innenneith.      Eglinton 
 subscribed  not,  but  slipped  away/' 
 
 All  parties  do  acknowledge  that  there  was  such  a  schedule 
 subscribed  at  this  time,  and  that,  too,  by  persons  who  were 
 enemies  as  well  as  friends  to  the  Earl  of  Bothwell ;  and  I 
 may  reasonably  suppose  my  readers  will  readily  accept  in 
 good  part  some  further  authentick  account  of  this  so  infamous 
 a  \\riting.  There  is,  then,  another  copy  of  this  same  liond 
 in  the  Scottish  College  at  Paris,  attested  by  the  proper 
 subscription  of  Sir  James  Balfour  of  Pittendrich,  the  Clerk 
 of  Register  and  Privy-Council,  at  the  time  the  Bond  was 
 formed,  who  had  the  original  in  keeping  ;  and  this  attested 
 copy  that  gentleman  sent  to  Queen  Mary,  as  he  tells  in  his 
 letter  to  her  Majesty  of  the  oOth  January  1580-1.3  The 
 substance  of  the  Bond  is  the  same  as  in  the  copy  belonging 
 to  the  Cotton  Library,  with  no  material  difference  except 
 the  date,  which  is  the  20th  of  April,  in  place  of  the  19th. 
 This  difference  may,  indeed,  appear  to  be  not  very  material, 
 and  yet  there  is  some  ground  for  observing  the  difference, 
 when  it  is  considered  that  the  fautors  of  the  Earl  of  Moray's 
 party  pretend  that  in  the  very  same  evening,  after  the 
 Parliament  was  ended,  which  was  on  a  Saturday,  the  Earl 
 of  Bothwell  invited  so  many  of  the  Nobility  to  the  house  of 
 one   Ainsly,   a   taverner,^   where  he    made  them  sign  the 
 
 '  [James  fourth  Lord  Ross  of  Ilawkliead  near  Paisley,  of  wliicli  Ifacat 
 is  the  local  corru})ti()n. — E.] 
 
 -  [Michael  C'arlyle,  fourth  Lord  Carlyle  of  Torthorwald— a  reera<j:e 
 which  became  extinct  in  the  rei<i;n  of  Charles  1. — K.) 
 
 ^  Mem.  Scot.  tom.  xiii.  fol.  30. 
 
 ^  [  Bothwell  invited  the  princijial  Nobility  to  a  sujijier  in  a  tavern  in 
 Kdinbur;;]!  kept  by  a  person  named  Ainslie,  and  they  s;it  drinkin«,'  till  a 
 late  hour.  J)urin<r  this  carousal  a  band  of  two  huiulred  hackbutters 
 surrounded  tlio  house  and  overawed  the  innuites. "  AVhen  they  were  all 
 considerably  intoxic^ited,  IJotliwell  rose  and  proposed  his  iiuirria_i,'e  with 
 the  Queen,  allej^n^'  that  he  had  her  consent,  and  even  producin<i^  her 
 written  warrant,  it  is  siiid,  authorizinir  him  to  submit  the  important 
 matter  to  her  Nobility.  This  was  little  more  than  Jive  tL\d\'<  after  the 
 murder  of  Darnley.  Some  of  his  quests  wore  his  sworn  friends  and 
 companions  in  /^ult,  others  were  terrified,  ami  dreaded  his  power  ;  but 
 all,  excei)t  the  I'arl  of  Ej^Iinton,  wlio  contrived  to  escape,  were  induced  to 
 sign  the  preceding  IJond,  in  which  they  declared  their  conviction  ot' 
 IU)thw  ell's  innocence,  and  reconiuuMidcd  him  as  a  suitable  husband  for  the 
 (Jueen,  whose  solitary  wiik)\vlniod,  thcv  ])i-ctcnded,  was  injurious  to  the 
 commonwealth.     In    P-othw  .'IPs  own  "  Narrative"  he  takes  no  notice  of 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  567 
 
 foregoing  ]Jond  which  ho  had  ready  in  his  pocket  for  that 
 purpose — the  doing  whereof,  it  is  said,  they  could  not  cvite, 
 tliat  Earl  having  surrounded  the  house  with  a  great  number 
 of  armed  men  ;  but  to  testify  their  abhorrence  of  what  they 
 had  been  forcibly  engaged  to  comply  with,  most  of  them  got 
 up  early  next  morning,  and  left  the  city  by  four  of  the  clock. 
 Ihit  this  pretended  force  and  jest  of  Ainsli/'s  Supper ^  which 
 in  the  Cotton  Library  is  annexed  to  the  Bond,  seem  to  lose 
 their  foundation  by  the  true  date  being  the  ticentieth  day 
 of  April.^ 
 
 this  cntertainmout  in  Ainslio's  hostelry,  but  he  alleges  that  ei«,Mit  Bishops, 
 twelve  Earls,  and  eight  Lords,  came  to  him  at  his  own  /iousl,  after  he  had  been 
 accjuitted,  and  that  they  did  so  "  of  their  own  free  will,  and  without  any 
 solicitation,"  to  offer  him  their  support  and  friendship.  lie  says  that  they 
 approved  of  his  conduct  in  defending  his  "  honour  {\)"  against  the  charges 
 preferred  against  him — that  they  and  their  fiiends  were  determuied  to 
 support  him  against  all  who  accused  him  of  Daruley's  murder— that  they 
 thanked  \\m\  for  his  friendly  behaviour  to  them— and  that  as  the  Queen 
 was  now  a  widow,  and  had  only  one  infant  son,  as  they  would  not  consent 
 to  her  union  with  a  foreigner,  they  considered  him  (Bothwell)  to  be  the 
 most  worthy  of  her  of  any  in  the  kingdom.  lie  adds  that  they  expressed 
 their  resolution  to  focilitate  the  marriage,  and  to  ojjpose  those  who  should 
 endeavour  to  offer  any  impediment,  consulting  at  the  same  time  how  he 
 could  lawfully  procure  a  divorce  from  his  Countess,  to  which  they  came 
 to  an  unanimous  agreement.  This  is  the  substance  of  the  following  extract, 
 which  is  in  his  own  language,  but  is  not  to  be  received  as  truth  : — "  Apres 
 que  j'eus  gangne'  ma  cause,  comme  diet  est,  viudrent  deuers  moy  en  mou 
 logis  vingt  huict  du  diet  Parlement  de  Iciu-  franche  ct  proprc  rolonti',  sunS 
 cstre  2^i'l/c^,  qui  estoyent  douzc  Contes,  huict  Euesques,  et  huict  Sieurs,  ma 
 faisant  cest  honneur  de  m'offrir  leurs  conionction  et  amytie  comme 
 s'ensuyt.  Premierement  qu'ils  songnoissoyent  que  j'auois  faict  mou 
 debuoir  pour  defendi'e  mon  honneur  en  toutes  les  choses,  dont  ils  m'auo- 
 yent  voulu  accuser,  pour  ceste  cause  qu'ils  employeroyent  leurs  corps, 
 biens,  parens,  et  amys,  et  tout  ce  que  en  peult  defendre,  pour  me 
 defendre,  enuers  et  contra  tous  ceux  qui  me  vouldroyent  doresnavant 
 recercher  en  quehpie  sorte  ({ue  ce  fust  i)our  le  diet  crime.  Davantage  me 
 remercyerent  chascun  particulierement  de  ce  que  je  m'estois  conq)ort  J  si 
 amyablement  envers  eux,  et  me  iirent  tel  recit  :  Qu'ils  voyoyent  (pie  la 
 Royne  estoit  vefue,  et  pourroit  avoir  des  enfans,  qu'elle  n'avoit  encores 
 que  ung  jeune  Prince.  Qu'ils  ne  vouloyent  permettre  qu'rlle  esponsast 
 aulcun  estranger,  et  ([u'il  leur  sembloit  que  j'estois  le  plus  digue  qui  fust 
 au  royaume.  Ce  considere  (ju'ils  avoyent  resolu  de  faire  ce  (ju'ils  pour- 
 royent  afin  «iue  ce  mariage  fust  acconq)ly,  et  (pi'ils  s'oposeroyent  il  tous 
 ceux  (pii  y  vouldroyent  mettre  empeschement.  Au  mesme  instant  ils 
 consulterent  comment  je  pourrois  legit imement  repudier  ma  premiere 
 princesse,  celon  les  loix  divines,  de  I'l^glise,  et  la  coustume  du  pays, dont 
 ils  convindrent  incontinent."— Les  Affaires  du  Conte  de  Boduel,  printed 
 for  the  liANXATYXK  Club,  p.  IG.-  E.] 
 
 1  [Bishop  Keith  is  here  mistaken.    MrTytlcr  says  that  a  contemi)orary 
 
5C8  TIIK  HISTdUY  OF  TIIK  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 Tlicrc  is,  howsoever,  no  doubt  tliat  the  Earl  of  Both  well 
 has  used  all  proper  perswasives  to  obtain  the  consent  of  so 
 great  a  number  as  subscribed  to  this  Eond.  This  is  ])lainly 
 acknowledged  by  himself  in  the  Instructions  sent  into  France 
 after  his  marriage  with  the  Queen  ;i  and  I  suppose  as  little 
 doubt  needs  be  made  that  these  Noble  persons,  who  did 
 afterward  set  themselves  in  such  opposition  to  the  Earl,  did 
 at  least  very  readily  comply  with  BothwclFs  proposal  on 
 purpose  to  lead  him  into  snares ;  and  perhaps,  also,  it  was 
 true  which  Cambden,  as  well  as  some  other  writers,  says^ 
 concerning  the  Bond,  viz. — "  The  confederacy  so  managed  the 
 matter  as  to  work  up  a  great  part  of  the  Nobility  to  comply 
 with  the  marriage,  and  to  set  their  hands  to  a  writing  to 
 that  purpose,  for  fear  if  he  (Bothwell)  had  sunk  from  his 
 hopes  he  should  have  betrayed  the  whole  bloody  secret/' 
 And  had  there  been  such  threatning  and  collusion  of  armed 
 force  made  use  of  by  the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  as  is  pretended, 
 in  my  opinion  we  had  heard  more  of  it  in  a  more  publick 
 manner,  and  that  Lord's  enemies  would  not  have  failed 
 afterwards  to  have  made  good  use  of  it  to  ruin  his  whole 
 wicked  contrivance.^ 
 
 co])y  of  tlie  Bond  is  preserved  in  tlie  State- Paper  Office,  dated  nineUentft 
 April  1/5G7,  and  bearin<r  the  endorsement  in  Kandolpirs  liand-writin"; — 
 "  Upon  tins  was  fj^rounded  the  accusation  of  tlie  Earl  ^lorton." — History 
 of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  ]).  104. — K.] 
 
 '  See  these  In.structions,  j).  592,  ^c. 
 
 ^  ['rill.'  j)as.sai,'e  inserted  by  our  Historian  in  his  text  is  not  in  Camden's 
 Annales  of  Queen  I'lizabeth,  4to.  London,  1(>2;"). —  V..] 
 
 ^  [Althou^'h  the  names  of  Morton  and  Ar<j;yll  Avere  athxed  to  the  Bond 
 obtained  by  liothwcll,  recommending^  that  "  noble  and  mitrhty  Lord"  as  a 
 suitable  husband  for  the  Queen,  those  two  i)ersona<^es,  in  conjunction 
 with  the  Earl  of  Atholl  and  Sir  William  Kirkaldy  of  (Iran«;e,  were 
 secretly  organizinp^  a  party  for  the  i)rotection  of  the  infant  Prince  and  the 
 jfovernment  aj^ainst  the  de.si<rns  of  Bothwell.  Several  paid  informers 
 from  En^dand  wore  now  in  Scotland,  and  secret  intelligence  of  every 
 transaction  was  sent  with  astonishinir  rajjidity  to  Cecil  and  the  Earl 
 of  Bedford,  who  nninaged  Scottish  aftUirs.  Meanwhile  Queen  l-^lizabeth 
 was  watchiii;i:  with  intense  interest  every  movement  of  Mary,  and  saw 
 the  ruin  of  her  envied  rival  in  the  career  of  passion  uj)on  which  it  w.as 
 too  apparent  she  had  entered.  The  new  confederacy  formed  against 
 Bothwell,  in  which  Morton  and  Ar<,'yll  acted  the  part  of  consummate 
 liypoerites,  when  it  is  recollected  that  their  signatures  were  at  his  Bond 
 for  the  Queen's  marria}i;e,  cautiously  resolved,  while  or^janizini,'  itsstrenjjth, 
 to  consult  Elizabeth  on  every  occa.sion.  On  the  2(t(h  of  Ajnil,  which  w;us 
 Sunday-  the  day  after  the  entertainnie'it  ;4:iven  liy  Bothwell  to  his  avowed 
 
15()7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  ,lijO 
 
 As  to  the  subscribers  of  the  Bond,  they  stand  thus  in  the 
 above-mentioned  attested  copy  : — "  Santandrois,  WiUiani 
 Bishop  of  Aberdeen,  Alexander  Episcopus  Candidse  Casse, 
 Wilham  Bishop  of  Dumblain,  Alexander  Episcopus 
 Brechinen,  Joannes  Episcopus  Bossen.  John  Bishop  of  the 
 Isles,  Adam  Orchaden.  ;  George  Earl  of  Huntley,  Argyl, 
 Mortoun,  Cassilis,  Sutherland,  Errol,  Crawford,  Cathnes, 
 Rothes.  The  Lords  R.  Boyd,  John  Lord  Glammis,  Wm. 
 Ruthven,  Sempill,  Ilerrys,  Ja.  Lord  Ogilvy,  Flemyng.""  And 
 underneath  these  subscriptions  are  the  following  words — 
 "  This  is  the  authenticJc  cojne  of  (he  priucijMl  Band  as  is 
 alove-icritievb'' — (signed)  "  SiR  Ja.  Balfour'' — (in  his  own 
 writing). 
 
 The  Earl  of  Bothwell  being  now  master  of  the  joint 
 assistance,  as  he  imagined,  of  so  many  Noble  persons, 
 resolved  to  make  himself  without  delay  master  of  the  Queen 
 also.i     For  this  purpose,  when  her  JNLijesty  had  gone   to 
 
 and  pretended  friends  in  Ainslie's  tavern,  Sir  William  Kirkaldy  addressed 
 a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  informinf^  him  of  the  degraded  servitude 
 of  the  XoLility,  and  of  the  infatuation  of  ^fary,  who  was  no  longer  mistress 
 of  her  own  actions,  but  assuring  the  Karl  that  if  Elizabeth  would  assist 
 him  and  his  friends  the  murder  of  Darnley  would  be  speedily  avenged. 
 Kirkaldy  prominently  drew  Bedford's  attention  to  the  dangerous  situation 
 of  the  infant  Prince,  and  predicted  Clary's  marriage  to  Bothwell,  of 
 whom,  he  said,  she  had  become  so  "  shamefully  enamoured,"  that  she 
 had  been  heard  to  say — "  She  cared  not  to  lose  France,  England,  and  her 
 own  country,  for  him  (Bothwell),  and  shall  go  with  him  to  the  world's 
 end  in  a  white  petticoat  before  she  leave  him."  Kirkaldy  concluded  liis 
 letter  thus — "  Whatever  is  unhonest  reigns  ])rcsently  in  our  Court,  (iod 
 deliver  them  from  their  evil  !" — Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii. 
 p.  104,  105,  106.— E.] 
 
 ^  [Our  Historian  evidently  wishes  to  i)alliate,  as  much  as  possible,  the 
 conduct  of  the  Queen  and  of  Bothwell,  as  if  the  former  had  no  knowledge 
 of  the  designs  of  the  latter  ;  but  this  cannot  be  admitted  by  any  candid 
 inquirer  into  the  ihuoucimnt  of  the  extraordinajy  career  of  Mary  in  Scot- 
 land. Wiiile  she  and  Botliwell  believed  tliat  all  their  secret  plans  were 
 safe,  Kirkaldy's  letter,  mentioned  in  tlu^  j  receding  note,  was  followed  by 
 an  anonymous  communication,  i)robably  addressed  to  Cecil,  which  shews 
 that  th(!  coniidential  agents  of  Mary  and  Bothwell  were  sufticiently  venal, 
 and  betrayed  their  jtrojects.  The  writer,  whoever  he  was,  mentions  that 
 the  Countess  of  Bothwell,  lluntly's  sister,  was  about  to  divorce  her 
 husband,  and  that  Mary  luid  actually  projected  with  Bothwell  his  .seizure 
 of  lier  j)erson,  and  the  afficted  open  violence  by  which  he  was  to  carry 
 her  to  Dunbar  Castle.  "  This  is  to  advertise  you,"  says  the  writer,  "  that 
 the  Earl  of  BotlnveH's  wife  is  going  to  part  with  her  husband,  and  a  great 
 part  of  our  Lords  have  subscribed  the  marriage  between  the  Queen  and 
 him.     The   Queen   rode   to  Stirling  this  last    >ronday,  and   returns  this 
 
570  THE   HISTORY  OV  THE  AFFAIR.s  [1507. 
 
 Stirling  two  day.s  after,  viz.  on  the  21st,  to  visit  the  Prince 
 her  son,i  the  Earl  drew  together  a  body  of  about  800 
 horsemen,  under  a  pretence,  some  say,  of  marching  into 
 Lidsdale  to  look  after  thieves  and  robbers,  of  which  and 
 the  other  southern  countries  ho  was  Lord  Lieutenant  for 
 tho  time  ;  but  instead  of  going  southward,  as  was  given 
 out,  he  marched  immediately  to  the  west,  and  met  the  Queen 
 at  Almond-liridge-  on  the  24th  of  the  same  month  of  April, 
 
 Tliursday.  I  douLt  not  but  you  have  heard  how  the  Ivirl  of  Bothwell 
 luis  ^'athered  many  of  his  friends,  and,  as  some  say,  to  ride  in  Liddesdale, 
 but  I  believe  it  is  not,  for  he  is  minded  to  meet  the  Queen  this  day  called 
 Thursday,  and  to  take  her  by  the  way  and  brinf^  her  to  Dunbar.  Jud*,'e 
 you  if  it  be  with  her  will  nor  no  ;  but  you  will  hear  more  at  length  on 
 Friday  or  Saturday,  if  you  will  find  it  good  that  I  continue  in  writing  as 
 occasion  serves.— At  midniirlit."  MS.  Letter,  State-Pai)er  Office.  Mr 
 Tytler  observes — "  This  letter,  though  undated,  contains  internal  proof 
 that  it  was  written  on  Thursday,  the  24th  April,  the  day  Bothwell  carried 
 off  the  Queen  to  Dunljar." — Tvtler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  107, 
 108.— E.] 
 
 ^  [Our  Ilistorian  was  apparently  not  aware  of  an  interesting  particular 
 connected  with  Queen  ^[ary's  visit  to  Stirling  on  this  occasion.  When 
 she  arrived,  the  Earl  of  Mar,  Governor  of  the  Castle,  who  was  responsible 
 for  the  safety  of  the  infant  Prince,  and  who  was  well  informed  of  all  the 
 rumours  concerning  Bothwell,  refused  to  admit  the  Queen  into  the  royal 
 apartments  with  more  than  two  of  her  ladies. — ^MS.  Letter,  State-Paper 
 Office,  Drury  to  Cecil,  27th  April  1567,  cited  in  Tytler's  History  of  Scot- 
 land, vol.  vii.  p.  108. — E.] 
 
 '^  It  stands  over  Avon-water,  a  short  mile  to  the  west  of  the  town  of 
 Linlithgow,  and  is  now  commonly  called  Linlithgow-bridge. — [Our 
 Ilistorian  is  most  inaccurate  in  making  Almond  Brid'jCy  where  Bothwell 
 seized  Queen  Mary,  to  "stand  over  Avon  Water,"  as  there  happens  to 
 intervene  a  distance  of  probably  Jf/tcoi  mlhs— the  entire  length  of  the 
 county  of  Linlithgow  from  east  to  west,  and  the  locality  which  our  Histo- 
 rian most  erroneously  assigns  is  the  road-side  hamlet  of  Linlithgow- 
 Bridge,  ui)wards  of  a  mile  west  of  the  burgh  of  Linlithgow,  on  the  road  to 
 Falkirk  and  Stirling.  At  that  hamlet  the  Avon,  not  the  Almond,  is 
 crossed  by  a  bridge.  The  seizure  of  .Mary  occurred  near  the  bridge  over 
 the  river  Almond.  The  river  Almond,  which  enters  the  Frith  of  Forth 
 at  the  village  of  Cramond,  partly  divides  the  counties  of  Edinburgh  and 
 Linlithgow,  or  Mid  and  West  Lothian  on  the  eiust  ;  and  the  Avon,  which 
 falls  into  the  Frith  of  Forth  between  Borrowstownness  and  (Jrangemouth, 
 is  the  boundary  between  the  counties  of  Linlithgow  and  Stirling  on  the 
 west.  Chalmers  (Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  21G)  merely  states 
 that  Bothwell  at  the  head  of  800  men  seized  the  Queen  at  the  Foulbri(j<js, 
 and  in  another  place  (vol.  ii.  j).  233),  he  assigns  the  locality  as  "  near  Edin- 
 burgh.^* This  indefinite  assertion  seems  to  have  misled  Dr  Lingard,  who, 
 in  his  "  History  of  ICngland"  (4to.  edit.  London,  1823,  vol.  v.  p.  245)), 
 shews  his  ignorance  of  the  place,  by  mentioning  the  said  "  l-'oulbriggs" 
 ns  «tn1y  "A'f/f"  n  nilU  from  t/n    Castle  of  f-Alln/ji(r»jh.'^('i     Almond  Bridge 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  SCOTLAND.  571 
 
 in  lier  return  from  Stirling,  took  her  Majesty's  horse  by  the 
 bridle,  "  and  conveyed  her  by  force,  as  appeared,  to  the 
 Castle  of  Dunbar,  to  the  end  he  might   enjoy  her  as  his 
 
 lawful  spouse. The  friendly  love  was  so  highly  contracted 
 
 betwixt  this  great  Princess  and  her  enormous  subject,  that 
 there  was  no  end  thereof  (for  it  was  constantly  esteemed  by 
 all  men  that  either  of  them  loved  other  carnally),  so  that 
 she  suffered  patiently  to  be  led  where  the  lover  list,  and  all 
 the  way  neither  made  obstacle,  impediment,  clamour,  or 
 resistance,  as  in  such  accidents  use  to  be,  or  that  she  might 
 have  done  by  her  princely  authority,  being  accompanied  with 
 the  Noble  Earl  of  Huntly,  and  Secretary  Maitland  of 
 Lcthington.''!  Sir  James  Mclvil-  mentions  the  same  two 
 persons  and  himself  to  have  been  in  company  of  the  Queen, 
 and  he  tells  that  they  three  only  were  carried  captives  to 
 Dunbar ;  all  the  rest  of  the  Queen's  servants,  &c.  were 
 permitted  to  go  free  ;  and  next  day,  he  says,  that  he  also 
 obtained  permission  to  go  home.  There,  adds  he,  the  Eai-l 
 of  Bothwell  boasted  he  would  marry  the  Queen,  who  would 
 or  who  would  not,  yea,  whether  she  herself  would  or  no  :  And 
 Captain  Blackader,^  who  had  taken  Sir  James,  alleged  the 
 thing  was  done  with  her  Majesty's  own  consent. 
 
 Whatever  conjectures,  surmises,  or  complaints  might  have 
 been  made  in  the  minds  of  men,  when  they  first  heard  of  this 
 surprising    and    treasonable    action,^    yet    all   ground   of 
 
 where  Bothwell  secured  Mary's  person,  is  upwards  of  six  miles  west  of 
 Edinburgh  on  the  road  to  Linlithgow  and  Stirling,  and  about  eleven  miles 
 from  the  former  town.  It  is  pretended  that  Morton  and  others,  who  had 
 now  concerted  a  deep  laid  plot  to  ruin  tlie  Queen,  advised  liotlnvell  to 
 intercept  her  as  she  returned  from  Stirling,  and  that  her  subsequent 
 marriage  to  him  was  the  result  of  tlieir  recommendation.— History  of 
 Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  or  a  Transhition  from  the  only  MS.  known  to 
 exist,  of  the  work  entitled  "  Martyre  do  Marie  Stuart,  Koyne  d'Kscosse, 
 Dovairiere  de  France,"  by  Adam  IMackwood,  CounciUor  of  State  to  the 
 King  of  France,  Svo.  Antwerp,  ir)8S,  ])nnttHlf(»r  (lu>  Maitland  C'lib,  4to. 
 Edin.  1834,  p.  35,  3().— E.] 
 
 1  Crawford's  MS. 
 
 '^  [Sir  .James  Mrlvillo's  Memoirs,  folio,  p.  7f>,  80  ;  andtht'saiui'  Monioirs 
 printed  for  tlie  Hannatyne  Cluu  from  the  Original  MS.  in  the  possession 
 of  tlie  Right  Ilonourabh'  Sir  (Jeorgo  Hose,  4to.  Fdin.  lv27,  p.  177. — E.l 
 
 ^  [C'ai)tain  WilHam  IMackaddcr  was  tried,  convicted,  and  condcnmed 
 to  be  executed  at  the  Cross  of  I'.dinburgh  on  the  24th  of  .hnio  ir)()7,  for  his 
 share  in  the  nnirdrr  of  hunilcy. —  Pitcaini's  Criminal  Trials,  vol.  i. 
 Part  H.p.  4J)0.     K.j 
 
 ■•  [The  Qtieen  remained  at  Stilling  till  lu-i-  dcf^artuir  on   the  24th,  ;iiid 
 
572  THE  HISTORY  OF  TlfE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 conjecture  seemed  (juite  to  evanish  when  a  process  at  the 
 Earl  of  Bothweirs  instance  was  commenced,  craving  a 
 divorce  from  his  wife,  Lady  Jean  Gordon,^  sister  to  the  Earl 
 
 on  tlie  26th,  two  days  after  Bothwell  had  carried  her  to  Dunbar,  Sir  William 
 Kirkaldy  of  Grange  wrote  the  following  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  bnt  it 
 must  be  remembered  that  he  was  the  enemy  of  Mary,  and  resolutely  oi)posed 
 to  Bothwfll — "  This  Queen  will  never  cease  unto  such  time  as  she  (will) 
 have  wrecked  all  the  honest  men  of  this  Realm.  She  was  minded  to  cause 
 Bothwell  to  ravish  (forcibly  to  seize)  lier,  to  the  end  that  she  may  sooner 
 end  the  marriage  whilk  she  promised  before  she  caused  Bothwell  murder 
 her  husband.  There  are  many  that  would  revenge  the  murder,  but  they 
 fear  your  mistress.  I  am  so  suted  to  for  to  enterprize  the  revenge,  that 
 I  must  either  take  it  upon  hand,  or  else  I  maun  (must)  leave  the  country, 
 the  whilk  I  am  determined  to  do,  if  I  can  obtain  license  ;  but  Bothwell 
 is  minded  to  cut  me  off,  if  he  may,  ere  I  obtain  it,  and  is  returned  out  of 
 Stirling  to  Edinburgh.  She  minds  hereafter  to  take  the  Prince  out  of 
 the  Earl  of  Mar's  hands,  and  put  him  in  his  hands  that  murdered  his 
 father,  as  I  writ  in  my  last.  I  i)ray  your  Lordship  let  me  know  what 
 your  mistress  will  do,  for  if  we  seek  France,  we  may  find  fiivour  at  their 
 hands,  but  I  would  rather  persuade  to  lean  to  England.  This  raeikle  in 
 haste  from  my  house  the  2Gth  of  April." — MS.  Letter,  State-Paper  Office, 
 coi)y  of  the  time  backed  in  the  hand-writing  of  Cecil's  clerk — "  Copy  of 
 the  Laird  of  Grange's  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Bedford,"  apud  Tytler's 
 History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  109. — E.] 
 
 ^  [We  have  already  seen  that  Bothwell  married  on  the  22d  of  February 
 1565-6,  Lady  Jane  Gordon,  his  cousin  in  the  fourth  degree  of  consanguinity, 
 in  the  Chajjel-Boyal  of  Holyrood,  in  the  presence  of  Mary  and  Darnley. 
 Bishop  Gordon  of  Galloway,  the  uncle  of  Lady  Jane  Gordon,  a  Prelate 
 repeatedly  mentioned  as  having  renounced  the  Roman  Catholic  faith, 
 performed  the  ceremony  according  to  the  newly  devised  form,  though 
 Lady  Jane  was  a  Roman  Catholic,  but  Bothwell  refused  to  be  married 
 according  to  that  ritual,  notwithstanding  the  i)articular  request  of  the 
 (^ueen  herself.  The  marriage  contract,  which  was  dated  on  the  0th  of 
 February  1565-6,  is  recorded  in  Privy  Seal  Register,  xxx.  fol.  8.  Both- 
 well  was  at  that  time  thirty-five  years  of  age,  and  his  bride  seems  not 
 to  have  been  very  scrui)ulous  as  to  his  character,  whieh  had  been  long 
 notoriously  bad,  for  on  the  6th  of  Ai)ril  1565  the  Earl  of  Bedford  wrote 
 to  Cecil — "  I  assure  you  Bothwell  is  as  naughty  a  man  as  liveth,  and 
 much  given  to  the  most  detestable  vices  ;"  and  again,  on  the  8th  of 
 February  15f>5-6,  Bedford  assures  Cecil  that  Bothwell  neither"  fears  God 
 nor  loves  justice."  It  is  most  unlikely,  however,  that  the  inclinations  of 
 lloth well's  Counters  were  ever  consulted  in  the  matter — a  system  of 
 funiily  tyranny  commonly  practised  in  that  age  among  persons  of  rank, 
 if  the  nuitch  in  other  respects  was  considered  suitable.  Lady  Jane  (Jordon 
 was,  according  to  the  Peerage  accounts,  the  second  daughter  of  (icorgo 
 fourth  I'arl  llnntly,  who  fell  at  the  Battle  of  Corrichie,  and  his  Countess 
 i:iizabetli,  daughter  of  Uobert  Lord  Ktith,  and  sister  of  William  fourth 
 ICarl  Marischal.  Bothwell  had  no  issue  by  his  marriage  with  Lady  Jane 
 Gordon.  Before  the  divorce  he  granted  to  her  for  life  the  lauds  of 
 Nether  Ilailes  in  lIa<ldingtonshire,  which  was  confirmed  by  a  charter  of 
 the  Great  Seal,  lOtli  June  1567     (I'rivy  Seal  Register,  xxxvi.  M.  115). 
 
Io07.] 
 
 OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IX  SCOTLAND.  T)?:] 
 
 of  Himtly,  to  whom  ho  had  been  married  only  about  six 
 months  before.^  The  business  was  prosecuted  both  after  tho 
 ancient  and  the  new  estabhslied  Form. 2  In  the  Archbishop's 
 Court,^   the   Earl   sued   for   a    divorce    upon   the   score   of 
 
 Lady  Jane  Gordon  married,  in  December  1573,  Alexander  elevontli  l^arl 
 of  Sutherland,  l)y  whom  she  liad  issue;  and  after  his  death,  which  hapi)ened 
 in  December  loi)4  at  Dunrobin  Castle,  she  married,  as  her  third  husband, 
 Alexander  Ogilvy  of  Boyne.  This  lady  died  in  May  16'29  in  the  S4th 
 year  of  her  age,  by  which  we  ascertain  that  she  was  in  her  21st  year 
 when  she  married  Botliwell,  who  was  fourteen  years  lier  senior.  She 
 enjoyed  her  jointure  out  of  the  Earldom  of  Bothwell  till  her  death. 
 Lady  Jane,  tliougli  united  for  a  short  time  to  a  most  unscrupulous  hus- 
 band, and  happily  escaping  liis  evil  fortune  caused  by  his  crimes,  is 
 described  as  "  virtuous  and  comely,  judicious,  of  excellent  memory,  and 
 of  great  understanding  above  the  cajjacity  of  her  sex."  By  the  Earl  of 
 Sutherland  she  had  issue,  John  twelfth  Earl  of  Sutherland,  and  three 
 other  sons,  the  youngest  of  whom  was  Sir  Robert  Gordon  of  (iordoustown, 
 Bart,  the  historian  of  the  illustrious  Family  of  Sutherland,  whose 
 "  Genealogical  History  of  the  Earldom  of  Sutherland  from  its  Origin  to 
 the  Year  1G30' — a  stately  folio,  the  original  MS.  of  which  is  in  the 
 possession  of  the  Duke  of  Sutherland,  and  a  copy  in  the  Library  of  the 
 Faculty  of  Advocates  at  Edinburgh,  was  printed  and  published  at 
 Edinburgh  in  1813. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Bishop  Keith  is  here  again  inaccurate.  Lady  Jane  (Jordon  was 
 married  to  Bothwell,  as  stated  in  the  preceding  note,  on  the  22d  of 
 February  1565-6,  and  the  marriage  was  annulled  on  the  7th  of  May  1567, 
 so  that  she  was  nearly  one  year  and  three  montJis  the  wife  of  the  Earl. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Or  the  ancient  Roman  Catholic  form  of  procedure,  and  that  devised 
 by  the  Reformers. — E.] 
 
 3  Sometime  about  the  end  of  December  preceding,  the  Queen  had  by  a 
 signature  restored  to  the  Archbishop  of  St  Andrews  his  ancient  consis- 
 torial  jurisdiction  over  all  that  Diocese.  The  Judges  nominated  at  this 
 time  by  the  Archbishop  were  Robert  Bishop  of  Dunkeld,  William  Hishoj) 
 of  Dunblain,  ^Slr  Archibald  Crawford,  Parson  of  Eagilshain,  Mr  .lulm 
 Manderston,  Chauon  of  the  College  Church  of  Dunbar,  Mr  Alexander 
 Crichton  and  Mr  George  Cook,  Chanons  of  Dunkeld. — [This  statement 
 that  the  Queen  had  restored  Archbishop  Hamilton  al»out  the  end  of  the 
 preceding  December  to  his  "ancient  consistorial  jiiri.vdiction"  over  the 
 Diocese  of  St  Andrews  is  not  clear  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  the  I'rimate 
 had  the  power,  which  he  exercised  in  the  matter  of  this  unhajipy  divorce. 
 It  was  suspected  that  the  recent  restoration  of  his  consistorial  rights  to 
 Archbishop  of  Hamilton  had  been  made  with  a  view  to  procure  this 
 divorce  as  soon  as  possible.  Nevertheless,  l)y  a  letter  record«'d  in  the 
 Books  of  Sederunt,  dated  January  7,  1567,  Queen  Mary  transferred  the 
 nomination  of  the  Commissaries  to  the  Court  of  Session,  who  about  that 
 time  obtained  a  grant  of  the  (juots  of  testaments,  authorizing  those  .Judges 
 to  present  to  her  <iualified  persons  for  the  office  after  due  examination, 
 and  declaring  all  grants  of  commissariot  made  without  such  previous 
 presentation  null.  At  the  establishment  of  the  Ejtiscopate  in  1609,  the 
 Bishops  of  the  several  Dioceses  were  restored  to  the  nomination  of  the 
 
574  THE  HISTORY  of  the  affairs  [1.5G7. 
 
 consangiiiniii/  ,-i  and  in  the  new  Consistorial  or  Commissariot 
 Court,  appointed  by  tlie  Queen,2  the  plea  was  founded  on 
 
 Comniissaries,  and  the  right  of  naming  the  four  Commissaries  of  Edin- 
 burgli  was  by  statute  divided  between  the  Archbishoj)S  of  8t  Andrews 
 and  (ilasgow.  After  the  erection  of  the  Bishopric  of  Edinburgh  in  IG33, 
 the  nomination  of  the  two  Commissaries  of  Edinburgh,  wliicli  luid  been 
 in  the  gift  of  the  Archbishop  of  St  Andrews,  was  transferred  to  the 
 Bisliop  of  ]'Minburgli,  but  it  was  provided  that  the  Archbishop  shouhl 
 consent  to  the  nomination.  After  the  Kevolution  the  i)atronage  of  those 
 judicial  offices  reverted  to  the  Crown. — Erskine's  Institutes  of  the  Law  of 
 ScotUind,  edited  by  Alexander  Macallan,  Esq.  Advocate,  8vo.  Edin. 
 1838,  p.  108  ;  Ferguson's  Treatise  on  the  Constitutional  Law  in  Scotland, 
 8vo.  Edin.  1829,  p.  xvii.  As  to  the  parties  mentioned  by  our  Historian  as 
 the  Judges  nominated  by  Archbishop  Hamilton  on  the  above  occasion,  the 
 Bishop  of  Dunkeld  was  Robert  Crichton,  and  the  Bishop  of  Dunblane 
 was  William  Chisliolm,  the  nephew  and  coadjutor  of  his  predecessor 
 also  called  William  Chisliolm,  in  that  See.  Both  were  connected  with 
 the  subverted  Hierarchy.  Archibald  Crawfurd,  Parson  of  Eaglesham  in 
 Renfrewshire,  was  the  second  son  of  John  Crawfurd  of  Crawfurdland. 
 He  had  been  secretary  and  almoner  to  Mary  of  Guise,  the  Queen  Regent 
 of  Scotland,  with  whose  corpse  he  proceeded  to  France,  and  he  was  also 
 almoner  to  Queen  Mary.  He  was  ai)pointed  an  Ordinary  Lord  of  Session 
 in  April  15GG,  but  he  was  dejuived  for  " inhabilitie,"  and  "divers  offences 
 committed  by  him,"  in  June  1568. — E.] 
 
 ^  [We  have  seen  that  Bothwell  was  the  cousin  in  the  fotirVi  degree  of 
 Lady  Jane  Gordon,  a  very  distant  relationshij)  on  which  to  found  a  process 
 of  divorce  even  according  to  the  Roman  Catholic  ritual,  Avhich  prohibits 
 the  marriage  of  cousins-germau  unless  sanctioned  by  a  Papal  dispensation. 
 The  direct  connection  of  the  Noble  Families  of  llei)bum  and  Gordon, 
 whose  territorial  possessions  were  in  opjiosite  qiuirters  of  Scotland,  seems  to 
 have  had  a  royal  origin.  Adam,  second  Earl  of  Bothwell,  married  Agnes, 
 illegitimate  daughter  of  James  Earl  of  Buchan,  uterine  brother  of  James 
 JL,  and  the  issue  was  Patrick  third  Earl,  the  father  of  Bothwell.  Alex- 
 ander third  Earl  of  Iluntly,  nuirried  Joanna  or  Janet  Stewart,  a  daughter 
 of  the  same  J-'arl  of  liuchan,  and  his  great-graiulson  was  (Jeorge  fifth 
 Earl  of  Huntly,  whose  sister  Bothwell  had  married.  Probably  other 
 relationship  by  intermarriages  among  their  respective  friends  could  be 
 traced,  as  most  of  the  Scottish  Nobility  were  more  or  less  connected  with 
 each  other  1)y  such  family  arrangements. — E.] 
 
 '^  See  the  Act  of  Privy  Council  constituting  the  Court,  anno  15()3,  in 
 the  Api)endix.  The  Judges  in  this  Court  were  Mr  Robert  Maitland,  Mr 
 I'dward  Henryson,  Mr  Alexander  Sim,  and  Mr  Clenu'ut  Little,  lawyers. 
 —  [  Robert  Maitland  was  Dean  of  Aberdeen,  and  wjisapi>ointed  an  Onlinary 
 Lord  of  Session  in  l)eceml)i'r  loG4.  Edward  Henryson  was  a  learned 
 civilian  who  received  the  degree  of  LL.D.  from  the  University  of  Bourges, 
 and  was  in  great  repute  as  a  scholar.  He  wits  appointed  an  ICxtraordinary 
 Lord  of  Session  in  loGG.  Dr  ilenryson's  s;ilary  as  a  Commissiiry  was  300 
 merks.  Alexander  Sim  and  Clement  Little  were  Advocates,  and  the 
 latter  founded  the  Library  of  the  University  of  Edinburgh.  .  It  is  to  be 
 observed,  however,  that  tlie  name  of  Alexander  iSim  is  not  in  Queen  Mary's 
 *'  Carta  Constitutionis  Coninii.ssiirium  Edinburgi"  of  1.563,  and  tliat  of  Sir 
 
1507.J  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  575 
 
 the  head  of  adultery  :^  and  in  both  Courts  the  divorce  was 
 finished  in  the  space  of  very  few  days.^  "  They  had  scarcely 
 remained  be  the  space  of  ten  days  in  the  Castle  of  Dunbar, 
 and  no  great  distance  being  between  the  Queen's  chamber 
 and  BothwelPs,  when  they  thought  it  expedient  to  come  to 
 Edinburgh  Castle.^  And  by  the  way  the  Queen  behaved 
 herself  to  the  people  as  that  Bothwell  was  ready  to  put  her 
 at  liberty  again,  according  to  the  duty  of  an  obedient 
 subject.  But  at  the  entry  of  the  tower  that  leads  to  the 
 Castle,  he  made  semblance  to  lead  her  bridle  ;  and  sensible 
 people   interpreted   the   same   as    that    he    conveyed    her 
 
 James  Balfour, "  Parson  of  Flisk,"  is  inserted  witli  Maitlan(l,IIenryson,and 
 Little. — See  the  same  Sir  James  Balfour's  Practicks,Edin.  folio,  1 7o4,  p.GTO- 
 673.  As  it  respects  the  Consistorial  Court,  it  was  instituted  by  Queen  Mary 
 on  the  Sth  of  March  15G3-4,  with  four  Judges,  to  try  questions  of  marriage, 
 nullity,  divorce,  legitimacy,  bastardy,  confirmations  of  moveable  succes- 
 sion, and  a  variety  of  incidental  matters,  such  as  alimentary  claims.  Such 
 a  Court  was  necessary,  as  in  1560  all  ecclesiastical  jurisdictions  which  had 
 belonged  for  centuries  to  the  Bishops  were  abolished.  A  subordinate 
 Commissary  was  also  appointed  to  each  of  the  Dioceses  to  try  minor  and 
 local  cases.  On  the  12tli  of  March  1563-4,  Queen  ^lary  issued  particular 
 instructions  to  be  observed  by  the  Commissaries  of  Edinburgh  and  of  the 
 Dioceses,  which  were  ratified  by  the  Parliament  in  1592  and  1606. — E.] 
 
 ^  [This  charge  evidently  implicates  Queen  ^Mary  after  Bothwell's 
 seizure  of  her  person  at  Almond  Bridge. — E.] 
 
 ^  "  The  26th  day  of  April,  first  i)recept  for  the  partising  of  the  Erie  of 
 Bothwell  and  hiswyifj',"  says  Cecil's  Diary,"was  direct  furth  from  the  Com- 
 missaries of  Edinburgh  ;  and  April  27th,  the  second  precept  of  partismg 
 before  Mr  John  JSIanderston,  Commissair  to  the  Bishop  of  Sanctandrois, 
 wes  direct  furth." — [Blackwood,  Mary's  zealous  panegyrist,  pretends  that 
 her  scruples  concerning  Bothwell  as  the  murderer  of  Darnley  were  over- 
 come by  the  assurance  that  he  was  cleared  of  all  susi)icion  by  the  law, 
 and  that  his  Countess  was  dead/ — History  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  i)rinted 
 for  the  Maitland  Club,  p.  34,  35.  These  statements  are  of  no  authority. 
 Mary,  whatever  may  have  been  her  opinion  of  Bothwell,  knew  well  that 
 his  Countess  was  alive,  otherwise  the  divorce  on  the  ground  of  con- 
 sanguinity and  adultery  was  imnecessary.  Bothwell  carried  on  his \)roccsH 
 in  the  Archbishojt's  Court,  and  the  nuirriage  was  declared  null  on  the  7th 
 of  May  ;  and  Lady  Jane  (Jordon  prosecuted  hers  before  the  Consistorial 
 Court,  wlio  pronounced  the  sentence  of  divorce  on  the  3d  of  May  ;  but 
 "  whether  the  parties  to  those  proceedings,"  says  Chalmers,  "  could  nuirry 
 again — he  to  some  otlier  wonum,  and  she  to  Rome  other  man — was  then 
 doubted  by  the  gravest  lawyers." — Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  ii. 
 p.  234,  235.  The  process  was  hurried  through  tlie  Archbish(»])'s  Court 
 and  tlu^  Commissary  Court  in  tico  dai/s.  Sucli  wa.s  the  indecent  ha.sto  by 
 which  Mary  was  iiniielled  in  her  blind  and  infatuated  pa.s.sion. —  E.] 
 
 ^  This  agrees  well  with  tlie  Diary,  wliich  says  that  "on  May  3d  the 
 Queen  was  conveyit  be  Bothwell,  and  all  his  friends  and  speiris,  to 
 Edynbrough  Cast  ell.'' 
 
570  THE  HISTORY  oF  THK  AFFAIRS  [1507. 
 
 Majestic  as  a  captivo  into  the  Castle,  whore  a  subject  of  his 
 was,  called  Sir  James  lialfour.""!  And  l^uchanan  reports,- 
 that  BothwelFs  dependents  threw  away  their  weapons  as 
 they  were  conveying  her  Majesty  from  Dunbar  to  Edinburgh, 
 lest  some  time  or  other  they  might  come  to  be  challenged 
 for  detaining  the  Queen  a  prisoner.^ 
 
 After  the  Court  was  thus  returned  to  Edinburgh,  a 
 number  of  Noblemen,  Sir  James  Melvil  says,^  were  drawn 
 together  in  a  chamber  within  the  Palace,  where  "  they  all 
 subscribed  a  paper,  declaring  that  they  judged  it  was  nmch 
 the  Queen's  interest  to  marry  the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  he 
 having  many  friends  in  Lothian  and  upon  the  Borders, 
 which  would  cause  good  order  to  be  kept."  And  then,  adds 
 he,  "  the  Queen  could  not  but  marry  him,  seeing  he  had 
 ravished  her  and  lain  with  her  against  her  will."      But 
 
 ^  Crawford's  MS.  But  this,  however,  has  been  a  mistaken  con- 
 jecture. 
 
 ^  [Buchanan's  History  of  Scotland,  Transkxtion,  Ediu.  edit.  17o"2,  vol.  ii. 
 p.  332.— E.] 
 
 ^  The  same  thing  is  said  in  the  Diary,  which  is  a  further  proof  that 
 the  Diary  has  been  formed  from  Buchanan's  papers,  or  by  his  scribe. — 
 [After  a  brief  and  it  cannot  be  denied  a  criminal  residence  in  Dunbar 
 Castle  with  the  man  accused  of  the  murder  of  her  husband  and  the 
 seizure  of  her  person,  Mary  and  Bothwell  rode  in  comjjany  to  Edinburgh. 
 As  it  was  then  generally  believed  that  Bothwell  had  forcibly  committed 
 violence  towards  the  Queen,  the  city  gates  were  ordered  to  be  shut,  the 
 inhabitants  ran  to  arms,  and  the  artillery  of  the  Castle  was  fired.  On  the 
 6th  of  May,  the  third  day  after  the  divorce  had  been  jironounced  in  the 
 Consistorial  Court  at  the  instance  of  Lady  Jane  (Jordon  for  mluldn/,  and 
 on  the  day  before  it  was  j)ronounced  in  the  Court  of  the  Archbishoj)  of 
 St  Andrews  on  the  pretence  of  cous(in<juinity,  the  Queen  entered  the  city 
 by  the  West  Tort,  and  rode  through  the  CJrassmarket  and  uj)  the  curious 
 old  street  now  removed  known  as  the  West  Bow,  to  the  Castle,  Bothwell 
 on  foot  leading  the  Queen's  horse  by  the  bridle — "a  sight,"  as  Mr  Tytler 
 observes,  "  which  her  friends  beheld  with  the  deepest  sorrow,  and  hw 
 enemies  with  triumph  and  di-rision."  On  the  8th  of  May,  the  day  after 
 the  divorce  of  Bothwell  from  his  Countess  was  declare<l  in  the  Archbishop's 
 Court,  a  jtroclamation  was  issued  at  tlie  Palace  of  Ilolyiood  announcing 
 that  the  (^ueen  had  resolved  to  nuirry  Bothwell,  and  on  the  lltli,  the  day 
 before  her  ajt])i'arance  in  the  Court  of  Session  to  make  the  Declaration 
 inserted  by  our  Historian  in  the  text,  the  Queen  and  Bothwell  removed 
 to  the  Talace  of  Jlolyrood — Sir  James  Jialfour  having  been  jueviously 
 constituted  Captain  and  (Jovenior  of  Iklinburgh  Castle.— Diurnal  of 
 Remarkable  Occurrents  in  Scotland  since  the  death  of  James  IV.  till  the 
 year  1515,  j)rinted  for  the  Bannatyne  Clcb,  p.  110,  111. — E.] 
 
 ■•  [Sir  James  Melville's  Memoirs,  folio,  p.  SO  ;  and  the  same  "  >remoirs," 
 printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  4to.  I'.din.  lS-27,  i^  177. — E.] 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IX  SCOTLAND.  577 
 
 Bishop  Leslie,  in  his  "  Defence,''!  talks  thus — "  She  yielded  to 
 that  to  the  which  these  crafty,  colluding,  seditious  heads, 
 and  the  necessity  of  the  time,  as  then  to  her  seemed,  did 
 in  a  manner  enforce  her.""  Thus  we  have  living  witnesses 
 testifying  differently  ;  but  it  were  strongly  to  be  wished  the 
 Queen  had  not  given  too  much  ground  to  posterity  to 
 suspect  her  imprudence,  at  least,  in  this  unhappy  transaction. 
 AVhethcr  Sir  James  MelviFs  memory  has  failed  him,  and 
 the  Band  which  he  mentions  at  this  time  be  the  same  with 
 that  of  the  19th  or  20th  of  April,  or  if  this  be  another 
 Band  different  from  the  other,  I  shall  not  affect  to  determine ; 
 but  in  either  case  it  may  not  be  improper  to  subjoin  here 
 the  consent  which  IMr  Anderson  tells  us^  the  Queen  gave  to 
 the  Band  the  night  before  her  marriage,  and  it  will  be  easy 
 to  observe  that  this  paper  has  been  signed  by  her  ^lajesty 
 as  a  security  to  the  subscribers  of  the  foregoing  Bond, 
 according  to  what  they  seem  to  require  in  the  close  thereof. 
 
 "  The  Queene's  Majestic  having  sene  and  considderit  the 
 ]3and  above  writtine,  promittis  in  the  word  of  a  Princesse, 
 that  she,  nor  her  successoris,  sail  nevir  impute  as  cryme  or 
 offence  to  onie  of  the  personis,  subscryveris  thairof,  thaire 
 consent  and  subscriptioun  to  the  mater  above  writtin, 
 thairin  contenit ;  nor  that  thai,  nor  thair  heires,  sail  nevir 
 be  callit  nor  accusit  thairfoir  ;  nor  zit  sail  the  said  consent 
 or  subscryving  be  onie  derogatioun  or  spott  to  their  honor, 
 or  thai  esteemit  undewtifuU  subjectis  for  doing  thairof, 
 notwithstanding  quhatsumevir  thing  can  tend  or  be  allegeit 
 in  the  contrare.  In  witnes  quhairof  her  Majestic  lies 
 subscryveit  the  samyne  with  her  awin  hand.*' 
 
 The  (Queen's  consent  to  her  marrying  the  Earl  of  J3otliwell 
 being  now  obtained,  the  next  step  was  an  order,  under  her 
 Majesty's  own  hand,  for  having  the  banns  of  marriage 
 betwixt  her  and  the  Earl  of  Botlnvcll  promulgcd  according 
 
 1  [A  Trcati.so  coiicorninf^  the  Defence  of  tlie  Honour  of  the  Ki^ht 
 Higli,  Miglitio,  and  Noble  rrinccsse  Marie,  Queen  of  ISeothind  and 
 Dowager  of  France,  made  by  Morgan  Philii)i)es,  Haelielor  of  Divinitie, 
 an.  1570,  publis-hed  by  Anderson  in  his  "  Collections''  from  the  copy 
 printed  at  Liege  in  1571,  vol.  i.  p.  27,  28. — E.J 
 
 2  [Collections  relating  to  the  History  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scotland, 
 4to.  vol.  i.  p.  111.— K.] 
 
 VOL.  II.  37 
 
578  Tin:   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507. 
 
 to  the  new  Form,  which  order,  after  abundance  of  reluc- 
 tancy,^  was  at  last  complied  with  by  Mr  John  Craig,  one 
 of  the  ministers  of  Edinburgh.^ 
 
 On  the  8th  of  May  there  is  an  Act  of  Privy  Council  at 
 Edinburgh — "  discharging  all  Lieutenandriesmadc  in  favours 
 
 1  An  account  of  the  whole  Demur,  6iC.  may  be  seen  in  Spottiswood,  in 
 the  Acts  of  Assembly,  and  in  Anderson's  Collect,  vol.  ii. — [P.  278  282  ; 
 Booke  of  the  Universall  Kirk  of  Scotland,  Part  I.  p.  115,  IIG.— E.] 
 
 2  [Mr  John  Craig;  was  the  colleague  of  John  Knox.  As  he  is  promi- 
 nently noticed  in  our  Historian's  third  Book,  which  forms  vol.  iii.  of  this 
 edition,  it  may  be  here  simply  stated  that  he  was  assailed  in  tlie  General 
 Assembly,  held  on  the  25tli  of  December  I5G7,  for  proclaiming  the  banns 
 of  marriage  between  the  Queen  and  Bothwell.  Craig  "  answerit  be 
 word,  justifieing  his  proceeduigs  thereaneut,  and  was  ordainit  to  give  in  his 
 purgatioun  in  wryte,  to  the  effect  that  his  good  inynd  and  proceidings 
 may  be  knawin  to  all  and  sundrie  that  hereafter  wald  be  satisfied 
 heirancnt."  A  "  purgatioun"  was  accordingly  produced  ])y  Craig,  in 
 which  he  alleges  that  when  he  was  first  requested  to  intimate  the  banns 
 by  Thomas  Hepburn  in  the  Queen's  name  he  refused,  because  he  had  not 
 her  written  authority,  and  also  on  account  of  tlie  prevailing  rumour  that 
 Bothwell  had  "  both  ravischt  her  and  keipt  her  in  captivitie."  On  the 
 following  Wednesday  the  Lord  Justice-Clerk  Bellenden  brought  him  a 
 document  signed  by  the  Queen,  in  which  she  declared  that  "  she  was 
 neither  ravisclit,  nor  yet  retanit  in  captivitie,  and  therefore  chargit  him 
 to  proclaimo."  "  My  answer,"  says  Craig,  "  was,  I  durst  proclame  no 
 banns,  and  chieflie  such,  without  consent  of  tlie  Kirk.  Upon  Thuresday 
 next  the  Kirk,  after  long  reasoning  with  the  Justice-Clerk  and  anuingst 
 the  brethren,  concluded  that  the  Queen's  mind  should  be  publishit  to  her 
 subjects  thrie  next  j)reaching  daycs  ;  but  because  the  Cienerall  Assemblie 
 had  i)rohil)ited  all  such  marriages,  we  i)rotestit  we  wold  neither  solemnize, 
 neither  yet  approve,  that  marriage,  but  wald  only  declare  the  Prince's 
 mynd,  leaving  all  doubts  and  dangers  to  the  Councillors  aj^provers  and 
 jicrformers  of  the  marriage."  After  some  minor  details  he  relates  that  he 
 met  Bothwell  at  a  meeting  of  the  Privy-Council. — "  I  laid  to  his  charge," 
 continues  Craig,  "the  law  of  adulterie,  the  ordinance  of  the  Kirk,  the  law 
 of  ravisching,  the  suspicioim  of  collusioun  betwixt  him  and  his  wyfe,  the 
 sudden  divorcement,  and  i)roclaming  within  foure  days  ;  and  last,  the 
 suspitioim  of  the  King's  death,  whilk  her  marriage  wald  confurme  ;  but 
 he  ansuerit  nothing  to  my  satisfactioun,  qxdu^rfor  after  many  exhortatiouns 
 I  protestit  that  I  could  not  declare  my  mynd  i)ubliflie  to  the  Kirk. 
 Therfor,  upon  Sunday,  after  I  had  declarit  what  they  had  done,  and  how 
 they  wald  proceed  whether  we  wold  or  not,  I  tooke  lieaveu  and  earth  to 
 witness  that  I  abhorrit  and  detestit  that  marriage,  liecause  it  was  odious 
 and  slanderous  to  the  world  ;  and  .seeing  the  best  part  of  the  Healme  did 
 approve  it,  either  by  flatterio  or  by  their  silence,  I  desyrit  the  faithful  to 
 pray  earnestlie  that  (lod  wald  turne  it  to  the  comfort  of  this  Realm  that 
 thing  whilk  they  intended  against  reason  and  good  conscience.  I,  because 
 1  heard  some  jjcrsons  gaiigand  against  me,  usit  thir  rea.sons  for  my 
 defensis — First,  I  had  broken  no  law  by  proclaming  of  thir  persons  at 
 their  request  ;  secondlie,  if  tluMr  marriage  was  slanderous  and  hnrtfnl,  I 
 
1507. J  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  scotlanu.  579 
 
 of  the  Nobility,  or  any  of  them  ;l"  and  on  Monday,  the  12th 
 of  May,  her  Majesty  came  into  the  Court  of  Session,  and 
 tlicre  made  the  following  declaration. 
 
 '•  Edinlurcjh^  12th  May  1507.^ — The  quhilk  day  our  Sove- 
 rane  Lady  compcarand  personalie  in  jugmcnt,  in  prcsens  of 
 the  Lords  Chancellor,  President,  and  haill  Lords  of  Sessioun 
 underwritten ;  that  is  to  say,  George  Erie  of  Huntlie,  Lord 
 Gordoun  and  Badzenoch,  Chancellor,  &;c.;  Reverend  Faderis 
 in  God,  Jhone  Bishop  of  Ros,  Alexander  Bishop  of  Galloway, 
 Adam  Bishop  of  Orknay;  Mr  William  Baillie,-'^  Lord  Provand, 
 President ;  Mr  Alexander  Dunbar,  Dene  of  Moray  ;  Mr 
 Robert  Maitland,  Dene  of  Aberdene ;  Mr  David  Chalmers, 
 Chancellor  of  Ros ;  Mr  Erchbald  Craufurd,  Parson  of 
 Eglishame  ;  Gawyne,  Commendator  of  Kilwining  ;  Sir  James 
 Balfour  of  Pittendrich,  Knycht,  Clerk  of  Register ;  Richart 
 Maitland  of  Lethingtoun,  John  Bellenden  of  Auchnoull, 
 Justice-Clerk,  Knychtis ;  William  Maitland,  younger  of 
 Lethingtoun,  Secreter  to  our  Soverane  Lady ;  Mr  Henry  Bal- 
 naves  of  Halhill,  Jhone  Gledstanes,^  and  Mr  Edward  Ilcner- 
 son,  Licentiat  in  the  Lawis  ;  and  als  in  prcsens  of  Jhone 
 Archbishop  of  Santandrois  ;  William  Bishop  of  Dunblene  ; 
 David  Erie  of  Craufurd,  Lord  Lindsey ;  George  Erie  of 
 Caitnes  ;  Jhone,  Commendator  of  the  Abbey  of  Abirbroith  ; 
 Alexander,  Commendator  of  Culros ;  Robert,  Commendator 
 of  St  Mary  He,  Thesaurer ;  George  Lord  Sytoun  ;  Robert 
 Lord  Boyd  ;  and  Symon  Prestoun  of  Craigmiller,  Knycht, 
 Provest  of  Edinburt ;  being  informit  of  before,  that  the 
 Lordis  of  Sessioun  made  sum  doubt  and  stop  to  sit  for 
 administratioun  of  justice  to  the  liegis  of  this  Rcalme,  in 
 
 did  Weill  in  forcwarnin<>  all  men  of  it  in  time  ;  thirdlie,  as  I  had  of 
 duotie  declareit  to  them  the  Prince's  "svill,  so  did  I  faithfully  teach  them 
 l»y  word  and  example  what  f lod  cravit  of  them." — Hooke  of  the  Universall 
 Kirk  of  Scotland,  jjrinted  for  the  Bannatyne  Cluh,  Part  I.  p.  115,  lib"  ; 
 Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  ii.  p.  278,  282. — K.] 
 
 ^  Pitmedden's  Abstracts. — [The  Abstracts  by  Sir  Alexander  Seton, 
 Bart,  of  Pitmedden.— K.] 
 
 ^  Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  i.  p.  87. 
 
 ^  [William  Baillie  of  Provand  was  a  son  of  Baillie  of  Lamiiirrton,  and 
 occupied  the  chair  as  Lord  President  of  the  Court  of  Session  for  a  short 
 time  at  the  death  of  Bishop  Sinclair  of  Brechin  in  1566,  but  whether  by 
 seniority  or  election  is  not  ascertained. — E.] 
 
 •*  [John  Gladstanes,  LL.D.  was  probably  a  son  of  the  ancient  family  of 
 Gladstanes  of  that  Ilk.— E.] 
 
580  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loC?- 
 
 respect  that  liir  llieiies  was  tane  and  haldin  in  Dunbar  be 
 James  Erie  of  Botliwile,  Lord  liallis  and  Creychtoun,  and 
 certene  utheris  his  complices,  contrar  hir  Majesties  will  and 
 mynd  :  And  now  the  Qucnis  Majestic,  for  declaratioun  of 
 hir  mynd  yairintill,  hes  allowit  the  foresaids  Lordis  of 
 Sessioun,  for  doino-  of  justice  to  hir  Hienes'  lie^^is  sen  the 
 tyine  forsaid  ;  and  furtlior,  hes  in  like  manner  declarit,  and 
 declaris,  That  albeit  hir  Hienes  was  commovit,  for  the 
 present  tymo  of  hir  taking,  at  the  said  Erie  Bothwile,  and 
 sensyn,  bo  his  gude  behaving  towart  hir  Hienes,  and  having 
 sur  knaledge  of  his  thankfull  service  done  be  him  in  tyme 
 bygane,  and  for  mair  thankfull  service  in  tyme  coming,  that 
 hir  Hienes  stands  content  with  the  said  Erie,  and  hes 
 forgivin,!  and  forgivis  him,  and  all  utheris  his  complices 
 being  with  him  in  company  at  the  tyme  forsaid,  all  hatrent 
 conccavit  be  hir  Majestic  for  the  taking  and  imprisoning  of 
 hir  at  the  tyme  forsaid.  And  als  declaris  hir  Majestic  to 
 be  at  hir  fredome  and  libertie,  and  is  mindit  to  promove 
 the  said  Erie  to  further  honors,  for  his  service  forsaid. 
 And  Mr  David  Borthik,  procurator  for  the  said  Erie,  askit 
 instrumentis  herof." 
 
 To  verify  what  her  Majesty  says  she  intended  in  the 
 close  of  the  foregoing  declaration,  she  proceeded  quickly 
 to  create  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  Duke  of  Orkney,^  and  in 
 the  space  of  two  or  three  days  more  to  confer  on  him  still 
 a  farther  degree  of  honour,  by  assuming  him  publicly  for 
 her  husband. 
 
 ^  Our  historiiins  take  notice  of  a  message  sent  to  the  Queen  by  some 
 Noblonion  ut  Stirling,  to  know  wlietlior  lior  Majesty  was  taken  and 
 fletained  l)y  tlie  Earl  of  Bothwell  a^'ainst  lier  will,  because  in  such  a  case 
 they  would  endeavour  to  lil)erate  lier  :  to  which  lier  Majesty  should  have 
 returned  for  answer — That  thou^di  indeed  she  had  been  taken  acfainst  her 
 will,  yet  now  she  was  courteously  enouj^di  entertained.  rerhai)S  the 
 declaration  now  niad(^  by  the  Queen  in  presence  of  the  Chancellor,  &c. 
 may  have  given  rise  to  that  pretended  niessii<^e  from  Stirlinjj :  For  if  any 
 such  had  been  sent  lier  Majesty,  I  can  hardly  think  she  would  have  taken 
 the  freedom  to  aver  the  direct  contrary  in  her  Instructions  sent  into 
 Franco  after  her  marriage  with  the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  as  wc  will  see  she 
 does  in  most  cxi)ress  terms.  Or  had  any  such  message  really  been,  it  is 
 much  to  be  persumed  that  either  Sir  James  Melvil  or  Crawford's  MS. 
 might  have  taken  some  notice  thereof. 
 
 ^  Crawford's  MS.  adds,  "  and  .SV/«Y/rtH(/."— [Mary  placed  the  ducal 
 coronet  with  her  own  hands  on  Bothwell's  head. —  E.] 
 
1567.1  or  CHURCH  and  .state  in  Scotland.  581 
 
 CHAPTER  XII. 
 
 CONTAINING  STATE  AFFAIRS  FROM  THE  QUEEN'S  MARRIAGE  WITH 
 THE  EARL  OF  BOTHWELL,  ON  THE  15tH  OF  MAY  15G7,  UNTIL 
 THE  EARL  OF  MORAY's  ACCEPTATION  OF  THE  REGENCY  IN  THE 
 MONTH  OF  AUGUST  THE  SAME  YEAR. 
 
 On  Thursday  the  loth  day  of  May,  in  the  year  1507,  the 
 Queen  thought  fit  to  have  herself  joined  in  matrimony  with 
 James  Hepburn,  Earl  of  Both  well,  now  Duke  of  Orkney,  at 
 the  Palace  of  Holyroodhouse,  by  Adam  Both  well.  Bishops 
 of  Orkney,  within  the  great  hall  where  the  Council  usually 
 met,  according  to  the  neio  Form^  after  sermon,  and  not  at 
 
 ^  Mr  Knox  might  have  spared  his  childish  remark  concerning  a  Bishop. 
 This  Bishop  was  a  man  of  no  vahie,  it  is  true  ;  but  that  author  knew  very 
 well  that  he  had  before  tliis  time  renoicnced  his  Episcopal  order,  and  was 
 become  of  Knox's  party. — [Knox's  "  childish  renuirk  concerning  aBishop" 
 is  contrasted  by  him  with  the  conduct  of  his  colleague,  Mr  John  Craig, 
 in  the  matter  of  the  proclamation  of  the  banns  between  the  Queen  and 
 Bothwell  in  St  Giles'  church  at  Edinburgh. — "  And  a  Bischop,"  Knox 
 ironically  says,  "  must  bless  the  marriage  ! — the  guid  Prelate  was  Bischop 
 of  Orkney.  If  there  be  a  guid  wark  to  be  done  a  Bischop  must  do  it  ! 
 Here  mark  the  difference  betwixt  this  worthy  minister  ^Nlaister  Craig  and 
 this  base  Bischop." — Historic,  folio,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  406. — E.] 
 
 ^  [The  fact  of  the  celebration  of  Queen  Clary's  marriage  to  Bothwell, 
 according  to  the  "  New  Form,''  by  the  apostate,  unprincipled,  and  servile 
 Adam  Bothwell,  ex-Bishop  of  Orkney,  is  another  proof  of  her  hifatuated 
 degradation.  As  a  conscientious  member  of  the  Koman  Catliolic  Church, 
 she  must  have  detested  this  time-serving  and  trucuk'iit  ex-1'relate,  to  say 
 nothing  of  the  sacramental  doctrine  of  marriage  held  by  that  Church.  The 
 marriage  ceremony  was  performed  in  the  then  Council-Hall  in  the  Palace 
 of  llolyrood  at  the  extraordinary  early  hour  of  four  in  the  mominfj,  after 
 a  sermon  preached  by  the  Bishop  of  Orkney  from  Gen.  ii.,  in  which  he 
 enlarged  on  Bothwell's  penitence  for  his  former  evil  life,  and  his  resolution 
 to  amend  and  confoi-m  to  the  strict  discii)line  of  the  Protestant  preachers. 
 •John  Craig,  who  had  proclaimed  the  banns  in  St  (Jiles'  church,  wjien  he  pub- 
 licly intimated  that  he  "  took  heaven  and  eartli  to  witness  that  he  abhorred 
 and  detested  this  marriage  as  odious  and  slanderous  to  the  world,''  never- 
 theless was  present.  Five  of  the  leading  Nobility  were  in  attendance. 
 The  event  was  unattended  by  the  usual  pageants  and  rejoicitigs  on  such 
 occasions,  and  the  people  l)eheld  it  either  with  grief  or  in  stern  and 
 gloomy  siloJice.  Although  the  ceremony  is  generally  alleged  to  have  been 
 performed  in  the  Great  Hall  of  the  Palace,  a  contemporary  chronicler 
 asserts  that  the  marriage  took  place  "  within  the  auld  chappel,  not  with 
 the   Mess,  hot  with  proicliiTigs/'  and  that   the  p»'rsons  present  were   the 
 
582  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [156*7. 
 
 Mass  in  the  Queen"'s  Chapel,  as  lier  former  marriage  had 
 been.  As  this  unfortunate  Princess  might  in  a  very 
 particular  manner  be  noted  to  have  been  born  unto  trouble, 
 
 Karls  of  Crawfurd,  Hiintly,  and  Sutherland,  Lords  Olipliant,  Fleming, 
 Livini,'stono,  Glainniis,  and  Boyd,  ArcliLishop  Hamilton  of  St  Andrews, 
 liisho])  C'hisholm  of  Dunblane,  Bishop  Lesley  of  Ross,  Lord  John  Hamilton, 
 Abbot  of  Aberbrotlnvick,  with  "  certane  utheris  small  gentillmen  quha 
 awatit  upon  the  said  Duke  of  Orknay." — Diurnal  of  Kcnuirkable  Occur- 
 rents  in  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  Ill,  112.  The 
 statement  that  Mary  was  united  to  Bothwell  "within  the  auld  chapel," 
 or  Chapel-Boyal,  in  which  she  was  married  to  Lord  Darnley,  is  a  mistake. 
 It  was  at  the  same  time  noticed  that  the  Queen  was  attired  in  a  mourning 
 dress.  The  following  passage  is  curious,  as  it  is  related  by  an  eye-witness. 
 "  As  for  me,"  says  Sir  James  Melville,  "  I  tarried  not  at  Court  but  now 
 and  then,  yet  I  chanced  to  be  there  at  the  man-iage.  When  I  came  that 
 tyme  to  the  Court,  I  fand  my  Lord  Due  of  Orkeney  sitting  at  his  supper. 
 lie  said,  I  had  been  a  gret  stranger,  desiring  me  to  sit  doim  and  soup 
 with  him.  The  Erie  of  Huntly,  the  (Lord)  Justice-Clerk,  and  dyvers 
 uthers,  M-ere  sitten  at  the  table  with  him.  I  said  that  I  had  alredy  souped. 
 Then  he  called  for  a  cup  of  wyue,  and  drank  to  me,  that  I  mycht  plege 
 him  like  a  Dutchman.  He  bade  me  drink  it  out  till  (to)  grow  fatter — 
 For,'  said  he,  *  the  zeall  of  the  commonweall  has  eaten  you  up,  and  made 
 you  sa  lean.'  I  answerit,  that  every  little  member  suld  serve  to  some 
 use,  but  that  the  case  of  the  commonweill  appertenit  maist  to  him  and 
 the  rest  of  the  Nobilitie,  wha  suld  be  as  fatheris  to  the  same.  Then  he 
 said — *  I  wist  weill  he  wald  find  a  pin  for  every  boir.'  Then  he  fell  in 
 purpose  of  gentillwemen,  speaking  sic  filthy  language  that  (I)  left  him, 
 and  past  up  to  the  Queue,  wha  was  very  glad  of  my  comming." — 
 Memoirs,  ju'inted  for  tlie  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  178,  and  also  the  same 
 "  ^Memoirs,"  folio,  1GS3,  p.  80.  As  this  interview  was  probably  on  the  eve 
 of  the  marriage  day,  the  conversatiou  on  "  gentillwemen,"  and  "  filthy 
 language"  uttered  by  the  so  called  Duke  of  Orkney,  shews  his  immoral 
 and  profligate  habits.  Bothwell,  in  his  own  Narrative,  says  little  of  his 
 marriage.  He  merely  observes — "  The  marriage  being  accomplished, 
 and  every  thing  relating  to  it  duly  and  regularly  completed,  I  was  pre- 
 sented with  the  govennnent  of  the  kingdom,  to  the  end  that  I  might 
 establish  good  order  therein." — Les  Affaires  du  Conte  de  Boduel,  printed 
 for  the  IUnnatyne  Club,  p.  17.  Bothwell,  liowever,  here  asserts  a 
 notorious  falsehood,  as  he  never  was  "  presented  with  the  government  of 
 the  kingdom."  The  authentic  Contract  of  the  marriage,  which  wa.s  duly 
 registered,  and  is  in  existence,  is  printed  by  Goodall  in  his  "  Kxamination 
 of  the  Letters  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots  to  James  Karl  of  Bothwell,"  l*2mo. 
 Kdin.  1754,  vol.  ii.  p.  57-()l.  It  is  dated  at  Edinburgh,  13th  May  \567, 
 and  is  signed  Mauie  U.,  James  Duke  of  Oukney.  The  witues.ses  are 
 John  Hamilton,  Archbishop  of  St  Andrews,  the  Earls  of  Huntly,  Crawfurd, 
 and  Bothrs,  Alexander  (iordon,  ex-Bishop  of  Galloway,  John  Lesley, 
 Bisho])  of  Ross,  Lords  Fleming  and  Herries,  Secretary  Maitland  of  Leth- 
 ington,  the  Lord  Justice-Clerk  Bellenden,  and  Robert  Crichton  of  Ellintlc, 
 Lord  Advocate,  with  "  divers  uthers."  The  Regent  Moray  produced  two 
 contracts  at  fiOndon,  t1u»  ono  written  in  French  and  sigiu^d  by  the  Queen, 
 
1567.]  "F  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  583 
 
 the  same  having  remarkably  attended  her  from  her  cradle, 
 so  this  bad  and  ill  advised  action,  her  marrying  the  very 
 person  who  was  but  reputed  (though  he  had  not  really  been) 
 the  murderer  of  her  former  husband,  may  truly  be  said  to 
 have  involved  her  in  endless  and  remediless  misfortunes — 
 an  action  for  which  her  well-wishers  were  sorry  and  grieved 
 at   the   heart,!    seeing   by   it   she   mightily  increased    the 
 
 and  the  other  dated  at  Seton  House  on  the  5th  of  April,  .signed  by  the 
 Queen  and  Botlnvell,  but  botli  are  considered  to  be  spurious.  As  for  the 
 ex-Bishop  of  Orkney's  sliare  in  tliis  unhai)py  marriaf^e,  the  following  i>ro- 
 cecdhigs  -were  adopted  against  him  by  the  lieformed  })rcachers,  which 
 gave  him  little  concern.  In  the  General  Assembly  held  at  Edinburgh  on 
 the  2oth  of  December  1567,  Adam  BothwelJ,  called  Bishop  of  Orkney, 
 was  "  dilated,"  among  other  charges,  "  because  he  solemnized  the  marriage 
 of  the  Queen  and  the  Earl  of  Botlnvell,  which  was  altogether  wicked,  and 
 contrair  to  God's  laws  and  statutes  of  the  Kirk. — Anent  the  marriage  of 
 the  Queine  with  the  Erie  of  Bothwell  by  Adam,  called  Bischo])  of  Orkney, 
 the  haill  Kirk  finds  that  he  transgressit  the  act  of  the  Kirk  in  marrying 
 the  divorcit  adulterer,  and  therfor  deprives  hira  fra  all  fimction  of  the 
 ministrie,  conform  to  the  tenour  of  the  Act  made  thereupon,  ay  and  until 
 the  Kirk  be  satisfied  of  the  slander  committit  by  him." — Booke  of  the 
 Universall  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Cldb,  Part  I. 
 p.  112,  114.  In  May  1569,  Queen  Mary  granted  a  mandate  for  her  divorce 
 from  Bothwell,  dated  at  Wingfield,  when  she  was  a  prisoner  in  England, 
 and  he  an  outlaw  in  Denmark.  This  curious  document  is  among  the  Boyd 
 Papers  in  the  "  Abbotsford  INIiscellany,"  printed  for  the  Abdotsford  Club, 
 4to.  Edin.  1837,  p.  23,  24,  25.— E.] 
 
 1  Sir  James  INIelvil  tells  how  the  Lord  Ilerries  came  on  purpose  to 
 Edinburgh  sometime  after  the  King's  murder,  and  requested  her  Majesty 
 on  his  knees  not  to  marry  the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  which  tiling  he  said  came 
 to  be  bruited  in  the  country,  and  that  the  Queen  a])peared  to  be  in  a 
 wonder  how  these  reports  could  go  abroad,  seeing  tlierc  was  no  such  thing 
 in  her  mind.  Sir  James  himself  had  also  a  letter  from  a  great  friend  of 
 hers  in  England,  one  Thomas  Bishop,  a  Scottishman,  in  which  that  person 
 declared  that  the  same  report  was  run  through  England, which,  howsoever, 
 he  said,  he  coidd  not  believe,  by  reason  tluxt  he  judged  her  Majesty  to  be 
 of  far  greater  knowledge  than  to  commit  such  a  gro.ss  oversiglit,  and  so 
 prejudicial  every  way  to  her  interest,  seeing  if  she  nuirried  the  Earl  of 
 Bothwell,  she  would  lose  the  favour  of  CJod,  her  own  reputation,  and  the 
 hearts  of  all  England,  Ireland,  and  Scotland.  This  letter  Bishop  adjured 
 Mr  Melvil  to  shew  to  the  Queen,  which  he  accordingly  took  the  freedom 
 to  do  ;  but  he  tells  that  her  Majesty  after  reading  it,  said  notliing  to  him- 
 self, but  talking  of  it  with  Secretary  Lcthington,  called  it  a  "  lUrUi'  of  hU 
 oivn  tending  to  the  u-mrk  of  (he  Earl  of  Dothtcell''  The  English  Secre- 
 tary likewise,  in  a  letter  in  the  Cabala,  12th  May  1567,  says — "  'J'he  Queen 
 of  Scots,  I  think,  will  1»e  wooed  to  marry  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  ;"  by  all 
 which  we  perceive  that  the  suspicion  of  this  marriage  has  indeed  been 
 everywhere  spread  about.  Nay,  we  see  by  the  already  mentioned 
 Instructions  sent  into  England  some  time  after  this,  that  the  Queen  of 
 
584  THE   IIISTURY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15U7. 
 
 aversion  already  instilled  into  the  people,  and  deprived  her 
 friends  of  all  just  apology  in  her  behalf;  but  an  action 
 which  her  enemies  rejoiced  to  see  accomplished,  since  by  it 
 
 Enf^land  likewise  had  actually  ofl'ercd  her  advice  to  our  Queen  not  to 
 have  any  doalinfr  Avith  the  Earl  of  Botlnvell.  But  it  seems  she  has  been 
 proof  a<,Minst  all  friendly  remonstrances,  and  so  it  fared  but  ill  with  her 
 ere  lonfr.— [Ilie  statements  of  Sir  James  Melville  are  in  his  "  Memoires," 
 folio,  London,  1683,  p.  78,  and  in  the  same  "  Mcmoires,"  printed  for  the 
 Bannatyne  Club  from  the  ori<rinal  MS.  p.  175.  Queen  Mary's  intention 
 to  marry  Bothwell  was  repeatedly  intimated  to  Queen  Elizabeth's  ministers 
 by  Sir  Robert  Melville,  Sir  William  Kii-kaldy  of  Grange,  and  their  other 
 correspondents  in  Scotland,  in  addition  to  the  information  transmitted  by 
 the  informers  in  the  pay  of  the  English  Government.  On  the  I4th  of  May 
 loG7,  Sir  liobcrt  Melville,  the  brother  of  Sir  James  Melville  of  Ilalhill, 
 wrote  to  Cecil  from  Cairnie  in  Fife,  warning  him  that  France  was  ready 
 to  join  the  Scottish  Nobility  against  Bothwell  ;  excusijig,as  far  as  he  could, 
 the  insane  conduct  of  Queen  Mary,  Avho  continued  with  Lothwell  after  his 
 seizure  of  her  person  ;  and  declarhig  that  his  party  would  never  consider 
 their  sovereign  at  liberty  until  ahe  was  taken  from  the  intercourse  of 
 such  a  detestable  traitor  and  murderer  ;  adding,  that  Bothwell,  as  all 
 thought,  would  soon  com])lete  the  marriage,  proceed  to  Stirlijig,  and 
 secure  the  infant  Prince  ;  and  entreating  Cecil  to  view  Mary's  conduct  as 
 rather  the  effect  of  the  evil  advice  of  those  about  her  than  as  proceeding 
 from  herself.  On  the  foUov/ing  day  Kirkaldy  of  Grange  wrote  to  the 
 Earl  of  Bedford  describing  the  confederacy  formed  at  a  meeting  of  the 
 Earls  of  :Mar,  Argyll,  Morton,  and  Atholl,  at  Stirling  against  Bothwell, 
 to  i)rocure  the  liberty  of  the  Queen,  who  was  "  ravished  and  detained"  by 
 the  said  Bothwell,  and  "  hath  the  strengths,  munitions,  and  men  of  war 
 at  his  commandment."  This  was  their  first  object.  Their  second  was 
 the  preservation  of  the  intant  Prince,  and  their  third  was  the  punishment 
 of  the  murderers  of  Darnley.  "  For  the  pursuit  of  these  three  heads," 
 says  Kirkaldy,  "  they  have  promised  to  bestow  their  lives,  lands,  and 
 goods."  He  then  anxiously  entreats  Bedford  to  secure  Elizabeth's  aid 
 against  the  "  cruel  murderer  Bothwell,"  whom  he  accuses  of  hiring 
 persons  to  poison  the  infant  Prince  when  he  visited  him  at  Stirling,  before 
 his  seizure  of  the  Queen  at  Almond  Bridge ;  and  he  recpiests  a  "  direct 
 answer,  and  that  with  haste,  or  presently  the  foresaid  Lords  are  suited 
 unto  by  Monsieur  de  Croc,  who  offereth  unto  them  in  his  ina.ster  the 
 King  of  France's  name,  if  they  will  follow  his  advice  and  counsel,  that 
 they  shall  have  suj)port  to  sujypress  the  Earl  Bothwell  and  his  faction. 
 Also  he  hath  admonished  her  (Mary)  to  desist  from  the  Earl  Bothwell, 
 and  not  to  marry  him,  for  if  she  do,  he  hath  assured  her  that  .she  !-hall 
 neither  have  friendship  nor  favour  out  of  France,  if  she  shall  have  to  do 
 (resist  her  enemies),  but  his  saying  is,  she  will  give  no  ear."  Kirkaldy 
 farther  informs  Bedford  that  Marr,  Argyll,  Morton,  and  Atholl,  were  to 
 be  joined  by  the  Earls  of  Glencairn,  Cassillis,  Eglinton,  Montrose,  and 
 Caithness,  Lords  l^oyd,  Ochiltree,  Ivuthven,  Dmmmond,  Gray,  Glamniis, 
 Inncrmeath,  Lindsay,  Home,  .and  licrries,  "with  all  the  A\hole  AVcst, 
 .Morse  and  Teviotdale,  the  most  jmrt  of  Fife,  Angus,  and  Mearns."  lie 
 adds  that    in   the  meantime  the  Queen  had  proceeded  from   Dunbar  to 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  585 
 
 she  laid  the  foundation,  as  it  were,  of  lier  own  ruin,  and 
 advanced  their  wicked  designs  faster  than  they  themselves 
 could  have  looked  for.i     And  now,  as  a  sad  presage  of  what 
 
 Edinburgh  Castle,  conducted  by  Bothwell,  and  that  she  intended  to  levy 
 a  force  of  500  footmen  and  200  horsemen — "  The  money  that  she  hath 
 presently  to  do  this,  which  is  5000  cro^^^ls,  came  from  the  font  your 
 Lordship  brought  unto  the  bajitism  (of  James  VI.),  the  rest  is  to  be  reft 
 and  borrowed  of  Edinburgh,  or  the  men  of  Lothian."  Kirkaldy  desires 
 Bedford  to  forward  "  these  other  letters"  to  the  Earl  of  Moray,  and 
 "  write  unto  him  to  come  back  again  into  Normandy,  that  he  he  in  readiness 
 against  my  Lords  write  unto  him."  These  letters  of  Sir  Robert  Melville 
 and  SirAVilliam  Kirkaldy,  extracts  of  which,  from  the  originals  in  the 
 State-Paper  Office,  are  published  by  Mr  Tytlcr,  prove,  as  that  writer 
 states,  that  "  the  formidable  coalition  against  the  Queen,  which  our  his- 
 torians describe  as  arising  after  the  marriage  with  Bothwell,  was  fully 
 formed  nearly  a  month  before  that  event — that  Sir  Robert  Melville,  in 
 whom  the  Scottish  Queen  reposed  implicit  confidence,  had  joined  the 
 confederacy  in  the  hope  of  rescuing  his  royal  mistress  from  what  he 
 represents  as  an  unwilling  servitude — that  the  plot  was  well  known  to 
 Monsieur  de  Croc,  the  French  ambassador,  who,  after  having  in  vain 
 remonstrated  with  Mary  against  her  predilection  for  Bothwell,  gave  it 
 his  cordial  support — and  lastly,  that  it  had  been  communicated  to 
 Elizabeth,  whose  assistance  was  earnestly  solicited."  But  though  the 
 English  Queen  denounced  the  conduct  of  Mary,  she  affected  to  be  angry 
 at  the  scurrilous  language  of  Kirkaldy  in  his  correspondence,  and  she 
 intimated  this  to  Randolph  in  a  conversation  in  her  palace  garden  on  the 
 10th  of  May,  which  is  fortunately  preserved.  "Her  Majesty,"  says 
 Randolph,  "  also  told  me  that  she  had  seen  a  writing  sent  from  (Kirkaldy 
 of)  Grange  to  my  Lord  of  Bedford,  disrespectfully  written  against  that 
 Queen  (Mary)  in  such  vile  terms,  as  she  could  not  abide  the  hearing  of  it, 
 wherein  he  made  her  worse  than  any  common  woman,  t-he  would  not 
 that  any  subject,  what  cause  soever  there  be  proceeding  from  the  rHnce, 
 or  whatsoever  her  life  and  behaviour  be,  should  discover  that  unto  the 
 world,  and  thereof  so  utterly  misliketh  of  Grange's  manner  of  writing  and 
 doing,  that  she  condemns  him  for  one  of  the  worst  in  that  Realm,  seeming 
 somewhat  to  warn  me  of  my  fimiliarity  with  him,  and  willing  that  1 
 should  admonish  him  of  her  misliking.  In  this  manner  of  talk  it  pleased 
 her  Majesty  to  retain  me  almost  an  hour." — 'J'ytler's  History  of  Scotland 
 vol.  vii.  p.  IIO-UC— E.] 
 
 ^  [Throughout  the  whole  of  the  preliminaries  of  Mary's  marriage  to 
 Bothwell,  till  its  consummation,  the  unfortunate  Queen  was  undeniably 
 the  victim  of  a  conspiracy  formed  l)y  Morton  and  his  associates  to 
 accomplish  her  ruin.  We  have  seen  that  they  confederated  in  the  Bond 
 recommending  the  marriage,  and  we  shall  immediately  find  them  taking 
 iidvantage  of  th(>  infamy  it  produci-d  to  raise  the  standard  of  revolt  against 
 him,  and  to  effect  her  detlinnioment.  In  those  days*iio  standing iirmy 
 existed  in  Scotland  to  support  the  sovereign,  who  was  cimsequently  at 
 the  mercy  of  the  Nobility— a  body  under  the  then  existing  feudal  system 
 most  powerful,  and  on  whoso  good  will  the  sovereign  solely  relird  for 
 the  exercise  of  the  royal  authority.     AVe  read,  indeed,  cf  the  "Queen's 
 
58G  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507. 
 
 was  to  follow,  this  old  Latin  phrase  of  Ovid^  was  found  affixed 
 on  the  Palace  gate  the  same  night  of  the  marriage^ — 
 
 "  Mense  malas  Majo  nubere  vidfjus  alt.''"'^ 
 
 The  import  of  which  is,  that  bad  women  only  many  in  the 
 month  of  May.*^ 
 
 Guards,"  of  whom  Arthur  Erskiiie  was  the  Captain,  and  this  body  wa.s 
 api)arently  the  Queen's  "  Archer  Guards,"  a  roll  of  whose  names,  from 
 their  embodyiuf^  on  the  1st  of  April  1.36"2  to  Mary's  imprisonment  in 
 Lochleven  Castle  in  1567,  is  in  Part  First  of  the  "  ^Miscellany  of  the 
 Maitland  Club,"  4to.  Edin.  1833,  printed  for  the  Maitland  Club,  from 
 the  original  document  preserved  in  the  General  Kegister  House  at 
 Edinburgh  ;  but  those  "  Archer  Guards"  consisted  of  only  sevLiity-fivc 
 persons,  six  of  whom,  as  their  names  indicate,  were  foreigners,  viz. 
 Captain  Bello,  Corporal  Jenat,  Nicolas  Manser,  Bastian  Fulmeir,  and 
 Dionysius  and  Charles  La  Brose.  It  is  pretended  that  Mary  had  no 
 inclination  to  marry  Bothwell,  and  that,  sinking  under  the  indignity 
 which  the  Nobility  had  too  successfully  conspired  against  her,  she  was 
 induced,  for  the  sake  of  her  reputation  as  a  woman,  and  to  maintain  her 
 authority  as  the  sovereign,  to  consent  to  the  odious  match  with  Bothwell. 
 Much  truth  may  be  in  the  latter  conjecture,  but  it  is  impossible  to  deny 
 Mary's  partiality  fur  Bothwell,  which  had  been  noticed  and  encouraged 
 by  Morton,  Moray,  and  others  of  their  party.  It  is  also  contended  that 
 because  Bothwell  was  a  Protestant  the  marriage  must  have  been  pecu- 
 liarly objectionable  to  Mary  on  religious  grounds  ;  but  we  have  seen  that 
 most  of  her  intimate  advisers  and  companions  were  Protestants — that 
 Lord  Darnley  himself  often  resorted  to  the  sermons  of  the  Reformed 
 preachers — and  that  the  Queen,  though  a  zealous  Roman  Catholic,  was 
 obliged  to  submit  to  circumstances  over  which  she  had  no  controul. 
 We  ought  to  recollect,  moreover,  Bothwell's  position  in  the  kingdom. 
 "  He  was,"  says  Mr  1  ytler,  "  of  high  rank,  possessed  a  daring  and  martial 
 spirit,  and  his  unshaken  attachment  to  lier  interests  at  a  time  (in  1565) 
 when  the  Queen  had  suffered  from  the  desertion  of  almost  every  other 
 servant,  made  him  a  favourite  with  a  Princess  who  esteemed  bravery  and 
 fidelity  above  all  other  virtues.  But  unfortunati'ly  for  Mary  he  possessed 
 other  and  more  dangerous  qualities.  His  ambition  and  audacity  were 
 imbounded." — History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  55. — E,] 
 
 *  [It  occurs  in  the  Fastorum,  Lib.  V.  1.490.  Opera  Ovidii,  4to.  1GS9, 
 torn.  iii.  p.  G35.— E.] 
 
 '  [It  was  found  on  the  gates  of  the  Palace  of  Holyrood  on  tlu>  following 
 morning. — Historic  and  Life  of  King  James  the  Sext,  4to.  printed  fur 
 the  Bannatvne  Clcb,  p.  10. — E.l 
 
 ^  [The  entire  stanzas  in  the  fiftli  Book  of  Ovid's  Fasti  is  as  follows — 
 
 "  Nee  ^'iduoo  trcdis  eadem,  ncc  virginis  ai)ta 
 Tcmpora  ;  qua?  nupsit,  non  diuturna  fuit  : 
 Hac  quoque  de  causa,  si  te  provcrbia  tangunt, 
 Maisc  mahis  Afaio  nubrrc  rw/f/jw  a»V." — E.] 
 
 *  [A  rooted  prejudice  long  existed  in  Scotland  among  all  ranks  jigainst 
 marrying  in  the  month  of  May,  which  still  prevails  among  the  lower 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  587 
 
 The  Earl  of  Bothwell  is  universally  acknowledged  to  have 
 been  a  worthless  man,  and  one  that  had  squandered  away  a 
 plentiful  fortune.!  And  now  seeing  the  Queen  had  stooped 
 so  low  as  to  take  him  into  her  bed,  who  could  ever  imagine 
 that  this  person  would  have  been  so  ungrateful  and  brutish 
 as  to  shew  the  least  shadow  of  disrespect  towards  her  who 
 had  really  lost  herself  to  raise  him  ?  Yet  even  this  he  was 
 guilty  of,  and  that  too  in  a  very  great  degree,  he  not 
 suffering  her  to  pass  a  day  without  shedding  of  tears,  and 
 teazing  her  to  such  a  height,  that  out  of  anguish  she  had 
 been  heard  to  threaten  her  own  destruction  !2 
 
 classes,  who  practise  it  to  the  letter,  and  few  marria<:^es  arc  celebrated 
 during  that  month.  Though  May  has  over  been  considered  favourable  to 
 love,  the  ancients  held  the  month  as  unlucky  for  marriage,  and  the  origijial 
 reason  assigned  or  conjectured  is,  that  the  feast  of  the  Lemures  was  held 
 on  the  ninth  of  the  month,  which  continued  three  nights,  when  the 
 temples  of  the  deities  were  closed,  and  no  marriages  were  permitted, 
 because  it  was  believed  that  they  would  be  unhappy  or  ill  omened.  The 
 Lemures,  Lcmuralia,  or  Lares,  were  feasts  held  at  Kome  to  appease  the 
 manes  of  the  defunct,  of  sprites  or  hobgoblins,  and  the  restless  ghosts  of 
 the  dead,  who  were  supposed  to  terrify  the  living. — E.] 
 
 1  [To  resume  the  extract  from  Mr  Tytler's  History  on  Bothwell's 
 character  in  the  preceding  page—"  He  was  a  man  of  notorious  gallantry, 
 and  had  spent  a  loose  life  on  the  Continent,  from  which  it  was  said  he  had 
 imported  some  of  its  worst  vices.  In  attaining  tlie  objects  of  his  ambition 
 he  was  perfectly  unscrupulous  as  to  the  means  he  employed,  and  he  had 
 generally  about  him  a  band  of  broken  and  desperate  men  with  whom  his 
 office  of  Border  Warden  made  him  familiar— hardened  and  murderous 
 villains,  who  were  ready  on  the  moment  to  obey  every  command  of  their 
 master.  In  one  respect  Bothwell  was  certainly  better  than  many  of  his 
 brother  Nobles.  There  seems  to  have  been  little  craft  or  liypocrisy  about 
 him,  and  he  made  no  attempt  to  conceal  his  vices  or  iniirmitios  under  the 
 cloak  of  religion.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  for  this  reason  Mary,  mIio  had 
 experienced  his  fidelity  to  the  Crown,  was  more  disposed  to  trust  him  in 
 any  difficulty  than  those  stern  and  fanatical  leaders  who,  with  religion  on 
 their  lips,  were  often  equally  indifferent  as  to  the  means  which  they 
 employed." — History  of  ^Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  55,  56.— K.l 
 
 a  Melville's  Memoirs. — [Memoirs  l)y  Sir  James  Melville  of  Halhill,  folio, 
 p.  81,  and  the  same,  from  the  original  MS.  printed  for  the  Ba.nnatyne 
 Club,  p.  280.  Although  Mary,  after  she  married  Bothwell,  a.ssumed  a  gay 
 dress,  and  frequently  rode  out  with  him,  and  although  he  appeared  anxious 
 to  treat  her  with  respect,  refusing  to  be  covered  in  her  presence,  which 
 she  occasionally  resented  in  a  playful  manner  by  snatching  his  bonnet 
 and  putting  it  on  his  head  (MS.  Letters,  State-Paper  Office,  Drury  to 
 Cecil,  dated  Berwick,  20th,  25th,  and  27th  May  15G7,  apud  Tytler's 
 History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  12;J),  yet  "  there  were  times,"  we  arc  told, 
 "  when  his  passionate  temper  broke  through  all  restraint,  and  to  those 
 old  friends  who  were  still  at  Court,  and  saw  her  in  private,  it  was  evident 
 
088  THE  HISTORY  OF  THK  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 Two  days  after  the  marriage,  viz.  on  the  17th  of  May, 
 we  find  marked  the  following  Sederunt  of  Privy-Counsellors, 
 viz.  George  Earl  of  Iluntly,  David  Earl  of  Crawford,  John 
 Lord   Fleming,  John  Lord  Herries,^  John  Archbishop  of 
 
 that,  though  she  still  seemed  to  lovo  him,  she  was  a  changed  and  miserable 
 woman."     For  a  short  jieriod  after  the  marriage   Mary  and   Bothwell 
 publicly  acted  as  if  they  had  no  enemies,  and  when  informed  of  the  private 
 meetings  of  their  oi)ponents  the  Queen  spoke  of  them  with  contempt, 
 observing  on  one  occasion — "  Atholl  is  but  feeble  ;  for  Argyll,  I  know 
 well  how  to  stop  his  mouth  ;  as  for  ^lorton,  his  boots  are  but  new  pulled 
 off,  and  still  soiled  ;  ho  shall  be  sent  back  to  his  old  quarters" — alluding 
 to  his  recent  banishment  and  return.      Nevertheless  Mary,  as  already 
 observed,  was  privately  suffering  the  most  intense  mental  agony.     Her 
 feelings  on  the  very  evening  of  the  day  of  her  marriufje  to  Botlnvdl  are  described 
 by  Le  Croc,  who  visited  her  at  her  own  request.     "  I  perceived,"  says  Le 
 Croc,  "  a  strange  formality  between  her  and  her  husband,  v»  hich  she 
 begged  me  to  excuse,  saying  that  if  I  saw  her  sad,  it  was  because  she  did 
 not  wish  to  be  happy,  as,  she  said,  she  never  could  be,  icUhing  only  for 
 death.     Yesterday,  being  all  alone  in  a  closet  with  the  Earl  of  Bothwell, 
 she  called  aloud  for  them  to  give  her  a  knife  to  kill  herself  with.     Those 
 who  were  in  the  room  adjoining  the  closet  heard  her."     This  occurred  in 
 the  Palace  of  Ilolyrood,  and  is  probably  the  same  painful  incident  related 
 by  Sir  James  ^lelville,  to  whicli  our  Ilistorian  refers.     Sir  James,  when 
 he  left  the  Palace  after  the  marriage,  proceeded  to  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh 
 to  "  deal  with  Sir  James  Balfour  not  to  part  with  the  Castell,  whereby  he 
 might  be  an  instrument  to  saif  the  Prince,  to  saif  the  Queen,  wha  was  so 
 disdainfully  handlit,  and  with   sic  reproachfull  language,  that  Arthour 
 Arskin  and  I  being  present,  heard  her  ask  a  knife  tosiickhimff—"  or  else," 
 said  she,  "/ «a//  drown  myself:' — Melville's  Memoires,  Baxnatyne  Club 
 edition,  p.  280.       Mary  now  recollected  with   bitterness   that  she  had 
 neglected  the  arguments  and  entreaties  of  her   best  friends— of  Lord 
 Ilerries,  who  on   his  knees  implored  her  not  to  marry  Bothwell— of  Le 
 Croc,  who  urged  the  same  request,  and  who  spoke  the  sentiments  of  the 
 Court  of  France — of  Archbishop  Beaton,  her  own  ambassador  at   Paris 
 — and   of  Sir   James  Melville,   whose   remonstrances  against    Bothwell 
 nearly  cost  him  his  life. — Memoirs  (Bannatyne  Club),  p.  176, 177.    "  Nor 
 are  we  to  wonder,"  says  Mr  Tytler,  "  if  men  even  looked  with  suspicion 
 to   the   future    conduct    of    the    Queen    herself.      She    had    aj)i)arently 
 surrendered  her  mind  to  the  dominion  of  a  passion  which  rendered  her 
 deaf  to  every  suggestion  of  delicacy  and  prudence,  almost  of  virtue. — In 
 the  face  of  all  this  she  had  j)recipitated  her  marriage  with  this  daring  and 
 wicked  man,  and  public  rumour  still  accused  her  of  being  a  i)arty  to  the 
 nmrder  (of  Daruley).     Of  this  last  atrocious  imputation,  indeed,  no  direct 
 proof  was  yet  brought  or  ofiered,  but  even  if  we  dismiss  it  as  absolutely 
 false,  was  any  mother  who  acted  such  a  part  worthy  to  be  entrusted  with 
 the   keeping   and   education    of  the   heir  to    the    throne  T'— History    of 
 Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  120,  121.— E.] 
 
 '  How  this  Lord  has  come  so  tjuickly  ijito  the  favour  of  the  Duke  of 
 f>rkney,  after  what  we  have  heard  of  In'm  immediately  from  Sir  James 
 Mclvil,   I   shall   not   pretend   to  account   for.— [Sir  James  Melville  states 
 
15G7.J  OF  CHURCH  and  STATK  in  SCOTLAND.  589 
 
 St  Andrews,  Alexander  Bishop  of  Galloway,  Robert  Lord 
 Boyd,  Mr  Thomas  Hepburn,  Parson  of  Oldhamstocks, 
 Master  of  Requests.^    And  on  the  19th  of  May — "  Sederunt 
 
 that  Loixl  Heriies — "  a  worthy  Nobleman"— came  to  Edinburfrli,  and  on 
 his  knees  at  an  interview  with  !Mary  implored  her  not  to  marry  Bothwell. 
 The  Queen  aj)peared  to  wonder  at  the  publicity  of  the  rumour,  declaring 
 to  Lord  Ilerries  that  "  there  ivas  no  such  thing  in  her  mind"  His  Lordship 
 besouglit  the  Queen's  pardon,  and  entreated  her  to  "  take  his  honest 
 meaning  in  good  part  ;"  after  which  he  bade  her  farewell,  afraid  that  the 
 Earl  of  Bothwell  "  should  get  notice  thereof."  lie  was  accompanied  by 
 fifty  mounted  troopers,  for  each  of  whom  a  new  spear  was  purchased  at 
 Edinburgh,  and  he  rode  home  with  them.  Sir  James  Melville  also  relates 
 his  own  escape  from  Bothwell's  resentment  when  he  shewed  Thomas 
 Bishop's  letter  addres.'^ed  to  him  to  the  Queen,  attended  by  Secretary 
 Maitland.  After  he  read  the  letter,  Maitland  said  to  Sir  James — "  As 
 soon  as  the  Earl  Bothwell  gets  notice  hereof,  as  I  fear  he  will  very  shortly, 
 he  will  cause  you  to  bo  killed."  "  It  is  a  sore  matter,"  replied  Sir  James, 
 "  to  see  that  good  Princess  run  to  utter  wreck,  and  nobody  be  so  far 
 concerned  in  her  as  to  forwarn  her  of  her  danger."  "  You  have  done 
 more  honestly  than  wisely,"  said  Maitland,  "  and  therefore,  I  pray  you, 
 retire  diligently  before  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  comes  up  from  his  dinner." 
 Mary  told  Bothwell  the  whole  matter,  after  making  him  solemnly  declare 
 that  he  would  do  Sir  James  Melville  do  harm — "  notwithstanding 
 whereof,"  says  Sir  James,  "  I  was  inquired  after,  but  was  flown,  and 
 could  not  be  found  till  his  fury  was  slacked,  for  I  was  advertised  there 
 was  nothing  but  slaughter  in  case  I  had  been  gotten." — Memoirs  (Banna- 
 TYNE  Club),  p.  17o,  176',  177.  Our  Historian  says  that  he  cannot  account 
 for  Lord  Ilerries  "  coming  so  quickly  into  favour  with  the  Duke  of 
 Orkney,"  as  he  calls  Bothwell,  after  Avhat  Sir  James  Melville  relates  of 
 his  opposition  to  that  Nobleman's  marriage  with  the  Queen.  But  Lord 
 Ilerries,  although  he  warned  her  to  avoid  an  alliance  which  would  inevi- 
 tably be  her  ruin,  did  not  desert  her  after  that  fatal  event,  and  it  is 
 subsequently  noticed  that  he  jjersonally  accompanied  the  Queen  to 
 Langside,  and  from  that  field,  in  her  precipitate  flight  to  England,  first  to 
 Sanquhar,  and  thence  to  his  seat  of  Terrogles,  where  she  was  sheltered 
 for  a  few  days.  In  the  "  Historical  IMemoirs  of  the  Reign  of  Mary  Queen 
 of  Scots  and  a  portion  of  the  Roign  of  James  the  Sixth,"  by  Lord  Ilerries 
 himself,  printed  for  the  Abbotsfoud  Club,  4to.  Edin.  iN'JU,  his  Lordship 
 has  no  allusion  to  the  Privy  Council  "  Sederunt"  mentioned  by  our 
 Historian  in  his  text. — E.] 
 
 ^  This  is  according  to  Pitmedden's  Abstracts;  but  Haddington  has  it 
 thus,  viz.—"  16  May  15G7.— 'i'he  Archbishop  of  St  Andrews  and  Lord 
 Oliphant  admitted  and  sworn  upon  the  Privy-Council.  Ikm^  The  Lord 
 Boyd  admitted  the  17th  day.  Mr  Thoma.s  Hepburn  admitted  to  be 
 Master  of  Requests  ;  which  office  the  Abbot  of  Balmerino  had  l»efoir." 
 But  in  neither  copy  of  these  Abstracts  is  there  any  business  marked  to 
 have  been  done  in  Council.  Mr  Miln  omits  this  S^ikrunt  altogether. — 
 [The  "  Abstract.s"  by  Sir  Alexander  Seton  of  Pitmedden,  Bart.,  and  the 
 "  Minutes  of  Parliament,  Privy-Council,  and  Excheciucr,"  folio,  MS.  in 
 the  Library  of  the  Faculty  of  Advocates,  Edinburgh,  by  Sir  Thomas 
 
5i)0  THE  HISTORY  OF  THK  AFFAIRS  [loO?- 
 
 Jacobus  Dux  Orcadcn.  Comes  do  lluntlie,  Archiepiscopus 
 Sti  Amlreic,  Episcopus  Kossen/'l  On  wliicli  day  there  is  a 
 j)rohibition,  under  the  pain  of  treason,  to  utter  or  receive 
 false  or  counterfeit  brass  money,  sucli  as  hahles,  placks, 
 hardheada^  &:c.2 
 
 *'  Apud  Edinhurgh^  22d  May,  Anno  Bom.  1567. 
 "  Sederunt — Jacobus  Dux  Orchaden. ;  Georgius  Comes  de 
 Huntlie ;  David  Comes  de  Crawfurd ;  Joannes  Episcopus 
 Rossen.;  Alexander  Episcopus  Candidcv  Cascv;  Secretarius; 
 Thesaurarius  ;  Clericus  Regisiri ;  Clericus  Justiciaries  ,• 
 Cancellarvus  Rossen.^ 
 
 "  The  Quenis  Majestic,  my  Lord  Duke's  Grace,  hir  Hienes 
 husband,4and  Lordis  of  Secreit  Counsall,  considering,  &c.'' — 
 Here  follows  a  regulation  for  the  attendance  of  the  Privy- 
 Hamilton  of  Dninicairn,  created  Earl  of  ^Melrose  in  1G19 — a  Peerage  he 
 resigned  in  1G27,  Avlien  he  was  created  Earl  of  Haddington. — E.] 
 
 ^  Tliis  is  according  to  Haddington,  but  Pitmeddeu  here  adjects — 
 Alexander  Episcopus  Candida  Casa. 
 
 ^  [Literally  baiclies,  or  half-pennies  sterling  ;  j)/acA-i<  were  small  co])per 
 coins,  each  equal  to  four  pennies  Scots,  or  the  third  part  of  an  English 
 j)cnny  ;  and  hard-heads  were  also  small  coins  of  mixed  metal  or  copper. 
 The  bawbie,  or  babie,  was  introduced  into  Scotland,  according  to  Sir  James 
 Balfour,  in  the  reign  of  James  V.,  and  varied  in  its  value.  In  the  time 
 of  James  V.  it  was  worth  three  pennies,  in  the  reign  of  James  VI.  it 
 was  worth  six,  and  this  continued  its  standard  valuation  while  it  was 
 customary  to  recognize  Scottish  money.  The  English  half-jtenny  is  still 
 called  in  Scotland  a  bawbie.  The  plad-  was  a  coin  struck  in  the  reign  of 
 James  III.,  when  it  Avas  a  mixture  of  copper  and  silver,  but  latterly  it 
 was  of  copper.  It  has  ])een  long  an  ideal  coin,  and  is  often  mentioned  to 
 denote  that  any  thing  is  of  no  value.  The  hard-head,  supposed  to  be  from 
 the  French  hardic,  so  called  from  Philip  le  Ilardi,  who  began  his  reign  in 
 1270,  and  under  whom  it  was  fir.st  struck,  is  supposed  to  have  been  desig- 
 nated a  //o«,from  the  lion  rampant  on  the  reverse.  'Y\\q  hard-head,  bearing 
 a  lion,  struck  in  1559  under  Queen  Mary,  was  known  as  the  Hun.  The 
 Jlegont  Morton  enraged  the  jjcople,  and  esj)ecially  the  citizens  of  Edin- 
 burgh, by  dej)reciating  the  hard-head  from  (hi-ee-ha/f -pence  to  a  j)enny,  and 
 iho  j>/ack  from  faurpence  to  twopence. — Hume's  History  of  the  House  and 
 Race  of  Douglas  and  Angus,  folio,  Edin.  lbM4,  j).  334  ;  Cardonners  Numis- 
 mata  Scotica,  or  a  Series  of  the  Scottish  Coinage  from  the  Iteigu  of  Wil- 
 liam the  Lion  to  theUnion,  4to.  Edin.  1786.  Preface,p.  xxxvii.  ;.Iamieson's 
 Scottish  Dictionary,  4to.  Edin.  1808.— E.] 
 
 ^  This  was  David  C'iialmers  of  Ormond,  Chancellor  of  the  Diocese  of 
 Roas. — [See  the  notes  respecting  Chalmei-s  of  Onnond,  p.  372,  558,  of  the 
 present  volume. — E.] 
 
 *  [Bothwell,  who  had  been  created  Duke  of  Orkney.— E.] 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  ,591 
 
 Counsellors,  according  to  the  plan  appointed  in  the  year 
 1562,  and  is  the  same  which  Archbishop  Spottiswood  sets 
 down  at  this  time,  the  following  clause  only  excepted, 
 which  that  Prelate  has  omitted). — *'  And  for  the  uthirNobill- 
 men  and  Lordis  of  the  Counsall  admittit  of  auld,  of  quliom 
 sum  are  prescntlie  furth  of  the  Ivealme,  sum  agit,  and  not 
 abill  to  endure  travaill,  and  sum  utherwayis  occupyit  in 
 heich  and  wcichtie  matteris  :  how  sone  thair  abilitie  and 
 commoditic  permittis  thame  to  repair  to  hir  Hienes'  presens, 
 or  sic  uthcris  as  hir  Majestic  sail  pleis  choise  and  nominat 
 to  be  of  hir  Counsall  heireftcr,  that  thai  be  lykwyss  appoint  it 
 and  warnit  at  quhilk  tyme  thai  sail  await  and  be  admittit 
 to  the  quarteris  above  rehearsit,  as  hir  Hienes  sail  think 
 gude.  And  the  Clerk  of  Counsall  to  gif  everie  ane  of  the 
 saidis  Lordis  at  the  end  and  outrunning  of  the  tyme  quhilk 
 thai  remaine,  ane  tikkit  of  the  day  of  thair  departing,  and 
 of  the  dav  that  thai  sould  enter  and  returne  againe  to 
 Counsall.'—R.  M.i 
 
 Next  day  after  this,  23d  May,  there  is  an  Act  of  Council 
 declaring  the  Queen's  revocation  of  any  writings  that  might 
 have  been  purchased  from  her  Majesty,  for  permitting  any 
 persons  to  use  the  old  Form  of  religion,  because  she  intends 
 inviolably  to  maintain  the  Act  published  concerning  religion- 
 upon  her  first  arrival  from  France. 
 
 Sometime  in  the  course  of  this  month  of  May,  the  Queen 
 sent  William  Chisholm,  Bishop  of  Dunblane,  into  France 
 with  very  large  Instructions  (already  mentioned)  concerning 
 the  motives  that  inclined  her  Majesty  to  take  for  husband 
 the  Earl    of    Bothwell.*^     And    some    time    after,    proba- 
 
 *  [The  initials  of  Kobtrt  Miln,  from  whoso  Collections  our  Historian 
 procured  the  document. — E.J 
 
 2  [This  Act  is  now  lost,  but  its  o])ject  was  to  sanction  the  Kefomied 
 doctrines  as  professed  when  Queen  Mary  arrived  in  Scotland, — K.] 
 
 ^  Mr  IJuchanan  has  turned  the.se  Instructions  into  ele^nmt  I^itin,  a.s  far 
 as  these  words — "  Assurhuj  Oiauic  that  thai  icill  find  him  uddic  to  do  tlmmc 
 all  the  honour  and  sd'vicc  that  can  rc/udr.''^  The  famous  historian  De  Thou 
 and  the  ;jreat  critic  Le  Clerk  have  hotli  taken  notice  of  the.se  Instructions 
 publishetl  by  liuchanan,  a.s  couched  with  much  art  ;  Imt  Le  CIcrc's  criti- 
 cism fails  him  when  he  judges  them  to  have  been  originally  drawn  up  in 
 the  French  lan<;ua.i,'e. — [The  words  quoted  by  our  Historian  from  the 
 "  Instructions"  are  in  a  subsequent  i»af,'e  (ji.  CM)  of  the  present  edition),  and 
 Buchanan  omits  tlio  rnncliidiiH,'  i..unLrrnj)hs. — Historia  Kerum  Scoticanim, 
 
5U2  TIIK   IlISTOllY  OF  THK  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 bly,i  her  ^hijesty  likewise  sent  Mr  Robert  Mclvil  into 
 England  with  Instructions  of  a  like  nature,  but  much  shorter 
 than  the  former.  Both  these  have  been  lately  published,^ 
 and  yet  since  they  contain  such  a  full  narrative  of  that  whole 
 affair,  I  thought  this  Work  might  seem  a  little  imperfect 
 without  them,  and  therefore  I  have  taken  upon  me  to  give 
 them  room  here,  desiring  the  pardon  of  my  readers  if  they 
 shall  find  fault  with  the  repetition. 
 
 "  Instructionls  to  oure  trusts/  Gounsallour  the  BUchope  of 
 Danhlane^  to  he  declarit  he  Mm  on  oure  hehalfe  to  oure 
 Bruther  the  maist  Christin  King  of  France^  the  Quene  oure 
 gude  Moder^  oure    Uncle   the    Cardinall  of  Lorane^    and 
 
 utheris  oure  Friendis.     At  Edinhurgh  the da^   of 
 
 May  15G7.3 
 
 ''  First,  ze  sail  excuse  ws  to  the  King,  the  Quene  oure 
 modir,  oure  uncle,  and  utheris  oure  friendis,  in  that  the 
 consummatioun  of  oure  manage  is  broclit  to  tliair  earis  be 
 uther  meanis,  befoir  that  ony  message  from  oure  self  thai 
 haif  bene  maid  participant  of  oure  intcntioun  thairin  :  quhilk 
 excuse  mon  be  chieflie  groundit  upoun  the  trew  report  of 
 the  Duke  of  Orknay,  his  behaviour  and  proceidingis  towartis 
 ws  befoir,  and  quliill  (until)  this  tyme  that  we  haif  bene  maid 
 content  to  tak  him  to  oure  husband.  The  report  as  it  is 
 indcid  swa  sail  ze  mak  it  in  this  manor.  Bcgynnand  from  his 
 verie  zoutli  and  first  entres  to  this  llealme  innnediatlie  eftir 
 the  deceis  of  his  fadir,  quha  wes  ane  of  the  first  Erllis  of  the 
 Realmo,  and  his  Hous  the  formest  in  reputatioun,  be  ressoun 
 of  the  nobilnes  and  ancicncy  of  the  saniyne,"*  and  greit 
 offices  (juhilk  he  lies  heritabillie. 
 
 original  t-dit.  Edin.  1582,  fol.  217,  218,  219  ;  Translation,  Edin.  8vo,  1752, 
 vol.  ii.  p.  334-340.— E.] 
 
 '  I  have  said  so,  because  Sir  William  Cecil  in  his  letter  26th  June, 
 mentions  Mr  Melvil  to  he  come  lately  hither  from  the  Queen  of  bcots. 
 — Cahala. 
 
 *  Anderson's  Collections. — [IaHu.  4to.  1727,  vol.  i.  p.  89-107. — E.] 
 
 ^  tShatter'd  .MS. —  [These  "  Instructions"  sent  from  Queen  .Mary  to 
 I'rance  and  Rome  hy  Jiishoj)  Chisholm  of  Dunblane,  may  be  considered 
 an  ai)ology  or  sj)ecial  pleadin-;  for  marry in;r  Bothwell.  They  are  drawn 
 uj)  with  nmch  ability,  and  contain  a  laboinnd  though  most  unsatisfactory 
 defence  of  the  (Queen's  conduct.-7-l'.] 
 
 •*  This  surely  has  been  dictated  by  the  luirl  of  Botlnvell's  fricnd.s,  and 
 is  not  precisely  true.     The  Family  of  Hepburn  was  of  English  descent, 
 
1507.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  503 
 
 "  At  qiihilk  tyme  the  Qucne  ourc  modir  being  yan  Eegent 
 of  oure  Realine,  he  dedicate  his  haill  service  to  hir  in  our 
 name  with  sic  dcvocion  and  earnistnes,  that  albeit  sone 
 thaircftir  the  maist  part  of  tlio  Nobilitie,  ahnaist  the  haill 
 burrowis,  and  swa  consequentlie  in  a  manner  the  haill 
 substance  of  the  Realme,  maid  a  revolte  from  hir  authoritie 
 undir  cullour  of  rcligioun,  zit  swarved  he  nevir  from  oure 
 obedience,  nor  nevir  micht  be  inducit  owther  be  promeiss  of 
 gudc  deid,  or  thrcatnings  of  wrak  of  his  leving  and  heretage, 
 with  baith  quliilk  ho  wes  strangelie  assaultit,  to  leif  ony 
 part  of  his  dewtie  undone  ;  bot  ratlicr  to  suffer  his  principall 
 hous  and  richc  moveables  being  thairin  to  be  sakt,  his  haill 
 leving  to  be  destroyit,  and  at  length  himself  destitute  of 
 oure  protcctioun,  and  assistance  of  ony  his  cuntremen,  be 
 compellit  be  force  of  oure  rebellis,  joynit  with  ane  army  of 
 Ingland,  brocht  in  the  bowellis  of  oure  Realme  for  thair 
 support,  having  na  uther  but  to  schote  at  bot  onlie  oure 
 said  husband,  being  yan  Erie  Bothwell,  to  abandoun  his 
 landis  and  native  cuntre,  and  retier  him  to  France,  quhair  he 
 continewit  in  oure  service  quhill  (until)  oure  returning  within 
 
 and  had  not  come  into  Scotland  in  the  reif^n  of  Kinj^  David  l^ruce. 
 Neither  was  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  the  stock  of  the  Family,  but  the  Laird 
 of  AVaughton  in  East  Lothian.  And  accordinf^to  Mr  Crawfurd's  Peerage, 
 he  was  not  made  Earl  until  the  year  1488,  before  which  date  there  were 
 several  Earls  whose  successors  arc  still  subsisting. — [Crawfurd's  Peerage, 
 folio,  Edin.  1716,  p.  44.  The  Ilepburns,  Earls  of  Bothwell,  were  originally 
 a  Family  of  no  great  descent,  and  acquired  all  their  importance  and 
 dignity  within  a  century  of  Queen  Mary's  marriage  to  Bothwell.  The 
 first  of  them  is  said  to  have  been  an  J-^lnglish  soldier  taken  i)risoner  by 
 Dunbar,  lOarl  of  March,  who  gave  him  lands  in  the  county  of  Haddington, 
 and  his  descendants  contrived  to  raise  themselves  on  the  fortunes  of  those 
 ancient  Earls  of  March,  until  they  acjpiired  all  their  pro])erty  and 
 hereditary  offices.  The  first  of  the  Bothwell  Jlepburns  mentioned  in  the 
 I'eerage  lists  is  Adam,  who  lived  in  the  reign  of  David  IL,  who  was  tho 
 father  of  Sir  Patrick  Hepburn  of  Hailes,  the  great-grandfather  of  Sir 
 Patrick  Hepburn,  created  Lord  Hailes  about  14.')(>,  and  whose  grand-son 
 I'atrick  tliiid  Lord  was  created  llarl  of  Bothwell  in  I4SS.  Previous  to  this 
 the  l-2arld<nn_^had  been  held  Ity  the  Family  of  Moray.  One  of  that  I'amily, 
 Sir  Andrew  Moray  of  Bothwell,  Hegent  of  Scotland,  was  a  distinguished 
 warrior,  and  was  in  early  life  the  companion  of  Sir  William  Wallace. 
 Sir  John  Ramsay,  who  was  spared  at  the  celebrated  revolt  of  the  Nobility 
 against  James  IlL  at  Lauder  in  1482,  was  created  Lord  Hothwell,  but 
 he  was  forfeited  iu  the  Parliament  held  at  Edmburgh  by  James  IV.  in 
 1488,  when  the  Earldom  was  conferred  on  Patrick  Hepbura,  third  Lord 
 Hailes.— E.] 
 
 VOL.  II.  38 
 
594  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIR?  [15G7. 
 
 Scotland.  Z(?  sail  not  omit  his  service  ii  lytill  done  afoir 
 that  tynie  in  the  weiris  againis  Ingland,  quhairin  he  gait'  sic 
 pruif  of  his  vailzcantnes,  courage,  and  gude  conduct,  that 
 notwithstanding  he  wes  yan  of  verie  zoung  aige,  zit  wes  he 
 chosin  out  as  maist  fit  of  the  haill  Nobilitie  to  be  oure 
 Lieutonant-General  upoun  the  Bordouris,  having  the  haill 
 charge  alswcill  to  defend  as  to  assayle.  At  (|uhilk  tynio 
 he  maid  mony  nobill  entirpryses,  not  unknawin  to  baitli  the 
 Realmis,  be  the  quhilk  he  acqueirit  a  singular  reputatioun 
 in  bayth. 
 
 "  Eftir  oure  returning  into  Scotland  he  gaif  his  haill 
 study  to  the  furthsetting  of  oure  authoritie,  and  to  employ 
 his  persoun  to  suppres  the  insolence  of  the  rebellious  sub- 
 jectis  inhabiting  the  cuntreis  lying  ewest  the  Marches  of 
 Ingland ;  and  within  schort  tyme  brocht  thame  to  a  perfyte 
 quietnes,  with  intentioun  to  pas  furthwart  in  the  lyke  Forvice 
 in  all  uther  partis  of  the  Realnie. 
 
 "  Bot  as  invy  evir  followis  vertew,  and  this  cuntre  is  of 
 itself  sumquhat  subject  to  factionis,  uthcris  began  to  mis- 
 lyke  his  proceedingis,  and  sa  far  be  reportis  and  miscon- 
 structings  his  doingis  went  about  to  put  him  out  of  oure 
 gude  grace,  that  at  lenth,  upoun  cullouris  inventit  be  his 
 evill  willaris,  for  satisfeing  of  thame  that  myclit  not  abyde 
 his  advancement,  and  avoiding  of  further  contentioun,  quhilk 
 mycht  have  brocht  the  haill  Kealme  in  troubill,  we  wcr 
 compellit  to  put  him  in  ward.i 
 
 "  Out  of  the  quhilk  cschaping,  to  gif  place  to  thair 
 malice  he  past  out  of  the  Realme  towart  France,  and  yair 
 remaint  quhill  about  twa  zeris  syne,-  yat  the  same  persounis 
 quha  befoir  wer  the  instrumentis  of  his  troubill  began  to 
 forzett  thair  dewtie  towartis  oure  self,  putting  thamesolffis 
 in  amies,  displayit  ])lane  baneris  agains  our  persoun.  At 
 quhilk  tymo  be  oure  commandment  being  callit  hame,  and 
 innnediatlie  restorit  to  his  former  charge  of  Lieutenant- 
 Cienerall,'^  our  authoritie  prospered  sa  weill  in  his  handis, 
 yat  suddanlie  oure  haill  rebellis  wer  constranit  to  depart  tho 
 Realme,  and  remane  in  Ingland,  <|uliill  (until)  sum  of  yame 
 
 *  The  roaik'r.s  will  observe  this  part  in  our  puhlick  histories. —  [See  the 
 notes  respeetin;;  Ilotlnvoirs.  resideiiee  in  France,  and  tho  causes  of  it, 
 p.  372,  44.9,  Kc.  of  the  jiresent  volume.— E.]  ^  Apo. 
 
 ^  ?ee  Hand  in  the  Appendix,  So])teniber  17th,  1565. 
 
15G7.J  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  595 
 
 upoim  submissiouii  and  hiimill  sute  wer  reconceylit  to  ws. 
 How  tressonabilllo  we  were  demanyit  for  hame  bringing  of 
 the  rest,  be  thanie  quliame  we  had  advancit  to  niair  honour 
 than  thaii  wer  worthie  of  it  is  not  unknawan  to  oure  uncle, 
 quhilk  makis  ws  to  pas  it  ovir  the  mair  schorthe. 
 
 "  Zit  it  is  worthie  remembrance  with  quhat  dexteritie  he 
 red  himself  of  the  handis  of  thame  that  at  that  tyme  detenit 
 oure  persoun  captive,  and  how  suddanlie  be  his  provydence 
 not  onlie  wer  we  deliverit  out  of  the  pressoun,  bot  alswa 
 that  haill  cumpany  of  conspiratouris  dissolvit,-  and  we 
 recovcrit  oure  formar  obedience.  Indeid  we  mon  confess 
 that  service  done  at  that  tyme  to  haif  bene  sa  acceptabill 
 to  ws  that  we  could  nevir  to  this  hour  forzet  it,  quhilk  he  hes 
 evir  sinsyne  prosecutit  with  the  lyke  dilligcnce  in  all  (which) 
 mycht  content  ws,  swa  that  wo  could  not  wyss  mair  fidelitie 
 nor  gude  behaviour  yan  we  haif  alwayis  fund  in  him ;  quhill 
 of  lait,  sen  the  deceis  of  the  King  oure  husband,  3'at  as  his 
 pretensis  began  to  be  heichar,  sa  fand  we  his  procedingis 
 sumquhat  strange,  albeit  now  sen  we  are  sa  far  procedit 
 with  him  we  mon  interprcit  all  thingis  to  the  best ;  zit  haif 
 we  bene  heichlie  offendit,  first  with  his  presumption,  yat 
 thocht  we  could  not  sufficientlie  reward  him,  onless  we  sould 
 gif  oure  self  to  him  for  ye  recompanss  of  his  service ;  nixt 
 for  his  practises  and  secreit  meanis ;  and  at  lenth  the  plane 
 attempting  of  force  to  haif  ws  in  his  puissance,  for  fear  to  be 
 disappointit  of  his  purpois. 
 
 "  His  deportmentis  in  this  behalf  may  serve  for  ane 
 exempill,  how  cunninglie  men  can  cover  yair  designeis  quhen 
 thai  haif  ony  grcit  intcrpryis  in  heid,-^  quhill  yai  haif  brocht 
 yair  purpois  to  pas.  We  thocht  liis  continewance  in  the 
 awayting  upoun  ws,  and  reddincs  to  fulfill  all  oure  command- 
 mcntis,  had  procedit  onelie  upoun  the  acknawlegeing  of  his 
 dewtie,  being  oure  borne  subject,  without  furder  hid  respect ; 
 (|uhilk  movit  ws  to  mak  him  the  bettir  visage,  thinking 
 nathing  less  yan  that  the  same  being  bot  ane  ordinario 
 countenance  to  sic  Nobillmen  as  we  fand  affectionate  to  ouro 
 service,  sould  encourage  him,  or  glf  him  briuldnes  to  luk(^ 
 
 ^  [The  Queen  evidently  ulludes  to  her  illegitimate  brother,  whom  she 
 had  suceessively  created  Karl  of  .Mar  and  Karl  of  Moray. — }•].] 
 
 2  This  respects  the  event  of  David  Hiccio's  mr.rder.  -  riiothwcll  h.ad  no 
 active  concern  in  the  murder  of  Uiccio. — E.] 
 
 3  Until. 
 
59C)  Till-    HISTORY  ()F  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507. 
 
 for  ony  cxtraordiuiir  I'avour  at  oure  liandis.  Bot  lie,  as  weill 
 lies  apperit  sensyne,  making  his  proffeit  of  evcric  thing  mycht 
 serve  his  turne,  nocht  discovering  to  oure  self  his  intent,  or 
 yat  ye  had  ony  sic  purpois  in  heid,  wcs  content  to  inteilene 
 oure  favour  be  his  gude  outwart  behaviour,  and  all  meanis 
 possibill ;  and  in  the  mene  tyme  went  about  be  practising 
 with  ye  Nobillmen  sccretlie  to  make  yame  his  friendis,  and 
 to  procure  yair  consent  to  the  furtherance  of  his  intentis. 
 And  swa  far  procedit  be  meanis  with  yame,  befoir  yat  evir 
 the  same  come  to  oure  knawlege,  that  oure  haill  Estaittis 
 being  heir  assemblit  in  Parlament,  he  obtcnit  ane  writting 
 subscrivit  with  all  yair  handis,  quhairin  thai  nocht  onelie 
 grant  it  thair  consentis  to  oure  mariage  with  him,  bot  alswa 
 obleist  thameselfis  to  set  him  forwart  thairto  with  thair 
 lyvis  and  gudis,  and  to  be  inymeis  to  all  (who)  wald  disturb 
 or  impede  the  samyn ;  quhilk  lettre  he  purchest,  geving 
 thamo  to  undirstand  that  we  wcr  content  thairwith. 
 
 "  And  the  samyn  being  once  obteinit,  he  began  afar  of 
 to  discovir  his  intentioun  to  ws,  and  to  assay  gif  he  mycht 
 be  humill  sute  purches  oure  gude  will :  Bot  findnig  oure 
 answer  nathing  correspondent  to  his  desyre,  and  casting 
 befoir  his  eyis  all  doubtis  that  custumabillio  men  use  to 
 revolve  with  thameselfis  in  semblabill  iiiterprysis,  the  out- 
 wardnes^  of  oure  awin  mynd,  the  persuasionis  quhilk  ouro 
 friendis  or  his  unfrlcndis  mycht  cast  out  for  his  hinderence, 
 the  change  of  thair  niyndis  ([uhais  consent  he  had  alreddie 
 obtenit,  with  mony  uther  incidentis  quhilk  mycht  occur  to 
 frustrat  him  of  his  expectatioun,  he  resolved  with  himself  to 
 follow  furth  his  gude  fortoun,  and  all  respectis  laid  apart, 
 ayther  to  tyne  all  in  ane  hour,  or  to  bring  to  pas  that  thing 
 he  had  takin  in  hand  ;  and  swa  resoluit  quiklie  to  prosecute 
 his  deliberatioun,  he  sufierit  nocht  the  mater  lang  to  sleip, 
 bot  within  four  dayis  thaireftir,  findeing  opportunitie,  bo 
 ressoun  we  wer  past  secretlie  towartis  Striveling  to  visit  the 
 Prince  our  derrest  sone,  in  oure  returning  he  awaytetl  ws 
 bo  the  way  accumpaneit  with  a  greit  force,  ami  led  ws 
 with  all  diligence  to  Dunbar. 
 
 "  In  quhat  part  we  tukc  that  manor  of  dealing,  bot 
 speciallie   how  strange  we   fan<l   it    of  him,  of  (pihonie  we 
 
 *  Untownrdiiess. 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  507 
 
 (loubtit  less  than  of  ony  subject  we  had,  is  easie  to  be 
 imagined. 
 
 "  Being  thair,  we  reprochit  him,  the  honour  he  had  to 
 be  sa  estemit  oi*  ws,  the  favour  we  had  alsvayis  schawin  him, 
 his  ingratitude,  with  all  uther  remonstrances  (luhilk  mycht 
 serve  to  red  ws  out  of  his  handis.  Albeit  we  fand  his 
 doingis  rude,  zit  wer  his  answer  and  wordis  bot  gentill, 
 That  he  wald  honour  and  serve  ws,  and  nawayis  offend  ws  ; 
 askit  pardoun  of  the  bauldnes  he  had  tane  to  convoy  ws  to 
 ane  of  oure  awin  liousis,  (juhairunto  he  wes  drevin  be  force, 
 alsweill  as  constrainit  be  lufe,  the  vehemencie  ([uhairof  had 
 maid  him  to  set  apart  the  reverence  quhilk  naturallie  as 
 oure  subject  he  bure  to  ws,  as  alswa  for  saiftie  of  his  awin 
 lyff.  And  thair  began  to  mak  ws  a  discours  of  his  haill 
 lyff,  how  unfortunate  he  had  bene  to  find  men  his  unfreindis 
 ((uliome  he  had  nevir  offendit ;  how  thair  malice  nevir  ceasit 
 to  assault  him  at  all  occasiounis,  albeit  onjustlie  ;  <|uhat 
 calumpnyis  had  thai  spred  upoun  him  twiching  the  odious 
 violence  perpetrated  in  the  persoun  of  the  King  oure  lait  hus- 
 band ;  how  unabill  he  was  to  safe  himself  from  conspiraceis 
 of  his  innemeis,  quhome  he  mycht  not  knaw,  be  ressoun 
 eyerie  man  professed  himself  outwartlie  to  be  his  freind  ; 
 and  zit  he  had  sic  malice,  that  he  could  not  find  himself  in 
 suirtie,  without  he  wer  assurit  of  oure  favour  to  indure 
 without  alteratioun  ;  and  uther  assurance  thairof  could  he 
 not  lippin  in,  without  it  wald  pleis  ws  to  do  him  that 
 honour  to  tak  him  to  husband,  protesting  alwayis  that  he 
 wald  seik  na  uther  soveraintie  bot,  as  befoir,  to  servo  and 
 obey  ws  all  the  dayis  of  our  lyff,  joyning  thairunto  all  the 
 honest  language  that  could  bo  usit  in  sic  a  cais. 
 
 "  And  (luhen  he  saw  ws  lyke  to  reject  all  his  sute  and 
 offeris,  in  the  end  he  schowed  ws  how  far  he  was  procedit 
 with  oure  haill  Nobilitie  and  principallis  of  our  Estaittis, 
 and  quhat  thai  had  promeist  him  undir  thair  handwrittis. 
 Gif  we  had  cans  yan  to  be  astoneist,  we  remit  ws  to  the 
 jugement  of  the  King,  the  Queue,  oure  uncle,  and  utheris 
 oure  freindis.  Seing  oure  self  in  his  puissance,  scfpiestrat  from 
 the  cumpany  of  all  oure  scrvandis  and  utheris  «|uhome  of  we 
 mycht  ask  counsalo  ;  zea,  seing  thame  upoun  (pdiais  counsalo 
 and  fidelitie  we  had  befoir  dependit,  <[uhais  force  audit 
 and  mon  (must)  manteinc  oure  authoritie,  without  quhome 
 
598  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507- 
 
 in  a  maiicr  wo  ar  natliiiig,  (for  qiihat  is  a  Prince  without  a 
 pcopill  I)  bcfoirliand  alrcddie  zealdcd  to  his  apetyto,  and 
 swa  we  left  allane  as  it  wer  a  prey  to  him.  Mony  thingis 
 we  revolved  with  oure  self,  but  nevir  could  find  anc  outgait. 
 And  zit  gaif  he  ws  lytill  space  to  meditate  with  oure  self, 
 evir  pressing  ws  with  continewall  and  importune  sute. 
 
 "  In  the  end,  quhen  we  sa  na  esperance  to  be  red  of  him, 
 nevir  man  in  Scotland  anis  makand  ane  mynt  to  procure 
 our  deliverance,  for  that  it  mycht  appeir  be  thair  hand 
 writtis  and  silence  at  that  tyme  that  he  had  won  thame  all, 
 we  wer  compellit  to  mitigat  oure  displeasour,  and  began  to 
 think  upoun  that  he  propoundit ;  and  yan  wer  content  to 
 lay  befoir  oure  eyis  the  service  he  had  done  in  tymes  past, 
 the  offer  of  his  continewance  heireftir  ;  how  unwilling  oure 
 peopill  ar  to  ressave  a  strangear  unacquainted  with  thair 
 lawis  and  custumis  ;  that  thai  would  not  suffir  ws  lang  to 
 remane  unmareit ;  that  this  Realme,  being  devidit  in  factioiiis 
 as  it  is,  cannot  be  contenit  in  ordour  onles  our  autoritie  be 
 assistit  and  furthset  be  the  fortificatioun  of  a  man  (}uha 
 mon  tak  pane  upoun  his  persoun  in  the  executioun  of 
 justice,  and  suppressing  of  thair  insolence  that  wald  rebell, 
 the  travell  quhairof  we  may  na  langar  sustene  in  oure  awin 
 persoun,  being  alrcddie  weryit,  and  almaist  brokin  with  the 
 frequent  uprores  and  rebellionis  rasit  aganis  ws  sen  we 
 come  in  Scotland  ;  how  we  have  bene  compellit  to  mak 
 four  or  fyve  lieutenentis  attanis^  in  divers  partis  of  the 
 Realme,  of  (pdiome  the  maist  part,  abusing  oure  autoritie, 
 hes,  under  cullour  of  oure  commissioun,  raisit  oure  subjcctis 
 within  thair  charge  aganis  oure  self:  And  seing  force  wald 
 compell  ws  in  the  end,  for  preservatioun  of  oure  awin  Estait, 
 to  inclyne  to  sum  mariage,  and  that  the  humour  of  (Hire 
 peopill  wald  nocht  weill  degest  a  foreyn  husband,  and  that 
 of  oure  awin  subjectis  thair  wes  nanc,  eyther  for  the  repu- 
 tatioun  of  his  hous,  or  for  the  worthines  of  himself  alsweill 
 in  wisdonu',  valzeantnes,  as  in  all  uther  gude  (jualitics,-  to 
 be  prcferrit,  or  zit  comparit  to  him  (juhome  we  have  takin, 
 we  wer  contont  to  accomode  oure  self  with  the  consent  of 
 oure  haill  Kstaittis,  <|uha,  as  is  befoir  said,  had  alrcddie 
 declarit  thair  contentationis. 
 
 '   [Atoncc. — K.J  ^  These  topicks  arc  commonly  made  uso 
 
 of,  and  are  commonly  a*i  ill  ^Mounded  as  they  wcro  at  this  time. 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  599 
 
 "  Eftir  he  had  be  thir  meaiiis,  and  mony  iitheris,  brocht 
 W8  agaitward  to  his  intent,  he  partHc  extorted  and  partHe 
 obtenit  oure  promeis  to  tak  him  to  oure  husband  :  And  zit 
 not  content  thairwith,  fearing  evir  sum  alterationis,  he  wald 
 noclit  be  satisfeit  with  all  the  just  ressounis  we  could  allege 
 to  have  the  consummatioun  of  the  niariage  delayit,  as  had 
 bene  maist  ressounabill,  quliill  we  mycht  communicat  the 
 same  to  the  King,  the  Queue,  oure  uncle,  and  utheris  oure 
 freindis ;  bot  as  be  a  bravado  in  the  begynning  he  had  win 
 the  fyrst  point,  sa  ceased  he  nevir  till  be  persuasionis  and 
 importune  sute,  accumpaneit  nottheles  with  force,  he  lies 
 finalic  drevin  ws  to  end  the  work  begun  at  sic  tyme  and  in 
 sic  forme  as  he  thocht  mycht  best  serve  his  turne,  quhairin 
 we  cannot  dissembill  that  he  lies  usit  ws  uthcrwayis  than 
 we  wald  have  wyssit,  or  zit  have  deservit  at  his  hand, 
 having  mair  respect  to  content  thame  by  quhais  consent 
 grantit  to  him  bcfoir  hand  he  thinkis  he  hes  obtenit  his 
 purpois,  althoch  thairin  he  had  bayth  frustrate  ws  and 
 thame,  than  regarding  oure  contentatioun,  or  zit  weying 
 quhat  wes  convenient  for  ws  that  hes  bene  norissed  in  our 
 awin  religioun,  and  nevir  intendis  to  leif  the  samyne  for 
 him  or  ony  man  upoun  earth. ^ 
 
 "  Indeid  with  this  point  we  find  fault  in  oure  mynd, 
 albeit  we  ar  content  that  nowther  the  King,  the  Queue  oure 
 modir,  oure  uncle,  nor  ony  uther,  lay  it  to  his  charge  ;  for 
 now  sen  it  is  past,  and  cannocht  be  brocht  bak  agane,  we 
 will  mak  the  best  of  it,  and  it  mon  be  thocht,  as  it  is  in 
 effect,  that  he  is  oure  husband,  quhome  we  will  bayth  luff 
 and  honour,  swa  that  all  that  professis  thameselfis  to  bo 
 oure  freindis  mon  profess  the  lyke  freindschip  towartis  him 
 quha  is  inseparabilie  joynit  with  ws.  vVnd  albeit  he  hes  in 
 sum  pointis  or  ceremoncis  raklest  himself,-  quhilk  we  ar 
 content  to  impute  to  his  affectioun  towartis  ws,  wo  will 
 desyre  the  King,  tho  (Juc^no  oure  motlir,  oure  uncle,  and 
 uthers  oure  freinds,  to  bcir  him  na  less  gudi'  will  than  (if)  all 
 had  procedit  to  thi<  hour  witli  the  avys  of  all  our  freindis, 
 and  in  the  best  ordour  that  hu  could  half  devvsit,  assurins: 
 
 ^  The  Queen  lierc  seems  to  ai)(>lof,M/e  for  her  marriai^e  uith   inu-   tliat 
 was  of  the  new  reli^non,  and  that  it  was  solemnized  alter  that   I'orni. 
 '^  i.  e.  Dcborded  from  decenev. 
 
()00  THE  IIISTOKY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 tliaine  that  tluii  will  find  liiin  rcddic  to  do  tliaiu  all  the 
 honour  and  service  thai  can  rcqueir.^ 
 
 "  Item^  In  cais  it  sail  bo  objcctit  to  zow  be  the  King,  the 
 Quene  oure  modir,  ourc  uncle,  or  any  uther  our  freindis, 
 that  oure  present  niariage  can  nocht  be  lauchful,  in  respect 
 that  he  quhome  withall  we  ar  presentlie  joynit  was  of  befoir 
 couplit  to  a  wyff,  ze  sail  reply  and  answer  according  to  the 
 verie  treuth,  That  albeit  he  wes  befoir  mareit,  zit  befoir 
 cure  mariage  with  him,  the  formar  contract  and  band  wes 
 be  the  ordour  of  law,  expressit  in  the  canonis  ressavit  and 
 practizit  in  oure  Realme,  for  lauchful  cans  of  consanguinitie 
 and  utheris  relevant,  dissolvit,  and  the  proces  of  divorce 
 ordourlie  led  ;  swa  that  we  on  the  ane  part,  and  he  on  the 
 uther  syde,  being  baytli  fre,  the  mariage  myclit  lauchfullie 
 and  Weill  aneuch  be  accomplissit  be  the  lawis  of  this  Realme, 
 as  now  at  Goddis  plessour  it  is,  quhairby  the  foirsaid 
 objectioun,  or  ony  the  lyke  tending  to  this  fyne  (end),  may 
 be  elydit  and  set  by.2 
 
 "  Furthermair,  it  may  be  that  oure  uncle  the  Cardinall 
 sail  object  and  find  fault,  that  we  maid  not  sic  exact 
 diligence  in  convoying  hither  of  the  Nunce  Apostolice  as  the 
 wecht  of  the  mater  cravit  :  in  quhilk  point  ze  sail  answer 
 and  satisfie  him  be  declaratioun  and  making  of  trew  report, 
 liow  this  last  zeir  about  Martimes  we  directit  towart  the 
 said  Nunce  oure  wcilbelovit  clerk  and  servitour  Maister 
 Stevin  Wilsoun,  instructit  with  oure  mynd,  quhairof  the 
 chief  intent  wes,  how  the  Nunce  mycht  be  maist  suirlie  and 
 convenientlie  transportit  towart  oure  Realme,  and  to  ourc 
 presence,  be  the  conduct  of  oure  said  servitour;  and  zit  we  so 
 na  apperance  of  his  cunmiing,  bot  is  partlie  frustrat  and  put 
 by  (i)ast)  oure  purpois  for  lak  of  that  support  quhilk  anis  wo 
 undii-studo  of  his  llalines  libcralitie  to  have  bene  destinat 
 for  ws  for  the  mantening  of  our  Estait,  and  furthsctting  of 
 
 ^  [Soo  the  thiid  note,  p.  5!)1  of  this  edition. —  E.] 
 
 '  The  case  of  tliis  divorce  was  too  scandalous  a  matter  for  the  Queen 
 to  liave  ever  any  dealin;^  in  it.  IShe  ouj^lit  to  have  rejected  tlie  gri'atest 
 Trince  in  the  worhl,  if  it  hrlioved  him  to  divorce  another  wonuin  first,  to 
 ren(h'r  him  eai>al)le  to  marry  lier.  lint  to  take  her  own  sul»ject  after  such 
 a  manner  was  hy  much  too  far  below  her  royal  birth  and  dipiity,  had 
 she  considered  the  same  as  it  became  her.  I  know  \oy\  well  that  the 
 matter  of  divorce  was  a  chief  reproach  upon  the  practice  and  reli<^ion  of 
 the  preceding  times,  but  [  mucli  doul)t  wlu'tlu>r  any  di>  orce  and  subse- 
 fpient  marriage  was  ever  so  oftensivc  ami  scandalous  ;i.s  this. 
 
1507.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SOOTLANU.  OOl 
 
 olire  authoritie  ;i  bot  chieflie  in  default  of  his  presence, 
 counsale,  and  conference  with  him,  qiihilk  joynit  with  the 
 iithir  thin<?  befoir  said,  in  all  apperancc  wes  noclit  onlic 
 likclie  to  have  furthcrit  and  avancit  the  mater  verie  heichlie, 
 bot  alswa  mycht  have  red  ws  out  of  mony  thrawart  acci- 
 dcntis  quhilk  sensyne  we  have  fallin  into ;  ane  of  the  prin- 
 cipall  occasionis  quhairof  we  mon  imput  to  the  said  Nunceis' 
 absence,  and  nocht  resorting  to  ws,  quhilk  hes  procedit  on 
 his  awin  motioun,  and  sair  aganis  oure  will,  as  ze  sail  mak 
 oure  uncle  to  undirstand  be  all  the  gude  and  honest  persua- 
 sionis  ze  can,  tending  to  this  end." 
 
 "  Instructioun  to  oure  trusti/  servand  Robert  Malvile,'^  to  be 
 
 declarit  be  him  on  oure  behalf^  to   oure  derrest  sister  the 
 
 Queue  of  England. 
 
 "  Eftir  that  ze  have  presentit  oure  maist  hartlie  commen- 
 
 dationis  to  oure  said  derrest  sister,  ze  sail  expone  and  declair 
 
 ^I  have  put  into  the  Appendix,  Number  XIX.,  two  letters  in  the  Latin 
 tongue  written  by  our  Queen,  one  to  tlie  Pope,  the  other  to ,  concern- 
 ing the  Nuncio.  These  I  have  recovered  from  the  Sliattered  MS.,  and  I 
 shall  put  likewise  some  other  letters,  SiC.  into  the  Ajtpendix  concerning 
 this  Nuncio,  who  was  now  Bishop  of  Mondovi,  and  afterwards  Cardinal 
 Laurea. 
 
 2  [It  was  necessary  that  an  envoy  should  be  sent  on  a  similar  errand  to 
 Queen  Elizabeth  as  that  entrusted  to  Bishop  Chisholm,  the  envoy  to 
 France  and  Rome.  Mary,  unfortunately  for  her  own  position,  selected 
 Sir  Robert  :Melville,  brother  of  Sir  James  Melville  of  Ilalhill.  Sir  Itobert 
 was  secretly  the  determined  enemy  of  Bothwell,  and  one  of  the  princii)al 
 associates  in  the  confederacy  against  him  and  JMary  herself,  lie  is 
 described  as  an  honourable  man  for  those  times,  but  it  is  certain  that  he 
 availed  himself  of  the  Queen's  confidence  reposed  in  him  to  reveal  her 
 purjjoses  to  his  friends,  and  he  contrived  to  act  both  for  Mary  and  his  own 
 party  in  this  mission,  to  perform  which  he  left  Edinburgh  on  the  Sth  of  .June. 
 lie  was  instructed,  he  says,  to  excuse  the  recent  nuirriage  of  his  mistress, 
 and  to  persuade  Elizabeth  not  to  exi)o.se  her  to  sliame  or  declare  herself  an 
 enemy  ;  but  he  also  carried  letters  from  Morton  and  others  to  the  Ijiglish 
 Queen  and  Cecil,  accusing  Mary  of  the  murder  of  Darnley,  and  those 
 letters  were  written  ])y  the  very  men  who  were  now  nunlitating  her 
 dethronement. — MS.  Declaration  of  Sir  Robert  Melville,and  MS.  Lettei-s, 
 State-Paper  Office,  Maitland  to  Cecil,  21st  and  2sth  .lune  I5(i7  ;  Morton 
 and  other  Lords  to  Elizabeth,  26'tli  June  1.%'7,  cited  in  Tytler's  History  of 
 Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  124,  125.  Bothwell  also  .sent  a  letter  to  Elizabeth  by 
 Melville,  who  was  also  the  bearer  of  epistles  from  him  to  Cecil  and 
 Throgmorton,  all  dated  on  the  5th  of  June.  Mr  Tytler  says  of  Bothwell's 
 letter  to  Elizabeth — "  It  is  expressed  in  a  bold,  almost  a  kingly  tone  ;  he 
 was  aware,  he  said,  of  the  Queen's  ill  opinion  of  him,  but  he  protested  it 
 
G02  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 unto  hir  the  vcrie  occasionis  (|uhilk  lies  niovit  ws  to  tak  the 
 Duke  of  Orknay  to  husband,  and  thairwithall  niak  oure 
 excuse  for  tliat  we  sa  suddanHe  procedit  to  the  consumma- 
 tioun  of  oure  niariagc,  not  makand  oure  derrest  sister  adver- 
 tisement, nor  askand  hir  advys  and  counsal  thairin. 
 
 "  For  the  first,  ze  sail  grund  zow  upon  the  condition  and 
 stait  of  ws  and  our  Realme,  declarand  how  we  wer  destitute 
 of  anc  husband,  oure  Reahne  not  throuchlie  purgit  of  the 
 factiounis  and  conspiraceis  that  of  lang  tyme  lies  continewit 
 thairin,  quhilk  occurring  sa  frequcntlie,  had  alrcddie  in  a 
 nniner  sa  weryit  and  brokin  ws,  that  be  oure  self  we  wer 
 not  abill  of  ony  lang  continewance  to  sustene  the  panis  and 
 travcU  in  oure  awin  persoun,  quhilkis  wer  requisite  for 
 repressing  of  the  insolence  and  seditioun  of  oure  rebellious 
 subjectis,  being,  as  is  knawin,  a  peopill  als  factious  amangis 
 thameselfis,  and  als  fassious'^  for  the  Govcrnour  as  any  uther 
 natioun  in  Europe ;  and  that  for  thair  satisfactioun,  quhilk 
 could  not  suffer  ws  lang  to  continew  in  the  stait  of  witloheid, 
 niovit  be  thair  prayeris  and  requeist,  it  behuvit  ws  to  zield 
 unto  ane  manage  or  uther. 
 
 "  Seeing  na  apperance  of  ony  greit  commoditie  to  follow 
 bo  protracting  of  tyme,  bot  as  on  the  ane  part  thai  wer 
 verie  weill  content,  zea,  and  crnistlie  urgit  ws,  yat  we  sould 
 without  delay  proceid  to  oure  mariage,  evin  swa  on  the  uther 
 syde,  be  thair  meaning  we  persavit  how  unwilling  thai  wer 
 that  we  sould  cheis  ony  foreyn  husband,  bot  rather  sa  far 
 huniill  ws  to  be  content  with  sum  borne  subject  of  oure  awin 
 for  that  }>lace,  that  were  acquented  with  thair  maneris,  and 
 the  lawis  and  custum  of  oure  Kealnie ;  for  indeid  we  oure 
 self  hes  had  sum   pruif  and   experience  of  thair  sturring, 
 
 was  undeserved  ;  detlaiod  his  rosolution  to  prosom-c  the  amity  between 
 the  two  kingdoms,  and  professed  his  readiness  to  do  lier  Majesty  all 
 hononr  and  service.  Men  of  p-eatcr  birth,  so  he  concluded,  nii<,dit  have 
 been  preferred  to  the  high  station  he  now  occupied  ;  none,  he  boldly 
 affirmed,  could  have  been  chosen  more  zealous  for  the  preservation  of  lier 
 Majesty's  friendshiji,  of  whicii  she  should  have  experience  at  any  time  it 
 mi<''ht  be  her  pleasure  to  employ  him.  The  style  was  difterent  from  the 
 servility  which  so  commonly  ran  through  the  addresses  to  this  haughty 
 Queen,  and  marked  the  proud  character  of  mind  which,  as  much  as  his 
 crinvvs,  distinguished  this  daring  man."— MS.  Letters,  State-Paiier  Office, 
 liothwell  to  Queen  Elizabeth  and  Cecil,  5th  June  \')(i'Jy  and  Bothwell  to 
 Throgmorton,  nth  June  1567,  cited  in  Ty tier's  History  of  Scotland, 
 vol.  vii.  p.  ]'2-\  l-2(i  — K.]  '  [Troublesom.-.     K.] 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  G03 
 
 qiilicn  as  be  occasioun  of  oure  foreyn  manage  thai  haif  sus- 
 pectit  to  be  hardly  handilht  of  strangearis.  Quhen,  thair- 
 foir,  in  the  eyis  and  opinioun  of  oure  peopill,  anc  of  oure 
 awin  subjcetis  wes  jugeit  maist  nieit  bayth  for  ws  and  thame, 
 oure  haill  NobiHtie  being  laitHe  assemblit  at  oure  Parla- 
 ment,  wer  best  content  that  the  Duke  of  Orknay,  yan  Erie 
 of  Jiuthwile,  sould  be  promovit  to  tliat  place,  gif  sa  wer  oure 
 plesour  ;  and  to  that  effect  subscryvit  a  lettre  with  all  tliair 
 handis  befoir,  or  evir  we  aggreit  to  tak  him  to  oure  husband, 
 or  that  he  oppynit  his  mynd  to  ws  in  that  behalf,  <pihairby 
 wo  wer  movit  to  mak  oure  choyse  of  him,  as  ana  quhais 
 wisdome,  valzeantnes,  and  utheris  gude  qualitcis,  mycht  be 
 Weill  comparit,  or  rather  preferrit,  to  ony  uthir  Nobillman 
 in  oure  Kealme,  and  his  Hous  honorabill  and  ancient.  But 
 indeid  his  faythfull  and  uprycht  service,  evir  sen  he  come  to 
 manis  state,  spent  and  bestowit  for  ws  and  in  our  querrcll, 
 for  furthsctting  of  oure  authoritie,  cpdia  evir  ganestude  it, 
 wes  na  small  motive  in  oure  consait  in  making  of  oure  choyse, 
 the  rather  becaus  nane,  or  verie  few,  of  all  the  Nobillmcn 
 ar  abill  in  that  point  to  debate  with  him,  scing  at  sum 
 tyme  or  uther  the  maist  part  of  thame  had  leaft  ws,  he 
 exceptit. 
 
 "  Thir  thingis  being  considerit  maturelie,  and  having 
 respect  to  the  releif  (juliilk  he  sould  mak  ws  in  maniement 
 of  the  publict  effaris  of  oure  liealme,  and  administratioun 
 of  justice,  with  the  quhilk,  throw  frequent  uproris  and  sedi- 
 tionis,  as  we  have  said,  we  wer  fullie  weryed,  we  resolvit  to 
 marie  him  how  sone  we  mycht  convenientlie.  And  for  oure 
 suddane  preceding  in  that  behalf,  not  makand  oure  said 
 derrest  sister  previe  of  oure  intentioun,  nor  askand  hir 
 advyis  and  counsall  thairin,  <[uhilk  we  confess  we  audit  to 
 haif  done,  the  chief  occasionis  wer,  as  ze  may  bauldlie 
 affirme,  the  difficultie  of  the  tyme,  divers  advcrtiscnu-ntis 
 and  bruittis  that  come  to  ws,  alsweill  fra  France  as  uther- 
 wayis,  and  sic  uther  thingis  as  in  the  mene  tyme  intervenit, 
 and  zit  vorio  wechtie  and  sufficient  causis,  tending  to  oure 
 greit  Weill  and  suirtie,  quhilkis  are  weill  knawin  to  oure  self, 
 constrenit  ws  to  mak  sic  haist  as  we  have  done,  and  not  to 
 delay  the  mater  <|uhill  (until)  oure  said  derrest  sister  had 
 bene  advcrteist  of  oure  intentioun  and  ]turp<>i<.aiid  hiradvyis 
 
<^>04  THE  HISTORY  OV  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507. 
 
 and  coiinsall  had  bcno  knawiii  and  reportit  to  ws,  <jiihair- 
 anent  zo  sail  pray  and  desyr  hir  hartlie  to  excuse  ws ;  for 
 as  we  nevir  meanit  to  joyne  in  mariage  with  ony  that  we 
 belevit  scho  wes  not  contentit  with,  sa  for  this  quhilk  is 
 present,  we  traist  scho  will  not  onehe  continew  hir  accustuiuat 
 favour  and  mutuall  intelligence  with  ws,  bot  als,  for  oure 
 respect,  will  extend  hir  friendschip  to  oure  husband,  with 
 quhonie  we  ar  inscparabillie  joynit,  and  to  beir  him  and  ws 
 na  les  gude  will  than  gif  all  had  procedit  to  this  hour  with 
 the  knawlege  and  avyis  of  oure  said  derrest  sister,  quhome 
 ze  sail  assuir  to  find  him  reddie  to  do  hir  all  the  honour  and 
 service  that  scho  can  requeir  of  him. 
 
 "  Item,  In  cais  the  Queue  oure  gude  sister  sail  mak  hir  to 
 think  strange  of  oure  mariage  with  the  Duke  of  Orknay,  be 
 ressoun  he  wes  suspectit  and  calumpniat  of  the  odious 
 violence  committit  in  the  persoun  of  the  King  oure  lait 
 husband,  and  that  scho  had  writtin  to  oure  self  sumquhat 
 in  that  behalf  of  befoir :  It  is  trew  that  scho  wrate  to  ws, 
 and  we  send  hir  answer  aganc,  the  copy  quhairof  we  have 
 delivcrit  zow  heirwith,  quhilk  will  instruct  zow  sufficicntlie 
 quhat  ze  sail  answer  to  this  objectioun,  in  cais  ze  be  burdynit 
 with  it.  In  effect  it  is  this,  that  seing  he  wes  acquite  be 
 oure  lawis,  and  be  the  sensament  of  Parlament,!  and  had 
 further  offerit  him  reddie  to  do  all  thing  for  tryall  of  his 
 innocencie  that  ony  Nobillraan  in  honour  audit,-  we  thocht 
 
 ^  Bisliop  Leslie  mentions  tlie  same  tiling  likewise,  and  yet  there  is  no 
 such  matter  to  be  seen  in  the  Record  of  the  Parliament  in  April  1567. — 
 [Our  Historian  forgot  that  the  acquittal  of  Bothwell  at  his  mock  trial 
 could  not  come  before  the  Parliament,  as  no  accuser  had  appeared,  and  the 
 j)roceedings  were  in  the  High  Court  of  Justiciary  ;  but  the  "  sensament 
 of  Parliament,"  as  Queen  Mary  exi)ressos  it  in  the  above  document,  is 
 clearly  implied  in  the  "  Jtatification  to  .lames  Erie  Bothuill,  Lord  Hales, 
 of  the  Captanerie  of  Dunbar,"  &c.  on  the  19th  of  April  15()7,  by  the 
 Parliament. — Acta  Pari,  tScot.  folio,  vol.  ii.  p.  550,  551.  See  the  note, 
 p.  558  of  the  jjresent  volume. — E.] 
 
 ^  i.  e.  The  I'^arl  of  Bothwell  the  same  day  after  his  acquittal,  I  tliinlv, 
 offered  the  combate — a  thing  usual  in  those  days  to  any  that  would  dare 
 to  say  he  was  guilty.  Buchanan  says  the  challenge  waa  accepted  on 
 certain  conditions,  but  then  he  tells  us  no  more  of  the  matter. — 
 I  Buchanan's  History,  Translation,  Edin.  edit.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  329.  See 
 the  note  on  the  acquittal  of  Bothwell,  and  his  challenge  of  single  combat 
 to  any  one  who  accused  him  of  the  murder  of  Darnley,  p.  5G3  of  the  present 
 volume. — E.] 
 
loG7.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  SCOTLAND.  G05 
 
 the  formal*  (to  be)  calumpny  and  accusatioun,  and  that  we 
 mycht  Weill  aneuchi  tak  him  to  husband. 
 
 "  Item^  It  may  be  that  oure  glide  sister  sail  allege  oure 
 
 *  Well  enough  is  in  our  Scottish  dialect  to  tliis  day  but  a  <iualified  sort 
 of  affirmation,  and  includes  a  kind  of  diffidence,  and  secret  acknowledg- 
 ment that  the  thinfj  might  bel)etter,  or  better  done.  And,  indeed,  1  must 
 own  that  I  am  nowise  surprized  that  the  Queen  had  not  courage  to  say 
 more  on  the  present  head ;  for  to  me  it  seems  but  a  poor  ajiology  for  any 
 woman,  and  much  more  a  Queen,  who  is  stationed,  we  may  literally  say, 
 in  the  view  of  all  the  world,  to  alledge  that,  because  the  strongly  surmised 
 murderer  of  her  former  husband  was  cleared  from  that  imputation  by  a 
 /?«7/,  therefore  she  could  with  a  good  grace  take  the  same  very  person 
 for  her  future  husband.  There  is  something  very  delicate  in  a  point  of 
 this  nature,  and  the  smallest  suspicion  ought  to  determine  the  surviving 
 party,  especially  the  female,  to  abstain  from  such  an  enterprize.  But  if 
 the  Queen,  in  the  present  case,  was  conscious  of  any  guilt  in  the  Earl  of 
 Bothwell,  or  if  she  gave  the  least  comitenance  in  assoilzieing  him,  we 
 must  take  the  freedom  to  say  that  she  has  brought  justly  upon  herself  all 
 the  misfortunes  which  from  this  time  did  befall  her,  how  unjustly  soever 
 these  might  be  inflieted  by  her  enemies.  It  was  at  least  incumbent  upon 
 her  Majesty,  if  she  entertained  any  thought  of  marrying  the  Karl  of 
 Bothwell,  to  have  sifted  into  the  bottom  of  the  accusation  led  against 
 him,  and  to  have  allowed  every  reasonable  scruple  to  bo  satisfied  whicli 
 the  Earl  of  Lenox  could  propose  ;  and  particularly,  thougii  the  day 
 of  the  trial  could  not  be  adjourned  by  her  authority,  as  that  Earl  re- 
 quired, yet  she  might  have  easily  commanded  the  Lord-Justice  to  delay 
 the  business  until  another  day,  after  the  Court  was  cnce  formed.  Truly 
 1  cannot  but  deem  it  a  piece  of  high  imprudence  in  the  Queen  to  have 
 taken  at  any  rate  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  to  her  husband,  even  though  he 
 had  been  as  innocent  of  the  crime  laid  to  his  charge  as  the  child  that  was 
 yet  unborn.  And  the  imprudence  was  still  heightened,  when  she  could 
 not  be  ignorant  what  a  powerful  faction  she  had  to  grapple  with  in  the 
 kingdom,  and  so  might  easily  judge  that  such  a  marriage,  notwithstanding 
 all  their  hypocritical  Bonds,  &c.  would  be  afterwards  improved  to  the 
 best  advantage  against  her. —  [Mary  was  now  rai)idly  approaching  the 
 crisis  of  her  fate  by  her  marriage  with  Bothwell.  "  Not  a  spear,"  s;\ys  Sir 
 Walter  Scott,  "  was  lifted,  not  a  sword  drawn,  to  rescue  Mary  from  the 
 power  of  that  atrocious  ruffian.  She  was  suffered  without  either  warning 
 or  opposition  to  unite  herself  witli  this  worthless  man,  and  it  was  not  till 
 her  honour  became  inseparable  from  his  that  the  same  advisers  changed 
 their  note,  souiuled  an  alarm  to  the  nation,  an<l  calU'd  on  all  true  subjects 
 to  rescue  the  Queen  from  the  controul  of  Bothwell."  We  have  seen, 
 however,  in  the  course  of  the  narrative,  that  Mary  had  niany  warnings 
 not  to  man-y  Bothwell,  as  related  in  the  note,  ]).  AS.'J,  5S4,  58'),  of  the 
 present  volume  ;  l)ut  Sir  Walter  Scott's  language,  it  is  appropriately  ob- 
 served, "  falls  justly  uj)on  the  men  Avhose  influence  and  admonitions,  had 
 they  been  united  with  those  of  Lord  Ilerries  and  Sir  .lames  Melville, 
 might  have  extricated  Mai-y  from  her  toils." — Memoirs  of  .John  Napier  of 
 Merchiston,  his  Lineage,  Life,  and  Times,  by  Mark  Napier,  Esq.  4to. 
 Edin.  IS-HP-  117.— E.l 
 
G06  THE  HISTORY  OF  THK  AFFAIRS  [1567- 
 
 j)rc8cnt  iiKiriago  not  to  be  lauclit'ull,  in  sa  far  as  the  Duke 
 cure  hu.sband  wes  coui)lit  to  a  wyff  of  befoir,  quha  zit  levis  : 
 Ze  sail  answer,  That  be  the  lawis  ressavit  within  oure 
 llcalmc,  and  often  tynies  practizit,  as  is  notour  aneuch,  his 
 forniar  niariap^e  wes  dissolvit,  and  the  proces  of  divorce 
 ordourlie  led,  for  resolute  causis  of  consanguinitie,  and 
 utlieris,  befoir  oure  mariagc  with  him,  and  swa  we  mycht 
 lauclifullie  consuunnat  the  samyn,  for  it  is  na  new  thing 
 nowther  in  Scotland  nor  Ingland. 
 
 "  Itern^  TiC  sail  put  oure  said  gude  sister  in  mynd  of  the 
 Maistir  of  Marchellisi  lang  captivitie,  throw  refuis  of  resson- 
 abill  ransouni  that  mony  tynies  hes  bene  ofFerit,  and  the 
 matir  verie  oft  motionat  unto  hirself,  sen  thair  is  nathing 
 to  be  had  of  thame  in  qulias  handis  he  now  remanis  bot 
 uttir  rigour  and  extremitie  ;  that  it  will  pleis  oure  said  gude 
 sister  to  appoint  and  gif  commissioun  to  sum  discreit  men 
 to  meit  with  utheris  of  the  lyke  qualitie,  to  be  send  and 
 appointit  be  ws,  for  making  ane  modificatioun  of  the  said 
 ransoum,  swa  that  the  samyn  being  payit,  the  gentillman 
 may  be  fre  of  his  lang  sumptuous  captivitie.'^ 
 
 It  was  very  much  talked  in  tlie  kingdom,  that  the  Earl 
 of  Bothwell  had  a  strong  inclination  to  have  the  Prince  in 
 his  keeping,  and  Sir  James  Melvil  gives  a  pretty  circum- 
 stantiate account  how  the  Earl  of  Mar  was  enabled  by  his 
 advice  to  divert  the  pursuit  for  a  time.-     This  same  author 
 
 '  [William  Lord  Keith,  oldest  son  of  William  fourth  Earl  ^[arischal 
 by  his  Countess  Margaret,  daughter  and  co-heiress  with  her  sister 
 Elizabeth  (who  married  Lord  l-'orbes)  of  Sir  William  Keith  of  Invenigie 
 in  iJanftishire.  'i'he  Master  of  ^farischal  died  in  1580  during  the  lifetime 
 of  his  father,  leaving  by  his  wife,  Lady  Elizal)eth  J  lay,  eldest  daughter  of 
 Cieorge  sixth  Earl  of  I'rroll,  eight  children,  the  eldest  of  whom,  named 
 (leorge,  succeeded  as  fifth  Earl  Marischal,  and  was  the  founder  of  the 
 Marischal  College  and  University  at  Aberdeen. —  E.] 
 
 ^  [Sir  .lames  Melville's  Memoires,  folio,  j).  81,  82.  In  the  "  >[emoirs 
 ofliisown  Life,"  by  Sir  .Tames  Melville,  from  the  original  MS.  in  the 
 jmssession  of  the  Ifight  lion.  Sir  (leorge  Hose,  printed  for  the  Haxxatynk 
 CiAH  in  1S27,  Sir  .lanu's  relates  his  conversation  with  Sir  .lames  lialtour 
 of  PittiMidreicli  in  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh,  after  he  had  heard  the  Queen 
 in  Ilolyroodhouse  ask  for  a  knife  to  "stick  herself,"  or  else  she  would 
 drown  herself,  as  narrated  in  the  note,  p.  587,  588,  of  the  present  volume. 
 "  Now,  said  I  to  Sir  .lames  lialtinir,"  continues  Sir  James  .Melville,  "  that 
 there  was  na  surete  for  him  to  be  out  of  susj)ition,but  to  keep  the  Castell 
 ot  Edinburgh  in  liis  awin  handis,  and  to  be  that  gnd  instrument  to  saif 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  ()07 
 
 likewise  makes  us  understand,  in  general,  that  on  the  other 
 hand  several  of  the  Nobility  had  secret  caballing  to  crown 
 the  young  Prince  and  prosecute  the  nuirderers  of  his 
 father.  These  different  views  of  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  and 
 his  opposites  came  at  last  to  terminate  in  Bonds  and 
 Associations  for  the  support  of  the  respective  parties  and 
 leaders,  and,  no  doubt,  the  destruction  of  their  enemies. 
 The  principal  Lords,  say  some,  who  met  at  Stirling,  and 
 associated  for  the  Prince,  were  the  Earls  of  Argyll,  Atholl, 
 Morton,  Mar,  Glencairn  ;  the  Lords  Lindsay  and  Boyd  :^ 
 
 baith  Quen  and  Prince,  in  assistinp;  the  Nol)ilitie  wha  were  about  to 
 croun  the  Trinee,  and  to  persew  the  Erie  liodowell  for  the  King^s 
 (Darnh^y'.s)  niurthour.  And  without  he  tok  i)art  with  tliem  theruntill,  he 
 wald  be  lialden  as  airt  and  part  of  the  said  murthour,  by  raisoun  of  his 
 hin<^  familiaritye  with  the  Erie  Bodowell  ;  and  that  it  was  a  happy  tiling 
 for  him  that  the  said  Erie  was  become  in  suspition  of  him,  assuring  him 
 that  I  had  intelligence  by  ane  that  was  of  the  Erie  Bodowell's  conseil,  to 
 wit,  the  Laird  of  AVhitlaw,  for  the  tynie  Capten  of  the  Castell  of  Dunbar, 
 that  the  Erie  Bodowell  was  determinit  to  take  the  Castell  of  Edinbrough 
 fra  him,  and  niak  the  Laird  of  Benstoun  (Beanston),  Hebroun  (Hepburn), 
 Capten  thereof,  and  then  to  put  the  Prince  there  in  his  keping."  The 
 coolness  of  Sir  James  Balfour  in  this  conversation  is  remarkable,  when 
 it  is  considered  that  he  was  deeply  involved  in  the  murder  of  Darnley, 
 and  actually  concocted  the  whole  plot.  lie  promised,  however,  to  act  as 
 Sir  James  Melville  advised  him,  and  to  oppose  his  friend  and  fellow- 
 conspirator  Bothwell,  if  Kirkaldy  of  Grange  would  promise  to  protect  him, 
 "  in  case  the  Nobilitie  mycht  alter  upon  him,  for  he  and  many  of  them 
 had  run  contrary  courses  before,  so  that  he  durst  not  credit  them.  The 
 Erie  of  >Lar,"  continues  Sir  James  Melville,  "  being  advertist  hereof  by 
 his  brother  Alexander  Arskin,  wha  was  trew  and  cairfuU  for  the  Prince's 
 saiftie,  came  secretely  to  me  at  midnycht,  for  the  dayes  were  dangerous 
 for  all  honest  men.  Now  my  L(ord)  of  Mar  being  continowally  recjuyred 
 and  boasted  to  deliver  the  Prince  out  of  his  hands,  at  length  granted,  with 
 condition  only  to  dryve  tyme,  that  ane  honest  responseablc  Nobleman 
 suld  be  made  Capten  of  the  Castell  of  Edinbrough,  l)ecause  he  saw  na 
 uther  sure  house  to  kepe  him  untill  he  suld  delyver  him  unto  the  Quen 
 his  mother,  (pihilk  he  was  not  myndit  to  do  sa  lang  as  he  mycht  resist. 
 Albeit  he  was  not  a  gud  discimilaire,  but  thocht  it  a  mcit  answer  to  dryve 
 a  little  tyme,  and  suage  the  present  fury,  untill  the  Nobilitie  mycht 
 convene  to  persew  the  monrther,  and  to  crown  the  Prince,  as  they  had 
 alredy  concludit  at  a  secreit  meeting  amang  themselves,  (^uhilk  wiw  not 
 sa  secret  but  that  ane  of  the  said  Lords  made  advertisement  thereof  to 
 the  Erie  Bodowell,  how  that  they  were  myndit  to  envyron  the  Palace  of 
 lliillirudhouse  and  tak  him  therein  ;  whereupon  he  forgot  tlie  sutting  of 
 the  I'riuee,  and  was  only  carefull  how  to  wiif  himself." — Memoirs 
 (Bannatyne  Club),  p.  180,  181. —  IvJ 
 
 ^  This  is  the  list  given  by  Knox  ami  Buchanan  :  but  Crawfunrs  Memoirs, 
 MS.  gives  for  the  "Chiefs  of  the  faction,  Morton,  Mar;  Lords  Home, 
 Sempil,  and  Lindsay  ;   Barons  Tillil)ardine  and  (irange,  and  Secretary 
 
G08  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7 . 
 
 But  as  to  tlie  particular  persons  who  combined  with  the 
 Earl  of  Bothwell,  we  are  left  to  guess  without  any  particular 
 mention  of  them  by  our  historians. ^     One  thing,  however, 
 
 Lething-ton  ;  these  disliking  the  Queen's  marriai^e,  and  being  out  of  coun- 
 tenance before,  dealt  secretly  with  others  to  make  a  faction,  pretending 
 thereby  to  set  the  Queen  to  liberty,  and  put  Botlnvell  to  a  trial  for  the 
 susj)ected  nnirder  ;  although  their  intention  was  rather  to  seek  their  own 
 liberty  (authority)  by  u])rore  and  rebellion,  as  in  its  own  place  you  shall 
 hear."— L Knox's  Historic,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  406.— Buchanan's  History, 
 Translation,  Edin.  edit.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  342.  The  extract  from  Crawfurd's 
 :MS.  Memoirs,  given  by  our  Historian,  is  considerably  garbled  ;  and  the 
 following  is  the  proper  narrative  :— "  Certain  of  the  Nobilitic  mislyking 
 of  this  marriage,  and  being  out  of  countenance  afore,  delt  secretly  with 
 uthirs  of  the  best  sort  to  make  a  faction,  pretending  therby  to  set  the 
 Queue  at  libertie,  and  to  put  Bothuell  to  a  tryall  of  the  suspectit  murther, 
 altho'  tlier  intentiouu  was  rather  to  seik  their  awin  libertie  by  uprore  and 
 rebellioun,  and  to  be  exalted,  as  in  the  awin  place  ye  sail  heir  ;  for  the 
 cheif  of  this  factioun  were  James  Erie  of  Mortoun,  the  Erie  of  Marr,  Lord 
 Sempill,  Lord  Lyndsay,  Secretary  (Maitland  of)  Lethingtoun,  the  Baron 
 of  Tullybarden  (Murray),  and  (Kirkaldy  of)  Graynge." — Historic  and 
 Life  of  King  James  the  Sext,  4to.  Edin.  1825,  printed  for  the  Bannatyne 
 Club,  p.  10.— E.] 
 
 *  [Nevertheless  Knox  expressly  asserts  that  the  Earl  of  Argyll, "  seduced 
 by  fair  words,"  was  persuaded  to  "  fall  off"  from  the  confederacy  against 
 the  Queen  and  Bothwell,  and  that  "  Boyd  became  a  great  factionary  for 
 Bothwell  in  all  things."— Ilistorie,  Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  40G.  Buchanan 
 says — "  Argyll,  out  of  the  same  levity  of  tem]>er  with  which  he  came  into 
 them,  discovered  their  designs  to  the  Queen  within  a  day  or  two  following; 
 and  Boyd  Mas  by  large  promises  wrought  over  to  the  contrary  party." — 
 History,  Translation,  Edin.  edit.  1752,  vol.  ii.  ]>.  342.  Lord  Herries  also 
 states — "  Argyll  the  next  day  revealed  all,  and  Boyd  Avas  afterwards  drawn 
 to  the  Queen's  side."— Historic  of  the  Jieigne  of  Marie  Queen  of  Scots, 
 by  John  fifth  Lord  Herries,  printed  for  the  Abbotsford  Club,  4to.  Edin. 
 1N3<)',  p.  91.  Mr  Tytler  observes,  that  during  the  absence  of  Sir  Robert 
 Melville  in  England  the  confederated  Nobility  diligently  arranged  their 
 plans  and  concentrated  their  forces.  "  It  was  judged  time,"  says  Mr 
 'J'ytler,  "  to  declare  themselves,  and  the  contrast  between  their  former 
 and  present  conduct  was  abundantly  striking.  They  who  had  combined 
 with  Bothwell  in  the  conspiracy  of  the  King's  murder,  and  had  urged  the 
 Bond  recommending  him  as  a  suitable  husband  for  the  Queen,  were  now 
 the  loudest  in  their  execration  of  the  deed,  and  their  denunciations  of  the 
 marriage.  It  was  necessary  for  them,  liowever,  from  this  very  circumstance, 
 to  act  with  that  caution  which  accomplices  in  guilt  must  adoi)t  when  they 
 attempt  to  expose  and  puni.sh  a  comi)anion.  W  Morton,  Argyll,  Huntly, 
 (Maitland  of)  Lcthington,  and  Balfour,  jmssessed  evidence  to  convict  Botli- 
 well  and  liis  servants  of  the  munhT  of  the  King,  it  was  not  to  be  forgotten 
 that  Bothwell  could  recriniiiuite,  and  j)rove  by  the  production  of  the 
 Bond,  that  they  had  consented  to  tiie  same  crime.  AVe  know,  too,  that 
 ho  had  shewn  this  Bond  to  some  of  the  actual  murderers,  and  unless  that 
 they  were  .slain  in  hot   blood,  or  made  away  with   before  they  had  an 
 
loG7.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  SCOTLAND.  000 
 
 both  Buchanan,  and  Knox,i  and  after  tlicm  Archbishop 
 Spottiswood,'^  take  care  to  inform  the  world  of,  that  \vh(  n 
 the  Queen  had  invited  many  of  the  Nobihty  to  Court,  and 
 liad  desired  them  to  sio^n  a  13ond  for  the  defence  of  herself 
 and  her  now  husband,  the  Earl  of  Moray  alone  had  the 
 courage  and  generosity  to  decline  doing  it,  telling  for  his 
 reason,  that  since  he  had  formerly  entered  into  friendship 
 with  Both  well  ho  would  keep  his  promise  ;  but  to  subscribe 
 any  Bond  for  the  Queen,  this  he  judged  to  be  unnecessary, 
 seeing  he  was  bound  to  obey  her  as  his  Sovereign  in  all 
 lawful  and  just  things.  Mr  Buchanan,  according  to  his  fine 
 talent,  makes  a  noble  discourse  and  panegyrick  here  in 
 favour  of  his  worths/  patron  ;  and  yet  when  all  this  fine 
 story  is  told  with  all  its  agreeable  circumstances,  it  is 
 certain  the  Earl  of  Moray  was  not  then  nor  had  been 
 within  this  kingdom  for  upwards  of  a  month  at  least  before 
 the  Queen's  marriage.^     If  one  or  all  of  these  authors  have 
 
 opportunity  of  spcakinji^  out,  the  whole  dark  story  mi^^ht  be  revealed. 
 These  ai)preliensions,  which  seem  to  me  not  to  have  been  sufficiently  kept 
 in  mind,  account  for  the  extraordinary  circumstances  which  soon  after 
 occurred." — History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  12G,  127. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Ilistoria  Kerum  Scoticarum,  original  edit.  Edin.  1582,  fol.  219,  220  ; 
 Translation,  Edin,  edit.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  340,  341  ;  Knox's  Ilistorie,  folio, 
 Edin.  1732,  p.  407.— E.] 
 
 ^  [History  of  the  Church  and  State  of  Scotland,  folio,  London,  1G55, 
 p.  204.— E.] 
 
 ^  [Bishop  Keith  misunderstood  Buchanan  and  Knox,  wdio  obviously 
 relate  this  incident  in  the  life  of  the  Ivirl  of  Moray  as  having  occurred 
 hefore  he  left  Scotland,  though  they  api)arently  mention  it  a.s  if  ho  had 
 been  in  the  kingdom  at  the  time.  Lord  llerries,  in  his  contcniporary 
 narrative,  notices  the  extraordinary  expedients  adopted  by  the  Queen 
 and  Bothwell  immediately  after  their  marriage.  One  of  these  was  a 
 "  Mutual  l^and,"  which,  TiOrd  lierriessays,  wjis  subscribed  by  most  of  the 
 Nobility,  from  different  "  respects  and  ends,"  and  the  tenor  of  the  Band 
 was^"  'J  liat  they  were  bound  to  defend  and  assist  the  Queen  and  her 
 husband  the  Duke  of  Orkney  in  all  their  enterprizes,  and  that  the  Queen 
 and  her  husband  were  bound  to  protect  and  maintain  them."  Lord 
 llerries  states  that  the  Earl  of  Moray  wius  "  only  absent  of  the  great 
 men."  It  appears  that  this  Band,  or  something  similar  to  it,  had  been 
 projected  before  the  Queen  married  Bothwell,  and  that  Mary  when  at 
 Seton  House  sent  for  Moray,  and  asked  him  to  subscribe.  "  He  pretended," 
 says  Lord  llerries,  "  to  give  all  the  a.'ssistance  that  lay  in  his  power  for 
 the  Queen  and  her  (intended)  husband,  but  ri'fuscd  to  enter  in  any  band 
 of  confederacie.  At  length  Bothwell  endevored,  in  a  privat  conference, 
 to  move  \\\m  to  joync,  but  finding  him  still  resolut,  he  told  him  publicklie 
 that  he  expected  liis  concurrence  a*;  much  as  any,  and  withall  said  that 
 VOT..  II.  -ii' 
 
0*10  THE  HLSTOIIY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 jumbled  different  times  together,  let  themselves  bear  the 
 blame  ;  for  I  suppose  they  may  have  an  eye  to  somewhat  of 
 this  kind,  whieh  the  Earl  of  Moray,  in  his  answer  to  the 
 Declaration  of  the  Earls  of  Iluntly  and  Argyll,  mentions  to 
 have  fallen  out  after  the  murder  indeed  of  the  King,  but 
 most  certainly  before  the  Queen's  marriage  with  liothwell.^ 
 On  the  28th  of  ^lay  the  two  following  Proclamations 
 are  inserted  in  the  llcgisters  of  Privy-Council,  and  though 
 there  is  no  Sederunt  of  Counsellors  marked,  yet  we  see 
 their  advice  is  mentioned  in  the  body  of  the  Proclamations. 
 
 ' '  Edinburgh ,  28  May  1 5  G7 .  Proclamation  aga  inst  L iddisda  ill. 
 
 "  The  Quenis  Majestic,  considdering  the  greit  skayth  and 
 detriment  quliilk  the  trew  and  gude  subjectis  of  this 
 Realme,  dwelland  in  the  cuntries  awest  theBordouris,  sustein 
 be  the  opin  reiffis,  thiftis,  and  oppressioun  of  the  rebellious 
 
 wliat  he  had  done  and  committed  was  not  upon  his  own  private  interest 
 onlie,  but  was  done  by  advice  and  consult  of  hiniselfe  (Moray).  Dyvers 
 days  were  spent  in  this  purpose,  which  Moray  did  not  spend  idle,  for  here 
 he  took  occasion  to  meet  with  his  friends,  and  consult  upon  that  which 
 was  to  follow.  And  even  here  they  conclude  to  ryse  in  arms,  for  which 
 their  quarrell  was  pretended  to  be  to  persecute  the  murtherers  of  the  late 
 Kin<T,and  to  take  upon  them  the  protection  of  the  Prince,  whom  they  said 
 Bothwell  had  a  mynd  to  seaze  upon,  and  by  appearance  had  a  mynd  to 
 cutt  him  oft'  by  some  secret  way,  wherby  his  own  children  miijht  succeetl 
 to  the  Croune,  if  any  shold  be  procreat  with  the  Queen.  The  Earl  of 
 Moray,  in  the  mean  tyme,  followed  his  j)roject,  and  pretended  busmess  in 
 France,  as  out  of  discontent.  lie  procured  a  pass  from  the  Queen  to  go 
 cither  through  England,  or  any  other  way  he  pleai>ed.  This  course  was 
 concluded  amongst  them,  that  he,  not  being  ingadged  in  the  troubles  to 
 follow,  might  be  reserved  free,  and  so,  being  neutrall,  he  might  be  the 
 fittest  for  the  government  of  the  kingdom;  and  lykewayes,  in  the  mean 
 tyme,  if  they  should  be  put  to  need  assistance  from  England,  he  might 
 be  free  to  agitate  their  aftairs.  Whereupon  he  takes  leave,  and  leaves 
 the  Earle  of  Mortoune  head  to  the  faction,  who  knew  well  enxift'  how  to 
 manadge  the  business,  for  he  was  ^loray's  second  selfe.  Whereupon  a 
 new  Band  of  C'onfederacie  was  drawn  up  amongst  themselves,  into  which 
 at  first  subscryved  the  Earles  of  Argyll,  Mortoune,  Marr,  AthoU,  and 
 (ilencairne,  I'atrick  Lord  Lyndsay,  and  the  Lord  lioyd."  'I'his  is  tlie 
 "  IJand"  which  the  Earl  of  Argyll  revealed  to  the  Queen  on  the  follow- 
 ing day. — llistorie  of  the  Keigne  of  Marie  Queen  of  Scots,  by  Lord 
 llerries,  printed  for  the  Abdotsford  C'Lun,  p.  90,  9L — E.] 
 
 *  See  this  paper  in  the  Api)endix. —  [No.  XA'L  It  is  the  document 
 entitled — "  Ane  Answer  l)y  the  Earl  of  Moray,  Regent,  to  the  foresaid 
 Protestation  (of  the  Earls  of  Argyll  and  Iluntly)  pasted  on  the  back 
 thereof,  19tli  January  1568-9."-  E.] 
 
loG7.]  OF  CHURCH  AXD  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  (Jll 
 
 and  disobedient  persounis  inliabitantis  of  Liddisdaill,  <|uliilk, 
 attour  the  odious  crymes  above  specifiet,  daylic  murtheris 
 and  slayis  the  trew  legeis  in  tlic  defence  of  thair  awn  gudis 
 in  sic  sort,  that  divers  gude  and  profitaljill  hmdis  are  hiid 
 waist,  and  mony  honest  houshaldaris  constranit  to  skaill 
 tliair  housis:  That  the  invasioun  of  the  saidis  rebelhs  is 
 ahnaist  in  na  less  hurtful!  to  the  commoun  weill  nor  gif  it 
 wer  opin  weir  with  forayn  innemyis ;  and  seing  the  said 
 rebellis  owrlukit  and  winkit  at  be  sic  as  duellis  maist  ewest 
 to  tliam,  hir  Majestie  is  constrenit  to  use  the  force  of  the 
 in-cuntries,  for  suppressing  of  the  insolence  of  the  saidis 
 rebellious  peopill ;  and  thairfoir,  wdth  avys  of  her  derrest 
 spous,  James  Duke  of  Orknay,  Erie  of  15othwell,  Lord 
 Hails,  Creichtoun  and  Liddisdaill,  Greit  Admirall  of  this 
 Realme,  and  Lordis  of  Secreit-Counsall,  ordanis  lettris  to 
 be  direct,  chargeing  all  and  sundrie  Erlis,  Lordis,  Baronis, 
 frehaldaris,  landitmen  and  substantious  gemen,  dwclland 
 within  the  boundis  of  the  schireffdonies  of  P^orfar,  Perth  ; 
 stewartries  of  Strathern  and  Alonteith  beneth  the  Hielands ; 
 the  schireffdonies  of  Strivilinn:,  Lanark,  Clakmanan,  Kynros, 
 and  Fyffe  ;  that  thai,  and  ilk  ane  of  thame,  weill  bodin 
 in  feir  of  weir,  with  fifteen  dayis  victuall  and  provisioun, 
 address  thame  to  convene  and  meit  our  Soverane  Lady  hir 
 Majestie's  derrest  husband  foirsaid,  or  Lieutennant,  at 
 Melros,  upon  the  fifteenth  day  of  June  next  to  cume  ;  and 
 swa  to  pas  furthwart  as  thai  sail  be  comandit,  for  invasioun 
 of  the  saidis  rebellis  during  the  said  space  of  fifteen  dayis, 
 undir  the  pain  of  tynsall  of  lyff,  landis,  and  gudis." 
 
 "  SICKLYKE. 
 
 "  The  Qucnis  Majestie,  considdering  the  greit  skaytli  and 
 detriment  (juhilk  the  trew  subjectis  of  this  Kealme  dwclland 
 in  the  cuntreis  ewest  the  iiourdouris  sustonis  be  the  opin 
 reiffis,  thift,  and  opprcssioun  of  the  rebellious  and  disobedient 
 personis  inhabitants  of  Lidtlisdaill,  quhilk,  attour  and  bcsydes 
 the  odious  crymes  above  specifiet,  daylie  nnn-thcris  and 
 slavis  the  trow  legcis  in  the  defence  of  tliair  awn  gudis,  in 
 sic  sort,  that  divers  gude  and  profitabill  landis  are  laid 
 waist,  and  mony  honest  houshalderis  constrenit  to  skaill 
 thair  housis  :  That  the  invasioune  of  the  saidis  rebellis  is 
 almaist  na  los  hurtfull  to  the  commoun  weill  nor  crif  it  wer 
 
012  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGJ . 
 
 opin  weir  with  forayn  inncmcis  ;  tind  seing  the  said  rebelhs 
 owrlukit  and  wink  it  at  be  sic  as  dvvelHs  maist  ewcst  to 
 thame,  hir  Majestic  is  constrenit  to  use  the  force  .of  the 
 in-cuntrois,  for  suppressing  of  the  insolence  of  the  said 
 rebelHous  peopill ;  and  thairfoir,  with  advyis  of  her  derrest 
 spous,  James  Duke  of  Orknay,  Erie  Bothwell,  Lord  Hailis, 
 Chrichtoun  and  Liddisdaill,  Groit  Admirall  of  oure  Reahne, 
 and  Lordis  of  Secreit-Counsall,  ordainis  Icttris  to  be  direct, 
 charging  all  and  sundrie  Erlis,  Lordis,  Baronis,  frehalderis, 
 landitmen,  and  substantioiis  gomcn,  dwelland  within  the 
 boundis  of  the  schireffdomes  of  Linlythgow  and  Edinburgh, 
 principall,  and  within  the  constabularie  of  Haddingtoun 
 and  Berwick,  that  thai,  and  ilk  ane  of  thame,  prepaire 
 thameselfis  and  be  in  reddiness  with  sex  dayis  victualls  and 
 provisioun,  to  meit  her  Majestic,  hir  said  husband,  or 
 Leutennant,  at  tyme  and  plesour  as  thai  sail  be  adverteist, 
 Weill  bodin  in  feir  of  weir,  upon  sex  houris  warning,  to  pas 
 furthwart  and  attend  as  thai  sail  be  comandit,  for  invasioun 
 of  the  saidis  rebellis  durring  the  said  space  of  sex  dayis, 
 undir  the  pain  of  tynsall  of  lyff,  landis  and  gudis/'     R.  M.i 
 
 These  Proclamations  having  occasioned  several  rumours 
 in  the  country,  disseminated  industriously,  no  doubt,  by  the 
 Queen^s  and  ]^othweirs  enemies,  her  Majesty  found  herself 
 under  a  necessity  to  endeavour  the  quieting  the  minds  of 
 the  people,  and  securing  them  against  any  bad  designs,  by 
 the  following:  Declaration  : — 
 
 "  Edinburgh^  Ist  June  1507.     The  Qiienis  Declaration  upoun 
 the  Bruitis.^ 
 
 "  The  Quenis  Majestic  considdcring  and  thinking  upoun  hir 
 awn  estait,  and  the  government  of  this  hir  Hienes'  Reahne, 
 owir  the  quhilk  the  Almichtie  God  hes  placeit  hir  supreme 
 heid  and  lauchfull  inheritour  ;  and,  with  that,  calling  to 
 mynd  quhat  greit  alteratiouns  and  strange  accidentis  hes 
 fra  tyme  to  tyme  occurrit  during  hir  Majestie's  reigne,  bot 
 maist  speciallie  sen  hir  ITionos'  arryvall  and  returning  in  this 
 Reahne,  and  taking  of  the  management  and  government  of 
 the  cffairis  thairof  on  hir  awn  persoun,  «juhilkis  all,  praisit 
 
 T\w  initials  of  Ro]M>rt  Miln.— I'].]  ^  f  Rumours.— E.] 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  (Jlo 
 
 bo  God,  are  happllie  qiiictit  and  set  down  be  hir  Majestic, 
 God  sa  Weill  prospering  the  work  in  hir  handis,  alswcill  to 
 hir  awn  honor  as  to  the  satislaetionn  and  contentment  of  all 
 hir  gude  snbjectis,  that  in  all  this  tynie  of  her  Majestie'^s 
 awn  presence  sen  hir  said  arryvall  thai  have  nevir  felt  the 
 force  of  forayne  inemyes,  hot  levit  in  gude  peace,  nor  zit 
 bein  overthrawn  be  the  auctors  of  ony  doniestick  seditionis 
 that  lies  not  bene  spedelie  dantonit  and  punissit  for  thair 
 denieritis  :  and  swa  thai  may  justlie  compair  thair  stait  in 
 this  hir  ^lajestie's  reigne  to  the  maist  happie  tymc  that  lies 
 occurrit  in  man's  memory.  But  as  invy  is  enemy  to  vertew, 
 and  that  seditious  and  unquiet  spiritis  evir  seikis  to  inter- 
 teyn  troubill  and  unquietnes,  sa  can  hir  Majestic  nevir 
 meane  sa  sincerelio  and  uprychtlie,  nor  nevir  direct  hir 
 doingis  sa  perfytlie,  bot  insted  of  thankfull  hart  is  and  gude 
 obedience,  hir  Hienes'  clemency  is  comounly  abusit,  and 
 recompansit  with  thrawartnes  and  ingratitude  ;  and  quhen 
 scho  thinkis  least  of  ony  novatioun,  evir  sum  inventioun  or 
 utliir  is  brocht  in,  and  the  people  pcrswadit  to  beleif  it,  as, 
 that  hir  Majestie's  cair  of  this  comounweill  were  tint  ; 
 that  hir  Majestic  menit  to  subvert  the  lawis,  to  reject  the 
 counsall  and  assistance  of  hir  Nobilitie,  ami  to  handill  all 
 thingis  without  ony  discretioun,  contra ir  the  ancient  custum  ; 
 bot  last  is,  that  is  maist  grevous  and  offensive  of  all,  that 
 the  helth,  preservatioun,  suir  custody  and  government,  of 
 hir  maist  derre  and  onelie  sone  the  Prince,  now  in  his 
 infancy,  were  neglectit  be  hir  Hienes,  and  na  sic  attendence 
 had  thairto  as  appertenit  :  And  besydes  this,  the  malice 
 of  sum  hes  bene  sa  greit,  that  quhairas  hir  Hienes  with 
 avyis  of  hir  Counsall  laitlie  set  out  Proclamatiounis,  comand- 
 ing  hir  subjectis  in  cei'tane  countries  of  the  lleahne  to  be  in 
 reddines  and  convene  for  pursute  of  the  rebellious  and 
 disobedient  subjectis  in  Liddisdaill,  bo  quliome  the  trew 
 legeis  are  havelie  opprcssit ;  it  lies  bene  murmurit  and  i>ut 
 in  the  heids  of  the  people  that  thai  forceis  were  to  bo 
 convenit  for  uthir  purposis  that  nevir  cnterit  in  hir  Hienes' 
 mynd  ;  for  in  making  of  the  saids  Proclamatiouns  hir 
 Majestic  had  no  cuUorat  meaning,  nor  no  uthir  purpois  in 
 heid  nor  is  planelie  mentionat  in  the  same,  as  the  success 
 will  Weill  declair  :  Quhilks  untrcw  reportis  and  opprobrious 
 calumnis  sa  ncirlie  twicheis  hir  Majestic  that   constrainitlio 
 
614  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507- 
 
 it  behuvis  hir  to  gif  plane  dcclaratioun  of  her  mynd.  and 
 hart  to  all  hir  gudo  subjcctis,  to  the  effect  that  thai,  being 
 certifiit  of  the  veritie  be  resolvit  of  all  doubt  and  secludand 
 error,  may  stay  thoraselffis  on  the  trewth.  For  first,  as 
 God  knawis  hir  mynd,  scho  ncvir  meanit  the  subvcrsioun  of 
 the  lawis  in  na  jote,  bot  rather  hes  mentenit  thame  :  Quhat 
 is  abill  to  be  objectit,  that  evir  hir  Majestie  tuk  on  hand 
 inconsultat  be  the  Nobillmen  hir  Counsall,  or  in  quhat 
 point  lies  hir  Hienes  handillit  ony  manor  of  thing  in  the 
 publict  effaires,  byi  the  custum  of  hir  maist  nobill  progeni- 
 touris,  men  that  are  godlie  and  hes  discretioun  may  judge, 
 and  tyme  will  manifest  it  to  the  haill  warld.  And  for  hir 
 derrest  sonc,  of  quhome  sail  hir  Majestie  be  cairfull,  gif 
 scho  neglect  him  that  is  sa  deir  to  hir,  on  quhais  gude 
 success  hir  speciall  joy  consistis,  and  without  (|uhome  hir 
 Majestie  could  nevir  think  hirsclf  in  gude  estait,  bot  com- 
 fortles  all  the  dayis  of  hir  lyff  ?  And  zit  scing  men  now 
 thus  bussy  in  his  infancy  to  ground  the  occasioun  of  thair 
 particularities  on  his  persoun,  it  may  be  thocht  quhat  thai 
 wald  protend  gif  he  wer  of  mair  mature  aige.  Bot  as  God 
 hes  hard  hir  prayeris,  and  the  prayeris  of  hir  people,  in 
 granting  sic  happie  issue  and  successioun  of  hir  body  eftir 
 hir  lyff  to  posses  and  enjoy  this  kingdom,  sa  sail  hir 
 Majestie's  modcrlie  affectioun  towartis  him  appeir  evidentlie, 
 that  nathing  requisite  for  his  nutriture,  custody,  intcrtain- 
 mcnt,  and  prcservatioun,  salbe  forzet,  and  with  that  he 
 committit  to  sic  governance  as  utheris  Princes  of  his  Ixcahne 
 in  thair  infancy  hes  bene  accustomat  in  tyme  byganc  :  that 
 in  proces  of  tyme  the  auctoris  of  sic  false  reportis  owthcr  in 
 previc  or  patent  sail  worthilie  accuse  thamcselffis  of  untrewth, 
 and  find  thamcsclffis  frustrat  of  thair  invcntionis  ;  and  hir 
 Majestie's  cair  towart  hir  Realme,  and  naturall  luff  and 
 entire  affectioun  towart  hir  said  derrest  sone,  sail  manifest 
 the  same,  as  it  is  in  effect,  to  the  haill  warld.  And  that 
 lettrcs  bo  direct  for  publicatioun  heirof  in  dew  form,  as 
 offeiris."  Vx.  M.2 
 
 The  discontented  Lords,  and  other  heads  of  that  faction, 
 were  in  the  mean  time  very  active  in  gatlic^ring  together  an 
 
 ^  i.  o.  Contrary  to.  '  ('llu'  initials  of  Uolu'it  Milii.— 1:.| 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  615 
 
 army  before  the  day  appointed  by  the  Queen  for  convening 
 the  lieges  to  march  into  Lidsdale,!  &c.  and  whatever /?rim^(? 
 views  they  miglit  liave  for  their  taking  up  arms  at  this 
 time,  as  the  author  of  the  forecited  Memoirs  gives  us 
 ground  enough  to  conchide  they  had,  they  were  surely  much 
 fortified  in  their  intentions  by  the  letters  of  the  French 
 King  mentioned  by  Sir  James  Melvil  :-  So  that  had  it  not 
 
 ^  [Or  Liddosdale.  Mary  had  summonod  hor  Nobility  to  attend  her 
 Avith  their  feudal  followers  into  that  mountainous  district  of  Roxburgh- 
 shire, now  the  i)arish  of  Castleton,  but  most  of  them  had  left  the  Court, 
 and  neji^lected  the  order.  Lord  Ilerries  writes  as  if  this  intended  military 
 pitheriufi^  had  been  the  residt  of  Argyll's  disclosure  of  the  new  "  IJond  of 
 Confederacie"  to  the  Queen.  "  This  being  detected,"  says  his  Lordship, 
 "  the  Queen  and  Bothwell  sent  to  the  North  to  acquaint  their  friends 
 there,  and  desyre  them  to  come  to  Lothian  with  what  power  they  could 
 make,  and  in  the  mean  tyme  liothwell  resolves  to  go  to  the  Border,  and 
 make  a  raid  against  those  Border  men  who  Avere  broke  loose." — llistorie 
 of  the  Keigne  of  Marie  Queen  of  Scots,  by  Lord  Ilerries,  printed  for 
 the  Abbotsfoud  Club,  p.  91.  Meanwhile  the  Earl  of  lluntly  betrayed  the 
 Queen's  confidence  by  corresponding  with  her  enemies  ;  and  Secretary 
 Maitland,  Mhom  Bothwell  had  carried  a  prisoner  to  Dunbar  when  he 
 seized  the  Queen  at  Almond  Bridge,  though  i)retending  the  utmost  devoted- 
 ness  to  her  interests,  duly  informed  the  confederated  Nobility  of  all  her 
 jmrposes,  and  at  last  suddenly  k'ft  the  Court.  It  was  also  reported  that 
 the  Earl  of  Moray  had  arrived  in  England  to  take  an  active  jiart  against 
 the  Queen,  and  Lord  Home,  one  of  the  powerful  Border  Chiefs,  was  most 
 zealous  in  his  o])position  to  her.  "  No  army,  therefore,  coidd  be  collected  ; 
 so  detested,  indeed,  was  Bothwell,  that  even  the  soldiers  whom  he  had  in 
 pay  incurred  his  suspicion,  and  it  was  reported  he  only  trusted  one  com- 
 pany commanded  by  Captain  Cullen,  a  man  suspected  to  be  deeply 
 implicated  in  the  King's  murder." — MS.  Letters,  State-Paj)er  Office, 
 Drury  to  Cecil,  17th,  20t]i,  25th,  31st  ^Lny,  and  7th  June  1567,  cited  in 
 Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  127. — E.] 
 
 2  [Sir  James  Melville's  Memoirs,  folio,  p.  82,  and  ^femoirs  of  his  own 
 Life,  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  181,  182.  Sir  James  states — 
 "Among  other  Princes  the  King  of  France  sent  liere  to  his  ambiissador 
 Monsieur  de  Crok,  a  gi-aive  and  discret  gentilman  advancit  by  the  House 
 of  Guise,  a  Avreting  mervelen  that,  in  a  foull  mourthour  bring  committed 
 in  the  persone  of  a  King  (Darnley),  sa  few  honest  subject  is  were  found 
 apparently  to  find  fait  with  the  same,  far  less  to  suit  any  sure  tryall, 
 and  to  see  the  same  ])unissit  ;  whereupon  the  Lords  tliat  had  the 
 enterpryze  in  their  heads  were  haisted  forward  to  take  arms,  and  in  the 
 mean  tyme  they  obligit  themselves  by  their  liandis  wretis,  qidiilk  they 
 delyverit  unto  the  said  Monsieur  de  Crok,  to  send  unto  tlie  King  his 
 master,  that  they  suld  do  tluir  uttermaist  diligence  to  try  out  the 
 authonrs  of  that  foull  mourther  of  their  King."  'Die  eftVontt^y  of  tliia 
 is  extraordinary,  when  it  is  recollected  that  most  of  them  were  implicated 
 in  the  murder  of  Darnley,  and  knew  well  the  whole  circumstances  of 
 that  plot.— E.] 
 
01 G  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567. 
 
 been  for  the  advertisement  of  one  of  the  conspirators^  to 
 the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  tlicy  had  undoubtedly  surprized  her 
 Majesty  and  him  in  Holyroodhouse  before  they  had  been 
 aware  of  the  design  ;2  whereupon  the  Queen  and  he  removed 
 immediately  from  that  Palace  to  the  Castle  of  Borthwick^ 
 on  the  Gth  of  June. 
 
 ^  Probably  either  the  Lord  Boyd  or  Earl  of  Arijyll,  for  Jjiicliaiian  and 
 Knox  do  both  take  notice  that  the  former  sliifted  sides,  and  the  Karl  of 
 Ari;yll,  these  Avriters  observe,  deserted  the  faction,  and  came  over  to  the 
 Queen. — [Accordini^  to  Lord  Ilerries,  the  Earl  of  Argyll  was  the  Queen's 
 informant. — Ilistorie  of  the  lieigne  of  Marie  Queen  of  Jrjcots,  printed  for 
 the  Abbotsford  Club,  p.  9E — i^.] 
 
 ^  [The  confederated  Nobility  intended  to  seize  Marj'  and  Bothwell  in 
 the  Palace  of  IIolyrood,but  this  achievement  was  jjrevented  by  their  abrupt 
 retreat  to  Borthwick  Castle  when  informed  of  the  plot  against  them. 
 Bothwell  was  too  cautious  to  leave  Mary  at  liberty,  and  he  seems  to  have 
 considered  her  as  a  person  Avho  required  to  be  watched,  that  he  might 
 successfully  work  out  his  purposes.  His  treatment  of  Maiy  was  probably 
 one  cause  of  the  indignation  of  his  former  associates  against  him.  Sir 
 James  Melville  prominently  mentions  Bothwell's  "  mishandling  of  her, 
 and  many  indignities  that  lie  hath  baith  said  and  done  unto  her  sen  their 
 marriage  was  made.  He  was,"  continues  Sir  James,  "  sae  beastly  and 
 suspitious,  that  he  suflFerit  her  not  to  pass  over  a  day  in  patience,  or 
 making  her  cause  to  shed  abundance  of  tears." — Memou's  printed  for 
 the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  182. — E.] 
 
 *  It  is  eight  miles  south-east  of  Edinburgh,  now  ruinous.  Calderwood's 
 MS.  says  the  Queen  and  Bothwell  went  tliither  on  the  Gth  June  ;  and 
 Cecil's  Diary  on  the  7tli.  But  this  last  adds  that  "the  Earl  of  Bothwell  rayd 
 against  the  Lord  Howme  and  Ferneherst,  and  so  past  to  Melros,  and  she 
 to  Borthwick." — [Borthwick  Castle,  in  the  parish  of  its  name,  beyond 
 Dalkeith,  is  hvclrc  English  miles  from  Edinburgh.  This  ancient  Castle, 
 still  a  massive  ruin,  and  much  admired  for  the  excellence  of  its  masonry, 
 was  erected  by  Sir  William  Borthwick,  created  Lord  Borthwick  before 
 1430.  It  is  conspicuous  in  the  vale  of  liorthwick,  near  the  junction  of 
 the  South  and  North  Middleton  streamlets,  which  form  the  Gore,  and 
 enter  the  South  Esk  at  the  romantic  locality  of  Shank  Point.  Borthwick 
 Ca.stle  is  nearly  a  square  tower,  measuring  74  by  68  feet  without  tlie  walls, 
 ■which  are  L3  feet  thick  near  the  bas{»,  of  hewn  stone  within  and  without, 
 strongly  cemented,  and  are  gi-adually  contracted  to  about  six  feet  thick  at 
 the  top.  The  height  from  the  area  to  the  battlement,  witlu)ut  including 
 the  sunk  storey,  is  90  feet,  and  including  the  arched  Hagstone  roof,  is 
 probably  1 10  feet.  On  the  west  side  is  a  large  ojjening,  apparently  intended 
 to  light  the  principal  u])artments,  and  on  the  first  storey  are  the  state- 
 rooms, which  were  accessible  by  a  draw-])ridge.  The  great  hall  is  40  feet 
 in  length,  and  so  high  in  the  roof  that  a  man  on  hoi-seback,  it  is  quaintly 
 siiid,  "  could  turn  a  spear  in  it  with  all  the  ease  imaginable."  The  Castle 
 is  suiTounded  on  three  sides  by  steep  giound  and  water,  and  at  ecpial 
 distances  from  the  base  are  Square  and  round  towel's.  Tliis  interesting 
 pile  of  building  is  tolerably  entire  and  of  great  strength.  John  eighth  Lord 
 Borthwick  held  out  the  Castle  against  Cromwell,  after  the  victory  of  the 
 
15G7.] 
 
 OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  (U, 
 
 But  though  tho  associated  Lords  liad  misled  of  this 
 attempt,  they  did  not  therefore  throw  up  their  general 
 enterprize,  but  resolved  to  obtain  by  force  what  they  had 
 lost  by  ytratagoni.  Having  therefore  2000  horse  secretly 
 in  readiness  to  march  whithersoever  they  should  find  ])roper, 
 with  these  they  intended  to  besiege  the  Castle  of  13orthwick, 
 and  the  Lord  Hume  with  a  part  of  them,  to  the  number  of 
 
 latter  near  Dunbar,  and  tlioiij^h  he  was  comj>elled  to  surrender,  he  obtained 
 honourable  terms,  was  allowed  to  leave  his  stronghold  unmolested,  and 
 fifteen  days  to  remove  his  efteets.  His  <^reat-j;randfather  John  fifth 
 Lord  was  the  proprietor  in  the  reir^u  of  Queen  Mary,  and  was  one  of  her 
 zealous  adherents.  A  small  apartment  in  Borthwiek  Castle  is  shewn  a-s 
 Queen  Mary's  roouiy  and  was  evidently  hun<j  with  tapestry  during  her 
 occupation  of  a  baronial  residenee  which  she  occasionally  visited.  On 
 the  occasion  mentioned  by  our  Historian,  Morton,  Mar,  Home,  Lindsay, 
 and  other  leaders  of  the  confederacy,  suddenly  surrounded  liorthwick 
 Castle,  in  which  were  the  Queen  and  Bothwell.  The  latter,  who  had 
 such  early  intelligence  that  he  was  able  to  escape  through  a  postern  in  a 
 back  wall,  rode  off  with  a  few  attendants  to  Dunbar.  Lord  Heiries 
 says  that  Bothwell  disguised  himself  iu  a  "  woman's  habit,"  and  "  the 
 Queen  in  a  man's,  and  in  the  night  they  deceived  the  guards,  and  went 
 straight  to  Dunbar  Castle."— Historic  of  the  Keigne  of  Marie  Queen  of 
 Scots,  printed  for  the  Acbotsfoud  Club,  p.  92.  It  ajjjjears,  however,  that 
 an  interval  of  nearly  two  days  occurred  betwixt  the  escape  of  Bothwell 
 and  the  flight  of  Mary  iu  disguise  to  Dunbar  Castle.  H  during  that  brief 
 space  the  Queen  had  determined  to  separate  her  fortunes  from  Bothwell 
 her  fate  might  have  been  different.  Mary  and  Bothwell  had  few- 
 attendants  at  Borthw  ick,  for  the  messenger  who  announced  to  her  the 
 occupation  of  Edinburgh  by  the  Confederated  Nobility  found  the  Queen 
 "  so  quiet,  that  there  were  none  with  her  pa.ssing  six  or  seven  persons." 
 When  Bothwell's  escape  was  known  the  blockade  of  Borthwiek  Castle  was 
 raised,  aud  the  Confederates  retired  to  Dalkeith,  from  which  town  they 
 marched  to  Edinburgh.  Bothwell  returned  to  escort  her,  for  we  are  told 
 that  "  her  Majesty,  in  men's  clothes,  booted  and  spurred,  dei)arted  that 
 same  night  from  Borthwiek  to  Dunbar,  whereof  no  man  knew  siive  my 
 Lord  Duke  (Cotliwell)  and  some  of  liis  servants,  who  met  her  Majesty  a 
 mile  from  Borthwiek,  and  conveyed  her  to  Dunbar."  It  is  not  unlikely, 
 from  these  particulars,  that  though  the  dethronement  of  the  Queen  had 
 been  decided,  the  inipri.sonment  of  her  person  had  not  been  determined, 
 or  at  least  was  not  publicly  declared  as  part  of  the  projects  of  the 
 Confederates.  As  to  our  Historian's  reference  to  Calderwood's  MS.,  it  is 
 distinctly  stated  that  "  the  Queen  and  Bothwell  went  to  Borthwiek  Cxstle, 
 which  is  distant  trom  Edinburgh  seven  (^cotti.sh)  mile.s,  i\]nm  the  Mi  of 
 Jime,  with  artillerie  and  men  of  warre."-C'alderwood's  Historic  of  the 
 Kirk  of  !?cotland,  printed  for  the  AVoduow  Society,  8vo.  Edin.  184,'),  vol. 
 ii.  p.  :J«;0.  If  Cecil's  Diary,  mentioned  by  our  Historian,  is  to  be  received 
 as  genuine  (AndiT.son's  Collections,  4to.  vol.  ii.  p.  '2~C}),  B«)thweirs  expedi- 
 tion on  the  7th  of  June  w;is  against  Lord  Home  and  Ker  of  Eernihirst, 
 and  ho  went  fii-st   to  Melrose,  leaving  the  Queen  in  Borthwiek  Csvstlc  ; 
 
G18  THE  IIISTOllY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507. 
 
 800,^  Ccame  actually  to  the  place  before  that  the  Queen  had 
 got  any  notice  of  their  being  in  arms.  But  as  this  Lord 
 liad  not  men  enough  in  his  company  to  surround  all  the 
 avenues  of  tlie  Castle,  and  that  the  Earl  of  Atholl  and 
 other  conspirators  from  Stirling  had  not  punctually  kept 
 touches  to  bo  at  the  place  (the  place  of  meeting  should 
 have  been  at  Liberton,  two  miles  south  of  Edinburgh),-  it 
 so  fell  out,  that  both  the  Queen  and  Bothwell  escaped  from 
 thence  to  the  stronger  fortification  of  Dunbar,  where  they 
 were  in  absolute  security  from  any  sudden  attack. 
 
 The  Lords  Associators  finding  themselves  frustrate  like- 
 wise of  this  second  project  for  seizing  the  Earl  of  Bothwell, 
 as  they  commonly  gave  it  out,  took  the  resolution  to  push 
 their  fortune  and  try  the  city  of  Edinburgh,  wherein  they 
 knew  most  part  of  the  people  were  of  their  side,  and  the 
 Castle  possessed  by  a  man^  who,  though  formerly  a  creature  of 
 the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  yet  now,  upon  some  disgust,  not 
 thinking  himself  perhaps  sufficiently  rewarded,  was  tampering 
 with  the  adverse  party  for  delivering  it  into  their  hands. 
 AVith  the  strcnG:th  therefore  of  3000  men  the  Lords  drew 
 
 but  liis  stay  must  have  beeu  short,  as  he  had  returned,  and  escaped  from 
 Borthwick  to  Dimbar  on  the  11th.  Birrel  in  his  Diary  says  that  the 
 Confederates  suddenly  on  that  day  "  beset  the  Castle  in  arms  very 
 well  provided,"  and  the  chief  leaders  were  the  Earls  of  Atholl,  CJlencairn, 
 Morton,  and  Mar,  Lords  Home,  Lindsay,  Sempill,  Ruthven,  and  Sanquhar, 
 accom])anied  by  the  Lairds  of  TuUibardine,  Drumlanrin^,  Cessford,  Drum- 
 quhaisil,  ColdenknoAves,  Lochleven,  Faldonsyde,  (Irannrp,  the  Tutor  of 
 ritcur,  with  "  divers  iithers."  They  demanded  Bothwell  to  be  delivered 
 to  them,  and  were  informed  that  he  had  fled  to  Dunbar.  They  then 
 requested  the  Queen  to  join  them  in  "  perseute  of  lier  husband's  murther, 
 and  she  altof^ether  refusit." — Diary  of  IU)bert  Birrel,  in  Frajjments  of 
 Scotish  History,  edited  by  Sir  Jolin  (iraham  Dalyell,  Bart.  4to.  Edin. 
 1798.— E.] 
 
 ^  Ibid. — [Neither  Calderwood  nor  Cecil's  Diary  mentions  the  number 
 of  the  forces  of  the  Confederates  who  marched  to  Borthwick  Castle,  and 
 our  Historian's  reference,  or  "  y6«/.,"  is  not  clear.  Lord  Herries  allep:es 
 that  they  consisted  of  20(H)  men,  and  that  they  were  induced  to  the 
 decisive  measure  by  a  rumour  that  the  Queen  was  to  receive  immediate 
 assistance  from  Stirling'. — Historic  of  the  Keip^ne  of  Marie  Queen  of  Scots, 
 printed  for  the  AbnoTSFOun  Club,  p.  92.— E.] 
 
 ^  [The  parish  of  Libberton  extends  immediately  south  of  the  city,  and 
 is  about  seven  miles  in  len^'th  and  four  in  breadth.  If  our  Historian  means 
 that  the  Confederates  Mere  to  assemble  at  the  Kirl-town,  or  Ujqier  Libber- 
 ton,  that  villa;;e  is  nearly  (Imr  En«,dish  miles  south  of  Edinl>urgli. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Sir  James  Balfour  of  Pittendriech,  repeatedly  mentioned  in  preceding 
 notes. — E.l 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  G\0 
 
 near  to  the  city,  and  how  soon  the  Earl  of  Iluntly,  the 
 Lord  Boyd,  Archbishop  of  St  Andrews,  Bishop  of  Ross,  and 
 Abbot  of  Kihvinning.l  who  had  been  left  in  the  city  by  the 
 Queen,  heard  of  the  approach  of  the  confederated  Lords, 
 they  offered  to  assist  the  citizens  in  the  defence  of  the 
 town  ;  but  they  quickly  found  that  the  minds  of  the  peoi)le 
 were  more  turned  towards  the  other  Lords,  and  all  they 
 could  obtain  from  the  ^lagistrates  was  to  have  the  ports  of 
 the  town  shut  against  the  Confederates.  But  this  proved  to 
 be,  as  perhaps  it  was  intended,  a  very  slender  resistance ; 
 for  the  associated  Lords,  without  nnicli  difficulty,  forced 
 open  St  Mary's  Port,-  and  entered  the  Canongate,'^  where 
 
 ^  \Vlien  tliese  Noble  persons  perceived  the  temper  of  the  citizens  they 
 retired  into  the  Castle,  and  were  sent  away  in  safety  l>y  Sir  James  Balfour, 
 the  deputy  under  liothwell ;  for  as  yet  he  had  not  finished  his  treachery, 
 and  so  was  willinf»  to  have  friends  which  way  soever  the  matter  should 
 go. — ["  The  Earlo  of  Iluntlie  and  Mr  Jolin  Ilunimiltoune,  Archbishop  of 
 St  Andrews,  and  dyvcrs  others,  the  Queen's  friends,  were  come  to  Edin- 
 burgh, who,  not  daring  to  byd  in  the  tonne  for  the  number  of  their 
 unfriends  that  daylie  incrcsed,  they  slipt  themselves  into  the  Castle, 
 which  was  then  commanded  by  Sir  James  Balfour.  He  willingly  received 
 them,  but  in  this  verie  tyme  he  was  treating  with  the  Confederate  Lords 
 for  a  revolt,  and  as  soon  as  ever  he  had  closed  his  conditions,  he  put  them, 
 and  the  rest  of  the  Queen's  friends  that  were  within,  out  at  the  postern 
 gate  safe,  and  then  declared  himself  for  the  Confederates." — Historic  of 
 the  Keigne  of  ]\Iarie  Queen  of  Scots  by  Lord  Herries,  p.  92. — E.] 
 
 ^  There  is  at  present  no  port  or  gate  that  goes  under  this  name,  but 
 there  was  of  late  years  such  a  port,  adjoining  to  and  standing  at  right 
 angles  with  the  Cowgatc  Port.  This  gate  was  taken  down  in  the  year 
 1715,  when  the  Highlanders,  who  had  come  over  the  River  Forth  by  order 
 of  the  Earl  of  Mar,  threatened  to  enter  the  city,  since  which  time  that 
 port  has  not  been  repaired.  The  ^lagistrates,  it  seems,  intended  at  that 
 time  to  secure  the  ports  of  the  city  only.— [This  "port"  or  gate  was  at 
 the  south  end  of  St  Mary's  Wynd,  entering  from  that  street  to  the  then 
 suburbs  of  the  IMea-since,  which  wils  in  the  direction  of  one  of  the  prin- 
 cipal roads  to  the  South  of  Scotland  from  the  city.  The  date  lUvsigned  for 
 the  removal  of  St  Mary's  Tort  by  our  Historian  refers  to  tlio  celebrated 
 enterprize  of  John,  eleventh  luirl  of  Mar  of  tbe  surname  of  Erskine,  in 
 favour  of  the  Stuart  Family,  knowu  as  the  "  Rebellion  of  1715." 
 
 ^  [The  suburb  of  iMlinburgh  so  called,  extending  from  tbe  High  Street 
 eastward  to  the  Palace  of  Holyrood,  and,  thotigh  a  burgh  of  reg:ility 
 governed  by  a  Baron  Bailie  nominated  by  tbe  Corporation  of  Edinburgh, 
 and  two  resident  Bailies  elected  by  the  qualified  inhaltitants,  is  a  continu- 
 ous part  of  the  old  city.  The  Canongiite  consists  of  tht»  main  street,  and 
 numbers  of  diverging  alleys  to  the  south  and  north.  This  ancient  part  of 
 Edinburgh  is  now  one  of  the  nn)st  repulsive  districts  of  the  city,  but  it  is 
 at   all  times  int<M'e.stin£r  on  account    of  its  conneetion  with   tjic  PjiImcp  of 
 
620  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [156*7. 
 
 they  formed  themselves  into  a  sort  of  regular  Council,  and 
 there  emitted  a  Proclamation  to  this  effect,  viz. — 
 
 "  Canongate^  Wth  June  1567- 
 
 "  That  whereas  the  Queen's  Majesty,  being  detained  in 
 captivity,  was  neitlier  able  to  govern  her  Realm,  nor  try  the 
 murder  of  her  husband,  we  of  the  Nobility  and  Council 
 command  all  the  subjects,  specially  the  burghers  of  Edin- 
 burgh, to  assist  the  said  Noblemen  and  Council  in  delivering 
 the  (^ucen  and  preserving  the  Prince,  and  in  trying  and 
 punishing  the  King's  murderers.  And  we  command  the 
 Lords  of  Session,  Commissaries,  and  all  other  Judges,  to 
 sit  and  do  justice,  according  to  the  laws  of  this  Realm, 
 notwithstanding  any  tumult  that  may  arise  in  the  time  of 
 this  enterprize  :  With  certification  to  all  who  shall  be 
 found  acting  contrary  to  these  proceedings,  that  they  shall 
 be  reputed  as  fautors  of  the  foresaid  murder,  and  punished 
 as  traitors."! 
 
 And  next  day,  being  admitted  within  the  city  of  Edin- 
 burgh,2  they  there  gave  forth  a  proclamation  at  Edinburgh, 
 
 Ilolyrood,  and  its  numerous  anti(iue  old  tenements  in  tlie  prineipal 
 street  and  alleys. — E.] 
 
 ^  See  the  Proclamation  at  length  in  Anderson's  Collection,  vol.  i.  j).  128. 
 —  ["  This  same  11th  of  June  the  said  Lords  with  their  assistants  came  to 
 Kdinhur.,'he,  being  Thursday,  at  four  houres  in  the  afternoon,  where  there 
 was  rrodamation  at  the  Crosse,  that  all  trew  subjects  vuld  assist  to 
 per.sew  the  murther  of  the  King." — liirrel's  Diary,  p.  9. — E.] 
 
 '^  "  So  the  Lords  being  frustrate  of  that  Enterprize  (at  Borthwick), 
 addressed  themselves  to  Edinburgh,  intending  to  fortify  themselves  there, 
 liut  it  was  supposed  that  neither  the  Captain  of  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh 
 should  have  suffered  them  to  approach  the  town,  neither  should  the  Tro- 
 vost  of  the  town  permit  them  to  enter."  Both  these  officers  had  been  put 
 in  by  the  Queen  and  Bothwell. — "But  when  the  hearts  of  the  people  are 
 alienated  from  their  lawful  Prince,  rebellious  pei*sons  have  liberty  to  do 
 what  they  list  without  contradiction,  as  became  (fell  out)  in  this  i)urpose; 
 for  the  gi-eatest  part  of  the  inhabitants  were  suborned  to  nuike  no  resist- 
 ance, and  theCajitain  of  the  Castle  wius  so  dealt  withal  that  the  matter  came 
 to  talking,  whereby  he  was  suddenly  corrupted  with  money,  and  rendered 
 the  Castle  into  their  hands  to  the  prejudice  of  the  Prince  and  his  Master 
 who  placed  him  there.  So  that  how  soon  town  and  Ciustle  were  in  their 
 po.sse.ssion  they  divulgated  their  pretence  to  the  people,  that  they  were 
 convened  with  no  other  intent  but  to  search  (for)  those  who  murdered  King 
 Henry  ;  and  ln^cause  they  understood  that  .some  of  them  were  cpiietly 
 kept  in  Edinburgh,  they  would  see  them  punished,  whereby  the  minds 
 
15C7.]  OF  cnuRcn  and  state  in  Scotland.  C)2l 
 
 12tli  June  loG7,  to  this  purpose,  viz. — "  That  the  Earl  of 
 Bothwell  having  put  violent  hands  in  the  Quecn^s  person, 
 and  shut  her  up  in  the  Castle  of  Dunbar,  having  proceeded 
 to  a  dishonest  marriage  with  her  Majesty  after  obtaining  a 
 divorce  from  his  former  wife,i  having  already  murdered  the 
 
 of  the  most  part  wcro  inclinod  their  way." — Crawford'sMS.  — [This  extract 
 from  Crawford's  so  called  MS.  difft>rs  in  some  particulars  from  the  <^enuine 
 nariative  in  tlio  "  llistorie  and  Life  of  Kinfj  .lames  the  Sext,"  printed  for 
 the  lUxNATYNE  Club,  p.  11.  The  substance  of  the  latter  account  is,  that 
 after  Mary's  Hight  to  Dunbar  from  Borthwick  Castle  the  Confederated 
 Nobility  intended  to  fortify  themselves  in  Edinburj^di,  but  it  was  suj)posed 
 that  Sir  .Tames  Balfour  would  fire  upon  them  from  the  Castle,  and  jjrevent 
 their  ai)proach  towards  the  city,  in  which  he  would  bo  a.ssisted  by  the 
 Lord  Provost,  who  was  Sir  Simon  Preston  of  Crai;,nnillar.  The  citizens, 
 however,  were  so  conij)lctely  under  the  influence  of  the  Reformed  preachers 
 that  they  would  oflfer  no  resistance,  and  Sir  .James  Balfour,  who  had  been 
 liberally  bribed,  placed  the  Castle  at  the  disposal  of  the  Confederates,  to 
 the  injury  of  the  Queen  and  his  master  Bothwell,  who  had  appointed  him 
 to  the  command  of  the  Fortress.  It  is  farther  stated  that  the  sole  object, 
 as  announced  by  the  Confederates,  was  to  revenge  the  murder  of  Darnley, 
 some  of  the  perpetrators  of  which,  they  alleged,  were  in  quiet  conceal- 
 ment in  Edinburgh.  Thus  far  the  contemj)orary  writer  of  the  "  Ilixtorie 
 of  King  James  the  Sext."  It  is  certain  that  the  Confederates  had  friends 
 in  the  city  who  declared  for  them  in  defiance  of  Mary's  adherents,  and 
 the  Lord  Provost  and  Trained  Bands,  to  whom  the  defence  of  the  city  was 
 committed,  did  not  actually  open  the  gates  to  the  Confederates,  but  they 
 saw  them  forced  without  offering  any  resistance.  This  turn  of  affairs 
 increased  the  difficulties  of  the  Queen.  Another  contemporary  diarist 
 records  that  the  Confederates  came  on  the  11th  of  June  from  Dalkeith  to 
 the  Boroughmuir,  the  then  extensive  common  on  the  south  side  of  Edin- 
 burgh, and  thence  proceeded  to  the  Cowgate  Port,  which  they  broke  open, 
 and  entered  the  city  by  Niddi*y's  "Wynd — an  alley  which  occujiied  the  site 
 of  the  present  Niddry  Street.  They  forced  all  the  other  gates  "  without 
 ony  impediment  made  either  by  the  Castell  or  the  inhabitants  of  the 
 toun,"  and  they  next  went  to  the  Cross,  and  publicly  announced  that  their 
 object  was  to  search  for  and  punish  the  murderers  of  Darnley.  On  the 
 same  day  a  proclamation  was  made  at  the  Cro.ss  in  the  Queen's  name, 
 enjoining  all  "  sensabill  personis  betuix  sextie  and  sextene"  to  proceed  to 
 Borthwick  "  to  relieve  her  and  her  spouse  under  the  pane  of  deid." 
 Another  royal  proclamation  on  the  same  day  ordered  all  such  "  sensabill 
 j)ersonis"  to  meet  in  Edinburgh,  and  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to 
 march  wherever  they  were  required  ;  and  a  third  was  intended  to  be 
 announced  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  evening,  commanding  the  parties  in  the 
 city  to  dei>art  to  their  respective  homes,  but  the  Confederates  prevented 
 the  heralds  from  announcing  it  by  taking  them  into  custody.  This  was 
 on  the  day  the  Qui>en  fled  to  Dunbar  ilisguised  in  male  attire. —  Diurnal 
 of  Remarkable  Occurrents  in  Scotland,  printcul  for  the  Bannattxe  Ci.un, 
 p.  112,  113.— E.) 
 
 ^  [Bothwell  is  accused  of  having  (icn  iciir.s  liriiuj,  exclusive  of  Lady 
 Jane  Gordon  by  whom  he  was  <livorced.     This  is  a.sserted  by  Buchanan 
 
G22  THE  HISTORY  of  the  affairs  [156*7. 
 
 late  King,  and  now  attempting,  by  liis  gathering  together 
 of  forces,  to  murder  the  young  Prince  also  :  Therefore  they 
 command  all  the  lieges  to  be  ready  on  three  hours'*  warning 
 to  pass  forward  with  them  to  deliver  the  Queen's  person, 
 and  take  revenge  on  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  for  ravishing  and 
 detaining  her  Majesty  ;  and  charge  all  those  who  will  not 
 assist  them  to  depart  the  town  of  Edinburgh  within  four 
 hours,  with  certification,  in  case  of  disobedience,  they  shall 
 be  holden  as  enemies,  and  punished  in  body  and  goods.""! 
 
 in  his  severe  attack  on  Adam  Bothwell,  ex-13ishop  of  Orkney,  for  cele- 
 bratinfj^  the  marriage  of  his  namesake  in  title  to  Mary.  One,  says  Buchanan, 
 the  Bishop  of  Orkney,  was  found  who  prefeiTed  the  smiles  of  a  Court  to 
 the  lii^ht  of  truth,  while  others  declined  the  task,  and  pointed  out  the 
 unhallowed  nature  of  nuptials  with  him  who  had  already  tico  spouses 
 alive,  and  had  lately  obtained  himself  to  be  repudiated  by  a  third  on  the 
 ground  of  his  own  adultery. — Ilistoria  Remm  Scoticainim,  ori<i^inal  edit. 
 Edin.  15S2,  fol.  217  ;  Translation,  Edin.  edit.  1752,  vol.  ii.p.333  ;  Memoirs 
 of  John  Napier  of  Merchiston,  by  Mark  Napier,  Esq.  p.  116.  If  this 
 statement  of  Bothwell's  three  wives  is  true,  it  must  refer,  as  it  respects 
 two  of  them,  to  clandestine  alliances  probably  Mhen  he  was  on  the  Con- 
 tinent, for  it  can  scarcely  be  assumed  that  tlie  powerful  Earl  of  lluntly 
 would  have  allowed  his  sister  to  form  a  matrimonial  union  with  such  a 
 profligate,  if  the  fact  had  been  known  in  Scotland. — E.J 
 
 ^  Ibid. — [Notwithstandinnr  the  above  extract  by  our  Historian  in  his 
 text,  and  though  Mary's  aftairs  were  daily  becoming  more  desperate,  the 
 position  of  the  Confederates  was  by  no  means  favourable.  This  is 
 subsoipiently  noticed  by  Bishop  Keith,  and  is  proved  by  the  testimony  of 
 Lord  1  ferries.  Meanwhile  their  great  object  was  to  excite  the  j)eople, 
 denouncing  their  former  associate  and,  in  the  case  of  some  of  them, 
 fellow-consi)irator  Bothwell  as  the  nmrderer  of  Darnley,  on  whom  they 
 had  determined  to  be  avenged.  This  was  done  on  the  12th  of  June  at  a 
 meeting  in  the  Tolbooth  of  Edinburgh,  in  which  they  ordered  macers 
 and  oflicers  of  arms  to  proceed  to  the  market  cross  of  Edinburgh,  Perth, 
 Dundee,  St  Andrews,  Stirling,  Glasgow,  and  other  towns,  and  by  "open 
 proclamation"  to  "command  and  charge  all  and  sundrie  lieges  in  this 
 llcalme,  as  weill  to  burgh  a.s  to  land,  that  they  be  in  readiness,  ui)on  three 
 hours  warning,  to  i)ass  fordwards  with  the  saids  Lords  of  Secret  Counsell 
 and  Nobilitie,  to  deliver  the  Queen's  Majestie's  most  noble  pei-soun  furth 
 of  captivitie  and  prisoun  ;  and  upon  the  said  Erie  Bothwell,  and  all  liis 
 complices  that  sail  assist  liini,  to  bring  them  to  inulerly  the  lawes  of  this 
 Realme." — Tlic  *'  Act  that  the  Lords  of  Secret  Counsell  made  in  the 
 Tolbuith  of  Edinburgh  the  12th  day  of  June  15(>7,  declaring  James  Erie 
 Bothwell  to  be  the  i)rincij)all  author  and  nuirtherer  of  the  King's  CJrace, 
 of  good  memorie,  and  ravishing  of  the  Queen's  Majestie,"  is  in  Calder- 
 wood's  Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  j)rinted  for  the  Wodrow 
 Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  57<),  577,  578,  the  original  of  which  was  "imprinted 
 at  Edinburgh  by  Hobert  Lickprevick,  15G7.''  By  the  jjroclamation  of 
 this  Act  the  said  "  Lords  of  the  Privy  Council"  virtually  disowned  the 
 royal  authority,  and  usurped  the  government. — E.] 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  G23 
 
 That  the  first  of  these  Proclamations  is  dated  at  Canon- 
 gate,  and  the  other  at  Edinburgh,  is  most  certain — which 
 woukl  therefore  seem  to  verify  that  the  Associators  had 
 not  received  entrance  into  the  city  of  Edinburgh  sooner 
 than  the  12th  of  the  month  ;  and  yet  these  two  following 
 Acts  of  the  Town-Council  give  us  sufficient  ground  to 
 affirm  that  the  Confederated  Lords  had  entered  the  city 
 even  on  the  10th  day  of  the  month. 
 
 "  Undeclmo  Junij^  1567- 
 
 "  The  quhilk  day  the  Provest,  Baillies,  Councill  and 
 Deacons,  names  Edward  Litel,  Baillie,  William  Fouller  of 
 the  Councill,  and  Michael  Gilbert,  Goldsmith,  to  pass  to 
 Dunbar  to  our  Soverane,  quha  was  there  for  the  tyme  with 
 James  Hepburn,  Duke  of  Orkney,  Lord  Bothwell,  Admiral, 
 Sec.  to  excuse  the  Gude  Toun  and  Councill  their  part  anent 
 the  entering  and  continuing  in  this  toun  of  my  Lords 
 Athole,  Montrose,  jNlorton,  Mar,  Glencarn,  Home,  Lyndesay, 
 Kuthven,  Sanquhar,  Semple,  TuUibardyn,  and  Grange,  &c. 
 quha  had  convenit  themselfis  in  arms  for  punesing  King 
 Hary  Stewart's  murther,  putting  of  our  Soverane  to  Lin- 
 lythgow,  dissolving  of  the  marriage  bet\\ixt  our  Soverane 
 and  the  said  Duke,  and  fortification  of  James  Stewart, 
 Prince  of  Scotland,  and  sone  to  the  said  umquhill  Hary. 
 
 "  The  samen  day,  the  Baillies  and  Councill  ordainis  John 
 Harwood,  Thesaurar,  to  content  and  pay  to  Jaques  and  his 
 peple  ten  shillings,  quha  playit  afoir  the  toun  the  10th  day 
 of  June  instant,  the  tyme  of  the  incomeing  of  the  Lords 
 above  writcn  " 
 
 Meantime  both  parties  make  vigorous  preparations  for 
 assaulting  each  other,  and  forces  came  very  quickly  into  the 
 assistance  of  the  Queen. ^  But  it  seems  to  be  acknowledged  by 
 
 ^  [I.ord  Hollies  states  tliat  as  soon  as  it  was  known  that  the  Queen  and 
 Bothwell  Wire  in  Dunbar  Castle  "  their  friends  came  i)resentlie  to  tliem 
 in  troups."  His  Lordship  mentions  Lords  Seton,  Yester,  and  Horthwick, 
 the  Lairds  of  Wan^^hton,  JJass,  Ormiston,  Cockburn,  Wedilerburn,  131a- 
 cadder,  and  Lan^^ton — "  all  men  of  ^'ood  following;,  and  by  their  exami)les 
 numbers  of  cuntrie  i)eoi)le  willinf,die  offered  their  service.  There  were  two 
 hundred  hyred  sold  vers,  and  some  feild  pieces  of  ordnance.  The  Noblemen 
 and  gentlemen  put  their  men  in  the  best  order  they  could,  and  with  these 
 
G24  THE  HISTORY  of  the  affairs  [1567. 
 
 all,  as  well  the  Queen's  enemies  as  her  friends,  that  she 
 committed  one  very  great  oversight  in  not  remaining  some 
 space  longer  in  the  Castle  of  Dunbar,  a  fort  which  the 
 Associators  could  not  have  taken  without  munition  and 
 warlike  engines,^  of  which  they  were  not  provided,  and  for 
 want  whereof  they  were  upon  the  point  of  giving  over  the 
 enterprize,  and  each  man  shifting  for  himself,  especially 
 since  the  country  did  not  flock  so  fast  into  them  as  they 
 had  looked  for,2  whereas  the  Queen's  army  was  every 
 moment  on  the  increase  ;  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  supply 
 of  armed  men  which  was  afforded  the  Lords  by  the  City  of 
 Edinburgh,  they  could  not  have  remained  together  for  one 
 night. 3    On  the  other  hand,  the  Queen  and  Duke  of  Orkney, 
 
 forces  the  Queen  resolved  to  march  to  Leith." — Historie  of  the  Reign  of 
 Marie  Queen  of  Scots,  printed  for  the  Abbotsford  Club,  p.  92.— E.] 
 
 1  [Dunbar  Castle,  lonq^  a  massive  and  dilajiidated  ruin  on  a  cluster  of 
 rocks,  round  which  the  soa  beats  with  tremendous  fury,  was  a  very  secure 
 fortress,  and  before  tlie  invention  of  gunpowder  was  deemed  impregnable. 
 It  was  popularly  known  as  Eavl  Patrick's  Strongliold,  and  was  considered  the 
 key  of  the  east  coast  of  Scotland  from  Edinburgh  to  BcM'wick-upon- 
 Tweed.  We  have  seen  that  it  was  the  retreat  of  Queen  Mary  after  the 
 murder  of  Riccio,  and  on  subsequent  occasions,  and  that  Kothwell 
 obtained  possession  of  it  by  an  Act  of  the  Parliament  j^as^ed  on  the  10th 
 of  Ai)ril  15G7.  The  fortress  was  surrendered  to  the  Regent  Moray,  who 
 reduced  it  to  ruins,  and  sent  the  artillery  it  then  contained  to  Edinburgh 
 Castle.  The  dilapidated  and  mouldering  towers  are  about  200  yards  west 
 of  the  town  of  Dunbar,  and  some  renu\ining  mounds  indicate  the  great 
 extent  of  the  Castle  in  its  entire  state, — E.] 
 
 '^  [Lord  II erries  says — "  The  Confederate  Lords  in  this  tynu>  were  at 
 Edinburgh  not  in  a  verie  strong  posture,  for  their  careless  suilering  the 
 Queen  and  her  husband  to  esca])e  from  Rorthwitk  Castle  had  discouraged 
 the  common  peojde,  and  their  fyrie  furie  being  cooled  a  little,  they 
 slunged  away  everie  man  home  to  his  house.  And  it  is  noted  in  the 
 historie  that  if  the  Queen  had  but  si)un  out  a  little  more  tyme,  she  might 
 without  great  trouble  have  been  master  of  the  field  within  few  dayes,  for 
 j)eoj)le  came  in  dayly  to  lier  assistance  ;  and  upon  the  other  syde  the 
 partio  of  the  Confederates  still  decressed,  and  the  Lords  themselves  were 
 beginning  to  think  upon  dissolving." — Historic  of  the  Reigne  of  Marie 
 Queen  of  Scots,  printed  for  the  Abbotsford  Club,  p.  93. — E.] 
 
 ^  It  is  reported  that  the  town  of  I'.dinburgh  not  only  afforded  the 
 associators  plenty  of  refreshments,  but  likewise  200  harcjuebusiers. — [In 
 addition  to  the  a-^sistance  rendered  to  the  Confederates  by  the  citizens  of 
 Edinburgh,  sundry  compositions  both  in  prose  and  rhyme  were  j)ublished 
 to  "  move  the  hearts  of  the  haill  subjects,"  says  Sir  James  Melville,  "  to 
 assist  and  take  j)art  with  so  gude  a  cause." — Memoirs  printed  for  the 
 liANNATYNE  Club,  p.  1S2.  Somc  of  tlicse  "  lybells,"  Sir  James  says,  were 
 "  pityful  and  j)erswasive,"  and  they  were  chiefly  directed  against  Bothwell. 
 
loG7.|  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  025 
 
 being  ignorant  of  the  bad  situation  of  the  Associators,  were 
 afraid  of  protracting  the  time,  lest  their  own  forces  should 
 decrease  and  those  of  their  enemies  increase,  and  there- 
 upon took  the  resolution  of  advancing  towards  Leith  with 
 those  forces   they  already  had,   in  hopes  that   from  that 
 
 The  following  is  a  specimen  of  those  pasqninades,  in  doggrel  rhyme, 
 preserved,  witli  another,  in  Caldcrwood's  Large  History,  and  printed  in 
 tlie  WoDROw  Society's  edition  of  that  writer's  "  Historic  of  the  Kirk  of 
 Scotland,  vol.  ii.  p.  350."  It  refers  to  Bothwell's  mock  trial  and  acquittal. 
 
 "  I  hold  it  best  ye  give  him  assize 
 Of  them  that  wrought  the  interprize, 
 And  consented  to  that  foule  band. 
 And  did  subscrive  it  with  their  hand  ; 
 And  otlier  sillie  simple  Lords, 
 Who  feare  their  hanging  into  cords. 
 God  is  not  glee'd  thogli  ye  him  clenge  ; 
 Believe  me,  weill  Pie  will  revenge 
 The  slaughter  of  that  innocent  lamb, 
 Metu  vindUtaiiiy  ct  ego  retrlbuam. 
 Ye  wold  faine  clenge  ;  I  love  it  the  war  (worse)  ; 
 It  makes  it  the  more  suspect  by  farre. 
 The  farther  in  filth  ye  stampe  but  doubt 
 The  fouller  sail  your  shoes  come  out. 
 Ye,  being  chieftain  of  that  tryst, 
 Ye  braid  of  (resembled)  him  that  speired  at  Clirist. 
 *  An  sum  cfjo,  Jcsu  Christc  ?'' 
 Who  answered — *  Juduy  tit  dixiste.^ 
 Here  I  advertise  yow  in  time, 
 If  that  ye  clenge  him  of  that  crime 
 Ather  for  love,  or  yitt  for  terrour, 
 I  sail  protest  for  wilful  errour." 
 
 Other  circumstances  occurred  to  excite  the  people  against  the  Queen  and 
 Bothwell,  as  tlie  latter  was  considered  capable  of  i)erpetrating  any  villany. 
 The  Proclamations  of  the  Queen  against  Liddcsdale  (see  supray  p.  610, 
 ()11),  commanding  her  subjects  in  the  more  soutliern  shires  to  meet 
 licr  and  Bothwell  her  Lieutenant  at  Melrose  on  the  15th  of  .lune,  were 
 misunderstood  or  wilfully  perverted.  Instead  of  an  expedition  against  the 
 rebellious  Borderers,  it  was  rumoured  and  believed  that  it  was  intended  to 
 lussemble  a  large  force,  march  to  Stirling  Castle,  and  compel  the  Karl  of 
 Mar  to  resign  the  charge  of  the  infant  Prince.  This  widely  circulated 
 allegation,  wlien  told  to  the  Queen,  elicited  her  "  Declaratioun  upoun  the 
 Bruitis,"  or  rejiorts,  inserted  by  our  Historian  from  Mr  Bobert  Miln's 
 collections,  in  whicli,  as  Chalmers  observes,  "  she  avowetl  her  afl'ection 
 for  her  people,  disclaimed  any  wish  to  innovate  upon  the  established  laws, 
 and  hoped  that  she  had  jdaced  her  son  in  such  safe  hands  that  the 
 security  of  his  i)erson  and  the  cultivation  of  his  mind  need  not  be  doubted, 
 to  whom  those  charges  iire  committed,  according  to  the  ancient  jjracticc  ; 
 but  such  declarations  were  not  much  regarded."— Life  of  Mary  Queen  of 
 Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  223,  224.— E.J 
 
 VOL.  II.  40 
 
02G  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 place  and  from  lulinburirh  their  army  might  receive  a 
 considerable  augmentation ;  which  resolution  of  theirs  pre- 
 sented to  the  confederated  Lords  the  very  opportunity  they 
 could  have  wished  for.  But  we  mortals  are  blind  as  to 
 future  events,  and  that  which  proves  unsuccessful  is  always 
 branded  as  a  bad  choice. 
 
 On  Saturday,  14th  of  June,  the  Queen  and  Duke  of 
 Orkney  marched  out  of  Dunbar,^  and  came  that  night  the 
 length  of  Seton,2  where  they  lodged,  and  the  army  was 
 (juartered  in  the  town  of  Preston.'^  When  they  were  at 
 Gladsmoor,4  a  proclamation  by  the  Queen  was  read  at  the 
 head  of  the  army,  bearing — "  That  a  number  of  conspirators 
 having  discovered  their  latent  malice  borne  to  her  and  the 
 Duke  of  Orkney  her  husband,  after  they  had  failed  in 
 apprehending  their  persons  at  Borthwick,  had  made  a 
 seditious  proclamation,  to  make  people  believe  that  they  did 
 seek  the  revenge  of  the  murther  of  the  King  her  late  husband, 
 and  the  relieving  of  herself  out  of  bondage  and  captivity, 
 
 ^  [Lord  Hemes  says — "  Their  first  remove  was  to  Iladdington,  from 
 ■whence,  upon  the  14th  day  of  June  1567  she  came  to  Seatone,  where  the 
 armie  was  quartered  in  towns  about." — Historic  of  the  Reigne  of  Marie 
 Queen  of  Scots,  printed  for  the  Abbotsford  Club,  p.  92,  93.  IIaddinf,4on 
 is  eleven  m'lloH  from  Dunbar. — E.] 
 
 "  [Seton  House,  near  the  villa<^e  of  Port-Seton,  on  the  shore  of  the  Firth 
 of  Forth,  in  tlie  i)arish  of  Tranent,  upwards  of  a  mile  ca.st  of  Prestoni)ans, 
 and  at  least  seven  miles  from  Had(lin<^ton.  It  is  repeatedly  mentioned 
 that  Seton  House,  a  stately  edifice  now  removed,  wa,s  the  family  residence 
 of  the  Lords  Seton  and  their  descendants  the  Earls  of  AVinton. — E.] 
 
 ^  [The  now  decayed  hamlet  of  Preston,  nearly  half  a  mile  inland  from 
 the  lonpf  and  straggling  coast  village — a  burgh  of  barony — of  Prestonpans, 
 or  Salt-Preston,  so  called  from  its  former  Salt  Pans.  Preston  still  retains 
 its  ancient  Cros.s,  but  the  town  is  now  reduced  to  a  few  mean  houses  and 
 Kome  old  family  mansions,  the  latter  of  which  attest  its  former  importance 
 — the  locality  pleasantly  rural  and  retired.  Near  it  is  the  old  tower  of 
 Preston,  a  mtussive  edifice  of  several  storeys,  and,  though  a  ruin,  toler- 
 ably entire,  in  the  middle  of  an  extensive  garden.  It  was  gieatly 
 dilai)i<lated  in  1544  by  the  Earl  of  Hertford,  and  in  lOoO  by  Cromwell. — E.] 
 
 •'  |(iludsmuir,  a  district  constituted  a  parish  in  1()9'2  by  annexations 
 from  the  adjacent  ])arislu's  of  Iladdington,  Tranent,  and  Aberlady,  Wius 
 long  a  bleak  uncultivated  tract,  literally  a  ;/)«/>,  but  it  is  now  in  the 
 finest  and  most  improved  state  of  agriculture.  Dr  Robertson  was  several 
 years  minister  of  (lladsmuir,  and  wrote  the  greater  jiai-t  of  his  "  History 
 of  Scotland  during  tlie  Reigns  of  Queen  Mary  and  King  .lames  VI."  in 
 the  old  manse.  The  Battle  of  Prestoni)ans,  at  which  the  royal  troojjs 
 were  defeated  by  the  Highlanders  in  174.'),  is  sometimes  designated  the 
 Battle  of  (Jladsmuir. — E.] 
 
loG7.]  OF  CIIUllCII  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  027 
 
 l)reten(ling  that  tlic  Duke  her  husband  was  minded  to 
 invade  the  Prince  her  sonne  ;  all  which  were  false  and 
 forged  inventions,  none  having  better  cause  to  revenge  the 
 King  s  death  than  herself,  if  she  could  know  the  authors 
 thereof.  And  for  the  Duke  her  present  husband,  he  had 
 used  all  means  to  clear  his  innocency,  the  ordinary  justice 
 had  absolved  him,  and  the  Estates  of  Parliament  approved 
 their  proceedings,  which  they  themselves  that  made  the 
 present  insurrection  had  likewise  allowed.  As  also  he  had 
 offered  to  maintain  that  (juarrell  against  any  gentleman  on 
 earth  undefamed,  than  which  nothing  more  could  be  required. 
 And  as  to  her  alleged  captivity,  the  contrary  was  known  to 
 the  whole  subjects,  her  marriage  with  him  being  puljlickly 
 contracted,  and  solemnized  with  their  own  consents,  as  their 
 hand-writs  could  testify.  Albeit,  to  give  their  treason  a  fair 
 shew,  they  made  now  a  buckler  of  the  Prince  her  sonne, 
 being  an  infant  and  in  their  hands,  whereas  their  intention 
 only  was  to  overthrow  her  and  her  posterity,  that  they 
 might  rule  all  things  at  their  pleasure,  and  without  control- 
 ment.  Seeing,  therefore,  no  wilfulnesse,  nor  particularity, 
 but  very  necessity  has  forced  her  to  take  arnies  for  defence 
 of  her  life,  as  her  hope  was  to  have  the  assistance  of  all  her 
 faithful  subjects  against  those  unnatural  rebels,  so  she 
 doubted  not  but  such  as  were  already  assembled  would  with 
 good  hearts  stand  to  her  defence,  considering  especially  the 
 goodness  of  her  cause,  promising  them,  in  recompence  of 
 their  valorous  service,  the  lands  and  possessions  of  the 
 rebels,  which  should  be  distributed  according  to  the  merit 
 of  every  man."i 
 
 '  This  is  taken  from  Archliishop  S])ottiswoo(l,  bocauso  I  see  no  where 
 an  authontick  copy  of  tlie  Proclaniatiun.  Craw  ford's  M8.  ?ays  only  in 
 general,  that  "  the  Queen  caused  I'roclaniations  to  be  made  to  animate 
 the  people  on  her  side,  that  if  any  man  should  slay  any  Karl  of  the  adver- 
 saries he  should  have  a  forty  pound  land  ;  for  the  slaujjhter  of  a  Lord,  a 
 twenty  pound  land  ;  and  for  slau<;hter  of  a  Haron,  a  ten  pound  land."  And 
 C'alderwood's  MS.  adds,  "  for  the  slaughter  of  a  zeanuin,  the  escheat  of  a 
 zeaman." — [Archbishoj)  Spottiswoode's  History  of  the  Church  and  State 
 of  Scotland,  folio,  London,  l(i77,  p.  2(l(i  ;  Historic  and  Life  of  King  James 
 tlie  Sext,  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Cllh,  J).  12  ;  Calderwood's  Historic 
 of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Wodrow  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  '3G2. 
 This  offered  reward  is  also  mentioned  in  the  "  Diurnal  of  Remarkable 
 Occurrentfi  in  Scotland,"  printed  for  the  Uannatynk  Club,  p.  115. — E.] 
 
C'-S  TJIE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIUS  [loG?. 
 
 The  news  of  the  Queen's  march  having  rciached  Edin- 
 burgh .•i))Out  nii(hu*ght,  the  Lords  Associators  departed  from 
 that   city  early   next   morning,^   being   Sunday,   and   both 
 
 *  [The  "  Assoc ia tors"  liad  been  Joined  in  Edinlnir^^li  hy  tlie  Earl  of 
 Atholl  and  Maitland  of  Lethington— the  hitter  "  a  man,"  it  is  truly 
 observed  by  ^Jr  Tytler,  «  wlio  had  Ijeloii^jed  to  all  parties,  and  had 
 deserted  all,  yet  wliose  vif^our  of  mind  and  •,Teat  cai)acity  for  State  affairs 
 made  him  still  welcome  wlierevcr  he  turned  himself."  Liberal  pay  wa-s 
 offered  by  the  Confederators  to  volunteers,  and  they  prepared  the  banner 
 afterwards  mentioned,  that  the  cause  for  which  they  were  in  arms  might 
 obtain  greater  publicity.  The  sight  of  it,  and  their  Proclamation,  had 
 a  strong  effect  on  the  common  i)eople  ;  the  Magistrates  of  Edinburgh 
 warmly  supported  them;  and  Sir  James  Balfour,  the  confidant  of 
 liothwell— the  man  deeply  implicated  with  the  said  liothwell  in  tlie 
 nnirder  of  Darnley— was  ready  to  place  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh  at  their 
 disi)0sal.  As  Mr  Tytler  observes—"  his  anticipated  defection,  therefore, 
 gave  new  spirit  to  the  party."  Yet  CalderAvood  states—"  The  Lords 
 found  not  such  concurrence  out  of  all  quarters  as  they  expected,  and  such 
 worthie  enterprizc  required,  for  manie  favoured  the  other  partie,  or 
 suspended  their  aide,  till  they  saw  farther.  They  wanted  likewise 
 artillerie  and  munitioun  necessarie  for  the  siege.  When  they  began  to 
 deliberate  upon  dissolving  their  armie,  the  Queen  cometh  forward  with 
 Jier  forces." — Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Wodrow 
 Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  362.  Birrel  asserts  that  the  Confederates  marched 
 first  to  Kestalrig  when  they  left  Edinburgh,  which  was  indeed  on  their 
 way,  and  they  rested  there  till  the  following  morning — Sunday,  the  loth  of 
 June. — Diary,  j).  10.  Lord  llerries  says — "  But  getting  sudden  intelligence 
 in  the  night  of  the  Queen's  api)roach,  and  that  she  was  advanced  alreddie 
 to  Seatoune,  they  were  forced  to  take  courage,  and  presentlie  beat  uj) 
 drums.  The  force,  as  is  said,  Avas  not  many,  but  because  they  had  the 
 affections  of  the  tonne  of  Edinburgh,  they  appeared  in  the  morning  a 
 considerable  number.  With  these  they  marched  out  betymes  in  the 
 morning,  and  lay  doune  at  Mussell)Ourgh.  They  made  the  greater  luiste 
 that  they  might  be  master  of  the  tonne  and  the  bridge,  which  was  a  strong 
 pass,  and  then  sent  out  parties  to  view  the  countenance  of  the  Queen's 
 armie.  In  the  mean  tyme  they  refreshed  their  men." — Ilistorie  of  the 
 Reigne  of  Marie  Queen  of  Scots,  i)rinted  for  the  Abbotsfoud  Club,  p.  93. 
 'I'he  bridge  here  mentioned  at  Musselburgh  is  the  old  narrow  bridge  of 
 three  arches  over  the  l^sk,  a  river  which  enters  the  Frith  of  Forth  after 
 the  junction  of  the  North  and  South  Esk  in  the  pleasure  grounds  of  the 
 Duke  of  BuceU'uch  near  Dalkeith.  The  old  bridge  of  Musselburgh  has 
 long  been  the  reverse  of  a  "strong  jja.ss,"  but  it  is  interesting  on  account 
 of  the  historical  a.ssociations  connected  with  it  and  its  antitjuity,  as 
 occuj)ying  the  site  of  a  Honian  stnuture  leading  to  the  Roman  station  on 
 the  adjoining  elevated  ground  called  the  Hill  of  fnveresk, on  which  is  the 
 parish  church  of  Inveresk  or  Musselburgh,  surrounded  l>y  the  church- 
 yard. The  sea  luis  receded  so  far  duiing  the  lapse  of  centuries,  that  the 
 beach  at  the  debouch  of  the  Esk  is  remarkably  shallow,  but  in  Queen 
 Mary's  time  ves.sels  of  war  covdtl  approach  within  cannon-shot  of  the  old 
 
1567.]  or  ciiURCii  and  state  in  Scotland.  020 
 
 armies  came  in  view  of  each  other  about  mid-day  at  Oarberry 
 Hill,  about  six  miles  east  from  Edinburgh,!  which  her 
 Majesty  had  already  possessed,  together  with  the  trench 
 cast  up  by  the  English  army  when  it  was  last  in  these  parts. 
 The  Queen  had  also  brought  with  her  some  field  pieces'-  from 
 the  Castle  of  Dunbar.  Spottiswood  says^  the  Queen  had, 
 very  soon  after  her  going  to  the  Castle  of  Dunbar,  an  army 
 of  4000  men.  Knox  tells,-*  the  Queen  came  forward  with  an 
 army  between  4000  or  5000.  And  Calderwood's  large  MS.-'^ 
 reckons  her  Majesty  not  to  have  had  above  2500 — of  this 
 number,  he  says,  were  200  harc^uebusiers  under  the  command 
 of  Captain  Anstruther — but  he  observes  the  whole  army 
 consisted  of  the  common  sort^  only  ;  those  of  better  rank  in 
 that  army  being,  according  to  him,  the  Lords  Seton,  Yester, 
 and  Borthwick ;"  the  Lairds  of  Bass,  Waughton,  Ormiston, 
 Wedderburn,  Langton,  Blavernie,  Cumledge,  Hirsel,  and 
 Ormiston    of    that   Ilk   in    Teviotdale.^     Crawford's    MS. 
 
 bridge,  and  Robert  Lord  Graham,  also  designated  the  Master  of  Montrose, 
 eldest  son  of  William  second  Earl  of  ^Montrose,  was  killed  on  this  bridge 
 by  a  ball  from  one  of  the  English  ships  of  war  at  the  mouth  of  tlio  Esk, 
 while  the  Scottish  army  was  marching  across  it  to  the  fatal  battle-field  of 
 Pinkie  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood,  in  1547. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Carberry  Hill,  in  the  parish  of  Inveresk,  beyond  Musselburgh, 
 is  nearly  eight  English  miles  from  Edinburgh. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Birrel  states  that  tlie  Queen  had  six  field  pieces  of  brass. — Diary, 
 p.  10.— E.] 
 
 ^  [Archbishop  Spottiswoode's  History  of  Church  and  State  in  Scotland, 
 folio,  London,  1677,  p.  205.— E.] 
 
 ^  [Ilistorie  of  the  Reformatioun  in  Scotland,  folio,  Edin.  edit.  1732, 
 p.  408.— E.] 
 
 °  [Also  Calderwood's  Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed  for  the 
 AVoDRow  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  3G2. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Calderwood,  vol.  ii.  p.  362.  Birrel  says  that  the  Queen's  forces, 
 when  drawn  up  on  Carberry  Hill,  consisted  of  "  four  regiments  of 
 souldiers"  (Diary,  p.  10),  exclusive  of  the  six  brass  field  pieces.  Mr 
 Tytler  states  that  Mary's  forces  amounted  to  "  about  2000  men." — 
 History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  130. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Already  mentioned  as  George  fifth  Lord  Seton,  father  of  the  first 
 Earl  of  Winton  and  of  the  first  Earl  of  Dunfermline  ;  William  fifth  Lord 
 Hay  of  Yester,  an  ancestor  of  the  Earls  and  ^lanpiises  of  Tweedtlale  ; 
 and  William  sixth  Lord  Borthwick.  Lords  Seton  and  Yester  were 
 neighbours  of  IJothwell  in  the  county  of  Haddington,  of  which  he  was  the 
 liereditary  lligli  Sheriff".— E.] 
 
 "  [Three  of  these  r^airds  were  gentlemen  of  the  county  of  Haddington, 
 and  the  others  appear  to  have  been  allies  of  J^othwell  as  Border  Warden. 
 Hei>burn  of  Waughton  was  the  chief  of  BothweH's  Family,  Lauder  of  the 
 
030  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567- 
 
 saysl — "  The  Queen  understanding  credibly  of  such  convoca- 
 tion (of  the  Lords)  tending  to  rebellion,  she  on  the  other  part 
 assembled  as  many  as  she  could  obtain  in  so  short  a  time, 
 and  (desperately  ?'.  e.  unluckily  or  unadvisedly)  came  from 
 Dunbar  to  Seaton.  There,  after  she  had  staid  but  a  night, 
 ^^as  resolute  (did  resolve)  by  the  unwise  advice  of  those 
 that  were  with  her  at  that  time,  to  come  forward  with  that 
 small  company  to  invade  her  adversaries  before  her  whole 
 army  were  assembled,  and  came  to  a  place  called  Carberry 
 Hill.2  The  Lords,  "this  author  adds,""  sorted  from  Edinburgh 
 to  places  of  advantage,  and  to  have  the  sun  in  their  backs, 
 for  the  day  was  very  hot. — The  party  of  the  Lords  was 
 much   stronger   than   the    Queen's,^  and   many  people    of 
 
 Bass,  and  Cockburn  of  Ormiston,  were  the  two  other  l^ast  Lotliian 
 Lairds.  The  Laird  of  Wedderburn  was  David  Home,  a  Berwickshire 
 gcntleiuan,  and  Calderwood  designates  the  Laird  of  Hersel  as  Sir 
 Andrew  Ker.  Blavernie,  properly  Blanerne,  Cumledge,  and  Lan(:^on, 
 are  properties  in  Berwickshire,  in  the  neij^hbourhood  of  Dunse.  Ormiston 
 of  that  Ilk  was  one  of  Bothwell's  associates  in  the  murder  of  Darnley. — E.] 
 
 ^  [The  correct  passage,  of  which  the  extract  from  Crawfurd's  MS.  is 
 garbled,  is  m  the  "  Historic  and  Life  of  King  .James  tlie  Sext,"  printed 
 for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  12. — E.] 
 
 '^  [Mary  entrenched  herself  on  Carberry  Hill,  within  the  works  thrown 
 uj)  twenty  years  before  by  the  Duke  of  Somerset,  previous  to  the  battle 
 of  Pinkie.  Carberry  Hill  is  a  beautifully  elevated  ridge  upwards  of  a 
 mile  south-east  of  Musselburgh  in  the  parish  of  Inveresk,  immediately 
 above  the  field  of  Pinkie.  A  part  of  the  Hill  is  planted,  and  the  stone  on 
 which  Mary  sat  when  she  held  the  interview  with  Kirkaldy  of  Grange, 
 subsequently  narrated,  is  still  known  as  the  Quccii's  Scat. — E.] 
 
 "*  [Lord  Hcrries  mentions  that  the  Confederates  formed  two  divisions, 
 — the  first  commanded  by  the  Karl  of  Morton  and  Lord  Home,  and  the 
 others  by  the  Earls  of  (Jlencairn,  Atholl,  and  ^lar  (Historic  of  the  Reigne 
 of  Marie  Queen  of  Scots,  printed  for  the  Abbotsforp  Club,  p.  93).  Lords 
 Lindsay,  Buthven,  Grahame,  and  Sanquhar,  Sir  AVilliam  Murray  of 
 Tullibardine,  Douglas  of  Drumlanrig  and  his  son,  Ker  of  Cessfurd, 
 Kirkaldy  of  Grange,  and  others,  were  among  the  j)rominent  leaders.  It 
 appears  that  the  march  of  the  Confederates  to  Musselburgh  was  caused 
 by  the  Queen  herself,  who  issued  a  proclamation  to  her  subjects  to  meet 
 her  in  that  town  on  the  15th  of  June  at  eight  in  the  morning,  when  she 
 had  resolved,  if  she  was  in  life,  to  enter  Edinburgh  or  Leith  in  defiance  of 
 all  opposition.  The  Confederates  first  recognised  the  Queen's  forces 
 occupying  the  rising  ground  east  of  Musselburgh  when  they  reached  the 
 Magdalene  Hridge— a  bridge  nearly  a  mile  west  of  that  town  over  a  riNiilet 
 which  enters  the  Frith  of  Forth.  They  were  there  informed  that  the 
 Queen's  forces  had  arrived  at  a  certain  /»•(«,  or  sloping  ground,  near 
 rarl)eny  Kill,  which  must  be  either  Edgebuckling  Brae  or  Fausidi'  Ih-ae, 
 both  of  which  form    the   risinjr  ijiounds  on   the   road   to  Triiiient.     The 
 
IdG/.]  of  church  and  state  in  SCOTLAND.  Go  I 
 
 Edinburgh  were  come  forth  to  assist  tliem.  Besides  all  this, 
 they  were  supported  with  store  of  drink,  which  was  a  great 
 relief  in  such  exceeding  heat  of  the  year." 
 
 The  French  ambassador  Le  Croc  was  with  the  Queen, 
 and  that  gentleman,  perceiving  what  was  like  to  ensue, 
 wisely  resolved  to  interpose  his  good  offices  to  bring  matters 
 to  an  amicable  accommodation.  For  this  purpose  he  went 
 to  the  Lords,  and  assured  them  their  sovereign  had  good 
 inclinations  to  peace,  and  would  be  ready  to  forgive  what 
 they  might  have  hitherto  done  amiss,  i  As  this  message  or 
 declaration  by  the  ambassador  consisted  of  two  parts,  the 
 Earl  of  INIorton  made  a  reply  to  the  first  after  this  sort — 
 
 Confederates  crossed  the  old  bridge  of  Musselburgh,  and  marched  a  few 
 miles  U13  the  east  side  of  the  Esk  into  the  interior,  until  they  reached 
 Cousland,  a  village  in  tlie  parish  of  Cranston  three  miles  north-east  of 
 Dalkeith,  and  nearly  two  miles  south-east  of  Carberry  Ilill,  which 
 continued  to  be  occupied  by  the  Queen  and  Bothwell.  The  contending 
 parties  were  in  sight  of  each  other  the  whole  day,  and  the  movements  of  the 
 Confederates  from  five  in  the  morning  till  twelve  o'clock  noon  were  planned 
 to  shelter  themselves  from  the  heat  of  the  sun,  or,  as  the  contemporary 
 diarist  expresses  it — "  to  have  the  pre-eminence  and  advantage  of  the 
 sun,"  while  the  Queen  and  her  forces  were  stationary  on  Carberry  Ilill 
 till  eight  in  the  evening.— Diurnal  of  Remarkable  Occurrcnts  in  Scotland, 
 printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  114. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Lord  Ilerries  states  that  Monsieur  Le  Croc,  who  we  have  seen 
 disapproved  of  the  Queen's  marriage  to  Bothwell,  and  had  even  encouraged 
 the  Confederates  with  the  view  of  having  the  infant  Prmce  sent  to  France, 
 obtained  Mary's  leave  to  treat  for  an  accommodation  without  bloodshed. 
 As  soon  as  he  approached  the  Confederates,  to  whom  he  was  well  known, 
 Le  Croc  declared  his  message  by  an  interpreter,  that  "  his  business,"  says 
 Lord  Ilerries,  "  was  to  see  if  there  was  a  possibilitie  to  pack  up  things 
 without  blood  for  both  their  goods — that  it  was  lamentable  that  the 
 Queen  and  her  subjects  should  be  at  such  distance,  tiiat  notliing  could 
 satisfie  their  displeasures  but  blood  and  slaughter,  and  whomsoever  should 
 get  the  bettor,  yet  the  loss  fell  to  the  cuntrie.  He  .showed  them  that  the 
 Queen  was  inclyned  to  peace— that  she  wold  willinglie  grant  an  oblivion, 
 and  take  it  upon  oath  that  no  man  should  ever  be  called  in  question  for 
 what  was  done  in  opposing  her  autlioritie." — Historic  of  the  Keigne  of 
 Marie  Queen  of  Scots,  printed  for  the  Abhotsfoud  Club,  p.  93,  94. 
 According  to  Sir  James  Melville,  con.siderable  distrust  existed  among  the 
 Queen's  forces.  "Albeit,"  he  says,  "her  Majestic  was  tliere,  I  cannot 
 name  it  to  be  her  army,  for  many  of  them  that  were  with  lier  had  opinion 
 that  she  had  intelligence  with  the  Lords."  After  mentioning  the  odium 
 in  wliich  Bothwell  was  held  for  his  Ijad  treatment  of  tlie  Queen,  Sir  James 
 Melville  adds—"  So  part  of  hisawin  company  detested  him, (and)  uther  part 
 believed  that  lier  Majestic  wald  fuyne  liave  been  (juite  of  him,  but  thocht 
 shame  to  l)e  the  doer  thereof  directly  liriM'lf."Meinui)s,  printed  for  {\\o 
 Bannatyne  Club,  \k  1*^2,  183. — E.j 
 
C32  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [156*7. 
 
 "  That  they  had  not  taken  arms  against  the  Queen,  but 
 against  the  murderer  of  tlie  late  King ;  and  if  her  Majesty 
 would  cither  give  him  up  to  be  punished,  or  remove  him 
 from  her  company,  she  should  find  in  them  a  continewation 
 of  all  dutiful  obedience,  and  that  they  could  admit  of  peace 
 on  no  otlier  condition.""  And  next,  to  the  othr  part  of  the 
 message,  the  Earl  of  Gloncairn  answered — •  AVe  are  not 
 come  Jiere  to  ask  pardon  for  any  offence  we  have  done,  but 
 rather  to  give  pardon  to  those  tliat  have  offended/'  The 
 ambassador  observing  by  these  haughty  replies  that  his 
 mediation  would  prove  altogether  fruitless,  took  his  leave  of 
 the  Queen,  and  rode  straight  to  Edinburgh. ^ 
 
 And  now  the  Associators  finding  the  access  to  her 
 Majesty's  camp  to  be  very  difficult,  sent  Sir  AVilliam 
 Kirkaldy  of  Grange  with  200  horse  round  the  Hill  towards 
 the  east  side,  with  a  double  purpose,  namely,  both  to  get 
 between  the  Queen\s  camj)  and  the  Castle  of  Dunbar,  and 
 so  intercept  the  Earl  of  BothwelFs  escape  thither ;-  and 
 likewise  to  make  an  attack  from  the  opposite  side  which 
 was  more  level,  at  the  same  time  that  the  foot  of  the  army 
 
 '  [Le  Croc's  abrupt  departure,  after  he  informed  the  Queen  of  the 
 failure  of  his  attempt  at  a  conciliation,  is  mentioned  by  Lord  Ilerries 
 (lllstorie  of  the  Ileij^ne  of  Marie  Queen  of  Scots,  p.  94),  and  by  Calder- 
 wood  (Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Wodrow 
 Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  3G3).  It  wius  evident,  from  the  reply  of  Moi-ton  and 
 Glencairn,  that  no  hope  of  an  aj^reement  existed,  and  the  Confederates 
 Mere  the  more  determined  to  persevere,  by  observinn^that  an  indisj)osition 
 to  fi^dit  was  apparent  among  the  Queen's  forces,  some  of  whom  were  at 
 the  time  actually  desertinj^  their  opponents. — Tyller's  History  of  Scotland, 
 vol.  vii.p.  1.31.  — E.] 
 
 '•*  [  Jvirkaldy  of  CJrange  was  accompanied  by  Douirlas  of  l)rumhinri<;, 
 Ivor  of  Cessfnrd,  and  Home  of  Cowdenknowes,  and  thoui^h  their  object 
 wa.s  to  cut  off  Bothwell's  retreat  to  Dunbar,  which  they  could  have  eiisily 
 done,  they  were  more  anxious  to  bring  mattei*s  to  a  crisis.  The  Queen 
 saw  that  her  defeat  was  almost  certain  in  a  battle.  Desertion  was  rajjidly 
 spreading  in  her  army,  her  remonstrances  had  no  effect,  and  she  in  vain 
 implored  her  soldiers  to  advance  by  a.ssuringthemof  victory  and  braiuling 
 them  with  cowardice.  Wlicn  Kirkaldy  at  the  head  of  his  horsemen 
 began  to  wheel  rouml  Carberry  Hill  on  the  east  to  turn  the  Hank  of  the 
 (Queen's  forces,  and  j)repare  for  the  commencement  of  action  on  the  more 
 h'vel  ascent,  the  panic  of  Mary's  troops  becanu'  general,  and  she  an<l 
 liotliwell  were  left  with  only  sixty  gcMitlemcn  and  the  baml  of  iiackbutters. 
 — MS.  Letter,  State-Paper  Oftice,  Scn>i>e  to  Cecil,  ITtii  June  ir)(>7,  cited 
 in  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  133  ;  Sir  .lamos  Melvill««'s 
 Memoirs,  j.iintrd  for  \\\v  Hannatyne  Clth,  J).  1^3.-  IC] 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  Ooo 
 
 should  advance  up  the  hill  on  the  side  they  then  stood,  and 
 where  the  ascent  was  more  steep,  and  so  less  accessible 
 by  the  horse.  The  Queen  being  informed  that  Grange 
 connnanded  this  brigade,  sent  Ormiston  (but  which  of  the 
 Ormistons  I  cannot  say)i  to  desire  him  to  speak  with  her. 
 Grange  first  acquainted  the  Lords  of  the  Queen  s  message, 
 and  having  obtained  their  permission  to  talk  with  the 
 Queen,  he  told  her  ^lajesty  how  well  their  Lordships  were 
 inclined  towards  her,  provided  she  would  remove  from  her 
 the  murderer  of  the  King.2  The  Duke  of  Orkney  over- 
 hearing this,  offered  the  combate  to  any  that  would 
 maintain  he  had  murdered  the  King.  The  Laird  of  Grange 
 first,  and  next  the  Laird  of  TuUibardin,  offered  to  fight 
 with  his  Grace  ;  but  he  rejected  them  both,  as  being  of 
 quality  inferior  to  him.  Then  the  Lord  Lindsay  made  the 
 same  offer,  but,  as  some  affirm,  the  Duke's  heart  failed 
 him;  others,  that  the  Queen  interposed,  and  would  not 
 allow  of  any  such  trial.'^     And  it  is  added,  that  her  Majesty 
 
 1  [Cockburn  of  Ormiston.— Sir  James  Melville's  Memoirs,  p.  183.— E.] 
 
 2  [Sir  James  Melville  states  that  while  Kirkaldy  was  conversing  with 
 the  Queen,  Bothwell,  who  heard  his  language,  appointed  a  soldier  to  shoot 
 him,  at  which  the  Queen  "  gave  a  cry,  and  said  tliat  he  suld  not  do  her 
 that  shame  wha  had  promised  that  he  suld  come  and  return  safely."— 
 Memoirs,  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  183.  Kirkaldy,  who  was 
 in  his  heart  devoted  to  Mary,  lost  no  time  in  obeying  the  summons  of  his 
 sovereign.  "  All  in  this  field,  madam,"  said  the  gallant  Knight  of  Grange, 
 "  will  love,  honour,  and  serve  you^  if  you  will  only  abandon  the  murderer 
 of  your  husband."  While  he  was  uttering  these  words,  Bothwell  had 
 ordered  a  soldier  to  raise  his  harqucbuss  and  take  deliberate  aim  at 
 Kirkaldy,  but  the  Queen  shrieked,  and  exclaimed—"  Shame  me  not  with 
 so  foul  a  murder  ;"  and  Jiothwell  endeavoured  to  disguise  his  confusion 
 by  a  vaunting  offer  of  the  combat  to  any  man  who  would  decide  the  day 
 singly  with  himself.  "  Vou  shall  have  an  answer  speedily,"  said  Kirkaldy, 
 as  he  spurred  his  horse  to  johi  his  comrades.— E.] 
 
 3  [The  real  narrative  of  Bothwell's  challenge  is  differently  related. 
 According  to  one  account,  when  he  heard  Kirkaldy's  language,  and  the 
 accusation  of  murdering  Darnley,  he  challenged  to  single  combat  any  one 
 who  so  charged  him.  Kirkaldy  told  hini  that  he  would  soon  send  him  an 
 answer,  and  leaving  Mary  sitting  on  C'arberry  Hill  he  gallopped  down  to 
 the  Confederates,  lie  projjosed  to  the  Lords  that  he  might  l)e  allowed  to 
 accept  Bothweirs  challenge,  to  which  they  consented,  and  due  notice  was 
 sent  to  the  so  called  Duke  of  Orkney,  who  rei>lied  that  he  would  not  fight 
 with  Kirkaldy,  or  enter  the  lists  with  any  one  who  was  not  a  Nobleman. 
 —Sir  James  Melville's  Memoirs,  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  183. 
 Another  statement  is,  that  when  Hothwell  saw  his  forces  deserting,  he 
 rode  forward,  and  1»y  a  herald  offered  to  decide  the  day  by  single  combat. 
 
C34  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567- 
 
 perceiving  that  few,  even  of  those  in  her  army  that  wished 
 well  to  herself,  shewed  any  inclination  to  enter  into  an 
 engagement  with  the  other  army,  called  upon  the  Laird  of 
 Grange,  and  told  him  she  would  agree  to  the  terms  proposed 
 by  the  Lords.  And  the  Lords  on  their  part  giving 
 commission  to  that  gentleman  to  assure  her  Majesty  of 
 their  willingness  to  perform  what  had  been  offered  at  first, 
 Grange  rode  up  again  to  the  Queen,  and  saw  the  Earl  of 
 IJothwell  take  his  leave  and  part  from  her  Majesty.^     This 
 
 The  cliallenj^e  was  accepted  by  James  Murray  of  Tullibardino,  and 
 refused  by  ijothwoU  for  the  reason  assigned  in  the  case  of  Kirkaldy. 
 This  James  Murray  Avas  the  person  who  had  affixed  to  the  Tolbooth  of 
 Edinburgh  an  answer  to  one  of  IJothwell's  assertions  of  his  innocence. 
 "  Then,"  exckiimed  his  ekler  brother,  Sir  William  Murray  of  Tullibardine, 
 "  I  at  least  am  his  Peer  ;  my  estate  is  better  than  his,  and  my  blood  is 
 nobler."  This  was  intimated  to  Bothwell,  who  refused  on  the  pretence 
 tliat  Tullibardine  "  was  not  his  equal  in  degree  of  honour,"  and  singled 
 out  his  old  associate  and  fellow-conspirator  Morton,  who  readily  answered 
 that  lie  would  fight  him  instantly  on  foot  with  a  two-handed  sword.  But 
 Lord  Lindsay  of  the  Byres  interfered,  and  asserted  that  the  combat 
 belonged,  of  right  to  him  as  the  relative  of  the  murdered  Darnley,  and 
 implored  the  Lords,  by  the  services  he  had  done  and  still  hoped  to  do,  to 
 grant  him  in  courtesy  to  meet  Bothwell.  ^lorton  yielded  to  Lindsay, 
 whom  it  was  considered  proper  to  humour,  and  presented  him  with  his  own 
 sword,  a  weapon  he  highly  valued  as  once  wielded  by  his  renowned 
 ancestor  the  great  Earl  of  Angus,  surnamed  Bdl-the-Cat.  Lindsay  then 
 armed  himself,  and  kneeling  down  before  the  ranks,  implored  the  Divine 
 jmnishment  on  the  guilty,  and  protection  to  the  innocent.  Bothwell 
 api)eared  eager  to  fight,  but  the  Queen  interfered.  She  said  "  he  Wiisher 
 husband  ;  lie  shall  not  fight  with  any  of  them."— Calderwood's  Jli.storie 
 of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Woduow  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  3G3, 
 'M'A;  MS.  Letters,  State- Paper  Office,  cited  in  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland, 
 vol.  vii.  p.  132.— J-:.] 
 
 1  [This  was  the  last  time  Mary  ever  Siiw  Bothwell.  She  held  a  moment's 
 conversation  with  him  weeping,  and  he  aj)peared  to  waver  and  remon- 
 strate, but  when  she  gave  her  hand  he  took  farewell,  and  turning  his 
 horse's  head  he  rode  froinCarberryllillto  l)unbar,none  of  the  Confederates 
 attempting  the  slightest  opposition.  l^eCroe  s;iys  in  a  letter  to  Catherine 
 de  Medici—"  Botliwell  became  greatly  alarmed,  and  at  livst  asked  the 
 Queen  whether  she  would  keep  the  oath  of  fidelity  which  .she  had  made 
 to  Iiini.  She  answered,  Yes  ;  and  gave  him  her  hand  upon  it.  He  then 
 mounted  his  horse,  and  fied  with  a  few  attendants."  Le  Croc  probably 
 ()l)tained  this  information  in  Edinburgh,  but  all  that  pa.ssed  between  the 
 Queen  and  Botliwell  at  their  final  separation  can  only  be  conjecture. 
 Such  were  the  extraordinary  scenes  which  led  to  the  escape  of  Botliwell 
 and  the  .surrender  of  Mary,  rendering  Carberry  Hill  at  all  times  an  object 
 of  interest.  The  inconsistency  of  the  Confederates  deserves  notice. 
 'I'lieir  avowed  object  in  taking  arms  was  to  bring  the  murderer  of  Darnley 
 
15G7.J  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  6*35 
 
 having  been  declared  by  Grange  to  the  Lords,  they  then 
 desired  him  to  go  up  the  Hill  again,  and  receive  the  Queen 
 in  their  name  ;  whereupon  her  Majesty  went  towards  him, 
 
 to  justice,  and  yet,  when  ho  was  in  their  power,  he  was  permitted  to 
 escape.  But  Morton,  Argyll,  Ilnntly,  and  Maitland  of  Lethington,  knew 
 well  that  if  driven  to  his  defence  liothwell  could  convict  them  as  accom- 
 plices, and  they  considered,  that  they  could  more  easily  deal  with  him  as 
 a  fugitive  than  as  a  prisoner.  Two  accounts  of  Bothwell's  flight  from 
 Carherry  Hill  are  interesting.  The  Queen  "  perswaded  him,"  says 
 Calderwood,  "  to  withdraw  himself  secreitlie  out  of  the  field,  for  she  had 
 tried  that  few  except  his  own  friends  and  dependers  would  fight ;  at  least, 
 were  anxious  the  battle  might  be  delayed  till  the  next  day,  that  Iluntlie 
 and  the  Bishop  of  Sanct  Andrews  come  with  new  forces,  if  Bothwell  in 
 the  mean  time  would  not  decide  the  questioun  by  single  combat. — While 
 the  Queen  was  conferring  with  Grange,  Bothwell  conveyed  himself 
 secretlie  from  the  armie,  and  hasted  with  speed  to  Dmibar,  himself  alone, 
 because  he  would  trust  none  ;  yet  others  report  with  seven  or  eight. 
 After  he  had  taken  the  flight,  sindrie  shrinked  away  by  hundreths, 
 fourties,  and  thretties.  One  was  sent  from  the  Queen's  armie  with  along 
 picke,  and  cast  it  doun  before  the  horsemen  of  the  other  armie,  in  token 
 the  victorie  was  theirs." — Calderwood's  Historic,  printed  for  the  Wodrow 
 Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  364.  Lord  Ilerries,  on  the  other  hand,  says  that  when 
 Kirkaldy  was  sent  to  treat  with  the  Queen,  he  "  had  a  secret  commission 
 underhand,  and  a  token  from  the  Earle  of  Mortoune  to  Bothwell,  to 
 advysc  him  to  retire  himself  from  thefurie  of  the  people  to  some  pairt  out 
 of  the  kingdom  for  a  small  time,  until  he  wrought  business  in  a  right 
 posture  ;  but  that  the  people  are  now  so  bote,  that  if  he  do  stay,  it  was 
 not  possible  to  keep  them  from  destruction  on  both  sides,  and  gave 
 assurance  that  if  he  wold  slip  himself  asyde,  he  may  go  frielie  whether  he 
 pleased  in  securitie,  for  none  shall  be  suffered  to  follow.  Bothwell  gave 
 trust  to  these  conditions,  and  reteared  privately  out  of  the  armie  with 
 onlie  two  men,  and  went  to  Dunbar  Castle.  The  other  partie  said  he 
 reteared  by  command  of  the  Queen  ;  but,  however  it  Avas,  he  left  the 
 field  without  trouble  or  danger." — Ilistorie  of  the  Reigne  of  Marie 
 Queen  of  Scots,  printed  for  the  Abbotsford  Club,  p.  94.  If  this 
 account  is  true,  it  proves  the  consummate  hyi)0crisy  and  villany  of 
 Morton,  who  contrived  to  make  even  Kirkaldy  of  Grange  a  tool  in 
 the  negotiation  at  Carbeny  Hill,  though  it  is  farther  said  of  Kirkaldy 
 that  *'  he  took  Bothwell  hy  the  hand,  and  desired  him  to  depart,  promising 
 that  no  one  should  oppose  or  follow  him,  and  thus  by  their  own  consent 
 Bothwell  passed  away." — Chalmers'  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots, 
 vol.  i.  p.  229.  The  statement  of  Lord  Ilerries  respecting  the  "secret 
 commission"  conveyed  by  the  Knight  of  (Jrango  to  Bothwell  is  supported 
 by  Camden,  who  says — "  They  who  absolved  Bothwell  of  that  crime 
 (the  murder  of  Darnley),  and  gave  consent  to  this  marriage,  tooke 
 up  amies  as  if  they  would  have  seyzed  on  his  person  ;  but,  in 
 effect,  underhand  they  privily  admonished  him  speedily  to  withdraw 
 liimselfe,  for  feare  lest  being  talcen  he  might  liavc  icvealed  the  wliole 
 complot,  and  tliat  from  his  flight  they  might  draw  argument  and 
 subject   whereof  to  accuse  the  Queen   for  the  murder  of  the  King." 
 
G3C  THE  HISTORY  OF  Tin:  affairs  [1oG7. 
 
 and  said—''  Laird  of  Grange,  1  render  myself  unto  you  upon 
 the  conditions  you  rehearsed  unto  me  in  the  name  of  the 
 Lords/'     Then   she  gave  him  her  liand,  which  he  kissed, 
 
 Annals  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  4to.  1625,  p.  148.  8uch  are  the  conflicting 
 accounts  of  the  fli^'ht  of  liothwell.  His  own  "  Narrative"  aftbrds  no 
 information  of  tlic  events  at  Carberry  Hill,  and  is  chiefly  curious  for  its 
 falsehood,  and  deliberate  perversion  of  facts  ;  but  as  already  observed — 
 "  It  is  not  to  be  sujjposed  that  in  jdeadint^  his  cause  to  a  foreij,ni  Prince, 
 IJothwell  coidd  have  been  altogether  guided  by  truth  in  his  relation  of 
 these  remarkable  events.  It  was,  indeed,  only  by  representing  Mary  and 
 himself  as  ecpially  innocent  of  the  crimes  so  generally  imputed  to  them 
 ]>y  posterity,  that  he  could  expect  her  cousin  of  Denmark  to  intei-fere  in 
 her  behalf,  or  lend  his  aid  in  rescuing  her  from  the  captivity  of  Lochlevin^ 
 and  the  designs  of  her  turbulent  Nobles." — See  the  notes  on  "  Les  Affaires 
 du  Conte  de  Boduel,"  printed  for  the  Bannatyni;  Club,  in  p.  551,  .552,  of 
 this  volume.  It  is  unnecessary  to  give  a  summary  of  Bothwell's  own 
 story  respecting  the  events  from  the  investment  of  Borthwick  Castle  to 
 the  surrender  of  the  Queen  on  Carberry  liill,  including  the  charges  which 
 the  Confederates  preferred  against  him  by  their  agent  Kirkaldy  of  forcibly 
 detaining  Mary  and  of  murdering  Darnley,  his  challenge  to  single  combat^, 
 its  acceptance  by  Lord  Lindsay,  his  willingness  to  fight,  and  other  incidents, 
 on  which  he  is  more  prolix  than  hi  other  parts  of  his  "  Narrative."  lie 
 pretends  that  the  Queen  and  the  gentlemen  with  her  opposed  his  combat 
 with  Lord  Lindsay,  because,  he  says — "  Lord  Lindsay  was  not  of  such 
 parentage  as  to  be  comparable  to  me,  nor  of  such  an  ancestry  or  house, 
 and  that,  moreover,  I  wa.s  a  husband  worthy  of  the  Queen.  Nevertheless 
 I  so  persuaded  the  Queen  and  all  of  them  by  the  many  reasons  I  urged, 
 that  they  eventually  consented  that  the  combat  should  take  place."  He 
 then  scruples  not  to  record  most  deliberate  falsehoods.  "  J?hortly  after- 
 wards," he  says,  "  I  repaired  to  the  field  of  action  to  await  the  arrival  of 
 my  luitagonist,  where  I  remained  till  very  late  in  the  evening.  He  did 
 not,  however,  make  his  ai)pearance,  as  I  will  prove,  when  necessiiry, 
 by  the  testimony  of  one  thousand  fjcntkmcn  (! )  —  (un^j  millc  r/cntiLi 
 Ik  names) — upon  pain  of  foi-f citing  my  life.  As  night  approached,  I 
 prepared  to  give  battle  to  the  enemy,  by  putting  my  troops  in  march- 
 ing order,  tliey  also  doing  the  like  on  their  side."  Bothwell  then 
 details,  with  the  same  disregard  to  truth,  the  Queen's  answer  deny- 
 uig  her  alleged  captivity  ;  her  conference  with  Kirkaldy  among  the  forces 
 of  tlw  ConfedcnUes  to  i)revent  the  eftusion  of  blood  ;  the  advice  lie 
 gave  her  not  to  rely  upon  their  fair  promises,  but  to  retire  with 
 him  to  Dunbar,  and  allow  him  to  defend  her  "just  cause,"  when  he  kiu'w 
 Will  his  own  retreat  to  Dunbar  had  been  cut  off;  her  refusal,  his  advice 
 to  her  to  obtain  a  guarantee  for  her  safety,  and  the  false  assurances 
 given  to  her.  "When  every  thing  was  agreed  upon,"  he  continues, 
 "  under  a  i)roniise  of  inviolable  adherence  to  the  terms  stipulated  by  the 
 two  armies  in  jjresence  of  the  Nobles  and  others  then  asseml)led,  the 
 (^ueen  requested  mo  to  return  with  my  troops  to  Dunbar,  where  slio 
 would  si)oedily  join  mo,  or  at  all  events  I  should  hear  from  her.  Wherefore 
 I  departed  from  her,  according  to  her  desire,  upon  the  solemn  promise 
 which  had  lieen  given,  as  mcU  orally  as  in  writing." — Les  Affain^s  du 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  G37 
 
 leading  her  Majesty's  horse  by  the  bridle  down  the  Hill  unto 
 the  Lords  Associators,  who  came  forward  and  met  her,i 
 and  to  whom  she  spoke  in  this  manner — "  My  Lords,  I 
 come  to  yon,  not  out  of  any  fear  I  had  of  my  life,  nor  yet 
 doubting  of  the  victory,  if  matters  had  gone  to  the  worst ; 
 but  I  abhor  the  shedding  of  Christian  blood,  especially  of 
 those  that  are  my  own  subjects,  and  therefore  I  yield  to 
 you,  and  will  bo  ruled  hereafter  by  your  counsels,  trusting 
 you  will  respect  me  as  your  born  Princess  and  Queen." 
 The  Lords  received  her  at  first  with  all  due  respect,  but 
 some  of  the  meaner  sort  uttered  reproachful  words  against 
 her,  which  the  Laird  of  Grange  and  some  others  resented 
 by  striking  them  with  their  naked  swords,  and  were  well 
 allowed  of  by  the  Nobility. 2 
 
 Conte  de  Boduel,  4to.  p.  IS,  19,  20.  It  is  curious  that  Buchanan,  Knox, 
 and  Spottiswoode,  suppress  LJothwell's  challenge  to  Morton,  and  all  tlieir 
 accounts  are  most  imperfect.  "  Tlie  proper  battle,"  Chalmers  observes, 
 "  had  been  between  Bothwelland  Morton,  two  of  the  convicted  murderers 
 of  the  King-,  and  the  best  consummation  had  been  if  they  had  killed  one 
 another,  as  two  of  the  most  guilty  men  on  earth." — Life  of  Mary  Queen 
 of  Scots,  vol.  i.  p.  228.— E.] 
 
 1  Mr  Buchanan,  who  wants  always  to  throw  some  dirt  on  the  Queen, 
 says,  her  Majesty  "  came  to  the  Lords  clothed  with  a  single  tunicle  only, 
 threed-barc,  and  so  short  that  it  reached  but  a  little  below  her  knees." 
 What  probability  is  in  this,  I  caimot  discern,  nor  I  suppose  can  any  other 
 person.  This  author  had  consulted  his  own  reputation  better  had  he 
 launched  less  forth  into  extravagancies.  By  saying  too  much  he  ship- 
 wrecks all  his  credit. — [This  statement  of  Buchanan  as  to  the  dress  of 
 Mary  when  she  surrendered,  occurs  in  his  History  of  Scotland,  Translation, 
 vol.  ii.  p.  347.  Bishop  Keith  is  indignant  at  Buchanan,  and  insinuates 
 that  it  is  one  of  his  malicious  assertions  ;  but  the  fact  is  corroborated  by 
 Lord  Ilerries,  who  says — "  They  would  not  suffer  to  change  apparell  that 
 she  might  enter  the  tonne,  though  a  prisoner,  yet  in  comlie  habit,  but  in  a 
 coate  little  syder  than  the  knee  (which  was  made  for  the  fields),  all 
 spoyled  with  clay  and  dirt." — Historic  of  the  Reigne  of  Marie  Queen  of 
 Scots,  printed  for  the  Abbotsford  Club,  p.  95.  "  The  Queen"  says 
 Calderwood  (vol.  ii.  p.  364,  printed  for  the  Wodrow  Society),  "  comctli 
 with  (Kirkaldy  of)  Grange  to  the  Lords  in  a  short  petticoate  little  syder 
 than  her  knees." — K.] 
 
 '^  [Encouraged  by  their  first  appearances  of  resjject,  Mary  intimated 
 that  she  wished  to  communicate  with  the  llamiltuns,  who  had  advanced 
 during  the  previous  night  in  considerable  strength  to  Linlithgow.  This 
 was  sternly  and  peremptorily  refused,  and  she  reproached  the  Confederates 
 for  daring  to  treat  her  as  a  jirisoner,  but  her  throatenings  and  arguments 
 were  disregarded.  Enraged  at  the  indignities  she  was  now  doomed  to 
 suffer,  she  smnmoned  Lord  Lindsay  to  her  jiresence,  and  bade  him  give 
 her  his  hand.     He  obeyed,  and  slie  exclaimed  in  a  paroxysm  of  i)assion — 
 
Oof>  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507- 
 
 About  seven  a  clock  in  the  evening^  the  Queen  entered 
 the  city  of  Edinlnirgli ;-  but  as  her  Majesty  went  along  the 
 streets  to  the  Provost's  house,^  where  she  was  to  be  lodged, 
 
 "  By  tlie  liand  which  i.s  now  in  yours,  I'll  have  your  head  for  tliis  !" 
 Mary  was  soon  to  discover  that  this  threat  was  utterly  impotent,  and  tliat 
 the  unrelentinj;  hand  of  that  fierce  Baron,  stained  with  Kiccio's  Mood, 
 was  soon  to  fall  lieavier  upon  herself. — MS.  Letter,  State-Paper  Office, 
 Dniry  to  Cecil,  ISth  June  1567,  and  also  IGth  June,  anonymous,  to  Cecil, 
 cited  in  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  135. — E.] 
 
 ^  [It  must  have  been  at  least  two  hours  later,  if  a  contemporary  diarist 
 is  correct  in  his  statement,  that  the  Queen  and  her  forces  occupied  Carberry 
 Hill  till  (lyJit  o'clock  in  the  evening. — Diurnal  of  Kemarkable  Occurrents 
 in  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  114.  Calderwood  states 
 that  the  Queen  was  brought  to  Edinburgh  about  ten  o'clock  at  night. — 
 Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Wodrow  Society,  vol.  ii. 
 p.  3G5.— E.] 
 
 -  [Mary  rode  between  the  Earls  of  Morton  and  Atholl.  It  is  tradition- 
 ally said  that  the  Confederates  brought  her  into  the  city  from  Carberry 
 Hill,  crossing  the  old  bridge  at  Musselburgh,  and  proceeding  along  the 
 road  from  Fisherrow,  on  the  north  of  Craigmillar  Castle  to  the  south  of  Edin- 
 burgh, by  which  route  she  was  compelled  to  pass  the  melancholy  ruins  of  the 
 Kirk-of- Field  house,  to  her  the  most  fatal  and  harrowing  of  all  localities. 
 The  captive  Queen  presented  a  sad  spectacle  when  she  entered  her  own 
 capital.  Her  hair  was  dishevelled,  she  was  covered  with  dust,  and  she 
 had  endured  the  scorching  heat  of  a  long  summer  day  without  scarcely 
 any  refreshment  to  support  her  feeble  frame,  already  weakened  by  most 
 intense  mental  agony.  Calderwood  says  that  Mary's  face  was  "  disfigured 
 with  dust  and  tears"— that  she  could  "  scarce  be  holden  upon  horseback 
 for  grief  and  faintness" — and  that  "  all  the  way  she  lingered,  looking  for 
 some  help."  Her  sufferings  were  increased  by  the  display  of  the  large 
 banner  mentioned  by  our  Historian,  which  was  carried  before  her  by  two 
 men  "  stented  l)etwixt  two  spears." — Calderwood's  Historic  of  the  Kirk 
 of  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Wodrow  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  3<>5.  This 
 banner,  on  which  was  painted  a  representation  of  the  murder  of  Darnley, 
 was  of  white  taffity,  and  was  prepared  by  a  certain  Captain  Andrew 
 Lammie. — Birrel's  Diary,  p.  10.  What  a  scene  had  she  witnessed  on  that 
 eventful  day  from  her  occupation  of  Carberry  Hill  in  the  morning,  till  her 
 surrender  to  the  Confederates  in  the  evening  !  She  had  parted  for  ever 
 from  BothwcU,  the  chief  cause  of  all  her  calamities,  and  she  was  in  the 
 power  of  Morton,  who  eventually  was  beheaded  for  Daruley's  murder,  yet 
 on  this  occasion  the  leader  of  an  hisurrection  to  punish  the  pcrj)etrators 
 of  that  crime. — J'..] 
 
 ^  [A  contemporary  diarist  states  that  when  Mary  was  brought  to 
 Edinburgh  she  was  "lugeit  in  James  Henderson's  house  of  Fordell, 
 being  then  the  Provost  of  Iklinburgh's  house,  wherein  lie  remained." — 
 Diurnal  of  l{eraarkable  Occurrents  in  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Bannatyne 
 Club,  p.  115.  The  Provost  of  Edinburgh  wa.s  the  Queen's  former  host,  Sir 
 Simon  Preston  of  Craigmillar,  and  the  jtrecccling  notice  intinuites  that  he 
 wa.s  a  tenant  of  James  Henderson  of  I'ordi'l,  the  proprietor  of  the  tenement. 
 The  liouse  stood  at    tho  head  of  Peebles  Wviid— an  allev  leading  from 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  C39 
 
 she  was  insulted  by  the  common  people  with  many  indecent 
 expressions  from  the  windows  and  stairs,^  such  as,  Sir  James 
 Melvil  says,  "  it  was  a  pity  to  hear  :^    And  her  JMajesty 
 
 the  High  Street  to  the  Cowgate,  whicli  occupied  the  site  of  the  present  Blair 
 Street  and  part  of  Hunter  Square,  close  to  the  Tron  Church.  The  tene- 
 ment was  known  as  the  Black  Turnpike,  and  tradition  assigned  to  it  the 
 most  extraordinary  antiquity,  afhrming  that  it  was  erected  by  no  less  a 
 personage  tlian  Kenneth,  King  of  Scotland,  the  extirpator  of  the  Picts, 
 and  that  it  had  been  at  one  time  occupied  by  King  Kobert  Bruce  ;  but 
 according  to  Maitland  (History  of  ]!:dinburgh,  folio,  Edin.  1753,  p.  187, 
 188),  it  was  built  by  George  Robertson,  burgess  of  Edinburgh,  and  it  is 
 mentioned  in  a  deed,  dated  1461,  as  the  property  of  the  son  of  that 
 person.  Maitlaud  describes  the  Black  Turnpike  as  a  "  magnificent 
 edifice,  which,  were  it  not  partly  defaced  by  a  false  wooden  front,  would 
 aijpear  to  be  the  most  sumptuous  building  perhaps  in  Edhiburgh."  It  was 
 of  great  height  and  extent,  with  one  front  to  the  High  Street,  and 
 the  other  to  Peebles  AVynd,  which  contained  three  common  stairs,  leading 
 to  the  different  storeys  of  the  tenement.  The  room  in  which  Queen 
 Mary  was  confined  for  one  night  on  this  occasion  is  alleged  to  have  been 
 only  thirteen  feet  square  and  eight  feet  high,  the  window  looking  to  the 
 street.  She  was  lodged  in  it  under  a  strong  guard,  without  even  one  female 
 attendant  to  wait  upon  her,  and  locked  up  to  pass  the  night  in  a  state 
 of  mind  which  can  be  better  imagined  than  described.  The  Black 
 Turnpike  was  demolished  in  1788  to  complete  the  plans  of  South  Bridge 
 Street,  and  it  was  probably  at  the  time  the  most  ancient  house  in 
 Edinburgh.— E.] 
 
 ^  [The  High  Street  of  Edinburgh  then  abounded  with  outside  stairs 
 leading  to  the  several  storeys  of  the  huge  tenements,  from  which  the 
 populace  railed  against  the  Queen  in  the  most  despiteful  language.— E.] 
 
 2  [Sir  James  JNIelville's  jNIemoirs,  folio,  p.  83,  84  ;  and  the  same 
 "  INIemoirs,"  printed  for  the  Bannatyke  Club,  p.  184,  185.  The  passage 
 quoted  by  our  Historian  in  his  text  is  not,  however,  from  Sir  James 
 Melville's  Memoirs,  but  from  Craiofurd's  MS.,  to  Avhich  he  frequently 
 refers,  and  the  authentic  narrative  of  that  garbled  ]MS.  is  hi  the  "  Historie 
 and  Life  of  Kiug  James  the  Sext,"  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  13, 
 14.  Sir  James  Melville's  statement  of  the  atrocious  language  with  which 
 the  unfortunate  and  hapless  Queen  Avas  assailed  is  corroborated  by  Lord 
 Herries,  avIio  notices  that  "  she  was  used  in  the  most  opprobrious  way 
 they  could  inuigine."  ^Mary  might  have  expected  such  cruel  treatment 
 from  her  reception  by  the  forces  of  the  Confederates  after  her 
 surrender  at  Carberry.  Calderwood  says — "  Whun  she  came  to  the 
 rereguard,  all  cried  out  to  burn  the  whore  and  murtherer  of  her 
 husband." — Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Wodrow 
 SociETT,  p.  3G5.  Lord  llen-ics  writes — "  In  her  passing  through  the 
 armie  they  used  her  with  great  contcmi)t.  They  had  the  iving's 
 picture,  as  he  was  murtherod,  painted  upon  their  ensigns,  and  in 
 one  of  the  corners  the  young  Prince  drawen,  new  borne,  crying  to 
 Heaven  for  vengeance  agahist  themurtherers  of  his  father.  These  ensigns 
 at  all  the  corners  of  the  camp  wore  spread  abroad  as  she  went  through, 
 and  the  soldiers,  in  a  barbarous  manner,  crved  out — *  Burn  the  whore  !' 
 
040  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIR?  [1507. 
 
 cried  out  to  all  gentlemen  and  others  who  passed  up  and 
 down  the  streets,  declaring  how  that  she  was  their  native 
 Princess,  and  that  she  doubted  not  but  all  honest  subjects 
 would  respect  her  as  they  ought  to  do,  and  not  suffer  her 
 to  be  abused.  Next  morning  some  people  evidenced  still  their 
 malice  by  setting  up  a  white  banner,^  on  which  was  painted 
 the  effigies  of  the  late  King  lying  dead  at  the  root  of  a 
 green  tree,  and  the  young  Prince  upon  his  knees  uttering 
 these  words — '■'■Judge  and  revenge  my  rause,  0  Lord  T  At 
 this  sight  the  Queen  was  greatly  grieved,  and  burst  forth 
 into  many  tears  and  exclamations  against  those  Lords  who 
 detained  her  a  captive,^  crying  to  the  people,  for  God's 
 cause  to  relieve  her  from  the  hands  of  these  tyrants.^  The 
 people  of  the  town  hereupon  convened  to  her  in  great 
 numbers,  and  perceiving  her  so  afflicted  in  mind,  had  pity 
 and  compassion  upon  her  estate.  Which,  when  the  Lords 
 perceived,  they  came  to  her  with  dissimulate  countenances. 
 
 The  Queen  was  mightily  overtaken  with  griefe  and  anp^er  at  these  con- 
 temptible words  and  spectacle.  She  could  not  contain  herself  from 
 tears."  After  Mary  was  lodged  in  the  Provost's  house  of  the  Black 
 Tin-npike — "  within  a  little  she  was  observed  to  look  out  at  a  window  upon 
 the  street,  and  the  people  flocked  to  see,  many  pitying  her  sad  calamitie  ; 
 but  presentlie  the  ensigue  spoken  of  was  brought  out  and  spread  before 
 lier  eyes." — Historic  of  the  Reigne  of  Marie  Queen  of  Scots,  by  Lord 
 Ilerries,  printed  for  the  Abbotsford  Club,  p.  95. — E.] 
 
 ^  [This  was  evidently  the  banner  prepared  by  the  unfeeling  Captain 
 Lammie,  mentioned  by  IJirrel  in  his  Diary,  p.  10. — E.] 
 
 "  "  She  now  considering  and  j)erceiving  to  what  end  these  matters 
 tended,  most  pitifidly  cried  and  called  ujjon  them  to  remember  their  late 
 l)romise  ;  or  at  the  least,  that  she  might  be  brought  before  the  Council, 
 offering  to  stand  to  the  order  and  direction  of  the  States  of  the  Realm. 
 But,  (Jod  knoweth,  all  in  vain  ;  for  now  had  they  the  prey  whereon  they 
 intended  to  whet  their  bloody  teeth." — Leslie's  Defence. 
 
 ^  [Mary  is  reported  to  have  exclaimed  from  the  window  to  the  people 
 who  were  gazing  at  her  in  the  streets — "  (Jood  people,  either  satisfy  your 
 cruelty  and  hatred  by  taking  away  my  miserable  life,  or  rele;ise  me  from 
 the  hands  of  such  inhuman  tyrants."  The  first  object  which  was  presented 
 to  the  (iueen  in  the  morning  was  the  dreadful  banner,  wliich  the  populace 
 had  cruelly  displayed  directly  ojjposite  the  window  of  the  apartment  she 
 ()ccui)ie(l  in  the  Bfnd-  Turniukc.  The  sight  threw  her  into  an  agony  of 
 despair,  in  the  midst  of  which  she  tore  the  dress  from  her  person,  forget- 
 ting that  she  was  almost  naked,  and  nuide  the  above  appeal  to  tiie  crowd. 
 — John  Beaton  to  his  brother,  17th  June  15()7.  This  induced  some  of 
 them  to  relent,  and  they  were  about  to  take  arms  in  defence  of  the 
 Queen,  when  the  Confederates  removed  her  to  the  Palace  of  llolyrood, 
 appeasing  the  citizens  by  promising  h(»r  liberty,  though  they  had  deter- 
 njinc'd  to  iinnnire  her  next  dav  in  Lochleven  Ciu^tle. —  I'.  | 
 
1567.]  OF  CIIUKCII  AND  STATE  IX  SCOTLAND.  G41 
 
 with  reverend  and  fair  speeches,  and  said  that  their  inten- 
 tions were  nowise  to  thraw  her,  and  therefore  would  imme- 
 diately repone  her  with  freedom  to  her  own  Palace  of 
 Holyroodhouse  to  do  as  she  list ;  whereby  she  was  so 
 pacified,  that  the  people  willingly  departed.  And  so  the 
 next  evening,  to  colour  their  pretensions,  they  conveyed  her 
 to  the  Palace,!  and  then  assembled  themselves  to  Council,  to 
 advise  what  was  best  to  be  done ;  and  immediately  it  was 
 decerned  that  she  should  be  transported  to  the  fortalice  of 
 Lochleven,2  there  to  remain  in  captivity  during  her  life,  to 
 
 ^  It  was  no  doubt  nnicli  easier  for  the  Lords  to  convey  the  Queen  away 
 privately  from  the  Palace  of  Holyroodhouse,  than  oj)cnly  from  the 
 city  of  Edinburgli,  where  the  people  of  the  best  fashion  seemed  to 
 commiserate  her  ;  and  had  her  Majesty  been  aware  of  their  sinister 
 designs,  she  would  certainly  have  made  choice  to  be  kept  within  the 
 city. — [Our  Historian  seems  to  forget  tliat  the  choice  or  preference  on 
 the  part  of  the  Queen  to  be  kept  within  the  city  would  have  been  utterly 
 disregarded . — E .  ] 
 
 ^  It  is  needless  to  observe  how  proper  a  jilace  this  was  for  the  design 
 of  the  rebels,  the  house  being  surrounded  with  water  on  all  sides  for  the 
 space  at  shortest  of  half  a  mile,  and  the  proprietors  of  it  being  so  nearly 
 related  to  some  principal  i)ersons  among  them,  and  in  whom,  therefore, 
 they  could  the  more  securely  confide.  And  indeed  it  has  been  said  that 
 the  Lady  Lochleven  answered  the  expectation  of  the  Lords  to  the  full, 
 ha^ing  basely  insulted  the  captive  Queen's  misfortune,  and  bragged, 
 besides,  that  she  herself  was  King  James  Vs.  lawful  wife,  and  her  son 
 the  Earl  of  Moray  his  legitimate  issue,  and  true  heir  of  the  Crown.  The 
 Lady  Lochleven  was  not  only  mother  to  the  Earl  of  Moray,  but  likewise 
 to  the  Lord  Lindsay's  lady  by  her  husband,  Robert  Douglas  of  Lochleven. 
 The  Family  of  Lochleven  was,  moreover,  heirs-apparent  to  that  of  ^forton, 
 and  to  that  Family  they  did  actually  succeed  some  time  after.  The  Lord 
 Huthven  also  had  to  wife  a  natural  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Angus.  AH 
 which  considerations,  centering  together  in  one,  made  the  House  of  Loch- 
 leven, humanly  speaking,  a  most  sure  and  close  prison  for  the  royal 
 captive.  But  we  will  afterwards  see  how  uncertain  the  best  laid  projects 
 of  men  are. — [As  to  the  pretension  of  Lady  Margaret  Erskine  or  Douglas, 
 otherwise  "  Lady  Lochleven,"  that  she  had  been  married  to  James  V.,  and 
 that  her  son  the  Earl  of  Moray  was  the  lawful  heir  to  the  Crown,  see  the 
 remarks  in  the  fourth  note,  p.  310  of  the  present  volume.  The  "  Lady  of 
 Lochleven"  could  not  have  been  serious  in  such  a  statement,  and  nmst 
 have  so  expressed  herself  to  annoy  her  royal  prisoner.  The  character  of 
 this  imperious  dame  is  finely  delineated  by  Sir  Walter  Scott  in  his  story 
 of  "  The  Abbot,  a  Sequel  to  the  Monastery."  Eujihemia,  eldest  daughter 
 of  Sir  Robert  Douglas  and  "  Lady  Lochleven,"  and  uterine  sister  of  the 
 Earl  of  Moray,  married  Patrick  sixth  Lord  Lindsay,  who  is  cons])icuous  in 
 this  History,  and  was  the  great-grandfather  of  .lohu  tenth  Lord,  created  in 
 1633  Earl  of  Lindsay,  who  was  the  father  of  William  second  Earl  of  J^ind- 
 say,  and  sixteenth  Earl  of  Crawfurd.  Patrick  third  Lord  Rutliven,  deeply 
 VOL.  n.  41 
 
642  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGJ . 
 
 the  end  they  mi«r]it  rule  as  they  Hst  without  any  controul- 
 mont  of  lawful  authority/'^     And  accordingly  the  same  day, 
 
 iini)licated  in  tlio  murder  of  Kiccio,  married  as  his  first  wife  Janet  Douglas, 
 ille<;itimate  dau;^liter  of  Archibald  sixth  Earl  of  Auf^us,  and  by  her  had 
 two  sons  and  two  dauf,ditcrs.  William,  the  second  son,  succeeded  him  as 
 fourth  Lord  Kuthven,  and  is  the  Nobleman  mentioned  in  the  text  — 
 created  Earl  of  Gowric  in  1581.  As  to  Lochleven  Castle,  it  Is  already 
 mentioned  as  occupying  an  island  near  the  Avostern  shore  of  Lochleven  at 
 Kinross  ;  and  between  it  and  the  promontory  on  which  Kinross  House 
 is  built,  near  the  site  of  the  old  castle  of  Kinross,  a  causeway  of  large 
 stones  is  laid  beneath  the  water,  which  in  this  part  is  so  shallow  that 
 in  dry  seasons,  when  the  sui-face  is  low,  a  person  can  wade  along  it 
 to  the  island.  Lochleven  Castle  and  its  court-yard  comprized  a  con- 
 siderable portion  of  the  island,  which  is  called  the  Castle-Island,  and 
 now  contains,  since  the  last  draining  of  Lochleven  in  1840,  five  acres  ; 
 but  in  Queen  Mary's  time  the  island  was  much  more  limited.  The 
 remaining  part  was  chiefly  cultivated  as  a  garden,  which  has  been  long 
 a  waste,  thougli  it  still  displays  a  few  fruit  trees  in  a  wild  and  decayed 
 state.  The  great  tower,  or  keep,  of  the  Castle  is  on  the  north-west 
 corner  of  the  court-yard,  on  the  side  of  the  island  next  Kinross.  It  is  a 
 square  tower  four  storys  high,  with  round  projecting  turrets  at  the 
 corners,  the  walls  upwards  of  six  feet  thick.  The  entrance  is  on  the 
 second  story,  which  must  have  been  ascended  by  an  outside  stair,  with 
 probably  a  draw-bridge  at  the  top,  but  every  vestige  of  this  stair  has 
 disappeared.  The  door  opened  directly  into  the  great  hall,  which  includes 
 the  whole  of  the  second  story,  ha\dng  a  square  passage  into  the  vaults 
 below,  and  the  two  upper  storys  appear  to  have  been  bed-rooms.  The 
 court -yard,  which,  when  entire,  was  of  considerable  extent,  Mas  surrounded 
 by  high  walls  flanked  at  the  corners  by  towers,  and  contained  a  variety 
 of  buildings  for  the  accommodation  of  the  family  and  the  garrison.  The 
 entrance  to  the  court-yard  is  by  an  arched  doorway  in  the  north  wall 
 immediately  adjoining  the  great  tower,  by  which  it  was  entirely  com. 
 nianded.  The  cliai)el  stood  west  of  the  great  tower,  on  the  west  side  of 
 the  court-yard.  According  to  tradition,  the  round  tower  on  the  south-Ciist 
 corner,  flanking  and  defending  the  south  and  cast  walls,  was  the  j)art  of 
 the  Castle  in  which  Queen  Mary  was  imprisoned,  and  if  such  be  the  fact, 
 her  accommodation  was  most  wretched.  This  tradition  is  probably 
 authentic,  as  we  know  that  "  Lady  Lochleven"  treated  I\Iary  with  great 
 severity,  and  insulted  her  on  every  possible  occasion.  The  Castle  and 
 the  other  buildings  have  been  long  in  ruins,  but  they  will  always  be 
 objects  of  interest  as  coiniected  with  Queen  Mary.  The  surface  of  the  lake 
 luiving  been  considerably  reduced  by  drainings,  it  wa.s  at  one  time  feared 
 that  the  island  would  be  joined  to  the  mainland  by  the  subsiding  of  the 
 water,  and  become  a  suburb  of  Kinross.  This,  however,  is  not  the  case, 
 and  the  appearance  of  the  island,  raised  higher  out  of  the  lake  than 
 formerly,  is  much  improved,  and  the  dark  and  massive  ruins  of  the  Castle 
 are  conspicuous  amid  the  delightful  scenery  of  Kinross,  surveying  the 
 lake,  reduced  from  a  circumference  of  fifteen  to  twelve  miles,  and  from  a 
 medium  depth  of  nineteen  feet  to  a  medium  depth  of  fourteen  feet. — E] 
 
 '  Crawford's  MS.— [Historic  and  Life  of  King  James  the  Sext,  printetl 
 for  the  liAXNATYNE  Club,  J).  14. —  E] 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  (>4:3 
 
 16th  June,  an  order  was  signed  by  the  Earls  of  Morton, 
 Atholl,  Mar,  and  Glencairn,  the  Lords  Riithven,  Home, 
 Lindsay,  Sempil,  and  divers  others  barons  and  gentlemen 
 of  the  faction,!  giving  command  to  William  Douglas  of 
 Lochleven^  to  "  receive  and  retain  within  his  Fortalice  and 
 Place  the  person  of  the  Queen,  ay  and  quhile,"^  &c. 
 
 The  Queen  coming  to  the  knowledge  of  this  rebellious  and 
 most  treacherous  resolution  exclaimed  bitterly  against  it, 
 as   being  contrary  to  the  promises  given  her; 4  which  the 
 
 ^  [The  warrant  of  the  commitment  of  Queen  Mary  to  Lochleven  Castle 
 was  also  signed  by  Lords  Ochiltree  and  (Jraham,  the  latter  the  successor 
 of  his  grandfather  as  third  Earl  of  ^lontrose  in  1571.  He  was  Chancellor 
 of  the  Jury  on  the  trial  of  the  Karl  of  Morton  for  the  murder  of  Darnley 
 iu  15S1,  and  filled  several  high  places  previous  to  his  death  in  1C08.  At 
 the  time  Lord  (Irahaui  signed  the  warrant  to  imprison  Queen  ISIary,  he 
 was  a  minor. — E.] 
 
 2  [Principal  Robertson,  in  his  History  of  Scotland  (London,  4to.  1759, 
 vol.  i.  p.  370),  erroneously  alleges  that  William  Douglas  of  Lochleven  was  "a 
 near  relation  of  Morton,  and  had  married  the  Earl  of  ^Moray's  mother" — 
 already  mentioned  as  one  of  the  mistresses  of  James  V.  We  have  seen  that 
 Lady  Margaret  Erskine,  daughter  of  John  fifth  Earl  of  jSIar,  after  giving 
 bii'th  to  the  future  Earl  of  INIoray,  married  Sir  Robert  Douglas  of  Loch- 
 leven, and  the  above  named  William  Douglas  Avas  the  eldest  son  by  that 
 alliance.  He  became  Laird  of  Lochleven  at  the  death  of  his  father,  who 
 fell  at  the  battle  of  Pinkie  in  1547.  Instead  of  the  "  near  relationship" 
 of  W^illiara  Douglas  to  the  Earl  of  :Morton,  it  was  very  distant,  for  it  was 
 only  a  collateral  descent  from  Sir  Henry  Douglas  of  Lugton  and  Loch- 
 leven, third  son  of  Sir  John  Douglas  of  Dalkeith,  who  flourished  in  the 
 reign  of  David  II.,  and  who  was  an  ancestor  of  James  first  Earl  of  jNIorton, 
 so  created  in  1458.  ISIorton,  however,  in  virtue  of  their  common  descent, 
 placed  William  Douglas  of  Lochleven  second  in  the  entail  of  his  Earldom 
 which  he  obtained  fi-ora  Queen  Mary  on  the  17th  of  October  15G4,  and  by 
 the  death  of  Morton's  nephew,  Archibald  eighth  Earl  of  Angus,  the 
 honours  and  estates  devolved  to  him,  and  he  succeeded  as  sixth  Earl  of 
 Morton.  The  relationship  to  the  Earl  of  :Moray  of  William  Douglas  of 
 Lochleven,  ^lorton's  presumptive  heir  after  the  Earl  of  Angus,  is  a 
 different  matter.     He  was  Moray's  uterine  brother.— E.] 
 
 '^  See  printed  Acts  of  Parliament,  December  15G7.— [See  Acta  Pari. 
 Scot,  folio,  vol.  iii.  p.  28.  The  Act  is  entitled  "The  Declaratioun  of 
 Parliament  made  to  the  Laird  of  Lochleven  anent  the  keeping  of  the 
 Kingis  ]^[othcr  in  the  house  and  fortalice  of  Lochleven,"  in  answer  to  a 
 "  Supplication"  by  William  Douglas  of  Lochleven,  shewing  that  ho  had 
 acted  in  obedience  to  the  warrant  signed  by  Morton,  Mar,  Atholl, 
 Glencairn,  and  others,  to  imja-ison  Mary,  and  requesting  the  approval  of 
 the  Parliament,  which  was  granted. — IC] 
 
 4  [The  imprisonment  of  Mary  in  Lochleven  Castle  was  not  a  new 
 project.  It  was  the  revival  of  a  plot  concerted  in  15(55  under  the  auspices 
 of  the  Earl  of  Moray.  See  tlie  third  note,  p.  312  of  the  present 
 volume. — E.J 
 
^'44  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567. 
 
 rebels,!  however  (for  so  they  may  deservedly  now  be  termed), 
 undertook  to  justify,  by  an  intercepted  letter  written  by  her 
 tlie  niglit  before  to  Botlnvcll,^  wherein  they  said  she  declared 
 to  that  Nobleman  her  intention  never  to  abandon  him, 
 though  she  was  at  present  under  a  necessity  to  be  absent 
 from  him  for  a  time.  And  truly  though  her  Majesty  had 
 even  written  such  a  letter,  yet  the  wonder  will  cease  when 
 the  rude  treatment  is  considered  which  these  Lords  had 
 both  given,  and  suffered  to  be  given,  her  within  so  short  a 
 space,  after  she  had  voluntarily  put  herself  into  their  hands. 
 And  the  Laird  of  Grange,  who  was  a  man  of  more  honour 
 than  the  rest,  was  so  sensible  of  this  bad  usage  that  he 
 expostulated  the  matter  with  the  Lords,^  and  excused  the 
 Queen  for  what  she  might  perhaps  have  done,  "  alleging 
 that  it  w^as  no  wonder  that  she  gave  the  Earl  of  Bothwell 
 a  few  fair  words  yet  C  but  added  that  he  "  doubted  not  if 
 she  were  discreetly  handled  and  humbly  admonished  what 
 inconveniencies  that  man  had  brought  upon  her,  she  would 
 by  degrees  be  brought  not  only  to  leave  him,  but  ere  long 
 to  detest  him ;  and  therefore  his  advice  was  to  deal  gently 
 by  her/'     But  to  this  they  answered  and  said—"  That  it 
 
 ^  Though  tliero  had  been  no  promises  in  the  matter  this  was  surely  an 
 action  of  the  lii<rliest  rebellion  that  ever  can  be  perjjetrated,  seein":,  at  the 
 same  time  that  they  made  her  their  prisoner,  they  acknowled^^ed  her  to 
 ])e  their  lawful  sovcrei<rn  ;  nor  had  they  as  y^yi  laid  any  crime  to  her 
 charge.  And  how  came  they,  who  were  but  a  handful,  to  assume  a  power 
 to  dispose  of  their  sovereign  without  the  consent  of  the  other  peers  arid 
 people  of  the  land  ? 
 
 ^  [Sir  James  Melville  says  that  on  the  night  Mary  was  brought  from 
 Carberry  Hill  to  Edinburgh— "  it  Avas  allegit  that  hir  Maiestie  wrot  a 
 lettrc  unto  the  Erie  of  Bodowell,  and  promysed  a  reward  to  ane  of  hir 
 kepers  to  see  it  surely  convoyed  to  Dunbar  unto  the  said  Frle,  calling  him 
 hir  dear  hart,  whom  she  suld  never  forget  nor  abandon  for  absens,  and 
 that  she  sent  him  away  only  for  his  safetie,  willing  him  to  be  comforted 
 and  to  be  upon  his  guard,  (pihilk  writing  the  loon  delivered  unto  the 
 Lords,  after  he  had  i)romised  to  do  the  contraire  ;  upon  the  fpihilk  lettre 
 the  Lords  took  occasion  to  send  her  to  Lochlevcn  to  be  kepit,  against 
 j)r()mise  as  she  allegit,  and  they  again  affirming  that  by  her  awin  hand 
 writ  she  had  declared  that  she  had  not,  nor  would  not,  leave  nor  abandon 
 the  Earl  liodowell." — Memoirs  of  his  own  Life,  printed  t\)r  the  IIannatyne 
 Club,  p.  185.  Whether  such  an  interci'pted  letter  was  written  by  Mary 
 to  Bothwell  it  is  impossible  to  say,  but  if  it  was,  it  cannot  be  doubted  that 
 it  was  made  a  prctt.rt  for  committing  the  Queen  to  Lochleven.  Her 
 imjjrisonment  there  had  been  previously  determined, — E.] 
 
 ^  fKirkaldy  of  (Jrange  argued  that  the  (^ueen  had  in  effect  left  the 
 I'.arl.   -Melville's  Memoirs,  j..  ISS.— E.] 
 
1507.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  G45 
 
 stood  them  upon  their  Hves  and  lands,i  and  that  therefore 
 in  the  mean  time  it  behooved  them  to  secure  her  ;  and  when 
 that  time  came  that  she  should  be  known  to  abandon  and 
 detest  the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  it  would  be  then  time  to  reason 
 upon  the  matter."  Yet  Grange  was  still  so  angry,  that,  Sir 
 James  IMelvil  says,^  had  it  not  been  for  the  letter  he  had 
 instantly  left  the  Lords ;  and  therefore  this  author  adds, 
 that,  "  for  the  next  best,  he  used  all  possible  diligence  to 
 make  her  and  them  both  quit  of  the  said  Earl.  In  the 
 mean  time  the  Queen  sent  a  letter  to  the  Laird  of  Grange, 
 lamenting  her  hard  usage,  and  shewing  him  that  promises 
 had  been  broken  to  her :  Whereunto  he  answered,  That 
 he  had  already  reproached  the  Lords  for  the  same,  who 
 shewed  unto  him  a  letter  sent  by  her  to  the  Earl  of  Bothwell, 
 promising,  among  many  other  fair  and  comfortable  words, 
 never  to  abandon  or  forget  him,  which,  he  said,  had  stopped 
 his  mouth,  marvelling  that  her  ^Majesty  considered  not  that 
 the  said  Earl  could  never  be  her  lawful  husband,  being  so 
 lately  before  married  with  another  woman,  whom  he  had 
 deserted  without  any  just  ground,  although  he  had  not  been 
 so  hated  for  the  murder  of  the  King  her  husband.  And, 
 therefore,  he  requested  her  Majesty  to  put  him  clean  out  of 
 mind,  seeing  otherwise  she  could  never  get  the  love  or  respect 
 of  her  subjects,  nor  have  that  obedience  paid  her  which 
 otherwise  she  might  expect.''  Grange's  letter  contained 
 many  other  loving  and  humble  admonitions,  which.  Sir 
 James  says,^  made  the  Queen  bitterly  to  weep  ;  for  she  could 
 not  do  that  so  hastily  which  process  of  time  might  have 
 accomplished.     But  had  the  Lords  acted  so  discreet  a  part 
 
 1  This  was  a  very  fair  and  plaiu  confession  indeed,  and  tliat  they  were 
 resolved  to  add  'iniquity  unto  iniquity.  They  knew  that  what  they  had 
 ah-eady  done  was  illegal,  and  they  had  no  mind  to  let  tlie  Queen  be  at 
 freedom  to  call  them  to  an  account.  The  resolution  was  surely  wise 
 enovfjh,  provided  it  had  hQQWJust  cnou{)h. 
 
 2  [Tlie  whole  of  this  part  of  our  Historian's  narrative  is  taken  from  Sir 
 James  Melville's  Memoirs,  folio,  p.  84.  This  is  the  interpolated  edition 
 hy  Georo^o  Scott  of  Pitlochie,  a  younger  son  of  Sir  John  Scott  of  Scotstarvet 
 and  ^largaret  MelvlUe,  a  daughter  of  Sir  James.  This  was  the  work  to 
 which  Bishop  Keith  liad  access,  l»ut  the  genuine  account  is  in  Sir  James 
 Melville's  Memoirs  of  his  own  Life,  printed  fur  the  ]i.\N>- \tyne  Clur, 
 p.  185.— E.l 
 
 ■*  [Sir  James  Melville's  Memoirs  of  his  own  Life,  [)rinted  for  tlio 
 Bannatyne  Cluij,  p.  185.— E.] 
 
(140  Till-:  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loG7. 
 
 as  the  Laird  of  (i  range  here  proposed  to  the  Queen,  it  may 
 be  reasonably  supposed  she  would  have  followed  the  good 
 advice ;  and,  as  Sir  James  Melvil  very  wisely  subjoins,  pro- 
 cess of  time  might  have  wrought  in  her  a  better  mind. 
 And,  no  doubt,  gentle  treatment  might  have  contributed 
 much  to  the  same  purpose.  But  this  was  not  the  thing,  as 
 the  con.se(|uence  will  shew,  that  these  Lords,  at  least  the 
 designing  part  of  them,  wanted  to  fall  out.  But  they  had 
 another  point  in  view,  for  speedily,  without  any  the  smallest 
 delav,  the  Queen  was  delivered  over  into  the  hands  of  the 
 Lords  Ruthven  and  Lindsay,^  to  be  by  them  conducted  to 
 Lochleven,2  though  it  is  said  they  very  narrowly  escaped  the 
 
 ^  [Lords  Ruthven  and  Lindsay  are  justly  described  by  Mr  Tytler  as 
 "  men  of  savage  manners  even  in  that  age,  and  wlio  were  esteemed 
 peculiarly  fitted  for  the  task." — History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  137. 
 MS.  Letter,  State-Paper  Office,  Drury  to  Cecil,  ISth  June  1567.  The 
 cruelty  which  Kuthven  inHicted  on  Queen  ^lary  was  retaliated  on  himself 
 and  his  Family.  In  1582,  the  year  after  he  was  created  Earl  of  Gowrie, 
 he  was  the  conspicuous  actor  in  the  Jicid  of  Ruthven,  or  the  seizure  of  the 
 person  of  .James  VL  in  his  own  Castle  of  Ruthven.  lie  was  tried  for 
 high  treason,  and  beheaded  at  Stirling  in  May  1584,  and  his  two  sons 
 William  third  Earl  and  Alexander  Ruthven,  perished  in  the  celebrated 
 (lowrie  Conspiracy  on  the  5th  of  August  IGOO,  their  name,  memory,  and 
 <lignity  ordered  to  be  extinguished,  their  estates,  real  and  personal, 
 fortVitcd  and  annexed  to  the  Crown,  and  their  dead  bodies  hanged, 
 drawn,  and  quartered  at  the  Cross  of  Edinburgh. — E.] 
 
 2  "  In  the  night  privily  she  was  conveyed,  and  with  liaste,  in  disguised 
 apparel,  to  the  strong  fort  of  Lochleven  ;  and  after  a  few  dayos,  being 
 strijjped  out  and  spoyled  of  all  her  princely  attirement,  was  clothed  with 
 a  coarse  broune  cassoke."  Leslie's  Defence. — [Mary,  a  few  hours  after 
 her  removal  from  the  Black  Turni)ike  to  the  Palace  of  llolyrood,  which 
 she  never  again  saw,  was  hastily  conveyed  to  Lochleven  Castle  during 
 the  niglit  of  the  IGth  of  June,  leaving  the  Palace  at  ten  o'clock.  AVith 
 such  studied  indignity  was  she  treated,  that  she  was  not  allowed  to  select 
 one  single  dress  for  her  j)ersonal  comfort,  and  those  guilty  men  actually 
 compelled  their  .sovereign — the  Queen  of  Scotland — the  mother  of  that 
 infant  Prince  for  whose  safety  they  pretended  the  utmost  solicitude-  to  ride 
 ^o  Lochleven  Castle,  a  distance  then  of  nearly  thirty  miles,  mo\inted  on  a 
 miserable  horse,  wretchedly  attired,  and  without  any  of  those  common 
 neceasaries  to  which  any  female  was  entitled,  and  especially  one  who  was 
 a  Princess,  their  lawful  sovereign,  and  the  descendant  of  their  ancient 
 Kings,  It  is  impossible  to  reflect  on  the  barbarous  conduct  of  the 
 Confederates  witlumt  expressing  the  most  uncpialified  detestation  of  their 
 infamous  cruelty.  Most  truly  does  Mr  Tytler  designate  Lords  Ruthven 
 and  Lindsay,  the  two  imprincipk'd  i)ersonagi's  mIuj  had  the  charge  of  the 
 Qneen  to  Lochieven,  as  "  men  of  savage  manners."  Mr  Nai)ier  justly  de- 
 signates Lord  Lindsay,  in  connection  with  Morton — "a  ruffian  likelnniself." 
 — Memoii-sof  .lohii  N.ii'ieiof  Mncliistnii,  j..  W^.    An  Ijiglish  writer  could 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  G47 
 
 being  intercepted  by  the  Lords  Seton,  Yester,  and  Borth- 
 wick,  the  Barons  of  Waughton,  Bass,  Ormiston,  Wedder- 
 burn,  Blackadder,  and  Langton,!  who  had  gathered  some 
 men  together  on  a  sudden  to  attempt  the  Queen's  rcHef. 
 
 Besides  the  resolve  of  incarcerating  her  Majesty  in  the 
 fortahce  of  Lochleven,-  the  rebels  did  moreover  on  the  same 
 IGth  day  of  June  frame  a  Confederacy,  or  Concurrence^  as  it 
 was  termed  by  some  persons,  the  tenor  whereof  under  the 
 
 not  allude  to  their  behaviour  to  the  Queen  without  disgust: — "They 
 entreated  her  so  ignominiously  and  disgracefully,  that  although  she  had 
 nothing  on  but  a  very  homely  night-gown,  yet  they  so  clapt  her  up  in 
 prison  at  Lake-Leven,  under  the  custody  of  (the)  Earle  of  Moray's  mother, 
 who  was  James  Vs.  concubine,  who  further  persecuted  her  with  most 
 shameless  malice  during  her  restraint,  boasting  how  she  was  lawful  wife 
 to  James  V.,  and  her  son  lawfully  descended  from  him." — Camden's 
 Annalls  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  4to.  1625,  p.  148.— E.] 
 
 ^  The  surnames  of  these  gentlemen  were  Hepburn,  Lauder,  Ormiston, 
 Home,  Blackader,  Cockburn,  all  of  them  now  extinct,  except  the  last. 
 
 2  [The  "  Act  for  sequestrating  the  Quenis  Majestie's  person,  and 
 detening  the  same  in  the  house  and  place  of  Lochleven,"  signed  on  the 
 16th  of  June,  is  printed  in  "  Laing's  Dissertation  on  the  Murder  of 
 Darnley."  Calderwood  notices  a  discord  which  arose  between  two  men 
 on  the  16tli  of  June  in  Edinburgh,  one  of  whom  cried  a  Home,  which 
 brought  Lord  Home  and  his  retainers  to  the  street,  and  they  allowed  no 
 one  to  iiass  for  three  hours.  The  bell  of  St  Giles'  was  tolled,  which 
 caused  the  greatest  excitement  in  the  city  as  no  one  knew  the  purport,  but 
 it  was  afterwards  conjectured  that  it  was  an  attempt  to  induce  a  riot 
 that  the  Queen  might  escape. — Historie  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed 
 for  the  WoDROW  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  355.  If  Mary  had  not  been  most 
 unpopular  among  her  subjects  at  the  time,  the  Confederates  would  not 
 have  dared  to  imprison  their  sovereign.  The  public  feeling  against  her 
 is  strongly  expressed  in  a  letter  from  Sir  Nicolas  Throgmorton  to  Queen 
 Elizabeth,  dated  July  18,  1567,  upwards  of  a  month  after  Mary's 
 imprisonment  in  Lochleven,  preserved  in  the  State-Paper  OflSce. — "  And 
 though  these  Lordes  and  Councillors,"  writes  Throgmorton,  "speake 
 reverently,  myldly,  and  charitably,  of  theyi*e  Queue,  so  as  I  cannot  gather 
 by  theyre  speeche  any  intention  to  cruelty  or  vyolence,  yet  I  do  fynde  by 
 intellygence  that  the  Queue  is  in  very  great  pcrill  of  her  lyfe,  by  rea.son 
 that  the  people  assembled  at  this  convention  do  mynde  vehemently  the 
 destruction  of  her.  It  is  a  publyke  speeche  amongst  all  the  people,  and 
 amongst  all  the  Estates  (saving  the  Councillors),  that  theyre  Queue  luith 
 no  more  liberty  nor  pryviledge  to  commyt  murder  nor  adulterye  than 
 any  other  jjrivate  person,  neyther  by  God's  law  nor  by  the  laws  of  the 
 Realme."  'Ihrogmorton  also  writes  to  the  Earl  of  Bedfoid,  dated 
 Ediubm-gh,  20th  July,  only  two  days  afterwards — "The  Queen  is  in  great 
 danger,  by  reason  of  the  great  rage  and  fury  of  the  people  against  her." 
 Wright's  "  Queen  Elizalx'th  and  her  Times,  a  Series  of  Original  Letters," 
 vol.  i.  p.  258.— E.] 
 
04o  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1.5lJ7. 
 
 following  title   in   the    Register  of  Privy   Council,    I   have 
 
 thouirht  not  amiss  to  insert  here. 
 
 "to 
 
 "  First  IJandJ — Quhairas  the  rielit  nobill  and  excellent 
 Prince,  umqiihile  King  Ilenrie,  the  Quenis  Majestic's  our 
 Soveran's  lait  husband,  being  in  his  ludgeing  schamefullie 
 and  treasonabillie  mnrthcrit,  the  fame  thairof  wes  in  sic  sort 
 blawin  abrode  and  dispersit  in  all  realmes,  and  amangis  all 
 Christian  nationis,  that  this  cuntrie  wes  abhorrit  and  vili- 
 pendit,  the  Nobilitie  and  haill  people  na  utherwayis  estemit 
 bot  as  thai  had  bein  all  participant  of  sa  unworthie  and 
 liorribill  a  murthour,  that  nane  of  ony  of  the  Scotis  natioun, 
 thouch  he  wer  ncvir  so  innocent,  wes  abill  for  schamo  in  ony 
 forayne  cuntrie  to  schaw  his  face  ;  and  that  nocht  without 
 occasioun,  seing  na  maner  of  just  tryall  tane,  nor  meant  to  be 
 tanc  for  the  cryme,  albeit,  in  all  this  tyme,  the  murthourirs 
 wer  Weill  eneuch  knawin  :  For  quha  suld  be  ignorant  thairof, 
 and  not  cleirlie  sie  it,  behalding  the  proceiding  of  the  Erie 
 Bothwcll  the  tyme  of  the  attempting  of  that  odious  fact, 
 and  contincwallie  sensyne  ?  That  wer  sufficient,  althocht 
 thare  were  na  uther  pruiff*.  Wes  not  the  tryall  be  him 
 impedit  and  dclayit  T-  And  the  speciall  authoris  of  the 
 murthour  being  requyrit  to  be  wardit  quhill  (until)  the  tryall 
 of  thair  cause  ;  howbeit  the  petitioun  wes  maist  ressonabill, 
 and  nocht  repugnant  to  the  lawis,  zit  could  na  pairt  thairof 
 be  grantit,  because  the  chief  murtherour,  being  present, 
 maid  the  stay.  And  then  (pihat  an  inordinat  proces  wes 
 deducit,  to  cleange  and  accpiile  him  of  that  liorribill  deid, 
 all  men  persavit,  (juhen  nowther  the  accustumat  circum- 
 stance in  causis  of  tressoun  nor  the  ordinar  forme  of  justice 
 wes  observit  ;^  bot  quhatsoevir  the  fader  and  freindis  of 
 the  innocent  Prince  sakleslie  nnirtherit  justlie  desyrit,   the 
 
 '  [This  "First  Band''  is  a  recapitulation  of  all  the  events  from  the 
 nuinler  of  Darnh-y  in  February  to  tlie  IGth  of  June,  when  the  warrant 
 wjis  si^nicd  l)y  tlie  Coufedciatcs  to  immure  the  (^u(hmi  in  Loehleven  C^istle. 
 That  Morton,  AthoU,  Ar;,'yll,  lluntly,  ami  others  eould  have  tlie  eftVontery 
 to  he  parties  to  this  detail  of  |;rievances,  after  tlu'ir  connection  with  that 
 murder,  and  tlu'ir  "Bond"  recommending  lU>thwelI  as  a  suitable  husband 
 to  the  Queen,  is  a  melancholy  instance  of  the  atrocious  villany  of  that 
 time.— E.] 
 
 '  It  does  not  aj)pear  so  by  the  Queen's  and  Farl  of  Lenox's  Letters. 
 
 ^  Neither  does  any  thin;,'  of  this  appear  to  have  been  fact. 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  G49 
 
 contrair  wes  alwayis  done  :  The  said  Erie,  the  day  that  he 
 choisit  to  thole  {undergo)  law,  being  accumpanyit  with  a 
 greit  power,  alsweill  of  waigit  men  of  weir  as  of  utheris,^ 
 that  nane  sould  compeir  to  persew  him.  Quhensua  this  cruell 
 murthour  wes  committit,  and  justice  smorit  {smothered) 
 and  planlie  abusit ;  nevir  ceasit  he  of  his  wickit  and  inordinat 
 pretenses,  bot  eikand  mischief  to  mischief,  tressonablie, 
 without  feir  of  God,  or  reverence  of  his  native  Prince,  quhill 
 on  a  foirthoucht  conspiracie,  he  ambeset  hir  Majestie's  way, 
 tuke  and  reveist  hir  maist  nobill  persoun,  and  led  the  samyno 
 with  him  to  Dunbar  Castell,  thair  deteining  hir  presonar 
 and  captive ;  and  in  the  meantyme  procurit  dowbill  sentences 
 of  divorce  to  be  pronuncit  betwix  him  and  his  lauchfull  wyff, 
 groundit  upon  the  cause  of  his  awin  turpitude  :  And  to  mak 
 his  pretendit  mariage,  quhilk  schortlie  followit,  the  mair 
 valiabill,  usit  the  ordour  of  divorce,  as  weill  be  the  ordinar 
 commissaris,  as  in  forme  and  maner  of  the  Roman  Kirk, 
 declarand  that  he  was  of  na  kynd  of  religioun,  as  the  same 
 unlauchfull  mariage,  suddanlie  thairaftir  accumplishit  on 
 baith  the  fashionis,  did  manifest  and  testifie ;  albeit  nocht- 
 theles  of  Goddis  law,  nor  na  law  maid  be  men,  of  quhatsum- 
 evir  religioun,  might  the  same  mariage  leisumlie  have  bein 
 contractit.  Quhilk  being  endit,  and  he  still  proceiding  from 
 a  kynd  of  iniquitie  to  ane  uthir,  his  cruell  and  ambitious 
 nature  being  knawin,  and  how  na  Nobillman,  nor  uthir,  durst 
 resort  to  hir  Majestic  to  speik  with  hir,  or  procure  thair 
 lesum  busines,  without  suspitioun,  bot  be  him  and  in  his 
 audience,  hir  chalmer-duris  being  continewallie  watchit  with 
 men  of  w^eir  :  We  (althouch  too  laite)  begouth  {began)  to 
 consider  the  estait,  and  to  tak  heid  to  ourselffis,  bot  speciallie 
 to  the  preservatioun  of  the  lyff  of  the  faderles  Prince,  the 
 onlie  sone  and  rychteous  air-a^Tparent  of  our  Soverane,  hir 
 Hienes'  schamefull  thraldome  and  bondage  with  the  said 
 Erie,  and  with  that  foirsaw  the  greit  danger  quhilk  the 
 Prince  stude  in,  quhenas  the  murtherour  of  his  fader,  the 
 ravischer  of  the  Quenis  Majestic  his  moder,  wes  cled  with 
 the  principall  strenthis  of  the  llealme,  and  garnishit  with  a 
 guard  of  wagit  men  of  weir,  and  how  in  all  appearance  he 
 
 ^  This,  for  wliat  wp  know,  may  l)o  as  far  from   the   truth  as  the  foniKM- 
 asseverations. 
 
050  THE  HISTORY  UF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507. 
 
 mycht  unproviditly  oppress  and  destroy  that  innocent  infant, 
 as  he  had  dono  liis  fader  ;  and  swa,  by  tyrrannie  and  cruell 
 deids,  at  hist  to  usurp  tlie  royal  crown  and  supreme  govern- 
 ment of  this  Reahne.  At  last,  in  the  feir  and  name  of  God, 
 and  in  the  lauchfull  obedience  of  our  Soverane,!  raovit  and 
 constrenit  be  the  just  occasiouns  above  writtin,  we  have 
 takin  armes  to  revenge  the  said  horribill  and  cruell  murthour 
 upoun  the  said  Erie  Bothwell,  and  utheris  authoris  and 
 devysaris  thairof,  to  delyver  our  said  soverane  furth  of  his^ 
 handis,  and  of  the  ignominy,  schanie,  and  sklander,  quhilk, 
 being  in  thraldomc  with  him,  sclio  lies  sustenit,  under  pre- 
 tence of  the  said  unlauchfull  mariage  ;3  to  preserve  the 
 lyff  of  our  native  Prince,  and  finallie  to  sie  justice  equallie 
 ministrat  to  all  the  liegis  of  this  realmo.  Qumairfoir  we, 
 the  Erlis,  Lordis,  Baronis,  Commissionaris  of  Burrowis, 
 and  utheris  undersubscryvand,  be  thir  presentis  bindis  and 
 obleissis  ws,  and  everie  ane  of  ws  to  utheris,  that  we  sail 
 tak  plane,  trew,  and  upright  part,  togiddcr  with  our  kin, 
 fricndis,  servandis,  and  all  that  will  do  for  ws,  in  the  advance- 
 ment, furthsetting,  and  persute  of  the  said  querrell,  with 
 our  lyffis,  landis,  and  gudis,  at  our  uttermaist,  and  sail  nevir 
 schrink  thairfra,  nor  leif  the  samyne  for  ony  maner  of 
 occasioun  that  can  or  is  abill  to  occur,  quliill  the  authouris 
 of  the  said  cruell  murthour  and  ravisching  be  condignlie 
 punisit,  the  said  unlauchful  niariago  dissolvit  and  annullit,^ 
 our  soverane  relevit  of  the  thraldome,  bondage^  and  igno- 
 minie,  quhilk  scho  hes  susteinit  and  underlyis  be  the  said 
 
 '  (Jod's  fp-cat  iiamo  has  l)con  often  taken  in  vain  and  l)lasi)hcmed 
 hy  wicked  men,  but  to  what  earthly  soverei^^n  they  were  now  paying 
 obedience  is  no  easy  matter  to  see. 
 
 2  This  is  a  complete  banter  on  the  common  sense  of  mankind,  since 
 the  i>oor  Queen  was  not  now  in  fiii  but  in  tJuir  own  hands,  liy  all  this 
 Bond  they  visibly  declare  the  Queen  innocent  of  any  bad  practices  with 
 the  Karl  of  Bothwell.  It  was  not  >/J  time  to  discover  their  whole  pur]>ose, 
 it  woidd  seem. 
 
 ^  Yet  afterwards  these  i/ood  men  chan<;('d  their  note,  and  the  Queen 
 was  directly  i^uilty  of  all  tiw  had  thinj,'s  now  o«///  laid  to  the  door  of  tlu- 
 F^irl  of  Bothwell.' 
 
 *  What  sincerity  was  in  this  solemn  profession  the  readers  will  have 
 occasion  to  perceive  .some  two  years  after.  And  why  did  they  not  proceed 
 just  now  to  di.ssolve  it  by  law,  as  well  Jis  to  di.s.solve  it  by  taking  the  Earl 
 of  Bothwell's  life  ?     I'or  they  had  it  in  their  power  to  do  any  thing. 
 
 "  Her  immediate  thraldom  was  surely  owing  to  themselves.  It  is  easy 
 to  giv»»  udincs  when  men  want  to  confound  th'nujs. 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  651 
 
 Erlis  occasioun,  the  persoun  of  the  innocent  Prince  reposit 
 in  full  suirtic,  and  rclevit  of  the  eminent  danger  quhilk  now 
 he  standis  in  ;  and  finallie,  justice  restorit  and  uprichtlie 
 ministrat  to  all  the  liegis  and  subjectis  of  this  Realme. 
 The  quhilk  to  do,  and  faythfullie  perform,  we  promitt,  as 
 we  will  answer  to  Almichtie  God,  upon  our  honour,  trewth, 
 and  fidelitie,  as  we  arc  Nobillmen,  and  lufis  the  honour  of 
 our  native  cuntrie,  quhairin,  as  God  forbid,  gif  we  failzie  in 
 ony  point,  we  are  content  to  sustein  the  spott  of  perjurie, 
 infamie,  and  perpetuall  untrewth,  and  to  be  comptit  culpabill 
 of  the  above  namit  crymcs,  and  enemeis  and  betrayeris  of 
 oure  native  cuntrie  for  evir.i  In  witness  of  the  quhilk 
 thing  we  have  subscrivit  thir  presentis  with  our  handis,  as 
 followis,  at  Edinburgh,  the  16  day  of  Junij,  the  yeir  of 
 God  1567  yeiris.'" 
 
 The  very  same  night  of  the  Queen's  transportation  we 
 are  told 2  that  the  Lords  Associators  caused  a  diligent 
 search  be  made  through  the  city  of  Edinburgh  for  persons 
 suspected  of  the  late  King's  murder;  and  that  they  had 
 the  good  fortune  to  seize  only  two  persons,  viz.  Sebastian  a 
 
 1  See  the  same  or  worse  imprecations  in  tlie  end  of  their  Bond  in  favour 
 of  the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  19th  or  20th  April  last,  already  set  down.  With 
 what  face  could  the  principal  person  here  concerned,  viz.  the  Earl  of 
 INIorton,  subscribe  or  frame  this  solemn  oath  and  obligation,  seeing  he 
 himself  was  in  knowledge  at  least  of  the  intended  murder  of  the  King  ? 
 But  the  true  answer  is,  he  was  a  man  of  no  conscience,  and  there  might 
 have  been  others  here  in  his  condemnation. 
 
 ^Crawford's  MS. — [It  is  stated  in  the  genuine  narrative — "  That  same 
 verie  nj'cht  of  hir  transporting  twa  men  were  tane  as  suspect  of  the 
 King's  murther.  The  ane  was  callit  Sebastian  de  Villour,  a  Frenchman 
 of  (by)  nation  ;  the  uther  was  Captain  AVilliam  Blackater.  This  Captain 
 shortli'j  cfter  was  put  to  the  knawledge  of  a  jurie,  and  was  convict,  but  at 
 his  death  wald  noways  confess  himself  giltie  of  the  Kingis  murther.  The 
 uthir  escapit." — Historic  and  JAfc  of  King  James  the  Scxt,  printed  for 
 the  B ANNATYNE  Club,  p.  15.  "  Uj)oun  the  samen  saxtene  day  (of  June) 
 Sebastiane,  Frenchman,  suspectit  for  the  art  and  pairt  of  the  slauchter  of 
 unKjuhile  the  King  foirsaid,  was  taken  and  put  in  captivitie  within  the 
 'J^olbuith  of  Edinburgh.  Upon  the  sevintene  day  of  the  said  moneth 
 William  Blacader,  Capitane,  suspectit  in  lykewise  for  the  said  slauchter, 
 was  taken  by  Capitane  John  Clerk,  servand  to  the  King  of  Denmark, 
 quha  came  heir  to  raise  men  of  weir  upoun  the  sey,  when  he  was  fleaud 
 away,  and  brocht  to  the  burgh  of  Edinburgli,  and  i)ut  in  the  'J'olbuytli 
 thairof."—  Diurnal  of  Hemarkal)l('  Occurrents  in  Scotland,  printed  for  the 
 Bannatyne  Club,  p.  115. — E.J 
 
G52  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 Frenchman,  who  chanced  afterwards  to  make  his  escape,^ 
 and  Captain  William  Hlac-kader.  However,  by  the  following 
 Record  of  Privy-CoinR-il,  we  come  to  know  that  they  had, 
 soon  after,  some  other  persons  in  custody  upon  the  same 
 account. 
 
 Edinburgh,  27  June  1567. 
 Skderunt — Jacohus  Comes  de  Mortoun ;  Joannes  Comes  de 
 Athole  ;  Alexander  Comes  de  Glencarne  ;  Joannes  Comes 
 de  Mar  ;  Alexander  Dominus  Hume  ;  Williehmcs  Dominus 
 liathven ;  Rohertus  Dominus  Sempil ;  Eduardus  Dominus 
 Sanquhair  ;  Andreas  Dominus  Ochiltrier- 
 
 "  FoRSAMEKiLLas  ^yilliam  J31ackater,  James  Edmondstoun, 
 Johne  IMackater,  and  Mynart  Fra^er,  all  susj)ectit  of  the 
 King's  murthour,  are  takin  and  apprehendit,  the  Lordis  of 
 Secreit  Counsall  thairfoir  ordanis  the  saidis  pcrsonis  to  be 
 put  in  the  iriiis  and  tormcntis,^  for  furthering  of  the  tryall 
 
 ^  Tliis  being  one  of  tlie  persons  named  in  the  tickets  that  were  set  ou 
 the  Tolbooth,  and  wliom  the  Earl  of  Lenox  desired  should  be  put  in 
 prison,  may  we  not  suspect  that  he  has  even  been  allowed  to  slip  out  of 
 their  fingers,  lest  his  deposition  should  not  prove  agreeable  enough  to 
 some  of  the  Lords  ?  A  stranger  lyes  under  many  disadvantages  either  to 
 make  an  escape,  or  to  conceal  himself  when  escaped.  He  must  take 
 wing  and  fly.     There  is  art  we  say  in  the  smallest  matters. 
 
 '^  'V\\o  Siime  Sederunt  is  marked  on  the  21st  of  June,  which  is  the  first 
 time  the  rebels  assume  to  themselves  the  title  of  Lords  of  Surct-Councily 
 though  by  whose  authority  tliey  convened  as  a  Council  be  a  difhcult  point 
 to  resolve.  Their  act  of  that  day  commands  all  the  Lords  of  JSession, 
 Advocates,  Writers,  and  all  other  persons  pertaining  to  the  Court  of 
 Session,  to  repair  to  Edinburgh,  and  jtroceed  in  the  administration  of 
 justice  to  the  lieges,  with  assurance  of  safety  to  them  ;  and  certification, 
 that  if  tliey  absent  tliemselves,  tliey  shall  be  esteemed  as  i)artakers  with 
 the  authors  of  the  King's  murder,  and  jjunished  accordingly.  And  like- 
 wise intimation  to  be  made  to  all  the  lieges,  that  they  may  repair  to 
 Edinburgh  in  all  safety  for  the  prosecution  of  their  afVaiis  before  the 
 Court  of  Session.  Probably  the  rebels  have  taken  this  stej»,  in  order  to 
 obtain  to  themselves  credit,  and  the  api)earance  of  authoiity  from  the 
 people.  Archbishop  Spottiswood's  MS.  in  mentioning  the  rebels,  adds — 
 "for  so  they  were  stiled  till  they  prevailed."  So  we  see  sMcct*^  confei^s 
 riijht. — [This  MS.  of  Archbisho])  Spottiswoode's  "  History  of  tlie  Church 
 and  State  in  Scotland"  is  in  tlie  Library  of  the  Faculty  of  Advocates  at 
 Edinburgh.  It  appears  from  our  Historian's  statement  in  his  note,  that 
 tlie  so  called  Lorda  of  (In  Prity  Cunnc'd  administered  tlie  government  of 
 tl»e  kingdom  after  imprisoning  the  Queen  in  Lochlcven  Castle. — E.l 
 
 ■'  I  Ordering  them  to  be  put  to  tlie  torture.     E.J 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  G53 
 
 of  the  veritie  ;  providing  that  this  cause,  being  for  the 
 trying  of  a  Prince's  murthour,  induce  na  preparative  to 
 uthcris  personis  suspectit  of  utheris  crymes/' 
 
 All  these  persons,  it  seems,  were  put  to  death,i  and 
 probably  denied  their  accession  to  the  King's  murder  as  well 
 as  Captain  Blackater  ;2  otherwise  no  doubt  we  should  have 
 seen  their  trial  and  confession  in  print  before  this  time  of 
 day,  in  conjunction  with  some  other s.^ 
 
 Shortly  after  the  Queen's  commitment  the  Lords  took 
 up  an  inventary  of  all  the  plate,  jewels,  and  other  moveables 
 within  the  Palace  of  Holyroodhouse.^  And  yet  this  was 
 not  all ;  for  we  are  likewise  informed,  "  that  they  spared 
 not  to  put  violent  hands  on  her  Majesty's  cupboard,  melted 
 the  species  thereof,  and  converted  all  into  coin,  thereby  to 
 forge  a  staff  to  break  her  own  head  of  the  weight  of  sixteen 
 stones."^     And  much  about   the    same   time  the   Earl   of 
 
 ^  Calderwood's  MS. — [Caldorwood's  ITistorie  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland, 
 printed  for  the  Wodrow  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  366. — E.] 
 
 "■^  Crawfurd's  MS. — [Calderwood's  Historie,  vol.  ii.  p.  366.  We  have 
 seen  that  Captain  Blackadder  was  apprehended  at  sea  on  the  17th  of 
 June,  and  was  tried,  convicted,  and  executed  on  the  24th.  Birrell  records 
 in  his  Diary,  (p.  10,  11) — "  The  24  day  of  Junii,  Capitane  William 
 Blacketer  wes  drawin  backward  in  ane  cairt  from  the  Tolbuith  to  the 
 Crosse  (of  Edinburgh),  and  there  was  hangit  and  quarterit  for  being  on 
 the  King's  murther."  He  solemnly  denied  any  participation  in  the 
 murder  of  Darnley,"  as  he  wald  answer  to  the  eternall  God  on  the  day  of 
 judgement  ;"  but  the  unfortunate  Captain,  whether  innocent  or  not,  had 
 no  chance  of  escape  from  a  jury  of  "  gentlemen  of  Lennox,"  who  were 
 "  for  the  maist  pairt  vassals  and  sorvandis  to  the  Erie  thereof,"  Darnley's 
 father. — Diurnal  of  Remarkable  Occurrents  in  Scotland,  printed  for  the 
 Bannatyne  Club,  p.  116  ;  Pitcairn's  Criminal  Trials,  vol.  i.  Part  II.  p. 
 490,  in  which  the  date  of  Captain  Blackadder's  trial  is  most  erroneously 
 stated  to  have  been  the  fourteenth  of  JunCy  instead  of  the  twenty-fourth  of 
 that  month,  and  which  misled  the  Editor  in  a  preceding  note,  p.  550  of 
 the  present  volume.  The  execution  of  "  James  Edmonstoun,  Johne 
 Blacketer,  and  Mynart  Eraser,"  is  not  mentioned. — E.] 
 
 '^  [Such  as  the  two  depositions  of  William  Powrie,  and  those  of  George 
 Dalfleish,  avIio  was  BothweU's  chamberlain,  John  Hay,  younger  of  Tallo, 
 John  Hepburn  of  Bowton,  Nicolas  Hubert  alias  Erench  Paris,  and 
 Ormiston  of  that  Ilk,  in  Pitcairn's  Criminal  Trials,  vol.  i.  Part  II.  p.  4J)1- 
 513.— E.] 
 
 •*  Calderwood's  MS. — [Calderwood's  Historie  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland, 
 printed  for  the  Wodrow  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  366. — E.] 
 
 ^  i.  e.  The  Queen's  cup  board  amounted  to  sixteen  stone  weight. 
 Crawfurd's  MS. —  [Historic  and  Life  of  King  James  the  Sext,  printed  for 
 
054  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567. 
 
 Glencairn  went  to  the  Palace,  accompanied  by  his  own 
 servants    onlv,   and    demolished    the  Chapel,^  with    all    its 
 
 the  Bannatyxe  Club,  p.  10".  Tho  author  of  this  genuine  narrative  adds — 
 "  Wherebv  they  forgit  a  staff  to  brek  liir  lieid  with  lier  awin  geir,"  or 
 property.  Towards  the  end  of  tlie  year  tlie  Confederates  obtained  posses- 
 sion of  more  of  Queen  Mary's  vahiables,  as  ai)i)ears  from  the  following  docu- 
 ment : — "  We,  James  Erl  of  Moray,  Lord  Abernethy,  and  Regent  of  Scot- 
 land, grants  me  to  haif  ressairt  be  the  handis  of  Maister  Robert  Richartson, 
 Tresurer,  fra  the  handes  of  Maister  Archibald  Crawfurd,  Parson  of 
 Kgleshani,  this  sylver  work  under  (jidiilk  he  had  in  kei})ing  of  the  Queen's 
 Majeste  : — Item,  imin-imis,  ane  sylver  chaless  with  the  patery  (border) 
 gylt.  Item,  twa  sylver  chandelaris  gylt.  Item,  ane  watter  fat  (vase) 
 with  ane  watter  stik  (spout)  gylt.  Item,  ane  sylver  bell  gylt.  Item,  ane 
 purse  witli  ane  boist  gylt.  Item,  ane  cowp  (cup)  with  ane  cower  (cover) 
 and  ane  sayer  (salver)  gylt.  Item,  ane  crowat  (cruet)  with  ane  lid  gylt. 
 Item,  ane  flakkon  (tlaggon)  with  ane  charger  gylt.  Item,  twa  hall 
 crowats  :  And  discharges  the  said  Maister  Archibald  hereof  be  this  our 
 acceptance,  subscribit  with  our  hand  at  Edinbroch,  the  thirteenth  day  of 
 November  in  the  zier  of  God  1567  ziers. — Ja.mes  Regent." — Robertson's 
 Topogi-aphical  Description  of  Ayrshire,  4to.  1820,  Appendix,  p.  431,  432. 
 Archibald  Crawfurd,  Parson  of  Eaglesham,  was  Almoner  to  Queen 
 Mary.— E.] 
 
 ^  [This  sacrilegious  attack  on  the  Chapel-Royal  of  Ilolyrood  by  Glen- 
 cairn and  his  retainers  occurred  on  the  24th  of  June  (Calderwood's 
 Historic,  printed  for  the  Wodrow  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  366),  the  day  on 
 which  Captain  Blackadder  Avas  tried  and  executed  for  the  murder  of 
 Darnley.  This  was  not  tho  first  outrage  of  the  kind  by  the  "  Reforming" 
 Earl  of  Glencairn  in  the  Abbey  and  Chapel-Royal  of  Ilolyrood.  Our 
 Historian  writes  as  if  that  fierce  zealot  had  literally  demolished  the  fixbric 
 of  the  Chapel- Royal,  but  such  was  not  the  ca.se,  though  the  mischief  he 
 committed  is  disgraceful  to  his  memory.  Glencairn  confined  his  ravages 
 to  the  interior,  destroying  the  altar,  tearing  down  the  i)ictures,  and 
 defacing  the  ornaments.  In  the  "  Inventar  of  the  Quenis  (J race  Chapell- 
 Royall  geir  and  ornaments  now  heir  in  the  Paleiss  of  llalyruidhouss 
 deliverit  by  Sir  James  Paterson,  sacristane,  at  the  Quenis  command  to 
 Ser\'es  de  Conde,  I'renchman,  and  varloit  of  our  Soverin  Ladeis  Chalmer, 
 by  Maister  Archd.  Craufurd,  his  general  Maister  Almoner,  to  be  keijtit  in 
 the  Wardioj)  of  I'dinburgli,"  dated  11th  January  ir)61-2, neither  crucifixes 
 nor  images  of  any  kind  are  mentioned,  from  which  it  may  be  inferred 
 that  if  such  had  l)een  in  the  Chajjel-Royal,  the  Reforming  zeal  would  have 
 involved  the  destniction  of  the  edifice.  No  allusion  also  occurs  to  the 
 sacred  vessels,  some  of  which  were  probably  in  the  coffer.  The 
 "  Inventor"  chiefly  enumerates  two  blue  dannxsk  caps  striped  with  gold, 
 two  red  velvet  caps  or  coverings  intermixed  with  gold,  a  fine  cap  or  cloth 
 of  gold  on  blue  velvet,  three  black  velvet  carpets  studded  with  gold  for 
 the  "  mort,"  two  small  coats  or  vests  with  "  ane  chcsabill  for  the  mort- 
 stand  with  three  albis  annitts  stoles  and  sarnonis  and  jnirse  ;  item,  twa 
 auld  altar  towalls  ;  item,  ane  frontole,  and  ane  pendikill  (tassels)  of  black 
 velvet  studit  with  gold  ;  item,  four  tunikillis,  twa  chesabillis,  of  fyne  clayth 
 of  gold,  with  three  albis  stoles  sarnonis  annitts  and  purse  ;  item,  ane  mcss- 
 buiU  (missal)  of  ])arrhnient  with  ane  nobt  artiplienate  of  jmrehinent  ;  item, 
 
l'^G7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  G55 
 
 ornaments  and  furniture,  which  action  was  highly  extolled 
 by  Mr  Knox^  and  otlier  hot  men,  but  the  other  Nobles,  his 
 own  partisans,  were  not  a  little  offended  because  he  had 
 done  this  thing  of  his  own  accord,  without  their  direction 
 and  concurrence.  But  he  could  the  more  easily  obtain 
 their  forgiveness  for  that  piece  of  forvyardness,  that  though 
 the  faction  had  now  entertained  hopes  that  no  farther  let 
 was  likely  to  thwart  their  designs,  yet  to  their  mortification 
 they  began  to  find  an  alteration  in  the  minds  even  in  the 
 meaner  sort  of  the  people,  and  that  most  part  of  the  Nobles 
 of  the  kingdom,  and  those,  too,  of  greatest  power,  did  b}'  no 
 means  favour  their  late  actions.  "  Various  and  profound," 
 says  Mr  Buchanan,^  "  were  the  speculations  of  the  Nobles ; 
 those  who  were  revenging  the  bloody  deed  hoped  that  as 
 soon  as  ever  their  intentions  should  take  air,  and  be  publicly 
 known,  the  greater  part,  if  not  all,  would  yield  them  their 
 approbation,  and  even  concur  with  them  in  so  famous  and 
 glorious  an  undertaking.  But  it  fell  out  far  otherwise  ;  for 
 popular  envy  being  abated,  partly  by  space  of  time,  and 
 partly  by  the  consideration  of  the  uncertainty  of  human 
 affairs,  was  turned  into  commiseration.  Nay,  some  of  the 
 Nobility  did  then  no  less  bewail  the  Queen's  calamity  than 
 they  had  before  execrated  her  cruelty. — Their  faction 
 w^as  thought  to  be  strongest  who  either  consented  to  the 
 murder,  or  else  in  obsequiousness  to  the  Queen  subscribed 
 to  the  impious  deed  after  it  was  committed. "''"^ 
 
 ane  coffer  with  lok  and  key  witliin  the  quhilk  part  of  this  forsaid  garni- 
 ture ;  item,  ane  pendakill  of  silk,  ane  frontoil  of  chxith  of  gokl  and  purpour 
 velvat." — Appendix  to  Robertson's  Topographical  Descrii)tion  of  Ayr- 
 shire, p.  431.— E.] 
 
 ^  [Knox  says  that  CJlencairn  "  brake  donn  the  altars  and  images"'  in 
 the  Chapel-Royal  of  llolyrood — "  which  fact,  as  it  did  content  the  zealons 
 Protestants,  so  it  did  highly  offend  the  Po])ishly  affected." — Historic, 
 Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  410.  Lordllerries  states  that  Glencairn's  sacrilegious 
 outrage  in  the  Chapel-Royal  of  llolyrood  was  "  much  commended  by  tlie 
 ministers  for  an  act  of  pietie  and  zeale,  but  the  Nobilitie  did  not  approve 
 of  it,  for  they  re])rchended  him  for  acting  without  a  public  order.*' — 
 Historic  of  the  Reigne  of  Marie  Queen  of  Scots,  printed  for  the 
 Abbotsford  Club,  p.  97. — E.] 
 
 '^  [llistoria  Reruni  Scoticarum,  original  edit.  Edin.  15S2,  fol.  222  ; 
 Translation,  Edin.  edit.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  349,  350.— E.] 
 
 •^  [Although  the  })opular  feeling  was  at  the  time  strong  against  Queen 
 Mary,  and  the  Confederates  were  encouraged  by  Le  Croc,  the  French 
 ambassador,   who,   while  pi'etending  groat  regard  for  ln>r,   nevertlioless 
 
C)5G  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 A  great  many  of  the  Nobles  that  favoured  the  Queen, 
 and  condemned  lier  imprisonment  as  a  crime  of  the  highest 
 treason  that  could  be  committed,  had  convened  at  Hamilton,^ 
 
 advised  thom  to  koc])  her  securely  now  that  she  was  in  their  hands  (MS. 
 Letter,  State- Paper  Office,  Drury  to  Cecil,  20th  June  1507,  in  Ty tier's 
 History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  131)),  yet  they  could  not  aj^ee  among 
 themselves  how  to  dispose  of  her.  Maitland  of  Lethinfrton  and  others 
 contended  that  the  Queen  ouL^lit  to  be  re-established  in  her  authority,  the 
 murderers  of  Darnley  punished,  the  safety  of  the  infant  Prince  carefully 
 secured,  the  Queen  herself  separated  from  IJothwell  by  a"  firm  divorce," 
 and  the  Protestant  religion  completely  established.  Others  suj^fjested  the 
 per])etual  banishment  of  the  Queen  either  to  France  or  En<,dand,  if  the 
 King  of  France  or  Queen  of  England  would  give  pledge  that  the  royal 
 authority  should  be  transferred  to  the  infant  Prince  and  a  Council  of 
 Regency.  Others  of  them  wanted  a  jjeremptory  trial  of  Mary,  by  which 
 they  hoped  to  obtain  a  conviction,  condemn  her  to  imprisonment  for  life, 
 and  to  cro^\^l  her  son  ;  and  some  of  them  were  even  for  putting  her  to 
 death.  This  last  project,  we  are  told,  was  "  usually  preached  and  di\'ulged 
 by  Knox  and  some  other  ministers  in  the  open  pulj)it." — Camden's  Annalls 
 of  Queen  Elizabeth,  lG2o,  p.  149.— E.] 
 
 ^  [The  harsh  treatment  of  Mary  soon  produced  a  re-action  in  her  favour, 
 and  a  meeting  was  held  at  Hamilton,  where  many  joined  the  party  who 
 were  organizing  to  defend  her.  When  the  Confederates  were  informed 
 of  this  movement  they  mustered  their  forces  on  Leith  Sands,  and  wrote 
 to  their  opponents  at  Hamilton,  retpiesting  their  presence  in  Edinburgh  to 
 "  consult  together  what  was  fitting  to  be  done  for  the  good  of  the 
 commonwealth." — Historic  of  the  Keigne  of  ^[arie  Queen  of  Scots,  by 
 Lord  Herries,  printed  for  the  Abbotsford  Club,  p.  96,  97.  Meanwhile 
 they  lost  no  time  in  despatching  letters  to  Elizabeth  and  the  King 
 of  France.  To  the  English  Queen  they  deelared  that  their  only  motive 
 in  taking  uj)  anns  wa.s  to  piuiish  the  murderers  of  Darnley,  and  that 
 as  soon  as  this  was  accomplished  they  would  restore  Mary  to  liberty, 
 assuring  Elizabeth  that  they  never  contemplated  the  coronation  of  the 
 infant  Prince.  'J'hey  also  represented  their  want  of  money,  and  earnestly 
 hoped  that  the  English  Queen  would  send  them  three  or  four  thousand 
 crowns  to  hire  soldiers,  in  return  for  whieh  they  woidd  submit  to 
 be  guided  solely  by  England.  Their  letters  to  France  were  more 
 guarded,  though  full  of  anxiety,  and  the  Confederates  made  fair  promises 
 to  Le  Croc,  while  they  determined  not  to  commit  themselves  till  they 
 heard  from  England.  They  at  the  same  time  correspoiuUd  with  the 
 Earls  of  Moray  and  Lennox,  both  of  whom  were  absent,  but  whose 
 presence  they  required  in  Scotland. — MS.  Letters,  State-Paper  Office, 
 cited  in  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  13S,  139.  At  the 
 head  of  the  Queen's  party  was  nominally  the  Duke  of  Chatelheranlt, 
 then  in  France,  the  next  heir  to  the  Crown  failing  Mary  and  her  son  ; 
 but  the  real  head  of  this  opposition  to  the  Confederates  was  the  Duke's 
 illegitimate  brother.  Archbishop  Hamilton  of  St  Andrews.  The  Duke  of 
 Chatclherault's  advisers  penetrated  the  designs  of  Morton  and  his  party. 
 They  saw  that  the  continued  imprisonment  of  the  Queen  must  lead  to  the 
 coronation  of  tin-  infant    Prince,  and  the  appointment  of  a   Ifegency    in 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  G57 
 
 to  concert  what  measures  should  be  deemed  proper  in  the 
 present  occurrence  ;  and  the  Associators  being  sensible  of 
 their  own  decaying  applause,  and  how  needful  it  would  be 
 to  bring  over  the  other  Nobles,  if  possible,  to  take  part  with 
 them,  determined  to  send  letters  to  them,  entreating  their 
 concurrence  for  establishing  the  State  by  a  common  harmony; 
 but  the  Nobles  at  Hamilton  would  neither  admit  the  mes- 
 senger nor  receive  the  letters.  The  Associators  hereupon 
 willing  to  leave  no  stone  unturned  to  compass  what  so  nearly 
 concerned  them,  employed  Mr  John  Knox,i  ^nd  three  of  his 
 brethren,  to  carry  letters  from  the  Assembly  of  the  Kirk,'^ 
 
 which  Moray,  Lennox,  or  Morton,  would  engross  the  whole  power  of  the 
 State.  As  they  had  been  "  generally  opposed  to  Mary  and  her  marriage," 
 says  Mr  Tytler,  "  her  captivity  was  not  in  itself  a  matter  which  gave 
 them  much  concern,  but  in  weighing  the  two  evils — its  continuance  and  a 
 Regency,  or  her  restoration  and  a  third  marriage,  they  chose  what  they 
 thought  the  least,  and  determined  to  make  an  eflfort  for  her  restoration." 
 —History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  142,  143.  Mr  Tytler  ought  to  have 
 written  2i  fourth  num'iage,  as  Bothwell  was  Mary's  third  husband,  hnt  they 
 probably  refused  to  acknowledge  that  deplorable  alliance.  To  follow 
 out  their  designs,  a  convention  of  the  Nobility  was  held  at  Dunbarton  on 
 the  29th  of  June,  and  a  proclamation  was  issued  to  all  good  subjects  to  be 
 ready  to  take  arms  for  the  rescue  of  the  Queen  on  nine  hours'  warning. 
 They  were  jomed  at  Edinburgh  by  the  Earls  of  Iluntly  and  Argyll,  who 
 had  deserted  the  Confederates,  the  Earl  of  Crawford,  Lords  IIerries,Seton, 
 and  Fleming,  and  they  were  guided  by  Archbishop  Hamilton  of  St  Andrews 
 and  Bishop  Lesley  of  Ross. — E.] 
 
 ^  [John  Knox  had  fled  from  Edinburgh  after  the  assassination  of  Riccio, 
 and  considered  his  return  hazardous  till  Mary  was  imprisoned  in  Loch- 
 leven.  He  took  refuge  first  in  Ayrshire,  but  little  is  known  of  his  history 
 during  this  interval.  Mr  Tytler  conjectures  that  he  may  have  resided 
 chiefly  with  his  relatives  near  Berwick,  and  he  was  certainly  in  l-'ngland 
 at  the  time  of  Darnley's  murder,  for  about  a  month  after  that  event  he 
 entered  into  a  correspondence  with  Bedford  and  Cecil. — MS.  Letter,  State- 
 Taper  Office,  11th  March  1566-7,  in  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii. 
 p.  145.— E.] 
 
 ^  [This  General  Assembly  was  held  on  the  2oth  of  June,  and  the  pro- 
 ceedings are  given  by  our  Historian  in  the  sixth  Chapter  of  his  Third 
 Book,  forming  Vol.  III.  of  the  present  edition.  The  "  Tenour  of  the 
 Letters-Missives  to  the  Erles,  Lords,  Barrens,  and  Commendators  of 
 Abbeys,"  and  a  list  of  the  persons  to  whom  they  were  sent,  are  there 
 inserted.  See  also  Booke  of  the  Universall  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed  for 
 the  Bannatyne  Club,  Part  I.  p.  94,  95,  9G;  and  Calderwood's  Historic  of 
 the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  i)rinted  for  the  Woduow  Society,  vol.  ii.  j).  liGS  3G9, 
 370.  Knox  states  that  he,  accompanied  l)y  the  preachers  John  Douglas, 
 John  Row,  and  John  Craig,  proceeded  to  the  West,  and  had  a  conference 
 with  the  opposing  Nobility,  to  induce  tliem  to  moet  the  Confederates  at 
 VOL.  II.  -4- 
 
658  Tin:  history  of  the  affairs  [15G7. 
 
 which  then  was  sitting,  to  the  other  Lords  who  were  either 
 neuters  or  opposors  of  their  late  proceedings,  inviting  them 
 to  come  to  Edinburgh  the  20th  of  July  next,  in  order  to 
 regulate  what  might  be  needful  and  wanting  in  the  polity  of 
 the  Church  ;  hoping,  no  doubt,  by  that  means,  if  they  could 
 once  draw  them  to  Edinburgh,  either  to  persuade  them 
 to  join  issue  with  their  late  proceedings  in  the  State,  or 
 intending  to  force  them  into  compliance  with  their  measures. 
 l)ut  these  other  Lords^  were  not  so  easily  decoyed  as  the 
 former  imagined  ;  for  they  all  excused  themselves  from 
 coming  to  the  Assembly,  allodging  that  they  could  not 
 repair  to    Edinburgh   with  freedom  and   security   of  their 
 
 Edinburgh,  but  their  mission  was  in  vain.  "  They  excused,"  says  Knox, 
 *' tluit  tlicy  could  not  repair  to  Edinburgh  with  freedom,  wliere  there  were 
 so  many  armed  men,  and  a  garrison  so  strong;  but  for  tlie  Church  affairs, 
 they  would  not  be  anyways  wanting  to  do  what  lay  in  them." — Historie, 
 Edin.  edit.  1732,  p.  410.  As  the  Confederates  were  chiefly,  if  not  all,  Pro- 
 testants, they  now  considered  it  necessary  to  form  a  strict  alliance  with 
 Knox  and  the  preachers,  tliat  the  force  of  popular  opinion  should  be 
 directed  and  kept  in  continual  excitement  by  their  sermons  and  addresses. 
 Knox  stipulated  that  the  Parliament  held  at  Edinburgh  in  15G0,  which 
 overthrew  tlie  Papal  Hierarchy,  should  be  recognized,  and  its  Acts  declared 
 to  be  the  laws  of  the  Realm.  Mary  had  never  ratified  or  consented  to 
 those  Acts,  but  Morton  and  the  other  Confederates  at  once  conceded  with 
 the  proposal.  The  Confederates  also  agreed  to  restore  the  ecclesiastical 
 patrimony  which  had  been  apj)ropriated  to  civil  uses,  to  place  the  Univer- 
 sities and  public  schools  under  the  exclusive  coutroul  of  tlie  Keformed 
 preachers,  to  put  down  "  idolatry,"  as  they  designated  the  Roman  Catholic 
 religion,  by  force  if  necessary,  to  commit  the  education  of  the  infant 
 Prince  to  the  care  of  "  four  wise  and  godly  men,"  and  to  punish  to  the 
 uttermost  the  murderers  of  Darnley. — Knox's  Historic,  Edin.  edit.  17."32, 
 p.  410,  411.  All  this  was  arranged  on  the  20th  of  July,  and  the  articles 
 were  sanctioncdinanadjournedmeetingof  tlieir  General  Assembly,  held  on 
 the  21st  of  that  month  (Rooke  of  the  Universall  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed 
 for  the  Rannatyne  Club,  Part  I.  p.  lOG-110  ;  Calderwood's  Historic, 
 printed  for  the  Wodrow  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  378-382).  The  document  with 
 all  the  signatures  is  also  inserted  by  our  Historian  in  the  Sixth  Cha})ter 
 of  his  Third  Rook,  forming  Vol.  111.  of  this  edition.  In  return  Kno.x 
 was  to  j)romote  the  cause  of  the  Confederates,  and  his  brethren  wore  to 
 be  eciually  zealous ;  "  but,"  adds  Knox  bitterly,  "  how  they  perfonned  their 
 promises,  (lod  knows  always." — E.l 
 
 '  These  Xobli'S  were  tlie  I'.arls  of  lluntly,  Argile,  Caithness,  Rothes, 
 Crawford,  and  Mi'uteith  ;  the  Lords  Royd,  Drummond,  Herries,  Cathcart, 
 Yester,  I'leniing,  lAvingston,  Seton,  Cilamis,  Ogilvie,  (so  it  is  right  in 
 Spottiswood's  MS.  instead  of  Oc/iiltrte  in  Knox,  I've.)  (»ray,  Oliphant, 
 Mftliven,  Innermeth,  and  Somervil ;  the  Commendatoi-s  of  ArbroatJi, 
 Kilwinning,  Dunfermling,  Newbottle,  Holyroodhouse,  and  St  Colni. 
 
1567 ■]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  G59 
 
 lives,  where  there  were  so  many  men  gathered  together  in 
 arms.i 
 
 On  the  2Gth  of  June  the  pretended  Lords  of  Council 
 ordain  "  letters  to  be  directed  in  the  Queen's  name^  to 
 Heraulds,  &c.  to  pass  and  charge  the  keeper  of  the  Castle 
 of  Dunbar  to  surrender  the  same  to  the  executer  of  the 
 saids  letters  within  six  hours,  because  the  Earl  of  Bothwell 
 was  reset  and  received  within  the  said  Castle."  And  the 
 same  day^  a  proclamation  was  likewise  emitted  for  "  appre- 
 hending the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  with  the  promise  of  1000 
 crowns  to  whosoever  shall  bring  him  to  Edinburgh,  to  be 
 punished  for  the  late  murder  of  the  King,''  &c.  Now  since 
 these  people  w^ere  fully  convinced  in  their  minds  that  the 
 Earl  of  Bothwell  was  really  the  person  principally  concerned 
 in  the  murder  of  the  King,  and  for  which  reason  especially 
 they  justified  their  taking  up  of  arms,  may  not  their  delay 
 to  make  some  public  act  against  him  for  no  less  than  ten 
 days  after  he  left  the  army  at  Carberry  Hill  afford  too 
 much  suspicion  that  the  Associators  had  something  else  in 
 view,  and  which  lay  nearer  their  hearts  in  their  late  pro- 
 ceedings, than  the  bringing  of  that  Nobleman  to  justice  I 
 Several  authors,  who  wrote  in  the  times  these  things  were 
 adoing,  have  not  only  taken  notice  that  the  Earl  of  Bothwell 
 was  by  consent  allowed  to  depart  from  Carberry  Hill,  but 
 have  likewise  objected  this  dilatory  management  with  respect 
 to  the  Earl,  and  these  Acts  seem  to  confirm  their  complaints 
 not  a  little.  For  it  may  be  said  that  the  charge  to  the 
 keepers  of  the  Castle  of  Dunbar  might  have  been  much 
 more  speedy,  unless  the  Associators  were  willing  that  the 
 Earl  of  Bothwell  should  first  be  gone  before  they  sent 
 such  a  charge,  lest  the  keepers  within  had  disagreed  among 
 themselves,  and  condescended  to  deliver  up  the  principal 
 
 ^  The  readers  shall  got  a  larger  account  of  this  message  in  our  Ecclesi- 
 astick  Part. — [Book  III.  of  our  Historian's  original  folio,  forming  Vol.  III. 
 of  the  present  edition. — E.] 
 
 2  What  a  strange  jumble  of  authority  is  here  !  Rebels  erect  themselves 
 into  a  Council  of  State,  and  yet  they  send  forth  their  orders  in  the  name 
 of  their  sovereign  whom  they  detained  prisoner  ! 
 
 ^  Robert  Miln  has  put  the  27th  of  Juno  to  these  several  Acts,  viz. 
 charge  against  Dunbar-castle  ;  against  resetting  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  ; 
 and  for  torturing  the  prisoners,  Blackater,  &c.  But  the  Abstracts  of 
 Council  and  Anderson's  Collections  fix  these  to  the  26th  of  June. 
 
GCO  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1G57. 
 
 koopcr  the  Earl  of  Botliwcll,  wliosc  escape  the  Associators 
 perhaps  were  as  well  pleased  with  as  the  Earl  himself. 
 
 At  what  precise  time  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  left  the  Castle 
 of  Dunbar  is  no  where  said  ;^  l)ut  I  perceive  in  the  Records 
 
 ^  [We  have  seen  that  Mary  surrendered  to  the  Confederates  at  Carberry 
 Hill  on  the  15th  of  June,  and  that  Captain  Blackadder  was  executed  for 
 his  alle^'ed  connection  with  the  murder  of  Darnley  on  the  24th.  When 
 Bothwell  returned  to  Dunbar  Castle,  he  remained  in  it  a  very  short  time, 
 and  then  started  northwards  to  Orkney,  which  now  gave  to  him  the  title  of 
 Duke,  conferred  on  him  by  Mary  before  their  marriage.  He  is  mentioned 
 as  proceediug  first  to  Spynie  Castle  to  his  grand-imcle,  Patrick  Ilejjbum, 
 Bishop  of  Moray,  third  son  of  Patrick  first  Earl  of  Bothwell,  who  though 
 he  shared  the  fate  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Prelates  at  the  Reformation, 
 continued  to  keeji  possession  of  the  episcoi)al  palace  of  Spynie  Castle  till 
 his  death  in  1573.  Bothwell's  visit  to  his  grand-uncle  is  noticed  by  Laing 
 in  his  "  Dissertation  on  the  Murder  of  Darnley,  vol.  i.  p.  105.  Throg- 
 morton  wrote  to  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  dated  Edinburgh,  20th  July  1507 — 
 "  The  Earle  of  J^othwell  is  thought  to  be  in  the  north  partes  with  the 
 Earle  of  lluntleye  and  others,  to  make  the  best  partye  he  can." — AVright's 
 Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Times,  vol.  i.  p.  258, 259.  Meanwhile  his  former 
 associates  proceeded  most  \'igorously  against  him.  On  the  27th  of  June 
 ho  Avas  proclaimed  at  the  Cross  as  the  principal  conspirator  against  and 
 murderer  of  Darnley ;  the  reward  of  1000  crowns  was  oflfered  for  his  appre- 
 hension ;  and  on  the  17th  of  July,  the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  Robert  alias 
 I  lob  Ormiston,  John  Hepburn  of  Bolton,  John  Ilay,  younger  of  Tallo, 
 Nicholas  Hubert,  alias  French  Pm-is,  and  several  others,  were  denounced 
 as  rebels  at  the  Cross  of  Edinburgh,  for  not  finding  surety  to  appear  to 
 "  underly"  the  law  for  the  murder  of  Darnley. — Diurnal  of  Remarkable 
 Occurrents  in  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  llfi,  117. 
 As  soon  as  Bothwell  arrived  in  Orkney,  he  contrived  in  his  official 
 capacity,  as  Lord  High  Admiral  of  Scotland,  to  fit  out  and  arm  some 
 light  vessels,  suitable  to  the  navigation  of  the  dangerous  straits,  and 
 ho  now  betook  himself  to  piratical  pursuits.  His  first  attempt  was  to 
 fortify  himself  in  the  Castle  of  Kirkwall,  but  he  was  frustrated  in  that 
 object  by  the  constable  who  commanded  that  Castle — an  imcle  of  the 
 celebrated  John  Na])ier  of  Merchiston,  inventor  of  Logarithms. —  Memoirs 
 of  John  Napier  of  Merchiston,  by  Mark  Napier,  l\si[.  p,  12.'].  In  his  own 
 "Narrative"  he  falsely  jjretends  that  the  Queen's  friends  in  the  West 
 and  Xoith  recommended  him  to  jiroceed  to  France  by  Denmark,  to  make 
 pii'parations  for  sending  a  large  military  force  into  Scotland,  and  also  to 
 lay  a  complaint  before  the  King  of  Deiunark,  to  whom  he  wjis  to  relate 
 the  circumstances  of  their  ca.se.  Botliwi>ll  alleges  that  he  followed  their 
 advice,  and  embarked  from  the  North  of  Scotland,  but  having  business 
 in  the  Orkney  and  Shetland  Isles  he  went  thither,  remaining  only  two 
 days.  He  landed,  he  says,  in  the  Shetland  Isles,  where  he  met  some 
 vessels  from  Bremen  and  Hamburgh,  with  tlu*  nuisters  of  which  ho 
 negotiated  respecting  the  sum  they  would  accept  each  nidutli  they  were 
 in  his  service,  as  in  his  haste  he  had  been  unable  to  provide  himself  with 
 suitable  ships,  and  those  which  he  was  compelled  to  take  were  too  small. 
 Bothwell  farther  states  that  he  agi-eed  with  two  ma.sters  of  vessels  from 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  6G1 
 
 a  charge  dated  9th  July,  "  prohibiting  any  person  in  the 
 Isles  of  Orkney  to  respect  or  be  assisting  to  him."  And  on 
 the  21st  of  the  same  month  there  is  an  Act  "  prohibiting 
 the  Bishop  of  Moray's  ^  tennants,  either  belonging  to  the 
 Bishoprick  or  to  the  Abbacy  of  Scoon,  whereof  he  was 
 Commendator,  to  make  payment  of  his  rents,  because  he 
 had  received  and  entertained  that  Earl  within  his  house  of 
 Spynie,  and  divers  other  parts  of  Moray  ;  and  this  prohi- 
 bition to  continue  until  the  said  Bishop  be  tried  for  the  said 
 crime,  and  the  arrest  duly  loosed.''^ 
 
 The  Associators  now  finding  that  they  were  not  able  to 
 induce  the  better  part  of  the  Nobility  of  the  Realm  to  come 
 and  take  part  with  them  in  their  present  enterprizcs,  but 
 perceiving  nevertheless  that  it  might  contribute  much  to 
 their  advantage  to  have  the  Town  of  Edinburgh  join  with 
 them,  in  a  more  solemn  manner  than  hitherto  they  had  done 
 by  a  tacit  consent  only  and  connivance,  they  deputed  two 
 principal  Lords  of  their  faction  to  repair  to  the  Town 
 Council,  and  therein  propose  to  obtain  their  approbation  of, 
 and  subscription  to  the  Bond  drawn  up  by  the  Associators  on 
 the  16th  June,  the  issue  of  which  deputation  the  readers  will 
 best  see  by  the  following  Act  of  the  Council  of  Edinburgh  : — 
 
 "  2  Julij  1567. — The  quhilk  day  Sir  Symone  Prestoun  of 
 Craigmillar,  Knicht,  Provest,  Edward  Lytill,  Alexander 
 Uddarte  and  Alexander  Clerk,  Baillies  of  the  Burgh  of  Edin- 
 burgh ;  Mr  John  Prestoun,  Dean  of  Gild ;  John  Harwood, 
 Thcsaurer ;  Alexander  Park,  David  Forrester,  James  Nicholl, 
 Andro  Stivenson,  William  Fowller,  James  Oliphant,  Nicholl 
 Uddarte,  Thomas  lledpeth,  skinner,  Robert  Abercrombie, 
 saidler,  of  the  Councill  ;  James  Young,  deacon  of  the 
 hammermen,    Thomas   Jackson   of    the    masons,    Patrick 
 
 Bi'cmon  and  Ihunbur<^h,  the  name  of  the  runner  of  whom  was  Gerard 
 llemliii,  to  give  them  each  fifty  crowns  per  month,  and  that  if  eitlier 
 should  be  lost,  or  be  desirous  of  purchasing,  he  was  to  pay  a  certain  sum, 
 and  one  hundred  crowns  for  the  guns  on  board.  In  this  condition  he  was 
 when  his  enemies  arrived,  as  related  in  a  subse([uent  note. — Les  Affaires 
 du  Conte  de  Boduel,  printed  for  the  IJannatyne  Club,  p.  21,  22,  23. 
 Bothwell's  story  is  unworthy  of  the  slightest  credit. — E.] 
 
 ^  lie  was  Patrick  Ilei>burn,  a  relation  of  the  Earl's. — [It  is  stated  in  the 
 preceding  note  that  the  Bishop  of  Moray  wa.s  Bothwell's  grand-uncle. — E.] 
 
 '^  Sec  the  Act  at  full  length  in  Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  i.  p.  842. 
 
062  TlIK   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567- 
 
 Shang  of  the  wrights,  George  Heriotl  of  the  goldsmiths, 
 Alexander  Sauchie  of  the  taylors,  Alexander  Davidson  of 
 the  cordiners,-  Thomas  Aikenhead  of  the  skinners,  Thomas 
 Dickson  of  the  furriours,  James  Wood  of  the  baxters,^ 
 John  BIythman  of  the  fleshers,  Alexander  Bruce  of  the 
 barl>ours,^  Leonard  Thompson  of  the  wobsters,-'^  James 
 Johnstone  of  the  bonetmakers,  Thomas  Andrew  of  the 
 walkers:^  Being  convenit  in  the  Councill-house  of  the  samen, 
 Compearit  Nobil  and  Mightie  Lordis,  my  Lordis  Erles  of 
 
 Mortoun    and    Atholl having    with   thame    the  maist 
 
 honourabil  and  godlie  Band  laitlie  maid  and  subscrivit  be 
 ane  greit  partie  of  the  Nobilitie  of  this  Realme,  bering  in 
 effect  that  thai  the  saids  Lordis  altogither  binds  and  obleisses 
 thame,  ilk  ane  to  utheris,  upon  the  respect  of  thair  dutie 
 towart  thair  soveraine,  the  common  weill  of  this  thair  native 
 countrey,  and  honour  of  the  samen  :  That  thai  altogither, 
 with  thair  haill  force,  power,  and  friendis,  sail  persew  the 
 cruall  murtherours  of  the  King  our  said  sovcrain's  husband 
 to  the  uttermaist,  seik  the  dissolution  of  the  ungodhe 
 mariage  maid  betwix  hir  Hienes  and  the  Erie  of  Bothwell ; 
 our  said  soveraine  to  be  relevit  of  the  thraledome,  bondage, 
 ignominie,  and  schame,  quhilk  scho  hes  sustenit  and  under- 
 lies through  the  said  Erie's  occasion  ;  the  person  of  our 
 undoubtit  and  innocent  Prince  reposit  to  full  suirtie,  and 
 relevit  of  imminent  danger  quhilk  now  he  stands  in  ;  and 
 finallie,  justice  restorit  and  uprichtlie  ministrat  to  all  the 
 liegis  and  subjcctis  of  this  Ilealme.  The  (juhilk  maist  godlie 
 and  honourabil  Band,  in  presence  of  the  Provest,  Baillies, 
 Councill,  and  Deacons,  being  read  and  considerit,  thai  all  in 
 onu  voce  approves  the  samen  ;  and  grantis,  consentis,  and 
 promittis  thair  assistance  and  fortihcatioun  to  the  said 
 Lordis  in  furthsetting,  persewing,  and  advanceing  of  the 
 premisses  to  thair  utir  power  ;  and  for  assurance  heirof  hes 
 requestit  and  desyrit  the  Richt  Honorabil  Sir  Symono 
 Prestoun  of  that  Tlk,  Knicht,  thair  Provest,  for  thame,  and 
 in  thair  namis,  with  the  saids  Lordis,  to  subserive  the  said 
 JJand,  quhilk  sail  be  als  sufficient  as  gif  tliai  liad  subscryvit 
 
 '  I  FutluM-  of  the  cckMjrated  Georfi^o  Iloiiot,  founder  of  the  Hospital 
 known  by  his  name  at  I-Alinbur^^h. — K.l 
 
 ■^  (Shoemakers.     K.  I  •'  [  leakers.- K.]  *  Barbers.— K] 
 
 I  Weavers.— K.J  «  |  Hatters.- K.] 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  6G3 
 
 the  samen  with  thair  awin  proper  handis.  And  for  observ- 
 ing hcirof,  ordanis  this  present  ordonancc  to  be  insert  and 
 registrat  in  thair  Council-booke,  for  the  mair  suir  testifiea- 
 tioiin  of  thair  consent,  as  said  is."  Here  folio  wis  the  copy 
 of  the  Band  and  Obleissing  above  specifiet,^  &c. 
 
 The  Community  of  Edinburgh  being  thus  become  a  branch 
 of  the  Associators,  they  applied  themselves  in  good  earnest 
 to  defend  and  maintain  the  common  cause  ;  and  so  we  have 
 these  other  two  following  Acts  of  their  Council  upon  record. 
 
 0  JuliJ15G7. — "  The  quhilk  day,  Sir  Symoun  Prestoun  of 
 Craigmillar,  Knicht,  Pro  vest,  Alexander  Uddarte,  Alexander 
 Clerk,  and  Edward  Lytill,  Baillies  ;  ^Ir  John  Prestoun,  Dean 
 of  Gild,  Andro  Stivinson,  David  Forrester,  James  Oliphant, 
 William  Fowller,  Alexander  Park,  Thomas  Redpeth,  and 
 
 ^  The  Bond  is  almost  word  for  word  as  already  set  down  in  p.  648,  &c. 
 There  is  some  little  difference  in  the  beginning  of  it,  thus — "  King  Henrie 
 Stewart,  the  Quenis  Majestie's  our  Soverainis  lait  husband,  being  in  his 
 lodging,  sumtyme  calUt  the  Logiwj  of  the  Provost  of  Kirlxfieldy  boycle 
 the  samcrij  within  this  hurrjhj  wes  schamefullie  and  tressonablie 
 murtherit,"  &c.  But  in  an  attested  copy  of  the  Act  of  the  Town-Council, 
 inserted  in  the  Register  of  the  Privy-Council  of  the  same  date  2d  July, 
 there  is  some  greater  variation.  I  say  not,  however,  that  there  is  any 
 great  alteration  as  to  the  sense  and  meaning  of  the  Act ;  but  since  the 
 copy  thereof,  as  it  stands  in  the  Privy-Council  Register,  is  said  to  be 
 extracted  from  the  Register  of  the  Town-Council  by  the  Town-Clerk,  and 
 to  be  attested  by  his  manual  subscription,  I  am  suspicious  that  that 
 liberty  of  variation  assumed  by  the  Clerk  may  serve  to  invalidate  any 
 other  pretended  attested  copies  by  these  Associators.  I  have  for  this 
 reason  judged  it  not  amiss  to  put  into  the  Appendix,  Number  XX.,  the  Act 
 as  it  is  in  the  Privy-Council  Register  :  And  perhaps  this  following  variation 
 may  even  appear  somewhat  too  bold,  viz. — "Maist  honourabill  and  godlie 
 Bande  laitlie  maid  and  subscribit  he  thair  Lordachips  and  uthcris  of  the 
 Nohilitie  of  this  RcalmCy  bearand  in  effect,"  &c.  This  is  plainly  a  softening 
 of  the  expression  in  the  Act  of  the  Town-Council,  which  says  that  the 
 Band  was  "subscribit  be  ane  yrcit  partie  of  the  Nobililie  of  this  Realme, 
 bearand  in  effect,"  &c.  The  Town-Clerk  has  been  aware  that  the  Town- 
 Council  has  been  highly  imposed  upon,  and  made  believe  that  the  Band 
 was  subscribed  by  a  yrcat  ixirt  of  the  Nobility;  upon  which  accoimt  he 
 has  not  had  confidence  to  insert  the  same  words  in  his  attested  coi)y 
 which  was  to  be  put  into  the  Privy-Council  Register,  lest  the  same  might 
 have  been  challenged  as  a  fiilse  allegation  by  some  persons  that  might 
 afterwards  come  to  inspect  that  Register,  whereas  the  thhig  might  easily 
 ly  buried  in  the  Town-Council  books.  The  Town-Clerk  was  himself  a 
 mighty  man  for  the  Associators,  aiid  he  could  the  more  willingly  suffer 
 the  Council  of  Edinburgh  to  be  duped  by  that  party. 
 
0G4  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 Robert  A  bercroiiibic,  of  the  Couneill,  Ordanis  John  Harwood, 
 Thcsaurcr,  to  cause  stock,  band,  and  mount  the  Tcun's 
 artiliarie,  now  presentlic  lyand  in  the  end  of  the  kirk,  and  to 
 buy  and  cause  furnisch  all  thingis  necessar  thairto,  to  the 
 effect  the  samen  may  be  in  reddines  preparit  and  reparit,  in 
 cais  ony  forane  enemies  wald  come  and  persew  this  burgh, 
 or  niclibouris  thairof,  to  do  thame  harme  in  thair  bodies  or 
 gudis  :  And  quhat  expensis  he  makis  thairupon,  sail  be 
 allowit  to  him  in  his  accompts  bo  the  auditoris  thairof/' 
 
 *'  2:3  Julij  15C7. — The  quhilk  day  theProvest,I3aillies,  Coun- 
 eill and  Deacons  foirsaid,  understanding  the  greit  and  appa- 
 rent danger  quhilk  islyketo  ryse  within  this  Roalraebe  division 
 of  the  Nobilitie  thairof,  for  the  causis  laitlie  occurit :  And  als 
 considering  that  the  inhabitantis  of  this  burgh,  thair  house- 
 haldis,  families,  and  gudis  in  sic  tumultia  are  evir  subject  to 
 large  greiter  danger  nor  ony  burgh  of  this  Realme,  be  ressoun 
 that  with  certain  wickit  personis  awaiting  upon  the  spulzie 
 of  the  samen,  gif  occation  serve.     Thairfoir  thai  all  in  one 
 vote,  and  with  avyis  and  consent  of  Sir  James  Balfour  of 
 Pittendreich,  Knight,  Clerk  of  our  Soveranis  Register,  and 
 Captain   of  the  Castell   of   Edinburgh,    hcs   thought   and 
 thinkis  it  expedient,  that  for  defence  not  onlie  of  the  said 
 burgh,  bot  alswa  of  the  said  Castell,  that  ane  band  and  lege 
 be  maid  in  writ  betwix  the  said  Captain  on  the  ane  pairt, 
 and  the  Provcst,  Baillics, Couneill,  Deacons,  andCommunitie 
 of  the  said  Burgh  on  the  uther  pairt,  for  mutuall  defence 
 and    support  to  be  maid  be  aither  of  thame  to  utheris, 
 against   (juhatsumevir  that   wald  or  will  persew  the    said 
 Castell,  Burgh,  or  inhabitantis  thairof,  in  thair  personis  or 
 gudis,  the  authorite  onlie  except.     And  ordanis  Alexander 
 Guthrie,   thair  common    Clerk,    to  mak   the   samen   again 
 1^'riday  nixt  to  come,  and  thair  that  day  to  persew  it  afoir 
 the  Couneill,  that  it  may  be  read  and  considerit  be  the  said 
 Captain  and  thame,  and  thairin  finallie  endit,  concludit,  and 
 subscribit,  be  and  ujjon  baith  the  said   parties,   quha  arc 
 presentlic   apjjointit    to  compear  the  said  Friday   at   ten 
 houris    after    noon,    in    the    Councill-house,    to   the   effect 
 foresaid."*' 
 
 As   the   Associators  IkhI   ahraih  laid   tin  ii    hands  un  all 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  CG5 
 
 the  Queen's  plate,  money,  and  other  moveables,  to  support 
 them  in  carryin^!^  on  their  wicked  devices  against  her  own 
 person  and  authority  ;  so  now  on  the  7th  day  of  July  they 
 made  an  Act  of  their  Council,  discharging  all  the  lieges  to 
 answer  or  make  payment  of  any  of  the  Queen  s  property, 
 thirds  of  benefices,  or  of  any  thing  else  belonging  to  the 
 Crown,  to  her  ]Majcsty\s  Comptroller,  James  Cockburn  of 
 Scraling,  under  the  pain  of  repaying  the  same,  and  of  being 
 pursued  as  art  and  part  of  the  King  s  murder  and  the 
 Queen  s  ravishment;  which  Act,  howsoever,  indeed  bears  that 
 the  said  James  Cockburn  was  called  to  underly  the  law  for 
 being  himself  art  and  part  of  the  said  murder,  and  that 
 his  commission  of  ComptroUery  had  been  to  him  "  the  tt/me  of 
 Mr  Hlenes  bondage  and  schamefid  thraldome  in  the  Erie  of 
 BothicelPs  companyT 
 
 The  Court  of  France  having  by  this  time  received  intelli- 
 gence of  the  bad  situation  of  the  Queen  s  affairs  here  in 
 Scotland,  dispatched  hither  to  her  Majesty  a  gentleman 
 named  Villeroy,!  with  their  best  advice  as  may  be  supposed, 
 how^  she  ought  to  extricate  herself  from  the  present  calamity, 
 wherein  she  had  in  a  great  measure  involved  herself.  But 
 as  that  gentleman  got  no  access  to  the  Queen,  he  returned 
 again  immediately  into  his  own  country.- 
 
 The  Queen  of  England  also  after  she  had  heard  of  our 
 
 1  [The  contemporary  Diarist  says—"  Upon  the  twenty-tliird  day  of 
 June,  the  yeir  of  God  above  written,  there  came  ane  ambassador  fra  the 
 King  of  France  throw  En{,rland  to  Edinburf,di  to  our  Souerane  Ladie, 
 callit  Monsieur  Deweileroy."— Diurnal  of  Keniarkable  Occurrents  in 
 ScotUind,  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  115.— E.] 
 
 2  Cecil,  in  his  letter  to  Norris,  2Gth  June  15G7,  mentions  the  Frencli 
 Ambassador  and  Villeroy  to  be  in  ^^cotland,  by  the  first  of  whom  he 
 means,  I  should  think,  Monsieur  le  Croc— Cabala.  And  Crawfurd's  MS. 
 siiys — "  In  that  month"  (viz.  wlien  the  Queen  was  put  into  Lochlcven) 
 "  came  an  ambassador  from  France  caUed  Monsieur  de  Villeroy,  to  know 
 the  estate  of  Queen  and  country,  with  letters  patent  to  her  Majesty,  in 
 case  she  were  at  liberty  ;  otherwise  not  to  divul«,^'^te  them,  but  to  dispose 
 of  them  as  he  list.  And  because  he  found  such  a  troubled  estate  without 
 the  nuijcsty  of  a  Prince,  he  departed  the  country  patiently  through 
 lOngland."— [Ilistorie  and  Life  of  King  James  the  Sext,  (Trinted  for  tlie 
 Bannatyne  Club,  p.  14.]  Villeroy  left  Scotland  the  fourth  day  after  his 
 arrival.—"  Upon  the  samin  day  (27th  June)  the  French  ambassatour, 
 because  he  culd  get  na  licence  of  the  Lords  to  speik  with  the  Queue's 
 ^fajestie,  depairtit  towaitis  Ingland  to  France."— Diurnal  of  Remarkable 
 Occunents  in  Scotland,  printed  for  tjie  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  116.— E.] 
 
COG  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 troubles,  sent  into  Scotland  Sir  Nicliolas  Throckmorton^ 
 with  a  Message  and  Instructions  full  of  friendship  and  dis- 
 cretion, and  every  way  becoming  the  good  sense  and  high 
 station  of  that  neiglibouring  Princess  and  near  relation.  I 
 know  it  has  been  too  confidently  said  by  some  writers  that 
 Sir  Nicholas  was  ordered  hither  on  a  very  villanous  design 
 at  this  time,  namely,  to  endeavour  seemingly  at  a  reconcilia- 
 tion betwixt  our  Queen  and  the  faction  opposite  to  her 
 Majesty,  but  really  and  underhand  to  foster  a  division  ;  and 
 that  he  acted  his  part  herein  to  her  mistress's  contentation. 
 Men,  and  especially  historians,  should  methinks  be  very 
 well  assured  before  they  proceed  to  throw  reproach  and 
 infamy  upon  any  person,  much  more  on  the  persons  of 
 princes  and  their  publick  ministers.  We  have  already  seen 
 that  Sir  Nicholas  Trockmorton  did  on  a  former  occasion 
 behave  himself  in  a  very  friendly  manner  towards  our  Queen, 
 and  how  disgusted  he  was  when  he  found  that  he  had 
 indirectly  trepanned  some  of  her  disquiet  subjects  into  over 
 hasty  measures  ;  and  from  thence  wo  might  aver,  though 
 there  was  no  other  proof,  that  his  integrity  would  never 
 allow  him  to  act  so  dishonest  a  part  as  these  writers  roundly 
 affirm  without  any  proper  credential.  ]]ut  the  Queen  of 
 England's    Instructions    to  him,    and    his   letters    to   her 
 
 1  [Mr  Tytler  says — "On  hearing;  of  the  late  extraordinary  events  in 
 Scotland,  Elizabeth's  feelings  were  of  a  divided  kind.  Her  ideas  of  the 
 inviolability  of  the  royal  prero^^1tive  were  offended  by  the  iniprlsonnient 
 of  the  Queen.  However  preat  were  Mary's  faults,  or  even  her  j,'uilt,  it 
 did  not  accord  with  the  hiy;h  creed  of  the  English  Princess  that  any 
 subjects  should  dare  to  e.\i)ose  or  piniish  them,  and  we  have  seen  that  in 
 a  former  conversation  with  Randoli)h  she  alluded  to  (Kirkaldy  of) 
 Grange's  letters  to  Bedford  in  terms  of  much  bitterness.  But  notwith- 
 standing this,  she  was  fully  alive  to  the  necessity  of  supporting  a  Protestant 
 party  in  Scotland,  and  she  well  knew  that  nothing  could  so  efiectually 
 j)romote  her  views  as  to  induce  the  Confederate  Lords  to  refuse  the  offers 
 of  France,  and  deliver  to  lier  the  young  I'rince,  to  be  educated  in  Pro- 
 testant principles  at  the  Court  of  J^ngland.  Nor  was  she  ignorant  that 
 the  able  and  crafty  men  who  directed  these  proceedings  had  determined 
 to  refuse  every  petition  for  the  restoration  of  their  sovereign  to  liberty — 
 an  event  as  much  depncated  by  Elizabeth  as  by  themselves.  It  was 
 perfectly  safe  Tor  the  English  Queen,  therefore,  to  give  fair  promises  to 
 Mary,  and  to  remonstrate  with  the  Confederates  on  this  subject.  Such 
 being  her  views,  she  dispatched  Robert  Melville,  who  was  then  in  I'ngland, 
 with  a  letter  to  liis  mistress,  and  ordered  Sir  Nicholas  Throgmorton,  one 
 of  her  ablest  diplomatists,  to  hold  himself  in  readiness  to  proceed  on  a 
 niissir)!)  in  Scotlaml." — History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  14<\  141. — I'.j 
 
1567.J  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  GG7 
 
 Majesty,  being  for  the  most  part  preserved  entire,  these  will 
 serve  better  to  discover  to  the  world  the  mind  of  that  great 
 Princess,  and  her  minister  s  negotiation  at  this  time,  than 
 the  blunt  affirmation  of  any  historian  whatever.  As  I  could 
 not  afford  my  readers  so  good  an  account  of  our  affairs  in 
 the  present  interval  as  what  is  to  be  had  from  these  and 
 other  publick  papers,  therefore  I  choose  here  to  subjoin 
 them  without  the  least  curtailing  or  addition,  as  I  find  them 
 in  the  public  repositories. 
 
 "  Instructions  hy  the  Queen  of  England  given  to  Sir  Nicholas 
 Throchaorton,  sent  into  Scotland  to  the  Queen  {of  Scotland), 
 30^A  June  15G7.1 
 "You  shall  in  the  beginning  declare  to  her  how  much  we 
 have  been  of  long  time  troubled  and  grieved  in  our  mind  to 
 behold  such  evil  accidents  as  of  late  from  time  to  time  have 
 happened  to  her,  wherein  her  fame  and  honour  have  been  in 
 all  parts  of  Christendom  much  impaired  and  decayed  ;   and 
 specially  upon  the  death  of  her  husband,  being  so  apparently 
 and  horribly  murdered  so  near  to  herself,  yea,  and  within  so 
 few   hours  after  she  parted  with  him  in  the  night,  and 
 nothing  done  by  her  effectual  for  the  search  of  the  malefac- 
 tors, and  due  punishment  thereof.     Next,  her  favouring  and 
 maintaining  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  and  his  associates,  being 
 men  of  notorious  evil  name,  whom  the  world  charge  also 
 most  of  all  with  this  detestable  murder.     And  thirdly,  with 
 the  maintenance  of  the  same  Earl  being  so  charged  to 
 procure  such  a  strange  divorce  from  his  wdfe,  a  good  lady, 
 as  never  was  heard  that  a  man  guilty  should  for  his  offences 
 put  away  his  innocent  wife,  and  that  to  be  coloured  by  form 
 of  law  ;  but  that  which  followed,  say  they,  hath  added  to 
 the  same  an  immortal  reproof  to  her,  that   is,  suddenly, 
 hastily,  and  rashly  to  take  such  a  defamed  person  to  her 
 husband.     All  which  things,  truly  you  may  say,  have  pierced 
 our  very  heart  with  daily  thoughts  for  many  respects,  as  by 
 sundry    our   letters  to   her  we   have   friendly  and    plainly 
 declared.     In  all  which  we  have  felt  our  sorrows  mixed  also 
 with  offence   and   displeasure  to  her,  in  such  sort  as  wc 
 thought  never  more  to  have  dealt  with  her  l)y  way  <>f  advice, 
 
 1  Calig  C.  l.a  Copy.— [  Uritish  Museum.— E.] 
 
GG8  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 takinghcrby  her  acts  a  person  desperate  to  recover  herhonour, 
 and  80  do  we  know  otlicr  Princes,  her  friends  and  near  kins- 
 folk, to  be  of  the  like  judgment  :  Vet,  nevertheless,  now  at 
 the  last,  this  mischief  that  hath  followed  in  the  end,  after 
 all  these,  hatli  stirred  up  in  us  a  new  alteration  and  passion 
 of  our  mind,  and  hath  so  increased  and  doubled  our  former 
 sorrow  and  grief  of  mind.  ]]ehold  suddenly  the  raising  an 
 intestine  trouble,  in  manner  of  war,  betwixt  her  and  her 
 Nobility  and  subjects,  wherein  finding  her  to  have  light  into 
 such  hard  terms,  that  she  is  restrained  by  her  Nobility  and 
 subjects,  as  we  hear,  from  her  liberty ;  our  stomach  so  pro- 
 voked, we  have  changed  our  former  intention  of  silence  and 
 forbearing  to  deal  in  her  causes,  firsts  to  an  inward  com- 
 miseration of  her,  our  sister,  for  this  last  calamity  ;  and 
 next^  to  a  determination  to  aid  and  relieve  her  by  all  possible 
 means  for  the  recovering  of  her  to  her  liberty,  and  not  to 
 suffer  her,  being  by  God's  ordinance  the  Prince  and  Sove- 
 reign, to  be  in  subjection  to  them  tliat  by  nature  and  law 
 are  subjected  to  her.  For  which  very  purpose  you  shall 
 say,  We  have  sent  you  at  this  time  to  understand  truly  her 
 estate,  and  the  whole  manner  how  the  same  has  happened  ; 
 and  to  confer  with  her  what  may  be  thought  meet  for  us, 
 as  her  sister  and  next  neighbour,  to  do  for  her,  be  it  by 
 counsel,  force,  or  otherwise  ;  and  therefore  you  shall  require 
 her  to  impart  to  you  that  which  indeed  she  can  require  of 
 us  in  honour  to  be  done  for  her,  to  bring  her  to  liberty,  and 
 her  Realm  to  concord  and  inward  peace  ;  and  so  doing  you 
 shall  assure  her  we  will  do  as  much  for  her  (the  circum- 
 stances of  her  case  considered)  as  she  were  our  very  natural 
 sister  or  only  daughter.  And  at  the  hearing  of  her  decla- 
 ration you  shall  require  her  to  bear  with  you,  if  according 
 to  our  direction  you  do  declare  also  unto  her  wherewith  her 
 Nobility  and  subjects  charge  her  ;  and  so  you  shall  orderly 
 make  full  declaration  thereof,  adding  therewith  that  your 
 meaning  is  not  to  increase  her  calamities,  but  to  the  end, 
 upon  the  truth  known,  her  subjects  may  be  duly  reprehended 
 and  corrected  for  things  unduly  laid  to  her  charge  :  and  in 
 other  things  wherein  her  fault  and  oversight  cannot  be 
 avoided,  or  well  covered,  the  <lealing  therein  and  order 
 thereof  may  be  with  wisdom  and  poliey  so  used  and  tempered, 
 as    Iier    lionom-   mav  be  stay»Ml    from    utter   ruin,    and    her 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  GG9 
 
 State  recovered  with  some  better  accord  to  follow  betwixt 
 her  and  her  subjects.  And  after  she  shall  have  fully 
 declared  to  you  her  answer,  or  request,  or  her  other  defences, 
 if  she  shall  require  our  aid  by  force  to  recover  her  liberty, 
 and  be  revenged,  you  shall  say.  That  you  have  commission 
 directly  to  charge  and  reprove  her  subjects  with  this  their 
 restraining  of  her  their  sovereign  lady,  and  to  procure  her 
 liberty  ;  or  otherwise  to  assure  them  plainly.  That  she  shall 
 not  lack  our  aid  to  compel  them  thereto  ;  whereunto  if  they 
 shall  not  yield,  you  may  tell  her  you  will  speedily  advertise 
 us,  who,  you  doubt  not,  will  perform  our  promise. 
 
 "  In  the  dealing  herein  also  it  shall  behove  you  to  know 
 before  hand  the  disposition  in  the  Nobility,  whom  you  shall 
 assure  we  neither  can  nor  will  endure,  for  any  respect,  to 
 have  her,  being  a  Queen  and  their  sovereign,  to  be  by  them, 
 being  subjects,  imprisoned,  or  deprived  of  her  State,  or  put 
 in  any  peril  of  her  person. 
 
 "  And  you  shall  also  do  your  best  in  reasoning  with  the 
 Queen,  to  move  her  by  all  good  perswasions  to  use  wisdom 
 and  not  passion  in  this  her  adversity,  as  the  time  requireth, 
 whereunto,  you  shall  add,  that  all  the  world  seeth  her  own 
 defaults  and  oversights  to  have  brought  her ;  although,  on 
 the  other  side,  we  confess  that  her  subjects  ought  not  to'be 
 allowed  to  take  from  her  and  to  themselves  any  sword  or 
 jurisdiction  to  punish  or  reform  her  faults,  but  ought  to 
 seek  the  amendment  of  any  of  her  faults  by  counsel  and 
 humble  requests.  And  /inall?/^  not  finding  that  they  would 
 desire  to  remit  themselves  to  Almighty  God,  in  whose  hands 
 only  princes'  hearts  remain,  you  shall  add,  that  to  bring  the 
 calamity  to  some  speedy  and  quiet  end,  you  shall  move  her 
 to  remit  and  pardon  such  things  as  by  rigour  of  law  she,  as 
 their  sovereign,  may  extend  against  them  ;  and  to  yield 
 also  to  such  requests  which  shall  be  made  to  her,  and  shall 
 tend  for  advancement  of  justice,  and  specially  for  the 
 punishment  of  the  murder  of  her  husband,  upon  any  subject 
 whosoever  the  same  be,  being  found  guilty.  And  further 
 also,  to  yield  to  her  Nobility  and  people  such  other  reason- 
 able requests  as  may  seem  convenient  and  necessary  for  the 
 security  of  their  lives  and  lands,  living  hereafter  obediently. 
 In  which  last  matter  you  shall  say,  if  any  such  thing  shall 
 be  by  them  demanded  as  she  cannot  nor  ouglit  not  to  like 
 
070  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 of,  nor  can  bo  induced  to,  if  she  will  commit  the  judgment 
 thereof  to  us,  being  a  Queen  as  she  is,  we  will  frankly  deal 
 therein,  as  far  as  possibly  we  can  with  our  honour,  most  to 
 her  satisfaction  ;  and  in  things  unmeet  to  be  granted  by 
 her,  we  will  assist  her  in  the  plain  denial  thereof.  And  to 
 bring  this  manner  of  end  the  better  to  pass,  you  may  labour 
 to  perswade  her,  that  seeing  things  done  and  past,  as  well 
 of  her  part  as  on  theirs,  cannot  now  be  undone,  it  is  alto- 
 gether vain  to  contend  much  hereupon  ;  but  wisdom  must 
 be  used  in  those,  and  such  extremities  as  these  be,  to  abolish 
 the  memory  of  both,  and  yet  to  have  principal  regard  of  her 
 being  the  prince  and  head. 
 
 "  In  your  discourse  with  her  you  must  remember  to  her, 
 that  we  have  determined  and  resolved  to  rest  upon  these 
 three  heads.  Thofrst  is,  to  recover  her  to  her  liberty  with 
 good  accord  of  her  subjects,  either  by  perswasion,  or  treaty, 
 or  by  force.  Nei't,  to  procure  a  due  punishment  of  the 
 murder  of  her  husband  ;  whereunto  also  we  have  by  nature 
 good  title  to  be  a  party  pursuant,  considering  the  party 
 murdered  was  both  our  subject  born  and  nearest  kinsman 
 of  the  blood  royal  both  of  England  and  Scotland.  Tho 
 third,  which  also  nature  moveth  unto,  is  to  have  the  royal 
 Prince  preserved  from  all  such  danger  as  manifestly  he 
 seemeth  to  be  in,  if  the  murderers  of  his  father  be  justified. 
 And  concerning  the  first  of  these,  which  is  her  liberty,  your 
 coming  is  at  this  time  specially ;  and  therein  we  have 
 principally  charged  you  to  labour  and  travel  to  the  utter- 
 most. For  the  second,  which  is  tho  prosecution  of  tho 
 murderer,  you  may  plainly  say,  though  we  cannot  affirm 
 any  ordinary  power  in  her  subjects  by  force  to  compel  her 
 thereto,  yet  we  would  be  very  sorry  to  find  her  unwilling  to 
 consent  thereto  ;  for  then  we  must  needs  hold  her  so  con- 
 demned, as  we  would  not  think  her  free  from  such  other 
 comjjulsion  as  ono  T^rincc  and  neighbour  may  use  towards 
 another,  for  punishment  of  such  horrible  and  abominable 
 facts.  Neither  may  she  think  it  strange,  though  therein  wo 
 do  shew  our  self  a  i)arty  against  the  nuirdorers,  as  a  thing 
 more  properly  pertaining  to  us  for  many  respects,  than  to 
 any  other  prince  of  Christendom.  For  tho  last,  you  may 
 use  some  good  reasons  to  her  to  accord  that  the  young 
 Prince  her  son  may  be  brought  out   of  dauL^er  there,  and 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  G7i 
 
 kept  and  nourished  in  our  Realm,  whereof,  beside  the  good 
 surety  of  his  person,  many  other  good  things  may  ensue  to 
 him  of  no  small  moment,  hereafter  to  be  by  her  well  allowed  ; 
 and  for  the  more  surety  of  his  person,  whereof  percase  some 
 busy  heads  may  make  argument,  he  may  be  so  well  pro- 
 vided for  by  hostages  or  pledges,  as  no  doubt  can  be  made  : 
 Which  matter  wo  would  have  you,  according  to  your  wisdom, 
 warily  and  also  earnestly  prosecute,  wherein  we  mean  truly 
 and  well  to  the  child.  And  of  all  other  things  by  you  to  be 
 compassed,  we  shall  most  esteem  thereof. 
 
 "  You  shall  also  do  well  tolearn  of  her  what  theFrenchhave 
 therein  dealt  with  her  or  any  other;  and  because  in  such  times 
 and  matters  as  these  are  changes  of  proceedings  may  daily 
 alter  the  judgment  of  proceeding,  we  remit  to  your  discretion 
 to  order,  as  you  shall  see  cause,  this  charge,  which  we  commit 
 to  you  in  any  other  form  of  proceeding,  so  as  always  it  may 
 appear  that  we  do  not  allow  of  her  imprisonment,  and  yet 
 do  allow  of  the  justifying  of  any  her  subjects  for  the  murder. 
 And  secondly^  we  do  not  mislike  to  have  her  so  delivered, 
 as  the  security  of  them  be  provided  which  have  sincerely 
 herein  dealt  to  punish  the  murder.  And  the  last^  which 
 we  also  most  regard,  that  the  Prince  might  be  brought  in 
 to  our  Realm,  to  be  in  the  custody  of  his  person  with  his 
 grandmother,  and  that  with  all  security  that  can  be  devised. 
 Of  which  things,  if  you  have  regard  to  direct  your  negotiation, 
 we  shall  very  well  allow  you.'' 
 
 Together  with  these  Instructions,  which  the  reader  sees 
 were  to  be  imparted  only  to  our  Queen,  Sir  Nicholas  received 
 likewise  another  set  of  Instructions  of  the  same  date,  which 
 he  was  to  communicate  apart  to  the  Lords  Associators,  and 
 are  as  follow  here — 
 
 "  Gofy  of  Instructions  for  Sir  Nicholas  Throchnorton^  for 
 matters  to  he  imparted  to  the  Lords  of  Scotland^  oOth  June 
 15G7.1 
 "  You  shall  let  the  Lords  understand.  That  we  hearing  of 
 these  troubles  lately  happened,  could  not  forbear  but  to  send 
 you  thither,  and  to  understand  the  certainty  thereof,  and 
 
 *  Calij^.  C.  1.  a  Copy. — [British  Museum. — E.J 
 
G72  THE  HISTORY  of  the  affairs  [15G7- 
 
 speak  both  witli  tlio  Queen  and  witli  thcin.  And  thereupon 
 you  shall  re([uiro  thcni  to  allow  you  to  relate  to  her,  assuring 
 them  that  you  have  nothing  to  deal  in  with  her  but  for  the 
 weal  of  that  Realm,  and  principally  for  the  same  matters 
 they  have  published  to  be  the  cause  of  their  Assembly,  that 
 is,  for  to  furtlier  the  prosecution  of  the  murderers  of  their 
 King,  and  the  preservation  of  the  child  their  Prince.^  In 
 which  Iwo  you  shall  assure  them,  there  is  no  honourable  and 
 reasonable  demand  that  can  be  made  by  them,  but  we  will 
 allow  and  further  the  same  as  shall  appertain  unto  us.  The 
 third  matter  is,  which  you  are  charged  specially  to  solicite 
 upon  these  late  accidents.  That  some  final  good  accord 
 made  betwixt  the  Queen  their  sovereign  and  them,  and 
 that  we  might  have  the  trust  on  both  parts  to  be  a  mean 
 herein,  wherein  they  shall  have  no  just  cause  to  mislike  our 
 doings. 
 
 "  And  because  we  know  not  how  the  matters  do  stand 
 on  both  sides,  but  hearing  of  the  Queen's  imprisonment,  we 
 have  sent  you  thither  in  our  name  to  declare  unto  them 
 what  we  think  of  that  matter.  Requiring  them  not  to  find 
 it  strange,  that  we  being  a  Queen,  and  a  prince  sovereign, 
 as  their  Queen  is,  do  in  this  part  intermedle  and  notify  our 
 opinion  and  request,  which  is.  That  in  nowise  she,  being  a 
 Queen  and  sovereign,  be  detained  as  a  prisoner,  or  deprived 
 of  her  princely  estate.2  And  so  as  she  may  be  by  them  used 
 and  regarded  as  a  Queen  ought  to  be  by  her  subjects,  we 
 can  be  very  well  content  to  use  all  good  means  to  induce 
 her  to  all  other  things  that  they  may  tend  to  a  quiet  accord 
 with  theui,  and  that  in  such  good  sort  as  may  be  with  good 
 and  honourable  order,  for  their  security  hereafter  to  come, 
 and  for  quietness  to  the  Realm. 
 
 "  Tn  this  sort  you  may  deal  generally  with  them  as  you 
 shall  see  cause  ;  also  by  earnest  speeches  to  shew  them  how 
 incredible  we  took  it  at  the  first,  when  we  heard  of  her 
 imprisonment,  thinking  surely  that  persons  of  such  honour 
 as   they   bu   (being   tho   principal   of  the   Nobility  of  that 
 
 1  These  two  things  were  indeed  tlio  revealed  will  of  the  rel)els,  but 
 they  liad  another  »crtt  will  which  they  reserved  in  jxttOy  not  to  be 
 made  known  until  a  i)roj)er  season  shoxild  cast  up. 
 
 ^  [See  the  extract  from  Mr  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland  in  a  itrocedinfj 
 note,  \).  GGG  of  tho  jnesent  volume. — V.] 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  073 
 
 Realm)  could  never  be  induced  to  offer  such  violence  to  her 
 their  sovereign  as  to  commit  her  to  any  manner  of  prison. 
 For  though  we  will  not  deny  but  she  may  be  charged  with 
 some  deftiults  or  oversights,  yet  we  take  it  not  to  be  apper- 
 taining to  subjects  in  such  manner  to  reform  their  Prince, 
 but  otherwise  to  deal  by  advice  and  counsel ;  and  failing 
 thereof,  to  recommend  the  rest  to  Almighty  God.  And  this 
 you  may  say,  we  do  not  think  as  a  Prince  that  would 
 partially  regard  the  privilege  of  another  Prince,  because  we 
 ourselves  are  called  by  God's  order  to  that  Estate  ;  but 
 that  we  think  it  so  ordained  by  God,  and  received  for  a 
 truth  in  doctrine  in  all  good  Christian  government.  And 
 though  we  thus  think  of  the  order  of  their  proceedings,  yet 
 you  shall  assure  them  we  hereby  mean  not  to  allow  of  such 
 faults  as  we  hear  by  report  are  imputed  to  her,  but  therein 
 have  given  you  straitly  in  charge  to  lay  before,  and  to 
 reprove  her  in  our  name  for  the  same  ;  which  we  think  not 
 unlawful  or  inconvenient  for  us  to  do,  being  a  Queen  as  she 
 is,  and  her  next  cousin  and  neighbour.  And  in  the  end, 
 also,  we  mean  not  with  any  such  partiality  to  deal  for  her, 
 but  that  her  princely  state  being  preserved,  she  should 
 conform  herself  to  all  reasonable  devices  that  may  bring  a 
 good  accord  betwixt  her  and  her  Nobility  and  people,  and 
 that  may  restore  her  Bealm  to  quietness,  and  purge  it  of 
 the  slander  which  lately  it  hath  received  by  the  abominable 
 murder  of  the  King,  and  by  the  lack  of  due  pursuit  of 
 offenders.  And  in  this  doing  we  trust  they  shall  have 
 cause  to  think  us  a  good  neighbour,  and  whosoever  shall 
 move  them  to  take  any  other  way  shall  in  the  end  be 
 proved  to  seek  their  own  private  commodity,  with  the  ruin 
 both  of  the  Queen  and  the  Realm.  And  in  this  sort  you 
 shall  deal  with  them  in  generality  to  deliver  our  opinion  to 
 be,  according  as  at  your  departure  from  us  upon  such 
 intelligence  as  we  had,  we  could  of  our  honour  and  in  our 
 conscience  think  meet.  You  shall  also,  with  some  other, 
 such  as  you  shall  make  choice  of  for  the  purpose,  deal  as 
 folio  weth. 
 
 "  Where  they  have  disclosed  to  us  the  means  used  to 
 them  to  be  directed  at  this  time  by  France,  and  to  renew 
 their  old  alliance  with  them,  you  may  well  remember  to 
 them  by  former  experience  both  of  old  and  late  what  notable 
 
 VOL.  II.  43 
 
()74  THE   HISTORY  (>¥  Till:  AFFAIRS  [lo(37. 
 
 (liscoiiinioditics  liave  followed  thereupon,  whereof  both  their 
 histories  and  their  own  selves  are  <rood  witnesses.  And  as 
 things  stand  at  this  day  in  the  world,  it  may  be  easily  seen 
 what  perils  may  fall  to  them  by  putting  themselves  and  the 
 Realm  into  the  governance  of  France,  wherein  you  may 
 enlarge  more  boldly  to  them  which  bo  of  the  lleligion,  the 
 manifest  peril  for  the  overthrow  of  religion,  as  a  thing  at 
 this  day  much  practised  and  intended  in  all  parts  of  Christen- 
 dom, and  meet  to  be  well  foreseen.  And  as  for  aid  required 
 of  us,  you  may  let  them  know  how  strange  we  found  it  that 
 until  they  had  assembled  themselves  in  force,  and  until  their 
 Queen  and  they  had  both  their  forces  gathered  and  in  field, 
 we  never  heard  from  them  in  any  sort  to  us  credible,  or  as 
 was  convenient  for  us  to  trust  unto,  nor  indeed  hitherto  have 
 
 heard  any  person  authorized  from  them,  until who  could 
 
 shew  us  no  letter  nor  writing  from  thein  whei-eunto  we 
 might  give  trust  ;   nor  yet  at  his  coming  from  thence  spoken 
 
 with  the  Lords  himself,  but  had  by And,  therefore,  we 
 
 have  sent  you,  whom  we  know  best  acquainted  with  the 
 affairs  of  that  Realm,  by  whom  we  may  be  advertised  of 
 their  full  intentions  and  meaning  in  these  their  requests, 
 and  what  surety  we  may  have  reciprocally  at  their  hands 
 for  any  benefit  that  we  shall  bestow  upon  them  ;  and  there- 
 upon we  may  certainly  resolve  what  we  will  grant  or  leave, 
 which,  before  better  knowledge  had  from  them,  we  cannot 
 do.  And  as  soon  as  possible  wo  may  have  knowledge  from 
 you,  we  shall  give  them  herein  a  resolute  and  reasonable 
 answer.'" 
 
 Besides  these  two  separate  Instructions  to  be  delivered  to 
 our  Queen  and  the  associated  rebel  Lords,  we  find  also  upon 
 record  some  terms  of  accommodation  proposed  by  the  C^ueeii 
 of  England  to  both  parties  here  in  Scotland,  which  terms, 
 considering  how  matters  were  now  posted,  I  suppose  few 
 persons  will  reckon  to  have  been  extravagant,  but  rather 
 conducible  to  our  (Queen's  peace  and  security. 
 
 Proposals  delivered  to  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  at  his  going 
 
 into  Scotland  in  July  15()7.^ 
 
 ''  TiiK  Queen  to  bo  at  liberty,  with  these  prisoners  following. 
 
 '  Cili^'.  ('.  1,  Ji  Copy.— (  Rritish  Museum. — E.J 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  675 
 
 The  truth  of  BothwelFs  fact  to  be  duly  proved  before  her  ; 
 and  that  she  may,  for  her  satisfaction  herein,  be  induced  to 
 beheve  the  same  by  all  probable  means. 
 
 That  thereupon  a  divorce  be  effectually  made. 
 
 That  she  give  commission  to  certain  Noblemen  to  proceed 
 against  Bothwell  and  his  complices. 
 
 That  a  Parliament  be  assembled  with  speed. 
 
 That  a  general  peace  be  proclaimed  through  the  Realm. 
 
 That  the  Castles  of  Dunbar  and  Dunbarton  be  in  custody 
 of  such  of  the  Nobility,  as  be  not  partakers  with  Bothwell, 
 as  the  Queen  shall  name ;  they  giving  pledges  to  the  Lords 
 which  keep  the  Prince  that  neither  Bothwell  nor  any 
 foreigners  shall  be  therein  maintained. 
 
 That  for  the  government  of  the  Realm  and  the  Prince, 
 the  Queen,  with  the  advice  of  the  Parliament,  do  constitute 
 certain  Wardens  of  the  ^Marches,  and  of  Edinburgh,  Stirling, 
 Dunbar,  Dunbarton,  Inchkeith,  &c. 
 
 That  all  offices  of  Wardens,  Chastelans,  Provostings,  Judi- 
 catures, and  the  principal  officers  of  the  Realm,  and  all 
 ecclesiastical  promotions,  be  given  by  the  Queen,  by  the 
 advice  and  consent  of  the  more  part  of  the  Great  Council. 
 
 That  upon  the  death  of  any  of  the  Great  Council  the 
 Queen  name  others  with  the  consent  of  the  rest. 
 
 That  the  establishing  of  the  succession  of  the  Crown  be 
 renovated  and  confirmed  according  to  the  last  Act  of 
 Parliament. 
 
 That  the  cause  of  religion  be  established,  excepting  none 
 but  the  Queen's  person  and  some  competent  number  for  her 
 attendance,  not  exceeding 
 
 That  a  general  pardon  be  granted  by  Parliament. 
 
 That  all  BothwelFs  lands  be  annexed  to  the  Crown,  and 
 be  employed  upon  the  education  of  the  Prince. 
 
 That  the  Grand  Council  consist  upon  such  a  number,  as 
 always  there  may  be  attending  monthly  at  the  least  five  or 
 six.     And 
 
 That  orders  be  accorded  upon  for  their  sitting  in  Councils, 
 and  soliciting  of  causes  to  the  Queen. 
 
 That  no  strangers  born  bear  any  office  in  the  Queen's 
 household. 
 
 That  all  the  articles  above  said,  and  all  othei-  thereupon 
 depending,  be  established  by  Parliament ;  and   that    it  be 
 
G76  THK   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15(17. 
 
 made  for  the  first  time  punishable  by  loss  of  goods  and 
 imprisonment;  the  second  time  treason,  whoever  shall  con- 
 trary it ;  and  that  it  shall  be  lawful  to  all  manner  of  persons 
 to  pursue  him  that  shall  break  the  same  as  a  traitor. 
 
 That  the  (Jucen  of  England  may  be  moved  to  become  a 
 maintaincr  of  the  same  Parliament/' 
 
 W^hen  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  arrived  in  Scotland, ^ 
 
 ^  [The  contemporary  diarist  states  tliat  Tlirogmorton  arrived  at  Edin- 
 burgh on  thelfj'th  of  July. — Diurnal  of  Remarkable Occurrents  in  Scotland, 
 printed  for  tlie  Bannatyni:  Club,  p.  117.  ^Ir  Ty tier  assigns  the  date  of  his 
 arrival  to  have  been  the  twelfth  of  that  month,  reaching  Edinburgh  from 
 the  stronghold  of  Fastcastlo,  overlooking  the  German  Ocean  in  Berwick- 
 shire, accompanied  by  Lord  Home  and  an  escort  of  four  hundred  men. 
 This  was  on  the  day  before  a  general  fast  was  held  by  the  Kcformed 
 preachers.  The  authority  for  the  day  of  Throgmorton's  arrival  is  a  letter 
 he  wrote  to  Elizabeth,  dated  Edinburgh,  14th  .luly  1567,  in  the  Appendix 
 to  Principal  Robertson's  History,  No.  XXI.  He  evidently  set  oxit  on  his 
 mission  to  Scotland  on  the  1st  of  July.  On  the  2d  of  that  month  he  wrote 
 a  letter  to  Cecil,  dated  AVare  in  Hertfordshire,  21  miles  north  of  London. 
 He  told  Cecil  that  he  had  "  passed  by  the  French  ambassadour  this  daye, 
 whom  he  found  at  cardes  with  Monsieur  de  Yilleroye." — "  He  moved 
 unto  me,"  says  Throgmorton,  "  that  it  might  please  the  Queen's  Majestic 
 that  her  mynister  might  concur  with  such  one  as  the  Frenche  Kinge 
 should  send  into  Scotlande  to  procure  the  Queue's  libertie,  for  that  is  the 
 only  markc  I  perceyve  they  shoot  at. — I  fynde  they  take  it  ill  that 
 Monsieur  de  Villeroy  was  denyed  audyence. — I  shewed  them  that  the 
 Quene's  Majestic  did  send  me  into  Scotland  to  comfort  the  Queue  in  this 
 her  calamity,  and  to  procure  her  lyberty,  which  her  Majesty  did  take 
 for  too  great  an  indignyty  to  be  shewed  to  a  Queue  l)y  her  su])jectes. 
 I  said  that  I  looked  for  no  better  acceptation  than  Monsieur  de  Yilleroye 
 had  amongst  the  Lords,  and  to  bo  denyed  to  have  access  to  the  Queue." 
 'I'brogmorton  says  that  "  they  seemed  to  make  no  doubt  of  liberty  to  be 
 given  to  him  to  speak  with  her,"  and  he  declared  to  them,  that  if  they 
 denied  him  access,  lie  would  immediately  coalesce  with  the  Hamiltons, 
 or  "  that  partie  which  minded  to  set  their  Soveraigne  at  libertie."  On 
 the  11th  of  July  we  find  Throgmorton  at  Fastcastlo,  where  he  was  met 
 l)y  Lord  Home,  Sir  .James  Melville,  and  Secretary  Maitland  ;  and  on  the 
 12th  ho  wrote  to  Cecil,  mentioning  this  circumstance,  and  that  Le  Croc, 
 Maitland  told  him,  had  gone  to  L^ ranee  "  to  procure  Ramboillet's  coming 
 hither,  or  a  man  of  lyke  quality,  to  delyver  them  of  their  Queue  for  ever, 
 who  shall  leade  her  life  in  Fraunce,  in  an  abbey  reclused."  Throgmorton 
 farther  states  that  it  was  their  intention  to  place  the  young  Prince  under 
 French  protection,  to  govern  the  kingdom  by  a  Council  of  their  own 
 election,  and  all  the  fortre-ses  to  be  committed  to  the  custody  of  i)ersons 
 chosen  from  among  themselves. — "  As  yet,"  continues  Throgmorton,  "  I 
 fvnde  no  great  lykelihode  that  I  shall  liave  accesse  to  the  Queue.  It  is 
 objected  they  may  not  so  displea.se  the  IVench  Kinge  unless  they  were 
 Rure  to  fynde  the  Queue  of  Euglande  a  good  frond  :  ;ind  wIumi  tliey  Imvo 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  677 
 
 he  found  to  his  great  surprize,  that  though  he  came  with  a 
 pubHc  character  from  so  worthy  a  friend  as  the  Queen  of 
 England,  yet  the  associated  Lords  would  not  allow  him  any 
 access  to  the  imprisoned  Queen  ;  so  that  he  found  himself 
 under  a  necessity  to  deliver  only  the  Instructions  which  the 
 Queen  his  mistress  had  given  him  to  be  communicated  to 
 these  Lords.  And  by  the  shifting  and  uncandid  answer 
 which  these  Lords  returned  to  that  minister,  the  readers 
 will  easily  discern  that  these  designing  men  had  small  or 
 rather  no  intentions  at  all  to  settle  the  peace  of  the  kingdom, 
 even  on  such  terms  as  they  themselves  had  fraudulently 
 pretended. 
 
 The  Amicer  of  the  Lords  of  Scotland  to  Sir  Nicholas  Throck- 
 morton^ Ambassador  there^  11th  July  1567-^ 
 "  We  cannot  conveniently  at  this  time  give  you  a  resolute 
 answer  to  the  first  part  of  your  message,  declared  unto  us 
 on  the  Queen's  Majesty  your  sovereign's  behalf,  being  here 
 but  a  small  part  of  that  number  for  the  present  assembled 
 to  whom  you  are  directed,  the  others  being  before  your 
 coming  dispersed  in  several  corners  of  the  Realm  upon  good 
 occasions,  tending  to  the  maintenance  of  the  just  quarrel  we 
 
 once,  by  my  accesse  to  the  Queue,  offended  the  Frenche,  then  they  say 
 you  will  make  your  profitt  therof  to  their  undoing."  Throgmorton  adds, 
 that  when  he  mentioned  the  Queen's  liberty,  they  answered,  that  if 
 Elizabeth  Avas  anxious  concerning  it  she  was  projecting  their  ruin,  and 
 as  it  respected  the  other  matters,  it  was  folly  to  talk  of  them—"  but,"  they 
 observed  to  him,  "  if  you  will  do  us  no  good,  do  us  no  harme,  and  we  will 
 provyde  for  ourselves."  Maitland  had  previously  told  him — "  It  were 
 better  for  us  you  would  let  us  alone,  than  neither  to  do  us  nor  yourselves 
 good,  as  I  fear  me  in  the  end  it  will  prove."  Throgmorton  left  Fast- 
 ca.stle  that  very  day  for  Edinburgh,  accompanied  by  Home,  Maitland, 
 and  iSfelvillc.  On  the  1.5th  he  wrote  to  Cecil  from  Edinburgh,  noticing 
 his  letter  of  the  14th,  and  intimating,  that  the  Confederates  knew  not 
 how  to  get  quit  of  the  Queen  without  the  assistance  of  the  French,  whom 
 they  considered  more  inclined  to  serve  them  than  ]*]iigland — "  And  finding 
 they  will  this  course,  notwithstanding  any  threatenings  of  any  Frince,  I 
 must  take  hede  wc  lose  them  not  wholly,  and  dryve  them  to  be  more 
 French  than  they  wold  l)e,  through  the  Queue's  Majestie's  sharp  impugn- 
 ing their  designs."  —  Wright's  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Times,  a 
 Series  of  Original  Letters,  p.  250-25G. — E.] 
 
 ^  Calig.  c.  l,a  Cojjy. — [The  effjontery  of  Morton,  Maitland  of  Lething- 
 ton,  and  other  fellow  conspirators  of  Both  well  in  the  plot  against  Daruley, 
 in  sanctioning  this  defence  of  the  Confederates,  as  if  they  were  entirely 
 innocent,  is  most  audacious  and  dishonest. — E.] 
 
678  Tin:  histury  of  the  affairs  [1507. 
 
 have  in  hand,  ami  for  suppressing  dangerous  enterprizes 
 that  might  be  attempted  for  the  overthrow  thereof;  in 
 absence  of  whom  (their  consents  not  obtained)  we  may  not 
 resolve  any  matter  of  consequence,  lest  the  same  miglit  breed 
 in  them  occasion  of  misliking,  and  consequently  breach  of 
 the  association  whereby  we  are  joined  together,  wherein 
 we  pray  you  to  bear  with  us.  Nevertheless,  acknowledging 
 how  far  we  are  bounden  to  the  Queen  your  sovereign,  in 
 that  it  hath  pleased  her  Highness  thus  lovingly  to  deal 
 with  us,  and  to  allow  of  the  grounds  whereupon  our  enter- 
 prize  is  founded,  adding  also  hereunto  a  special  care  of  our 
 safeguard,  we  mean  to  drive  no  more  time  with  you  towards 
 the  answering  of  your  demands  than  the  case  itself  doth  of 
 necessity  require.  For  which  purpose  we  have  written  out 
 of  hand  for  the  remanent  Noblemen  now  absent  to  be  here 
 with  all  speed,  at  whose  coming  we  doubt  not  you  shall 
 well  perceive,  by  our  and  their  proceedings  with  you,  what 
 respect  we  bear  to  the  Queen  your  mistress,  as  in  a  Princess 
 in  whom  we  have  reposed  our  special  trust,  as  well  in  con- 
 sideration of  the  justice  of  our  cause,  as  that  the  murder 
 which  we  go  about  to  revenge  was  perpetrated  in  the  person 
 of  him  who  had  that  honour  to  be  near  of  her  Majesty's 
 blood ;  and  that  the  Prince,  for  whose  preservation  we 
 have  put  ourselves  in  hazard,  is  her  Highness'  next  cousin. 
 Although  we  can  presently  say  no  further  for  satisfying  of 
 your  demands  till  the  coming  of  the  remanent  Noblemen, 
 yet  perceiving,  by  that  you  have  propounded  to  us,  that  the 
 Queen's  Majesty  your  mistress  finds  strange  our  behaviour 
 towards  the  Queen's  Majesty  our  sovereign,  and  her  High- 
 ness' imprisonment,  whereupon  you  have  made  us  a  great 
 and  large  remonstrance,  putting  us  in  mind  of  the  duties  of 
 subjects  towards  their  natural  princes,  we  will,  for  your 
 better  satisfaction  herein,  declare  some  part  of  our  intents 
 and  proceedings,  which  we  will  desire  you  to  impart  to  the 
 Queen  your  mistress,  not  doubting  but  when  her  Highness 
 shall  have  understood  the  same  she  shall  not  so  far  disallow 
 of  our  doings  in  that  behalf. 
 
 "  And  first,  we  pray  her  Highness  to  conceive  of  us  that 
 we  take  no  pleasure  to  deal  with  our  sovereign  after  this 
 sort,  as  wo  are  presently  enforced  to  do.  being  the  person 
 in    tlic   woiM    wlioni,    accordiiii:    t<>    oui'    bound*-!!   dufx.    we 
 
15G7-]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  G79 
 
 have  in  our  hearts  most  revered  and  honoured,  whose 
 grandeur  we  have  most  earnestly  wished,  and  with  the 
 hazard  of  our  lives  would  have  endeavoured  ourselves  to 
 have  procured  it.  We  never  went  about  in  any  ways  to 
 restrain  her  liberty,  nor  never  entered  in  deliberation  at  the 
 beginning  of  this  cause  of  any  thing  might  touch  her  person. 
 The  grounds  of  our  intents  arc  too  well  known  to  the  world, 
 and  better  a  great  deal  than  we  wish  they  were,  for  as 
 much  as  they  impart  the  ignominy  of  this  whole  nation,  and 
 touch  in  honour  as  well  the  Queen  herself  as  us  all.  How 
 horribly  the  King  her  husband  was  murdered  is  the 
 common  fable  of  the  vulgar  throughout  Christendom. 
 AVhat  form  of  justice  hath  been  kept  for  punishment  thereof, 
 or  rather  how  scornfully  a  disguised  mask  was  set  up  in 
 place  of  justice,  if  our  testimony  be  suspect,  we  trust  the 
 Queen  your  mistress's  own  conscience  is  sufficiently  informed 
 by  other  means.  How  shamefully  the  Queen  our  sovereign 
 was  led  captive,  and  by  fear,  force,  and,  as  by  many  con- 
 jectures may  be  well  suspected,  other  extraordinary  and 
 more  unlawful  means,  compelled  to  become  bed-fellow  to 
 another  wife's  husband,  and  to  him  who  not  three  months 
 before  had  in  his  bed  most  cruelly  murdered  her  husband, 
 as  is  manifest  to  the  world,  to  the  great  dishonour  of  her 
 Majesty,  us  all,  and  this  whole  nation.  In  what  case  the 
 innocent  babe,  our  native  Prince,  then  stood,  is  easily  to  be 
 considered,  when  the  murderer,  by  such  ungodly  means, 
 had  attained  the  place  of  him  whom  before  to  the  same  end 
 he  had  murdered.  What  end,  think  ye,  could  we  have 
 lookt  for  of  the  Earl  of  Bothwcirs  proceedings  with  process 
 of  time  I  Or  in  what  bounds  could  his  immoderate  ambition 
 have  been  concluded,  who,  not  content  with  his  own  estate, 
 had  in  three  months  found  such  hap  in  an  unhapy  enter- 
 prize,  that  by  the  murder  of  the  babe's  father  he  had 
 purchased  a  pretended  marriage  of  the  mother,  seized  her 
 person  in  his  hands,  environed  with  a  continual  guard  of 
 200  harquebuziers  as  well  day  as  night  whcreever  she 
 went,  besides  a  number  of  his  servants,  and  other  naughty 
 persons,  nun-derers,  and  pirates,  who  to  impetrate  impunity 
 of  their  wicked  lives,  and  liberty  to  do  ill,  made  their 
 dependence  on  him,  and  by  these  means  brought  the 
 Nobility  to  that  miserable  point,  that  if  any  man  had  to  do 
 
680  Tin-:   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567 
 
 with  the  Prince  it  behoved  him  before  he  could  come  to 
 her  presence,  to  go  through  the  ranks  of  harquebuziers 
 under  the  mercy  of  a  notorious  tyrant,  as  it  were  to  pass 
 the  pikes :  a  new  example,  and  wherewith  this  nation  had 
 never  been  acquainted,  and  yet  few  or  none  admitted  to 
 her  speech,  for  that  his  suspicious  heart,  brought  in  fear  by 
 the  testimony  of  an  evil  conscience,  might  not  suffer  her 
 subjects  to  have  access  to  her  Majesty  as  they  were  wont  to 
 do.  Besides  all  this,  the  principal  strengths,  fortresses, 
 with  the  whole  artillery  and  munition,  the  whole  govern- 
 ment and  direction  of  all  the  affairs  of  the  Realm.  What 
 rested  to  finish  the  work  begun,  and  to  accomplish  the 
 whole  desire  of  his  ambitious  heart,  but  to  send  the  son 
 after  the  father ;  and,  as  might  be  suspected,  seeing  him 
 keep  another  wife  in  store,  to  make  the  (^ueen  also  to 
 drink  of  the  same  cup,  to  the  end  he  might  invest  himself 
 with  the  Crown  of  the  Realm  ? — which  behoved  to  be  the 
 mark  he  shot  at,  for  that  which  by  wicked  means  is 
 purchased  must  be  by  the  like  maintained.  When  this 
 was  the  condition  and  estate  of  the  Realm,  what  was  the 
 office  of  the  Nobility,  or  what  became  it  them  to  do  whom 
 God  had  called  to  honourable  place  in  this  commonweal  I 
 Should  they  have  winked  at  it  ?  Alas  !  that  was  too  long 
 done,  and  that  we  may  sore  repent.  Should  they  have 
 contented  themselves  to  deal  by  way  of  advice  or  counsel, 
 when  no  counsellors  of  the  Realm  had  the  liberty  of  free 
 speech,  nor  surety  of  their  own  life,  if  they  should  in  counsel 
 resist  the  inordinate  affections  of  that  bloody  tyrant ;  yea, 
 when  a  few  number,  or  in  a  manner  none,  durst  resort  to 
 Court.  ^Vhen  ye  have  spoken  that  failing  thereof  we 
 should  have  recommended  the  rest  to  Almighty  God,  the 
 advice  may  be  good  for  the  soul  but  not  safe  for  the  body,  and 
 hard  to  be  followed  ;  for  therewithal!  it  behoved  us  assuredly 
 to  have  recommended  the  soul  of  our  Prince,  and  of  the 
 most  part  of  ourselves,  to  God's  hands,  and,  as  we  may 
 tirinly  believe,  the  soul  also  of  our  sovereign  the  Queen,  who 
 should  not  have  lived  with  him  half  a  year  to  an  end,  as 
 may  be  conjectured  by  the  short  time  they  lived  together, 
 and  the  nuiintaining  of  his  other  wife  at  home  at  his  house. 
 
 ''  The  respects  aforesaid,   with   many   others,  and  very 
 necessity,  moved   us   to   enterprize  the  quarrel  we  have  in 
 
15G7.1  ^^  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  C81 
 
 hand,  which  was  only  intended  against  the  Earl  of  Bothweirs 
 person,  to  dissolve  the  dishonourable  and  unlawful  conjunc- 
 tion under  the  name  of  marriage,  which  neither  by  God's 
 law  nor  man's  law  could  be  vailable  or  allowed  by  either 
 rehgion.  Papist  or  Protestant,  but  was  detestable  in  the 
 eyes  of  the  whole  world.  To  remove  the  shameful  slander 
 which  among  all  nations  was  spread  of  this  poor  Realm,  by 
 revenging  that  cruel  murder  and  to  preserve  the  most  noble 
 person  of  that  innocent  babe,  these  effects  could  not  be 
 otherwise  brought  to  pass,  than  by  punishment  of  the  Earl 
 of  Bothwell  in  his  person,  which  could  not  be  apprehended 
 unless  we  had  put  our  selves  in  arms  to  that  effect. 
 
 "  It  appeared  well  when  at  first  we  came  about  Borthwick 
 we  meant  nothing  to  the  Queen's  person,  in  so  far  that 
 hearing  he  was  escaped  out  of  the  house,  we  insisted  no 
 farther  to  pursue  the  same,  it  being  most  easy  to  have  been 
 taken,  but  came  back  to  Edinburgh,!  here  to  consult  how 
 we  should  further  proceed  for  his  apprehension ;  during 
 which  time,  for  avoiding  of  the  danger  hung  over  his  head, 
 covering  himself  with  the  shadow  of  the  Queen's  authority, 
 carrying  also  with  him  her  most  noble  person,  he  put  a  great 
 number  of  her  subjects  in  arms,  of  mind  to  invade  us  in 
 Edinburgh,  and  to  disturb  our  consultation,  which  he  knew 
 to  be  so  dangerous  to  him.  What  did  ensue  thereon  we 
 think  ye  sufficiently  understand,  and  how,  caring  little  or 
 nothing  for  her,  he  saved  himself,  and  she  came  in  our 
 company  to  Edinburgh.  As  our  enterprize  was  directly 
 intended  against  him,  so  we  began  to  deal  with  her  Majesty, 
 and  to  perswade  her,  that  for  her  own  honour,  the  safety  of 
 her  son,  the  discharging  of  her  conscience,  and  the  publick 
 tranquillity  of  the  whole  State,  she  would  be  content  to 
 separate  herself  from  that  wicked  man,  to  whom  she  was 
 never  lawfully  joined,  and  with  whom  she  could  not  remain 
 without  manifest  loss  of  honour  and  hazard  of  her  whole 
 estate,  with  all  the  good  remonstrances  that  to  good  sub- 
 jects did  appertain  to  speak  to  their  Prince  in  such  a  case  : 
 But  all  in  vain  ;  for  plat  contrary  to  our  expectations  we 
 found  her  passion  so  prevail  in  maintenance  of  him  and  his 
 cause,  that  she  would   not  with  patience  hear  speak  any 
 
 ^  We  see  there  are  more  ways  than  one  of  telling  a  f^tory. 
 
G82  THE  JIISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [ioOT- 
 
 thing  to  his  reproof,  or  suffer  his  doings  to  bo  called  in 
 question  ;  but  by  the  contrary,  offered  to  give  over  the 
 Realm  and  all,  so  she  might  be  suffered  to  enjoy  him,  with 
 many  threatnings  to  be  revenged  on  every  man  (who)  had 
 dealt  in  the  matter. ^ 
 
 "  The  sharpness  of  her  words  were  good  witnesses  of  her 
 vehemency  of  her  passion,  whereupon  we  had  just  occasion 
 to  conceive  that  she  would  not  fail  (enduring  that  passion) 
 so  long  as  any  man  in  Scotland  would  take  arms  at  her 
 commandment,  to  put  them  to  the  fields  for  maintenance  of 
 the  murderer,  and  so  should  it  behove  us  every  day.  AVhat 
 inconveniences  might  have  followed  thereupon  to  herself,  to 
 her  son,  to  us,  and  the  whole  Realm,  we  leave  to  your  judg- 
 ment. And  yet  we  thought,  as  we  still  do  think,  knowing 
 the  great  wisdom  wherewith  God  hath  endued  her,  that 
 within  a  short  time  her  mind  being  a  little  settled,  and  the 
 eyes  of  her  understanding  opened,  she  would  better  consider 
 of  herself  and  the  state  of  every  thing ;  and  so  far  eschewing 
 the  present  inconveniences,  being  such. as  of  necessity  would 
 liave  brought  on  the  decay  of  her  own  honour  and  overthrow 
 of  the  whole  State,  it  behoved  us  of  two  evils  to  choose  the 
 least,  which  was  to  setjuestrate  her  person  for  a  season  from 
 his  company,  and  from  having  intelligence  with  him,  or  such 
 others  as  were  of  his  faction,  to  the  end  we  might  have  a 
 breathing  time  and  leisure  to  go  forward  in  the  prosecution 
 of  the  nmrder,-  not  doubting  but  so  soon  as  by  a  just  trial 
 we  might  make  the  truth  appear,  and  that  he  had  received 
 the  recompense  due  to  that  most  [ibominable  fact,  she  would 
 conform  herself  to  allow  of  our  doings,  tending  more  to  her 
 own  honour  than  any  particular  interest  that  any  of  us  hath 
 in  the  matter.     Of  this  opinion  we  are,  that  when  all  our 
 
 '  No  moiition  hero  at  all  of  a  letter  wrote  bv  lier  Majesty  to  the  Karl 
 of  IJotlnvell,  and  intercepted  by  her  detainers,  which  may  aflbrd  a  strong 
 suspicion  that  there  never  wiis  any  such  letter.  If  these  yoo</  men  were 
 not  the  parties  concerned  to  make  the  representation  as  here  laid  out,  we 
 mif^ht  reasonably  j,'ivc  better  credit  to  them  than  to  all  those  historians 
 who  have  j^iven  it  in  a  different  light  ;  but  as  this  nniy  be  sus])ected  to  be 
 a  friaidhj  tmfiiiwti}/,  so  of  conseipience  it  cannot  claim  to  be  credited 
 much.  Consider,  likewise,  the  after  behaviour  of  tht»se  men  ;  otherwis*', 
 indeed,  their  story  is  pretty  plausible. 
 
 ^  It  is  strange  to  see  what  deceit  men  ari»  capable  of  I  'Ihese  people 
 would  now  only  pretend  that  they  had  sequestrcd  the  Queen  until,  Ac. 
 >Mit  we  shall  soon  see  anothei-  scene  laid  open. 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  083 
 
 proceedings  from  the  beginning  of  this  action  to  the  end 
 shall  be  examined  and  rightly  weighed,  it  shall  appear  mani- 
 festly that  no  Christian  Prince  shall  have  occasion  to  mislike 
 us,  but  rather  by  the  contrary  think  that  her  honour  hath 
 been  of  us  so  respected,  that  we  have  not  cared  for  the 
 regard  thereof  what  became  of  ourselves,  or  what  judgment 
 might  be  taken  in  the  world  of  our  doings.  And  of  one 
 point  you  may  well  assure  the  Queen  s  Majesty  your  mistress, 
 that  in  the  prosecution  of  this  matter  we  have  always  kept 
 such  moderation,  that  we  have  not  gone  nor  shall  any  ways 
 proceed  further  than  justice  and  the  necessity ^  of  the  cause 
 shall  lead  us.  Thus  far  only  for  discharge,  leaving  the 
 answer  of  your  demands  to  the  coming  of  the  rest  .''2 
 
 By  the  above  answer  I  make  no  doubt  but  the  readers 
 will  be  ready  enough  to  prognosticate  what  shall  be  the 
 
 1  Necessity  may  be  extended  far  enough,  but  the  Queen  of  England 
 did  not  no^v,  nor  for  some  time  hereafter,  see  the  necessity  they  lay  under 
 to  act  the  shameful  part  which  they  did.  This  seems  to  be  a  very  covered 
 expression. 
 
 2  [It  is  remarkable  that  in  this  elaborate  defence,  which  abounds  with 
 falsehood,  the  Confederates  never  allude  to  the  casket  already  mentioned  by 
 our  Historian,  containing  JNIary's  alleged  love-letters  to  Bothwell,  and  other 
 documents.     Lord  Ilerries  thus  narrates  the  story  of  the  casket—"  Both- 
 well,  the  Queen's  husband,  at  this  time  was  in  Dunbar"— his  Lordship 
 means  immediately  after  he  took  farewell  of  the  Queen  on  Carberry  Hill 
 — "  from  whence  he  sent  a  messenger  to  Sir  James  Balfour,  Captain  of  the 
 Castle  of  Edinburgh— a  man  who  was  put  in  by  the  Queen  and  Bothwell 
 after  the  marriage,  whome  you  heard  had  revolted  to  the  Confederat 
 Lords  before   the  Queen  was  taken— for  a  silver  box,  which  was  the 
 Queen's,  and  that  he  had  left  for  him  to  keep.     The  box  he  delyvered  to 
 the  messinger,  but  underhand  acquented  the  Confederats  of  the  busines. 
 The  box  was  intercepted.     Within  were  papers  which,  the  Confederates 
 averred,  contained  clear  instructions  that  the  Queen  was  the  author  of 
 her  husband's  murther  by  letters  to  Bothwell.       But  the  Queen  and  her 
 partie  maintained  the  contrarie,  and  said  that  these  were  but  counter- 
 fitted  by  the  Confederat  Lords,  for  in  the  box  were  all  those  letters  and 
 papers  drawn  betwixt  Bothwell,  Moray,  and  Mortoun,  that  discovered 
 them  to  be  the  plotters  ;   which  letters  Bothwell  reserved  for  his  own 
 securitie,  to  keep  them  to  be  his  friends.      Bothwell  seeing  matters  go 
 thus,  for,  by  (contrary  to)  his  expectation  the  Queen  was  carried  to 
 Lochleaven,  and  his  box  taken,  wherein  the  letters  that  past  betwixt 
 Moray  and  him  were  intercepted,  which  he  still  reserved  for  his  secret 
 and  surest  protection,  as  was  said,  he  lost  couradge,  and   put  himself  to 
 sea  with  some  few  of  those  that  durst  not  stay  in  Scotland,  where  they 
 say  he  turned  pirratt."— Historic  of  the  Reigne  of  Marie  Queen  of  Scots, 
 ])rinted  for  tlie  Ahhotsford  Club,  p.  95,  9().— E.] 
 
G84  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507- 
 
 Upshot  of  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  s  negotiations  with 
 the  rebels  in  favours  of  our  Queen.  Jiut  whatever  appre- 
 hensions wo  may  form  thereof  in  our  minds,  we  cannot  pre- 
 tend at  this  distance  of  time  to  have  so  just  a  notion  and 
 thorow  knowledge  of  the  different  intentions  and  speculations 
 of  the  men  then  upon  the  stage  as  this  gentleman  had  by 
 his  personal  conferences  with  them,  and  the  ju.«;t  informations 
 he  gathered  among  them.  And  this  excellent  piece  of  intel- 
 ligence is  communicated  to  us  in  the  following  letters  by 
 that  minister. 
 
 A  Letter  from  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  to  the  Queens 
 Majesty  of  England^  l^th  July  ]5G7.^ 
 
 "  Pleasetii  it  your  Majesty — Your  letters  of  the  13th 
 of  July,  dated  at  Richmond,  I  received  the  10th  of  the 
 same  at  Edinburgh,  containing  your  Majesty's  pleasure  for 
 my  proceedings  with  the  Queen  of  Scotland,  to  induce  her 
 by  perswasions  to  accord  unto  your  Majesty  the  possession 
 of  her  son  the  young  Prince.  1  would  to  God  she  were  in 
 case  to  be  negotiated  with.  It  appearcth  none  of  my 
 letters  since  my  conference  with  the  Lord  Hume  and  Lord 
 of  Lidington  at  Fast-Castle — that  is  to  say,  of  the  12th, 
 14th,  Ib'th,  and  18th,  were  come  to  your  Majesty's  hands 
 at  the  writing  of  yours  ;  for  by  them  is  manifested  succes- 
 sively by  degrees,  that  it  is  very  unlike  this  Queen  shall  be 
 in  case  to  dispose  of  any  thing  regally,  and  every  day  I  see 
 more  and  more  to  move  me  to  think  that  this  people  will 
 leave  her  little  authority  to  dispose  of  any  thing  whatsoever 
 she  could  be  perswaded  to.  The  repair  to  this  town  doth 
 begin  to  bo  great,  and  men  which  kept  no  place  of  coun- 
 sellors, and  yet  of  good  regard,  do  boldly  and  overtly  by 
 their  speech  utter  great  rigour  and  extremity  against  their 
 sovereign,  saying — '  It  shall  not  ly  in  the  power  of  any 
 within  this  Re:dm,  neither  toithonf,  to  keep  her  from  condign 
 punishment  for  her  notorious  crimes."'  1  know  not  whether 
 the  Lords  and  Counsellors  do  concur  in  affection  with  those 
 which  be  no  counsrllors,  and  speak  so  boldly  ;  1  nuist  needs 
 conl'ess,  in  all  their  conferences,  either  together  or  apart 
 witli  mo,  they  show  no  such  extremity.    Notwithstanding  by 
 
 '  ('ali;r.  <■  1,  iiM  ()ri;iiiial.  —  [IJiiti.sh  Mu.>?i'uni.-  Iv  | 
 
loG7.J  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  SCOTLAND.  085 
 
 the  best  means  that  I  can  procure  intelligence  to  decypher 
 all  their  humours,  and  by  mine  own  collections  upon  con- 
 ferences with  them,  I  find  the  matter  likely  to  be  brought  to 
 one  of  these  four  issues,^  of  which  to  chuse  I  see  great 
 variety  among  them.  The  first  and  best  is — To  restore 
 their  Queen  and  sovereign  to  her  liberty  and  royal  estate, 
 with  conditions  and  capitulations  for  their  sureties,  for 
 the  punishing  the  murder  in  all  persons,  for  the  preserva- 
 tion of  the  Prince,  for  an  effectual  divorce  to  pass  between 
 the  Queen  and  Both  well,  and  for  the  establishment  of 
 religion.  Which  degree  and  end-making  I  find  the  Lord  of 
 Lidington^  only,  amongst  all  the  rest  of  Counsellors  which 
 be  here,  affected  unto,  who,  as  God  knoweth,  is  fortified 
 with  a  very  slender  company  in  this  opinion. 
 
 "  The  next  and  second  degree  is — That  the  Queen  shall 
 abandon  this  Realm,  and  remain  either  in  France  or  in 
 England,  with  assurance  of  the  Prince  where  she  remaineth 
 to  perform  the  conditions  ensuing,  that  is  to  say — To  resign 
 all  government  and  regal  authority  to  the  Prince  her  son, 
 and  to  appoint,  under  his  authority,  a  Council  of  the 
 Nobility  and  others  to  govern  the  Realm,  and  she  never  to 
 return  thither  again,  nor  to  molest  or  impeach  the  authority 
 of  her  son,  nor  the  government  in  his  name.  To  this  opinion 
 I  find  the  Earl  of  Athole  and  his  followers  only  inclined  ; 
 albeit  the  Earl  of  Morton  doth  not  seem  to  impugn  it. 
 
 "  The  third  end  and  degree  is — To  prosecute  justice 
 against  the  Queen,  to  make  her  process,  to  condemn  her, 
 to  crown  the  Prince,  and  to  keep  her  in  prison  all  the  days 
 of  her  life  within  this  Realm.  To  this  opinion  there  doth 
 lean,  as  far  as  I  can  understand,  both  the  most  part  of  the 
 Counsellors  and  a  great  many  others. 
 
 "  The  last  and  worst  degree  of  all  is — Not  only  to  have 
 the  Queen's  process  made,  and  her  condemnation  publick, 
 but  also  the  de])rivation  of  her  estate  and  life  to  ensue.  A 
 great  number  do  prefer  this  before  the  other  next  going 
 
 ^  [Sco  the  extract  from  Camdon'a  Annals  of  tlic  Reign  of  Queen 
 Elizabeth,  p.  055,  fJ.jf),  of  the  present  vohime. — E."| 
 
 '^  For  tlie  satisfaction  of  the  readers,  and  to  make  pul)lick  as  many 
 original  papers  as  conveniently  may  bo,  I  have  put  in  the  Appendix 
 Number  XXI.,  a  certain  scheme  of  accommodation  ])rojocted  bv  tliis 
 gentleman,  bearing  date  10th  August  1567. 
 
G8G  THE  IITSTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567- 
 
 before,  because  they  fear  they  shall  want  sure  means  to 
 keep  her  alive  in  prison,  doubting  mutation  amongst  them- 
 selves, doubting  also  commiseration  of  your  Majesty  and 
 other  Princes,  and  likewise  in  process  of  time  that  her  own 
 people  may  have  compassion. 
 
 "  I  have  insisted,  by  the  best  means  I  can,  to  have  the 
 first  degree  take  place,  assuring  them,  that  for  their  own 
 securities,  performance  of  conditions  and  capitulations,  your 
 Majesty  would  give  them  good  assurance,  and  cause  to  be 
 performed  effectually  what  shall  be  contracted. 
 
 "  I  have  said  also — That  1  think  the  French  King  and 
 the  King  of  Spain  will  best  allow  of  this  end,  and  likewise 
 all  the  Princes  of  Christendom.  Notwithstanding  I  find 
 perswasions  will  move  them  nothing  ;  and  as  for  the  Coun- 
 sellors, they  shake  their  heads.  And  to  tell  your  Majesty 
 the  truth,  I  see  no  manner  of  likelihood  that  any  of  the  tico 
 first  degrees  will  take  place  with  these  men.  And  because 
 they  do  so  much  lean  to  the  two  last  extremes,  I  have  thus 
 reasoned  with  some  of  the  Council  and  some  of  the  learned 
 men.i 
 
 "  It  shall  be  convenient  for  them  so  to  proceed,  as  that 
 by  their  doings  they  do  not  wipe  away  the  Queen's  infamy, 
 the  Lord  Bothweirs  detestable  murder,  and  by  their  out- 
 ragious  and  inordinate  dealings  bring  all  the  slander  upon 
 themselves,  bring  the  indignation  of  all  the  Princes  of 
 Christendom  upon  them,  and  cancel  the  ill  speech  that 
 other  folks  were  charged  withall  for  doings  past,  with  the 
 turning  the  whole  by  their  ill  doings  upon  their  own  heads. 
 
 "  I  said  further — There  was  no  ordinary  magistrate,  no 
 competent  judge  nor  judges,  no  sufficient  assembly  nor 
 tribunal  before  whom  their  Queen  and  sovereign  should  have 
 her  process  made  and  her  cause  adjudged  ;  for  there  was 
 no  ordinary  justice  but  they  had  their  authority  derived 
 from  the  authority  of  the  (Jueen,  and  it  was  to  be  thought 
 she  would  not  givc^  commission  against  herself.  And  to 
 abuse  the  Great  Seal,  to  make  any  connnission,  to  borrow 
 her  name  without  her  consent  and  warrant,  to  make  any 
 process,  and  to  abuse  her  title,  was  insufficient,  and  high 
 treason.      I    was   answered — In    extraordinary   enormities 
 
 '  Of  which  sort,  no  <l<nilit,  I 'ncliiiiiiin  iiii<l  Knox  woro  iiriiicijial  loaders. 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  087 
 
 and  monstruous  doings  there  hath  been  and  must  be  extra- 
 ordinary proceedings.!  It  was  said  the  States  of  the 
 Reahn  and  people  assembled  might  in  this  case  be  compe- 
 tent judges,  whereof  they  had  in  their  own  country  sundry 
 experiences  in  criminal  offences  committed  by  their  Princes. 
 And  there  was  recited  unto  me  sundry  examples  forth  of 
 their  own  histories,  grounded,  as  they  said,  upon  their  own 
 laws  ;2  but  I  believe  it  was  but  practices.^  They  said,  if 
 there  were  no  law  written  for  new  offences,  and  for  such 
 persons  as  the  good  world  past  could  not  think  would  be  so 
 evil,  and  therefore  provided  no  penal  provision ;  they  said, 
 new  offences  did  in  all  States  occasion  new  laws  and  new 
 punishments.  All  this  as  yet  taketh  little  place,  nor  movetli 
 them  any  thing  at  all  to  change  their  opinions. 
 
 "  As  yet  by  no  means  it  will  not  be  accorded  unto  that 
 I  shall  have  access  to  the  Queen,  neither  hath  Nicholas 
 Elphinston,  who  was  sent  from  my  Lord  of  Moray,  liberty 
 to  repair  unto  her. 
 
 "  This  day  being  at  ]Mr  Knox's  sermon,  who  took  a  piece 
 of  the  Scripture  forth  of  the  Books  of  the  Kings,  and  did 
 inveigh  vehemently  against  the  Queen,  and  perswaded 
 extremities  towards  her  by  application  of  his  text.  I  did 
 after  the  sermon  move  such  of  the  Council  as  were  present 
 to  perswade  the  Lords  to  advise  the  preachers  not  to  inter- 
 medle  with  the  end  of  these  matters,  until  they  were  resolved 
 among  themselves  what  they  were  minded  to  do  ;  for  other- 
 wise the  ministers  going  on  so  rigorously,  as  they  did  in 
 
 ^  The  same  kind  of  argumentation  may  be  seen  in  Buchanan's  satyrical 
 «  Detection." 
 
 '■^  Defiance  may  be  given  to  any  man  for  producing  one  instance  of  this 
 kind  through  any  part  of  the  Scottish  history.  If  an  instance  be  adduced 
 during  the  reign  of  the  kings  preceding  Fergus  II.  it  must  rest  upon  the 
 adducer  of  such  instances  to  answer,  in  the  first  place,  the  difiiculties 
 thrown  in  the  way  concerning  those  Kings  by  the  autlior  of  the  "  Critical 
 Essay  on  the  Ancient  Inhabitants  of  Scotland,"  as  likewise  his  "  Observa- 
 tion" concerning  the  Act  of  Tarliament  1491-2,  in  the  case  of  King 
 James  III.— [The  Work  mentioned  by  our  Historian  is  by  the  learned 
 Thomas  Inncs,  ]M.A.  commonly  called  Father  Innes,  and  was  published 
 at  London,  4to.  1729.— E.] 
 
 ^  A  very  just  and  necessary  distinction.  Practice  is  one  thing,  but 
 laio  is  quite  different.  No  nation  perhaps  can  free  themselves  from 
 treasonable  conspiracies,  but  no  nation  did  ever  enact  a  law  for  putting 
 hands  into  the  persons  of  their  sovereigns.  To  infi-r  7'iffJit  from  fact,  is  a 
 l»lain  way  to  prove  any  tiling  \vhatsoev(>r  to  be  both  right  and  wrong. 
 
088  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507. 
 
 their  daily  prcacliiiiirs,  might  so  draw  the  multitude  from 
 them  and  tlieir  resohitions,  tliat  thougli  among  themselves 
 they  would  make  choice  of  some  reasonable  end,  yet  they 
 should  not  bo  able  to  bring  it  to  pass,  the  people  being 
 once  by  the  preachers'  arguments  and  pcrswasions  settled 
 another  way.^ 
 
 "  It  is  fit  that  your  Majesty  know  and  be  perswaded 
 that  the  power  to  dispose  of  the  Prince  doth  rest,  and  is 
 like  to  rest,  in  these  Lords'  hands,  so  as  the  bargain  that 
 your  ^lajesty  is  to  make  for  him  must  be  compassed  by 
 these  men's  favours  and  capitulations. 
 
 "  And  whereas  your  Majesty  might  perceive  by  some  of 
 my  former  advertisements,  that  the  opinion  of  the  Lord  of 
 Lidington^  was,  that  I  should  in  no  means  speak  on  your 
 Majesty's  behalf  publickly,  neither  privately  to  any  man 
 but  himself,  of  having  the  Prince  into  England,  I  do  find 
 he  is  of  the  same  mind  still,  and  yet  he  hath  yesterday  had 
 some  private  conference  thereof  with  the  Earl  of  Athole, 
 whom  he  hath  found,  as  the  L.  of  Lidington  telleth  mo, 
 better  inclined  to  consent  thereunto  upon  honourable  con- 
 ditions than  ho  either  looked  for  or  did  believe.  This 
 much  the  L.  of  Lidington  said  further  unto  me — That 
 surely  your  Majesty  had  taken  a  very  ill  way  to  have  these 
 men  at  your  devotion,  specially  because  the  Earl  of  Moray 
 and  others  in  their  troubles,  and  since,  had  found  cold  relief 
 and  small  favour  at  your  ^Lijcsty's  hands.  And  now  to 
 impair  the  case,  your  ALijesty  hath  sent  me  hither  specially 
 to  procure  the  Queen's  liberty,  which  matter  was  most 
 odious  and  dangerous  to  them  which  had  dealt  in  this 
 action,  considering  that  the  other  things  which  your  Majesty 
 desired  could  not  be  performed  if  this  went  before,  con- 
 cludinir  that  it  was  a  device  to  entrap  them,  and  to  leave 
 them  to  the  mercy  of  the  Queen  and  Both  well. 
 
 "  He  said  also — That  your  ^lajesty  might  consider  how 
 unable  they  were,  without  some  aid  of  money,  either  to 
 maintain  their  proceedings,  to  defend  the  Prince,  to  preserve 
 themselves,  and  be  in  case  to  gratify  your  ^Lnjesty  and 
 your  Realm  with  any  thing  ;  which  they  had  declared  both 
 
 »  It  is  nioro  than  i)robal»lo  tliat  a  prroat  many  of  tins  Qucon's  misfortunos 
 took  rise  from  that  quarter.  -  [Socrotary  Maitland.— K.| 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  689 
 
 by  writing  and  message,  and  yet  your  Majesty  would  not 
 give  ear  thereunto. 
 
 "  He  said  further,  For  the  good  will  I  bear  the  Queen 
 and  the  Realm  of  England,  I  would  I  had  been  banished 
 my  country  for  seven  years  with  small  relief,  on  the  condition 
 the  Queen  your  mistress  had  dealt  liberally  and  friendly 
 with  these  Lords  ;  for  now  they  do  conclude  amongst  them- 
 selves, that  howsoever  the  case  falleth  out  they  shall  find 
 little  support  or  favour  at  your  Majesty's  hands  more  than 
 fair  words.  And  yet  they  think  you  are  rather  disposed  to 
 bestow  them  to  their  prejudice  than  to  their  advantage.  I 
 do  assure  you  (said  he)  with  the  bestowing  of  ten  or  twelve 
 thousand  crowns,  now  at  the  beginning,  her  Majesty  might 
 have  brought  to  pass  those  things  which  the  French  could 
 not  do  with  the  spending  of  a  hundred  thousand  crowns,  nor 
 peradventure  will  not  be  easily  brought  to  pass  hereafter  by 
 yourselves.  And  to  the  end  your  Majesty  may  see  what 
 course  these  people  do  take,  and  how  they  be  bent,  I  have 
 sent  you  herewith  a  dialogue  made  in  metre,  published  and 
 sent  abroad  into  all  parts,  and  registred  as  it  were  in  every 
 man's  heart,  and  uttered  by  every  man's  mouth,  reserving 
 the  Counsellors  which  speak  with  respect.  This  ballad  was 
 printed  two  days  past,  which  I  did  omit  of  purpose  to  send 
 by  my  last ;  but  now  finding  they  be  so  universally  published, 
 even  as  it  were  to  work  a  concurrence  in  all  men's  minds,  I 
 have  thought  meet  to  send  your  Majesty  one  of  them,  that 
 thereby  your  Majesty  may  perceive  what  end  they  tend 
 unto. 
 
 "  I  do  find  there  is  like  to  be  somewhat  ado  about  the 
 satisfaction  of  the  Hamiltons  and  their  friends,  both  for  the 
 succession  of  this  Crown,  and  the  tutleship  of  the  Prince,  and 
 governance  of  the  Realm,  about  which  matters  the  lawyers 
 and  Noblemen  according  to  their  partialities  be  divided. 
 Some  do  hold  opinion  by  law  (and  do  desire  to  have  it  so) 
 that  the  Earl  of  Lenox's  son  living^  shall  inherit  this  Crown, 
 
 ^  [This  was  Charles,  a  younj^cr  and  only  survivinfj^  brother  of  Lord 
 Darnley,  who  succeeded  his  father  Matthew  as  fifth  Earl  of  l^ennox.  lie 
 died  at  London  in  1570",  in  the  twenty-first  year  of  his  age,  and  was  buried 
 in  Henry  VIL's  Chapel  in  Westminster  Abbey.  'J'his  youn«r  Earl 
 married  in  1574  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Sir  William  Cavendish,  sister  of 
 William  first  Earl  of  Devonshire,  by  whom  he  left  an  only  daughter.  Lady 
 VOL.  IL  44 
 
000  TIM-  iirsTuUY  OF  Tin;  affairs  [1507. 
 
 if  the  young  Prince  die  without  issue,  the  said  Crown  being 
 invested  in  the  Prince,  and  in  his  real  possession. 
 
 "   Durus  est  hie  sermo  to  the  Uamiltons,  for  they  cannot 
 suffer  tliis  by  any  means. ^ 
 
 Arabella  Stuart.  The  marriajjc  was  so  offensive  to  Queen  Elizabeth,  on 
 account  of  tlie  descent  of  Lennox  from  Henry  VII.,  that  the  Countesses  of 
 Lennox  and  Shrewsbury,  the  latter  the  lady's  mother,  were  imjjnsoned  for 
 some  time,  and  the  lOarl  of  Shrewsbury  lier  step-father  was  in  temporary 
 disf,n'ace.  The  double  relationship  of  Lady  Arabella  Stuart  to  royalty  was 
 obnoxious  both  to  Klizabeth  and  James  ^'I.,  who  dreaded  any  lef,atimate  off- 
 spring by  her.  The  former  j)revented  her  from  marryini,'  Esmc  Stuart  Duke 
 of  Lennox,and afterwards  jdaced her  in  durance  forlistening  to  matrimonial 
 proposals  from  a  son  of  the  Karl  of  Northumberland  ;  and  the  latter  com- 
 pelled her  to  reject  several  si)lendid  offers.  This  harsh  procedure  induced 
 her  to  renew  an  infantine  friendship  with  Sir  William  Seymour,  fp-eat- 
 grandson  of  the  Protector  Duke  of  Somerset,  who  succeeded  his  jri-and- 
 father  as  second  Earl  of  Hertford,  and  was  advanced  to  the  dignity  of 
 ^Farquis  of  Hertford  in  IG-iO.  Their  intimacy  was  discovered  in  IGO.O, 
 while  both  were  summoned  to  apj)ear  before  the  Privy  Council,  and 
 were  severely  reprimanded.  This  produced  the  very  result  which 
 King  James  was  anxious  to  avert.  Lady  Arabella  supposed  that  her 
 reputation  was  injured  by  the  inquiry,  and  she  married  Sir  William 
 Seymour,  which  was  discovered  in  IGIO.  She  was  committed  to  close 
 custody  in  the  house  of  Sir  William  Parry  at  Lambeth,  and  her 
 husband  to  the  Tower.  They  both  effected  their  escape  in  June  1611, 
 and  Sir  William  reached  Flanders  in  safety,  but  Lady  Arabella  was 
 taken  in  Calais  Roads,  and  consigned  to  the  Tower,  in  which  she 
 became  insane,  and  died  on  the  27th  of  September  1615.  Such  was  the 
 unhappy  fate  of  the  last  descendant  of  Matthew  Stuart  fourth  Earl  of 
 lA'nnox,  the  niece  of  Lord  Darnley,  and  first  cousin  of  James  VI.  Sir 
 William  Seymour  returned  to  England,  took  a  most  active  part  as  a 
 royalist  in  the  Civil  Wars,  and  on  the  13th  of  Sejjteniber  1660  was 
 restored  to  the  Dukedom  of  Somerset,  which  had  been  attainted  in  the 
 person  of  the  Protector  Somerset,  avIio  was  beheaded  by  the  agency  of 
 Dudley  (Earl  of  Warwick)  Duke  of  Northumberland.  He  nuirried  Lady 
 Frances  Devereux,  eldest  daughter  of  (^ueen  I'.lizabetirs  favourite,  the  ill- 
 fated  I'arl  of  E.ssex,  and  from  this  alliance  descend  the  subset^uent 
 Dukes  of  Somerset.  As  to  Lady  Arabella  Stuart,  it  may  be  mentioned 
 that  one  of  the  articles  of  the  indictment  against  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  17th 
 November  160;J,  was  that  he  met  Lord  Cobham  on  the  !)th  of  June  that 
 year  at  Durham,  and  there  consulted  with  him  how  to  place  heron  the 
 throne,  to  the  prejudice  of  James  ^'J.  Whatever  truth  may  be  in 
 this  charge.  Lady  Arabella  was  completely  innocent  of  any  participation 
 in  such  a  project. — IC] 
 
 '  I'I'he  "  opinion"  held  "  by  law,"  as  Throgmorton  expresses  it,  that  the 
 surviving  .son  of  Lennox  should  inherit  the  Crown  if  the  infant  Prince 
 died  without  issui-,  was  most  absurd,  and  must  have  been  that  of  a  \ory 
 few  iu<livid>ials.  The  Duke  of  Chatelherault,  when  I'.arl  of  Arran,  had 
 been  publicly  declared  yeai*s  before  this  to  be  the  uext  heir  to  the  Crown 
 failing  Mary  and  her  isstio. — I-'-l 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  691 
 
 "  Touching  the  tutor  to  the  Prince  and  Governor  of  the 
 Reahii  in  his  minority,  this  is  taken  to  be  the  opinion  of  the 
 best  learned  in  the  law,  that  this  charge  and  prerogative 
 doth  duly  appertain  to  the  Earl  of  Lenox.  The  reason  is 
 this — He,  the  said  Earl,  is  next  agnatus  to  the  Prince  capable 
 of  such  charge,  because  of  the  masculine  line,  which  is  pre- 
 ferred in  these  respects  before  the  Duke  of  Chastelherault's, 
 which  is  cognatns,  and  excluded  because  of  the  intermarrying 
 of  two  women  whereof  he  is  descended.  These  matters 
 have  been  in  deliberation  one  day  among  the  Counsellors, 
 and,  as  I  learn,  therewith  they  bo  greatly  perplexed  ;  but  I 
 am  much  deceived,  in  case  the  Queen  be  either  deprived  or 
 do  miscarry,  neither  the  Duke  of  Chastelherault  nor  the 
 Earl  of  Lenox  shall  have  either  the  governance  of  the 
 Prince  or  of  the  Eealm,  but  the  same  shall  be  committed 
 to  the  persons  named  in  my  last  advertisements. 
 
 "  Since  the  writing  of  the  premisses,  the  Lords  have 
 accorded  to  Mr  Nicholas  Elphinston  leave  to  repair  to 
 Lochleven  to  the  Queen  from  my  Lord  of  Morray,  and  to 
 declare  unto  her  his  Commission."^ 
 
 ^  [In  a  previous  letter  dated  the  15tli  of  July,  Throgmorton  intimated 
 to  Cecil  that  the  Confederates  would  not  permit  Nicolas  Elphinstone,  or 
 "  INIr  N.  Elvoston,"  as  he  calls  him,  to  have  access  to  the  Queen,  though 
 he  was  an  accredited  messenger  of  their  friend  the  Earl  of  jSIoray,  and 
 was  the  bearer  of  letters  to  her.  ISIoray  was  at  this  time  far  from 
 embracing  the  interests  of  Morton  and  his  associates,  though  he  rejected 
 all  the  splendid  bribes  of  the  French  King  to  secure  his  influence,  and 
 despatched  Elphinstone,  who  was  one  of  his  confidential  servants,  ou  a 
 mission  to  ^lary  from  France,  to  assure  her  of  his  devotion  to  her  sei-vice. 
 Elphinstone  arrived  in  London  a  few  days  after  Throgmorton  had  set 
 out  for  Scotland,  and  Avas  admitted  to  an  interview  with  Elizabeth,  which 
 lasted  for  an  hour,  and  had  the  effect  of  making  her  more  favourable  to 
 Mary  and  hostile  to  the  Confederates.  After  dismissing  Moray's 
 messenger,  Elizabeth  summoned  hastily  a  gentleman  of  the  Court  who 
 was  waiting  in  an  ante-room,  named  lleneage,  and  sent  him  to  Cecil  to 
 inform  him  that  Moray  luid  sent  liis  servant  to  ScotUmd  with  letters  to 
 Mary  wliich  were  not  to  be  seen  by  the  Confederates,  and  were  to  be 
 delivered  into  the  Queen's  own  hands — that  these  letters  expressed 
 Moray's  attachment  to  the  Queen,  and  offered  his  service — and  that 
 Elphinstone  was  charged  to  remonstrate  with  the  Confederates  for  their 
 audacious  imprisonment  of  their  sovereign,  Elizabeth  ordered  lleneage 
 to  inform  Cecil  that  he  must  write  instantly  to  the  Queen  her  "sister" 
 in  her  name,  for  she  could  not  do  so  lierself,  as  she  had  not  used  Mary 
 "  well  and  faithfully  in  these  broken  matters  that  be  past,''  and  the  pur- 
 poit  of  this  letter  to  Mary  was  to  be,  that  Moray  had  never  defamed  her 
 
002  TIIK   HISTORY  (>F  TIIK   AFFAIRS  [loOJ. 
 
 "  These  Lords  have  sent  unto  me,  since  the  writing  of 
 tho  premisses,  by  Robert  Melvil,  saying — That  the  L.  of 
 Lidington  should  have  come  unto  me,  had  it  not  been  that 
 he  is  occupied  about  this  great  Assembly,  to  confer  with 
 the  wisest  and  best  chosen  of  them  upon  what  heads  they 
 shall  intrcat.  The  said  Robert  Melvil  said  unto  me,  on 
 behalf  of  the  Lords,  That  your  Majesty  had  sent  them 
 word   by  him,   in   the  presence  of  some  of  your  Council, ^ 
 
 for  tlio  murdor  of  Daruley,  liad  never  plotted  for  the  secret  removal  of 
 the  infant  Prince  to  En«;land,  had  never  joined  with  the  Confederates  to 
 dei)0.se  lier,  and  that  slie  had  not  a  more  fiiithful  and  lionourable  servant 
 in  ycothmd.  Tliis  was  on  the  8th  of  July,  and  \i\)  to  tliis  date,  therefore, 
 it  aj)pears  from  the  letter  of  Ileneage  to  Cecil,  Moray  was  no  party  to  the 
 schemes  of  tlie  Confederates,  but  on  the  contrary  had  declared  a<,'ainst 
 them— Ty tier's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  157, 158,  159.  Meanwhile 
 Mary's  imprisonment  in  Lochleven  Castle  was  accompanied  by  circum- 
 stances of  ^eat  rif^our.  She  was  inider  the  special  charn;e  of  Lords 
 Lindsay  and  Ruthven,  Noblemen  of  coarse  and  fierce  manners,  and 
 familiar  with  blood.  No  one  was  permitted  to  see  her,  and  her  corres- 
 pondence was  narrowly  watched  ;  nevertheless  Mary  contrived  to  write 
 a  number  of  letters  in  Lochleven  Castle  to  her  friends  and  other  parties, 
 in  defiance  of  the  strict  surveillance  of  the  proud  and  imperious  "  Lady 
 Lochleven,"  who  lost  no  opportunity  of  rendering  the  captivity  of  her 
 royal  jn-isoner  as  severe  as  possible. — E.] 
 
 ^  Mr  Melvil  was  in  England  at  the  time  of  the  Queen's  misfortune,  sent 
 thither  by  her  Majesty  with  instructions  to  notify  lier  marriage  with  the 
 Duke  of  Orkney,  as  has  been  observed  already. —  [During  Meh-ille's 
 absence  in  l-^ngland  on  this  errand  those  calamities  had  befiillen  the 
 Queen  which  are  already  narrated,  and  now  that  she  was  a  jirisoner, 
 without  any  friendly  intercourse,  she  looked  most  anxiously  for  his  return, 
 wliich  was  on  the  29th  of  June.  But  Melville  had  become  the  envoy  of 
 her  enemies.  '*  During  his  stay  in  England,"  says  Mr  Tytlcr,  "  he  had 
 acted  as  the  secret  agent  of  the  Confederate  Lords  who  had  imprisoned 
 her  ;  he  solicited  money  to  suj)port  them  in  their  enterprize  ;  he  received 
 orders  from  them  to  supj)ly  himself  out  of  this  sum  when  it  was  advanced 
 l)y  l^lizabeth  ;  he  was  cautioned  against  declaring  himself  too  openly,  as 
 something  had  come  to  the  ears  of  the  French  ambassador  ;  he  proi)osed 
 to  tlie  lOnglish  (^lu'en  the  project  for  Mary's  '  denutting  the  Crown'  in 
 favour  of  h-r  son,  with  which  the  Lords  who  had  imprisoned  her  had 
 made  liim  ac(|uainted  ;  and  on  his  arrival  at  Edinburgli  his  first  meeting 
 was  neither  with  his  sovereign  nor  the  friends  who  luul  combined  for  her 
 delivery,  but  with  the  Lords  of  the  Secret  Council.  He  assured  them  of 
 the  suj)port  of  the  English  (^ueen  in  the  '  honourable  enterprize' in  which 
 they  iiad  engaged  ;  he  informed  them  that  Elizabeth  had  agreed  to 
 Mary's  resignation  of  the  Crown,  j)rovided  it  came  of  her  own  consent  ; 
 and  ho  then,  before  visiting  his  mistress  in  her  prison  at  Lochleven, 
 uddrcsseil  a  letter  to  Ci^cil,  which  contains  his  own  account  of  the  negoti- 
 ation." This  letter  is  dated  at  I'dinburgh,  1st  July,  the  day  on  which  he 
 j)rocecdod  to  IiO<-hleven,  and  a  long  extract  of  it  is  inserted  l>v  Mr  Tytler 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  GdS 
 
 Thcat  I  should  have  commission  to  aid  them  in  their  action 
 with  money,  and  also  power  to  conclude  with  them  in 
 maintaining  of  such  their  proceedings  as  tended  to  the 
 preservation  of  the  Prince,  to  the  punishment  of  the  mur- 
 derers, and  for  their  own  surety  ;  wherewith  your  Majesty 
 conjoined  the  liberty  of  the  Queen. 
 
 "  I  answered — Such  Commission  as  your  Majesty  had 
 given  me  I  had  uttered  unto  them  the  15th  of  this  month, 
 whereunto  as  yet  they  had  given  me  no  answer,  but  had 
 delayed  me  upon  the  repair  of  their  associates.  Robert 
 Melvil  said — '  Such  a  sum  of  money  as  the  Lords  desired 
 would  have  presently  stand  them  in  great  stead,  and  should 
 have  done  the  Queen's  Majesty  little  harm  ;  and  sure  I  am 
 in  the  end  her  Majesty  should  have  received  the  best  com- 
 modity.' He  farther  said  unto  me — '  I  will  speak  to  you 
 as  of  myself.  I  would  be  sorry  these  Lords  should  be  so 
 much  at  any  other  prince's  devotion  as  at  the  Queen  your 
 sovereign's  ;  but  I  see  they  are  determined  to  make  very 
 hard  shifts  rather  than  they  will  press  her  Majesty  again 
 for  money,  seeing  that  of  herself  she  will  not  consider  their 
 case.  It  is,'  said  he,  '  a  great  charge  unto  them  to  live 
 here  in  this  town,  to  entertain  so  many  men  of  war,  both 
 here  and  in  other  places,  and  to  have  so  little  means  to 
 defray  the  expences  as  they  have.'  1  answered  unto  him — 
 '  That  I  had  proponed,  amongst  divers  things,  to  know 
 what  pleasure  and  benefit  reciprocally  your  ^lajesty  might 
 have  at  their  hands  for  any  charge  you  should  bestow  upon 
 them,  whereunto  they  had  made  me  no  answer  1"  Robert 
 Melvil  said — '  I  will  shew  them  what  you  say  ;  but  I  think 
 the  L.  of  Lidington  will  come  and  confer  with  you  this 
 night.' 
 
 (History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  149-152).  "  This  letter,"  continues  Mr 
 Tytlcr,  "  sufficiently  explains  itself,  and  proves  that  Melville,  although 
 nominally  the  envoy  of  Mary,  was  now  acting  for  the  Confederates.  It 
 unveils  also  the  real  intentions  of  Elizabetli.  It  shows  tliat  her  object  in 
 despatching  her  ambassador.  Sir  Nicholas  Throgmorton,  was  ju'ofessedly 
 to  procure  the  Queen's  liberty,  but  really  to  encourage  the  Confederates, 
 to  attach  them  to  her  service,  to  obtain  possession  of  the  Prince  if  possible, 
 to  induce  the  captive  Queen  to  resign  the  Crown  ;  and  to  hold  out  to 
 Moray,  with  whom  she,  Melville,  and  the  Lords  of  the  Secret  Council 
 were  now  in  treaty,  the  hoi)e  of  returning  to  his  country,  an<l  l)ecoming 
 the  chief  person  in  the  government." — E.] 
 
^)94  THK   IIISTuliV  <»F  THE  AFFAIRS  [15(J7. 
 
 "  Now  that  your  Majesty  secth  the  state  of  the  world 
 hero,  it  may  please  you  to  give  nie  direction  with  convenient 
 speed  how  I  may  i)roceed  in  all  things  upon  all  events. 
 Thus  Almighty  God  preserve  your  Majesty  in  perfect  health, 
 increase  of  honour,  and  happy  felicity.  At  Edinburgh  the 
 10th  of  July  15G7.1 
 
 "■  Your  Majesty's  most  humble,  faithful, 
 "  obedient  servant  and  subject, 
 
 "  N.  Tjikuckmokton." 
 
 Another  Letter  from  Sir  Nicholas  Throchnorton  to  the  Queen 
 
 of  England^  25th  July  15G7.- 
 "  It  may  please  your  Majesty — The  Earls  of  Glencaini 
 and  Mar,  the  Lords  Sempil,  Ochiltree,  and  the  Master  of 
 Graham,  accompanied  with  many  gentlemen  of  the  West  of 
 this  Realm,  to  the  number  of  two  hundred  horses,  arrived  in 
 this  town  the  23d  of  this  month  ;  so  did  tlie  Lord  Lindsay 
 also,  being  sent  for  by  these  Lords  from  Lochleven. 
 
 "  The  same  day  all  the  Lords  and  others  of  best  quality 
 had  conference  together  concerning  their  proceedings  with 
 the  Queen  their  sovereign  ;  and,  as  I  can  learn  by  assured 
 intelligence,  this  was  among  them  resolved,  that  the  Lord 
 Lindsay  should  this  day,  being  the  24th,  accompanied  with 
 
 '  [On  the  2Utlj,  the  day  following'  the  date  of  the  above  letter,  Thro^'- 
 mortou  wrote  to  the  Earl  of  IJedford,  the  Lieutenant  of  the  En<,dish 
 Borders,  lie  commences  by  assuriiiij  his  Lordship  that  a  recent  distur- 
 ])ance  on  the  Borders  was  unknown  to  the  Confederates,  but  was  committed 
 by  Ker  of  Fernihirst  and  his  followers  at  the  "  solicitation  of  Bothwell 
 and  his  friends." — "  And  touching  myselfe,  and  my  being  here,"  says 
 Throgmorton,  "  I  must  confess  to  your  Lordship  I  never  was  in  so  busy 
 and  dangerous  a  legsition  in  my  lyfe,  not  knowing  almost  which  way  to 
 turn  one.  The  Lords  liave  not  yet  given  me  audience,  excusing  thesiime 
 by  the  absence  of  the  Earles  of  Marre  and  Cilencarne,  the  Lord  Semple, 
 and  others  of  theyr  baud,  saying  they  dare  not  take  ujton  them  the  hear- 
 ing and  the  answering  of  so  weightie  matters  without  the  i)resence  of  the 
 whole  companye  ;  but  I  take  it  rather  to  be  used  towards  me  for  delaye 
 than  otherwayse,  not  being  in  any  sort  willing  that  1  should  speake  with 
 theyr  Queue.  I  have  been  wrytten  unto  by  the  other  syde,  as  namely, 
 by  the  llammiltons,  the  Earle  of  Argyle,  the  Ma-ster  of  Maxwell,  and 
 others,  and  I  doe  beare  them  all  fayre  in  hande,  to  the  ende  I  may  the 
 better  be  able  to  discover  theyr  nieanings  and  designes,  although  I  nnist 
 tell  you  truly  I  lyke  nothing  of  theyr  doings." — Wright's  (^ueen  I'li/.;i 
 both  an<l  her  Times,  vol.  i.  p.  2.'>7,  2.58.— E.) 
 
 ^  Calig.  r.  l,an  Original.- [  British  Mu.seum.— E.] 
 
1567.]  OF  CIIUllOH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  695 
 
 Robert  Melvil,  repair  to  the  Queen, i  and  have  in  charge  to 
 declare  unto  her,  that  the  Lords  here  assembled,  considering 
 her  former  misbehaviours,  as  well  in  the  government  of  the 
 
 1  [Sir  Robert  Melville  had  visited  Mary  at  Lochleven  at  least  twice  pre- 
 vious to  this  mission  of  the  25th  of  July.  His  first  interview  was  on  the 
 1st  of  July,  and  he  delivered  to  her  Elizabeth's  letter,  at  which  the  Lords 
 Lindsay  and  liuthven,  and  Douglas  of  Lochleven,  insisted  on  being  present. 
 Mary  in  vain  complained  bitterly  of  this  rigour,  which  precluded  her  from 
 any  private  convei'sation  with  one  who  had  acted  in  England  as  her 
 accredited  servant.  Eight  days  afterwards  Melville  was  again  sent  by  the 
 Confederates  to  Lochleven,  and  on  this  occasion  he  was  permitted  to  see 
 his  royal  mistress  without  any  restraint.  According  to  his  own  statement, 
 he  endeavoured  in  this  interview  to  persuade  Mary  to  renounce  Bothwell, 
 which  she  peremptorily  refused  to  do,  and  this  increased  the  public  indigna- 
 tion against  her.  John  Knoii.  thundered  orit,  says  Throgmorton,  cannon-hot 
 against  Jier,  and  it  was  currently  reported  and  believed  by  Knox  and  some  of 
 the  leading  Confederates  that  she  would  be  brought  to  a  public  trial.  On  or 
 about  the  18th  of  July,  INIelville  was  sent  a  third  time  to  Lochleven,  with 
 instructions  to  make  a  last  effort  to  induce  ^lary  to  renomice  Bothwell, 
 and  he  carried  a  letter  to  her  from  Throgmorton  to  the  same  purport ; 
 but  he  was  again  completely  unsuccessful.  INIary  then  believed  herself 
 to  be  pregnant,  and  she  declared  that  she  would  rather  die  than  make  her 
 child  illegitimate  by  deserting  her  husband.  She  requested  iNIelville  to 
 deliver  a  letter  Avritten  by  her  to  the  Confederates,  in  which  she  imi)lored 
 them,  on  accoimt  of  her  health,  to  change  the  jilace  of  her  captivity  to 
 Stirling,  where  she  would  have  the  comfort  of  seeing  her  sou  ;  adding,  that 
 she  was  willing  to  relinquish  the  government  either  to  the  Earl  of  Moray, 
 or  to  a  Council  of  the  Nobility,  and  that  if  they  would  not  obey  her  as 
 their  sovereign,  they  might  at  least  recollect  that  she  was  the  mother  of 
 their  Prince  and  the  daughter  of  their  King.  This  interview  was  also 
 strictly  private,  and  one  curious  circumstance  occurred.  Mary,  before 
 Melville  took  his  leave,  produced  a  letter,  and  besought  him  to  convey  it 
 to  Bothwell.  This  he  refused  to  do  in  the  most  decided  numner,  and  she 
 threw  it  with  indignation  into  the  fire. — Tytler's  History  of  Scotland, 
 vol.  vii.  p.  153,  1G2,  1G3.  As  Mary  had  offered  to  resign  the  government 
 to  the  Earl  of  ^loray  in  this  thii'd  interview,  it  was  resolved  to  take 
 advantage  of  tliis  proposition,  and  Lord  Lindsay,  who  had  left  Lochleven 
 to  attend  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Kirk,  now  in  strict  coalition  witli 
 tlie  Confederates,  was  sent  to  the  Queen  with  Melville,  and  carrying  for 
 her  signature  the  tliree  documents  mentioned  by  Throgmorton,  and  sub- 
 sequently inserted  l)y  our  Historian  in  this  Chapter.  Before  Lindsay  was 
 admitted,  Melville  saw  the  Queen  again  privately,  and  solemnly  assured 
 lier  that  her  refusal  to  sign  the  papers  would  endanger  her  life — that  the 
 Confederates,  if  she  was  obstinate,  luul  resolved  to  bring  her  to  a  i)ul)lio 
 trial— and  that  they  were  certain  of  obtaining  a  conviction,  aftinning  that 
 they  had  proofs  of  her  accession  to  Darnley's  murder  in  her  own  hand- 
 writing. Melville,  however,  intimated  to  the  Queen  that  she  ought  to  be 
 the  less  scrupulous  to  sign  the  documents,  as  any  deed  extorted  from  her 
 while  in  caj^tivity,  and  in  fear  of  her  life,  was  invalid.  Atholl,  Throg- 
 morton, and  even   Maitland  of  Lethington,  sent   messages  to  the  same 
 
THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15C7. 
 
 Realm  as  in  her  own  person,  the  particularities  of  both 
 which  niisgovernments  they  would  forbear  to  touch  for 
 respect  they  had  to  her  honour,  could  not  permit  her  any 
 longer  to  put  the  Realm  in  peril  by  her  disorders,  which 
 were  such  and  so  many  as  they  could  not  think  meet  that 
 she  should  any  more  stand  charged  with  the  governance  of 
 the  Realm  ;  and  therefore  they  did  require  and  advise  her 
 to  accord  quietly,  and  thereto  to  give  her  consent,  that  her 
 son  the  Prince  might  be  crowned  their  King  and  Sovereign, 
 and  also  by  her  assignment  that  a  Council  might  bo 
 appointed  and  established  to  govern  the  Realm  in  his 
 name ;  and  thus  doing,  they  would  endeavour  themselves 
 to  save  both  her  life  and  honour,  both  which  otherwise 
 stood  in  great  danger. 
 
 "  And  further,  it  was  resolved,  That  in  case  this  Queen 
 would  not  be  conformable  to  their  motions,  then  her  liberty 
 should  be  restrained  to  more  straitness,  and  the  ladies, 
 gentlewomen,  and  gentlemen,  which  be  about  her,  to  be 
 sequestred  from  her.  And  as  far  as  I  can  understand  in 
 this  case  of  the  Queen's  refusal  to  these  their  demands,  they 
 mind  to  proceed  both  with  violence  and  force,  as  well  for 
 the  coronation  of  the  Prince,  as  for  the  overthrow  of  the 
 Queen. 
 
 "  At  this  present  the  Countess  of  Moray,  wife  to  the 
 Earl  of  Moray,  is  with  the  Queen  at  Lochlevcn. 
 
 "  Your  Majesty  might,  by  my  former  dispatches,  perceive 
 how  I  had  pressed  these  Lords  to  have  access  to  the  Queen, 
 and    likewise   to   have    their    answer  to  all   such  matters 
 
 effect. — Tytler,  vol.  vii.  p.  1C5,  166.  As  Melville  was  a  prominent  actor 
 in  this  transaction,  the  followin<r  delineation  of  him  by  Sir  AValter  Scott, 
 in  liis  descrij)tion  of  the  profrress  of  him  and  Lindsay  on  this  mission,  is 
 intcrestin*!^: — "  The  personage  who  rode  with  Lord  Lindsiiy  at  tlie  head 
 of  the  i)arty  was  an  absoluto  contrast  to  him  in  manner,  form,  and  features. 
 His  thin  and  silky  hair  was  already  white,  thoujfh  he  seemed  not  above 
 forty-five  or  fifty  years  old.  His  tone  of  voice  was  soft  and  insinuating^; 
 his  form  thin,  si)are,  and  bent  by  an  habitual  stooj)  ;  liis  pale  cheek  was 
 expressive  of  shrewdness  and  intelli<:^ence ;  his  eye  was  tjuick,  thouf^li 
 placid  ;  and  liis  whole  demeanour  mild  and  conciliatoiy.  Ho  rode  an 
 amblinp  nag,  such  as  were  used  by  ladies,  cler/jymen,  or  othei's  of  peaceful 
 professions  ;  wore  a  riding  habit  of  black  velvet,  with  a  caj)  and  feather 
 of  the  same  hue,  fastened  by  a  gold  medal  ;  and  for  shew,  and  jus  a  mark 
 of  midv  rather  than  for  use,  carried  a  walking  sword,  as  the  short  rapiers 
 were  callefl,  without  auv  otlicr  arjiis  oft'eiisivc  oi*  defensive." — K.l 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  007 
 
 as  on  your  Majesty's  behalf  I  had  propounded  unto  them. 
 So  have  I  again,  since  the  repair  of  these  other  Lords  to 
 this  town,  moved  to  have  audience. 
 
 "  The  Lord  Lindsay  departed  this  morning  from  this 
 town  to  Lochleven,  accompanied  with  Robert  Melvil.  He 
 carrieth  with  him  three  Instruments  to  be  signed  by  the 
 Queen.  The  one  containing  her  consent  to  have  her  son 
 crowned,  and  to  rehnquish  the  government  of  the  Reahii.^ 
 The  other  is  a  Commission  of  Regency  of  the  Realm  to  be 
 granted  to  the  Earl  of  Moray  during  the  King's  minority. 
 The  tJiird  is  a  like  Commission  to  be  granted  to  certain  of 
 the  Nobilit}^  and  others  for  the  governance  of  the  Realm 
 during  the  King's  minority,  in  case  the  Earl  of  Moray  will 
 not  accept  the  Regency  alone.2 
 
 ^  In  the  first,  resolve  concerning  the  Queen,  Crawfurd's  MS.  says,  it  was 
 '^  decerned  that  she  should  remain  in  captivity  during  her  life,  and  trans- 
 port her  authority  to  the  young  Prince,  to  the  end  that  they  might  rule 
 as  they  list  without  any  controulment  of  lawful  authority,  which  (anarchy) 
 continued  many  years." 
 
 2  Sir  James  Melvill,  Mem.  p.  85,  says,  that  "  after  his  brother  Sir 
 Robert  had  refused  flatly  to  medle  in  that  matter,  the  Lords  were  minded 
 to  send  the  Lord  Lindsay  first  to  use  fair  perswasions  ;  and  in  case  he 
 could  not  speed  that  way,  they  were  resolved  to  enter  in  harder  terms. 
 The  Eai-1  of  Athole,  Mar,  Secretary  Maitland,  and  Grange,  who  loved  her 
 Majesty,  advised  my  brother  to  tell  her  the  verity,  and  how  that  any  thing 
 she  did  in  prison  could  not  jirejudge  her,  being  once  again  at  liberty.  He 
 answered,  he  would  give  no  such  advice  as  coming  from  himself,  but  he 
 should  tell  it  as  the  opinion  of  those  he  knew  to  be  her  true  friends.  But 
 she  refused  utterly  to  follow  that  advice,  till  she  heard  that  the  Lord 
 Lindsay  was  at  the  new  house  at  the  shore,  coming  in,  and  in  a  very 
 boasting  manner  ;  and  then  she  yielded  to  tlie  necessity  of  the  time,  and 
 told  my  brother,  that  she  would  not  strive  with  them,  seeing  it  could  do 
 her  no  harm  when  she  was  at  liberty  :  So  at  my  Lord  Lindsay's  coming 
 she  subscril>ed  the  signature  of  renunciation  and  dimi^sion  of  the  Govern- 
 ment." Bishop  Leslie  in  his  Negotiations  narrates  much  the  same  things 
 Avith  Sir  James,  and  adds — "  The  like  advertisement  was  made  to  her  by 
 Sir  Nicholas  'J'hrockmorton,  Ambassador  for  the  Queen  of  England,  tlien 
 resident  at  Edinburgh,  by  his  letters  by  the  same  messenger  (Robert 
 Melvil)  and  conveyed  in  the  scabbard  of  his  sword,  advising  her  to  satisfy 
 their  desire,  affirming  the  same  would  never  liurt  her,  being  done  in 
 prison  and  for  fear  of  her  life,  which  he  would  testify  and  avow  to  the 
 Queen  his  mistress  and  all  other  Princes,  in  respect  of  the  determination 
 taken  against  her,  to  the  which  he  was  privy.  And,  therefore,  she  being 
 moved  with  these  causes  of  just  fear,  with  many  tears  and  weeping  set 
 her  hand  to  all  letters  that  were  presented  ])y  the  Lord  Lindsay,  never 
 reading  what  was  written  or  contained  within  them  ;  and  farther  said 
 at   the  same   time,  that    whonsoever  (Jod  should  jiut   In  r  to  liberty  she 
 
098  THE  HISTORY  OF  THK  AFFAIRS  [1567. 
 
 "  The  Earl  of  Argilc  hath  an  assembly  of  the  principallest 
 of  his  country  at  this  present,  to  take  advice  of  them  for 
 his  behaviour  in  these  actions.  These  Lords  have  sent  a 
 special  messenger  unto  him,  to  require  him  either  to  repair 
 to  this  town  unto  them,  or  to  his  house  named  Castle- 
 Campbell  in  the  Fife.^  The  Hamiltons,  as  I  learn,  be  quiet, 
 and  seem  to  impugn  nothing  of  these  Lords""  doings.  The 
 Earl  of  Huntly  in  the  North  is  quiet  also.  So  as  these  men 
 may  go  on  with  what  pleases  them. 
 
 "  In  this  Convention  of  the  shires  and  churches,  this 
 hath  been  as  yet  proponed  amongst  them.  To  establish  the 
 religion  by  some  effectual  decree  ;  to  restore  the  ministers 
 to  the  thirds,  which  the  Queen  did  resume  into  her  own 
 hands  ;  to  abolish  Papistry  and  mass-saying  through  the 
 whole  Realm  without  respect  of  persons ;  which  article  to 
 put  in  use,  they  mind  or  it  be  long  to  proceed  first  against 
 the  Bishop  of  St  Andrews,  and  then  consequently  against 
 all  other  Bishops  and  men  of  his  faction. 
 
 "  The  Assembly^  also  hath  made  request  that  the  murder 
 
 .  would  not  abide  thereat,  for  it  was  done  ao^ainst  her  will."  The  Arch- 
 bishop Spottiswood  mentions  likewise  a  letter  from  Sir  Nicholas  Throck- 
 morton, declaring  expressly  that  no  raiijiiation  made  in  the  time  of  her 
 aqttivlty  would  he  of  force,  hut  was  nidi  in  laio  hecaicse  done  out  of  a 
 just  fear.  "  Wliich  (this  Prelate  says)  the  Queen  having  considered  with 
 herself  a  while,  without  reading  any  one  of  the  writs  presented,  she  set 
 her  hand  to  the  same,  the  tears  running  down  in  abundance  from  her 
 eyes."  And  Crawfurd's  M.S.  says — "  They  went  to  establish  a  Prince  of 
 blood-royal,  under  the  shadow  of  whose  wings  in  minority  they  should 
 convey  all  to  their  own  jjurpose. — And  to  the  effect,  it  should  seem,  to 
 have  the  better  success,  and  that  the  subjects  of  all  degrees  should  nuike 
 no  obstacle  of  the  contrary,  they  directed  theii-  message  to  tht-ir  captive 
 Princess,  desiring  her  to  allow  of  that  their  puri)0se  ;  which  she,  being 
 in  that  case,  neither  could  nor  durst  refuse.  For  the  messenger  was 
 commanded  (in  ca.se  she  should  refuse  it)  to  denounce  i)unishment  and 
 death  unto  her  for  the  murder  of  her  lawful  husband  King  Henry.  She 
 therefore  considering  with  herself  that  her  refusal  could  proht  nothing, 
 deliberated  to  yield  to  their  purj)0.se,  and  .subscribed  her  a.ssent  thereunto, 
 not  of  any  free  will,  but  a.s  1  have  said."  Mr  Knox  aiul  some  others 
 take  notice,  that  the  Lord  Kuthven  went  likewise  to  the  Queen,  in  order 
 to  press  her  sulhscriljing  the.se  writs  :  And  it  has  been  said,  that  both  these 
 Lords  made  use  of  most  bai  harous  menaces  to  induce  her  Majesty  to  a 
 compliance. 
 
 '  It  does  not  api)ear  his  Lordshij)  obeyed  either  of  these  demands. — 
 ICa.stle  Cjimjibell  is  not  "  in  the  Fife,"  but  is  in  the  parish  of  Dollar, 
 county  of  ('lackmannan,  which  exteiuls  west  of  Fife.--E.] 
 
 ■■'  The  proceedings  of  this  Assembly  of  the  Kirk  sluill  be  narrated  in 
 
156*7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  090 
 
 of  the  late  King  may  be  severely  punished,  according  to  the 
 laws  of  God,  according  to  the  practices  of  their  own  Realm, 
 and  according  to  the  laws  which  they  call  jus  gentium^ 
 without  respect  of  any  person. 
 
 "  I  do  perceive,  if  these  men  cannot  by  fair  means  induce 
 the  Queen  to  their  purpose,  they  mean  to  charge  her  with 
 these  three  crimes,  that  is  to  say,  Tyranny^  for  breach  and 
 violation  of  their  laws  and  decrees  of  the  Realm,  as  well 
 that  which  they  call  Common  Laws  as  their  Statute  Laws  ; 
 and  namely,  the  breach  of  those  statutes  which  were  enacted 
 in  her  absence,  and  confirmed  by  Mons.  de  Randam  and 
 Mons.  d'Osell  in  the  French  King  her  husband's  name  and 
 hers. 
 
 Secondly^  They  mean  to  charge  her  with  Incontinency^  as 
 well  with  the  Earl  Bothwell  as  with  others,  having  (as  they 
 say)  sufficient  proof  against  her  for  this  crime. i 
 
 "  Thirdly,  They  mean  to  charge  her  with  the  Murder  of 
 her  husband,  whereof  (they  say)  they  have  as  apparent 
 proof  against  her  as  may  be,  as  well  by  the  testimony  of  her 
 own  hand-writing,  which  they  have  recovered,  as  also  by 
 sufficient  witnesses. 
 
 "  It  may  please  your  Majesty,  upon  my  request  made  in 
 the  morning  the  24th  of  this  month  to  have  conference  with 
 the  Lords,  the  same  day  about  four  of  the  o'clock  in  the 
 afternoon  the  Lord  Graham,  heir  to  the  Earl  of  JNIontrose, 
 the  Lord  Ruthven,^  and  the  Lord  of  Lidington,  came  unto 
 me  from  the  Lords,  and  desired  me  to  repair  to  the  Tol- 
 booth,  where  being  assembled  they  desired  to  have  conference 
 with  me. 
 
 "  Whereupon,  accompanied  with  the  foresaid  Lords,  T 
 went  thither.  There  I  found  the  Lords  (whose  names  I  send 
 your  Majesty  in  a  schedule)  set  about  a  long  table,  and 
 round  about  them  a  great  number  of  barons  and  gentlemen 
 (whose  names  I  do  omit  to  make  mention  of),  to  the  number 
 of  forty,  bestowed  upon  seats.     At  my  coming  in  they  did 
 
 theii'  proper  place. — [See  the  "  Fifteenth  General  Assembly"  in  Chap.  ^'I . 
 Book  III.,  Vol.  III.  of  the  present  edition — E.] 
 
 ^  I  do  not  remember  that  ever  any  charge  was  exliibited  against  hei", 
 except  with  the  Earl  of  Bothwell. 
 
 '^  From  this  it  is  clear  that  the  Lord  Iluthven  went  not  to  the  Queeii 
 at  this  time,  when  the  instruments  were  presented  to  be  signed  by  her. 
 
700  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [156*7. 
 
 all  rise  ;  and  after  I  liad  .saluted  and  embraced  such  as  I 
 had  not  seen  before  we  sat  down.  Then  the  Lord  of 
 Lidington  and  the  Earl  of  Morton  required  nie  to  declare 
 unto  that  assembly  such  matters  as  I  had  to  open  on  your 
 Majesty's  behalf  unto  them,  and  such  as  I  had  declared  unto 
 some  of  them  at  my  last  conference.  Then  I  did  deliver  unto 
 them  all  the  points  of  your  Majesty \s  instructions,  which 
 you  gave  me  in  charge  to  open  unto  the  said  Lords,  pressing 
 earnestly  the  enlargement  of  the  Queen,  and  their  permission 
 to  let  rae  have  access  unto  her. 
 
 "  I  was  answered  by  the  Lord  of  Lidington,  who  (after 
 secret  conference  had  with  the  Earl  of  Morton  at  the  board's 
 end)  said  thus  unto  me — '  INIy  Lord  Ambassador,  to  part  of 
 these  matters  which  you  have  opened  on  your  sovereign's 
 behalf,  the  Lords  have  already  three  days  past  answered 
 you ;  and  for  the  rest,  the  Lords  do  pray  you  to  have 
 patience,  that  they  may  consult  upon  them,  most  of  this 
 assembly  not  having  heard  till  now  what  you  had  in  charge 
 to  say  unto  them."*  Whereupon  I  retired  myself,  accom- 
 panied with  the  same  Lords  which  brought  me  thither. 
 
 "  It  may  please  your  Majesty,  betwixt  ten  and  eleven  in 
 the  night  the  Lord  of  Lidington  came  to  my  lodging,  and 
 declared  unto  me  summarly  on  behalf  of  the  Lords  such 
 matter  as  the  writing  herein  closed  doth  contain,  and  after 
 dehvered  me  the  said  writing  for  the  help  (ho  said)  of  my 
 memory.  So  as  your  Majesty  may  perceive,  say  I  what  I 
 can,  these  men  are  determined  to  see  an  issue  of  their 
 resolutions.!  Thus  Almighty  God  preserve  your  ^Lajcsty  in 
 health,  honour,  and  all  felicity.  At  Edinburgh  the  25th  of 
 July  1567. 
 
 "  Your  Majesty's  most  humble,  faithful, 
 "  obedient  servant  and  subject, 
 
 "  N.  Throckmorton." 
 
 The  Paper  here  mentioned  by  Sir  Nicholas  to  have  been 
 <lelivered  to  him  by  the  Laird  of  Lethington,  containing  the 
 answer  of  the  Lords  Associators  to  the  Declaration  made  by 
 him  to  them  in  name  of  the  Queen  of  England,  is  this  that 
 folio  weth. 
 
 '  rriiropinorton  uk-ums  tiuu  tlu"  (  onlcdcriitcs  wore  (U'tcniiiiKd  to 
 follow  out  their  own  projeetN  in  (k'tiaiicc  of  all  oi)i)otiition.  — K.] 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  701 
 
 "  The  Lords  Second  Answer  to  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton^ 
 July  24th,  1567.1 
 
 "  We  understand  by  that  brief  Declaration  it  has  pleased 
 you  to  make  unto  us  upon  the  Queen's  Majesty  your 
 maistress's  behalf,  in  general,  of  the  heads  whereupon  you 
 have  commandment  to  confer  with  the  Queen's  Highness  our 
 sovcrain,  that  the  sum  of  the  whole  consisteth  in  two  points. 
 The  First  is  to  lay  out  plainly  before  her  the  defaults  of  her 
 marriage  and  other  her  doings,  whereof  your  mistress  has  a 
 misliking.  Whilk  head  as  it  mon  on  force  be  grievous  unto 
 her,  so  the  other,  bearing  with  it  a  commiseration  of  her 
 present  trouble,  and  a  special  care  to  see  the  same  redressed, 
 will  be  to  her,  as  the  case  now  stands,  comfortable.  We 
 are  not  so  inhumane  that  we  would  wish  her  Majesty  to 
 lack  comfort,  yet  does  the  present  estate  require  that  good 
 consideration  be  had,  how,  after  what  sort,  and  by  whom, 
 she  be  comforted  ;  otherwise  that  office  whilk  shall  be  used 
 for  her  commodity  may  hurt  her  and  us  all.  We  are  about 
 to  give  her  Majesty  good  advice,  and  some  are  already  in 
 hand  with  it ;  whereunto  if  she  will  give  good  ear,  it  shall 
 be  to  the  great  commodity  of  herself,  her  son  the  Prince, 
 and  this  haill  Realm.  Albeit  we  are  fully  assured  that  ye, 
 being  the  Queen's  minister,  and  admitted  to  her  presence, 
 will  do  na  office  but  that  whilk  is  honourable  for  your 
 maistress,  and  according  to  your  charge  shall  appear  unto 
 you  safe  for  us  ;  yet  we  have  good  cause,  upon  reasonable 
 considerations  worthy  to  be  foreseen  of  us,  to  doubt  that  if 
 she  should  suddenly  receive  any  comfort  at  your  hands,  or 
 conceive  of  your  speech  anything  tending  to  that  end,  by 
 construing  the  least  of  your  words  to  her  advantage,  whilk 
 otherwise  we  have  good  hope  she  wald  altogether  follow  ; 
 whereby,  contrary  to  the  Queen  your  maistress's  desire,  ye 
 should  do  her  Hiencs  harm,2  prejudice  to  our  cause,  and 
 
 1  Calig.  C.  1,  a  Copy. — [British  Museum. — E.] 
 
 2  These  are  kindly  people.  They  look  much  to  the  advantage  of  their 
 sovereign  ;  but  the  great  misfortune  is,  all  their  care  of  her  is  to  keej) 
 her  destitute  of  all  helj),  and  to  force  her  into  a  compliance  with  their 
 im]iositions.  The  world  will  be  now  able  to  judge  of  the  sincerity  of 
 those  men's  declarations  at  and  after  the  time  they  first  began  to  take  up 
 arms.     If  we  could  t/nn  have  given  credit  to  thorn,  it  was  only  BothwoU 
 
702  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 bring  no  part  of  that  to  pass  wherefore  we  understand  you 
 cliiefly  to  be  sent.  And  therefore  we  nion  pray  you  not 
 only  yourself  to  take  in  patience,  but  also  desire  the  Queen 
 your  niaistress  to  bear  with  us  the  delay  of  a  short  time, 
 whilk  nion  be  spent  in  treating  with  her  Majesty,  to  see  if 
 by  good  advices  wo  may  bring  her  to  some  conformity, 
 whereunto  we  trust  God  shall  incline  her  heart.  And  if  the 
 same  may  take  good  success  (as  we  hope),  it  shall  be  safest 
 for  her  Highness  and  us  all,  and  we  doubt  not  best  content 
 the  Queen  your  niaistress.""! 
 
 As  it  is  very  much  to  be  hoped  that  my  readers  have  not 
 taken  in  bad  part  the  preceding  circumstantiated  accounts 
 of  the  English  Ambassador's  negotiation  and  behaviour 
 hitherto  with  the  Lords  Associators,  so  may  I  presume  that 
 they  will  receive  with  no  less  satisfaction  the  following  letter 
 by  the  Queen  of  England  to  her  said  ambassador. 
 
 "  Queen's  Majesty  s  Letter  to  Sir  Nicholas  Throgmorton  in 
 Scotland,  27th  July  15 G7."- 
 "  Trusty  and  well-beloved,  we  greet  you  well :  Be  your 
 letters  of  the  21st  of  this  month  we  have  at  good  length 
 perceived  what  answer  you  have  at  length  received  in  writing 
 at  the  hands  of  the  Lord  of  Lidington  from  such  of  the 
 Lords  as  be  there  assembled  at  Edinburgh  ;  by  which  well 
 considered,  we  are  very  sorry  to  see  the  matters  growing 
 into  such  extremity,  as  we  cannot  well  bear  without  plain 
 reprehension  of  that  which  we  find  therein  amiss.  And, 
 therefore,  our  further  pleasure  is,  you  shall  continue  in  pro- 
 secution of  your  first  charge,  to  procure  the  liberty  of  the 
 Queen,  and  to  have  licence  to  speak  with  her,  to  the  intent 
 
 they  soiiijlit  after,  and  to  deliver  lier  Majesty  iVoin  liis  tliraldoni.  Alas 
 that  men  shonld  have  so  little  ingenuity  ! 
 
 ^  The  following  list,  I  suppose,  is  made  of  those  that  gave  in  this 
 answer,  or  M-hom  Throckmorton  found  met  in  the  Tolhooth.  See  his 
 foregoing  letter.  Barons  of  the  Parliament — "  the  J^arl  of  Athol,  Earl  of 
 Morton,  Earl  of  CJleneairn,  Earl  of  Marre,  Master  of  Montrose,  called 
 Lord  (Iraham,  heir  to  the  I'arl  of  Montrose  ;  Lonl  Hume,  Lord  linthven. 
 Lord  Creighton  of  Sanquhar,  Lord  Sempill,  Lord  Enermeith,  Lord  Ochil- 
 tree, L.  Craigmillar,  I'rovcst  of  IMinhurgh  ;  the  Commcndator  of  Driburgh, 
 the  t'omnu'ndator  of  Camhuskcnneth,  Mr  .lames  Mackgill."  This  list  is 
 also  taken  from  the  Cotton  Library.-  |  British  Museum.-   II.] 
 
 ■■'  C'alig.  C.  l,a  Copy.     [British  Mu.seum.— E.J 
 
15C7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  703 
 
 she  may  understand  how  much  we  mislike  her  doings,  and 
 thereby  to  induce  her  for  to  accord  to  that  which  shall  be 
 most  to  the  safety  of  her  honour  and  quietness  of  her  Realm, 
 for  so  we  have  from  the  beginning  (as  you  know)  resolved 
 to  proceed  honourably  betwixt  her  and  her  people.  And 
 now  considering  these  Lords  have  so  long  delayed  you  from 
 answer,  and  the  same  being  given  containeth  nothing  but 
 colourable  defences  of  their  own  doings,  and  that  they  have 
 not  licensed  you  to  deal  with  the  Queen,  we  are  moved  to 
 mislike  their  whole  actions.  And  so  we  will  have  you  declare 
 it  unto  them  in  this  manner  following : 
 
 "  First,  Howsoever  good  words  and  thanks  they  give  us  in 
 their  writings,  we  do  not  think  ourselves  well  used,  in  that 
 they  have  so  long  delayed  to  give  you  answer,  being  sent 
 thither,  as  our  ambassador,  to  be  a  mediator  betwixt  the 
 Queen  their  sovereign  and  them,  as  well  for  their  weal  as 
 hers  ;  and  to  procure  reasonable  means  for  the  punishment 
 of  the  murder,  and  preservation  of  their  Prince,  as  any  of 
 them  can  in  good  order  and  duty  require.  And  we  take  it 
 for  no  reasonable  excuse  that  the  absence  of  some  who  for 
 smaller  causes  might  resort,  and  usually  do  resort,  to  that 
 place,  you  have  been  hitherto  deferred,  and  yet  is  delayed  to 
 resort  to  the  Queen  :  A  matter,  you  may  say  in  our  name, 
 that  brecdeth  in  us  some  suspicion^  in  their  actions  ;  for 
 otherwise  they  need  to  stay  your  repair  unto  her,  considering 
 that  you  have  plainly  affirmed  unto  them  that  our  intention 
 is  to  allow  and  assist  the  prosecution  of  the  murder,  and 
 preservation  of  the  Prince,  which  be  the  two  principal 
 foundations  (as  they  profess  and  publish)  of  their  whole 
 actions. 2  Wherefore  you  shall  requir6  them,  as  they  will 
 regard  their  duties  to  God,  and  their  estimations  to  the 
 world,  tliat  they  be  better  advised  how  to  proceed  any 
 further  in  this  sort  as  they  seem  to  continue.  For  you  shall 
 plainly  declare  unto  them,  that  if  they  shall  determine  any 
 thing  to  the  deprivation  of  the  Queen  their  sovereign  lady 
 of  her  royal  estate,  we  arc  well  assured  of  our  own  deter- 
 mination, and  we  have  some  just  and  probable  cause  to 
 think  the  like  of  other  Princes  of  Christendom,  that  we  will 
 
 ^  The  suspicion  was  indeed  very  flagrant  in  every  step  of  tlieii*  conduct. 
 ^  But  projlsfiion  is  one  tiling  and  practice  another,  whereof  the  wise 
 Queen  of  England  could  not  he  ignorant. 
 
7^-^  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15C7. 
 
 make  ourselves  a  plain  party  against  them,   to  the  revenge 
 of  their    sovereign,    for  example   to  all   posterity.i      And 
 therein  wo  doubt  not   hut  God  will  assist  us,  and  confound 
 them  and  their  devices,  considering  they  have  no  warrant  nor 
 authority  by  the  law  of  God  or  man  to  be  as  superiors, judges, 
 or  vindicators  over  their  prince   and  sovereign,  howsoever 
 they<lo  gatherorconceive  matter  of  disorder  against  her.  And 
 therein  we  require  them  to  appeal  to  their  own  consciences, 
 what   warrant   they  have   in   Scripture,   being  subjects,  to 
 depose  their  Prince  ;  but  contrary,  and  that  with  express 
 words  in  St  Paul,  who  to  the  Romans  commanded  them  to 
 obey  potestatibus   supereminentiorihus   gladinm  gestantihus;- 
 although  it  is  well  known  that  rulers  in  Rome  were  then 
 infidels.     Or  what  law  they  find  written  in  any  monarchy 
 Christian,  how  and  what  sort  subjects  shall  take  and  arrest 
 the  person   of  their  Princes,  connnit   and  detain  them  in 
 captivity,  proceed  against  them  by  process  and  judgment, 
 as  we  are  well  assured  no  such  order  is  to  be  found  in  the 
 whole  Civil  Law.    And  if  they  have  no  warrant  by  Scripture 
 or  law,  and  yet  can  find  out  for  their  purpose  some  examples, 
 as  we  hear  be  seditious  ballads  they  put  in  print  they  would 
 pretend,    we   must  justly   account    those    examples   to   be 
 unlawful,  and  acts  of  rebellion;    and  so  if  the  stories  be 
 well  weighed  the  success  will  prove  them.3     You  shall  say, 
 that  this  may  suflice  to  such  as  do  pretend  to  be  carried  in 
 their  actions  by  authority  either  of  religion  or  of  justice  ; 
 and  as  to  others  that  for  particular  respect  look  only  to 
 their  own  surety,  it  were  well  done,  before  they  proceeded 
 any  fui-ther,  they  did  well  consider  how  to  stay  where  they 
 be,  and  to  devise  how  to  make  surety  of  their  doings  already 
 past,  than  to  increase  their  peril  by  more  dangerous  doings 
 to  follow.     And  yet  generally  we  do  yield  unto  them,  that 
 for  things  already  past  which  cannot  be  revoked,  we  will  be 
 the  means  to  appease  all  controversies,  and  doubt  not  but, 
 
 ^  Perhaps  the  Associators  inii,rlit  luive  liad  some  inkliii<r  of  tlie  English 
 Queen's  determination,  and  that  has  made  them  so  desirous  of  obtainin<,' 
 what  they  called  a  voluntaiy  demission  from  their  own  sovereign. 
 
 ^  i.  e.  Obey  sovereign  and  sujjerior  i)Owors  that  bear  the  sword. 
 
 -*  The  Queen  of  England  speaks  here  both  like  a  wise  womim  and  great 
 Trincess.  The  stories  they  pretended  for  examples  were  certainly 
 nothing  elso  but  acts  of  rcl»ellion,  for  which  these,  nor  no  other  nuMi, 
 could  over  j»  odiuc  aiiv  law  whatsoever. 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  705 
 
 if  they  will  give  you  access  to  her,  to  induce  her  to  accord 
 hereto.  In  this  sort  our  meaning  is  you  should  answer 
 them,  and  by  the  way,  for  satisfying  their  objections  which 
 be  amplified  in  their  answer,  you  may  assure  them  we  so 
 detest  and  abhor  the  murder  committed  upon  our  cousin 
 their  King,  and  mislike  as  much  as  any  of  them  the 
 marriage  of  the  Queen  our  sister  with  Both  well.  But  herein 
 we  dissent  from  them,  that  we  think  it  not  lawful  nor 
 tolerable  for  them,  being  by  God's  ordinance  subjects,  to 
 call  her,  who  also  by  God's  ordinance  is  their  superior  and 
 Prince,  to  answer  to  their  accusations  by  way  of  force  ;  for 
 we  do  not  think  it  consonant  in  nature  the  head  should  be 
 subject  to  the  foot.  And  because  we  have  found  by  some 
 of  your  letters  heretofore,  that  some  of  these  Lords  that 
 now  concur  in  these  actions  do  note  us  to  have  been  some- 
 what cold  in  our  amity  towards  them  in  their  distress, 
 amongst  which  we  note  the  Earl  of  Morton  one,  and  that 
 some  others  of  them  pretend  that  our  favours  heretofore 
 shewed  were  for  particular  respects  of  our  own,  or  at  least 
 did  concern  them,  we  think  it  good  that,  as  ye  see  time 
 and  occasion,  both  the  one  and  the  other  may  be  herein 
 answered.  Firsts  the  Earl  of  Morton  had  refuge  in  our 
 Realm  when  we  might  have  delivered  him  to  death,  as 
 his  father  also  and  uncle  had  before,  with  no  small  favour 
 at  our  father's  hands,  and  he  himself  was  restored  to  his 
 pardon  for  gratifying  us,  upon  instance  made  by  our  order 
 at  the  Earl  of  Bedford's  being  with  the  Queen.  And  as  to 
 others  which  pretend  to  have  had  no  interest  in  our  former 
 favours,  for  delivering  of  that  Realm  from  the  tyranny  of 
 the  French,  you  may  well  answer  them  that  the  fruit  of 
 our  charges  therein  shewed,  we  think  they  do  find  and  have 
 found  unto  this  day  to  concern  them  as  much  as  others 
 which  did  then  solicite  us.  And  because  we  see  a  ceneral 
 course  taken  in  debating  with  you,  that  this  our  manner  of 
 seeking  the  Queen's  liberty,  and  our  not  aiding  of  them  at 
 this  present  with  money  whilst  she  is  in  captivity,  is  likely 
 to  draw  them  to  link  themselves  after  their  old  manner  with 
 France,  you  shall  say,  we  doubt  not  but  if  they  do  consider 
 of  things  heretofore  past  which  have  followed  upon  their 
 partial  Band,  they  themselves  for  their  country  shall  have 
 as  great  cause  to  mislike  thereof  as  we  for  ours:  And  yet 
 VOL.  II.  45 
 
70G  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7 
 
 if  it  were  otherwise  for  us  to  think  thereof,  we  cannot,  nor 
 will,  for  respect  of  our  particular  profit  at  this  time,  be 
 in<luced  to  consent  to  that  which  we  cannot  in  conscience 
 like  or  allow ;  but  shall  remit  the  consequence  thereof  (as 
 we  have  done  many  such  like  things  touching  our  estate)  to 
 the  good  will  and  favour  of  Almighty  God,  at  whose  hands 
 we  have  found  no  lack  in  the  doing  or  omitting  of  any  thing 
 whcreunto  our  conscience  hath  induced  us. 
 
 ''Lastly,  For  answer  to  your  letter,  requiring  to  know 
 our  pleasure  what  you  shall  do  if  you  be  required  to  be 
 present  at  the  coronation  of  the  Prince,^  We  think,  knowing 
 our  mind  in  all  this  action  as  you  do,  that  you  will  not  by 
 any  such  act  affirm  their  doings;  and,  for  your  better 
 satisfaction,  we  do  prohibite  you  to  assent  thereto  by  any 
 means." 
 
 By  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton's  preceding  letter  of  the 
 2oth  July,  we  come  to  know  that  the  Lord  Lindsay  had 
 gone  to  Lochlevin,  and  carried  along  with  him  three  Instru- 
 ments, already  drawn  up  by  the  associated  rebels,  in  order 
 to  procure  the  Queen's  assent  and  subscription.  And  now, 
 before  we  proceed  farther  in  that  gentleman  s  negotiation, 
 the  thread  of  our  History  and  the  series  of  affairs  will 
 require  that  these  several  Instruments  be  laid  before  the 
 readers,  together  with  such  other  things  as  have  a  natural 
 and  necessary  dependence  on  that  great  occurrence :  They 
 were  as  follow  : — 
 
 *'  Marie,  be  the  grace  of  God  Quene  of  Scottis — To  all 
 and  sundrie  our  jugeis  and  ministeris  of  law,liegis  and  subjectis 
 quhome  it  cffeiris,  to  (pdiais  knawlege  thir  our  letteris  sail 
 cum,greting  :  FoRSAMKKLE  as  be  lang,  irksum,  and  tedious 
 travell  takin  be  us  in  the  governement  of  this  our  Realme 
 and  llegis  thairof,  we  ar  sa  vexit  and  weryit  that  our  body, 
 spirite,  and  sencis,  ar  altogiilder  bocum  unhabill  langer  to 
 travell  in  that  rowme  ;  and  thairfore  we  have  dimittit  and 
 renuncit  the  office  of  governement  of  this  our  Realme,  and 
 lieiris  thairof,  in  favouris  of  our  onlie  maist  deir  sone,  native 
 
 *  By  this  it  is  apparent  the  Assotiatois  hail  talkotl  to  tlie  English 
 minister  concerning  the  setting  up  the  IMince  for  Kin^' as  a  thing  they 
 intended  to  perform. 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  707 
 
 Prince  of  this  our  Realme.  And  because  of  his  tender 
 zouth,  and  inhabihtie  to  use  the  said  governement  in  his 
 awin  persoun  during  his  minoritie,  we  have  constitute  our 
 derrest  brother  James  Eric  of  Morray,  Lord  Abernethie, 
 &c.  Regent  to  our  said  sonc,  Reahne,  and  liegis  foirsaidis. 
 And  in  respect  that  our  said  derrest  brother  is  actualHe 
 furth  of  our  Reahne,  and  cannot  instantlie  be  present  to 
 accept  the  said  office  of  Regentrie  upon  him,  and  use  and 
 exerce  the  samin  during  our  saidis  derrest  sonis  minoritie, 
 We  quhill  (until)  his  returning  within  our  Realme,  or  in  cais 
 of  his  deceis,  have  maid,  constitute,  namit,  appointit,  and 
 ordanit,  and  be  thir  our  letteris  makis,  constitutis,  namis. 
 appointis,  and  ordanis  our  traist  cousingis  and  counsallouris. 
 James  Duke  of  Chattellerault,  Erie  of  Arrane,  Lord 
 Hammiltoun  ;  Matho  Erie  of  Levinax,  Lord  Dernley,  &c.  ; 
 Archibald  Erie  of  Argyle,  Lord  Campbell  and  Lome,  &c.  ; 
 Johne  Erie  of  Athole ;  James  Erie  of  Mortoun  ;  Alexander 
 Erie  of  Glencarne ;  and  John  Erie  of  Mar,i  Regentis  to  our 
 said  derrest  sone,  Realme  and  liegis.  And  in  cais  our  said 
 brother  James  Erie  of  Morray  cum  within  our  Realme,  and 
 refusis  to  accept  the  said  office  of  Regentrie  upon  his 
 singulare  persoun  ;  we  mak,  constitute,  name,  appoint,  and 
 ordeine  our  traist  cousingis  and  counsallouris  foirsaidis,  and 
 our  said  brother,  Regentis  of  our  said  dcir  sone,  Realme, 
 and  liegis.  Gevand,  grantand,  and  committand  to  thame, 
 or  ony  fyve  of  thame,  conjuncthe,  full  powar  for  our  said 
 sone,  and  in  his  name  to  ressave  resignatiounis  of  landis,  mak 
 dispositiounis  of  wairdis,  nonentressis,  relevis,  marriageis, 
 beneficeis,eshetis,  officis,  and  utheris  casualiteis  andprivilegeis 
 quhatsumever  concerning  the  said  office,  signatouris  their- 
 upoun  to  mak,  subscrive,and  cause  be  past  throuch  the  Seillis. 
 And  to  use  and  exercise  the  said  office  of  Regentrie  in  all 
 thingis,  privilegeis,  and  commoditeis,  siclyke  as  frelie  and 
 with  als  greit  libertie  as  ony  Regent  or  Governour  to  us,  or 
 our  predecessouris,  usit  the  samin  in  ony  times  bygane  ; 
 promittand  to  hald  firm  and  stabill,  in  the  word  and  faith 
 of  ane  Prince,  to  quhatsumever  thingis  our  saidis  traist 
 cousingis  dois  in  the  premissis.  Chargeing  heirfore  zow  all 
 and  sundrie  our  jugeis  and   ministeris   of  law,   liegis  and 
 
 ^  [See  also  "  Ilistorie  of  the  Reign  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,"  by  Lord 
 Hemes,  printed  for  the  Abbotsford  ('LrB,  p.  97- — K.] 
 
708  Tin:  HISTORY  OF  Tin-:  affairs  [1oG7. 
 
 Rubjectis  foirsaidis,  to  answer  and  obey  to  our  saidis  traist 
 cousinLHs,  Keirentis  Ibirsaidis,  in  all  and  sindrie  thini^is  con- 
 ccrning  the  said  office  of  Regentrie,  during  our  said  derrest 
 sonis  minoritie,  and  ay  and  (juhil  he  be  of  the  age  of  seven- 
 tcne  zoiris  coniplcit.  As  ze  and  ilk  ane  of  zow  will  declair 
 zow  luifing  subjectis  to  our  said  maist  deir  sone,  zour  native 
 Prince,  and  under  all  paine,  charge,  and  offence,  that  ze  and 
 ilk  ane  of  zow  may  commit,  and  inrin  aganis  his  Majestic  in 
 that  pairt.  Subscribit  with  our  hand,  and  gevin  under  our 
 Previe-Seill,  at  Lochlevin  the  xxiv.  day  of  Julij,  and  of  our 
 Regno  the  twcntie-fyve  zeir. 
 
 "  Marie,  be  the  grace  of  God  Quene  of  Scottis— To 
 all  and  sindrie  our  jugeis  and  ministeris  of  law,  liegis  and 
 subjectis,  quhome  it  effeiris,  to  quhais  knawlege  thir  our 
 letteris  sail  cum,  greting :  Forsamekle  as  sen  our  arrivall 
 and  returning  within  our  Realme  we  willing  the  commoun 
 commoditie,  welth,  profeit,  and  quyetnes  thairof,  liegis  and 
 subjectis  of  the  samin,  have  employit  our  body,  spirite, 
 haill  sencis  and  forcis,  to  governe  the  same,  in  sic  sort  that 
 our  royall  and  honorabill  estate  mycht  stand  and  continew 
 with  us  and  our  posteritie,  and  our  luifing  and  kynde  liegis 
 mycht  enjoy  the  quyetnes  of  trew  subjectis.  In  travelling 
 <juhairin,  not  onlie  is  our  body,  spirite,  and  sencis  sa  vexit, 
 brokin,  and  unquyetit,  that  langer  wo  ar  not  of  habilitie  be 
 ony  meane  to  indure  sa  greit  and  intoloral)ill  panis  and 
 travellis,  quhairwith  we  ar  altogidder  weryit,  bot  als  greit 
 commotiounis  and  troublis,  be  sindrie  occasiounis,  in  the 
 mein  tyme  hes  ensewit  thairin,  to  our  greit  greif.  And 
 seing  it  hes  bene  the  plesour  of  the  eternall  God,  of  his 
 kyndlie  lufe,  mercie,  and  gudnes,  to  grant  unto  us,  of  our 
 awin  persoun,  ane  sone,  (pdia  in  cais  be  the  hand  of  Ciod  wo 
 be  veseit,  will,  and  of  rycht  and  of  oquitie  man  and  audit  to 
 succeid  to  us  and  to  the  governement  of  our  Realme  ;  and 
 knawing  that  all  creaturis  ar  subject  to  that  imnuitabill 
 decreit  of  the  Eternall,  anis  to  rander  and  gif  up  this  lyfe 
 temporall,  the  hour  and  tyme  (juliairof  is  maist  uneertane, 
 and  in  cais  be  deceis  we  bo  takin  fra  this  lyfe,  during  the 
 tyme  of  his  minoritie,  it  maybe  dowtit  greitlie  that  resistance 
 and  troubill  may  be  maid  to  our  said  sone,  now  native 
 Prince  of  this  our  Realme.   in  liis  teuilcr  zeiris,  being  swa 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  709 
 
 destitute  of  us,  to  succeid  to  that  rowme  and  kingdome 
 quhilk  maist  justlie  of  all  lawis  appertenis  to  him  :  quliilk 
 inconvenient,  be  Godis  help  and  gudc  providence,  we  mene 
 to  prevent  in  sic  nianer,  that  it  sail  not  ly  in  the  power  of 
 ony  unnaturall  subjectis  to  resist  Godis  ordinance  in  that 
 behalf.  And  understanding  that  nathing  eirdliel  is  mair 
 joyous  and  happy  to  us  nor-  to  se  our  said  derrest  sone, 
 in  our  awin  lyfetyme,  peciablie  placit  in  that  rowme  and 
 honorabill  estate  cj^uhairto  he  justlie  audit  and  man  succeid 
 to,  we,  of  the  motherlie  affectioun  we  beir  toward  our  said 
 onlie  sone,  have  renuncit  and  dimittit,  and  be  thir  our 
 letteris,  frelie,  of  our  awin  motive  will,  renuncit  and  dimittis 
 the  governement,  gyding,  and  governing,  of  this  oure  Realnie 
 of  Scotland,  liegis  and  subjectis  thairof,  and  all  intromis- 
 sioun  and  dispositioun  of  ony  casualiteis,  propertie,  benefices, 
 offices,  and  all  thingis  appertening,  or  heirtofoir  is  knawin, 
 or  heirefter  sail  liappin  to  appertene  thairto,  in  favouris  of 
 our  said  derrest  sone,  to  that  effect,  that  he  may  be  plantit, 
 placit,  and  possessit  thairin,  use  and  exerce  all  thingis 
 belangand  thairto,  as  native  King  and  Prince  of  the  samin, 
 and  siclyke  as  we  or  ony  our  predecessouris,  Kingis  of 
 Scottis,  hes  done  in  ony  tymes  bypast.  Attoure,  that  this 
 our  Dimissioun  may  tak  the  mair  solempne  effect,  and  that 
 nane  pretend  ignorance  thairof,  we  have  gevin,  grantit,  and 
 committit,  and  be  thir  our  letteris  gevis,  grantis,  and  com- 
 mittis  our  commissioun,  full,  frie,  and  plane  power,  general] 
 and  speciall  command,  to  our  traist  cousingis,  Patrik  Lord 
 Lindesay  of  the  Byris  and  Williame  Lord  Ruthven,  and  to 
 ilk  ane  of  thame  conjunctlie  and  severallic,  to  compeir 
 before  sa  mony  of  the  Nobilitic,  clcrgie,  burgessis,  and 
 uthir  pepill  of  our  Realme,  as  sail  liappin  to  be  assemblit  to 
 that  effect  in  our  burgh  of  Striviling,  or  ony  uther  place  or 
 placis  (juhair  it  salbe  tliocht  maist  convenient,  at  ony  day 
 or  days,  and  thair  publictlie  in  tliair  presence,  for  us,  in 
 our  name,  and  upoim  our  behalf,  dimit  and  renounce  the 
 governement,  gy<ling  and  reuling  of  this  our  Realme,  liegis, 
 and  subjectis  thairof,  all  intromissioun  with  the  propertie, 
 casualitie,  or  utheris  thingis  appertening  to  us  thairby,  and 
 all  ryclit  and  tytle  that  we  had,  hes,  or  may  have,   b<'   ony 
 
 ^  Earthly.  =  'nuin 
 
710  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567- 
 
 nianer  of  way  tliairto,  in  favoiiris  of  our  said  sone,  to  that 
 effect  that  he  may  be  inaugurat,  placit,  and  rowmit  thairin, 
 and  the  Crowne-lloyall  deHverit  to  him,  and  be  obeyit  in 
 all  thingis  concerning  the  samin,  as  we  or  our  prcdecessouris 
 hes  bene  in  tymes  bypast.  And  in  lykewise  be  thir  prc- 
 sentis,  gevis,  grantis,  and  committis  our  full,  frie,  and  plane 
 power  to  our  rycht  traist  cousingis,  James  Erie  of  Mortoun, 
 Lord  of  Dalkeith,  Johne  Erie  of  A  thole,  &c.,  Johnc  Erie  of 
 Mar,  &c.,  Alexander  Erie  of  Glencarne,  Williame  Erie  of 
 Menteith,  Johnc  Maister  of  Grahame,  Alexander  Lord 
 Hume,  Adam  Bischop  of  Orknay,i  the  Provestis  of  Dundie, 
 Montrois,  or  ony  of  tharae,  to  ressave  the  said  Rcnuncia- 
 tioun  and  Dimissioun  in  favouris  of  our  said  sone  ;  and 
 thairefter  the  ressaving  thairof,to  plant,  place,  and  inaugurat 
 him  in  the  kingdome,  and  with  all  ceremonies  requysit  to 
 put  the  crownc-royall  upon  his  heid,  in  signe  and  takin  of 
 the  establesing  of  him  thairin,  and  in  his  name  to  mak  and 
 gif  to  the  saidis  Nobilitie;  clergy,  burgessis,  and  uthcris  our 
 liegis,  his  princely  and  kingly  aith,  detfully  and  lauehfully 
 as  effeiris ;  and  to  ressave  thair  aithis  for  dew  and  lauchfuU 
 homage  to  be  maid  be  thame  to  him,  in  all  tymes  cuming, 
 as  becumis  subjectis  to  thair  native  King  and  Prince.  And 
 generally  all  and  sindrie  uther  thingis  to  do,  exerce  and  use, 
 that  for  sure  performance  and  accomplishment  heirof,  may 
 or  can  be  done,  firme  and  stable  haldand,  and  for  to  hald 
 all  and  quhatsumever  thingis  in  our  name,  in  the  premissig 
 leidis  to  be  done  in  the  word  and  faithful  promise  of  ano 
 Prince.  And  ordanis  thir  our  letteris,  gif  neid  beis,  to  be 
 publist  at  all  places  neidfull.  Subscrivit  with  our  hand,  and 
 gevin  under  our  Previe-Seill  at  Loehlevin,  the  xxiv.  day  of 
 Julij,  and  of  our  Regno  the  twentie-fyve  zcir,  1507- 
 
 "  Marie,  be  the  Grace  of  God  Quene  of  Scottis — To  all 
 and  sundrie  our  jugeis  and  ministeris  of  our  lawis,  liegis,  and 
 Hubjoctis  (juliomo  it  effeiris,  to  quhais  knawledgo  thir  our 
 letteris  sail  cum,  greting:  FoRSAMHKiLLas  efter  lang,  greit, 
 and  intolerabill  painis  and  labouris  takin  be  us  sen  our 
 arrivall   within  our   Realmc  for  governemcnt  thairof,  and 
 
 '  [The  very  man  who  had  married  Mary  to  liis  titled  namesake  Bothwell. 
 Well  nii;,'ljt  the  unfortunate  Queen  view  sueh  pei-fidy  with  indi^niation. 
 The  liishop  of  Orkn.  y  was  uudeniahly  one  of  the  most  unjuineipled  men 
 ofhistimo.     i:.| 
 
1567.]  OF  CHUECH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  711 
 
 keiping  of  the  liegis  of  the  samin  in  quyetnes,  we  have  not 
 onehe  bene  vexit  in  our  spirit,  body,  and  sencis  thairby,  but 
 als  at  lenth  ar  altogidder  sa  vexit  thairof,  that  our  habiUtie 
 and  strenth  of  body  is  not  habill  langer  to  indure  the  samin. 
 Thairfoir,  and  because  nathing  eirdHe  can  be  mair  confort- 
 abill  and  happy  to  us  in  this  eird  nor  in  our  lyfetyme  to  se 
 our  deir  sone  the  native  Prince  of  this  ourReahne  placit  in  the 
 kingdome  thairof,  and  the  crowne-royall  set  on  his  heid,  we 
 of  our  awin  fre  will  and  speciall  motive  have  dimittit  and 
 renuncit  the  governement,  gyding,  and  governing  of  this  our 
 Realme  of  Scotland,  liegis  and  subjectis  thairof,  in  favouris 
 of  our  saidis  sone,  to  that  effect,  that  in  all  tymes  heirefter 
 he  may  peciablie  and  quyetlie  enjoy  the  samin  without 
 troubill,  and  be  obeyit  as  native  King  and  Prince  of  the 
 samin  be  the  liegis  thairof.  And  understanding  that  be 
 ressoun  of  his  tender  zouth  he  is  not  of  habilitie  in  his  awin 
 persoun  to  administrate  in  his  kinglie  rowme  and  governe- 
 ment, as  equytie  requyris,  quhil  that  heirefter  he  cum  to 
 the  zeiris  of  discretioun  ;  and  als  knawing  the  proximitie  of 
 blude  standand  betuix  us,  our  said  sone,  and  our  derrest 
 brother  James  Erie  of  Morray,  Lord  Abirnethie,  &c. ;  and 
 havand  experience  of  the  naturall  affectioun  and  tenderly 
 hife  he  hes  in  all  tymes  borne,  and  presentlie  beiris  towardis 
 us,  honour  and  estate  of  our  said  sone,  of  quhais  lufe  and 
 favour  towardis  him  we  cannot  hot  assure  ourself ;  to  quhom 
 na  greter  honour,  joy,  nor  felicitie  in  eird  can  cum  nor  to  se 
 our  said  sone  inaugurat  in  his  kingdome,  feirrit,  reverencit, 
 and  obeyit  be  his  liegis  thairof :  In  respect  quhairof,  and  of 
 the  certanetie  and  notoritie  of  the  honestie,  habilitie,  quali- 
 ficatioun,  and  sufficiencie  of  our  said  derrest  brother  to  have 
 the  cure  and  regiment  of  our  said  sone,  Realme,  and  liegis 
 foirsaidis,  during  our  said  sonis  minoritie.  We  have  maid, 
 namit,  appointit,  constitute,  and  ordanit,  and  be  thir  our 
 letteris,  namis,  appointis,  makis,  constitutis,  and  ordanis 
 our  said  derrest  brother  James  Erie  of  Morray,  Regent  to 
 our  said  derrest  sone,  Realme,  and  liegis  foirsaidis,  during 
 his  minoritie  and  les  age,  and  ay  and  ([uliill  he  be  of  the  age 
 of  sevintcne  zeiris  compleit ;  and  that  our  saide  brother  be 
 callit  during  the  said  space  Regent  to  our  said  sone,  his 
 Realme  and  liegis.  Swathat  our  said  sone  eft er  the  completing 
 of  the  zeiris  foirsaidis,  in  his  awin  persoun  may  tak  upon 
 
712  TlIK  HISTORY  UF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507- 
 
 him  the  said  govenieincnt,  and  use  and  exerce  all  and  sindrie 
 privilegis,  honouris,  and  utheris  imrauniteis  that  appertenis 
 to  the  office  of  anc  King,  alsweill  in  governing  his  Realme 
 and  pepill  according  to  the  lawis,  as  in  repressing  the  violence 
 of  sic  as  wald  invaid,  or  injustlie  resist  him  or  thame,  or  his 
 autlioritio  royall :  With  power  to  our  said  derrest  brother, 
 James  Erie  of  Morray,  in  name,  authoritie,  and  behalf  of  our 
 said  maist  deir  sone,  to  ressave  resignatiounis  of  quhat- 
 suniever  landis  haldin  of  him,  or  zit  of  ofticis,  castellis, 
 towris,  fortalices,  mylnis,  fischingis,  woddis,  benefices,  or 
 pertinentis  quhatsumever,  the  samin  againe  in  our  said  sonis 
 name  to  gif  and  deliver  signaturis  thairupon,  and  upon  the 
 giftis  of  wairdis,  nonentressis,  and  relevis  of  landis,  and 
 marriageis  of  airis  falland,  or  that  sail  happin  to  fall,  in  our 
 said  sonis  handis  as  superiour  thairof.  And  als  upon  pre- 
 sentatioun  of  landis,  benefices,  eschetis  of  gudis  movabil  and 
 unmovabil,  dettis  and  takkis,  respittis,  remissiounis,  super- 
 sedcrcis,  and  upon  the  dispositioun  of  offices  vacand,  or 
 quhen  they  sail  happen  to  vaik,  to  subscrive,  and  cause  be 
 past  the  Seillis.  The  said  office  of  Regentrie  to  use  and 
 exerce  in  all  thingis,  privilegis,  and  commoditeis,  siclyke  as 
 frelie,  and  with  als  greit  libertie  as  ony  Regent  or  governour 
 to  use,  or  our  predecessouris  usit  in  ony  tymes  bygane,  and 
 siclyke  as  gif  everie  heid,  privilege,  and  article  concerning 
 the  said  office  wer  at  Icnth  expressit  and  amplifyit  in  thir 
 our  letteris,  promissand  to  hald  firnie  and  stabill  in  the  word 
 and  faith  of  ane  Prince,  to  quhatsumever  thingis  our  said 
 derrest  brotlier  in  the  premissis  happinis  to  do.  Chargeing 
 heirfoir  zow  all  and  sindrie  our  jugeis  and  ministeris  of  law, 
 liegis,  and  subjcctis  foirsaidis,  to  answer  and  obey  to  our 
 said  derrest  brother,  in  all  and  sindrie  thingis  concerning 
 the  said  office  of  Regentrie,  as  ze  and  ilk  ane  of  zow  will 
 declair  zow  luifing  subjcctis  to  our  said  maist  deir  sone,  and 
 under  all  paine,  charge,  and  offence,  that  ze,  and  ilk  ane  of 
 zow  may  commit  and  inrin  aganis  his  Majestic  in  that  pairt. 
 Subscrivit  with  our  hand,  and  gevin  under  our  Previe-Seill 
 at  Lochlevin  the  xxiv.  day  of  Julij,  and  of  our  regno  the 
 twentie-fyve  zeir/'i 
 
 Tlic  tnn'p)ing  flwcr    Instruments   having  l>een  all  signrd 
 '   niack  Act«of  rarlianu'nt,;iM(l  J{.  M.-|HoluMt  Miln.-K.l 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  713 
 
 by  the  Queen  on  the  24th  of  July,^  the  very  next  day  the 
 Lord  Lindsay  returned  with  them  to  Edinburgh,  where 
 meeting  with  the  other  Associators,  he  notified  to  them  the 
 success  of  his  errand, ^  and  thereupon  we  find  the  following 
 record  of  Privy  Council,  viz. 
 
 *'  Apud  Edinburgh,  25  Julij,  Anno  Dom.  1567. 
 "  Sederunt  Jacobus  Comes  de  Mortoun,  Joannes  Comes  de 
 
 1  [The  abdication  of  Queen  :Mary  was  altogether  compulsory,  and  was 
 extorted  from  her  in  the  most  savage  manner  by  the  ferocious  Lord 
 Lindsay,  who  had  committed  murder  in  her  presence.  She  never  read 
 tlie  "  three  Instruments."  When  laid  before  her  to  be  signed,  the  Queen 
 became  so  alarmed  at  the  stern  demeanour  and  the  insolent  conduct  of 
 Lord  Lmdsay,  that  with  tears  in  her  eyes,  and  a  trembluig  hand,  she 
 adhibited  her  signature  to  the  documents.  "At  length,  terrified  and 
 overcome  with  fear,"  says  Lord  Ilerries,  "  they  extort  her  hand  to  a 
 Renunciation  of  the  Crowne  in  her  son's  name,  with  a  Procutorie  and 
 Commission  to  crown  him  ;  unto  all  which  she  put  her  hand  without  ever 
 reading  the  thing,  or  hearing  it  read."— liistorie  of  the  Reigne  of  Marie 
 Queen  of  Scots,  p.  97— E.] 
 
 2  [Our  Historian  seems  not  to  have  been  aware  of  a  very  important 
 circumstance  which  illustrates  Lord  Lindsay's  daring  character.  It  was 
 necessary  that  the  three  documents  signed  by  the  Queen  should  pass  the 
 Privy  Seal,  and  a  new  outrage  was  committed  to  obtain  this  indispensible 
 ratification  of  the  deeds.  The  Deputy  Keeper  was  Thomas  Sinclair,  who 
 held  the  situation  from  1555  to  1574.  Lord  Lindsay  appeared  among 
 the  Confederates  on  the  25th  of  July,  the  day  after  he  had  been  at  Loch- 
 leven,  and  desired  Thomas  Sinclair  to  adhibit  the  Privy  Seal  to  the  three 
 documents.  Sinclair  replied,  that  "  so  long  as  the  Queen's  Majesty  is  in 
 ward  he  would  *seall  na  sic  lettres  that  are  extraordinare.' "  This 
 enraged  Lindsay,  who  attacked  his  house,  forcibly  took  the  Privy  Seal 
 out  of  his  hands,  and  by  threats  and  violence  compelled  Sinclair  to  "  seill 
 the  same,  quhilk  the  saide  Thomas  protestit  was  againis  his  will  vi  majori^ 
 to  the  quhilk  he  culd  not  resist ;  and  the  saide  Lord  tuke  instrumentis 
 that  he  ofFerit  to  him  the  lettre  for  his  warrand."— See  "  Facts  relative 
 to  the  Abdication  of  Queen  Mary,"  communicated  by  John  Riddell,  Esq. 
 Advocate,  in  Blackwood's  Magazine  for  October  1817,  vol.  ii.  p.  31,  32. 
 "  We  are  thus,"  observes  Mr  Riddell,  "furnished  with  a  contemporary 
 copy  of  a  missing  document — the  warrant  of  Mary  for  her  own  abdication. 
 The  Privy  Seal,  then,  de  facto  was  not  appended  to  the  three  documents 
 till  late  on  the  25th  of  July.  A  curious  instance  is  afforded  of  the  resolute 
 manner  in  which  Lindsay,  styled  l)y  Robertson  the  'zealot'  of  his  party, 
 hurried  on  the  acconii)lishment  of  their  measures  at  a  crisis  of  consider- 
 able difficulty  ;  and  additional  proof  of  the  hazard,  and  perhaps  un- 
 ])Opularity  of  the  enterprize,  may  be  discoverable  in  this  act  of  a  public 
 officer,  wlio  might  not  be  altogether  uninfluenced  by  the  national  feelings 
 of  the  moment,  assi-rted  to  have  undergone  a  ciiange  favourable  to  the 
 interests  of  the  Queen."  On  tlie  evening  of  the  25th  the  Queen's  abdi- 
 cation and  appointment  of  a  Regency  were  proclaimed  at  the  Cross  of 
 Edinl)urgh. — E.| 
 
714  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567- 
 
 Athole,    Alexander  Dominus   llume,    Eduardus  Dominus 
 
 Sanquhalr,  Williclmus  Dominus  Ruthven. 
 
 "  Presenting  of  the  Quenis  Majestie''s  Commissionis. 
 "  The  (luhilk  (Lay,  in  prcscns  of  the  Lordis  of  Secreit 
 Counsale,  and  utheris  of  the  Nobilitie,  Prekittis,  Baronnis, 
 and  Conunissionaris  of  Burrowis,  convenit  within  the  Tol- 
 buyth  of  Edinburgh,  comperit  Patrick  Lord  Lyndesay  of 
 the  Byris,  and  presentit  this  Commissioun  under-writtin 
 subscrivit  be  the  Quenis  Majestic,  our  Soverane  Ladio,  and 
 under  her  Prievie-Seill,  desyrand  the  same  to  be  opinHe  red  ; 
 of  the  quhilk  the  tenour  followis— Marie,  BE  THE  GRACE  OF 
 God,''  &c. — as  in  p.  708,  which  contains  the  Queen's  demis- 
 sion of  the  Government  in  favour  of  the  Prince  her  son,  for  no 
 other  paper  was  read  at  this  time.  Then  follows  in  the 
 Record — "  Quhilkis  being  opinlie  red,  the  saidis  Lordis  of 
 Secreit-Counsale,  and  utheris  of  the  Nobilitie,  Prelatis, 
 Baronnis,  and  Commissi onaris  of  Burrowis,  convenit  as  said 
 is,  glaidlie  aggreit  thairto,  allowit  and  apprevit  the  samyn  ; 
 and  in  vcrificatioun  and  testificatioun  thairof,  subscryvit  the 
 obligatioun  following — 
 
 "  Second  Band.i — We  quhilkis  hes  subscryvit  this  under- 
 
 1  It  is  so  stilcd  in  the  Register  of  Privy-Council,  and  though  the  date 
 in  the  end  be  left  Mank,  yet  it  has  probably  been  made  on  the  25th  of 
 July,  as  appears  here  by  the  time  of  presenting  the  Queen's  Commission, 
 as  likewise  by  another  pai)er,  entitled  "  Articles  of  the  Kirk,"  immediately 
 following  this  Bond  in  the  Register,  of  the  date  tlie  25th  July  also. 
 Rishop  Burnet  in  his  3d  vol.  of  the  Reformation,  and  Mr  Anderson  in  his 
 Collections,  vol.  2,  have  both  given  copies  of  this  Band  from  an  original 
 in  the  Library  of  (ilasgow,  to  which  are  adjected  a  great  many  subscrip- 
 tions. The  copies  of  the  Bond  are  indeed  word  for  word  the  same  with 
 that  in  the  Register,  but  the  subscriptions  in  the  Bishop's  coi)y  come  far 
 short  of  Mr  Anderson's  ;  neither  are  they  in  the  same  order,  so  far  as 
 they  proceed  together.  Mr  Anderson  observes  that  the  subscribents  began 
 to  sign  upon  the  25th  of  .July  15G7,  and  continued  to  sign  as  they  came 
 in  till  the  December  following  that  the  Parliament  met  ;  and  he  likewise 
 observes  in  his  General  Preface,  that  "  most  of  the  j)ersons  subscribers  of 
 this  Bond,  and  of  those  who  were  present  at  the  Parliament  in  December 
 1667,  are  the  same  with  these  who  attended  the  Parliament  or  Convention 
 in  August  15(>0."  If  it  was  so,  it  follows  that  faction  had  gained  but  few 
 proselytes  in  these  seven  years  bygone.  But  though  tlie  Register  of 
 Privy-Council  mentions  that  the  Queen's  demission  wa.s  read  in  presence 
 of  the  Lords  of  Secret-Council,  and  others  of  the  Nobility,  Prelates, 
 Barons,  and  Commissioners  of  Burrows,  who  did  all  gladly  agree  there- 
 unto, yet  we  nu\y  justly  suspect  that  few,  if  any  at  all,  have  been  present 
 
1567.J  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  715 
 
 writtin  Band,  understanding  that  the  Quenis  Majestie  willing 
 nathing  mair  eyrnistlie  nor  that  in  hir  lyfetyme  her  niaist 
 deir  sone,  our  native  Prince,  be  placeit  and  inaugurat  in 
 the  kyngdome  of  this  his  native  countrye  and  Realme,  and 
 be  obey  it  as  King  be  us  and  utheris  his  subjectis  :  And 
 being  weryit  of  the  greit  panis  and  travillis  taken  be  hir  in 
 her  governament  thairof,  lies  be  hir  letteris  dimittit  and 
 renuncit,  and  geuin  power  thairby  to  demitt  and  renunce 
 the  said  governament  of  this  Reahne,  liegis  and  subjectis 
 thairof,  in  favouris  of  hir  said  sone,  our  native  Prince,  to 
 the  effect  he  may  be  inaugurat  thairin,  the  crowne-royall  put 
 upon  his  heid,  and  be  obeyit  in  all  thingis  as  King  and  native 
 Prince  thairof,  as  hir  Hienes'  letteris  past  thairupoun  beris. 
 Thairfoir,  and  becaus  it  is  ane  of  the  maist  happy  thingis  that 
 can  cum  to  ony  pepill  or  cuntre,  to  be  governit  and  rcwlit 
 be  thair  awin  native  King,  we  and  ilk  ane  of  ws  quhilkis 
 lies  subscryvit  thir  presentis,  be  the  tenour  heirof,  promittis, 
 bindis,  and  oblissis  ws  faithfullie  to  convein  and  asscmbill 
 our  selfis  at  the  burgh  of  Striviling,  or  ony  uthir  place  to  be 
 appointit  to  the  effect  foirsaid,  and  thair  concurr,  assist  and 
 fortifie  our  said  native  King  and  Prince,  to  the  establissing, 
 planting  and  placing  of  him  in  his  kingdome,  and  putting 
 the  crowne-royall  thairof  upoun  his  heid.  And  in  the  feir 
 of  our  God,  being  instructit  and  techeit  be  His  and  all 
 uthir  lawis,  sail  gif  our  ayth  of  fidelitie  for  homage  and 
 obedience  to  be  maid  dctfuU  be  ws  to  him  during  his 
 Grace's  lyftyme,  as  it  becumis  faithfull  Christianis  and  trew 
 subjectis  to  do  to  thair  native  King  and  Prince.  And  fardir, 
 that  we  sail  with  all  our  strenth  and  forceis  promote,  con- 
 curr, fortifye,  and  assist  to  the  proinotioun  and  establissing 
 of  him  in  his  kingdome  and  governament,  as  becumis  faith- 
 full  and  trow  subjectis  to  do  to  thair  Prince,  and  to  resist 
 all  sic  as  wald  opponc  thame  thairin,  or  inak  ony  troubill  or 
 
 tliat  day  in  Council  besides  the  five  Lords  marked  in  the  ScihrinU  ;  and 
 this,  because  the  Register  affirms  tluit  all  these  present  did  in  verification 
 of  their  approbation  of  her  Majesty's  demission  subscribe  the  follo>viiig 
 Bond,  and  yet  we  are  told  that  the  subscriptions  to  this  Bond  were  pur- 
 chased up  and  down  the  kiugdoui  from  this  date  mitil  the  month  of 
 December  next.  The  whole  truth,  then,  of  this  record  has  been,  that  the 
 few  Lords  who  sate  in  Council  this2rjth  of  July  have  ajjproved  the  Queen's 
 demission,  and  drawu  uj)  this  IJond  with  intention  to  procure  subscribers 
 afterwards  to  it  bv  all  their  means  and  industrv. 
 
716  THE  IIIriTuUY  UF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507. 
 
 impediment  to  liiiii  tliairin ;  and  sail  do^  all  utliir  thingis 
 that  becumis  faith  full  and  Chri.^tiane  subjectis  to  do  to  thair 
 native  King  and  Prince.  In  witness  of  the  quhilk  thing,  we 
 haif  subscryvit-  thir  presentis  with  our  handis  at  Edinburt 
 tlic  day  of  the  zeir  of  God  ane  thousand 
 
 fyve  hundei*  threscoir  sevin  zcris." — II.  M. 
 
 Matters  being  thus  far  prepared,  the  Associators  resolved 
 immediately  to  proceed  to  the  coronation  of  the  infant  King, 
 which  solemnity  they  appointed  to  be  on  Tuesday  the  2Uth 
 of  the  same  month  of  July  at  Stirling,  liut  forasmuch  as 
 several  Noblemen  were  met  together  at  Hamilton,  who  were, 
 not  without  ground,  deemed  to  favour  the  sequestered  Queen, 
 the  Lords  Associators  proposed  to  send  Sir  James  Melvill 
 to  acquaint  them  with  their  intention  to  set  the  crown  upon 
 the  head  of  the  infant  Prince,  conformable  to  the  Queen's 
 commission,  &c.  and  to  require  their  concurrence.  Sir 
 James  Melville  says'^  he  made  some  difficulty  at  first  to  go, 
 but  that  however  he  went  to  Hamilton,  chiefly  by  the  advice 
 of  Secretary  Lethington,  the  Laird  of  Grange,  and  some 
 others  who  secretly  favoured  the  Queen ;  but  he  adds,  that 
 after  he  had  delivered  his  message,  some  of  the  younger 
 Lords  at  Hamilton  made  answer — That  they  did  not 
 believe  that  the  Queen  had  demitted  the  government ;  and 
 that  if  she  had  done  so,  it  had  been  merely  to  save  her  life. 
 But,  he  says,  the  Archbishop  of  St  Andrews,  who  had  more 
 experience,  reproved  the  younger  Lords,  and  acknowledged 
 that  the  Lords  Associators  had  dealt  discreetly  by  them ; 
 and  that  he  went  aside  with  the  Lords  that  were  with  him, 
 and  then  returned  and  gave  Sir  James  the  following  answer 
 — "  We  are  beholden  to  the  Noblemen  who  have  sent  you 
 with  that  friendly  and  discreet  commission,  and  following 
 their  desire,  we  are  ready  to  concur  with  them,  if  they  give 
 us  sufficient  security  of  that  which  you  have  said  in  their 
 name ;  and  in  so  doing,  they  give  us  occasion  to  construct 
 
 '  We  do  tlii-se  ineii  no  injustice  to  suijposc'  that  "  all  thc^c  uthlr  thlmjis 
 that  bu-uinin;'  iVc  might  bo  rcstricti'd  within  very  narrow  bounds.  It  is 
 an  easy  matter  to  talk  of  tlie  fear  of  (ion,  \c.  but  actions  are  the  bent 
 indications  of  that  and  every  other  virtue  and  trraee. 
 
 ^  See  the  names  of  the  subseribents  in  the  Appendix,  Nunil).  XXII. 
 
 =•  [Sir  James  Melville's  Memoirs  of  his  own  Life,  printed  for  the 
 Bannatyne  Club,  j).  191,  11>2.— E.J 
 
156*7.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  717 
 
 the  best  of  all  their  proceedings  past  and  to  come,  so  that  if 
 they  had  acquainted  us  with  their  first  enterprize  of  punish- 
 ing the  murder,  we  should  heartily  have  taken  part  with 
 them.  And  whereas  now  we  are  here  convened,  it  is  not  to 
 pursue  or  offend  any  of  them,  but  to  be  upon  our  own 
 guards,  understanding  of  so  great  a  concourse  of  Noblemen, 
 Barons,  Burroughs,  and  other  subjects.  For  not  being  made 
 privy  to  their  enterprise,  we  thought  fit  to  draw  ourselves 
 together,  till  we  should  see  whereto  things  would  turn." 
 
 Sir  James  being  returned  to  Stirling  with  this  answer,  he 
 tells  us  the  wise  and  honest-hearted  of  the  Associators  judged 
 the  same  to  be  satisfactory  enough  (as  no  doubt  it  was 
 and  ought  to  have  been),  but  others,  not  being  able  to  dis- 
 commend or  find  any  fault  wath  it,  pretended  that  Sir  James 
 had  painted  out  a  fine  story  of  his  own  making  for  them 
 and  in  their  favours  ;  by  which  sort  of  dealing,  that  gentle- 
 man says,  he  began  to  perceive  that  there  were  different 
 opinions  and  interests  among  them.  Such  as  were  entirely 
 devoted  to  favour  the  Crown  of  England  (upon  account  of 
 the  gilded  favours  they  received  from  thence)  desired  no 
 peace  and  tranquillity  to  be  in  the  country  ;  and  such  as 
 bare  ill  will  to  any  of  the  other  Lords  at  Hamilton,  laboured 
 to  keep  the  difference  with  them  open,  in  hopes  afterward 
 to  reap  profit  by  their  fines  and  forfeitures.  Thus  that 
 author  observes  that  these  Noblemen  were  but  ill-used,  and 
 laid  under  a  plain  necessity  of  betaking  themselves  to  con- 
 trary courses,  their  friendship  and  society  being  rejected  at 
 this  time,  and  they  neither  permitted  to  be  present  at  the 
 coronation,  nor  yet  allowed  to  take  instruments  that  their 
 absence  should  not  prejudge  them  in  any  sort.i  Thus  far 
 Sir  James. 
 
 ^  Yet  there  was  a  public  protestation  made  immediately  before  the 
 coronation,  in  name  of  the  Duke  of  Chastellierault  and  the  remanent 
 persons  of  the  royal  blood,  that  the  said  (uironation  sliould  in  nowise 
 prcjudfre  their  ri<,'ht  of  succession.— [The  Ilamiltons  declined  the  invita- 
 tion to  be  present  at  the  coronation  of  James  VI.  simjdy  because  from 
 the  first  they  had  been  no  party  to  the  intentions  of  the  Confederates. 
 They  also  wished  to  present  a  protest  that  the  coronation  shoidd  not 
 affect  the  ri^dit  of  the  Duke  of  Chatelherault  as  next  heir  to  the  Crown 
 after  the  infant  Prince.  The  Confederates  granted  this  retpiest,  and  the 
 Ilamiltons  professed  to  offer  no  farther  opposition. — Tytler's  History  of 
 Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  K.'T.— Iv] 
 
718  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 From  this  time  the  Lords  at  Hamilton  endeavoured  to 
 draw  over  as  many  Noblemen  and  Barons  as  they  possibly 
 could  to  stand  up  for  the  Queen'^s  right  and  authority ;  and 
 these  began  now  to  obtain  the  name  of  the  Queens  Lords^ 
 as  the  others  had  the  denomination  of  the  King's  Lords. 
 The  former  class  of  Lords  perceiving  that  they  were  rejected 
 from  being  taken  into  friendship,  withdrew  to  the  strong 
 fortress  of  Dunbarton,  of  which  the  Lord  Fleming  was 
 keeper,  and  there  entered  into  a  combination  against  the 
 King's  Lords,  which,  the  same  author  observes,  they  would 
 not  have  done  if  they  could  have  been  accepted  in  society 
 with  the  rest.  The  tenour  of  the  Bond^ which  they  drew  up 
 at  Dunbarton  was  this  that  folio weth : — 
 
 "Forasmuch  as  considering  the  Queen's  Majesty  our  sove- 
 reign to  be  detained  at  present  at  Lochleven  in  captivity, 
 wherefore  the  most  part  of  her  ^lajesty's  lieges  cannot  have 
 free  access  to  her  Highness,  and  seeing  it  becomes  us  of  our 
 duty  to  seek  her  liberty  and  freedom,  we  Earls,  Lords, 
 and  Barons  underscribing,  promise  faithfully  to  use  the 
 utmost  of  our  endeavours,  by  all  reasonable  means,  to  pro- 
 cure her  Majesty's  liberty  and  freedom,  upon  such  honest 
 conditions  as  may  stand  with  her  Majesty's  honour,  the 
 common  weal  of  the  whole  Realm,  and  security  of  the  whole 
 Nobility  who  at  present  have  her  Majesty  in  keeping, 
 whereby  this  our  native  Realm  may  be  governed,  ruled  and 
 guided  by  her  Majesty  and  her  Nobility,  for  the  common 
 quietness,  the  administration  of  justice,  and  weal  of  the 
 country.  And  in  case  the  Noblemen  who  have  her  Majesty 
 at  present  in  their  hands  refuse  to  set  her  at  liberty  upon 
 such  reasonable  condition  as  said  is,  in  that  case  we  shall 
 employ  ourselves,  our  kindred,  friends,  servants,  and  par- 
 takers, our  bodies  and  lives,  to  set  her  Highness  at  liberty, 
 as  said  is ;  and  also  to  cuncur  to  the  punishment  of  the 
 murther  of  the  King  her  Majesty's  husband,  and  for  sure 
 preservation  of  the  person  of  the  Prince,  as  we  shall  answer 
 to  Clod,  and  on  our  honours  and  credit :  and  to  that  effect 
 shall  concur  every  one  with  other  at  our  utmost  power. 
 And  if  any  shall  set  upon  us,  or  any  of  us,  for  the  doing 
 as  aforesaid,  in  that  case  we  promise  faithfully  to  espouse 
 <nw  another's  interest,  undrr  ])ain   of  perjury  and   infamy, 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  710 
 
 as  we  shall  answer  to  God,     In  witness  whereof  we  have 
 subscribed  these  presents  with  our  hand  at  Dunbarton  the 
 day  of  St  Andrews,  Arguile,  Huntly, 
 
 Arbroth,  Gallway,  Ross,  Fleeming,  Herris,   Skirling,   Kil- 
 wonning.  Will.  Hamilton  of  Sanchir,  Knight.i 
 
 The  29th  of  July  being  come,  the  Lords  Associators  and 
 their  fautors  repaired  to  Stirling  for  performing  the  ceremony 
 of  the  coronation  ;  the  particulars  whereof,  taken  from  the 
 authentick  records  of  Privy-Council,  it  is  not  only  proper, 
 but  necessary  to  have  subjoined  here,  by  reason  of  some 
 remarks  that  may  naturally  occur  to  be  made  thereupon. 
 
 Apud  Striviling^  29  JuUj^  Anno  Bom.  1567. 
 "  The  quliilk  day,  in  presens  of  nobil  and  michtie  Lordis, 
 James  Erie  of  Mortoun,  Lord  of  Dalkeyth  ;  John  Erie  of 
 Atholl,  Lord  of  Balvany ;  Alexander  Erie  of  Glencairne, 
 Lord  of  Kilmawris  ;  Johne  Erie  of  Mar,  Lord  Erskine  ; 
 William  Erie  of  Menteith  ;  Johne  Maister  of  Grahame ; 
 Alexander  Lord  Hume,  Patrick  Lord  Lindsay  of  the  Byris, 
 Edward  Lord  Sanquhair,  Robert  Lord  Sempill,  John  Lord 
 Innermeyth,  Andro  Lord  Uchiltrie,  James  Lord  of  Sanct 
 Johnes,  Adame  Bischope  of  Orknay,  Robert  Comendature 
 of  Dumfermline;  Mr  Robert  Richartsoun  Commendature  of 
 Sanct  Marie  Isle,  Thesaurare  ;  Williame  Murray  of  Tulli- 
 bardin,  Knycht,  Oomptrollar;  Williame  Maitland  of  Leding- 
 toun,  zoungar,  Secretare;  Sir  Johne  Bellenden  of  Auchnowle, 
 Knycht,  Clerk  of  Justiciarie ;  Johne  Erskine  of  Dun,  Pro  vest 
 of  Montrois,  Maister  James  Halyburtoun,  Provest  of  Dundie, 
 and  diverse  of  the  Nobilitie,  Spiritualitie,  and  Commissionaris 
 of  Burrowis,  conveint  for  coronatioun  of  the  richt  excellent 
 Prince,  James,  be  the  grace  of  God,  Prince  and  Stewart  of 
 Scotland  :  Comperit  Artliur  Hamiltoun  of  Muretoun,  Pro- 
 curatour  speciallie   constitute   be   Johne  Archbischope  of 
 
 1  Mr  Crawford  of  Dnimsoy  has  set  down  this  Bond,  p.  GO  of  Iiis  Memoirs, 
 thou^^h  there  he  not  the  least  notiee  of  it  in  the  MS,  from  which  he  says 
 he  i)ul)lih*hed  tliese  Memoirs,  lie  likewise  delays  this  Bond  mitil  the  time 
 of  the  Parliament  in  Decemher  following,  and  inserts  the  date  to  have 
 been  on  the  25th  of  that  month,  and  the  place  to  have  been  Ilamiltou. 
 It  were  to  be  wished  this  <fentleman  had  jijiven  ns  some  voucher  for  one 
 or  botli  these  insertions. —  [In  the  [,a'nuine  "  ^remoirs,"  entitled  the 
 "  Historic  and  Life  of  King  James  the  Sext,"  printed  for  the  Bannatyne 
 Club,  no  such  document  as  this  liond  occurs. — 1'.| 
 
720  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loOJ. 
 
 Sanct  Androis,  and  (lawiii  Comondaturo  of  Kilwyning,  coni- 
 missionaris  lauclifullio  constitute  be  ane  nobil  and  niiclitie 
 Prince,  James  Duke  of  Chestellarault,  in  all  his  honest  and 
 lauchfull  besines  during  his  remaning  furtli  of  this  Eealme, 
 as  at  lentil  is  conteint  in  his  commissioun  under  his  seill  and 
 subscriptioun-mamiall,  of  the  date  the  ferd  day  of  August, 
 the  zeir  of  God  li)GO  zeiris,  and  in  the  saids  Letteris  of 
 Procuratorie,  of  the  dait  at  Hamiltoun  the  xxviii.  day  of 
 July  instant,  subscryvit,  as  appeirit,  with  the  handis  of  the 
 saids  Archbischope  and  Commendature  :  And  thair  the 
 said  Arthur,  procurator  foirsaid,  in  name  and  behalfe  of 
 the  said  Duke  of  Chestellarault,  protestit,  That  quhat- 
 sumevir  thing  is  done,  or  to  be  done,  towart  the  coronatioun 
 of  the  said  maist  excellent  Prince,  quhat  actis,  consentis, 
 constitutionis  beis  maid  thairupoun  sould  on  nawayis 
 prejuge  or  be  hurtfuU  to  the  said  nobill  and  michtie  Duke 
 of  Chestellarault,  and  the  remanent  of  the  Quenis  Majestie 
 of  Scotlandis  royal  blude,  lauchfullie  descendit,  in  thair 
 titill  and  successioun  of  the  said  Crowne,  quhen  evir  it  sail 
 pleis  God,  be  ony  just  rycht,  to  call  thame  thairto,  mair  nor 
 the  said  coronatioun  had  nevir  bene  done  ;  and  thairupoun 
 askit  instrumentis  and  documentis  of  us  connotaris  publict 
 under-subscryvand.  This  wes  done  in  the  counsall-hall 
 within  the  Castell  of  Striviling,  day,  zeir  and  place  above- 
 written. 
 
 "  The  same  day,  within  the  paroch  kirk  of  Striviling, 
 conveint  the  nobil  and  michtie  Lordis  under-writtin  :  thay 
 are  to  say,  James  Erie  of  Mortoun,  Lord  Dalkeyth  ;  Johne 
 Eric  of  Atholl,  Lord  of  Balvany ;  Alexander  Earl  of 
 Glencairne,  Lord  of  Kilmawris  ;  Johne  Earl  of  ^lar,  Lord 
 Erskine  ;  Williame  Erie  of  Menteith  ;  Johne  Maister  of 
 Grahame,  Alexander  Lord  Hume,  Patrick  Lord  Lindsay  of 
 the  Byris,  Williame  I  ord  Ruthven,  Edward  Lord  Creichtoun 
 of  Sanquhair,  Robert  Lord  Sempill,  Johne  Lord  Lincrmeyth, 
 Andro  Lord  Uchiltrie,  James  Lord  Sanct  Johnes  of 
 Torphochin,  Adame  Rischope  of  Orknay^  Robert  Comen- 
 dature  of  Dunfermline,  James  Comendature  of  St  Colmes 
 Inche,  Adame  Comendature  of  Cambuskynneth,  Johne 
 Comendature  of  Dryburgh  and  Inchmahome,  Alexander 
 Comendature  of  Culross ;  Robert,  Minister  of  Failfurd  ;  Mr 
 Robert    Richartsoun    Comendature    of   Sanct    Marie    Isle, 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  721 
 
 Thesaurare  ;  Sir  William  ^lurray  of  Tullibardin,  Knycht, 
 Comptrollar ;  Williame  Maitland  of  Lethingtoun,  zoungar, 
 Secretare ;  Sir  Johne  Bellendeii  of  Auchiiowle,  Knycht,  Clerk 
 of  Justiciarie ;  Maister  John  Prestoun  and  NichoU  Udart, 
 Comraissionaris  of  the  burgh  of  Edinburgh  ;  Johne  Erskine 
 of  Dun,  Proves!  of  Montrois  ;  ^laister  James  Halyburtoun, 
 Proves!  of  Dundio ;  Johne  Stewart  of  Mynto,  Knycht, 
 Provest  of  Glasgow  ;  Johne  Craigingalt  of  that  Ilk,  Provest 
 of  Striviling  ;  Charles  Drummond,  Provest  of  Linlythgow  ; 
 the  Commissionaris  alswa  of  Air,  Irving,  and  diverse  utheris 
 of  the  Nobilitie,  Spiritualitie,  Commissionaris  of  Burrowis, 
 and  Baronnis :  Quhair  the  rycht  heich  and  illuster  Prince, 
 James,  be  the  grace  of  C  od.  Prince  and  Stewart  of  Scotland, 
 being  presentit  in  presence  of  his  Grace,  and  of  the  Lordis 
 of  the  Nobilitie,  Spiritualitie,  Commissionaris  of  Burrowis, 
 and  Baronnis  foirsaids,  eftir  invocatioun  of  the  name  of 
 God,  the  saids  Patrick  Lord  Lindsay  of  the  Byris  and 
 Williame  Lord  Euthven,  at  command  and  be  vertew  of  the 
 Quenis  ^Majestic  our  Soverane  Ladie's  letteris,  subscryvit 
 with  hir  hand  and  under  hir  Privy  Seill,  comperit,  and  in 
 hir  Majestie's  name,  and  upoun  hir  behalfe,  dimmittit  and 
 renuncit  the  governament,  gyding  and  rewling  of  this 
 Realme,  liegis  and  subjectis  thairof,  all  intromissioun  with 
 the  propertie,  casualtie,  or  utheris  thingis  apperteining  to 
 hir  Hienes  thairby,  and  all  richt  and  titill  that  scho  had, 
 hes  or  may  haif,  be  ony  maner  of  way  thairto,  in  favouris  of 
 the  said  maist  excellent  Prince,  hir  derrest  sone,  to  the 
 effect  that  he  miclit  be  inaugurat  and  placeit  in  this  king- 
 dome,  the  crowne  royall  delyverit  to  him,  and  be  obey  it  in 
 all  thingis  concerning  the  same,  as  hir  Majestic,  or  hir 
 predeccssouris,  hes  bene  in  tymcs  bypast  :  And  in  signe  and 
 takin  thairof,  the  saids  Lordis  Lindsay  and  Ruthven  pre- 
 sentit, befoir  the  saids  Lordis  of  the  Nobilitie,  Spiritualitie, 
 Commissionaris  of  Burrowis,  Baronnis  and  peoi)ill  conveint, 
 the  Sword,  Sceptour,  and  Royal  Crowne  of  this  Realme, 
 rcijuircing  the  saids  letteris  and  comniissioun  to  be  red  and 
 insert  in  the  Buikis  of  Sccreit-Counsale,  ad  perpetuam  rei 
 memoriam.  As  alswa,  the  uthir  twa  Commissiounis  follow- 
 ing, concerning  the  regiment  of  this  Realme  during  the 
 minoritie  of  the  said  maist  excellent  Prince  ;  of  the  quhilkis 
 the  tenouris  followis,  Marie,' — &:c.  as  in  p.  700. 
 VOL.  II.  46 
 
722  TIIK   HISTORY  OF  TIIK  AFFAIRS  [1567. 
 
 "  Quhilkis  beiiiir  opinlic  red,  tlio  said  Erlis  of  Mortoun, 
 Atholl,  (Jltiicairnc,  Mar,  Meiitcith,  Maister  of  Grahame, 
 Lord  lIiiiiK',  JJi.schope  of  Orknay,  in  name  of  the  thre 
 Estaittis  prc'sentlio  convcint  and  asseniblit,  according  to  the 
 connnand  and  tenour  of  the  said  first  Commissioun,  rossavit 
 the  said  rcnunciatioun  and  dimission  in  favouris  of  the  said 
 niaist  excellent  Prince  ;  and  cftir  the  ressaving  thairof,  the 
 said  James  Eric  of  Mortoun  inclynand  his  bodie,  and  layand 
 liis  hand  on  the  Buik  of  God,  in  name  and  upoun  the  behalfe 
 of  his  Grace,  solcmpnlic  maid  the  ayth  and  promeiss  following, 
 to-wit — 'I,  James,  Prince  and  Stewart  of  Scotland,  promeiss 
 faythfullie,  in  the  presence  of  the  Eternall  my  God,  that  I, 
 induring  the  haill  cours  of  my  lyff,  sail  serve  the  same  Eternall 
 my  God,  to  theuttermost  of  my  power,according  as  He  rer^uirit 
 in  his  maist  holy  Word,  revelit  and  contenit  in  the  New  and 
 Auld  Testamentis ;  and  according  to  the  same  Word  sail 
 mentaine  the  trew  religioun  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  preaching 
 of  his  holy  Word,  and  dew  and  rycht  ministratioun  of  his 
 Sacramentis,  now  ressavit  and  practizit  within  this  Realme, 
 and  sail  abolysche  and  gainestand  all  false  religioun  contrair 
 to  the  same  :  And  sail  rewle  the  peopill  committit  to  my 
 charge,  according  to  the  will  and  command  of  God  revelit  in 
 his  foirsaid  Word,  and  according  to  the  lovabill  lawis  and 
 constitutiounis  resavit  in  this  Realme,  nawayis  repugnant  to 
 the  said  AV^ord  of  the  Eternall  my  God  ;  and  sail  procure 
 to  my  uttermest,  to  the  Kirk  of  God  and  haill  Cristiane 
 peopill,  trew  and  perfyte  peace,  in  all  tyme  cuming.  The 
 rychtis  and  rentis,  with  all  just  privilegeis  of  the  Crowne  of 
 Scotland,  I  sail  j)reserve  and  keip  unviolat,  nathcr  sail  1 
 transferr  nor  alienat  the  same.  I  sail  forbid  and  repress,  in 
 all  estaittis  and  all  degreis,  reiff,  opprcssioun,  and  all  kynd 
 of  wrang.  In  all  jugementis  I  sail  connnand  and  procure 
 that  justice  and  equitie  be  keipit  to  all  creaturis  without 
 exceptioun,  as  He  be  mcrcicfull  to  me  and  zow  that  is  the 
 Lord  and  Fader  of  all  mercies :  And  out  of  all  my  landis 
 and  impyre  I  sail  be  cairfull  to  ruito  out  all  heretickis  and 
 encmeis  to  the  trew  worschip  of  God,  that  sail  be  convict  bo 
 the  trew  Kirk  of  God  of  the  foirsaid  crymes.  And  thir 
 thingis  above-writtin  I  faythfullie  affirme  be  my  solempnit 
 ayth."  Eftir  the  quhilk  solempnit  ayth  and  promeiss,  the 
 saidw     Lordis    of    the     Nobilitie,     Spiritualitie,    and    Com- 
 
15G7.J  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IX  SCOTLAND.  723 
 
 missionaris  of  Burrowis,  as  the  Estaittis  of  the  Realme,  be 
 the  ministratiouii  of  the  said  Reverend  Fader  Adame 
 Bischope  of  Orknay,  anointit^  the  said  maist  excellent 
 Prince,  in  King  of  this  llealme,  and  dominiounis  thairof, 
 investit  and  inaugurat  his  Grace  thairin,  doliverit  in  his 
 handis  the  Sword  and  Sceptour,  and  put  the  crowne-royall 
 upoun  his  heid,  with  all  due  reverence,  ceremoneis  and 
 circumstanceis  requisite  and  accustomat ;  and  gaif  thair 
 ayths  for  dew  and  laiichfuU  homage  and  obedience  to  be 
 maid  be  thame  to  him  in  all  tymes  cuming,  as  becumis 
 subjectis  to  do  to  thair  native  King  and  Prince  :  Quhair- 
 upoun  the  said  Sir  Johne  Bellenden,  Justice-Clerk,  in  name 
 of  the  saids  Estaittis,  and  alse  Johne  Knox,  minister,  and 
 Robert  Campbell  of  Kinzeancleuch,  askit  actis,  instrumentis 
 and  documentis." — R.  M.^ 
 
 With  respect  to  the  preceding  management  of  the  Queen's 
 resignation,  &c.  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  remark  that  one 
 part  of  her  Majesty's  Procuratory  runs  in  those  precise 
 terms — "  And  in  lykewise  be  thir  presentis  gevis,  grantis, 
 and  committis  our  full,  frie,  and  plane  power  to  our  richt 
 traist  cousingis,  *  *  *  *  *  *  ^o  ressave  the  said 
 Renunciatioun  and  Dimissioun  in  favouris  of  our  said  sone  ; 
 and  thaireftir  the  ressaving  thairof,  to  plant,  place,  and  in- 
 augurat him,"  &c.  But  at  the  time  of  performing  this  part  of 
 the  Procuratory  at  Stirling  the  words  of  it  are  in  this  strain, 
 viz. — "  Quhilkis  being  opinlie  red,  the  said  Erlis  of  Mortoun, 
 Atholl,  &c.  in  name  of  the  thre  Estaittis  presently  convcint 
 and  assemblit,  according  to  the  command  and  tenour  of  the 
 said  first  Commissioun,  ressaved  the  said  Renunciatioun  and 
 Dimissioun  in  favouris  of  the  said  maist  excellent  Prince." 
 Here  is   a   most   manifest  falshood  to    aver   that   it   was 
 
 *  "  About  the  anointing  there  was  a  sharp  dispute  ;  but  in  end  he  was 
 anointed,  notwithstanding.  Mr  Knox  and  other  preacliers  repined  at 
 this  Jiwis/t  ceremony,"  Calderwood's  large  MS.  "  In  the  very  parish 
 kirk  of  Stirling  the  I'rince  was  anointed  King  by  ...  .  At  the  which 
 Assembly,  passing  from  the  parish  kirk  to  the  Castle  again,  the  Earl  of 
 Atholl  bare  the  Crown  of  Honour,  the  Earl  of  Morton  the  Scei)tre,  the 
 Earl  of  Glencairn  the  Sword  of  Honour,  the  Earl  of  Mar  carrii'd  the  new 
 inaugurate  King  to  his  own  chamber  in  the  Castle,"  Crawfurd's  MS. — 
 [Calderwood's  Ilistorie  of  tlie  Kirk  of  Scotland,  j)rinted  for  the  WoDRow 
 Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  384;  Ilistorie  and  Life  of  King  James  the  Sext,  printed 
 for  the  IUnnatyne  Club,  p.  17. —  IC-l  '■^  [Robert  Miln.— E.J 
 
7-4  TIIK    HISTORY  OF  TIIH   AFFAIRS  [loijj. 
 
 "  according  to  tlio  comni.md  mid  tenour  of  the  first  coin- 
 mission,''  iunl  a  plain  contravening  of  the  (Queen's  Procura- 
 tory  likewise,  who  granted  warrant  to  the  Lords,  and  others 
 named  in  her  Proeiiratory,  to  receive  her  renunciation  and 
 demission  in  fcivour  of  the  Prince  her  son  only^  without  one 
 word  conceived  relating  to  the  three  Estates  ;  whereas  the 
 Earls  of  Morton,  A  thole,  &c.  received  the  Queen's  Demission 
 in  name  of  the  three  Estates  ;  and  therefore  all  and  every 
 thing  that  followed  thereupon,  was  both  in  law  and  equity 
 void,  and  of  no  effect ;  the  procurators  having  not  only 
 exceeded  the  limits  of  the  power  entrusted  to  them,  but 
 having  acted  in  express  contradiction  to  it.  True,  indeed, 
 it  is, that  the  Parliament  in  the  month  of  December  following 
 did  find  that  "  the  Quenis  Dimissioun  and  Procuratioun  sail 
 be  haldin,  repute,  and  estemit  lauchfull  and  perfyte  accord- 
 ing!:, &c. And  als,  that  the  coronatioun  and  inauo^uration 
 
 of  our  said  soverane  Lord,  maid  and  solemnizat  conforme  to 
 
 the  said  Commissioun wes  dewlie,  rychtlie,  and  ordourlie, 
 
 done  and  execute,  and  als  lauchfull  and  vailzeabill not- 
 withstanding ony  mater  of  tytil,  actioun  or  entres  (interest), 
 or  ony  uther  thing  that  presentlie  may  or  can  heireftir  be 
 objectit  in  the  contrare,"  &c.  But  as  it  is  not  the  weight  of 
 an  Act  of  Parliament,  but  the  truth  of  facts  that  must 
 determine  the  justness  of  our  inquiries  and  observations,  we 
 shall  leave  the  readers  to  form  a  judgment,  whether  the 
 inauguration  of  the  Prince  was  performed  according  to  the 
 Queen'*s  Commission  for  that  effect  \  Or,  whether  a  con- 
 strained Demission,  for  fear  of  immediate  death,  could  be 
 esteemed  lawful  and  perfect  i 
 
 There  is  nobody  needs  to  be  at  a  loss  to  perceive  the 
 intentions  of  this  meeting  at  Stirling.  The  members  of  it 
 had  already  acted  as  if  the  supreme  authority  of  this  nation 
 had  been  lodged  in  the  people,  and  that  the  Kings  or  Queens 
 of  Scotland  derived  their  right  soleh/  from  them  ;  and  now 
 they  wanted  to  engross  their  system  into  this  solemn  settle- 
 ment of  the  Crown  upon  the  head  of  an  infant  King,  who 
 could  make  no  remonstrances  against  their  innovation  ;  and 
 in  conscfpience  of  this  model  we  find  these  words  contained 
 in  the  above  ceremony  of  the  coronatioun — ^"  Eftir  the 
 (|ulnlk  s<)lem])nit  ayth  and  proineiss,  the  saids  Lordis  of  the 
 N()l)ilitiej  Spiritualitie,  and  (Jommis.sionaris  of  JJurrowis.  as 
 
156*7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  725 
 
 the  Estaittis  of  the  Reahiie,  be  the  minlstratiouii  of  the 
 said  Reverend  Fader  Adaine  Bischope  of  Orknay,   aiiointit 
 
 the  said  raaist  excellent  Prince,  in  King  of  this  Realme 
 
 investit  and  inaugurat  his  Grace  thairin,  deliverit  in  his 
 handis  the  sword  and  sceptour,  and  put  the  Crownc  Royall 
 upoun  his  held.'"  Where  it  is  obvious  that  the  anointing, 
 crowning,  &c.  though  performed  by  the  Bishop  of  Orkney, 
 are  recounted  as  deeds  done  by  the  peoi)le,  and  in  their 
 right  of  disposal.  All  which  is  in  complete  agreement  with 
 the  book  of  politicks  written  and  published  some  time  after 
 by  Mr  Buchanan,  and  entituled — "  De  Jure  Regni  apud 
 Scotos,''  i,  e.  "  The  Just  Principles  of  the  Scottish  Govern- 
 ment," though  it  be  certain  that  nothing  can  be  more  oppo- 
 site to  the  Scottish  laws  than  that  book  is.l 
 
 One  would  be  ready  to  think  there  had  been  no  represen- 
 tatives of  the  gentry  present  at  this  meeting  in  Stirling, 
 since  there  is  no  mention  of  them  at  all  in  the  first  and  last 
 part  of  the  solemnity  ;  and  even  in  the  middle  part,  after  the 
 words — "■  Commissionaris  alswa  of  Air,  Irwing" — they  are 
 only  seemingly 'included  in  these  general  terms — "And  diverse 
 utheris  of  the  Nobilitie,  Spiritualitie,  Commissionaris  of 
 Burrowis,  and  Baronis."  If  any  of  the  Barons  were  present, 
 why  were  not  their  particular  names  and  designations 
 specified  as  well  as  the  Burrows  ?  Or  why  are  they,  con- 
 trary to  all  order,  mentioned  here  in  the  gross,  after  the 
 Commissionaris  of  Burrows,  when  they  ought,  without  all 
 perad venture,  to  precede  and  be  set  before  them  in  the 
 nomination  i  Whether  Sir  John  Bellenden,  the  Justice- 
 Clerk,  or  together  with  him  John  Knox,2  minister,  and 
 Robert  Campbell  of  Kinzeancleuch,  could  regularly  ask 
 instruments  in  name  of  the  three  Estates,  I  leave  it  to  be 
 discussed  by  abler  judges.  For  my  own  part,  I  do  perceave 
 no  farther  connexion  between  them  and  the  three  Estates 
 
 ^  One  most  iciiuirkaljle  instance  of  this  schonie  (and  this  likowiso 
 extended  to  the  i)unishin<,'  of  our  Kin<ifs  cai)itally)  we  have  in  the  stamp 
 and  inscrii)tion  of  the  i»ubliek  coin  of  our  nation,  as  it  was  aiijiointed  by 
 the  new  Privy-Council  eij^ht  days  only  after  the  l:arl  of  Moray's  accep- 
 tation of  the  l{o/;ency  ;  which  stanij)  and  inscription  common  tradition 
 has  atHrmed  to  have  been  the  invention  likewise  of  this  famous  author. 
 Several  pieces  of  this  stamp  remain  to  this  day,  and  1  have  thou^Hit  it 
 not  amiss  to  put  the  Act  of  Council  into  the  Ajtpcndix,  Numb.  XXI J  I. 
 
 -   lie  |>I(mcIm-«1  at  the  Coronation. 
 
720  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567- 
 
 than  that  they  were  three  in  number.  They  certainly  had 
 no  deputation  from  the  tln-eo  Estates  to  capacitate  them  to 
 take  instruments  in  their  names  ;  and  I  beheve  it  is  equally 
 certain  that  the  majo?^  part  of  o?ie  of  the  Estates,  and  the 
 principal  one  too,  did  not  consent  to  the  proceedings  of  that 
 time.  Besides,  I  presume  it  may  be  a  question  whether 
 these  three  gentlemen  cotdd  in  law  have  received  a  deputa- 
 tion from  the  three  Estates,  seeing  they  were  not  each  of 
 them  a  distinct  member  of  the  three  different  ranks  of  Estates. 
 Tico  of  them  did  indeed  pertain  to  the  lesser  Barons,  but 
 Mr  Knox  could  properly  belong  to  no  Estate  at  all.  How- 
 ever, this  under  correction. 
 
 The  day  after  the  coronation^  we  meet  with  the  following 
 Paper  in  the  Record  of  Privy  Council : — 
 
 ^  [The  Coronation  of  James  VI.  at  Stirlinr^,  no  accoinit  of  which  is 
 given  by  our  Historian,  is  an  event  requiring  a  brief  detail.  On  tlie  27th 
 tlie  Confederates  left  Edinburgh  for  Stirling,  after  a  proclamation  at  the 
 Cross  summoning  the  Earls,  Lords,  and  others,  to  be  present  ^t  the  coro- 
 nation, carrying  with  them  the  Regalia,  consisting  of  the  Crown,  Sceptre, 
 and  Sword  of  State. — Diurnal  of  liemarkable  Occurrents  in  Scotland, 
 printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  118.  According  to  Chalmers  (Life 
 of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  ii.  p.  250),  the  Confederates  obtained  the 
 Regalia  from  Servais  de  Conde,  the  Queen's  valet-de-chambre,  in  compli- 
 ance with  an  order  signed  ])y  ^lorton  and  his  associates ;  but  it  is  more 
 likely  that  they  procured  the  Regalia  from  their  former  fellow-conspirator 
 Sir  James  Dalfour,  in  whose  custody  they  were  in  Eduiburgh  Ca-stle.  The 
 ceremonial  was  performed  in  the  edifice  at  Stirling  now  known  as  the  West 
 Kirh^  erected  by  James  IV,  as  a  chapel  for  the  Eranciscans,  who  had  a 
 monastery  in  the  town.  This  is  a  magnificent  Gothic  fabric  of  hewn 
 stone,  with  an  arched  roof,  supported  by  two  rows  of  plain  massive  ])illars. 
 This  church  immediately  adjoins  the  beautiful  Gothic  structure,  now  called 
 the  K<ist  Klrkj  erected  by  Cardinal  Beaton;  and  previous  to  IGoGjwhen  the 
 then  dominant  Presbyterians  divided  the  buildings  into  two  churches,  tliey 
 were  literally  one  church,  the  Cardinal's  ])ortion  of  which  formed  the 
 chancel.  A  procession  was  formed  from  the  Castle  to  the  church,  the 
 Ivirl  of  Atholl  carrying  the  Crown,  the  lOarl  of  Morton  the  Sceptre,  and 
 the  l"2arl  of  (Jlencairn  the  Sword.  The  infant  Prince  was  then  scarcely 
 fourteen  months  old,  and  ai)peared  in  the  procession,  utterly  unconscious 
 of  the  part  he  was  sustaining,  carried  in  the  arms  of  the  I'arl  of  Mar, 
 though  a  contemporary  diarist  (Diurnal  of  Remarkable  Occurrents  in 
 Scotland,  p.  118)  asserts  that  the  Countess  conveyed  James  VL  in  his 
 jtrogress  from  the  royal  nursery  in  Stirling  Castle  to  the  churcli.  At  the 
 ceremonial,  such  as  it  was,  and  it  .seems  to  liave  been  a  ]ioor  display,  the 
 Earl  of  Mar  lu'ld  the  Crown  over  the  infant  King,  and  the  Sword  and 
 Scojttre  were  put  into  his  infantile  hands.  Botliwcll,  tlie  ex-Bishop  of 
 Orkney,  pcrfonned  the  "anointing,''  which  greatly  rou.scd  the  ire  of  John 
 Knox,  wlu)  denounced  it  as  unnecessarv  and  suj>erstitions.   The  ceremonial 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  727 
 
 "  Striviling  penult.  JuUj.  1567. 
 "  Sederunt — Jacobus  Comes  de  Mortoun  ;  Joannes  Comes  de 
 Atliole ;  Alexander  Comes  de  Glencairn  ;  Joannes  Comes  de 
 Mar ;  Alexander  Dominus  Hume ;  Willielmus  Dominus 
 Ruthven  ;  Rohertus  Dominus  Sempill ;  Eduardus  Dominus 
 Sanquhair  ;  Andrea  Dominus  Uchiltrie. 
 
 Discharge  of  the  Erie  of  Huntleyis  Lieutenendrie. 
 "  FoRASMEKiLLAS  it  IS  understand  to  the  Kingis  Hienes 
 that  thair  is  ane  Conmiis.sioun  of  Lieutenendrie  laitHe  pro- 
 clamit  in  the  north  partis  of  this  Realme  be  George  Erie 
 of  Huntley,  continuand  coramissioun  of  Justiciarie  thairin, 
 with  diverse  greit  privelcgeis  and  imniuniteis,  as  at  niair 
 lenth  is  conteint  in  the  said  Commissioun,  quhairby  all  the 
 legeis  and  subjectis  of  the  north  partis  are  chargeit  to  be  in 
 reddienes,  put  thamselfis  in  armis,  and  meit  the  said  Erie 
 at  dayis  and  placeis  as  he  sail  appoint,  to  pass  with  him 
 quhair  he  sail  command ;  and  becaus,  be  the  occasioun 
 thairof,  the  commoun  peace  of  the  Realme  in  thai  partis  is 
 appearandlie  to  be  troublit,  and  that  uprore,  seditioun,  and 
 unquietnes  may  arryis  thairthrow  ;  thairfoir  ordanis  letteris 
 to  be  direct,  to  command  and  charge  all  and  sindrie  his 
 Hienes'  liegeis  and  subjectis  of  this  Realm,  speciallie  within 
 the  boundis  foirsaid,  to  contene  thamselffis  in  peace  and 
 quitnes  ilk  ane  within  thair  awn  boundis,  and  that  nane  of 
 thame  put  on  armour,  or  arryis  at  command  of  the  said 
 Commissioun,  with  the  said  Erie,  or  ony  uthir,  without  thai 
 have  new  and  speciall  commandment  of  the  Kingis  Hienes 
 to  that  effect,  under  the  pain  of  treassoun,  notwithstanding 
 the  said  Commissioun  of  Lieutenendrie,  chargis  or  pains 
 past   thairupoun  :     quhilk  Coramissioun    of   Lieutenendrie 
 
 occupied  from  two  in  the  afternoon  till  five,  and  wlien  it  was  concluded 
 the  Karl  of  Mar  carried  tlie  infant  King  back  to  his  cradle.  One  of  the 
 most  striking  incidents  connected  with  this  occasion  was  a  deliberate 
 falseliood  uttered  by  Lindsay  and  Kuthven,  who,  when  the  deeds  of  the 
 Queen's  resignation  were  read,  di'Iiberately  swore  that  they  were  voluntary. 
 The  Earl  of  Morton,  in  conjunction  with  l^ord  Home,  acted  as  proxy  for 
 the  King,  and  laying  his  hand  on  the  (iuspi'ls,  took  the  oaths  on  behalf  of 
 .James  VI.  that  he  wouhl  maintain  the  Reformed  religion,  and  extiipate 
 "  heresy."  The  Nobility  swore  allegiance,  placijig  their  hands  on  tlie  infant 
 King's  head,  and  the  Burgesses  foHowed.  At  I'dinburgli  the  coronation 
 was  eelebrateil  by  loud  rejoieings. —  K.  | 
 
728  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567- 
 
 grantit  to  the  said  Erlo,  with  the  Commissioun  of  Justiciarie 
 conteint  thairin,  ami  haill  effect  tliairof,  his  llienes  dis- 
 charges, rescindis,  and  dcclairis  cassit,  retrievis  and  decernis 
 of  nane  effect,  and  null  for  ever,  be  thir  prcsentis,  togidder 
 with  all  utheris  Conimissiounis  of  Justiciarie  grantit  to  him 
 in  ony  tymes  bigane.'"' — R.  M.^ 
 
 And  the  same  day  a  "  Proclamatioun  of  the  Kingis 
 Authoritie,*"  so  called  in  the  Register,  was  publickly  emitted 
 to  the  lieges  in  these  terms  following  : — 
 
 "  FoRASMEKiLLAS  it  hes  plesit  Almichtie  God  to  call  the 
 Kingis  ^lajestie  our  Soverane  Lord  unto  the  Royall  Crowne 
 and  governament  of  this  Realme,  be  dimissioun  of  the  Queue 
 his  moder,  past  be  hir  under  hir  hand-write  and  Previe  Seill, 
 as  the  samyn  of  the  daite  the  24th  day  of  July  instant  pro- 
 portis  :  According  to  the  (juhilk,  upoun  the  20th  day  of  the 
 same  moneth  his  Hiencs  is  crownit,  inaugurat,  and  establissit 
 in  this  kingdome,  in  presence  of  the  Nobilitie  and  Estaittis, 
 convcinit  for  executioun  and  accomplischment  of  the  Quenis 
 will  and  commissioun  foirsaid  ;  and  hes  gevin  his  princely 
 ayth  for  dew  administratioun  and  governing  of  the  Estaittis 
 of  this  commoun-weill,  and  of  all  his  luifing  and  gude  sub- 
 jectis,  as  the  custom  is  :  Quhairfoir  his  Hienes  ordanis 
 letteris  to  be  direct  to  mak  publicatioun  heirof,  be  opin 
 proclamatioun  at  the  mercat-croces  of  all  burrowis  of  this 
 Realme,  and  utheris  places  neidfull ;  and  to  command  and 
 charge  all  and  sindric  the  saids  subjectis,  that  thai,  and 
 everie  ane  of  thame,  obey,  serve,  and  reverence  his  Hienes 
 in  all  thingis,  as  becumis  faythfull  and  gude  subjectis  to  do 
 unto  thair  lauchfull  and  native  Prince  ;  and  that  thai  keip 
 publick  peace  and  tran(juillitie  amangis  thamselffis,  in  the 
 feir  of  God  and  detfull  obedience  of  his  Majestic,  and  study 
 to  contene  thame,  and  direct  thair  l^-ffis  and  behaviour 
 according  to  the  lawis  of  this  Realme  :  As  his  Hienes  on 
 the  uther  pairt  promittis  to  all  his  gude  subjectis  to  execute 
 his  kinglie  office  in  advanceing  the  glorie  of  God,  and  men- 
 tening  of  vertow  and  justice,  and  in  punisching  and  repres- 
 sing of  vyce,  enormities,  and  ;dl  transgressouris  of  the  lawis  ; 
 
 '   [Tlu'  iiiiti;il.s  ot  UobiTt  .Milu.— E.] 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  7^0 
 
 certifying  thame  that  presumis  or  dois  ony  thing  in  the  con- 
 trair,  thai  sail  be  esteniit  as  rebellious  persouns,  disobeyaris 
 and  gainstandaris  of  his  autoritie,  and  extremelie  punischit 
 thairfoir  with  all  rigour,  in  cxempill  of  utheris."" — R.  M.^ 
 
 On  the  lOtli  of  August  there  is  a  charge  in  the  Register 
 of  Privy-Council  to  some  particular  masters  of  ships  belong- 
 ing to  the  town  of  Dundee,  and  in  general  to  all  masters  of 
 ships,  and  other  mariners,  indwellers  within  that  burgh,  to 
 prepare  themselves  and  their  ships  to  pass  with  Sir  William 
 Murray  of  Tullibardin  the  Comptroller,  in  quest  of  the  Eai;! 
 of  Bothwell,  within  six  hours  after  they  be  charged.  And 
 on  the  11th  day  of  the  same  month  there  is  a  Conmiission  to 
 Sir  William  Murray,  Comptroller,  and  Sir  William  Kirkaldy 
 of  Grange,  to  convene  the  King's  lieges  in  warlike  manner, 
 and  provide  ships,  to  pursue  the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  his 
 assistars  or  collegues,  by  sea  or  land, 2  with  fire,  sword,  and 
 
 ^  [The  initials  of  Robert  Miln.— E.] 
 
 '^  [The  result  of  this  expedition  is  graphically  narrated  by  ^Ir  Napier, 
 and  the  following  quotation  is  intended  as  a  continuation  of  the  note,  p. 
 6G0,  661  of  the  present  volume. — "  Upon  the  19th  of  August  1567  their 
 armament  was  complete,  and  set  sail  for  the  Orkneys.  But  the  Duke  of 
 Oi-kney  was  reserved  for  a  fate  less  honourable  than  to  die  on  his  deck. 
 His  pursuers,  with  five  ships,  heavily  armed,  and  carrying  four  hundred 
 soldiers,  soon  reached  the  Orkneys,  from  whence  they  were  directed, 
 probably  by  Gilbert  Balfour,  to  Shetland,  as  the  covert  of  their  quarry. 
 It  was  not  long  before  two  vessels  were  descried  cruising  off  the  east 
 coast  of  Shetland,  where  currents,  tides,  and  whirlpools  threaten  destruc- 
 tion to  the  most  skilful  navigator.  These  vessels  were  the  Duke  of 
 Orkney's,  on  the  look  out,  and  manned  by  desperate  seamen.  Grange, 
 who  commanded  the  swiftest  of  the  Government  shi])S,  shot  a  head,  and 
 approached  Bressa  Sound,  through  which  the  pirates  steered.  Onward 
 pressed  their  pursuers,  and  every  nerve  was  strained  on  board  the 
 Unicorn,  Grange's  ship,  to  gain  their  object.  The  manoeuvres  of  the 
 fugitives  would  have  done  credit  to  the  more  practised  days  of  the  Red 
 Rover.  So  close  was  the  chase  that,  when  the  pirate  cscaj/cd  by  the 
 north  passage  of  the  Sound,  (irange  came  in  by  the  south,  and  continued 
 the  chase  northward.  But  the  fugitives  were  familiar  witli  those  narrow 
 aud  dangerous  seas.  They  knew  how  lightly  their  own  vessels  could 
 da-sh  tjjrough  the  boiling  eddy  that  betrayed  a  sunken  rock,  and  discerned 
 at  a  glance  what  would  be  the  fate  of  their  bulky  pursuers  if  they  dared 
 to  follow  in  their  desj)erate  track.  They  steered  accordingly  upon 
 breakers,  and  though  the  keel  grazed  the  rocks,  their  vessel  glided  tlirough 
 tlie  cresting  foam,  and  shot  into  a  safer  sea.  Grange  ordered  every 
 sail  to  be  set  to  imjtel  the  Unicorn  in  the  very  .'^ame  i)ath.  In  vain  liis 
 mor(>    ex})eiiented    mariners    remonstrated.     The    warlike   baron,   as    if 
 
730  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [156*7. 
 
 all  kind  of  hostility,  and  fence  and  hold  courts  of  justice 
 wheresoever  thev  shall  think  good.  And  letters  are  directed 
 to  charge  all  and  sundry  inhabitants  of  the  sheriffdoms  of 
 Orkney,  Inverness,  Cromarty,  Nairn,  Elgin,  Forres,  Banff, 
 and  Aberdeen,  in  general  or  in  particular,  as  the  saids  Sir 
 William  Murray  and  Sir  William  Kirkaldy  shall  desire,  to 
 rise,  concur,  and  assist  with  them,  or  either  of  them,  in  the 
 pursuit  and  invasion  of  the  said  Earl  of  Bothwell,  his 
 complices,  kc.  as  often  as  need  shall  be,  and  as  they  shall 
 give  warning — "under  the  pane  of  trcssoun,  andtynsall  of  lyff, 
 landis  and  gudis/'  And  two  days  after  the  Secretary  receives 
 orders  to  pass  and  direct  sea-brieves  in  due  and  competent 
 form  under  the  Signet  to  the  foresaid  Sir  AV^illiams,  with 
 <lirection  to  the  Secretary  to  keep  a  copy  of  saids  brieves, 
 with  this  present,  for  his  warrant.  Item,  On  the  12th  of 
 August  we  see  this  abstract,  viz.  Discharge  of  James  Curie, 
 Customer ;  and  Command  to  answer  James  Murray,  brother 
 to  Tullibardin,  of  the  customs. i 
 
 Precisely  at  this  juncture  arrived-  in  Scotland  the  Earl  of 
 
 leading  a  charfre  of  horse  in  the  plains  of  Flanders,  rushed  on  the  breakers, 
 and  instantly  liis  j^allant  ship  was  a  wreck — there  being  just  time  to  hoist 
 out  a  boat,  and  save  the  ship's  company  and  soldiers.  As  it  was,  one 
 warrior  heavily  armed  still  clung  to  the  wreck,  and  the  boat  being  already 
 on  its  way  deej)ly  laden,  it  seemed  impossible  to  save  this  being  from 
 destruction.  His  cries  reached  them,  but  were  disregarded — another 
 instant  of  delay  and  he  had  perished,  when,  collecting  all  his  energies,  he 
 sprung  with  a  desperate  effort  into  the  midst  of  the  crowded  boat,  causing 
 it  to  reel  with  his  additional  weight,  encumbered  as  he  was  with  a  corslet 
 of  proof — *  which,'  says  (Hume  of)  Godscroft,  who  records  the  incident 
 *  was  thought  a  strange  leap,  especially  not  to  have  overturned  the  boat.' 
 Who  would  have  surmised  that  this  athletic  man-at-arms,  the  last  to  quit 
 the  wreck,  was  a  Bishop — the  Bishop  who  had  so  lately  joined  the  hand 
 of  liim  he  i)ursued  with  that  of  Queen  iMary — the  very  Bishop  who  a 
 month  before  had  poured  the  holy  oil  on  the  infant  head  of  James  VI., 
 and  stood  proxy  for  the  extorted  abdication  of  that  monarch's  mother  ? 
 It  was  Adam  Bothwell,  Bishop  of  Orkney  !  The  rock  from  which  he 
 leapt  can  be  seen  at  low  water,  and  is  called  the  Uxlcorn  to  this  day." — 
 Memoirs  of  John  Napier  of  Merchiston,  his  Lineage,  Life,  and  Times,  by 
 Mark  Napier,  Ivstj.  Advocate,]).  121,  122,  123.  This  occurred  in  Bressjiy 
 Sound,  the  strait  between  the  Mainland  of  Shetland  on  tlie  west,  and  the 
 Island  of  Bressay  on  the  east. — K.l 
 
 '  The  readers  will  remember  that  this  Murray  is  the  j)»M-son  ag-ainst 
 wliom  th(>  Proclamation  in  March  last  was  emitted.  He  and  his  brother 
 Sir  William  have  now  in  their  hands  the  whole  revenue.  A  good  job  for 
 thes(.>  gentlemen. 
 
 '^  Both  .Melvil  and  Spottiswood  say  lie  arrived  on  the  11  til  at  l.dinlMirgh  ; 
 
15G7.I  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  731 
 
 Moray  from  France,  by  the  way  of  England.  The  Asso- 
 ciators  had  from  the  very  beginning  dispatched  letters  to 
 him  entreating  his  return,  and  how  soon  he  found  all  their 
 affairs  in  readiness  he  lost  no  time  to  come  to  the  assistance 
 of  his  friends.i     I  will  not  take  upon  me  to  affirm  the  truth 
 
 Camden,  that  he  arrived  in  Scothmd  tlie  twentieth  day  after  the  Queen's 
 resignation,  i.  e.  according  to  him,  on  the  13th  of  August  ;  the  short 
 Diary  in  Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  ii.  p.  277,  on  the  14th.  lie  was 
 certainly  at  Edinburgh  before  the  15th.  See  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton's 
 letter  to  the  Queen  of  England,  2Utli  August.— [The  devtnth  of  August 
 was  undoubtedly  the  day  of  the  Earl  of  Moray's  return,  after  an  aljsence 
 of  five  months  from  Scotland  (Diurnal  of  Kemarkable  Occurrents  in 
 Scotland,  ])rinted  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  119),  and  he  was  proclaimed 
 Regent  at  the  Cross  of  Edinburgh  on  the  22d,  three  days  after  the  expe- 
 dition sailed  to  pursue  and  capture  Botlnvell.  Throgmorton,  in  a  letter 
 to  Cecil,  dated  Edinburgh,  12th  July,  prominently  mentions  the  arrival 
 of  Moray  and  the  new  Erench  ambassador  Ligncrolles.  When  passing 
 through  London,  he  was  received  with  great  distinction  by  Queen  Eliza- 
 beth. On  the  8th  of  August  he  reached  Berwick  accompanied  by  Lignc- 
 rolles, where  he  was  the  guest  of  the  Earl  of  Bedford,  his  friend  and 
 associate,  and  was  met  by  Sir  James  ^lacgill.  Lord  Clerk-Register,  and 
 Sir  James  Melville.  A  body  of  foiir  himdred  Noblemen  and  gentlemen 
 also  met  him  at  the  Boinid  Rode,  which  separates  the  two  kingdoms.  On 
 the  lOtli  Moray  rode  to  AVhittinghame,  where  Morton  and  Maitland  were 
 in  attendance,  in  the  very  house  in  whicli  the  murder  of  Darnley  had 
 been  determined  one  year  and  a  half  previously,  and  the  only  one  absent 
 Avas  Bothwell,  now  a  fugitive  and  outlaAv.  On  the  11th  ]\Ioray  entered 
 Edinburgh  amid  the  acclamations  of  the  citizens,  having  previously  had 
 an  interview  with  Throgmorton,  who  met  him  a  few  miles  from  the 
 city.-E.] 
 
 ^  It  would  appear  these  Lords  had  projected  what  they  afterwards  put 
 in  execution  sooner  than  they  woiild  make  the  world  believe,  since  they 
 had  taken  care  to  send  letters  by  ]Mr  Robert  Melvil  into  England,  to  be 
 forwarded  from  thence  into  France,  for  their  trusty  friend  the  Earl  of 
 Moray.  Secretary  Cecil  writes  to  Sir  Henry  Norris,  the  English  ambas- 
 sador at  the  Court  of  France,  thus — "  At  this  time  I  send  unto  you  certain 
 packets  of  letters  left  here  by  Mr  Melvin,  who  lately  came  hither  from 
 the  Queen  of  Scots.  The  sending  of  these  to  my  Lord  of  Moray  requireth 
 groat  haste,  whereof  you  may  not  make  the  Scottish  ambassador  privy  ; 
 but  I  think  you  may  make  Robert  Steward  privy,  with  whom  you  may 
 confer  for  the  speedy  sending  away  of  the  same  letters.  His  return  into 
 Scotland  is  much  desired  of  them  ;  and  for  the  weal,  both  of  England  and 
 Scotland,  1  wish  he  were  here  (i.  e.  in  England)  :  And  for  his  manner  of 
 returning,  touching  his  safety,  I  pray  reijuire  Mr  Steward  to  have  good 
 care."  This  letter  is  dated  as  for  back  as  the  20'tli  June  ir)G7.  {N.  7^.  This 
 Robert  Stewart  is  certainly  that  same  j)erson  who  was  the  re])uted  a.^sassin 
 of  the  French  I'resident  Minard,  in  the  end  of  the  reign  of  our  Queen's 
 husband. — See  Mezeray.)  And  ngain  in  anotlier  letter,  14th  July  1.5()7 — 
 "  if  my  Lord  of  Moray  should  hick  credit  for  money,  my  Lord  Stewurd 
 (i.  e.  th<'  I-'arl  of  Pembroke,  Lord  S(ew;ird  of  England)   would  have  his 
 
7')2  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [lo()7. 
 
 of  the  reports  made  by  sonic  authors  concerning  him  before 
 his  departure  out  of  France ;  such  as,  that  this  Lord  was 
 concerting  measures  with  Admiral  Cohgni,  the  chief  of  the 
 Protestants  in  France,  for  possessing  himself  of  the  Crown 
 of  Scotland  : — that,  by  letters  to  his  friends  in  Scotland  he 
 signified  his  unwillingness  to  return,  unless  they  would 
 deprive  tlie  Queen  of  her  life  as  they  had  done  of  her 
 liberty  : — that,  on  the  other  hand,  he  sware  solemnly  to 
 the  King  of  France,  and  our  Queen's  uncles,  that  at  his 
 return  he  would  set  her  Majesty  at  liberty,  and  restore  her  to 
 the  regal  authority;  and  that  to  animate  him  the  more  in  this 
 he  received  valuable  presents  from  the  King  and  the  Family 
 of  (luise.  His  Lordship,  they  say,  was  no  sooner  departed 
 from  Court,  but  the  Archbishop  of  Glasgow,  the  ambassador 
 ordinary  from  our  Queen,  having  demanded  an  audience, 
 represented  the  Earl  of  Moray  as  the  chief  promoter  of  all 
 the  troubles  in  Scotland,  and  therefore  desired  he  might  be 
 detained  in  France,  which  being  granted,  that  messengers 
 were  sent  after  him  with  orders  to  bring  him  back  ;  but  the 
 Earl  had  by  his  expedite  travelling,  and  the  good  manage- 
 ment of  his  friends,  prevented  all  their  endeavours,  for  he 
 had  loosed  from  the  Port  of  Dieppe  some  short  space  before 
 the  orders  arrived  from  Court.  In  England,  they  say,  he 
 had  an  interview  with  that  Queen,  and  engaged  his  service 
 to  her  Majesty  upon  the  security  of  a  plentiful  sum  of 
 money  to  be  paid  yearly  to  him  and  the  leading  men  of  his 
 party.  But  whatever  truth  or  falsehood  be  in  these  things, 
 of  this  we  are  assured,  that  how  soon  the  Associators  were 
 informed  that  the  ICarl  was  at  London,  they  ordered  Sir 
 James  Melville  to  meet  him  at  Berwick,^  and  acquaint  him 
 how  that  the  office  of  Regent  was  appointed  for  him  ;  and 
 besides,  that  gentleman  received  from   one   part    of  these 
 
 son  give  liiin  such  credit  as  he  liath,  for  my  Lord  alloweth  well  ot  his 
 frieiidshii)."— Cabala.  Nothing  can  be  a  clearer  instruction  of  the  corres- 
 poiKh'uce  of  the  Lords  Associators  with  Secretary  Cecil  at  Iciust,  from  the 
 beginning  of  this  intestin(»  broil  in  Scotland,  and  of  the  I'2arl  of  Moray's 
 supjxjrt  ])y  the  Court  of  Kngland  with  money  at  the  time  of  his  returning 
 from  J'lance  ;  the  Karl  of  Pembroke,  we  nuiy  reckon,  being  sufficiently 
 assured  of  his  reimbursement,  otherwise  that  Nobleman  would  not  have 
 been  so  ready  to  ott'er  his  credit. 
 
 '   |8ir  .lanu's   Melville's   Nbinoirs,  printed    toi-   the    Ha.\n.\tvxk   Cub, 
 p.  1!)2.-K.| 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  733 
 
 Lords  a  commission  to  advise  my  Lord  Moray  not  to  deal 
 too  gently  by  the  Queen,  while  another  part  of  them  advised 
 the  Earl  to  shew  mildness  towards  her  Majesty,  because 
 she  being  now  free  from  bad  counsellors,  a  little  time  might, 
 by  the  assistance  of  her  own  good  judgment  and  inclinations, 
 reduce  her  to  such  moderation  as  they  should  all  wish  her 
 to  be  at  liberty  again.  This  last  advice,  Sir  James  says, 
 the  Earl  seemed  much  to  relish,  but  this  is  not  the  first 
 time  that  Sir  James  has  been  deceived  by  that  person. 
 The  Earl  also  feigned  to  be  averse  from  accepting  the 
 Regency,  though  Sir  James  is  so  honest  as  to  acknowledge 
 that  he  was  privately  informed  by  some  of  the  EarFs 
 retinue,  that  "  he  was  right  glad  when  he  understood  first 
 that  he  was  to  be  Regent.''^  Accordingly,  how  soon  he  met 
 with  all  his  friends,  he  even  granted  to  accept  the  Government. 
 And  how  sincere,  or  to  speak  more  truly,  how  insincere 
 this  Lord  was  in  his  answer  to  Sir  James  touching  his 
 future  behaviour  towards  the  Queen,  this  author  likewise 
 discovers  to  us  in  these  words'-^ — "  And  when  he  went  to 
 visit  the  Queen  in  Lochleven,  instead  of  comforting  her, 
 and  following  the  good  counsel  he  had  gotten,  he  entered 
 instantly  with  her  Majesty  in  reproaches,  giving  her  such 
 injurious  language  as  was  like  to  break  her  heart ;  and  the 
 injuries  were  such,  that  they  cut  the  thread  of  love  and 
 credit  betwixt  the  Queen  and  him  for  ever.  We,'"*  adds 
 this  author,  "  who  found  fault  with  that  manner  of  pro- 
 cedure lost  his  favour." 
 
 Now  that  the  above  facts  may  not  hang  solely  upon  Sir 
 James's  representation,  we  shall  just  now  hear  what  account 
 the  Earl  himself  gave  of  this  interview  with  the  Queen,  as 
 is  contained  in  the  remaining  part  of  Sir  TNicholas  Throck- 
 morton's negotiation  ;  and  by  which  we  are  likewise  let 
 into  the  knowledge  of  the  contents  of  a  message  which  the 
 French  King  sent  to  the  Lords  Associators,  together  with 
 the  answer  by  these  Lords  to  the  French  envoy.  This 
 gentleman's  name  was  LiL'nerol,^  and  we  get  information  by 
 
 *  [Memoirs,  printi'd  for  tlio  Hannatyne  Club,  p.  lf)3. —  K.J 
 "^  [Memoirs,  printed  for  the  IJannatyne  Club,  p.  194. — E.J 
 •*  [The   alle;,'ed  ohjeet  of  the  mission   of  Li^rnorolles  was  to  carry  a 
 message  from  the  Kin;;  of  France  to  the  Confederates,  but  his  real  errand 
 >vas  to  wateli  \\\v   proeeedin^js  of  Moray,  and  (o  hast(>n  liim  to  Scothmd 
 
7o4  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567. 
 
 Sir  James  Melville  that  he  came  into  Scotland  in  the 
 company  of*  the  Earl  of  Moray,  having  been  sent,  as  he 
 informs  us,  to  see  how  matters  past,  to  comfort  the  captive 
 Queen,  and  to  intercede  for  her :  which  thing,  that  author 
 observes,  he  acted  very  slenderly,  and  who  should  doubt  of 
 that,  since  he  had  been  in  all  likelihood  moulded  into  the 
 mind  of  the  Earl  of  Moray,  as  he  was  his  companion  on 
 the  journey  ?  The  French  gentleman,  he  says,i  told  the 
 Lords — "  That  he  came  not  to  offend  any  of  them,  alledging 
 that  the  old  Band  and  League  betwixt  France  and  Scotland 
 was  not  made  with  any  one  prince,  but  betwixt  the  Estates 
 of  the  two  kingdoms,  and  with  those  who  were  commanders 
 over  the  country  for  the  time."  It  is  indeed  true  the 
 League  here  referred  to  was  ancient,  but  I  am  much  mis- 
 taken if  this  interpretation  be  not  modern. 
 
 Letter  from  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  to  the  Queen  of 
 England,  2Qth  August  15G7.- 
 
 ''  It  may  please  your  Majesty — The  14th  day  of  this 
 month,  towards  the  evening,  the  Earls  of  Glencairn  and 
 Morton,  !Mr  James  ^lacgill,  and  Justice-Clerk,  went  to 
 Mons.  de  LyneroFs  lodging,  and  the  said  Mr  James  Macgill, 
 on  the  behalf  of  the  Lords,  as  well  those  present  as  the  other 
 absent,  for  answer  to  such  things  as  were  proposed  by  the 
 said  De  Lynerol  on  the  behalf  of  the  King  his  master, 
 declared  unto  him  as  followeth  : — 
 
 "  That  the  saids  Lords  did  again  render  their  humble 
 thanks  to  the  King  and  (Jucen  his  mother  for  this  demon- 
 stration of  their  favour,  which  the  said  King  and  Queen  had 
 shewed  by  sending  him  hither,  and  to  treat  with  them  so 
 amicably.  And  where  they  had  by  his  long  discourse  at 
 his  first  audience,  comprehended  the  sum  of  his  whole 
 negotiation  into  four  points,  they  were  now  to  answer  to 
 every  of  them  as  had  been  resolved  among  all  the  Lords 
 and  others  of  the  King's  Council. 
 
 "  To  the  first,   which   tended   to    the  union   of  all   the 
 
 without  comnmnicating  with  l^lizabeth. — 'JVtlor's  History  of  S^cotland, 
 vol.  vii.  p.  178. — E.] 
 
 *  [Sir  .James  Melville's  Memoirs,  i)rintc(l  I'ur  the  IUxnatynf.  C'Lon, 
 p.  1J)3,  194.— E.] 
 
 ■■'  C'ali{^.  C.  I,  an  Oiij^iiial. — |  liriti.sh  Musouiu.-    I'.| 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IX  SCOTLAND.  735 
 
 Nobility  of  this  Realm,  they  thanked  the  King  humbly  for 
 his  care  in  that  matter,  but  there  was  no  such  dissension 
 amongst  them,  thanks  be  to  God,  that  they  needed  any 
 reunion. 
 
 "  To  the  second^  for  the  care  the  King  had  to  their 
 surety,  which  he  willed  them  to  provide  for,  and  therein 
 offered  them  his  assistance,  they  did  humbly  thank  the 
 King  also  for  his  gracious  disposition  towards  them  ;  but, 
 God  be  thanked,  they  took  themselves  to  be  in  as  great 
 surety  as  any  men  were  or  could  be  within  this  Kealm. 
 
 "  To  the  thirds  concerning  the  Queen's  liberty,  and  his 
 access  to  her,  they  had  made  an  assertion  amongst  them- 
 selves, that  no  Prince\s  ambassador,  nor  stranger,  should 
 speak  with  her,  until  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  were  apprehended, i 
 which  they  hoped  should  not  be  long  to,  for  they  had  given 
 order  for  his  apprehension ;  and  that  which  served  for 
 answer  to  refuse  him  access  unto  the  Queen  must  also  serve 
 for  answer  concerning  her  enlargement. 
 
 "  To  the  fourth  and  last^  concerning  his  access  to  the 
 Hamiltons,  and  conference  with  them,  they  could  not  allow 
 nor  permit  any  Prince's  ambassador  or  minister  to  repair 
 unto  them,  or  to  treat  with  them.  Well  contented  they 
 were  that  JNlons.  de  Lynerol  should  send  unto  them  any 
 gentleman  he  had,  or  write  unto  them,  or  otherwise  to  confer 
 with  them  at  his  pleasure,  if  the  said  Hamiltons  would 
 repair  to  this  town  ;2  otherwise  they  could  not  accord  any 
 other  mean  of  negotiation  for  any  Prince's  ambassador  with 
 any  subject  of  this  Realm,  lest  thereby  they  should  derogate 
 from  themselves  the  authority  which  was  given  them  by  the 
 Queen  their  sovereign,  in  name  of  the  King  her  son,  for  the 
 government  of  this  Realm,  and  so  give  occasion  thereby,  as 
 well  to  strangers  as  to  the  subjects  of  the  Realm,  to  think 
 that  there  were  as  well  two  sundry  States  as  two  sundry 
 authorities. 
 
 "  Mons.  do  Lynerol  thanked  them  with  courteous  words 
 
 ^  And  by  wliat  right  could  they  make  sucli  an  assertion  !  Besides,  as 
 the  reason  here  offered  seems  to  have  no  true  and  proper  foundation,  so  it 
 coukl  only  be  contrived  to  keep  the  Queen  ignorant  of  tlie  friendship  of 
 the  neighbouring  I'rinces,  and  thereby  keep  her  in  a  desperate,  forlorn, 
 and  helpless  condition. 
 
 ■■'  This  was  what  these  men  wantt'd  extremely,  that  so  they  might  shut 
 up  the  (Queen's  friends  in  prison. 
 
7SG  THE  HISTORY  of  the  affairs  [15G7. 
 
 for  tlieir  pains,  and  ro'|iiired  them,  because  nothing  might 
 bo  endamaged  to  the  matter  which  was  declared,  nothing 
 to  their  sufficiencies,  nor  nothing  to  his  own  duty,  tliat  he 
 might  have  in  writing  what  liad  been  said  by  the  said  Mr 
 James  Macgill,  who  pronounced  all  the  premisses  in  the 
 Scottish  tongue,  which  upon  the  said  l)e  LyneroFs  desyrc, 
 was  interpreted  into  French  by  Justice-Clerk. 
 
 "  The  said  Lords  answered,  that  they  would  declare  to 
 the  rest  of  the  Noblemen,  and  others  of  the  King's  Council, 
 his  (the  said  LyneroFs)  request. 
 
 '•  This  the  said  De  Lynerol,  coming  the  15tli  of  this 
 month  to  visit  me  at  my  lodging,  declared  unto  me ;  which 
 also  was  otherwise  confirmed  unto  me  by  other  intelligence. 
 
 "  It  may  please  your  Majesty,  the  15th  of  this  month 
 the  Earls  of  Moray,  Athole,  Morton,  Glencairn  and  Mar, 
 with  the  Lords  Sempil  and  Lindsay,  and  the  Secretary 
 Lethington,  departed  this  town  towards  Lochlevin.  Not- 
 withstanding (upon  advice  taken  among  them  by  the  way) 
 none  of  the  persons  aforesaid  did  accompany  the  Earl  of 
 Moray  to  the  Queen  but  the  Earls  of  Athole  and  Morton, 
 and  the  Lord  Lindsay.  The  Secretary  Lethington  did  take 
 his  journey  to  his  wife  to  Dunkeld,  the  Earl  of  Athole's 
 house.  The  Earls  of  Glencairn  and  Mar,  with  the  Lord 
 Sempil,  went  to  Stirling  to  the  Prince,  who  is  called  here 
 King. 
 
 "  At  the  Earls  of  Moray,  Athole,  and  Morton's  arrival  at 
 Lochlevin,  they  went  inmiediately  to  the  Queen,  who  had 
 conference  with  them  all  together ;  notwithstanding  the 
 Queen  broke  forth  with  great  passion  and  weeping,  retiring 
 the  Earl  of  Moray  apart,  who  had  with  her  long  talk  in  the 
 hearing  of  no  person.  That  talk,  as  I  do  learn  (which 
 continued  two  hours  until  supper-time)  was  nothing  pleasant 
 to  the  Queen,  and  chiefly  for  that  the  Earl  of  Moray  talked 
 nothing  so  frankly  with  her  as  she  desired,  but  used  covert 
 speech,  and  such  as  she  judged  he  would  not  discover 
 neither  the  good  nor  the  ill  he  had  conceived  of  her,  nor 
 meant  unto  her.  After  supper  she  desired  to  talk  with  the 
 Earl  of  Moray  again  ;  and  every  body  being  retired,  they 
 conferred  together  until  one  of  the  clock  after  midnight  :  in 
 which  second  communication,  the  said  Earl  did  plainly, 
 without  disguising,  discover  unto  the  Queen  all  his  opinion 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  737 
 
 of  her  misgovernment,  and  laid  before  her  all  such  disorders 
 as  cither  might  touch  her  conscience,  her  honour,  or  surety. 
 
 "  I  do  hear  that  he  behaved  himself  rather  like  a  ghostly 
 father  unto  her  than  like  a  counsellor.  Sometimes  the 
 Queen  wept  bitterly,  sometimes  she  acknowledged  her  un- 
 advisedness  and  misgovernment,  some  things  she  did  con- 
 fess plainly,  some  things  she  did  excuse,  some  things  she 
 did  extenuate.  In  conclusion,  the  Earl  of  Moray  left  her 
 that  night  in  hope  of  nothing  but  of  God's  mercy,i  willing 
 her  to  seek  that  as  her  chiefest  refuge.    And  so  they  parted. 
 
 "  The  next  morning  betime  she  desired  to  speak  with  her 
 brother  ;  ho  repaired  unto  her.  They  began  where  they  left 
 over  night,  and  after  those  his  reprehensions,  he  used 
 some  words  of  consolation  unto  her,  tending  to  this  end, 
 that  he  would  assure  her  of  her  life,  and,  as  much  as  lay  in 
 him,  the  preservation  of  her  honour.  As  for  her  liberty,  it 
 lay  not  in  his  power  ;  neither  was  it  good  for  her  to  seek  it, 
 nor  presently  for  her  to  have  it,  for  many  respects. 
 
 "  Whereupon  she  took  him  in  her  arms  and  kissed  him, 
 and  shewed  herself  very  well  satisfied,  requiring  him  in  any 
 ways  not  to  refuse  the  Regency  of  the  Realm,  but  to  accept 
 it  at  her  desire.^  For  by  this  means  (said  she)  my  son  shall 
 be  preserved,  my  Realm  well  governed,  and  I  in  safety,  and  in 
 towardness  to  enjoy  more  safety  and  liberty  that  way  than  I 
 can  any  other.  Whereupon  the  Earl  declared  many  reasons 
 why  he  should  refuse  it.  The  Queen  again  replied  with  earnest 
 intercession,   and   prayed   him  to  prefer  her  reasons  and 
 
 ^  i.  e.  That  the  Lords  had  a  mmd  to  put  her  to  death. 
 
 "^  Skin  for  skin,  and  all  that  a  man  hath,  will  he  give  for  his  life.  The 
 craft  of  the  Earl  of  Moray  is  here  most  conspicuous.  He  first  puts  the 
 Queen  into  the  terror  of  death  ;  next  assures  her  of  life  as  much  as  should 
 ly  in  him,  thou^^h  still  not  of  her  liberty.  The  natural  consequence  of 
 this,  he  well  foresaw,  would  be  a  thankful  acknowledj^ment  to  him  for 
 preservinf^  her  life,  and  a  williuf,'  surrendering^  of  herself,  her  son,  and  her 
 government,  into  his  hands  A  dextrous  i)iece  of  management  in  truth, 
 and  which  served,  moreover,  as  a  fine  handle  for  the  Earl's  friends  to 
 give  it  out  to  the  world  that  the  Queen  confirmed  by  word  of  mouth  what 
 she  had  formerly  signed  with  her  hand,  and  that  she  pressed  and  obtested 
 lier  brotlier  to  take  the  government  !  This  was  materially  true,  yet  we 
 see  from  what  source  it  proceeded.  And  her  Majesty  was  so  sensible  of 
 the  Earl's  misbehaviour  towards  her,  that,  as  Mr  Melvil  has  already  told 
 us,  "  it  cut  the  thread  of  love  and  credit  betwixt  her  and  him  for  ever." — 
 [Sir  .Taunts  Melville's  Memoirs,  folio,  j).  87 ;  Memoirs  of  his  Own  Life, 
 printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  1!M. — E.J 
 
 VOL.  II.  47 
 
7'*>8  THE  HISTORY  OF  TIIK  AFFAIRS  [loGJ. 
 
 requests  before  his  own,  which  were  particular.    At  length  he 
 accorded  unto  her  the  acceptation  of  the  llegency.^ 
 
 "  Then  the  Queen  required  him  to  leave  no  means  undone 
 to  bring  all  the  forts  of  the  Realm  into  his  own  disposing, 
 and  likewise  to  take  her  jewels,  and  things  of  value  which 
 were  hers,  into  his  custody,  offering  unto  the  said  Earl  her 
 writinirs,  the  use  of  her  name  and  authoritv,  to  brinic  all 
 these  things  to  pass.  He  shewed  himself  very  unwilling  to 
 have  the  custody  of  her  jewels.2  Then  the  Earl  of  Moray 
 requiring  the  Lords  Lindsay,  Ruthven,  and  Lochleven,^  to 
 treat  the  Queen  with  gentleness,  with  liberty,  and  all  other 
 good  usage,*  he  took  his  leave  of  hei* ;  and  then  began  a 
 new  fit  of  weeping,  which  being  appeased,  she  embraced  him 
 very  lovingly,  kissed  him,  and  sent  her  blessing  unto  the 
 Prince  her  son  by  him. 
 
 "  Since  whose  departure  from  her  she  hath  written  a 
 letter  of  her  own  hand  unto  the  said  Earl,  requiring  him  to 
 take  her  jewels,  and  all  she  hath  of  value,  into  his  custody  ; 
 for  otherwise  she  is  sure  neither  she  nor  her  son  shall  have 
 good  of  them. 
 
 "  Thus  nmch,  and  it  please  your  Majesty,  concerning  my 
 Lord  of  Moray's  proceedings  at  Lochleven,  saving  that  I 
 did  omit  to  declare  how  the  Queen  did  amicably  take  her 
 leave  of  the  Earls  of  Atholl  and  Morton,  with  whom  she 
 had  some  talk,  but  not  very  much  ;  unto  whom,  amongst 
 other  things,  she  had  these  words — '  My  Lords,  you  have 
 had  experience  of  my  severity,  and  of  the  end  of  it ;  I  pray 
 you  also  let  me  find,  that  you  have  learned  by  mo  to  make 
 an  end  of  yours,  or  at  least  that  you  can  make  it  final.'^ 
 
 "  The  IGtli  day  the  Earls  aforesaid  went  from  Lochleven 
 to  Stirling,  where  they  remained  until  the  10th  of  this 
 month,  what  day  they  returned  to  this  town  in  the  evening. 
 That  night  I  sent  unto  my  Lord  of  Moray,  requiring  him 
 that  I  might  speak  with  his  Lordship  and  the  L.  of  Lething- 
 ton  together  (piietly.  The  Earl  sent  me  word,  that  he 
 would  not  fail   in    the  morning  but  come  to  my  lodging, 
 
 '   '\]w  only  tliin;;  in  tlit*  world  lie  lon^'ctl  for. 
 
 ^  (iood  solt-denied  man  !    Wi>  shall  aftoi-wards  lioar  more  concerninfj 
 tliesc  jewels.  •'  j'riie  I^ird  of  I.>ochleven. — K.J 
 
 *  Whieli  they  would  understand  well  enough  in  wliat  shape  to  obey. 
 ''   A  vf  rv  smart  but  toucliin*:  word.     Nothinsjr  cuts  shari)er  than  trutli. 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  739 
 
 requiring  me  to  hold  him  excused  for  that  night,  not  finding 
 himself  well  at  ease.  The  next  morning,  being  the  20th  of 
 this  present,  the  said  Earl  came  to  my  lodging,  and  had 
 these  words — '  My  Lord  Ambassador,  whether  will  you  that 
 I  should  make  declaration  to  you  of  my  doings  at  Loch- 
 leven  ?  or  have  you  any  thing  to  say  to  me  V  I  required 
 him  to  declare  his  proceedings  with  the  Queen  his  sister, 
 and  how  they  had  agreed.  The  said  Earl  made  declaration 
 unto  me  of  all  matters  particularly  as  is  before  written,  save 
 that  he  spake  not  so  confidently  of  the  assurance  of  the 
 Queen"'s  life,  as  is  before  specified,  but  treated  with  her  of 
 that  matter  with  this  caution,  that  for  his  own  part,  accord- 
 ing to  his  many  obligations,  he  had  a  desire  to  spend  his 
 own  life  to  save  her  life,  and  would  employ  all  that  was  in 
 him  for  that  purpose  ;  but  it  was  not  in  his  power  oniy^^ 
 the  Lords  and  others  having  interest  in  the  matter. 
 Notwithstanding  he  said — '  Madam,  I  will  declare  unto  you 
 which  be  the  occasions  that  may  put  you  in  jeopardy,  and 
 which  be  they  that  may  preserve  you.  First,  for  your  peril, 
 these  be  they  ;  your  own  practices  to  disturb  the  quiet  of 
 your  Realm  and  the  reign  of  your  son ;  to  enterprize  to 
 escape  from  where  you  are,  to  put  yourself  at  liberty  ;  to 
 animate  any  of  your  subjects  to  troubles  or  disobedience ; 
 the  Queen  of  England  or  the  French  King  to  molest  this 
 Realm  either  with  their  war,  or  with  war  intestine,  by  your 
 procurement  or  otherwise  ;2  and  your  own  persisting  in  this 
 inordinate  affection  with  the  Earl  Bothwell. 
 
 "  '  For  your  preservation,  these  be  they :  Your  acknow- 
 ledging your  faults  to  God,  with  lamentation  of  your  sins 
 past,  so  as  it  may  appear  you  do  detest  your  former  life,  and 
 do  intend  a  better  conversation,  a  more  modest  behaviour, 
 and  an  apparent  shew  that  you  do  abhor  the  murder  of 
 your  husband,  and  do  mislike  your  former  life  with  Bothwell. 
 Lastly^  an  evident  demonstration  that  you  mind  no  revenge 
 to  these  Lords  and  others  which  have  sought  your  reforma- 
 tion and  preservation."'^ 
 
 ^  In  his  power  ufoiic.  So  it  would  scorn  tlio  Karl  has  still  left  the 
 Queen  in  a  state  of  suspence,  and  to  himself  a  hack-door  to  resile,  when 
 he  should  want  it.  The  different  turns  of  this  world  are  aftecting  enough, 
 even  when  they  do  not  touch  ourselves. 
 
 ^  More  sketches  still  of  the  Karl's  cnnninp^. 
 
 ■*  This  is  a  very  master-piece  of  device. 
 
740  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507. 
 
 "  FurtJior,  the  said  Earl  declarod  unto  me  that  the 
 (^ucen  liis  sister  sent  me  her  hearty  commendations,  and 
 required  me  to  thank  your  Majesty  for  your  good  affection 
 to  her,  whereof  you  had  made  good  proof  in  sending  me 
 hither.  And  as  she  was  beholding  to  your  Majesty  for  this 
 your  favour,  employed  for  her  relief  already,  so  she  desired 
 your  Majesty  to  be  pleased,  and  to  procure  that  she  may 
 live  with  you  in  England  in  what  sort  and  manner  it  should 
 please  your  Majesty  to  appoint;  for  truly  she  had  no  desire 
 to  live  in  hor  own  country,  nor  any  other  but  there  in  your 
 Realm. 1 
 
 "  The  said  Earl  declared  also  unto  me,  that  he  never  saw 
 the  Queen  in  better  health,  nor  in  better  point. 
 
 "  This  being  the  sum  of  the  EarFs  talk  had  with  me,  save 
 that  he  showed  me  particular  letters  written  from  the  Earls 
 of  Rothes,  Crawford,  the  blasters  of  Monteitli  and  Errol, 
 the  Lords  Drummond,  Ogilvie,  Oliphant,  and  Somcrvil, 
 Borthwick,  and  Yester,  whereby  they  did  promise  and 
 assure  unto  him  their  obedience  and  fidelity.  I  did  require 
 the  said  Earl  of  jNIoray,  that  I  might  have  some  convenient 
 time  this  day  to  declare  to  him  and  the  L.  of  Lethington 
 such  commission  as  your  Majesty  had  given  me  in  charge. 
 
 "  The  Earl  of  Moray  answered — 'We  must  now  serve  God, 
 for  the  preacher  tarrieth  for  us,  and  after  the  sermon  we 
 must  advise  of  a  time  to  confer  with  you."  And  so  the  said 
 Earl  took  his  leave  of  me. 
 
 "  It  may  please  your  Majesty,  your  letters  of  the  lltli  of 
 August,  dated  at  Windsor,  I  received  the  17th  of  the  same  ; 
 the  contents  of  the  same,  according  to  your  Majesty's 
 instructions,  I  will  at  my  next  conference  with  the  Earl  of 
 Moray  and  L.  of  Lethington  accomplish.  And  albeit  your 
 Majesty's  letters  do  purport  that  I  should  declare  to  all 
 these  Lords  your  misliking  of  their  proceedings,  as  is  pre- 
 scribed in  your  said  letter;  yet  being  advised  by  Mr  Secretary 
 (by  your  Majesty's  commandment)  to  make  choice  of  the 
 Earl  of  Moray2  and  the  L.  of  Lethington,  as  men  fittest  to 
 treat  with  for  this  (Jueen's  ])onefit  and  relief,  I  do  abstain 
 from  ]>ul)lic'k  negotiation  with  this  whole  Assembly,  as  the 
 
 '   What  stian|re  alterations  may  occur  in  human  atVairs  ! 
 '-'  Tlic  untittost  man  in  tlio  world,  as  Mr  Socrotary  t'ecil   very  well 
 knew  ;  but  the  fittest  man  indeed  for  the  Secretary's  purpose. 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  741 
 
 best   mean    to   bring   that   to   pass   which   your    Majesty 
 desireth. 
 
 "  The  Bishop  of  St  Andrews  is  detected  by  a  person  of 
 good  credit  to  have  been  privy  and  consenting  to  the 
 murder  of  the  late  King. 
 
 "  The  Abbot  of  Kihvinning  is  looked  for  to  repair  to  this 
 town  to-morrow  or  next  day. 
 
 "  The  Bishop  of  Galloway  (the  Earl  of  Huntly's  uncle, 
 and  sent  by  the  said  Earl)  hath  made  offer  to  the  Earl  of 
 Athole  and  the  L.  of  Lethington,  that  the  said  Earl  his 
 nephew  shall  desist  from  making  any  trouble  in  this  Realm, 
 and  shall  conjoin  with  these  Lords  to  obey  the  authority 
 established,  so  as  ho  may  have  the  Earl  of  Moray  his 
 assured  friend,  whereof  he  is  in  some  felonzye,  because  in 
 the  time  of  the  Earl  of  Aloray's  disgrace  the  said  Earl  of 
 Huntly  was  his  great  enemy, 
 
 "  The  Lords  Fleming,  Boyd,  and  Livingston,  have  written 
 to  the  Earl  of  Moray  (which  letter  I  did  see),  offering  him 
 cither  to  come  to  this  town,  or  to  any  other  place,  if  he,  the 
 said  Earl,  will  give  them  assurance  under  his  hand  ;  which 
 he  hath  refused  to  do,  saying  there  is  no  hostility  nor  deadly 
 feud  amongst  them,  and  therefore  no  cause  why  they  should 
 require  any  safe-conduct.  Well  he  doth  assure  them,  on  his 
 word,  that  if  they  come  neither  they  nor  any  of  theirs  shall 
 be  molested.  Thus  Almighty  God  preserve  your  ^Majesty 
 in  health,  honour,  and  perfect  felicity.  At  Edinburgh,  20th 
 August  15  G7. 
 
 "  Your  Majesty's  most  humble,  faithful, 
 "  obedient  servant  and  subject, 
 
 "  N.  Throckmorton. 
 
 "  I  have  thought  good  not  to  stay  this  dispatch  until  my 
 conference  had  with  the  said  Earl,  and  Lord  of  Lethington, 
 and  their  resolution  thereupon ;  the  rather  because  your 
 Majesty  is  in  some  expectation  to  hear  what  hath  been 
 done  at  Lochleven,  and  the  state  of  this  Queen.'' 
 
 A  nother  Letter  from  Sir  Nicholas  Throchnorton  to  the  Queen 
 of  England^  ^Id  Aurjust  15()7.^ 
 
 "  May  it  please  your  Majesty— The  21st  of  this  month 
 
 ^  Calig.  C  1,  an  Orif,'iiial.— [British  Museum. — K.] 
 
742  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loG?- 
 
 I  declared  to  the  Earl  of  Moray  and  the  L.  of  Lethington 
 at  good  length  such  conniiission  as  I  received  by  your 
 Majesty's  letters  on  the  11th  of  August,  in  as  earnest  and 
 vehement  sort  as  I  could  set  it  forth.  It  was  by  them 
 thereunto  answered  as  followeth  : — 
 
 "  They  never  meant  harm  (God  they  took  to  witness) 
 neither  to  the  Queen's  person  nor  to  her  honour  :  They  do 
 not  forget  the  manifold  benefits  they  have  received  of  her, 
 and  therefore  their  great  affection  always  born  unto  her 
 cannot  be  altogether  extinguished ;  yea  they  be  so  far  from 
 meaning  her  harm,  that  they  wish  she  were  Queen  of  all 
 the  world.i  Presently  she  is  none  otherwise  to  be  satisfied, 
 than  a  very  sick  person  in  an  extreme  disease  is  to  be 
 pleased  in  their  inordinate  appetites  :  '  For,'  said  the  L.  of 
 Lethington,  '  one  sick  of  a  vehement  burning  fever  will  refuse 
 all  things  which  may  do  him  good,  and  require  all  things 
 which  may  do  him  harm  ;  and  therefore  the  appetite  of  such 
 a  person  is  not  to  be  followed.'  This  matter  doth  carry  with 
 it  many  parts,  some  concerning  the  Queen's  person,  some 
 the  King  her  son,  some  the  Realm,  and  some  the  Lords'  and 
 gentlemen's  sureties ;  and  when  they  shall  see  a  moderation 
 of  the  Queen  their  sovereign's  passion,  they  mean  nothing 
 but  well  unto  her,  and  she  shall  have  nothing  but  good  at 
 their  hand.-  There  is  no  way  to  do  her  so  much  harm  as 
 to  precipitate  matters  before  they  be  ripe,  or  to  put  these 
 Lords  to  a  strait ;  for  so  against  their  wills  they  shall  be 
 constrained  to  do  that  they  would  not  do.  It  is  evident 
 they  have  been  contented  hitherto  to  be  condemned,  as  it 
 were,  of  all  princes,  strangers,  and  namely  of  your  Majesty, 
 being  charged  of  grievous  and  infamous  titles,  as  to  be  noted 
 rebels,  traitors,  seditious,  ingratc,  and  cruel  ;  all  which  they 
 suffer  and  bear  upon  their  backs,  because  they  will  not 
 justify  themselves,  nor  proceed  in  any  thing  that  might 
 touch  the  Queen  their  sovereign's  honour.  But  in  case 
 they  be   with   these  defamations  continually  oppressed,  or 
 
 '  That  thoy  ini^'ht  rule  over  all  tlio  world  in  lior  stead  ;  otherwise,  why 
 did  they  deprive  her  of  the  small  dominion  to  which  she  had  so  i)roi)er  a 
 title  ?  It  is  easy  to  varnish  over  the  foulest  actions  with  false  or  fine 
 speeches. 
 
 '^  We  can  perceive  nothinir  Imt  moderation  in  licr  :it  tiie  conference 
 with  tlu'  i:arl  of  Mora  v. 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  74*5 
 
 with  the  force,  aid,  and  practices  of  other  princes  (and 
 namely  of  your  Majesty)  put  in  danger,  or  to  an  extremity, 
 they  shall  be  compelled  to  deal  otherwise  with  the  Queen 
 than  they  intend,  or  than  they  desire  :  '  For,  my  Lord 
 Ambassador,"  said  he,  '  you  may  be  sure  we  will  not  lose  our 
 lives,  have  our  lands  forfeited,^  and  be  reputed  rebels 
 through  the  world,  seeing  we  have  the  means  to  justify 
 ourselves  ;  and  if  there  be  no  remedy  but  that  the  Queen 
 your  sovereign  will  make  war,  and  nourish  war  against  us, 
 we  can  be  but  sorry  for  it,  and  do  the  best  we  may.  But 
 to  put  you  out  of  doubt,  we  had  rather  endure  the  fortune 
 thereof,  and  suffer  the  se(|uel,  than  to  put  the  Queen  to 
 liberty  now  in  this  mood  that  she  is  in,  being  resolved  to 
 retain  Both  well  and  to  fortify  him,  to  hazard  the  life  of  her 
 son,  to  put  the  Realm  in  peril,  and  to  forfeit  all  these 
 Noblemen.2  You  must  think,  my  Lord  Ambassador,  your 
 wars  are  not  unknown  to  us  ;  you  will  burn  our  Borders,  and 
 we  will  do  the  like  to  yours  ;  and  whensoever  you  invade  us, 
 we  are  sure  France  will  aid  us,  for  their  league  standeth 
 fast,  and  they  are  bound  by  their  league  to  defend  us.  And 
 as  to  the  practices  which  you  have  in  hand  to  nourish 
 dissension  among  us,  we  do  overlook  your  doings,  and  foresee 
 the  end  well  enough ;  for  either  the  Hamiltons,  and  such  as 
 you  practice  withall,  will  take  your  silver,  and  laugh  you  to 
 scorn,  when  you  have  done,  and  agree  with  us  (for  we  have 
 in  our  hands  to  make  the  accord  when  we  will),  or  else  you 
 will  make  them  attempt  some  such  act  as  they  and  their 
 House  shall  repent  it  for  ever.     The  Queen's  Majesty  your 
 
 ^  Very  probably  indeed  this  has  been  tlie  jrrand  reason  for  refusino; 
 to  hearken  to  Queen  Elizabetli's  repeated  solicitations,  «5k:e.  When  men 
 have  once  dipt  into  rebellion,  no  doubt  the  t'earof  after-punislnnent  with- 
 holds them  from  relenting,  and  instigates  them  to  proceed  in  their  evil 
 courses. 
 
 '  With  what  confidence  could  this  gentleman  say  so,  not  only  after 
 what  the  Queen  had  talked  with  the  Earl  of  Moray,  but  after  she  had 
 demitted  the  (lovernment,  and  that  voluntarily  too,  as  they  represented 
 it  i  It  is  even  somewhat  diverting  to  observe  the  various  shapes  into 
 wliich  the  Queen's  enemies  cast  her  se([uestration  and  continued  detention. 
 Jjut  for  all  this  ill  mood  they  represent  her  Majesty  now  to  be  in,  some  of 
 them  at  least  might  have  remembered  that  they  desired  Sir  James 
 Melvil  to  ac<iuaint  the  Karl  of  Moray  at  his  arrival,  that  tfn-  Qucin  was 
 bcrjinainfj  alrraHif  to  rqwnt  her  of  mavt/  thhujx,  and  it  is  not  very  likely 
 that  she  did  now  repent  tiie  repentance  again. 
 
744  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507- 
 
 sovereign  hath  conncxcd  together  with  the  Queen's  liberty, 
 and  her  restitution  to  her  dignity,  the  preservation  of  the 
 King  the  Queen's  son,  the  punishment  of  the  murder,  and 
 the  safety  of  these  Lords.  Many  things  have  been  done, 
 much  time  spent,  and  strange  language  used  (as  you  have 
 done  in  this  your  last  Commission),  charging  us,  another 
 Prince's  subjects  (for  we  know  not  the  Queen's  Majesty  to  be 
 our  sovereign),  to  sot  the  Queen  at  liberty ;  but  nothing  hath 
 been  done  by  her  Majesty  either  for  the  apprehension  of 
 Both  well  and  the  murderers,  for  the  safeguard  of  the  King, 
 or  for  the  safety  of  these  Lords.  Will  the  Queen  your 
 mistress  arm  two  or  three  ships  to  apprehend  Bothwell  I 
 Pay  a  thousand  soldiers  for  a  time  to  reduce  all  the  forts  of 
 this  Realm  to  the  King's  obedience  ?  Then  we  will  say, 
 doing  this,  that  her  Majesty  mindeth  as  well  these  other 
 matters  spoken  of,  as  the  Queen's  liberty .'l 
 
 "I  directed  then  my  speech  to  my  Lord  of  Moray  : — 'Sir, 
 you  have  no  such  interest  in  this  matter  as  these  men  have, 
 for  you  have  committed  no  such  excess  ;  and  therefore  I 
 trust  this  answer  given  me  by  the  L.  of  Lethington,  though 
 it  may  be  the  mind  of  the  other  Lords  his  associates,  yet  I 
 trust  it  be  not  agreeable  to  yours.'  The  Earl  said — '  Sir 
 Nicholas,  truly  methinketh  you  have  heard  reason  at  the 
 Laird  of  Lethington's  hand,  and  for  mine  own  part,  though 
 I  were  not  here  at  the  doings  past,  yet  surely  I  must  allow 
 of  them  ;  and  do  mean  (Grod  willing)  to  take  such  part  as 
 they  do.  And  seeing  the  Queen  and  they  have  laid  upon 
 me  the  charge  of  the  Regentry  (a  burden  which  I  would 
 gladly  have  eschewed),  I  do  mean  to  ware  my  life  in  defence 
 of  their  action,  and  will  either  reduce  all  men  to  obedience 
 in  the  King's  name,  or  it  shall  cost  me  my  life.-  And  if  the 
 Queen  your  sovereign  do  look  into  the  world,  she  will  find 
 more  profit  for  her  and  her  Realm  to  fortify  and  assist  us, 
 than  to  be  against  us  ;  for  though  we  may  have  cover  by 
 her  means,  yet  if  the  matter  be  well  considered,  those  which 
 her  Majesty  dotli  fortify  against  us  will  bring  little  com- 
 modity to  her  or  England.'  This  was  tlio  effect  which 
 passed  betwixt  the  Earl  of  Moray,  the  L.  of  Lethington, 
 and  me  at  my  last  negotiation. 
 
 '   In  all  Lothinp^ton's  discourses  the  pvoai  man  still  shines. 
 
 '■^  The  huit  of  these  did  indued  full  out  ;  for  he  lost  his  life  in  the  (luanel. 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  745 
 
 "  I  did  write  a  letter  to  the  Bishop  of  St  Andrews  and 
 the  Abbot  of  Arbrothe,  the  copy  whereof  I  sent  your 
 Majesty  by  my  dispatch  of  the  14th.  Herewith  I  send 
 your  Majesty  answer  to  the  my  letter  sent  from 
 
 the  said  Bishop  and  Abbot,  and  the  Lords  Fleming  and 
 Boyd,  together  with  such  answer  as  I  have  returned  to  them 
 presently  by  a  gentleman  named  John  Hamilton,  whom 
 they  sent  unto  me,  and  whom  I  think  they  will  shortly  send 
 unto  your  Majesty,  and  so  into  France  to  the  Duke  of 
 Chastelhcrault.  The  said  John  Hamilton,  on  the  behalf  of 
 the  Bishop  and  others,  required  me  to  desire  a  passport  of 
 your  Majesty  for  the  Duke  of  Chastelherault,  and  twenty- 
 four  with  him,  to  return  forth  of  France  through  your 
 Majesty's  Realm  into  Scotland. 
 
 "  He  required  also  recommendation  to  the  Lord  Scroop, 
 that  by  his  order  he  might  be  furnished  with  post-horses  to 
 pass  to  your  Majesty's  Court ;  and  for  that  purpose  I  have 
 written  to  the  said  Lord  Scroop. 
 
 "  The  said  Hamilton  said  further,  the  Lords  of  that 
 faction  desired  that  your  Majesty  would  (in  case  I  were 
 revoked)  signify  your  pleasure  to  the  Lord  Herries  from 
 time  to  time,  by  the  order  of  the  Lord  Scroop,  who  may 
 communicate  your  Majesty's  intent  to  the  Hamiltons,  and 
 others  of  that  party. 
 
 "  I  do  guess  by  the  contents  of  their  letter  that  both  they 
 be  not  very  hasty  in  this  matter,  but  would  gladly  make 
 your  Majesty  to  serve  their  turn  ;  and  also  that  there  be 
 not  many  to  adhere  unto  them,  seeing  their  letter  is  sub- 
 scribed with  so  few  hands,  and  those  of  no  great  moment. 
 Many  of  those  Noblemen  and  gentlemen,  whereof  the 
 Hamiltons  made  account  to  run  their  fortune,  do  write 
 daily  to  the  Earl  of  Moray,  and  do  offer  unto  him  obedience 
 and  fidelity,  so  as  I  think  the  Hamiltons'  faction  will  be  far 
 too  weak,  and  indeed  their  party  is  nothing  so  well  made  as 
 these  Lords  ;  for  besides  their  forces  which  ly  united,  tlicy 
 have  the  town  and  Castle  of  Edinburgh,  the  town  and  Castle 
 of  Stirling,  the  town  of  Lcith,  and  the  passages  from  all 
 parts  of  the  Realm,  at  their  devotion. 
 
 "  The  Earl  of  Argile  doth  bear  the  Earl  of  Moray  in 
 hand  as  fair  as  he  doth  the  Hamiltons,  and  liaili  written 
 liim  a  letter  this  dav  full  of  irreat  kindness. 
 
74G  THE  llISTOliY  or  THE  Al'l-AIliS  [15G7. 
 
 "  The  Earl  of  Iluntly  hath  assayed  in  his  own  country 
 what  he  can  do  ;  and  since  the  Earl  of  Moray's  coming 
 home  ho  findeth  himself  no  party  in  the  North,  and 
 therefore  doth  make  great  offers  this  way. 
 
 "  The  Lady  Both  well,  sister  to  the  said  Earl  of  Huntly, 
 passed  tlirough  this  town  within  these  two  days,  and  is 
 gone  to  her  mother  and  brother  in  the  north  parts  :  She 
 hath  protested  to  the  Lady  of  Moray  in  this  town  that  she 
 will  never  live  with  the  Earl  Bothw^ell,  nor  take  him  for  her 
 husband. 
 
 "  The  Earl  of  Argile  doth  seek  to  be  divorced  from  his 
 wife,  half-sister  to  the  Earl  of  Moray.  His  incontinency  is 
 alleged  to  be  the  cause  of  the  divorce,  and  the  same  procured 
 at  his  suit ;  but  his  wife  will  not  consent  unto  it,  neither 
 will  the  Earl  of  Moray  suffer  it  to  pass  :  so,  as  it  is  thought, 
 this  will  be  the  occasion  of  breach  of  amity  betwixt  the 
 said  Earls.  The  Earl  of  Moray  hath  the  better  part  in 
 the  action,  because  the  Earl  of  Argile  is  not  justifiable  by 
 no  law. 
 
 "  It  may  please  your  Majesty,  Mons.  de  Lyncrol  hath 
 made  great  shew  that  he  would  not  tarry  here,  as  not  best 
 satisfied  with  his  answers  ;  but  in  the  end  these  Lords  have 
 made  him  find  it  good  to  prolong  his  abode  here,  and,  as  far 
 as  I  can  learn,  De  Lynerol  is  contented  to  go  to  Stirling, 
 there  to  do  reverence  to  the  Prince  as  to  the  King  :  at 
 which  place  it  is  intended  and  procured  by  De  Lynerol,  that 
 the  Ilamiltons  shall  meet  with  some  of  these  Lords  there, 
 and  so  compound  (in  the  French  King's  name)  all  differences 
 betwixt  them.  And  though  John  Hamilton  seemed  to  me 
 to  be  specially  dispatched  to  this  town  to  confer  witli  me, 
 yet  I  am  well  advised  that  the  said  Hamilton  was  chiefly 
 addressed  to  the  French  ambassador  :  So  as  your  ^Lajesty 
 may  perceive  to  what  end  both  these  Lords  and  the 
 Hamiltons  do  conduct  their  matters,  that  is,  as  methinketh, 
 to  run  the  course  of  France. 
 
 "  The  law-day  for  th(^  murder  of  the  late  King  doth  hold 
 in  this  town  this  diiy,^   where  it  is  thought  few  or  none  will 
 
 ^  Caldorwood's  l;ii-;,'o  MS.  .says — "  Upon  the  22(1  day  of  Au^nist,  Skirliii;^ 
 Ilicartoim,  and  some  othor  p'ntlt>inon,  should  liavo  been  triinl  by  an 
 iussizc  for  the  uniidcr  of  the  Kin^,  hut  were  continued  till  Oetober.  lint 
 the  same  dav  the  Laird  of  Orniisloun  in  Teviotdale,  his  father's  brotlier. 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  747 
 
 appear  which  be  summoned.  Notwithstanding,  there  is  a 
 great  number  of  gentlemen  have  made  their  repair  hither 
 forth  of  all  (quarters  of  the  Realm,  and  many  of  them  well 
 accompanied. 
 
 "  This  day  the  Abbot  of  Kilwinning  is  come  to  this  town, 
 since  whose  coming,  as  I  learn,  there  is  some  doubt  made  of 
 the  Hamiltons'  repair  to  Stirling  ;  which  not  taking  place, 
 it  is  like  De  Lynerol  will  not  go  thither,  and  then  I  reckon 
 he  will  make  no  long  abode  here. 
 
 "  Now  that  your  Majesty  doth  see  an  issue,  as  well  for  the 
 preservation  of  this  Queen's  life,  as  what  is  resolved  for  her 
 liberty,  and  so  of  all  the  French  ambassador's  negotiations 
 here,  and  the  Ilamiltons'  answer  to  my  letter,  it  may  please 
 your  Majesty  to  be  so  gracious  unto  me  as  to  revoke  me 
 hence.  Thus  Almighty  God  preserve  your  Majesty  in  all 
 health,  honour,  and  perfect  felicity.  At  Edinburgh,  the 
 22d  of  August  15  G7. 
 
 "  Your  Majesty's  most  humble,  obedient, 
 "  faithful  servant  and  subject, 
 
 "  N.  Throckmorton." 
 
 Before  we  shut  up  this  Chapter,  it  may  be  proper  to  add 
 here  the  Queen  of  England's  letter  to  her  ambassador  of  the 
 29th  of  August ;  because,  though  it  be  indeed  posterior  to 
 the  Earl  of  Moray's  acceptation  of  the  Regency,  yet  at  the 
 time  of  its  writing  that  Princess  had  not  probably  received 
 
 intelligence  of  that  emergent. 
 
 Letter  from  the   Qiieen  of  Ennland  to  Sir  Nicholas 
 Throchnortoii^  29th  August  1507.^ 
 
 "  Trusty  and  well-beloved,  we  greet  you  well : — We  have 
 within  those  two  days  received  three  sundry  letters  of  yours, 
 the  20th,  22d,  and  2.'3d,  having  not  before  these  received 
 any  seven  days  before ;  and  do  find  by  these  your  letters 
 you  have  very  diligently  and  largely  advertised  us  of  all 
 tlic  hasty  and  peremptory  proceedings  there,  which  as  wo 
 
 ^Sil•  Patrick  Ilopburn  of  Wluti'custlc,  the  Laird  of  Talo,  younjrer,  with 
 (livors  others,  wcmo  donomicod  n'l)oIs,  and  put  to  tho  horn,  for  not  com- 
 pearance."— I C'alderwood'y  lli^^torie  of  the  Kirk  of  Scothuul,  printed  for 
 the  WoDHow  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  ;JS5, 386. — K.) 
 '   C'alii,'.  ('.  I,  a  Copy.     I  Hritisli  Museum.— K.] 
 
748  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 nothing  like,  so  we  trust  in  time  to  see  them  wax  colder, 
 and  to  receive  some  reformation.  For  we  cannot  perceive 
 that  they  with  whom  you  have  dealt  can  answer  the  doubts 
 moved  by  the  Ilamiltons,  who,  howsoever  they  may  be 
 carried  for  their  private  respects,  yet  these  things  which 
 they  move  will  be  allowed  with  all  reasonable  persons  ;  for 
 if  they  may  not,  being  Noblemen  of  the  Realm,  be  suffered 
 to  hear  the  Queen  their  sovereign  declare  her  mind  con- 
 cerning the  reports  which  arc  made  of  her  by  such  as  keep 
 her  in  captivity,^  how  should  they  believe  the  reports,  or 
 obey  them  that  do  report  it  ?  And  therefore  our  meaning 
 is,  you  shall  let  the  Hamiltons  plainly  understand  that  we 
 do  well  allow  of  their  proceedings  so  far  forth  as  the  same 
 doth  concern  the  Queen  their  sovereign  for  her  relief;  and 
 in  such  things  as  shall  appear  reasonable  for  us  to  do  herein 
 for  the  Queen  our  sister,  we  will  be  ready  to  perform  the 
 same. 2     And  where  it  is  required,  that  upon  yom*  coming 
 
 ^  This  may  ^We  us  to  understand  that  the  Hamiltons  had  comjilained, 
 that  as  they  were  not  allowed  to  see  the  Queen,  so  neither,  on  the  other 
 hand,  did  they  think  themselves  under  an  obligation  to  credit  the  stories 
 repoited  of  her  by  those  who  kept  lier  prisoner  ;  for  perhaps  she  had 
 already  given,  and  was  still  ready  to  give,  all  reasonable  satisfaction  con- 
 cerning her  late  misbehaviour.  And  as  these  Lords  who  first  took  upon 
 them  to  shut  her  up  could  in  reason  pretend  to  no  such  authority  in 
 exclusion  of  the  other  Peers  of  the  Realm,  so  their  peremptory  refusal 
 to  give  other  Noblemen  access  to  her  Majesty,  is  a  shrewd  suspicion  that 
 they  did  this  that  they  themselves  might  thereby  have  oi)])ortunity  to 
 put  what  glosses  they  found  convenient  for  theh-  purposes  on  the  Queen's 
 present  deportment,  and  so  deprive  lier  of  undeceiving  her  faithful 
 subjects. 
 
 ^  That  the  Queen  of  England  spoke  hero  as  she  thought,  the  following 
 part  of  her  Secretary  Sir  William  Cecil's  letter  to  her  ambassador  m 
 France,  Sir  Henry  Norris,  seems  to  be  a  sure  evidence  : — "  Sir,  You  shall 
 perceive  by  the  Queen's  Majesty's  letters  to  you  at  this  present,  how 
 earnestly  she  is  bent  in  the  favour  of  tlie  Queen  of  Scots  ;  and  truly  since 
 the  beguming  she  hath  been  greatly  oftendod  with  tlie  Lords.  And  how- 
 soever her  Majesty  might  make  her  jjroht  by  bearing  with  the  Lords  in 
 this  action,  yet  no  counsel  can  stay  her  Majesty  from  insisting  on  her 
 misliking  of  them" — lJ)th  August  1567.  And  in  another  letter  from  the 
 same  to  tlie  same — "  The  Queen's  Majesty  our  sovereign  reraaineth  still 
 offended  witli  tlie  Lords  for  the  Queen  of  Scots ;  the  example  moveth 
 her,"  3d  Sei)tember  1567.— Cabala.  By  these  two  shreds  of  letters  we  can 
 easily  discern  that  the  English  Secretary  has  done  all  that  lay  in  him  to 
 divert  his  mistress  from  frowning  at  the  Scottisli  rebels;  but  that  the 
 Queen  of  Englaiul  i)ersisted  still  hitherto  in  earnest  willing  to  relieve  our 
 Queen.     She  thought  it  abaci  example  to  tlie  sul>jects  of  other  nations  ; 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  SCOTLAND.  749 
 
 thence  the  Lord  Scroop  should  deal  with  the  Lord  Herries, 
 to  impart  their  meanings  to  us,  and  ours  to  them  ;  we  are 
 pleased  therewitli,  and  we  require  you  to  advertise  the 
 Lord  Scroop  thereof  by  your  letters,  and  to  will  him  to 
 shew  himself  favourable  to  them  in  their  actions  that  may 
 appear  plainly  to  tend  to  the  relief  of  the  Queen,  and  main- 
 tenance of  her  authority.  And  as  we  willed  our  Secretary 
 to  write  unto  you,  that  upon  your  message  done  to  the  Earl 
 of  Moray,  you  might  return,  our  meaning  is,  you  shall ; 
 and  if  these  our  letters  shall  meet  you  on  the  way,  yet  we 
 will  have  you  advertise  the  Lord  Scroop  and  the  Hamiltons 
 of 
 
 and  no  doubt  it  was  so,  and  ought  not  to  have  been  tolerated  by  sovereign 
 princes.  And  had  the  Queen  of  EngUmd  in  particular  followed  forth  her 
 present  resolution,  there  is  as  little  doubt  to  be  made,  that  the  power  of 
 the  rebels  in  Scotland  would  soon  have  dwindled  to  nothing.  But  other 
 views  came  afterwards  before  her  Majesty's  mind,  and  a  ^^nscni  interest 
 prevailed  with  her  above  future  glory.— [Our  Historian  is  more  compli- 
 mentary to  Queen  Elizabeth  for  her  alleged  good  feeling  towards  Queen 
 Mary  than  can  now  be  admitted.  See  "  An  Order  for  Mary's  execution 
 in  1  r)G9,"  which  seems  to  have  been  arrested  by  the  failure  of  an  insur- 
 rection projected  by  tlie  Duke  of  Norfolk,  the  then  Earls  of  Westmoreland 
 and  Northumberland,  and  other  Roman  Catholic  Noblemen  and  gentlemen 
 in  England,  and  "  Elizabeth's  Plot  for  the  secret  execution  of  Mary  in 
 Scotland"  in  1572,  aimd  Tytler's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  4G3-469, 
 Apjiendix. — E.] 
 
JoO  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567. 
 
 CHAPTER  XIII. 
 
 CONTAINING  MATTERS  OF  STATE  FROM  THE  EARL  OF  MORAY'S 
 ACCEPTATION  OF  THE  REGENCY  IN  THE  MONTH  OF  AUGUST 
 1507,  TILL  THE  queen's  RETREAT  INTO  ENGLAND  IN  THE 
 MONTH  OF  MAY  15G8. 
 
 After  the  Earl  of  Moray  had  returned  from  visiting  the 
 Queen  in  the  Castle  of  Lochleven,  and  that  every  thing  had 
 been  put  in  order  by  him  and  his  friends  for  the  prosecution 
 of  their  designs,  his  Lordship,  in  the  space  of  two  days 
 after  his  coming  to  Edinburgh,  was  pleased  to  accept  and 
 enter  upon  the  office  of  Regent  of  the  kingdom  within  the 
 said  city  of  Edinburgh,  in  the  manner  and  form  here  sub- 
 joined.— 
 
 "  Apud  Edinlurgh,  22d  August  1567. 
 
 "  Sederunt — Jacobus  Moravioe  Comes,  Dominus  Abernethie, 
 Regni  Scoticv  Regens;  Jacobus  Comes  de  Mortoini;  Joannes 
 Comes  de  Athole ;  Alexander  Comes  de  Glencairn  ;  Joannes 
 Comes  de  Mar;  Robertus  Comes  de  Biichan;  Joannes  Magis- 
 ter  Graham;  Alexander  Dominus  Hume;  Williclmus  Do- 
 minus Ruthven;  Patriclus  Dominus  Lyndesay  de  Byr'is  ; 
 Robertus  Dominus  Sempill ;  Willielmus  Dominus  Borth- 
 icick;  Robertus  Commendatarius  de  Dunferndine  ;  Williel- 
 mus Maitland  de  Lethington,  junior ,  Secrefarius  ;  Magister 
 Robertus  Richardson  fiommendatariusInsulwSanctwMaria\ 
 Thesaurarius ;  Joannes  Bellenden  de  Auchnoule,  Miles, 
 Clericus  Justiciaricc ;  Jacobus  Balfour  de  Pittendreich, 
 Miles,  Clericus  Registri;  Magister  Jacobus  Macgill  de  Ran- 
 killor-nether  ;  Joannes  Spens,  Advocatus ;  cum  diversis 
 Baronibus  et  Commissariis  Burgorum. 
 
 "  ArrKPTATiouN  OF  THE  Regexcie. 
 
 "  Tni:  (piliilk  (lay,  in  i)resens  of  the  Lordis  of  Secroit  Coun- 
 sale,  Nobilitie,  Si)iritualitie,  Commissionaris  of  Burrowis, 
 and  Baronnis,  convcint  within  the  Tolbuitli  of  the  burgh  of 
 Edinburgh,  wes  presentit  ane  Conunissioun  subscryvit  be  the 
 Qii(»nis  Majestic,  our  Soverane  Lordis  derrest  modor,  and 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  7«3 1 
 
 under  hir  Hienes  Previe-Seill,  of  the  dait,  at  Lochlevin,  the 
 xxiv.  day  of  Julij  hist  bipast,  qiihilk  wes  opinho  red,  the 
 tenoiiirqiihairof followis— '  MARiE,be  the  grace  of  God  Queue 
 of  Scotis,  to  all  and  sindrie  our  jugeis  and  niinisteris  of  our 
 lawis,  liegis  and  subjectis  quhome  it  cffeiris,  to  qidiais 
 knawlcge  tliir  our  iettcris  sail  cum,  greting  :  Forsamekleas 
 efter  lang,  greit,  and  intollerabill  panis  and  labouris  takin  be 
 us  sen  our  arryvall,'  &c.  as  is  expressit  at  lenth  in  the  Act 
 
 above-writtin,  maid  the  xxv.  day  of  Julij  last  bipast 
 
 "  Efter  the  publict  reding  of  the  quliilk  Commissioun, 
 and  invocatioun  of  the  name  of  God,  the  said  nobill  and 
 mychtie  Lord  James  Erie  of  Moray,  &c.  ressavit  and 
 acceptitl  upoun  him  the  office  of  Regentrie  of  our  Soverane 
 Lord  his  Realme  and  liegis,  and  gaif  his  ayth  for  debtfull 
 administratioun  thairof,  efter  the  forme  and  tenour  of  the 
 said  Commissioun  in  all  pointis :  Of  the  (|uhilk  ayth  the 
 tenour  alswa  followis — '  I,  James  Erie  of  Moray,  Lord 
 Abernethie,  &c.  promciss  faythfullie,  in  the  presence  of  the 
 Eternall,  my  God,  that  I  induring  the  haill  cours  of  my  lyff 
 sail  serve  the  same  Eternall,  my  God,  to  the  uttermost  of 
 my  power,  according  as  he  requirit  in  his  maist  holy  Word, 
 revelit  and  contenit  in  the  New  and  Auld  Testamentis  ;  and, 
 according  to  the  same  Word,  sail  mentaine  the  trew  reli- 
 gioun  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  preaching  of  his  holy  Word,  and 
 dew  and  rycht  administratioun  of  his  sacramentis,  now 
 ressavit  and  practizit  within  this  Realme  ;  and  als  sail 
 abolysche  and  gainestand  all  false  religioun  contrair  to  the 
 same  :  And  sail  rewle  the  peopill  committit  to  my  charge 
 and  regiment  during  the  minoritie  and  les  age  of  the 
 King  ray  soverane,  according  to  the  will  and  command 
 of  God  revelit  in  his  foirsaid  Word,  and  according  to 
 the  lovabill  lawis  and  constitutiounis  ressavit  in  this 
 Realme,  nowayis  repugnant  to  the  said  Word  of  the 
 Eternall,  my  God ;  and  sail  procure  to  my  uttermest,  to 
 the  Kirk    of  God,    and    haill    Cristiane    peopill,  trew    and 
 
 ^  Bwthaiiau  says  that  tlio  l^arl  of  Moray  wa.f  cUctnl  Re^jent  by  tlu> 
 States.  'I'his  writer  would  fain  make  the  world  believe  that  the  suproine 
 governors  of  Scotland  come  at  their  ottice  always  by  dirtiou  of  the  peoide. 
 IWit  the  whole  autheiitiek  i)ro^ress  of  this  new  Kej^eiicy  (sucli  as  it  was) 
 bi'lies  this  author  e<,'refi;iously.  Even  hcniii  also  Archbishop  Spottiswood 
 Miiidlv  follows  the  tradition  of  Mr  Buchanan. 
 
752  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loG?. 
 
 perfyto  peace,  in  all  tyme  cuming.  The  rychtis  and 
 rentis,  with  all  just  privilegeis  of  the  Crowne  of  Scotland, 
 I  sail  preserve  and  keip  unviolat ;  nather  sail  I  transferr 
 nor  alienat  the  samyn.  I  sail  forbid  and  repress,  in  all 
 estaittis  and  dogreis,  reiff,  oppressioun,  and  all  kynd  of 
 wrang.  In  all  jugementis  I  sail  command  and  procure  that 
 justice  and  equitie  be  keipit  to  all  creaturis  without  excep- 
 tioun,  as  He  be  merciefull  to  me  and  zow  that  is  the  Lord 
 and  Fader  of  all  mercies ;  and  out  of  this  Realme  of  Scot- 
 land, and  impyre  thairof,  I  sail  be  cairfull  to  ruite  out  all 
 heretickis  and  enemeis  to  the  trew  worschip  of  (iod,  that 
 sail  be  convict  be  the  trew  Kirk  of  God  of  the  foirsaid 
 crymes.i  And  thir  thingis  above-writtin  I  faythfullie  affirme 
 bo  this  my  solempnit  ayth.'  ""2 — Ji^  ]\j  3 
 
 The  same  day  an  order  w^as  published  for  proclaiming  the 
 Earl  of  Moray's  acceptation  of  the  Regency,  and  a  charge 
 to  the  lieges,  enjoining  them  to  give  obedience  to  the  Lord 
 Regent  in  all  things,  under  the  pain  of  treason  ;  which 
 Proclamation,  because  it  contains  some  clauses  the  readers 
 might  willingly  desire  to  see,  I  have  therefore  taken  the 
 freedom  to  annex  here  at  full  length. 
 
 "  A^nid  Edinhurgli,  22d  August  15 G7. 
 
 *'  FoHSAMEKiLL  as  the  Queue,  moder  to  our  Soverane  Lord 
 the  King,  the  tyme  of  hir  subscriptioun  of  the  Commissioun 
 and  Letteris  of  Procuratorie,  be  the  quhilk  sche  dimittit  and 
 
 ^  And  what  better  ri^ht  had  he  to  do  so  than  the  last  Regent,  viz.  the 
 Queen's  mother,  had  to  root  out  all  those  whom  she  accounted  hereticks  ? 
 The  addition  of  the  words,  convict  he  the  treio  Kirk  of  O'od,  is  of  no 
 service  at  all,  seeing  every  Kirk  will  call  itself  the  ti-cw  Kirk:  And  I 
 make  little  doubt  but  the  trewer  the  Kirk  is,  the  less  persecution  will  be 
 made  by  it. 
 
 ^  In  the  Lord  Pitmedden's  abstracts  of  Privy-Council  it  is  said,  that 
 "  at  this  time  compeared  Arthur  Hamilton  of  Muretown,  as  proctor  for 
 John  Archbisljop  of  .St  Andrews,  and  (Javin  Connnendator  of  Kilwinning, 
 Commissioners  nominate  by  James  Duke  of  Cliastellierault,  I'.arl  of  Arran, 
 and  j)rotested  tliat  the  Queen's  Commission  and  the  coronation  of  the 
 King  her  son  should  not  prejudge  the  Duke  and  his  successors  in  the 
 riglit  of  succession  to  the  crown  of  the  kingdom,  whensoever  it  shall 
 phase  (Jod  to  call  him  tliereto."  lU\t  wlu'ther  this  has  been  only  the 
 l)rotestation  made  at  the  time  of  the  King's  coronation,  already  set  down, 
 p.  721,  or  if  these  same  persons  have  now  repeated  the  fonn(>r  protesta- 
 tion, I  cannot  determine.  ^  [The  initials  of  Itobert  Miln. — E.J 
 
1567.]  OF  CIIURCII  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  753 
 
 renunceit  the  governament  of  this  Eeahiie  in  the  favouris  of 
 our  said  Soverane  Lord  ;  considerand  that,  be  ressoun  of 
 his  tender  zouth,  he  wes  not  of  abilitie  of  his  awn  persoun 
 to  administrat  in  his   kinghe  rowme  and  governament,  as 
 wes  requisite  ;   and  knawing  the  proximitie  and  tendernes  of 
 blude  standing  bctwix  him  and  hir  derrest  bruther,  James 
 Erie  of  jMoray,  Lord  Abernethie,  of  quhais  affectioun  and 
 kyndhe  hiff  towartis  his  Majestie  and  the  commoun-weill  of 
 this  Reahne   sche  wes,  and   is,   maist  assurit :   In  respect 
 quhairof,  as  of  the  certaintie  of  hir  said  brutheris  sufficiencie 
 and  gude  quahficatioun,  hir  Grace,  be  hir  letteris  alswa  sub- 
 seryvit  with  liir  hand,  and  under  hir  Previe  Scill,  of  the  dait 
 above-writtin,  maid,  namit,  appointit,  constitut  and  ordanit 
 him  Regent  to  hir  said  derrest  sone,  this  Realme,  and  Hegis 
 thairof,  during  his  minoritie  and  les  aige,  and  ay  and  quhill 
 (until)  he  be  of  the  aige  of  seventein  zeiris  compleit,  willand  that 
 he  be  callit,  during  the  said  space,  Regent  to  our  Soverane 
 Lord,  his  Realme  and  liegis :  with  power  to  hir  said  derrest 
 bruther,  in  name,  authoritie,  and  behalf  of  our  said  Soverane 
 Lord,  to  use  and  exerce  the  said  office  of  Regentrie  in  all 
 thingis,    privilegeis,   and    commodities    pertaining   thairto, 
 siclyke  als  frelie,  and  with  als  greit  libertie,  as  ony  Regent 
 or  Governour  to  the  Quene,  or  hir  predecessouris,  usit  in 
 ony  tymcs  bigane ;  lykeas,  at  mair  lenth,  is  conteint  in  the 
 Commissioun  foirsaid,  past  thairupoun  of  the  dait  the  xxiv. 
 day  of  Julij  last  bipast ;   quhilk  befoir  and  in  the  tyme  of 
 our  Soverane  Lordis   coronatioun,   solempnizat  upoun   the 
 xxix  day  of  the  said  moneth,  wes  red,  considerit,  fund  gude 
 and  expedient ;  and  be  the  Estaittis  than  conveint,  ratifeit, 
 approvit,  and  condescendit  unto.     Sen  the  quhilk  tyme,  at 
 tlic  plesour  of  Almichtie  God,  the  said  Nobill  Lord  returning 
 to  this  Realme,  his  native  countrie,  considering  the  Quenis 
 deliberat  will  and  mynd,  not  onlio  be  hir  said  Commissiounis, 
 bot   alswa  be    hir   awn   mouth   and  voce,   that   he   sould 
 accept  the  said  office   and   charge  ;^    for  obedience  thair- 
 
 *  "  The  Queoii  was  iiorswadcd  by  thcsi-  tliat  wore  licr  keepers,  and 
 others  iiitroinitted  ('allowed  to  enter  into  Lochlevin)  for  that  purpose,  to 
 desire  him  (Moiay)  to  take  the  ^^overnment  of  the  country  upon  him  ;  to 
 which  he  was  so  ejisily  perswaded,  that  without  p(\at  delay  of  time,  by 
 coacted  consent  of  the  caj)tive  Queen,  the  fi^ood  mind  of  the  factioners, 
 and    his    own    bent    will    thereunto,    was    publickly    |)roclaimed,"    ^c— 
 
 VOL.  II.  48 
 
754  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567- 
 
 of,^  and  movit  of  the  naturall  and  entire  affectioun  quliilk  he 
 beris  towart  tlie  weillair  and  preservatioun  of  our  said  Sove- 
 rane  Lord  and  comraon-weill  of  this  Reahne,  hes  aceeptit  and 
 ressavit  tlie  charge  and  office  of  lle^entrie  upoun  his  per- 
 soun,  and  hes  gevin  his  ayth  in  presens  of  the  Lordis  of 
 Secreit-Counsall,  for  debtfull  administratioun  thairof,  to  the 
 plcsour  of  God,  our  Soveranis  honour,  and  commoditie  of 
 all  the  gude  subjectis  of  this  Reahne  :  Thairfoir  ordanis 
 letteris  to  be  direct  to  mak  publicatioun  heirof  be  oppin 
 proclamatioun  at  the  mercate-croce  of  Edinburgh,  and  all 
 utlieris  mercate-croces  of  the  hcid  burrowis  and  schyris  of 
 this  Realme,  and  utheris  places  neidfull,  that  nane  pretend 
 ignorance  of  the  samyn  ;  and  to  command  and  charge  all 
 and  sindric  the  liegis  and  subdittis  quhatsumevir  to  reddilie 
 answer,  intend,  and  obey  to  the  said  Lord  Regent,  in  his 
 said  office  and  charge  of  Regentrie  during  the  said  space  of 
 our  Soverane  Lordis  minoritie,  and  to  nane  utheris,  siclyke 
 as  ony  Princes,  or  utheris  Governouris  and  Regentis,  hes 
 bene  obeyit  in  tymcs  bigane,  under  the  pane  of  tresoun  ; 
 certifieing  all  and  quhatsumevir  persounis  that  dois  in  the 
 contrair,  resistand  our  Soveranis  authoritie  and  disobeyand 
 the  said  Regent,  thay  sail  be  repuite  and  haldin  as  plane 
 ganestanderis  of  his  ^Lajestie's  authoritie,  and  sail  be  puneist 
 thairfoir  with  all  rigour,  in  exempill  of  utheris." — R.  M.2 
 
 The  first  thing  we  find  done  by  the  Regent  was  to 
 publish  an  oj'der,  the  very  next  day  after  his  acceptation, 
 for  destroying  all  the  publick  seals  of  the  kingdom  which 
 carried  the  name  and  title  of  the  Queen.^  Another  thing 
 the  Regent  immediately  set  about  was  to  strengthen  his 
 party  by  force  as  well  as  by  authority,  wisely  enough  con- 
 sidering that  the  one  would  soon  become  despicable  without 
 the  other.     For  this  purpose  he  dealt  to  get  the  Castle  of 
 
 Crawfunrs  MS. — [Historic  and  Lite  of  King  .Tames  the  Sext,  j)rinted  for 
 the  JJannatvne  Club,  p.  17,  IS, — K,] 
 
 '  ^^'l^at  if  tlie  Queen  had  refused  to  grant  him  a  Commission  of  Regency  ? 
 Would  this  obcdhnt  Lord  have  in  that  case  obeyed  his  sister  and  sove- 
 reign ?  We  see  the  most  rebellious  are  fond  to  talk  of  obedience  as  a 
 virtue,  and  to  assume  the  merit  of  it  to  themselves  as  oft  as  they  can. 
 
 =  [The  initials  of  Robert  Miln.— E.] 
 
 ^  The  Act  of  Council  appointing  this  matter  1  have  put  into  the 
 Appendix,  Numb.  XXIV. 
 
loG7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  755 
 
 Edinburgh  surrendered  to  him  by  Sir  James  Balfour,  who, 
 though  ho  had  been  made  Govcrnour  thereof  by  the  interest 
 of  the  Earl  of  Bothwell,  yet  he  quickly  laid  aside  the 
 gratitude  he  owed  both  to  the  Queen  and  that  Nobleman, 
 and  entered  into  the  measures  of  the  Associating  Lords. 
 But  that  party,  it  seems,  though  they  loved  the  treachery, 
 had  no  great  liking  to  the  man  ;  and  this  made  them  so  very 
 earnest  to  have  the  Castle  out  of  his  hands ;  and,  on  the 
 other  hand,  he,  as  would  appear,  dreading  to  be  called  to 
 account  for  his  former  deportment  whilst  a  partisan  with 
 Bothwell,  instantly  agreed  to  deliver  the  Castle  into  the 
 hands  of  the  Earl  of  Moray  on  the  following  conditions — ^ 
 "1.   A  remission  for  art  and  part  of  the  King's  murder. 
 
 2.  The  gift  and  donation  of  the  Priory  of  Pittenweem.2 
 
 3.  A  pension  of  victual  to  his  eldest  son  out  of  the  Priory  of 
 St  Andrews,  to  remain  with  him  heritably.  4.  A  great 
 pecunial  sum  to  himself  in  hand  (Spottiswood  calls  it  5000 
 pounds). 3  5.  That  the  Castle  shall  be  put  into  the  hands  of 
 the  Laird  of  Grange.'''^ 
 
 These  Articles  were  speedily  agreed  to,  and  they  say 
 that  upon  payment  of  the  money  contained  in  the  fourth 
 Article  the  Regent  took  possession  of  the  Castle,  and  slept 
 the  night  of  the  24th  August^  in  the  same  room  where  the 
 Queen  had  been  last  year  delivered  of  her  son  the  Prince. 
 
 ^  The  first  four  of  these  conditions  are  in  Crawfurd's  MS.,  and  the 
 fifth  alone  in  Melvil's  Memoirs. — [Ilistorie  and  Life  of  King  James  the 
 Sext,  printed  for  the  Bannatyxe  Club,  p'.  18  ;  Sir  James  ^Eelville's 
 ^[emoirs,  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  198. — E.] 
 
 ^  This  Priory  was  lield  by  the  Regent  hi  commendam,  together  witli 
 that  of  St  Andrews. 
 
 ^  [History  of  the  Churcl)  and  State  of  Scotland,  folio,  London  1677, 
 1,.  213.-K.f 
 
 ■*  ['i'his  aj)pointment  to  be  Governor  of  Edinburgh  Castle  was  eventually 
 Kirkaldy's  ruin,  lie  subsecjuently,  during  the  Regency  of  Morton,  went 
 over  to  the  Queen's  party,  and  held  out  the  Castle  for  them  in  opposition 
 to  Morton.  The  Fortress  sustained  a  severe  siege  for  upwards  of  a  month 
 by  Morton,  assisted  by  Sir  William  Drury  and  an  English  force  in  1573, 
 but  Kirkaldy  was  compelled  to  submit  to  an  unconditional  surrender,  and 
 was  ba.sely  executed,  by  command  of  Morton,  on  the  3d  of  August  that 
 y(»ar.  His  brother.  Sir  .James  Kirkaldy,  and  two  others,  were  put  to 
 death  at  the  sjimc  time.— E.] 
 
 "'  So  says  Crawfurd's  Memoirs,  but  Calderwood's  MS.  siiys,  this  Ca.stle 
 was  only  surrendered  on  the  5th  day  of  September.— [Historic  and  Life 
 (»f  King  James  the  Sext,  p.  18  ;  Calderwood's  Ilistorie  of  the  Kirk  of 
 Scotland,  printed  for  the  WoDRow  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  387. — E.] 
 
75(j  THi;   UISTolvV   «U'  THE   AFFAIRS  [1507. 
 
 Sonic  time  after  tlie  Ueii:ent  gave  this  Castle  to  be  kept  by 
 Sir  William  Kirkaldy  of  CIrango. 
 
 The  next  thing  the  Regent  took  in  hand  was  to  get 
 likewise  into  his  possession  the  Castle  of  Dunbar  ;  and  so 
 we  see  in  the  llecords,  on  the  2Cth  day  of  the  same  month 
 of  August,  an  order  for  "  letteris  to  be  directed  to  command 
 and  cliarcfe  James  Erie  of  Bothwell,  Patrick  Quliytlaw  of 
 that  Ilk,  John  Newtoun  zoungar  of  that  Ilk,  Mr  Thomas 
 Hepburn  Parson  of  Aldhamstocks,  and  all  utheris  keiparis 
 of  the  Castell  of  Dun])ar,  to  render  and  deliver  the  same, 
 witli  all  artaillierie,  puldcr,  and  munitionis  being  thairin,  to 
 the  officiaris  executoris  heirof,  within  sex  houris  after  the 
 charge,  with  certificatioun  of  forfaultour,  &c.  as  traittouris, 
 in  case  of  refusal."  The  same  persons  were  likewise  charged 
 at  the  same  time  to  deliver  before  the  Justice  and  his  Deputes, 
 within  the  Tolbooth  of  Edinburgh,  in  the  space  of  twenty- 
 four  hours  next  after  the  charge,  ''  the  person  of  Patrick 
 Wilson,  who  had  been  declarit  traittour,  and  art  and  part 
 in  the  Kingis  murthour,  under  the  pain  to  be  repute,  haldin, 
 callit,  persowit,  and  denunceit  as  plane  partakaris  with  the 
 said  Patrick  in  his  rebellioun  and  treassonabill  deids,  and  to 
 be  puneist  thairfoir  with  all  rigour,  in  exempill  of  utherisT 
 But  notwithstanding  the  charge  given  for  the  surrender  of 
 this  Castle,  those  within  took  no  care  to  obey,  and  therefore 
 the  Regent  saw  himself  under  a  necessity  to  carry  it  by  a 
 formal  siege.  And  we  are  enabled  to  ascertain  the  precise 
 time  of  this  expedition  by  an  order  of  Privy-Council  issued 
 tlie  23d  of  September,  and  contained  in  the  Abstracts, 
 charging  "  the  browsters,  baxters,  and  fleschers^  of  the 
 town  of  Haddington  to  pass  and  gang  fordwart  with  bakin 
 breid,  browin  aill,  and  flesche,  to  furnischc  the  camp  lyand 
 at  the  siege  of  Dunbar  Castell,  at  competent  pryces,  under 
 the  j)ayne  to  bo  repuit  assistaris  of  the  rebellis  :  And 
 char<rinir  the  Provest  and  Bailzies  of  Haddington  to  see  the 
 said  Ijreid,  aill,  and  flesche,  fui-nisched  to  the  said  camp,  as 
 tliai  will  answer  upoun  thair  obedience,  and  under  the 
 payne  foirsaid/' 
 
 The  Captain,  at  the  first  summons  to  surrender,  is  said  to 
 have  given  the  ordinary  answer  that  he  would  defend  the 
 
 ^  i,  o.  JJrewfis,  linkers,  and  butcliers. 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  757 
 
 Castle  to  the  last  extremity.  But  when  he  saw  the  Regent 
 was  wholly  bent  upon  getting  it  into  his  hands,  having  for 
 that  end  conveyed  heavy  cannon  from  the  Castle  of  Edin- 
 burgh, and  that  he  saw  no  probability  of  relief,  surrendered 
 the  Castle  to  the  Regent  on  certain  easy  conditions. ^  "  The 
 Castle  was  delivered  on  the  1st  day  of  October,  and  the 
 Earl  of  Morton,  the  Lords  Hume,  Lindsay,  and  some  others, 
 desired  the  keeping  of  it.  ]kit  the  Regent  caused  carry  all 
 the  artillery  and  munition  of  it  to  Edinburgh,  and  committed 
 it  to  the  custody  of  the  town  of  Dunbar  until  the  Parliament 
 time."'-  And  then  he  procured  an  Act  for  the  demolition 
 both  of  it  and  the  fort  upon  Inchkeith,  which  Act  shall 
 be  hereafter  noticed. 
 
 Before  we  proceed  farther  it  will  be  proper  to  set  down 
 the  following  letter  : — 
 
 Letter  from  Sir  Nicholas  Throckmorton  to  Sir  William  Cecil, 
 1st  September  1567-^ 
 
 "  Sir — Your  letter  of  the  20th  of  August,  dated  at  Guild- 
 ford, I  received  the  27th  of  the  same,  containing  the  Queen's 
 Majesty's  order  prescribed  unto  me  by  you  for  my  proceed- 
 ings with  the  Earl  of  ^loray  (now  Regent),  in  such  points  as 
 are  mentioned  in  your  said  letter ;  and  containing  also, 
 somewhat  to  my  comfort,  her  Majesty's  pleasure  for  my 
 return,  which  is  to  take  place  when  I  shall  have  accom- 
 plished such  things  as  be  prescribed  me  by  you.  For  answer 
 whereunto,  this  shall  be  to  advertise  you,  and  her  Majesty 
 by  you,  that  the  Earl  of  Moray,  in  the  presence  of  the  Lor<l 
 of  Lethington,  hath  answered  me  as  followeth — 
 
 ^  8o  says  Crawfurd's  MS.  But  Cecil  to  Norris,  9th  October  1567,  says — 
 "  All  tilings  be  fiuiet  in  Scotland  since  the  last  of  September,  at  which 
 time  the  Castle  of  Dxmbar  was  rendred  to  the  Earl  of  Moray  ;  and  one 
 named  the  Lord  Waughton,  follower  of  the  Earl  Jiothwcll,  which  kept 
 the  Castle  as  long  as  he  could,  wa-s  adjudged  to  pay  for  the  charges  of 
 them  whicli  besieged  it,  and  the  charge  of  the  carriage  of  the  ordnance 
 back  to  IMinburgh  :  A  new  kind  of  piuiishmont,  sufticient  enough  for  such 
 a  beggar." — Cabala. 
 
 2  Calderwood's  MS.  and  so  far  with  it  agrees  Crawfurd's  MS.  that  "  all 
 the  cannon  and  gims  therein  competent  were  carried  to  the  Castle  of 
 Edinburgh." — [^'iiUt'i'^vood's  Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  i)rinted 
 for  the  WoDRow  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  387  ;  Historie  and  Life  of  King 
 .lames  the  Sext,  printed  for  the  IJannatyne  Club,  p.  20. — Jv| 
 
 '  Calig.  C.  1,  a  (^opy.-  [British  Museum.— E] 
 
7oH  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [156*7. 
 
 "  J'^irst,  To  the  matter  declared  by  nie,  as  I  was  ordered 
 by  her  Majesty's  letter  of  the  11th  of  August,  the  Earl  of 
 Moray  said,  That  the  Lord  of  Lethington  had  before  him 
 made  answer  at  good  length  five  days  past,  so  as  that 
 matter  needed  no  repetition.  All  which  their  answer  and 
 discourse  I  signified  to  her  Majesty  by  my  letters  of  the 
 22d  of  August. 
 
 "  To  my  going  to  the  Queen  at  Lochlevin,  he  shewed  me 
 that  the  Lords  saw  no  reason  more  now  to  accord  unto  me 
 access  to  the  Queen  than  they  have  done  all  this  while  ; 
 but  much  less,  seeing  they  have  refused  it  to  the  French 
 ambassador,  who  has  gone  his  way  without  it.i 
 
 "  As  to  the  acceptation  of  the  Regency,  he  said, 2  It  was 
 now  past ;  and  as  for  ignominy  and  calumniation,  he  had 
 none  other  defence  against  that  but  the  goodness  of  God, 
 his  upright  conscience,  and  his  intent  to  deal  sincerely  in  his 
 office  ;  and  if  that  would  not  serve,  he  could  not  tell  what 
 to  say,  for  now  there  was  none  other  remedy  but  he  must 
 go  through  with  the  matter. 
 
 "  As  to  the  Queen's  Majesty's  satisfaction  for  the  Queen 
 his  sovereign's  consent,  touching  the  government  conferred 
 upon  him,  he  saith,  he  would  be  loth  to  allow  any  such 
 matter,  and  specially  a  thing  that  touchcth  himself,  if  he 
 had  not  the  Queen's  consent  thereunto,  confirmed  by  her 
 own  mouth. ^ 
 
 "  As  unto  some  certain  time  for  the  Queen's  enlargement 
 to  be  prescribed,  which  I  demanded,  ho  said,  the  Lords 
 could  not  resolve  thereupon,  because  her  liberty,  and  the 
 time  thereof,  depended  upon  accidents  : — '  Albeit  (said  he) 
 for  mine  own  part  I  could  be  contented  it  were  undelayedly.'^ 
 
 "  As  unto  that  which  I  demanded  for  the  Queen's  con- 
 dition andestate  after l^oth well's  apprehension  and  justifying; 
 
 ^  ['J'liioi^'inorton  antic'ijKitod  this  before  the  arrival  of  Moray  aiul  the 
 Freiicli  aiul)a.ssa(lor  Li^meroHes.  In  a  hotter  to  Cecil,  dated  9th  August 
 I.'iGT,  he  says — "  'J'hey  have  utterly  refused  me  nccesse  to  the  Queno,  and 
 I  believe  LyneroUs  shall  sj)ede  no  bettei-,  if  he  have  conmiission  to  presse 
 it." — AVright's  Queen  I'.lizabeth  and  her  Times,  vol.  i.  p.  2G3. — E.] 
 
 *  In  this  and  other  letters  that  are  responsory,  the  readers  will  easily 
 represent  to  themselves  the  contents  of  the  letters  to  which  they  answer. 
 
 ^  Of  this  we  have  observed  enough  already. 
 
 ••  And  he  wanted  not  interest  to  have  procured  it.  Why  did  ht«  nevei 
 propose  it  either  to  his  Council  or  his  ensuing  Parliament  ' 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  7o9 
 
 he  answered,  they  could  not  merchandize  for  the  bear's  skin 
 before  they  had  him.^ 
 
 "  I  did  reply  thereunto,  saying — They  did  foresee  by 
 imagination  what  should  be  meet  for  them  to  do,  and  what 
 they  would  do  at  that  time.  The  Earl  of  Moray  answered 
 — '  As  far  as  I  can  perceive,  the  Queen's  liberty  then  will 
 depend  chiefly  upon  her  own  behaviour  and  considerate 
 doings  ;  for  if  the  Lords  may  perceive  that  she  doth  digest 
 well  the  ju;>tifying2  of  Bothwell,  the  punishment  of  his 
 adherents,  and  doth  not  discover  a  wrathful  and  revengeful 
 mind  towards  these  proceedings,  and  likewise  if  the  Queen 
 your  sovereign  will  so  deal  as  we  may  have  cause  to  think 
 that  she  seeketh  the  quietness  of  this  Realm,  and  not  the 
 trouble  of  it,  as  by  countenancing  and  nourishing  certain 
 factions,  then  these  Lords  will  seek  to  do  all  grateful 
 things  to  the  Queen  our  sovereign,  and  to  the  Queen's 
 Majesty  of  England  :  ]\Iarry,  to  fish  so  far  before  the  net, 
 and  to  tell  now  what  shall  be  done  then,  neither  do  I  nor 
 they  think  convenient  to  give  any  determinate  answer.'^ 
 So  as  having  these  resolute  answers  to  the  matters  aforesaid, 
 I  have  thought  good  to  make  no  longer  tarrying,  but  use 
 the  benefit  of  her  ^lajesty's  pleasure,  signified  unto  me  by 
 you,  concerning  my  return. 
 
 "  And  after  I  had  given  knowledge  to  the  Earl  of  Moray 
 and  tlic  other  Lords  that  I  would  depart  forthwitli,  they 
 desired  me  to  tarry,  to  the  end  they  might  make  ready  my 
 dispatch.  I  told  them  my  dispatch  might  be  expected 
 within  an  hour,  for  I  had  nothing  to  receive  from  them  but 
 
 ^  The  plain  Scottish  of  this  was,  that  he  and  the  other  Lords  his 
 supporters  had  no  mind  in  any  event  ever  to  set  the  Queen  their  sovereign 
 at  liberty  again,  though  by  the  following  testimony  it  appears  plain 
 that  they  had  fed  the  Queen  of  ICngland  with  some  better  hopes  : — "  If 
 IJothwell  might  be  apprehended,  I  tiiink  the  Queen  there  (in  Scotland) 
 shall  be  at  good  liberty,  for  the  Nobility." — Cecil  to  Norris,  14th  July 
 1567 — Cabala.  But  now  that  there  was  a  certain  prospect  of  liothwell's 
 niin,  or  rather  that  he  was  already  as  good  as  ruined,  these  Lords  forget 
 what  they  had  formerly  given  to  understand. 
 
 ^  i.  e.  Uringing  to  justice. 
 
 ^  Sure  the  readers  hereof  will  easily  discern  that  in  all  this  answer 
 there  is  nothing  but  tergiversation  and  shifting,  and  that  how  soon  one 
 thing  is  set  out  of  the  way  which  the  Lords  j)retended  was  tlie  obstacle 
 of  the  Queen's  liberation,  another  Is  immediately  started  ;  and,  last  of  all, 
 *'  t/ici/  tliiiih  it  not  Cf»nr)>l<nt  to  give  avij  dctiriiiinatc  atisicer.''^  Well  sjtoken 
 indc'd,  and  honestlv  I 
 
7G0  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 my  safe-conduct.  The  Earl  of  Moray  required  me  to  stay, 
 for  that  he  would  write  something  to  the  Queen's  Majesty, 
 and  would  also  require  me  to  say  something  to  her  Majesty 
 on  his  behalf.  I  required  him  there  might  as  little  delay  be 
 used  as  could  be. 
 
 "  The  30th  of  August  the  Earl  of  Moray  sent  unto  me, 
 and  required  me,  after  the  sermon,  that  we  might  go 
 together  to  his  lodging  ;  whereupon  the  sermon  being 
 finished,  I  did  accompany  him  thither,  where  were  assembled 
 all  the  Lords.  The  L.  of  Lcthington,  in  name  of  all  the 
 Lords,  made  a  summary  repetition  of  all  their  proceedings 
 since  the  beginning  of  this  matter,  yielding  there  these 
 particular  reasons  to  every  their  particular  actions  ;  which 
 was  in  effect  the  same  that  I  have  heretofore  in  sundry  of 
 my  dispatches  advertised  her  Majesty.  At  length  he  con- 
 cluded, that  no  men  in  the  world  would  be  more  sorry  than 
 they  to  have  the  Queen's  Majesty  conceive  otherwise  than 
 favourably  of  them;  touching,  by  way  of  digression,  the 
 accord  of  religion  betwixt  the  countries,  the  particular 
 favours  shewed  to  many  of  them  byher  Majesty  heretofore,  and 
 the  general  relief  that  the  whole  country  and  nation  received 
 at  the  time  of  Lcith,i  when  strangers  were  in  way  to  oppress 
 them,  their  liberty  and  religion.  When  the  L.  of  Lethington 
 had  finished  his  talk,  the  Earl  of  Moray  set  forth  at  great 
 length  what  great  grief  it  should  be  to  him  in  pafticular  to 
 have  the  Queen's  Majesty  think  otherwise  of  him  than  well, 
 allcdging  many  general  reasons,  and  some  particular  touching 
 himself,  concluding  there  was  no  Prince  next  those  which  he 
 ought  his  chiefest  duty  unto,2  that  the  alienation  of  their 
 favour  might  trouble  him  so  much  as  the  Queen's  Majesty's. 
 
 "  Then  the  Earl  of  Morton  said — '  I  will  omit  to  speak  of 
 these  things  which  have  been  touched  by  others,  and  pray 
 you  to  render  mine  humble  thanks  to  her  ^Lnjcsty  for  the 
 favour  I  received  in  the  time  of  my  trouble  in  her  Realm.' 
 
 ''  Then  the  Earls  of  Moray,  Athole,  Morton,  Mar,  and 
 Glencairn,  and  the  L.  of  Lethington,  led  me  into  a  little 
 cabinet,  where  they  had  prepared  a  present  of  gilt-plate,  as 
 
 '  [The  Hicirc  of  Loith,  ])oforc  the  tloath  of  the  Queen-Dowager,  mother 
 of  Queen  Mary,  in  IG.^O. — I'..] 
 
 '^  If  tlie  Queen  liis  KOVorei|,n)  was  one  of  Mfw  to  whom  he  owed  (hity, 
 the  duty  he  paid  her  wa.s  so  fiiu>  sj)un  as  not  to  he  discerned  without  his 
 own  glasses. 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  761 
 
 I  esteemed  it  better  than merks,  which  the  Earl  of 
 
 Moray  required  me  to  accept  by  way  of  present,  as  from 
 the  King  their  Sovereign  Lord.  I  declared  that  I  could  not 
 accept  any  present  from  any  person  within  that  Realm,  but 
 from  the  Queen  their  sovereign,  of  whom  I  would  not  make 
 any  difficulty  to  receive  a  present  if  she  were  in  case  to  bestow 
 any ;  but  as  from  the  King  (whom  I  took  to  be  Prince)  I 
 could  receive  none,  seeing  he  had  attained  to  that  name  by 
 injuring  the  Queen  his  mother.  Whereupon  the  Lords 
 required  me  to  desist  from  such  matters,  for  it  would  but 
 breed  contention  to  no  purpose,  and  so  earnestly  pressed 
 me  again  to  receive  the  present  in  the  King's  name,  which, 
 to  be  short,  I  refused ;  and  so  we  parted,  as  it  seemed  to 
 me  they  not  best  pleased.  Then  my  leave  being  taken  of 
 them,  the  L.  of  Lethington  accompanied  me  to  my  lodging, 
 and  there  persisted  with  many  perswasions  to  move  me  to 
 change  my  mind  from  refusing  the  present ;  whereunto  I  did 
 not  yield,  but  so  took  my  leave  of  him.l  Somewhat  he 
 required  me  to  say  unto  you  in  his  behalf,  which  I  will  declare 
 at  my  return. 
 
 "  I  was  accompanied  forth  of  the  town,  and  so  six  or  seven 
 miles  of  my  way  towards  Haddington,  with  a  good  company 
 of  my  Lord  of  Moray's  gentlemen.  And  because  it  was 
 late  before  I  departed  Edinburgh,  I  lay  at  Haddington  all 
 night,  and  so  came,  the  last  of  August,  to  this  town,  accom- 
 panied with  Mr  Robert  Melvil,  from  whence  towards  the 
 Court  I  will  make  the  speed  I  may.  But  I  pray  you.  Sir, 
 look  not  for  any  great  haste  at  my  hand,  for  surely  I  am 
 not  in  case  so  to  travel. 
 
 "  At  my  departing  Edinburgh,  which  was  the  SOth  of 
 August,  there  was  no  news  come  that  the  force  of  the  L. 
 of  Tullibardine  and  Grange  had  met  with  Bothwell,  but  that 
 their  ships  were  discovered  to  be  within  forty  miles  of  Shet- 
 land, where  Bothwell  was.'-     The  principal  man  of  the  Isle, 
 
 ^  This  f^entleinan  has  now,  and  in  all  tliis  his  negotiation,  acted  a  very 
 honest  and  good  part,  contrary  to  what  some  people  have  said  of  him  ;  so 
 that  we  should  not  give  credit  too  readily  without  good  and  sufficient 
 credentials.  I  pray  the  readers  to  look  into  Sir  James  Melvil's  Memoirs, 
 p.  89,  where  they  will  find  a  very  large  character  of  Sir  Nicholas  Throck- 
 morton, with  several  particulars  worth  while  to  bo  known. 
 
 "  "  Bothwell  is  not  yet  taken,  to  our  knowledge,  though  it  be  said  he 
 should  been  taken  on  the  seas  by  a  ship  of  IJremen." — Cecil  to  Norris,  2d 
 
702  THE  HISTUllY  0¥  THE  AFFAIllS  [1507. 
 
 named  Fogge,  doth  fiivour  Bothwell,  as  it  is  said,  whereby 
 his  party  shall  be  destroyed. 
 
 October  I.jO'T,  Cabala.  Because  I  see  not  any  where  a  better  account 
 concerning  the  fate  of  the  Earl  of  Bothwell  as  that  which  is  contained  in 
 Crawfurd's  M.S.,  1  chuse  to  set  it  down  here,  and  1  shall  not  return  to 
 speak  of  this  nnhaj)py  person  any  more. — "  In  the  mean  time  the  Regent 
 Moray  directed  certain  persons  to  the  seas  to  prosecute  Bothwell  where 
 he  might  be  found,  and  especially  in  Orkney,  where  he  understood  him  to 
 make  his  residence.  Certain  of  his  men  were  taken  and  put  to  death  for 
 their  odious  crimes  ;  but  he,  escaping  their  invasion,  addressed  himself  to 
 the  coast  of  Norway,  and  he  being  accompanied  with  certain  fine  ships 
 as  Admiral  of  Scotland  (this  office  he  did  indeed  hold),  and  the  same 
 conducted  by  good  captains,  they  chanced  to  espy  a  fair  ship  of  Turkey 
 then  lying  on  the  coast  within  the  dominions  of  the  King  of  Denmark, 
 which  ship  he  seized  upon,  and  made  a  prey  thereof.  But  the  governour 
 of  the  town  seeing  that  ship  taken  away  which  once  had  made  obedience 
 within  the  seas  of  his  Prince,  directed  out  two  great  shi])S  to  relieve  her 
 from  the  hands  of  her  enemies,  and  the  invasion  of  this  port  of  Norway. 
 The  Earl  of  Bothwell  was  compelled  to  give  over,  and  so  was  led  prisoner, 
 his  captains  and  mariners  heavily  tortured,  and  himself  conmiitted  to 
 such  prison  wherefrom  he  Avas  not  freed  till  his  death.  The  Regent  with 
 his  Council,  understanding  of  this  accident,  directed  certain  commissioners 
 to  the  King  of  Denmark,  desiring  that  Prhice  to  render  him  back  to 
 Scotland,  to  be  punished  for  the  murder  of  the  late  King  Henry  whereof 
 he  was  culpable  ;  but  it  was  refused  by  the  King  of  Denmark,  because  he 
 would  not  acknowledge  their  authority."  Calderwood's  MS.  says,  the 
 Laird  of  Grange,  &c.  came  to  Schetland  in  the  pursuit  of  Bothwell  on  the 
 1st  day  of  8ei»tember  ;  that  they  took  three  of  his  ships,  and  apprehended 
 the  young  Laird  of  Talo,  with  divers  others.  This  account  indeed  may  be 
 tnie,  since  on  the  13th  of  Sej)tember  we  see  this  gentleman  was  examined 
 at  Edinburgh  concerning  his  accession  to  the  murder  of  the  King.  But 
 Mr  Buchanan's  mention  of  the  winter  storms  seems  not  to  concord  so 
 well  with  it. — [See  the  authentic  narrative  respecting  Bothwell  in  the 
 Historic  and  Life  of  King  James  the  Sext,  printed  for  the  Baxnatyxe 
 Club,  p.  19,  20  ;  also  Calderwood's  Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland, 
 printed  for  the  Woduow  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  3S6, 387.  The  account  of  the 
 fate  of  Bothwell  by  Lord  Herries  is  interesting.  After  mentioning  that 
 Bothwell  fled  to  (Jrkney  and  Shetland,  where  he  turned  pirate,  Lord 
 Herries  says — "  From  thence  he  went  to  Denmark,  where  he  was  known 
 by  some  Scots  merchants  tliat  acquented  the  Earle  of  Moray  at  their 
 returne,  when  he  was  Regent.  AVhereupou  he  (Moray)  sends  to  the 
 King  of  Denmark  an  information  against  him,  and  desyred  him  to  put 
 him  to  death,  for  an  example  to  all  that  shall  attemj)t  the  I'rince's  lyfe. 
 It  is  recorded  that  the  King  of  Denmark  caused  cast  him  in  a  lothsome 
 prisone,  where  none  had  access  unto  him  but  only  those  who  carried  liim 
 such  scurvie  meat  and  drink  as  was  allowed,  -which  was  given  him  in  at 
 a  little  window.  Here  he  was  kei)t  ten  years,  till,  being  overgroAvn  with 
 hair  and  filth,  he  went  mad  and  died — a  just  j)unishment  for  his  wicked- 
 ness."— Historic  of  the  Reign  of  .Marie  Queen  of  Scots,  printed  for  the 
 AnBOTsi'oiU)  Cun,  p.  OH. — E.| 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  703 
 
 "  The  L.  of  Glamis  and  the  Master  of  Sinclair^  are  come 
 to  Edinburgh,  and  have  associate  themselves  witli  these 
 Lords.     The  Earl  of  Cassils  is  looked  for  shortly. 
 
 "  The  Hamiltons  and  others  have  a  convention  at  Lanerk 
 in  the  West  of  Scotland,  from  whence  they  mean  to  make 
 a  dispatch  to  the  Queen's  Majesty.  Herewith  I  send  you 
 a  confabulation  lately  set  forth  by  one  of  these  poets.  Thus 
 I  do  humbly  take  my  leave  of  you,  at  Berwick  this  1st  of 
 September  15G7. 
 
 "  Yours  to  use  and  command, 
 
 "  N.  Throckmorton.'' 
 
 The  Regent  and  his  Council  had  perceived,  it  seems,  from 
 the  beginning  that  the  gentlemen  of  the  countries  lying  to 
 the  south  and  south-east  of  Edinburgh  were  little  favourable 
 to  their  present  undertakings.  Under  the  pretext,  there- 
 fore, of  settling  peace  and  tranquillity  in  the  East  March,  the 
 Regent  and  Council,  on  the  23d  day  of  August,  give  charge 
 to  the  following  gentlemen  of  the  shire  of  Merse,  viz.  "  John 
 Hume  of  Blacater,  David  Hume  of  Wedderburn,  John 
 Lumsden  of  Blanern,  George  Hume  of  Aytoun,  Patrick 
 Cockburn  of  Langtoun,  John  Swyntoun  of  that  Ilk,  Alex- 
 ander Cockburn  of  that  Ilk,  John  Renton  of  Billy,  Patrick 
 Sleich  of  Cumledg,  William  Chirnside  of  East  Nisbet,  John 
 Sinclair  of  Longformacus,  Thomas  Ridpeth  of  that  Ilk,  John 
 Haitlie  of  Mellerstanes,  John  Hume  of  Coldingknows,  and 
 James  Ker  of  Mersingtoun,"  to  compear  personally  before 
 the  Regent  and  Council  on  the  last  day  of  August  then 
 running,  to  give  their  advice  concerning  the  ordering  of 
 justice  and  establishing  of  quietness  within  the  bounds  of 
 the  East  March,  as  they  will  answer  at  their  uttermost 
 peril.     R.  M.2 
 
 And  by  the  Abstracts  we  learn  that  on  the  1st  of  Sep- 
 tember letters  are  directed  by  the  Council  to  charge  Alex- 
 ander Hamilton  of  Inverweik  to  enter  into  ward  within  the 
 Castle  of  Falkland  in  the  space  of  four  days ;  the  Laird  of 
 Bass  to  deliver  u})  liis  fortalice  (the  Bass)'^  within  forty-eight 
 
 '   [.liiiuos,  clilest  son  of  Ilonrv  third  Lord  Sinclair. — Iv] 
 =  [The  initials  of  Robert  Mihi.— K.] 
 
 ^  [The  Bass  is  the  stupendous  insulated  rock  in  the  mouth  of  the  FriiJi 
 of  Forth,  three  miles  from  North  Berwick,  rising  upwards  of  400  feet 
 
7C4  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 hours;  Hepburn  of  Waughton  to  deliver  Waughton;! 
 
 and  the  Laird  of  Ixoshn  to  dcHver  lloshn^  in  tlie  space  of 
 twenty-four  hours ;  Hcpburns  of  Smiton  and  Gilmerton  to 
 enter  prisoners  in  Edinburgh  Castle  within  twenty-four 
 hours;  Ohver  Sinclair  (of  Whitekirk)  and  the  Laird  of 
 Newton,   to  enter  into  ward  within  the  Castle  of  Down''^ 
 
 perj)('iulicularly  out  of  the  sea.  It  is  about  a  mile  in  circumference,  aiul  is 
 conij)Ietely  inaccessible  on  all  sides  except  the  south-west,  where  the 
 landing  is  by  no  means  easy.  The  Bass  Rock,  unin\'iting  as  it  is,  appears 
 to  have  been  inhabited  at  a  very  early  period  ;  and  tradition  a.sserts  that 
 it  was  the  residence  of  the  famous  East-Lothian  Apostle  St  Baldred,  a 
 disciple  of  St  Kentigern,  better  known  as  St  Mungo,  the  founder  of 
 Glasgow  Cathedral.  St  Baldred  could  not  have  chosen  a  more  unap- 
 I)roacliable  retreat  than  this  extraordinary  rock,  which  is  one  of  the  most 
 interesting  marine  curiosities  in  Scotland.  The  Bass  Rock  was  long  in 
 the  possession  of  the  family  of  Lauder,  who  refused  to  sell  it,  though 
 solicited  by  several  Kings.  In  156'9  or  1570  the  Earl  of  Morton  attempted 
 to  get  the  Bass  into  his  own  hands,  and  we  have  some  notices  of  his 
 manoeuvring  to  secure  the  Auld  Cnig,  as  it  was  locally  designated. 
 Wishart  of  Pittarrow  told  the  Regent  Lennox — "  I  hear  say,  my  Lord  of 
 Morton  is  trafficking  to  get  the  house  of  the  Bass,  which,  if  he  does,  he 
 will  stop  some  devices  your  Grace  knows  ;  and  therefore,  were  I  in  your 
 Grace's  stead,  I  would  gcni'j  hetivccn  the  cow  and  the  corn.  I  tell  you  that 
 Auld  Crag  is  a  good  starting  hole  ;  at  least  it  will  serve  to  keep  them  that 
 you  will  be  sure  of." — Memorialles  by  Richard  Bannatyne,  Secretary  to 
 John  Knox,  4to.  Edin.  printed  for  private  circulation,  p.  6,  9.  When 
 James  VI.  stated  to  the  then  proprietor  that  he  would  give  him  whatever 
 lie  chose  to  Jtsk  for  the  Bass  Rock,  Lauder  rejjlied — "  Your  Majesty  must 
 e'en  resign  it  to  me,  for  I'll  have  the  Auld  Crag  back  again."  This 
 answer  intimates  that  the  King  had  obtained  temporary  possession,  but 
 the  same  anecdote  is  related  as  referring  to  Charles  II.  The  Bass  was 
 sold  to  the  Government  after  the  Restoration  for  L.4000,  and  it  was  made 
 a  state  prison.  The  ruins  of  the  fortifications,  Avhich  immediately  over- 
 hang the  landing-place,  are  still  very  entire.  'J'lie  Bass  liock  is  now  the 
 jtroperty  of  Dalrymple,  Bart,  of  North-Berwick. — E.] 
 
 '  [Hepburn  of  Waughton,  in  Haddingtonshire,  was  the  original  .'^tock 
 of  the  Hepburns,  Earls  of  Bothwell. — E.] 
 
 '^  [Roslin  Castle,  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  the  celebrated  lioslin 
 Chajjel,  was  the  ancient  residence  of  the  St  Clairs,  Earls  of  Orkney. 
 The  old  part  of  the  Castle  is  now  a  mouldering  ruin,  api)roached  by  a 
 stone  bridge  thrown  over  a  deep  and  most  romantic  ravine,  at  one  time 
 said  to  have  been  the  bed  of  the  North  lOsk  river,  which  now  half  encircles 
 the  Castle,  over  rocky  hollow  ground. — E.] 
 
 ^  Three  miles  north-west  of  Stirling. —  [Doune  Castle  is  (>ight  l^nglish 
 miles  from  Stirling,  near  the  village  or  town  of  Doune,  in  the  parish  of 
 Kihnadock,  Perthshire,  on  the  banks  of  the  Teith,  which  enters  the  Forth 
 after  ti'aversing  tin?  vale  of  Blair-I  )riimniond.  The  Castle  is  now  a  massive 
 ruin,  nccu|)ying  the  summit  of  a  stei'j)  bank  washe<l  on  one  side  I>y  the 
 Tcitli,  and  its  lofty  towers  ri.se  to  a  great   height  above  the  surrounding 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  765 
 
 in  the  space  of  three  days :  all  these  under  the  pain  of 
 rebellion. 
 
 And  by  the  same  Abstracts,  on  the  10th  of  September, 
 charge  is  given  to  the  Lairds  of  Blanern  and  Mellerstanes 
 to  enter  into  ward  in  Edinburgh  within  three  days  under 
 the  pain  of  rebellion,  because  they  had  disobeyed  a  former 
 charge  (viz.  of  the  2od  of  August)  to  have  come  to  Edin- 
 burgh, and  there  to  have  given  their  advice,  &c.  And  this 
 present  charge  is  under  the  pain  of  rebellion ;  and  if  they 
 fail  to  obey  the  charge,  immediately  to  denounce  them 
 rebels. 
 
 That  the  intention  of  the  preceding  Acts  of  Council  was 
 the  same  as  I  have  here  represented,  is  not  only  verified  by 
 the  account  of  one  of  our  historians,^  at  that  time  in  the 
 following  words — "  During  the  accomplishment  of  this  pur- 
 pose (viz.  the  affair  of  the  Castle  of  Dunbar),  all  the  Noble- 
 men and  gentlemen  of  East  Lothian  that  were  expected  to 
 be  favourers  to  the  Queen,  or  friends  to  the  Duke  of  Orkney, 
 were  charged  under  highest  pain  to  subscribe  obedience  to  the 
 new  elected  Regent,  and  to  give  their  aid  for  prosecuting  the 
 late  King's  murder.  Certain  of  them  for  ease  of  their  bodies, 
 to  the  effect  they  should  not  be  spulzied  of  their  rents,  con- 
 sented thereunto,  albeit  against  their  hearts  ;  others,  dis- 
 obeyers,  were  denounced  rebels,  and  their  goods  confiscated."" 
 Now,  it  is  very  likely  that  the  paper  which  this  author  here 
 intends  to  be  subscribed  by  these  gentlemen  has  been  the 
 paper  called  the  Second  Band ^  already  set  down  here,  p.  714, 
 since,  if  the  readers  will  take  the  trouble  to  inspect  the 
 subscribents  of  that  Bond,   as  marked  in   Mr  Anderson''s 
 
 trees,  imparting  an  imposing  eftect  to  this  grand  baronial  pile.  At  one 
 end  of  the  front  rises  a  spacious  square  tower  80  feet  high,  and  another 
 a  little  inferior  is  on  the  opposite  extremity.  A  strong  back  wall,  near 
 40  feet  in  height,  forms  the  whole  into  an  ample  (luadrangle.  Tliough 
 roofless,  the  Castle  walls  are  still  entire,  and  are  of  great  solidity  and 
 strengtli.  The  date  of  erection  is  luiknown,  but  it  was  the  occiusional 
 residence  of  two  successive  Dukes  of  Albany,  Regents  of  Scotland,  and  of 
 (^iieen  Margaret,  widow  of  James  IV.  Her  grand-daughter  Queen  Mary, 
 and  her  grandson  I)aruley,after  he  married  Mary,  several  times  resorted  to 
 Doune  Castle  as  a  hunting  seat.  It  is  the  property  of  the  Karls  of  Moray, 
 the  lineal  descendants  of  the  Regent  Moray,  to  wjiom  it  gives  the  title  of 
 Lord  Doune. — M] 
 
 ^  Crawford's  MS. — [Ilistorie  and  Life  of  King  James  tlie  Sext,  printed 
 for  the  Bannatyne  Cldb,  p.  20,  21. — E.] 
 
7<>G  TIIK  HISTORY  UF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGT- 
 
 Collections,^  they  will  there  meet  with  the  names  of  almost 
 all  the  gentlemen  against  whom  charges  were  issued  on  the 
 23d  August  and  1st  September  bypast  ;  to  the  subscribing 
 of  the  which  JJond,  it  is  clear  like  the  light  they  have  been 
 driven  to  save  their  lives  and  estates,  and  so  by  this  means 
 we  cannot  but  perceive  what  dependence  is  to  be  given  to 
 the  subscribing  of  bonds,  addresses,  &c.  even  none  at  all. 
 
 But  as  a  further  and  most  incontestable  proof  that  there 
 was  no  small  disaffection  to  the  present  establishment  in  the 
 forementioned  places,  these  following  things  are  to  be  seen  in 
 the  Register  of  Privy-Council,  viz. — *'ls^  September — Act  of 
 Haddington. — The  quhilk  day  Thomas  Pantoun,'Provest, 
 and  Bernard  Thomson,  Baillie  of  the  burgh  of  Haddington, 
 convenit  the  communitie  and  inhabitantis  of  the  samyn 
 Burgh,  within  the  Tolbuith  of  the  samyn,  and  thair,  accord- 
 ing to  the  command  gevin  to  thame  be  the  maist  Xobill 
 James,  Regent  of  the  Realme  of  Scotland,  inquirit  at  the 
 communitie  under-wryttin,  gif  thai  will  consent  and  accept 
 the  coronatioun  of  our  Soverane  maid  befoir  ?    And  siclyke, 
 
 gif  thai  will  consent  to  the  electing^  of  the  said  Nobill 
 
 in  Regent,  and  acceptatioun  of  the  Regentrie  of  this  Realme 
 foirsaid,  acceptit  be  him  afoir,  now  as  gif  thai  had  bene 
 present  at  the  said  coronatioun  and  electing  of  the  said 
 
 ^  [Collections  relating  to  the  History  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  4to.  Edin. 
 1727,  vol.  ii.  p.  233-240.— E.] 
 
 '^  Tlio  readers  will  liere  observe  that  this  faction  of  Lords  liavo  been 
 at  j)ains  to  foist  in  the  words  dcct^  dccting,  and  election,  in  the  Earl  of 
 Moray's  Act  of  Regency,  with  a  design  no  doubt  to  propagate  in  the 
 kingdom  the  notion  of  electing  the  supreme  Governours  and  Princes  by 
 the  voice  of  the  people.  But  nothing  is  more  express  than  that  the 
 Regency  at  this  time  proceeded  simply  upon  a  Commission  from  the 
 Queen  (no  matter  how  obtained),  and  that  previous  to  the  Earl  of 
 Moray's  acceptation  of  it  the  Queen's  Commission  was  07ili/  read,  and 
 nothing  else  superadded.  And  this  Nobleman,  as  Ave  have  seen  in  all  his 
 discourse  Avith  tlie  English  ambassador,  mentioned  the  Queen's  Commis- 
 sion ouli/,  and  his  willingness  to  accept  the  Regency  in  obedience  onh/  to 
 her.  Upon  the  whole,  our  surprize  may  now  cease  concerning  Buchanan's 
 inserting  the  word  election  in  his  account  of  this  business,  since  it  has 
 been  plainly  a  contrivance  of  that  whole  faction,  whose  orator  and  spokes- 
 man Mr  IJuchanan  was.  But  after  all  other  things,  may  we  not  justly 
 inquire  who  were  the  electors  of  the  Regent  I  Since  both  in  Stirling  at 
 the  coronation  of  the  Prince,  and  afterwards  in  Edinburgli  at  the  Regent's 
 acceptation,  a  very  small  handful  was  only  present  ;  nor  did  we  ever  hear 
 that  those  few  who  were  present  pretended  to  liave  a  deputation  from 
 the  rest  of  the  nation. 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  7G7 
 
 Regent,  or  not  i  Quhilkis  personis  under-wryttin,  with  ane 
 consent,  voice,  and  mynd,  gaif  tliair  express  consent  and 
 assent  thairto,  &c.i" — R.  M.^ 
 
 On  the  same  1st  day  of  September  we  see  a  Proclauia- 
 tioun  to  all  men  to  be  in  reddines,  viz. — 
 
 "  FoRSAMEKiLL  as  it  hes  plesit  Almychtie  God  lauchfullie 
 and  rychteonslic  to  call  our  Sovcrane  Lord  the  Kingis 
 Majestic  to  the  royall  crowne  of  this  his  kingdome,  be  the 
 demissioun  of  the  Quenis  Grace  his  moder ;  and  that  he, 
 according  to  the  same,  is  solenipnlie  invcstit  and  possest  in 
 the  same  kingdome,  quhairof  all  his  gude  and  lufing  subjcctis 
 are  debt-bound  to  prais  God  that  lies  so  favourabhe  and 
 gratiouslie  lukit  upoun  this  natioun,  and  conforme  to  His 
 ordainancc  and  will  to  reverence,  obey,  and  serve  his  Hienes 
 as  thair  native  Prince  and  Soverane  Lord ;  nevirtheles  the 
 malicious  hartis  of  sum  unnaturall  and  disobedient  personis, 
 legeis  to  his  Majestic,  ceis  nocht  so  far  as  in  thame  lyis 
 planelie  to  resist  and  gainstand  his  Hienes'  authoritie,  now 
 in  the  begyning  thairof,  contempnandlie  plukkand  down 
 and  stoppand  the  herauldis  and  ordinar  officiaris  of  armis 
 to  mak  proclamatioun  and  significatioun  of  his  Majestie'^s 
 coronatioun ;  tending  nathing  ellis,  as  weill  appears  be 
 thair  proccidings,  bot  planelie  to  disobey  his  Hienes  and 
 nawayis  recognosce  him  as  thair  Soverane  Lord.  And 
 lykwayis  James  Erie  Bothuile,  denunceit  rebell  and  traitour 
 for  the  tressonabill^  schamefull,  and  unworthie  murthour  of 
 
 ^  To  take  this  Act  iipart  by  itself,  there  is  no  doubt  but  the  same  -would 
 appear  little  to  our  purpose  ;  but  when  it  is  taken  jointly  with  what  has 
 f,'one  before,  and  is  yet  to  follow,  wo  may  probably  enough  affirm  that 
 some  disaffection  has  been  in  the  town  of  Haddington,  a  burgh  much 
 under  the  influence  of  the  Family  of  IJothwell,  as  lying  in  the  l)Osom  of 
 their  estate,  and  that  of  the  Lord  Seton,  a  most  faithful  subject  of  the 
 Queen,  otherwise  why  should  this  bui-gh  only  have  been  singled  out  to 
 make  this  declaration  J  And  the  compliance  of  that  burgh  with  a  more 
 powerful  party,  is  no  evidence  at  all  of  its  /nurti/  assent  to  the  questions 
 proposed.  We  have  seen,  and  men  will  hereafter  see,  unanimous  votes, 
 addresses  and  subscriptions,  procured  by  the  authority  and  countenance 
 of  great  men,  or  a  domineering  faction,  or  by  home  powerful  self-interest, 
 or  other  incident  motive,  when  nevertheless  it  has  not  only  been  no  secret, 
 but  an  avowed  confession  that  such  deeds,  &c.  did  not  at  all  flow  from 
 the  inward  sentiments  and  leal  opinion  of  the  voters  and  subscribers. 
 
 3  [The  initial  of  Hobcvt  Miln.--  K.] 
 
708  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G7. 
 
 uiiKiuhile  King  Henrie  our  Soveranuis  dcrrest  fader,    being 
 fugitive  frae  the  ortlinar  lawis,  and  culpabill  be  tlie  law  of 
 armis  for  refusal!  of  that   singular   combat   nuhairunto   of 
 befoir  he  offerit  liiniself  for  purgatioun  of  his  allegat  inno- 
 cencie,  hes  bayth  stuffit  and  garnissit  our  Soveranis  castell 
 of  Dunbar  with  men,  numition,  and  utherwayis  ;  and  being 
 requyrit  to  delyver  the  same,  lies  planelie  refusit,  mynding 
 to  detcin  and  hald  the  said  castell  against  our  Soverane 
 Lord  and  his  authoritie  :   And  in  the  mean  tyme  the  said 
 Erie,  accumpanyit  with  a  greit  number  of  notorious  pyrattis, 
 fugitives  frae  all  lawis,  and  utheris  broken  men,  being  past 
 to  the  sey,  daylie  committis  reiff,  depredatioun,  plane  pyracio 
 and  oppressioun  on  the  subjectis  of  all  Christiane  Princes, 
 freindis  and  confederatis  of  this  Realme,  evir  thynking  at 
 his  plesour  to  retyrc  him  to  our  said  Soveranis  castell  of 
 Dunbar  as  a  saifguard   and  receptacle  to   keip  him  frae 
 justice  ;  and  alswa,  be  the  ayd  of  sic  utheris  as  abstractis 
 thair  dew  obedience  frae  his  Hienes,  to  resist  his  authoritie 
 foirsaid,  and  eschew  the  dew  punischment  quhilk  worthielie 
 he  deservis  for  his  rebellioun  and  treassonabill  deidis,  to  the 
 incouragcing  of  sic  ungodlie  and  wickit  men  to  continew  in 
 thair   mischievous    deids,    and   to    the   greit    hurt   of  this 
 commoun- Weill,  gif  tymous  remeid  be  nocht  providit :  Quhair- 
 foir  our  Soverane  Lord,  with  avyce  of  his  derrest  cousing 
 James   Erie  of   Moray,    Lord   Abernethie,    Regent   of  his 
 Hienes  his  Realme  and  legeis,  and   Lordis  of  our  Secreit 
 Counsall,  ordanis  letteris  to  be  direct  to  command  and  charge 
 all  and  sindrie  our   Soverane   Lordis   legeis  and   subdittis 
 quhatsumevir,  betwixt  sexty  and  sextein  zeiris,  and  utheris 
 fensabill  personis,   alsweill   dwelland   to  burgh  as  to  land, 
 within  regalitie  and  royaltie,  that  thai  and  ilk  ane  of  thame, 
 Weill  bodin  in  feir  of  weir,  with  twenty  dayis  victualls  and 
 provisioun  eftir  thair  cuming,  addres  and  propair  thame  to 
 meit   my  said    Lord   Regent   at   Edinburgh,   as   thai   salbe 
 newlio  advorteist  be  Proclamatioun  on  four  dayis  warning, 
 and  swa  to  pass  furthwort  with  him,  or  the  Lieutennant, 
 according  as  thai  salbe  commandit  for  furthsetting  of  our 
 Soveranis  authoritie,  and  porsuito  of  all  sic  as  wald  invaid 
 or  disobey  the  same,  and  to  remane  for  that  effect  during 
 tlie  si)ace  of  twenty  dayis  eftir  thair  cuming,  under  the  pane 
 of  tyn«all  <)f  lyff,  landis.  and  L'^udis." — R.  M. 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  7C9 
 
 On  the  3d  of  September,  we  find  the  following  large 
 abstract  of  Council-Register,^  viz. — "  Because  the  towne  of 
 Drumfreis  suffered  his  Majestie's  herauld  of  armis  makand 
 publication  of  the  election^  of  James  Erie  of  Moray  in 
 Regent  to  be  violentlie  pluck  t  off  the  croce;  thairfore  ordanis 
 the  Provest,  Bailzics,  Counsall,  and  communitie  of  the  said 
 burgh,  to  assist  the  Sherrif  of  Drumfreis,  his  deputis,  and 
 uthcris  officiaris  quhatsumevir,  to  execute  his  Hienes"  letteris 
 and  chairges,  and  nowayes  suffer  thame  to  be  impugned 
 or  stopped  within  thair  fredome  or  jurisdiction,  under  payne 
 of  tinsall  of  thair  said  freedome  perpetuallie,  and  to  be 
 repute  and  persewed  as  usurpars  of  his  Hienes'  authoritie, 
 and  assistars  of  the  contemnars  thairof.  And  als  that  the 
 saids  inhabitants,  before  the  feast  of  Michelmes,  elect  sic 
 personis  in  Provest  and  Bailzies,  &c.,  as  are  affectionate  to 
 our  soverane's  service  and  obedience,'^  removand  all  factious 
 personis  pretendand  the  contrarie ;  and  als,  that  thai  send 
 certain  honest^  men  of  thair  number  to  the  Counsall,  autho- 
 rized with  sufficient  commission,  to  give  thair  advyse  in 
 furthsetting  our  soverane's  authoritie,  and  establishing 
 justice  and  quyetnes  in  the  cuntrey,  under  the  payne  to  be 
 puncist  as  resistars  of  the  authoritie.''^     Thus  mucli  for  the 
 
 ^  Haddington's  Abstracts.— [The  Abstracts,  MS.  in  the  Advocates' 
 Library,  Edinburgli,  by  Sir  Thomas  Hamilton,  Earl  of  Melrose,  afterwards 
 iirst  Earl  of  Haddington. — E.] 
 
 ^  Still  we  see  election  shuffled  in. 
 
 ^  What  a  hainous  crime  this  would  have  been  in  the  Queen  !  But  it 
 never  fails  that  those  who  make  the  loudest  complaints  against  grievances 
 in  the  lawful  magistrate  commit  the  same,  and  perhaps  greater  faults 
 themselves,  when  they  are  in  power. 
 
 -»  That  is,  well  affected  to  the  present  Establishment.  The  proper 
 meaning  of  words  is  oftentimes  set  aside,  and  to  be  adjusted  according  to 
 the  circumstances  of  the  speaker. 
 
 ^'  Of  thesamcdate  is  the  follow ingabstract — "  Revocatioun  and  annulling 
 of  the  licence  gevin  to  the  liischop  of  Dumblane,  to  pas  and  remane  furth 
 of  the  cuntrey;  and  intimatioun  thairof  ordanit  to  be'maid  beproclamatioun 
 at  thenu'rcat  croce  upon  sexty  dayis  wairning." — (The  readers  will  call  to 
 mind  that  this  gentleman  was  sent  into  France  by  the  Queen,  to  impart 
 to  that  Court  her  marriage  with  the  Duke  of  Orkney). — And  on  the  18th 
 September — "Inhibitiounagains  tiie  liischopof  I)uml)lane,  in  respect  of  his 
 mony  offenses  and  crymes  for  the  which  he  is  callit  to  underlye  the  law  ; 
 Thairfore  discliarges  all  his  tennentis,  fewaris,  fermoraris,  takismen,  and 
 jiossessouris  of  the  landis,  teyndis,  and  rentis  of  his  benefices,  to  anser  or 
 mak  payment  to  him  of  ony  pairt  thairof,  under  the  payne  to  be  repute  a.s 
 partakaris  with  him  in  his  wickedncs,  and  that  thai  sail  be  conipellit  to 
 VOL.  II.  41) 
 
770  THE   HISTORY  01-   THE  AFFAIKS  [1567. 
 
 HKitter  which  these  Acts  and  Abstracts  are  adduced  to 
 clear  up. 
 
 Mr  (■anibdcn,  wlieii  speaking  of  the  late  proceedings  in 
 this  country,  observes^  that  "  this  rash  procedure  in  deposing 
 the  Queen,  joined  witli  the  insolent  carriage  of  the  Cabal 
 toward  tlie  ambassadors  (of  France  and  England),  was 
 highly  stomachM  both  by  Queen  Elizabeth  and  the  French 
 King  as  an  affront  to  the  royal  prerogative ;  so  that  they 
 began  to  appear  for  the  Hamiltons,  who  adhered  to  the 
 Queen,  and  Pasquier,  the  French  ambassador,  solicited  the 
 Queen  of  England  to  attempt  her  restoration  by  force.  But 
 she  thought  it  the  better  method  to  put  a  stop  to  the  trade 
 of  the  Scottish  subjects  until  their  Queen  were  set  at 
 liberty  ;  and  by  this  means  to  set  the  Lords  and  Commons 
 of  Scotland  at  odds,  who  at  present  seemed  but  too  firmly 
 united  against  the  royal  interest.""  The  first  part  of  this 
 author's  observation  we  have  already  seen  to  be  abundantly 
 well  grounded,  and  for  verification  of  the  latter  we  need 
 only  peruse  the  following 
 
 Letter  from  the  Queen  of  England  to  Sir  Henry  Norris,  her 
 Ambassador  in  France^  27th  September  1507."'^ 
 
 "  Trusty  and  well  beloved,  we  greet  you  well :  By  our  late 
 letter  we  signified  unto  you  what  our  ambassador's  proceed- 
 ings had  been  in  Scotland,  and  what  our  pleasure  was  you 
 should  declare  on  our  behalf  unto  our  good  brother  the 
 French  King  and  to  the  Cardinal  of  Lorrain,  and  other  the 
 uncles  and  friends  of  our  sister  the  Queen  of  Scots,  touching 
 some  honourable  means  to  be  devised  for  her  relief  and 
 liberty.  Whereupon,  as  we  now  perceive,  Mons.  de  Pas- 
 quier,  a  gentleman  of  the  order  of  France,  having  been  sent 
 unto  us  from  the  said  King,  arrived  lately  here  ;  and  being 
 the  25th  of  this  month,  accompanied  with  the  ambassador- 
 resident  brought  unto  our  presence,  he  shewed  unto  us, 
 that  upon  the  understanding  of  the  message  that  you  had 
 on  our  behalf  declared  unto  the  King  his  master,  touching 
 
 pay  the  same  over  ap^ane.  Attoiir  ordanis  to  arreist  all  the  saids  rcntis 
 quhill  he  bo  trycd  of  the  saids  crymes,  and  the  said  arreistment  dewlie 
 lousit." 
 
 '  [Canidfu's  Annals  of  Qucon  Elizabeth,  4to.  1625,  p.  ir)4. — E.  | 
 
 2  Calijr.  ('.  l,a  Cojiy.— (British  Museum.— E] 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  771 
 
 the  proceedings  in  Scotland,  and  our  good  will  and  meaning 
 towards  the  furthering  of  the  said  Queen's  relief,  his  said 
 master  and  the  Queen -mother  had  thought  good  to  address 
 him  hither  unto  us,  as  well  to  give  us  thanks  for  the  care 
 we  shewed  to  have  for  the  Queen  of  Scots'  liberty,  as  to 
 confer  with  us,  and  to  use  our  advice  for  his  proceeding  at 
 his  coming  into  Scotland  towards  the  furtherance  of  the 
 same,  by  all  such  means  as  should  be  thought  most  honour- 
 able and  expedient,  which  he  had  in  charge  from  his  master 
 to  follow  according  to  our  advice  and  direction.     We  told 
 him  that  as  we  had  been  always  inclined   to  favour  e(|uity 
 and  justice  as  much  as  in  us  hath  Iain,  so  hearing  of  the 
 pitiful  and  hard  case   that  the  Queen  of  Scots  our  good 
 sister  was  in,  we  could  not,  for  the  commiseration  we  had  of 
 her  woful  estate,  but  procure  to  ease  her  thereof  to  the 
 uttermost  we  could,   and  thereupon  sent  our  ambassador 
 into  Scotland,  who  by  our  order  dealt  first  in  all  mild  and 
 gentle  sort  with  the  Lords  there  for  the  relief  of  the  said 
 Queen  ;  and  perceiving  that  that  manner  of  dealing,  although 
 it  had  been  at  sundry  times  and  in  diverse  degrees  attempted, 
 could  nothing  prevail,  we  letted  not  to  cause  sharp  and 
 threatning  words  to  be  also  used ;  which  profiting  as  little 
 as  the  rest,  we  thought  best,  seeing  the  small  fruit  that  had 
 followed  upon  our  good  meaning,  to  revoke  our  ambassador, 
 and  thereupon  sent  our  advice  and  opinion  unto  our  said 
 good  brother  by  you  our  ambassador,  since  which  time  the 
 state  of  matters  seem  to  be  very  much  altered  in  Scotland  ; 
 for  whereas  at  that  time  it  was  thought  that  the  Hamiltons, 
 and  certain  others  of  their  faction,  would  have  made  a  good 
 party  in  that  Realm,  if  they  might  have  been  therein  assisted 
 by  the  French  King  or  us,  towards  the  said  Queen's  restor- 
 ing to  her  liberty,  now  it  is  certainly  advised  from  thence 
 that  they  arc  all  come  in,  and  have  joined  themselves  with 
 the  rest  of  the  Lords  ;  so  as  there  is  now  no  means  left 
 within  that  Realm  to  make  any  party  to  join  with  anv  force 
 that  should  be  sent  to  make  any  exploit  there.    Besides,  wc 
 were  (we  said)  born  in  hand,  that  if  the  matter  should  be 
 dealt   wit  hall  by  way  of  force  and  hostility,  the  Queen  our 
 sister  s  life  were  like  thereby  to  stand  in  great  hazard  ;^  and, 
 
 ^  Wc  find  the  same  thing  said  by  the  Engliah  Secretary  to  tliLs  sanu* 
 gentleman,  and  on  this  very  same  day. — "  Sir,"  says  he,  "  you  may  perceive 
 
772  Till'    IIISTURY  OF  Till-    AFFAIRS  [15(37. 
 
 therefore,  seeing  gentleness  had  not  liitherto  prevailed,  and 
 that  extremity  and  force  might  bring  danger  to  her  person, 
 whom  both  the  King  and  we  mean  to  preserve  to  the  best 
 of  our  j)o\ver,  wo  said,  the  matter  hanging  thus  in  balance, 
 would  be  well  thought  upon,  and  ripely  considered,  before 
 any  thing  were  taken  in  hand.  Pasquier,  hearing  us  say 
 thus  nuich,  said — That  the  cause  standing  now  in  other 
 terms  than  it  did  at  his  coming  from  his  master,  he  thought 
 good  advisement  would  be  had  how  to  proceed  therein  ;  and 
 thei'efore  for  his  part  he  thought  best  to  stay  here,  and  not 
 to  go  forwards  until  he  may  write  unto  his  master,  and 
 understand  what  shall  be  fit  to  be  further  done  herein ;  for 
 loth  he  would  be,  he  said,  being  called  to  the  degrees  he  is 
 of,  to  return  with  so  slight  an  answer  as  Lynerol  brought. 
 And  finding  him  of  that  disposition,  we  did  not  disswade 
 liim  from  it.  Whereupon  he  concluded  that  with  speed  he 
 would  fjive  advertisement  of  these  matters,  as  well  unto  the 
 King  our  good  brother  as  to  the  Cardinal  of  Lorrain  and 
 the  rest  of  the  Queen  of  Scots^  uncles  and  friends,  to  the 
 intent  that,  conferring  together,  they  may  advise  what  shall 
 be  the  best  way  to  be  taken  for  further  proceeding  herein. 
 Whcreunto  we  answered — That  upon  his  advertisement, 
 and  the  resolution  of  the  King  notified  unto  us,  we  would, 
 in  any  thing  that  should  be  honourable  and  convenient  for 
 us  to  do,  gladly  accord  to  the  same  as  far  forth  as  may  stand 
 with  our  honour.  And  hereupon  the  said  Pascjuier  took 
 his  leave  and  departed,  intending  out  of  hand  to  despatch 
 one  unto  France  with  this  resolution.  Nevertheless,  since 
 his  departure  from  us  we  have  thought  upon  a  third  device, 
 which  may  be  a  mean  between  the  gentle  dealing  that  hath 
 been  hitherto  used,  and  any  hostility  or  extremity  that  might 
 henceforth  be  intended,  which  is,  that  by  common  consent 
 both  of  the  said  King  our  good  brother  and  us  order  may 
 be  taken  that  the  subjects  of  Scotland  may  not  from  hcnce- 
 
 by  the  Queen's  lottor  (viz.  this  same  letter  just  now  in  our  liand)  how 
 this  Nobleman  (meaning'  rasfjuier)  is,  partly  of  his  own  mind,  partly  by 
 perswasion,  stayed  (from  ^oin<,'  into  Scotland,  and  in  this  no  doubt  this 
 Secretary  had  a  ^ood  lari,'e  hand),  and  surely  if  either  the  Trench  Kin<i; 
 or  the  Queen  should  ajipear  to  make  any  force  against  them  of  !?cotland 
 for  that  Queen's  cause,  we  find  it  credibly  that  it  were  the  next  way  to 
 make  an  end  of  her,  and  for  that  cause  her  Majesty  is  loth  to  take  that 
 way,  for  avoiding  of  slanders  that  might  grow  thereby." — C'ubalu. 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  77*3 
 
 forth  be  suffered  to  traffiek  into  any  of  both  our  Reahus 
 unless  they  do  acknowledge  the  Queen  our  good  sister  to 
 be  their  sovereign  Lady  and  Queen,  and  renounce  their 
 obedience  to  her  son  otherwise  than  as  Prince  of  that  llealni. 
 By  which  means  we  think  it  will  easily  come  to  pass,  that 
 the  people  being  letted  of  their  trafhck,  and  thereby  con- 
 ceiving an  evil  opinion  of  the  Lords'  doings,  they  shall  easily 
 be  brought  to  forsake  the  Lords'  party,  and  stand  for  the 
 Queen  their  mistress,  and  to  bring  the  said  Lords  to  yield 
 to  some  better  conformity ;  and  this  last  matter  also  we 
 have  caused  to  be  signified  unto  the  saids  ambassadors^  since 
 their  departure  from  us,  as  a  third  degree  thought  upon 
 by  us  since  their  being  here,  which  we  have  wdth  the  rest 
 required  them  to  advertise  over ;  and  this  we  have  done  to 
 shew  our  device  for  a  mean^  degree  of  proceeding,  as  thereby 
 also  to  decipher  their  full  intention  and  meaning  on  that 
 side.  Of  all  this  we  have  thought  necessary  to  give  you 
 knowledge,  to  the  intent  that  if  the  King  our  good  brother, 
 or  the  Cardinal  of  Lorrain,  or  any  other,  shall  either  be 
 desirous  to  speak  with  you  herein,  or  shall  take  occasion, 
 when  you  have  to  deal  with  other  matters,  to  confer  with 
 you  thereof,  you  may  not  be  ignorant  of  that  which  hath 
 passed  therein  here,  which  you  may  use  as  to  your  discretion 
 shall  seem  most  expedient.  Given  under  our  Signet  at  our 
 Castle  of  Windsor  the  27th  day  of  September  1567,  the 
 ninth  year  of  our  reign.'' 
 
 Shortly  after  the  surrender  of  the  Castle  of  Dunbar,  the 
 Regent  had  an  intention  to  employ  himself  in  the  south 
 country,  as  we  may  learn  from  this  Abstract  of  Privy-Council 
 on  the  7th  day  of  October,  viz. — "Proclamation  of  an  Road'^ 
 to  the  south  country :  Item^  Command  to  the  ^Lagistrates 
 of  15urrows  to  cause  them  make  ready  to  the  army  bread, 
 ale,  fiesh,  and  other  necessaries,  for  the  payment."  Con- 
 formable also  to  this,  Crawford's  MS.  tells  us,^  that  "  Pro- 
 clamations were  made  desiring  the  King's  subjects  to  accom- 
 pany the  Regent  for  suppressing  the  disordered  thieves  on 
 
 ^  Namt'ly,  tlic  Froiicli  resident  in  ordinary,  mid  Mons.  di'  rii.s(juier. 
 ^  Middle.  =*  |An  Expedition.—E.J 
 
 •*  [Ilistorie  and  Life  of  Kinir  .Tames  the  Scxt,  printed  for  the  Banna- 
 TYNK  Club,  p.  21.— Fv] 
 
774  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567- 
 
 the  South  Borders/'  Only  this  aiitlior  places  these  Procla- 
 mations posterior  to  the  Parliament  in  the  month  of  Decem- 
 ber next,  at  which  time  it  is  certain  by  another  Abstract 
 that  courts  of  justice  were  appointed  to  be  kept  in  all 
 parts  of  the  kingdom  ;  and  with  respect  to  both  these 
 businesses  performed  by  the  Regent,  Sir  James  Melville, 
 though  otherwise  his  friend,  makes  a  very  sharp  reflexion 
 against  him,  which  I  shall  have  occasion  by  and^by  to  insert.^ 
 However,  that  the  Regent  has  not  gone  so  very  quickly 
 into  the  south  country  would  appear  by  Mr  Calderwood 
 telling  us,-  that  "  on  the  14th  of  October  the  Lord  Herries 
 came  in  to  Edinburgh  to  acknowledge  the  King's  and 
 Regent's  authority,  and  was  received,  notwithstanding  his 
 former  stubbornness ;  for  he  at  the  first  opposed  to  the 
 coronation  of  the  King,  and  the  proclaiming  of  the  Earl  of 
 Moray  Regent."*'^  The  same  author  proceeds  next  to  inform 
 us^  that  "  upon  the  30th  day  of  October,  commonly  called 
 Hallow-Even,5  Thursday,  the  market-day  of  Haick,^  the 
 Regent,  accompanied  with  Morton,  Home,  and  Lindsay, 
 made  a  privy  road,  and  surprised  forty-three  thieves  in 
 Liddisdal,  in  the  town  of  Haick,  viz.  twenty-two  of  the  sir- 
 name  of  Eliot,  six  of  the  sirname  of  Crosar,  and  the  rest  of 
 other  common  sirnames  ;  of  which  number  eleven  were 
 hanged,  seven  drowned,  one  slain  in  the  taking,  three  or  four 
 led  to  Edinburgh,  and  the  rest  cleansed  by  an  assize."" 
 
 After  what  manner  the  remaining  part  of  the  year  was 
 spent  until  the  time  that  the  Parliament  came  to  sit,  the 
 penury  of  any  }»ublic  Instructions  whatsoever  disables  me 
 from  satisfying  my  readers,   though  very  probably  the  same 
 
 ^  [See  p.  785  of  the  present  edition.— K.] 
 
 "  [Calderwood's  llistorie  of  the  Kirk  of  ScotUmd,  printed  for  tlie 
 WoDKow  Society,  vol.  ii.p.  387.— K.] 
 
 ^  Tliis  serves  to  confirm  tlie  dissatisfaetion  whicli  api)eared  in  tlu- 
 south  country  against  the  new  model  of  state. 
 
 •*  [Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Wonuow  Society, 
 vol.  ii.  p.  388.— K.] 
 
 »  Tliis  Author  is  in  a  small  mistake  here,  for  the  last  day  of  October 
 only  is  IIulhw-Even.  Calderwood's  MS.— [Calderwood  ai)parently  forgot 
 that  there  is  such  a  day  as  the  thirtij-first  of  October,  which  is  llallow- 
 Kvcn,  or  the  eve  before  the  Festival  of  All  Saints.— K.J 
 
 «  [The  town  of  Hawick,  in  Ho.xburghshire,  fifty  miles  from  i:dinl)nrgli 
 Thursday  is  still  the  market-dav  of  Ilawiek. —  E. ] 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  775 
 
 has  been  employed  in  sounding  the  minds  of  the  great  men, 
 and  in  making  provision  for  that  solemn  ensuing  meeting. 
 If  we  may  credit  Buchanan,!  and  from  him  Spottiswood, 
 who  relates  the  matter  with  some  more  circumstances^ — 
 "  the  Lords  who  were  convened  at  Hamilton  perceiving  how 
 matters  went,  and  that  all  things  grew  strong  on  the 
 Kegcnt's  side,  upon  a  new  deliberation  did  write  unto  him, 
 and  the  rest  that  stood  for  the  King's  authority,  desiring  a 
 conference,  and  offering  to  send  the  Earl  of  Argile  and  some 
 others  to  any  place  they  would  for  meeting  ;  but  because  in 
 the  superscription  they  gave  not  the  Regent  his  due  title, 
 stiling  him  only  Earl  of  Moray,  the  letter  was  rejected  by 
 the  Council,  and  the  messenger  dimitted  without  answer. 
 Argile  knowing  what  had  given  the  offence,  resolved  to  go 
 to  the  Regent  ;3  and  taking  with  him  the  Lord  Boyd  and 
 the  Abbot  of  Kilwinning,^  came  to  Edinburgh  :    There  it 
 
 1  [Ilistoria  Rerum  Scoticarum,  original  edit.  1582,  fol.  223 ;  Traiisla- 
 tiou,  Edin.  edit.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  352. — E.] 
 
 ^  [History  of  the  Church  and  State  of  Scotland,  folio,  London,  1677, 
 p.  214,  215.— E.] 
 
 ='  Concerning  tlie  Earl  of  Argile,  Crawford's  MS.  says  thus—"  Notwith- 
 standing of  this,  the  Lords  finding  their  faction  not  so  strong  as  their 
 need  required,  having  potent  enemies  against  them,  of  which  number  the 
 Earlof  Argilewasone"— (thiswas  quickly  after  the  Queen's  imprisonment) 
 — "  they  thought  expedient  to  sendthe  Earl  of  Glencairn,  either  to  perswade 
 him  directly  to  be  of  their  faction,  or  else  that  he  should  so  abstain  as  not 
 to  be  their  enemy  :  whereby  he  grew  so  corrupted,  that  although  he 
 shewed  himself  in  outward  behaviour  a  good  subject  to  the  Queen,  yet  hi 
 eflfect  shewed  himself  her  enemy,  as  by  consequent  shall  be  sufficiently 
 proven."— [Historic  and  Life  of  King  James  the  Sext,  printed  for  the 
 Bannatyne  Club,  p.  15,  10. — E.] 
 
 •*  "  The  llamiltons  had  sent  to  the  Queen  of  England  to  crave  her 
 
 aud  because  she  favoured  the  Queen's  (of  Scots)  cause  as  a  common  cause 
 to  Kings  and  Queens,  but  they  got  not  such  answer  as  tliey  expected  : 
 Therefore,  upon  tlie  lOtli  of  September,  Mr  Gavin  Hamilton  (Abbot  of 
 Kilwinning)  came  in  for  the  llamiltons,  the  Earl  of  Argile,  my  Lords 
 Livingston  and  Boyd,  who,  first^  protested  for  the  Queen's  liberty  ; 
 .-aconcUi/,  that  the  crowning  of  the  King  should  not  take  away  the 
 llamiltons'  title  and  right.  The  Lords  answered— IMiey  were  not  minded 
 to  deprive  any  man  of  his  right."' — Calderwood's  MS.  "  The  Queen  un<Ier- 
 standing  of  tliis  particular  dealing,  tending  greatly  to  her  prejudici',  she 
 suborned  a  faction  of  her  own,  of  the  House  and  friendshi]>  of  the 
 llamiltons,  and  others  in  whom  she  confided,  that  the  Regency  of  the 
 Realm,  if  any  should  be  esteemed  lawful,  uncoacted  or  compelled,  but  by 
 her  own  free  motive  will,  it  should  rather  be  given  to  James  Duke  of 
 Chastelherault,  Earl  of  Arran  ami  Lord  Hamilton,  than  to  any  other  ; 
 and  for  this  cause  made  and  subscribed  a  free  Commission  of  her  own 
 
77<^  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loGT- 
 
 being  declared  that  the  election  of  the  Regent  was  not  made 
 upon  any  contempt  or  misregard  of  the  Noblemen  who  were 
 absent,  but  upon  necessity,  to  keep  the  Realm  in  order,  it 
 was  agreed  that  a  Parliament  should  be  called  for  settling 
 all  affairs  by  advice  and  consent  of  the  Estates,  and  that 
 the  same  should  bo  kept  at  Edinburgh  the  15th  day  of 
 December  next."  And  to  this  we  shall  add  what  Buchanan 
 further  says^ — "  When  the  King  was  set  up,  and  the  power 
 of  the  Regent  well  nigh  settled,  there  was  some  respite  from 
 outward  force  and  arms,  though  still  the  peace  stood  but  on 
 a  tottering  foundation  ;  men's  minds  were  yet  in  a  ferment, 
 and  their  indignation,  which  they  could  not  hide,  seemed  to 
 portend  some  sudden  mischief.  In  this  great  uncertainty 
 of  affairs,  all  men  had  fixed  their  eyes  and  thought  on  the 
 ensuing  Parliament.  The  time  of  its  sitting  was  the  2.5th 
 day  of  the  month  of  August;  and  the  Assembly  was  so 
 numerous  that  no  man  ever  before  remembered  such  a 
 concourse."" 
 
 It  is  not  a  little  strange  that  in  the  small  compass  of  this 
 last  line  this  so  famous  a  writer  should  have  given  the 
 world  so  glaring  a  sample  of  two  wretched  defects,  namely, 
 inaccuracy  and  hifidelity — both  which  are  still  the  more 
 chargeable  upon  him,  that  he  was  personally  present  within 
 
 invention  to  Archibald  Earl  of  Argile,  William  Lord  Boyd,  William 
 Lord  Livingston,  and  Gavin  Commendator  of  Kilwinninj^,  to  talk  with 
 tlie  new  elected  He<,'ent  of  this  jmrpose,  and  for  her  liberty  from  cap- 
 tivity :  But  all  their  talking  came  to  this  effect,  that  because  Duke 
 Jhunilton  was  then  forth  of  the  country,  it  was  not  expedient  that  the 
 estate  then  confirmed  as  said  is  should  be  cast  loose,  but  should  remain 
 in  the  same  form  that  it  was  of  unto  the  time  of  the  return  of  the  Siiid 
 Duke  in  the  country  ;  whereupon  the  Queen's  Commissioners  thought 
 expedient  to  direct  the  Commendator  of  Kilwinning  towards  France  for 
 the  sj)eedy  return  of  the  Duke." — Crawford's  MS.  And  Secretary  Cecil 
 siiystoHir  Henry  Norris,  2d  October  1567 — "  The  Duke  of  Chastelherault 
 is  at  Diep" — (a  sea-port  in  France,  oi)posite  to  Ijiglatul,  in  the  nairow  j)art 
 of  the  channel) — "  and  meaurtli  within  these  ten  days  to  be  here,  as  his 
 servants  re|)ort  :  I  think  he  shall  not  be  able  to  annoy  the  lowth" — (perhaps 
 the  lOarl  of  Moray)— "as  he  and  iiis,  I  see,  do  desire." — Cabala. — [Calder- 
 wood's  Historic,  piiuted  for  the  WoDuow  Society,  vol.  ii.p.  liST  ;  Historic 
 and  Life  of  King  .James  the  Sext,  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Clou,]).  IS, 
 if).  By  Dnk(  llamilliiu  is  meant  the  Duke  of  Chatelherault,  then  in  France, 
 as  the  Dukedom  of  Hamilton  wn«  not  createil  till  l()4.'i.  -F.  | 
 
 '   I  Historia  Rerum  Scoticarum,  folio,  original  edit.  iMJin.  15S*2,  p.  2*24  ; 
 Translation,  v(»l.  ii.  p.  .'^.'i;].  -  F.  | 
 
1567.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  777 
 
 the  kingdom  of  Scotland  at  the  time^  of  this  ParHament, 
 and  without  all  doubt  in  the  very  city  of  Edinburgh  also, 
 and  most  probably  admitted  within  the  walls  of  the  house 
 where  the  Parliament  did  meet,  so  that  we  may  safely  aver 
 he  has  both  seen  it  with  his  eyes,  and  heard  it  with  his  ears  : 
 And  yet,  after  all  this  good  opportunity  of  knowing,  this 
 author  says  the  Parliament  sat  down  on  the  25th  day  of 
 August^-  whereas  nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  the  time 
 of  the  meeting  thereof  was  the  15th  day  of  December. ^ 
 But  supposing  this  error  not  to  be  attended  with  much  bad 
 consequences,  as  being  only  the  misplacing  of  a  date,^   yet 
 
 ^  He  was  Moderator  of  the  Kirk- Assembly  at  Edinburgh  in  the  month 
 of  July  bypast,  iii  this  same  year. — [See  our  Historian's  Third  Book, 
 Chapter  VI.  forming  Vol.  III.  of  this  edition,  and  also  Book  of  the 
 Universall  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club,  Part  I. 
 p.  93.— E.] 
 
 '^  [Bishop  Keith  is  here  unnecessarily  severe  on  Buchanan,  who  in  his 
 original  Latin,  uses  the  word  convtntum,  which  his  translator  rendered 
 Parliament.  Buchanan  probably  intended  no  more  than  the  fact  that  a 
 Convention  was  held  at  Edinburgh  on  the  2.5th  of  August,  in  which  Moray's 
 authority  as  Regent  was  confirmed. — Calderwood's  Historic,  printed  for 
 the  WoDRow  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  386.  Lord  Herries,  however,  calls  it, 
 though  erroneously,  a  Parliament.  "  The  25th  of  August,"  he  says,  "  was 
 the  day  appointed  for  tlie  Parliament,  where  little  was  done  but  confirming 
 the  Earle  of  Moray  in  the  Regencie,  and  a  vote  passed  for  the  Queen's 
 imprisonment." — Historie  of  the  Reigne  of  Marie  Queen  of  Scots,  printed 
 for  the  Abbotsfomd  Club,  p.  100. — E.] 
 
 ^  Abstract  of  Privy-Council,  13th  December — "  Proclamatioun  hefoir  the 
 Parlementf  That  uane  invaid,  trouljill,  or  persew  utlier  in  worde,  deid,  or 
 countenance,  bot  observe  the  Kingis  peace  ;  and  wear  na  waponis  aither 
 ofifensive  or  defensive,  except  swords  and  whingars,  under  the  payne  of 
 deid.  Certifieand  thame  that  dois  the  contrare,  that  the  payne  of  deid 
 sail  be  execute  upon  thame."  Item,  Printed  Acts  of  this  Parliament 
 immediately  after  its  rising.  Item,  List  of  the  Parliament,  15th  December 
 15G7,  Cotton  Library,  for  which  see  Anderson's  Collections,  vol.ii.  Jtun, 
 Crawford's  MS.  "  After  tliis  a  Parliament  was  proclaimed  to  be  holden 
 at  Edinburgh  the  IfHh  (erroneously  for  15th)  December." — [See  Ander- 
 son's Collections,  vol.  ii.  p.  22S,  229, 230;  and  Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  iii. 
 p.  3,  4.  In  the  genuine  narrative,  as  it  respects  the  erroneous  date  in 
 Crawford's  MS.,  it  is  thus  written — "  Heirafter  a  Parliament  was  pro- 
 clamit  to  l)e  haldin  in  I'dinburgh  tlie5«.rtaM  day  of  Decemlfcr."— Historic 
 and  Life  of  King  James  the  Sext,  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club, 
 p.  21. -E.] 
 
 *  And  it  cannot  be  deemed  an  error  of  the  print  only,  since  not  only 
 is  there  no  cojiy  (not  the  first  edition  excepted,  which  was  printed  in  the 
 aiithor'sown  lifetime)  but  what  bears  this  date  ;  but,  moreover,  the  original 
 words  are  written  out  in  such  length,  and  in  so  plain  an  expression,  that 
 no  tolerable  excuse  can  well  be  madein  favours  of  the  author. — "  Ejus  hahendi 
 
778  THE   HISTORY  (»F  THE  AFFAIRS  [15(37. 
 
 tlie  otlier  falsehood  lie  asserts  has  been  visibly  obtruded,  to 
 create  in  the  minds  of  posterity  an  idea  of  the  high  and 
 mighty  approbation  the  Regent  and  that  faction  met  with 
 from  all  the  representatives  of  the  nation,  and  consequently, 
 as  he  would  infer,  the  low  and  poor  regard  of  the  Queen 
 throughout  the  whole  Reahn.  "  The  Assembly,"  says  he, 
 *'  was  so  numerous,  that  no  man  ever  ])efore  remembered 
 such  a  concourse/'i  Now,  as  Mr  Buchanan  was  a  contem- 
 porary writer  of  what  he  delivers  here,  he  may  upon  that 
 account  seem  justly  to  claim  and  deserve  credit  at  home  in 
 our  own  as  well  as  abroad  in  foreign  countries ;  and  no 
 (question  but  many,  very  many,  people  have  made  no  scruple 
 to  give  faith  to  this  his  narration  :  And  nevertheless  this  is 
 as  barefaced  an  imposition  as  any  this  author  could  have 
 l)ut  upon  mankind.  Buchanan  could  not  be  ignorant  that 
 no  more  than  seven  years  were  elapsed  since  a  Scottish 
 Parliament  (I  say,  a  Scottish  Parliament  in  his  judgment) 
 had  consisted  of  more  than  double  the  members,  viz.  the 
 Parliament  in  August  15G0,  "  not  out  of  the  memory  of  man,"" 
 surely.  And  though  it  may  be  true  that  this  present  Par- 
 liament in  December  15G7  was  a  right  numerous  meeting, 
 yet  when  the  reader  sees  a  list  of  this  Parliament,  and  com- 
 pares it  with  other  preceding  Parliaments,  he  will  not  find 
 so  much  ground  for  this  flourish  of  Mr  Buchanau^s  as  he 
 designs  to  impress  upon  his  readers. 
 
 For  the  satisfaction,  therefore,  of  other  persons,  I  shall 
 only  set  down  a  view  of  this  Parliament  in  December,  and  of 
 the  Parliament  in  the  month  of  April  immediately  preceding, 
 at  which  time  it  is  certain  the  Queen  cannot  be  said  to  have 
 been  in  the  high  tide  of  her  fortune  ;  that  so  the  one  standing 
 in  sight  of  the  other,  the  difference  may  the  more  easily  be 
 discerned.  Members  of  Parliament  in  April  l.)()7  were 
 Bishops,  9  ;  Abbots,  13 ;  Earls,  12  ;  Lords,  IG  ;  Burrows,  9  ; 
 Officers  of  State,  G  ;  in  all.  Go.  Members  of  Parliament  in 
 December  1507  were.  Bishops,  4  ;  Abbots,  14  ;  Earls,  12  ; 
 Lords,  15  ;  Masters,  3  ;  Burrows,  30  ;  Officers  of  State,  5  ; 
 in  all,  83.2     Now,   that  there  is  a  considerable  difference 
 
 (/<Vs,"  in(|uit,  "  crut  ricc.fimus  quhitus  Awjiistl  wcii^is.'^ — [llistoriii  Herum 
 f>coticannn,  orijj;inal  edit.  Edin.  1582,  fol.  223. — E.] 
 
 *  "  la  ( convtul tut )  (auta  fro/noitia  <st  aldratus,  (nmnta  nullum  ad  rum 
 (lirm  homines  mcmincranf." — [Jlistoria  Hcnim  Scoticaruni,  fol.  22.3.     E.] 
 
 2  (TIm'  |{.-j,r(Mit  Moray  presided  at  this  rarlianuMit      Tlios.-  ulio  attriidod 
 
15G7.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  779 
 
 betwixt  65  and  83  is  very  true  ;  but  then  to  balance  this 
 difference,  we  are  to  take  notice  that  the  principal  members 
 which  compose  the  Parliament,  and  who  had  a  personal 
 right  to  sit  in  Parliament,  viz.  Bishops,  Earls,  Lords,  and 
 Abbots,  together  with  the  Officers  of  State,  do  exceed  by 
 tico  in  the  Parliament  holden  in  the  month  of  April,  above 
 the  Parliament  holden  in  December.  And  as  to  the  excess 
 of  the  Parliament  in  December,  when  the  whole  members  are 
 taken  together,  this  ariseth  purely  from  the  vast  number  of 
 Burrows  being  present  at  this  time.  Now,  every  body  knows 
 that  the  representatives  of  Burrows  are  commonly  under  the 
 direction  of  the  regnant  Ministry,  by  which  means  it  was 
 most  easy  for  the  Earl  of  Moray  to  draw  as  many  of  these 
 low-rate  members  as  he  pleased  into  his  Parliament,  with 
 an  intention  not  only  to  make  his  own  party  appear  the 
 stronger  in  the  kingdom,  but  likewise  that  he  might  render 
 himself  secure  to  carry  the  great  matters  he  projected  to 
 bring  before  this  Parliament,  by  a  majority  of  their  voices, 
 which  otherwise  he  was  not  sure  to  have  got  done,  and  most 
 
 were  Bishop  Hepburn  of  Moray,  Bothwell's  grand-uncle,  the  renegade 
 Bishops  Bothwell  of  Orkney  and  Gordon  of  Galloway,  and  the  Titular 
 Bishop  Caniphcll  of  Brechin  :  The  Commendators  of  Dunfermline, 
 JVIelrose,  Cambuskenneth,  Newbattle,  Dry  burgh,  Jedburgh,  Kinloss, 
 Balmerino,  St  Colm,  Culross,  Pittenweeni,  St  jNIary's  Isle,  Coldingham, 
 and  Portmoak.  They  represented  the  "  Spiritual  Estate,"  though  with  the 
 exception  of  the  Bishop  of  ^loray,  and  the  ex-Bishops  of  Orkney  and 
 Galloway,  they  were  all  laymen — the  Prior  of  Pittenweeni,  for  example, 
 being  the  notorious  Sir  James  Balfour  of  Pittendriech,  the  copartner  of 
 Bothwell  in  infamy.  The  Nobility  present  were  the  Earls  of  Angus, 
 Iluntly,  Argyll,  Crawfurd,  Erroll,  Atholl,  Morton,  Glcncairn,  Mar, 
 Caithness,  Menteith,  and  Buchan  ;  Lords  Home,  lluthven,  Glammis, 
 Gray,  Lindsay  of  the  Byres,  Sempill,  Saltoun,  Lovat,  Innermeath, 
 Cathcart,  Ilerries,  Yester,  St  John  (Torpliichon),  Methven,  and  Ochiltree  ; 
 the  Masters  of  Montrose,  Sinclair,  and  Drumraond.  Tlie  l^ord  UigJi 
 Treasurer ;  Secretary  Maitland  of  Lcthingtou  ;  Sir  William  Murray  of 
 TuUibardine,  Comptroller  ;  the  Clerk  Register  ;  Sir  John  Bellenden  of 
 Achuoul,  Lord  .lustice-Clerk — as  Officers  of  State  ;  Sir  Simon  Preston  of 
 Craigmillar,  Uord  Provost  of  Edinburgh,  James  BaiTon  and  .John  I'reston; 
 Patrick  Murray,  commissioner  for  Perth,  and  the  Provosts  of  Stirling, 
 Dundee,  Aberdeen,  Montrose,  Haddington,  Linlithgow,  (Jlasgow,  Ayr, 
 Irvine,  Dumfries,  Liverncss,  I'^lgin,  Forres,  Cupar,  Inverkeithing,  Lanark, 
 Jedburgh,  Selkirk,  Banff,  St  Andn-ws,  Crail,  North  Berwick,  Lauder, 
 Dunbar,  Nairn,  and  Tain.  Tlie>  are  all  above  enunu'rated  as  they  are 
 cla.ssified  in  the  list  of  the  l^irliament.  Such  was  the  "  First  Parliament 
 of  King  James  VL"     See  Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  iii.  p.  3,  4.— E.] 
 
7oO  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507. 
 
 certainly  had  not  b(j(jn  ablo  to  effectuate.  It  is,  therefore, 
 to  no  purpose  for  Mr  Jiuchanan  to  institute  a  comjjarison 
 betwixt  the  frequency  or  infrequency  of  ParHament.s.  from 
 the  temporary  members  thereof ;  this,  I  luimbly  conceive,  is 
 only  to  be  made  from  the  capital  and  ordinary  members. 
 The  representation  of  Burrows  in  the  Parliament  in  Decem- 
 ber is  no  less  than  oO,  and  all  the  other  members  make  up 
 but  o3,  even  with  the  addition  of  3  Masters,  or  elder  sons  ; 
 and,  therefore,  by  propriety  of  speech  and  justness  of  the 
 thiiif^  this  Parliament  may  properly  be  called  the  Parllaiiient 
 of  Burroics  :  And  Buchanan  might,  if  he  had  pleased,  have 
 justly  said,  that  "  the  Burrows  in  the  present  Parliament 
 were  so  numerous,  that  no  man  ever  before  remembered  such 
 a  concourse;''!  and,  indeed,  may  be,  this  is  the  thing  he  has 
 meant  by  his  formidable  bravado.  Any  one  that  will  be  at 
 the  pains  to  inspect  the  registered  Rolls,  will  meet  but  with 
 a  very  small  number  of  that  Estate  in  the  most  part  of  our 
 Parliaments  preceding  this  date. 
 
 The  Register  of  this  Parliament  having  been  lost  in  the 
 year  IGGl,^  as  would  appear,  we  have  however  the  Acts 
 thereof  preserved  in  print,  published  by  authority  innne- 
 diately  after  the  rising  of  the  Parliament ;  and  because  there 
 are  two  or  three  Acts  in  the  first  edition  (commonly  called 
 the  Black  Acts,^  because  printed  on  a  Saxon  type)  which 
 
 ^  As  other  historians  have  folio  wed  Buchanan  in  his  account  of  this  Parlia- 
 ment, so  Mr  Anderson  in  the  General  Preface  to  his  Collections  sets  himself 
 to  make  the  ti'uth  of  that  aisseition  appear  ;  but  how  far  all  that  he  says 
 tliore  is  of  any  wei{,'ht,  after  what  I  have  here  observed  concerning  the  Bur- 
 rows is  taken  into  the  consideration,  I  must  sul)mit  to  our  common  readers. 
 That  f^entlenian's  whole  incpiiry  relates  to  those  only  that  had  a  j)ersonal 
 title  or  rif^ht  to  sit  in  l*arliaments.  The  case  of  the  Royal  Burrows  he 
 does  not  concern  himself  with,  and  if  these  be  once  turned  out  of  the 
 comi)utation,  with  what  truth  can  he  aflfirm  that  *'  in  all  Queen  Mary's 
 other  Parliaments  there  is  a  smaller  number  of  persons  i)resent  than  in 
 the  Parliament  in  December  15b'7  ?"  And  when  it  is  moreover  considered 
 that  in  all  the  kini^'dom  there  were  at  this  time  but  twenty-one  Karls,  and 
 that  five  ancient  and  cajjital  ones  were  absent — viz.  Sutherland,  >hui>clial, 
 Rothes,  Cassils,  Kglinton — what  wonder  is  it  that  some  writers  shouhl 
 have  observed  that  this  Parliament  was  a  packed  meetin<,'  only,  and 
 consisted  of  |)ersons  picked  out  for  the  purpost',  namely,  Burrmrs  to  over- 
 vote  the  /Vcj-.s-,  &c.  ? — [See  Anderson's  (leneral  Preface  to  his  Collections 
 relating  to  the  History  of  Mary  Quei'U  of  Scotland,  vol.  i.  p.  xxiv.  xxix. 
 XXX. — E.J 
 '^  Sec  p.  1.— [Also  p.  1,  2,  of  the  jiresent  edition.— M.j 
 •■'  In  one  of  the  Acts  in   this  edition    w(>  .see  the  Lords  of  Articles  to 
 
loG7.J  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  781 
 
 are  to  be  mot  with  in  the  subsequent  editions  of  the  Acts  of 
 Parliament,  and  which  are  nevertheless  worth  the  noticing, 
 I  shall  put  them  in  the  Appendix,^  for  the  benefit  of  those 
 that  may  not  have  the  former  edition  at  hand.  Archbishop 
 Spottiswood  informs  that  in  this  Parliament  "  the  Honours 
 accustomed  (i.  e.  the  royal  ensigns),  Crown,  Scepter,  and 
 Sword,  were  carried  by  the  Earls  of  Angus,  Huntly,  and 
 Argile  ;  and  every  thing  done  with  the  greatest  shew  of  so- 
 lemnity that  could  be  used.""  But  howsoever  great  solemnity 
 might  be  used,  yet  it  would  seem  the  men  in  power  were 
 afraid  to  allow  the  Parliament  to  be  a  free  meeting ;  for 
 another  author  2  acquaints  us,  that  "  the  burgesses  of 
 Dundee  and  Perth  were  in  armour  the  first  day  with  the 
 town  of  Edinburgh  ;  but  the  second  day  the  burgesses  of 
 Dundee  and  St  Johnstoun  striving  for  the  nearest  place  to 
 
 have  been  these  following  persons,  viz.  "  Alexander  Bischop  of  Galloway, 
 Adam  Bischop  of  Orknay,  Robert  Commendatour  of  Dunfermling,  Mark 
 Comniendatour  of  Newbottil,  Johne  Comniendatoiir  of  Balmerinoch,  and 
 Scliir  James  Balfour,  Priour  of  Pettiiiwenie,  for  the  Spiritual  Estate. 
 George  Erie  of  Iluntlic,  Archebald  Erie  of  Argyle,  Johne  Erie  of  Atlioll, 
 Johne  Erie  of  Mar,  Alexander  Erie  of  Glencarne,  and  Patrik  Lord 
 Lindesay  of  the  Byris,  for  the  Baronnis.  ?chir  Symon  Prestoun  of  that 
 Ilk,  Ivnicht,  Provest  of  Edinburgli ;  Maister  James  Ilalyburton,  Tutor  of 
 Petcur,  Provest  of  Dundie  ;  Williamc  Lord  lluthven,  Provest  of  Perth  ; 
 Johne  Ereskin  of  Dune,  Provest  of  Montrose  ;  Thomas  Menzies  of 
 Pitfoddels,  Provost  of  Abirdene  ;  and  Patrik  Lermonth  of  Dersie,  Knicht, 
 Provest  of  Sanctandrois,  for  the  Commissaris  of  Burrowis." — [This 
 enumeration  of  the  Lords  of  the  Articles  in  the  edition  of  the  "  Black  Acts" 
 quoted  by  our  Historian  is  at  variance  with  that  in  Acta  Pari.  Scot, 
 folio,  vol.  iii.  p.  4.  According  to  that  list  of  "  Domini  electi  ad  Articulos," 
 those  of  them,  "  pro  Clero,"  were  the  Bishops  of  Moray,  Galloway,  and 
 Orkney,  and  the  "  Abbates,"  were  the  Commendators  of  Dunfermline, 
 Melrose,  Ncwbattlo,  Balmerino,  St  Colm,  Pittenweem,  and  Portmoak. 
 The  Nobility  pro  "  Baronibus"  were  the  Earls  of  Iluntly,  Argyll,  Morton, 
 Atholl,  Glencairn,  Mar,  and  Caithness,  and  Lords  Home,  Lindsay,  and 
 Sempill.  The  commissioners  from  the  Burghs  were  Sir  Simon  Preston, 
 Lord  Provost  of  l'diiiburgli,and  .lames  Barron,  Patrick  Murray  for  Perth, 
 and  the  Provosts  of  Dundee,  Stirling,  Aberdeen,  Montrose,  St  Andrews, 
 Ayr,  and  Cupar. — E.] 
 1  Numb.  XXV. 
 
 ■^  Calderwood's  MS.  and  it  seems  the  j)roclamation  emitted  on  tlie  13th 
 December,  set  down  in  the  })receding  page,  ha.sbeen  only  intended  against 
 the  enemies  of  the  Government,  not  their  friends. — [Calderwood  merely 
 states — "  '1  he  burgesses  of  Diindee  and  Perth,  striving  for  the  nearest 
 place  to  the  Tolbuith,  whill  they  were  to  stand  in  armour,  were  charged 
 to  depart  tlie  town." — Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  jirinted  for  the 
 WoDRow  SociKTV,  vol.  ii,  p.  ;)S8.— E.J 
 
782  THE  IIISTOHY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [loOT- 
 
 the  Tolbooth,  there  was  appearance  of  great  stir  and  com- 
 motion, if  it  had  not  been  prevented  by  charging  them  to 
 depart  off  the  town/' 
 
 On  the  20th  of  December  a  close  was  put  to  the  Parha- 
 ment,i  and  next  day  we  see  the  following  abstract  of  Privy 
 Council — "  Conclusion  to  hold  Justice- Airs  in  all  the  parts  of 
 the  kinndom^  quhilk  the  Nohility  promises  to  assist.''^ 
 
 And  on  the  Sd  day  of  January,  as  a  prelude  to  these  Courts 
 of  Justice,  the  Regent  ordered  the  execution  of  four  persons 
 convicted  of  assisting  in  the  King's  murder,  and  detained  in 
 prison  for  a  good  space  bygone.  Their  names  were  Dalgleish, 
 Powrie,  Hepburn,  and  Hay,  and  their  several  confessions, 
 with  the  manner  of  their  death,  may  be  seen  as  lately 
 published  by  Mr  Anderson.^ 
 
 1  [In  this  Parliament  the  three  Estates  sanctioned  the  Queen's  demis- 
 sion of  tlie  Crown,  the  coronation  of  the  infant  Prince  as  King,  and  the 
 Queen's  compulsory  a])i)ointnicnt  of  tlie  Earl  of  Moray  to  be  Regent. 
 The  authority  of  the  Pope  in  Scotland  was  abolished,  and  the  Act  to  that 
 effect  of  the  Parliament  of  15G0 — a  Parliament  the  legality  of  which  had 
 been  much  disputed,  was  ratified.  The  "  Confession  of  Faith,"  presented 
 to  the  same  Parliament  of  15G0,  was  sanctioned  and  inserted  among  the 
 legislative  Acts.  Such  persons  as  opposed  this  Confession,  or  refused  the 
 sacraments  after  the  new  Form,  were  declared  not  to  be  members  of  the 
 Christian  Church.  The  most  violent  denunciations  were  promulgated 
 against  the  Roman  Catholics,  who,  by  a  curious  reversion  of  the  word, 
 were  now  in  turn  designated  "  heretics.'"  For  hearing  Mass  confiscation 
 of  property  was  to  be  inflicted  for  the  fii-st  offence,  banishment  for  the 
 second,  and  dtat/i  for  the  third.  Various  Acts  were  passed  in  reference 
 to  universities,  schools,  parish  churches,  manses,  glebes,  stipends,  and 
 the  ecclesiastical  proi)erty  which  had  been  seized  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
 .'Reformation;  but  in  this  last  business  the  preachers  were  not  so  fortunate, 
 and  it  was  with  difficulty  the  possessors  consented  to  restore  one-third 
 of  the  benefices  for  the  support  of  the  Reforming  preachers.  In  a  word, 
 the  Reformed  System,  ratified  in  this  Parliament,  received  from  its 
 supporters  the  title  of  the  "  Immaculate  Si)Ouse  of  Jesus  Christ,"  as  stated 
 by  our  Historian  at  the  commencement  of  Chaj).  I.  of  the  present  volume. 
 One  of  the  Articles  discussed  in  the  l^rliament  was  to  introduce  the 
 Salic  law  into  Scotland.  In  the  Records  it  is  set  forth — "  Als  it  is 
 thocht  exi)edient  that  in  na  tymes  cumyng  ony  wemen  sal  be  admittit  to 
 the  publict  authoritie  of  the  Realme,  or  functioun  in  publict  gouernment 
 within  the  same;"  and  on  the  margin  is  written — "/«»(/  .7M(/<,"  but  it 
 ap|)ears  to  liave  jjrocceded  no  farther.  See  Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  iii. 
 p.  .'J-'l.'),  for  all  the  Acts  of  this  Parliament  which  were  printed  on  the  Gth 
 of  April  ir)f;s  l)y  Itobert  Lick|)n'vick,  designated  "  Printer  to  the  King's 
 Majestic,"  and  again  in  ir)?'),— Calderwood's  llistorie  of  the  Kirk  of 
 Scotland,  printed  for  the  Wonnow  Society,  vol.  ii.j).  392.— E.] 
 
 ■-'  [Collections  relating  to  the    History  of  Mary  Queen    of  Scotland, 
 
156*7-8.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  783 
 
 And  besides  this  puiiishinent,  so  speedily  taken  after  the 
 rising  of  the  ParHanient — which,  however,  was  deservedly 
 enough  inflicted — it  is  not  improbable  that  the  Regent  had 
 given  some  other  indication  of  farther  severity  to  be  used 
 against  those  that  might  be  suspected  not  friendly  enough 
 to  his  new  Government ;  and  this  might  have  been  the 
 ground  of  the  Abbot  of  Aberbrothock's  hasty  journey  into 
 France  about  this  time,  concerning  whom  we  see  this 
 Conclusion^  so  called  in  the  Register  of  Privy  Council. 
 
 "  Edinhurgh^  7th  Fehruarij  15G7-o. 
 
 "  The  (|uhilk  day  the  Lordis  of  Secreit  Counsall  find  gude 
 that  the  Ordour  of  law  be  set  fordwart  and  usit  aganis 
 Johne  Commendator  of  Aberbrothock,!  in  caice  he  be  past 
 furth  of  the  Realme  without  licence."^ — R.  M.3 
 
 Another  thing  that  possibly  might  create  some  suspicion 
 and  displeasure  in  the  minds  of  some  men  was  an  Act  of 
 Council  on  the  14th  February,  in  which  it  is  declared,  that 
 
 vol.  ii.  p.  165-192;  also  Pitcairn's  Criminal  Trials,  vol.  i.  Part  II.  p.  491- 
 501.  William  Powrie  made  two  confessions,  one  on  the  23d  of  June, 
 and  the  other  on  the  3d  of  July  15G7,  before  the  Pri\y-Council ;  George 
 Dalgliesh  emitted  his  confession  on  the  26th  of  June  before  the  Earls  of 
 ^Morton  and  Atholl,  Kirkaldy  of  Grange,  and  Ilalyburton,  Provost  of 
 Dundee  ;  John  Ilay,  on  tlie  13th  of  September,  in  presence  of  the  Regent, 
 the  Earl  of  Atholl,  Lord  Lindsay,  Kirkaldy  of  Grange,  and  the  Lord 
 Justice-Clerk  Bellenden.  They  were  all  executed  on  the  same  day,  3d 
 January  1567-8.— E.] 
 
 ^  He  was  second  son  to  the  Duke  of  Chastelherault,  but  succeeded 
 afterwards  heir  of  the  family,  and  was  the  first  ^larquis  of  Hamilton. — 
 [Lord  John  Hamilton  is  repeatedly  mentioned  as  the  second  sou  of  the 
 Duke  of  Chatelherault,  whose  eldest  son,  the  Earl  of  Arran,  became  in- 
 sane, and  died  without  issue  in  1609.  Lord  John  was  created  Munpiis  of 
 Hamilton,  in  159!),  with  great  ceremony  at  the  Palace  of  HoljTood,  and 
 was  tlie  grandfather  of  James  third  Manpiis,  created  Duke  of  Hamilton  in 
 1643,  whose  fatewas  as  disastrous  as  that  of  his  royal  master  Charles  I. — E.] 
 
 '^  "  The  Lord  of  Arbroath  came  lately  out  of  Scotland  this  way,  and 
 spake  with  the  Queen's  .Majesty,  pretending  to  go  into  France  to  solicite 
 aid  for  the  delivery  of  the  Queen  of  Scots.  He  came  out  of  Scotland 
 without  the  license  or  knowledge  of  the  Regent  there"— (here  follows 
 something  in  cyphers) — "  this  way  of  late,  but  I  trust  shortly  to  hear 
 from" — (more  cyph-.-rs) — "  of  sucli  tilings  as  he  carried  with  him." — Cecil 
 to  Norris,  2(Jth  February  ir>67-8.  We  may  here  discern  tlic  fast  friendsliip 
 of  the  I'Jiglisli  Secretary  to  the  Scottisb  Regency. 
 '  f'riu>  initials  of  Robert  Miln.— E.) 
 
784  THE   lIIt^TORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1507-8. 
 
 seeing  "  provision  niu.st  be  maid  for  the  interteining  of  the 
 men-of-weir  <|ulKii8  service  cannot  be  sparit,  (^uhill  (until)  the 
 robelHous  and  disobedient  subjectis,  troublaris  of  the 
 Comounweill  in  all  partis  of  this  Realmc,  be  rcdiiceit,"  &c. 
 Therefore  api)ointing  the  lead  to  be  taken  from  the  cathedral 
 churches  in  Aberdeen  and  Elgin^ — "sauld  anddisponit  upoun 
 for  sustcntatioun  of  the  saids  men-of-weir ;"  prohibiting  all 
 the  lieges  from  giving  any  molestation  in  the  down-taking  of 
 the  said  lead.  "  Attour,'"  says  the  Act,  "  to  command  and 
 charge  the  Erie  of  Huntly,  scheriff-principall  of  Abirdene, 
 AN'ilhame  Leslie  of  Bahjuhane,  scheriff-deput  thairof,  and 
 utheris  scheriff-deputis  of  the  samyn ;  Alexander  Dunbar 
 of  Cumnock,  Knight,  schcriff  of  Elgin  and  Forres,  and  his 
 deputis  ;  AVilliame  Bischop  of  Abirdene,^  Patrik  Bischop  of 
 Moray;  Thomas Menzies  of  Pitfoddels,  Provest  of  Aberdcne; 
 Johne  Annand,  Provest  of  Elgyne  ;  the  Bailzies  of  the  saids 
 burrowis,  and  als  the  Bailzies  and  inhabitantis  of  the  towne 
 of  Auld  Abirdene,  that  thai  fortifie,  mentein,  defend,  assist, 
 and  further  the  saids  Alexander  Clerk  and  Williame  Birnie, 
 their  factouris,  pertinaris,  and  servandis,  in  thair  names,  in 
 the  doun-taking,  intromissioim,  keiping,  carying,  convoying, 
 and  disponing  of  the  said  leid,  and  nawayis  to  suffer  thame  be 
 hinderit,  stopit,  or  delayit,  or  to  ressave  ony  liarme,  greiffe, 
 or  injurie  thairin,  in  bodie  or  gudis  ;  but  cause  thame  be 
 furnissit  of  meit,  drink,  servandis,  workmen,  and  utheris 
 thingis  necessar  at  thair  ressonabill  expens  ;  certifying  the 
 personis  quhatsumevir  doand  in  the  contrair,  or  that  beis 
 fund  remis  or  negligent  in  the  premisses,  thai  salbe  cstemit, 
 callit,  persewit,  and  puneist  na  utherwayis  nor  gif  thai 
 committit  the  offence  thameselffis  in  thair  proper  personis  ; 
 and  farther,  to  answer  upoun  thair  dowtie  and  allcadgance, 
 
 *  [It  is  some  consolation  to  know  tli;it  the  sacrilegious  order  to  strij) 
 the  roof's  of  tlie  Cathedrals  of  Aberdeen  and  El^^in  of  the  lead — an  act  dis- 
 «,M-aeeful  to  the  Kefjent  Moray — was  condi^Mily  i)unished.  The  order  was 
 duly  carricMl  into  eft'ect,  and  the  lead  was  shij)|)ed  at  Aberdeen  to  be  sold 
 in  Holland,  but  the  vessel  had  scarcely  left  the  harbour  when  it  sank 
 near  the  (Jirdleness,  and  became  a  total  wreck,  the  crew  narrowly  escai)in<r 
 with  their  lives.  A  local  tradition  at  I'.lj^in  alle;^es  that  the  nuiAiter  of  the 
 vessel  was  a  Itonian  Catholic,  and  that  he  jjurposely  sunk  the  ship. — K.] 
 
 "  f  Ai)i)arcntly  William  (iordon,  fourth  son  of  (ieor<fe  fourth  Karl  of 
 lltmtly  who  fell  at  the  battle  of  Corrichie,  Ho  was  the  \ast  Bishoj)  of 
 Abeideen  of  the  Ante- Heforniat ion  succession. — E.J 
 
1.5G8.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  785 
 
 according  to  the  lawis  of  this  Realme,  and  band  contonit  in 
 the  general  band."i— R.  M.^ 
 
 Now,  that  this  latter  part  of  the  Act  would  in  a  special 
 manner  be  disagreeable  to  the  Earl  of  Huntly  and  the 
 other  persons  therein  concerned  we  may  reasonably 
 enough  conclude,  and  that  this  and  the  like  proceedings 
 in  different  parts  of  the  kingdom  have  raised  and  aug- 
 mented the  former  dissaffection.  But  to  free  us  of  guess- 
 work only  in  this  particular,  I  shall  now  reckon  it  time 
 to  insert  here  Sir  James  Melvirs  reflexion,  which  I  had 
 already  mentioned.^  It  is  thus — "  Then  he  (the  Regent) 
 took  great  pains  to  steal  secret  roads  upon  the  thieves 
 on  the  Borders,  tending  much  to  the  quieting  thereof. 
 He  likewise  held  justice-airs  in  the  in-country,  but  was  not 
 so  diligent  as  he  might  have  been  in  settling  the  differences 
 among  the  Nobility,  and  to  draw  them,  by  a  sweet  and 
 discreet  equitable  behaviour,  to  the  obedience  of  the  King's 
 authority,  which  might  have  been  easily  done  if  they  had 
 gotten  security  for  their  persons  and  estates.  But  such  as 
 were  about  him,  having  their  own  ambitious  and  covetous 
 ends,  counselled  him  otherwise,  thinking  by  the  wreck  of 
 others  to  make  up  themselves.  They  were  so  blinded  by 
 their  affections  and  greedy  appetites,  that  they  thought  all 
 would  succeed  prosperously  according  to  their  desires  with- 
 out any  resistance.  Thus  rushing  forward,  the  Regent's 
 rough  proceedings  gave  occasion  to  many  to  draw  to  the 
 contrary    faction  ;4    and    they    to    strengthen    themselves, 
 
 ^  The  membors  of  this  Sederunt  are — "  Moray,  >rorton,  Atholl,  Caithness, 
 Master  of  (Jrahain,  Lindsay,  (Ilaniniis,  Boyd,  Cathcart,  Salton,  Uchiltree, 
 Episcopus  Orcliaden.  l^piscojins  (Jalloway,  Conimendator  of  Coldin^ham." 
 And  the  Act  of  Council  narrates  how  that  it  proceeds  upon  tlie  authority 
 of  an  Act  of  Parliament  made  thereui)on,  which  Act  of  Parliament  would, 
 no  doubt,  be  equally  disaf^reeable  as  the  Act  of  C\)uncil.  However,  I  see 
 nowhere  such  an  Act  of  Parliament. 
 
 2  [The  initials  of  Robert  Miln.— K.] 
 
 3  [Sec  p.  774  of  the  present  volume.  This  passa^je  is  extracted  from 
 Sir  James  Melville's  Menn)irs,  folio,  edited  by  his  j^randson  (ieorn^e  Scott, 
 p.  90.  The  authentic  narrative  is  in  Sir  James  Melville's  "  Memoirs  of  his 
 own  Life,"  printed  for  the  IUnnatyne  Club,  p.  198,  199. — E.] 
 
 ■•  The  Laird  of  Tullibardine  wa.8  one  of  those  who  now  deserted  tho 
 Regent,  thouf,di  formerly  a  great  stickler  against  the  Queen.  As  for  the 
 Earls  of  Iluntly  and  Argilo,  their  compliance  with  tlie  Regent  was  all 
 :ilong  but  constrained. 
 
 VOL.  TI.  50 
 
78(5  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [I0G8. 
 
 under  tho  name  of  authority^  devised  liow  to  draw  the 
 Queen''s  Majesty  out  of  Lochleven,  to  bo  their  head  before 
 tlie  time  was  ripe :  wlioreof  tlio  Regent  was  oft  and 
 frequently  warned,  even  by  divers  wlio  were  upon  the  council 
 of  her  out-taking,  who  desired  that  way  to  win  thanks  at 
 his  hands.  But  he  would  credit  nothing  but  such  things  as 
 came  out  of  the  mouth  of  those  who  had  crept  into  his 
 favour  by  flattery."  And  to  confirm  this  reflection  and 
 testimony,  another  good  friend  to  the  Regent,  even  Buchanan 
 himself,  acknowledges^  that  the  Regent's  design  of  going 
 round  the  country  to  hold  courts  of  justice  was  variously 
 interpreted  according  to  men's  several  humours  and  situa- 
 tions ;  and  that  those  that  were  opposite  to  him  complained 
 of  the  cruelty  which  he  used  in  these  courts,  and  his  other 
 management.  And  this  author  is  even  forced  to  mention 
 the  words  rigour  and  severity  in  his  patron.-  By  both  which 
 contemporary^  testimonies  of  men  that  were  natives  of  the 
 country,  and  fast  friends  likewise  to  the  Regent,  we  have 
 surely  conveyed  to  us  a  juster  character  of  the  Regent,  and 
 his  proceedings  at  this  time,  than  what  the  English  Secretary 
 gives  of  the  one  and  the  other  in  his  letters  to  the  ambas- 
 sador of  that  crown  residing  in  France.     "•  In  Scotland,'' 
 
 says  he,  "  all  is  quiet and  the  Earl  of  ^loray  ruleth 
 
 quietly  as  Regent."     And  again — "  In  Scotland  things  are 
 
 ^  [J listeria  Renini  Scoticarum,  ori<;inal  edit.  Edin,  15S2,  fol.  2*24  ; 
 'J'ranslation,  Edin.  1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  354. — E.] 
 
 ^  [IJucluman,  however,  does  not  admit  the  charge.  He  merely  states 
 that  the  Regent  Moray's  opponents  every  Avhere  denounced  his  groat 
 severity,  or,  as  they  called  it,  cruelty,  -which  was  stringent  enough  to 
 persons  whoso  flagrant  offences  were  such  as  to  render  them  impatient  of 
 leg-al  restraint,  and  who  had  long  been  habituated  to  turbulence.  The 
 passage  in  tho  original  of  Buchanan's  History  is — "  Nam  adversic  fixc- 
 tionis  homines  vulgo  passim  Proregis  severitatem,  vel,  ut  ipsi  dicebant, 
 crudelitatem  non  eis  modo,  (pii  jjropter  scelerum  magnitudinem  leges, 
 et  a?quum  jus  ferre  non  j)Ossent  post  tantam  proximo  superioris  tomporis 
 licentiam  formodolosam  pnedicabant." — E.] 
 
 ^  Indeed  Archbishop  Spottiswood  represents  the  Regent  acting  a  quite 
 different  j)art  at  this  time, but  as  that  Prolate  was  not  then  born,  and  besides 
 had  never  the  opportunity  of  seeing  Sir  James  Melville's  Memoirs  (so  far 
 as  we  know),  what  he  relates  on  that  or  any  other  head  can  merit  no 
 further  faith  than  the  author  does  from  whom  he  takes  his  information. 
 And  in  general  we  may  rest  assured  that  the  preceding  lettei"S  of  Sii- 
 Nichola.s  Throckmorton  do  convey  to  us  by  far  tho  l>ost  viow  of  this 
 kingdom  after  the  liome coming  of  the  Karl  of  Morav. 
 
1568.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  787 
 
 quietly  governed  by  the  Regent,  who  doth  acquit  himself 
 very  honourably,  to  the  advancement  of  religion  and  virtue, 
 without  respect  of  persons.''^ 
 
 1  Cabala,  3d  November  1567,  and  12th  February  1567-8.— [This  alleged 
 popularity  of  the  Regent  Moray's  government  is  contradicted  by  Drury 
 in  his  letters  to  Cecil,  preserved  in  the  State  Taper  Office,  and  cited  by 
 :Mr  Tytler  (History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  20G-210).  The  proceedings  of 
 the  Kegent's  Parliament  disappohited  the  people,  who  saw  Hay  of  Tallo, 
 Hepburn  of  Bolton,  Dalgleish,  and  Powrie,  convicted,  and  the  three  latter 
 executed  on  the  same  day,  and  it  appeared  that  the  trials  of  those  men, 
 to  which  all  looked  with  intense  anxiety  for  disclosures,  were  hurried 
 over  in  an  extraordinary  manner.  It  was  also  well  known  that  Captain 
 Cullen,  who  had  been  employed  by  Bothwell  in  his  most  secret  concerns, 
 had  revealed  the  whole  circumstances  of  the  murder  of  Darnley,  and  it 
 could  not  be  supposed  that  the  Kegent  and  his  Privy  Council  were 
 ignorant  of  CuUen's  confession.  Sir  AVilliam  Drury  also  wrote  to  Cecil 
 that  the  life  of  Hay  of  Tallo  had  been  spared  for  a  little,  only  until  some 
 of  the  great  personages  acquainted  with  the  murder  were  apprehended. 
 Hepburn  of  Bolton,  in  his  speech  on  the  scaffold,  explicitly  declared  that 
 Argyll,  lluntly,  and  .Maitland  of  Lethington,  had  subscribed  the  Bond  for 
 the  murder,  yet  the  Regent  allowed  those  persons  not  only  to  be  unmo- 
 lested, but  the  confessions  of  the  criminal  and  his  accomplices  Avere 
 supi)ressed  at  the  time,  and  when  subsequently  produced  in  England 
 they  were  found  to  contain  evidence  only  against  themselves  and 
 Bothwell.  Ormiston,  another  of  the  guilty  perpetrators  who  was  executed, 
 solemnly  asserted  that  in  the  Bond  for  Darnley 's  murder  Bothwell  had 
 pointed  out  to  him  certain  signatures,  Avhich  he  affirmed  were  those  of 
 Argyll,  lluntly,  ]\laitland,  and  Sir  James  Balfour,  the  confidant  of 
 Bothwell.  Balfour  kept  the  Bond,  along  with  the  Queen's  jewels  and 
 other  valuable  property,  in  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh,  of  which  he  was 
 governor,  and  when  he  betrayed  the  Fortress  to  the  Regent,  it  was 
 thought  that  the  said  Regent,  invested  as  he  then  was  with  absolute 
 power,  might  have  stipulated  for  the  delivery  of  that  document,  and  of  all 
 the  evidence  which  could  elucidate  the  plot.  Queen  Mary's  alleged 
 letters  and  sonnets  to  Bothwell—"  divers  her  privie  letters  written 
 halelie  with  her  own  hand"  (Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  ii.  p.  221),  "  and 
 sent  by  her  to  James  sumtime  l^rle  of  Bothwell,"  and  "  divers  her  privie 
 letters  written  and  subscribed  with  her  own  hand" — had  been  delivered 
 to  the  Regent  by  Morton  in  the  celebrated  box  or  casket  intercepted  in 
 its  transit  from  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh  ;  and  the  Parliament  had  signed 
 and  sealed  a  declaration  that  the  actions  of  the  Confederates  from  the 
 day  of  Darnley's  murder  till  that  moment  were  lawful  and  loyal,  and 
 that  they  would  never  be  prosecuted  for  what  they  had  done,  as  the 
 Queen's  own  conduct  had  caused  her  imprisonment,  and  it  was  certain 
 that  by  several  of  her  private  letters,  in  her  own  hand-writing,  and  sent 
 by  her  to  Bothwi'll,  and  by  her  "  ungodly  and  pretended  marriage"  with 
 him,  she  was  cognizant  "  art  and  part"  of  her  husband  Darnley's  unhappy 
 fate.  As  such  documents  might  or  might  not  be  original,  it  was  only 
 common  justice  tliat  the  Queen  should  not  be  condemned,  and  that  the 
 letters  should  not  be  reci'ived  as  evidiMice  ngainst  lier,  until  slic  luul  an 
 
788  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G8. 
 
 For  farther  information  of  affairs  at  this  juncture,  I  have 
 nothing  better  to  impart  to  my  readers  than  this  following 
 
 opportunity  of  examining,  either  personally  or  by  her  counsel,  the  evidence 
 produced  a;,'ainst  her.     But  while  those  documents  were  carefully  pre- 
 served, and  prominently  noticed  in  the  Acts  of  the  Parliament  and  of  the 
 Privy  Council,  the  all-important  Bond,  in  the  possession  of  Sir  James 
 Balfour,  was  destroyed.     That  guilty  man  delivered  the  Queen's  jewels 
 and  her  apparel  to  the  Itegent,  but  the  Bond,  which  connected  himself 
 and  his  friends  with  the  murder  of  Darnley,  was  secured  by  Maitland, 
 who  consigned  it  to  the  flames.     "  The  writing,"  says  Drury  to  Cecil,  on 
 the  2Sth  of  November,  "  which  did  comin-ehend  the  names  and  consents 
 of  the  chief  for  the  murdering  of  the  King,  is  turned  into  ashes— the  same 
 not  unknown  to  the  Queen,  and  the  same  that  concerns  her  part  kept  to 
 be  shown,  which  offends  her."     It  is  not  asserted  that  Moray  himself 
 threw  the  Bond  into  the  fire,  but  it  was  the  interest  of  Maitland  and 
 Balfour,  whom  the  Bond  deeply  implicated,  to  have  it  destroyed,  and  it 
 can  scarcely  be  doubted  that  the  llcgent  consented  to  its  destruction, 
 while  at  the  same  time  he  kept  careful  possession  of  any  evidence  against 
 the  Queen.     Those  proceedings,  and  especially  the  extraordinary  haste  in 
 which  the  trial  and  execution  of  Hay  of  Tallo,  Hepburn  of  Bolton,  and  the 
 two  others,  was  conducted,  were  loudly  condemned  by  the  people,  and 
 placards  and  satirical  poems  were  fixed  to  the  doors  of  the  Privy  Council 
 and  of  the  Regent's  own  residence,  upbraiding  his  partiality.     Let  it  be 
 remembered,  too,  that  the  Earl  of  Argyll,  then  Lord  Justice-General,  the 
 head  of  the  criminal  jurisprudence,  was  a  princijjal  accomplice  in  the 
 murder  of  Darnley,  and  yet  the  trials  were  superintended  by  his  deputy — 
 and  that  the  confessions  were  made  before  the  Lords  of  the  Privy  Council, 
 of  whom  were  Morton,  Huntly,  Maitland,  and  Balfour — the  very  men  who 
 had  placed  Moray  in  the  high  office  of  Regent,  and  who  would  not  have 
 scrupled  to  form  a  dangerous  coalition  to  overthrow  him.     By  his  partial 
 conduct,  therefore,  Moray  not  only  alienated  the  peo})le  from  him,  but  it 
 was  perceptible  that  all  his  eftbrts  could  not  long  keep  his  supporters 
 together.     His  legislation  on   religion  in   the  Parliament  had  been  con- 
 demned by  the  Karls  of  Atholl  and  Caithness,  and  Bishop  Hepburn  of 
 Moray.    He  had,  indeed,  endeavoured  to  secure  the  support  of  the  leading 
 Nobility  and  his   friends   by   rewards   and   favours.      Lord   Home   had 
 received  the  Sheiiffship  of  Lauderdale  or  lierwickshire,  and  >Taitland  that 
 of  Lothian;  Morton  was  to  be  Moray's  Lord  Chancellor,  and  was  promised 
 the  office  of  Lord  High  Admiral  vacant  by  the  forfeiture  of  Bothwell  ; 
 Kirkaldy  of  (irangc  obtained   the  command  of  Edinburgh  Castle,  ami 
 Iluntly  and  Argyll  were  courted  by  a  jjrojected  matrimonial  alliance — 
 Iluntly's  son  to  marry  the  Regent's  daughter,  though  then  a  girl  of  seven 
 or  eight  years  of  age,  which  of  course  implied  a  mere  contract  in  the 
 meanwhile,  and  Argyll's  brother  to  marry   the    Itegent's   sister-in-law. 
 "  But  even  these  prizes  and  promises,"  observes  Mr  'lytler,  "  sometimes 
 failed  in  their  effect,  every  one  being  ready  to  magnify  his  own  merit,  and 
 to  anticipate  a  higher  distinction  than  was  bestowed.     Nor  did  it  escape 
 observation  that  his  conduct  since  his  elevation  had  become  haughty  and 
 distant  to  those  proud  Nobles  who  had  so  recently  been  his  eipials,  whilst 
 he  was  open  to  flattery,  and  suffered  inferior  men  to  gain  his  confidence. 
 Even  the  vigour  with  which  he  punished  the  riot  and  lawlessness  of  tlie 
 
1568.]  OF  CHUllOH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  789 
 
 Letter  from  Sir  William  Drury^  to  Sir  William  Cecil, 
 M  April  1568.2 
 
 "  It  may  please  your  Honour  :  Since  the  dispatch  of  Nicholas 
 Arrington,  I  have  understood  of  some  more  certainty  of  such 
 matter  as  passed  between  the  Queen  and  the  Earl  of  Moray 
 at  his  being  with  her  now  lastly  at  Lochlevin,^  where  at  the 
 first  she  burdened  him  of  the  rigour  that  was  used  unto  her 
 at  this  last  Parliament.  And  he  answered,  That  he  and  the 
 rest  of  the  Nobility  could  do  no  less  for  their  own  surety,  in 
 respect  they  had  enterprized  to  put  her  into  captivity.* 
 From  that  she  entered  into  another  purpose,  being  marriage, 
 praying  she  might  have  a  husband,  and  named  one  to  her 
 liking,  George  Douglas,  brother  to  the  Lord  of  Lochlevin  :^ 
 
 Border  district  failed  to  increase  his  popularity,  the  kin<,^doin  having  been 
 so  long  accustomed  to  a  more  relaxed  rule  that  justice  was  construed 
 into  tyranny.  Owing  to  such  causes  it  was  apparent  that  ^Moray's 
 government,  soon  after  the  dissolution  of  Parliament,  was  in  a  precarious 
 state.  The  Ilamiltons  hated  him  ;  to  Lethington  intrigue  and  change 
 seemed  to  be  the  only  elements  in  which  he  could  live  ;  llerries  and  the 
 Melvilles  were  strongly  susjjected.  Balfour,  who  knew  many  secrets,  and 
 was  capable  of  any  treachery,  had  left  Court  in  disgust  ;  Atholl  was 
 beginning  to  be  lukewarm  ;  the  fiiends  of  the  Romish  religion  resented 
 his  late  conduct  ;  and  the  people,  never  long  in  one  mind,  began  to  pity 
 the  i)rotracted  imprisonment  of  the  Queen.  All  these  circmnstances  were 
 against  him,  but  they  were  trivial  to  the  blow  which  now  fell  upon  him, 
 for  it  was  at  this  very  crisis  that  Mary  effected  her  escape  in  a  manner 
 that  almost  partakes  of  romance." — K.] 
 
 ^  He  was  Marshal  of  the  garrison  of  Berwick. 
 
 ^  Calig.  C.  1,  an  Original. — [British  Museum  ;  also  printed  in  Wright's 
 "  Queen  Elizabeth  and  her  Times,"  vol.  i.  p.  26G,  2G7,  268.— E.] 
 
 ^  ['J'his  was  the  second  visit  of  the  Regent  Moray  to  Queen  Mary,  but 
 the  object  of  it  is  not  very  apparent. — E.] 
 
 *  This  was  surely  a  very  honest  confession,  suitable  to  the  character 
 given  the  Earl  of  Moray  by  some  people,  viz.  that  "he  was  a  plain  blunt 
 ;/u(/i,"  though  I  see  not  much  ground  to  think  that  he  always  kept  up  to 
 it. 
 
 5  And  uterine  brother  to  the  Regent. — [George  Douglas,  afterwards 
 Sir  George  Douglas  of  Ilelonshill,  was  the  third  and  youngest  sou  of  Sir 
 Robert  Douglas  of  Lochleven  and  Lady  Margaret  Erskinc,  Moray's 
 mother,  and  he  was  consequently  the  Regent's  uterine  half-brother.  This 
 George  Douglas  is  a  prominent  personage  in  yir  Walter  Scott's  romance 
 "  Tub  Aijbot."  It  has  been  most  absurdly  alleged  that  Mary  had  a  .son  by 
 George  Douglas,  then  a  very  young  man,  and  that  son  was  the  father  of  ^Ir 
 Robert  Douglas,  a  celebrated  Presbyterian  preat  her  during  (he  Covenant- 
 ing reign  of  terror  in  Scotland  aficr  the  Glasgow  (icnerul  Assembly  of 
 1()3S.  Although  nothing  is  known  of  the  parentage  and  early  history  of  Mr 
 Robert  T>ouglas,  who  survived  the  Restoration  of  Charles  II.,  the  assertion 
 
790  THK  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1568. 
 
 Unto  the  whicli  the  Ivirl  replied,  Tliat  he  was  over  mean  a 
 niai-riage  for  lier  Grace,  and  said  further,  that  he,  with  the 
 rest  of  the  NobiHty,  would  take  advice  thereupon.^  This  in 
 substance  was  all  that  passed  between  the  Queen  and  the 
 Earl  of  Moray  at  that  time  ;  but  after,  upon  the  25th  of 
 the  last,  she  enterprized  an  escape,  and  was  the  rather 
 nearer  effect,  through  her  accustomed  long  lying  in  bed  all 
 the  morning.  The  manner  of  it  was  thus  : — There  cometli 
 in  to  her  the  landress  early  as  other  times  before  she  was 
 wonted,  and  the  Queen  (according  to  such  a  secret  practice) 
 putteth  on  her  the  weed  of  the  landress,  and  so  with  the 
 fardel  of  cloaths  and  her  muffler  upon  her  face  passeth  out, 
 and  entereth  the  boat  to  pass  the  Loch  ;  which  after  some 
 space,  one   of  them  that  rowed  said  merrily — "  Let  us  see 
 
 that  he  was  the  grandson  of  Queen  Mary,  though  illegitimate,  by  a  sup- 
 posed amour  -svithGeorge  Douglas  of  the  Family  of  Lochleven,  is  altogether 
 imfounded.  AVodrow,  however,  notices  it,  and  says  that  he  was  born  in 
 England. — Wodrow's  Analecta,  printed  for  the  Maitlaxd  Club,  4to. 
 1842,  vol.  ii.  p.  166.  Sir  George  Douglas  of  lielenshill  was  married,  but 
 the  lady's  name  and  family  are  not  recorded  in  the  Peerage  lists,  and  it 
 is  incidentally  mentioned  by  Chalmers  (Life  of  ]Mary  Queen  of  Scots,  vol.  i, 
 ]).  277)  that  she  was  the  "  Lady  Barery  "  near  Lochleven.  llis  only 
 child  Margaret  married  Sir  George  Kamsay  of  Dalhousie,  created  Lord 
 Ramsay  of  Melrose  in  1618,  the  title  of  which  Peerage  was  changed  to 
 that  of  Lord  liamsay  of  Dalhousie  in  1619.  William,  the  only  son  by  this 
 marriage,  was  advanced  to  the  dignity  of  Earl  of  Dalhousie  by  patent, 
 dated  llolyroodhouse,  29th  June  1633. — E.] 
 
 ^  [It  is  curious  that  no  contemporary  writer  notices  this  alleged  par- 
 tiality of  Mary  to  George  Douglas,  and  her  proposal  to  the  Regent  Moray 
 to  marry  him.  Buchanan,  who  would  not  have  failed  to  record  such  a 
 circumstance  to  the  Queen's  disadvantage,  describes  him  simj)ly  as  "  the 
 Regent's  youngest  brother,  a  young  nnm  ingenious  enough,  and  by  reason 
 of  his  age  apt  to  be  imi)Osed  upon  by  female  enticements'' — adding  that 
 he  was  "  something  familiar  with  her,  on  pretence  to  attend  her  in  such 
 sports  as  Courts  at  idle  times  refresh  themselves  withall." — llistoria 
 Rerum  Scoticarum,  original  edit.  Edin.  1582,  fol.  225  ;  Translation,  Edin. 
 1752,  vol.  ii.  p.  356.  Mr  Tytler,  however,  states  that  George  Douglas, 
 "  smitten  by  Mary's  beauty,  and  flattered  by  her  caresses,  enthusiastically 
 devoted  himself  to  Iier  interest ;  it  was  even  asserted  that  he  asjtired  to 
 lier  Iiand,  and  that  Mary,  never  insensible  to  admiration,  solicitous  to 
 receive  his  services,  did  not  check  liis  liopes." — History  of  Scotland, 
 vol.  vii.  p.  210.  All  this  is  directly  contrary  to  Buchanan's  statement  that 
 George  Douglas,  having  a  "  promise  of  indemnity  from  the  Queen  for  liim- 
 self  and  his  j»artizans,  and  being  excited  with  the  hojjes  of  great  wealth 
 and  power  for  the  future,''  liad  resolved  to  achieve  the  deliverance  of  the 
 (Juecn.  We  must,  therefore,  view  the  a.ssertion  that  George  Douglas, 
 wlio  was  nine  years  younger  than  Mary,  aspired  to  become  the  husband 
 of  his  sovereign  as  a  mere  fiction. — E  | 
 
1563.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  7^1 
 
 what  maymer  of  dame  this  is  ,•'"■  and  therewith  offered  to 
 pull  down  her  muffler,  which  to  defend  she  put  up  her 
 hands,  which  they  spied  to  be  very  fair  and  white,  where- 
 with they  entered  into  suspicion  whom  she  was,  beginning 
 to  wonder  at  her  enterprize  :  Whereat  she  was  little 
 dismayed,  but  charged  them,  upon  danger  of  their  lives,  to 
 row  her  over  to  the  shore  ;  which  they  nothing  regarded, 
 but  eftsoons  rowed  her  back  again,  promising  \u)r  that  it 
 should  be  secreted,  and  especially  from  the  Lord  of  the 
 house  under  whose  guard  she  lyeth.l  It  seemeth  she  knew 
 her  refuge,  and  where  to  have  found  it,  if  she  had  once 
 landed ;  for  there  did,  and  yet  do  linger  at  a  little  village 
 called  Kinross,^  hard  at  the  Loch-side,  the  same  George 
 Douglas,  one  Sempil,  and  one  Beton  ;3  the  which  two  were 
 
 ^  [It  seems  that  the  "  Lady  Lochleven,"  the  Regent's  mother,  was 
 actually  in  the  secret  to  favour  the  Queen's  escape.  We  have  seen  that 
 Mary's  imprisonment,  when  first  consigned  to  Lochleven  Castle,  was  most 
 rigorous,  and  was  rendered  more  harassing  by  the  insolent  and  domineer- 
 ing conduct  of  "  Lady  Lochleven."  Mary  wrote  to  Catherine  de  ]Medici 
 — "  I  am  so  closely  watched  that  I  have  no  leisure  but  during  their  dinner, 
 or  when  they  sleep,  that  I  get  up,  for  their  daughters  sleep  with  me." 
 Previously  she  had  written  to  the  Archbishop  of  Glasgow — "  I  have 
 neither  paper  nor  time  to  write  further,  except  to  beg  the  King,  the 
 Queen,  and  my  uncles,  to  burn  my  letters,  for  if  they  know  that  I  have 
 written  it  will  cost  the  lives  of  many,  and  put  more  in  danger,  and  cause 
 me  to  be  confined  more  closely."  But  after  her  first  hiterview  with  the 
 Regent  the  Queen  exerted  those  powers  of  fascination  which  she  remark- 
 ably possessed  to  gain  upon  her  keepers,  and  even  the  severe  temper  of 
 Lady  Lochleven  had  been  mollified  to  kindness.  Whether  the  Regent's 
 mother  really  cherished  some  ambitious  in-oject  in  connection  with  her 
 son  George  Douglas  it  is  impossible  to  say,  but  she  talked  of  ^lary 
 divorcing  Bothwell,  and  had  altogether  become  mild  and  compassionate. 
 — MS.  Letters,  State  Paper  Office,  Drury  to  Cecil,  dated  Berwick,  .'JOth 
 September  156'7,  and  9th  May  156'S,  cited  in  'J'ytler's  History  of  Scotland, 
 vol.  vii.  p.  210.— E.] 
 
 2  [Kinross,  the  county  town  of  the  small  shire  of  its  name,  and  is 
 pleasantly  situated  on  the  north-western  shore  of  Lochleven.  See  the 
 note  on  Lochleven  Castle,  p.  ()42  of  the  ])resent  volume. — E.] 
 
 ^  [After  the  failure  of  Mary's  first  attempt  to  escape  (Jeorge  Douglas 
 was  exi)clled  from  J^ochlevt'U  Castle.  When  the  Regent  was  informed 
 of  the  attair  he  hastened  to  J^ochleven,  but  with  the  e.\cei)tion  of  turning 
 his  half-brother  out  of  the  Castle,  he  considered  it  imnecessary  to  adopt 
 any  measures  to  prevent  a  similar  effort.  The  persons  designated  by 
 Drury  "  one  Sempill  and  one  Beton,"  were  John  Semjiill  of  Belltrees,  wlio 
 married  Mary  Livingstone,  one  of  the  (Queen's  "four  Mary.s"  (see  the 
 note,  p.  559,  5(iO,  of  the  i)resent  vohnne),  and  Sir  .lohn  Beaton  or  Betliune, 
 subsequently  mentioned  by  our  Historian,  brotlier  of  Ai(liliisli(»[i  Fleatmi 
 of  Glasgow,  the  (Queen's  ambassador  ai  Paris. — Iv  1 
 
792  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1568. 
 
 sometime  her  trusty  servants,  and,  as  yet  appeareth,  they 
 mind  lier  no  less  affection. 
 
 "  The  Lord  Fleming,  notwithstanding  he  still  victualleth 
 and  maketh  provision, ^  he  hath  offered  three  personages  of 
 as  great  livehood  as  himself  to  enter  caution  and  surety 
 unto  the  Earl  of  Moray,  that  he  shall  only  hold  the  place 
 at  the  devotion  and  service  of  the  young  King,  and  to  no 
 other.  Which  of  the  wiser  sort  is  judged  but  delay,  and 
 therefore  not  accepted. 
 
 "  William  Leslie  is  still  in  the  Castle  of  Edinburgh,  and 
 hath  been  divers  times  examined  by  the  Secretary,^  the 
 President,^  Mr  James  ^lacgill,  and  Mr  Henry  Balnaves,  but 
 nothing  of  effect  can  be  tried  from  him.  The  writings  that 
 he  had,  as  they  say,  were  of  no  great  consequence,  directed 
 for  the  most  part  from  the  Bishops  of  Glasgow,  Dumblain, 
 and  Kilwinning,^  to  their  friends,  containing  no  notable 
 purpose  ;  nevertheless  he  shall  not  yet  be  set  at  liberty  till 
 he  be  better  tried. 
 
 "  The  Earl  of  Moray  hath,  upon  understanding  of  the 
 two  appointments  past  to  be  frustrated,  sent  Mr  Nicholas 
 Elphinston  into  Teviotdale,  to  Cessford^  and  others,  to  spur 
 them  to  justice  ;  and,  as  seemeth,  he  taketh  their  remissness 
 in  such  good  work  in  very  displeasant  sort,  and  thinks 
 himself  ill  handled  in  particular.*^ 
 
 "  There  hath  suffered  since  the  Earl  of  Moray's  sessions 
 at    Glasgow  six  Lennox  men  ;"  and  the  other  day  one  of 
 
 '   His  Lonlsliip  had  tlio  stronij^  Ciistlo  of  Duubarton  in  keo])iii<^. 
 
 "  [Maitland  of  Lethington. — E.] 
 
 ^  [This  was  the  notorious  Sir  James  Balfour  of  Pittcndriech,  who  had 
 succeeded  William  Baillie  of  Provand  as  Lord  President  of  the  Court  of 
 Session. — E.] 
 
 *  [The  Abbot  of  Kilwinning  is  meant. — E.] 
 
 °  [Elphinestone  was  sent  to  Ker  of  Cessford  and  other  Border  Chiefs 
 on  the  business  specified. — E.] 
 
 •^  By  this  ])art  of  the  letter,  and  the  foregoing  observation  made  by  Sir 
 .lames  Melvil  and  Mr  (leorge  Buchanan,  we  nu\y  easily  collect  that  the 
 remissness  here  complained  of  has  resjjected  some  rigorous  j)roceedings 
 appointed  by  the  Begent,  and  which  the  gentlemen  here  mentioned  have 
 been  averse  from  executing. 
 
 "  Mr  Buchanan,  therefore,  is  in  the  wrong  to  Siiy  that  at  the  first  Court 
 in  (ilasgow  tiu'  Queen  escaped  in  the  month  of  May.  The  Archbishop 
 takes  the  story  from  him  too. —  [Our  Historian  misunderstood  Buchanan 
 and  Archbisho])  Spottiswoode.  'Jhe  former  evidently  mentions  the 
 Hcgent  li(»lding  his  "first  Court,"  or  justiciary  assize,  at  (ilasgow  during 
 
15G8.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  793 
 
 the  Hainiltons  and  Stewarts,  of  purpose  awaiting  one  of  the 
 Sempils,  met  with  liini  upon  the  way,  and  there  killed  him. 
 "  The    Earl   of   Cassils  makes   means  to  come  to   the 
 Kegent,  so  he  might  be  earnestly  sought  unto,  which  the 
 Earl  of  Moray  will  not  grant  unto. 
 
 "  And  thus  I  commit  your  honour  to  the  tuition  of  God. 
 From  Berwick,  this  3d  of  April  loOS. 
 
 "  Your  Honour's  humbly  at  commandment, 
 
 "  William  Dkury/' 
 
 Our  Historians  take  notice  that  about  the  end  of  April, 
 on  the  22di  day  thereof,  arrived  in  this  kingdom  Mons. 
 Beaumont,  ambassador  from  the  King  of  France,  agreeable 
 to  which  date  we  see  that  Cecil  acquaints  Norris  thus,  14th 
 April  15<)8 — "  The  gentleman  that  lately  came  hither, named 
 Mens,  de  Beaumont,  one  of  the  late  disorder-  of  France, 
 passeth  into  Scotland,  which  is  not  much  to  be  liked.''^ 
 Buchanan  informs  us  that  this  French  gentleman  demanded 
 in  the  name  of  the  King  his  master  to  be  allowed  to  visit 
 our  Queen,  and  that  he  threatened  to  be  gone  forthwith  if 
 this  tiling  was  not  granted  him.  To  which  the  Regent 
 should  have  replied.  That  this  lay  not  in  his  power,  but  in 
 theirs  who  had  first  sequestered  the  Queen  and  afterwards 
 approved  the  same  in  Parliament,  but  that  he  promised  to 
 introduce  him  into  an  assembly  of  the  Nobility  on  the  20th 
 day  of  jNIay  ;  and  with  this  answer,  this  author  adds,  the 
 ambassador  seemed  to  be  somewhat  pacified.  But  Craw- 
 ford's MS.  tells  something  more  of  this  matter,-^  namely,  that 
 this  minister  had  a  message  to  the  Regent,  "  desiring  him 
 
 the  time  of  Mary's  ineffectual  attcnij)t  to  escape  on  the  ^oth  of  March,  as 
 he  ininiecliately  afterwards  records  tlie  Queen's  successful  deliverance 
 from  Lochleven.  I'he  "six  Lennox  men"  who  were  executed  at  (Jlasfjow 
 by  command  of  tlie  Re^^ent  belonged  to  the  district  of  Leimox,  in  the 
 county  of  Dunbarton. — K.] 
 
 '  Crawford's  MS. — [Historic  and  Life  of  King  .James  the  Sext,  i)rinted 
 for  the  Uann ATVNE  Club,  j).  22. — K.] 
 
 2  This  is  said  ironically,  for  Sir  James  Melvilh>  calls  him  Kuhiht  of  the 
 Order  of  the  Coekii — an  order  of  Knighthood  of  the  best  esteem  in 
 France. — [Sec  the  note  on  the  "  Order  of  the  Cockle"'  in  p.  ^90  of  the 
 ])resent  volume. — K.] 
 
 3  Cabala. 
 
 *  I  Historic  and  Life  of  King  .lames  the  Sext,  printed  for  the  Hanna- 
 
 TYNE  ClIB,  p.  22.— Iv| 
 
71)4  THE  IIISTOllY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [I0G8. 
 
 to  satisfy  that  his  promise  made  to  the  King  of  France  at 
 liis  departure,  wliieh  was  to  relieve  the  (^ueen  from  prison, 
 and  to  set  her  at  Hberty  ;  and  he  being  constitute  Governour 
 of  the  Reahn,  and  accepting  tlie  same  upon  him,  might 
 sufficiently  perform  the  samen  by  himself,  without  any 
 tumult  or  danger  that  might  ensue  ;  but  he  (the  Regent) 
 carefully  excused  the  matter,  saying  that  he  could  then 
 neither  give  sufficient  answer  thereunto,  neither  could  ho 
 perform  the  same,  without  consent  of  the  three  Estates  of 
 the  Realm  to  be  convened  in  Parliament ;  and  because  there 
 had  been  a  Parliament  so  lately  concluded  before  his  arrival 
 in  Scotland,  he  could  not  goodly  make  a  new  assembly  so 
 suddenly  without  their  grudge  ;  and  thus  shiftingly  post- 
 })oned  the  ambassador,  to  his  great  grief/'  Thus  we  find 
 here  a  heavy  charge  laid  to  the  Regent's  door,  which,  how- 
 ever, must  rest  upon  the  faith  of  the  narrator.  The  two 
 forenamed  authors  do  both  seem  to  agree,  that  the  French 
 ambassador  was  not  allowed  to  see  the  Queen  ;  and  yet 
 Sir  James  IMelvil  says  in  express  words  that  "  he  him- 
 self had  procured  to  this  ambassador  a  sight  of  the  Queen 
 while  captive.''!  I  shall  not  pretend  to  reconcile  these 
 diffi?rent  accounts,  but  proceed  to  narrate  the  great  events 
 which  fell  out  in  a  few  days  after. 
 
 We  have  been  told  already  that  the  Earl  of  Moray  had 
 been  advertised  of  an  intention  to  fetch  the  Queen  out  of 
 I)rison,  and  of  an  attempt  which  had  likewise  been  made 
 for  that  end,  which,  notwithstanding,  did  at  that  time  prove 
 unsuccessful.  We  find  also  that  upon  account  of  the  late 
 attempt  G-eorge  Douglas,  brother  to  the  Regent,  a  young 
 lad  not  yet  eighteen  years  of  age,  had  been  put  out  of  the 
 (.'astle  of  Lochleven,  thereby  to  extinguish  all  hopes  of  a 
 future  escape;  yet  this  young  gentleman  having  been  heartily 
 
 '  I  Bishop  Keith  is  hero  in  error  rcsppctinj^  Sir  .Tamos  MelviHo,  though 
 lie  (juotcs  from  tlu?  iiiterjiohited  edition  of  his  "  Memoirs"  edited  by  (leor^H* 
 Bcott  (p.  fM)).  Sir  .James  Melville  simi)ly  states  tliat  he  "  convoyed"  the 
 French  ambassador  to  (lliis<,'ow,  and  his  words — "  had  jn-ocured  to  him 
 a  si^'ht  of  the  Queen  while  captive,"  evidently  mean  that  he  would  exert 
 his  influence  with  the  I{e;,'ent  to  allow  the  ambassador  to  have  an  inter- 
 view with  the  Queen.  This  is  proved  by  the  statement  in  tl»c  geuuhie 
 MS.,  in  which  the  words  are — *^  And  jtrocund  that  he  mycht  ncc  the  Qitfnt 
 raptifvc  hi  ?•«/»."—  Sir  .Tames  Melville's  Memoirs  of  his  own  Life,  jnintcd 
 for  the  IJannatyne  Clvh,  p.  200. — K-l 
 
1568.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  795 
 
 engaged  to  procure  the  Queen's  release,  eitlier  from  the 
 motive  of  compassion  or  interest^  or  perhaps  both,i  had  so 
 far  prevailed  with  the  Queen's  keepers  and  other  servants 
 about  the  house,  that  while  his  mother,  brother,  &c.  were 
 sitting  at  supper,  about  seven  of  the  clock  in  the  evening  of 
 the  second  day  of  May,  being  Sunday,  her  Majesty,  together 
 with  one  waiting  maid,  got  safely  out  of  her  place  of  confine- 
 ment into  a  small  boat,  which  was  rowed  to  the  shore  by 
 the  said  George  Douglas.2 
 
 *  [It  is  severally  said  of  George  Douglas — "  But  as  the  exceiding  hunger 
 of  gold  had  before  tymis  intoxicat  tlie  harts  of  dyvers  valiant  men,  so 
 this  George  was  verie  loth  to  want  the  benefite  thereof — a  fatall  fanune 
 appearantlie  in  that  clan  (Douglas).  Foraltho'  the  eldest  brother  obtenit 
 na  benefite  of  this  libertie,  broclit  to  passbesyde  (without)  his  knawledge, 
 yet  within  sliort  tynie  therefter  he  recompansit  that  loss  with  the  selling 
 of  the  Noble  Krle  of  Northumberland  to  the  schambles,  and  the  Erie  of 
 Mortoun  and  he  devydit  the  pelf  aniang  them,  so  as  it  is  hard  to  tell  who 
 of  thir  three  had  either  the  greatest  honour  or  profit  in  sic  doings." — 
 Historic  and  Life  of  King  James  the  Sext,  i)rinted  for  the  Banxati^e 
 Club,  p.  23.  Chalmers,  however,  is  more  charitable  in  his  estimate  of  the 
 conduct  of  George  Douglas.  Though  expelled  from  Lochleven  Castle 
 after  the  failure  of  the  first  attempt  to  procure  the  Queen's  release — "  yet 
 did  he  persevere  in  his  generous  purpose  of  rescuing  a  captive  Queen, 
 owing  to  whatever  motive  of  interest,  or  commiseration,  or  attachment  to 
 an  elegant  Princess  of  five-and-twenty." — Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots, 
 vol.  i.  p.  276.  Lord  llerries  says  that  George  Douglas  was  known  ])y  the 
 soubritiuet  of  Prcttie  Gcordie — "  my  lady's  youngest  sone,"  and  that  he 
 "  made  none  but  the  Lord  Seatoune  privie  to  his  device."  His  Lordship 
 farther  observes — "  The  Queen  herselfe  was  the  princijial  instrument  of 
 her  own  release." — Ilistorie  of  the  Reigne  of  King  James  the  Sixth, 
 printed  for  the  Abbotsford  Club,  p.  101. — E.] 
 
 ^  Here  Blackwood  tells  somewhat  that  differs  from  our  otlier  historians, 
 viz.  that  "  George  Doiiglas, uterine  brother  to  tlie  Regent,  commiserating 
 the  Queen's  misfortunes,  prevailed  with  some  of  her  keepers  to  favour  her 
 escape,  and  among  tlie  rest,  one  William  Douglas,  a  young  lad  about  six- 
 teen or  seventeen  years  of  age,  who  stole  out  the  keys  of  the  Castle  that 
 were  lying  on  the  table  while  the  Laird  of  Lochleven  was  at  supper  ;  that 
 with  these  he  locked  the  gates  behind  him,  and  tliereafter  conveyed 
 tlie  Queen  by  boat  to  the  shore."  Calderwood's  IMS.  calls  this  AVilliaui 
 Douglas  the  Laird's  bastard  brotlier. — [See  "  Martyre  de  la  Royne 
 d'Escosse  Dovairiere  de  France,"  by  Blackwood,  12ino.  15b8,  p.  170,  171  ; 
 Calderwood's  ilistorie  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  })rinted  for  the  Wodrow 
 Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  40.'^  Our  Historian  was  evidently  not  aware  that 
 Calderwood  calls  this  William  Douglas  the  LainCs  bastard  brutlar  merely 
 by  report,  adding  that  lie  was  "  in  truth  a  foundling,  and  no  Douglas." 
 It  is  evident  that  he  could  not  have  boi'U  the  "  Laird's  liastard  brotlier," 
 and  at  that  time  a  lad  of  sixteen  or  seventeen,  for  Sir  Rolnrt  Douglas,  the 
 Laird's  fatlier,  fell  at  the  battle  of  Pinkie,  in  lo47,  twenty-oiu>  years 
 jirevious.     'I'his  William  Douglas  wixa  apparently  an  orphan  boy  who  had 
 
JOG  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1567. 
 
 "  The  rest  of  the  Queen  s  liberty^  was  performed  by  a 
 
 been  brouf^ht  up  in  the  Castle,  and  waited  on  "  Lady  Lochleven"  in  the 
 capacity  of  a  \)arrc.  He  was  afterwards,  from  his  small  stature,  known  by 
 the  appellation  of  Little  Doufjlas. — Chalmers'  Life  of  Mary  Queen  of  Scots, 
 vol.  i.  p.  275.  The  part  which  George  Douglas  sustained  in  the  Queen's 
 escape  is  not  very  clear..  Bishop  Keith  says  that  Mary  "  was  rowed  to  the 
 shore  by  George  Douglas,  who,  we  have  seen,  had  been  expelled  from 
 Lochleven  Castle  after  the  attempt  of  the  2.3th  of  March  by  the  command 
 of  his  half-brother  the  Regent  and  of  his  brother  the  Laird  of  Lochleven. 
 Calderwood  states  that  he  loitered  at  Kinross,  at  "  the  Loch  side,  and  had 
 uo  less  intelligence  than  before"— that  he  maintained  a  constant  com- 
 munication with  William  Douglas,  the  page  in  the  Castle— and  that  when 
 the  Queen  was  rowed  to  the  shore  she  was  received  by  George  Douglas 
 (Historic,  printed  for  the  AVodrow  Society,  vol.  ii.  p.  403,  404).  This  is 
 also  Mr  Tytler's  account  (History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  212).  Lord 
 Ilerries  says  that  the  Queen  was  landed  in  a  "  boat  which  George  had 
 reddie,"  thus  intimating  that  the  foundling  page  had  rowed  the  Queen, 
 which,  however,  was  a  matter  of  no  great  difficulty,  as  the  island  even  at 
 that  time  was  not  far  from  the  shore  of  the  lake.— Historic  of  the  Keigne 
 of  King  James  the  Sext  by  Lord  Herrics,  printed  for  the  Abbotsford 
 Club,  p.  191.  On  the  other  hand  Sir  James  Melville  says—"  The  Queen 
 was  conveyed  out  of  Lochleven  by  George  Douglas,  the  Laird's  brother 
 and  the  Kegent's  half-brother,  who  was  for  the  tyme  in  some  evill  termes 
 with  them."— Memoirs,  printed  for  the  Baxnatyne  Club, p.  199.  The  con- 
 temporary diarist  also  states — "  Our  Souerane  Ladie  being  in  captivitie  in 
 the  Castell  of  Lochleven,  was  delyverit  thairfra  throw  the  helpe  and 
 convoy  of  George  Douglas,  broder  to  the  Laird  of  Lochleven. — The  con- 
 voyars  of  the  Queen's  CJrace  furth  of  captivitie  were  George  Dowglas 
 foirsaid  (and)  ane  boy  callit  Crawfurde."— Diurnal  of  Remarkable  Occur- 
 rents  in  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Baxxatyne  Club,  p.  129.  It  is  curious 
 to  find  the  Regent's  mother  accused  of  conniving  at  the  Queen's  escape. 
 "  The  auld  Lady  his  mother,"  says  Sir  James  Melville,  "  was  also  thocht 
 to  be  upoun  the  consaill."  Calderwood  states  that  CJeorge  Douglas  under- 
 took to  "  work  the  Queen's  libertie  not  icithoiit  knmchdye  of  his  mother;" 
 and  Buchanan  alleges  that  it  was  done  "  not  without  the  consent  of  his 
 mother,  as  was  verily  thought." — E.] 
 
 1  Crawford's  MS. — [Historic  and  Life  of  King  James  the  Sext,  printed 
 for  the  Baxxatyne  C^lub,  p.  24.  This  account  of  the  Queen's  escai)e 
 from  Lochleven  by  our  Historian  is  very  meagre.  The  following  is  Mr 
 Tytler's  animated  narrative.  After  mentioning  that  Little  iJuu^/las,  the 
 page,  had  undertaken  the  Queen's  liberation,  Mr  Ty tier  proceeds — "On 
 the  evening  of  the  2d  of  May  this  youth,  in  placing  a  jdate  before  the 
 castellan,  contrived  to  drop  his  luipkin  over  the  key  of  the  gate  of  the 
 Castle,  and  carried  it  off  unperceived.  He  hastened  to  the  Queen,  and 
 hurrving  down  to  the  outer-gate  they  threw  themselves  into  the  little 
 boat  which  lay  there  for  the  service  of  the  garrison.  At  that  moment 
 Lord  Seton  and  some  of  her  friends  were  intently  observing  the  Castle 
 from  their  concealment  on  a  neighbouring  hill  ;  a  party  waited  in  the 
 village  below  ;  while,  nearer  still,  a  man  lay  Matching  on  the  brink  of  the 
 lake.  They  could  see  a  female  figure  with  two  attendants  glide  swiftly 
 from  the  outer  gate.     It   was  Mary  herself,  who  breathless  with  delight 
 
15G8.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IX  SCOTLAND. 
 
 iV( 
 
 gentleman  called  John  Bethime,!  who  passed  oftentimes 
 betwixt  Lochleven,  Hamilton,  and  Seton,  with  intelligence ; 
 and  so  when  as  all  things  were  perfectly  and  privily  agreed 
 upon  within  the  house,  there  was  a  certain  day  prefixed  to 
 George  Lord  Seton,  James  Hamilton  of  Rochbank,  either 
 of  them  having  several  companies  to  attend  upon  her  out- 
 
 and  anxiety  s[)ruiig  into  the  Ijoat,  holding  a  little  f^irl,  one  of  her  maidens, 
 by  the  hand,  while  the  page,  by  locking  the  gate  behind  them,  prevented 
 immediate  pursuit.  In  a  moment  her  white  veil  with  its  broad  red  fringe, 
 the  concerted  signal  of  success,  was  seen  glancing  in  the  sun  ;  the  sign 
 was  recognized  and  communicated  ;  the  little  boat,  rowed  by  the  page 
 and  the  Queen  herself,  touched  the  shore  ;  and  Mary,  springing  out  with 
 the  lightness  of  recovered  freedom,  was  received  first  by  fJeorge  Douglas, 
 and  almost  instantly  after  by  Lord  Seton  and  his  friends."—  History  of 
 Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  211,  212.  The  contemporary  diarist  states  that  in 
 addition  to  Lord  Seton  and  George  Douglas,  the  persons  waiting  to 
 "  convoy"  the  Queen,  were  Alexander  Hepburn  of  Whitsone,  James 
 Hamilton  of  Rochbank,  Sir  John  Bethune,  or  Beaton,  Archbishop 
 Beaton's  brother,  and  their  "  partakaris,"  the  number  of  whom  lie 
 leaves  unspecified. — Diurnal  of  Remarkable  Occurrents  in  Scotland, 
 printed  for  the  Banxatyne  Club,  p.  129.  Lord  Ilerries  merely  asserts 
 that  on  the  other  side  of  the  lake  Lord  Seton  and  a  "  great  conven- 
 tion of  gentlemen"  were  in  attendance.  It  is  traditionally  stated  that 
 as  soon  as  the  Queen's  flight  was  discovered  a  shot  was  fired  from 
 the  Castle  in  the  direction  of  the  boat,  which  fortunately  missed  the 
 Queen  and  her  companions.  The  page  threw  the  keys  of  the  Castle 
 into  the  water,  and  they  lay  in  the  bed  of  Lochleven  till  1805,  when 
 they  were  found  by  a  boy  wading  on  the  brink  of  the  lake,  at  the 
 close  of  a  very  dry  autumn  when  the  water  was  uncommonly  low.  The 
 keys  were  covered  with  rust,  and  fiistened  by  an  iron  ring  which  mouldered 
 when  rubbed  by  the  hand.  The  boy  carried  them  to  Mr  John  Taylor, 
 pai'ochial  schoolmaster  of  Kinross,  who  sent  them  to  George  sixteenth 
 Karl  of  Morton,  Heritable  Keeper  of  Lochleven.  His  Lordship  gene- 
 rously rewarded  both  the  finder  and  the  schoolmaster,  and  sent  L.5  to  the 
 poor.  The  keys  of  Lochleven  Castle  are  now  in  the  Museum  of  the 
 Antiquarian  Society  in  I'dinburgh.  The  spot  where  the  Queen  landed  is 
 on  the  south  side  of  the  lake,  and  is  still  known  as  Mari/'s  Knoice.  At  the 
 east  end  of  the  adjoining  parish  of  Cleisli,  near  the  village  of  Gairney, 
 the  late  Right  Hon.  William  Adam,  Lord  Chief  Commissioner  of  tlie 
 Jury  Court  in  Scotland,  inserted  a  stone  in  the  bridge  over  the  Gairney 
 rivulet  which  falls  into  Lochleven,  with  an  inscription  marking  the  route 
 by  which  .Mary  fled  with  her  friends  after  her  escajjo,  and  in  the  adjacent 
 pleasure-grounds  of  Blair- Adam  are  the  Keiry  Crags,  a  most  ronumtic  spot 
 immortalized  in  Thk  Aimjot  as  the  houXf  of  John  Auchtennuchty  the 
 carrier. — Iv] 
 
 '  He  had  the  title  of  Pitlorhie,  anil  was  a  near  relation  of  the  Familv  of 
 Balfour.  I  have  seen  his  picture  in  that  house,  and  he  wears  the  ensiirns 
 of  the  Knights  of  the  Thistle.— [Pitlochie  is  in  the  pari.sh  of  Strathmiglo, 
 county  of  l-'ife,  bc'tween  Kinross  niul  Anrhtermurlity. —  K. ) 
 
798  THE  iiisTORy  of  the  affairs  [1oG8. 
 
 coming  ;  and  if  slic  should  happen  to  be  within  the  boat 
 she  should  give  a  sign  unto  them  for  thoir  assurance,  wliich 
 was  presently  performed  when  she  was  coming  to  the  land. 
 
 They  horsed  her  with  gladness and  the  C^ueen  was  first 
 
 conveyed  to  Niddry  (in  West- Lothian,)!  my  Lord  Seton''s 
 house,  that  niglit,  and  within  three  hours  thereafter  was 
 transported  to  Hamilton."  Whither  repaired  upon  the 
 joyful  news  of  her  escape  the  Earls  of  Argile,  Cassils,  Rothes 
 and  Eglinton ;  the  Lords  Somervel,  Yester,  Livingston, 
 Borthwick,  Ilerries,  Maxwell,  Sanquhair,  Ross,  Fleming ; 
 and  many  other  Barons  and  gentlemen,  who  together  with 
 their  friends  and  attendants,  and  other  incomers,  made  up 
 an  army  very  quickly  of  about  G,000  men.  Certain  it  is 
 that  the  French  ambassador,  having  gone  to  wait  on  the 
 Queen  at  Hamilton,  did  confess  that  he  had  never  seen  so 
 many  men  so  suddenly  convened. ^  The  news  of  her 
 Majesty'*s  escape  was,  on  the  first  report,  not  credited  in 
 Glasgow,  where  the  Regent  then  was  holding  a  justice-court; 
 but  in  a  few  hours  there  was  no  room  left  for  hesitation. 
 
 ^  [Niddrie  Castle  in  the  Linlithgowshire  part  of  Kirkliston  parish,  is  a 
 large  massive  square  tower  several  storeys  higli,  and  tlio  walls  of  great 
 thickness,  although  it  is  tolerably  entire,  and  is  a  striking  memorial  in 
 that  district  of  baronial  desolation,  surroiuided  by  gloomy  plantations  and 
 old  trees,  in  tlie  immediate  vicinity  of  the  Union  Canal  and  of  the  Edin- 
 burgh and  (ilasgow  Railway.  In  the  time  of  Qut'cn  Mary  this  Castle  was 
 the  property  of  Lord  Seton,  but  it  has  long  been  in  the  possession  of  the 
 Earls  of  JIo})etoun,  who  since  1814  are  Barons  Niddrie  of  Niddrie  Castle 
 in  the  Peerage  of  (Ireat  Britain.  This  was  the  first  place  at  which  Mary 
 rested  after  lier  esca])e  from  Lochleven,  and  she  reached  it  by  the  Queens- 
 ferry.  Here  she  wrote  a  hurried  despatch  to  France,  and  sent  Hepburn 
 of  Riccarton  to  Dunbar  to  obtain  possession  of  the  Ciistle  in  her  name, 
 after  which  she  commanded  him  to  proceed  to  Denmark,  and  convey  to  his 
 master  Bothwcll  tlie  tidings  of  her  deliverance  (MS.  Letters,  State-Paper 
 Office,  cited  in  Ty  tier's  History  of  Scotland,  vol.  vii.  p.  212).  As  the  Queen 
 intended  to  proceed  towards  Hamilton,  Niddrie  Castle  was  in  a  tolerably 
 direct  route.  Mary  must  have  arrived  at  the  Castle  very  late,  when  it  is 
 recollected  that  it  wa.s  nearly  eight  in  the  evening  before  she  escaped  from 
 Lochleven,  and  that  the  direct  distance  between  it  and  Niddrie,  including 
 the  crossing  of  the  Frith  of  Forth  at  the  Queensferry  is  jjrobably  eighteen 
 miles.  If  Mary  literally  rested  only  three  hours  in  Niddrie  Castle,  and 
 then  mounted  on  horseback  to  join  her  adherents  of  the  House  of 
 Hamilton,  she  must  have  arrived  comiiletely  exhausted,  as  she  had  to 
 ride  probably  upwards  of  twenty  miles,  and  long  after  her  time  tlie  roads 
 were  in  the  most  wretched  condition. —  1^.] 
 
 '^  Melvil's  >remoirs.— I  Edited  by  Scott,  folio,  p.  DO  ;  Memoirs  of  his  own 
 Life,  printed  for  the  Bannatynk  Cllb,  p.  200.— I'.) 
 
15G8.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  799 
 
 And  then  a  strange  alteration  might  have  been  discerned  in 
 the  minds  and  faces  of  a  great  many.  Some  slipt  privately 
 away  ;  others  sent  quietly  to  beg  the  Queen's  pardon  ;  and 
 not  a  few  went  publickly  over  to  her  Majesty,  insomuch  that 
 the  Regent  was  advised  by  his  friends  to  leave  the  city  of 
 Glasgow,  which  is  within  eight  miles  of  Hamilton,!  and  retire 
 to  the  town  of  Stirling,  where  he  would  be  in  greater  security 
 until  he  might  gather  some  forces  about  him.  But  this 
 advice  his  Lordship  prudently,  rejected  upon  the  account 
 that  his  retreat  woukl  be  interpreted  a  flight,  and  would 
 thereby  discourage  his  friends,  and  strengthen  his  enemies. 
 The  particular  reasons,  both /or  and  against  the  Regent's 
 withdrawing  to  Stirling,  as  they  were  proposed  in  his 
 Council,  may  be  seen  set  down  by  Mr  Buchanan.^ 
 
 The  first  step  taken  by  the  Queen  was  to  send  a  message 
 to  the  Earl  of  Moray,  desiring  him  to  desist  from  his 
 Regency,  and  to  repone  her  Majesty  in  her  just  government, 
 which  thing  that  Earl  simply  refused  to  comply  with. 
 Whereupon  the  Queen  finding  herself  now  at  liberty,  and  so 
 many  Lords  and  gentlemen  about  her,  declared  in  presence 
 of  them  all  that  the  Writs  which  she  had  subscribed  in  the 
 prison  at  Lochleven,  bearing  her  resignation  of  the  Crown, 
 &c.  were  all  extorted  from  her  by  fear,  and  this  declaration 
 she  supported  by  the  testimony  of  Robert  I\Ielvil,  now  pre- 
 sent at  Hamilton,  and  who  had  been  with  her  in  Lochleven 
 about  the  time  these  Writs  were  subscribed,  and  of  certain 
 others,  and  therefore  a  sentence  was  pronounced  by  the  great 
 men  now  with  the  (Juecn,  importing  that  the  Resignation, 
 &c.  extorted  from  her  Majesty  imder  her  fears  in  prison, 
 was  ipso  facto  null  and  void,  of  which  the  Queen's  oath  was 
 a  sufficient  confirmation.'^     The  issue  of  the  Earl  of  ^loray's 
 
 '  rilamiltoii  is  cloven  English  miles  from  (Jlasgow. — E.] 
 -  [llistoria    Itorinn    Scoticanun,   original   edit.   Edin.    1582,  fol.  22.')  ; 
 Translation,  Edin.  edit.  17')2,  vol.ii.  p.  359. — E.] 
 
 ^  Sir  James  Melvil  acknowledges  the  French  ambass;idor  "  dealt 
 between  the  parties  for  peace,  hut  Wius  not  heard."  And  I  suppose  this 
 genleman's  authority,  who  w;us  now  present  with  the  Hegent,  is  preferable 
 to  Mr  Ihichanan's,  who  had  his  accounts  most  ]>robahly  l)v  hearsay  only. 
 — [Sir. James  Melville's  Memoirs,  folio,  p  .%  ;  Menu)irs  of  his  own  Life, 
 printed  for  the  Uannatv.ne  Cliu,  p.  200.  Ikichanan  alleges  that  the 
 French  ambassador  behaved  rather  as  a  spy  than  a  jieace-maker,  though 
 he  pretended  to  be  the  latter. —  llistoria,  original  edit.  Edin.  15S2,  fol. 225  ; 
 Translation,  vol.  ii.  p.  ;}.")•».— E.  j 
 
800  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1508. 
 
 doniiil  to  repone  the  (iuoen,  and  of  her  Majesty's  declara- 
 tion, and  sentence  of  the  Lords  tliereupon,  was  a  hasty 
 preparation  for  war,  for  levying  whereof  Proclamations 
 were  emitted  by  both  sides  ;'^  and  the  Queen  sent  John 
 Betliiine  into  England  and  France  to  give  notice  of  her 
 escape  out  of  prison,  and  to  solicit  succour  from  these 
 Princes  in  her  behalf.2  But  before  we  advance  to  the 
 narration  of  what  followed  very  quickly,  even  before  this 
 gentleman  might  be  got  into  France,  it  is  proper  to  cast 
 our  eyes  on  the  following  letters,  viz. — 
 
 ^  Crawford's  MS.  mentions  the  Queen's  Proclamations  to  have  been 
 published  at  Hamilton,  Lanark,  and  some  other  capital  burrows,  but  I 
 can  no  where  see  a  copy  of  these  Proclamations.  But  of  the  Regent's 
 Proclamations  we  have  not  only  a  copy  preserved  by  Sir  William  Drury, 
 but  a  more  authentick  one  in  the  Registers  of  Privy  Council,  which  the 
 readers  will  find  in  the  Appendix,  Number  XXVI. — [Ilistorie  and  Life 
 of  King  James  the  Sext,  printed  for  the  Baxnatyne  Club,  p.  2.5. — E.] 
 
 ^  Sir  William  Cecil  to  Sir  Henry  N orris,  16th  May  1568— "  Sir,  By 
 the  Queen's  Majesty's  letter  you  may  perceive  what  is  her  pleasure  at  this 
 time.  Beaton  is  passing  thither  (into  France)  so  as  I  think  he  will  be  at 
 the  Court  before  the  coming  of  this  bearer.  In  your  speaking  witli  the 
 King,  you  may  not  by  your  si)eech  seem  to  utter  that  you  know  of  Beaton's 
 coming  for  aid  there,  upon  advertisement  given  from  hence  ;  for  he  being 
 advised  not  to  seek  aid  there,  and  promised  aid  here  for  his  mistress,  hath 
 in  words  allowed  thereof,  and  sheAveth  that  he  will  forbear  to  require  aid 
 from  thence,  and  will  only  but  notify  the  Queen's  liberty.  But  yet 
 surely  I  am  not  bound  to  believe  him  ;  but  he  hath  required  us  here  to 
 say  nothing  of  that  which  he  at  his  first  coming  told  us.  That  the  Queen, 
 his  mistress,  sent  him  to  France  to  rtMiuire  aid  of  one  thousand  harque- 
 busiers  and  a  sum  of  money,  with  some  ordnance.  Wherefore,  except 
 you  shall  learn  there  that  he  demandeth  aid,  you  shall  not  speak  tliereof ; 
 but  if  he  do,  then  shall  ye  do  well  to  make  mention  thereof  to  tlie  King." 
 —Cabala. 
 
 Upon  Mr  Bethune's  arrival  at  the  Court  of  England,  that  Queen  caused 
 immediately  Instructions  to  be  drawn  up  in  order  to  be  sent  into  Scotland, 
 as  an  answer  to  our  Queen's  message  by  Bethune  ;  but  the  misfortune  of 
 our  Queen,  which  followed  so  quickly,  hindred  Mr  Leighton  from  coming 
 Inthcr  with  the  Instructions.  However,  I  have  thought  it  not  amiss  to 
 lay  these  Instructions  here  before  the  readers  for  their  more  ample  satis- 
 faction, viz.  Justruftlous  ijlvcn  to  Mr  Thomas  Liiyldon,  sent  into  Scotland 
 by  the  Queen  of  ICiujland  in  Mai/  1568  ;— "  You  shall  make  your  rei)aire 
 witli  our  lettres  to  the  Queene  of  Scotts  our  good  sister,  and  shall  deliver 
 to  her  our  lettre  ;  and,  with  our  most  heartie  commendations,  use  such 
 speech  as  shall  l)e  meetest  to  express  our  rejoiceing  for  her  delivery  out 
 of  the  captivitie  wherein  she  wjis.  Jtnn,  You  shall  declare  to  her,  That 
 upon  the  certayne  knowledge  which  we  had  of  her  delivery,  by  her  owne 
 lettres  sent  by  her  servant  Mr  Betton,  and  l)y  his  report,  we  did  at  length 
 conferr  with  him  upon  her  estate  ;  and,  upon  his  messages  to  us  commu- 
 
loG8.] 
 
 OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  801 
 
 Letter  from  Sir  William  Drury  to  Sir  William  Cecil, 
 m  May  I0G8. 
 
 "  It  may  please  your  Honour,  since  the  dispatch  of  my 
 
 nicated,  we  did  determine  thus  to  proceed.     FW.t^  with  all  speed  to  seud 
 to  understand  of  her  state,  and  according  to  the  same  to  will  you,  if  she 
 should  so  like  thereof,  to  charge  her  subjects  to  subinitt  themselfs  to  her 
 as  naturall  subjects  ought  to  doe  ;  and  if  they  would  not  conforme  them- 
 selfs thereto,  to  let  them  plainly  understand  that  for  our  part  she  should 
 not  want  for  her  relief  the  assistance  of  that  power  which  God  hath  given 
 to  us.   And  so  you  nuiy  assure,  we  nieane  to  give  her  aid,  and  have  sent  you 
 sjjecially  to  understand  whether  she  will  content  herself  to  stand  to  our 
 ordor  in  the  composition  of  the  controversies  betwixt  her  and  her  subjects, 
 without  sending,  soliciting,  or  receiveing  of  any  foraigne  power  from 
 France  for  this  purpose  ;  which,  if  she  will  do,  she  shall  be  then  assured 
 that  we  will  have  the  principall  regard  to  her  state,  so  as  her  subjects 
 may  be  reduced  to  acknowledge  their  duties  without  shedding  of  blood 
 or  trouble  of  lier  Kealme.     And  if  they  will  not  yield  to  reason  by  treaty 
 or  perswasion,  we  will  give  to  her  such  aid  as  shall  be  requisite  to  compell 
 them.     And  if  the  Queene,  our  good  sister,  shall  like  of  this  manner  in 
 our  proceeding,  you  shall  offer  to  her  in  our  name  also  to  resort  to  her 
 contrarie  i)artie,  and  to  understand  of  them  whether  they  can  be  content 
 to  be  advised  and  ruled  ])y  us  in  all  matters  stirred  up  betwixt  the  Queene 
 and  them  ;  which  if  they  will,  upon  knowledge  thereof  be  you,  we  will 
 speedily  send  some  honourable  personages  of  wisdome  and  credite  in  that 
 Kealme  to  attend  iipon  her  where  she  will  assigne  them,  and  to  treat 
 betwixt  her  and  her  subjects,  and  procure  such  an  Accord  as  shall  stand 
 with  her  honour  and  be  profitable  for  her  country.     And  as  she  shall  like 
 hereof,  so  we  will  that  you  shall  repair  to  the  other  partie  ;  and  haveing 
 delivered  to  the  Erie  of  Moray  our  lettres  of  credence,  you  shall  shew  him 
 the  cause  of  our  sending  of  you  thither,  and  move  him  with  others  com- 
 byned  with  him,  to  be  content  to  compromitt  their  whole  controversies  to 
 us,  with  such  reasons  as  are  meete  to  assure  him  of  our  principall  inten- 
 tion to  conserve  that  Realrae  from  furtlier  danger  by  this  civill  war  ;  in 
 whom,  if  you  find  conformity,  you  shall  let  both  the  Queene  and  them 
 understand  tluit  we  will  not  faile,  but  send  such  an  anibassade  as  we  tnist 
 shall  satisfie  all  partes  ;  and  in  the  meantime  we  think  it  good  that  all 
 force  do  cease  on  both  partes,  and  no  new  collection  of  power.     And  so 
 for  that  purpose  you  shall  make  heast  to  returne.     You  shall  also  sale  to 
 the  Queene  of  Scotts,  'J'hat  the  causes  why  we  speciallie  require  that  wo 
 may  deale  in  this  great  matter  betwixt  her  and  her  sul)jects,  are  many. 
 The. ///•.•</,  Hecause  we  are,  of  all  other  Princes,  the  next  to  her  both  in 
 blood  and  neiglibourhood.     The  second  is,  Because  we  are  most  interested 
 to  do  it  for  the  opinion  we  have  of  our  subjects,  that  either  they  will  be 
 advised  by  us,  or  that  we  liave  most  commoditie  to  compell  them   by 
 reason  of  our  nearness  to  them  by  land,  without  lett  of  sea.     Tiu'  Ini^f  is. 
 We  see  evidently  that,  if  the  Queene,  being  offered  ours,  and  will  soUicite 
 the  aide  of  France  to  bring  in  men  of  warre  into  f?cotland,  and  that  they 
 shall  come  tliither,  wo  must  needs  conclude,  that  under  pretence  of  aiding 
 of  lu'r,  the  principall  intention  shall  be  to  renew  old  (juarrelsand  troubhvs 
 betwixt  lis  and  France,  and  also  betwixt  us  and  Scotland.     Upon  which 
 vol,.  II.  51 
 
802  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G8. 
 
 last  I  cannot  hear  of  any  more,  tlian  tliat  the  Queen  con- 
 tinued still  at  Draffen^  among  the  Hamiltons,  and  all  the 
 dependers  thereupon.  She  came  thither  accompanied  with 
 threescore  horse,  or  somewhat  more,  and   now  increaseth. 
 
 weighty  considerations  we  have  made  this  choice,  upon  our  own  charges 
 to  procure  to  that  Queene  the  restitution  of  her  estate  and  the  obedience 
 of  lier  subjects.  Wliich  offer  if  she  shall  refuse,  you  may  say  she  shall  be 
 very  sorry  for  that  we  shall  be  moved  to  alter  our  mind  contrary  to  our 
 naturall  desire ;  and  so,  as  you  shall  find  cause,  we  would  have  you  to 
 returne  with  speede." — Calig.  C.  1.  a  Copy.  If  the  readers  think  by  the 
 latter  })art  of  these  Instructions  especially,  that  there  appears  to  be  some 
 alteration  in  the  Queen  of  England,  they  may  observe  that  these  Instruc- 
 tions are  said  to  be  drawn  by  Secretary  Cecil  in  the  place  here  referred 
 to  ;  and  they  will  there  likewise  find  another  paper,  intituled  "  Con- 
 siderations upon  the  Troubles  in  Scotland,  when  Mr  Thomas  Leighton 
 was  sent  thither  from  the  Queen  of  England  in  May  loGS,"  &c.  in  Secretary 
 CcciVs  own  hand,  in  which  paper  this  gentleman  forms  a  discussion 
 concerning  the  aiding  of  the  Queen  of  Scots  eitlier  by  English  or  Erench 
 power,  and  seems  inclined  to  keep  our  Queen  at  under  by  all  means 
 whatsoever.     See  also  Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  iv, 
 
 ^  [Draphane  or  Craignethan  Castle,  the  Tillictudlem  of  Old  Mortality, 
 was  one  of  the  strongholds  of  the  Hamiltons  in  the  parish  of  Lesmahago. 
 According  to  tradition  Draphane  Castle  was  erected  by  one  of  the  early 
 ancestors  of  the  House  of  Hamilton,  and  the  strength  of  the  pile  so  much 
 roused  the  suspicions  of  the  Scottish  King,  whose  name,  however,  is  not 
 given,  that  the  builder  was  apprehended  and  executed  on  a  charge  of 
 meditated  rebellion.  The  ruins  occupy  the  summit  of  a  steep  bank 
 encircled  on  the  east  by  the  Nethan  AYater,  which  enters  the  Clyde  nearly 
 two  miles  below,  and  on  the  west  by  a  craggy  torrent.  The  site  is  so  strong 
 that  before  the  invention  of  artillery  the  fortifications  must  have  been 
 almost  impregnable.  A  high  and  solid  wall  of  hewn  stone,  a  considerable 
 part  of  which  is  tolerably  entire,  fianked  with  massive  towers,  and 
 perforated  with  loop-holes  in  all  directions,  surrounded  the  principal 
 building,  or  "  keep,"  enclosing  a  spacious  court-yard,  intersected  with  a 
 deep  moat  faced  on  each  side  of  hewn  stone,  over  which  was  thrown  a 
 draw-bridge,  defended  by  two  parallel  vaults  still  accessible,  but  deeply 
 buried  in  the  rubbish  of  the  moat.  The  Castle  is  much  dilapidated, 
 having  been  used  as  a  quarry  for  the  neighbouring  farm-houses.  Two 
 towers  remain,  crowned  with  hazel,  ash,  hawthorn,  bourtree,  brier,  and 
 rowantree,  and  sufficiently  intimate  the  extraordinary  nnissiveness  of  the 
 structure  when  entire.  It  appears  that  Queen  Mary,  when  she  left  Niddrie 
 Castle  early  on  the  morning  of  the  3d  of  May,  rode  to  Draphane,  while  the 
 rendezvous  of  her  sujjporters  was  at  Hamilton,  nine  or  ten  miles  distant. 
 A  large  vaulted  hall  is  shewn,  called  Quan  Mart/'s  room,  which  she  is 
 said  to  have  occupied  previous  to  the  battle  of  Langside.  Over  tin' 
 entrance  to  the  principal  building  is  a  much  effaced  escutcheon,  contain- 
 ing the  armorial  supporters  of  the  House  of  Hamilton  ;  and  the  arms  of 
 the  Hays,  and  other  families  connected  with,  or  who  had  possession  of, 
 this  Castle,  are  on  vmious  p;ii-ts  of  th<^  walls.  The  whole  is  now  a  most 
 romantic  ruin. — K.] 
 
1568.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  803 
 
 The  Earl  of  Moray,  upon  Tuesday  at  five  hours  after  noon, 
 pubHshed  a  Proclamation  for  the  gathering  of  men,  a  copy 
 whereof  I  send  herewith.  He  is  yet  at  Glasgow,  and  not 
 idle  on  any  side  to  provide  for  the  King's  surety  and  his  own. 
 The  Queen  hath  dispatched  one  of  the  Betons  into  France, 
 or  else  to  our  Court.i 
 
 "  Upon  IMonday,  Dunbar  had  like  to  have  been  surprised; 
 for  at  one  instant  there  arrived  into  the  town  the  Parson  of 
 Auld  Hamstock2  with  a  xx,^  and  as  many  sent  from  the 
 Lord  Hume  ;  but  the  town  more  affected  to  the  Lord  Hume 
 increased  his  strength  so  much,  that  the  Parson  desisted 
 from  his  enterprize,  and  so  returned. 
 
 "  Of  this  reversion  of  the  State  the  March-men^  contrary 
 to  the  Lord  Hume  are  marvellously  glad,  and  in  like  manner 
 the  thieves  of  Teviotdale  our  troublesome  neighbours, 
 and  begin  to  take  courage  hereupon  to  enter  into  their 
 tristes,^  to  enterprise  outrages  against  the  inhabitants  of  this 
 March ;  whereunto  what  vigilant  regard  it  behoved  me  to 
 have  your  Honour  may  suppose,  which  to  my  uttermost 
 shall  be  cared  for.  Howbeit  something  perchance  hindred 
 through  lack  of  money,  whereof  here  is  no  store  for  any  such 
 
 1  [Sir  John  Beaton,  or  Bctlmne,  brother  of  Archbishop  Beaton, 
 previously  mentioned,  p.  797  of  th'o  present  vohime,  as  actively  assisting 
 to  facilitate  the  escape  of  Mary  from  Lochleven.  He  is  mentioned  by 
 Sir  William  Drury  in  a  letter  to  Cecil,  dated  15th  ^May  1568,  as  having 
 passed  through  Berwick,  Beaton  is  said  to  have  carried  a  ring  from 
 Mary  to  Elizabeth,  and  requested  an  asylum  for  her  in  England,  but  it 
 appears  from  the  letter  now  mentioned  that  he  was  sent  by  Mary  before 
 she  could  have  any  intention  of  retiring  from  Scotland. — Wright's  Queen 
 Elizabeth  and  lier  Times,  vol.  i.  p.  271.  Mary's  object  in  deputing  Beaton 
 to  the  English  and  Erench  Courts  was  to  obtain  support. — E.] 
 
 "  [  Properly  (Jldhamstocks,  a  parish  partly  in  the  counties  of  Haddington 
 :ind  lierwick,  bounded  on  the  north-east  by  the  (ierman  Ocean.  The 
 "  ['arson  of  Auld-Ilamstock"  was  named  Hepburn,  and  was  connected 
 with  the  Earl  of  Bothwell.  Ue  is  frequently  mentioned  in  our  Historian's 
 documents  in  the  text. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Apparently  twenty  men,  the  party  lieaded  by  the  Parson  of  Oldham- 
 stocks,  who  attenqjted  to  obtain  possession  of  Dunb.ir  for  the  (^ueiMi,  and 
 wius  unsuccessful.  Mr  Tytlcr  states  that  the  leader  of  this  entirprizc  was 
 Hei)burn  of  Iticcarton,  whoni  the  Queen  had  sent  from  Niddrie  Cjustle  to 
 secure  the  stronghold  of  Dunbar.  Lord  Home  not  only  foiled  him  in 
 his  attempt,  but  kept  the  Merse  Borderers  from  declaring  for  her,  and 
 soon  joined  the  Regent  witli  GOO  men,  m  hile  the  city  of  Edinburgh  sent  a 
 •nuill  force  of  hackbutters.— E.j 
 
 '  I  The  Borderers.— E.]  ^  [Tn/s(s,  ov  mcrthigg.-K.] 
 
804  THE   HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1508, 
 
 extraordinary  chances  ;  wlicreforo,  if  further  occasion  shall 
 appear  where  money  must  be  used,  the  better  to  amayno 
 the  Queen's  service  here  in  such  doubtful  storms  I  shall 
 send  up  my  servant  to  solicite  the  same,  except  your  wisdom 
 shall  think  it  impertinent.  Thus  knowing  nothing  else,  T 
 commit  your  Honour  to  God.  From  Berwick,  this  6th  of 
 May  1568. 
 
 "  Your  Honour's  humble  at  commandment, 
 
 "  William  Drury.'' 
 
 "  This  Proclamation  was  also  proclaimed  at  Haddington 
 and  Laughton  yesterday." — (Though  the  Proclamation  here 
 intended  be  likewise  preserved,  yet  I  chuse,  as  I  said  before, 
 to  omit  inserting  it  here,  and  to  remit  the  readers  to  the 
 more  authentick  copy  in  the  Appendix,  Number  XXVI.) 
 
 "  Another  Letter  from  Sir  William  Drury  to  Sir  William 
 Cecil,  7th  Mayy 
 
 "  It  may  please  your  Honour  :  Seeing  that  hourly  (through 
 these  troubles  thus  reverted  in  Scotland)  matter  is  brought 
 me  worthy  the  imparting,  I  intend,  God  willing,  to  spare  no 
 diligence  to  advertise  the  same  accordingly.  And  now 
 approacheth,  in  mine  opinion,  a  more  dangerous  affliction  of 
 their  State  than  long  before  hath  been  seen  ;  for  besides 
 the  great  preparations  of  forcible  provision  for  mischief  that 
 is  used  on  both  sides,  each  party  voweth  witli  great  passion 
 to  defend  the  quarrel  to  the  last  power  of  resistance. 
 
 *'  The  Queen,  the  day  after  she  came  to  Hamilton,-  where 
 now  she  resteth,  sent  a  gentleman  to  the  Earl  of  Moray  and 
 other  the  Lords,  to  declare  that  she  was  delivered  by  God's 
 providence  out  of  captivity,  and  albeit  she  had  consented 
 to  a  certain  kind  of  approving  their  autliority,  she  was 
 thereunto,  for  defence  of  hcr  life,  compelled  ;  which  now, 
 seeing  God   had   thus  mercifully  relieved   her,   she   desired 
 
 '  C'alin;.  C.  1,  an  Ori^j^inal. —  |  liritislj  Museum. — K.] 
 
 ^  [Mary  had  loft  l)rai)lianoCastlo,  and  proceeded  to  the  rendezvous  of  her 
 sujiimrters  at  Ilaniilton.  It  is  |)rol)alile  that  she  U)dfj:ed  in  the  now  ruined 
 (y'astle  of  C'adzow,  which  is  perched  on  the  summit  of  a  lofty  rock,  nearly 
 2()0  feet  above  the  bed  of  the  Avon,  a  tributary  of  the  Clyde,  and  opposite 
 the  deer  park  and  chateau  of  C'liatelherault  built  about  1730.  The 
 Repent  Moray's  troops  dilajjidated  Cadzow  Castle  after  the  battle  of 
 Langside,  and  it  was  scarcelv  ever  itihabited  afterwards. — K.j 
 
loGS.J  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  805 
 
 them  that  they  would  restore  her  with  quietness  to  her 
 former  dignity  and  estate,  and  she  would  in  like  manner 
 wholly  remit  and  pardon  all  manner  of  actions  committed 
 against  her  honour  or  person.  Whereunto  the  Earl 
 hearkned,  and  sent  one  Patrick  Hume  to  her  Grace,  to 
 know  if  the  same  messenger  and  message  was  sent  by  her 
 order  and  commandment.  But  what  thereof  followed  I  yet 
 know  not. 
 
 "  One  Johnston,  a  pursevant,  being  sent  by  the  Queen 
 to  proclaim  her  royal  estate  again,  was  apprehended  and 
 imprisoned,  with  irons,  at  Glasgow. 
 
 "  There  are  already  four  or  five  field-pieces  of  ordinance 
 coming  to  Glasgow  from  Stirling,  whereby  it  appejireth, 
 though  at  the  first  the  Earl  was  minded  to  retire  to  Stirling, 
 he  is  now  determined  to  stay  in  Glasgow. 
 
 "  The  Earl  of  Mar  hath  sent  unto  him  some  supply  of 
 men,i  and  prepareth  more ;  and  it  is  doubtful  whether  the 
 young  Prince  shall  be  in  the  field,  but  if  he  bo  not,  his  banner 
 shall  be,  under  the  which  they  resolve  themselves  either  to 
 die,  or  to  keep  the  hold  they  have  of  government. 
 
 "  There  were  intercepted  certain  letters  of  the  French 
 Ambassador ;  he  was  licensed  upon  the  5th  hereof  to  go  and 
 speak  with  the  Queen.  The  Lord  Hume  in  these  storms 
 hath  taken  one  course  which  in  no  division  before  he  ever 
 used,  which  is,  to  yield  to  have  conference  with  divers  who 
 have  long  been  his  enemies.  But  whoso  marketh  the 
 necessity  of  the  time,  and  the  sudden  chance  of  these  stirs, 
 may  in  the  greater  part  apply  it  to  his  conmiendation  ;  for 
 he  protesteth  never  to  crave  pardon  as  a  notorious  and  con- 
 temptuous offender,  but  constantly  to  assist  in  holding  that 
 which  godly  order  (as  he  saith)  first  entred  into.  And 
 surely  I  take  it  that  in  case  the  Earl  of  Moray  shall  so  allow, 
 the  greater  part  of  his  intention  will  be  to  expell  all  the 
 EarFs  contraries  out  of  their  own  houses  within  the  Merse, 
 and  therein  to  lodge  his  friends.  Whereby  what  loss  of 
 their  goods  and  spoil  of  their  houses  will  follow,  may  as  a 
 bridle  restrain  their  bodies  to  execute  their  affections. 
 
 "  There  hath  been  some  little  bickering  by  some  of 
 Glasi^ow  arainst  others  favourers  of  Hamilton  ;   but   T  hear 
 
 '   Vi/.  Fioiii  the  Ciu-itli-  of  Stiilin;^',  of  whirli  lu-  was  K'icpci, 
 
800  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1568. 
 
 of  little  harm  thereby  as  yet,  only  that  a  gentleman  named 
 Caldwell  was  apprehended  going  to  the  Queen. 
 
 "  There  are  already  appointed  500  men  to  go  out  of 
 l^linburgh  to  Glasgow  ;  and  those  of  Glasgow  are  stirred 
 with  great  heat  and  choler  to  encounter  with  the  Hamiltons, 
 the  rather  to  acquit  themselves  for  so  sundry  injuries  as 
 have  been  by  the  Hamiltons  inflicted  upon  them ;  and 
 hereto  they  do  much  desire  the  Earl  of  Lenox's  presence 
 amongst  them. 
 
 "  One  thing  may  breed  some  inconvenience,  the  lack  of 
 money,  for  the  which  the  soldiers  use  importunation,  with 
 declaration  that  if  they  be  not  paid  they  stand  doubtful 
 what  to  do. 
 
 "  I  hear  that  George  Douglas,  notwithstanding  his  great 
 merit  for  her  liberty,  is  now  but  little  accounted  of.i 
 
 "  Our  trusty  neighbours  of  Teviotdale  are  holden  occupied 
 only  to  attend  the  pleasures  and  calling  of  their  heads,  to 
 make  some  party  in  this  division. 
 
 "  Your  Honour's  letter  of  the  last  of  April  I  received 
 but  this  present  morning,  wherein  appeareth  how  slow  speed 
 the  post  makes.     From  Berwick  this  7th  of  ^lay  1568. 
 "  Your  Honour's  humble  assured  at  command, 
 
 "  William  Drury." 
 
 It  seems,  I  think,  to  be  acknowledged  on  all  hands  that 
 the  prevailing  intention  of  the  Queen's  friends  now  about 
 her  was  to  have  conducted  and  placed  her  Majesty  in  the 
 strong  fortress  of  Dunbarton,  until  their  other  friends  in  the 
 remoter  parts  of  the  kingdom  had  time  and  opportunity  to 
 
 *  [Mary  was  not  in  a  situation  to  bestow  any  favour  or  honours  on 
 George  Douglas.  She  had  no  money,  and  she  was  even  destitute  of  a 
 humljlc  wardrobe.  The  result  of  the  battle  of  Langside,  and  her  flight 
 into  England,  completely  annihilated  every  intention  of  rewarding  her 
 friends.  Nevertheless  George  Douglas  and  the  foundling  page  "  Little 
 Douglas"  had  i)ensions  from  Mary,  who  never  forgot  their  .services,  and 
 they  both  accompanied  her  to  Carlisle.  In  1571,  the  Queen  wrote  from 
 Sheflield  to  lUizabeth  refpiesting  her  protection  to  George  Douglas,  who 
 was  about  to  proceed  to  Scotland  ;  and  in  July  1575,  after  an  interview 
 with  Mary  as  lie  i)as.sed  through  England,  he  went  to  France  to  ol)tain 
 the  money  or  pension  there  due  to  him,  which  he  received.  In  July 
 1580,  (ieorge  Douglas  wa.s  sent  amba.ssador  to  the  French  Court  by  James 
 VI.,  and  in  July  15S1  the  Queen  wrote  to  liim,  entreating  him  to  induce 
 her  sotj  ojxMily  to  (^^iiouse  their  cause. — E.] 
 
1568.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  807 
 
 come  into  them,  and  by  that  means  they  should  all  together 
 be  in  a  capacity  to  have  estabUshed  her  on  the  throne  again 
 in  a  formal  parliamentary  manner,  or  else  by  the  power  of 
 military  force  ;  and  for  this  purpose  they  began  very  quickly 
 after  the  Queen's  coming  to  Hamilton  to  form  an  association 
 for  mutual  defence  in  favour  of  her  Majesty's  preservation 
 and  rights,  a  copy  whereof  I  suppose  my  readers  will  not 
 be  displeased  to  see  inserted  here. 
 
 The  Bond  of  Nine  Earls,  Nine  Bishops}  Eighteen  Lords,  and 
 
 others,  for  defence  of  the  Queen's  Majesty,  Sth  May  1568.2 
 "  Till  all  and  sindrie  quhome  it  effeiris,  to  quhais  knawlege 
 thir  present  lettcris  sail  cum  ;  we  the  Prelatis,  Erlis,  Lordis, 
 Baronis,  Gentilmen,  and  Burrowis  eftir  specifiet,  having  con- 
 siderit  that  it  has  pleisit  God  Almichtie  of  His  infinite  power 
 to  put  to  libertie  our  Soverane  Lady  the  Quenis  Majestic 
 furth  of  the  handis  of  liir  Hienessis  disobedient  and  unna- 
 turall  subjectis,  quha  have  presumit  and  preisit  themselffis 
 to  hald  hir  maist  nobill  pcrsoun  this  lang  tyme  past,  for 
 thair  awn  preheminence  and  particularities,  menassant  and 
 boistand  frae  tyme  to  tyme  to  tak  hir  Majestie's  lyff  maist 
 unjustlie  from  hir,  express  against  all  luifable  lawis  of  God 
 and  man  :  for  quhilk  His  greit  benefite  grantit  to  us  hir 
 trew  subjectis,  and  delyverance  foirsaid,  we  render  to  Him 
 all  thankis  and  hartie  praise.  And  seeing  alswa  that  it  is 
 the  bounden  dutie  of  all  trew  subjectis  with  thair  bodies, 
 landis,  and  gudis,  to  serve  and  obey  thair  native  Soverane,  in 
 the  quhilk  cais  undoubtedlie  Almichtie  God  hes  gevin  hir 
 Hienes  abufe  us  to  reign,  quhilk  we  maist  earnestlie  pray 
 
 1  [Tlio  enumeration  of  the  "  Nine  Bishops  "  anionj,'  the  si<rnatures  in 
 this  Bond  for  the  defence  of  Queen  Mary  is  most  inaccurate  ;  at  least 
 in  our  Historian's  "Catah)^aie  of  tlie  Scottish  Bishops,"  no  such  Prehites 
 are  recorded  as  "John  Bp.  of  Dunkeld,  Alexander  Bp.  of  Aberdeen," 
 and  "  Robert  Bp.  of  Brechin."  John  Up.  of  the  /sh.f,  and  Jaims  Bp.  of 
 Aryyll,  were  merely  Titulars.  The  former  was  John  C'arswell,  and  the 
 latter  was  James  Hamilton,  brother  of  the  Archbishop  of  St  Andrews, 
 and,  like  him,  an  ilk'<,ntiniat('  brother  of  the  Duke  of  Chateihcrault.  The 
 Archbishop  himself,  John  Lesley,  Bishop  of  Kos.s,  and  ".John  Hejtburn," 
 Bi.shop  of  .Moray,  whose  proper  name,  however,  was  Patrick,  were  Prelates 
 of  the  prostrated  Hierarcliy.  So  wius  Alexander  (Jordon,  Bishop  of 
 (lallow,  but  he  had  become  a  Protestant  preacher.  'Ilie  whole  list  appears 
 to  be  full  of  errors  and  misprints. —  K.] 
 
 -  CiiWfr.  C  1,  a  Copy. — [British  Museum.-  }\.\ 
 
o08  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1508. 
 
 his  Godhead  may  lang  contincw  to  His  glorio,  and  alswa  our 
 warldHc  comfort ;  we  thairfbir,  and  cverie  ane  of  us,  promise 
 and  oblige  us,  in  the  name  of  the  eternall  God,  faythfulHe 
 and  trewhe  upon  our  lawtie  and  honours  in  the  warld,  that 
 we  sail  serve  and  obey  trewlie  our  said  Sovcrane  Lady,  our 
 naturall  Princess,  as  hir  Ilienessis  faythfull  liegis  and 
 subjectis,  against  all  hir  enemies,  and  utheris  hir  Grace's 
 disobedient  and  unnaturall  subjectis,  with  our  bodies,  landis, 
 and  gudis,  friendis,  servandis,  assistants,  and  partakeris,  to 
 the  setting  forward  of  hir  Ilienessis  authoritie,  honour, 
 commonweill  of  our  native  Heahne,  and  liegis  thairof,  unto 
 the  uttermaist  of  our  power  to  our  lyffis  end  :  And  alswa, 
 because  wee  see  the  greit  disobedience  presentlie  pretended 
 against  hir  Grace  and  her  trew  and  obedient  subjectis,  we 
 thairfoir,  in  manner  foirsaid,  binds  and  obliges  us,  and  everie 
 ane  of  us,  trewlie  and  faythfullie  to  tak  ane  trew  and  anefald 
 plain  part  with  utheris  in  defence  of  ourselffis,  bodies,  gudis, 
 landis,  rowms,  possessions,  men,  tennentis,  servandis,  friendis, 
 and  assistaris,  and  in  persuit  of  thame  that  beis  founden 
 disobedient  to  our  said  Soverane  Lady  and  hir  authoritie  ; 
 and  to  that  effect  that  na  distance  nor  grudge  sail  remaine 
 amangis  us,  our  friendis  and  servandis,  for  ony  action  or 
 cause  criminal  or  civil  bipast ;  we  alswa,  be  thir  presentis, 
 refer  all  sic  actionis  and  causis  that  presentlie  is  or  shall 
 happin  heireftir  to  be  amangis  us  to  the  orders  and  com- 
 mandment of  our  said  Soverane  Lady,  or  the  Lordis  of  hir 
 Hienessis  Counsall,  or  ony  three  or  four  of  thame  that  hir 
 Hienes  pleisis  to  command,  to  accept  the  decision  thairof 
 upon  thame :  and  however  thai  decern  thairintill,  we  oblige 
 us  faythfullie  to  stand  and  abyde  thairat,  and  sail  on  nawayis 
 persew  ony  actionis  against  utheris  without  hir  Hienessis 
 licence,  unto  the  tyme  that  hir  Majestic  hald  Parlement, 
 and  be  fullie  cstablissit  in  hir  queenlie  honour  and  obedience; 
 obligeing  ilk  ane  of  us  to  utheris,  bot^  fraud  or  guile,  upon 
 our  lawtics,  honours,  and  fidelities,  and  nevir  to  have  faith 
 nor  credit,  bot  to  bo  reputit  and  haldin  as  opin  and  manifest 
 traitoris,  gif  we  come  in  contrare  the  tenour  of  the  premisses 
 in  ony  sort.  In  witness  of  the  (juhilk  we  and  everie  ane  of 
 us  hes  subscryvit  thir  presentis  witli  our  liand  at    Hamilton 
 
 '    Without. 
 
1568.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  800 
 
 the  audit  day  of  Maij,   tlic  zeir  of  God  aae  thousand  fyve 
 hundred  threscoir  and  aucht  zciris. 
 
 "  Archibald  E.  of  Argile,  (jleorge  E.  of  Huntly,  Hugh 
 E.  of  Eghnton,  David  E.  of  Crawford,  E.  of  Oassils, 
 E.  of  Eothes,  E.  of  Montrose,  E.  of  Sutherland,  E.  of 
 Errol,  Constable.  John  Abp.  of  St  Andrews,  John  Bp. 
 of  Dunkcld,  John  13p.  of  lloss,  Alexander  J3p.  of  Galloway, 
 Alexander  Bp.  of  Aberdeen,  Kobert  Bp.  of  Brechin, 
 John  Bp.  of  the  Isles,  James  Bp.  of  Argile,  John  Bp.  of 
 Moray.  Lords  Fleming,  Livingston,  Seton,  Robert  L.  Boyd, 
 Somervell,  Herries,  Ross,  Maxwell,  Ogilvy,  Oliphant, 
 AVilliam  L.  Borthwick,  Sanchar,  William  L.  Hay  of  Zester, 
 Drunmiond,  Elphinston,  L.  Claud  Hamilton,  Sinclair,  Cair- 
 lieure.i  Abbots,  St  Colni's  Inch,  Lindoris,  Glenluss,  Haly- 
 rood,  New-Abbay,  Dundrennan,  Saulside,  Corse-Regal, 
 Inchafray,  Kelso  ;  Prior  Pluscarti,  Prior  Lahtcim.2  Barons, 
 Laird  of  Lochinvar,  Bass,  Waughton,  Roslin,  Corstorphin, 
 Johnston,  Weems,  Balwery,  Torry,  Dalhousie,  Farniherst, 
 Sheriff  of  Teviotdale,  Lamington,  Calderwood,  Closburn, 
 Lanton,  Traquair,  Ker,  Gardey,  Clackmannan,  Sauchy, 
 Tulliallan,Findlator,Barnbougal,  Grcenhead,  Bamff,  Haddo, 
 Rovvallan,  Drumallier,  Coilsburn,  Whitford  of  that  Ilk, 
 Robert  Boyd  of  Badennis,  Jerviswood,  James  Johnston  of 
 Torry,  Robert  Johnston  of  Lochmaben,  John  Creichton  of 
 Rihill,  Sheriff  of  Air,  Sir  James  Hamilton,  Kt.  Sheriff  of 
 Clidsdale,  Robert  Master  of  Sempil,  Thomas  Master  of  Boyd, 
 Laird  of  Bombie,  Skirlings,  Kt.,  Laird  of  Boyn,'^  Boghall, 
 
 ^  [A  iiiispriiit  for  Carlyle.  He  was  Michael  fourth  Lord  Carlyle  of 
 Forthorwald,  and  was  the  last  who  possessed  that  extinct  Peerajje. — E.] 
 
 ^  [Who  "Prior  Lahteini"  was,  or  where  "  Lachteini'"  was  erected,  is 
 unknown.     Probahly  Lodi-Taij  is  meant.— K.] 
 
 ^  [Alexander  Ogilvy  of  IJoyno.  The  following  will  correct  the  fourth 
 note,  p.  434  of  the  present  volume.  Sir  James  Melville  there  states  that 
 the  '*  Lady  JJoyn"  first  aimounced  tohim  in  Edinburgh  Castle  the  birth  of 
 James  VL  This  "  Lady  Poyn"  was  Mary  IJeaton,  or  IJethune,  one  of  the 
 Queen's  "  four  Marys,"  and  was  the  eldest  of  eight  daughters  of  Hobert 
 IJeaton  of  Creich,  descended  from  a  younger  son  of  Beaton  of  Balfour  in 
 Fife — the  family  who  gave  two  Archbishops  to  St  Andrews,  'ihis  Kobert 
 Beaton,  before  he  succeeded  to  tlu>  family  estate  l)y  the  death  of  his  elder 
 brother,  is  said  to  have  bei-n  a  page  to  the  Queen  in  Prance,  and  married 
 Joanna  Henwall,  or  (Jrysoni-r,  a  I'rench  hidy,  one  of  the  Queen's  Maids  of 
 Honour,  wliowas  the  mother  of  Mary  Beaton.  This  Mary  Beaton, a  jtortrait 
 of  whom  is  in  I'>alfour  lIou.»<e,  married  Alexander  Ogilvie  of  Boviie,  wlio  was 
 
810  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G8. 
 
 Inncrwick,  Stcnhouse,  Dunrod,  Craigeluill,  Annesburn, 
 Kilburny,  Laird  of  Cockpool,  JVcil  Montgomery,  Kt.,  Patrick 
 Congilton  of  that  Ilk,  Pollock,  Ladyland,  Smeton,  Preston, 
 Kt.,  Caldwell,  Kt.,  Master  of  Kneland,  James  Stcuart  of 
 Cardonald,  Laird  of  Kneland,  Cainbuskenneth,  Lauchop, 
 Barclanochan,  Gawston,  Romano,  Cranston,  Kt.,  Newton  of 
 that  Ilk,  Bandenoth,  Belstams,  Whitford,  Sir  Andrew  Ker, 
 Kt.,  Sheriff  of  Linlithgow,  Gairtlie,  Silverton,  Kt.,  Haining, 
 Rickarton,  Ardkinlas,  Dalziel,  Semenance,  Lickprevick, 
 Corhouse,  Robert  Lawson  of  Humby,  Esilmont,  Macintosh, 
 Giecht,  Criech  Kt.,  Abergeldy,  \Miitelaw.'"i 
 
 Perhaps  at  this  distance  of  time  men  may  take  upon 
 them  to  say  that  either  the  Queen  ought  to  have  gone 
 immediately  at  first  into  the  fortress  of  Dunbarton,  or  to 
 have  withdrawn  now  farther  off  into  the  countries  where 
 she  expected  most  of  her  friends  lay,  till  she  had  seen  how 
 the  nation  was  disposed  towards  her.  But  it  appears  that 
 those  who  were  now  with  her,  finding  their  numbers  increase 
 so  largely  in  the  short  space  of  eight  days  or  so,  were  so 
 flushed  with  the  hopes  of  success,  that  they,  unluckily  for 
 her  INIajesty,  determined  to  carry  her  in  a  sort  of  parade, 
 in  the  very  view  of  her  enemies,  to  Dunbarton.     But  God 
 
 one  of  the  jury  on  Botlnvcll's  mock  trial  (see  the  third  note,  p.  546  of  the 
 present  volume),  and  the  representative  of  an  old  branch  of  the  O^ilvies  of 
 Findlater,  The  orij^inal  contract  of  the  marriao^e  of  Alexander  Ogilvie  of 
 Boyne  and  Mary  Beaton  is  preserved  in  the  (Jeneral  Ref^ister  House  at 
 Edinburf^h,  signed  by  Queen  Mary  and  Darnley,  3d  May  loGG,  and  by  the 
 Earls  of  Iluntly,  Argyll,  Bothwell,  Moray,  and  Atholl,  as  cautioners  for 
 the  bridegroom,  by  Mary  Beaton  herself,  and  by  her  husband,  who  signs 
 liimself  by  his  territorial  title  Boyn. — Miscellany  of  the  Maitland  Club, 
 jninted  for  the  Maitland  Club,  4to.  Part  I.  p.  43-49. — E.] 
 
 *  The  following  nota  is  added  by  ]\Ir  Crawfurd  of  Drumsoy,  when  he 
 excerpted  this  i)aper  from  the  Cotton  Library,  viz. — "  This  being  only  a 
 copy,  and  the  Scots  titles  and  names  lieing  not  very  well  known  to  Sir 
 Robert  Cotton's  transcril)er,  he  has  certainly  mistaken  some  of  them  ; 
 however,  as  near  as  possible  we  have  copied  after  him,  altering  only  those 
 which  fell  within  the  comi)ass  of  our  own  knowledge. — [Mr  Crawfurd  of 
 Drumsoy  certainly  required  to  volunteer  this  apology,  and  notice  the 
 ignorance  of  Sir  Jlobert  Cotton's  "  transcriber,"  for  a  more  blundering 
 list  of  signatures  is  no  where  to  be  found.  It  would  have  been  as  well  if 
 Mr  Crawfurd  of  Drumsoy,  when  he  altered  those  names  "  which  fell  within 
 the  compass  of  his  own  knowledge,"  had  bestowed  some  pains,  and  authen- 
 ticated all  the  signatures  in  a  i)roper  manner,  instead  of  leaving  tlu-m  in 
 such  a  state  un  to  display  his  own  ignorance. — E.J 
 
15G8.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  81 1 
 
 overrules  the  world,   and   we  are  always  so  foolish  as  to 
 applaud  or  condemn  according  to  events. 
 
 "  1  It  was  declared  in  the  Queen's  Council,  that  her 
 Majesty  should  be  peaceably  reponed  in  the  Castle  of 
 Dunbarton,  there  to  remain  till  all  the  Nobles  and  gentlemen 
 of  the  land  should  convene  at  Dunbarton  at  a  Parliament, 
 and  to  devise  for  all  general  causes  of  the  commonweal,  and 
 in  particular  for  the  Queen  and  the  young  King.  They 
 sorted  from  Hamilton  upon  the  ISth  day  of  May  to  pass 
 toward  Dunbarton.  The  Regent  understanding  this,  caused 
 his  company  to  be  sorted  in  arrayed  battle  to  stop  the 
 Queen's  passage,  and  came  forth  to  a  village  called  the  Lang- 
 side,  where  they  stood  by  the  advantage  of  the  ground.  The 
 gentlemen  of  the  sirnamo  of  Hamilton  were  on  the  Queen's 
 vanguard,  and  my  Lord  Herris,  with  certain  horsemen,  on 
 their  wing.  On  the  Regent's  vanguard  were  James  Earl  of 
 Mortoun  and  Alexander  Lord  Home.  The  Queen's  fore- 
 company  were  so  evil  conducted,  that  they  were  led  among 
 certain  ditches,  and  were  sorely  strest  by  shot  of  hackbut 
 from  the  Regent's  side.  And  in  respect  of  this  inconmiodity 
 being  so  ill  seconded  by  my  Lord  Herris,  and  having 
 sustained  great  loss,  were  constrained  to  give  back.  These 
 gentlemen  were  the  worst  treat  of  all  the  Queen's  side.  The 
 rear-guard  perceiving  them  to  be  defeat  did  the  like.  The 
 Earl  of  Argile  being  Lieutenant  of  the  Queen's  camp,  shewed 
 neither  courage  nor  vassalage^  at  this  conflict.  The  Queen 
 fled  with  speed  out  of  the  hold,  and  past  toward  Dumfries, 
 on  the  "West  Borders  of  Scotland,  foreanent  l^ngland.  The 
 slaughter  was  not  great  of  both  sides,  for  it  exceeded  not 
 the  number  of  200.  The  Regent's  folks  followed  on  the 
 chace  a  great  way.  Divers  of  the  Queen's  part  were  taken 
 prisoners,  and  the  most  remarkable  were  George  Lord 
 Scton,  the  Sheriff"  of  Air,  Alexander  Hamilton  of  Inner- 
 wick,  Sir  ^^'illiam  Scot  of  Rahviric,  Knight,  James  Heriot 
 of  Trabron,  dames  and  John   Hamiltons  of  Carren,  James 
 
 ^  Cniwfunra  MS.— [Historic'  uiul  Lifr  of  Kiii<,'  .lames  thoSext,  itiintcd 
 for  tlie  Bannatyne  Club,  p.  2o,  2(),  27.— K.] 
 
 ^  Other  writers  have  said  that  the  Earl  of  Arj;ile  fell  into  some  fits  of 
 sickness,  just  before  the  engu<i;enient,  which  gave  time  to  the  enemies  to 
 form  and  put  tliemselvos  in  order,  and  proved  a  great  disa<lvantagc  to  tlie 
 Queen's  army. 
 
812  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1508. 
 
 Hamilton  of  Kinkavil,  David  ( JaiiK's)  Hamilton  of  Bothwel- 
 haugli,  Alexander  Baillie  of  Littlegill,  and  the  Laird  of 
 Lauchop,  with  sundry  other  substantial  gentlemen.  There 
 was  hurt  on  the  Regent's  side  my  Lord  Ochiltree,  with 
 divers  others.  The  Noblemen  that  came  to  the  field  with 
 the  Queen  were  these — Archibald  Earl  of  Argile,  Lieutenant, 
 Hugh  Karl  of  Eglinton,  Archibald  Earl  of  Cassils,  Andrew 
 Earl  of  llothes,  my  Lord  G lands,  George  Lord  Seton,  John 
 Lord  Herris,  Hugh  Lord  Somervil,  John  Lord  Fleming, 
 Thomas  Lord  Boyd,  my  Lord  Ross,  the  Sheriff  of  Aire,  and 
 Sir  James  Hamilton  of  Crawfordjohn,  Knight,  to  the 
 number  of  GOOO  men  or  thereby.  The  Nobles  and  gentlemen 
 on  the  Regent's  part  were  James  Earl  of  Morton,  Alexander 
 Earl  of  Glencairn,  Alexander  Lord  Home,  John  Lord 
 Lindsay,  Robert  Lord  Sempil,  William  Lord  Ruthven,  John 
 Lord  Grahame,  Secretary  Lethington,  to  the  number  of 
 3000,  or  some  more.''^     Thus  this  contemporary  author. 
 
 But  another  vvriter,^  of  the  same  time,  and  of  good  repu- 
 tation likewise,  gives  a  contrary  turn  to  the  occasion  of  this 
 battle.  He  says — "  Her  Majesty  was  minded  not  to  fight, 
 nor  hazard  battle,  but  to  go  unto  the  Castle  of  Dunbartoun, 
 and  endeavour  by  little  and  little  to  draw  home  again  unto 
 her  obedience  the  whole  subjects.  But  the  Bishop  of  St 
 Andrews,  and  the  House  of  Hamiltoun,  and  the  rest  of  the 
 Lords  there  convened,  finding  themselves  in  number  far 
 beyond  the  other  party,  would  needs  hazard  battle,  thinking 
 thereby  to  overcome  the  Regent  their  great  enemy,  and  be 
 also  masters  of  the  Queen,  to  connnand  and  rule  all  at  their 
 pleasure.  Some  alleged  that  the  Bishop  was  minded  to 
 cause  the  Queen  to  marry  ray  Lord  Hamiltoun,  in  case  they 
 had  obtained  the  victory.  And  I  was  since  informed  by 
 some  who  were  present  that  the  Queen  herself  feared  the 
 same  ;  therefore  she  pressed  them  still  to  convoy  her  to 
 Dunbartoun,    and    had    sent    me    word    with    the    French 
 
 '  This  a<(roes  protty  well  >vith  Buchanan's  acconnt,  who  says  they 
 amounted  scarcely  to  -lOOO  ;  but  then  he  reckons  the  Queen's  forces  to 
 have  been  about  G'50().—  [  Buchanan's  llistoria  Keruni  l^coticaruni,ori^Mnal 
 edit.  Kdin.  1582,  fol.  2*25  ;  Translation,  Edin.  edit.  1752,  vol.  ii.  j).  350, 
 3G0.— K.l 
 
 *-'  Sir  James  Melville. — [Memoirs,  edited  by  (;eor<,'e  Scott,  folio,  p.  !»(►, 
 J)l,  J)2  ;  also  Sir  James  Melville's  "  Memoirs  of  his  own  Life,"  printi'd  for 
 the  BvNNATYNE  Cli'H,  p.  2(M>,  201,  202.— K. J 
 
15G8.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IX  SCOTLAND.  813 
 
 ambassadour  the  same  morning  before  the  battle,  to  draw 
 on  a  meeting  for  concord,  by  the  means  of  the  Secretary 
 Lidingtoun  and  the  Laird  of  Grange ;  and  for  her  part  she 
 would  send  the  Lord  Herries  and  some  other.  She  had  also 
 caused  my  brother  Sir  Robert  to  write  a  letter  to  me  that 
 same  morning  for  that  same  effect,  but  the  Queen's  army 
 came  on  so  fiercely  that  there  was  no  stay. 
 
 "  The  Regent  went  out  on  foot  and  all  his  company,  except 
 the  Laird  of  Gran^i^e,  Alexander  Hume  of  Manderstoun,  and 
 some  Borderers,  to  the  number  of  200.  The  Laird  of  Grange 
 had  already  viewed  the  ground,^  and  with  all  imaginable 
 diligence  caused  every  horseman  to  take  behind  him  a  foot- 
 man of  the  Regent's  to  guard  behind  them,  and  rode  with 
 speed  to  the  head  of  the  Langside-hill,  and  set  down  the  said 
 footmen  with  their  culverings  at  the  head  of  a  strait  lane, 
 where  there  were  some  cottage  houses  and  yards  of  great 
 advantage  ;  which  soldiers  with  their  continual  shot  killed 
 divers  of  the  vaunt-guard  led  by  the  Hamiltouns,  who 
 couragiously  and  fiercely  ascending  up  the  hill,  were  already 
 out  of  breath  when  the  Regent's  vaunt-guard  joined  with 
 them,  where  the  worthy  Lord  Hume  fought  on  foot  with 
 his  pike  in  his  hand  very  manfully,  well  assisted  by  the 
 Laird  of  Cesfoord  his  brother-in-law,  who  helped  him  up 
 again  when  he  was  strucken  to  the  ground  by  many  stroaks 
 upon  his  face,  by  the  throwing  pistols  at  him  after  they  had 
 been  discharged.  He  was  also  wounded  with  staves,  and 
 had  many  stroaks  of  spears  through  his  legs ;  for  he  and 
 Grange  at  the  joining  cried  to  let  their  adversaries  first  lay 
 down  spears,  to  bear  up  theirs,  which  spears  were  so  thick 
 fixed  in  others'  jacks,  that  some  of  the  pistols  and  great 
 staves,  that  were  thrown  by  them  which  were  behind,  might 
 be  seen  lying  upon  the  spears. 
 
 *  Blackwood  observes  that  one  of  the  Queen's  Council  had  sent  word 
 to  the  Ke^'ent,  and  acquainted  him  the  ni<jfht  before,  which  way  iier 
 Majesty  was  to  hold.  Hudianan  relates  how  that  the  Hegent  first  led  out 
 his  men  into  the  open  field  before  the  town  of  (Jlasgow,  which  Spottis- 
 woo<l  and  Calderwood  do  both  call  the  Moor  of  iikmjoir^  and  that  very 
 l)robab!y  too,  expectijig  the  Queen  might  have  passed  towards  Dunbarton 
 by  the  north  side  of  the  river. —  (Marty re  de  la  Koyno  d'Kscos-se,  l'2mo. 
 1578,  p.  17'2  ;  IJuchanan's  lli.storia,  fol.  "I'l^),  and  Translation,  vol.  ii.  p..%'0  ; 
 Spottiswoode's  History  of  the  Church  and  State  of  Scotland,  London, 
 1()'77,  p.  'IMi  ;  t'alderwood's  Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed  for 
 the  WoDUow  Society,  vol.  ii.  ]>.  11  1.— K.j 
 
814  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G8. 
 
 ''  Upon  the  Queen's  side  the  Earl  of  Argile  commanded 
 the  battle,  and  the  Lord  of  Arbroth^  the  vaunt-guard.  On 
 the  other  part  the  Regent  led  the  battle,  and  the  Earl  of 
 Mortoun  the  vaunt-guard ;  but  the  Regent  committed  to 
 the  Laird  of  Grange  the  special  care,  as  being  an  experi- 
 mented captain,  to  oversee  every  danger,  and  to  ride  to 
 every  wing,  to  incourage  and  make  help  where  greatest 
 need  was.  He  perceived  at  the  first  joining  the  right  wing 
 of  the  Regenfs  vaunt-guard  put  back  and  like  to  fly, 
 whereof  the  greatest  part  were  commons  of  the  barony  of 
 Ranfrew  ;  whereupon  he  rode  to  them,  and  told  them  that 
 their  enemy  was  already  turning  their  backs,  requesting 
 them  to  stay  and  debate  till  he  should  bring  them  fresh 
 men  forth  of  the  battle.  ^V"hether  at  full  speed  he  did  ride 
 alone,  and  told  the  Regent  that  the  enemy  w'ere  shaken,  and 
 flying  away  behind  the  little  village,  and  desired  a  few 
 number  of  fresh  men  to  go  with  him  ;  where  he  found 
 enough  willing,  as  the  Lord  Lindsay,  the  Laird  of  Lochleven, 
 Sir  James  ]3alfour,  and  all  the  Regent's  servants,  who 
 followed  him  with  diligence,  and  reinforced  that  wing  which 
 was  beginning  to  fly  ;  which  fresh  men  with  their  loose 
 weapons  struck  the  enemies  in  their  flanks  and  faces,  which 
 forced  them  incontinent  to  give  place,  and  turn  back,  after 
 long  fighting  and  pushing  others  to  and  fro  with  their 
 spears.  There  were  not  many  horsemen  to  pursue  after 
 them,  and  the  Regent  cried  to  save  and  not  to  kill ;  and 
 Grange  was  never  cruel,  so  that  there  were  but  few  slain 
 and  taken.  And  the  only  slaughter  was  at  the  first 
 rencounter,  by  the  shot  of  the  soldiers  which  Grange  had 
 planted  at  the  lane-head  behind  some  dikes."" 
 
 Besides  these  two  accounts  of  this  battle  of  Lang-side,2 
 
 *  Though  I  should  be  loath  to  doulit  liglitly  of  any  thin<>  this  contem- 
 })orary  writer  narrates,  yet  because  we  know  the  Lord  Arbrotli  (i.  e.  Lord 
 .lohn  JIaniilton)  went  lately  into  France,  and  tliat  other  writers  mention 
 the  Lord  Chiud  Hamilton,  Comniendator  of  Paisley,  another  son  of  the 
 Duke  of  C'hastrlherault,  and  i)r()<j^enitor  of  the  Karls  of  Abercorn,  to  have 
 had  tlie  command  of  this  part  of  the  Queen's  army  at  this  battle, 
 I  therefore  thou;,dit  it  not  amiss  to  insert  here  this  observation. 
 
 ■''  It  is  a  small  vilhifife  about  a  mile  to  the  south  of  (Ilas/jfow,  near  the 
 Water  of  Cart.--  [Lan^jside,  the  scene  of  this  battle,  is  two  Eiifjlish  miles 
 directly  south  of  (iliis«row,  in  the  parish  of  Cathcart,  county  of  Renfrew. 
 On  ill.    vimMiiit  (if  flu- risin;,' 1,'round   of  Cauipliill,  near  whicli   tlie  action 
 
]oG8.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  815 
 
 there  is  a  third  larger  and  more  replete  with  circumstances 
 to  be  seen  in  Buchanan's  History,^  to  which  I  shall  remit 
 my  readers,  and  set  down  here  Calderwood's  account,^  which 
 he  seems  to  have  collected  together  with  pretty  much 
 exactness. 
 
 "  As  soon  as  my  Lord  Hume  came  to  Glasgow,  accom- 
 panied with  GOO  men  of  JNIerse  and  Lothian,  the  Regent 
 purposed  to  march  toward  Hamilton  and  force  the  Queen's 
 faction  or  fight.  The  other  faction,  consisting  of  GOOO  men, 
 and  knowing  that  the  adverse  party  with  the  Regent  were 
 not  above  4000,  confident  in  their  own  number  doubted 
 not  to  venture  into  the  fields.  It  was  their  intention  first 
 to  convoy  the  Queen  to  Hunbarton,  a  place  of  safety,  that 
 thereafter  they  might  either  fight  or  draw  at  length  the  war 
 as  they  thought  fittest  ;  or  if  the  Regent  would  fight  them 
 by  the  way,  they  were  resolved  to  encounter  him.  The 
 Regent  mustered  his  army  in  Glasgow-moor,  deeming  that 
 the  Queen's  army  should  have  come  that  way  ;  but  then  he 
 perceived  them  to  march  on  the  south-side  of  Clyde.  He 
 taketh  up  their  purpose,  sendeth  the  foot-men  to  the  bridge, 
 and  the  horsemen  by  the  fords  with  haste,  to  intercept 
 them  by  the  way ;  and  gave  charge  to  his  horsemen  to  take 
 the  hill  above  Langside.  The  Regent's  army  made  such 
 haste  that  they  were  near  the  hill  before  the  Queen's  army 
 perceived  ;  howbcit  they  were  marching  toward  the  same 
 place.  The  Regent's  army  was  never  seen  all  at  once, 
 because  they  marched  among  little  kno\ves  and  hollow  valleys, 
 till  they  were  near  to  the  hill,  which  made  the  Queen's  army 
 negligent  and  secure,  confiding  in  their  own  number,  and 
 contcnming  the  small  number  of  the  other  party.  The 
 l^^arl  of  Argyle,  lieutenant  for  the  Queen,  being  surprised  on 
 a  sudden  with  an  apoplexy,  fell  down,  stayed  the  army  a 
 certain  time ;  whereupon  the  other  army,  howbeit  they  were 
 farther  from  the  hill,  prevented  them,  and  took  the  vantage 
 of  tlu!  ground.     Tliere  were  in  the  battle  with  the  Earl  of 
 
 was  (k'l'idt'd,  arc  tlio  vestijfOH  of  a  U(»iiian  ciinit,  cnoiu'ously  dcsigimti'd 
 by  the  pcasiintry  (^nmi  Munj't  Comp. — 10.] 
 
 '  [llihtoiia  HtTum  Scoticarinn,  original  odit.  IMlii.  138*2,  fol.  22b'; 
 Translation,  Kilin.  edit.  17.V2,  vol.  ii.  p.  .'IGO,  :}()!,  .3G2.— K.] 
 
 '■'  Caldorwood's  MS.  (CiildtTwood'M  Historic  of  the  Kirk  of  Scodaiid, 
 printi'il  for  tli.-  Wodidw  Socikty,  vol.  ii.  p.  411,  ll.'*,  IW.".— K.j 
 
810  THE  HISTORY  UF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G8. 
 
 Argile,  Lieutenant,    the    Earls   of    Cassils,   Eglinton    and 
 Rothes ;  Lords  Scton,  Soniervel,  Yester,  Borthwick,  Living- 
 ston, Sanquhar,  Boyd;  the  Sheriff  of  Air,  the  Lairds  of  Bass, 
 Wauo-hton,  Dalhousic,  Lochinvar,  Roslin ;  the  avant-guard 
 was  led  by  Claud  Hamilton  of  Paisley,  second  son  to  the 
 Duke  of  Chatlcrault,  and  Sir  James  Hamilton  of  Evindaill  ; 
 with  them  the  Hamiltons,  their  friends  and  followers,   to 
 the  number  of  2000  men ;   they  bragged  that  they  would 
 by  themselves  defeat  their  adverse  party.    The  Lord  Herries 
 had  the  conduct  of  the  horsemen,   all   almost  Borderers, 
 dependents  and  tenants  of  my  Lord  Maxwell  his  brother. 
 James    Stewart    of   Castleton,    and    Arthur   Hamilton  of 
 Mirriton,  had  the  conduct  of  the  shot,  to  the  number  of 
 300.     The  Regent's  avant-guard  was  conducted  by  the  Earl 
 of  Morton,  Alexander  Lord  Hume,  Patrick  Lord  Lindsay, 
 Robert  Lord  Sempil.     In  the  rear-guard  with  the  Regent 
 were  John   Earl  of  Marr,   Alexander  Earl  of  Gloncairn, 
 William    Grahame    Earl    of    Monteith,    the    Master    of 
 Grahame  ;    Lords  Ruthven,  Uchiltree,  Stewart,  Cathcart ; 
 Lairds   liirganie,    I^ahjuhan,    Cessfurd,    Luss,    Buchanan, 
 Pitcur,    Lochlevin,    Lcthington,    Sir   James    Balfour;    the 
 barons  and  gentlemen  of  Lenox,  and  the  citizens  of  Glasgow. 
 The  shot  was  placed  in  the  yards  of  Langside.     The  horse- 
 men, about  200,  were  conducted  by  William  Douglas  of 
 Drumlanrig,  Alexander   Hume  of  Manderston,   and  John 
 Carmichael   of  that  Bk.     The   Queen's    army  stood  upon 
 another  little  mount,  being  disappointed  of  the  hill.     The 
 i^reat  ordinance  shot  for  the  space  of  an  half  hour  or  thereby. 
 The  Regent  had  six  pieces  carried  in  carts ;  the  Queen  had 
 seven.     In  time  of  shooting  the  great  ordinance  forty  of  the 
 Rc"'ent\s    harquebusiers  went  and    skirmished    before  the 
 Queen's  avant-guard,  and  killed  three  or  four.     The  (Queen's 
 harquebusiers  were  driven  back,  but  on  the  other  side  the 
 Regent's  horsemen,  being  but  half  number  in  comparison  of 
 the  other,   at   the   first  rencounter   gave    place  ;    but   the 
 Regent's  horsemen  who  had  retired  to  their  company,  seeing 
 the  enemio's  horsemen  casting  about  to  invade  the  foot,  with 
 help  of  the  bowmen,  drave  them  back.     In  the  meantime 
 the  Queen's  avant-guard  while  they  were  marching  through 
 a   strait  lane,   not  above   forty   foot   broad,   were   greatly 
 annoyed  by  the  Regent's  hanpiebusiers  ;  the  Regent's  avant- 
 
1568.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  817 
 
 guard  marched  fast  toward  them,  and  received  them  after 
 they  came  out  of  the  strait  lane  on  the  north-east  side  of 
 Langside  village  with  long  spears,  where  there  was  a  very- 
 sharp  encounter  for  the  space  of  half  an  hour,  without 
 yielding  or  giving  ground  on  either  side,  so  that  where  spears 
 were  broken  they  cast  whingers,  broken  pieces  of  spears, 
 stones,  or  whatsover  came  to  hand,  at  the  faces  of  their 
 enemies.  The  Lord  Hume  himself  was  hurt  on  the  face 
 with  a  stone,  and  almost  felled.  The  Regent's  harquebusiers 
 shot  continually  from  the  dikes  and  house-tops.  Macfarlane 
 with  his  Ilighlandmen  fled  from  the  wing  where  they  were 
 set.  The  Lord  Lindsay,  who  stood  nearest  to  them  in  the 
 Regent's  battle,  said — '  Let  them  go,  I  shall  fill  their  place 
 better  ;"*  and  so  stepping  forward  with  a  company  of  fresh 
 men  charged  the  enemy,  whose  spears  were  now  spent, 
 with  long  weapons,  so  that  they  were  driven  back  by  force, 
 being  before  almost  overthrown  by  the  avant-guard  and 
 harquebusiers,  and  so  were  turned  to  flight.  The  Regent's 
 battle  stood  still  till  they  saw  the  enemy  flee  without  order. 
 They  also  brake  array,  and  followed  the  chace,  at  w  Inch  moe 
 were  slain  than  in  the  battle,  and,  as  is  thought,  the  most 
 part  by  the  Highlandmen,  who,  perceiving  the  victory  to  fall 
 on  the  Regent's  side,  returned  and  pursued.  ^loe  had  been 
 slain,  men  being  thus  enraged,  if  the  Regent  had  not  sent 
 horsemen  to  all  parts  with  a  command  to  spare ;  yet  the 
 number  of  the  slain  were  about  300.  The  number  of  the 
 prisoners  was  greater.  Among  the  prisoners  taken  were 
 Lords  Seton,  Ross,  Sir  James  Hamilton,  the  Sheriff"  of  Air, 
 the  Sheriff"  of  Linlithgow,  the  Master  of  Cassils,  the  Laird 
 of  Inncrweik,  the  Laird  of  Trabrown,  James  Hamilton  of 
 Bothwelhaugh.i  On  the  Regent's  side  was  slain  only  ono 
 man,  a  tenant  of  the  Earl  of  Morton  in  Preston  in  tho 
 Merse,  named  John  Ballon.  Among  the  few  that  were 
 hurt  were  Alexander  Lord  Hume  and  Andrew  Stewart 
 Lord  Ochiltree,  who  was  hurt  by  the  Lord  H«  rries."2 
 
 '  [The assassin  of  thcKo^'ont  Moray  at  LiMlith^ro\v,.Ian.'2I,ir;(;9-70.—  E.] 
 "  Thoii«;li  Mr  Ilolinslu'd  bt'loii-;s  to  the  iu'i;,'libourin^  kingdom  of  Knrj- 
 land,  yet  because  he  livi'd  at  the  time  of  all  these  occurrences,  and  seems 
 to  have  had  very  good  information  concerning  our  affairs,  I  have  taken 
 the  freedom  to  insert  his  account  of  this  transaction. — "  On  Sunday  the  ij. 
 of  May,  in  the  yeare  Iof)8,  at  supper  tynie,  the  Queene  escaped  out  of  Locli- 
 Ipvyn  by  the  meanes  and  helpe  of  George  Dowglas,  brother  to  the  Laird 
 VOL.  II.  52 
 
818  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G8. 
 
 Tliis  battle  endured  jibout  the  space  of  three  quarters  of 
 
 of  Loclilcvyn.  The  Lorde  Scatoii,  the  Laird  of  Ricarton,  and  James 
 ITaiiiilton  of  Orbiston,  were  ready  to  receyve  hir,  and  conveyed  hir  over 
 the  Queenes- Ferry  firste  to  Nudry,  the  Lorde  Setoii's  house,  and  from 
 thence  to  Hamilton  Castell,  where  she  remayned  till  the  xiij.  day  of  May, 
 beyng  Thursday,  <fathering  in  the  mcane  tyme  such  forces  as  she  mi<,dit 
 from  all  places.  The  I^arle  of  Moray,  Lorde  Kef^ent,  was  in  Glas(iuho  at 
 what  tyme  she  thus  escaped  out  of  Lochlevyn,  and  upon  knowledge  had 
 thereof  meant  at  the  firste  to  have  withdrawen  liimselfe  unto  Sterlyng, 
 but  suddenly  chanf,nng  his  purpose  in  that  behalf,he  determined  tocontinue 
 at  Glasquho,  which  is  not  paste  an  eyght  (eleven)  myles  from  Hamilton, 
 bycause  he  was  perswadcd  that  if  he  shoulde  shrynke  backe  never  so 
 little  he  shoulde  encourage  his  adversaries  and  discourage  his  frendes, 
 and  so  consequently  weaken  his  parte  gi-eatly.  Hereupon  the  xiij.  day  of 
 May  afore  mentioned  the  Queene  with  hir  power  marched  from  Hamilton, 
 by  the  south  side  of  Clede  towarde  Dunbartane  ;  and  out  of  Glasquho, 
 on  the  other  parte,  marched  the  Lorde  Regent  with  his  forces,  so  as  at 
 length  bothe  the  armies  mette  at  a  place  called  the  Langside,  neare  to  the 
 House  of  Catlicart,  within  tivo  myles  of  Glasquho.  There  were  on  the 
 Queene's  parte  theEarles  of  Argile,  Cassilles,  Eglinton,and  Rothes,  Claude 
 Hamilton,  sonne  to  the  Duke  of  Chatellerault,  the  Lordes  Seaton,  Somer- 
 ville,  Yester,  Borthwike,  Levingston,  Ileries,  Maxwell,  Sanquhar,  Boyd, 
 and  Ros  ;  Lairdes  and  Knights,  Lochinwar,  Bas,  Wauchton,  Dalliowsy, 
 Roslen,  the  Sheriffe  of  Air,  Sir  James  Hamilton,  and  many  other.  On 
 the  Regent's  parte  were  these  accompted  as  principall — the  Earles  of 
 Morton,  Mar,  Glencarne,  Menteith,  the  M.  of  Graham,  the  Lordes  Hume, 
 Lindsoy,  Ruthven,  Simpil,  Ogiltree,  and  Catlicart;  of  Lairdes  and  Knights, 
 Bargany,  Blacquhan,  Drumlanrig,  Sessford,  Lus,  Buchaunane,  Tidibardin, 
 Petcur,  Grange,  Lochlev}Ti,  Lethington,  and  Sir  James  Balfour.  At  the 
 firste  joyning  there  was  a  right  sharp  encounter,  for  after  they  had 
 bestowed  their  shotte  of  harquequsies  and  arrowes,  they  fell  to  it  with 
 speares  and  swordes  ;  but  at  length,  after  three  quarters  of  an  houres 
 fighte,  the  Queene's  parte  was  put  to  flighte,  the  victory  remayning  with 
 the  Regent,  who  suff^ered  none  to  be  slaine  but  those  that  were  killed 
 in  the  fighte  before  they  turned  their  backs,  among  the  whiche  were 
 fourteen  of  the  surname  of  the  Hamiltons  killed.  Thei*e  were  taken 
 prysoners  about  a  three  hundred,  of  whiche  number  the  principall  were 
 these  : — the  Lordes  Seaton  and  Ros,  Sir  James  Hamilton,  and  many 
 other  of  that  surname.  Of  the  Regent's  parte  the  Lorde  Hume  was  hurte 
 in  the  legge  and  face,  and  the  Lorde  Ogiltree  in  the  necke,  by  the  Lorde 
 Heries.  The  Lorde  Lindsey,  and  the  Lairdes  of  Drumlanrig  and  of 
 Grange  bare  themselves  right  valiantly  that  day,  fayling  not  in  any  i)oynt 
 that  belonged  to  the  duetie  of  hardie  capitaines.  The  Queene's  j)artie  was 
 thought  to  be  neare  at  the  i>oynt  of  six  thousande  men,  and  the  Regent's 
 wa.s  reconed  to  ])c  foure  thousande  ;  so  that  there  were  a  tenne  thousande 
 men  on  tlie  fielde  that  day,  Mhat  upon  one  side  and  the  otlu>r.  The  I'arle 
 of  Huntley  wa.s  comming  forewardes  to  have  assisted  the  Queene's  parte, 
 but  the  battayle  was  striken,  and  hir  ])eoi)le  discomfited,  as  ye  have  heard, 
 ere  he  could  come,  and  so  lie  returned." — ('J'he  same  thing  is  reported  by 
 some  of  our  historians  concerning  the  Lord  Ogilvy) — "  In  this  battayle 
 the  valiuuce  of  an   llieland   "cutleman  named    Macferlene  stoode  tlie 
 
15G8.] 
 
 OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  819 
 
 an  hour  only,i  and  when  the  Queen,  who  stood  on  an 
 eminence  to  view  the  arinie.s,2  perceived  that  her  friends  had 
 
 Regent's  parte  in  great  steede,  for  in  the  hottest  Lrunte  of  the  figlite  he 
 came  in  with  two  hundred  of  liis  friendes  and  conntreymon,  and  so  man- 
 fullie  gave  in  upon  the  Hanke  of  the  Queene's  people  that  he  was  a  great 
 cause  of  the  disordering  of  them.  This  Macferlene  had  bene  lately  Ijefore, 
 as  I  have  heard,  condemned  to  die  for  some  outrage  by  liim  committed, 
 and  obtayning  pardon  through  suyte  of  the  Countesse  of  Moray,  he 
 recompensed  that  clemi'ucie  by  this  peecc  of  service  now  at  this  battayle." 
 It  would  appear  tlie  Karl  of  lluntly  and  Lord  Ogilvy,  after  signing  the 
 Bond,  8th  May,  i).  807-810,  had  gone  away  to  bring  up  their  followers  in 
 order  to  join  the  Queen. 
 
 ^  [The  Regent  Moray  encamped  his  forces  on  the  lands  of  Barrowfield 
 near  Rutherglen  liridge  over  the  Clyde,  now  the  eastern  suburbs  of 
 Glasgow,  and  there  expected  to  be  attacked  by  the  Queen's  forces.  On 
 the  13th  of  May,  the  Regent  was  informed  that  the  Queen's  army  was  on 
 the  march  to  convey  her  to  Dunbarton  Castle  on  the  north  side  of  the  Clyde, 
 that  fortress  having  been  kept  for  her  by  Lord  Fkining.  It  was  the  Queen's 
 wish  to  avoid  a  battle  and  reach  Dunbarton,  as  she  was  well  aware  of 
 the  military  skill  of  her  brother,  and  that  among  liis  supjjorters  were 
 Noblemen  and  gentlemen  of  undoubted  valour  and  experience,  but  she  was 
 opposed  by  the  ambition  and  imiJatimce  of  the  Ilamiltons,  who  believed 
 themselves  the  stronger  party,  and  were  anxious  by  a  decisive  blow  to  anni- 
 hilate the  Regent.  Mary's  influence  so  far  prevailed  that  they  consented 
 to  march  from  Hamilton  to  Dunbarton,  and  the  Regent,  congratulating 
 himself  on  this  resolution,  watched  their  movements,  and  endeavoured, 
 if  l)ossible,  to  l)ring  them  to  an  engagement.  Kiikaldy  of  (Jrange  had  pre- 
 viously examined  the  ground,  and  forded  the  Clyde  with  his  horsemen 
 and  a  party  of  hackbutters  as  soon  as  he  knew  that  the  Queen's  forces 
 were  to  march  on  the  south  side  of  the  river.  On  the  same  13th  of  May 
 the  Queen's  army  appeared.  In  the  locality  where  the  battle  was  fought 
 the  ground  rises  to  a  considerable  height  on  the  south  and  east,  and  slopes 
 rapidly  towards  the  north  and  west.  The  Itegent  succeeded  in  securing 
 the  hill  above  the  village  of  Langside,  and  formed  his  army  into  two 
 columns,  part  of  whom  he  posted  in  the  village,  and  among  gardens  and 
 enclosures.  In  this  situation  he  waited  the  advance  of  the  Queen's  troo])S, 
 whose  cavalry  could  be  of  little  use  on  such  uneven  ground.  After  the 
 battle  the  Regent  returned  to  Glasgow  and  proceeded  to  the  Cathedral, 
 in  which  he  publicly  returned  thanks  to  (iod  for  a  vietory  almost  blood- 
 less on  his  side,  lie  was  sumptuously  entertained  by  the  Magistrates, 
 and  having  expressed  his  obligations  to  the  citizens  for  their  fidelity  and 
 bravery,  he  recjuested  to  be  informed  if  he  could  be  of  any  service  to 
 them.  No  immediate  rejily  was  offered,  until  .Mattliew  I'awside,  Deacon 
 of  the  Incorporation  of  Rakers,  intimated  that  the  trade  which  he  repre- 
 sented had  liberally  supplied  the  army  with  bread,  and  that,  as  the  mill 
 of  Partiek  in  the  neighbt)urhood  In-longed  to  the  Crown,  a  grant  of  it  to 
 the  Corporation  would  be  considered  a  j)ublic  benefit.  The  Regent  com- 
 plied, and  the  pro[)erty  is  still  possessed  by  the  Incorporation  of  liakcrs 
 in  (Jla.sgow.— K.] 
 
 '-^  [A  place  is  pointed  out  on  an  eminence  fully  in  view  of  the  field  of 
 battle,  near  the  old  ruinous  castle  of  Cathcart,  which  is  a  mile  and  a  half 
 
820  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G8. 
 
 lost  the  clay,  sho  *'  lost  all  courage,  which  she  had  never 
 done  before,  and  took  so  great  fear,""*  that  she  rode  away  at 
 full  speed  with  some  few  trusty  friends,  and  never  once 
 suffered  her  eyes  to  shut  till  she  had  got  full  sixty  Scottish 
 miles  from  the  placQ  of  battle. i     Her  Majesty  attempted 
 
 from  Lann^ido,  where  Mary  anxiously  Avaited  tlie  issue  of  a  contest  which 
 was  to  decide  her  fate.  A  liawthorn  bush,  known  as  Queen  Manfs  thorn, 
 probably  planted  by  some  devoted  adherent,  marked  the  spot  till  it  was 
 «lecayod  by  a^e  about  1790,  when  it  was  succeeded  by  another  to  preserve 
 the  remembrance  of  this  interestinf?  locality.  The  peasantry  shew  another 
 eminence  near  Cathcart  Castle,  called  the  Court  KnfM-Cy  on  which,  tliey 
 allef^e,  the  Queen  lield  a  coimcil  before  the  battle  ;  but  this  is  a  popular 
 error,  for  if  any  consultation  occurred  there,  it  must  have  been  very 
 hurried.  The  tradition  that  Mary  beheld  the  route  of  her  army  from 
 Crookstone  Castle  is  altogether  unfounded,  yet  it  is  sinj^mlar  that  Sir 
 Walter  Scott,  not  only  in  The  Abbot,  but  in  his  History  of  Scotland,  or 
 "  Tales  of  a  Grandfather"  (vol.  ii.  p.  131),  has  lallen  into  this  mistake,  which 
 lie  admitted  in  a  note  to  his  revised  edition  of  The  Abbot.  Crookstone 
 Castle  is  four  miles  west  of  the  field  of  battle,  and  the  swellinf^  grounds 
 whidi  intervene  altogether  preclude  the  view  of  Langside  from  that 
 quarter.  The  following  description  of  the  appearance  of  the  localities  at 
 the  time  of  the  battle  is  interesting  : — "  The  high  road  from  Hamilton  to 
 Dunbarton  either  passed  through  Glasgow,  crossing  the  Clyde  at  a  ford 
 near  Dalmarnock,  which  was  the  way  the  Kegent  expected  the  Queen  to 
 take,  when  on  the  morning  of  the  13th  he  drew  up  his  troops  at  Ban-owfield 
 to  meet  her  ;  or  through  lUitherglen,  entering  this  parish  (Cathcart)  at 
 Hagginshaw,  passing  along  the  ridge  of  the  hill  now  known  as  Mount 
 Floridon,  then  coinciding  with  the  road  from  Glasgow  to  Ayr  which 
 wound  round  the  north  side  of  Clincart  Hill,  from  which,  about  100  yards 
 to  the  west  of  the  present  Ayrshire  road,  it  again  diverged  to  the  right, 
 proceeded  along  the  banks  of  a  morass  by  what  is  now  called  the  Bushy- 
 Aik-Lane,  and  then  conducted  directly  to  tlie  village  of  Langside,  while 
 the  road  to  Ayr  proceeded  directly  south,  crossing  the  Cart  at  a  bridge 
 near  the  old  Castle  which  still  remains.  In  crossing  Mount  Floridon,  Queen 
 Mary's  generals  m\ist  have  seen  the  enemy's  forces  rapidly  approaching 
 after  their  hurried  march  from  Barrowfield  oii  the  o])j  osite  hill,  and  pre- 
 paring to  dispute  their  further  advance."  It  is  almost  needless  to  observe 
 that  the  face  of  the  country  is  now  comjdetely  changed,  modern  alterations 
 having  removed  the  former  landmarks. — New  Statistical  Account  of 
 S<'otland — Kenfrewshire,  j).  503,  504. — E.l 
 
 ^  [Nearly  ninety  English  miles.  This  long  ride  sufficiently  intimates 
 the  terror  of  the  Queen,  and  her  horror  lest  she  might  again  fall  into  tlie 
 hands  of  lier  enemies.  Lord  Herries  says  that  as  soon  as  Mary  siiw  that 
 the  battle  was  lost  she  was  carried  from  tlie  field  by  himself.  Lord 
 FliMuing,  and  Lord  Livingstone,  accompanied  by  Cieorge  Houglas  and  the 
 foundling  l)age  called  "  Little  Douglas."  AVhen  Mary  left  her  station 
 near  Cathcart  Castle,  she  and  her  attendants  galloped  oft' by  a  lane  which 
 joins  the  road  to  Ilutherglen  from  Hagginshaw,  and  from  the  difficulty 
 she  experienced  in  bringing  her  horse  tlirough  its  muddy  avenue  it  has 
 evor  siiii-M  bcm   callt'd   MaPi^   Miri .      In  tlu^  laiu'  calli'd   the   Dins   Dykes, 
 
15G8.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  821 
 
 first  to  have  taken  the  road  towards  Dunbarton,  in  order  to 
 secure  her  person  in  that  impregnable  fortress ;  but  the 
 passages  thither  being  mostly  in  the  hands  of  her  enemies, 
 she  was  advised  by  the  Lord  Herries  to  go  into  Galloway, 
 in  which  country  she  would  have  present  security,  a  short 
 way  from  thence,  either  by  sea  or  land  into  England,  and 
 might  likewise  obtain  a  passage  into  France,  according  as 
 she  should  think  it  convenient  for  her  to  direct  her  course. 
 
 How  soon  the  Queen  was  refreshed  after  so  long  and 
 sorrowful  a  journey  «ho  held  a  consultation  with  her  friends 
 
 about  150  yards  soutli  of  the  maiu  street  of  Rutlierj^len,  two  rustics  who 
 were  cuttinf^  grass  in  the  vicinity  attempted  to  stop  the  Queen  in  her 
 flight,  and  threatened  to  cut  lier  in  pieces  with  their  scythes  if  she  pro- 
 ceeded farther,  hut  she  was  instantly  relieved  from  the  insolence  of  those 
 savages.  Lord  llerries,  the  companion  of  her  flight,  says  that  the  Queen 
 never  halted  till  she  came  to  Saniinhar,  which  by  modern  roads  is  fifty-five 
 miles  from  Cllasgow  ;  but  as  her  flight  was  chiefly  across  the  country, 
 it  is  almost  impossible  to  trace  her  route  to  the  coast  of  Kirkcudbright- 
 shire. Her  course,  according  to  local  tradition,  which,  however,  is  con- 
 tradicted by  Lord  llerries,  seems  to  have  been  through  the  romantic  vale 
 of  the  Glenkens,  traversed  by  the  Ken,  in  the  northern  district  of  that 
 county.  In  winding  her  flight  through  its  wildest  recesses  Mary  drew 
 rein  for  a  short  time  at  Queenshill,  a  property  near  the  head  of  the  vale 
 of  Tarf,  which  received  that  name  to  commemorate  the  event,  fehe  is 
 said  to  have  crossed  the  Dee  at  Tongland  by  a  frail  wooden  bridge,  which 
 her  attendants  destroyed  to  retard  the  movements  of  the  enemy.  While 
 this  was  in  operation,  the  unhappy  Queen  obtained  temporary  shelter  and 
 refreshment  in  the  cottage  of  a  widow,  who  was  rewarded,  scanty  as  were 
 the  ways  and  means,  to  the  extent  of  her  aml)ition,  by  being  made  pro- 
 prietrix  of  the  cottage  and  adjoining  field.  x\ll  this  was  after  she  left 
 Sanquhar,  and  entered  Kirkcudbrightshire.  Lord  llerries  says  that  Mary 
 stopped  at  his  house  of  Terreagles,  where  specimens  of  her  needlework, 
 and  the  bed  in  which  she  slept,  are  preserved.  According  to  Lord  llerries, 
 Mary  rested  "  some  few  days"  at  Terreagles,  whence  slie  proceeded  to  Duu- 
 drennan  Abbey,  in  tlie  parish  of  Kerrick,  in  the  evening.  It  appears  that 
 the  Queen  did  not  pass  her  last  evening  in  that  religious  house  as  is  com- 
 monly believed.  The  Monks,  dreading  the  vengeance  of  her  pursuers  in 
 the  sluipe  of  fine  or  confiscation,  ])rocured  accommodation  for  her  in  a 
 private  house  occu[)ie(l  by  tlio  ancestors  of  the  late  ^frs  Anderson  of 
 Stroquhan,  and  the  Queen,  in  return  for  their  kindness,  presented  them 
 with  a  vahiable  ring  and  a  ricli  damask  tal>le-ck)th.  Sucli  istlie  tradition 
 of  the  district,  which  is  not  impn)l)able.  It  may  be  here  stated  that  the 
 small  creek,  a  mile  and  a-half  south  of  Dundrennan  Abbey,  at  which  Mary 
 subsequently  embarked  for  Kngland,  is  known  as  Port-Mary  from  that 
 circumstance.  'I'lic  rocky  scenery  is  wild  and  impressive,  and  the  shore 
 is  reached  from  the  Abbey  through  a  sechuk'd  vah'  of  most  ronnmtic 
 beauty.  The  rock  is  still  pointed  out  from  which  Mary  took  her  final 
 leave  of  Scotland.  Maryport  on  the  Cumlxrland  «:i<lo  received  its  nam.-* 
 as  the  place  of  Mary's  debarkation.— E.| 
 
822  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G8. 
 
 what  course  she  next  sliould  follow.  And  though  they 
 obtested  her  not  to  commit  herself  into  the  hands  of  the 
 Queen  of  England,  }'et  as  an  increase  to  all  her  former  mis- 
 fortunes this  was  the  unlucky  road  she  proposed,  alledging 
 for  this  her  resolution  the  late  kindnesses  her  cousin  had 
 shewed  her,  and  her  own  aversion  to  go  again  into  France 
 with  the  e(iuij)age  of  an  exile  or  fugitive  where  she  had 
 formerly  appeared  in  so  much  glory  and  splendour. 
 
 Pursuant  to  this  resolution  "  the  Lord  Herries  wrote  a 
 letter  on  Saturday  the  15th  of  May,  to  Mr  Lauder,^  the 
 Deputy-Captain  of  Carlilc,  declaring  to  him  the  mishap  of 
 the  conflict  on  the  loth  at  Langside,  and  requiring  to  know 
 whether,  if  the  Queen  of  Scots  his  sovereign  should  be  com- 
 pelled to  seek  refuge  in  England,  she  might  come  safely 
 thither  to  Carlile.  The  said  Deputy  made  answer  by  letter 
 on  Sunday  in  the  morning,  that  the  Lord  Scroop  being  the 
 Captain  of  Carlile  and  Lord  Warden  of  these  frontiers,  was 
 at  London,  whereby  he  had  no  authority  in  such  a  case 
 pertaining  to  the  state  of  a  Queen,  to  assure  anything ;  but 
 he  would  send  by  post  to  the  Court  to  know  the  Queen's 
 Majesty's  pleasure.  And  if  in  the  meantime  any  necessity 
 should  force  the  Queen  of  Scots  to  come  to  Carlile  he  would 
 gladly  meet  her,  and  receive  her  into  his  rule,  and  save  her 
 from  all  her  enemies,  until  the  Queen's  jNLajesty's  pleasure 
 might  be  further  known.  But  before  that  messenger  return- 
 ing from  Carlile  on  Sunday  could  come  where  the  Lord 
 Herries  was,  the  Queen  and  the  Lord  Herries  were  gone, 
 and  had  taken  passage  in  Galloway  in  a  fisher-boat  with 
 eighteen  or  twenty  persons^  with  her,  and  arrived  on  the 
 same  Sunday  before  night  eat  a  creek  in  Cumberland  called 
 Wirkington,  distant  from  Carlile  more  than  milos'^ ; 
 
 ^  [Properly  Lowtlier,  an  anccbtor  of  tlio  Noble  Family  of  Lowther, 
 Earls  of  Lonsdale.  Sir  Kichard  Lowtlier  succeeded  his  cousin  lh>nry 
 Lord  Hcrope  as  Lord  Warden  of  the  AVost  Marches.  After  Mary  landed 
 at  Workinf,'ton,  Sir  Kichard  Lowther,  tlien  High  Sherift'  of  Cumberland, 
 received  orders  from  I'.lizabeth  to  convey  her  to  Carlisle  Castle. — E.] 
 
 3  By  Andei-son's  Collections,  vol.  iv.  p.  9,  we  are  assiu-ed  Mons.  de 
 Beaumont  the  French  ambassador  was  now  one  of  the  Queen's  company 
 that  came  with  her  into  England.  Stow's  Chronicle  says,  lier  Majesty 
 *'  liad  in  her  company  to  the  number  of  sixteen  pereous,  besides  four 
 water  men  ;  and  that  Captain  Kead,  with  fifty  soldiers,  were  ai)pointed  to 
 attend  upon  lu«r,  and  conveyed  her  to  Carlile." 
 
 ^  Tlu'  number  of  mih's  hvro  is  blank  in   the  original,  Imt  the  distance 
 
l0G8.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  823 
 
 whereof,  until  Monday  towards  night,  the  said  Deputy- 
 Captain  understood  not.  Nevertheless  at  the  landing  of  the 
 Queen  of  Scots  at  Work  in  ^^^t  on,  though  she  would  at  the 
 first  be  known  to  be  the  Queen,  yet  certain  gentlemen  of 
 the  country,  hearing  of  the  landing  of  certain  persons  out 
 of  Scotland,  resorted  to  Workington  ;  and  upon  further 
 understanding  that  she  was  the  C^ueen  of  Scots,  very  duti- 
 fully brought  her  to  a  town  called  Cockermouth  belonging 
 to  the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  by  which  the  Queen's 
 Majesty  (viz.  of  England)  was  lirst  advertised  of  her  arrival 
 upon  the  first  knowledge  thereof  given  to  him  by  his  officers, 
 where  she  remained  until  the  Deputy  of  Carlile  had  assem- 
 bled the  whole  number  of  the  gentlemen  of  the  country 
 to  conduct  her  as  honourably  as  the  manner  of  the  country 
 would  yield  to  the  Castle  of  Carlile." 
 
 This  is  the  account  of  the  Queen  s  retreat  into  England 
 as  contained  in  one  of  Secretary  Cecil's  papers,^  which  I 
 believe  to  be  pretty  exact.  [lowever,  that  my  readers 
 may  not  complain  for  want  of  other  information,  I  here 
 subjoin  such  accounts  thereof  as  our  own  contemporary 
 historians  have  afforded  us.2 — "  She  (the  Queen)  during 
 her  remain  at  Dumfries,-^  sent  a  messenger  to  the  Queen  of 
 
 is  tliirty  Englisli  or  twenty -five  Scottish  miles  nearly.  Workington  is 
 situated  at  the  south  side  of  the  Water  of  Derwent  in  the  county  of 
 Cumberland,  about  sixteen  miles  from  the  mcuth  of  the  rivers  of  Dee  and 
 Nith  in  Scotland,  from  one  of  which  it  is  certain  her  Majesty  took 
 passage. — [Workington  is  34^  miles  from  Carlisle. — E.] 
 
 ^  See  Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  iv.  p.  1. 
 
 2  Crawford's  MS.— [Historic  and  J.ife  of  King  James  the  Sext,  printed 
 for  the  r>ANNATYNE  Club,  p.  27,  2.S  29.— E.] 
 
 •■*  This  author  once  and  again  takes  notice  of  Dumfries  as  the  place 
 where  the  (.^ueen  stopt  after  the  battle  of  Langsido,  but  Blackwood 
 mentions  JJundnvmy  wliich  doubtless  should  be  DundnunaUf  an  Abbay 
 some  two  miles  below  the  town  of  Kirkcudbright  on  the  coast  of  Solway 
 Firth,  which  place  is  indeed  about  sixty  Scottish  miles  from  I^ngside, 
 the  place  of  batth*.  And  Ilolinshed  says—"  The  Quecne,  perceyving  the 
 overthrow  of  hir  people,  fled  from  the  place  wiiere  she  stoode  to  beliohl 
 the  battayle,  and  withdrew  to  Crawforde  towne,  and  so  by  the  ?an<inhar 
 to  Dundrenane  in  Calloway."  And  says(.'alderwood's  MS.—"  The  (^ueeii 
 perceiving  the  (»verthrow  of  her  army,  tied  from  the  place  where  she  was 
 standing  to  behold,  about  a  mile  from  the  battle.  She  was  nccomi.anied 
 by  the  Lord  J  lorries  and  his  horsemen,  who  after  the  rejailse  staid  about 
 her,  and  conveyed  her  to  Dundrenan  in  Calloway."-  ( Dundrennan 
 Abbov,  now  a  most  interesting  ruin,  is  fmir  and  a  half  I'.nglisli  miles  from 
 
824  THE  HISTOllY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15C8. 
 
 England,  desiring  her  passport  to  pass  immediately  into 
 France,!  which  innnediately  was  granted  ;  and  the  (^uecn 
 of  England  therewithal!  sent  to  the  Queen  of  Scotland  a  fair 
 diamond  in  token  of  friendship,  as  the  token  (custom)  of 
 that  country  is.2  \hit  it  was  converted  to  falsehood  ere  all 
 was  done ;  for  although  she  made  her  believe  before  she 
 went  from  Scotland,  even  in  the  midst  of  her  distress,  that 
 she  would  supply  her,  yet  it  was  never  done  by  the  least 
 countenance  that  could  be  perceived  against  her  enemies  ; 
 for  in  the  beginning  of  her  troubles  she  recepted  and 
 harboured  within  her  bounds  the  most  capital  enemies  that 
 ever  she  had — the  one  was  Patrick  Lord  Ruthven,  who  died 
 in  the  town  of  Newcastle  in  England  ;  the  other  was  James 
 Earl  of  Morton,  who  afterwards  became  llegent  of  Scotland, 
 and  made  a  violent  end  for  a  filthy  cause.     Besides  all  this, 
 
 Kirkoudbriffht.  In  the  genuine  "  Ilistorie  and  Life  of  King  James  the 
 Sext,"  Dundrennan — not  Dumfries — occurs  in  the  text.  See  also  Calder- 
 wood's  History  of  the  Kirk  of  Scotland,  printed  for  the  Wodrow  Society, 
 vol.  ii.  p.  416.— E.] 
 
 ^  This  must  certainly  be  a  mistake,  as  appears  by  our  Queen's  letter  to 
 the  Queen  of  England  immediately  upon  her  arrival  in  that  kingdom. 
 
 2  And  this  likewise  must  be  a  mistake,  for  there  was  no  message  at 
 all  sent  by  our  Queen  to  the  English  Queen  until  she  was  really  landed 
 in  England.  Nor  does  it  ever  ap})ear  that  the  Queen  of  England  sent  our 
 Queen  any  ring,  or  other  token  of  friendshi])  (words  only  excepted)  from 
 the  time  she  entered  into  England.  This  author  has  heard  of  a  ring 
 formerly  sent  by  the  Queen  of  England  to  our  Queen,  which  he  has 
 imagined  to  be  sent  at  this  time.  And  indeed  others  of  our  writers  tell 
 the  story  as  if  our  Queen  had  sent  that  ring  to  the  Queen  of  England  at 
 this  time,  for  no  other  reason,  1  imagine,  but  because  both  these  Queens 
 had  recii)rocally  sent  rings  to  each  other  as  i)ledges  (it  is  pretended)  of 
 contributing  their  mutual  assistance  to  each  other  if  they  should  chance 
 to  stand  in  need  thereof;  though  truly  I  rather  incline  to  think  these 
 rings  were  nothing  else  but  tlie  effects  of  ordinary  civility,  which  com- 
 monly proceeds  from  the  mouth  only,  and  reaches  not  to  the  heart.  And 
 1  even  see  but  vei-y  little  ground  to  believe  that  any  ring  wiis  at  all  sent, 
 orsont  back,at  this  juncture  from  either  of  the  Queens  to  the  other.— [I^ord 
 llerries,  liowevcr,  is  jwsitive  concerning  the  ring,  of  which  lie  was  the 
 bearer.  When  Mary  ri'ached  Cockermouth  she  despatched  him  to  London 
 with  letters  to  Elizabeth  with  her  own  hand,  "  in  which  she  expressed  the 
 hard  condition  her  rebellious  subjects  had  put  hi-r  unto,  and  sent  up  with 
 this  Lord  llerries  letters  which  Queen  Elizabeth  had  sent  imto  her  some- 
 tyme  bofo'"e  tliis,  together  with  a  diamond  rin;/  which  she  had  lykewyso 
 sent  her  in  token  of  a  sure  frieiulship,  which  by  her  letters  she  desyred 
 her  to  keej),  that  if  she  should  happen  to  fall  into  distress,  the  sight  of 
 that  ring  should  be  an  infallible  tye  for  Elizabeth  to  assist  her  with  all 
 her  powiM-."—  Ilistorie  of  the  Ueigne  of  >'arie  Queen  of  Scots,  printed  for 
 the  .\bbotskoup  Ci.rn,  p.  10,1,  104.     Iv] 
 
1568.]  OF  CHURCH  and  state  in  Scotland.  825 
 
 although  the  Queen  of  Scotland  was  entered  into  England 
 by  that  Queen's  own  permission,  and  great  promises  of 
 friendship  to  follow  thereupon,^  by  the  taking  of  the  ring 
 carried  by  Sir  Robert  Melino,'-  now  Treasurer-Depute  of 
 Scotland,'^  notwithstanding  she  was  committed  first  to  tho 
 town  of  Carlile,  and  next  to  the  custody  of  ray  Lord  Scroop, 
 where  she  was  so  circumspectly  attended  upon,  that  for  a 
 long  time  she  was  debarred  from  all  access  to  others,  and  all 
 others  debarred  from  access  to  her.*  And  when  she  desired 
 to  have  free  passage  through  her  country  according  to  tho 
 first  condition  of  the  passi)ort,-''  it  was  answered.  That  somo 
 commissioners  should  be  sent  to  talk  with  her  at  York, 
 who  should  resolve  her  in  all  things.  But  to  the  effect  I 
 may  return  to  my  purpose  ;  the  Nobles  of  Scotland  who 
 were  convened  with  her  at  Dumfries,  understanding  her 
 bent  mind  to  pass  into  England,  they  withstood  her  with 
 many  reasons,  saying.  That  the  Queen  and  Council  of 
 England  meaned  no  more  uprightly  to  her  at  that  time  than 
 they  had  to  divers  of  her  predecessors  afore-time  ;  which 
 was  to  keep  her  sure  within  her  kingdom,  never  to  come 
 
 ^  "  She  (the  Queen  of  Scots)  never  rested  till  she  was  in  England, 
 thinking  herself  sure  of  refuge  there,  in  respect  of  the  fair  j)ronHses 
 formerly  made  to  her  by  the  Queen  of  England,  by  word  to  her  ambas- 
 sadors, and  by  her  own  hand-writ,  both  before  and  after  she  was  captive 
 in  Lochleven.  But  God  and  the  world  knows  how  she  was  kept  and 
 used,"  &c  Sir  James  Melvil's  Memoirs.— [Edited  by  George  Scott,  folio, 
 p.  92  ;  Memoirs  of  his  own  Life,  printed  for  the  Bannatyne  Club, 
 p.  202.— E.] 
 
 3  Melvil.— [The  Scottish  peasantry  pronounce  MilviUe  as  Mdlnc—a. 
 corruption  of  Mclvlriy  which  is  often  written  for  ^fch'ill^. — E.] 
 
 3  Sir  Robert  was  made  Treasurer-Depute  about  the  tinie  of  King  James 
 VI. 's  marriage,  in  the  year  1589. 
 
 •*  This  agrees  not  with  what  is  told  elsewhere,  viz.— that  "to  Bolton, 
 a  house  of  the  Lord  Scroop's,  whither  her  Majestic  came  about  the  IGth 
 of  June,  was  licensed  to  resort  to  her  all  manner  of  her  sul)jects  of  what 
 state  soever  they  were,  to  the  number  of  thirty  at  one  tyme,  coming  to 
 her,  above  her  ordinary  servaunts  that  wait  upon  her  ;  which  numbre  the 
 Queenes  Majestic  (of  England)  appoyutcd,  allthough  be  the  saiid  Quecnes 
 own  lettres  she  rcquyred  but  four  at  a  tyme.*'— Anderson's  Collections, 
 vol.  iv.  p.  6*. 
 
 5  The  first  mention  of  a  pas-sport  at  all  for  our  Queen  to  go  into  France 
 was  by  the  Lord  Ilerrics  on  tho  29th  May  15G8,  when  he  went  out  to 
 meet  the  Lord  Scroop  and  Sir  Francis  KnoUes,  who  were  sent  from 
 London  to  wait  on  our  Queen  at  Cavlislo,  but  the  answer  here  mentioned 
 by  otir  author  was  not  given  tlicu. 
 
82C  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1508. 
 
 loose  again,  and  to  rule  by  their  usurped  supposites  in 
 Scotland,  as  they  had  done  before  in  the  time  of  King 
 Robert  Bruce,  and  many  others,  to  hold  this  Realm  per- 
 petually at  under ;  using  many  other  reasons  to  disswade 
 her  from  that  purpose.^  But  all  was  in  vain  ;  her  will 
 behovVl  to  be  accomplished,  there  was  so  great  belief  given 
 to  the  pasport  and  the  ring  on  her  side,  that  she  got  never 
 credence  to  requit  them  with  thanks.  And  thus  she  passed 
 into  England  upon  hopes  of  farther  courtesy ."2 
 
 It  is  to  no  purpose  for  us  short-sighted  mortals  to  com- 
 plain behind  the  hand,  when  the  time  is  past  for  recalHng 
 what  we  have  done  amiss ;  nor  yet,  perhaps,  are  the  misfor- 
 tunes which  befall  us  owing  always  to  this  and  the  other 
 reason  we  fondly  ascribe  them  to.  That  our  Queen's  entering 
 into  England  at  this  time  was  attended  with  much  trouble 
 and    vexation  to   her,-"   and  at  last,  after  eighteen   years' 
 
 1  This  same  ar^nimeut,  furnished  likewise  with  several  other  particular 
 instances  of  the  hard  usa^e  our  Kings  have  met  with  from  England,  is 
 ascribed  by  Blackwood  to  the  Archbishop  of  St  Andrews  at  this  time, 
 which  the  readers  may  find  translated  from  him  into  Dr  Mackenzie's  Life 
 of  Queen  Mary,  and  how  that  Prelate  should  at  length  have  fallen  down 
 upon  his  knees,  and  entreated  the  Queen  with  tears  in  his  eyes  not  to 
 depart,  but  remain  within  Scotland. 
 
 2  Crawford's  MS. — [Ilistorie  and  Life  of  King  James  the  Sext,  printed 
 for  the  Bannatv.xe  Club,  p  27,  2S,  29.— E.] 
 
 ^  [Queen  Mary's  circumstauces,  when  she  arrived  in  England,  may  be 
 inferred  from  the  following  extract  of  a  letter  written  in  French  by  her 
 to  Queen  Elizabeth  dated  Workington,  17th  ^Liy  loGS— "  It  is  my  earnest 
 reciuest  that  your  Majesty  will  send  for  me  as  soon  as  possible,  for  my 
 condition  is  pitiable,  not  to  say  for  a  Queen,  but  for  a  simple  gentlewoman. 
 I  have  no  other  dress  than  that  in  which  I  escaped  from  the  field.  My 
 first  day's  ride  was  sixty  miles  across  the  country,  and  I  have  not  since 
 dared  to  travel  except  by  night.*' — Anderson's  Collections,  vol.  iv,  p.  33. 
 Her  destitution  after  her  removal  to  Carlisle  is  thus  stated  in  a  letter  to 
 Catherine  dc  Medici—"  ^[adam,  I  beseech  you  to  have  regard  to  my 
 necessity.  The  King  owes  me  some  money,  and  I  luive  not  a  jienny.  I 
 am  not  ashamed  to  make  my  plaint  unto  you,  as  to  lier  who  has  brought 
 me  up  ;  for  I  have  not  only  not  wherewithal  to  purchivse  a  shift,  but  am 
 reduced  to  a  plight  which  the  bearer  will  tell  you."  When  the  Queen 
 landed  in  England  she  was  entertained  at  Workington  Hall  by  Sir 
 Henry  Curwen,  until  she  removed  to  Cockermouth  and  Carlisle.  The 
 chamber  in  which  she  slept  is  still  called  the  Queen's  room.  Lord  Ilerries 
 states  that  before  he  returned  from  the  mission  on  which  he  had  been 
 sent  by  Marv  to  Elizabeth,  announcing  her  arrival  in  England  and 
 roipicsting    her  j.jotection.   Lord    Scrope,   who    was  "  Warden  on    the 
 
1568.] 
 
 OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  827 
 
 confinement,  with  a  violent   death,  is  what  all  her  friends 
 would  be  ready  enough  to  lament,  and  earnestly  to  wish  she 
 
 English  syde,  and  lived  at  Carlisle  Castle,  was  commanded  to  carry  her 
 to  the  Castle  of  Carlisle,  where,   with  a  shadow  of  honor,  she  was  kept 
 under  a  strict  guard." — Historic  of  the  Keigne  of  Marie  Queen  of  Scots, 
 printed  for  the  Abbotsford  Clcb,  p.  104.     Mary  remained  at  Cocker- 
 moutli,    after    she    left  Workington,    until   Sir   Kichard    Lowther   had 
 assembled  a  body  of  the  country  gentlemen  to  escort  her  to  Carlisle  in  a 
 manner  suitable  to  her  rank.      When    the   important    tidings   reached 
 Elizabeth  she  desi)atched  an  express  to  Lowther,  enjoining  him  to  treat 
 Mary  with  the  utmost  courtesy  and  respect.     Lord  Scrope  and  Sir  Francis 
 Knollys,  the  \'ice-Cliamberlain,  were  immediately  sent  to  Carlisle  with 
 strict  orders  to  watch  every  motion  of  the  Scottisli  Queen,  and  Lady 
 Scrope,  sister  of  Thomas  Duke  of  Norfolk,  and  other  ladies,  were  com- 
 manded to  repair  to  Carlisle  and  attend  ]NLary.     Lord  Scrope  and  Sir 
 Francis  Knollys  arrived  at  Carlisle  on  the  29th  of  May  15GS.     They  were 
 met  a  short  distance  from  the  city  by  Lord  llerries,  who  announced  to  them 
 the  earnest  desire  of  Mary  to  have  an  interview  with  Elizabeth,  or  that 
 his  royal  mistress  would  retpiirc  a  passT  ort  to  France,  but  he  wa.s  informed 
 that   the  former  could   not  be  granted  till  she  was  cleared  from  any 
 implication  in   the  murder  of  Darnlcy.     Among  Mary's  attendants  in 
 Carlisle  Ca.stle  were  Bishop  Lesley  of  Ross,  Lords  llerries,  Livingstone, 
 and  Fleming,  George  Douglas,   the  foundling   page  "  Little  Douglas," 
 Curll  and  Naive,  her  two  secretaries,  John  Beaton,  and  Sebastian,  Ladies 
 Fleming  and  Livingstone,  Mary  Scton,  and  others.     When  the  Scottish 
 Queen  was  informed  that  Elizabeth  refused  to  admit  her  into  her  presence, 
 she  expressed  the  most  poignant  sorrow,  and  burst  into  tears.     Mean- 
 while, on  the  pretence  that  too  many  "  Scottish   strangers"    were    in 
 Carlisle,  Lord  Scrope  and  Sir  Francis  Knollys  ordered  the  fortifications 
 of  the  Castle  to  be  completely  repaired.     Mary  was  narrowly  watched, 
 and  her  rides  were  limited  to  a  short  distance  ;  but  she  was  allowed  to 
 attend  Divine  Service  in  the  Cathedral,  with   the  intention  of  disguising 
 from  her  as  much  as  possible  her  situation  as  a  prisoner,  her  attendants 
 played  at  foot-ball,  at  which  she  Avas  occasionally  present,  and  she  rode  out 
 "hunting  the  hare." — (Knollys  to  Cecil,  ISth  June  loGS,  Cotton  MS). 
 Mary's  retinue  was  now  increased  to  nearly  forty,  including  "  gentlemen 
 servers  and  waiters,  carvers  and  cup-bearers,"  and  in  the  city  her  friends 
 and  their  retainers  from  Scotland  amounted  to  thirty  or  forty  more,  who 
 often  paid  their  respects  to  the  Queen.     In  a  letter  to  Cecil,  dated  2Sth 
 June,  Sir  Francis  Knollys  announces  Mary's  reluctance  to  be  conveyed 
 farther  south.     He  notices  lier  amusements,  and  "  -Mistress  .Mary  Seaton, 
 being  Lord  Seaton's  daughter,"  who,  he  says,  is  "  praised  by  the  Queen 
 to  be  the  fynest  busker,  that  is  to  siiy,  the  fynest  dresser  of  a  woman's 
 head  and  hair  that  is  to  be  seen  in  any  country."     The  Queen  Iiad  at  that 
 date  six  waiting  women.     "  As  touching  her  (trace's  apparell,"  says  Sir 
 Francis,   "  besydes  dyvers  sutes  of  black  colour   that   she   hath    here, 
 according   to   her    desyre    we   have    agayno    sent    to    Edinbomngh    to 
 my  Lord  Morraye  for  dyvers  other  sutes  of  apparell,  and  we   look  fo- 
 morrowe  for  the  retorne  of  the  messenger  ;  but  she  seemeth  to  estenie  of 
 none  other  apparyll   than  her  owne."     On  the  7th  of  July  that  year  Sir 
 J'^-ancis  writes  that   the   Hcgent    Mnruy  ha<l  sent  ins  own  messenger  wifh 
 
828  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [15G8. 
 
 had  taken  another  rcsohition  ;  but  yet  neither  she  nor  they 
 could  bo  certain  that  tlie  same  or  the  hke  miseries  should 
 not  have  come  upon  her  elsewhere,  or  that  they  would 
 certainly  befall  her  upon  her  withdrawing  into  England. 
 For  though  it  be  true  that  suspicions  and  misunderstandings 
 
 "  three  coffers  of  ajjparyll,"  whicli  Mary  appears  not  to  have  tliou^'ht 
 sufficiently  gay,  and  she  sent   to  the  Kegent  "  for  lier  desyred  apparyll 
 reniayning  in  Lochleven."    lie  adds  that  Mary  did  not  pay  the  messengers 
 who  were  desjjatclied  on  those  errands,  and  that  Elizabeth  is  "  lyke  to 
 beare  the  charges  thereof  also."     The  tower  in  which  Mary  was  confined 
 was  situated  at  the  nortli-east  corner  of  Carlisle  Castle,  and  her  windows 
 commanded  an  extensive  prospect  of  rich  meadow  land  watered  by  the 
 Eden,  with  the  village  of  Stanwix  on  the  opposite  bank.     A  part  of  the 
 staircase  of  Queen  Mary's  tower  and  some  ornamented  stonework  arc  now 
 the  only  memorials.     The  door  through  which  she  came  out  to  her  daily 
 promenade  on  the  Ladies'  Walk  is  walled  up.     This  tower,  the  lower  part 
 of  which  was  of  Norman  architecture,  and  probably  the  original  building 
 erected  by  William   Rufus,  was  taken  down  in  1834  in  consequence  of 
 its  insecure  state,  the  materials  were  sold  by  auction,  and  a  wall  built 
 round  the  angle  of  the  site,  the  battlements  of  which  are  loopholed  for 
 musquetry.     At  the  sale  the  oak  beams  brought  very  high  prices  to  be 
 manufactured  into  relics.     In  one  of  the  rooms  of  the  Keep  of  Carlisle 
 Castle  is  a  curiously  caived  oak  table,  which  is  said  t  >  have  been  a  part  of 
 the  furniture  of  Queen  Mary's  kitchen.     Two  ash  trees,  which  tradition 
 asserted  were  planted  by  Queen  Mary,  were  cut  down  by  order  of  the 
 Board  of  Ordnance  in  lb04,  and  as  they  were  remarkably  fine  ones,  pro- 
 bably the  largest  in  the  county,  apart  from  the  interest  excited  by  their 
 origin  they  formed  an  ornamental  appendage  to  the  Castle,  which  ren- 
 dered their  destruction  most  unnecessary  and  unaccountable.     On  the 
 13th  of  July,  after  very  great  difficulty.   Lord  Scrope  and  !Sir  Francis 
 Knollys  succeeded  in  removing  Mary  from  Carlisle.     At  first  she  was 
 stubborn  and  unwilling.     The  latter  writes  to  Cecil  that  when  it  was  an- 
 iiouuced  to  her  that  Elizabeth  had  sent  her  own  litter  and  horses,  and  she 
 was  entreated  to  go  "  with  contentatiou  and  good  will" — "  surely,"   he 
 says,  "  if  I  should  declare  the  difficulties  that  we  have  passed  before  we 
 could  get  her  to  remove,  instead  of  a  letter  I  sJiould  write  a  story,  and 
 that  somewhat  tragical."     The  first  place  at  which  Mary  and  her  attend- 
 ants rested  was  Lowther,  the  residence  of  Sir  Richard  Lowther,  the  Deputy 
 "Warden  of  the  Marches.     When  they  arrived  within  five  miles  of  the 
 mansion  they  were  met  by  Sir  Richard,  who  informed  Mary  that  Eliza- 
 beth had  prepared  Bolton   Castle  in    Yorkshire,  the  residence  of  Lord 
 Scrope,  for  her  reception,  and  thither  she  was  accordingly  taken,  strictly 
 guarded,  and  forbidden   to  liave  any  communication   with  her  Scottish 
 subjects.     The  unfortunate  Queen  was  subsetiuently  removed  from  one 
 castle  to  another,  as  notions  of  caprice  or  fancied  security  dictated,  with 
 diminished   comforts  at    every  change  of  abode,  until  she  was    finally 
 deprived  of  her  i)ersonal  liberty  and  of  every  consolation  ;  and  she  was  con- 
 signed, on  the  2r)th  of  Se])t('mbcr  loSH,  to  I'otheringay  Castle,  in  which, 
 in  the  following  Ecbruarv,  her   uiihajiiiy   life   was  ended  by  the  execu- 
 tioner.-E.j 
 
15G8.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  82D 
 
 had  intervened  betwixt  our  Queen  and  the  Queen  of  England, 
 yet  she  had  in  my  opinion  very  great  reason  to  expect  that 
 her  cousin  would  have  acted  a  better  part  towards  her  on 
 this  occasion  : — those  late  remonstrances  considered,  which 
 had  been  made  in  her  favour  so  lately  by  Sir  Nicholas 
 Throckmorton  in  his  mistress's  name.  But  indeed  these 
 were  all  very  quickly  forgot,  and  no  sooner  had  the  English 
 Queen  got  our  Queen  in  her  possession,  but  she  speaks  in 
 another  accent,  and  resolves,  if  not  from  her  own  mind,  at 
 least  by  the  advice  of  her  Council,  to  make  her  a  prisoner. 
 How  little  are  the  words  or  promises  of  Princes  to  bo 
 depended  upon  when  reasons  of  State  can  be  alledged  for 
 recalling  them  ! 
 
 The  Queen's  Majesty  being  now  reduced  to  the  dismal 
 .situation  of  a  captive  in  another  land,  from  which  she  had 
 never  afterwards  the  happiness  to  be  delivered  except  only 
 by  an  untimely  death  ;i  and  this  nation  being  thereby  brought 
 under  the  necessity  of  a  new  Government,-  I  suppose  that 
 
 ^  [Queen  Mary  was  beheaded  in  the  hall  of  Fotheringay  Castle  on  the 
 Sth  of  February,  or  18th  of  the  new  style,  1587,  in  the  forty-fifth  year  of 
 lier  age.  "Here,"  says  Lord  llerries,  "is  now  an  end  of  this  Queen's 
 unfortunate  reigne,  though  not  of  her  lyfe,  which  yet  continued  eighteen 
 years  longer,  in  all  which  tynie  she  suffered  imprisonment,  miseries,  and 
 affliction  above  iniliction,  at  last  death  itselfe,  by  the  loss  of  her  head." — 
 Historic  of  the  R^igne  of  Marie  Queen  of  Scots,  printed  for  the  Abbots- 
 ford  Club,  p.  104. — E.] 
 
 ^  [The  Regent  Moray's  career  was  of  no  long  duration  after  Mary's 
 flight  into  England.  In  the  Conference  of  York,  which  was  afterwards 
 removed  to  Westminster,  the  Regent,  without  any  satisfactory  evidence 
 of  Mary's  guilt,  or  any  decision  pronounced  on  that  evidence,  such  as  it 
 was,  hesitated  not  to  give  the  most  decided  and  ungrateful  testimony  against 
 his  sister  ;  and  leaving  her  in  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  by  whom  she 
 was  virtually,  though  not  formally,  condemned  to  perpetual  in4)risonmont, 
 he  returned  to  administer  the  aftairs  of  Scotland,  of  which  he  was  the 
 uncontrouled  master.  The  iiegent  held  a  Parliament  at  Edinburgh  on 
 the  12th  of  July  15GS,  which  was  continued  to  the  l(>th,  lJ)th,  and  24t]i  of 
 August,  and  the  17th  of  November.  Archbishoj)  Hamilton  of  St  Andrews, 
 Lord  Claud  Hamilton,  the  Earls  of  I'glinton  and  Cassillis,  Lords  Herries 
 and  Fleming,  and  others,  were  forfeited  (Acta  Pari.  Scot,  folio,  vol.  iii. 
 p.  45-58).  Those  proceedings  exasperati'd  the  llamiltons,  and  Moray  wa.s 
 fussassinated  on  the2.'W  of  January,  while  riding  through  the  public  street 
 of  Linlithgow,  by  James  Hamilton  of  IJothwellhaugh,  nephew  of  the 
 Archbishop,  whose  wife  he  had  allowed  to  be  dejirived  of  her  estate  of 
 AVoodhouselee  near  Edinburgh,  and  who  had  been  turned  out  of  her 
 residence  by  the  Lord  Justice-Clerk  Rellenden,  the  person  who  obtained 
 the  property.     The  ball  pn.*jsed  through  the  I^cgent's  body,  and  though  he 
 
830  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS  [1568. 
 
 when  I  shall  have  carried  forward  tlie  Ecclosiastick  Affairs 
 of  the  kingdom  to  a  coincidence  with  this  period,  the  same 
 may  be  reckoned  a  proper  enough  opportunity  for  putting  a 
 close  to  the  First  Volume  of  our  Historical  Collections. ^  To 
 these  last  named  affairs,  after  a  long  recess  of  seven  or  eight 
 years,  I  am  now  going  to  advance,  previous  to  which  I  shall 
 only  take  the  freedom  to  desire  my  readers  to  pause  a  little 
 here,  and  upon  shutting  up  this  period  of  civil  transactions 
 allow  themselves  to  reflect  upon  the  instability  of  all  humane 
 grandeur,  and  indeed  of  all  things  whatsoever  this  world 
 can  afibrd.  The  case  of  our  Queen  has  hitherto  been,  and  I 
 believe  will  continue  to  be,  looked  upon  as  a  very  eminent 
 instance  of  w^hat  I  here  alledge,  by  the  iiu.iiy  traversies  of 
 fortune  which  accompanied  her  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave. 
 And  if  the  seven  years  last  run  out  might  have  been  judged 
 the  most  stable  time  of  her  life,  yet  strange  it  is  to  consider 
 what  and  how  many  elevations  and  depressions  have  been 
 interspersed  even  here  !  not  a  day,  not  an  hour  almost,  but 
 some  new  turn  came  into  her  affairs  !  and  these  vicissitudes, 
 too,  were  as  surprising  in  their  kind  as  various  in  their 
 number  !  To  recapitulate  them  in  the  fewest  words  would 
 consume  too  much  time  and  labour — it  would  seem  to  require 
 little  less  than  to  repeat  over  again  all  that  I  have  already 
 collected.  I  pretend  not,  however,  to  say  that  these  altera- 
 tions and  contrary  gales  surrounded  her  Majesty  fortuitously 
 oidy.  It  is  to  be  acknowledged  that  she  herself  might  have 
 had  a  procuring  hand  in  some  of  them  ;-  but  it  appears  to 
 
 was  able  to  dismount  and  walk  to  a  house,  he  expired  a  little  before  mid- 
 night in  the  thirty-eiy;hth  year  of  his  age.  Such  was  the  end  of  Moray, 
 who  was  long  remembered  by  the  people  as  the  Good  Rcjtnt.  When  Mary 
 was  informed  of  his  fate,  she  is  said  to  have  exclaimed — "  Would  that  he 
 had  not  died  till  he  had  repented  of  his  crimes  toward  his  (Jod,  his  country, 
 and  me  !" — E.] 
 
 •  [Our  Historian  means  IJooks  I.  and  IF,  of  his  folio  History,  forming 
 the  first  and  second  volumes  of  the  present  edition,  which  he  modestly 
 entitles,  as  in  reality  they  are—"  Historical  Collections."  Bishop  Keith 
 contemplated  a  second  volume,  which  he  actually  commenced. — See  "  Bio- 
 graphical Sketch,"  vol.  i.  p.  xxxvi. — E.] 
 
 ■•*  L'l'he  narrative  of  Mary's  reign  in  Scotland,  which  occujiies  the  whole 
 of  the  present  volume,  is  one  of  the  most  eventful  ami  extraordinary  in 
 the  annals  of  the  kingdom.  It  complet(>ly  jjroves  that  the  (^ueen  was 
 incapable  of  conducting  the  government,  and  her  dej)osition  was  almost 
 an  act  of  necessity.     Her  whole  administration  of  State  aftairs  wa.s  a 
 
loG8.]  OF  CHURCH  AND  STATE  IN  SCOTLAND.  831 
 
 be  no  less  true  tliat  a  turbuknt  and  unconscientious  set  of 
 men,  wliom  she  had  admitted  into  the  principal  management 
 of  her  affairs,  stirred  up  a  great  many  more.  She  had  been 
 oftencr  than  once  esteemed,  ap])lauded,  loved,  and  pi.'iised  by 
 those  very  persons  who  have  now  driven  her  into  a  foreign 
 kingdom  to  save  her  life ;  and  some  of  themselves,  whatever 
 might  be  her  miscarriages,  were  so  conscious  of  their  present 
 iniquitous  deportment  towards  her,  and  seemed  to  be  so 
 sensible  of  the  wicked  designs  of  their  own  faction,  that  their 
 hearts  smote  them — they  relented,  toolc  a  contrary  course, 
 and  had  the  chance,  whether  good  or  bad  1  shall  not  deter- 
 mine, to  lose  their  lives  by  the  power  of  these  very  persons 
 whom  they  had  assisted  to  raise  up  to  that  usurped  authority, 
 and  without  whose  advice  and  valour  they  had  never  been 
 able  to  lay  hold  of  it.  Our  Queen  had  likewise  been  in 
 former  time  an  object  of  envy  to  the  English  Queen. i  That 
 Princess  saw  our  sovereign  adorned  by  nature  with  many 
 
 miserable  failure,  while  it  was  characterized  by  the  perpetration  of  a 
 series  of  crimes,  one  of  them  at  least  committed  in  her  very  presence, 
 •which  indelibly  dis<rrace  the  age,  and  can  scarcely  be  paralleled  in  any 
 other  country.  IMot  after  plot  was  concerted  in  rapid  succession,  and 
 Mary  was  in  some  way  or  other  the  unfortunate  victim  of  them  all.  But 
 it  must  be  recollected  that  the  Nobility  were  most  profli^rate,  corrupt,  and 
 unscrupulous,  and  the  peo])le  were  in  a  state  of  tlie  most  deplorable 
 ifrnorance,  rudeness,  and  tuibulence,  easily  excited  by  their  feudal  masters, 
 and  by  the  declamations  of  the  preachers,  who  pursued  Mary  with 
 uncea-singmalifTuity.  She  had  been  educated  in  the  most  licentious  Court 
 in  Europe,  and  her  marria;i;es  in  Scotland  were  most  injudicious  and  fatal 
 — a  fact  sufficiently  i)roved  by  the  imbecility,  bad  habits,  and  inj^ratitude 
 of  Darnley,  and  by  the  atrocious  villany  and  prolligacy  of  Bothwell. 
 *'  Her  husbands,"  says  Stuart,  "  like  her  courtiers,  were  ea«,'er  to  interrupt 
 her  prosperity  and  en  joyments,  and  while  her  administration  was  deformed 
 with  disasters  and  faction,  her  domestic  life  was  embittered  with  dis- 
 quietudes and  sorrow." — K,] 
 
 '  ["The  incomparable  beauty  and  exprisNion  of  Mary's  countenance," 
 says  I)r  (Jilbert  Stuart,  "the  ex(iui.xite  propriety  of  hrr  stature,  and  the 
 exact  symmetry  of  her  shape,  attracted  anil  fixed  the  admiration  of  every 
 beholder.  In  her  air,  lu'r  walk,  her  ^jesture,  she  min;;kd  nuijesty  and 
 ^race.  Her  eyes,  which  were  of  a  dark  ffrvy,  spoke  the  emotitins  and 
 sensibility  of  her  mind  ;  the  sound  of  her  voice  was  melodious  and  affect- 
 ing ;  her  hair,  which  was  black,  improved  the  bri^^htness  of  lu-r  com- 
 plexion. To  ^ive  the  greatest  lustre  to  her  person,  she  took  a  full 
 advantage  of  the  adventitious  aids  and  garniture  of  dress.  She  discovered 
 an  inexhaustible  fancy  in  the  richness  and  variety  of  her  garments.  She 
 diliglited  in  jewels  and  j»recious  stones,  and  she  was  anxiously  curious  in 
 the  fineness  and  fashion  of  her  linen.— Eli/.abi'th,  to  whom  her  abilities 
 
832  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  AFFAIRS,   ETC.  [1568. 
 
 excellent  endowments  of  body  and  mind,  and  herself  superior 
 \n  power  alone.  J3oth  the  Queens  had  hi<^h  and  enterprising 
 spirits ;  both  of  them  looked  with  jealous  eyes  on  each 
 other ;  and  neither  of  them  could  think  of  yielding  to 
 another,  lint  now  there  is  a  sad  catastrophe  in  the  affairs 
 of  our  Queen,  and  her  Majesty  is  even  forced  to  fly  for 
 shelter  into  the  dominions  of  the  Queen  of  England  !  And  no 
 sooner  is  she  arrived  thither,  than  she  makes  her  humble 
 request  to  her  cousin,  tells  her  she  is  come  into  her  land  for 
 security  against  her  own  rebellious  subjects,  and  prays  for 
 assistance  to  replace  her  on  her  throne  !  What  strange 
 reverse  of  life  !  How  bitter  a  pill  must  all  this  have  been  ! 
 And  how  little  elevated  should  we  l)e  with  any  sublunai-y 
 advantage  or  preferment ! 
 
 and  beauty  were  a  source  of  tlie  most  unrelenting  jealousy  and  anger, 
 embraced  with  a  ferocious  ardour  the  opportunity  of  humbling  her  com- 
 pletely as  a  Queen  and  as  a  woman.  She  was  exposed  to  all  tiie  practices 
 of  a  cunning  and  wicked  vengeance.  The  vilest  calumnies,  the  most 
 insulting  mortifications,  the  most  studied  barbarities,  were  employed 
 against  her.  She  was  made  to  exchange  a  kingdom  for  a  prison,  and 
 while  she  felt  in  her  own  person  the  crudest  injuries,  she  was  afflicted 
 with  the  dangers  that  threatened  her  country  and  her  son.  An  inclement 
 and  suspicious  adversary,  who  dreaded  to  encounter  her  when  at  liberty, 
 tarnished  tlie  glory  of  an  illustrious  reign  by  trampling  upon  her  sceptre 
 while  she  was  a  captive.  The  rivalship  of  beauty  still  more  perhaps  than 
 of  talents  fostered  the  resentments  of  Elizabeth,  and  while  she  made 
 Mary  to  suffer  under  her  power,  she  found  the  most  exquisite  delight 
 in  overtui'ning  the  dominion  of  her  charms. — To  overwhelm  her  with 
 distress  and  anguish,  Elizabeth  scrupled  not  to  insult  and  violate  the  most 
 established  principles  of  law  and  justice,  the  honour  of  hospitality,  the 
 reverence  of  her  sex,  tlie  holiness  of  religion,  the  solemnity  of  engagements, 
 the  ties  of  relation,  the  feelings  of  humanity,  the  sanctity  of  innocence, 
 the  majesty  of  kings." — History  of  Scotland  from  the  I'stablishment  of 
 the  Reformation  till  the  death  of  Queen  Mary,  4to.  London,  17S2,  vol.  ii. 
 p.  386-389.— E.] 
 
 END  OF  VOL.  II. 
 
i