I SEP 18 1986 Digitized by the Internet Archive BX8553 .IM63 V. |0 https://archive.org/details/historyofmoraviaOOstoc_0 TRANS AC7 O N S Moravian r^-cdz Z VOLUME X PARTS I, II, III, AND IV [Printed fok the Society.] TABLE OF CONTENTS. Page. Annual Meeting, 1913, . . . . . . 1 Annual Meeting, 1914, . . . 3 In Memoriam, . , . . . . . . 5 Specimens of Old Moravian Poetry, ... 7 Historical and Statistical Matter Relating to the . Widows Society, . . . . -37 v. loM/ 2/ TABLE OF CONTENTS PACK Annual Meeting. 191 5. . . . . 105 Annual Meeting, 1916. ..... 107 In Memoriam, . . . . . 109 A History of the Moravian Seminary for Young Ladies, Hope, Indiana, . . . . . 11 1 A History of the Moravian Mission Among the Indians on the White River in Indiana. ... 231 The Autobiography of Abraham Luckenbach, . 359 MB 3 v. I0-.3/4- TRANSACTIONS Moravian Historical Society. VOLUME X. PARTS I and II. [Printed for the Society.] bethlehem. pa. Times Publishing Company. 1915. TABLE OF CONTENTS. Page. Annual Meeting, 1913, . . . 1 Annual Meeting, 1914, . . . . . 3 In Memoriam. . , ... . . ' 5 Specimens of Old Moravian Poetry, ... 7 Historical and Statistical Matter Relating to the . Widows Society, - yjr^H . . ; ■ . 37 ANNUAL MEETING OF THE Moravian Historical Society, The business meeting was called to order at 10:15 a.m., with President Schwarze in the chair. Nineteen members were present. The minutes of the 1912 meeting were read and approved. The Treasurer's report was accepted, ordered to be read at the after- noon session and an abstract spread upon the minutes. The Secretary reported five executive meetings, the catalogu- ing of the library, and the project of a new summer house, as the notable work of the year. He reported a membership of 349, consisting of 113 life members and 236 active and associate. The gains were 2 life and 15 active members; the losses were from the deaths of one life and two active members ; nine were with- drawn or dropped, making a net gain of five. The Library Committee reported progress in the work of arranging and classifying the books and outlined plans for the continuance of the work. The Graveyard Committee reported that they had secured plans for the summer house and submitted sketches. On motion of the brethren E. J. Krause and C. D. Kreider, it was resolved to accept the plan for a one-story octagon building, at a cost of $425, or to put up a two-story building, according to the plan presented, if the money can be raised for the extra cost. The Publication Committee reported that plans were already formed for the new publication. SEPTEMBER 25, 1913. Receipts Expenditures . Cash on Hand $ 556 10 645 19 23 96 5932 71 5794 07 Investments Trust Funds 2 The members elected at this meeting were as follows : Miss Rosalie T. Beckel, the Rev. and Mrs. R. Crittenden, John E. Leibfried, TVTrs. Charles H. Rominger, Mrs. H. E. Stocker, the Rev. and Mrs. C. H. Wenhold, Jr., William H. Neisser, Miss Helen F. Beitel, Miss Emma B. Beitel, Mrs. Wm. H. Milchsack. The question was raised whether it might not be well to have the vesper at one o'clock, instead of two, to serve as a luncheon. On motion, this was referred to the afternoon meeting for dis- cussion. On motion, the proposition to erect a monument at Nain, near Bethlehem, was referred to the Executive Committee with power to act. By unanimous consent, the Secretary cast a ballot re-electing all the old officers. On motion, the usual salaries were voted to the Secretary-Treasurer and to the Librarian. F. H. Martin, Secretary. AFTERNOON SESSION AND VESPER, AT 2:15 P.M. The meeting was opened with the singing of a hymn, followed by the usual vesper lunch. The list of deaths was read and the hymn, "They with patience having run," was sung. The President addressed this, the 56th annual meeting, review- ing the origin of the Society, its proper aims, the work already accomplished and plans for the future. Rev. Albert Oerter read a paper, "A Quiet Corner during the Revolution, 1775-1783," being a sketch of life at Graceham, Md., in that period. Hymn No. 6" having been sung, Rev. H. E. Stocker followed with a paper, entitled "The Moravian Mission among the Indians on the White River in Indiana." On invitation of the President, Dr. Stonecipher, of the North- ampton County Historical Society, addressed the meeting. The question of changing the hour for the vesper was dis- cussed. It was resolved that the Executive Committee take steps to learn, by some method, the wishes of the Society in re- gard to the most convenient hour. The President also explained the two plans for the summer house and the cost of erecting it. After singing hymn No. 10, the meeting adjourned. Deaths, 1913: F. C. Johnson, Charles H. Neisser; life mem- ber, A. de Groot. F. H. Martin, Secretary. ANNUAL MEETING OF THE Moravian Historical Society, The business meeting was called to order at 10:15 a.m. by President Schwarze. Sixteen members were present. The minutes of the 1913 meeting were approved as read. The Treas- urer's report was accepted and an abstract ordered to be spread upon the minutes. The Secretary reported that the Executive Committee had held four stated meetings, considering mostly routine business. There were 113 life and 240 active and associate members, mak- ing a total of 353, a gain of four. Sixteen joined, all active and associate. One was transferred from the active to the life mem- ber list. One life and three active members died. Seven with- drew and one was dropped. The librarian presented a list of eighteen donations received. The Graveyard Committee reported progress in the matter of erecting a summer house. The Publication Committee reported a great deal of matter in prospect, but none of it quite ready. The following members were elected, all active : the Rev. Paul S. Meinert, the Rev. T. M. Rights, Mr. and Mrs. W. K. Shimer, and Mr. R. H. Wilhelm. The old officers were re-nominated. The Secretary being unable to accept the nomination, Bro. T. M. Rights was nominated in his stead. By unanimous consent, the Secretary cast a ballot electing all those nominated. On motion, the usual honorarium was ordered paid, $50.00 to the Secretary-Treasurer and $30.00 to the Librarian. SEPTEMBER 24, 1914. Investments Trust Funds Receipts Expenditures Cash on Hand $ 436 18 146 54 313 60 5938 59 5891 22 4 AFTERNOON MEETING. The meeting opened with singing "What praise to Thee, my Saviour," followed by the usual vesper refreshments. After reading the list of deaths, the hymn, "They with pati- ence having run," was sung. The President addressed the meeting, giving a brief sketch of the life and character of John Hus, in view of the coming cele- bration of the date of his martyrdom. The Rev. A. E. Oerter read a paper, entitled, "Closing of the Single Brethren's Econ- omy at Christian Spring in 1796, with a poem written for that occasion by Bishop John Ettwein." The Rev. A. D. Thaeler spoke on "Bohemia and the Brethren in Bohemia," giving im- pressions of his visit there at the time of the General Synod of 1914. The Secretary's and Treasurer's reports were read, together with the list of officers elected, after which the meeting closed with the singing of a hymn. Deaths in 1914: Eugene A. Brunner, Mrs. R. Crittenden, Marcus Fetter, Jacob H. Holt, Charles Laramy; life member, Mrs. Abraham S. Schropp. F. H. Martin, Secretary. 5 Hn flDcmoriam. Alfred de Groot was born on Staten Island, September 21, 1827. He died March 31, 1913. He became a life member of the Society in 1880. Mrs. Caroline (Guetter) Schropp was born in Bethlehem, March 13, 1842. She died May 10, 1914. She became a life member of the Society in 1879. Charles H. Neisser was born in Bethlehem, June 28, 1853. He died November 16, 1912. He joined the Society in 1869. F. C. Johnson was born in Wilkes-Barre, . He died March 5, 1913. Joined the Society in 1896. He was a member and the president of the Wyoming Historical Society. He is known as the author of numerous articles and pamphlets on matters re- lating to the early settlement of Pennsylvania. Eugene A. Brunner was born in Bethlehem, March 5, 1847. Died April 30, 1914. He joined the Society in 1908. Mrs. Jane (Chamberlain) Crittenden was born . She died September 25, 1914. She joined the Society in 1913. Marcus Fetter was born in Bethlehem, August 6, 1841. He died May 1, 1914. Joined the Society in 1869. 6 Jacob Holt was born in Easton, August 12, 1845. He died February 2, 1914. Joined the Society in 1896. Charles Laramy was born August 24, 1839. He died the Society in 1896. 1914. Joined 7 SPECIMENS OF OLD MORAVIAN POETRY. BY THE REV. A. L. OERTER, A.M. I. An Affectionate Farewell Poem on the Occasion of Closing the Boys' School at Nazareth and the Removal of the Boys to Bethlehem. One of the peculiarly characteristic features of life in the first Moravian settlements in Pennsylvania, during the early period of their existence, was the disposition and endeavor to make that life, with all its hardships and privations, more easy and cheerful by all the limited means at command. Devoted and consecrated as they were to the high and holy purpose of letting their light shine, our spiritual ancestors were not of a morose and sternly forbidding character. They believed that it was their privilege to "rejoice in the Lord ahvay," and to praise and glorify Him by a gladsome acceptance of the conditions in which He had seen fit to place them. The daily religious services, assembling them in sweet Christian fellowship, the hearing of accounts from con- gregations near or remote, the frequent lovefeasts, some of which were of a partly social character, the investing of ordinary occupations with a sacred importance, the affctionate notice of birthdays and other anniversaries, the vocal and instrumental music of the sanctuary or of the concert, all tended to nourish and preserve among them a cheerful spirit, of which in their comparative isolation they had need, if they were not to become unduly depressed and discouraged. Hence, also, the custom of writing verses or poems (Lieder) for various occasions, such as birthdays or church-festivals, for the laying of corner-stones or the dedication of meeting-halls and choir-houses, even for farming operations, which for some time was of frequent occurrence. The style of the poetry corre- sponded to the nature of each occasion, varying from the more formal to the familiar; but all of these compositions illustrate and bear the stamp of the prevalent conception of the Church as a family, a community of brethren and sisters, those belonging to the same congregation, and some others, being personally acquainted with one another. 8 The example set by Count Zinzendorf, whose poetical genius expressed itself not only in hymns for religious worship, but also in numerous other versified productions, was followed by his brethren who, like himself, wrote not only from an aesthetic, but also from a practical standpoint. Our German forefathers could not do otherwise than retain the characteristics of their race in America also, and among these was a love for music and poetry, and therefore naturally, as is well known, a cultivation of these liberal arts, which contributed not a little to the preservation among them of the best type of European culture, amid sur- roundings of a different character. This is so well known that we need only refer to it in connection with the poems presented in this paper. They, together with others, have been preserved in some of the early diaries of the Nazareth congregation, and are of interest on account of the events that gave occasion for the composition of them, and on account of the personality of their authors. The writers were very able, useful and prominent brethren in the service of our Church during the latter part of the eighteenth century, and although distinguished for their abilities, and rendering important services to the Church, they still occasionally found time to write verses for the edification or encouragement of their brethren and sisters. The first poem here presented was written by the Rev. Francis Christian Lembke, the learned author of the Latin document de- posited in the corner-stone of Nazareth Hall, in which there were also deposited a number of Odes written for that occasion, notably one by Bishop Matthew Hehl, in which the names of all Moravian congregations, missions and preaching-places in America are mentioned. Francis Christian Lembke was born July 13, 1704, in Blan- singen, a town in the margraviate of Baden-Durlach, where his father, Carl Lembke, was an Evangelical Lutheran minister, later in Durlach, the capital, where he died in 1710. Bro. Lembke's mother was of Jewish parentage, but as a child of eight years, by her own urgent desire, was baptized as a Chris- tian with the name Maria Christina Fried; Albin. After attending the Gymnasium at Durlach, at eleven years of age Bro. Lembke's mother took him to Strasburg, where, after attending prepara- tory schools, he entered the University, in 1721, and in 1725 took 9 his degree as Magister Philosophiae. Later he pursued his studies at the Universities of Jena, Erfurt and Leipsic. Recalled to Strasburg by the University, he was appointed Praeceptor Latinus at the Gymnasium, and preached in the large St. Peter's Church to crowded audiences, becoming the most popular preacher in the city. At Jena he had become acquainted with pious students and the Moravian brethren, which, together with persecution from jealous opponents, led to his finally leaving Strasburg and his reception into the Brethren's Church, in 1746. In 1749 he was ordained a Deacon in the Fetter Lane Chapel in London, Eng., in 1754 received a call as "Prediger" (preacher) of the congregation at Nazareth, Pa., and came to America with Bishop Spangenberg. For almost thirty years he was the "Gemeinhelfer" and "Prediger" (Pastor and Preacher) of the congregation at Naza- reth, offices not generally filled by the same brother in those days, and for sixteen years at the same time (1763- 1779) he was Inspector or Principal of the School for Moravian boys, opened in Nazareth Hall in 1759, and was therefore still Principal when he wrote the verses which he entitled "Ein herzliches Abschieds- Lied," (An affectionate Farewell-Poem), when that Boys' School was closed and the housekeeping establishment was discon- tinued. Through the establishment of day-schools in some congrega- tions, the pressure of hard times during the War of the Revolu- tion and other circumstances, the school had decreased from more than one hundred scholars to six, as Bro. Lembke states in his poem, which must be the correct number, although it is else- where given as eleven (Bishop Levering also states that they were six in number), and it was thought best that these boys and their teachers should be transferred to Bethlehem. The Memo- rabilia for 1778 state that at the close of that year the entire household in Nazareth Hall consisted of 8 little boys, 3 older boys, 6 single brethren and 2 married couples, therefore 21 per- sons. There was therefore a further decrease before the school was closed in October, 1779. The following account of the closing of the school and domestic establishment is given in the Diary of the congregation : IO "Thursday, Oct. 21, 1779. At 7 a.m. our scholars in the Hall, with their teachers and the other brethren and sisters living in the house, together with the Elders' Conference, held a nice lovefeast, not, however, without sorrowful emotions. Bro. Lembke related how many boys had entered the school twenty and more years ago, and how the number had been reduced to six, who were to leave us today and go to Bethlehem. He read the text for the day and some farewell verses which he had com- posed. Thereupon there was a meeting of the Elders' Con- ference, at which the children were present, and were dismissed with an affectionate kiss, not without tearful eyes. At 8.30 a.m. they drove off, accompanied by two brethren, and with our united blessing." "Mond., Oct. 25. Bro. and Sr. Lembke made a visit to Bethle- hem. With them went Bro. Dominic Krause, who for many years was the gardener for Nazareth Hall, and is to be gardener for the Single Brethren's house at Bethlehem." "Thursd., Oct. 28. Before the evening service the Brn. Nathaniel (Seidel), de Schweinitz (the Rev. John Chr. Alexander) and Paul Muenster came from Bethlehem, the first two to settle up the affairs of the school that has been closed, and to hand over to Bro. Dettmers (the Warden) whatever belongs to the Administration, which was done the next day. The brother who has been house-washer, serving the school faithfully for many years, went to Christian's Spring, to fill the same position there." "Mond., Nov. 1. The housekeeping establishment in Nazareth Hall was finally closed, and therefore the kitchen servants, Bro. and Sr. John Schmidt and their daughter, who has been assisting her parents for a few weeks, but will soon return to Bethlehem, went to the little place assigned them at Christian's Spring, after taking an affectionate leave of us. The boy Nathaniel Rasmus (or Rasmussen), who has been helping to care for the stock, also went to Christian's Spring." The interest taken in the boys who were attending the school in Nazareth Hall by Bro. Lembke and his brethren in office is shown by frequent reference to them in the Diary. This was quite natural, as the boys were all children of Moravian parents, and were therefore regarded as a part of the congregation in which they were sojourning. 1 1 It was therefore also natural that Bro. Lembke, the Principal, should express his fatherly regard for them in the following verses, which, as well as the whole character of the closing exer- cises, manifest a tender and affectionate desire to make the change in their life as easy as possible for the children. While not making any pretense to a lofty poetical style, the verses are an example of that familiar tone which was so much more charm- ingly appropriate. EIN HERZLICHES ABSCHIEDS-LIED ALS DIE KLEINE ANSTALT VON 6 KlNDERN MIT EINIGEN BRUEDERN D. 2ISTEN OCT., 1779, NACH BETHLEHEM ZOG. 1. Ihr Kinder! es ist nun an dem Ihr zieht von uns nach Bethlehem. Der Zeit Umstaend' erfordern's so geht dann dahin dankbar und froh. 2. Dankbar fuer alles was aus Gnad' der gute Heiland an euch that an Leib und Seel', an dieser Staatt hier in der Hall bei Nazareth. 3. Das moeglichst haben wir gethan nach unserem Haus-Vater Plan; die Brueder hab'n euch informirt auch moeglichst die Aufsicht gefuehrt. 4. Die Dankbarkeit erfordert es dass keins so leichte das vergess' was jedem Gutes widerfahr'n in wenig oder vielen Jahr'n. 5. Es ist zwar eine kleine Zahl der Kinder, die heut' aus der Hall und von dem hiesgen Kirch-Gebiet auf's Herrn Geheisz nun von uns zieht. 6. Zwei Brueder und sechs Knaebelein zieh'n heute aus und dorten ein. wiszt ihr wie viel vor vielen Jahr'n der Anstalts-Knaebgen einst hier war'n? 7. Ein zwanzig Jahr und d'rueber aus kam diese Anstalt hier ins Haus ; hundert und zehen, gross und klein die nahmen hier acht Stuben ein. 8. Im mittler'n Stocke wol nur zwei, im ober'n sechse, und dabei waren der Brueder zum Aufseh'n und zu dem Unterricht sechzehn. I 2 9. Und mit dem Pfleger und Vorsteh'r, und dem was sich zum Dienst gab her bei diesem lieben' Anstalts-Haus, so macht es ueber zwanzig aus. 10. Vier Jahr' darauf war just die Summ' Von 130 und darum (mit den Kindern) da wir mit unserm juengsten Kind von Nazareth eingezogen sind. 11. Geschwister Schmidt's, die Kuechen-Leut', so wie sie's noch sind bis anheut', kamen zugleich mit uns herein zum Dienst der Brueder und Knaebelein. 12. Seh't so war fuer euch je und je, mit vieler Treue, Sorg' und Mueh , die liebe Vormundschaft bedacht, und hat's euch hier bequem gemacht. 13. Zieh't also, lieben Kinder, heut' mit vieler Herzens-Dankbarkeit von hinnen und seyd herzlich froh man sorgt fuer euch dort eben so. 14. Die Gnad' und Friede Jesu Christ, der mit euch hier gewesen ist, sei auf dem Weg und dort zugleich wie seine liebe Naeh' mit euch. 15. Wir nehmen nun von euch Abschied, Ihr ziehet auch mit unserm Fried', mit unserm besten Segen fort gruess't uns're lieben Brueder dort. 16. Hab't den getreu'sten Kinder Freund der es so herzlich mit euch mein't, und den die Lieb' ans Kreuze trieb, hab't Ihn, ach hab't Ihn zaertlich lieb. 17. Beim lernen oder sonst was thun lass't euch das stets im Herzen ruh'n, dasz Er sich in den Tod hingab, und euch treu liebte bis in's Grab. 18. Die Brueder die dem Haus gedient lasz unser Herr der uns versuehnt und Der nichts unvergolten laess't gesegnet seyn auf's allerbest'. Die Gnade des Herrn Jesu Christ, die Liebe des der Vater ist, des Heil'gen Geist's Gemeinschaft sey uns alle Tage fuehlbar neu. (Nach Br. Lembke's Manuscript im Diario der Gemeine zu Nazareth copiert.) 13 AN AFFECTIONATE FAREWELL POEM On the removal of the little school of six boys in Nazareth Hall, with two teachers, to Bethlehem, Oct. 21, 1779. 1. Dear children, now the day has come That bids you leave your present home, And go from us to Bethlehem; Go then in glad and thankful frame. 2. Thankful for all our Saviour dear Has done for you while dwelling here; Your souls and bodies He has blest In Nazareth Hall, must be confessed. 3. Here in our house and family We all have labored willingly To do all that was best to do To educate and care for you. 4. Now gratitude demands that none Should e'er forget what here was done That each for few or many a year The benefit might freely share. 5. It is, indeed, a number small Of children who from Nazareth Hall And from this congregation now Directed by the Lord, must go. 6. Two brethren and six little boys Move hence to Bethlehem and its joys; Know ye how many scholars were Some years ago instructed here? 7. Full twenty years and more ago This house a larger school could show; Hundred and ten the number was, And they had eight rooms in this house. 8. 'Tis true that on the second floor There were but two, but then six more Upon the third. Brethren sixteen For teaching and o'ersight were seen. 9. The pastor, warden, servants, too, Who faithful diligence did show As guardians of this Institute, Twenty the number was to boot. 10. Four years thereafter, when we moved From Nazareth to this house approved, With our young child, the grand sum total One hundred thirty was, to note all. 14 11. With us there entered Bro. Schmidt's, Who still give us such wholesome bits In the kitchen with great care prepared, Which young and old have gladly shared. 12. Thus you can see amd understand What faithful care on every hand, What labor for your comfort here Was spent by all your guardians dear. 13. Go then, dear children, on your way With glad and thankful hearts today; For the same love and service kind In Bethlehem you'll also find. 14. The grace of Jesus Christ, His peace, That always here your days did bless, Be with you on the way, and still With joy your hearts in Bethlehem fill. 15. We're parting with you now ; receive Our love and blessing as you leave. Peace be with you. Our brethren greet For us, whom you in Bethlehem meet. 16. Love dearly the best Children's Friend Whose loving kindness knows no end, Who on the cross for us did die, Oh love Him always fervently. 17. When learning lessons, or whate'er You do, in glad remembrance bear In love for you Himself he gave To cruel cross, to death and grave. 18. And may the blessing of our Lord, Who faithful service doth reward, Rest richly on the brethren all Who've served Him here in Nazareth Hall. The grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, The love of God, so highly prized The Holy Ghost's communion be With all of us most sensibly. — Translated by A. L. Oerter. '5 II. The Closing of the Single Brethren's Economy at Chris- tian's Spring, with some Verses Composed for that Occasion by Bishop John Ettwein. The second poem presented in this paper was composed by Bishop John Ettwein, who was the most prominent and emi- nently useful man in our Church in America for many years before, during and after the troublous and perilous times of the Revolutionary War. In his memoir of this distinguished man Bishop Edmund de Schweinitz says: "Ettwein had been fore- ordained to the service of the Church in America. He was, moreover, eminently fitted for it, in various respects. It called forth his energy, showed his strength of mind, and brought into play his determined zeal far more fully than any work for God in which he had been engaged while in Europe. There was some- thing in his mode of thought that found in the new world just what it longed for. He felt at home as soon as he had landed on our shores, and began life anew. Speaking of his arrival at Bethlehem, he remarks, 'From that day I became a thorough Bethlehemite and a thorough American.' " And such he was. He made twelve voyages on the ocean ; traveled all over the United States of those days, from Maine to Georgia, sometimes alone, sometimes with his devoted wife, preaching in every State except Delaware and Kentucky, from pulpits, in the open air, in court-houses, barns and other structures, always fearlessly pro- claiming the gospel. Within six months, under all the dis- advantages of those times, he traveled more than 2000 miles. He labored also as a missionary among many Indian tribes, and in 1771 led the Christian Indians from the Susquehanna to Ohio, and later obtained for them from Congress a grant of 12,000 acres in the Tuscarawas Valley. Five times he traveled the long way back and forth from Bethlehem to Wachovia, N. C. Twenty times he was in danger of losing his life. In his many years of activity he corresponded with distinguished and leading men in civil affairs, had interviews with Washington, LaFayette, Pulaski, i6 Hancock, Samuel Adams and many others, impressing- all with the simplicity of his character, and the sturdy manliness of his whole bearing. He negotiated successfully with Congress and with the Assembly of Pennsylvania on behalf of his brethren, the Speaker of the latter body honoring him with a seat by his side, and with permission to address the house, of which occasion he quaintly remarks, "It seemed to me as if I were officiating at a public service in one of our Moravian congregations." Constantly employed in affairs of great importance to the Church, it might be supposed that he would have little time or inclination to write verses for his brethren. And yet he un- doubtedly wrote others before this one for the lovefeast at Christian's Spring in 1796, when, indeed, the time of his greatest activity was over, but when he was still attending to the duties of his episcopal office, which took him at that time to Christian's Spring, where a great change was to be made by the closing of the Single Brethren's Economy ; and there, in a lovefeast solemnly consummating this event, on Friday, April 1, 1796, he read the verses which he had composed for the occasion. Christian's Spring was the third one of the settlements made on the so-called Barony of Nazareth, preceded by Old Nazareth in 1744 and Gnadenthal in 1745. These two were settled by married couples, but Christian's Spring was a settlement for un- married brethren. A small combined grist-mill and saw-mill was built about half a mile south of Gnadenthal, in 1747, and a school- house was erected in 1748. A large colony of unmarried brethren having arrived at Bethlehem from June 25 to July 2, 1748, thirty of them located at Christian's Spring on July 13, among them, probably, John Andrew Albrecht ; from whom, as he seems to have been a leading man (in 1756 principal teacher and musician in the school at Bethlehem, 1759 when that school was trans- ferred to Nazareth Hall, heading the orchestra of boys that led the procession, and \j66-ji landlord of the Sun Inn) we may suppose that the place obtained its first name, Albrecht's Brunn, i.e., Albrecht's Spring. This name was officially changed Aug. 4, 1749, to Christiansbrunn, i.e., Christian's Spring (now Chris- tianspring) in honor of Count Zinzendorf's son, Christian Renatus, who had assisted John de Watteville in organizing the first Single Brethren's Choir at Herrnhut, and who, until his 17 early demise, in London, England, May 28, 175 1, took a deep and lively interest in the Single Brethren. On Dec. 17, 1749, after partaking of a lovefeast in the Single Brethren's house at Bethlehem, twenty-two of their number, ac- companied by the Rev. Nathaniel Seidel, proceeded to Christian's Spring, where they were received by John Nitschmann's and Samuel Krause's, two married couples, and were regularly or- ganized, Choir-houses having been built, not only single brethren, but youths and boys had theirs also, with a Superin- tendent over each division. The men were employed either as mechanics or as agriculturists on the large farm, and the boys were taught farming and trades, and some of them copied diaries, the proceedings of Conferences, etc., and ample provision was made for the continuance of their education. But all labor, physical and mental, at Christian's Spring, as at the other settle- ments, was to be hallowed unto the Lord, and permeated with the spirit of religious fervor and consecration. Three times daily, as a rule, they met in their prayer-hall for a brief devotional exercise, while for lovefeasts and the Lord's Supper, as also for the Sunday services, they joined the congregation that wor- shipped in Nazareth Hall, then known as the Gemein-Saal. The settlement flourished, as may be seen from the statistics given by Bro. James Henry in his very interesting monograph on Christian's Spring, published in the "Transactions" of this Society. Without enumerating details it may be mentioned that the farm comprised 596 acres, 353 of which were under cultiva- tion, the rest being woodland and meadow. The following brief extract is quoted from a communication signed "Antiquus" to The Moravian of Oct. 30, 1862. The writer was probably Bro. James Henry, who was a teacher in Nazareth Hall, i829-'3i. "On our first visit, thirty-five or forty years ago, Christian- spring presented much more of a contrast to an ordinary Ameri- can village than it does now, albeit it yet retains some quaint fea- tures unlike anything outside of German Moravian settlements, the offspring of the same system. It looked then like a genuine German 'Bauern Hof on an extensive scale ; or it might have been taken to be a 'Ritter Gut,' the property of some petty feudal master, who strove to have upon his own domain every- 2 8 thing that could render him and his vassals independent of the world around. The hamlet had its mills and stores and work- shops all complete, whilst nevertheless the main employment of its inhabitants was agriculture, as evidenced by the capacious barns erected to store away the grain, and stabling for numerous herds of cattle. Prominent above the other buildings rose a more stately edifice with broken roof, which might readily have passed for the baronial mansion. The houses, shops and stables faced upon a large open square through which the public high- way ran. The red-tiled roofs, the solid stone masonry of most of the buildings, and the peculiar structure of others denoted at once the foreign origin of its founders. It was really depressing to our antiquarian spirits to observe what a change thirty or forty years have wrought. No vestige of the mills is to be seen any more. The characteristic stone barn with red roof, that used to form the western line of the square, has crumbled into dust, and is supplanted by a tasteless modern structure. The picturesque smithy that two years ago still graced the entrance to the village near the arched bridge, has been demolished, and, sad to say, in its place a modern hotel rears its unsightly head. Yet there are some relics of the old place still remaining, and in a tolerable state of preservation. Chief of these is the old manse, once devoted to ecclesiastical purposes, and containing under one roof a 'prayer-hall,' a suite of rooms for numerous division of single brethren that were wont to congregate here from Beth- lehem, Nazareth, etc., and probably apartments also for the married ministers. * * * We were kindly escorted up a narrow oaken stairway, to the third story, where we were ushered into a vaulted room of moderate dimensions, the veritable hall in which the former congregation met to worship God. These once hal- lowed precincts are now desecrated to the most sublunary uses ; the walls are gray and discolored by the rain ; the fallen plaster- ing in frequent spots discloses the brown timbers and sun-dried bricks beneath ; and every sign of decay and dissolution is there. No sacred desk or other holy emblems of religion invite to spiritual contemplation ; the place once consecrated to the ser- vice of Almighty God is converted to the purposes of a common loft. Yet a solemn feeling of reverence and awe crept over us, and we were fain to cry out, 'Surely the Lord is in this place !' " '9 In its palmy days Christian's Spring was doubtless an at- tractive and well-kept establishment in a beautiful and fertile location. In 1753, only a few years after it was commenced, the improvements on the plantation were valued at £1,483, 10 sh. steiling, about $7000, and they will have increased in value, for the settlement continued to flourish after the abrogation of the General Economy, in 1782, when the Single Brethren at Chris- tian's Spring obtained their separate Economy or business man- agement. But one effect of the turbulent times of the Revolutionary War and of the general spirit of the succeeding years was a tendency, especially among the younger members of the Church, to be restive under the constant supervision exercised by the paternal system of church government that was still maintained. In his History of Bethlehem Bishop Levering has portrayed the spirit of the times, and the effect of the increased contact with the world at large, in which there was an increasing unrest every- where, so that even in our exclusive settlements "aversion to be controlled became contagious." "The spirit of the brewing French Revolution was already in the atmosphere of the times," and this is shown to be the case by an entry in the Nazareth diary, mentioning the receipt of a letter from Bro. Gregor of the Unity's Elders' Conference at Herrnhut, in which he refers to the increasing unbelief and disregard of God's Word in the world at large, and advises prayer for the preservation of the faith by the Brethren's Church. Another entry says that in the "speak- ing" (the separate pastoral interviews) with the married people prior to the celebration of their festival in 1795, "reference was made in a thorough and confidential manner to the worldly mind that was getting the upper hand, and the increasing forgetful- ness of our chief calling as members of the Brethren's Unity, especially in our congregation-settlements, and there was an almost general expression of sorrow for this, and a desire for a visitation of grace." And again we read that in a conversation with all heads of households and master-mechanics in May of the same year, reference was made to the neglect of our rules and regulations, and all were exhorted from love to the Saviour and His congregation, and for their own and their children's sakes, "to unite with their pastors in promoting the observance of our 20 regulations, and thus set a good example to our young people." In that same year the institution known as the "Hourly Inter- cession," which had been inaugurated at Herrnhut already in 1727, was introduced at Nazareth, "as so many circumstances in our congregation for some time incite us to prayer." While the untoward circumstances above mentioned were in part the cause of the decline of the Single Brethren's establish- ment at Christian's Spring, there were other contributing causes of a special or of a general character. The closing of the Economy, and the substitution of married couples for the un- married brethren was necessitated, it appears, by the fact that in general it no longer answered the purpose with which it had been inaugurated forty-seven years (almost a semi-century) earlier, on Dec. 17, 1749. It seems to have been difficult, or impossible, to supply a sufficient number of single brethren to carry on the work of the settlement. At one time there had been upwards of eighty living there, but in 1785 their number had decreased to sixty, and in 1796, when the establishment was closed, the num- ber was still smaller. Some of the single brethren may have lost their interest in the establishment, and some may have preferred to set up their own housekeeping as married brethren. The spirit of ardent devotion to the aims and purposes of the Church that had enabled their predecessors in its heroic age to deny self and forego personal advancement for the benefit of the whole, the genuine altruistic spirit that could merge individuality in the attainment of a truly noble ideal, was np longer in the ascendant. That ideal was more or less obscured by the practical considera- tions that had gradually obtruded themselves upon a younger generation. They had learned more of the world at large and its methods of thought and action, and were more or less in- fected by the spirit of the times. Together with an increasing disregard of the Church's rules and regulations at that time, based as they were upon the highest conception of a life "hid with Christ in God," — however unnatural and unnecessary some of them may appear since they have become obsolete — there crept in a lower moral and spiritual tone that was painfully mani- fest and sincerely deplored, as was gently expressed by Bishop Ettwein in the verses which he read at the closing lovefeast. And so, notwithstanding that there were good and faithful 21 brethren among those at Christian's Spring, the settlement, as such, became at last, as we read in the History of Bethlehem, "hopelessly decadent," and what measures to adopt in the face of this distressing state of affairs was a problem not easy of solution. It was evident that a change of some sort was im- peratively necessary if the settlement was to be kept up. Strange to say, already in 1793. as the Minutes of the Elders' Conference at Nazareth inform us, the Unity's Elders' Conference had ex- pressed the opinion that Christian's Spring should be sold, as the difficulties there were constantly increasing. But the Nazareth Conference did not favor this extreme measure, agreeing with the brethren of Christian's Spring and Gnadenthal that it might be very injurious for the Unity, and especially for Nazareth, if Christian's Spring should pass out of our control. So the matter rested for two years, and then, in the Minutes for Oct. 22, 1795, we read : "From Bro. Gregor's letter to the General Helpers' Conference we learned that the Unity's Elders' Conference had carefully considered the proposition concerning Christian's Spring, and had submitted it to the Lord in the Lot. The answer received was, 'The Saviour does not approve of the sale of Christian's Spring.' The General Helpers' Conference will now take into consideration the manner and kind of changes that must be made at Christian's Spring, and will send the plan to the U. E. C. Bro. Ettwein desired brethren who might have good ideas and proposals referring to this change to make them known to the General Helpers' Conference." The Nazareth Diary for the next day, Oct. 23, 1795, states that "Bro. Ettwein held a meeting of the congregation at Chris- tian's Spring, in which he announced the direction of our Lord that Christian's Spring should not be sold. This direction was received by all of us with the greatest pleasure and the earnest wish that the Saviour would grant grace for a more suitable arrangement and better use of this beautiful place." "Nov. 5. In the last meeting of the General Helpers' Con- ference the change at Christian's Spring was considered, and it was decided by the Lot that, notwithstanding the wish of the U. E. C. to see the plan first, arrangements must now be made for the contemplated change. Dec. 2. The G. H. C. held a meeting to which the Brn. Ettwein, Klingsohr, de Schweinitz and 22 Van Vleck had come from Bethlehem, and with the Brn. Gol- kowsky, Miksch and Schnall considered in detail the future ar- rangement and care of Christian's Spring in consequence of the direction from the U. E. C. that Christian's Spring should not be sold. In this Conference it was resolved, with the approbation of the Lord, to discontinue gradually the hitherto existing Single Brethren's Economy at Christian's Spring, as, for want of single brethren, it had been very difficult and imperfect for many years." "Feb. 19, 1796. The change at Christian's Spring was con- sidered in the last meeting of the G. H. C, and Bro. Paul Miksch, hitherto Superintendent of the Single Brethren there, was ap- pointed Chaplain and Warden. He, together with the two brethren Petersen and Matthew Schultz will cultivate one-half of the Christian's Spring farm for the Unity's Administration. These three brethren will be married. The other half of the farm the brethren Jacob Luch and Johannes Kaske will take in rent, each one-fourth. They will pay annually one-half of the winter grain and one-third of the summer grain, and for each acre of meadow and orchard 20 sh. Bro. and Sr. Brunner will move to Gnadenthal. Bro. and Sr. Muecke will be offered a piece of the Gnadenthal land, on which they can build a house, etc. Bro. Vognitz will manage the beer brewery, and Bro. Proske, the mill, for the Administration, and will receive a yearly salary. Bro. Beck will carry on the brewery and Bro. Kaske the shoe- making, on their own account, paying the proper rent. Bro. Loether will move to the Brethren's house at Nazareth. Bro. Golkowsky, hitherto Warden at Christian's Spring, will continue to discharge the duties of that office for the present. The other brethren and sisters will for the present remain at Christian's Spring, except Bro. Herman, who has asked for a place in the Brethren's house at Bethlehem." "Feb. 25. In the G. H. C. at Bethlehem the marriage of the single sister Catharine Busch to Bro. Paul Miksch, of the single sister Rachel Frevel to Bro. Matth. Schultz, of the single sister Leah Heil, of Bethlehem, to Bro. Petersen, of the single sister Agnes Pens, of Lititz, to Bro. Jacob Luch, and of the single sister Maria Elis. Schmidt to Bro. Johannes Kaske, was ap- proved of. When these marriages will take place cannot yet be determined. Bro. Luch will be advised to go to Lititz as soon -3 as possible, to learn whether his marriage to the single sister proposed for him can be effected 1 . Mar. 31. Tomorrow, at 2 p.m., at a lovefeast in Christian's Spring, the Single Brethren's Economy there will be closed." The following account of the lovefeast is given in the Nazareth diary : "Apr. 1, 1796. The Brethren of the G. H. C. came to Nazareth, and at 2 p.m. there was a lovefeast at Christian's Spring, in con- nection with the closing of the Single Brethren's establishment there, and the beginning of the new arrangement with married brethren and sisters. Besides all of those living at Christian's Spring, the Brn. of the G. H. C, the Elders' Conference and the Wardens' College of Nazareth and some other guests were present. Bro. Ettwein, who presided, expressed his thoughts and feelings concerning the change in some verses that were read, as was also an account of the beginning of the Single Brethren's establishment at that place on Dec. 17, 1749, with twenty-two single brethren, whose names and also the names of all the house chaplains and wardens during the past forty-seven years, were also read. Of the twelve house-chaplains who had held office successfully five brethren, all of whom had been married later, were present at the lovefeast, viz., David Zeis- berger (Pastor at Naz., a cousin of the famous missionary), Jacob Van Vleck, Andrew Busse, Paul Miksch and Johannes Schnall ; and of the four wardens, Johannes Bonn, who served as warden for thirty years, and George Golkowsky. Various oc- currences of the former days and of the once happy course of affairs were related, and with gratitude the blessing of God on temporal affairs and preservation from misfortune was acknowl- edged. Among the rest it was remarked that the settlement had been first named Gnadenhoeh* (sic) but in memory of the sainted * The Nazareth diarist for 1796 is the only authority we have seen for the statement that Christian's Spring was first named Gnadenhoeh. except that the late Bro. James Henry, in his paper on Christian's Spring pub- lished in the Transactions of the Moravian Historical Society for 1868. in quoting the above account from the Nazareth diary, allows the statement to stand without comment. In his History of Bethlehem Bishop Levering states that the central village of the Manor, on the slope near where Naza- reth Hall was built, was to be named Gnadenhoeh, and that the original name of Christian's Spring was Albrecht's Brunn, as also stated by Bishop Levin T. Reichel in his Early History of the United Brethren or Moravians in America. The Nazareth diarist for 1796 was either the Pastor (Ge- 2 4 young Count Christian Renatus von Zinzendorf, and on account of the fine spring at the place, had been renamed 1 Christian's Spring. In conclusion Bro. Ettwein installed Bro. Paul Miksch, whose marriage with the single sister Catharine Busch had taken place Mar. 6, as the future house-chaplain and warden. Of the other single brethren and boys, some entered the Brethren's houses at Bethlehem, Nazareth and Lititz, and twelve, who re- mained temporarily at Christian's Spring, were notified that they would thereafter be connected with the Single Brethren's choir at Nazareth. Br. J. Ettwein's Lied zum Liebesmahle in Christiansbrunn BEIM BESCHLUSZ DER LED. BRUDER HaUSHALTUNG DASELBST, d. isten April, 1796. Haus Gottes ! an der Christians-Spring Freu' dich im Herren heut' und bring Ihm Anbetung und Preis und Ehre, vergiss vor Ihm nun alles schwere, Sein gnadenvolles Angesicht sey und verbleib auf dich gericht't. Ei denket voll von Dank daran Was Er an Christiansbrunn gethan in denen sieben und vierzig Jahren ; man hat's gesehen und erfahren wie Er auf unsrer Briider thun Liess immer seinen Segen ruh'n. Wo man hinsieh't, in jedem Flur, zeigt sich daran die schonste Spur! wo ehedem die dicksten Walder da sieht man Hauser, Scheuern, Felder! der Briider Fleiss hat sie gemacht und in den schonen Stand gebracht. Der lieben led'gen Briider Sinn hielt es sonst immer fur Gewinn sich selbst zu sterben, Gott zu leben, in Seinen Dienst sich zu begeben Arbeit und Armuth nicht zu scheu'n des Heiland's Herze zu erfreu'n. meinhelfer), Bro. Zeisberger (who held that office from 1780 until his death in 1798), or Bro. Charles Gotthold Reichel, the preacher (Prediger), both of whom, it might be supposed, would know the real state of the case. But there may have been a lapse of memory, or of the pen. As Christian's Spring was thus named almost two years before Count Zinzendorf's son died, it was done more in his honor than in memory of him, although the latter soon became the case. $*m y-J/n/ (2 ^ ;ft W 1 * -v T- / "> ^C/' i Z2S ' ^ & Obverse and Reverse of the Original Ms. of Bishop John Ettwein's Ode 25 In diesem Sinn, mit dem Beding kam mancher auch nach Christian's Spring, in Bauern Arbeit, pfliigen, egen, all seine Krafte anzulegen ; durch ihren Fleiss und ihr Bemiih'n sieht man oft tausend Biiume bliih'n. Ach Schade, dass in eurem Chor der ganze Sinn sich so verlor ! wie viel Untreuen und Vergehen hat Jesu Aug bei euch gesehen ! das machte, leider ! hier schon lang im Ganzen einen schweren Gang. Und welchen, der Last los zu sein, fiel mehr als einmal ernstlich ein, das schone Gut, mit Stall und Hausern an einen Reichen zu veraussern der Hausherr aber, der uns nah' gab zu dem Vorschlag nicht sein Ja. D'rum fangen wir auf's neue an und es soli nach dem alten Plan, auch bei dem eignen Wirthschaft treiben doch eines jeden Sinn stets bleiben beim futtern, erndten, Saamen streu'n das Herze Jesu zu erfreu'n. Und so wird Er auch mit euch seyn, und was ihr vornimmt wird gedeih'n. Sein Friede wird bei euch regieren, man wird die erste Liebe spiiren. Verlaumdung, Leichtsinn, Neid und Streit wird ferne seyn zu jeder Zeit. Der Vater schutz't und segnet euch denn ihr gehor't in Jesu Reich. seid fleiszig Treue zu beweisen, mit Wort und Werken Gott zu preisen, so folget euch von Schritt zu Schritt Sein Frieden und Sein Segen mit. — John Ettwein. Nach dem von Bischoff Johann Ettwein mit eigner Hand geschriebenen Liede im Archiv der Briider Gemeine zu Nazareth befindilich copiert. Albert L. Oerter. d. 2$ten Juni, 1914. 26 Bishop Ettwein's Ode for the Lovefeast at Christian's Spring, closing the Single Brethren's establishment there, Apr. i, 1796 (Translated from the autograph poem signed "]ohn Ettwein" in the Nazareth Archives, by A. L. Oerter.) Thou house of God at Christian's Spring Rejoice thou in the Lord, and bring To Him praise, honor, adoration, Forget 'fore Him past tribulation; O may His gracious face divine Today and ever on thee shine. With thankful heart now muse upon All He for Christian's Spring hath done, Each year throughout the forty-seven, We've seen and known how He has given To all our brethren's labor here His blessing and His faithful care. Where'er we look, each fertile field Of this the beauteous trace doth yield ; Where once stood forest thick and gloomy Lo, now fields, barns and houses roomy ! The brethren's industry it was Produced this change so marvelous. The Single Brethren's mind and heart Esteemed it once the better part, Dying to self and to God living, Themselves to His blest service giving, Labor and hardship not to shun If thus their Lord's will might be done. With this intent, this thought alone, To Christian's Spring came many a one, To farmer's work his strength devoting, To plough, to harrow, shunning no thing, Fields, orchards, gardens bloom around. For thus their toil has decked the ground. Alas, that we must now lament The loss of this first good intent! Unfaithfulness, sad deviation The Saviour's eye saw at this station. This long, alas ! has been the cause That made life here so arduous. Some of this load to be relieved 'Twould be best, more than once believed, This fine estate, complete and blooming Some wealthy man should be assuming; But to this scheme the household's Lord Said "No," and we obey his word. 27 Now, therefore, we begin anew, And still the old plan we'll pursue, That, though in separate housekeeping, In feeding, ploughing, sowing, reaping, Each one shall have this aim in view To please the Lord, in all you do. Then He will be with you, and then Your work will prosper here again His peace will rule 'mongst you unceasing The first love will be seen increasing And slander, folly, envy, strife Will not disturb your happy life. Yours is the Father's love and care, For in Christ's realm you have a share. To show true faithfulness be vieing, In word and deed God glorifying; His peace and blessing then alway Will rest upon you day by day. III. The Erection of the New Steeple on Nazareth Hall, June 16-27, 1785, and the Placing Thereon of the Ball and Vane, June 27. (From the Nazareth Diary, June 27, 1785.) About 2 p.m. the ball and vane were put up on our new steeple. When everything was ready for the work, a severe thunder- storm suddenly came up in the north. However, the ball and the vane were successfully hoisted up, and with the lightning-rod were securely fixed in position, just before a violent storm with heavy rain came up, and we were glad that none of the workmen suffered any injury. For two weeks we have had thunder-storms and rain almost daily, which hindered and made more difficult the building of the steeple and the putting of a new roof on the Hall. In the evening-service the inscription which had been placed in the ball on the steeple in the German and English languages was read to the congregation. Inscription Placed in the Ball on the Steeple Erected on Nazareth Hall, June 27, 1785. To all who read this document, — know ye that in the month of June of the year One Thousand, Seven Hundred and Eighty-five, this steeple was built and erected. Exactly thirty-eight years 2,8 had this month passed since the brethren and sisters then living at Nazareth, thirty-six married people besides the children, were organized as a Brethren's congregation, which took place June 25, 1747, in the presence of the brethren August Gottlieb Spangenberg, and the sainted brother Christian Frederick Cam- merhof, just five years after the congregation in Bethlehem had been organized on June 25, 1742. The erection of this steeple on the building in which the con- gregation at Nazareth have now for nearly thirty years held un- disturbed their divine services according to the beautiful ritual of the Brethren's Church, and have so often realized with joy the unseen presence of the Head of His Church, causes them to recall with gratitude the many benefits and blessings which this congregation have received and enjoyed from our dear Saviour and His dear Father in Heaven, and especially the blessings which they have received in this House of Peace, in which on Sundays and festival-days all the members of the Nazareth con- gregation assemble from all the places of their abode, and pre- sent themselves before the Lord; and also reminds them and their children of some remarkable occurrences that have trans- pired since the first brethren arrived on the Nazareth land. It was on the seventh of May, 1740, fifty-five years ago, that the sainted brother Peter Boehler and Anthony Seiffert arrived on the land which the English Methodist minister, George Whitefield,had bought in Pennsylvania and had namedNazareth, and at his request undertook the building of a house which he intended to be a school for negroes. In the year 1741, this land, which has the rights of a Barony, was sold by George Whitefield to the Brethren, and on Jan. 2, 1744, the above-named house was consecrated as a meeting-house for the brethren. In this house the congregation at Nazareth held their services until near the end of the year 1756. It was also used for many years as the home of an educational institution for children. After the Naza- reth land had been cleared and cultivated more and more during the ten years following the dedication of this house and meeting- hall, and not only had a colony or farm been laid out by the Brethren in the vicinity of the above-named house, which is named Old Nazareth, but in addition colonies or farms had been laid out at three places on the Nazareth land, viz., Gnadenthal, 2 9 where nearly forty years ago a house-congregation had been organized on Dec. 2, 1745 ; further, Christian's Spring, where, in the year 1749 a Single Brethren's Economy was begun, and on Dec. 17 of the same year, nearly thirty-six years ago, the first dwelling4iouse for the Single Brethren was dedicated, and finally Friedensthal, which settlement was also commenced in the year 1749, then, on May 3, 1755, thirty years ago, in the presence of all those living on the Nazareth land in all the settlements, and of the whole congregation of Bethlehem, the corner-stone of the present meeting-hall was laid, and the meeting-hall was dedi- cated on the thirteenth of November. When this house was built it was designed to be not only the church and meeting-hall for the Nazareth congregation, but also a dwelling for the sainted Count Zinzendorf at that time the Ordinary of the Brethren's Unity, whose coming to America was at that time expected. But the sainted Ordinarius Fratrum never came to America after that time, and therefore this purpose of the build- ing of the house was never fulfilled. Instead thereof, from 1759 to 1779 a school for boys, as also for some time a Paedagogium, was kept in this house, in which institutions there were some- times more than a hundred children and boys. In the year 1771, now fourteen years ago, the Brethren Christian Gregor and Johann Loretz, members of the Unity's Elders' Conference, who had come on a visitation to the Breth- ren's congregations in North America, being present, a new town was laid out, and in the same year the building of the first house in this town was begun. (The town was laid out in January, under the direction of the brethren John Loretz, Christian Gregor, Nathaniel Seidel, John Ettwein, Hans Christian v. Schweinitz and Ferdinand Dettmers, and on Jan. 18 the measuring and laying out of the town was begun.) In the fourteen years since it was begun, this town has been so built up that now, besides the Single Brethren's house, the corner-stone of which was laid May 3, 1773, and which was dedi- cated and occupied May 18, 1774, and the Single Sisters' house, the corner-stone of which was laid April 19, 1784, and which was dedicated and occupied Dec. 13, 1784, there are eighteen dwell- ing-houses. And inasmuch as, on account of the constantly in- 30 creasing growth of the town the necessity for a steeple has be- come more and more urgent, especially since the building of the Sisters' house, as the ringing of the bell for the services is heard much less than before by many of the townspeople, this has been the cause that the building of a steeple on this meeting-house, which was intended when the building of the Hall was begun, and has been considered unavoidably necessary since the build- ing of the new town, has been accomplished in the month of June of this year One Thousand, Seven Hundred and Eighty- five. Three noteworthy events of the current year deserve men- tion here : 1. That in the month of March of this year, on the occasion of the presence of our dear brother John v. Watteville, who is at present in Pennsylvania, on a visitation to the Brethren's con- gregations in North America, the synodically enacted organizing of the congregation Conferences in Nazareth has taken place. 2. That the congregation in Schoeneck has been this year more closely united with Nazareth, and the oversight and service of this congregation has been committed to the Elders' Con- ference in Nazareth. 3. That in the fall of this year a Paedagogium is to be com- menced again here in Nazareth, and for a beginning of the same the Boys' School of Bethlehem is to be transferred to Nazareth, and a Boarding School for boys is to be established here. The Directing Board of the entire Brethren's Unity consisted in this year 1785 of the following thirteen members : Helpers' Department. Wardens' Department. Supervisors' Department. August Gottlieb Spang- Johann Fried. Reichel, Johann Fried. Kober, enberg, Johann Loretz, Giinther Anton Urban v. Johannes v. Watteville, Johann Christ'n Quandt, Liidecke, Heinrich v. Bruiningk, Heinrich der 28te Reuss, Jonathan Briant. Samuel Liebisch. Christian Gregor, Renatus van Laer. The General Helpers' Conference of the Brethren's Congrega- tions in Pennsylvania and the neighboring States consisted of the following ten members : In Bethlehem. In Lititz. In Nazareth. Johann Ettwein, Matthaus Hehl, David Zeisberger, Johann Andreas Hub- Johann Aug. Klingsohr, Franz Chrn. Lembke, ner, Jeremias Denke. Carl Gotthold Reichel. Hans Christ'n v. Schweinitz, Paul Munster. 3i The Elders' Conference of tlie Congregation at Nazareth consists of the following fifteen members : Brethren. David Zeisberger, Pastor, Franz Chrn. Lembke, who for nearly thirty years served the congregation as Preacher, and is now Chaplain of the house- hold at Old Nazareth. Charles Gotthold Reichel, Preacher, Johann Schropp, Warden, Otto Chrn. Krogstrupp, Chaplain of the household at Gnadenthal. Andrew Busse, Superintendent and Chaplain of the household at Christian's Spring, Johannes Bonn, Warden at Chris- tian's Spring, Simon Meyer, Superintendent of the Single Brethren at Nazareth, William Lister, Warden of the Single Brethren at Nazareth. Sisters. Anna Dorothea Zeisberger, Catharine Lembke, Anna Dorothea Reichel, Anna Johanna Seidel, Widows' Superintendent, Susanna v. Gersdorf, Single Sis- ters' Eldress, Elisabeth Leinbach, Single Sisters' Warden. The number of all persons belonging to the Congregation at Nazareth was : 98 married people, 8 widowers, 10 widows, 67 single brethren, 10 youths and boys, 39 single sisters, 10 older girls, 24 little boys, 22 little girls. Total, 288 persons. Of these there were dwelling In the new town 140 In Old Nazareth.. 48 In Christian's Spring 65 In Gnadenthal 24 In Friedensthal 11 Total 288 An Ode or Apostrophe to the Gilded Ball put up on the Steeple of Nazareth Hall, June 27, 1785. The steeple was built June 16-27. The Ode is not signed, and it is sarcely possible to determine the authorship. It could scarcely have been composed by the Rev. F. C. Lembke, who, after his long pastorate at Nazareth had been succeeded in Dec, 1784, by the Rev. C. G. Reichel, who was also the first Principal of the reorganized Boarding School opened in Nazareth Hall, Oct. 3, 1785. Either he, or Bro. Geo. Mueller, who had come with him from Europe and was one of the first teachers in the 3^ Boarding School, and was teaching the Boys' School at Nazareth when the steeple was built, or, possibly, the Rt. Rev. John Ettwein, or the Rt. Rev. John, Baron de Watteville, then on a visitation to the congregations in North America, may have been the author. Bro. Lembke, who had written a number of odes or verses for various occasions, after moving from the Hall to Old Nazareth to make room for Bro. Reichel, and whose strength had failed very greatly for two weeks before his death on July II, 1785, was therefore scarcely in a condition to com- pose this Ode to the Gilded Ball, especially as the Memoir read at his funeral on July 13 (his birthday) states that for the previous six months there had been a perceptible decrease or failure of his mental and physical strength, i.e., from the time of his retire- ment in Dec, 1784, followed in Jan., 1785, by the death of his promising son, Johann Renatus, which was felt very keenly by him, and probably hastened his end, although he bore the be- reavement with resignation. Omine surge bono, sta fixa aurata coronis Testis evangelii civibus esto tuis; Nam fulgore tuo tacito sermone loqueris, Longaque sit tua sors Iridis esse loco. Steige in die Hohe unter lauter glucklichen Aspecten, und bleibe unter gottlicher Obhut fest und lange sitzen, Du verguldete Kugel; sitze aber nicht leer und miiszig wie die heutigen Luftballen mit ihren unniitzen, ungewissen Aufsteigen und Nieder- fallen. Sey mit deinem helleleuchtendem Anblick auf alle Zeiten hinaus nie ohne Wort sprechendes Zeichen und Zeugnisz von dem was in diesem Hause des Herrn dessen Zierde du bist geglaubt, gelehret, gefiihlt, besungen und ohne Schwei- gen getrieben wird, von Gott unserm Heiland, Schopfer und Erloser durch sein Blut und Tod zum Heil aller armen Sunder die durch Ihn und Ihn allein selig werden wollen, sollen und sind. Lade sie ein mit deinem Anblick und zugleich mit dem Klang der unter dir schwebenden Glocke mit Theil zu nehmen an dieser Gnade und in demselben unverriicklich einherzugehen bis an den Tag seiner Er- scheinung. Sey mit deinem Glanz von der lieben Sonne beleuchtet alien die in diesem Hause aus und eingehen 33 und sich der schonen Gottesdienste erfreuen eine Lehre dasz unser Herr sein Briider-Volk in diesen Zeiten gesetzt hat ein Licht der Welt und ein Salz der Erde zu sein. Sey mit deinem Schimmer ein langdauerndes Zeichen und Zeugnisz der iiber dieses Haus und Gemeine waltenden Obhut unsers Herrn und Hirten, der seine Schaafe kennt und iiber ihnen halt, und es versprochen hat dasz Niemand sie aus seines Vater's Hand reiszen soil. Sey ein solches Gnaden-Zeichen iiber lind so oft wir dich ansehen wie der Bogen Gottes in den Wolken des Himmels dasz Gott Nazareth gewogen, dasz seine Gnade iiber uns walte immer und ewiglich. Sage in einem der kiinftigen Jahrhunderten unsern Ur-Ur-Enkeln die dich mochten einmal zu Gesichte kriegen wem dieses Haus und Landereyen Nazareth, Gnadenthal, Christiansbrunn, Friedensthal zugehoren, wem dieselben vom Anfang an gewidmet und geweihet seyn, und dass wir auf diesem Land Gottes Lehnsleute aber doch nicht anders als nur Fremdling und Pilger auf dieser Erde sein wollen und sollen auf Kind und Kindes Kind. Sage ihnen, wie deine Inscription zu erkennen gibt von den ersten Anfangen, Anlagen und Destination dieses Hauses und dieser Baronie Nazareth und dessen zeitherigen Fortgangen unter dem Segen und Schutz Gottes, in der Gnade unsers Herrn Jesu Christi, und Beiwohnung des Heiligen Geistes bis auf den Tag deiner Erhohung am 27ten Juni, 1785, ob auch deine inwendige Ansicht in erst undenklichen Zeiten erfolgen sollte Errinnere sie daran was der Herr an seinem Haus und Volk gethan denn seine Giite wahret ewiglich. In globum obauratum Turriculae noviter erectae atque aedibus sacris in Nazareth superstructae insuper impostum, d. 27 Juni, 1785. 3 34 Translation of the Ode to the Gilded Ball, by the rev. a. l. oerter. Rise to thy lofty position with omen auspicious and fix'd firm Golden, sun-like sphere, there thy brightness display : Silent yet eloquent witness and symbol of Christ's blessed gospel, Long, like the Iris arch, speak thy message divine. Integer vitae (Hor.). Mount on high over all, this house adorning, Gilded ball, with only favoring tokens, Long hold thy place beneath divine protection, Well and securely. Not like air-balloons, rising and falling Useless, uncertain, be thou empty and idle, Let thy brightness be to all who behold thee In future ages Wordless, yet eloquent sign and evidence potent. Telling of that which in this house of the Lord God Which thou adornest, is taught, sung and transacted Ne'er keeping silence, Of God our Saviour, Creator and blessed Redeemer, Who by His blood and death procured salvation, For all poor souls who would be saved by Him only, Saved by His grace. By thy lustrous sheen invite them to share it, While the tones of the bell beneath thee swinging Bid them to come and in this grace continue Till He appeareth. With thy sun-born radiance be unto all those Who go in and out, and delight in this worship, Sign that the Lord His Brethren's Church has appointed A light to the nations. Be with thy glist'ning a long-enduring token Of His watchful care who as the Good Shepherd Knoweth His sheep, and out of the hand of His Father None shall e'er pluck them. Be unto us as oft as we look upon thee Like the beautiful bow of God in the heavens Sign that God unto Nazareth is kind, and that ever His grace rules over us. Tell in days remote our children's children Whose this house and all these fair estates are, Nazareth, Gnadenthal, Friedensthal, Christian's Spring also, To whom dedicated. 35 Tell them that we are only God's poor tenants Here on these estates, we and our children And children's children. On this earth we're only Strangers and pilgrims. Tell them, as made known by thy Inscription, The first beginnings, ground-work, destination Of this fair manor-house and all composing Baronial Nazareth. Tell them how God's blessing and protection The grace of Jesus Christ, the Holy Spirit's Abiding presence, gave us happy progress Till thine uplifting. Tell to ages remote, if then revealing Thine inner aspect, all that for His people The Lord hath done, for His unfailing goodness Is everlasting. To the gilded ball placed on the steeple recently erected as a superstructure on the church (Xazareth Hall), at Nazareth, June 27, 1785. HISTORICAL AND STATISTICAL MATTER RELATING TO THE WIDOWS' SOCIETY OF BETHLEHEM. Collected and Compiled from the Minutes of the Society BY AUGUSTUS H. LEIBERT. CONTENTS. Page. I. Historical Note 41 II. Act of Incorporation of the Widows' Society of Bethlehem 46 III. List of Members, 1770-1915 — Arranged Alpha- betically 5 1 IV. Statements Concerning Persons Admitted as Members at the Age of Sixty or Over 80 V. List of Members Who Died Within Two Years After Joining the Society 81 VI. Beneficiaries of the Widows' Society, 1772- 1915 82 VII. Number of Members Admitted Per year 1770- 1915 87 VIII. Officers of the Widows' Society 88 IX. Financial Statement Showing Dividends Paid, Status of Capital, Etc., in Successive Years, 1772-1915 91 I. HISTORICAL NOTE. The Widows' Society of Bethlehem and Vicinity. Addendum to "A Brief History of the Widows' Society of Bethlehem" (v. Transactions of the Moravian Historical Society, Vol. II, pp. 49-124). BY THE REV. A. SCHULTZE, D.D., L.H.D. A brief history of this Beneficial Society, one of the oldest if not the oldest of its kind in this country, was published in 1880, by its Secretary. It traced the development of this venerable association, from its beginning in 1770, through no years of slow but steady growth in usefulness. It is now proposed to give a continuation of this history through the thirty-five years, from 1880 to the present time, to complete the record of its pro- ceedings and to show its present status. At the annual meeting, in July, 1880, the Secretary reported, that so far as known, there were then 227 members of the So- ciety living and 80 widows in the care of the Society. The divi- dends for that year amounted to $27 for each widow, and it was the smallest sum that had been paid since 1863, owing to the unusually large number of widows, the small dividends on some stocks owned by the Society, and the small increase in member- ship during that year. The officers elected for the ensuing year were: Simon Rau, H. B. Luckenbach, Wm. Leibert, Ch. Belling, C. A. Luckenbach, H. S. Krause and J. C. Weber. Treasurer : Francis Rauch, and Secretary : Aug. Schultze. The assets of the Society amounted to $37,019.73. Among the applicants for admission, during the next year, was Bro. Darius Starbuck, of Salem, N. C, 63 years old. As there was no age limit in the laws of the Society, he was ad- mitted and after his demise, in 1887, his widow enjoyed the benefit of her husband's having joined, for twenty-two years. At the next annual meeting, however, it was resolved, that thereafter the age of admission should be limited to 60 years. The follow- ing year, the sentiment of the general meeting was expressed to 42 the effect, that as soon as practicable, all stocks of the Society should be exchanged for either Bonds or Loans on Mortgage and the directors following out this instruction, at once disposed of $5000 stock of the L. V., Penn. R. R. and the Lehigh Coal & Navigation. In 1884, ten widows entitled to the annuity departed this life, among them Lydia Rice, who had received her first dividend in 1833. The total membership then was 225, the number of widows 73 and the dividend to each of them $33. It was then resolved, for the first time, that an advertisement of the Society setting forth the advantages to be gained from joining this So- ciety should be published in the Moravian and Brueder Botschafter, one-half column for three months in both papers. In 1885, the Secretary, Bro. A. Schultze, having completed the twelfth year in that office, requested the brethren not to vote for his re-election. Accordingly, the meeting elected Bro. Julius D. Bishop as his successor. From that year on, the minutes of the general meeting were written in English, instead of German, as had been the rule from the beginning for 115 years. The follow- ing year, the new Secretary succeeded Bro, Francis M. Rauch, deceased, as Treasurer and Bro. Aug. Leibert was elected Secre- tary of the Widows' Society. The latter has since that year, up to date, that is for more than twenty-eight years, most accept- ably filled this position, having been re-elected without opposition every year, an unprecedented record. It is characteristic for the economic and altruistic manner in which the business of this Society has ever been carried on, that, until a few years ago, no compensation whatever was given to or expected by the Secre- tary. The Treasurer's salary, in 1906, was raised from $25 to $50 per year, when the total amount paid out by the Treasurers, since the organization of the Society, had reached the sum of $188,661.47. The first exception to the rule, that candidates for member- ship must present a doctor's certificate of good health, was made in 1885, when the three first missionaries to Alaska, Wm. Wein- land, H. Kilbuck and Hans Torgersen, were received upon the testimony of the Provincial Mission Board, that according to the latest letters from these missionaries, they were all three in excellent health. Bro. Torgersen was drowned that same year 43 in the Kuskokwim River, but his widow has been reaping the fruit of that thoughtful provision of membership until this day. It was a noteworthy coincidence, that the certificate presented the following year, upon application, to the pioneer of the Alaska Mission, Bro. A. Hartmann, of Moraviantown, Canada, then 55 years of age, bore the number 555. A token of the confidence which the Society has in the honest and efficient management of its affairs, is given in the retention of the same officers from year to year. Thus Bro. Simon Rau was a member of the Board of Directors from 1853 to 1905, that is for 52. There was a regular annual vote by ballot, though, year after year, and in 1884 a motion was offered, that a majority of all the votes cast at the annual election be necessary to elect any one to office ; but the motion was lost. Three years later, Bro. A. C. Borhek, at the general meeting, upon motion, de- posited the "vote of the Society for the old members" of the Board, viz. : Directors, C. H. Belling, Aug. S. Bishop, H. B. Luckenbach, J. C. Weber, Simon Rau, J. S. Krause and Jos. A. Rice ; Treasurer, J. D. Bishop, and Secretary, Aug. Leibert. This method of one member casting the vote for the Society has been followed ever since, by re-electing the former members, excepting where death or declination to serve made a change necessary. It is a curious fact, in this connection, that since the resignation of Bro. Schultze as Secretary, in 1885, no minister of the Church has been in the directing board of the Society, until 191 1, when in place of Bro. A. S. Bishop, deceased, the Rev. W. N. Schwarze was elected a member of the Board of Directors. By 1888, the assets of the Society had risen to $41,935.66, of which amount $13,700 were invested in Bond and Mortgage, $20,000 in Loans and $7909 in Stocks. Two years later, the stocks had decreased to $3507, mostly by the sale of shares of the Easton National Bank stock, which a former treasurer had rightly declared to have been, for a long time, "the hen that laid the golden eggs" of the Society. In 1891, Aug. S. Bishop offered an addition to Section 4 of the By-Laws, which, after considerable discussion, was adopted, to wit : "However, persons desiring to be admitted to membership of the Society may, if they so elect, become such under the fol- lowing regulations : Upon presenting the application for mem- 44 bership, he shall pay into the treasury the sum of $10. If the application is favorably received), he shall then pay $40 ad- ditional, in eight equal, consecutive monthly payments. If un- favorably received, the amount so paid in shall be refunded. Im- mediately after the last payment, the Board of Directors shall again make due inquiry as to bodily health and fitness of the candidate, and if such be found favorable, he shall be declared a member of the Society. If rejected, the amount he has paid 1 shall be returned to him, less one dollar. In case of the death of the applicant before the completion of all the monthly payments, the entire amount paid in shall be refunded to his legal heirs. If he ceases to pay the monthly installments necessary for member- ship, any amount so paid, less one dollar, shall be refunded by the Directors." At the general meeting of 1892, a motion was offered to the effect, that the question of the continuing of a member who may leave the Moravian Church be referred to the Board of Di- rectors. The following year, certain amendments to Article II of the Charter were presented by the Directors and discussed by the assembly. The substance of these amendments was, "that in the future the right to benefits shall cease, both when a member of the Society ceases to be a member of the 'Church of the United Brethren,' and when the wife or widow leaves the Mo- ravian Church." After considerable debate the further con- sideration of this amendment was indefinitely postponed. A most pleasing event occurring during the year of 1893 was the receipt of a letter addressed to the Directors* by Bro. Abr. S. Schropp, covering bonds to the amount of $2000, donated to the Society as a tribute to his mother, Cornelia Schropp, who had departed this life in that year and who from 1841 to 1893, for fifty-two years, had received the annuities of this Society. This liberal and thoughtful gift was accepted with hearty thanks, to be entered as "the Maria Cornelia Schropp Fund." Another widow who died in 1897 and had enjoyed the benefit of the widows' pension for fifty-two years, from 1845 to ^97, was Mrs. Eliza Cooper, of Lancaster. The capital of the Society, by 1894, had increased to $48,850.64. During the last twenty years, from 1894-1914, nothing speci- ally noteworthy has transpired in the affairs of the Society. It 45 has, in its humble way, continued to give valuable help to many widows and has been steadily growing in its resources. In the membership, the high water mark was reached in 1878, when there were 230 members and 70 widows. At the annual meeting of 1914, there were reported 175 members of the Society, of whom 57 live in Bethlehem, 7 at Nazareth, 9 at Lititz, 13 at Salem, N. C, and 89 are scattering members. There are at present 69 widows, each of whom received an annuity of $44. It certainly is a good investment for a married man to pay once $50, (and nothing more,) in order to become a member of the Widows' Society and make such a provision for the benefit of his wife. The assets, as reported at the last meeting, are : Bonds and Mortgage, $33,625.00; Other Loans, $16,899.12; Stock, $3,207.00; Cash, $3,437.84; Total, $57,168.96. The Secretary distributed a blueprint pamphlet of 18 pages, showing dividends as paid since 1879, nst °f widows, alphabetically arranged, and a table showing number of members received each year, since organization to 1914. 4 6 II. AN ACT TO INCORPORATE THE WIDOWS' SOCIETY OF BETHLEHEM. Whereas it is represented to the Legislature, that a number of persons, members of the Episcopal Church of the United Brethren, resident at Bethlehem and elsewhere, have formed a Society for the humane and charitable purpose of ministering to the wants and alleviating the distress of their widows, and pray to be incorporated : Therefore, Section r. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in General Assembly met, and it is hereby enacted by the authority of the same, That Joseph Rice, the present President of The Widows' Society of Bethlehem, David Bischoff, Chris- tian Borheck, Owen Rice, jun., John Fr. Rauch, Samuel Stipe, John Henry Schultz, John Snyder, and David P. Schneller, the present Di- rectors thereof, together with all such persons as heretofore have been, or hereafter shall be duly admitted members of the said Society, agreeable to the Constitution and Fundamental Articles thereof, be, and they hereby are incorporated into a Society, by the name, style and title of "The Widows' Society of Bethlehem," and by that name shall have perpetual succession, and all the rights, powers and privileges incident by law to a corporation. Section 2. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the said Corporation and their successors, by the name, style and title aforesaid, shall forever hereafter be able and capable in law to purchase, have, receive, take, hold and enjoy, in fee simple or for a less estate or estates, any lands, tenements, rents, annuities, liberties, franchises and other hereditaments, by the gift, grant, bargain, sale, alienation, enfeoff- ment, release, confirmation or devise of any person or persons, bodies poli- tic and corporate, capable and able to make the same, and further, that the said corporation and their successors may take and receive any sum or sums of money, goods and chattels, that have been, or hereafter shall be given or bequeathed to them by any person or persons, bodies politic or corporate, able and capable to make a bequest or gift thereof; Provided, That no misnomer of the said corporation and their successors, shall de- feat or annul any gift, grant, devise or bequest to the said corporation, if the intent of the donor shall sufficiently appear upon the face of the gift, testament or other writing whereby any estate or interest was intended to pass to the said corporation ; nor shall any non-user of the rights, liberties, privileges and authorities or any of them, hereby granted to the said cor- poration, create or cause a forfeiture thereof; Provided nevertheless, That 47 the clear yearly value or income of the messuages, houses, lands and tene- ments, rents, annuities and other hereditaments and real estate of the said corporation, and the interest of the money lent by the same, shall not ex- ceed the sum of Six thousand dollars. Section 3. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the said corporation and their successors shall have full power and au- thority to make, have and use one common seal, with such device and in- scription as they shall think proper, and the same to break, alter and renew at their pleasure. Section 4. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the following be, and they are hereby declared to be the Constitution and Fundamental Articles of the said Society, that is to say: ARTICLES. ARTICLE I. The Society shall consist of those persons, being members of the Epis- copal Church of the United Brethren, who shall, in the first instance, sub- scribe this Constitution, and of such as may hereafter be admitted as members thereof, according to the rules hereinafter prescribed. ARTICLE II. Candidates for membership shall be nominated either at the meetings of the Society or of the Board of Directors hereinafter appointed. The said Board of Directors shall make due inquiry as to the bodily health and fit- ness of the candidate, and if so many members of the Society or of the Board of Directors as shall be prescribed by the by-laws, vote in favor of admission, the candidate shall be admitted, upon complying with the other regulations which shall be prescribed for admission by the by-laws. None but married men, who are members of the United Brethren, or who, not being such themselves, live in matrimony with a person being a member of the said Church of the United Brethren, shall be admitted as members of this Society. But only such as are members of the said United Brethren, shall have a vote upon any question respecting the concerns of this Society, or be eligible as officers of the same. ARTICLE III. Each member shall, at the time of his admission, and every year during the time of his membership, pay to the Treasurer, for the use of this So- ciety, such sum or sums as shall be directed by the by-laws ; and provision may be made by the by-laws, for the exemption of members reduced in their circumstances from the annual payments, during their inability. article rv. The moneys paid by the members at the time of their admission or re- admission, as well as all grants, gifts, donations and bequests to this So- ciety, shall, from time to time, be invested in productive funds, or loaned on interest, as shall be directed by the by-laws, and the interest arising on 4 8 the said capital stock, as well as the yearly contributions of the members, shall be distributed to the widows, relicts of deceased members of the So- ciety, in such a manner as shall be prescribed by the by-laws, but the said capital stock shall at all times remain entire and inviolate, as long as this Society shall exist. article v. Seven Directors, a Treasurer, a Secretary and three Auditors shall be elected by ballot at the stated meeting in every year. Whenever any of the said offices shall become vacant, the vacancy shall be filled by a new elec- tion at the next stated meeting after the vacancy shall have happened, or, in case of urgency, at a special meeting of the Society, to be called for the purpose. The said seven Directors, together with the Treasurer and Sec- retary aforesaid, shall constitute a Board to superintend the general con- cerns of the Society, and, at their first meeting after each election, shall choose one of the said seven Directors as President. Provision shall be made in the by-laws for conducting the affairs of the Society, if at any time the same shall be so much reduced in number, as to make it imprac- ticable to constitute a Board of Directors, as herein before directed. ARTICLE VI. The duties of all the officers shall be such as are implied in their titles, and shall be prescribed by the by-laws. ARTICLE VII. The Society shall hold its stated meeting on the first Thursday in the month of July, in every year. Adjourned and special meetings may be held, as shall be provided for by the by-laws. ARTICLE VIII. A member may be expelled for unfaithful, immoral or unworthy con- duct, by the votes of two-thirds of the voting members present; but eigh- teen of the voting members shall be necessary to constitute a quorum for the purpose of such trial, which shall not be held, unless a written notice of the facts charged shall have been given to the party accused, at least thirty days before the time of such trial. It is, however, expressly de- creed, that the right, interest and claim of the widow of any expelled mem- ber to the benefits accruing from this Society, shall, in no instance, be im- paired or defeated by such expulsion, provided all the dues prescribed by the by-laws be regularly paid during the life of any such expelled member, but not otherwise. ARTICLE IX. This constitution shall be subscribed by every member at the time of his admission, and the time of his subscribing, with the name of the place of his residence and his age, shall be noted opposite to his name, and each member shall receive a certificate of his membership, certified by the Presi- dent, and attested by the Secretary; with the seal of the Society affixed, and a printed copy of this constitution and the by-laws. 49 ARTICLE X. It is unalterably and irrevocably decreed, that, if any unforeseen accident or other cause should ever occasion a dissolution of this Society, which, however, shall not be understood to have taken place, until all the members thereof, and all and every the widows, entitled to the benefits thereof, shall have become extinct, the funds of this Society, without diminution or defalcation, shall be divided into two equal parts; one moiety whereof shall be transferred to, and become the property of, such committee or committees of the several Congregations of the United Brethren in the United States, as shall have been appointed by the voting members of such Congregations respectively, to take care of their widows, in trust and for the use of such widows; and the other moiety thereof shall, in like manner, be transferred to such committee or committees in the aforesaid Congre- gations, which shall have been appointed in the same manner as aforesaid, to take care of the education of their children and to administer the funds established for that purpose, in trust and for the use of their schools ; each of these moieties to be divided amongst the aforesaid committees, in proportion to the number of families resident in the aforesaid Congrega- tions respectively at the time of such transfer; on condition, nevertheless, that the said funds, so as aforesaid transferred to the said committees, be kept entire and unimpaired by them and every and each of them, and the interest thereof only be applied to the uses and purposes aforesaid. And to the faithful execution of this article, according to its true intent and meaning, we, the subscribers, and each of us, hold ourselves, collectively and individually, firmly bound. Section 5.. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the said Society shall have power to make by-laws, as well as to carry into effect the provisions herein contained, as for the effectual and convenient conduct of the affairs of the Society; Provided, That the same be not re- pugnant to the Constitution and Laws of the United States or of this Com- monwealth : And Provided, That no by-laws shall be enacted, altered or repealed, but at a stated meeting, nor unless fifteen of the voting members shall be present at such stated meeting: And Provided, That the by-laws already made and now in force in the said Society, shall continue and be in force until altered or repealed in manner herein before declared: And Provided also, That no by-law shall ever be made to alter the nature, or impair the binding force of the foregoing articles of the Constitution here- by enacted. Section 6. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, That the estates and funds of every description of the existing Association or associated Society, called "The Widows' Society of Bethlehem," be, and they are hereby declared to be vested in the Society incorporated by this act, in full property, and subject to the disposal thereof agreeably to the provision hereinbefore contained. Provided always, That nothing in this 4 act shall be so construed as to impair or diminish the responsibility of any individual or individuals, for the payment of any debts contracted for this Society, and by its order, for which he would have been otherwise liable. JNO. GILMORE, Speaker of the House of Representatives. WM. MARKS, Jun., Speaker of the Senate. Approved, March the seventh, one thousand eight hundred and twenty- one. JOSEPH HIESTER. 5' ^ O IV tv( 'oo So 00 rvoo ( « \D iv\o tv o — 5i fa u o o u 53 o ECU rt .rt'p^cSfSPnpH 2 S | 5 | | | | §S5 [2 i-T-^ ^5 £ JB »B »B »B «B rj 0 eu ^ nj ju « « r= :r .cccc y £ c s-TD-u-a O O O O "O M.C .C .C I- u la 0 S-fl I. SB, c 3 Sfc 30.3 uuoS*§g'g-:§03 •Ph cj rt rt rt ti rtOnlX, Ph pL, eu el, &h fL, r rf^ E. <* E" - - - - - - E* E*£ E ;P-> ^ ^P- 1 ii "5 -5 ■£ •£ ■£ •£ v v "fc . .. tS.fi tS .js J3 * J3 V k C v v u 2 r« vo )00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 OO 0 f)r»jg in «i * M») t\ a O - , foon i^oo oi «»5 * . _ i oo do oo r^oo t^oo i^66 oo 8 8^^ N i-i N N "? S *-5 E.o. be b£ ."O O > flE .< "So 53 CO £• 8 X 00 00 H •< 00 o Q O 1- U Date ily eceml E S d at &o oZ ooooc - o oo oo oo 1^00 9- c g E E* E E 5 E E ^ | ||||, ||| m m m m ^ pq pq ^cn m cq O 00 « MO 00 00 00 ^ ^ r^oo r^oo oo oo o 00 1^ II a. jo u ^ o U ^ °'u "2 « tJ £■§ a. «j tJ o.^ tin Q O m A- HhPhO-iCLi EEEEEE-s.EE 5 $ E E E E ^ u g § -"5 -5 -5 ■£ £ --g-g-g-g-S-S-o-S-g iu u.ti « s n£ u u u «; j"J3 n J) oj ii « U.C j) «; fTt« N i-O00« 00 OO OM O 1^00 VO < oo uo iri^O io ^ r-o-^TfTS-cor-j-c^oo uo' ICC K-t-rO -t; ' x x x xx x i ivo f0 - oo OOOPHONiOflKOOOO r^oc o X X 00 00 00 00 <^ I^OO 3 C n! grtSrt JO 3 £ 5 £ nl J2 rt ci J3 3 C £ < q ^►fH.S z Jl^ Jl*in Jlti Jir/i ►H.^z :z z Jin JlJiJln ,£r£ tx. a iiiz •= ~ o o o c u 3 rt ,z:z;zJlo> EcS o, d d d d d d d Z oooooooo E^ 'oh 111 m '3. E , u u 3 rt i O O O u IWCQCQPQ 54 f\00o8 ON OiOO i» 00 O\o8 P --3 § E E E, 1b< ■UOh «3 «3 v !-5 i-5 rt "3 "C tS c3 5 «J I'^^'-Sj' £ „ _^ u > >» bo £ E* E J* «S S m E IS E j* <5 Z j« *s <« < 1 5 S < 100 00 ONCO OnOOOOC O CMH OlO«00 KiOCK'li'illO O N N ir, <^ ir, N T « r^O«vO tJ-OQ f^aMTtO N! NO O "*CG 1^00 >n ro IONOVO 00 00 K t ^ t^N 55 ir> onvo w rj- \d Km mi\ on r^tN.Tt moo •<-> m <-< m m lx>0 tx O O Tf C 03 tx CO u">00 f""> On On ON! ONOOOOOO On OOM K 00 00 00 00 00 00 1x00 1^00 OO 00 c >> >n.o H n! rt C « CM oooooo txoo rxoooot. O O O O On KNNNK tx IxOO txOO £ KONl 00 On O On On On i tx f> (N| r» 00 N m CM w i-i <■ O 3 j* * £ = o §*« « g _ajjj_ajjjjj^) O O O O O'C'C 3 UUUUUUUUUUUUUU OnVO O NO ir, t in a 0«O«G00u->QN^.< O NO NWN-fm txNO 00 £ 5 J*-S jfS~ --J---S « E o 5 'rtrtrt§jSSSc£a]tj^' ubfl O PPPPPPPPPQPQQP m u-)VO CM rxOO CO I OO On On m l\tH ( 56 t^oo o NO < ;m ^ x X'. >x 08x00c '8 3^ N 2" f^OO KM i-c On On On On < See 111 & £ is 1&I ; (Xl Ph Ph C_j P-i crj a! a! p_, PhP-iPhCh jwuwwwhwwwwwwwwwwwwwwww r, |sh - fOOOGNO •+ iO -+ O COM X >r> r»50C O "CX X O r. -t 0\ Ol ir,-x r /j-")"IHHOO!)'j-l\0~H ~ O •5 CO CJ « PI if) CN|01Tj-««NO^-NOrOro NO—SO 57 100 00 00 TOO 00 S w oooooo t^oo t>. n « o w >> >>.o i> h s « e & < 3 3 Q C S « S rt o. 3 b 2 Ej= 3 k o si : uu ^ _ : _ __.uuu « s'll u* £ e'1 g-S ►i-Sl'™ e ;U(J E v I* UpL| 3 a s § s o 5 v £ u E E E" E" 'eE'^ I | £'~ 2 3 E' E" E"n h ~-£~~ S boSS - - mS^jc^^mjmjmzSc^i^t^j O >- Tt-^OO 00 00 00 oo" 8>o8 00 00 I O ►* f»5 t^OO N N "1 N in! i t^OO t^oo .^•i OOOOi-u-i-uui u'C'u'u i. l. s- u 3 3 3 OOOOOOOUO "mo , fNOO >0 .r. Ix [ S ? ir, N -f m j vb m P-i EE SI U uses' a, I 111: c be N .Si PUfti 5 E E~~ ,oc oo t^x x x ( O N ~ ~v 1^. O t^-C > N tTrO<3 ^ N Tt ^ o o > -d-^o >- n fi o. o o r^x xx r x x x x crxxt^r^ ■ -f - "I 0) N N | !;eE^^2 e^S^e5e|e _ ^^e C * c g g e t3 g e-g c g eg 5 g-g g g< g " c! ,2cE C • U — C c t) _ SOT- ■ 4J ooijijooudoooooouoooooxooo^ Sox O - X O - X ~ K K if, in > f)00 l^X X I 59 X 00 Koc 00 £j 00 N ^ ^ ' -f x "r-XX £5 ? ~'ac' oo r^oc r>. x x x x x x Q -3 - - -S EcEE Si s «i y >; u l_ 3 3 i; . ■ •f •£ c B <« 9 3 rt 3-p. E E a, E'S- Oh S .a, PL : .c c S o -r "S c E cn £ — !s : — £ — .vi — — ^ -X — ' i X 3 b ~ _i ~ 1u Js J: 1c " t.: i.t.r • m if — "C »J E 15 ^ 5 — 5 * -2 B tu 8 ^B^Sre < NN>0 SO i O O CM O Q • OOO-iNOsOSOO"-. X r^x X X t^X r>. r^x 1^ 10 IT) I/} IO O N O 1- f > InOO IN >- Ov • NtNK O\00 < 1 O f5 N 0\ O "300 N In O O NJS g^^p_ip_iN « .75 {n in OOOOO CMnOO OOOOOOOOOOOdO In In ■ OONNOi O00 O N C i IN In>0 CO In CM « Tt 0\ O E £ .^^E^sS-g ESSJig « E ! EE P S-l ac-| S S c a c ajj^ c^t3 3 SS 8§ S.-C &S-3 8-|SS E^ y- w • o y n • o^— to t u c o, Si 3 S Jjj .TJ .g jy J« m C OOOO o"o O O a s o 10 ir,00 JVQ ro H OO ON - - >00 VO ■<*■ « NO 00 In roOO INOO in In O 00 O 00 OvnO fjvi M N N N t - >0 m-fNC mNO CN 'tVO 6 c .3.3 C Cu JJu C G ~ — 3 3 O 3 o E -EEE . | - E E E E E «« «« s *r»z E rt O 3££ SOS , N N ^ h K P| r. c (s K N ^ N N t^v . t^OC 00 O t^OO 00 00 t^OC X X « X N 00 C 00 O00 CM^OOOOOOOO >0000333=:=;333333 o o o o u u u u n! fS rt "So IOO>0 fi O NX 62 x x ; -3 -o k >» o > uo-gtio OZ-PZ g g ~ J •a -o -a fee bo O O 3 3 3 too \o o uU . ... . > s = ° ^ tvvo o v a xxxxxx i^x tN. t^x x r^oo o\c JvvOVO : x y. x x r- x : «g N *0 w P5 tS w i-iCviNNi-ie}«~ (v|-h{vi™— N N i- < s !l .''i,<'3il'*S3SoS Z Q h £ A-.< n X -.< - A-.Q § -,-^Z — .G -^Z 0 tfl o U - r3 b C tJt EQ.S § ^W-g J? C « 5 £; - 2 c t?n^i Ss ' ^333333 3ScE^33333 = 3333 3^^ E E = .gggggggagSfififiSfifiBBeeiSBSfiSSgfiS&iKsi IQNrOTt-vO-VO-VONTfinNOTtOi tj-00 >OVO J O vS ir.00 VO N b"-. * "-.00 30r^.t^cv|- "3- ■J- « 64 Q ^ h O ) vC ""J f> — On ' « M N •s-s g g g 3 S 3 « a. § u 3 ^ ° §55 "£ E S rt-S _r E E Ph eu cm cl, Ph Ph PhPh^CJUU . E E E E E £ . ft, U D U u tl uCh E\f * EO E* E E* E N -^i £ N *~ ° — — — — bticEE'E- M 'O ""J M i^l^ o 00 i-i vo on o O\00 oS'oo oo oo ) O NO 00 00 01 OCO") mS >n -t r^x co 35 \o ) 00 00 00 00 r^.00 00 00 00 E E E c c c c 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 « « ^ w * JSC" « Cn O O aiON ^ O M N N Oi C l-^CC ON TVO IN M t « IT) ir} I-n M K l^N© 65 t^cc oe oc cc r co 01 to O 00 00 E 2 i- Co 5 >> >> > £ c rt rt o o cq j z w m m ra . .CLipLifL, . Ph pL, Pm Ph pL| Ph Ph Ph Ph Oh . = E E Etc E E E E E E E E g E o u j£ Jl ja «2 41 u v v ^ 4J — 5222 ^xxx^i 22* 22 g rPnPn o H-£ O Z O ri vo ooo on r^\o ixco t § E 2 >>» So §) Si §>£>>> o ^ 03 = o— = = E 3 « J3 3 a 2-oJ B C C : oCP - E 13 g | S_ E 15- * E 8 u^> u- - • .5 -a '5/5 « « So o o ■S.E.S'.S !r> o o c o 3 3 3 i - ' j — -i a i c "v r i c 'i\c; K-t"i«K tec o*-Hf i too "~. C C X "I O o I^VO CO O - - 'f, " 'I C r\ .r, ^ x C X ~ tiOt^tNOO l^"-. cq t ~ 00 >- "1 i>)h )-i « tDfO"-;tl^.l-vO tir. 01 lx\C u-> 66 oo do oo ao E E E- 4> >.£-o ~ !r j= e u ~ „ i S 3 S ^ E g.S E £ jg i < co < k-^w p < o P in >->C < E « E E-2Q " ** e" n ! !1 fS 0,0, .Cud, & . „E _ .£ E E — E E f} t i- *T t 1" 1 So 6; < O — u- 8 «p>£ ! *3 U > 4- > l- fc £ u I j- <« o <2 o « a j- fi-S^fc 53 5^ 5- o&hPh s-sSs J? sas; \ \o J^^^ o o eS do' do' K K 5\oo K Kdo oo oo knkn &oo oc oc 30 00 00 <5\ K K do do K Koo'c < a Q rt l^oo t^o fOioiN t^r^t^N r^^O oo f*5 Oi n 2£ < < £ ^2; £ Q £ >E,Q ^ Q £,Q £ £ PP^^^^dj^ iu y id -i u w teas, P. B" ^ c c C «J 1> 00CO00O3333333 &o._ .r2 3 C& 68 MOO X - Oil a 5 °- °- E 5 !-9 Cm Pl, . Z CU^ _ £ EEoE _E H _-c-ti E E ---- C-grS Cm SCm ; ec £ o lo pa ec z z En"E r - o o do oqg -to N N t( MroN MU)«P) \o u")\G TfvO ^T>0 rf u": m in MVOOOJ^ O 1^ CO' . -i ~-. z i - i - r-x -r - r^o> Z-K ~i x x r x x cc oo i^cc t^oo t^cc x XZ.XZZ OCCOCOOOOOOOOO PhCmPhPmCmCmCmCmCmCmCm -T-l S* T ~5 - OO-CC-io "".O CO l^O lt. T C N 6g O i- O 00 VO 00 O vgc o o ooo oo oc oo 55 c ££££ Ah Oh ->£0h0hPh 2 ^uuuuu 9 ►7'7 l 7>7' E E/3 m E E £ S3 .5 -C J= 3^ -C -= J3 OS 2EEEE E-^-S g-^-p^ Wc/)C/)c/)c/)J5pQPQfeOPQPQPQ On P, Ph Ph Ah Oh Ph Ph£Ph;§ .J Js ^ ^ — £ fSJi 3 kj- a> iixixxxxx^; i. - £ — .2 .3 j2 oi ov vo r^vo < ini-KOiPiOi'tmmir.OOCi vo o ~r O if, -+ -to \D»iC"t"t^O^ . OiOMDO^MMNtONN t^OO « O « ? t -t "5 ir, m f) n TT K N t^-VO a 00 X X X X X X r^X t^OO xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxcccc H « . « . . . « . M . . _ . . . . . . . . „ . . _ . . „ _ . . . £ OivO~ if. CO CTi if; K C> O* K c5 O' t< M l< if) -f o" >f) o" o" 01 r-C M c^OO" N m N f} h (H m fON N M (( d t-ifO 0) M Q u £ != Js-s i <« i-|-EE» « « S« c E cj: tS *3 E SS«S2-g3-g5Soo3 3 3 S s 3 5 Ej E 0.3 ~ § o-S - c O jfcOS|. E t M — - - ~y £u oE 3 J- j§?"2' •§£> »•§ E<(jUtt; ) °0(S(§' ra ^ow^s^^i*/. g g g 3S3aS333333333"5iiy;U £ PL, Ph Ph Ph CL, Ph £ E S £ £ Oh OS OS PS PS PS OS OS OS OS OS OS OS OS OS (2 Pi Pi Pi OOOOO O O u rt w S d nooio » t^\o « n«i tx 000 m o o "t^o moo 1^ « i-i ^too ^ r 1 >^ X « 1-1 ~i VO -t — O if if/O T O t'C T C -C C ? 'f HvO N t\ rt 1^ « *w> t^vo VO 00 nr,tOH rf VO NOO if, t^O vf. -t t ^ m r* t M -TO VO vo vf j 70 r«N NOiN OOO h :\ i-^ O r-^ ttno mvo n jcooo r>.oooooooooo ) 00 On 00 00 00 00 tOO\N00 00 c\ 16 r-C PL| UOl O1O1 --OkOiOiOiPh ! 3 3 3 3 3 -J*.! - O E rt E ^ J ■5 aw- P3k;fflW^OiJ(flUOC3C5Uli-lfflm?,ttKCKH>* in in. ! 0) CN <-> I ra-fj .o « s E E_, „ S E E 3 3 S £ E 2H.2 o >0>-S-E°rt'g e-E SOho-o a j>£ I si e o , 5 a, C C 5 E S 5 C 5 i 5 v .H ■l^O t^ONt^-r« « <-5O00 M O t^ONM O O Oi ON OnOO n n 0 On On r-l 1^00 On "5 O O O 00 CJ On NO M t-« rfOQ f»J O 1^ H *T T I — ir 1^ C4 IONO NO 05 >-i i-i r-> cn| t]-o-'CT>0(N rovO t)- O « 00 fi O 9 qoo « cc x r i ^ x i^x - ~ r x x x x x x cnkkxoowk i^oc oo ^ H IH W IH £ fi K ro ff d d K N C m" 6 K O O ^ h !n'm" (5, t ; c'. t< o" t? m t< 00" n >> >33£i. >i oS >>s»,b»,> ■ - o o ECGEGCCEGGC.i-> 2COOOOOOOOOOO 43 O ' C 3 . ■.N"O00 tr,00 « P) O "1 -fr O ) 00 oc 00 vo 4o ci ^1-00 N 7 2 -1 V. -t 0\ Ov CM Q £ o ^Z <§Hta S £ 2 E E c c o o • Z HO nfccnZO c cwQww^, ' Z c E" E B" Efi B B E ^ E E 2 So -u a" " is-s s o bo <-> bo v 3 3 00 0) ON « t^vo OnO OCM f) -r *tvO 00 O 1^00 5tO 00 o o> <*» ON 1^ I , t^OO 1^00 I s * I « N O PI OMD ir,M -f K r^l 'O t\ K N N _5 c S S P. E E 4z Z Z 2 ^O^h z u - w C S « O IS o jS ox i,^ZQZSAA< c/i :£ E Sj:x 3 — *9 813.5 SoS g» c 8 S£ I J S ^ 3 5 « 3 .-2 "H ^ -i !2 i == « -"2 ^ ."2 -"2 = = a ^SSE.E^ EEEEEEE^§SSSSSSnSS_ c/}tf}c/)c/}c/}(/vyic/)c/)c/)c/)c/)[/)c/}c/)c/}c/)c/)c/)c/3^ Sad a o — rt o o o O O O u l- " "So Suz ) M 10 ir> 0> I « - -00 ir> N m w i 73 ) CO o\ u-.co r^oo 00 I N m 0) m i-> m P -3 & IP Is si- 1- U l_ o Pl£t/) eS o22 <*3 ^3 22 g s S3 F. F~ rt o ■5-5 2 S •£ i- -5 -5 n -5 | n -5 j5 -S S ■£ -g £ S g- ■£ g OOO M O f)CO lO ro OM a t^oo oi Oioo ooooocooo r^oo( 100 OiOO t^oot » " " " « " e P 8 « 8 S£s.=- !&2*>S*2>>o2>i>&u83>3 3 5. a: .■§- I 8^s 8 E> .0,0 . 8 8 3 *3 j oow? £ £3 3 3 3 3 3333 3 £ S c/5 trt m cn t/3 c/3 $ t)j c/3 c/3 c/5 trt in in sal "100 O vfHO ChO CMS 00 VQ •+ n m h SOO Oil 74 s > "5 0< A- PI m PI 01 PI >-9 ay ay igusi g s i si s E E'E"E-4 jess ! si-^l Ha:- a j3 •= -a ^j=j=j=c'S - . . — ^i-^ — -c — i« i> i_ u vo pi >- m M CO 04 tJ- rocOfO covo r^ro^W 01 t*)f^rot^iOTj-ro^-Tf lovO pO "t 01 *C < eg p^oo 00 00 PI If ffi^ J^.^" 1 ^ S, f^.^ ^? R rt ^ « ° oo S " a oo oo oo co co & 5 co co co co r cc"co ; co r x 30 oc oo x aoot oo 3 l^occc co"'co 00 00 & H . ., 1 " " "1 " W - - " " . ""1 " " "1 " " - " " " " . M - - " . "1 1 1-1 £ ui m" o' d n in to 4 «" i-T\o pf i-Coo" po c5 c> >-< pi oo" oo" p5 >-T pf i-Tvo gHMp|i-iP|MI-l NHM « HB«HN « PI f> 01 01 p I. U Jj 14 - - U JJ la nEEg ^ * s g ^S- E -Eg _ w u u o E u-= S o § 0,3 au-= 11 s o u o J a-g a « 3 o. : c >> m : c g <« u u i_ E - - - - <" h h h c c > be be be " >, ~ 3 3 J3« 3 3 3 g-3 g 1 SEE . E E E E" sis « B !Z_),j_),j ( _rOi/5(/jO «^ »E cE' Pn c o a £ ° O O O o\ ^00 I^C o o rx<^o t^nco mi 3* l^ 0) C\ O -fMD VO V 1^ t>- txOO 00 C-.OC OC K ioo oo oo oo On O "3" M M a E e •2 <- -°-2 1 -l-S-g^ II >, bo >>"C i- >- ° >> > *; 3 12 _c ...a 5 3 3 c b " 333333^2- N WO M vO t^vO iO M O MM N i- 1 . - 1^.00 -*VO 7o no Tnq O itXO inor^inK t^O vo »IOo O On in On m >ono <* <*> r^NO h- t^oo oi kk x - r x x x x x x ? x x oo on Onoo i^. onoo oo t^oo U Onn£5 Q H H 551 11 s p « ^ a < o < A^,o Q ^oo < . § E E*g— E Bjffi- Oh u "8 E* EE!5E S g lt|4fji — a' n> p 0 ■£ w n! t! .C rt 13 Phco m 2 ^ 2: cq cl, j lo I CO rj- c>NO N OhMvOO^-^^'-^ t^vo tX in -l-VO O m ro -< NO NO ON" I Ea SO • .K? o t u" C vT H •qO j s 9. : o tJ 3 a. £• o B ^ ..OS <- U >" u S u U U K U >> >> > - 3! S a; ti _^^_o^cei£cflfiaC333 OOOOOPi^uui-i/iwc/jS O O § J2 g o-g 3 « a ).»> ccccccs'fci p >>>>>>>> mNO 'ttsrOOi "->C 77 00*080000 Sn^oo 00 00 00 00 00 00 08 00 0000 K R 00 E £ o e£ « E S E rt rt — "i— . fS as tiP-i rt 1 iisiiili 2 2 > to 2 2 _c — 2 ' d-Pn^ .Cut, td,^ _pL, J^PhPhCL, ^ JJ OJiiJi U C "J "JJ O JU JU OS Tf N.00 N O lO-tCMNC) h h«\0 N O-aO SO O 04 O "~.00 M "* 0) - O N . WOt\"l O 'C "I "1 "I Is K Ci 10 tut u-,\o ■- -TOO C\Ot>l G\NNN O 00 00 00 00 00 00 X X X X X 1 - X X X X KX XX 1^ C X X X NX K ts t%.O0 'NO CO On O 0) KOl IeeI •^■S I E„ O § £ P < h s s a s t u-u-i.-i.-B'al. c c c c c "OOO r-J r ' l .S 00 O1-C>. t^^O "*00 NO 0) O < 1 - - 1X — r X — r*30C KC KO T'N'OO't' u^00 I^P) O N 10 to ^HO «"i Tj- u-.M oo h >o r^oo - OC 30 X » 1^00 c*2 -to I « M 0) tiOHM o 3— : . 9 E" rt El j- E E\ 53 «PQ~ o£_e ) . «0 o> m c meg - ■ r^OO vO <*J m\0 On O O O w O tJ-vo O -9.Q >, u u. i. u >>.0 EE a 3 55 «^ J3 E O 3 > v >, Jo c O E«t? 3.Q .T. 3 I. 1- O E ESS .i! .i! — — rz.~ ooooooooooooooooooo ££££££££££££££££££££££££££££££££ _ H ^£> C5 ^'~ > -" (w; S g 3 ^'? 2 8 E^S & E E - - S3 s" § ^ < C S ^ £ P< P2 u5 w H u -.E "3 "S =i 3 E E— «2 «> «» *> « iT v - „ J" u -£2'| E tJujO u u u O j « tl 5 <4 N moo N H M E ■c >>>>S > / * ' ' .. J*- *!" <-,■//• *4 ..ifcte^fc r . :.Rv.^u.:.4-H 7. /o ^. V />-.-// / • , . . ^'w ./»».•>•' ^. . ... .... <;^,-/:-r,y^^A^ tr . ........ r' :v * - J M^i^^.^;: . . j» ,c j F^^i^al^:: ... * * . * 11 •£f.l.../*yig. Xu- 6 frit J 1 * _ . .. . _ . f* l • t turf \Tf3 / V I !&c^jfcL. *.r &»^4**&Jm ...... ,, i*f- . « i-aA.ti-.id .ur ~r f ^ 7 . . x- c-/ a~> - .7 . . J. . ' , M .,.^. ^...,/, r -.,^ v . .... ,u a. a/ .... , , ..... . . . . > . , .. £.*./; ,.«.-) x.. .... «.i «./^.r. Specimen page from the Ledger of the Widows' Society. (Reduced one-third.) 83 Name. Years, Erwin, Mary S 1885-1909 24 Erwin, Sophia Louisa. .1883-1883 Esterlein, Elizabeth 1800-1805 5 Eyerie, Anna M 1800-1805 5 Fett, Adeline 1881-1908 27 Fetter, Ann Eliza 1855-1886 31 Fetter, Christina 1876-1886 10 Fetter, Elizabeth 1827-1855 28 Fischer, Agnes 1784-1788 4 Fluck, Lizzie 1902- Fockel, Mary i779-!/79 Fogle, Antoinette 1892-1900 8 Fogle, Emma 1898- Fradeneck, Emma C....1898- Frank, Maria 1787- 1804 17 Freytag, Antonie 1851-1876 25 Freytag, Salome 1846-1861 15 Friebele, M. A 1886- Fries, Lisetta 1863-1903 40 Fuehrer, Elizabeth 1886-1890 4 Fuehrer. Rosina 1849-1850 1 Frueauff, A. Clara 1879-1897 18 Frueauff, Anna D 1886- Fry, Anna M 1899- Gambold. Helena 1789-1792 3 Gapp, Anna 1894- Garrison, Mary Anne. . 1782- 1790 8 Gerlach, Louis'a 1892-1895 3 Giering, Caroline 1874- Giers, Elizabeth 1797-1817 20 Goetz. Verona 1828-1855 27 Gold, Sarah 1860-1891 31 Goth. Ellen 1878- 188 1 3 Goundie, Charlotte 1877-1888 n Goundie. C. Elizabeth.. 1852-1853 1 Graeff, Theodora L 1893-1898 5 Graff, Catharine 1777-1798 21 Graff, Gertrude 1783-1784 1 Greider, Emma 1898- Greider, Mrs. E. P 1904-1915 II Grider, Julia 1858- 1877 19 Grosh, Mrs. Samuel 1902-1915 13 Grunert, Martha 1887-1901 14 Guetter, Frederica 1847-1883 36 Gump, Salome T 793-I793 Haberland, Anna H... . 1782- 1787 5 Hafner, Anna Magd.. .1773-1797 24 Hagen, Susan 1844-1853 9 Haidt, Catharine 1780-1782 2 Hall. Anna Mary 1784-1785 1 Hall, Catharine 1848- 1855 7 Ham, Maria L 1849-1872 33 Haman, Rebecca 1856-1873 17 Haman, Sarah 1866-1876 10 Hambright, Caroline. .. 1893-1910 17 Hamilton, Emma 1886-1905 19 Hammann, Adelaide. .. 1893- Name. Years. Hartman, Adelaide 1894- Hartman, Elizabeth.. .. 1839-1863 24 Hartman, Mrs. Mary.. 1906- Hasse, Anna M 1797-1813 16 Hastings, Mrs. L. W. . . 1890-1895 5 Hauck, Bridget 1892-1903 II Hauser, Elizabeth 1812-1814 2 Hayne, A. Regina 1781-1783 2 Heckedorn, Barbara. .. 1789-1793 4 Heckewelder, Ann M... 1803-1823 20 Hencke, Anna C 1785-1806 21 Henry, Anna 1787- 1799 12 Henry, Mary 1837-1871 34 Henry, Sabina 1821-1848 27 Hepp, Martha G 1906- Herbst, Mary E 1896- Herman, Pauline 1854-1869 15 Hermany, Mrs. Wm. S.1915- Herr, Anna 1773-1774 1 Hillman, Elizabeth 1852-1870 18 Hoch, Frances 1870- Hoeber, Johanna 1831-1843 12 Hoeber, Sarah 191 1- Hohe, Maria B 1846-1877 31 Holland, Augusta 1894-1895 1 Horsfield, Elizabeth. ... 1835- 1836 1 Horsfield. Juliana 1789-1809 20 Horsfield, Mary 1773-^773 Horsfield, Rebecca 1845-1845 Horsfield, Sarah 1802-1822 20 Hoyler, Emilie 1890- Huber, Anna Maria. ... 1790-1794 4 Huebner, Justina 1870-1884 14 Huebner, Louisa 1874-1904 30 Huebner. Martha 1884-1915 31 Huebner, Mary 1910- Huebner, Rosina 1831-1860 29 Huebner. Sarah 1849-1867 18 Hueffel, Maria 1842-1858 16 Hussey, Martha 1776-1790 14 Israel, Caroline 1900- Jacobson, Augusta 1896- Jacobson, Lisetta 1871-1883 12 Jacobson, Mrs. H. A...1911- Jansen, Magdalena 1791-1796 5 Jones, Maria 1825-1831 6 Jones, Mary Agnes 1881-1886 5 Jordan. Emily 1885-1889 4 Jundt, Anna S 1832-1855 23 Kampmann, Anna M.. . 1833-1836 3 Kampmann, Maria 1884-1898 14 Kaucher, Aurelia 1854-1863 9 Keller, Maria 1853-1884 31 Kern, Elizabeth 1842- 1868 26 Kern, Sarah 1874-1891 17 Kleckner, Caroline 1879-1893 14 Klingsohr, A. Elizabeth.1799-1835 36 8 4 Name. Years. Klose, Maria 1856-1859 3 Kluge, Agnes 1880-1887 7 Kluge, Annie L 1912-1914 2 Kluge, Rebecca 1861-1884 23 Knauss, Arabella 1888-1900 12 Knauss, Caroline 1872-1876 4 Knauss, Johanna 1823-1831 8 Knauss, Mary 1848-1855 7 Knauss, Matilda 1860-1871 11 Kornmann, Anne M 1806-1809 3> Kramsch, Susanna E. . . 1824-1831 7 Krause, Adelaide A.. . . 1865-1867 2 Krause, Anna Maria. . .1901-1904 3 Krause, Catherine 1792-1807 15 Krause, Elizabeth 1875-1877 2 Krause, Emma A 1899- Krause, Hortensia V.. .1866-1902 36 Krause, Jane E 1904- Kreider, Jemima 1868-1891 23 Kreider, Josephine 1895-1897 2 Kremser, A. Sybilla. ... 1824-1849 25 Kryder, Henrietta 1853-1872 19 Kryder, Sarah L 1892- Kummer. Letitia I9 T 3- Kummer, Maria 1857-1863 6 Kunkler, Anna Maria. .1778-1784 6 Kunkler, Margaret 1839-1842 3 Langball, Salome 1826-1829 3 Lange, Anna Mary 1792-1800 8 Lange, Esther 1866-1888 22 Lange, Sarah 1837-1848 11 Langgard, Elizabeth. .. 1777-1785 8 Lanius, Sarah 1897- Lehman, Angelica 1857-1883 26 Lehnert, Susanna 1826-1846 20 Leibert, Lydia 1863-1900 37 Leibfried, Harriet 1880-1904 24 Leinbach, Sarah A 1892-1901 9 Lelansky, Christiana. . . 1894- Lembke, Margaret C. . 1786-1798 12 Lennert, Susetta 1893-1898 5 Leoser, Ethel 1909- Levering, Anna C 1835-1849 14 Levering, Martha A... .1908- Lichtenthaeler, Ch 1892-1895 3 Lichtenthaeler, El 1834-1858 24 Lichtenthaeler, Ern 1855-1866 II Lischer, Mary Cath 1782-1802 20 L'Jungberg, Sarah 1809-1820 11 Loeffler, Caroline 1841-1849 8 Loesch, Anna 1783-1817 34 Loesch, Maria J 1791-1813 22 Luch, Agnes 1831-1843 12 Luckenbach, Caroline. . 1880- 1905 25 Luckenbach, Cath 1898-1908 10 Luckenbach, Elizab 1850-1867 17 Luckenbach, Helen C...1884- Name. Years. Luckenbach, Ida 1897- Luckenbach, Josephine. 1871-1909 38 Luckenbach. (Polly) Mary 1888- 1891 3 Luckenbach, Matilda. . .1882-1884 2 Luckenbach, Rosina. ... 1854-1862 8 Luckenbach, Susana. .. 1852- 1867 15 Lueders, Elizabeth 1870-1874 4 Magdalene, The Moore.1779-1820 41 Malthaner, Cath 1873-1879 6 Martin, Lucinda R 1888- 1907 19 Masslich, Catharine... . 1875-1881 6 Mau, Catharine 1784-1799 15 Mehr, Elizabeth 1852-1854 2 Meinung, A. C 1908-1914 6 Meinung, Johanna 1852-1859 7 Meller, Caroline 1870- 1894 24 Meller, Joh. Anna 1859-1867 8 Meyer, Dorothea 1801-1803 2 Meyer, Mary Just 1782-1787 5 Meyers, Louisa M 1885-1905 20 Meyers, Sarah A 1873-1891 18 Michel, Maria 1876-1894 18 Michler, Anna Maria. . 1785-1786 I Michler, Maria 1785-1796 II Miller, Anna J 1821-1830 9 Miller, Anna Maria. ... 1780-1789 9 Miller, Mary 1865-1872 7 Moehring, Christine. .. 1804- 1823 19 Moehring, Elizabeth. .. 1797-1825 28 Moeller, Catharine 1778-1797 19 Mortimer, Bethia 1835-1848 13 Muecke, Amelia 1840-1884 44 Mueller, Bertha 1895-1901 6 Muenster, Barbara 1793-1829 36 Neisser, Frances 1859-1867 8 Neisser, Rosina I793-I797 4 Neisser, Sarah Ann... . 1888- 1889 1 Neisser, Theodora 1785-1807 22 Niebert, Hannah M....1895- Nitschmann, Mary B...1773-1810 37 Nixdorf, Susanna 1786-1800 14 Oehler, Olivia 1897-1909 12 Oerter, A. Elizabeth. .. 1866-1879 13 Oerter, Magdalena 1864-1913 49 Oerter, Sophia 1883-1887 4 Oppelt, Eliza 1842-1850 8 Otto, Judith 1780-1786 6 Payne, Phoebe 1780- 1799 19 Peter, A. Catharine 1814-1856 42 Peter, Anna Maria 1791-1801 10 Peter, Elizabeth 1794-1806 12 Peterson, Martha 1906-1907 I Peterson, Rachel 1825- 1839 14 Pfohl, Ann Eliza 1874-1876 2 Pfohl, Anna Susanna. . 1871-1872 I Pfohl, Elizabeth 1838-1850 12 Specimen page from the Ledger of the Widows' Society. (Reduced one-third.) 85 Name. Years Pfohl, Margaret S 1909- Pitschman, Mary E. .. 1780- 1 700 1 Plessing, Fredericka . . I885-I886 I Poppellwell, Elizabeth. I/72-l8l2 40 Rau, Lucian I9IO-I9I3 3 Rau, Sarah I879-I895 16 Rauch, Augusta I8/9-I9OI 22 Rauch, Christine I 797- I 807 I 887- IQ05 I 863- I 867 18 4 Rauch, Louisa Fr 1 886- 1 894 8 Rauch, Mary Ann 1 884- 1 898 14 Regennas, Cornelia. . . 1884-1912 28 Regennas, Mrs. H. J.. 1909- Reichel, Charlotte , , 1877-1890 1834- 1855 13 Reichel. Mary 21 Reichel. Mary 1 878- 1 907 29 Reinke, Charlotte 1894- 1896 2 Reinke, Sarah J 1833- 1 852 ig Reizenbach, M. E 1803- 1809 6 Reuter, Anna Cath , . , 1 776- 1 780 1832-1857 0 i 1869-1890 21 Rice, Josephine 185 1 -1885 34 Rice, Julia 1 849- 1 873 24 Rice, Lydia 1833- 1884 Rice, Mrs. Joseph A... 1009- Rice, Mrs. Wm. Hy.. . 191 1- Rickert, E. C 1894- 1 903 Rickert. Juliet 1 850- 1 862 12 Ricksecker, Anna 1 778- 1 786 1 888- 1 892 8 Ricksecker, Charlotte. 4 1888- 1 905 17 1891-1894 1890- 1 898 8 Ritter, Marv L i860- 1870 10 Roepper, Belinda 1880-1893 13 Roessler, Marianna... 1 776- 1 804 28 Romig, Maria E 1903-1906 3 Rondthaler, Christine. 1847-1854 7 Rondthaler, Maria . . , 1 849- 1893 44 1 792- 1805 13 Rubel. Catharine 1814-1815 1 Rudolph, Elizabeth . . . 1825-1868 43 1888- 1896 8 1798-1804 6 1 826- 1 863 37 Schaaf. Maria 1842-1845 3 1877-1888 11 1 790- 1 793 3 Schaub, Lydia 1881-1901 20 Schenck, Anna Maria. 1 777- 1 783 6 Schindler, Magdalena. 1800-1825 16 Schlosser, Marg 1 792- 1 795 3 Schmick, Johanna.... 1 778- 1 795 1834- 1834 17 Schmid, Mary M Schmidt, Beata 1793-1814 21 Name. Years. Schmidt, Dorothea 1786-1790 4 Schneider, Gertrude. .. 1774-1803 29 Schnall, Margaret 1820-1848 28 Schneckenburg, A. M. . .1795-1834 39 Schneckenburg, Rach... 1829- 1856 27 Schneider, Catharine.. . 1826-1846 20 Schnell, Helena 1783-1794 11 Schneller, Catharine. .. 1843- 1857 14 Schober, Anna 1846-1868 22 Schober, Hannah R. . . . 1793-1806 13 Schollfield, Elizabeth... 1846- 1866 20 Schrader, Sarah A 1871-1872 1 Schroeder, A. Cath 1821-1834 13 Schropp, Cornelia 1841-1893 52 Schropp, Elizabeth 1806-1819 13 Schropp, Rebecca 1827-1828 1 Schultz, Elizabeth 1885-1896 11 Schultz, Mary 1850-1885 35 Schulz, Christine 1857-1862 5 Schulz, Susanna 1830-1839 9 Schulze, Maria 1780-1783 3 Schuster, Elizabeth 1832-1853 21 Schwarze, Lydia 1905- Schweinitz, A. D.E. von.1802-1813 11 Schweinitz, Isabel dc.1887- Schweinitz, L. Amelia von 1834-1858 24 Schweinitz, Sophia A. de 1879-1883 4 Schweishaupt, A. M.. . .1809-1810 1 Seidel, Anna Johanna.. 1782- 1788 6 Senseman, Anna E 1835-1857 22 Senseman, Sarah 1866-1875 9 Shaffner, Caroline F. ..1908- Shields, Maria 1890- Shields, Charlotte 1905- Siegmund, Henrietta. .. 1884- 1902 18 Siewers, Anna R 1882-1894 12 Siewers, Dorothy 1825-1855 30 Siewers, Eleanore 1901- Siewers, Hannah 1890-1912 22 Siewers, Matilda A 1867-1900 33 Smith, Emma A 1884-1908 24 Smith, Maria 1847-1866 19 Smith, Sarah 1806-1823 17 Snyder, Sabilla 1892-1902 10 Souders, Ellen Soph 1887-1910 23 Sparmeyer. Elizabeth. . 1846- 1864 18 Spohn, Lucia 1782-1788 6 Stach, Rosina 1788-1800 12 Stadiger, Sophia 1866-1899 33 Stadiger, Susanna 1850-1850 Stadiger, Mary 1852-1878 26 Starbuck. Ellen 1887- Staude, Dorothea 1852-1868 16 Stauffer. Agnes 1896- Stoehr, Anna Maria. .. 1782- 1804 22 S6 Name. Years. Stoll, Rosina 1801-1811 10 Stotz, Elizabeth 1821-1826 5 Stout. Mrs. R. Paul 1915- Stoz, Catharine 1783- 1786 3 Strohle, Catharine 1828-1852 24 Sturgis, Susan 1845-1873 28 Suess, Magdalena 1835-1845 10 Sweisshaupt. Rosina. .. 1843- 1843 Sydrich, Gertrude 1790-1812 22 Thaeler. Maria L 1901- Thomas, Barbara 1815-1815 Thorpe, Grace 1798- 1805 7 Thraen, Eliza 1874-1874 Thraene, Anna Maria. . 1777-I/83 6 Tiersch, Maria 1775-1780 5 Titze. Emily 1886-1899 13 Tombler, Clementine.. . 1888- Tombler, Mina Shaw. .1905-1909 4 Torgeson. Christine. ... 1885- Traeger, Cornelia M...1905- Traeger, Elizabeth 1824-1848 24 Traeger, Lucinda 1839-1890 51 Transue, Sarah 1897-1899 2 Troeger, Eliza 1875-1893 18 Tschudy, Catharine 1853-1865 12 Tschudy, Caroline 1866-1873 7 Turner, Rachel 1886-1897 11 Turner, Wm. Mrs 1910- Unger, Anna 1780-1785 5 Utley, Sarah 1776-1791 15 Van Vleck, Christine. .. 1845-1877 32 Van Vleck, Elizabeth. . 1853- 1865 12 Vetter, Christina 1778-1791 3 Vogenitz. Susanna 1838-1864 26 Vogler, Emma A 1876-1883 7 Vogler, Mary A 1872-1889 17 Walp, Caroline 1879-1899 20 Warman. Angelica W. .1898-1904 6 Warner, Celestine 1900- Name. Years. Warner, Esther 1881-1882 1 Warner, Dorothea 1824-1826 2 Weber, Elizabeth 1850-1851 1 Weber, Maria A 1784-1808 24 Wedeman, Maria 1882-1891 9 Weinecke, Johanna 1811-1816 5 Weinland, Anna R 1875-1889 14 Weinland, Phillipine. . . 1777-1790 13 Weinland, Sarah A 1898-1915 17 Weisinger, Barbara. ... 1791-1804 13 Weiss, Anna 1841-1844 3 Weiss, Anna Maria 1814-1824 10 Weiss, Elizabeth 1812-1844 32 Weiss, Lydia 1849-1889 40 Weiss, Mary 1797-1803 6 Weitzell, Lisetta M 1899-1908 9 Welfare, Catharine. ... 1842- 1890 48 Weniger, Christiana. .. 1875- 1906 31 Werner, A. Maria 1787- 1825 38 Wessels, Emily E 1798-1909 11 Woehler, Augusta 1 868-1 871 3 Wohlfart, Elizabeth... .1808-1812 4 Wolle, Adelaide 1885- Wolle, Alice 1912- Wolle, Amelia 1875-1898 23 Wolle, Angelica 1899-1907 8 Wolle, Caroline 1873-1876 3 Wolle, Cornelia 1878-1912 34 Wolle, Eliza 1863-1867 4 Wolle, Elizabeth C 1893-1906 13 Wolle, Louisa 1889-1901 12 Wolle, Phoebe 1898- Yost, Salome 1885-1890 5 Youngman, Rebecca. .. 1869- 1875 6 Zahm, Regina 1788-1790 2 Ziock, C. L 1872-1875 3 Zippel, Maria Sophia.. . 1859- 1862 3 Zorn, Caroline 1843-1863 20 Summary. Twenty-eight widows participated in dividends 1 year; twenty, 2 years; thirty, 3 years; twenty-six, 4 years; nineteen, 5 years; twenty-five, 6 years; thirteen, 7 years; eighteen, 8 years; sixteen, 9 years; seventeen, 10 years; seventeen, 11 years; seventeen, 12 years; seventeen, 13 years; fifteen, 14 years; ten, 15 years; thirteen, 16 years; fifteen, 17 years; nine, 18 years; fourteen, 19 years; fifteen, 20 years; thirteen, 21 years; thirteen, 22 years; nine, 23 years; fifteen, 24 years; eight, 25 years ; five, 26 years ; eight, 27 years ; eight, 28 years ; seven, 29 years ; eight, 30 years; eight, 31 years; four, 32 years; four, 33 years; four, 34 years; one, 35 years; five, 36 years; three, 37 years; three, 38 years; one, 39 years; five, 40 years; two, 41 years; one, 42 years; one, 43 years; two, 44 years; one, 45 years; one, 48 years; one, 49 years; two, 51 years; two, 52 years; fourteen died in the same year. Total beneficiaries, 513. 87 VII. NUMBER OF MEMBERS ADMITTED PER YEAR, 1771-191& 1771 14 1801 2 1831 4 1861 4 1891 5 1772 23 1802 0 1832 11 1862 2 1892 0 1773 12 1803 1 1833 8 1863 8 1893 4 1774 8 1804 1 1834 14 1864 7 1894 2 1775 7 1805 4 1835 13 1865 24 1895 8 1776 6 1806 o 1836 2 1866 13 1896 5 1777 3 1807 o 1837 3 1867 10 1897 6 1778 2 1808 0 1838 6 1868 8 1898 7 1779 2 1809 o 1839 6 1869 4 1899 4 1780 0 1810 o 1840 6 1870 9 1900 8 1781 1 1811 1 1841 3 1871 14 1901 5 1782 4 1812 3 1842 8 1872 3 1902 6 1783 0 1813 3 1843 5 1873 11 1903 3 1784 0 1814 1 1844 11 1874 18 1904 1 1785 o 1815 1 1845 7 1875 11 1905 4 1786 0 1816 17 1846 10 1876 5 1906 4 1787 o 1817 4 1847 5 1877 9 1907 2 1788 0 1818 11 1848 3 1878 2 1908 1 1789 1 1819 8 1849 13 1879 6 1909 10 1790 1 1820 8 1850 9 1880 4 1910 2 1791 2 1821 o 1851 2 1881 2 191 1 8 1792 10 1822 12 1852 o 1882 1 1912 7 1793 o 1823 6 1853 7 1883 8 1913 3 1794 o 1824 18 1854 7 1884 7 1914 9 1795 o 1825 2 1855 6 1885 6 1915 1 1796 3 1826 7 1856 8 1886 6 1797 7 1827 4 1857 2 1887 1 1798 o 1828 7 1858 3 1888 1 1799 o 1829 16 1859 4 1889 2 1800 0 1830 6 i860 9 1890 9 106 143 195 215 115 Recapitulation. 1770 — Original members no 1771- 1800 106 1801-1830 143 1831-1860 195 1861-1890 215 1891-1915 "5 • Total 884 88 VIII. OFFICERS OF THE WIDOWS' SOCIETY. According to the records, the officers of the Society elected to direct its affairs consisted, during the period 1771-1818, of a Secretary-Treasurer and six Stewards. From 1818 — the date of the incorporation of the Society — onward the officers charged with the management of the Society's interests were a Presi- dent, a Secretary, a Treasurer and six Directors. In the following list the group- ing of the officers shows succession of individuals as well as the length of service of each officer. A. Officers, 1771-1818. Treasurer and Secretary. Years. Years. Chr. Fr. Oerter 1771-1774 3 Christian Heckewelder. 1790-1794 4 J. Francis Oberlin 1774-1782 8 John Schropp 1794-1805 11 J. Chr. Hasse 1782-1783 1 John Fr. Peter 1805-1813 j\ Henry Lindenmeyer... . 1783-1790 7 Matthew Eggert 1813-1818 si Stewards. First. 11 Jacob Van Vleck 1798-1802 4 g Tobias Boeckel 1802-1816 14 7 Owen Rice 1816-1818 2 Second. 10 Matthew Eggert 1805-1813 84 21 Joseph Leibert 1813-1816 3J 2 Christian Eggert 1816-1818 2 Third. 20 David Bischoff 1813-1818 5 22 Fourth. 3 William Henry (Naz.). 1797- 1800 3 15 J. L'Jungberg 1800-1802 2 2 William Henry 1802-1805 3 3 J. L'Jungberg 1805-1809 4 1 Samuel Steup 1809-1817 8 2 John G. Cunow 1817-1818 1 Fifth. 8 William Henry (Naz.). 1795- 1796 1 12 Joseph Horsfield 1796-1817 II 4 Joseph Rice 1817-1818 1 Sixth. 14 John Weiss 1802-1814 12 13 Seb. Gundt 1814-1818 4 John Ettwein 1771-1782 Jacob Weisinger 1782-1791 Tobias Boeckel 1791-1798 Ferd. Detmers 1771-1781 Abraham Andreas 1781-1803 J. L'Jungberg (Naz'h) . 1803-1805 Matthias Weiss 1771-1791 Henry Lindenmeyer 1791-1813 J. Francis Oberlin 1771-1774 Timothy Horsfield 1774-1789 Gottlieb Lange 1789-1791 Carl S. Weinicke 1791-1794 Joseph Horsfield 1794- 1795 Frederick Beutel 1795-1797 J. Valentine Haidt 1771-1779 Andreas Borhek 1779-1791 J. L'Jungberg 1791-1795 Gottlieb Lange 1771-1785 H. Chr. von Schweinitz.1785-1798 Ferd. J. Detmers 1798-1802 8 9 Joseph Rice Owen Rice Philip H. Goepp. John M. Miksch. President. Officers, 1818-1915. Years. Years. 1818-1823 si Jedediah Weiss 1871-1874 3 1823-1843 20 John C. Weber 1874-1892 18 1843-1861 18 Simon Rau 1892-1905 13 1861-1871 10 J. Samuel Krause 1905-1915 10 Matthew Eggert David P. Schneller. . j John J. Kummer John Oerter ( John F. Rauch John Schultz Jacob Rice William Eberman Matthew Krause. Eugene A. Frueauff.. £ 1818- 1819 1819- 1825 1829 1825- 1827 1 827- 1 828 1830- 1833 1833-1855 1818-1821 1821-1843 1843- 1847 1847-1865 Secretary. \i Wm. Theo. Roepper. . . 1855-1860 Eugene A. Frueauff Ambrose Rondthaler.. Augustus Schultze Julius D. Bishop Augustus H. Leibert.. i860- 1865 1 865-1873 1873-1885 Treasurer. 3i Rudolph Rauch 1868-1871 22 Simon Rau 1871-1872 4 Wm. Theo. Roepper ... 1872-1875 18 Francis M. Rauch 1879-1886 Julius D. Bishop 1886-1895 David Bischoff 1818-1820 Christian Eggert 1820- 1825 Jacob Wolle 1825-1826 Christian Luckenbach. . 1826-1852 Augustus Wolle 1852-1853 Samuel Steup 1818-1823 Matthew Eggert 1823-1831 Jacob Kummer 1831-1832 Abraham Levering 1832-1835 John Schropp 1835-1841 Amos Bealer 1841-1843 Charles D. Bishop 1843-1854 Ernst Lehman 1854-1857 John Schneider 1818-1824 John G. Kummer 1824-1830 John Warner 1830-1837 Philip H. Goepp 1837-1843 John Oerter 1843-1866 Frederick Rauch 1818-1820 John F. Rauch 1820-1833 William Horsfield. : . . . 1833-1843 Jacob Rice 1843- 1844 Amos Bealer 1844-1856 1 1875-1879 7 Emil J. Bishop 1895-1915 20 Directors. First. 2i Simon Rau 1853-1871 18 5 Henry S. Krause 1871-1883 12 1 J. Samuel Krause 1883-1905 22 26 Abraham S. Schropp.. .1905-1915 10 Second. Si John F. Rauch 1857-1863 6 8 Ambrose H. Rauch 1863-1867 4 1 Henry D. Bishop 1867-1875 8 3 Francis M. Rauch 1875-1879 4 6 C. Aug. Luckenbach 1879-1881 2 2 Gilbert Bishop 1881-1885 4 11 Joseph A. Rice 1885-1909 17 3 James E. Krause 1909-1915 6 Third. 6i John C. Weber 1866-1874 8 6 Eugene A. Frueauff — 1874-1875 1 7 William Leibert 1875-1886 11 6 Augustus S. Bishop 1886-1910 24 23 William N. Schwarze. .1911-1915 4 Fourth. 2* Thomas Miess 1856-1869 13 13 Christian H. Belling. .. 1869- 1897 28 10 Ashton C. Borhek 1897-1898 1 1 Henry T. Clauder 1898-1908 10 12 Matthew J. Schmid 1908-1915 7 go Years. Christian Borhek 1818-1823 si Charles D. Bischoff... . 1823-1825 2 Sebastian Gundt 1825-1826 1 David P. Schneller....i826-i827 1 Jedediah Weiss 1827-1833 6 Christian Schropp 1818-1818 Christian Eggert 1818-1819 Owen Rice 1819-1823 John Jacob Jundt 1823-1831 Christian F. Jungman. . 1831-1834 Years. John M. Miksch 1833- 1861 28 Jedediah Weiss 1861-1871 10 John M. Miksch 1871-1872 1 Simon Ran 1872-1892 20 L. F. Leibfried 1892-1915 23 Sixth. Benjamin Eggert 1834-1855 21 Henry B. Luckenbach. . 1855-1895 40 Herman A. Doster 1895-1915 20 Allen J. Sterner 1915- 9 2 — 2 ws. 1. jo.oo ; jo.oo ; iO.OO] [0.00; :o.oo; :o.oo] :o.oo; 0 ( 20.00] 0.00] 0.00] £ y 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0-0- to 10 to 0" to 4?*^ CO CO CO CO CO 03 O G o •=•0 .5 % 5 H d " 0 0 § •§ ^ 2 i? 85.. - . W l> 01 CO CO 8 8\ 8 0? 8 d co d on d o -3- o v©. o "too tooo" inMifl vo* to di co tn ro co co CO co ) 00 O>vo VO VO OOOOONOOIONOI dv co o~ o" of rC co of 00" of cOCOCOCOCO«cod-*c6 covo" ti 03 03 c3 03 03 *> c 2 a 32; Q x2 5 8 8 ° vo S 4ddui4d N PI M m m N 20.00) 20.00) 16.62) 20.00) 9 co 0? 8 d co dv 0 04 0) « 0) 8 £ dod 04 w 00 O O O O O 0 000 O O O O 0 00 VO O gvo O O 0 0 10 0 d~ to lO O 2 M d\ t-C >n to 1^ hxVO tN.00 03 03 03 rt o3 03 03 M H l-l M M TT 0000 t c •& a O co 3 03 3 03 VO "3 41 23/. 1$. V* ■/m j (f & tfftnnu -JraUlT - ■ J. 'J. //., . J II. . . k m. . J. ft, . J . II. . X //. . //. . 2. ii. -E. // ..j u^^ikj*** c ' fly ' tfft^Oy^/itoJl l" A £LA J". . 3*. ;ol> J]". >. J*r . >. 3-. Mrr.Jl ■ • ( /ft t oi^r t ' . tJei fct v • - „~$/lMu fro/A'. ' ffanit, Jfhn** &£*/u*J - . Jfeurv j/j^e.*. - ft J*.£U& . > .2. //. J2. //. .2. //. J2. //. //. //. .2. //. J2. //. z // .2. //. . Jfc. //. . .2. //. z. a 2. /;. Specimen page from the Journal of the Widows' Society. (Reduced one-third.) >3 95 O . 00 Ov V- U lX H "5 Ix'cSv 'o cn'o'cn^Sv ?; IxvS > in. tx cC tx.od tx pi — ' pi U www wwwwwwww J ooo o^oocooo^o § .§ o*co" o" d ef d w o" o" pf o" W J> P^PIPl o r*} o - c-5 O -^-00 •c ^ n &8 8 p?^ § - ONx5 OvmOOOIxOOTO tx PI 00 % °8\ iri\d°S^ \8 o So 8 c? p?^-?& "Sod intoio^u^J irj tx •-; o" <*i*d "S tx txOO tx PI Ol PI - PI " od uS\d -4 m- ****** Vr o t o o o o o \O00 H o" - o" o" o" o" o" ^ o" o" fi doo" O OvO "1 O O00CO0C loOO PI « vO — vd"vo"vo* tovc "Svo" d^d p-jjg >o^g oo Ci «"5 PI «0 M O O O O PO PI PI w PSrtrtrtnScSrtrtnSrtrtnScSrtrt a! rt c« cs rt a! cs t« rt PS td cs M PI PI 00 O PI Tf tx C^ M PI PI PI PJ PI pT 00 O PI f*i >* 00 PI \0 Oi - X O « • o\ •* PI PI p? PI I § 4 % & I c CIS "3 d & a & ix ix ix 00 tx '.■'4 I* 1 Hill !! ! F Ov OV CO CO VO Co"*? VO VO "** S | ta 1313 13 13 13 1313 13 1313 in vo vo vo vo w r-N M P) !>. o'ro'^o'ovovo ■-• O Nvo^vovovo OvS O « t^vo mvo % m^n O "g "J? O O 0\ § ^ o - o" n of m ~3 ft 1 ^ ^ 3 ?5 ^ R 11 1 1 1 1 I 4 a 9 6 I a i in o % ! ! 91 §§ f ! ! ii 1 HI f 00 O O O os o 55 g d d d « M dvdd ~ d d d d d «- d d H* H M hi O M M mis tstS 00 « M 13 15 15 15 1515 15 i^oo oo 151515 15 00 M OS Os < * o o*«o o o t>fl»« o ooo* too oso^o! ttlooMOO CO Ci^So H.° « oo" vd K Tf C$00 K ~ d OvO d dod" d d oTvd «5 w „" w" m ro w ef w « d m M - « « o" w M - hf ef d « d d m d ef d n d « d n n d d | 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15 15151515 * % 9 SJ $ % t s ss s 1 1 1 4 1 4 14 1 4 t I 1 1 1 ! 1 tTfi/. '' 7 tfaM, . £j. tl. ft- 2. //. m. ins . f: - 2~ H /. » i. sib f. s. * /. j: ^ /. ^. M7./4.3 ; ' /L i k y /i.-i// r/ is* tot. Aw. - .9 - /4 c/f,. (1 J Specimen page from the Journal of the Widows' Society. (Reduced one-third.) 97 T/ — > J ft ll ! J ! II I S H 1 < OOOOMO^OOOO PI! 1 1! 1 2.88) 11 1 & (f in «f w N N «d« 1 M* d « M M* «- m « 13 13 13 00 00 13 00 13 00 8 at 8 at $ 13 00 13 O TOO N d N N O M o « M M N « N » d tf M M O N w 00«h«^ ef m n d Pi n : "Resolved: That the Hope Female Seminary be continued and that Brother Blickensderfer be encouraged to use his best en- deavors to increase the number of pupils."* Principal Blickensderfer was also advised to secure the ser- vices of a music teacher with the salary of about $400.00. The last Christmas entertainment was given immediately be- fore the holidays of 1880. It proved a notable success and the influence of the excellent character of the music has lived in the life of the community since the days of the prosperity of the Hope Seminary. Closing Session, 1880-1881. The closing session of the Seminary's existence was that of the year 1881. The accounts for the year showed a deficit of $1,104.85, being a decrease of $2,330.00 from the deficit of the previous year. At the Synod of 1881, held at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, May 18-30, the Hope congregation extended a memorial to the Synod, signed by the pastor and two delegates. From it we quote the following: "As members of this congregation we naturally feel a lively interest in the welfare of Hope Seminary. Should the institution pass out of the hands of the Church, it might prove a serious blow not only to this congregation but it might eventually lead to the formation of other Church connec- tions and the loss to our Church of the influence already ac- quired. We therefore hope that it may be placed on such a basis as will restore it to prosperity." In addition to this, this same memorial advocates that the boarding schools of the Church should have the benefit of their annual profits, these to consti- *See Minutes of Provincial Elders' Conference, April 16, 1880. ,6 5 tute a common fund to be applied first of all to the extinction of their indebtedness and, this being accomplished, to the improve- ment and extension of their own work, the stronger always help- ing the weaker. Had this policy been followed out, it is almost safe to say that the Hope Seminary might never have ceased to exist. At the same Synod, Principal Blickensderfer offered the fol- lowing report of the work at the Hope Seminary : "In general it may be sufficient to state that the school is improving both numerically and financially; there is also a most excellent spirit pervading the institution, and we have as a whole a very satisfactory class of pupils. Too much praise cannot be given to the teachers who discharged their duties with the conscientiousness and zeal and welfare for both pupils and school worthy of all imitation. "We have found it possible to simplify arrangements and to curtail ex- penses to a large extent without impairing the efficiency of the school. On the contrary, some of the consolidations rendered necessary by the econ- omy have been productive of good rather than of the reverse. On the whole, our internal arrangements and the home life have been very agree- able and quite as satisfactory as could be expected. It does not seem to me that we have met with any lack of success in this respect. "As to the financial condition of Hope Seminary, while it is by no means what is hoped for, it is perhaps not very different from what might have been expected. While the simplification of arrangements and curtailment of expenses, in a word all proper economy, has not brought its expenses within the limits of income it has, nevertheless, produced very gratifying results. The school's financial condition is steadily improving. It seems to be demonstrated that it could be conducted without incurring a deficit with only a very small number of pupils. It is my conviction that the day is not far distant when the school will pay its own way and even produce profit." The report of the same Synod states "with regard to Hope Seminary the last Synod passed the following resolution : 'that the Provincial Elders' Conference be requested to continue Hope Seminary until the meeting of the next Synod, unless in their judgment it becomes absolutely necessary to temporarily close said institution.' Although the expenses of the school had been greatly rediiced, yet the income had not been sufficient to cover them. And as the deficiency in this instance is a direct drain on the Sustentation Fund, we would in the beginning of the present year have taken the question into serious considera- tion whether the institution should be continued, had it not been 1 66 for the convocation of the Synod to which we now refer the case." It might be said in connection with all this, that the other boarding schools of the Church also felt the depression which commenced in 1873 and continued unabated for seven years. The outlook, however, after 1879, became very much more en- couraging and this fact leads us to conclude that the general condition of the country was such that a continuance of the school at Hope would have met with increased success, could this time of financial distress have been tided over by other means than the income from the school itself. In the meeting of the Provincial Elders' Conference held June 3, 1881, the case of the Hope Seminary was discussed at great length and the following preamble and resolutions were unani- mously adopted: Whereas, The Provincial Synod of 1881 resolved that the Hope Semi- nary should be continued only on condition that no further expense to the Sustentation Fund be thereby incurred, and that individual obligations legally binding be pledged to meet the annual deficits ; and Whereas, It is not likely that, as far as the Provincial Elders' Confer- ence has been able to learn, that such obligations to a sufficient amount can be secured if the school is continued on its present basis; and Whereas, The Provincial Elders' Conference desires to keep an agency by which the religious and moral training of the Brethren's Church and its educational system generally may be perpetuated in the West, which may tend to promote the interests of the Church at Hope, and through the Province may eventually receive some return for the large amount invested in the enterprise ; therefore Resolved. That the following offer shall be made to the Church at Hope : I. The Provincial Elders' Conference will lease Hope Seminary to the Moravian Church at Hope for a nominal rent, provided (a) That the Moravian Church at Hope will agree to put and keep the premises and buildings in repair; provided, further. (b) That the said Church will pay the taxes and keep up the insurance; provided, lastly, (c) That the building shall be used for the purposes of a Moravian Boarding and day-school. II. The Moravian Church at Hope shall have complete control of the school including the right to elect its trustees or directors and to appoint its principal. III. This agreement shall continue in force for two years, at the end of which period it may either be renewed on such a basis as will at that time i6 7 be just and equitable to both parties, or the entire agreement may be abro- gated. IV. During the period of two years no interest shall be charged by the Provincial Elders' Conference on the capital invested by the Sustentation Fund in Hope Seminary. V. The farm land belonging to the Hope Seminary shall not be in- cluded in this contract, it shall be leased separately. The Hope Moravian Congregation refused this offer to take over the Hope Seminary. Close of the Hope Moravian Seminary. The Hope Moravian Seminary was closed on June 28, 1881, and an entertainment of rare merit was the grand finale of the institution's work. The Principal, Jesse Blickensderfer, soon left Hope for Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, where he took charge of the Female Seminary of that place. Throughout the exist- ence of the Hope Seminary infinite good had been accomplished. The educational, moral and spiritual influences which had emanated from the school had an effect which will last for time and eternity. Not only were these influences felt in the life of the community but also in the life of the Middle West. At times the conditions had been very discouraging. However, with true Christian optimism Principal and teachers had labored faithfully to give the best scholastic instruction, to add cultural development, and to increase the Christian experience of the scholars intrusted to their care. The official reason given for the termination of the work of the Hope Seminary is to be found in the Journal of Synod for 1884. It is given under the report of the Committee of Educa- tion, as follows : "The last Synod adopted the following resolu- tion : 'Resolved, that Hope Seminary be continued, provided, first, that no further expense to the Sustentation Fund be in- curred and provided, second, that individual obligations legally binding, be pledged from time to time to meet any possible annual deficits in the accounts of said school.' Inasmuch as neither of these provisos could be fulfilled, Hope Seminary was closed at the end of the summer term of 1881." The members of the Provincial Elders' Conference were the Rt. Rev. Edmund de Schweinitz, the Rev. Eugene Leibert, and the Rev. Augustus iSchultze. 1 68 The closing up of affairs connected with the sale of the property and buildings of the Moravian Seminary at Hope re- quired numerous and complicated transactions. Suffice it to say, that the Provincial Elders' Conference tried every possible means to dispose of the estate to the best of advantage. After the Seminary had been closed, they offered to lease the property, as indicated above, to the congregation at Hope. This offer was not accepted. Thereupon, they negotiated with the trustees of the Hope congregation for the sale of the property. These negotiations led to no results. In January, 1882, through the School Agency of Schermerhorn and Company, New York City, they put the property on the market. Soon after, the Provincial Elders' Conference requested the trustees of the Hope congre- gation to take oversight of the property until it should be sold. This the brethren consented to do and appointed three of their number to carry out this trust. In the spring of 1882, as the school agency brought no offers to the Board, they commissioned the Brethren William Leibert and Ashton C. Borhek, of Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, both well acquainted with all matters relating to real estate, to visit Hope in person to examine the buildings and land and if possible sell both, and if this could not be done, to appoint a reliable Western real estate agency to effect the sale. At great personal incon- venience, these two brethren accepted this commission. The result was that in the following summer, the agents, Messrs. Hutchins and Winkler, of Columbus, Indiana, to whom they had entrusted the property, disposed of it for eleven thousand dollars, one half in cash and the other half payable in three yearly installments secured by mortgage and bearing six per cent, interest. Personal property and two large lots were not included in this transaction. After that, most of the personal property was sold in the course of the following years, so that twelve thousand dollars was realized on the sale of the entire property.* The buildings were used as the home of a Normal School at a somewhat later time. This school also closed after an insignifi- cant history, covering a very brief period. The buildings were *See Appendix to Journal of Synod, 1884. 169 used for store-room purposes and, finally, during the interval when a new school building was being erected in Hope, the town rented the Seminary buildings for public school purposes. This was in 1906. Since then the buildings have been literally demolished, as one graduate said, "until not one stone is left standing upon an- other." The lots have all been sold, and the site of the once beautiful campus is occupied by modern dwellings. In the town of today, nothing may be seen or learned of the Seminary except from those who have never allowed the memories to die or be effaced which they received while students in the Hope Mora- vian Seminary for Young Ladies. Truly the history had been one of stress at times and many were the discouragements, but the number of scholars had been worth all the effort which had been expended in the erection, establishment and support of the Seminary for those eventful fifteen years of happy school life. Never will the recollections of those happy years die for all those who experienced the joys of school life within the walls of Hope Seminary, and the words of the Psalmist which were printed on each edition of the Seminary catalogue, "That our daughters may be as corner-stones polished after the similitude of a palace" (Psalm 144:12), held true of the Seminary scholars. May the memory of this institution be perpetuated and hearty support be given all other Moravian Boarding Schools whose history may hold as much of real worth as did the Moravian Seminary for Young Ladies at Hope, Indiana. CATALOGUE OF THE OFFICERS, TEACHERS AND SCHOLARS OF THE MORAVIAN Seminary for Young Ladies AT HOPE, BARTHOLOMEW COUNTY, INDIANA, FROM November, 1866, to July, 1868. "That our Daughters may be as Corner-stones, polished after the similitude of a palace." — ps. 144:12. HOPE, INDIANA. 1868. 172 BOARD OF TRUSTEES. The Rev. Robert de Schweinitz, The Rev. Sylvester Wolle, The Rev. L. F. Kampmann. OFFICERS AND TEACHERS. Principal and Superintendent. The Rev. F. R. Holland. Directress of the Household. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. Resident Tutoresses and Teachers of the English Branches. Miss L. L. Brietz,* deceased, Miss S. H. Wolle, Miss O. S. Warner,* Miss E. W. Rondthaler, Miss Charlotte Prince, Miss Cornelia S. Bleck. Teacher of French and German. Madame Marie L. Wirth. Teachers of Instrumental Music. Miss O. S. Warner, deceased. Miss Charlotte Prince, Miss E. W. Rondthaler, (Mrs. W. N. Noll, Los Angeles.Cal.) Miss Cornelia S. Bleck. Teachers of Vocal Music. Mrs. A. E. Holland, Miss Mary E. Holland. Teacher of Drawing and Painting. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. Teacher of Ornamental Work. Miss Mary E. Holland. •From Nov., 1866, to July, 1867. 73 PUPILS. Names. Residences. Albright, Emma Hope, Ind. Earrett, Catherine Hope, Ind. Mrs. W. H. Herring, Ainsworth, Neb. Barrett, Margaret Hope, Ind. Mrs. George Remy, Hope, Ind. Bittrich, Amelia Hope, Ind. Mrs. S. Caruthers, deceased, Shelbyville, Ind. Bittrich, Anna Hope, Ind. Blickensderfer, Cornelia Tuscarawas, O. Mrs. C. Bosche, deceased 1913, Austin, Texas. Blickensderfer, Mary Tuscarawas, 0. Mrs. E. Russell, Alliance, O. Bliss, Flora Hope, Ind. Mrs. Newton Bradley, Hope, Ind. Bonwell, Amanda Hope, Ind. Mrs. Philipp Gilliland, near Rugby, Ind. Boynton, Lillie Hope, Ind. Mrs. H. Smith, Indianapolis, Ind. Burnett, Margaret Columbus, Ind. Calhoun, Susan Hope, Ind. Clark, Mary Ruth Hope, Ind. Coleman, Lottie, deceased Hope, Ind. Compton, Joan Edinburgh, Ind. Crossland, Ida Hope, Ind. Mrs. I. Winans, Columbus, Ind. Crossland, Ella Hope, Ind. Mrs. How. Neligh, deceased, Shelbyville, Ind. Crossland, Ida Hope, Ind. Diltz, Dora Hope, Ind. Dresel, Elise W Louisville, Ky. Present address, Evansville, Ind. Eaton, Mary V Olney, III Mrs. M. Frazee, 111. Ensley, Melissa Edinburg, Ind. Mrs. M. Jones, Shelbyville, Ind. Fishel. Harriett Hope, Ind. Present address, Indianapolis, Ind. Fishel, Laura Hope, Ind. Mrs. H. S. Rominger, Indianapolis, Ind. Gambold, Delia Hope, Ind. Gambold, Isabella Hope, Ind. Mrs. I. Storm, Veedersburg, Ind. 174 Names. Residences. George, Urcilla Hope, Ind. Mrs. Frank Norton, Columbus, Ind. George, Mary Hope, Ind. Mrs. A. Dalmbert, Hope, Ind. Gillaspy, Mary Ottumwa, Iowa. Mrs. Julian Augustus Wentz, deceased, Chicago, 111. Gower, Hebe Iowa City, Iowa. Mrs. H. F. Rector, Corning, Ark. Gruhl, Emma Hope, Ind. Mrs. Wm. New, Shelbyville, Ind. Gruhl, Louisa M Hope, Ind. Mrs. Sam'l Thaeler, Greensboro, N. C. Hahn, Isabella Detroit, Mich. Hammond, Emma Tipton, Iowa. Mrs. J. Nevin Neiman, deceased 1914, Des Moines, Iowa. Hartman, Anna ...Richmond, Ind. Hartman, Helena Richmond, Ind. Heilman, Annie Hope, Ind. Mrs. Geo. Weinland, Hope, Ind. Heilman, Susan Hope, Ind. Mrs. Horace Solomon, deceased, Hope, Ind. Hendrickson, Pamelia St. Louis, Ind. Mrs. P. Wolf, Shelbyville, Ind. Hinman, Bettie Columbus, Ind. Mrs. Henry Davie, deceased, Columbus, Ind. Holder, Charlotte Hope, Ind. Mrs. P. Redman, deceased, Tacoma, Wash. Holland, Anna R Hope, Ind. Mrs. A. H. Thrapp, Hope, Ind. Holland, Mary E Hope, Ind. Mrs. Wm. H. Rice. Buffalo, N. Y. Jones, Alice Greencastle, Ind. Keehln, Addie Hope, Ind. Mrs. E. Williams, deceased, West. Keehln, Mary Hope, Ind. Mrs. Rob't Kent, deceased, Louisville, Ky. Keller, Mary Hope, hid. Mrs. Amos White, deceased, Seymour, Ind. Keller, Jeannette Hope, Ind. Mrs. Geo. Raup, Flat Rock, Ind. Keller, Matilda Hope, Ind. Mrs. Martin Levering, Olney, 111. Kent, Mary Hope, Ind. Mrs. M. Venable, Louisville, Ky. Kent, Martha Hope, Ind. Mrs. McMichaels, deceased, California. 175 Names. Residences. Langenour. Laura B... Hope, Ind. Lewis. Anna Shelbyville, Ind. Mrs. A. Fenton, Indianapolis, Ind. Lennert, Mary, deceased Hope, Ind. Link, Kitty, deceased Rushville, Ind. Longden, Mary St. Louis, Ind. McMurray, Lucy Tuscarawas, O. Mrs. F. H. Gentsch, New Philadelphia. O. Meyer, Mary Louisa Louisville, Ky. Mutz, Kate Edinburgh, Ind. Mrs. Dr. Francis, Edinburgh, Ind. Nauman, Louisa Hope, Ind. Mrs. Charles Neighbors, Hope, Ind. Noble, Luella Hope, Ind. Norris, Ella Hope, Ind. Oglesby, Fannie, deceased Rushville, Ind. Paetzel, Clara Hope, Ind. Mrs. Fulwider, Kan. Peter, Addie E Gnadenhiitten, O. Mrs. Aug. Schultze, Bethlehem, Pa. Porter, Emma Hope, Ind. Mrs. Jasper Shields, deceased, Hope, Ind. Reed, Alice St. Louis, Ind. Mrs. Aug. Heilman. deceased, Hope, Ind. Reed, Caroline St. Louis, Ind. Reed, Susan St. Louis, Ind. Rominger, Adelaide C Franklin, Ind. Rominger, Alice Hope, Ind. Mrs. O. Ziegner, deceased, Columbus, Ind. Rominger, Louisa Hope, Ind. Mrs. Martin Bruner, Hope, Ind. Rudisill, Ella, deceased Alamo, Ind. Ruede, Alice, deceased Hope, Ind. Schweitzer. Mollie. deceased Shelbyville, Ind. Schutt, Louisa Hope, Ind. Mrs. L. Fleming, Indianapolis, Ind. Schutt, Mattie, deceased Hope, Ind. Schutt, Sarah Hope, Ind. Mrs. Sarah Kersey, Indianapolis, Ind. Senff, Amelia Hope, Ind. Mrs. A. Thornton, deceased, Ala. Senseman, Emma Hope, Ind. Philadelphia, Pa. Shea, Mary A Newbern. Ind. Mrs. W. Galbraith, deceased, Columbus, Ind. Schroeder, Mary Shelbyville, Ind. 1 7 6 Names. Residences. Shultz, Cornelia Hope, Ind. Mrs. Freeman Rominger, Hope, Ind. Simmons, Josephine Hope, Ind. Mrs. C. Coffee, Rigby, Ind. Simmons, Sarah Frances Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. J. Brannen, Hope. Ind. Smith. Emma L., deceased Sharon, O. Smith, Lizzie D \ Sharon, O. Mrs. A. W. Benson, Maitland, Orange Co., Florida. Spaugh, Ella Hope, Ind. Mrs. H. Gay, Chicago, 111. Spaugh, Lucinda, deceased Hope, Ind. Spaugh, Mary Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. Robbins, Eureka, Kan. Stapp, Carrie Aurora, Ind. Stewart, Jennie B Gallipolis, O. Thomas, Mollie Columbus, Ind. Mrs. M. Sparrell, Indianapolis, Ind. Toner, Susan I Edinburgh, Ind. Mrs. Chas. Hess, deceased, Indianapolis, Ind. Trinkley, Josephine Hope, Ind. Mrs. Childs, Portland, Oregon. Uecke, Emma C Freedom, Wis. Mrs. C. Madsen, Grand Rapids, Mich. Ward, Lydia A West Salem, III. Mrs. W. Chamberlain, deceased, Vanita, Okla. Weinland, Anna Hope, Ind. Mrs. Voight, West Salem, 111. White, Mary F Hope, Ind. Mrs. Wesley Yost, Hope. Ind. Wilson, Josephine Rushville, Ind. Mrs. Claud Canburn. Zigler, Mary Hope, Ind. Mrs. Anderson Shultz, deceased, Columbus, Ind. Indiana 85 Ohio 7 Kentucky 2 Iowa 3 Illinois 2 Wisconsin 1 Michigan 1 Total 101 177 THIRD SCHOLASTIC YEAR. 1869. BOARD OF TRUSTEES. Rev. Robert de Schweinitz, Rev. Sylvester Wolle, Rev. Lewis F. Kampmann, OFFICERS AND TEACHERS. Principal and Superintendent. Rev. F. R. Holland. Directress of the Household. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. Resident Tutoresses and Teachers of the English Branches. Miss Elizabeth W. Rondthaler, Miss S. H. Wolle, Miss H. A. Lovejoy, Miss Esther W. Rondthaler, Miss Mary McOrn, Miss Martha McOrn, Miss A. W. Reichel. Teacher of French and German. Madame Marie L. Wirth. Teachers of Instrumental Music. Miss E. W. Rondthaler, Miss A. W. Reichel, Miss Mary McOrn, Miss Martha McOrr, Miss H. A. Lovejoy. Teachers of Vocal Music. Mrs. A. E. Holland, Miss Mary E. Holland, Miss Mary McOrn. Teacher of Drawing and Painting. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. Teacher of Ornamental Work. Miss Mary E. Holland. i 7 8 PUPILS. Names. Residences. Albright, Emma Hope, Ind. Bittrich, Anna Hope, Ind. Bittrich, Amelia Hope, Ind. Mrs. Stirley Caruttiers, deceased, Shelbyville, Ind. Blickensderfer, Cornelia Tuscarawas, 0. Mrs. C. Bosche, deceased 1913, Austin, Texas. Blickensderfer, Mary Tuscarawas, 0. Mrs. E. S. Russell, Alliance, O. Bliss, Flora B ' Hope, Ind. Mrs. Newton Bradley, Hope, Ind. Brumley, Anna Louisville, Ky. Mrs. Williams, Louisville, Ky. Boynton, Lillie G Hope, Ind. Mrs. H. Smith, Indianapolis, Ind. Clarke, Mary Ruth Hope, Ind. Downs, Emma E Columbus, Ind. Mrs. John Stobo, Columbus, Ind. Dresel, Elise W Louisville, Ky. Present address, Evansville, Ind. Dusch, Lizzie Louisville, Ky. Mrs. Ludwig, Marietta, O. Eisenmeyer, Minnie Summerfield, III. Mrs. Bernhard Warkentin, Newton, Kansas. Eisenmeyer, Rosa Summerfield, III. Mrs. Charles Penzel, Little Rock, Ark. Eldridge, Julia Butlerville, Ind. Fishel, Harriet Hope, Ind. Present address, Indianapolis, Ind. Farrer, Maria Edinburgh. Ind. Grimes, Sarah E Alamo, Ind. Gross, Anna M Lock Seventeen, O. Mrs. List. Hahn, Isabel Detroit, Mich. Hammond, Emma Tipton, Iowa. Mrs. J. Nevin Neiman, deceased 1914, Des Moines, Iowa. Hartzel, Aracella Hope, Ind. Mrs. Geo. Peters, Shelbyville, Ind. Hayes, Lizzie Cincinnati, O. Mrs. M. Dalmbert, Greensburg, Md. Heberhart, Mary E Madison, Ind. Heilman, Anna A Hope, Ind. Mrs. Geo. Weinland, Hope, Ind. 179 Names. Residences. Holland, Anna R Hope, Ind. Mrs. A. H. Thrapp, Hope, Ind. Holland, Jennie E Hope, Ind. N. S. Winterrowd, deceased, Atchison, Kan. Johnson, Rellie E., deceased Clifty, Ind. Johnston, Alice M., deceased New Philadelphia, O. , Jones, Bessie Columbus, Ind. Mrs. Hamilton, deceased, Greensburg, Ind. Jones, Dora Hope, Ind. Mrs. N. Bradley, Hartsville, Ind. Jones, Lizzie Hope, Ind. Keehln, Addie Hope, Ind. Mrs. Elmer Williams, deceased, Out West. Kent, Martha Hope, Ind. Mrs. McMichael, Cal. Kent, Mary Hope, Ind. Mrs. Venable, Louisville, Ky. Kilgore, Ella Port Washington, O. Mrs. E. Emmerson. deceased, Port Washington. Kilgore, Romain R Port Washington, O. Mrs. R. Armstrong, deceased, Indianapolis, Ind. Knauss, Lottie M Tuscarazvas, O. Mrs. Galbraith, Tuscarawas, O. Kron, Verona Evansvillc, Ind. Mrs. Knaus, deceased. Krumme, Helena Evansville, Ind. Lennert, Mary A Hope, Ind. Levering, Alice Olney, III. McEwen. Mary Columbus, Ind. Mrs. Hamilton, deceased, Chicago, 111. McEwen, Ruth, deceased Columbus, Ind. McGregor, Lizzie, deceased Bennington, Ind. McMurray, Lucy Tuscarawas, O. Mrs. F. H. Gentsch, New Philadelphia, O. Meyer, Louisa Louisville, Ky. Miller, Sarah Hope, Ind. Mrs. Geo. Ktmp. Hope, Ind. Mooney, Mary Columbus, Ind. Mrs. Montgomery, deceased, Columbus, Ind. Xauman, Louisa Hope, Ind. Mrs. Charles Neighbors. Hope, Ind. Oglesby, Fannie, deceased Rushvillc, Ind. Perry, Kate Columbus, Ind. Perry, Maggie Columbus, Ind. Peter, Addie E Gnadenhiitten, O. Mrs. Dr. A. Schultze, Bethlehem, Pa. i8o Names. Residences. Pfeiffer, Maggie Louisville, Ky. Mrs. Bryant, Louisville, Ky. Reed, Alice St. Louis, Ind. Mrs. Aug. Heilman, Hope, Ind. Rominger, Adelaide C Franklin, Ind. Hope, Ind. Ross, Emma Rushville, Ind. Rudisill, Ella, deceased Alamo, Ind. Rushhaupt, Bertha Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. Geo. Dixon, Indianapolis, Ind. Rushhaupt, Emma Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. A. M. Kuhn, deceased, Indianapolis, Ind. Schutt, Sarah Hope, Ind. Mrs. Kersey, Indianapolis, Ind. Schutt, Louisa Hope, Ind. Mrs. Fleming, Indianapolis, Ind. Senff, Amelia Hope, Ind. Mrs. Thornton, deceased. Senff, Anna Hope, Ind. Mrs. Hart, Kansas. Senseman, Emma Hope, Ind. Philadelphia, Pa. Shields, Laura Columbus, Ind. Simm, Carrie Louisville, Ky. Mrs. Dusch. Simmons, Sarah Frances Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. J. Brannen, Hope, Ind. Smith, Emma L., deceased Sharon, 0. Smith, Lizzie D Sharon, O. Mrs. W. Benson, Maitland, Orange Co., Florida. Snider, Clara St. Louis Crossing, Ind. Mrs. Chas. Messick, St. Louis Crossing, Ind Spaugh, Ella Hope, Ind. Mrs. H. Gay, Chicago, 111. Spaugh, Mary Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. Robbins, Ureka, Kan. Stapp, Ida M Madison, Ind. Mrs. John McGreggor, Madison, Ind. Struble, Kate A Taylorsville, Ind. Mrs. Jones, Taylorsville, Ind. Struble, Ursa M Taylorsville, Ind. Mrs. Hayworth, Wichita, Kan. Thompson. Martha Waynesville, Ind Mrs. Spurgeon, Columbus, Ind. Thompson, Mary, deceased Waynesville, Ind. KSl Names. Residences. Uecke, Emma C Freedom, Wis. Mrs. C. Madsen. Grand Rapids, Wis. Walton, Emma Tuscarawas, 0. Ward, Lydia West Salem, III. Mrs. W. Chamberlain, deceased, Vaneta, Okla. Weinland, Carrie Hope, Ind. Indiana 60 Ohio 13 Kentucky 6 Illinois 4 Iowa 1 Wisconsin 1 Michigan 1 Total 182 FOURTH SCHOLASTIC YEAR. 1870. BOARD OF TRUSTEES. Rev. Robert de Schweinitz, Rev. Sylvester Wolle, Rev. Lewis F. Kampmann, OFFICERS AND TEACHERS. Principal and Superintendent. Rev. F. R. Holland. Directress of the Household. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. Resident Tutoresses and Teachers of the English Branches. Miss Elizabeth W. Rondthaler, Miss Martha McOrn, Miss H. A. Lovejoy, Miss A. W. Reichel, Mrs. J. B. Silliman. Atchison, Kan. Miss Lucy McMurray, Miss Mary McOrn, Miss Addie E. Peter. Miss Esther W. Rondthaler, Deceased. Teacher of French and German. Madame Marie L. Wirth. Teachers of Instrumental Music. Mrs. Warman, deceased. Teachers of Vocal Music. Miss Esther W. Rondthaler, (Deceased.) Miss A. W. Reichel, Miss Mary McOrn, Miss Martha McOrn, Madame M. L. Wirth. Mrs. A. E. Holland, Miss Mary E. Holland, Teacher of Ornamental Work. Miss Mary E. Holland. i»3 PUPILS. Names. Residences. Baer, Lizzie M Summer field, III. Baurmann, Huldah Louisville, Ky. Bittrich, Amelia Hope, Ind. Mrs. S. Caruthers, deceased, Shelbyville, Ind. Blair, Eva Shelbyville, Ind. Blair, Flora Shelbyville, Ind. Blickensderfer, Mary Tuscarawas, O. Mrs. E. Russell, Alliance, O. Bliss, Flora Hope, Ind. Mrs. Newton Bradley, Hope, Ind. Boynton, Lillie Hope, Ind. Mrs. Harry Smith, Indianapolis, Ind. Bredeweg, Caroline Quincy, III. Brumley, Anna Louisville, Ky. Mrs. Williams, Louisville, Ky. Clark, Mollie Hope, Ind. Dresel, Elise W Louisville, Ky. Present address, Evansville, Ky. Eisenmeyer, Minnie Summerfield, III. Mrs. Bernard Warkentin, Newton, Kan. Enderlin, Regina Lauisvillc, Ky. Mrs. R. Koch, Louisville, Ky. Ensley, Ellie Shelby Co., Ind. Mrs. Ella Hawkins, Shelbyville, Ind. Farrer, Maria.." Edinburgh, Ind. Gard, Lizzie Hope, Ind. Gilmour, Mollie Forest Hill, Ind. Gramm, Emily Oakland, Ind. Mrs. Baehr, Hill City, Minn. Hahn, Isabelle Detroit, Mich. Hall, Anna Cincinnati, O. Hall, Rebecca Cincinnati, O. Handrick, Maria Hope, Ind. Harris, Rose Port Washington, O. Mrs. Thomas Barnes, Neb. Hartzell, Arracilla Hope, Ind. Mrs. Geo. Peters, Shelbyville, Ind. Hege, Anna Hope, Ind. Mrs. A. Clark, Denver, Col. Heilman, Anna Hope. Ind. Mrs. Geo. Weinland, Hope, Ind. 1 8 4 Names. Residences. Holland, Jane E Hope, Ind. Mrs. Noble S. Winterrowd, deceased, Atchison, Kan. Hunter, Olive Columbus, Ind. Jarvis, Anna Hope, Ind. Johnson, Addie B Clifty, Ind. Colony, Kansas. Johnston, Alice, deceased New Philadelphia, 0. Keehln, Addie ' Hope, Ind. Mrs. E. Williams, deceased, Out West. Kilgore, Ella Port Washington, O. Mrs. Dr. Emmerson, deceased. Kron, Verona Evansville, Ind. Mrs. Knaus, deceased. Krumme, Helena Evansville, Ind. Kuhlenhoelter, Minna Quincy, III. Lennert, Mary, deceased Hope, Ind. Lewis, Blanch, deceased Madison, Ind. Link, Texas Rushville, Ind. Mrs. M. Johnson, Rushville, Ind. Logan, Jane Edinburgh, Ind. Logan, Mary Edinburgh, Ind. Marlow, Mollie Forest Hill, Ind. McEwen, Mary Columbus, Ind. Mrs. Hamilton, deceased. Chicago, 111. McEwen, Ruth, deceased Columbus, Ind. Miller, Sarah Bartholomew Co., Ind. Mrs. Geo. Kemp, Hope, Ind. Nauman, Louisa Hope, Ind. Mrs. Charles Neighbors, Hope, Ind. Oglesby, Fannie, deceased Rushville, Ind. Pfeiffer, Maggie Louisville, Ky. Mrs. Bryant, Louisville, Ky. Ramsey, India Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. I. Spitz, Indianapolis, Ind. Rebhan, Sarah Louisville, Ky. Mrs. S. Pegram, Louisville, Ky. Reeve, Anna New Salem, Ind. Rominger, Adelaide C Franklin, Ind. Rominger, Alice Bartholomew Co., Ind. Mrs. O. Ziegner, Columbus, Ind. Roope, Anna Hope, Ind. Mrs. James Pell, Indianapolis, Ind. Routh, Jennie P St. Joseph, Mo. Rushhaupt, Bertha Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. Geo. Dixon, Indianapolis, Ind. Schmidt, Annie New Bremen, O. i8 5 Xaiies. Residences. Schmull. Emma Indianapolis, Ind. Schmutt, Sarah Hope, Ind. Mrs. Kersey, Indianapolis, Ind. Schutt, Louisa Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. L. Fleming, Indianapolis, Ind. Senff, Amelia Hope, Ind. Mrs. A. Thornton, deceased, Ala. Senseman, Emma Hope, Ind. Smith, Emma L., deceased Sharon, O. Smith. Lizzie D Sharon, O. Mrs. A. W. Benson, Maitland, Orange Co., Fla. Smith, Mary Clifford, Ind. Smiley, Mary, deceased Forest Hill, Md. Spaugh, Ella Hope, Ind. Mrs. Harry Gay, Cricago, 111. Stempel, Adele Long Grove, III. Thompson, Mattie Waynesville, Ind. Mrs. Spurgeon, Columbus, Ind. Thompson. Mary Waynesville, Ind. Mrs. Newsome, deceased. Tousey, Kate V Indianapolis, Ind. Uecke, Emily Freedom, Wis. Mrs. Francis R. Dittmer, Seymour, Wis. Vogler, Louisa Both-well, Out. Ward, Clara West Salem, III. Trained Nurse, New York City. Ward, Lydia West Salem, III. Mrs. W. Chamberlain, deceased, Vanita, Okla. Weinland, Carrie Hope, Ind. Wiemeyer, Anna New Bremen, O. Wiemeyer, Sophia New Bremen, O. Williams, Charity Flatrock, Ind. Mrs. Martin Cutsinger, Edinburgh, Ind. Wohlfarth, Mary Green Bay, Wis. Mrs. H. Hein, West Green Bay, Wis. Indiana 52 Ohio 11 Kentucky 7 Illinois 7 Wisconsin 3 Michigan 1 Louisiana 1 Ontario 1 6 Total 1 86 FIFTH SCHOLASTIC YEAR. 1871 BOARD OF TRUSTEES. Rzv. Robert de Schweinitz, Rev. Sylvester Wolle, Rev. Lewis F. Kampmann, OFFICERS AND TEACHERS. Principal and Superintendent. Rev. F. R. Holland. Directress of the Household. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. Resident Tutoresses and Teachers of the English Branches. Miss Mary McOrn, Miss Anna Luckenbach, Miss Lucy McMurray, Miss Kittie Leak, Miss Addie E. Peter, Miss Emma Blickensderfer, Miss Augusta Lichtenthaeler, (Mrs. Titze.) Teacher of French and German. Madame Marie Wirth, Deceased. Teacher of Instrumental Music. Mr. E. L. Schulze, Miss Mary McOrn, Miss Augusta Lichtenthaeler. Teachers of Vocal Music. Miss Mary E. Holland, Miss Anna R. Holland. Teacher of Drawing and Painting. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. Teacher of Ornamental Work. Miss Mary E. Holland. i«7 PUPILS. Names. Residences. Adams. Mollie Hope, Ind. Bachman, Sarah Hope, Ind. Mrs. M. O. Wooley, Hope, Ind. Baer. Lizzie M Summerville, III. Barth. Emma Cincinnati, O. Mrs. Samuel Gabbert, deceased, Ashland, Kan. Bauerman, Huldah Louisville, Ky. Bauerman, Martha Louisville, Ky. Boynton, Lillie Hope, Ind. Mrs. Harry B. Smith, Indianapolis, Ind. Boynton. Mary A Elizabethtown, Ind. Brederweg. Caroline Quincy, III. Brumley, Anna Louisville, Ky. Mrs. Williams, Louisville, Ky. Carney. Lottie Flatrock, Ind. Childers. Mary Scipio, Ind. Clendening. Emma Sardinia, Ind. Craig,i Anna B Madison, Wis. Mrs. J. B. Safford, Crafton, Pa. Cutsinger. Hannah B Edinburgh, Ind. Cutsinger. India R Edinburgh, Ind. Mrs. Dietrick, Franklin, Ind. Daily, Emma Hope, Ind. Daily. Ida Hope, Ind. Mrs. Chas. B. Riley. Indianapolis, Ind. Daily, Lenna Indianapolis, Ind. De Golier, Eda Cincinnati, O. Mrs. Randall, deceased. Detterer. Caroline Green Bay, Wis. Mrs. Ernst. Weber, deceased, Alaska. Elliott. Martha Cliffy, Ind. Enderlin, Regina Louisville, Ky. Mrs. R. H. Koch, Louisville. Ky. Ensley, Ellie Flat Rock, Ind. Mrs. E. Hawkins, Shelbyville, Ind. Estel. Caroline H St. Louis, Mo. Mrs. Dr. G. S. Schurricht, St. Louis, Mo. Fishel. Harriet Hope, Ind. Feurig, Emma Watertown, Wis. Mrs. Michelstetter, Appleton. Wis. Gard, Lizzie Hope, Ind. Gartin. Nannie Forest Hill. Ind. 188 Names. Residences. Gramm, Emily Oakland, Ind. Mrs. Rev. C. Baehr, Hill City, Minn. Gregg, Lina Alert, Ind. Hall, Anna Cincinnati, O. Hall, Rebecca Cincinnati, O. Harris, Rose Port Washington, O. Hartzell, Aracilla >. Hope, Ind. Mrs. Geo. Peters, Shelbyville, Ind. Hildebrand, Katie Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. Ed. J. Clark, Shelbyville, Ind. Hunter, Olive Columbus, Ind. Irion, Minna Femme, Osage, Mo. Mrs. Rev. Jacob Irion, St. Louis, Mo. Jones, Dora Hope, Ind. Mrs. N. Bradley, deceased, Hope, Ind. Johnston, Lizzie F Ann Arbor, Mich. Johnston, Viola, deceased New Philadelphia, O. Keehln, Addie Hope, Ind. Mrs. E. Williams, deceased, Texas. Kemp, May Hope, Ind. Mrs. A. R. Renton, Morristown, Ind. Kron, Verona Evansville, Ind. Mrs. Knaus, deceased. Kuhlenhoelter, Minna Quincy, III. Leggett, Laura Alice Edinburg, Ind. Mrs. D. Webb, deceased, Edinburgh, Ind. Link, Texas Rushville, Ind. Mrs. Margaret Johnson. Rushville, Ind. Logan, Jane Edinburgh, Ind. Logan, Mary Edinburgh, Ind. Lochenour, Laura Olney, III. Meek, Laura Louisville, Ky. Miller, Sarah Hope, Ind. Mrs. Geo. Kemp, Hope, Ind. Nauman, Louisa Hope, Ind. Mrs. Charles Neighbors, Hope, Ind. Newcomb, Edith Whitewater, Wis. Nuelsen, Clara, deceased Cincinnati, O. Ogelsby, Fannie, deceased Rushville, Ind. Pfeiffer, Maggie Louisville, Ky. Mrs. M. Bryant, Louisville, Ky. Philbrick, Mattie Edinburgh, Ind. Porter, Fena St. Louis, Ind. Mrs. Rev. Duncan, Franklin, Ind. Porter, Mary St. Louis, Ind. Mrs. S. Nading, deceased, Hope, Ind. i8g Names. Residences. Porter, Mattie Mrs. S. Nading, Connersville, Ind. Ramsey, India Columbus, Ind. Mrs. Spitz, Indianapolis, Ind. Rhodes, Nina Canal Dover, O. Mrs. William Kreiter, Toledo, O. Rice, Emma Hope, Ind. Mrs. Charles Albright, deceased, Hope, Ind. Richards, Joyce Boxley, Ind. Roope, Anna Hope, Ind. Mrs. James Pell, Indianapolis, Ind. Routh, Jeanie P St. Joseph, Mo. Rothrock, Alice Hope, Ind. Mrs. C. Slocum, Indianapolis, Ind. Schnull. Emma Indianapolis, Ind. Schuler, Marie Greyville, III. Deceased, Herrnhut. Germany. Sent?, Amelia Hope, Ind. Mrs. A. Thornton, deceased, Alabama. Senseman, Emma Hope, Ind. Philadelphia, Pa. Schutt, 'Louisa Hope, Ind. Mrs. L. Fleming, Indianapolis, Ind. Schutt, Sarah Hope, Ind. Mrs. Kersey, Indianapolis, Ind. Shultz, Belle Hope, Ind. Mrs. G. B. Stapp, Columbus, Ind. Shultz, 'Mary F Hope, Ind. Shultz, Miranda Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. C. Fishel, Hope, Ind. Spaugh, Cassie Hope, Ind. Mrs. C. Daugherty, deceased, Indianapolis, Ind. Spaugh, Ellen L Hope, Ind. Mrs. E. Pickard, Hope, Ind Stempel, Adele Long Grove, III. Struble, Katie Taylor sville, Ind. Mrs. Dr. Jones, deceased, Taylorsville, Ind. Struble, Ursa Taylorsville, Ind. Mrs. Hayworth, Kansas. Smith, Mary Clifford, Ind. Thompson, Mary Waynesville, Ind. Mrs. Newsome, deceased. Thompson, Mattie Waynesville, Ind. Mrs. Spurgeon, Columbus, Ind. Toner, Margaret, deceased Edinburgh, Ind. 190 Names. Residences. Uecke, Augusta Freedom, Wis. Mrs. Herbert C. Scofield, Sturgeon Bay, Wis. Uecke, Emily ' Freedom, Wis. Mrs. Francis R. Dittmer, Seymour, Wis. Vogler, Louisa Bothwell, Ont. Ward, Clara West Salem, III. Trained Nurse, New York City. Ward, Lydia , West Salem, III. Mrs. W. Chamberlain, deceased, Vanita, Okla. Weinland, Carrie Hope, Ind. White, Ida Edinburgh, Ind. Williams, Charity Flatrock, Ind. Mrs. Martin Cutsinger, Edinburgh, Ind. Winterrowd, Alice Winterrowd, Ind. Wolfarth, Mary Fort Howard, Wis. Mrs. H. Hein, West Green Bay, Wis. Indiana 68 Ohio 8 Illinois 8 Kentucky 6 Wisconsin 6 Missouri 2 Michigan 1 Louisiana 1 Ontario I Total i 9 1 SIXTH AND SEVENTH SCHOLASTIC YEARS 1872-1873. BOARD OF TRUSTEES. Rev. Robert de Schweinitz, Rev. Sylvester Wolle, Rev. Lewis F. Kampmann, OFFICERS AND TEACHERS. Principal and Superintendent. Rev. F. R. Holland. Directress of the Household. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. Professor of Music. Mr. F. A. AlbrecHt. Resident Tutoresses. Miss Lucy McMurray, Miss Augusta Lichtenthaler,' Miss Kittie Leak, Miss Addie Peter, Miss Emma Hammond, Miss Mary McOrn, Miss Lizzie Tweed,* Miss Elise Dresel,! Mrs. Robinson. Miss Anna R. Holland.! Miss Emma Blickensderfer* Mrs. Titze. Teachers of French. Rev. L. R. Huebner,* Miss Elise Dresel,! Teachers of German. Miss Elise Dresel, Miss Lucy McMurray. Teachers of Instrumental Music. Miss Emma Hammond, Miss Mary McOrn, Miss Elise Dresel. Teachers of Vocal Music. Miss Anna R. Holland, Miss Emma Hammond, Teacher of Drawing, Painting and Ornamental Work. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. •Till June, 18 72. fFrom September 1, 1872. 192 PUPILS. Names. 1871-1872 Residences. Bachman, Sarah Hope, Ind. Mrs. M. O. Wooley, Hope, Ind. Barth, Emma Cincinnati, 0. Mrs. Samuel Gabbert, deceased, Ashland, Kan. Barth. Ida Cincinnati, O. Mrs. C. H. Hoffman, Cincinnati, O. Beitel. Sarah A Hope, Ind. Billiard, Addie Hope, Ind. Mrs. James Rights. Indianapolis, Ind. Billiard. Dema Hope, Ind. Mrs. M. Hartzel. Hope, Ind. Bittrich, Anna Hope, Ind. B reining. Ida Columbus, Ind. Brumley, Anna Louisville, Ky. Mrs. Williams, Louisville, Ky. Butler, Jennie, deceased Mil ford, Ind. Carney, Lottie " Flatrock, Ind. Clark, Alice Columbus, Ind. Mrs. McCullough. Columbus, Ind. Cassell, Clara Greensburg, Ind. Coons, Laura St. Louis, Mo. Craig. Anna B Madison, Ind. Mrs. J. B. Safford, Crafton, Pa. Detterer, Caroline Green Bay, Wis. Mrs. Ernst Weber, deceased, Alaska. Ensley, Ella Flat Rock, Ind. Mrs. Hawkins, Shelbyville, Ind. Ensley, Rachel Edinburgh, Ind. Estel, Anna M St. Louis, Mo. Mrs. C. Lange. St. Louis, Mo. Feurig, Emma Watertown, Wis. Mrs. W. Michelstetter, Appleton, Wis. Gramm, Emily Cincinnati. O. Mrs. Rev. C. Baehr, Hill City, Minn. Hall. Rebecca Louisville, Ky. Hartmann, Talitha Chicago, III. Mrs. Robt. Kohlsatt. deceased October, 1916, Los Angeles, Cal. Hartzell, Aracilla Hope, Ind. Mrs. Geo. Peters, Shelbyville, Ind. Hill. Florence, deceased Columbus, Ind. Hill, Mamie Columbus, Ind. Mrs. Mayfield, Indianapolis, Ind. 193 Names. Residences. Holland, Jane E Hope, Ind. Mrs. N. S. Winterrowd, Atchison, Kan. Huebener, Carrie Hope, Ind. Mrs. F. Detterer, Bethlehem, Pa. Irion, Minna Femme, Osage, Mo. Mrs. Rev. Jacob Irion, deceased, St. Louis, Mo. Israel, Hermine West Salem, III. Mrs. William Frank, Riverton, N. J. Jenkins, Laura B Cincinnati, O. Jerome, Emma Saginaw City, Mich. Johnston, Viola, deceased New Philadelphia, O. Jones, Dora Hope, Ind. Mrs. N. Bradley, deceased, Hartsville, Ind. Jones, Florence Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. Phillippy, Summitville, Ind. Keehln, Addie Hope, Ind. Mrs. E. Williams, West. Ketterer, Amelia Miltonsburg, O. Legate, Alice Edinburgh, Ind. Mrs. D. Webb, deceased, Edinburgh, Ind. Mooney, Lizzie Columbus, Ind. Mrs. N. R. Keyes, deceased, Columbus, Ind. Nauman, Louisa Hope, Ind. Mrs. Charles Neighbors, Hope, Ind. Neligh, Ida Hope, Ind. Mrs. F. Specht. Indianapolis, Ind. Ramsey, India Charleston, Ind. Mrs. Spitz, Indianapolis, Ind. Reed, Alice St. Louis, Ind. Mrs. Aug. Heilman, deceased, Hope, Ind. Rhodes, Nina Canal Dover, O. Mrs. W. Kreiter, Toledo, O. Poope, Anna M Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. Pell, Indianapolis, Ind. Schmidt, Sophia New Bremen, O. Senff, Amelia Hope, Ind. Mrs. A. Thornton, deceased, Ala. Senff, Anna Hope, Ind. Mrs. Dr. Hart, West. Senseman, Emma Olney, III. Philadelphia, Pa. Schuler, Marie Greyville, III. Deceased, Herrnhut, Germany. Shultz, Belle Hope, Ind. Mrs. Geo. Stapp, Columbus, Ind. Shultz, Mary F Hope, Ind. 194 Names. Residences. Shultz, Miranda Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. C. Fishel, Hope, Ind. Simmons, Frances Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. J. Brannen, Hope, Ind. Smith, Mary '..Flat Rock, Ind. Spaugh, Catherine Hope, Ind. Mrs. Cassie Daugherty, deceased, Indianapolis, Ind. Spaugh, Ellen L 5 Hope, Ind. Mrs. F. Pickard, Hope, Ind. Stempel, Minna Long Grove, III. Stussel, Sophia Louisville, Ky. Mrs. Sanaman, Louisville, Ky. Thompson, Martha Waynesville, Ind. Mrs. Spurgeon, Columbus, Ind. Thompson, Mary, deceased Waynesville, Ind. Toner, Maggie A., deceased Edinburgh, Ind. Uecke, Augusta Freedom, Wis. Mrs. Herbert C. Scofield, Sturgeon Bay, Wis. Uecke, Emily Freedom, Wis. Mrs. Francis R. Dittmer. Seymour, Wis. Vogler, Louisa M Bothwell, Ont. Ward, Clara West Salem, III. Trained Nurse, New York City. Williams, Ella A Edinburgh, Ind. Wolfarth, Mary Fort Howard, Wis. .Mrs. H. Hein, Green Bay, Wis. Zigler, Lillie Hope, Ind. Mrs. Cunningham, deceased, Indianapolis, Ind. SENIOR CLASS OF 1872. Names. Residences. Anna Brumley Louisville, Ky. Emma Barth Cincinnati, O. Martha Thompson Waynesville, Ind. Mary Thompson Waynesville, Ind. PUPILS, 1872- 1873- Names. Residences. Arwine, Hattie Columbus, Ind. Bachman, Sarah Hope, Ind. Mrs. M. O. Wooley, Hope, Ind. Billiard, Addie Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. Rights, Indianapolis, Ind. 195 Names. Residences. Billiard. Dema Hope, Ind. Mrs. Mumford Hartzel, Hope, Ind. Bode, Minna Chicago, III. Carter, Jessie St. Louis Crossing, Ind. Cassell, Clara Greensburg, Ind. Craig, Anna B Madison, Ind. Mrs. J. B. Safford, Crafton, Pa. DeLong, Emma V Summer field, III. Detterer, Caroline Green Bay, Wis. Mrs. Ernst Weber, deceased, Alaska. Eisenmeyer, Mary Mascoutah, III. Mrs. Dr. Fuchs, Mascoutah, 111. Eisenmeyer, Amelia Summerfield, III. Mrs. A. Hecker, Kansas City, Mo. Grarrim, Emily Cincinnati, O. Mrs. Rev. C. Baehr, Hill City, Minn. Hartmann, Talitha Chicago, III. Mrs. Robt. Kohlsatt, deceased October, 1916, Los Angeles, Cal. Heinicke, Amelia ' St. Louis, Mo. Mrs. A. Baer, Le Grand, Iowa. Hill, Florence, deceased Columbus, Ind. Hill, Mary Columbus, Ind. Mrs. Mayfield, Indianapolis, Ind. Holland, Jane E Hope, Ind. Mrs. N. S. Winterrowd, deceased, Atchison, Kan. Huebener, Carrie Hope, Ind. Mrs. F. Detterer, Bethlehem, Pa. Israel, Hermina West Salem, III. Mrs. W. Frank, Palmyra, N. J. Jenkins, Laura B Cincinnati, O. Johnson, Addie Clifty, Ind. Jones, Florence Hope, Ind. Mrs. John Philippy, Summitville, Ind/ Keehln, Addie Hope, Ind. Mrs. E. Williams, deceased, West. Kendall, Laura Mount Auburn, Ind. Ketterer, Amelia Miltonsburg, O. Kilgore, Maggie R Port Washington, O. Mrs. McDonald, deceased, Port Washington, O. Knobelsdorf, Ida, deceased Chicago, III. Lassig, Emma Chicago, III. Mrs. Bartholomew, Heidelberg, Germany. 196 Names. Residences. Luethi, Anna Gnadenhuetten, O. Mrs. A. Richards, deceased. New Philadelphia, O. Myers, Edith A Milford, Ind. Mrs. Hill, Alliance, Neb. Mutz, Etoile B Edinburgh, Ind. Mrs. W. M. Pierson, Morristown, Ind. Nauman, Louisa Hope, Ind. Mrs. Charles, Neighbors, Hope, Ind. Porter, Mattie, deceased Hope, Ind. Ramsey, India Charleston, Ind. Mrs. Spitz, Indianapolis, Ind. Ramsey, Lizzie Charleston, Ind. Mrs. Selby, Charleston, Ind. Rhodes, Nina Canal Dover, 0. Mrs. Kreiter, Toledo, O. Roope, Anna M Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. Pell, Indianapolis, Ind. Russell, Catherine Urichsville, 0. Mrs. Romig, Urichsville, O. Sater, Marilda Elizabethtown, Ind. Schuler, Marie Greyville, III. Deceased, Herrnhut, Germany. Senseman, Emma Olney, III. Schade, Anna St. Louis, Mo. Mrs. Rev. M. Hein, Pittsburgh, Pa. Shultz, Mary F Hope, Ind. Shultz, Belle Hope, Ind. Mrs. Geo. B. Stapp, Columbus, Ind. Shultz, Miranda Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. C. Fishel, Hope, Ind. Smiley, Mary Forest Hill, Ind. Snepp, Elvira Edinburgh, Ind. Spaugh, Ellen L Hope, Ind. Mrs. F. Pickard, Hope, Ind. Stanley, Nannie Madison, Ind. Mrs. N. Phillips, Indianapolis, Ind. Stanley, Stella Madison, Ind. Stausifer, Mary B Columbus, Ind. Mrs. M. Clark, Chicago, 111. Stempel, Minna Long Grove, III. Stumph, Sarah Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. S. Nimal, Indianapolis, Ind. Stussel, Minna Louisville, Ky. Swiggett, Lenna L Cambridge City, Ind. Thomas, Carrie Columbus, Ind. Mrs. Bostwick. Colorado. i 9 7 Names. Residences. Toner, Maggie A., deceased Edinburgh, Ind. Trimble, Mira Milford, Ind. Uecke, Augusta Freedom, Wis. Mrs. Herbert C. Scofield, Sturgeon, Wis. Uecke, Emily Freedom, Wis. Mrs. Francis R. Dittmer, Seymour, Wis. Vickery, Mary Tipton, Ind. Yogler, Louisa M Bothwell, Ont. Ward, Clara West Salem, III. Trained Nurse, New York City. Woesner, Hattie Hope, Ind. Mrs. Long, Indianapolis, Ind. Wilkins, Emma Worthington, Ind. Williams, Ella A Edinburgh, Ind. Winchester, Catherine Hope, Ind. v Mrs. Smith, Greensburg, Ind. Winterburg, Katie Edinburgh, Ind. Zigler, Lillie Hope, Ind. Mrs. L. Cunningham, Indianapolis, Ind. SENIOR CLASS, 1873. Residences. Madison, Ind. Hope, Ind. Miltonsburg, O. Freedom, Wis. Bothwell, Ont. Indiana 67 Ohio 12 Illinois 12 Missouri 5 Wisconsin 5 Kentucky 4 Michigan 1 Ontario I Total 107 Names. Craig, Anna B — Jones, Florence. . . Ketterer, Amelia. Uecke, Augusta. . Yogler, Louisa M. 1 98 EIGHTH SCHOLASTIC YEAR 1874. BOARD OF TRUSTEES. Rev. Robert de Schweinitz, Rev. Lewis F. Kampmann, Rev. F. R. Holland. Note. — Rev. Sylvester Wolle died in 1873. OFFICERS AND TEACHERS. Principal and Superintendent. Rev. F. R. Holland. Directress of the Household. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. Professor of Music. Mr. F. A. Albrecht. Resident Tutoresses. Miss Emma Barth, Miss Kittie Leak, Miss Mattie Thompson.* Teacher of French. Miss Elise Dresel. Teachers of German. Miss Elise Dresel, Miss Emma Barth. Teacher of Instrumental Music. Miss Elise Dresel. Teacher of Vocal Music. Miss Anna R. Holland. Teacher of Drawing, Painting and Ornamental Work. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. Miss Lucy McMurray, Miss Elise Dresel, Miss Addie E. Peter, "Till December, 1873. i 9 9 PUPILS SENIOR CLASS. Names. 1868. Residences. Gower, Hebe F Hot Springs, Ark. Mrs. Rector. Holland, Mary E York, Pa. Mrs. Rice. 1869. McMurray, Lucy Tuscarawas, O. Hammond, Emma Tipton, Iowa. Peter, Addie E Gnadenhutten, O. 1870. Dresel Elise Louisville, Ky. Blickensderfer, Mary Tuscarawas, O. Rominger, Adelaide C New Albany. Kilgore, Ella Port Washington, O. Smith, Lizzie D Chaska, Minn. Miller, Sarah Hope, Ind. 1872. Brumley, Anna Louisville, Ky. Barth, Emma Cincinnati, O. Thompson, Martha Waynesville, Ind. Thompson, Mary Waynesville, Ind. 1873. Craig, Anna B.. Madison, Ind. Williams, Ella Edinburgh, Ind. Ketterer, Amelia Miltonsburgh, O. Uecke, Augusta Freedom, Wis. Vogler, Louisa M Bothwell, Ont. 1874. Hartman. Talitha Chicago, III. Hill, Florence Columbus, Ind. Jones. Florence Hope, Ind. Kilgore. Maggie B Port Washington, O. Luethi, Anna Gnadenhutten, O. Senseman, Emma Olney, III. Smiley, Mary Forest Hill, Ind. Uecke, Emily Freedom, Wis. Wilkins, Emma Worthington, Ind. Winchester, Kate Hope, Ind. 200 PUPILS. Names. 1873- 1874. Residences. Bachman, Sarah Hope, Ind. Mrs. M. O. Wooley, Hope, Ind. Baehr, Lizzie Cleveland, 0. Mrs. L. Laisy, deceased. Baer, Barbara Summerfield, III. Billiard, Addie Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. Rights, Indianapolis, Ind. Billiard, Dema Hope, Ind. Mrs. M. Hartzel, Hope, Ind. Black, Marietta, deceased Forest Hill, Ind. Black, Martha Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. Gipe, Indianapolis, Ind. Bode, Minna Chicago, III. Buehler, Louisa Chicago, III. Mrs. Otto Peuser, Wiesbaden, Germany. Burcham, Alice Hope, Ind. Mrs. Jones, Hope, Ind. Coleman, Emma Winterrowd, Ind. Mrs. Williams, Flatrock Cave, Ind. Compton, Flora Edinburgh, Ind. Davidson, Estelle Madison, Ind. Mrs. Dr. Baker, Fairfield, Iowa. Detterer, Caroline Greensburg, Ind. Mrs. Ernst Weber, deceased. Alaska. Dresel, Emilie Louisville, Ky. Evansville, Ind. Eaton, Florence Fairview, III. Eisenmeyer, Mary Mascoutah, III. Mrs. Dr. Fuchs, deceased, Mascoutah, 111. Frank, Julia Louisville, Ky. Mrs. J. Heick, Louisville, Ky. George, Carrie Little Rock, Ark. Mrs. John Wherry, Little Rock, Ark. Godfrey. Febronia Chicago, III. Gramm, Emily Keokuk, Iowa. Mrs. Rev. C. Baehr, Hill City, Minn. Hartmann, Talitha Chicago, III. Mrs. Robt. Kohlsatt, deceased October, 1916, Los Angeles, Cal. Heilmann, Minnie Hope, Ind. Mrs. Albert Snider, St. Louis, Ind. Hereth, Matilda Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. M. Weber, Indianapolis, Ind. 201 Names. n Residences. Heinicke, Amelia St. Louis, Mo. Mrs. A. Baer, Le Grand, Iowa. Hill. Florence, deceased Columbus, Ind. Hogue, Emma Columbus, Ind. Mrs. E. Frost, Columbus, Ind. Holland, Jennie E Hope, Ind. Mrs. N. S. Winterrowd, deceased, Atchison, Kan. Irving, Belle Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. J. Q. Adams, deceased 1881, New York City. Israel, Hermine West Salem, III. Mrs. William Frank, Riverton, N. J. Jacob, Anna Cincinnati, O. Jones, Florence Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. Philippy, Summitville, Ind. Katzeribach, Emilie Tcrre Haute, Ind. Keehln, Addie Hope, Ind. Mrs. E. Williams, deceased, Out West. Kilgore, Maggie R Port Washington, O. Mrs. O'Donnell, deceased, Port Washington, O. Klingler, Theresa Chicago, III. Kramer, Louisa Little Rock, Ark. Mrs. Darragh. Deceased, 1913. Lawrence, Viola Hope, Ind. Luethi, Anna Gnadcnhiitten, 0. Mrs. Richards, deceased, New Philadelphia, O. Michael, Emma, deceased Hope, Ind. Mutz, Etoile B Edinburgh, Ind. Mrs. W. N. Pierson, Morristown, Ind. Miller, Florence Hope, Ind. Xauman, Louisa Hope, Ind. Mrs. Charles Neighbors, Hope, Ind. Osborn, Nellie Worthington, Ind. Plessner, Emma Saginaw, Mich. Porter, Mattie, deceased Hope, Ind. Porter, Phena St. Louis, Ind. Ramsey, Lizzie Charleston, Ind. Mrs. L. Selby. Indianapolis, Ind. Rheem, Flora Hope, Ind. Mrs. F. Church, deceased. Oklahoma, Okla. Rees, Mary Laitrenceburg, Ind. Reusswig, Augusta Leu-iston, Minn. Rietz, Julia Chicago, III. Rominger, Sophia Hope, Ind. Mrs. D. W. Dodd, Hope, Ind. 202 Names. Residences. Ruede, Mary Hope, Ind. Mrs. M. Porterfield, Hartsville, Ind. Schade, Anna St. Louis, Mo. Mrs. Rev. W. Hein, Pittsburgh. Pa. Schlather, Rose Cleveland, 0. Mrs. Wegner, deceased 1891. Schoenemann, Emma Michigan City, Ind. Schuler, Marie Greyville, III. Deceased, Herrnhut, Germany. Senff, Anna Hope, Ind. Mrs. Hart. Senseman, Emma Olney, III. Philadelphia, Pa. , Schaefer, Matilda St. Louis Crossing, Ind. Shultz. Mary F Hope, Ind. Shultz, Miranda Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. C. Fishel, Hope, Ind. Shultz, Belle Hope, Ind. Mrs. Geo. B. Stapp, Columbus, Ind. Smiley, Mary deceased Forest Hill, Ind. Smiley, Maggie Forest Hill, Ind. Mrs. Johnson, Greensburg, Ind. Spaugh, Ella Hope, Ind. Mrs. H. Gay, Chicago, 111. Stempel, Anna Cleveland, O. Mrs. Blickensderfer, Oxford, O. Stemph, Anna Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. Trimper, Indianapolis, Ind. Stumph, Sarah Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. Nimal, Indianapolis, Ind. Thompson, Susie Waymansvillc, Ind. Mrs. Connor, Columbus, Ind. Uecke, Emily F Freedom, Wis. Mrs. Francis R. Dittmer, Seymour, Wis. Vickery, Mary Tipton, Ind. Ward, Clara West Salem, III. Trained Nurse. Graduate of Bellevue Training School, New York City. Wessner, Hattie Hope, Ind. Mrs. H. Long, deceased, Indianapolis, Ind. Wilkins, Emma Worthington, Ind. Winterberg, Katie Edinburgh, Ind. 203 Names. Residences. Winchester, Clara Hope, Ind. Zigler, Lillie Hope, Ind. Airs. L. Cunningham, deceased, Indianapolis, Ind. Indiana 50 Ohio 6 Illinois 13 Missouri 2 Wisconsin 2 Kentucky 2 Michigan 1 Arkansas 2 Minnesota 1 Iowa 1 Total 80 204 NINTH SCHOLASTIC YEAR. 1875. BOARD OF TRUSTEES. Rev. Robert de Schweinitz, Rev. Lewis F. Kampmann, Rev. F. R. Holland. OFFICERS AND TEACHERS. Principal and Superintendent. Rev. F. R. Holland. Directress of the Household. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. Professor of Music. Mr. F. A. Albrecht. Resident Tutoresses. Teacher of Instrumental Music. Miss Minna Irion. Teacher of Vocal Music. Miss Anna R. Holland. Teacher of Drawing, Painting and Ornamental Work. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. Miss Lucy McMurray, Miss Emma Barth, Miss Addiie E. Peter, Miss Minna Irion, Miss Kittie Leak, deceased, Miss Anna Luethi. Miss Minna Irion, Teachers of German. Miss Emma Barth. Matron. Miss M. S. D. Hueser. 205 PUPILS. Senior Classes. Names. !868. Residences. Gower, Hebe F Hot Springs, Ark. Mrs. Rector. Holland, Mary E York, Pa. Mrs. Rice. 1869. McMurray, Lucy E Tuscarawas, O. Hammond, Emma Tipton, la. Peter, Addie E Gnadenhuetten, 0. 1870. Dresel, Elise Louisville, Ky. Blickensderfer, Mary Tuscarawas, O. Rominger, Adelaide C New Albany, Ind. Kilgore, Ella Port Washington, 0. Smith, Lizzie D Flamboro, Ont. Miller, Sarah Hope, Ind. 1872. Brumley. Anna Louisville, Ky. Barth, Emma Cincinnati, O. Thompson, Martha Waynesville, Ind. Thompson, Mary Waynesville, Ind. 1873. Craig, Anna B Madison, Ind. Williams, Ella Edinburgh, Ind. Ketterer, Amelia Miltonsburg, O. Uecke, Emma C Freedom, Wis. Vogler, Louisa Bothwell, Ont. 1874- Hartmann, Talitha Chicago, III. Hill, Florence, deceased Columbus, Ind. Jones, Florence Hope, Ind. Kilgore, Maggie R Port Washington, O. Luethi, Anna Gnadenhiitten, O. Senseman, Emma Olney, III. Smiley, Mary Forest Hill, Ind. Names. 206 Residences. Uecke, Emily Freedom, Wis. Wilkins, Emma Worthington, Ind. Winchester, Kate Hope, Ind. 1875- Bauer, Mary Jefferson City, Mo. Black, Mattie Indianapolis, Ind. Rhodes, Nina Canal Dover, 0. Rieger, Lydia Jefferson City, Mo. Thompson, Susie Waynesville, Ind. PUPILS. Names. Residences. Albright, Ella Hope, Ind. Mrs. Eug. G. Regennas, deceased, Hope, Ind. Alley, Eliza Mil ford, Ind. Mrs. Wasson, Burney, Ind. Artsman, Josephine Newport, Ky. Mrs. J. Coffin, Newport, Ky. Artsman, Augusta Newport, Ky. Mrs. J. Dennison, Newport, Ky. Bachman, Sarah Hope, Ind. Mrs. M. O. Wooley, Hope, Ind. Baer, Susan Cleveland, O. Mrs. S. Weber, deceased. Bauer, Mary Jefferson City, Mo. Beard, Corrina Forest Hill, Ind. Mrs. Charles Williams, Greensburg, Ind. Beese, Lisette Chicago, III. Bigler, Cecelia Victor, Iowa. Mrs. Wm. H. Romig, Grinnell, Iowa. Billiard, Addie Hope, Ind. Mrs. Lewis Rights, Indianapolis, Ind. Billiard, Dema Hope, Ind. Mrs. Mumford Hartzel, Hope, Ind. Bittrich, Anna Hope, Ind. Black, Martha Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. Gipe, Indianapolis, Ind. Buerger, Anna Little Rock, Ark. Burcham, Alice Hope, Ind. Mrs. G. E. Jones, Indianapolis, Ind. 207 Names. Residences. Coleman. Emma Norristown, Ind. Mrs. Williams, Flatrock, Ind. Critchfield, Effie, deceased Jonesville, Ind. Dresel, Emilie Louisville, Ky. Evansville, Ind. Eckerly, Laura Memphis, Tenn. Ehman, Louisa Little Rock, Ark. Elliott, Mary Mil ford, Ind. Eppens, Lena Femme Osage, Mo. Mrs. L. Munzert, Evanston, 111. Fix, Josephine Hartsville, Ind. Gambold, Delia Veedersburg, Ind. Gambold, Lillie Hope, Ind. Mrs. F. Beckel, deceased, Colorado. George, Emma Hope, Ind. Mrs. Matson, Indianapolis, Ind. George, Ida Hope, Ind. Mrs. C. Cooper, Columbus, Ind. Henderson, Minna Milford, Ind. Holland, Jennie E Hope, Ind. Mrs. U. S. Winterrowd, deceased, Atchison, Kan. Irivin, Belle .Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. J. Q. Adams, deceased 1881, New York City. Irion. Helen, deceased Femme Osage, Mo. Israel, Minna West Salem, III. Mrs. W. G. Frank, Riverton, N. J. Israel, Anna West Salem, III. Mrs. George Schmierer, Cinnaminson, N. J. Jacob, Anna Cincinnati, O. Jelf, Belle Hope, Ind. Keating, Georgia Greencastle, Ind. Kiehlhorn, Anna, deceased Cannelton, Ind. Kobolt, Minna Chicago, III. Kobolt, Addie Chicago, III. Kramer, Louisa Little Rock, Ark. Mrs. G. J. Darragh, deceased, Little Rock, Ark. Kramer, Martha Little Rock, Ark. Laisy, Amelia Cleveland, O. Laisy, Mary Cleveland, O. Laisy, Ida Cleveland, 0. Michael, Emma, deceased Hope, Ind. Michael, Gertrude Hope, hid. Xave, Henrietta Tahlequah, Ind. Mrs. Hinton, Park Hill, Okla. Granddaughter of Chief John Ross, of Indian Territory. 208 Names. Residences. Plessner, Emma Saginaw, Mich. Porter. Martha, deceased Hope, Ind. Rees, Mary Lawrenceburg, Ind. Reussvvig, Augusta Lewiston, Minn. Rhodes, Nina \ Canal Dover, 0. Mrs. W. Kreiter, Toledo, 0. Rieger, Lydia Jefferson City, Mo. Riehl, Lizzie Chicago, III. Rominger, Sophia Hope, Ind. Mrs. D. W. Dodd, Hope, Ind. Roope, Lelia Hope, Ind. Mrs. L. Coleman, Racine, Wis. Ruede, Mary Hope, Ind. Mrs. W. Porterfield, Hartsville, Ind. Scheible, Mary Lowell Mills, Ind. Schelle, Marie Buffalo, N. Y. Mrs. Emil Gramm, deceased, New York City. Schloesser, Ida Chicago, III. Mrs. Thomsen. Schultz, Belle Hope, Ind. Mrs. Geo. B. Stapp. Columbus, Ind. Smiley, Margaret Forest Hill, Ind. Mrs. Johnson, Greensburg, Ind. Spaugh, Ella Hope, Ind. Mrs. H. Gay, Chicago, 111. Stanger, Mary Nashville, III. Stempel, Anna Cleveland, O. Mrs. J. Blickensderfer, Oxford, O. Stempel, Jennie Cleveland, O. Thompson, Susan Waynesville, Ind. Mrs. S. Conner, Columbus, Ind. Wesner, Harriet Hope, Ind. Mrs. H. Long, Indianapolis, Ind. White. Clara Rushville, Ind. Wiemeyer, Katherine New Bremen, O. Winchester, Claribel Hope, Ind. 20) Names. Residences. Ziegner, Augusta St. Louis Crossing, Ind. Zigler, Lillie Hope, Ind. Mrs. Cunningham, Indianapolis, Ind. Indiana 41 Ohio 9 Illinois 8 Missouri 4 Kentucky 3 \ Iowa 1 Michigan 1 Arkansas 4 Tennessee 1 New York 1 Indian Territory 1 Minnesota 1 Total 75 2IO TENTH SCHOLASTIC YEAR. 1 875-1876, BOARD OF TRUSTEES. Rev. Robert de Schweinitz, Rev. Lewis F. Kampmann, Rev. F. R. Holland. OFFICERS AND TEACHERS. Principal and Superintendent. Rev. F. R. Holland. Directress of the Household. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. Professor of Music. Mr. F. A. Albrecht. Resident Tutoresses. Miss Addie E. Peter, Miss Anna Luethi, Miss Sarah Baker, Miss Emma Wilkins, Miss Sarah Walter, deceased, Miss Harriet Fishel. Teachers of German. Miss Emma Wilkins, Mrs. A. E. Holland. Teachers of Instrumental Music. Miss Sarah Baker, Miss Emma Wilkins. Teacher of Vocal Music. Miss Anna R. Holland. Teacher of Drawing, Painting and Ornamental Work. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. Housekeeper. Mrs. Elizabeth Billiard. 21 I PUPILS. Senior Classes. 1868. Names. Second Year. Residences. Gower, Hebe F Hot Springs, Ark. Holland 1 ) Mary E York, Pa. Mrs. Rice. 1869. Third Year. McMurray, Lucy E Tuscarawas, 0. Hammond, Emma Tipton, Iowa. Peter, Addie E Gnadenhutten, O. 1870. Fourth Year. Dresel, Elise Louisville, Ky. Blickensderfer, Mary Tuscarawas, O. Rominger, Adelaide C New Albany, Ind. Kilgore, Ella Port Washington, O. Smith, Lizzie D West Flambow, Ont. Miller, Sarah Hope, Ind. 1871. No Class. 1872. Sixth Year. Brumley, Anna Louisville, Ky. Rarth, Emma Cincinnati, O. Thompson. Martha Waynesville, Ind. Thompson, Mary Waynesville, Ind. 1873. Seventh Year. Craig, Anna B Madison, Ind. Ketterer. Amelia Miltonsburg, O. Uecke, Emma C Freedom, Wis. Vogler, Louisa M Bothwell, Ont. Williams, Ella Edinburgh, Ind. 212 1874- Names. Eighth Year. Residences. Hartmann, Talitha Chicago, III. Hill, Florence Columbus, Ind. Jones, Florence Hope, Ind. Kilgore, Maggie R Port Washington, 0. Luethi, Anna Gnadenhiitten, O. Senseman, Emma Olney, III. Smiley, Mary \ Forest Hill, Ind. Uecke, Emily Freedom, Wis. Wilkins, Emma Worthington, Ind. Winchester, Kate Hope, Ind. i875- Ninth Year. Bauer, Mary Jefferson City, Mo. Black, Mattie Indianapolis, Ind. Rhodes, Nina Canal Dover, 0. Rieger, Lydia Jefferson City, Mo. Thompson, Susie Waynesville, Ind. 1876. Tenth Year. Artsman, Josephine Newport, Ky. Bigler, Cecelia Victor, Iowa. Plessner, Emma Saginaw City, Mich. Riehl, Lizzie Chicago, III. Stempel, Jennie Hamilton, O. PUPILS. Names. 1875-1876. Residences. Albright, Ella Hope, Ind. Mrs. Eug. G. Regennas, deceased, Hope, Ind. Alter, Mary Clay, Iowa. Mrs. M. Meacham, Grinnell, Iowa. Artsman, Augusta...' Newport, Ky. Mrs. J. Dennison, Newport, Ky. Artsman, Josephine Newport, Ky. Mrs. J. Coffin, Newport, Ky. Bachman, Sarah Hope, Ind. Mrs. M. O. Wooley, Hope, Ind. Bandi, Louisa New Martinsville, W.Va. Batchelor, Stella Cincinnati, O. 2I 3 Names. Residences. Bigler, Cecelia Victor, Iowa. Mrs. Wm. H. Romig, Grinnell, Iowa. Billiard, Addie Hope, Ind. Mrs. Lewis Rights, Indianapolis, Ind. Billiard, Dema Hope, Ind. , Mrs. Mumford Hartzel, Hope, Ind. Bittrich, Anna Hope, Ind. Buerger, Anna Little Rock, Ark. Burcham, Alice Hope, Ind. Mrs. G. E. Jones, Indianapolis. Ind. Clark, Ella Cincinnati, O. Coleman, Emma Winterrowd, Ind. Mrs. E. Williams, Flatrock Cave, Ind. Critchfield, Eme Jonesvile, Ind. Detterer, Amelia Watertown, Wis. Mrs. Joseph Bauer, Riverside, N. J. Elliott, May Clifty, Ind. Eckerly, Laura Memphis, Tenn. Fix, Josephine Hartsvillc, Ind. Ford, Mary Madison, Ind. Gambold, Delia Veedersburg, Ind. Gambold, Lillie Hope, Ind. Mrs. F. Beckel, deceased, Col. Hawthorne, Sallie Newport, Ky. Holland, Jane E Hope, Ind. Mrs. N. S. Winterrowd, deceased, Atchison, Kan. Israel, Anna West Salem, III. Mrs. G. Schmierer, Cinnaminson, N. J. Keating, Georgia Greencastle, Ind. Keehln, Addie Hope, Ind. Mrs. E. Williams, deceased, West. Kielhorn. Anna, deceased Cannelton, Ind. Kobolt, Minna Chicago, III. Kramer, Mattie, deceased Little Rock, Ark. Laisy, Amelia Cleveland, O. Laisy, Ida Cleveland, O. Laisy, Mary Cleveland, O. May. Callie Petersville, Ind. Mrs. Clint. Handley, Columbus, Ind. Magee, Amanda Rushville, Ind. Meyer, Lizzie Pittsburgh, Pa. Michael, Emma, deceased Hope, Ind. Michael, Gertrude Hope, Ind. Mueller, Olga Chicago, III. Mrs. Paul Kreismann. 214 Names. Residences. Nave, Henrietta Tahlequah, Ind. Ter. Mrs. Hinton, Oklahoma. Plessner, Emma Saginaw City, Mich. Rees, Mary Lawrenceburg, Ind. Reller, Emma Cumberland, Ind. Reiling, Lena Louisville, Ky. Mrs. Brinke, Louisville, Ky. Reusswig, Augusta Lewiston, Minn. Reutti, Lillie Hamilton, 0. Mrs. Martin Mason, deceased. Riehl, Lizzie, deceased Chicago, III. Rominger, Sophia C Hope, Ind. Mrs. D. W. Dodd, deceased, Hope, Ind. Roope, Anna Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. Pell, Indianapolis, Ind. Ruede, Mary Hope, Ind. Mrs. Porterfield, Hartsville, Ind. Senff. Amelia Hope, Ind. Mrs. Thornton. SenfF, Anna Hope, Ind. Mrs. Dr. Hart. Shultz. Belle Hope, Ind. Mrs. Geo. B. Stapp, Columbus, Ind. Shultz, Miranda Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. C. Fishel, Hope, Ind. Sigler, Adele Osceola, Iowa. Standish, Mary Cincinnati, 0. Mrs. Thomas Allen, Newport, Ky. Stempel, Anna Hamilton, O. Mrs. J. Blickensderfer, Oxford, O. Stempel, Jennie Hamilton, O. Warner. Nora Flat Rock, Ind. Mrs. Nading, Flat Rock. Ind. Wesner, Harriet Hope, Ind. Mrs. Long, Indianapolis, Ind. White, Clara Rushville, Ind. Wikoff, Olive Rushville, Ind. Williams, Charity Edinburgh, Ind. Mrs. Martin Cutsinger, Edinburgh, Ind. Wilson, Edith Muncie, Ind. Wilson, Clara Elizabethtown, Ind. 2I 5 Names. Residences. Wilson. Rebecca Elizabethtown, Ind. Zigler, Lillie Hope, Ind. Mrs. Cunningham, Indianapolis, Ind. Indiana 40 Ohio 10 Kentucky 4 Illinois 4 Iowa 3 Arkansas 2 Tennessee 1 Michigan 1 West Virginia 1 Minnesota 1 Pennsylvania 1 Indian Territory 1 70 2l6 ELEVENTH AND TWELFTH SCHOLASTIC YEARS 1877-1878 BOARD OF TRUSTEES. Rev. Robert de Schweinitz, Rev. Lewis F. Kampmann, Rev. F. R. Holland. OFFICERS AND TEACHERS. Principal and Superintendent. Rev. F. R. Holland. Directress of the Household. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. Professor of Music. Mr. F. A. Albrecht. Resident Tutoresses. Miss Sarah Baker, Miss Harriet Fishel, Miss Mary Heberhart, Miss Augusta Uecke, Miss Nina Rhodes, Miss Mary A. Fogle, Miss E. L. Senseman. Teachers of German. Miss A. Uecke, Prof. Albrecht. Teachers of Instrumental Music. Miss Nina Rhodes, Miss M. Heberhart. Teacher of Vocal Music and Ornamental Work. Miss Anna R. Holland. Teacher of Drawing and Painting. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland. Housekeeper. Mrs. Elizabeth Billiard. 217 PUPILS. Senior Classes. Names. 1868. Residences. Gower, Hebe F Hot Springs, Ark. Mrs. Rector. Holland, Mary E York, Pa. Mrs. Rice. 1869. McMurray, Lucy E Tuscarawas, O. Hammond, Emma Tipton, Iowa. Peter, Addie E Gnadenhutten, O. 1870. Dresel, Elise Louisville, Ky. Blickensderfer, Mary Tuscarawas, O. Rominger, Adelaide C New Albany, Ind. Kilgore, Ella Port Washington, O. Smith, Lizzie D West Flambow, Out. Miller, Sarah Hope, Ind. 1872. Brumley, Anna Louisville, Ky. Barth, Emma Cincinnati, O. Thompson, Martha Waynesville, Ind. Thompson, Mary Waynesville, Ind. 1873. Craig, Anna B Madison, Ind. Williams, Ella Edinburgh, Ind. Ketterer, Amelia Miltonsburg, 0. Uecke, Emma C Freedom, Wis. Vogler, Louisa M Bothwell, Ont. 1874. Hartmann, Talitha Chicago, III. Hill, Florence Columbus, Ind. Jones, Florence Hope, Ind. Kilgore, Maggie R Port Washington, O. Luethi, Anna Gnadenhutten, O. Senseman, Emma Olney, III. Smiley, Mary Forest Hill, Ind. 8 218 Names. Residences. Uecke, Emily Freedom, Wis. Wilkins, Emma Worthington, Ind. Winchester, Kate Hope, Ind. 1875- Bauer, Mary Jefferson City, Mo. Black, Mattie Indianapolis, Ind. Rhodes, Nina \ Canal Dover, 0. Rieger, Lydia Jefferson City, Mo. Thompson, Susie Waynesville, Ind. 1876. Artsman, Josephine Newport, Ky. Bigler, Cecelia .' Victor, Iowa. Clark, Ella C Cincinnati, 0. Plessner, Emma Saginaw City, Mich. Riehl, Lizzie Chicago, III. Stempel, Jennie Hamilton, O. 1877. Shultz, Miranda Hope, Ind. Sigler, Adele Osceola, Iowa. Wikoff, Olive Rushville, Ind. Wilson, Clara Elizabethtown, Ind. Wilson, Rebecca Elizabethtown, Ind. PUPILS. Names. 1876-1878. Residences. Albright, Ella Hope, Ind. Mrs. Eug. G. Regennas , deceased. Artsman, Augusta Newport, Ky. Mrs. J. Dennison, Newport, Ky. Artsman, Sarah, deceased Newport, Ky. Augspurger, Mary Louise Trenton, O. Mrs. John Kennel, Trenton, O. Billiard, Addie Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. Rights. Billiard, Dema Hope, Ind. Mrs. M. Hartzel. Blakeslee, Eda Du Quoin, III. 219 Names. Residences. Boal. Nannie Louise Newport, Ky. Boesel, Emma New Bremen, 0. Chambers, Jennie Edinburgh, Ind. Mrs. Joe Carvin, Edinburgh, Ind. Daily, Emma Adams, Ind. Daily, Ida Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. Ida Riley. Deming, Clara B Edinburgh, Ind. Mrs. J. A. Thompson, Indianapolis. Ind. Detterer, Amelia Watertown, Wis. Mrs. Joseph Bauer, Riverside, N. J. Eisenmeyer, Matilda Mascoutah, III. Elliott, Nora Shelbyville, Ind. Fichtner, Alice Louisville, Ky. Gerty, Katherine Madison, Ind. Grove, Ada Columbus, Ind. Gustin, Capitola V. E Osceola, Iowa. Mrs. C. Wilson, Ogden, Utah. Hawthorn, Sarah Newport, Ky. Hatton, Alice Sulphur Hill, Ind. Hirshler, Susan L Summerfield, III. Holland, Jane E Hope, Ind. Mrs. N. S. Winterrowd, deceased, Atchison, Kan. Keating, Georgia Greencastle, Ind. King, Ora Adams, Ind. Laisy, Amelia Cleveland, O. Mrs. J. A. Jury, Mayfield, Cal. Laisy, Emma Cleveland, O. Mrs. E. Guhl, Los Angeles, Cal. Laisy, Ida Cleveland, O. Laisy, Mary Cleveland O. Lehman, Lydia Ephraim, Wis. Mrs. E. Kolb, Unionville, Mich. May, Caroline Petersville, Ind. Mrs. Clint. Hanley, Petersville, Ind. Magee. Amanda Rushville, Ind. Michael, Emma, deceased '.Hope, Ind. Michael. Gertrude Hope, Ind. Michael, Susan M West Salem, III. Mueller, Olga Chicago, III. Mrs. Paul Kreismann. Pendleton. Jeannette Covington, Ky. Pierce, Jane West Salem, III. Mrs. Van Gunten, West Salem. 111. Pletcher, Louisa Cleveland, O. Mrs. Charles Meches, Cleveland, O. 220 Rhodes, Rosa Beach City, 0. Mrs. R. Garver, Elyria, O. Riley, Julia C Rushville, Ind. Mrs. John Winship, Rushville, Ind. Riley, Frances H Rushville, Ind. Rominger, Sophia C Hope, Ind. Mrs. D. W. Dodd, deceased, Hope, Ind. Rosencrans, Jane Winterrowd, Ind. Rothschild, Amelia Clifty, Ind. Mrs. J. H. Wolf, Greely, Col. Ruede, Mary Hartsville, Ind. Mrs. Porterfield, Hartsville, Ind. Rossi, Ellen Cincinnati, O. Schmidt, Amelia New Bremen, O. Shultz, Belle Hope, Ind. Mrs. Geo. B. Stapp, Columbus, Ind. Shultz, Miranda Hope, Ind. Mrs. J. C. Fishel, Hope, Ind. Sigler, Adele, deceased Osceola, Iowa. Singer, Alma Peoria, III. Smith, Katherine Covington, Ky. Sonderman, Anna Seymour, Wis. Mrs. H. Richter, Green Bay, Wis. Sonderman, Bertha Green Bay, Wis. Mrs. Bierlein, Milwaukee, Wis. Sonderman, Ida Seymour, Wis. Mrs. G. C. Bierlein, deceased, Seymour, Wis. Spaugh, Elizabeth Hope, Ind. Mrs. Geo. Simmons, Eureka, Kan. Stanger, Frederika L Oakville, III. Stanley, Anna Madison, Ind. Weber, Henrietta Madison, Ind. Wesner, Harriet Hope, Ind. Mrs. Long, Indianapolis, Ind. Wikoff, Olive Rushville, Ind. Wilson, Clara Elicabcthtown, Ind. Wilson, Rebecca Elizabcthtown, Ind. Williams, Ida B Edinburgh. Ind. 221 Winship, Aggie Rushville, Ind. Mrs. Kelly, Rushville, Ind. Zigler, Lillie Hope, Ind. Mrs. Cunningham, deceased, Indianapolis, Ind. Indiana 36 Ohio 10 Kentucky 7 Wisconsin 5 Illinois 8 Iowa 2 Total 68 222 THIRTEENTH SCHOLASTIC YEAR. 1879. BOARD OF TRUSTEES. The Rt. Rev. Edmund de Schweinitz, The Rev. Henry J. Van Vleck, The Rev. Eugene Leibert, The Rev. Henry T. Bach man, The Rev. Herman S. Hoffman. OFFICERS AND TEACHERS. 1878- 1879. Principal and Superintendent. Rev. F. R. Holland, deceased. Directress of the Household. Mrs. Augusta E. Holland, deceased. Professor of Music. Mr. F. A. Albrecht. Resident Tutoresses. Miss Augusta Uecke, Miss Emma Senseman, Miss Emily Uecke, Miss Lizzie Ricksecker. Housekeeper. Mrs. Elizabeth Billiard. 223 PUPILS. Names. 1878-1879. Residences. Albright, Ella Hope, Ind. Anderson, Lizzie Ephraim, Wis. Billiard, Addie Hope, Ind. Billiard, Dema Hope, Ind. Chambers, Jane Edinburgh, Ind. Deming, Clara Edinburgh, Ind. Gustin, Capitola Osceola, Iowa. Haas, Mary Hope, Ltd. Hedrick, Irene West Salem, III. Hershler, Susan Summerfield, III. Keating, Georgia Greencastle, Ind. Lehman, Lydia Ephraim, Wis. Michael, Emma Hope, Ind. Michael. Gertrude Hope, Ind. Pierce, Jane West Salem, III. Riley, Frances H Ruslwille, Ind. Riley, Julia C Rushville, Ind. Rominger, Sophia Hope, Ind. Sonderman, Bertha Seymour, Wis. Sonderman, Ida Seymour, Wis. Thompson, Nora Waynesville, Ind. Indiana 13 Wisconsin 4 Illinois 3 Iowa 1 Total 21 2 2 4 FOURTEENTH AND FIFTEENTH SCHOLASTIC YEARS. 1881 TRUSTEES. The Rt. Rev. Edmund de Schweinitz, The Rev. H. T. Bach man, The Rev. H. S. Hoffman, The Rev. Eugene Leibert, The Rev. Henry J. Van Vleck, OFFICERS AND TEACHERS. 1879-1881. Principal and Superintendent. Rev. Jesse Blickensderfer. Directress of the Household. Mrs. J. Blickensderfer. Teacher of Music. Miss Anna Stempel. Resident Tutoresses. Miss Elizabeth Rondthaler, Miss Anna Stempel. Housekeeper. Mrs. Elizabeth Billiard. 225 PUPILS. Senior Classes. 1868. Gower, Hebe F Conway, Ark. Mrs. Rector. Holland. Mary E Buffalo, N.Y. Mrs. Rice. McMurray, Lucy E New Philadelphia, O. Mrs. Gentsch. Hammond, Emma Des Moines, Iowa. Mrs. Neiman, deceased. Peter, Addie E Bethlehem, Pa. Mrs. Schultze. 1870. Dresel, Elise Evansville, Ind. Blickensderfer, Mary Alliance, O. Mrs. Russell. Rominger. Adelaide C Hope, Ind. Kilgore, Ella Port Washington, O. Mrs. Emerson, deceased. Smith, Elizabeth D Maitland, Fla. Mrs. Benson. Miller, Sarah Hope, Ind. Mrs. Kemp. 1872. Brumley, Anna Louisville, Ky. Mrs. Williams. Barth, Emma Ashland, Kan. Mrs Gabbert, deceased. Thompson, Martha Waynesville, Ind. Mrs. Spurgeon. Thompson. Mary Waynesville, Ind. Mrs. Newsome. deceased 1873. Craig, Anna B Crafton, Pa. Mrs. Safford. Williams. Ella Edinburgh, Ind. 226 Names. Residences. Ketterer. Amelia Miltonsburg, O. Uecke, Emma Grand Rapids, Wis. Mrs. Madsen. Vogler, Louise M Both-well, Ont. 1874. Hartmann, Talithia ^ Los Angeles, Cal. Mrs. Kohlsaat , deceased. Hill, Florence, deceased Columbus, Ind. Jones, Florence Summit Hill, Ind. Mrs. Phillipy. Kilgore, Maggie R Port Washington, 0. Mrs. O'Donntll, deceased. I.uethi, Anna New Philadelphia, Pa. Mrs. Richards, deceased. Senseman, Emma Philadelphia, Pa. Smiley, Mary, deceased Forest Hill, Ind. Uecke, Emily Seymour, Wis. Mrs. Dittmer. Wilkins, Emma, deceased Worthington, Ind. . Winchester, Kate Hope, Ind. Mrs. Smith. 1875. Bauer, Mary lefferson City, Mo. Black, Martha Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. Gipe. Rhodes, Nina Toledo, O. Mrs. Kreiter. Rieger, Lydia Jefferson City, Mo. Thompson, Susan Columbus, Ind. Mrs. Conner. 1876. Artsman. Josephine Newport, Ky. Mrs. Coffin. Bigler, Cecelia Grinnell, Iowa. Mrs. Romig. Clark, Ella C Cincinnati, 0. Plessner, Emma Saginaw City, Mich. Riehl, Lizzie, deceased Chicago, III. Stempel, Jennie Cleveland, O. 227 Names. 1877. Residences. Shultz, Miranda Hope, Ind. Mrs. Fishel. Sigler, Adele, deceased Osceola, Iowa. Wikoff, Olive Rushville, Ind. Wilson, Clara Elizabethtown, Ind. Wilson, Rebecca Elizabethtown, Ind. Thompson, Nora Elizabethtown, Ind. Mrs. Daugherty. Billiard, Addie Hope, Ind. Mrs. Rights. Lehman, Lydia Unionville, Mich. Mrs. Kolb. Billiard, Dema Hope, Ind. Mrs. Hartzel. PUPILS. Anderson, Julia Ephraim, Wis. Mrs. Alex. Johnson, Sturgeon Bay, Wis. Anderson, Lizzie Ephraim, Wis. Billiard, Addie Hope, Ind. Mrs. L. Rights, Indianapolis, Ind. Billiard, Dema Hope, Ind. Mrs. M. Hartzel, Hope, Ind. Blickensderfer, Esther Hope, Ind. Oxford, O. Biickensderfer, Grace Hope, Ind. Mrs. F. R. Nitzschke, New Brighton, S. I., N. Y. Gebhardt, Louise North field, Minn. Mrs. F. H. Oehler, Devil's Lake, North Dakota. Grissom, May Hope, Ind. Haas, Mary, deceased Hope, Ind. Hallenberg, Emma, deceased Louisville, Ky. Hegewald, Emma New Albany, Ind. Mrs. A. E. Riley, New Albany, Ind. Lehman, Lydia Ephraim, Wis. Mrs. Eustace Kolb, Unionville, Mich. Maley, Alice Hope, Ind. Michael, Carrie Hope, Ind. Michael, Emma, deceased Hope, Ind. Michael, Gertrude Hope, Ind. 228 Names. Residences. Pattison, Lizzie Falmouth, Rush Co., Ind. Pierce, Jane West Salem, III. Mrs. Van Gunten, West Salem, 111. Rominger, Sophia C Hope, Ind. Mrs. D. W. Dodd, deceased, Hope, Ind. Sim, Carrie Louisville, Ky. Mrs. Dusch, Louisville, Ky. Sonderman, Bertha Seymour, Wis. Mrs. Bierlein, Milwaukee, Wis. Sonderman, Ida Seymour, Wis. Mrs. G. C. Bierlein, deceased, Seymour, Wis. Schmuck, Blanch Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. Will Vance, Indianapolis, Ind. Spaugh, Maggie Hope, Ind. Specht, Mary Hope, Ind. Mrs. Sam'l Michael, Lawrence, Ind. Stengel, Elenora Utica, Mont. Mrs. Theo. Albert, R. R. Hector, Minn. Stengel, Minnie Utica, Mont. Mrs. David Brown, Utica, Mont. Trimble, Carrie Greensburg, Ind. Mrs. C. McCoy, Greensburg, Ind. Thompson, Nora Waynesville, Ind. Mrs. Wm. Daugherty, Elizabethtown, Ind. Wedekind, Emma Louisville, Ky. Weegmann, Louisa Indianapolis, Ind. Mrs. Fred. M. Loomis, Indianapolis, Ind. Wright, Sophia Hartsville, Ind. Mrs. Alley, Waldron, Ind. Indiana 19 Kentucky 2 Wisconsin 5 Illinois 1 Minnesota 1 Total 28 229 THE FIRST TEN BOARDERS. November 19, i866-July, 1867. 1. Blickensderfer, Cornelia Tuscarawas, O. 2. McMurray, Lucy Tuscarawas, 0. 3. Schweitzer, Mollie Shelbyville, Ind. 4. Schroeder, Mary Shelbyville, Ind. 5. Hinman, Betty Columbus, Ind. 6. Jones, Alice Greencastle, Ind. 7. Toner, Susie Edinburgh, Ind. 8. Rominger, Addie Franklin, Ind. 9. Gower, Hebe Iowa City, Iowa. 10. Uecke, Emma Green Bay, Wis. A HISTORY Moravian Mission Among the Indians WHITE RIVER IN INDIANA HARRY EMILIUS STOCKER, Ph.D. BETHLEHEM, PA. Times Ptblishing Co.. Printers 1917 233 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER I. — How the Mission came to be Established. CHAPTER II. — The Missionaries Called and their Journey to Goshen. CHAPTER III.— The Journey from Goshen to the White River. CHAPTER IV. — The Beginning of the Mission. CHAPTER V.— Difficulties in the Way of Success. CHAPTER VI. — Inconsistencies of the Christian Indians and the Discouragement of the Missionaries. CHAPTER VII. — Progress of the Work. CHAPTER VIII.— The Clouds over the Mission become Threatening. CHAPTER IX. — Stirring Events leading to the Abandon- ment of the Mission. CHAPTER X. — The Station Abandoned and the Missionaries, return to Bethlehem. It 235 PREFACE For more than a century the historic details connected with the Indian Mission on the White River were locked up in well- preserved German manuscripts in the Provincial Archives of the Moravian Church at Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, where they were placed when the work had to be abandoned. Little use was made of this wealth of material by historians, with the result that perhaps less is known of this mission than of any other Mora- vian labors for the conversion of the Indians. Therefore much of what is contained in this first complete history of the White River Mission has never appeared before, and for this reason, many minor details, which otherwise might have been omitted, are mentioned. At the same time that the history was under preparation, the writer made for the Indiana Historical Society a complete trans- lation of the original diary of the mission and of the many letters which the missionaries wrote to the Helpers' Conference, so the reader of these pages enjoys all the fruits of these necessarily painstaking labors. While the author experienced all the thrills of the pioneer as he made his way through the century-old manuscripts, this privilege did not come to him by right of dis- covery. It was Professor William N. Schwarze, Ph.D., the Pro- vincial Archivist, who first called attention to this unoccupied field for historic research, and at his suggestion the history was written. All that he did is herewith gratefully acknowledged. The principal sources of information are : The Mission Diary ; Diary of the Missionaries' Journey from Bethlehem to Goshen on the Muskingum, in Ohio; Diary of the Missionaries' Journey from Goshen to the White River ; Letters of the Missionaries to the Helpers' Conference ; Diary of the Missionaries' Journey from the White River to Bethlehem ; Diary of the Goshen Indian Mission ; Minutes of the General Helpers' Conference ; Reports of the Unity's Elders' Conference ; and the Diary of the Bethle- hem Moravian Church. Additional information was found in the following : A written copy of the autobiography of John Peter Kluge ; the written 236 autobiography of Abraham Luckenbach ; Drake's Life of Tecumseh ; Heckewelder's Indian Nations ; Heckewelder's Nar- rative of Moravian Missions among the Indians ; de Schweinitz' Life and Times of David Zeisberger ; Loskiel's History of Mis- sions among the Indians of North America ; Zeisberger's Diary, 1781-1798, translated by E. P. Bliss; The Lenape and their Legends, by Daniel G. Brinton ; Dillon's History of Indiana, and many other works. The writer also gratefully acknowledges the information bearing on the exact location of the Mission Station, Muncie Town and Woapicamikunk, which was given by Arthur W. Brady, Esquire, of Anderson, Indiana. Harry E. Stocker. South Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. 237 INTRODUCTORY Moravian Missions Among the North American Indians The Moravians began their missionary labors among the In- dians of North America in the colony of Georgia, where they had secured two grants of land, one of five hundred acres on the Ogeechee River, and another of fifty acres near the city of Savannah. Under the able leadership of the gifted August Gott- lieb Spangenberg, formerly professor in Jena and Halle, a colony of ten arrived in Savannah, February 6, 1735. Another com- pany of twenty persons from Herrnhut, led by David Nitsch- mann, came soon after. Among the latter were the parents of David Zeisberger. Their son, whose distinguished service of sixty-three years among his Brown Brethren won him the sobriquet, 'Apostle to the Indians," came later. Mission work was begun at once among the Creeks and Cherokees. A school for Indian children was established on the island of Irene, about five miles from Savannah. The Indians were fairly receptive to the gospel and at first the prospects for the success of the mission were encouraging, but after a period of about four years, war between England and Spain, with its attendant Indian hostilities, made it necessary, for the time be- ing, to abandon the work. In the spring of 1740, the Moravian colony was transferred to what is now Nazareth, Pennsylvania. Later attempts to christianize the Cherokees were attended with indifferent success. In July, 1740, Christian Heinrich Rauch, a twenty-two-year- old Moravian, arrived in the city of New York, where he made the acquaintance of two drunken Mohican Indians, by the name of Wasamapah* or Tschoop and Schabasch, whom he accom- *A gifted, but profligate Chief of the Mohicans, who became one of the most distinguished Indian converts won by the Moravians. He was known as Job among the traders. Some German, unacquainted with English, mentioned this name in a written report, spelling it as he pronounced it, and Wasamapah became familiarly known as "Tschoop," some people 2 3 8 panied to their village Schekomeko, where his earnest proclama- tion of the gospel soon bore fruit. Two years later four Indians, with Wasamapah and Schabasch among the number, received Christian baptism. At the close of the year 1742, there were thirty-one Christian Indians. The missionaries Pyrlaeus, Buettner and Mack were sent to Ranch's assistance, and m a short time the work spread to Con- necticut, where flourishing stations sprung into existence in the Indian villages of Pachgatgoch, Wechquadnach and Gnadensee. Wherever the Word of God was preached, it was received with joy. Meanwhile Satan likewise bestirred himself. Unscrupulous whites, whose nefarious liquor traffic suffered from the spread of the gospel among the Indians, charged the missionaries with being Papists in disguise and enemies of Great Britain. The missionaries were ready enough to deny the charge, and willing, too, to affirm their allegiance to England, but they were not prepared to take an oath, for conscientious reasons. Thereupon the New York Assembly made the oath of allegiance obligatory and declared "vagrant preachers, Moravians or disguisedPapists" subject to a fine of forty pounds and six months' imprisonment, and expulsion from the colony, if the offense should be repeated. When the Brethren Christian Frederick Post and David Zeis- berger went to New York to study the Indian language, they were arrested as spies and imprisoned for seven weeks. Under these adverse circumstances it was impossible to carry on the work, and the missionaries were withdrawn. Quite a number of the Christian Indians followed their teachers to eastern Pennsylvania, in 1746. They located at a place near Bethlehem and called it Friedenshuetten. Unable to find suf- ficient support in this neighborhood, the Brethren purchased for them two hundred acres of land at the point where the Mahom empties its waters into the Lehigh, about thirty miles above Bethlehem. The Christian village received the name of Gnaden- mistakenly thinking that this was an Indian word. His baptismal name was John. He was thoroughly converted, and immediately after his baptism in April, 1742, he became a valuable assistant to the missionaries. He was an eloquent speaker, and Bishop Spangenberg declared that he had the countenance of a Luther. August 27, 1746, Tschoop died of small- pox, in Bethlehem, Pa., where he was buried in the Moravian grave-yard. 239 huetten on the Mahoni. In a short time the new settlement had five hundred inhabitants. The mission prospered in every way until the year 1755, when war broke out between England and France. The heathen Indians joined the French and engaged in a campaign of wholesale murder and pillage. They made an unexpected attack on defenseless Gnadenhuetten, burned the mission buildings, and ten missionaries and their wives, besides a child, became a prey to their savage cruelty. The Christian Indians, about six hundred in all, were scattered in all direc- tions, some of them finding refuge at Bethlehem and Nazareth. Some of the fugitives settled Nain, near Bethlehem, and Wechquetank* on the north side of the Blue Mountains, but the sentiment of the white settlers was strongly against the Indians, whether Christian or heathen, and, as a result of it, one hundred and forty members of these congregations were dragged to Philadelphia, where they and their teachers languished in prison for one whole year (1764-1765). Many of them died of small- pox. Those who survived the imprisonment decided to push into the wilderness to get away from the white people, and consequently accepted the invitation of Papunhank, an Indian prophet who had been converted under the ministrations of Zeisberger, to accompany him to the junction of the Wyalusing and the Susquehanna, in what is now Bradford County. As a result, the flourishing settlement of Friedenshuetten sprung into existence at that place, in 1765. This mission won a great many converts among the heathen. Three years later Zeisberger founded a new station on the Allegheny and called it Friedens- staedt. Among the converts gained here was the renowned chieftain and orator, named Glikkikan.-}- *Wechquetank consisted of a tract of 1400 acres within the present limits of Monroe County, Pennsylvania. The mission was begun with thirty baptized Indians under Missionary Gottlob Sensemann, in April. 1760. It was abandoned three years later as a result of Pontiac's War. tGlikkikan was a sachem renowned as a warrior and an orator of great ability. Having silenced the Jesuits many a time, and Protestant mis- sionaries as well, he went to the mission-house on the Allegheny River for the express purpose of vanquishing the Christian teacher in argument, but Christ touched his heart and he became a Christian. He became an efficient 240 In 1771, Zeisberger visited the Delawares in the Tuscarawas Valley of Ohio and preached to them the first evangelical ser- mon delivered in that State. The Grand Council of the Dela- wares decided to put a large tract of land in the Tuscarawas at the disposal of the Christian Indians and formally invited the congregations at Friedenshuetten and Friedensstaedt to come and settle on it. The invitation was accepted and in due time mission stations were established at Schoenbrunn, Gnaden- huetten, Lichtenau and Salem. The Brethren Sensemann, Jung, John Heckewelder and Edwards assisted Zeisberger in, his labors here. It was a time of unexampled prosperity until the year 1781, when the Revolutionary War broke out and the Christian Indians and their teachers were driven out of the Tuscarawas Valley. Four hundred of them were dragged into the wilderness and left to their fate on the Sandusky. After much suffering, one hundred and fifty Indians begged per- mission in February, 1782, to return to their plundered settle- ments to gather what they could find of their harvests. The re- sult was the Gnadenhuetten massacre, in which twenty-nine men, twenty-seven women and thirty-four children lost their lives. A number of scattered Christian Indians found refuge among the Delawares on the White River, in what is now Indiana, while others established themselves eventually at Fairfield, Canada. A number of the latter found their way back to Ohio, in 1798, and established Goshen, which existed until the year 1823, when the few who still remained removed to Fairfield. In 1837, a number of Fairfield Christians accompanied the missionaries Vogler and Miksch to Kansas, where New Westfield was estab- lished among the Delawares. This work did not prosper, and eventually Moravian labors among the Indians at this place as well as at Fairfield, ceased. helper and rendered great service to the mission in spite of the bitter persecutions to which he was subjected by his chief and former friends. His Christian name was Isaac. He perished in the Gnadenhuetten massacre, in 1782. 241 THE MORAVIAN MISSION AMONG THE INDIANS ON THE WHITE RIVER IN INDIANA CHAPTER I How the Mission Came to be Established In the twilight of the eighteenth century, smoke might have been seen curling its way from the peaked roofs of the thatched huts of Indians living on the White River in what is now the State of Indiana. At least a thousand Indians had their homes in this vicinity. Of these the majority were Delawares, living in nine different villages which lay about five miles apart. This region they regarded as their ancient seat*, consequently, when driven westward by the encroachments and treachery of the whites, they settled here with the hope of rekindling their national council fire. Woapicamikunk (White River town), situated about three miles east of the present city of Muncie and lying on the same side of the river, was their principal town. Unfortunately an unquenchable thirst for whisky wrought fearful havoc among them. In winter they would go five or six days' journey into the woods to hunt and after their return in late spring or early summer, they would spend most of their time in debauchery. They would often drag a hundred gallons of whisky into one of their towns, and after they once had a taste of it, they would not stop until the last drop was gone. They would not only give their last cent for the terrible intoxi- cant, but even the shirts from their backs. After some of their *According to their own tradition, the Delaware Indians originally re- sided in the extreme western part of the American continent, whence they emigrated eastward. When a powerful tribe living in the Mississippi River valley disputed their way, they joined the Iroquois in a war against it and succeeded in driving out the enemy, whereupon the conquerors took possession of the country, the Iroquois choosing the lands in the vicinity of the great lakes, and the Delawares settling on those to the south. Here they claimed to have lived for hundreds of years. Gradually they moved •east, where they made the Delaware River the center of their possessions. 242 carousals it was no uncommon sight to see a large number of Indians without a shred of clothing to their name. The war- chiefs themselves were guilty of drunkenness and even had whisky brought into the villages where their wives dispensed it to the people. The Delawares were indolent and for the most part un- ambitious. All the work was done by the women, whose princi- pal occupation was cutting and bringing in the fire wood, tilling the ground, sowing and reaping the grain, pounding the corn for their pottage and bread, and in season making maple sugar. Apart from simple cooking, their household labors were few. Much of the outside work was considerably lightened and at the same time made enjoyable by having a "bee" or frolic. Both the men and the women were greatly attached to their children and relatives. Gossiping, deceitfulness and' lying were common faults. Whatever their character may have been before they came in contact with the white man, it is certain that they were a very degraded people when they lived on the White River. David Zeisberger,* who gave the best years of his life to mis- *David Zeisberger, "the apostle of the Delawares," was born in Zauch- tenthal, Bohemia, in 1721. When he was five years old, his parents fled to Herrnhut, for conscience' sake, and later emigrated to Georgia, whither sixteen-year-old David followed them from Holland, where he had been placed in school. From Georgia he went to Bethlehem, Pennsylvania, where he was converted. He consecrated himself to the cause of missions among the Indians. In New York, where he had gone to perfect himself in the Indian language, he was arrested as a spy and imprisoned for two months. Soon after his release from prison, he accompanied Bishop Spangenberg to Onondaga, the capital of the Six Nations, where he built a mission-house and was made keeper of the Grand Council archives. He was greatly beloved by the Indians, whom he called his "Brown Brethren." The Iroquois adopted him into their tribe and he was enrolled as a mem- ber of the Turtle clan. He was also naturalized by the Monseys. Through his labors, extending over sixty-three years, many hundreds of savages were led to embrace a consistent Christian life. He was fluent in the Delaware, Mohawk and Onondaga languages and familiar with many Indian dialects. His literary labors include a translation of the Bible and the Moravian hymn-book into Delaware, the compilation of a German- Delaware dictionary, and the composition of Onondaga and Delaware grammars. His itinerary led him to labor in Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan and Canada. His Indian name 243 sionary labors among the Delawares, regarded them as the most ordinary and vile of savages. They were said to have been more opposed to the gospel than any other Indian nation, which is not surprising, perhaps, when we remember that so many Christian converts from among their number were massacred in cold blood.* Three tribes comprised the Delaware nation. They were the Turtle or Unami, the Turkey or Unalachtgo, and the Wolf or Minsi, which has been corrupted into Monsey. According to an ancient custom, the chief selected from the Turtle tribe was the head of the nation. This man was called the Peace Chief. As such he could neither go to war nor receive the war belt or string of dark wampum, which signified a declaration of hostili- ties. At the time of our history, Tedpachsit or Tatapachkse, a quiet, inoffensive and harmless man of sixty or more, was the Head Chief, having been elected to this position not long after the murder of his predecessor by Colonel David Williamson's party near Pittsburgh, in 1782. Though he never became a Christian, he was a man of fairly good character and had as such the best interests of his people at heart. In 1802, accom- panied by a number of his warriors, he visited in the city of Washington and, on his way home, stopped for a while at Lititz, where he was entertained in the most hospitable manner by the Brethren. Tedpachsit was assisted in the rule of his people by the war- chiefs, Pachgantschihilas or Pakantchilas and Hocking- pomsga. The latter was renowned as a witch-doctor. He was not only given to drink but dealt in whisky and derived from this nefarious traffic his only source of income. Needless to say, he was no friend of the Christian or white man. Pachgantschi- hilas was an aged and renowned warrior and a hardened pagan, strongly opposed to the conversion of his people to Christianity. Whatever he said in favor of Christianity or Chris- was Ganousseracheri. which means "on the pumpkin." Zeisberger died, in 1808, at Goshen, on the Muskingum River, Ohio. *The two principal massacres were the one of Gnadenhuetten on the Mahoni in Pennsylvania, in 1755. and that of Gnadenhuetten on the Mus- kingum in Ohio, in 1782. 244 tian teachers was therefore sheer pretense. A great amount of shrewdness combined with unusual oratorical ability made him an influential factor among the Indians. They regarded him as their Washington. His address* to the Moravian Indians some time before the Gnadenhuetten massacre on the Muskingum is a striking evidence of his farsightedness, for in it he tried his best to persuade them to remove from the Tuscarawas to a place of safety. "I admit," said he, "that there are good white men, but they bear no proportion to the bad. The bad must be the stronger for they rule. They do what they please. They enslave those who are not of their color. They would make slaves of us, if they could, but as they cannot do it, they kill us. There is no faith to be placed in their words. They are not like the Indians, who are only enemies while at war, and are friends in peace. They will say to an Indian, 'My friends — My brother !' They will take him by the hand and at the same time destroy him. And so you (addressing the Christian Indians) will also be treated by them before long. Remember that this day I have warned you to beware of such friends as these. I know the long knives ; they are not to be trusted." His words were prophetic ; in eleven short months they were fulfilled. + *Heckewelder's History of the Indian Nations, pp. 80-81. fin the beginning of the year 1771, the Grand Council of the Delawares in the Tuscarawas Valley invited the Christian Indians of Friedenshuetten, Pennsylvania, to come to Ohio, where they might occupy lands, which would never be "sold under their feet to the white people." Chief Neta- wat-wes or King Newcomer was the recognized head of the Delawares at this time. The invitation was accepted and the mission station of Schoen- brunn on the Tuscarawas was the result. The next year other Pennsyl- vania converts came, who established Gnadenhuetten ten miles down the valley. Three years later, Lichtenau was commenced, but it had to be given up after the third year of its existence, because it happened to be in the war-path of the hostile Indians. Its place was taken by Salem, which was founded five miles below Gnadenhuetten. Netawatwes joined the Christians, and in every way it was a flourishing time for the mission. Then the Revolutionary War broke out. Un- fortunately, both the British and the Americans looked upon the mission Indians with distrust, the former because a large number of the Dela- wares would not join their standards, and the latter because they claimed that the Indians sympathized with the English. In September, 1781, the 245 Not all the Delawares on the White River were heathen. Quite a number of baptized Indians had fled westward after the Gnadenhuetten massacre and made their home there. Many of these lapsed into heathenism but not a few remained loyal to the faith. Among the latter was an old man named Isaac, who used to live in Gnadenhuetten, where he served as an official lay- helper. This aged convert would not attend the sacrificial feasts of the Indians. He called them the Devil's Feasts. According to the testimony-of some White River Indians, he observed the Christian Sabbath by singing hymns and by praying, and preached about God becoming man to the young people, who heard him gladly. In 1798, he rejoiced to hear that a number of fugitive Christian Indians had returned from Canada and, under the leadership of Zeisberger and Mortimer, had estab- lished the Goshen mission on the Muskingum. Old and de- crepit, it was impossible for him to undertake the sixteen days'" journey to Goshen, greatly as he would have enjoyed the privi- lege, but he earnestly urged others to go in order that they might better hear what he tried to tell them. British took all the Christian Indians prisoners and led them away. The mission houses were plundered and destroyed. At the Sandusky the cap- tives were deserted. With barely any provisions, they passed through a dreadful winter. In spring, a hundred and fifty Christian Indians returned to the Tuscarawas Valley for the purpose of gathering what they could find of their harvest. When about to return to their brethren on the Sandusky, Colonel Williamson, in command of ninety American soldiers, came upon the scene, charged the peaceful Indians with the murder of the William Wallace family and with other outrages, and mercilessly murdered in cold blood ninety Christians and six visiting heathen Indians. Two boys alone escaped. The Schoenbrunn Indians received warning and fled to the Sandusky. From here a number of the converts went to Michigan, where they remained four years at New Gnadenhuetten, which they founded. When they left here, they located temporarily at Pilgerruh on the Cuya- hoga, and in 1787 they settled at New Salem on the Petquotting or Huron River of Ohio. For fear that there might be another massacre in store for them, they emigrated to Canada, in April, 1792, where they established the mission at Fairfield, on what is now the River Thames. In August, 1708, Zeisberger and wife and Benjamin Mortimer, together with seven Indian families, returned to the beautiful Tuscarawas Valley, and founded the Goshen mission on the Muskigum, about two miles from the former site of Schoenbrunn. (See Hamilton's History of Moravian Missions.) 246 The fact that the missionaries Kluge and Luckenbach never mention Isaac would indicate that they never came across him. It is quite likely that he had died before they arrived. This same man used to be a great enemy of the gospel. While still a heathen, under the guise of friendship, he at one time attempted to kill David Zeisberger and he would have been successful, too, had not another Indian providentially interfered. The few bap- tized refugees who, like Isaac, remained faithful may have enter- tained the hope of a return to the Muskingum some day or of having missionaries come to them, but, strange to say, they had nothing to do with the founding of the mission on the White River. As far as is known, the first communication in regard to mis- sionary work in Indiana Territory passed between the Indians and the Moravians in the year 1797. In the diary* for that year, which Zeisberger kept at Fairfield, we read under date of Oc- tober seventh : "From the Miami we learned through Abel,-j- who came from there, where he had visited friends, that the chief, Tedpachxit, had the wish that the Brethren would come to them and preach Christ's gospel. This was pleasant news to us, which we should have been glad to hear for a long time. We had thought of soon sending a deputation to him." On the six- teenth, he wrote : "Having had news from the Miami which seemed as if the Indians there were longing to hear the Word cf God, we sent thither Bill Henryt with a couple of young men on a visit to get more exact information about this. They set out thither today by water, with our blessing." November eleventh, he wrote : "At the Lord's Supper, Adam was again a partaker, after two years, both to our joy and to that of the congregation. Soon afterward, we had the pleasure of seeing come to us in good health Brother Bill Henry, with his son John, and one other, John Thomas, from the Miami. Of their visit they spoke as follows : 'After having been detained upon the lake by sucessive days of bad weather, we arrived *From the translation of "Diary of Zeisberger," by Eugene F. Bliss, Vol. II, pp. 496, 497, 500-502. tAn Indian helper. tSame as Gelelemend or Kilbuck. Vid. Footnote, p. 248. 247 there and went to the chief, Tedpachxit, where we were kindly received. Bill Henry, who was spokesman, set forth to him that we were come, not only to see them, but to say something to them. He soon made preparations, calling together the chief men, and when this was done, Bill Henry said : "My dear friends, it is a pleasure after many years to see you once again, under God's guidance. The reason for our leaving home and coming to you is this : We heard some time ago that you would be glad to have God's Word preached and heard among you, that there are many who long for it, that there are also some of our baptized brethren who are waiting for this, and wish they had the opportunity to hear God's Word, being unable to come to us, because we live so far away from them. This is the reason, and no other, why we have undertaken the journey here, for if we hear that any one longs for God's Word, the word of life, we are ready to serve him with it, since we like to see our fellow- men and friends share in this good and be saved. We are there- fore come to see and to learn from you how you are disposed in regard to the matter, so that we may bring trustworthy news to those who sent us. As soon as we have heard you, we intend to return whence we came." " 'It also happened that the captain, Pachgantschihilas, was present. He has always been a great foe to the preaching of the gospel among the Indians. He asked us who had brought us the news. He was told that it was one of our people, who had come back from here some time ago. He replied, that we should not listen to such words for if they wished to send us a message we should see it accompanied by a string of wampum. Of this message they knew nothing. Now the truth was. Chief Ted- pachxit had spoken thus with our Abel, but he dared not admit it before the great captain. This fact was established by the fol- lowing, which this very captain related to Bill Henry, namely, that some time before he had charged a certain Indian, who was going to Fairfield, to speak with our Indians, and propose to them that they come back again from across the lake ; that the Indian had returned with the answer that we had no disposition for this, being so well established here. He asked whether the thing was really so. The answer was that the same Indian had 248 been with us man)- days, but had not said a word about this to any one, and we knew nothing about it.' "Thus it appears that the captain would be glad to have us over the lake again, but will have nothing to do with the preach- ing of the gospel. If we only have the opportunity, we will not ask the chiefs. They must adapt themselves to it. They further said to the brethren that the Quakers in Philadelphia had made them an offer and advised thern to move together, not live so scattered about ; that they would send people to build them houses and teach them agriculture ; that they could send mechanics to teach them their work and to make them a civilized people, for which cause they had much money to spend. If the proposal pleased them, namely, the Delawares, they should come to Philadelphia ; they would speak with them and set the thing in motion. And, as it seems, they are not disinclined, for they said they thought of going thither in Spring. Thus the brethren came back. It is to be hoped that their journey was not in vain, and they will undoubtedly think about the matter. They also thought of and spoke to Indians who would like to come to us^ and an old baptized widow is now on her way hither to remain. But this is to be said further of the Delaware nation : It is scat- tered at present from' Canada to the Mississippi, and their present chief has little weight and authority." As far as is known, the Fairfield Christians and the Delawares had no further negotiations in regard to the preaching of the gospel on the White River. After the Goshen mission had been established, there was considerable intercourse of a friendly nature between the Christian Indians and their heathen relatives and friends on the Woapicamikunk. Thus it happened, May 5, 1799, that Chief Hockingpomsga had occasion to visit in Goshen. The missionaries were not at home at the time, conse- quently it fell to the lot of William Henry Gelelemend or Kil- buck,* as he was more familiarly known among the whites, and *Gelelemend or Kilbuck, supposed to have been born in the neighbor- hood of Lehigh- Gap, Northampton County, in the year 1737, was the grand- son of the well-known chief Netawatwes. That he was a man of con- siderable influence is seen from the fact that he was at one time chief counsellor of the Turkey Tribe and, after the death of Captain White Eyes, temporarily installed as head chief. He was a strenuous advocate 249 his Indian brethren, to entertain the guest. In the course of his stay, they reminded the old warrior that it had been the call of good chief Netawatwes* that had brought the Christian Indians from their homes on the Susquehanna to the Muskingum, and that it had been his last wish that the Delawares should accept the gospel. When Hockingpomsga returned home, he carried with him an urgent invitation to his people to come to Goshen to hear the Word of God. Whatever his own feelings may have been in the matter, he was true to the confidence reposed in him and delivered the message. In answer to Gelelemend's invitation nothing was heard for a whole year. At last, in April, 1800, Tedpachsit and his Council sent to Goshen as deputy, Tulpe Najundam (he who carries a turtle), the brother of Pachgantschihilas, who delivered the fol- lowing message : "My friends, we received your communica- tion. Our Chief and our great captains, our warriors and our young people, our women and our children were all greatly pleased over your words. The reason you have not heard from us before is because my people were not at home. As soon as they returned, I acquainted them with your invitation and they were all pleased with it. My friends, we have here a large tract of land that belongs to us. Gelelemend, I take you and your friends by the hand, therefore, and bring you here, and settle you near me on the Woapicamikunk." of peace during the Revolutionary War and in consequence made a great many enemies among the Indians. His life was imperilled more than once. In the summer of 1788, he joined the Moravian Indians at Salem cn the Petquotting River. He was baptized and received the name of William Henry, in honor of Judge William Henry of Lancaster, a member of Congress, who helped to survey the Tuscarawas reservation, in 1797. In the early winter of 181 1, in the eightieth year of his life, he passed away at Goshen, Ohio. John Henry Kilbuck, a direct lineal descendant, graduated from the Moravian College and Theological Seminary, Bethle- hem, Pennsylvania, in 1884. Immediately after his graduation he served for a number of years as Moravian missionary among the Eskimos in Alaska, where he is at present a teacher in the United States Government school. *The head-chief of the Delaware Nation immediately before the Ameri- can Revolution. His wisdom kept the Delawares from the slaughter of white people of which other tribes were guilty. He died in 1776. 10 250 The message to which this was the answer said nothing in the least about any desire on the part of the Christian Indians to move away from Goshen. According to Tulpe Najundam, i member of the council had expressed the fear that the Goshen Indians, having their own land where they were and therefore being well satisfied, would not care to leave. Furthermore, some one had made the statement that the Christian Indians would not come without their teachers. In view of all this, the council immediately decided to set apart for the Goshen Indians a large tract of land where they might dwell together un- molested and in safety. As for the teachers, it was taken for granted that they would accompany the Indians without inviting them separately. This gracious invitation was received with considerable pleasure by the Goshen missionaries. While they were not wholly carried away by this unexpected show of friendliness, they could not help but regard it as partly sincere, to say the least. They did not believe for a moment that the Delaware Council had been seized all of a sudden by an unselfish desire to further the gospel nor that the Indians really wanted to hear and receive the Word of God. Having heard frequent rumors that some of the Christian refugees on the White River had ex- pressed the hope of returning to the Muskingum, they supposed that the underlying motive of the invitation was the desire of the chiefs to have all their people live at the same place, and that, for this reason, they had thought it expedient to have the gospel preached among them, so that the Christian Indians at Goshen and elsewhere might be attracted to come to the White River, and those already there be prevented from moving to Goshen. But whatever their thoughts and suspicions, they could not help but look upon the whole proceeding as a wonderful opportunity to bring a heathen nation to Christ. The Goshen Indians, though they would have been loath to leave their settlement, were unanimous in their opinion that the invitation of the Chief and the Grand Council should receive a favorable reply. An Indian helper expressed the mind of all when he said : "We can believe our friends on the Woapicami- kunk. To understand the gospel, they must have it preached to them. For that reason, teachers must go and live among them 251 and preach the Word daily." Nevertheless the matter could not be decided in a day, nor could the final decision be made by the missionaries. Force of circumstances made it necessary to with- hold the decisive word for a year. Meanwhile, however, a pro- visional answer was sent. This message read : "As I saw my friend come to the place where I live and I looked upon his face, my heart was filled with hope and joy. There occurred to me what our former Chief, Netawatwes, had told us, while we were still living on the Susquehannah. As I heard that you, my friend, desired to take me by the hand and set me down near you, I was glad. My friend ! I will let you know that here I live on my own land, but I listen to your word nevertheless. I cannot rise so easily, however, my friend. I must first send your word to my brother across the lake. He lives a great distance from here. W hen I receive his answer, I will let you know. How long k will take before I can inform you, I cannot tell. It may take until next Spring. From this day, however, I will think of you with pleasure; think also of me." The customary string of wampum accompanied the message. 252 CHAPTER II The Missionaries Called and their Journey to Goshen In April, 1800, Zeisberger wrote to the brethren of the Hel- pers' Conference* at Bethlehem, urging them to accept the in- vitation of the Delawares, and suggesting that either two ef- ficient married brethren or a married couple and a single brother be sent to them as missionaries. He intimated that several Indian families from Goshen and a number from Fairfield, Canada, might be found willing to accompany them. The Helpers' Conference took the matter under prayerful advise- ment, and, under the gracious guidance of the Lord, it was de- cided, August fifteenth, to begin the new work. This decision was at once communicated to the various congregations by means of a circular letter, and the proposed mission became the subject of earnest supplication in prayer meetings. In due time, Abraham Luckenbach,f a twenty-three-year-old teacher at *The official board which administered the affairs of all the Moravian settlement congregations and missions among the Indians in America. It was the forerunner of the Provincial Elders' Conference, which is the executive board of the Provincial Synod. The original title was "Con- ference of Helpers in General of the Congregations and Stations in Penn- sylvania and adjacent Parts." t Abraham Luckenbach was born May 5, 1777, in Upper Saucon Town- ship, Lehigh County, Pennsylvania. His parents were originally Menno- nites, but, soon after his birth, they became associated with the Moravians at Emmaus, where Abraham was baptized by the Rev. Francis Boehler, January 19, 1779. Some years later the family located in the neigbhorhood of Bethlehem, where they joined the Moravian Church. In the spring of 1786, they removed to Hope, New Jersey. Here Abraham became a communicant member of the Moravian congregation by the rite of con- firmation, after having been carefully instructed by the Rev. Lewis Boehler. Two years later, in 1792, he returned to Bethlehem, where he learned the trade of cabinet maker in the employ of Franz Thomas. In the autumn of 1797, he went to Nazareth for the purpose of establishing a cabinet-making business, but, meeting with difficulties at the outset, he accepted an appointment as teacher in Nazareth Hall, which was then. 253 Nazareth Hall, and John Peter Kluge,* who had recently ar- rived in Bethlehem from Surinam, received the call and accepted it with joy. under the management of the Rev. Charles G. Reichel. Having previously offered himself as a candidate for the mission field, he was called to assist John Peter Kluge as missionary among the Indians on the White River in Indiana Territory. In this capacity he labored with great faithfulness for a little over five years, when the mission had to be abandoned. He then taught seven months at Nazareth Hall, after which he was appointed as- sistant missionary to the Brethren Zeisberger and Mortimer at Goshen. September 8, 1813, he was joined in marriage to Rosina Heckedorn, of Lititz, Pennsylvania. This union was blest with three children, of whom one died in infancy. His two daughters found their home in Bethlehem, the one marrying the late Simon Rau and the other the late Charles G. Roepper. From 1820-1843, he had sole charge of the Indian mission at Fairfield, Canada, when increasing physical weakness necessitated his re- turn to Bethlehem, where he arrived in July. Here he busied himself with visiting the sick, distributing religious tracts among the Lehigh Canal boatmen, re-editing the second edition of Zeisberger's "Delaware Hymn Book," and publishing "Select Scripture Narratives from the Old Testa- ment in Delaware." He died March 8, 1854. *John Peter Kluge was born October 3, 1768, in Gumbinnen, Prussia. Soon after his birth, he was baptized in the Reformed Church. His father was a mason by trade. His mother belonged to the Moravian Society and sent her youngest son to a school teacher of the same faith for instruction. As a child he delighted in playing that he was a minister. The Reformed minister, observing this predilection for preaching, offered to give him private instruction and, later on, send him to Koenigsberg to school. From there he was to enter the university. His god-fearing mother frus- trated this plan, because she was afraid that her child might be led astray by skeptical teachers. His mother having been left a widow, married a tailor. John was to learn the trade of his step-father, but he did not like it. After trying his hand at a number of different things, he went to a brother at Insterburg, from there to Neusalz, later to Gnadenberg, and, in 1789, to Kleinwelke, where he joined the Moravian Church. After teaching a year he accepted the call to mission service among the Arawack Indians in Surinam. Here his post of labor was at Hope on the Corentyne in Dutch Guiana. August 27, 1800, he came to the United States and from 1800-1806 he labored among the Indians on the White River. Six children were the fruit of his marriage to Anna Maria Rank. Of these Karl Friedrich, Henrietta and John Henry were born on the White River. After their return from the west, he received, in 1807, a call to North Carolina, where he served the congregations at Bethabara and Bethania until the year 1819, when he was appointed pastor at Graceham, Maryland. Here his wife died of consumption, February, 1820. Seven months later 254 Both men were single, but Kluge expressed his willingness to be married, if the Lord would provide a suitable helpmate. Those were the days when the Brethren made considerable use of the lot.* The names of all eligible young women in the Beth- lehem congregation — needless to say without their knowledge — were therefore taken under prayerful consideration and sub- mitted to the lot. In each case the answer was negative. There- upon the elders of the Nazareth congregation were fraternally requested to send a list of likely candidates for married honors. They did this, but Kluge's wife was not among the number. Clearly the proverbial right one had been sought in the wrong place. Not in Bethlehem nor in Nazareth, but in Lititz, she had he married Elizabeth Eyerly, of Lititz, with whom he served the Graceham congregation until 1827. In July of that year he accepted a call to York, Pa., where, in December, he was again left a widower. September, 1828, he was ordained a presbyter by Bishop Anders at Lititz. January 29, 1828, he married for the third time, the bride being Miss Maria E. Albright, of Bethlehem, Pa. He served the York congregation until 1833, when a severe attack of rheumatism compelled him to seek retirement for the time being. Later he took temporary charge of Emmaus, where he served until the fall of 1838. From there he retired to Nazareth and, two years later, he removed to Bethlehem, where his wife died in 1842 and he him- self passed away after considerable suffering, January 30, 1849. Karl Friedrich, his oldest child, was the father of the late Rev. Edward T. Kluge, a well-known retired Moravian minister who died at Nazareth, Pa., in 1912. *The use of the lot in deciding important cases in which divine guidance was desired dates back to antiquity. It was employed by the ancients, adopted by the Jews and later extensively used in the Christian Church. The custom is, therefore, not peculiar to the Moravian Church. As far as is known the first official use of the lot made by the Moravians in the Renewed Church was in the appointment of elders in Herrnhut, in 1727. For many years restricted to the confirmation of certain elections or ap- pointments, it was officially abolished by the General Synod of 1889. The use of the lot in connection with marriages or ministerial appointments was by no means the arbitrary instrument it is popularly supposed to have been. Two persons joined in marriage by lot had either given their previous consent to the arrangement or, if their names were submitted without their knowledge, gave voluntary assent to the decision afterwards. In either case the final decision was in the hands of the parties concerned. The same held true in the appointment of ministers. If the official board put the matter to the lot without the consent of the miniser involved, he could accept or decline the call as he saw fit. 255 her home. Thus it came about that Brother Kluge journeyed to that village in the early part of October and was there joined in marriage to Anna Maria Rank. On the twelfth of the same month, the day on which her husband and Brother Luckenbach were ordained to the diaconate of the Moravian Church, at Beth- lehem, the young bride was accepted as an acolyte.* October fifteenth, at high noon, the missionaries started on their journey from Bethlehem to Goshen, where they intended to spend some time for the purpose of acquainting themselves with the Delaware language and preparing themselves in other ways for their future work. They were accompanied as far as Allen- town by Brother Luckenbach's mother and sister, the Brethren Cunow and Schaff with their wives, and the Brethren Van Vleck and Staciiger. Here the whole party enjoyed a farewell vesper. Soon after the meal was over the freight wagon, which conveyed them and their baggage to Goshen, came to the door and the affectionate farewells had to be spoken. The leave-taking naturally filled the hearts of the missionaries with sadness, but this feeling was dispelled after a short silence by singing the hymn which Sister Kliest had prepared especially for them. Perched on the baggage-laden wagon slowly lumbering its way westward, they sang: "Ihr Friedensboten zieht an die Wabash hin, Und predigt den Heiland mit frohem Sinn."| Their experiences on the way were many and varied, and, needless to say, not always pleasant. For the most part hotel accommodations were of the worst. Drinking and card-playing were met almost everywhere. The second night of their journey they stayed with a hotel-keeper named Klein. Here they found a bad company of half-drunken travellers, who played cards on the same table on which the missionaries' supper was served. *"The reception of acolytes- followers in the sense of Matt, iv, 19; xvi, 24- is a usage introduced in the Moravian Church, according to which brethren and sisters give the right hand of agreement to serve the Saviour in the Church, and to be obedient to the servants of the Unity who are set over them." — Results, Gen. Synod, />. gi. t "You messengers of peace, for the Wabash start, And preach the Saviour with joyful heart." 256 The landlord was persuaded to send the card-players away from the table. After the meal was over the mission-party, desirous to secure the needed rest and to escape the companionship of the disorderly guests, retired for the night but sleep was out of the question. One of the drunken men spent the greater part of the night in playing on a violin and in singing. The bedroom door had no lock and consequently had to remain wide open. This made them uneasy, because they feared that one of the drunken vagabonds might actually come into the room. At midnight their fears were realized, when a husky fellow stealthily entered. Brother Kluge became aware of his presence, im- mediately sprang out of bed and demanded what he wanted, but the man evidently thought it the better part of valor not to de- bate the matter and beat a hasty retreat. In the morning they related the occurrence to the landlord, but he gave them little satisfaction. Immediately after breakfast they left the scene of their un- pleasant experience and travelled through rain and mud all das- long. It was some time after dark when they reached a resting- place for the night, and then it was nothing more than a bed of straw. After darkness had set in their journey became exceed- ingly perilous. The heavy rains had made the road dangerous, therefore the two brethren waded through the mud to pick out a safe way for the driver to follow with the team, otherwise the wagon would have been sure to upset. Soaked to the skin they finally reached their lodging-place. After they had appeased their appetite they retired at once, and this time to sleep soundly. The next morning they continued their journey through the rain and in the evening, at seven oclock, they reached Lititz with grateful hearts. Here they were cordially received by the brethren and sisters. On account of the heavy rains, which continued a number of days longer, the missionaries were pledged to enjoy Lititz hospitality until the twenty-first of the month, when, at seven o'clock in the morning, the journey was resumed, Sister Kluge riding a horse which her father had given her, while her husband was mounted on one which a brother-in-law had loaned him. The day was beautiful and a large number of relatives and friends had gathered to bid them God-speed. Not satisfied with 257 merely seeing them off, some of these well-wishing friends ac- companied the missionaries part of the way, the sisters of the bride going as far as Mannheim. Here the first parting from friendly escorts took place after many tender words and so- licitous tears. Some distance farther on, the remaining friends took their tearful leave and turned back. The leave-taking, however, was not yet over. Two of the brothers, Phillip and George, went still farther, the former going as far as the Mus- kingum River, and the latter to Elizabethtown, where the party arrived in the evening. Here they found comfortable quarters for the night at the hotel of an Irish landlord. Next morning after breakfast they proceeded on their way, in due time passed through Middletown and by evening arrived at Harrisburg, where they stayed over night. At an early hour on the following day, they were ferried across the broad and beauti- ful Susquehannah, whence they made their way westward. On the twenty-fourth, they fed their horses and took dinner at a way-side inn about eleven miles east of Shippensburg. Being very hungry, they asked to have a large mess of potatoes cooked for them. This must have given the hostess the impression that they were very poor, for she said : "You undoubtedly come from a land where the people eat potatoes instead of bread." The missionaries replied that they were from a place where the people had as much bread as they wanted, but they were none the less fond of potatoes. This seemed to satisfy the good woman and in a short time a large, steaming dish of the desired food was placed before them, which served to satisfy their ravenous appe- tite. They spent the night at a good hotel in Shippensburg, which at that time consisted of a number of well-built log- houses scattered along one street about a mile in length. Here they had their horses shod and consequently they could not leave until ten o'clock the next morning. In the afternoon they came to the Blue Mountains. Not only was the road very steep but rocky and dangerous withal. They spent the night at the hotel of an Irishman who was not at all hospitable. Bol- linger, the driver, had told the missionaries that this man was not friendly to the Brethren, and his words were soon verified. He walked about the whole evening with a paper in his hand, ap- parently so that he would not have to associate with his un- 2 5 8 welcome guests. Finally, one of his friends came, whereupon he disappeared entirely. Otherwise the accommodations were not bad. Next day they continued their weary and dangerous journey over the steep, rocky road and in the evening found lodging with a hotelkeeper who made up in friendliness what he lacked in accommodations. Having no extra bed, he placed his own at the disposal of Brother and Sister Kluge. Unfortunately it was not at all clean and the occupants for the night had much to suffer from fleas. Brother Luckenbach's bed-fellow was saturated with whisky before he retired, but this did not inter- fere in the least with his draining one glass after another of the fiery liquor during the night, a fact which naturally did not add to his unfortunate companion's comfort. Apparently the mis- sionaries were not wholly dissatisfied with their experience, be- cause they comforted themselves with the thought that it might have been worse. In the diary for the day we read: "We were only too glad that we escaped without getting lice." Two days later they came to Bedford, at that time a small, homely looking village where they could not so much as buy a piece of meat for their journey. Six miles west of Bedford they stopped at a most wretched hotel for the night. They were very hungry and ordered their usual supper. This, however, was pre- pared in a way that it would have been far better had they not seen it. The beds were filthy. Not only was the one which was assigned to Brother and Sister Kluge alive with bedbugs, but it had such an evil smell that it was necessary to spread their traveling blankets over the pillows so that they would not have to inhale the bad odor. The bed-chamber had but one small window and that was without a sash. An old hat was stuffed in the opening. Brother Luckenbach slept with the host and had to contend with similar afflictions. Suffice it to say, the mis- sionaries did not sleep much that night and they welcomed the light of morning. They had mutton for breakfast. This they had seen a ragged-looking butcher bring the night before in a greasy old sack which he had slung across the saddle of his horse. Early in the day they left the hotel without regrets. They traveled all day and in the evening came to a German hotel where they found comfortable quarters for the night. The hostess told them that she had friends in Bethlehem. Every- 259 thing about the hotel appeared to be in good order, the meals were good, and above all, the beds were clean, which compen- sated to a certain extent for the miserable lodging of the night before. At seven o'clock next morning they continued their journey and by evening they had reached the other side of the Allegheny mountains. Here they found a hotel in which they were well entertained. November first, at one o'clock in the afternoon, they arrived in Somerset, which was at that time a small, insignificant village having but one street. Here they re- mained two hours, during which time an auction was held at the hotel in which they stayed. The auctioneer called together the people with a cow-bell. The whisky bottle was constantly passed around among the prospective buyers. After the sale was over, two boys competed for a prize of thirty dollars by running a race which was concluded with a mighty shout. After the horses had been rested and fed, they left Somerset and stopped for the night at a comfortable hotel six miles farther on. The following day they took dinner at a little way- side inn near which a falling tree had killed seven persons not long before. The victims had been intoxicated and had quar- reled considerably when death overtook them. When the man who related this incident heard that the missionaries were on their way to the Muskingum, he said : "I would like to go there, too, because I have heard that they have free schools for chil- dren in that locality. I am a poor man but I would like to have my children educated." In the evening, after they had traveled twelve miles that day, they came to a hotel where they lodged for the night. On the whole the entertainment was not bad, though the beds were very hard and, the weather having turned cold, the missionaries had a difficult time keeping warm. Next morning the ground was frozen hard. After fourteen miles had been traversed, they again halted for the night and found com- fortable quarters with a hotel-keeper named Maeklin. After leaving here they traveled ten miles and came to the so-called Chestnut Hill. This time they had to stay over night at an ill- kept farmhouse. The food was by no means of the best and they had to sleep in a room over the spring-house, where flax had been hackled the day before. There was an exceedingly bad odor about the place. 260 The accommodations were very poor but the missionaries had to pay dearly for everything. The farmer began to make out his bill the evening before in spite of the fact that he did not know what actual expense his guests would prove to him. One little incident will go far toward showing the disreputable character of the place. In a corner of the living room stood a small un- covered barrel of honey, in which a barefooted child was seen wading in undisguised enjoyment. The frugal old grandfather carefully lifted the child out, scraped off the honey that had accumulated between the toes and on the legs, and threw it back into the barrel. Some of that honey later found its way to the supper table. Perhaps the missionaries did not like sweet things, or may be they were loath to lessen any future enjoyment the ragged urchin might want to have, at least there is no record that they ate honey that evening. And one can hardly blame them if they did not indulge. Another unpleasant experience awaited them the following night when they stayed at a hotel eleven miles farther on, near the banks of the Monongahela. Hardly had they entered the house when Brother Kluge's new cloth overcoat and his wife's new boots mysteriously disappeared from the wagon and were never again seen by the owners. Later the landlord warned them to keep on the watch, because things had been stolen more than once in his hotel. When the horse is stolen, it is too late to lock the door. The advice would have been excellent in season but unfortunately it came too late to be of service to the poor victims. If it were not the principal business of the his- torian to chronicle facts, he would like to assume the role of a prophet in this connection and venture to point out the guilty person who undoubtedly had taken charge of the stolen over- coat and footwear. A drunken driver kept up a continual uproar all the evening and for the greater part of the night, indulging in the most disgraceful speeches and the coarsest profanity. The good-for-nothing landlord joined him in every wicked action and in the singing of his ribald songs. None of this the poor mis- sionaries could escape because their bed-chamber adjoined the bar-room and the worst of it was, there was no door between the two that could be closed. It seemed to them as if they were sur- rounded by a swarm of evil spirits. The conditions were almost 26 1 unbearable. In spite of the fact that they had not slept a wink, they were glad when morning dawned and they could leave this veritable den of robbers. In the afternoon they at last reached long-looked-for Pitts- burg. Here they found very comfortable quarters in ''The Stag," a hotel near the market-place. Soon after their arrival they called on a Mr. Addison and handed him the letter of intro- duction which Brother Jacob Van Vleck, Head-pastor of the Bethlehem Congregation and member of the Helpers' Con- ference, had given them. Mr. Addison and his wife received them very cordially and invited them to the house for breakfast next morning. They gladly accepted the kind invitation and presented themselves at the appointed hour. They talked over various matters pertaining to their journey with their host and among other things related their disagreeable experience of the night before, whereupon he expressed his displeasure over the occurrence and promised to do all that he could to have the stolen goods restored to them. After taking friendly leave of him, the missionaries returned to their hotel. In the afternoon several hundred soldiers marched into the city to the strains of stirring martial airs and immediately made their way to the wharf, where, bearskin caps, bright uniforms and all, they em- barked on thirteen large boats, which lay in readiness to convey them to the various forts scattered along the Ohio River. Though the city was still small, it was even then a pleasant and lively place. November eighth, at nine o'clock in the morning, they were ferried across the river. Here they came across glass-works, through which they were taken, though there was little to see, because the plant lay partly idle at the time. The German work- men were very cordial and took great delight in showing and explaining all that there was to be seen. After traveling twelve miles over fairly good roads they came to the home of an Irish farmer, at nightfall. This man was an ardent Presbyterian. They asked permission to stay over night, but under no circum- stances would he promise to lodge them unless they would give their word that they would spend the next day, which was the Sabbath, with him. Because it was night and therefore all thought of proceeding farther out of the question, there was 262 nothing for them to do but to accede to the farmer's wishes, much as they would have preferred to make use of the beautiful weather and push forward next day. After they had partaken of a meager supper, the family and guests joined in evening prayers. The host began the worship by reading in an unnatural voice a long lesson from the Bible. After that the daughter of the house sang in a peculiar manner. It sounded as if she was trying to imitate a church-choir. The missionaries observed that she had sung or chanted Psalms which had been set to strange tunes. After the singing the guests were of the opinion that the worship was at an end, but they were mistaken ; all now knelt, and the host engaged in a long prayer which was accompanied by sighs and groans that might have been heard quite a distance away. At last the wor- ship came to a close and the tired pilgrims were glad to retire for the night. Next day morning prayers were held after the manner of the evening before, and then a meager breakfast followed. This meal had to last for the whole day because the family did not believe in cooking on the Sabbath. Praying and fasting was the veritable portion of the missionaries throughout the day. At eleven o'clock in the morning all went an hour's distance to church. The missionaries accompanied the family, which pleased the host very much. When they reached the church, they found the men and the women sitting together, which naturally sur- prised the Brethren, because they were not acquainted with the custom. On a small elevation shaped like a barrel without a bottom and surrounded with boards, stood a man with long flowing hair ; a torn blue coat with large buttons was part of his apparel. Every time he moved his arms one could see the shirt protrude. And this was the eminent divine of whom the host had boasted so much ! Shouting and coughing in a terrible manner, he entertained his hearers for two long hours. Then there came the singing of a hymn. The Brethren thought the rather dry sermon had come to a close but they were wrong; the minister had merely paused for a little rest and soon began afresh. The church being very cold, Brother Kluge could not endure it any longer and consequently left before the service was over. The others did not get out of church until four o'clock, so that the sermon lasted four hours in all. Bollinger, their teamster, 263 blistered his feet in going and coming from church, and subse- quently had to suffer a great deal of pain, which helped him to remember the unique sermon for a long time. For supper they had the potatoes which had been boiled the evening before and a little salt meat in addition. Evening worship, as previously prescribed, followed. The host urged the missionaries to sing a number of Moravian hymns. After that they retired, but the family sang a good while longer. Early in the morning they proceeded on their way and after they had traveled fourteen miles they stopped again with a farmer. Having bought some meat and other articles of food at Pittsburg, they here enjoyed their own supper. Their bed- chamber was well aired, the two small windows being without panes. The wind blew over them briskly during the night and they were reminded of the camp-life in the woods to which they looked forward. At this place Brother Luckenbach bought a small horse, on Which he rode for the rest of the way. At three o'clock of the following afternoon they were in Georgetown, where they found entertainment at the house of a man named Thomas Schmidt. Here they bought oats and hay for the horses and provided themselves with the necessary provisions for their journey through the woods. Half their baggage had to be unloaded and left in charge of Schmidt until it could be brought to the Muskingum. The room thus made in the wagon was stuffed with the hay and the oats. On the thirteenth, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, they were ready to be ferried across the Ohio, but the wind was so strong that the ferry-men feared there might be an accident if every- thing should be taken over at the same time, consequently the four horses were transported first. The boisterous waves dashed into the boat several times, which made them still more fearful to cross with the heavily laden wagon. But the horses were on the other side and the attempt had to be made. They prayed fervently to the Lord and Saviour whom the winds and the sea obey and He heard them. As soon as the wagon was on the boat, there was a perfect calm and the passage was made in safety. The ferry-men were astonished at the whole proceeding. With thankful hearts and greatly encouraged, the missionaries continued on their way. The assistance of the Saviour appeared 264 the more remarkable to them because it was the thirteenth of November,* and they had prayed for the special blessing of their gracious Lord and Elder. After they had traveled five miles, they reached the home of a farmer, where they lodged for the night. The house was very small and had no windows. After they had prepared their sup- per and had partaken of^it, they made a bed on the floor, right in front of a log fire. They slept very well during the night. Only once were their slumbers disturbed, and that was when the house cat, probably misled by the odor of meat in the room, jumped up somewhere in the dark and threw down the poor woman's coffee cups, breaking them and scattering the pieces over the unsuspecting missionaries. After they had read, as usual, the daily text, they started out again. The roads were rough and one of Bollinger's horses was sick, so they hitched up Sister Kluge's riding horse in addition. At" the home of .1 farmer named John George they bought a quart of milk and otherwise prepared themselves for their first camping experi- ence. Arrived in the woods, they immediately built a large log fire. Having no tent, they fastened Brother Kluge's hammock to two trees, and stretched a line on which they hung blankets. This formed a roof-like protection and under it Brother and Sister Kluge reposed peacefully. A similar covering was erected for Brother Luckenbach, and, as is usually the case in the woods, he slept soundly. While the men were engaged in preparing for the night, Sister Kluge boiled a large dish of rice and meat, which the hungry pilgrims enjoyed greatly while seated around the blazing log fire. Supper over, they sang a few verses, com : mitted themselves to the gracious care and keeping of the Lord, and then retired to their improvised tents. Next morning they enjoyed their usual devotions and, after they hadbreakfasted, they resumed their journey. In this way they spent three nights very contentedly in the woods. The fourth and last night, however, their experience was not so pleasant. A heavy thunder-storm, accompanied by vivid lightning, wind and *An important Festival Day in the Moravian Church in memory of a powerful spiritual experience following the Church's formal appropriation of the Saviour as her Chief Elder, in 1741. 265 rain, arose in the evening and soaked them to the skin. The trees creaked and strained all night long. Their experience was quite terrifying. They commended themselves to the keeping of the Lord and in the morning they thanked Him for the gracious protection which He had afforded them in the midst of their dangers. By that time the wind had died down but with the calm came falling snow to make them uncomfortable. On the seventeenth of November they were met by a number of Indian Brethren from Goshen, who had letters from Brother and Sister Mortimer announcing that these Indians had been sent with two canoes for the purpose of bringing the mission- aries' belongings from Stillwater to Goshen. The baggage was transferred to the canoes and taken to its destination. The three white people followed by land, Brother Kluge riding on the horse of the Indian brother Charles, Brother Luckenbach on the one which he had purchased and Sister Kluge on her own horse. The Indian brother William Henry rode ahead as guide, passing through thorns and brambles, while the rest of the party followed, Indian-file, as well as they could. Ten dogs were their other companions. These tore, from time to time, at the deer and bear meat which old William Henry had slung across his saddle. Finally, on the eighteenth of November, at five o'clock in the afternoon, they arrived safely in Goshen, where they were heartily welcomed by the brethren and sisters. With deeply grateful hearts for the Saviour's gracious care and keeping on their long, weary journey, they sang praises to their God. 11 266 CHAPTTR III The Journey from Goshen to the White River At the suggestion of the Goshen Indians, a deputation was sent to Woapicamikunk several months before the missionaries and their Indian associates left for the White River. The object was to elicit, if possible, a definite statement from the Chiefs and their Council whether or not they really desired the Christian Indians and their teachers to come and live among them ; to learn by personal observation what the actual conditions were which would confront the mission; and to ascertain the best route to follow in making the journey from Goshen to the Woapicamikunk. Charles and Jacob, two Christian Indians, were the chosen deputies. They left Goshen, January 9, 1801, and in due time delivered to the Chiefs the following message : "My old Friend ! Thou who sittest and meditatest what is best ! I rejoice that the day is come that we will see one another. Our Creator has destined this for us. Listen to me, my Friend ! Thou didst speak with me last spring and we have considered the matter. Thou didst say to me : 'I take thee kindly by the hand and set thee near me upon my land.' Thereupon I said to my Friend : 'I am anxious to do according to thy word ; I will report to thee further in fall, or at latest the following spring.' Now, my Friend ! Thou, my Elder !* Listen to me kindly. I re- member our deceased Chief. I recall the words of our departed Elder, who felt sorry for us ; who took the Christian Indians by the hand and led them to the other side of the great wilderness,-j- *The title which the Delawares gave their chiefs when they addressed them. fThe extensive mountainous district which lay between the Susque- hannah and the Ohio Rivers. 267 where they lived, and brought them to Gekelemukpechnunk.* And their teachers journeyed with them. Now listen, my Friend ! Listen to. me, my Elder! I let you know that I want to come with my teachers so that you too may have pleasure in the future. "-f Both the message and the messengers were received in the most cordial manner. Pachgantschihilas' welcome was especi- ally hearty. He complained in private that his young people were exceedingly foolish and not at all obedient to his exhorta- tions. He expressed the hope, however, that they would do better after the Christian Indians came and lived among them. Tedpachsit was of like mind. The deputies made the acquaint- ance of a great many Indians who had been baptized by the brethren on the Muskingum before the days of the massacre, and all expressed their joy over the fact that missionaries would come and live among them. Some said that they would stop drinking immediately, while some of the more conservative ones promised to do so after the Christian teachers had arrived. The report of Charles and Jacob was so favorable that the Goshen missionaries could not help but rejoice. Hitherto they had been doubtful and had entertained the suspicion that the Delawares might not have been strictly honest in their over- tures. Now, however, they were satisfied that their fears were ungrounded. Zeisberger was of the opinion that never before, since the beginning of the mission among the Indians, had the prospects for the spread of the gospel among the red men been more favorable than they were on the Woapicamikunk. The former answer sent by the chiefs was essentially as fol- lows : The Chiefs and all men, women and children, rejoiced to hear that the Christian Indians were coming to them ; they de- clared that a large, comfortable place had been prepared for them, where they might quietly dwell together in peace and *The first capital of the Delawares in Ohio. Here the first Protestant sermon in that State was preached. It was abandoned by the tribe in. 1775. Its site is covered by the present town of Oxford. tThis was the usual style in which the Indians addressed each other when sending a formal message from one to the other. It differed from the usual form of conversation. They called it "The Language of the Chiefs." 268 safety ; that no strong drink should be brought near their settle- ment and that no drunkards should be allowed to disturb them ; that no respectable Indians should be hindered from visiting their village ; that they had nothing at all against their bringing teachers, in fact, it was taken for granted that these should come; and that no one should be prevented from going to the Christian village to hear the Word of God. Furthermore they wrote, that the best way to travel would be by water down the Muskingum and the Ohio, then up the Miami about a mile, and thence up the White Water Creek until they reached the portage, after that by land until they came to Woapicamikunk, their destination. The watchword for the wonderful day upon which the Delawares, by a formal national act, for the second time* gave their consent to having the gospel preached among them and even invited the Christian Indians and their teachers to come and live among them was : "My tabernacle also shall be with them ; yea, I will be their God, and they shall be my people." In February the following communication was forwarded to General John Gibson, Secretary of Indiana Territory, with the request that he should present and recommend it to the Gov- ernor : To His Excellency William H. Harrison, Esq., Governor of Indiana Territory. We, the undersigned, Missionaries of the Church of the United Brethren, at present resident at Goshen, a Christian Indian town, on the tract of land called Schoenbrunn, on the river Muskingum, humbly beg leave to present our best to Your Excellency and to inform You, that we purpose early in the ensuing Spring to accompany a small colony of Christian In- dians from here and settle with them on a branch of the White River, whither we have been invited by a special message from *The first time was in the beginning of the year 1772, when the Brethren received a kind message from the Chief and his Grand Council, inviting them and the two congregations at Friedenshuetten and Friedenstaedt to come and settle in their country, near the Muskingum River, upon what- ever tract of land they might choose. 269 the chiefs and council of the Delaware Nation, whose principal towns are in that neighborhood. The history and character of the missions which have been for many years carried on by the Church of the United Brethren among the Indians of this country, are probably not altogether unknown to Your Excellency. The grand objects thereof have been uniformly to preach the gospel to the Indians, to establish schools and inculcate habits of industry and sobriety among them, and to instruct them to live a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty ; in the prosecution of which within the extensive Indiana Territory, we flatter ourselves that we may at all times rely on Your Excellency's friendly support and auspices. We have been informed by a deputation of Indians who are just arrived here from White River, that traders from among the adjacent white settlers are in the habit of introducing spirituous liquors among the inhabitants there ; a practice which we are persuaded you will agree with us, must not only greatly impede the objects of the mission, which we propose to under- take, but by exposing the Indians to fraud and imposition and embroiling them in quarrels, endangers the peace and friendship which happily subsists between them and the United States. The Chiefs of the Delawares who are well acquainted with our princi- ples on this head, have offered us a place of settlement at the distance of fifteen miles from any of their towns, and have been pleased to make the voluntary promise, that they will do their utmost to prevent the bringing of spirituous liquors into or near our settlement, or our being molested by any drunken persons. They have, however, as is known, but little control over the white traders, who traverse the Indian country, and frequently take up their abode among them. We have therefore very humbly to request the favor of Your Excellency that You would be pleased, in such a manner as to Your wisdom may seem meet, to authorize and enable us, the subscribed and our successors, to prevent any spirituous liquors from being offered for sale or barter, or used as an enticement to trade, within a specified dis- tance — say perhaps ten miles — of any town or settlement of Indians, that may be made under our direction, within the limits of Your jurisdiction. We have no desire to prevent any person 270 whatever from exercising a free commerce with the members of our Society : we wish merely to be serviable to our fellow-men by the furthering of good and preventing of mischief to them. We have the honor to be very respectfully, Sir, Your Excellency's most obedient servants, (Signed) John Peter Kluge, Abraham Luckenbach, Goshen, Schoenbrunn Tract, Missionaries. River Muskingum, 23rd of Febr., 1801. After having spent a little over four months on the Musking- um, Brother and Sister Kluge and Brother Luckenbach re- sumed their journey westward, March 24, 1801. They were ac- companied by the Christian Indians : John Thomas and his wife, Catherina, with their three children, Marcus, Juliana and Bethia ; Jacob and Mary, his wife ; the widower Joshua, with his son, Christian; the widow Abigail, with her daughter, Anna Salome, and her two grandchildren : therefore, thirteen persons in all. Two Indians, Ska and Michael, accompanied the party, to paddle the canoe for Brother and Sister Kluge. There were five canoes in all. Brother and Sister Mortimer, with their little son, went with them as far as Gnadenhuetten. The weather was still cold as they floated down the Muskingum. When about a half mile from Gnadenhuetten, the Indians announced the coming of the party by the firing of a number of gunshots. They arrived at noon. After pleasant intercourse with the Brethren Huebener and Peters and their wives, the mission party continued its way down stream, passing Salem at two o'clock in the afternoon. Two miles farther on they encamped in the woods for the first time. The Indians shot ducks, geese, turkeys and other game enroute. At the Indian town of Goschachguenk,* they landed for a short time at the request of a white man who lived there. Leaving this place, they soon passed the site of the old mission at Lichtenau, which was thickly overgrown with bushes and hardly showed a sign of ever having been a station. At noon of the twenty-seventh *The second capital of the Delawares in Ohio. It was where is now Coshocton on the Muskingum. they took dinner at the mouth of Wills Creek, where they re- mained an hour. On the twenty-eighth they reached Licking, where they looked up the post office and Brother Kluge posted a number of letters addressed to friends in Bethlehem and Lititz. On the thirty-first, at five o'clock in the afternoon, they landed about twenty miles from Marietta.* In the evening a number of white people visited them and brought the Indians milk and tobacco. At Marietta Mr. Gillman, a man of considerable im- portance, received them very kindly. Here they left the Mus- kingum and entered the beautiful waters of the Ohio River, on which they covered as high as sixty miles a day. Having en- gaged to support Michael and Ska, they stopped at a German settlement on the fourth of April and purchased some necessary provisions, which were plentiful and cheap. The next morning they held a short Easter service, after which they pushed for- ward and at noon passed Point Pleasant, near the Kauhawa Creek, a settlement formerly owned by a certain Colonel Lewis. They had a letter of introduction from Heckewelder to this man, but found that he had died some time before. Four miles farther on they passed a small French settlement in the midst of beautiful trees and gardens. On the morning of the ninth, they left camp at six o'clock. The Indians had resolved to reach Sciota that day, and their ambition was realized at five o'clock in the afternoon. Two days later they caught sight of the Miami, and at eight o'clock the following evening they came to a small town called Columbia. Heckewelder had given them letters of introduction to two men living in this village. They presented them but did not receive much satisfaction. Neither of the two remembered Heckewelder very well and one of them wasted half an hour of precious time trying to decipher the letter, which proved that he was not any too well versed in the art of reading. At noon they reached the city of Cincinnati, but floated past for about a mile and there pitched their tents in the woods. ♦Marietta was the first town of white settlers in Ohio. It lies on the left bank of the Muskingum River. Here Major General Arthur St. Clair, the first Governor of Northwest Territory, took up his quarters. In this town, the first session of the general court of the new territory was held in 1788, and opened with prayer. 272 They found their way into the city the same day and provi- dentially made the acquaintance of a merchant by the name of Ziegler.* Though they had no letter of introduction to this man, he treated them with the greatest kindness and, after he had learned their mission, offered to do anything in his power to be of service to them while they were in the city and after they had reached their destination. He had known the Moravians for a long time. He was also well acquainted with the White River country and could tell the missionaries a great deal about it that interested them. At his store they purchased a number of things, which he let them have at the lowest figure. After the most pleasant intercourse with this newly-found friend, they looked up High Judge Gillman, of Marietta, whose important office made it necessary for him to spend a great deal of time in Cin- cinnati. He greeted the brethren in the most cordial manner and, learning of their desire to make the acquaintance of the Governor, at once offered to introduce them the following day. Next morning, at the appointed hour, Brother Luckenbach and Brother Kluge called at the place of Judge Gillman, but found him too busy to accompany them to the executive office. However he had made arrangements with Governor St. Clair to have them make the visitalone. Takingtheir letter of introduction, they called on the Governor, who gave them a hearty welcome and assured them at once that he would do all he could to help them. They told him of the needs of their Indian brethren, and, in turn, he immediately gave them an order on a certain mer- chant to provide the Indians with a barrel of flour and sixty- seven pounds of salt meat. The provisions were gratefully re- ceived and divided among the recipients. The courteous and kind-hearted Governor also gave the missionaries a letter di- rected to the Delaware Chiefs in which he bespoke for the brethren a kind reception, and admonished them and their people to receive the Word of God and be obedient to their Christian teachers, because they would then be happy not only in this life This was Captain David Ziegler, at one time connected with the Penn- sylvania Infantry. Before coming to America, he served as a German soldier in the Russian army in the Crimea. He made the acquaintance of the Moravians at Herrnhut and Bethlehem. After serving in Indian cam- paigns in the West, he became a resident and the first Mayor of Cincinnatti. 273 but in the great hereafter. At parting, the Governor wished the missionaries God-speed and the Lord's richest blessing on their labors. April fourteenth, at ten o'clock in the morning, beautiful Cincinnati was left behind. At noon they passed North Bend and, two hours later, reached the mouth of the Miami River. They found the current very swift and they had to use all their strength in battling against it. For about three miles the land was low. After that it rose higher and was dotted with many beautiful plantations. Six miles farther up stream they passed a fairly large island, and, a little later, there appeared a number of deer, of which the Indians shot five. Here, too, the Indian brethren did some angling and landed six large fish, which Brother Kluge pronounced to be of the carp variety. They were much larger than those he had seen in Europe, and their meat was tougher, too. Nevertheless they were good. Next day before they struck camp, they manufactured seats for the canoes. This was necessary, because the current was strong and they could not make much headway without some such arrangement. When they came to the White Water Creek, they found its current even stronger than that of the Miami and six miles was all they could cover the first day they were on it. On the sixteenth, they had to spend the whole day in camp. In this vicinity John Thomas shot a big, fat bear, which he shared with the others. The meat tasted good after Sister Kluge had fried it. In this neighborhood they learned definitely how to reach their destination. The White River Indians came here to hunt, so that the inhabitants were well acquainted with them and their country. Here they also bought their cattle. The mis- sionaries mentioning the fact that they intended to buy a cow later on, were strongly advised to purchase it here, because cows were high-priced in the Indian country, a very poor one bring- ing as much as forty dollars. This was good advice, as they found later on. A cow with a bell was therefore bought for thirteen dollars. Since it is no easy matter to drive one cow along a strange path, they decided to provide company and ac- cordingly bought a young heifer together with her calf, for fourteen dollars. The heifer gave a great deal of milk, which 274 proved a blessing to the little colony, not only for the rest of the journey but after the new home was reached. On the seventeenth, the journey was continued in three canoes, instead of five, two having been sold in order that the party might make more rapid progress. The missionaries and the Indian sisters drove the cows before them. In the evening they pitched their tents as' usual. Here they were visited by white people, from whom they bought flour at two dollars and a half a hundred. The following evening they came to the home of an old Irish Presbyterian farmer by the name of Harper. This man treated them very kindly. He took care of the cows and gave the Indians milk and potatoes without charge. Here they were detained for four days on account of heavy rains and high water. Having been informed that a number of Indians had been encamped nearby in recent days, Jacob and Ska decided to look them up, but their quest proved fruitless. After their re- turn, the whole party took counsel together and delegated John Thomas and Jacob to penetrate deeper into the woods and skirmish around for any Indian who might be sent to Woapi- camikunk. The desired messenger was to announce to the Chiefs that the expected colony was near at hand, to tell them that it was impossible to proceed farther than twenty miles by water, and to remind them of their promise to provide horses for the land journey. John Thomas and Jacob were successful in their efforts. After tramping through the woods for many miles, they heard the barking of dogs and in this way they were led to the camp of an Indian family from Woapicamikunk. They learned that they were a three days' journey, on horseback, from their destina- tion. The father of Jhe family expressed his willingness to act as messenger and to return after six days to report. The Indian brethren handed him a piece of tobacco bound with white ribbon and he left on his errand at once. Meanwhile the friendly white people of the neighborhood assisted the missionaries and their companions up-stream the remaining twenty miles. April twenty-fourth, at three o'clock in the afternoon, they at last reached the forks of the river, where Brookville now stands. Here the White Water Creek separates into two arms, the one from the west and the other from the north. Between these the 275 missionaries encamped on a stretch of land over which the trail to Woapicamikunk passed. In fact, their camp was quite near this trail. Here they were still one hundred miles from their proposed settlement. Four days later, the messenger who had been sent to Woapi- camikunk returned, but with no favorable report. He had come back without horses, because the Chiefs were not at home, having gone to Post Vincennes to attend a conference. The rest of the men had not returned yet from the chase. True to his trust, the messenger did the best that he could and sent the tobacco down the river to another town, though he did not think it would do much good, because the Indians there, too, would still be away on their hunting-grounds. This was discouraging news indeed. With the help of a riderless horse that had come out of the woods, the heathen family whom they had met having placed it at their disposal, they decided to push forward by slow stages. All things packed, they began their weary march. Brother Kluge carried the tinware on a stick, his wife carried a pail of milk, and Brother Luckenbach had his traveling bag slung over his shoulder. In this fashion they moved forward, driving the cows before them and encouraging one another. They decided to send another messenger to Woapicamikunk, and, on May first, they commissioned John Thomas to under- take the journey. He had not gone more than a mile, however, before he was met by an Indian captain, the brother of Mary. In the absence of the Chiefs, he was to convey the baggage of the newcomers from the portage to their destination. He had been away from home when the former messenger arrived, but heard of the matter in the woods and had straightway come with four horses. Needless to say, the captain was warmly welcomed by the pilgrims and, in turn, he seemed pleased to see them. About this time the stray horse referred to before, was claimed by its owner. On the fifth of May Brother Luckenbach's birthday anniversary was celebrated. In honor of the event Sister Kluge had baked a cake the previous day. Though it was completely crushed on the journey, it had lost none of its flavor. Days of rain made travel impossible. Ska was sent to Woapi- camikunk for more horses, but unfortunately he became drunk and forgot his errand. It was very essential that they should 276 reach their new home soon, or they would miss the planting time. The season was far enough advanced even then. Brother Luekenbach and Wangomind, an old heathen Indian, volun- teered to undertake the errand on which Ska had so grievously failed. Brother Luekenbach gives an interesting account of this excursion, in his autobiography. He writes : "Being lightly clad, and the blanket containing my provisions suspended by straps, like a knapsack from my shoulders, I followed my guide with rapid strides. Carrying his gun on his shoulder, with a string of dried venison dangling therefrom, and his knife and tomahawk at his side, he looked very pleasantly on me, did all that lay in his power to render himself agreeable to me, and ap- peared to value himself highly because of the confidence I placed in him as my guide. "Supposing that I wished to reach the place of our destination as soon as possible, he ran along the Indian trail without stop- ping, passing knee-deep through all the bogs and ponds that he came across, which, owing to the late heavy rains, were filled with water. At first I looked out for fallen trees or other means to cross over them dry shod, but having several times lost sight of him, and being scarcely able to keep up with him, I grew wise by experience, and followed him, without regard to myself or my clothing, straight through mud and water. And he was highly rejoiced to find that I could now keep up with him, and had already profited so much by his example. Not being able to converse with me, and having a mind to stop, he pointed with bis finger to the sun, to signify that the dinner hour had arrived. He then cut off several slices of his dried venison, and very kindly offered me one of them, which of course I did not refuse. I then presented a piece of my bread to him, which he accepted with loud applause. And so, after smoking a pipe together, we proceeded on our journey, which resulted in our obtaining the pack horses which we required." As a matter of fact the latter part of the last sentence is not quite accurate. According to the diary he came back without any horses, but Jacob's brother-in-law brought six, with the in- tention, however, of rendering assistance to no one save his sister and her husband. At that rate the missionaries had no more help than before. Their troubles were increased by 277 drunken Indians, among the number Michael and Ska, who had been a great care all along on account of their weakness for drink. A drunken Indian followed the mission party and sold whisky to all who would buy. Soon Jacob's brother-in-law and Michael and Ska were hopelessly drunk and howled, all night long, like wild beasts. "He who never saw a drunken Indian," writes Brother Kluge, "cannot possibly imagine what it is like. It is as if he had been transformed into an evil spirit." Part of the time the needs of the pilgrims were supplied by fish and game, but for days they had very little to eat. Sister Kluge was often at her wit's end, not knowing what to prepare for the hungry mouths that had to be fed somehow. On one occasion the Lord helped her in a rather remarkable manner. She had been in great perplexity over the noon-day meal, when an Indian girl came running out of the woods and brought her a number of eggs. These must have been laid by hens brought from Goshen or elsewhere at some previous time. Surely the Heavenly Father provided for His own. On the seventeenth, they encamped on the hunting grounds of the Shawnee Indians. They found shelter in two log huts which had been loosely put together, Indian fashion. Here they conducted an Ascension Day service for the Indians, because it had not been possible to have it on the fourteenth, which was the festival day. The blessing of this service strengthened them all. In the evening, however, a dark cloud enshrouded them. The drunken Indians gave more trouble and actually imperilled the lives of the pilgrims. They took refuge in prayer. Brother Kluge writes in this connection : "We see quite plainly that the Evil One does all in his power to frustrate our object even before we reach our destination. There is nothing for us to do but to prove ourselves true Christian soldiers and cling to the Saviour, who through His death overcame the Enemy. We, therefore, renew our covenant with Him, promise Him to be faithful and, in patient trust, let nothing frighten us away from the hard task which He has given us to perform." Forty miles from Woapicamikunk, John Thomas suggested that the rest of the party should push forward, while he and his family remain behind with the baggage until sent for. His sug- gestion was followed. On the way they had more trouble with 2 7 8 drunken Indians, one night being obliged to flee to the woods for their lives. They lay down on the ground under the open sky to rest, but not to sleep ; the mosquitoes and the hideous noise of the Indians making that impossible. Alt last, on May twenty-first, they reached Woapicamikunk, at four o'clock in the afternoon. The sight that met them was not at all encouraging. The Indians were engaged in drinking and dancing and shouting. No wonder that the hearts of the poor missionaries were filled with sadness. To stop was out of the question, so they pro- ceeded a mile farther and there pitched their tents. Here they were visited by a number of baptized Indian women, whom they invited to the mission to be established about twenty miles down the river. Next day, Brother Luckenbach and Michael borrowed five horses from the Indians, and two more from a friend of John Thomas, with which they returned for the baggage which had been left behind, forty miles away. Meanwhile, Brother and Sister Kluge proceeded on their journey, driving the cows before them. At three o'clock in the afternoon they came to another Indian town. Here Tedpachsit and Hockingpomsga lived. They were received in the house of the latter and enjoyed Indian hospitality. Among the Indian delicacies served were pancakes made without eggs and fried in bear's grease. A very sweet sassafras tea quenched their thirst. The tired missionaries were hungry and the food and drink tasted good. Finally, on the twenty-fifth of May, they reached their destination. They were much encouraged by the text for the day: "If thou wilt walk in my statutes, and execute my judgments, and keep all my com- mandments to walk in them, then will I perform my word with thee." — I Kings VI :i2. Five days later they were joined by Brother Luckenbach and John Thomas and his family. 279 CHAPTER IV The Beginning of the Mission At the time the missionaries began their labors among the Indians on the White River, Indiana was still a wilderness. Here and there on the banks of a river or on the shore of some lake, were the rude huts and wigwams of the natives. Few and far between were the habitations of the whites who had been bold enough to venture into the wilds. There were only five thousand white people in the territory, and these were widely scattered over the vast region now included in the States of Indiana, Illinois, Wisconsin and Michigan. Even Vincennes, the oldest permanent white settlement in Indiana, was no more than a struggling village of about fifty houses. Fort Wayne was but seven years old and had few inhabitants. In addition to these two settlements, there were several small trading-posts. Though there were a number of French and English and a generous sprinkling of people from other states, most of the settlers had come from the Carolinas, where the poor white man was re- garded as little better than a slave. There were no school-houses or schools of any kind. Without churches, the more devout would meet occasionally in private houses for public worship. In short, there were few traces of civilization anywhere. To any one unacquainted with the conditions which confronted the missionaries, the question would naturally arise why the mis- sion was established so near the Indian towns. It would have been better for the little congregation had it been farther re- moved from heathen vice and degradation. No one realized this more strongly than the missionaries themselves. Before they left Goshen, Zeisberger had adtvised them to settle at least ten miles away from the nearest heathen village and they fully intended to do so. But, unfortunately, conditions were contrary to their expectations. In the first place, the Indian Chiefs designated the exact place where they wanted the Christian town, so that the missionaries really had little or no choice in the matter of location. At the 28o place assigned, the Indians pledged them their protection, promising faithfully that no whisky should be brought to the station and that no drunken Indian should be allowed to molest them. At the same time, they made it very plain that they would do nothing for them should they decide to locate elsewhere. Nevertheless, the little band of Christians did not submit at once to the inevitable. For a whole week they looked around for a suitable site, other than the one indicated, deciding first on one and then on another, but in the end they came back to the place which the Chiefs had pointed out. This place was two or three miles east of the present site of Anderson. It is reasonably sure that this was the exact location of the mission station. According to the mission diary, the Christian village was situated on the east bank of the White River, about twenty miles below Woapicamikunk, and three miles from the point where the stream makes the big bend, which caused the much traveled Indian road that led along the river, to go straight through the woods. Otherwise the road would have passed through the mission settlement. It was but three miles away, as it was. The river-bend referred to must have been the one above Anderson. These facts verify tradition. In this neighborhood the early settlers of 1821 found a well- preserved house, which was undoubtedly the one erected by the missionaries. They also discovered the remains of a large Indian village not far away. This village must have been Woapi- mintschi, "the place where the chestnut trees grow," which lay on a small stream that flowed into the White River, three or four miles from the station. Relatives of a man named John Allen, who lived on the bank of the river opposite this village, are said to have heard him tell of frequent visits to the Indians and of missionaries who worked among them. All things considered, the site of the mission was the best that could be found under the circumstances. Had the missionaries located on the well-traveled road which connected the Indian villages, whisky and all sorts of undesirable Indians would have passed through their settlement. The station was eight miles from the nearest Indian town in one direction, and four miles in the other. Though the proximity of the heathen proved a detri- ment to the Christian Indians, a few miles more or less would 28l have made no difference. Those who had a weakness for drink preferred to go to the towns farthest removed from home for the indulgence of their craving, in this way hoping the better to avoid detection. The actual work of getting settled had not proceeded very far before the little flock were honored by a visit from Tedpachsit and Pachgantschihilas. This was on the twenty-seventh of June. The two Chiefs were rather old and quite venerable looking. Both wore broad blue belts, a silver ring as a collar around the neck, and carried in their hands a turkey wing to chase away the flies. The missionaries had no houses as yet, but the Chiefs, having intimated their desire to stay over night, had to be ac- commodated somehow, so the tent of Jacob was placed at their disposal. While partaking of supper, they showed all their im- portant papers and treaties made with white people. These documents they always carried with them wherever they went. They expressed their joy and gratitude over the coming of the Christian Indians and their teachers. They also related that, not long since, they had received a message from the English, saying that in August the Chiefs of all the Indian nations should gather at the lake; that a great man had arrived from England, who called them his children and who would like to know them all. After the meal was over, Brother Kluge addressed those present, Joshua acting as interpreter. The message of God's love for sinners and the earnest invitation to accept the gospel was re- ceived with great interest. In fact, so attentive was Pachgant- schihilas to the preaching of the Word that he took his long, drooping ear-lobe into his mouth. This was quite possible, be- cause the Indians were in the habit of splitting their ear-lobes and ornamenting them with silver rings. To the rings they at- tached pieces of lead which naturally drew down the lobes until they could readily be put into the mouth. When the lobe was split, as in the present instance, it hung down to the shoulder l?ke a huge worm. After the service the Chiefs expressed their appreciation of what they had heard about God. The next day they presented papers, which they had received from the white people, and respectfully requested one of the missionaries to read them. This Brother Luckenbach did gladly 12 282 and Joshua translated them. After this was over, Joshua handed the Chiefs a string of wampum, in the name of the missionaries and Christian Indians, and at the same time delivered the fol- lowing words : "You called us to this place with the Word of God and we accepted the invitation. We thank God for our safe arrival. We sincerely trust that you will keep your promise and allow no one to molest us ; that you will permit no whisky nor drunken persons to come to or near the station ; and that you will never call upon us to enter into a treaty nor ask us to ac- company you to war. We desire to live among you in peace, in order that we may preach the Word of God and that you may hear it." In answer to these words, Pachgantschihilas gave the assur- ance that the Christian Indians had been called for no other pur- pose than to preach the gospel, and that they might have a share in the enjoyment of the land on both sides of the river, which the Delawares had received from the Seven Nations. "We wanted you and your teachers to come," he declared, "and you may rest assured that no one will be permitted to molest or hin- der you in your work. We will prevent none of our people from coming to you to hear the Word of God, yea, we will rather en- courage them to do so. It will be a pleasure to us if a great many Indians will move to your village. Evermore do we want to live together in love and peace." To all this Tedpachsit gave his hearty endorsement. However much the sincerity of these words may be doubted as coming from the lips of Pachgantschihilas, it is quite probable that they expressed the true sentiments of the peaceful Ted- pachsit. Soon after the meeting with the missionaries and their little flock, he invited all his young people to a feast and ad- dressed them as follows : "My Children ! You see how old T am and how gray my hair is. Still I am not on the right path, as the Great Spirit would have me be. Often have we admonished you not to drink and be drunken, and that you should do no evil. All to no avail. We, the Chiefs, remained unchanged. We have learned, however, that it is largely due to our example that you are what you are. Any one who desires to change his life, I now tell you, may go to the Christians and hear the Word of God. I, too, have heard it and found it to be the truth. Any one who 283 desires to move to the Christians is at liberty to do so. You must not only be satisfied to hear the great Word but you must strive to live accordingly." Though Tedpachsit never became a Christian, his words breathe a beautiful spirit and show that he really had the best interests of his people at heart. In spite of the Chiefs' assurances of friendship and interest, the missionaries soon learned that they were doing all in their power to prevent their people from becoming Christians and from moving to the Christian settlement. They were un- doubtedly afraid that they would lose influence with the Indians, and that their dignity would suffer, should too many of them adopt the Christian faith. Moreover, they were not a little dis- pleased over the fact that so few of the Goshen Indians had re- sponded to their invitation, after they had made it plain that they desired all of them to come to the White River. They re- proached the Christian Indians for it whenever they had the opportunity. They had been especially anxious to have the White Eyes and Kilbuck families come to them. It is not likely that old Tedpachsit shared this feeling or joined in the persecu- tion. Meanwhile, the missionaries were in the midst of toil to which they were wholly unaccustomed. Twenty acres of land had been set aside for the Christian congregation. Of these the mission- aries had an acre and a half for their own use. The season for planting was far advanced and a day's delay meant much, so they immediately began to clear the ground with the greatest possible haste and prepared the way for the harvest which might still be possible. Under the scorching rays of the sun, they wielded the scythe and the spade, with badly blistered hands they sowed the seed and planted the vegetables, and in the end God honored their faith and their toil with a far more abundant harvest than they had anticipated under the circumstances. The corn did not yield a very large return, but by fall they had over six bushels of potatoes, almost as many bushels of turnips, over a hundred heads of cabbage, besides pickles, beans, beets, carrots and other vegetables, surely a goodly store to tide them over the barren months of winter. The missionaries did not regard the ground as particularly rich, but this may have been due to the fact that all that they 284 grew had to be raised on virgin soil. Considering the inade- quate implements with which they had to prepare the ground, their harvest returns, in favorable seasons, were as good as could be expected. Watermelons that weighed as much as fourteen pounds, and marsh melons that were equally heavy, ^rew in abundance. Garden vegetables, corn and other cereals, yielded a satisfactory crop. One year the missionaries raised on their acre and a half, among other things, sixty-five bushels of corn, twelve bushels of potatoes and about three good wagon- loads of pumpkins. The prairie furnished abundant pasture and hay they could have in any quantity needed. Blackberries grew in profusion. These served as a useful article of food for white man and savage. The Indians dried them in large quantities and stored them away for the winter season, when they baked them in corn meal. This they regarded a great delicacy. The missionaries, in their own way, likewise made good use of the berries. Near the station was a large tract of woodland. Here and elsewhere in the neighborhood grew the chestnut, oak, walnut, poplar, linden, maple, wild crab-apple, plum and' other varieties of trees. Sugar-making from the sap of the maple tree was an important industry among the Indians. The missionaries like- wise made large quantities of sugar, two good pailsful of the sap making one pound of the finished product. There were a great many snakes around, the black snake and the deadly rattler being among the number. One time a rattle snake bit the horse of the missionaries while it was grazing on the prairie. The jaw became greatly swollen and inflamed, and if it had not been for an old Cherokee Indian, who concocted a remedy, the horse would have died. Wild animals were plentiful. Among these were the bear, wolf, panther, wildcat, deer, beaver, otter, raccoon and a variety of others. It was not at all unusual for an Indian to kill as many as ten bears a day. Not having the necessary means of trans- portation at his command, he would take as much of the meat as he could conveniently carry and leave the rest to decay or to the wild beasts of the forest. The skins, however, were never left behind. These were valuable. A bear-skin was worth from a dollar and a half to two dollars, and a pound of bear's hair 285 brought a dollar. The pelts of some other animals were worth much more. For example, an otter-skin would bring five dollars. Any pelt worth selling at all brought a dollar, because the Indian would ask that much for anything that he had to put on the market. This was due to the fact, no doubt, that for every- thing he purchased from the traders, he had to pay a high price. Joshua and Jacob, being too old for the chase, engaged con- siderably in trapping. Wolves were exceedingly plentiful and, in consequence, a source of great annoyance. Because one of the tribes bore the name of the wolf, this animal enjoyed the special protection of the Indian. The agricultural pursuits of the missionaries were only a part of their strenuous activities. Trees had to be felled and shelter provided for themselves and their Indian charge. At first they lived in a miserable hut, good enough for dry weather, but wholly inadequate when it rained. Later they put up temporary shelter to protect them from the rain and the sun, and then one house after the other was erected until all were provided for. By the last day of October, the first permanent house was finished and Brother Kluge and his wife immediately moved into it. The greater part of this work the missionaries had to do alone. Several French traders rendered some assistance. The work of the Indian brethren amounted to very little. Instead of being a help, they were rather a hindrance. Under date of August 31, 1801, the diary contains the follow- ing significant record : "Assisted by the three Indian brethren, we were busily engaged in putting up the last logs of Brother Kluge's house. Things go slowly. We must board our few Indian brethren for the little work which they do. They spend more time eating than working, and even then grumble that they have to assist us in our building operations." They were old and indolent, depending on the missionaries for much that they should have done themselves. Even in the most fruitful years, their harvest returns were meager, simply because the planting and the cultivation of corn required too much exertion to suit their taste and inclination. But the Lord was with the missionaries and surely each had the strength of ten. In a little more than half a year, the high hill on which the mission was located had a chapel or assembly hut, two other huts and seven 286 well-built log houses. The first service in the chapel was held January 19, 1802. The following year new farm labors awaited them. The horses and the cattle belonging to the savages roamed about at will, therefore it was essential to have fences around the mission property. Again the axe had to be shouldered, trees felled and many hundreds of rails^ split for the protection of the crops. In this connection, the Indian brethren had to be assisted again, or their fields would have been without fences. It was the part of wisdom to help them, because they depended on the mission- aries for corn and other articles of food, as soon as their own supply was exhausted. In spite of the tremendously hard manual work that simply had to be done, if they did not want to starve, the missionaries were untiring in their zeal to witness for Christ. Every opportunity was embraced to preach the gospel to the Indians already in their charge, as well as to those who visited the station from time to time. After their long day's hard toil on the field or in the woods — often there was barely enough time or strength left for a change of garment before the evening service — a daily religious meet- ing was held, unless prevented by the absence of Joshua, the interpreter, who was frequently away from home on business or was for other reasons temporarily unfitted for the task. Hard as this unceasing toil was for the men, it must have been harder still for Sister Kluge. She was the only white woman for miles around and she had little or no assistance from the Indians. And in addition to all her strenuous labor, she became the mother of three children during her stay on the White River. Karl Friedrich, her first-born, enjoyed the distinction of being the first white child to be born in what is now Madison County, Indiana. He was born July 21, 1801 ; his sister, Henrietta, Sep- tember 1, 1803, ar) d J onn Henry, December 31, 1805. With little added expense to the church in whose interests they labored, the missionaries might have saved themselves a great deal of toil, but not for a moment would they have thought of incurring it. A sentence or two from one of Brother Kluge's letters gives evidence of their self-sacrificing spirit. After drawing the sum of fifty dollars, which barely covered their most urgent needs, he wrote apparently in apologetic de- 28/ fense of what he feared the authorities might regard an extrava- gance : "We would have drawn a smaller amount, if it had been at all possible. The journey to Cincinnati is expensive. We have no horse of our own and we cannot hire one for less than a dollar a day. But I assure you, we do our utmost to save the mission money and, in consequence, do all the heavy work our- selves." Later on, they had a horse of their own. But hard toil was not the only thing which depleted their strength. Very often they did not have enough to eat. Especi- ally was this the case the first summer, when for a long time they largely depended for sustenance on corn-meal and milk. They passed one whole winter without any flour in the house, the snow being too deep and the weather too cold for traders to come around. At such times they crushed the corn as well as they could, and baked from the meal some sort of bread. Fre- quently, they suffered because their crops had been damaged by drought or flood. Flour was expensive, costing from four to eight dollars a hundred. Though game was plentiful, they were often without meat. Missionaries and Indians suffered a great deal from sickness. The country was new and bilious fever was common. Some- times the three missionaries were afflicted with it at the same time, but, for the most part, one or the other happened to be up and about, while the other two were prostrated. Naturally the fevers greatly reduced their strength and eventually weakened their constitution. The periodic sickness was especially hard on Brother Kluge, who was at no time any too rugged in health. Miles away from civilization, there was no physician within reach. The only remedies they could apply were the few that they had at their own disposal. They hardly felt like resorting to the means that an Indian and his wife employed while the latter was afflicted with a severe attack of bilious fever. She suffered from extreme nausea and naturally had no desire to eat anything at all. They came to the missionaries to buy a pig so that the sick woman might eat her fill of pork. Both were of the opinion that this would surely effect a cure. The missionaries remonstrated, but in vain. What the woman needed was a strong emetic, but the Indians were insistent, and they would not rest content, until they had purchased the pig. They took 288 it away and no doubt prepared a generous dose for the poor, suffering woman. The sequel may be readily imagined. The extreme loneliness of the situation can hardly be realized. It must have been overpowering at times and almost more than they could endure. Nothing but the grace of God could sustain them under such discouraging circumstances. Far away from the most ordinary^ comforts of civilized life, surrounded by- degraded and bestial savages, in the midst of a great wilderness, with none of their kind within easy reach, under the constant strain of hard manual labor and of unceasing activities in the earnest endeavor to win the savages for the better life, with worry and discouragement as their daily portion, the faithful witnesses had little to cheer or to comfort them. Their only contact with the outside world was through the traders, correspondence with friends and loved ones in the dis- tance, and an occasional trip to Cincinnati, a hundred and twenty-five miles away. These journeys Brother Luckenbach, being the younger and without family cares, made two or three times a year. He would as a rule travel alone and on horseback. The Lord was his protection; in consequence, he was never molested. In his autobiography he wrote concerning these journeys: "During the inclement season I generally carried a small tent with me, which I would pitch in front of a fallen tree, and then keep up a large fire during the night, while reposing my weary limbs on a blanket spread out on the ground, my saddle serving me as a pillow. My greatest concern was my horse, whom I had to allow sufficient liberty to enable him to seek his food in the vicinity, because I was continually in danger of losing him, or myself, in the woods. "The object of my journey being known, namely, that I ex- pected to return with a supply of funds, well-meaning people would sometimes advise me not to travel unarmed and alone through the dense forest, for fear of being maltreated or robbed by wicked borderers living among the white people. But I in- variably replied that since the Lord had thus far held his pro- tecting hand over me, I felt confident that He would continue to do so ; and, if He should withdraw it, I did not believe that any fire-arms would be likely to save me." For months at a time the missionaries were shut off from all save the Indians about them. 289 Their letters they would get through the traders or Indian couriers or when Brother Luckenbach or some of the Indian brethren went to Cincinnati. Fortunately, the three white mis- sionaries were the most congenial friends, and, in their mutual regard for one another, they found a constant source of en- couragement amid their many trials. 290 CHAPTER V Difficulties in the Way of Success The endeavor to evangelize the White River Indians was at- tended with such insuperable difficulties that even the stoutest heart might well have been filled with discouragement. At that time the mission could not succeed ; from the very beginning the work was doomed to failure. This was in no way the fault of the missionaries. Had the success of the enterprise depended upon them, their loyal witness for Christ, their unselfish de- votion and indefatigable labor would have assured it, and every Indian would have been saved. But a great many untoward circumstances conspired against the cause of the Lord and con- tributed to the defeat of the consecrated missionaries. At that time, the attitude of the Indian toward the white man in general was one of suspicion and distrust. And that not with- out reason. The Indian may have been wily and treacherous and guilty of worse traits and offenses, but it cannot be denied that he had been shamefully treated, and, perhaps, largely made what he was by the avaricious whites. He was driven westward at the point of the sword. Hardly had he settled in one place, when he had to flee to another. His hunting-grounds constantly became more restricted ; it took no prophetic vision to see thac very soon these would be lost to him altogether. Fourteen years before the little congregation of Moravian Indians began its precarious existence on the White River, Major-General Arthur St. Clair was appointed Governor of the newly-organized Northwestern Territory. His instructions were to effect the extinguishment of all Indian titles to the land. To Major Hamtrank, the commandant stationed at Vincennes, was entrusted the task of ascertaining the temper of the Indians. He found that most of the Chiefs were dissatisfied with the policy of the Americans and greatly prejudiced against them through English misrepresentations. When St. Clair received this re- port, he concluded that there was no prospect of effecting a general peace with the Indians. He decided to subdue them by 2 9 I force. To this end, General Harmer, with 1450 men under his command, went out to meet the hostile savages. His expedition proved a failure. Although the Indians were severely punished, they declined to sue for peace. Their hostilities continued. Next Brigadier-General Scott conducted 800 mounted men against the Indians, but apart from destroying a number of villages and killing thirty-two warriors, not much was accomplished. Congress now decided to make a determined effort to crush the Indians. Provision was made for raising and equipping a regiment for the protection of the frontiers and overcoming the stubborn resistance of the enemy. St. Clair took command of 3000 troops which he was to employ against the savages in the territory over which his administration extended. Before he began his campaign, he sent Brigadier-General Wilkinson, with 500 men, to subdue the redskins who lived on the Wabash. This resulted in considerable damage to the Indians, but the white man gained no advantage. The savages became more incensed against the Americans. They realized more than ever before that the United States aimed to drive them out entirely. Im- pelled by a mingled feeling of fear and revenge, it is not sur- prising that their hostilities increased and that their resistance became all the stronger. In this they were actively supported by the British. Contrary to the treaty of peace made in 1783, the English were still supporting garrisons at Detroit, Niagara and Michilimackinaic, an(d) furnishing the Indian tribes with cloth- ing, provisions and ammunition. Not until the treaty of 1796 did the British withdraw from the country, after which these annoyances ceased. On November 3, 1791, St. Clair, with a force of about 2000 men, encamped at the headwaters of the Wabash. A few miles distant about 1200 Indian warriors lay in readiness to make an attack as soon as a favorable opportunity should afford itself. The Indians were under the command of Little Turtle, Blue Jacket and Pachgantschihilas. The following morning, a short time before the sun gilded the eastern sky, hostilities began. It was a hard-fought battle and resulted in a crushing defeat to the Americans. St. Clair lost 39 officers and 539 men; 22 of his officers and 132 of his other men were wounded. Dillon, in his "History of Indiana," refers to this defeat in these words: 292 "With the army of St. Clair, following the fortunes of their husbands, there were more than one hundred women. Very few escaped the carnage of the fourth of November, and after the flight of the remnant of the army, the Indians began to avenge their real and imaginary wrongs by perpetrating the most horrible acts of cruelty and brutality upon the bodies of the living and dead Americans who fell into their hands. Believing that the whites for many years made war merely to acquire land, the Indians crammed clay and sand into the eyes and down the throats of the dying and the dead." St. Clair resigned his command and Anthony Wayne, of Revolutionary fame, succeeded him. In August, 1794, the Americans, under their new commander, gained a decisive victory over the Indians at the foot of the rapids of the Maumee. A year later, Wayne succeeded in concluding a treaty of peace with all the hostile tribes who inhabited the territory of the United States lying northwest of the Ohio River. The Indians had now been forced to surrender all their lands to the whites, with the exception of those within the present limits of Indiana. At last the redskins were subdued, but deep down in their hearts burned the raging desire that the day of vengeance might dawn soon. Most of them at heart hated the avaricious whites with a deadly hatred. Needless to say, it made little or no dif- ference to the Indians whether the pale-face happened to be a colonist or a missionary. The inrush of settlers filled them with dark forebodings. The sound of the pioneer's axe fell ominously upon the ears of the savages. Their leading spirits had long dreamed dreams, but hitherto they had been unsuccessful in their efforts to drive out the hated whites. They were now con- vinced that nothing but the great confederacy of all the tribes, dreamed of by Teedyuscung* more than half a century before *Teedyuscung was the son of the noted Delaware Chief called old Captain Harris. When the Moravian pioneers came to Nazareth, in 1740, this Indian and his people were living nearby in a village called Welaga- nieka. He hated the English and his proud spirit smarted under the indignities put upon his tribe. After much hesitation on the part of the Moravian Brethren, Teedyuscung was baptized by Bishop Cammerhoff, Marcli iq, 1750, at Gnadenhuetten on the Mahoning. In his "History of Bethlehem," Bishop Levering makes the following reference to this bap- 293 their time, could accomplish their purpose. Messengers were sent out in all directions and tribes invited to join the movement. All the Indians were to gather on the White River before the great blow should be struck. In January of the same year that the missionaries began their labors, William Henry Harrison took his seat at Vincennes as Governor of Indiana Territory.* Congress had instructed him to do all in his power to promote peace and harmony among the different tribes of northwestern Indians, to induce them, if pos- sible, to abandon their mode of living and to engage in the prac- tice of agriculture and other pursuits of civilized life. He was empowered to negotiate treaties between the United States and the Indian tribes, and to extinguish by such treaties the Indian title to lands within the boundaries of the territory. He found tism: "His position among the Indians, his commanding personality, his tribal and family pretentions, and his previous character as a reckless man who gloried in his contempt of all restraints and of the opinion of others in reference to his conduct, served to render the occasion a peculiarly im- pressive one for the Indian congregation." He received the name Gideon. Teedyuscung endeavored to restore the prestige of the Delawares and to unite the Indians against the whites. He sought to form an alliance and to attract unto himself both the heathen and Christian Indians, When he failed in his attempt to draw the Moravian Indians away from the mission, he tried to get the Government to force them to his side. He represented these Indians as being held prisoners against their wishes by the Mora- vians, and intimated that the Government would do a good service by aiding him in liberating his people. He was the universally feared leader in many murderous raids against the whites and the Moravians suffered much at his hands. The winter of 1757-58 he spent in a little cabin in what is now South Bethlehem. Here he was visited by many Indians from all over the country, but either the time was not ripe for it or he was not great enough to carry out his cherished scheme of forming an alliance. At all events nothing ever came of it. In the spring of 1758, he and his Indians removed to Wyoming, where the wily schemer, whom no man could tame or subdue, came to a horrible death. Lying in a drunken stupor on his cabin-floor, fire broke out and he was burned to death. Teedyuscung cannot be compared with the great Tecumseh. His motives were alto- gether selfish even in his pretended endeavor to restore Delaware prestige. *Indiana Territory comprised that portion of Northwest Territory which lay west and north of the Ohio River. It was organized in 1800. Vin- cennes was the capital until 1813. 294 the Indians suspicious and out of temper, so that the task laid upon him was no easy one. But the Governor was better prepared for his duties than were the missionaries for their difficult work. Not only was he a man of great executive ability, sound judgment and kindliness of spirit, but his training and his past experience were such as to fit him for the position which he filled with so much credit to himself and benefit to the nation. The Indian was no stranger to him, neither was he a stranger in the land to which he had come. As an aide-de-camp on the staff of General Wayne, he had taken part in the decisive conflict against the Indians on the Maumee. He had also been active in other engagements against them. Before his election to Congress he was the Secretary of the Northwestern Territory. He was therefore thoroughly ac- quainted with the Indian country. The rights and wrongs of the natives were known to him, and above all he understood Indian nature. At heart, he was the friend of the red man. It is there- fore not surprising that he achieved such conspicuous success in his many difficult undertakings. To say that the missionaries were not as well fitted for their trying work among the Indians, is to reflect no discredit on them. Neither does it detract the least from the service which they did render. At the same time, their lack of qualification and preparation proved a hindrance to the success of the mission. Brother Luckenbach was but twenty-three years old, and' by his own confession, more or less of unsettled conviction. Though his whole after-life mark him as a man of the most self-sacri- ficing devotion to the Lord, his previous life and his experience as teacher at Nazareth Hall contributed little or nothing toward preparing him for the exceedingly difficult work among the White River Indians. Brother Kluge was no better fitted for the task. Under the guidance of an experienced head, he might have ac- complished a great deal, but left to himself he showed that he lacked the gift of leadership. No one could question his sin- cerity of purpose for a moment, but he was not the kind of man who would impress the Indians. The utter loneliness of the situation, the extreme difficulty of the work, and the drunken- ness of the Indians make one shiver, but many a man would have made the best of things. This Brother Kluge could not do very 2 9 5 well. He had not been on the field long before he decided that nothing could be accomplished, or, in justice to him, he may have realized that he was not the man for the place. At least, he begged the Helpers' Conference to be returned to civilized life. Unused to the hard toil of the pioneer, he complained about it to his superiors at Bethlehem and to the Christian Indians as well, trying to impress the latter on every conceivable occasion that they should do the work for him. When the Indians fell into sin, he talked to them in words that were per- fectly true, but they were unintelligible to the poor sinner, who needed a loving arm around him to inspire him with confidence and strength for the future. That the White River Indians shared in the general feeling of distrust and hatred of the whites was evident to the missionaries from the first. The brutal Gnadenhuetten massacre was still fresh in their minds. The strong suspicion prevailed that Kluge and Luckenbach had come to make them "tame," as they be- lieved had been done on the Muskingum, and that, after this had been accomplished, they would give the signal to the whites, who would be only too glad to come and kill them. Numerous instances might be given to show how widespread this erroneous belief was. In January of the mission's second year, a young Delaware who had been baptized by the Brethren in Ohio but who had lapsed into heathenism again, came to the station. Asked whether there was any desire on the part of the Indians, as far as he knew, to hear the Word of God, he answered that there was none. He then told of an old baptized woman living among the heathen, who constantly admonished them not to be deceived, because all that the missionaries wanted was to tame them preparatory to another massacre. After more than two months, the young man went away, giving the following reason for doing so : "I cannot forget how many of my friends were massacred in Gnadenhuetten. I be- lieve, as do all the Indians, that the missionaries were to blame, for they called the brutal whites when the time had come. It will be the same way here. After the missionaries have gathered a great many Indians together, the whites will be called to destroy them. I want to leave here, therefore, before I become tame." In this connection Brother Kluge wrote : "This foolish 296 talk we have to hear constantly. It seems as if Satan tried in this way to keep the poor heathen in his power." That the Indians really entertained such fears cannot be doubted. They fully expected a repetition of bloodshed. The slightest rumor that the time for it had come would arouse the most intense excitement among them. Such was the case, the third of August, 1803, when a report was circulated that the Chiefs had received a declaration of war. Feeling ran high in all the Indian towns. The whole matter proved to be a farce, but while it was going on, it was serious enough. A great many Indians fled to the woods, while others prepared for war to the knife. The Christian Indians were likewise possessed with fear and earnestly inquired of the missionaries whether they, too, should flee. They were afraid that they would fare like their friends on the Muskingum. They were advised to pack their belongings and to keep themselves in readiness, so that they might make their escape at a moment's notice, should the oc- casion for it actually arise. Meanwhile the missionaries were anything but cheered as they heard the savages practise their blood-curdling war-songs. While the excitement was at its height, the heathen daughter of a recently baptized invalid woman named Elizabeth, came at full speed to the mission with a horse, for the purpose of taking her sick mother to a place of safety. She laid Elizabeth full length on the back of the horse, bound her limbs to its neck and the arms to the hind legs, and then fastened a stout strap around the middle. This done, she hurried off with her precious burden. But she had not proceeded more than a quarter of a mile before the unfortunate mother had fallen from the horse, not once but a number of times. The good intention of the attempted rescue had to be abandoned, the invalid pleading that she would rather die than be thus tortured. The thongs had torn her skin badly and her body was severely bruised by the adventure. Several days later, some Indians who returned from the chase, denied the rumor of war and the excitement gradually died away. At another time, a report was circulated that the white people would come in two years to destroy all the Indians who could not escape, and then take possession of their land. The longer the missionaries stayed, the more evident it be- 2 9 7 came to them that they had not been wanted in the first place. They were not allowed to forget that the Christian Indians, and not they, were the ones who had been called. Even the Indian brethren, while in temporary disgrace on account of some gross inconsistency, reminded them of this. Not very long after their arrival, a report was circulated by the young Indians, who were opposed to the gospel, that the Chiefs had advised their people not to listen to the missionaries nor to have anything to do with them, because they had not been invited to come; furthermore, that the Governor in Philadelphia* had assured them that the Word of God was for the whites, and not for Indians, therefore they should drive the Christian teachers away. Tired of these persistent rumors, the missionaries sent word to the Chiefs, de- manding an explanation. In answer to this, they were told not to give ear to such lying reports ; of course, the Chiefs wanted them, even as they had assured them when they came. But their assurances were not to be trusted. For the time being the mis- sionaries were silenced, but they were far from convinced that the Indians meant what they said. The question arises, why did the Delawares call the Christian Indians and their teachers, if they did not want them? The answer is not difficult to find. Brother Kluge writes : "The reason why the Indian Chiefs invited us to come to them is per- fectly plain to us. Their desire is to attract to themselves as many Indians as they can, in order to make a strong outward appearance. For the Word of God, they care nothing at all. Because they know that the Christian Indians do not move any- where without their teachers, they make all sorts of flattering promises, but they have no idea of keeping them." This was un- doubtedly true. But, at the bottom of it all, there was a great deal more than the mere desire for vain show. It is quite certain that the Delaware Chiefs shared in the desire to unite all the scattered Indian tribes in a strong alliance against the whites. It would not be reasonable to suppose that the talented *By act of Congress the national capital was established at Philadelphia from 1790-1800. In 1800 it was permanently located at the city of Wash- ington. 13 298 Tecumseh,* with his overwhelming ambition to form a great Indian confederacy, could dwell among the Delawares as long as he did, without firing them with the same enthusiasm which burned in his own heart. To accomplish this must have been a comparatively easy matter. At the time, the Delawares were greatly dissatisfied and frequently complained to Governor Harrison concerning the encroachments of the white people upon the lands which rightfully belonged to the Indians, and concerning the invasion of their hunting-grounds and the un- *In 1798, the Delaware Indians who lived on the White River invited Tecumseh and his followers to move to them. The invitation was accepted and for a number of years he had his headquarters in one of the Delaware towns, following the life of a hunter, but, at the same time, seeking to extend his influence among the Indians. He made no secret of his ambition to form an Indian confederacy or league against the whites, with the object of driving them out of the country which lay northwest of the Ohio River and that to the south of it below the mouth of the Cumberland. In the Colonial History of Vincennes, Judge Law says : "The principle with which Tecumseh started out was this : that the Great Spirit had created the distinction between the paleface and the aborigines of the country, with a view of keeping them separate as two distinct races. To the Indians He had given the great West. Here He had established their hunting- grounds The Indians never were, and never would be fitted for agri- culture. They were warriors and hunters. The consequences must be that there could be no fraternization, no affiliation with the white man. He further maintained, that when the white man came he was an interloper, a trespasser on their rights, an intruder on their soil, and must be ex- pelled....; that it was a death-struggle between the white man and the ted, and that now while the whites were sparse in population, weak in numbers, and wanting in strength, was the time to strike the blow, and, if possible, to exterminate the race Another principle which he advo- cated was, that the Great Spirit had given the Indians all their lands in common, to be held by them as such, and not by the various tribes who had settled on portions of it, claiming it as their own; that they were squatters, having no preemption rights, but holding even that on which they lived as mere 'tenants' in common with all the other tribes; that this mere pos- session gave them no title to convey the land without the consent of all; that no single tribe had the right to sell; that the power to sell was not vested in their Chief, but must be the act of the warriors, in council as- sembled, of all the tribes, as the land belonged to all, and no portion of it to any single tribe. Hence in all councils which he held with the whites, he uniformly refused, as did his tribe, until after his death, to acknowledge the validity of any treaty made between the Indians and the Government, 299 justifiable killing of their people. Not to them, but to his su- periors, the Governor had to confess that the complaints of the Indians were far from groundless. It is quite reasonable to suppose that the idea of forming a confederacy was the underlying motive which gave rise to the invitation of the Delawares to the Goshen Indians. Similar invitations were sent out in all directions. Under date of De- cember 18, 1801, the following interesting item is recorded in the mission diary : "We heard that one Indian troop after the other, from far distant places, had arrived in answer to an invi- tation of the Chiefs, who had sent out messengers, inviting Indians everywhere to gather at the White River, so that all might live on Indian lands and far away from the white people/' That other Christian Indians beside those from Goshen, were invited to come to the White River, is seen from an interesting letter* written by the Reverend John Sergeant, a missionary and teacher among the Stockbridge Indians for twenty-five years. "In 1802," he writes, "a council was held at Wappecommehkoke, on the banks of the White River by Delawares and the delegates of the Moheakunnuk (Stockbridge) nation. The former then accepted all the proposals made by the latter, among which was civilization, of which, said the Chief, 'we take hold with both hands.' In the meantime he declared his dependence on his grandchildren ; that is, that we should either teach them our- selves, or lead a white man by the hand, whom we know to be a good, honest man, to instruct them ; that they were desirous that it should take place before they die. The speaker was named Tatepahosect, a principal sachem of the Delaware nation, and his head warrior, named Pokenchilah." Nothing ever came of the matter and the projected mission was never established. utterly denying the power of one or more tribes of Indians to convey the land which they occupied without the consent of all." Tecumseh belonged to the Shawnee tribe. He was born, in 1775, near the present site of Springfield, Ohio. His father was a Shawnee warrior, and his mother a Creek or Cherokee squaw captured and adopted by the Shawnees. He was about thirty-five years old when he formed his plan for a great con- federacy. He was killed in the battle on the Thames, in 1813. According to a Canadian historian, it is quite conceivable that the Americans would have conquered Canada, if it had not been for this brilliant warrior. *From Morse's "Report on Indian Affairs," Appendix, p. 109-110. 300 If one recalls the purpose for which the Chiefs had invited the Goshen Indians to come to Indiana, it is not difficult to imagine the feeling of disgust that must have filled the heart of the sturdj warrior Pachgantschihilas, when he looked upon the little band of Christians for the first time. He had desired the presence of all the Goshen Indians, and especially the White Eyes and the Kilbucks, and instead, he and his people were called upon to welcome two old men, who were no longer fit for the chase and much less for the war-path, a number of women and children, and but one man who might be pressed into service. To counter- act this keen disappointment of the Chiefs and their people would have been a sufficient task for the earnest, but inexperi- enced missionaries. A great hindrance to the work of the mission was the fact that the Indians were perfectly satisfied with their religion. They persisted in the belief that God never intended the Indians to adopt the white man's religion or He would have revealed it to them in the first place. An Indian woman to whom Brother Luckenbach endeavored to make plain the way of salvation, ex- pressed the general belief of her people, when she said : "What you say about God is intended only for the whites. I know well that the Great Spirit created three different persons ; first of all, the negro, then the Indian, and last of all the white man. To each one He gave a specific mode of living, to each He revealed the way in which He should worship Him. Therefore, the Indian must remain true to his customs and his religion." In a similar strain spoke Pachgantschihilas in answer to the missionaries, who complained to him that the Indians were so indifferent to the Word of God. Said he, "What you say is true enough, but we cannot give up our habits, our sacrifices and our teachers. Our fathers, too, received these from the Great Spirit and they left them to us, their children, as a sacred heritage. Your doctrine is for the white man alone. You see yourselves that we have different skins. Had God desired that we should have the same religion, He would have revealed it to us in the first place. But He did not do this, because He wants us to live as we are living now, and to believe nothing else. Besides, we have not forgotten the Gnadenhuetten massacre, when so many Christian Indians lost their lives. The white teachers, your 30i brethren, taught the same things which you are teaching now, and sought to attract the Indians unto themselves. After they had brought a large number together, they called the whites and had them ruthlessly destroyed. I know full well that the teachers (missionaries) were to blame, therefore, I do not want the In- dians to be tamed again, for fear that they will fare likewise." When the missionaries remonstrated and tried to show him that he was laboring under a grave delusion ; that God in love had given the world a Saviour, who laid down His precious life in order that all who believed on Him might be saved from sin and Satan; and that his charge against the missionaries was most unjust, Pachgantschihilas answered : "I do not want to keep any Indians away from you, but neither will I urge them to come and hear you." To this, the other Chiefs gave their hearty assent. This was about the middle of the year 1803. Even at that time very few, if any heathen attended services at the mission. Rumor had it that the Chiefs had commanded their people to stay away. Scoffing Indians made fun of the Chris- tians, saying that they must be very ignorant, because it was necessary for them to hear daily what the white people taught concerning God. Their forefathers had told them what to do and how to live, and they still remembered it, though they had heard it but once. Heckewelder, in his "Indian Nations," tells us that the Dela- wares or Lenni Lenape, which means an original people, or race of men that has existed unchanged from the beginning of time, would not admit that the whites were superior beings. They re- garded them as a mixed race, therefore, a troublesome one. Wherever they may be, the Great Spirit, knowing the wicked- ness of their dispositions, found it necessary to give them a great book (the Bible) and taught them how to read it, that they might know and observe what He wished them to do and to abstain from. But they, the Indians, have no need of any such book to let them know the will of their Maker ; they find it engraved on their hearts ; they have sufficient discernment given them to dis- tinguish good from evil ; and by following the inner voice, they are sure not to err. It is true, they confess, that when they first saw the whites, they took them for superior beings. They thought they might have been sent to them from the abode of 302 the Great Spirit for some great and important purpose. They, therefore, welcomed them, hoping to be made happier by their company. It was not long, however, before they discovered their mistake, having found them an ungrateful, insatiable people, who, though the Indians had given them as much land as was necessary to raise provisions for themselves and their families, and pasture for their cattle, wanted still more, and would not rest content with less than the whole country. And yet these white men, say those injured people, would always be telling of the great book which God had given to them. They would persuade us that every man was good who believed in what the book said and every man was bad who did not believe in it. They told us a great many things, which they said were written in the good book and wanted us to believe it all. We would have done so probably, if we had seen them practise what they pretended to believe, and act according to the good words which they told us. But no, while they held their big book in one hand, in the other they had murderous weapons, guns, and swords, wherewith to kill us poor Indians. Ah, and they did so, too. They killed those who believed on their book, as well as those who did not ; they made no distinction" (pp. 187, 188). "Their pretended worship," wrote Brother Luckenbach in his Autobiography, "is based exclusively on sensual enjoyments and prerogatives, and has reference to long life, wealth, renown, honor and good luck, and frequently to a longing desire to pos- sess supernatural powers, and to be put into fellowship with imaginary tutelary gods, whom they expect to grant them repu- tation and influence. Those who are ambitious for these things, generally succeed in gaining certain advantages at the expense of others ; but, at the same time, they run the risk of being stigmatized as wicked characters, whose arts and supernatural powers are engaged by others, to put their enemies out of the way. The minds of the Indians of both sexes are full of these notions, and this evil has taken such a deep root among them that even such as profess to be delivered from the power of sin by the death of Jesus, still maintain the existence of such hostile powers among the heathen, by means of which they can secretly destroy each other, either by poison or witchcraft, and hence they readily yield their hearts to suspect that such a deed has 303 been committed. A special measure of divine grace is therefore required by a truly converted Indian, in case of sickness or emergency, to abstain from calling in the aid of sorcerers, and to resolve rather to die as a believer in the Saviour, and thus to inherit eternal life, than to regain bodily health through for- bidden medicines and then to perish everlastingly. "The pagan Indians on being told that the Son of God, as the Saviour of the world, assumed our nature, in order to redeem us from the power of sin and Satan; that wicked men crucified Him ; that He arose again from the dead and ascended into heaven, usually evade the subject by saying that they had no hand in the execution of the Son of God, because it neither took place in their country, nor was their nation implicated in its perpetration. Their God, they contended, had also come down from heaven once upon a time and had remained among them for a season, prescribing to them their mode of life and rules for the sacrificial feasts. Coming in a snow-storm, he wore large snow-shoes. Not having maltreated their God, but having given Him an honorable dismissal, and being obedient to His precepts, they felt that, unlike the white people, they had no occasion to reproach themselves with the crucifixion of the Son of God." But difficult as it was to make the Indians understand that the Christian religion was superior to their own, not because it had been revealed to the white man, but because its blessings were the very things for which their pagan faith and life showed them to be seeking, the missionaries felt that the greatest single hindrance to the work of the mission was the powerful god of whisky in whose strong grip most of the Delawares were held fast. Those who have made any serious effort to reclaim some unfortunate slave of the drink-habit can faintly imagine the trials of faith and the tremendous hardships connected with an at- tempt to bring about the conversion of a heathen nation largely composed of the most wretchedly depraved drunkards. In Fair- field, Canada, and in Goshen on the Muskingum, the whisky- traffic was checked through legislation, but on the White River the arm of the law was apparently powerless to impose the necessary restrictions. With the majority of Indians away in the woods from fall until late in spring, and the greater part of their time at home passed in a drunken stupor, the task of the missionary was practically hopeless. 304 CHAPTER VI Inconsistencies of the Christian Indians and the Dis- couragement of the Missionaries Especially sad to relate, the talented and well-meaning Joshua would often visit the heathen towns and become hopelessly drunk. On account of this weakness, according to his own con- fession, he had given considerable trouble in every congregation where he had been. Naturally his sin not only lessened his influence for good among his brethren, but among the heathen as well. It was not likely that the savages would be greatly im- pressed by one who was drunk one day, and the next preached righteousness. In his drunkenness, he often railed at the Chris- tians, and, even though he repented in sackcloth and ashes afterwards, the evil effect of his conduct was not so readily counteracted. Under date of July fifteenth, 1801, the diary states : "We were grieved to hear that Joshua had fallen into his old sinful ways again, in that he secretly took his son to a witch-doctor to have him cured. This saddens us the more because he is our in- terpreter. When it becomes known among the heathen, it will do great hurt to the cause of the Lord. We spoke to him about it and he could not deny his guilt. He expressed his deep re- grets that he had acted so unfaithfully and was very penitent. God grant, that he may seek the forgiveness of the Lord and find it. After we had talked the matter over with him, we could do nothing else than to exclude him from Communion, which is the denial of a privilege he greatly enjoys. This affected him deeply." Christian, the occasion of Joshua's fall from grace, was an invalid and gave his father a great deal of anxiety. For several years before his death, he suffered from an open sore on his neck. On April seventh, 1802, Brother Kluge was called to his bed-side, because the father thought his end was near. He was very weak and quite out of his mind, so that the missionary 305 could not speak with him. All he was able to do was to sing a few hymn verses for the sorely afflicted young man and to pray that the Saviour might release him, if it was His holy will. The day before, however, he had pointed the poor sufferer to the Saviour and begged him to remember how much the Lord had suffered for us all, and for him, in order that he might be saved and live eternally with Him. Four days later, at the age of nine- teen, he passed away. Little is known of the young man's life. He was an invalid even when he left Goshen with the rest of the little colony. While in Indiana, he was sick almost continually. Though he was a man of few words, he frequently complained that he had to suffer so much. He was exceedingly reticent in matters pertaining to his soul, and when the missionaries talked to him about his spiritual welfare, a bare yes or no was all they could elicit from him. Joshua was greatly attached to his son, and when he was taken away, the strain proved too much for him. In the diary for April twenty-first, we read : "We were grieved to hear that our interpreter had gone to a big spree in the heathen town, four miles away. There he made known his bereavement, and ac- cording to heathen custom, he and the savages bewailed the loss of his son, and drank whisky. As the result of it all, Joshua be- came drunk and disgraced himself among the heathen. In the evening, while still intoxicated and with his face painted black, he returned home. He said that he sorrowed on account of his son's death. Oh, what a sharp pain he gave us by this fresh sin ! But a few days ago he had quarreled with his wife and struck her. Afterwards he told us that he had confessed his sin to the Lord, had asked for pardon and had pledged new obedience to God, and now to see him fall again and surrender himself to Satan in this way ! "Early next day, he secretly packed his belongings with the intention of going over to the heathen entirely. Just as he was loading his goods in a canoe, we came from our corn-field on the other side, and discovered him. Brother Kluge asked him where he was going. His answer was that he was no longer worthy to stay in our midst, for he had sinned too deeply. 'I recently begged forgiveness and promised the Lord and my teachers obedience,' said he, 'and told you if I acted wickedly again, you 306 should not put up with me any longer in the congregation. Therefore, I am leaving of my own accord and will give you no further trouble.' Brother Kluge replied: 'Yes, what you say is only too true, but it hurts us to the quick, nevertheless, to see you in your old ways and now separating yourself so indif- ferently from the congregation and from the Lord to surrender yourself wholly to the Devil. Think of how much the Lord has done for you. Remember with how much patience He has borne with you. Had it not been so, you would have perished long ago. We have so often warned you and entreated you to hold fast to the Lord and beg of Him a new heart. All has been in vain. Evidently your desire is to hasten your destruction. You will suffer for it some day, and when too late, you will regret it. You will have to give an account of your sins to God and of the disgrace you have brought upon the Lord's cause. It is for you to decide; do now as you please.' "We then left him. In his misery he cried aloud : Ts there still pardon for me ?' Brother Kluge turned about and said : 'With the Lord there is forgiveness for every sinner who in penitence seeks it.' Thereupon, he wept bitterly, and carried everything back to his house. During the afternoon, Sister Kluge saw him prostrated on the ground, weeping and praying aloud. Toward evening, still weeping, he came to us, confessed everything and acknowledged that in all the congregations to which he ever belonged, he had grieved God and his teachers by his sins. All this rested upon him like a heavy burden. He begged us to forgive him this time, because he would not rest day or night until he also secured the forgiveness of the Lord. We assured him that we would gladly forgive him, but that he should not be content with that, because it would not help him unless he found favor with God." Next day, the missionaries received a letter from him, which read as follows : "I, Joshua, have sinned greatly against God and against man. How I have allowed myself to be deceived by Satan ! I cannot fully realize what I have done. I have become a disgrace, which I regret with all my heart. I am sorry and I am sad. But I believe that I am still in God's hands, because my life is in His care. If it depended on my works, I should have perished long ago. His immeasurable grace has preserved me 3©7 hitherto, therefore, I cry unto the Lord, with my whole heart, and ask Him to have mercy on me, a poor sinner — a sinner torn in soul and body. Remember me before the Lord, dear Breth- ren." Shortly after this, he was re-admitted into the congrega- tion. Reference has been made to the disagreement with his wife. In 1801, on the fifth of November, he had married the widow Abigail, but unfortunately the marriage was not a happy one, as the fact that he beat her would indicate. Their days together were spent in strife and discord, and finally, some time during the early part of the year 1803, they separated. About a year later, Abigail died in a sugar camp about ten miles from the mission. This left Joshua free to marry again, if he chose. In July, 1904, the missionaries heard to their great sorrow, that he had sold his cow and everything he had, in order that he might persuade one of the Indian women to marry him. The heathen merely laughed at him, and no one would listen to his entreaties. For a month or so, he was in an exceedingly bad way, then he returned to the mission and begged for permission to live there again. "Do what you will with me," he said, "only permit me to stay with the brethren. I have no rest and no peace among the heathen." Though this poor man had given a great deal of trouble and had brought much dishonor on the Lord's cause among the Indians, he was received on probation once more. He was told, that he would have to leave at once, should he re- sume his evil practices. But he was very penitent and solemnly promised, by the grace of God, to change his life and to do better in every way. September seventh, he was re-instated in the congregation. Later on, he married a Monsey woman by the name of Peggy, with whom he lived a reasonably happy life until some time before his tragic death. Heckewelder, in his "Narrative of Moravian Missions," gives the following interesting account of Joshua : "This Indian, of the Mohican tribe, was born in the year 1741, at Wechquadnach, an Indian village bordering on the Connecticut river, in New England, where the Brethren at that time had a mission ; but the white people, some time after, becoming troublesome on account of the land they occupied, which they wanted and finally took from them, the Indian converts, fifty-four in number, besides 308 their children, emigrated on invitation of the Brethren, to Beth- lehem, in Pennsylvania, and afterward settled on a tract of land purchased for them, about twenty-seven miles distant from that place. Here they built a town which was called Gnadenhuetten (cabins of grace). "The father of the Indian Joshua (who bore the same name) was one of the first two Indians who were baptized at Bethlehem in the year 1742. Count Zlnzendorf himself, together with the missionary Buettner, officiated on the occasion. This Joshua (the father) was, from the time of his baptism unto his death in 1773, a faithful and useful member of the church, being both a national assistant, or warden, and an interpreter of the sermons preached to the Indians." (See Loskiel's History, part third, pages 108 and 109, English translation.) Further light is thrown on the life of Joshua, with whom our history is concerned, in Heckewelder's Narrative, in which we read : "Joshua, the son, was brought up in the fear of the Lord, and had from his childhood been within the pale of the society. He had a genius for learning both languages and the mechanical arts, was a good cooper and carpenter, could stock a gun nicely, and no one excelled him in building a handsome canoe. He also, with a little assistance from the missionary of the place where he dwelt (Wyalusing), made a spinnet for the use of the congrega- tion and was the chapel musician while they lived there, having learned to play on the instrument and the organ at the time when the Christian Indians were stationed at Bethlehem, in the year 1756, '57 and '58, during the continuance of the war be- tween the English and French. "He spoke both the English and German well and could write letters in either of these languages, especially in the latter. He was fond of reading in the Bible, hymn book and other religious books. The murder of his two beloved and only daughters, be- tween the ages of fourteen and eighteen years, by Williamson's party at Gnadenhuetten, on the Muskingum, in 1782, was a hard stroke for him to bear. Often, very often, has he been seen shedding tears on this account, though he was never heard to utter a revengeful sentiment against the murderers. He, how- ever, could not conceal his astonishment that a people who called themselves Christians and read the Scriptures, which he sup- 3°9 posed all white people did, could commit such acts of barbarity and was firmly persuaded that if all the Indians had the Bible and could read it, they would be a better people." Joshua was sixty-five years of age at the time of his death. The Indian brother, John Thomas, and his family, likewise proved a great stumbling block to the cause of the Lord. Un- like Joshua after he had sinned, Thomas would be guilty of the grossest immorality, and then, instead of showing the least sign of repentance, he would become defiant and abusive to the mis- sionaries. In May, 1802, he was untrue to his wife, who natur- ally became quite wrought up, though her husband did not care at all. A few days later, he went to a heathen village to work, and instead, became hopelessly drunk one time after another. His wife, who at first threatened to leave him, changed her mind and followed him. June sixth, the diary records the following disagreeable ex- perience : "In the afternoon, we had an unpleasant time with one of our people. There is a young Indian, Samuel by name, Catherina's son, who has been with us for some time. Two years ago this fellow left Goshen with a heathen woman and has lived here among the heathen ever since. Uninvited, he came and took up his abode with his mother. He has tried in every way to insult us by his heathen practices. He painted his face, went to the Indian towns and became drunk. Then he returned and went about our village, screaming as only a drunken savage can His mother, though a communicant member of the congregation, saw all the scandal he created, but never said a word against it. In the presence of two Indians, we admonished the young man to mend his ways or to leave us. We reminded him of his baptism, and, in a kindly way, showed him the evil of his conduct, pointing out to him that he would be eternally lost unless he became converted, but he was perfectly indifferent, and at last walked off, saying : 'I do not want to be a Christian.' "Soon after this his step-father, John Thomas, who has been in a bad way for some time, came to our house in great wrath. He took us severely to task for speaking to Samuel, as we did. After he had given utterance to a great many wicked ex- pressions, he said : 'This is Indian land, and I will see to it that you are driven away to the white people from whom you came. 3 io The Chiefs also speak of it, for they only invited the Indians to come here, and not you.' We answered him: 'We are very sorry that you have so yielded yourself into the hands of Satan, and that you are head over ears in sin. You are trying to hinder the work of the Lord. This will some day become very grievous to you. But do what you wish, God is stronger than you.' "This man has given us a great deal of trouble already. The longer he lives, the worse he gets. He knows full well that we cannot send him away. If we should try, he would only laugh at us and worry us all the more. By force we cannot accomplish anything. The Lord is our only source of help and consolation." Later he moved entirely to a heathen town, where his little child Bethia died soon after. The latter part of the year 1803, they returned to the mission, and here their little daughter Elizabeth passed away. Thereupon, he came to Brother Kluge and told him that now his little children were buried, there would be nothing to hinder him and his family from travelling, conse- quently they would return to Goshen, where they would not have as many temptations as here, for their heathen friends were con- stantly seeking to lead them astray. In Goshen, it would be different. Brother Kluge was more than pleased with this and urged them to carry out their resolution. John Thomas and his wife left, but not for Goshen, or if they did, they never reached there ; at least, not at that time. A year or so later, Catherina, very much discouraged, came to the station and begged for permission to stay. She had a pitiful tale to unfold. She censured her husband on account of his wickedness, saying that he was not only a confirmed drunkard, but guilty of every imaginable sin. At first the missionaries were deaf to her petitions, but she was persistent, and in the end her wish was granted. Three days later she brought her children. Her husband had abandoned her entirely, and soon after they heard that he had married another woman. Poor Catherina was very weak herself, and in spite of her apparent penitence, she could not resist the temptation of attending a heathen festival, a few months later. When Charles Henry and Ska came to the White River with a message to the Chiefs, the latter part of Sep- tember, 1805, she was persuaded, for her own good, to embrace the opportunity to accompany the returning deputies to Goshen. 3" The story of the old Indian brother Jacob and his wife, Mary, will be related in another chapter. It is not so strange, perhaps, that the Christian Indians, who were after all not so very far re- moved from heathenism, should fall. They were exposed to sore temptations. Most of them had friends and relatives among the degraded savages in the neighborhood. The wife of Jacob was the niece of Pachgantschihilas, and, as previously mentioned, the sister of an Indian captain. There was naturally the most inti- mate intercourse between Christian and savage, with the result that the former was drawn down to the level of the latter, in- stead of the believer transforming the heathen. But this made the trials of the missionaries no easier, and it is no wonder that they became sorely disheartened. Realizing the tremendous odds against them and over- whelmed with the hopelessness of their task, they asked to be transferred to some other field of labor. This was in March of the year 1803. The Helpers' Conference encouraged them to stay and for the time being their drooping spirits revived, for Brother Kluge wrote : "Your representations and advice cheered us greatly. By the grace of God we will remain at our post as long as the Saviour sees fit to keep us here. Even though the prospects for the conversion of the heathen were never so dark, we will trust the Lord, for with Him nothing is impossible. We have resolved to visit all the Indian towns at planting-time, when most of the people are at home, to see if we cannot find some souls who would like to hear the gospel-message." Unfortunately these brave words could not change the perilous conditions with which they were daily confronted. The hatred of the Indians against the Word of God and against white people increased, and insult and abuse became the daily portion of the missionaries. The savages threatened to kill their cattle and then to find a way to get rid of them if they would not cease preaching the gospel and leave of their own accord. Matters became worse when the head-chief was dismissed and even- Indian did as he pleased, the worst miscreant being held in highest esteem. In their extremity, various plans suggested themselves to the missionaries. Believing that the Helpers' Con- ference did not understand the situation, they asked permission for one or the other to go to Bethlehem to talk matters over. 312 This was not feasible, because it was out of the question for Brother Kluge to leave his wife and children, and besides, it was impossible for one man to do the work at the station. Once they thought of transferring the mission to another place, away from the danger-zone. This plan was also impracticable. It would have been impossible to put up the necessary buildings before winter set in, and where would they have found the money needed for the purpose? Then, too, they would have had no feed for their cattle. There was but one way open to them, and that was to give up the mission entirely. But to this the Helpers' Conference would not give its consent, so the loyai servants of the Lord remained at their post until they were almost compelled to flee for their lives. 313 CHAPTER VII Progress of the Work The missionaries found it very difficult to learn the Indian language. It was not until the first of July, 1804, that Brother Kluge was able to preach his first Indian sermon. Though it was not an easy matter even then, the little congregation greatly enjoyed the effort ; probably all the more, because the message had hitherto come through an interpreter, for whom the Indian brethren and sisters could not entertain the highest respect. Naturally the Indians preferred their teachers to speak with them in their own language, especially so, because they had the suspicion that their interpreter did not always convey the exact meaning of the missionaries. Joshua was bright, and it is quite likely that he would tone down those parts of the message that touched or condemned the sins of which he was guilty. One reason why it took so long before the missionaries could make use of the Indian tongue was the great amount of other work which had to be done. But the greatest handicap was the fact that they had no Indian translations or dictionary to assist them in their linguistic labors. They had Zeisberger's transla- tions, it is true, but these did not prove of much use, because they contained a mixture of Monsey and Unami, and nothing but the latter was spoken by the Delawares in general. Joshua proved a great help in this connection, because he was proficient in Indian as well as in German. The little chapel had no organ, but this lack was supplied by Brother Luckenbach, who accompanied the singing of the little congregation on the violin or clarionet. This was greatly en- joyed by the Indians, who were very fond of music of any kind. That the children shared in this fondness for the fine art is shown by a pleasing little note in the diary, January 8, 1803. It reads : "During the evening, the Indian children came to Brother Luckenbach to ask him to play the violin for them, because they wanted to sing." While on a visit to the mission, the wife of 14 3M Tedpachsit very interestingly related how she had once been moved to tears when she heard s.ome one play on a piano in Gnadenhuetten. His wife's reference put old Tedpachsit in a reminiscent mood. He told how he had heard much beautiful music while on a visit to Lititz. A large thing, which the people called an organ, had pleased him greatly. Pachgantschihilas, who was with him at the time, was so deeply moved, that he almost wept. He would have given way to his feelings entirely, had he not quickly re- minded himself that, as a war-chief, he should be able to hear and see anything without a show of emotion. Tedpachsit ex- pressed the opinion to the missionaries, that the hearts of the Indians could be softened, if they had an organ like that. When reminded that music was not sufficient to change the heart ; that the Word of God alone could save ; and that, if the Indians would faithfully hear the preaching of the gospel and be con- verted, it might be possible to get an organ, some day, the old chief answered : "You are right ; I will do what I can to have the Indians come and hear the Word of God." The Indians were likewise fond of pictures. One day a num- ber of them came to the mission and asked to see the picture of Jesus on the cross. After they had looked at it for a long time, and had heard the story of His love, they quietly went away. Later they told some Indian friends, that the missionaries would do more good, if they represented, in picture form, all they taught about heaven and hell ; and if, in like manner, they showed the punishment for every sin. This is an interesting, psychological side-light. Since the symbolic and dramatic ten- dencies are the strongest instincts of childhood, it is but natural that these children of the forest should have craved a large num- ber of symbols and ceremonies. The missionaries would have increased their usefulness greatly, had it been possible to satisfy these natural desires of the Indians among whom they labored. There were other visitors who came to the mission. One July evening in the year 1802, a large Twechtowe family, con- sisting of nine adults and one child, arrived at the station. They encamped near the Christian village. Taking an old French- man, who was acquainted with their language, as interpreter, Brother Kluge called on the newcomers. After the greetings 3i5 were over, the whole family arose, shook hands and courteously begged him to have a seat in their tent. An old woman, the mother of the family, in the name of her children and grand- children, then spoke as follows: "Father, I and my children and grandchildren are glad to see you, today. We come from a dis- tance, a hundred miles away, from beyond Post Vincennes, where there is a large town of our nation. I and my husband, who died long ago, were baptized in our youth by a French priest. He is dead a great many years and we have seen no other since." She then showed a medal on which was engraved a man's face, with a chalice in his hand. "This," she continued, "the priest gave me. He told me to take good care of it. He gave my hus- band a little bell to remind him of the church. My husband, before he died, said to me and my children, of whom none are baptized, that we should find another priest. If we found one, we should remain with him and not live among the other In- dians. We have hunted for a long time, but found no priest until we came to this river. In a Delaware town not far from here, we heard some one tell of our father. As long as we remained in the Delaware town, the sky was always dark and covered with many thick clouds. One of my sons was always sick and un- happy. None of us could breathe, therefore we left that place and came to our father. As soon as we came here, the sky cleared so that we saw no more thick clouds, the day became beautiful, the sun shone brightly and my son became well im- mediately and we could breathe comfortably." Hereupon, according to Indian custom, Brother Kluge called them his children and assured them of his sympathetic interest ; told them that he loved them sincerely, that he rejoiced at their arrival, and especially that his dear children had come such a long distance to hear the Word of God. "We will devote our- selves to you," he said, "and tell you all about the Heavenly Father in order that you may know His will." In response, they expressed their unbounded pleasure. On the following days the missionaries visited them frequently, and, in turn, they came to the meetings every evening, where they sat and listened very attentively. Their faces were painted and otherwise adorned with silver coins. The ornaments of one consisted of eighty 3i6 silver dollars. The following Sunday, the Twechtowes attended the regular church service, at the close of which the mission- aries conducted a special meeting for them, the old Frenchman mentioned before acting as interpreter. They were very at- tentive. Toward evening, the whole family, accompanied by the Frenchman, came to the house of Brother Kluge. The old mother, in the name of her children and grandchildren, spoke as follows : "Father, you have already told us a great many good words. We are well pleased, because we believe them. We do not want to leave here. Give us a place where we can build a house for ourselves. All of us desire to become Christians, and in time we will bring our friends here." Brother Kluge ex- pressed his pleasure at hearing this, and explained to them the rules and regulations of the Christian village. They were pleased with them, and readily promised to obey them to the letter. Hereupon all shook hands and departed. The next day the site for their new home was selected and they immediately began the erection of a bark house. Four days later, the missionaries learned that the Twechtowes had deceived them. They had brought six gallons of whisky to the village and all became drunk. The missionaries told them that they must leave at once both the village and the neighborhood. Fortunately, they packed their belongings and goodnaturedly left, for which the missionaries were heartily glad, because they had no legal authority, and could not have compelled them to go away, had they resisted. This was not the only time they were deceived. In October of the second year, an Indian woman named Martha moved to the mission settlement. She had been baptized many years before. Her husband had been a Frenchman. After she had been with the missionaries for a while, she proved to be of such dissolute character, that she had to be driven away. Later she returned, pretending that she was sick of her sinful life and desired con- version, and wanting to take up her permanent residence at the station. She made all sorts of promises, but they were soon forgotten and she resumed her old habit of drinking. If she heard that there was whisky in some place, she was sure to go there. One day, she came back sick and begged the mission- 3'7 aries not to turn her away, but to allow her to go into her house. Not long after, her heathen friends came to see her. Among these was the witch-doctor, Hockingpomsga. After they had gone, she called Brother Kluge and confessed her sins. She ap- peared particularly penitent, but next day the witch-doctor paid her another visit and bewitched her. She waited until she was quite well, then she left of her own accord. One day a number of women who lived in the Spanish territory along the Missis- sippi River visited their friends in the Indian town four miles away. They also came to the Christian settlement. They re- lated many wonderful tales about the Mississippi Valley, as all Indians were in the habit of doing, if they came from some dis- tant country. They told how much nicer it was where they came from than it was on the White River. They said that the land on which they lived was very sweet in taste, so that they ate it like sugar. The children were especially fond of it and ate a great deal, without hurting themselves in the least. One of the Indian sisters remarked : "Then you do not have to plant corn, if you can eat the soil." "Oh, yes," one of the heathen women said, "we plant corn, too ; we only eat the sweet earth for pleasure." In August of the first year. Brother Kluge and his family had a providential escape. Back of his tumble-down hut, there stood an old, rotten oak. The Indians had been told to chop it down, but they maintained that, if it fell, it would not fall in the direc- tion of the hut. It happened, however, that just as the mis- sionary family was eating dinner, the tree suddenly came down with a mighty crash, half of it striking one end of the hut and crushing it completely. Brother Kluge's infant son, sleeping in the section which was demolished, was completely covered with bark and small pieces of rotten wood. The parents supposed that the poor child must be mortally injured, but when they lifted him out of the debris, he was not hurt in the least, and con- tinued to sleep peacefully. They could not help but marvel at God's gracious protection. All might have lost their lives, there- fore their hearts were filled with deepest gratitude. Quite a number of the baptized Indians, who had drifted west- ward after the dispersion brought about by the Gnadenhuetten massacre, and who now lived in heathenism among the savages 3i8 on the White River, found their way to the mission, from time to time. A few of these renewed their faith in the Saviour. Thus Anna Salome, a young woman who had been baptized in Ohio, asked to be re-admitted into the congregation of the faithful. This was the first occasion on which the lot was used on the White River. It was the fourth of August, 1801. The answer was affirmative, and some time later, she was received on re- confession of faith. Her little girl was baptized and received the name of Susanna. The first adult baptism took place on November second of the first year. This was the real first-fruit of the mission. The candidate was a widow and the daughter of the Indian brother Jacob. She was suffering from dropsy in the last stages. In this condition she was brought to the station. She wanted to spend her last days at the mission, for the purpose of being near her father and of learning the way to the true God. Her desire was to depart from the world in peace, for she knew that her days were numbered. When told of Jesus' love for sinners, that He had shed His precious blood for her sins, and that she might be saved, if she only believed, she said : "Yes, that is my desire. While still in health, I heard you preach the good word, last summer, and I thought about it a great deal. I wanted to come to you before this, but could not, because I became sick. But now I want to pass my last days on earth with you." Next day, she begged to be baptized. "I am not content in my sickness," she said ; "I believe that Jesus died for my sins and that I, too, may be saved. I want to be washed in His blood and to be baptized." It was touching to see with what eagerness and joy she answered the questions which were put to her. She was then baptized and received the name Magdalena. Christ's gracious presence was strongly felt. The newly-baptized woman was filled with gratitude for the great favor which she had en- joyed and for one whole week she lay perfectly still. Soon after, she peacefully fell asleep, and a number of days later the mis- sionaries accorded her Christian burial. The second adult baptism took place on Christmas day of the same year. This time the candidate was an old blind Monsey woman, Who had spent some time at the mission, where she had found her Saviour. After her baptism, her soul was full of light 3i9 and, in her newly-found happiness, she exclaimed : "Never in all my life have I felt as happy as I do now. I am perfectly happy and feel as content as if I had enough of everything." She was old and her days were numbered. On the twenty-second of February of the succeeding year, she peacefully passed away, and the poor, old body, which had been stricken with blindness so long, was committed to the grave. There were five children in the congregation. For these Brother Luckenbach, after the manner of Moravian mission- aries, established a school. In a letter dated September thirtieth, 1802, he wrote to Brother Van Vleck : "I have made several attempts to establish a school. Even though the number of children is very small indeed, I take pleasure in teaching them. If they would only take more interest, and the parents would encourage them, instead of dragging them, Indian fashion, to every place they go, so that they attend school for a month or more and then stay away for an equal length of time, or even longer. Meanwhile, they forget all they have learned. Never- theless, I will do my best to keep up the school this winter. There are really only two of our baptized children in attendance, the others, as for example, the children of Mary's daughter, are merely visiting in our village. Needless to say, the school never amounted to much, for the reasons given. But there were other grounds for its failure, too. The Chiefs, and Pachgantschihilas in particular, were strongly opposed to it, as shown in a letter written by Brother Kluge in November, 1804. He wrote : "The Delaware Chief Pachgantschihilas this summer forbade the Indians to hear the Word of God. He also gave strict orders to Mary, the Indian sister, that she must not send her grandchildren, which, according to Indian custom, are his grandchildren, too, to school, because he did not want them to become Christians. Later, however, he sent the following message to us : 'Brethren, remember no more that I forbade my grandchildren to go to school. Perhaps I was drunk when I said that. Therefore, do not think of it any more. My desire is that they and all other children, whom parents wish to send, shall learn everything you teach them in your language, especi- ally to read and write. Perhaps I may live to see the day that my grandchildren will be able to write, and that will be a joy to 320 me.' Such promises as these we have often heard from the Chiefs since we are here, but they were never fulfilled." In January of the second year, the missionaries rejoiced to hear from a Detroit merchant who visited them, that a number of Fairfield Indians had told him that they intended to move to the White River. Nothing ever came of it. In May of the same year, the Indian Chiefs visited in Philadelphia, and on their way home stopped at Lititz, where they were hospitably entertained by the brethren. They had been called to Philadelphia to a con- ference of Government officials. The parents of Sister Kluge embraced the opportunity to send her letters, which filled her heart with joy. When the annual fever in fall demanded a rather heavier toll of deaths than usual among the Indians, the superstitious heathen became alarmed. This grave matter was earnestly dis- cussed at the council fires. Some of those inimical to the gospel thought the Christians in the neighborhood were to blame. But, fortunately for the Christians, the Chiefs were of a different mind. Their suspicions fastened themselves upon two Indian women of another tribe, who were reported to have said that they would bring great sorrow upon the Delaware nation. It was rumored that these women had assumed the form of night owls and had gone about the Indian towns for the purpose of bewitching and enchanting, with the result that the terrible sick- ness, which brought so many deaths in its wake, followed. The two witches were condemned to death, without a hearing. The execution was given into the hands of a Shawnee warrior, who murdered them in cold blood with his battle-axe. 32 CHAPTER VIII THE CLOUDS OVER THE MISSION BECOME THREATENING The year 1803 brought with it a great many trials and tribula- tions. The sky of the missionaries became overcast ; threatening clouds, heavy with trouble and distress, gathered with ever- increasing rapidity as the days went by, until finally they burst into the violent disturbances that destroyed the mission, and put in jeopardy the lives of Christ's faithful witnesses. The only silver lining to these clouds was the cheering presence of the living Saviour, who strengthened and comforted them, as He only can. Otherwise, the situation was practically without a ray of cheer. The baptism of an old Indian woman to whom the name of Elizabeth was given, was the only outward sign of en- couragement. The sinful practices of the Indian brethren con- tinued ; the heathen were forbidden by the Chiefs to come to the mission to hear the Word of God; the little flock became dis- couraged because the young Indians remained untouched by the gospel ; and the number of Christians diminished rather than increased ; added to this, there was not only the usual amount of sickness, but a general famine prevailed. The Indians paid h dollar for a peck of corn, if they could obtain it. Surely the lot of the missionaries was not an easy one. It was about the middle of this year that the tremendous excitement arose in connection with the war-scare, mentioned in a previous chapter. In a wise and tactful way, Governor Harrison tried to fulfill the instructions given him by Congress. The Government dis- tributed each year a number of presents among the Indians, every man's share, according to the diary, being a suit of clothing valued at about twelve dollars, or its equivalent. Other things may have been given, but this is what the Christian Indians, who likewise made the annual pilgrimage to Fort Wayne, where the distribution took place, brought back with them. In the summer of 1804, the Indians were told that henceforth their gift would be in the shape of money, with the understanding that they should pay part of the wages of white laborers whom the Govern- 1 3 22 ment would send for the purpose of building fences and houses for them, so that they could keep horses and cattle after the man- ner of white people. At the same time they were instructed to assist with the work which was to be done among them. The Government also promised to furnish them with the necessary farm implements, if they would use them and live as civilized people, an of¥er which had, been made a number of times before. The whole matter apparently met with the hearty approval of the Chiefs at the time of the conference. Later, however, when they were by themselves, they expressed different sentiments. They said that they had accepted the proposition merely because they would not have had any rest otherwise. It became plain that they had no desire to fulfill their part of the contract. Never- theless, the following spring white laborers were sent, and the building operations began under the direction of a trader named John Connor.* When the Indian brethren heard that the Chiefs had received the promised gift from the Government, they asked for rails, too. Pachgantschihilas readily promised them a thousand for their use at the station, and in due time they were received. It is significant that just about the same time the Government was putting forth such strenuous efforts to introduce civilization among the savages, the Indians began to dream dreams and to see visions. That there was a strong connection between the two cannot be doubted. The content of these visions makes this clear. After the proposition made by Governor Harrison that the Indians should adopt a civilized mode of life, the Chiefs spent much time in earnest deliberation. Not long after an Indian, while on the chase, had a vision, and others followed in rapid succession. An old Indian appeared to him, saying : "I am your grandfather and am come to tell you something. Game is no longer plentiful. This is all your own fault. You should not listen to the white people nor seek to imitate them by keeping horses, cows and pigs, and by clothing yourselves in the cloth which the whites bring you. You must not do this any longer. *This trader is thought to have been the first white man in Indiana Territory. His parents used to live on the Muskingum, and he himself was baptized by the Brethren. He married a Delaware Indian woman. 323 You must live again as you did before the white people came to this country. You must clothe yourselves in skins as in the days of yore. Everything that you have from the whites must be put away. If you do this, you will have wild game in plenty and the deer will once more come in front of your doors." Pachgant- schihilas was inclined to give heed to this vision. Next a Monsey woman by the name of Beade had a vision. This woman had been baptized in Friedenshuetten, but was now living among the heathen in Woapicamikunk. One evening, while sitting in front of her house, two men appeared unto her. Though she was unable to see them, she heard them say to her : "Sit still, for we have something to tell you. The Great Spirit is not satisfied with you Indians. You do such strange things at your feasts and sacrifices. You must have special spoons for these celebrations." With this, they threw down in front of her seven wooden spoons. One of them continued: "You Indians must revert to your old customs. You must love one another. If you fail to do so, a terrible storm will arise, tear down all the trees and every Indian shall be killed. In proof that these words are true, a child will be born, and he shall tell you how to live." At this point, a dispute arose between the celestial visitants. The one contended that a child should appear, while the other claimed that it would be an old man, who had lived a long time ago ; nobody would believe a child, therefore the old man would rise from the dead. The dispute grew warmer and warmer, threaten- ing to become violent, but finally they compromised on a recently departed captain, who should appear and tell tne Indians how they should live and what they should do. This foolish fable met with great favor among the Chiefs and their people. The Indians were immediately called together and admonished to carry out the woman's instructions. Surely this was a time of visions. One rapidly succeeded another, and all had the same dominant note. Another Indian woman assumed the role of a seer. In a measure, her revelation was a sequel to that of the Monsey woman. This time a man of most wonderful stature appeared, saying: "You Indians recently heard how you should sacrifice and live. You came together, it is true, but afterwards you followed your old customs anyway. You did not do as you were told. Let me tell you who I am : I 324 am the Devil. I, too, was present at your last feast. I confused your minds, so that you could not think clearly. Because you are continually doing my will, it will go badly with you, unless you turn about, and do even as the two spirits bade you." It was rather unusual to have the Devi! so benevolently inclined, but that made no difference to the deluded Indians. Messengers were immediately sent out by the Chiefs for the purpose of an- nouncing this new deception. The result was that more days and nights were spent in offering sacrifice, accompanied, of course, with the customary debaucheries. These dreams or visions were related in the following manner. One would sing the dream with a loud voice, repeating only a few words at a time. These were then taken up by the others present and repeated in like manner. Meanwhile the principal singer would rattle a turtle shell which had a number of pebbles in it. They not only sang but they danced as well, the leader making all sorts of the most wonderful gestures and jumps. The rest imitated him as well as they could. Every time some one had finished a dream, all would gather about the totem pole. Toward this post they would then stretch their hands and, with a long, weird howl, the ceremony would come to a close. In this way, they believed that they thanked the Great Spirit, not only for the vision, but for the fulfillment as well. They regarded this ceremony with the utmost respect and reverence, insisting that God, who had given the vision, desired to be worshipped in this manner. These exercises were held in the Council House.* ♦Brother Luckenbach has left us the following interesting description, in his Autobiography: "The Council House was about forty feet in length and twenty feet in breadth, where they usually celebrated their sacrificial feasts and dances. This house was built of split wood, piled up betwixt posts set in the ground, covered with a roof made of laths and the bark of trees, and having an entrance at either end; but there was no ceiling; three fireplaces stood in a straight line from end to end, with large kettles suspended over them, in which a mess of Indian corn and meat boiled together, was prepared for the guests to eat, after the dance was over. Platforms, one foot high and five feet wide, were raised all along the sides of the house, which were covered first with bark and then long grass on the top of that, to serve as couches for the guests to sit or recline upon while smoking their pipes and witnessing the dancing of the rest. These dances were invariably held at night, and sometimes continued for 325 About this time, Brother Kluge wrote : "Never since we are here have the Indians been in such a state of revolution as they are now. They often go in large numbers to the Indian teachers, in order that they may hear the foolish account of the old woman's vision. They spend eight days and nights in sacrificing, dancing and drinking whisky. Meanwhile they live in a constant state of fear, because the old woman tells them that they will be destroyed, if they do not give perfect heed to everything she tells them. At present the Indians do not want to hear anything save these extravagant lies. Time will tell what will come of it all." Brother Luckenbach told a heathen woman that these visions, which were occupying so much of their attention, were nothing but the works of the Devil, and admonished her to believe the Word' of God as it is revealed in Christ Jesus. He assured 1 her that God in love had become man and as such had allowed Him- self to be sacrificed on the cross for the sins of the world, so that all who would believe in Him should not perish but have ever- lasting life ; that, if the Indians would only give heed to the Word, they would soon learn that Jesus was indeed the way, the truth and the life. The woman answered*, with the most perfect indifference, "Is that so?" and walked off, without another word. Undoubtedly there were many among the Indians who were not led away by these vagaries. Among these was the wife of old Tedpachsit. If her words may be relied upon, she was not far from the kingdom. On a visit to the mission, she talked freely about the visions. She said that she had no faith in them whatever. To her mind, the prayers and sacrifices of the Indians were fruitless, because they made no one better, but rather worse. She told the missionaries that she had often wished that she, too, like so many of her former friends, might become a Christian. Her mother had been among the believers. When told of the tender love of the Saviour for sinners, she listened very attentively, and with tears in her eyes, said: "Yes; I be- lieve that every word which you say is the truth." Unfortunately, weeks at a time. The whole was concluded by a sacrificial feast, for which the men had to furnish the venison and the bear's meat, and the women the corn-bread ; and everything had to be prepared in the Council House, before all feasted together, amidst the observances of certain rites." 326 she could not be led to make a definite decision and accept Jesus as her Saviour. For a long time the Indian brother Jacob* and his wife were the only members of the little flock who gave the missionaries no anxiety. About a year before the mission came to an end, however, they both became faithless. For a long time Man- suffered from consumption and at last was confined to bed. For years, she and her husband had been most faithful Christians, but at last they both gave way under the strain of her severe trial, coupled with the temptations held out by her heathen rela- tives and friends. In April, 1805, Brother Kluge wrote : "The *A reference to Jacob in the Goshen Diary under date of September 27, 1799, throws an interesting light on his character. It is as follows: "At the speaking with the brethren and sisters previous to the communion, Jacob told Bro. Zeisberger that when a little boy, his father took him once to some of the ceremonies of the Indians (probably their sacrifices), and directed him to pray to God, which he did, though he did not know to whom he prayed. As he grew up, he often thought of what his father had told him, and prayed again to this God of whom he knew nothing, and could of course form no idea. Now since he had heard the gospel, he had learned to know who God was : it was that Saviour whom he preached to them. 'Yes,' said Bro. Zeisberger, 'and when you want to think of God, think only of our Saviour Jesus Christ, who became a man like one of us; He has still those wounds in His hands, His feet and His side, which were made when He was crucified for us. He was once dead, but is now alive forevermore. He is the true God, who hears our prayers, forgives our sins, and gives eternal life to all those that believe in Him.' " Jacob before his conversion was a conscientious and moral heathen. He was one of those "Gentiles which having not the law, do by nature the things contained in the law, and are a law unto themselves : which show the work of the law written in their hearts, their conscience also bearing wit- ness." (Rom. 2:14, 15.) He never went to war, from the conviction that it was wrong to kill his fellowmen; he totally abstained from the use of spirituous liquors, because he perceived that those who drank them became thereby sick, noisy, foolish and quarrelsome; he refrained from all open sins, from a consciousness of their impropriety, and the unhappy conse- quences which they produced. Thus as a devout man, and one who feared and prayed to God, he was perhaps even as a heathen accepted with Him. (Acts 10:2, 35.) Such examples we have reason to believe are rare. Scrip- ture and experience have however made us acquainted with some of them. Jacob has ever had the fairest of characters, and was universally beloved by all that knew him, which his name, Pemahoalend, or "well-beloved," sufficiently denotes. 327 Indian sister Mary, who has been confined to her bed for quite a time, on account of consumption, gives us a great deal of trouble and heartache. In the beginning, it seemed as if she was wholly resigned to the will of the Saviour. At present, however, she and her old husband have no faith in Him at all. We feared this for a long time, because her heathen friends, of whom she has a great many in this community, constantly went to her and recently stayed with her for days. They did their best to instil in her mind their heathenism, especially by their system of doc- toring. They told her that there was no reason at all why she should not become well again. To Jacob and Mary, ungrounded in the faith as they are, this naturally proved a strong tempta- tion. "The dire results of these temptations soon showed themselves clearly enough. We visited her more than once a day, without exception, ever since her affliction, and pointed her to the dear Saviour for comfort, and admonished her to persevere and place her whole confidence in the Lord, and in no wise look for help and comfort from any one save Jesus alone. In the beginning it seemed as if our earnest admonition had taken effect, but, all of a sudden, in the most unexpected manner, she announced to us that she desired to hear no more, because the Word of God would not heal her body ; that her heathen friends had promised to cure her and that she now wanted to be taken to them. She further said: 'Let me alone now; I know best what is good for me. While I still lived among the heathen, the Indian doctors by their power made me well forty times, or else I would be under the ground long ago, and I have not forgotten it." Do what we would, all our loving efforts to keep her from carrying out her intention were fruitless, especially so because her uncle, Chief Pachgantschihilas, had said that if we would not permit her o leave, he would have all of us driven away. On the Great Sabbath, they put the patient in a canoe and took her to Woapi- amikunk to her uncle, who had sent Indians to assist in bring- ng her there." Poor Mary was not the first nor the last who made shipwreck f her faith through the ills of life. She was taken at once to a orcerer, who promptly subjected her to his treatment. Later joshua came across her while in Woapicaminkunk. She railed 328 at him fearfully, saying: "You, too, claim that the Indians worship the Devil." Joshua tried to persuade her of better things, but to no avail. A month later, Jacob and Mary returned to the Christian village, but instead of taking up their abode in their former home, they went to a little hut nearby. Mary was sick unto death. Jacob begged the missionaries to pray for her, which they were only too'glad to do. But unfortunately, she had lost consciousness soon after their arrival, and consequently could neither speak nor understand. In this sad condition she lay for twenty-four hours. The missionaries saw that her end could not be far off, but they cherished the hope that she might regain consciousness before her final release. In this they were disappointed, because she died in a very short time. Jacob begged them to bury her, which they did. Thereupon the heathen friends, who had gathered, set up their fearful wailings. They had promised to behave, so the missionaries tried to stop them. The mourners then told them to go where they came from, that nobody had called them, and what was more nobody wanted them ; the land belonged to the Indians anyway. It is refreshing to relate that Jacob afterwards repented of his back- sliding, was re-admitted into the congregation of the faithful and died, January, 1806, a firm believer in the Lord Jesus Christ. Two events of far-reaching importance happened the latter part of May, 1805, and the months following. One of these was the sudden death of Chief Pachgantschihilas. It was largely through the instrumentality of this enemy of the gospel, that poor Mary fell away from the true faith. He assured her that he would go to heaven, where he had a house and wife awaiting him, therefore there was no need for him to listen to the white teachers. His sudden departure brought about a veritable revo- lution among the Indians, because he had been held in high esteem by his people. As was always the case under such cir- cumstances, no one thought for a moment that he had died a natural death. They believed that he had been poisoned, and, truth to tell, this probably was the case. Tedpachsit was sus- pected of the crime, and in consequence his life was in constant danger. In his "History of Missions Among the Indians^" Loskiel says : "One of the most melancholy causes of painful disorders and 329 sudden deaths among the Indians is the use of poison. There is no want of poisonous herbs and trees for this purpose, and their noxious qualities are very different. One kind of poison operates by slow degrees, but brings on certain death in three or four months. Another sort causes a lingering illness, which may last a year or longer, but cannot be removed by any means whatever. A third species of poison kills in a few hours, but its effect may be prevented by a timely vomit The Nanticokes instructed the Delawares and : Iroquois in preparing a peculiar kind of poison, which is capable of infecting whole townships and tribes, with disorders as pernicious as the plague. The Nanticokes, who were the wretched inventors of this art, have nearly de- stroyed their own nation by it. They pretend that this method is inefficacious, unless a company of them unite in the same de- sign. The Delawares have attempted to extirpate this shocking evil, but in vain, and they are therefore always in danger of poison." (Part I, Page 118.) From this it is evident that the Indians may have been right, when they suspected poison in con- nection with the death of Pachgantschihilas. The other event that stirred the Indian population greatly was the breaking out of a very virulent bilious fever. A great many deaths followed in an incredibly short time. The Indians were puzzled, yea, dumbfounded. They did not know what to make of it. Why had this terrible scourge come upon them? Had they not recently celebrated a great many of their festivals, and had they not especially prayed for long life ? Why then did the Great Spirit allow this fearful affliction to come upon them? To their mind there was but one answer to these questions. Either sorcery or poison must be at the bottom of the trouble. Plans were therefore made for a thorough investigation, and in a short time the lives of three Wyandotte Indians were sacrificed on the altar of their cruel suspicion and superstition. Meanwhile the little mission was not left undisturbed. One day a horde of half-naked, drunken savages, with faces painted black, and armed with all sorts of murderous weapons, came to the mission and' threatened to shoot the swine. The missionaries sought to disarm their hostilities with kind and friendly words, but when they saw that the bestial savages were merely seeking 15 330 a provocation to carry out worse intentions, they gladly retired from the field and kept still. One of the savages shot a pig, whereupon they dragged it away amid the most terrifying war- whoops. The missionaries afterwards complained to the Chief about this bold deed, but they received little or no satisfaction. He told them that he had no part in it ; in fact, had tried to dis- courage them, and should anything of the kind be repeated, they should not think that he had given his consent to it. This was poor consolation indeed. To their dismay, the missionaries saw- that the Chief was not only indifferent but powerless, even if he had any inclination to protect them. Tedpachsit was no longer in office. The rule of the mob held sway, and everybody did that which seemed right in his own eyes. For the unprotected missionaries the situation became more and more precarious. Not only the mission, but their lives were in greatest danger. The savages began to leave their towns and settle near the station for no other reason than to make life miserable for them. Their lot became unbearable to the missionaries. To their sorrow, they saw that not only the gospel but they personally were hated in the most cordial man- ner. The Chiefs who had called them, or had pretended to do so, were no longer in power. The principal Chief had been deposed, Pachgantschihilas was dead, and Hockingpomsga had little or nothing to say. Who can blame the missionaries for petitioning the Helpers' Conference for permission to withdraw from the field and retire to a place of safety? They were strongly urged to leave by Tedpachsit and his family, who spent three days at the mission during these troublous times. He complained bitterly that he had been for- saken by his people, who were now threatening his life. He said : "I sometimes have a notion to separate myself from these wicked Indians entirely and come to you. I see clearly that the religious practices of my people do not amount to anything at all. Instead of becoming better, the Indians are steadily growing worse. But at this place where you live now, I cannot live with you. Here you are entirely surrounded by hostile Indians, ft is useless for you to stay any longer, because I am sure that not an Indian will be converted. They hate the Word of God and they are bound that you shall not teach it on this river. As long as Pachgant- 33i schihilas lived, we held the bad Indians in check and kept them from doing you harm, but you see for yourselves how things are now. Nobody listens to me, and everybody does as he pleases. I advise you not to stay here any longer." The missionaries as- sured him that they had realized for a long time how precarious their situation was, and had reported it to their superiors, but that they could not leave, except in the most dire necessity, until they had received permission to do so. Tedpachsit greatly feared that this would involve too much dangerous delay, but the mis- sionaries, sincerely as they longed to leave the place of terror, possessed their souls in patience, and, then and there, began to preach the gospel to their friendly adviser. About this time more fuel was added to the already existing excitement among the Indians. A number of them had been to Vincennes where they heard that the Twechtowe, Pottawatimi and other tribes had sold another large tract of land to the whites. What was more, it had been said in the presence of Governor Harrison, that in reality the Delawares had no land of their own, and consequently had no right to live on the White River. The nations referred to claimed that the land had never been given to the Delawares ; that they had been simply given permission to live on it, but now that they began to dispose of it, without even asking the consent of the owners, they de- manded it back again. As may be imagined, this unexpected turn of events excited the already wrought up Delawares still more. Some of them counselled immediate removal to the Mississippi Valley, while others were in favor of taking up arms and fighting for their rights. Early in fall there was a slight rift in the clouds. The mis- sionaries had the joy of welcoming Charles Henry and three other Goshen mission Indians. They received a number of letters and three Indian hymn books. Charles Henry had been delegated by the Indian congregation at Goshen to hold a con- ference with the Delaware Chiefs in order to determine the status of the missionaries and the Christian Indians on their domain. Joshua and Jacob accompanied the visitors to the council held at Woapicamikunk. The Goshen deputy was well received. He reminded the Indians of their invitation to the Christians, as also of their promise of support and protection, if 332 they came. The council received these reminders in the most kindly way and treated the deputy with the greatest respect, but in the end they did as they pleased anyway, and the mission was no safer than it had been before. On the twenty-eighth of Sep- tember, Charles Henry and Ska, accompanied by Sister Catherina, the wife of John Thomas, and her three children, left for Goshen, and in due time arrived there safely. The two other Indians of the Henry party, Thomas White Eyes and Kaschatis, decided to remain in the White River country for the time being. Another ray of brightness that for a brief space of time il- lumined the darkness, was the baptism of an old Cherokee woman, whose family had given the missionaries considerable trouble. Brother Kluge writes : "Under so many distressing circumstances, our dear Saviour, ever and again, renewed our hope and strengthened our courage, so that, in deep humility and with the consciousness of our own inability, we could preach the word of the cross to all who would listen. Our Lord owned our testimony, so that we could have the joy of baptizing, on Christmas Day, the old Cherokee woman, who has been living with us for some time. She received the name Hannah. A number of heathen, among whom were the deposed Chief Ted- pachsit and his family, were present at the baptism and wit- nessed it with the deepest interest. The gracious presence of God, our Saviour, was strongly felt. The wife of Tedpachsit was so deeply moved that she broke out into loud weeping. Her testimony afterwards gave us great joy. She remained with us during the holidays, to hear, as she said, the Word of God aright." Hannah was the only adult who was baptized that year. 333 CHAPTER IX STIRRING EVENTS LEADING TO THE ABANDONMENT OF THE MISSION Though a great many Indians had dteamed dreams and seen visions, all these dwindled into insignificance before the pre- sumption of the arch-deceiver, who arose during the latter part of the year 1805. This prophet of evil was a Shawnee by the name of Laulewasikaw, which signifies "the loud voice." This man was the brother of the illustrious Tecumseh. He was among the followers of his brother when they settled among the Delawares on the White River, in 1798. For many years a rather respectable old Shawnee by the name of Penagashega had been engaged as a prophet among his people. At last he became sick and died. Laulewasikaw was not slow to recognize his opportunity. He seized the mantle as it slipped from the shoulders of the dying prophet and assumed the sacred office. Abandoning his old name, he forthwith called himself Tenks- wautaw, which signifies the "Open Door." This name was as- sumed because he pretended that the Great Spirit had called him to point out to the Indians the way of life. The prophet admonished the Indians to put away their horses and their cattle, shave their heads and revert to the customs of olden times, in which event game would be plentiful again. Witchcraft was denounced in the strongest terms, because those guilty of it would be barred from heaven and would never see the Great Spirit. Drunkenness justly fell under the prophet's displeasure. In preaching against this great sin of his people, he was wont to relate that, since he had become a prophet, he had been up in the clouds. The first place to which he came was the abode of the devil. Here were congregated all persons who had died a drunkard's death and flames were continually issuing from their mouths. He acknowledged that he, too, had been a drunkard, but when he looked upon that awful scene, he re- formed. Many of the Indians became alarmed and stopped drinking whisky. The intermarriage of Indian women with 334 white men was strongly condemned and given as one of the causes why the Indians were not as happy as in the days of yore. The prophet's code also embraced community of property, which was a wise regulation for such as he to advocate. The young men were urged to respect and support the aged and infirm. As a reward for those who would obey his precepts, he promised the comforts and happiness enjoyed by their fore- fathers. He also pretended to have received from the Great Spirit the power to cure all manner of diseases, to confound his enemies, and to stay the arm of death in sickness or on the field of battle. It is generally believed that the prophet said nothing in the beginning of his career about the ambitious scheme of his brother to form an Indian confederacy against the whites. Nevertheless, it is very likely that he did not wait long before he mentioned it. This project in itself would have been suf- ficient to win him the ear and recognition of the Delawares, who were not at all satisfied with the treatment they had received, and were still receiving at the hands of the whites. Further- more, the prophet held out the hope that the white people would surely be destroyed, if the Indians should be obedient to him as the agent of the Great Spirit. To impress the Indians with the truth of his prediction, he said that he had been shown a crab with mire in its claws from the bottom of the sea. "Behold this crab," said the Spirit ; "it comes from Boston and brings with it a part of the land in that vicinity. If you Indians will do every- thing which I have told you, I will overturn the land, so that all the white people will be covered and you alone shall inhabit the land." But what appealed most strongly to the Delawares was his pretended power to reveal that which was hid. This was exactly what they desired, because they were anxious to get rid of the poison which had been used so freely among them, to the destruction of many. Though Tenkswautaw was easily the leading prophet, he was not the only one who had been endowed with the spirit of prophecy. Among these minor prophets was a woman who had considerable influence. She made the Indians believe that she had seen God Himself and all His holy angels, and that God had laid the good spirit into her hands, whereupon she had taken it 335 into her mouth and swallowed it, so that the spirit within her revealed to her everything which God desired the Indians to do. By means of such gross deceptions, these instruments of Satan sought to keep the poor people under the influence of the powers of darkness, and unfortunately they were only too successful. Meanwhile Tedpachsit and his family made active prepara- tions to move to the mission. In fact, some of his belongings had already been brought there, when the prophet got in touch with him and easily persuaded him to change his mind. Having fallen into disrepute with his people, and being in momentary danger of his life, he must have considered it the better part of valor to bow to the will of the arch-deceiver, whose influence was daily becoming greater among the Indians. If what he is reported to have said is true, it is quite likely that the hope that he might save his life, forced the lie from his lips. He is said to have declared that he was convinced that the teaching of the missionaries was entirely false and led its adherents on the straight path to hell, because he had known more than one Indian who had arisen from the dead and every one assured him that there were no Indians in hell ; only white people. The later part of January, 1806, several Indians brought let- ters from the Helpers' Conference and from the brethren Zeis- berger and Mortimer. The Helpers' Conference advised the missionaries to remove to another place and establish a mission there. In answer to this, Brother Kluge wrote : "We read your letter with a great deal of interest. We learn from it, that in accordance with the plain leading of the Saviour, you advise us to leave our place here, and to look about for another neighbor- hood in the Indian country, with the view of establishing a new work. This matter gave us a great deal of concern at first, be- cause it brought to mind very vividly the many difficulties con- nected with the establishment of this settlement. Now we can count on still more, because we have no outside help whatever. "But, since we recognize the necessity of finding another loca- tion only too well, and as we are now fully convinced that this is the will of our Lord and Saviour, in full reliance on His gracious assistance, we will be glad to take the risk. We know that what He asks us to do, He expects us in childlike obedience to carry out. To Him we owe body and soul. We therefore accept your 336 advice in the matter with willing minds, and will accommodate ourselves to the prescribed direction. The more we recognize our weakness and inability, the more we pray to the dear Lord that He should have mercy upon us and direct our way in ac- cordance with His holy will. We have different localities in mind, which might be proposed, but not having the necessary knowledge concerning them, we will not say anything about them for the time being. As soon as something definite presents itself, we will let you know at once. "It is remarkable that just at this time when the Lord directs us to change our place of work, we hear that the Indians, who live in the town four miles from here, desire to move to the Mississippi Valley. For this reason two of the baptized Indians who are with us, have no desire to accompany us elsewhere, be- cause they believe that we would now enjoy rest and peace where we are, since the young Indians, who have given us the most trouble, are about to leave. We are aware, however, that these two think more of their houses, which they are loath to leave, than of anything else. This matter gives us considerable concern, because we have only four baptized Indians at present, and we would not like to leave one of them behind. We know beforehand that such would quickly revert to heathenism ; at the same time, we cannot on their account act contrary to the di- rection of the Lord. "Since we have no outside help whatever, we will be com- pelled to hire a man, for a short time, to assist us in the be- ginning of a new place. It is utterly impossible for us to do all the work alone ; namely, build houses, clear the land, cut wood, split rails and plant, and do the many other things that a new- settlement will bring with it. This would naturally involve some expense, but we have confidence in our brethren that they will not deny us the necessary means." Soon after this letter was written, Joshua was dispatched to Woapicamikunk to ascertain from Tedpachsit and a number of friendly Indians where a suit- able locality might be found for a new station. To Joshua's great surprise, he found that they were wholly unfriendly to the project and to the work of God in general. They advised the Christians to remain where they were. 337 But the missionaries were not so easily discouraged. Brother Luckenbach and Joshua went up the river to spy out the land, but they found no place suitable for a new station. They next went south for a distance of eight miles or more. Again they were unsuccessful. Then they turned their eyes to the Missis- sinnaway or Lemachtesink, which was a whole day's journey away. The prospects in that vicinity were not any too good, there being little open land available for planting purposes. But since this seemed the only place at all suitable, and one to which no intoxicants would be brought, they concluded to weigh mat- ters carefully before passing it by. Their further explorations, however, were soon brought to an untimely end. When the Indians learned that they intended to settle elsewhere, and that, too, against their advice, they were greatly displeased. They said: "The Christians have a good place where they are now, what more do they want ? They are here but five years and now they want to move away. If allowed to do so, they will scatter the wild game still more, therefore we will not permit it. If they do not care to remain where the Chiefs originally placed them, they must go where they came from." But the missionaries were not satisfied and decided to ac- quaint the Chiefs with their intention. The following message was therefore sent to Woapicamikunk : "Friends, last fall, as you remember, the Christian Indians from the Muskingum and we renewed our friendship with you. At that time we were glad to learn that you were still pleased to have us near you. We like to be with you and do not want to separate ourselves from you, in spite of the fact that so few of your number have accepted the Word of God, which we proclaim. We pray God' that He may give you a true desire for His Word, for faith in the gospel alone can make you happy. Now, friends, hear what we have to say further. You know that it is almost five years since we came here, where the Chiefs placed us. We have learned during that time, that this is not a good place for the Christian Indians. Because it is essential that we live more undisturbed and in a quieter place, we came to the conclusion that it would be better if we would move a little farther to one side, where such of your number as desire to embrace the gospel might move and live unmolested. We ask you, therefore, for permission to seek for 338 a more suitable location than our present one. Undoubtedly you can give us good advice in the matter, because you are better acquainted around here than we. This is what we would ask of you, our friends. We sincerely desire you to regard us ever as your friends, yea, as your own flesh and blood." Brother Luckenbach and Joshua were the bearers of this mes- sage to the assembled Indians in Woapicamikunk. To then- great astonishment, the)' were not so much as given a decent hearing. One of the Chiefs handed back the wampum, saying, that they were busy with more important matters ; that the young people now reigned and that the old no longer had any- thing to say ; the Christians should stay where they were. The messengers remonstrated, whereupon they were informed in great wrath, that they could do as they pleased, there was noth- ing further to say. With sad hearts, Brother Luckenbach and Joshua returned home. About this time the newly-baptized Hannah, actuated by fear, secretly went to Woapicamikunk to the heathen festival. She thought she could go and return without having the mission- aries find out that she had been away. Her plan did not work. When she was ready to go home, she was informed that she had to stay an indefinite length of time. Several days later an Indian came to Joshua's house and gave utterance to all sorts of blasphemous lies. He said that the Indians knew only too well that as soon as any one was baptized, he was henceforth in league with the devil and belonged to him. He expressed pity for Joshua that he was so deceived. Joshua told him to spend all his pity on himself, because he was the one who was de- ceived and blind and ignorant, preferring to believe the lies of heathen teachers to the Word of God. The scoffing visitor laughed him to scorn. This same fellow afterwards came to the missionary's house and begged for something to eat. Re- membering the words of our Lord Jesus Christ when he said : "If your enemy hungers, feed him," he received the desired food. Though convinced that the Indians hated them most cordially, and that they would have nothing further to do either with them or the cause of the Lord, the faithful missionaries proved that they were shepherds of the sheep, and not hirelings. In spite of their cold reception at Woapicamikunk and the manifest oppo- 339 sition of the new Chiefs to their locating elsewhere, they still cherished the hope that the Lord would open the way to some other place where they might establish a new work. To this end, they scoured the neighboring country still further, but alas ! their hopes were definitely blasted by the sad occurrence of the memorable thirteenth of March. On this day, seven savages of the wildest sort, with their faces painted black, came to the mission and led away Joshua by force. They said that his presence was demanded immediately at Woapicamikunk, where the Indians were assembled at the call of the prophet to conduct a thorough investigation looking to the extirpation of sorcery, and the use of poison, which they be- lieved at the bottom of the many deaths that had occurred so recently. Hither Joshua was to have come a few weeks before, but fortunately he had not been at home when the messenger came to lead him away. When told of the occurrence later on, Joshua said: "May God protect me! I do not want to have anything to do with their heathenish ways. My constant prayer is that the Lord should take care of me in these evil times and keep me faithful to the end." But this time he had to go and give an account of himself. The missionaries remonstrated with all their might, saying that Joshua was a Christian and had nothing to do with the heathen, but their energy and breath were wasted entirely. Theresa was now the only Christian Indian left at the mission. Their feeling cannot be imagined, much less described. In their anguish they turned to the Lord for refuge, pleading mightily that He should have mercy on them, and especially on the soul of poor Joshua. Several days later, they learned that he had been brought face to face with the accused Chief and easily proved that the charge against him was false. Thereupon Tedpachsit confessed that he had told a lie out of fear, with the hope that he might in this way quiet the excited mob, knowing all the time that Joshua was innocent. It was at the instigation of the crafty prophet that the young Indians had banded together, dismissed their Chiefs and taken a large number of Indians prisoners. Any one hostile to the prophet and his plans was promptly denounced as a sorcerer or as one guilty of dealing out poison to the destruction of the Indians, and put to death. The deposed Tedpachsit was first to 340 be tried for poisoning Indians. There was a reason for this. At the bottom of the false charge was the prophet's hatred against the poor old man, 'because it had been through his influence that the whites were able to make the treaty with the Indians, in 1804, whereby a large tract of land between the Wabash and the Ohio Rivers was ceded to the United States. Being innocent of the accusation, Tedpachsit had nothing to confess. Thereupon his accusers bound him to a stake and began to torture him over a slow fire. It was then that the lie, which so cruelly involved Joshua, was wrung from his parched lips. Though freed from the charge against him, Joshua was not allowed to go home. The prophet was not present at the pre- liminary examination, therefore all the suspects were kept under close guard until he should arrive. Pretending that he could read men's thoughts as well as their faces, and bring to light everything that was hid, the prophet came to Woapicamikunk to show the Delawares who among them were guilty of having poison in their possession. The Indians made it very easy for him, because they always told him beforehand whom they sus- pected. All that he had to do was to confirm their suspicions, and they were perfectly satisfied. Meanwhile the fate of Joshua and the other prisoners hung in the balance. When the prophet arrived, the Indians were commanded to seat themselves in a circle, and with a great deal of pomp and ceremony, a large number were pronounced guilty of sorcery* or of concealing poison. Hockingpomsga was also among the prisoners. When the prophet was asked concerning Joshua, whom he could see with half an eye that they suspected and wanted out of the way, he said that he had no poison, but an evil spirit, by means of which he could destroy the Indians. What more could they want ? They had now heard what they had de- sired for a long time. The condemned prisoners were kept *The sorcerers were supposed to occasion disease and death at will. It was believed that one of the most skillful sorcerers could kill a man within twenty-four hours, and that not necessarily with poison, but by the employ- ment of the black art, which was effective for a distance of four or five hundred miles. The Indians pretended that their witchcraft and poison had no effect on white people, because they ate too much salt. 34i under the closest surveillance until the punishment of death might be meted out to them. Tortured by the thought of Joshua's probable fate, the mis- sionaries could neither eat nor sleep. On the seventeenth of March their troubles increased. They were overwhelmed with horror and anguish as they saw ten murderous Indians, with faces painted black, bring Tedpachsit* near their settlement. In full sight of the mission, the cruel barbarians built a large fire. When all was in readiness, his own son buried the war-hatchet in the head of the unfortunate old man, and then, while still alive, they cast him bodily into the roaring flames. With fiendish glee they danced about the fire and made merry over the pitiful cries and frightful contortions of their hapless victim. Both the prairies and the woods were set on fire by the cruel procedure. Imagine the horror and amazement of the missionaries, when the inhuman monsters came into their house, after the cold- blooded murder, boasting of what they had done and asking for something to eat, and tobacco for their pipes. Nothing was left but to accede to their request. The son, wearing his father's belt of wampum, and displaying a number of articles that had been taken from the helpless victim before his murder, said : "This belonged to him, who discarded my mother and his oldest children, and took unto himself a young wife." The missionaries composed themselves as well as they could under the terrible circumstances, and inquired after their old in- terpreter, and what was to become of him. They answered that Joshua was not a prisoner without a reason ; that they knew well enough that he was familiar with the black art, by means of which he could destroy Indians and make them tame, and that his being a Christian was mere pretence. The missionaries tried their best to convince them that they were wrong, but in vain. They therefore sent a message to the captains of the wild and irresponsible savages, reminding them that Joshua was an old believer and had nothing to do with those things charged against him; that he had never had anything to do with them, because he belonged to God and shunned every work of the *After the murder of Tedpachsit, the Delawares elected as their head chief Thahutoowelend, of the Turkey tribe. 342 devil ; and furthermore, that he was a Mohican, and, as they knew well enough, had come here with them as their interpreter ; that they demanded his immediate release, because they con- sidered what they did to him, as done unto them. In spite of the fact that the murderers knew full well that the prisoner would be put to death that very day, they promised that they would deliver the message and that no harm should befall him. Brother Kluge writes in this connection : "After we were once more alone, such a feeling of sadness overpowered us that we burst into loud weeping. We threw ourselves on our knees before the Lord in prayer, and besought Him for strength and resignation to His will. We pleaded that He should protect us and our poor Joshua with His powerful hand, at the same time commending our souls and that of our interpreter to His most gracious care. We prayed that He should grant us strength to remain faithful unto death, should it be His will that both we and Joshua should lose our lives at the hands of the frenzied savages. In spite of the fact that we had heard that the Indians suspected that we and all other teachers of Christian Indians took away all poison from the converts, and kept it, so that they might be made sick or put to death, if they failed to do as they were told ; and though we did not know how far the Evil Spirit might lead the savages, or what our fate would be, since they had threatened to put out of the way any one who would in the least oppose their actions, our anxious hearts constrained us to send a message to the assembled Indians. We resolved to make a strong effort to rescue Joshua, and if we failed in that, to have at least a last word with him, or die in the attempt. "Because it was impossible for me to leave my wife and chil- dren alone in this terrible state of affairs, Brother Luckenbach volunteered to go, with the intention, however, of looking up a trader on the way, who would accompany him. With high courage he rode away in the early morning of the eighteenth, but he had not gone more than half way, before he met the Tndian Chief Kiktuchwenind, who told him that Joshua had been murdered the day before." The missionaries learned later that his persecutors had formed a ring about him, after they had conducted him to a large fire, and then demanded that he should confess how many lives he 343 had already destroyed by means of his evil spirit. After he had solemnly declared his innocence, one of the savages stepped out of the ring and walked to the fire, apparently for the purpose of lighting the pipe, stuffed with tobacco, at the end of his toma- hawk. When he came back from the fire, he gave Joshua a blow on the head with his tomahawk. Others followed suit, whereat all raised a tremendous shout, and barbarous hands took the bleeding body and threw it into the flames, where it was wholly consumed. This was the most terrible blow of all. Brother Kluge writes : "Anguish and terror took possession of us, and we could not think clearly on account of fright ; sighs and tears were now our portion. After we regained our senses somewhat, our first thought was to sell everything and flee to Goshen. Indeed, we had every preparation made to do this, when all of a sudden cold weather set in, and we were hindered from going, on account of the little children. After several days, we heard that Joshua had spoken a great deal at the place of his martyrdom, and that in a language which the savages could not understand. From this we suppose that he must have prayed to the Saviour in German, because he was in a very encouraging state of mind and heart, when the savages took him away from here. Furthermore, we heard that the Indians built an enormous fire, threw Joshua into it, and though they constantly fed the flames, after two hours his body was but slightly scorched, which enraged them all the more. After that they built a still larger fire, and even then his remains were not wholly reduced to ashes before morning." Many other victims were burned to death. Among them was an old Indian woman named Caritas, who had been baptized by the Brethren in former days. She had visited at Bethlehem many times in her earlier years. Having fled westward to es- cape the murderous whites, who had killed so many of her rela- tives and friends, she became the unfortunate victim of her own people's superstition and cruelty. As soon as the prophet saw that she was suspected by the Indians, she was at once con- demned as a witch, and her terrible fate soon overtook her. Caritas had no connection with the mission. A young Indian, commonly known as Billy Patterson, the nephew of Tedpachsit, was likewise accused of witchcraft, and burned. The wife of the 344 old Chief was also found guilty, but her life was saved by her brother, who boldly stepped up to her, took her by the hand and led her out of the council house. Strange to say, he did not meet with the least opposition. Later on this same man returned and defied the prophet, by exclaiming: "The Evil Spirit has come among us, and we are killing each other." The mission diary contains an account of a somewhat similar deliverance, and it is more than likely that the reference is to the same occasion. The missionaries heard that the savages had attempted to put to death the only remaining Delaware Chief, Hockingpomsga, and the Chief of the Nanticokes to- gether with six other Indians, but when they were about to be thrown into the flames, their friends arose, took weapons and sprang among the murderers, threatening to kill any one who would attempt to interfere. The hand of execution was stayed, but the victims did not feel safe or easy. For this reason, the most well-to-do among them secretly sent to the prophet a hundred strings of wampum, besides cows and silver. They were promptly set free on the pretext that they had purchased their release. This unsettled state of affairs continued until the beginning of May. It would have lasted still longer and many more innocent people would have fallen victims to the cruelty of the barbarians, had not one of the tribes revolted and with fear- ful threatening called a halt to the wanton bloodshed. For a time, it looked as if a bloody revolution would come to pass, but fortunately the matter blew over without any serious results. On the twenty-third of March, the missionaries received word from the Indians through a trader, that they had no intention of hurting them, but that they should leave the Indian country as soon as possible. Though greatly alarmed, they did not want to go away before they had heard from the Indians in a more direct way. Accordingly Brother Luckenbach went to the as- sembled savages at Woapicamikunk and asked what their pleasure was concerning them. He was told that the white teachers were neither wanted nor needed ; that strictly speaking, they had never been invited to come; that they had merely re- quested their own relations on the Muskingum River to move to them, but that the White Eyes, Kilbucks and other families, whom they had especially wanted, had not responded. 345 They boldly declared that the missionaries' teaching was not of God. It might be good enough for white people, but it would not do for the Indians. "We know what is right and wrong," they said, "and have no need that any one should try to tell us how to live. That may have been necessary in former days, but things are different now. Any Indian who allows himself to be baptized makes a covenant with the devil. The old Chiefs are no longer alive and whatever promises they may have made are no longer in force ; they do not concern us. You may know, once for all, that no Indians will come to hear you preach the Word of God, so there is no reason why you should remain. But, if you insist on staying where you are, you are at perfect liberty to do so. You can do as you please and we will do as we please." With this Luckenbach had to rest content, and there was nothing for him to do but to return home. In the mean- time, the murder of helpless victims continued. Nothing but the grace of God could sustain the missionaries under the constant strain of these perilous times. After what they had passed through, and after they had been told by the young savages who hated them intensely, that if they decided to remain at their post, they would do so at their own risk, they were anxious to leave the White River as soon as possible. Among other things, Brother Kluge wrote to the Helpers' Con- ference as follows : "My poor wife is comfortless and in a pitiable frame of mind. The fear and terror inspired by the actions of the unbridled savages have so broken her down in body and spirit, that she positively refuses to remain here any longer. It is all that I can do to persuade her to stay long enough for us to learn the will of our brethren in the matter. "No one can blame my wife for feeling the way she does. Be- ing the mother of three little children who are dependent upon her, it is doubly hard for her to live under these terrible con- ditions. We can never tell how soon new dangers may arise and we shall have to flee for our lives. Brother Luckenbach and I feel about the same as my wife. And yet, being men, we are better able to cope with the many trials that beset us. In full confidence, dear brethren, that you must understand our dis- tressing situation and will not take our request amiss, my wife 16 346 and I herewith most humbly beg you to call us away from this post: We assure you that we are ready to be used elsewhere in the service of the Lord, but we do want to leave here. With the sincere hope that you will not deny us this petition, dear brethren, we await with the greatest eagerness your answer. Believing that we may expect a reply by the end of July, one or the other will go to Cincinnati at that time to get your letter." On the eighteenth of April, two white men brought a letter to the Indians from Governor Harrison, in which he strongly con- demned their wicked conduct and especially their murder. He wrote:* "My Children,' — My heart is filled with grief, and my eyes are dissolved in tears at the news which has reached me. You have been celebrated for your wisdom above all the tribes of red people who inhabit this great island. Your fame as warriors has extended to the remotest nations, and the wisdom of your Chiefs has gained you the appellation of grandfathers from all the neighboring tribes My Children, tread back the steps you have taken, and endeavor to regain the straight road which you have abandoned. The dark, crooked and thorny one, which you are now pursuing, will certainly lead to endless woe and misery. But who is this pretendedi prophet who dares to speak in the name of the Great Creator? Examine him. Is he more wise and virtuous than you are yourselves, that he should be selected to convey to you orders of your God? De- mand of him some proofs, at least, of his being the messenger of deity. If God has really employed him, he has doubtless authorized him to perform some miracles, that he may be known and received as a prophet. "If he is really a prophet, ask him to cause the sun to stand still, the moon to alter its course, the rivers to cease to flow, or the dead to rise from their graves. If he does these things, you may then believe that he has been sent from God My Children, do not believe that the great and good Creator of mankind has directed you to destroy your own flesh; and do not doubt but that, if you pursue this abominable wickedness, His vengeance will overtake and crush you. The above is addressed *From Drake's "Life of Tecumseh." 347 to you in the name of the Seventeen Fires.* I now speak to you from myself, as a friend who wishes nothing more sincerely than to see you prosperous and happy. Clear your eyes, I beseech you, from the mist which surrounds them. No longer be im- posed upon by the arts of an impostor. Drive him from your town, and let peace and harmony once more prevail among you. Let your poor old men and women sleep in quietness, and banish from their minds the dreadful idea of being burned alive by their friends and countrymen. I charge you to stop your blood} career ; and if you value the friendship of your father, the Presi- dent, if you wish to preserve the good opinion of the Seventeen Fires, let me hear by return of the bearer, that you have de- termined to follow my advice." The Governor's message was received with indifference and apparently made little impression. Another horrible experience awaited the missionaries on the seventeenth of May. The baptized Indian, Thomas White Eyes, who had come with Charles Henry the year before, brought a large quantity of whiskey to the outskirts of the Christian vil- lage and the consequence was that a terrible carousal ensued. This lasted a number of days and nights, during which time one of the participants was killed. White Eyes and four of the wildest .drunken savages, divested themselves of every shred of clothing and then rode into the mission settlement, with the most bloodcurdling yells. Two of them attempted to ride into Brother Kluge's house, and they might have succeeded had they not been kept back by two women hitting their horses on the head. At last the savages gave up the attempt. These and other brutalities filled the hearts of the missionaries and the children with fear and trembling. As soon as they could, they left the house and fled to the woods for safety. Brother Lucken- bach, who had to stay behind to lock up the doors, and conse- quently was unable to go with the other fugitives at once, was discovered by one of the ruffians. Let Brother Luckenbach tell the experience in his own words : "He demanded something to eat, but, told that the doors were all locked, and that there were no provisions at hand, except a *Seventeen Fires meant the seventeen States which then composed the Union. 348 little sour milk in the ante-room, he was apparently satisfied with this declaration. The Indian seemed satisfied with the milk. But after he had drunk it, he insisted that I accompany him to the drinking place. This was refused. The savage then declared that if I would not go freely, he would compel me to go. Having wrestled together for some time, and finding that he could not overpower me, he became enraged. Seizing a hatchet, he brandished it above my head and declared he would dash my brains out. I thought it the better part of valor to go with him. "The savage, swinging his hatchet, came on behind, crying aloud that he had taken a white prisoner. A squaw tried to wrest the hatchet from him, but he was too strong. On reaching his party, consisting of about eight Delawares, who were lying around a keg of whisky, and among whom I recognized one Thomas White Eyes, who also knew me well, the drunken savage once more cried out: 'Here I bring a white prisoner!' Eyeing him sternly, White Eyes said to the ruffian : 'That is my friend ! If you do him the least harm, you will get into trouble with me.' Turning to me, he quietly asked me to take a seat. Taking away the hatchet from the Indian, he handed it to me, and said to the Indian: 'We like to drink whisky; but he does not, and I will not permit you to compel my friend to do a thing that goes against him.' Then turning to me, he told me to go in peace, which I was only too glad to do. I then went to the woods whither Brother and Sister Kluge and the children had fled. Toward evening, the savages left the neighborhood and before nightfall, we returned home, where everything was found unmolested." 349 CHAPTER X THE STATION ABANDONED AND THE JOURNEY FROM WHITE RIVER TO BETHLEHEM The little congregation had dwindled down to but two Indian members, Theresa and Hannah, of whom the former continued faithful to the end, while Hannah seemed to think more of the honor of the heathen than the honor of God. Not having an interpreter since the cruel death of Joshua, the work of preach- ing the gospel was necessarily hampered. Nevertheless, the missionaries kept up the regular Sunday services until they left, even though the number of hearers was for the most part limited to the scriptural two or three gathered in the name of the Lord. During the early part of August, definite word was received from Bethlehem that they might leave the White River. In answer to this official communication, Brother Kluge wrote : "Your letters of the twenty-first of May and twenty-ninth of June reached us at the same time. They came on the second of August, to our great joy and comfort, through Brother Lucken- bach. I want to thank you most heartily, brethren of the Helpers' Conference, for your tender interest, your paternal care and faithfulness in our sorrowful condition. In your letter of the twenty-first of May, I learn that, under the guidance of the dear Saviour, our mission is given up for the time being, and that we shall leave the White River as soon as possible and move to Cincinnati, where Mr. Ziegler will look after our wants. We heartily wish that this might have taken place. But since Mr. Ziegler could not carry out your wishes, because, as he says, he had neither quarters for us nor a man with whom to send your letter, we are still at our old place, where we received your communication. Now, however, we will follow your di- rections to leave here at the earliest time, and we will proceed to the neighborhood of Cincinnati, where we will await your further decision. "Although we earnestly longed to be called away from here, because of our dangers, I must confess that it is with a heavy 35o heart that I leave this post. When I remember the many diffi- culties, dangers and sorrows, with which we had to struggle all these years, and with how many tears and sighs we preached the atonement among these heathen, it is disheartening that our aim has not been realized after all. The poor heathen are still languishing in sin, reject the gracious gospel and, under no circumstances, want to yield themselves to Jesus ; evidently they prefer to remain in the slavery of Satan, When I think of all this, my heart overflows with sadness, and I breathe one more prayer to the faithful Saviour for a gracious visitation upon this impenitent people. I cherish the fervent hope, that what we sowed in tears may some time bring forth fruit, and that in the end Christ may find, even in this nation, a reward for His suffer- ings. "In your letter of the twenty-ninth of June, I see that you have been thinking of our future. In regard to the offer made to me and my wife, I would say that we have considered the matter carefully and find that we cannot accept your proposal, much as we would like to do so. The following reasons will explain our position in the matter: (i) It is difficult to find support for a family in Cincinnati ; (2) Our sojourn there would be very expensive ; (3) It is impossible to carry out your sugges- tion to go out from Cincinnati for the purpose of learning what other Indian nation might be found to which we could preach the gospel. It is very seldom that Indians come into the neighborhood of that city, and those that do so are Delawares. Apart from these, there live on the Wabash, and back of Fort Wayne, the Twechtowe, Pottawatimis, and the Kickapoos. These people are twice as far from Cincinnati as the Delawares, and never come there. Should I want to look for a suitable opening for the preaching of the gospel among these Indian nations, I would have to travel far and wide, and meanwhile my wife and children would be left to the mercy of strangers. Your plan might do for an unmarried man, but, under the circum- stances, it is impossible for me to carry it out, much as I might wish to do so. Therefore, in my judgment, our sojourn in Cin- cinnati would be to no purpose. "Apart from this, I can assure you that since we are here, I have learned a great deal about other Indian nations. The Dela- 35 wares are not the worst people when it comes to wildness, drunkenness and all other abominations. With the Chief of the Twechtowe or Miami nation I am well acquainted, have frequently preached to him the gospel of salvation, and often inquired if his people did not desire to have teachers come among them to preach the Word of God, and to teach them the way to eternal life. But unfortunately he always found objec- tions to anything like this, and I have never been able to observe the least longing or desire in him or his people for the gospel. "The few Shawnees who live in this neighborhood are for the present so carried away with their heathen teachers, that they do not want to hear anything but their foolish teaching. At the same time, they are full of suspicion against the white people. I must admit, that everything I have learned about the Indian nations mentioned and what I have ascertained from personal observation, gives me very little hope that the gospel would be received any sooner by them than by the heathen Delawares. And especially so because the Indian nations in this neighbor- hood are wholly given over to drunkenness. I therefore have confidence in you, dear brethren, that you will not think ill of us, because we cannot accept your proposition. We have no pleasure in it at all, for the reasons given above. We earnestly beg you to let us know as soon as possible, whether my famih and I shall go to Goshen or come to you, because my wife is especially anxious to reach our destination before winter sets in. "She humbly thanks you for your affectionate interest and sympathy. She wants me to assure you that any thought of her recovery is out of the question until she hears that we may leave for a place of safety. With the exception of Goshen, she would positively have no pleasure in going to another Indian congre- gation. It would be hard on her to travel about with three small children in the Indian country. She believes herself in duty bound to tell you exactly how she feels in the matter, and beg^ you not to think ill of her. She faithfully promises, in every other way, to be submissive to the will of the Saviour. With the hope that we will not have to stay over winter in the neighbor- hood of Cincinnati, we decided to sell our cattle, corn, furniture, house and everything else, and to keep our horses, which we need for the journey. Because we cannot get anything here for 352 our possessions except the wares of the trader, or horses, we have concluded to exchange them for pack-animals. We can use these to carry away our goods, and in this way we will be able to make our way to Goshen, where we can sell them." Active preparations were at once begun to close up the mis- sion. A trader was called in, and they agreed to let him have their cattle, horses, other live stock, some household goods, corn and other things in exchange for four good horses. This arrangement made rather expensive horses, but it was the best they could do under the circumstances. They made their prepa- rations as secretly as possible, with the intention of announcing their departure just before they were to leave. But the Indians did not have to wait for a formal announcement. They learned quickly enough what was going on. The houses of the mis- sionaries, half of their cattle and corn were immediately de- manded. Old Hockingpomsga, the implacable enemy of the gospel, together with four kindred spirits, spent a whole night at the Christian village for no other purpose than to make the life of the missionaries miserable. They indulged in all sorts of fiendish suggestions and threats, one of them claiming that they were acting upon the advice of the President of the United States, who had authorized them to rob the whites who lived among them, and then to drive them off. Hockingpomsga said: "I heard that you wanted to sell everything and to move away. That you intend to leave suits us perfectly. We never asked you to come, and we have long tried to get rid of you. We do not want you. The Indians do not need any one to tell them what to do and how to live. But you must not sell your houses nor anything made of wood, nor more than half of your corn and your cattle, because you have procured all that from our land." The missionaries were in- dignant and remonstrated, but it did them no good. The Indians became abusive and railed at missionaries in general and against Moravians in particular. When they told Hockingpomsga that he could have the houses, but that they would dispose of the rest as they pleased, he became angry and declared that he would forbid any trader to buy anything more than he had men- tioned, and he would see to it, too, that the young Indians should keep a sharp lookout that hiswishes were carried out. The 353 Chief of the young Indians was next appealed to, but he was still more unreasonable, so the missionaries had to yield to the un- just demands of the barbarians. At last all preparations for their departure were completed, and they lost no time in leaving the place where, for five years and four months, they had sown in tears and reaped so sparingly. On the sixteenth of September, at high noon, they began their long, wearisome journey through the wilderness to Bethlehem. Four of the horses were laden with their goods, and on each of the other three was an adult with a child in his arms. An Indian guide had been hired to take care of the pack horses, but they had not proceeded far, when they learned that he was unequal to the task. They dismissed him and hired a Frenchman to guide them as far as Fort Hamilton. The following day they reached Woapicamikunk, where they found a heathen festival in full swing. They had no desire to stop there under the circum- stances, but fearing they would not reach water before nightfall, they decided to stay at the home of a trader. They tried to sleep during the night, but this was impossible because of the terrible noise. Early in the morning, a number of Indians called on them. One of them, the brother of the head captain, was extremely cordial, and said in parting: "Friends, I believe that your words are true, therefore, I hate to see you leave. At the same time I know that it is impossible for you to stay here any longer. There are too many Indians who hate you and your teaching. It seems as if the door was shut, so that the Word of God can- not penetrate the land of the Indians. For that I am sorry. But it will not be ever thus. The hostile Indians and their wicked Chiefs cannot live forever. The time may yet come when the Indians will want to hear the Word of God, and you will be called to return." Greatly encouraged by this friendly testi- mony and feeling that perhaps their strenuous labors had not been quite in vain after all, they assured their friend that they were indeed sorry to leave, and would be only too glad to return at any time, if there was a real desire on the part of the Indians for the Word of God. Thereupon they took their leave. A narrow path led them into the wilderness. The horses could barely get past the brambles and bushes that tore the 354 faces of the missionaries and especially those of the children. Sister Kluge suffered a great deal because she had no hat. After they had gone their laborious way for four miles or so, they dis- covered that they were on the wrong path. Somebody had mis- directed them. Crossing two large grass-covered plains, they again entered the woods v Here another trial awaited them. A large number of yellow jackets had built their nests in the middle of the path and sharply disputed the way, with some very stinging arguments, the force of which could not be denied. If a horse stepped into a nest, the result may be readily imagined. Surrounded with yellow jackets, and wild from their stings, the horses plunged into the bushes greatly to their own relief, but to the evident danger of the riders and children. In spite of it all, the pilgrims covered a distance of twenty miles a day. At times food was very scarce. Occasionally they had noth- ing to eat but dried bread, and not much of that. On one oc- casion they were reduced to eating corn meal which the French- man had brought along for his dogs. Hazelnuts and wild plums were plentiful in places, and with these they managed to take off, at least, the edge of their ravenous appetite. But man's ex- tremity is ever God's opportunity. When their food supply had been entirely exhausted, and there was apparently no other in sight, they were overjoyed to hear some one calling cattle home. Upon investigation, they found'a family of friendly white settlers from whom they procured half a pail of butter milk, a piece of bread and a little pork. When within about twelve miles of Fort Hamilton, the French guide left them to shift for them- selves, and returned home. From here Brother Luckenbach went to Cincinnati, thirty- seven miles away. The object of his visit was to get the neces- sary money for the rest of the journey, some articles of clothing which had been sent there, and any letters which he might find for them. When he returned to the rest of the party, he had .1 letter from the Helpers' Conference, with definite instructions to come direct to Bethlehem. This piece of good news filled their hearts with exceeding great joy. While waiting for Brother Luckenbach's return, the Kluges were staying with a poor family living in a little house which combined bed-room and kitchen in one. Brother Kluge had the joy of being instru- 355 mental in leading to the Saviour a dying old man, to whose bed- side he was called in the neighborhood. Here a little wagon was bought for sixty-five dollars, Brother Luckenbach giving his horse in exchange. On the thirtieth of September, the journey was resumed. To their dismay they found one of their horses missing, as they were about to leave. Fortunately a man found it, but the trans- action cost the missionaries three dollars. Their horses had been exchanged for such as were used to the harness. In many ways travel was made more difficult by a fearful drought, but, in other respects, this had its advantages. The waters of the Miami were so low that they could easily cross the stream in their little wagon. Drinking water was scarce. Some of the settlers had to bring it a distance of two miles, while they had to water their cattle still farther away. By slow stages the pilgrims made their wearisome way east- ward, passing through Chillicothe and crossing the Sciota. In this neighborhood they found a number of Germans whose chil- dren were unbaptized for want of a minister. They desired Brother Kluge to stay with them and become their pastor. Thence they went to Lancaster and in due time passed through Springfield and later through Zanesville. At the latter place they met a Kentuckian who was on|his wajy to Shippensburg. Having no money, he offered to serve as their teamster as far as his destination. They gladly accepted the offer, and for his services provided him with the necessary sustenance on the way. Several days later, they enjoyed the luxury of being enter- tained at a good German hotel. The hotel-keeper was well ac- quainted with the Moravians and had a number of friends among the Gnadenhuetten brethren. When he learned that the missionaries were anxious to send their pack horses to Gnaden- huetten, he volunteered to take them there himself, a distance of thirty miles. At Wheeling, they procured more money for their journey, a kindly Quaker merchant by the name of Upde- graf being found willing to honor a bill of exchange on Gott- fried Haga. Passing through Alexandria and Washington, they crossed the Dry Ridge, in due time reached Somerset and then Strasburg. From there they pushed forward by way of Carlisle and Elizabethtown, and finally, in the afternoon of the fifth of 356 November, they had the joy of catching their first glimpse of hospitable Lititz, so dear to their hearts. Friends and relatives received the weary pilgrims with open arms. Here they re- mained for about five days, when they once more resumed their journey, and at last, on the twelfth of November, they arrived at Bethlehem, where they were warmly welcomed by the Brethren. Thus ended their long journey extending over a distance of more than seven hundred miles. But little more remains to be said. In some respects the work on the White River was unique. It enjoys the distinction of having been the first Protestant mission in Indiana Territory. As far as is known, there .had been no Protestant missionaries so far west before. Hennepin, Marquette and others had made strong attempts to establish missions among the Miami, who originally occupied this region, but their efforts were even less fruitful than those of Kluge and Luckenbach. Even at that time the treacherous fire-water obstructed the progress of the gospel. The missionaries were always followed and frequently preceded by traders who exchanged their whisky for the furs and peltries of the Indians. It is not surprising, therefore, that conditions were still worse in the time of the Moravians. Though other Moravian missions among the Indians had to be abandoned, none came to its end in the way the White River work had to be given up. At Shekomeko, New York, un- scrupulous whites, finding that the progress of the gospel seri- ously hindered their liquor traffic with the Indians, stirred up false reports that the missionaries were Papists in disguise and secret emissaries of the French in Canada. Consequently the Assembly of New York imposed a license on "vagrant preachers, Moravians or disguised Papists" and demanded that the missionaries should swear allegiance to King George, which they declined to do on conscientious grounds. As a result, the mission had to be abandoned. Government interference like- wise brought to an untimely end the flourishing little congrega- tions of Gnadenhuetten and Pachgatgoch in Connecticut. At Gnadenhuetten on the Mahoning the massacre of the whites by the Indians, and at Gnadenhuetten on the Muskingum the brutal slaughter of the Indians by the whites, broke up the mission congregations. There was nothing like this in connec- 357 tion with the end of the work on the White River. Here there was no government interference. On the contrary the govern- ment was in hearty sympathy with it. While it is true that Joshua and others were burned at the stake, this had nothing to do with the failure of the mission. At the time of the mission- aries' departure, the little congregation had but two Indian members, of which one was even then more heathen than Chris- tian. The mission, therefore, died a natural death. And yet, in spite of it all, the labors of the missionaries were not in vain. The Word of God has declared it. "They that sow in tears shall reap in joy. He that goeth forth and weepeth, bearing precious seed, shall doubtless come again with joy, bringing his sheaves with him." Though they saw little fruit of their hard toil on earth, we believe that they are seeing it now. THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF ABRAHAM LUCKENBACH Translated from the German By H. E. STOCKER 36i BIOGRAPHY OF BROTHER ABRAHAM LUCKENBACH. WRITTEN BY HIMSELF AND LEFT FOR HIS DEAR CHILDREN. Since at my already far advanced years of life the moment for closing my earthly pilgrimage might come quickly, and because I have been urged by good friends to make some memorandum of the circumstances of my life, I therefore consider it my duty not only to fulfill their wish, but principally to be found willing, to the praise and honor of my Lord and Saviour, to write down what may serve to increase His glory and exalt His grace in connection with my poor, unworthy being, and leave it behind me as a monument to His love and mercy. I was born May 5, 1777,. in Upper Saucon, Lehigh County, about nine miles from Bethlehem, Pa., where my father had bought a small estate upon which he sought to support himself by tanning and shoe-making. He made the acquaintance of the Brethren in Oley, when he learned his trade with Bro. Eschbach, who was at that time a member of the Brethren's Church and occasionally conducted meetings at that place. My father had been a widower twice before he married my mother and had joined the Mennonite persuasion, therefore he was now, together with my mother, excluded from that communion, because she was a step-sister of the former wife. Such marriages are regarded as unlawful by this de- nomination. This caused my parents, who did not live far from Emaus, to attend the meetings of the Brethren at that place. They found a friendly reception at the hands of the minister, Bro. Franz Boehler, who was there at that time, and by whom I and my younger brothers were baptized. My baptism took place when I was one and three-fourths years of age, on January 19, 1779, and in this way I became a member of the Church of Christ. My parents, who were now separated from the Mennonite Com- munion, sought a more intimate acquaintance with the Brethren's Church. Here they had opportunity not only to attend her services but also to be- come familiar with her history. To be nearer to the Church, my father sold his well-appointed little place and in the year mentioned above, 1779, removed to the neighborhood of Bethlehem, where he took charge of a farm on the land of the Brethren. Subsequently he and my mother joined the Brethren's Church. When Bishop Reichel, of the U. E. C, made a visitation to North America, while he was at Bethlehem, he baptized three of my grown-up step-brothers and sisters in the Church auditorium, amid a powerful feeling of the gracious presence of the Holy Trinity and a special anointing from above, which made a blessed impression on the 17 3 6 2 whole congregation, and which was vividly remembered, in later years, by many who were present. Because my mother died of hasty consumption, in the Spring of 1781, when but twenty-four years old, my father, a part of his family being still unreared, was compelled by circumstances to marry again. He therefore sought in marriage the hand of the single sister, Elizabeth Partsch, in the Sisters' House at Bethlehem, who proved herself to us, her step-children, a truly faithful mother. She took to heart in a special manner the bring- ing up of the two smallest children in the family. To this number my younger brother and I belonged, being three and four years old, re- spectively. To her we largely owed our later Chirstian training, which she could impart so much the better because she had been brought up in a children's institution. Nothing gave her more pleasure than when she saw that we made progress in our studies. Her instruction proved to be a great help to us. She sought to make our tender hearts receptive to the grace of God and to the nurture of the Holy Spirit. She took pains to teach us hymns and to sing with us. I received my first impression of the love of the Saviour when she taught me the verse : "O my dearly beloved little Jesus." As I was frail by nature and therefore subject to colds, in the winter months, I generally had long and severe attacks of a convulsive cough, which compelled me to pass a great deal of my time in the house. Not until my eighth year was I quite free from this weakness. Since the Boys' School was at Bethlehem at this time, from about 1780-1785, I enjoyed instruction in that institution, as well as the blessing of the children's hour and the Church Days. On the last occasions we were addressed very edi- fyingly and impressively. The speaking of the children, which preceded, was superintended by the Brethren Jacob Van Vleck and Kramsch. This helped me to understand a great many things. The questions which were put to me on these occasions in regard to my state of heart and conducr, whether I loved the Saviour and lived in familiar intercourse with Him. made a deep impression upon my heart, and I could not forget them for a long time. They so quickened my conscience that I could not allow myself to do anything wicked without severe suffering. Praise for my good conduct often came to my ears through my step- mother, who praised me to the rest of my brothers and sisters and set me up as an example for them. They had to be punished frequently. This was not necessary in my case because a sharp word would keep me in check. This gave me at an early time a too good opinion of myself. I came to the conclusion that I must be better than they, which occasioned ill feeling against me on their part. The Spirit of God, however, strove early with my heart and led me to humility, without which all other virtues have no value before God. To this end He made use of certain means to attain His purpose. For example, a prayer meeting was held on Children's Days of the congregation for those children who had reported themselves prepared to recite verses. These received the solemn assurance that the favor of attending this meeting was extended to them because 363 they belonged to the number of those who were worthy to worship the Saviour by prostrating themselves before Him. Since I. as well as my younger brothers, had reported myself as prepared to take part, it gave me a decided shock when they received permission to attend the prayer meeting and I had to stay at home, where I had to remain all alone in a room meanwhile. This humbled me before the Saviour and I burst into tears and begged Him earnestly, in my loneliness, to make me worthy of this favor and to receive me among the number of His children. After a while I felt comforted. In this way I had to learn even then, in the school of the Spirit of God, the truth which the Saviour so emphatically im- pressed upon His disciples, when He said: "Whosoever shall exalt him- self shall be abased." The joy, however, was all the greater at the next Children's Day of the congregation, when I was told that I now had per- mission to take part in the worship. In that meeting I felt inexpressibly happy. Going to church and attending meetings gave me great joy at this time of my life, and especially did I find pleasure in the Christmas celebra- tion, on which occasion my father took us by the hand and led us to church. He was always careful that we missed neither meeting nor school. In the Spring of 1786 my parents removed to Hope, New Jersey, where they took charge of the congregational farm, which for us children had the drawback that we came in contact with strange, and for the most part worldly workmen. At such a place, especially in summer, all sorts of laborers had to be hired, so that much that was wicked was to be seen and heard, all of which had a bad influence on youthful minds. Very dangerous indeed would this situation have proved to me, if the inner voice of the grace of the Spirit of God had not continually labored with my heart, and if my parents had not kept a watchful eye upon me. I stood in great awe of my parents and especially of my father. This pro- tected me from such evil to which I was abundantly exposed. After- wards I was very thankful that he was so strict with his children, and the word of the apostle occurred to me when he said: "The law was our schoolmaster to bring us unto Christ." Bro. Grube, who was the pastor of the congregation at that time, often spoke very forcefully with us in the children's hour, as well as in indi- vidual interviews before the children's days of the congregation, concern- ing the love of the Saviour and the need of yielding the heart to Him. He insisted that every one of us should make a covenant with the Saviour that we would be His possession. At one time when he spoke with me, he made me promise with a hand-shake, that I would go apart by myself and fall down on my knees before the Saviour and beseech Him to forgive all my sins of disobedience and indifference, and make a covenant with Him to be and ever remain His very own. This in my bewildered state of heart threw me into great confusion, because I had never before turned to the Saviour, in such a solemn manner, in prayer. In accordance with my promise, I sought out a lonely place and knelt down, although not with- 364 out the greatest timidity and bashfulness, which undoubtedly arose from estrangement from God, and which brought with it something distressing. Meanwhile I prayed, as well as I could, to the Saviour to forgive me the manifold sins and transgressions with which I had given sorrow to Him and my parents and those over me. I arose very happy and cheerful and comforted myself greatly that the Saviour would now be graciaus unto me. because I had kept my promise and done my duty. During the first year of my stay at Hope, the school was conducted by the minister of the congregation and limited to three or four hours each day. It was therefore very desirable to me and beneficial too, as well as to the other pupils, when, in the year 1787, we received a separate school teacher in Bro. Chr. Till, to whom I went until my fourteenth year and made better progress than ever before. On January 9, 1789, at the celebration of the Boys' Festival, I was re- ceived into that choir, and on the following first of June, my reception into the congregation took place. This made me think deeply, especially so be- cause my step-mother frequently directed my thoughts to my state of heart and encouraged me to persevere in order to prepare myself for the enjoy- ment of the Holy Communion, the favor of witnessing which I was to enjoy, as a candiate, the following October. I was to partake of this great good for the first time, on January 16, 1790. This proved to be a blessing never to be forgotten. I had been prepared for it shortly before and con- firmed by Bro. Ludwig Boehler, minister of the congregation at that time. I now had ever increasing opportunity to learn what sort of a child I was spiritually. Good and evil inclinations alternated within me. "To will was piesent with me, but how to perform that which was good, I found not." Of temptations to go astray there was no lack, and since I was the only one among my companions who went to Holy Communion, I frequently had to suffer at their hands, when I disapproved of their wicked actions and held back from them. On the other hand, I could not escape their sharp criticism if I permitted myself to commit some wrong. Although strong appeals were made to my heart, at that time, through the impressive sermons and addresses by the minister of that day, Bro. Ludwig Boehler, which brought me great distress of heart, and although I strove to live a life well-pleasing to God, I became more and more conscious of the power of sin within me, and often painfully felt that in my heart no good thing dwelt, and that if I could follow my inclinations unpunished, it would speak badly for me. The feeling of sinfulness and the anguish on account of it was stirred up especially before partaking of the Holy Communion, because a sharp self-examination was urged and the worthy and unworthy partaking, ac- cording to the words pf the Apostle Paul in I Cor. 11 :27-29, brought into consideration. Since my walk was more legal than evangelical, and my consciousness of sin made me very timid toward the Saviour and my pastor, I would not go without fear, almost bordering on terror, to the ser- vice preparatory to the Holy Communion. The thought often arose in my mind, whether it would not be better for me, for the time being, to star 365 away entirely, and to postpone the enjoyment thereof until I had bettered myself, because I believed that the Lord's Supper had been instituted for such only as had attained to a certain degree of holiness, which I had not yet reached, and had therefore undertaken too soon to go to the table of the Lord. The good Spirit, in whose school I was, did not allow this, how- ever, and I continued, although with a feeling of uneasiness, to attend every Communion without interruption. Although I did not at that time rightly understand the words : "This is the body of the Lord given for you," nevertheless the partaking of Communion proved to me a strong means of preservation from transgression and from the sin dwell- ing within me. and gave the Spirit of God opportunity, by means of the frequent heart-searchings appointed before the enjoyment of the Holy Communion, to reveal to me, more and more, my great spiritual weakness. My father had an attack of dropsy from which he suffered for more than a year. On this account he could seldom leave the house, and I was loft too much to myself among the laborers. Being in my fifteenth year, arrangements were made before he passed away, to send me to Bro. Franz Thomas at Bethlehem, to learn the trade of cabinet-maker. After taking leave of my sick father with a feeling of sadness on both sides, knowing full well that I would never again see him in this life, I made my way by sleigh to Bethlehem, during the latter part of January, 1792. I now found myself under good oversight, since I labored in the work- shop with my master during the day and spent the rest of my time in the boys' room in the Brethren's House. It gave my parents no little distress to have me leave them in a half-deaf condition, which was brought about by my contracting a cold while skating on the ice. It was extremely doubt- ful whether I would ever regain my hearing, since all means tried to effect a cure had proved fruitless. It was not an easy thing for me to go to a strange place and live among unfamiliar faces. I frequently sighed in secret to the Saviour to restore my hearing, and sure enough, several months after, applying a plaster to my back, which was covered with ulcers that almost paralyzed me completely, my prayer was heard. I found to my great joy that my hearing was perfectly restored, and I never again lost it. With a special feeling of gratitude, I was now able to attend the meetings and understand the sermons and addresses delivered by Bro. Klingsohr, who was the minister at that time. These were very impressive to me and more and more possessed my heart and soul so that I began to feel that there was no higher state on earth than to become a transformed human being, by the grace of God. and to follow the Saviour unmoved, in sim- plicity and humility. After I had spent a number of years in learning my trade, my master turned over the greatest part of the work to me, because he filled the office of cicerone, which at times engaged all his attention. This, however, helped me to make more rapid progress in my trade, because everything was entrusted to me. Consequently I had to take more pains and be more diligent to do that which was needful for the finishing of the desired 366 work. As I did not lack ambition to equal others and even to excel them, my master was usually not only very well satisfied with my work, but occasionally praised it in my presence, comparing it with that of others, and extolling my skill. This exerted a hurtful influence on my youthful mind and deluded me into thinking that I knew more than my master. Consequently I was not always ready to follow his instructions as my cir- cumstances and duty demanded, and he had to reprimand me frequently so that I had to be ashamed. Y found myself in a quite different position during the years of my apprenticeship than formerly. Quite different from the many diversions to which I was exposed at home, I now spent most of my time alone in the workshop, so that my mind took on a more quiet and thoughtful turn. This caused me to meditate on subjects which led to brooding and gave me many a dark hour. I heard many things in the meetings and read others in the Holy Scriptures, concerning which I would have liked more clearness, but I was too bashful to reveal my trouble or to ask the necessary questions in regard to it. Consequently, I was often filled with doubt and unbelief which caused me great fear. At the same time I was astonished to find anything like this lurking in my heart. Formerly I could believe anything with a child-like faith, no matter what was told me concerning the Saviour and what was heard in the meetings. Now, however, my heart was full of questions. I consequently asked myself : "Can you prove all these things which you consider to be God's truth? If not, then your whole hope rests on human ideas." With- out properly recognizing at that time the fiery darts of Satan and realizing what his purpose was, I permitted myself to deal in sophistry. But I was always driven from the field and had to learn that no amount of reasoning was sufficient to drive doubt and unbelief from the heart; that it sooner made it worse. In this school I learned the truth that faith in the Saviour and in His divine Work is a gift of grace and that, in one's own strength, no one can believe in Him or come to Him. Meanwhile I did not remain unattacked in other ways, and I constantly besought the Saviour to cleanse my heart from all iniquity and to give me the assurance of the forgiveness of sins, which I had often read about in the lives of other children of God. Since the prayer, to my mind, remained unanswered, and this gave me much sorrow, I revealed my trouble to my pastor, who very lovingly comforted me and helped me. He assured me that in no wise did the fault lie with the Saviour that my prayer was not answered, nor with His willingness to give me the assurance that it was heard, but that my distrustful and doubt- ing heart was the reason that I could not be comforted. This also be- came clear to me in the future, and I rejoiced over the knowledge in the presence of my Saviour. Meanwhile, however, I still remained in a dis- tressed state of heart over my condition, because I usually reverted to my- self and my sinful misery, and there I stopped. Instead of bringing the matter, in a childlike manner, to the Saviour, and acknowledging Him as my Physician and Helper, I sought to help myself on false grounds. This 36; spoiled for me many an otherwise happy hour and made it impossible for me to rejoice in the salvation of Christ. It also gave me a troubled con- science which was still under the law. (I had not as yet learned that the Saviour cannot help until we have come to the end of our self-help and give Him alone the glory.) In my childhood I had made a small beginning with learning music, which gave me great pleasure. But I did not continue with it at that time, because the matter was left in my hands. Since I had to take pains, I soon lost all inclination for it. Now, however, I found great encouragement in the Brethren's House to take up music, and consequently I spent most of my spare time in studying it under the leadership of my choir-leader, Bro. T. F. FrueaufT. This pleasantly engaged my thoughts and preserved me from many distractions. In the year 1795, August 29, I was admitted into the Single Brethren's choir, whereby I gained more freedom. I could now choose my own com- panions and go my own ways. More than ever before, I now needed the inner guidance of the Spirit of God to keep me from wrong paths and from the broad way of liberty which opened before me, and upon which I saw many walk. It pleased me very much that such did not desire me in their company, because I was too conscientious to suit them. They knew well enough that I could not fall in with their way of looking at matters and indulge in the things which gave them pleasure. This caused me to seek the companionship of the steadier and more sensible brethren, which brought me much edification and blessing for my heart. The opposite choice would have led to unrest and unhappiness. In May, 1797, when I was twenty years old, my master declared me free, since he had had another apprentice for some time. Consequently I spent the summer until fall in another workshop, where I found work and good wages. At that time a proposition was made me to begin a cabinet shop in the Brethren's House at Nazareth. For this reason I went there before the end of the year. At the beginning of the new year and throughout the winter, I was busy helping with the inside carpenter work of a new store- building which was put up at that time. After carefully counting the cost, nothing came of the plan to have a cabinet shop in the Brethren's House, and I had no objections to offer. At this time there was a vacancy in the teaching-force at Nazareth Hall and the position was offered to me. I accepted, though with much hesitancy, because of the consciousness of my imperfections, yet in obedience and reliance on the help of the Lord. Dur- ing the beginning of March I moved into the third room to dear, worthy old Bro. David Moritz Michael, and I had the pain, during the first week, of witnessing the death of a boy from this room. I found myself in an entirely new sphere. In the beginning, I had no intention of giving myself permanently to this service, but intended later on to return to my trade. It was not long, however, before I came to the decision to yield myself entirely to the guidance of the Saviour. Since I had but a common-school education, I fully realized that I would find it necessary to employ all my 3 68 time to attain the necessary qualifications for my work. Outside of my school hours, my chief effort was the study of the sciences and the practice of music. I resolved to learn as much as possible, for which reason I laid the nights under contribution, and barely took sufficient exercise for my health. Once in a while, when I did not make the desired progress in spite of all my efforts, discouragement seized me. This was largely due to my self-love and ambition. The desire for higher learning and knowledge tortured me so much that I envied others who had been able to spend their earlier years in acquiring them, or in gaining an education. By means of diligent efforts, I succeeded in making considerable progress in the study cf the most necessary common-school branches and in gradually becoming more efficient as a teacher. Many of my good friends, including the In- spector, Bro. Carl Gotthold Reichel, advised me, for my own good, to seek the society of others more frequently, because in this way I would hear all sorts of subjects discussed and criticized, and I would gain more useful knowledge than if I would confine myself too much to books. This I found true and my disposition became more cheerful and companionable. The reading of various writings of Count Zinzendorf, at that time, led me to a careful examination of the inclinations and impulses which stirred within me, and I learned that in spite of all my efforts to live according to the holy law of God and to fulfill the spiritual meaning thereof, I still lacked strength, and the truth of the words of the Apostle Paul : "To be carnally minded is enmity toward God," became painfully clear to me. I was tortured by feelings of unworthiness, and became more and more conscious of my deep depravity of body and soul. I learned that all thoughts of the human heart were sinful before God. Since I could not rid myself of self-love, thirst for honor and self-interest in spite of all my efforts, I therefore felt a more or less condemning or guilty conscience before God. But the Holy Spirit, who had brought me into this state in which I felt the depth of my sinfulness, did not allow me to sink into utter despair. He gave me. from time to time, the comfort of Jesus' suffering and dying, which source of strength I now began to treasure greatly, and He brought to my mind repeatedly the verse, which says : "If I weep for salvation in His loving presence, it is already proof that He stands before me." It became ever more clear that it was my highest duty to consecrate my life to Him who gave Himself for me; that it was im- possible for me to find, in the things of this world, any rest for my poor, languishing soul, and that he who gained the greatest number of earthly possessions must reap the greatest disappointment in the end. I, therefore, abandoned all great plans and ambitious thoughts and became content with such things as I had. My short-comings and mistakes made me rejoice more than ever in God my Saviour. The longer I was at it, the more de- voted I became to teaching. My teaching days were the pleasantest of my life. Gladly would I have spent a much longer time in this work had it been the will of God to use me further in this service. But He had decided on 369 another field for me, of which 1 had thought but little thus far. At the same time, I had not been without premonitions before the communica- tion of Bro. David Zeisberger came from the Muskingum, saying that a door had opened to enter the land of the Delaware Indians, who at present lived on an arm of the Wabash, called the White River, and that a number of brethren were needed for this service, who knew how to help themselves and how to get there alone. In the beginning of September, 1800, I received the call, therefore, as a single brother, to accompany Bro. and Sr. J. P. Kluge to the Indian country, after first spending the winter on the Muskingum and then from there continue the journey, in company with some Indian families, by water or land, to the land of the Indians. This call cut deep, because I had only spent two and a half years in my very agreeable calling as a teacher, which was very pleasant indeed to me, so that, when I consulted with flesh and blood. I lacked joy in accepting the appointment. At the same time, after many a hard struggle and sleep- less night, I could not put the matter aside. I finally decided to take this important matter to the Lord in prayer and to beseech Him to give me joy either one way or the other, as 1 would be ready to follow His signal, if He really had called me to this service, unfitted though I felt myself to be for it. When I arose from prayer, I took up the hymn book in front of me and found, in answer to my petition, a verse which peculiarly filled my need. This verse which was so suitable to my condition and so comfort- ing, I took as a signal from the Lord's hand, showing that He desired me to enter the service which He had pointed out to me. After that I was satisfied. This became the root of my life-long destiny and never after amid heavy trials, did I have any regrets, for I was always sure that the Lord had determined my lot for me, and that it was for me to endure it and to regard it as a favor to be considered worthy of it. Bro. Gottlob Reichel, the minister at Nazareth and the Inspector of the Boys' School, took great interest in the spread of the gospel among the heathen, and rejoiced that in a short time four brethren had gone forth from the Hall as missionaries among the North American tribes. For this reason, he presented me with a copy of Loskiel's Mission History of the North American Indians, which I now read with great interest and in this way passed the remaining time pleasantly. During the latter part of Sep- tember, I closed my labors at Nazareth Hall and made my way to Bethle- hem, where Bro. J. P. Kluge and I were in a solemn manner ordained and consecrated as deacons of the Brethren's Church, October 15, by Bishop Koehler, of Salem, who was at Bethlehem at the time, being on his way to Kurope. I was still more strengthened, and deeply resolved : "What soul and body can accomplish, I will do with all my heart, to His honor and praise." After the necessary preparations for the journey had been made and we had been commended to the gracious protection of the Lord, in the con- gregational meeting of the evening before, we left, October 19, on our journey from Bethlehem to Lititz, travelling in a baggage-wagon. The weather was very unpleasant. At Lititz, we remained a number of days in 37Q the midst of the dear congregation and enjoyed much love, whereupon we proceeded on our journey by way of Mannheim, Harrisburg, Carlisle, and Shippensburg, where we reached the Blue Mountains, the way leading over large rocks and rough roads. In company with other freight-wagons, we at last reached the other side of the Allegheny Mountains, which proved still more rocky and steep. A very durable wagon was needed to stand the hard knocks. In company with the other teams, everything passed off pleasantly until the night we reached Pittsburg, where we struck a very- bad hotel. We did not find out how bad, however, until it was too late. Because the landlord himself was a worldly man and a free-lance, and welcomed bad company, the Pittsburg teamsters made his hotel a loafing- place. After we had retired for the night, the uproar in front of the house began. There were drunken yells, cursing and fighting, and finally the tumult was transferred to the inside of the hotel, where the smashing of tables and chairs and threats to set fire to the building ensued. Finally tbey began to dance, the landlord whistling for it and leading the dancing. The chief offender was, to our great amazement, a teamster who had travelled with us for four or five days and, in our company, acted in a very retiring and quiet manner. Here, however, he had met with a man against whom he had a grudge and had challenged him to fight. He be- came so unruly and terrible, and raged about with such blood-curdling oaths that it seemed as if he was possessed with evil spirits. If the night had not been so dark, we would have left with our team. The most astonishing thing of all was to see this man, who had disturbed us all night with his terrible cursing, and who had behaved as if he was wild, seat himself at the table with us, in the morning, the same quiet and re- tiring person he was the day before, just as if he knew nothing whatever of what had happened, and as before, he silently travelled with us for the rest of the way to Pittsburg. From the last place, we drove for forty miles down along the Ohio River to Georgetown, where we had to leave a part of our baggage or chests, because the road from here to the Muskingum had been but re- cently cut open, and besides was very hilly and but little travelled. (At this time there were as yet no white people in this region.) After we had lodged in the woods for three nights, we reached the Oneleg Creek, by the Indians called Gutgatsink, about twenty-one miles from the Muskingum. Here, to our great joy, we met Indians from Goshen on the Muskingum, with a letter from the Brethren Zeisberger and Mortimer. The Indians had been sent to meet us, but at the same time they had been here for bear- hunting. This company consisted of the old Indian Chief Gelelemend, or as afterwards called, William Henry Kilbuck, and his three sons, John, Charles and Gottlieb, who all welcomed us. Their friendly faces, in their hunter's lodge, constructed of tree branches and covered with bark, was a welcome sight to us, and aroused in me a great affection for them. I felt at once that I could be at home among these people, all the more because they made us feel their brotherly love and showed us every imaginable courtesy. When we were about ten miles from the Muskingum River, 37i having reached Stillwater Creek or Gegelemakpechink, we left our freight- wagon and sent it to Gnadenhuetten, while we followed on horses after the Indian Chief, William Henry Kilbuck, who, as our guide, rode on a horse ahead of us. He led us to Goshen, often through brushes and brambles, and we had to be on our guard not to be caught by them, because he rode so fast. After some hours of riding, we arrived safe and sound at Goshen, November 19, to our and to our white and Indian brethren's joy, and with a deep feeling of gratitude to our dear Lord for His gracious protection and safe guidance on our four weeks' journey. We were affectionately welcomed by the dear Brethren D. Zeisberger and Mortimer and the small Indian Congregation, consisting of about fifty souls. We were quartered in a small log-house about ten feet square, but as the sieeping-room was not large enough, I found my lodging for the night with Bro. and Sr. Zeisberger, whose house, like that of Bro. and Sr. Mortimer, was about fifteen feet square. The chimney or fire-place was constructed of laths and clay, by means of which the whole room or house, which had no partitions, could be heated. The settlement was laid out but two years previously, therefore the furnishings of the house were of the scantiest. Bedsteads and chairs there were none. What there was of furniture had been made from rough boards with the aid of augur and broad-axe. The bed was made of boards and the table and seats consisted of trestles, or logs with holes bored into them and wooden legs inserted. While eating, the last named were indeed precious pieces of furniture in this home. The fire-wood, of which there was a great deal in the neigh- borhood, had to be chopped into blocks and split and then brought on a wheelbarrow or sled to the house, since there was no other means at hand of carrying it. The Indian women brought their fire-wood on their backs, to which they tied it with straps, or on their heads, or even had it hang down from their foreheads, which in the beginning not only seemed pitiful to me, but it astonished me to notice what heavy loads they carried in this manner. As far as the mode of life of the Indian brethren is concerned, on the whole, one was reminded of the primitive condition of men, when art and science were still hidden in the background and only necessity received the preference, and one knew nothing of luxury and conveniences. The Indian mode of living is very simple. The possessions of a well-to-do family — and many do not have that much — consist of a number of horses and perhaps an equal number of cows, a number of pigs, and a number of dogs, which serve them while hunting. Their farming is for the most part limited to two or three acres of corn for each family. At that time, the land was usually worked with the hoe. The work of the field, together with the harvesting of the corn, the crushing of it in a mortar and the baking of it into bread, and the bringing of the fire-wood is regarded as woman's work, with which young men, who regard themselves as hunters, will not readily have anything to do. Their houses usually consist of small log-huts, about 14-15 feet square, with a chimney from the rafters up, and below an open fire-place, so that their beds may be brought on 372 both sides of it and all in the house may have free access to it. Their beds are covered with deer or bear-skins and with a number of woolen blankets, which also serve as clothing, the former serving them during the day, as seats, and at night as their bed. The household utensils consist of a number of copper or brass kettles, iron pans, wooden bowls, tin-pails and dippers. For eating they usually employ a knife only, their fingers serving them as forks. Their food is very simple and generally consists of corn- bread, corn or bean-soup boiled with or without meat. For corn-soup, the corn is first crushed into small pieces. As a general thing they eat but two regular meals a day. At the same time, if they have it, the kettle of soup hangs over the fire all day long, from which any visitor who is hungry, as well as the children of the family may help themselves at will. At this time, hunting was still very good in that region, since this neighborhood had only been opened up a few years before and inhabited by white people; also because it had been abandoned by the Indian Nations sixteen or eighteen years ago, so that the wild game, especially bear, was very plentiful in the mountainous region between the Muskingum and Ohio Rivers, and by our Indian brethren hunted with success. There was therefore no lack of meat among them at that time. On the other hand, bread was scarce, because bread-flour and even corn had to be brought from the Ohio River, from sixty to seventy miles away. I soon became convinced that it was not comforts which one enjoyed that gave one a quiet and contented heart, for in spite of wants with which these people were surrounded, one found no anxious care nor heard sullen com- plaints among them They seemed to be content with what they had and were patient in their bearing. The meetings were usually well attended and the Word of God listened to with attention, in spite of the fact that progress in obedience to the Word was slow, as well as in the putting aside of many heathen customs and especially of the vice of drinking, so com- mon among them. All this called for much patience and forbearance among them. Because there was thus far no printed literature in the Dela- ware language, with the exception of a spelling-book, I busied myself as much as possible with copying Bro. D. Zeisberger's Delaware translations of a collection of hymns and liturgies, besides the Delaware grammar which was at hand, and, in addition, sought to learn as much as possible of the language. I soon learned, however, that it would require much labor and study, besides verbal intercourse, before I could master the language, because the dialects and the construction of the language were so different from other tongues. Very agreeable and interesting it was to me to make the acquaintance of the old, venerable Missionary, David Zeisberger, who was then in his eightieth year; to enjoy intercourse with him and to hear him relate his many experiences among the Indians and the remarkable assistance of God in connection with them. Simplicity of heart, childlikeness and trust in the Lord under all circum- stances, besides patient perseverance, was what sustained him by the grace of God. Self-interest, and anything that had nothing to do with the honor of God and the spread of His kingdom, went against him and he would 373 not listen to such things. The opportunity which at this time offered itself to take the gospel to the Indian country and to the many Indians baptized in former times, who since the dispersion of the Indian congregation, in the year 1782, were living among the heathen, or to individual Indians who had not found their way back again into the Indian congregation, but who were now to be hunted up again and given a chance to return, — this was a theme which inflamed his heart hungering for souls, as often as it was t:\lked about. In spite of his great age, he would have gladly gone to the Indian country himself, and he would have overcome the difficulties con- nected with the undertaking with a joyful heart and trust in the Lord, if circumstances had allowed him to go. Although the invitation, extended to the Indian congregation at Goshen, to come and live among their country-men on the White River, opened the door to take the gospel into the Indian country, there was still lack of positive evidence that the Indian brethren would be permitted to bring their teachers with them. Bro. D. Zeisberger, therefore, sent two young Indian brethren, namely, Charles Henry Kilbuck and Jacob Pemcholind, with a message to the Delaware Chiefs on the White River. They left for their destination after the Epiphany festival on January 6, 1801, and re- turned during the middle of February after having traversed a distance of six hundred miles on foot. They reported that the Goshen Indians would be welcome to bring their teachers along, and that a separate place, lying between the Indian towns, would be given for the new settlement. They further reported that the White River Indians would come and meet them with horses, after they had reached the end of their water-journey down the Ohio River. After this report had been delivered, canoes were built, and a very large one for the missionaries, so that we could put all our chests and boxes into it. Two Indians went along to paddle our canoe. Four Indian families with four canoes, all together thirteen persons, ac- companied us. After we were quite ready for the journey and we had taken a hearty farewell from our dear white and brown brethren at Goshen, we set out, on high waters, and floated down the Muskingum River. In this way we proceeded rapidly and after a night spent with our brethren at Gnaden- huetten, reached the Ohio River a number of days later. The weather was still cold. The swollen waters of the Ohio helped us forward rapidly, although, after the manner of Indian travel, it was often quite late in the day before we could proceed with our journey. We also had to stop fre- quently to shoot game, as there were still long stretches of woods on both sides of the river. At Cincinnati, which was still in its infancy and con- sisted of about six stores and several hotels, and had no court-house as yet. we met a good friend by the name of Major Ziegler, who at that time and later rendered us many services. He formerly served in the American Revolution under General Wayne, but he had built a store and was now in business. He offered to look after our letters and money matters and to furnish us with other necessary articles. 374 From here we journeyed twenty-five miles farther, until we reached the mouth of the Big Miami River, which we went up for seven miles until we reached the mouth of White Water Creek, and thence up that stream for about eighteen miles until we came to the second arm the'reof, where our water-journey ended. Here we landed, April 15, unloaded our things and erected a camp in the neighborhood of the frontier-line of the Indian country, about eighty miles from the Indian villages on the White River, where we wanted to go. Since, we could no longer use our canoes, we left them with a number of white people who had recently settled in this wild region, and who had helped us up the White Water stream. Before we took leave of the inhabitants of this neighborhood, who had settled about eight miles up this little stream, we purchased several milch-cows and also provided ourselves with some flour and corn for the journey, through the woods, which now lay before us. From here, too, we sent a messenger to the White River to announce to the Delaware Chiefs that we had now reached the landing place in our travels and awaited their promised help. The messenger came back, however, with the unpleasant tidings that the Indian Chiefs had gone to Post Vincennes to a council with Governor Harrison, and the hunters had not yet returned with their horses from the winter's hunt, though the latter were expected soon. There was therefore no help to be expected at an early time from that quarter, and now the school of patience began, for thus far everything had gone quite easily by water, since we could get along nicely with our boxes and baggage in the canoe. In the evening, we would draw near land, tie our canoe, and then erect our tent on the banks for the night. In the morning we would enter the canoe again and proceed on our journey. Now, however, we saw no way of forwarding all our things and chattels without pack-horses. How gladly we would have unburdened ourselves somewhat, if we could only have done so without loss ! So as not to re- main at our landing-place, our Indian brethren offered to take the lightest of our things, five miles farther, on their backs and there erect a tent. Nevertheless, one could easily see that this could not continue any length of time, in spite of their great willingness. With the help of a horse found in the woods, which had been brought in by one of the hunters, ail of our things were in this way conveyed five miles farther, in three days, but the courage of the Indian brethren began to sink when they saw that their strength was not equal to the task, and that the provisions would not last at that rate. After we had spent many days under these conditions, and had at last moved forward ten miles, quite unexpectedly an Indian came to us with a number of horses. He was the brother of our Indian Sister Mary, Jacob Pemcholind's wife, who was our traveling companion. This gave us hope that we would after all be helped in some things, but when it came to the point, he declared that he would allow Sr. Kluge a horse on which to ride, but otherwise he would only help his sister and her husband, for which purpose he had come. Meanwhile, five more miles were covered in this 375 way, so that we had proceeded fifteen miles in all but had consumed two weeks and a half, without any prospects that we would receive help from the Indian Chiefs. Since our provisions were rapidly disappearing, for though we had no lack of wild game and meat, it was feared that there would be a corn and bread famine before we would reach the end of our journey, we resolved to try and secure horses from traders. Just as we were about to move forward another five miles. I was asked to make my way, in company with a savage Indian by the name of Wangomind, who had joined our party, to the Indian village of Woapicamikunk or the so- called White Grave, and procure pack-horses from the Indian traders. Lightly clad and with a blanket, in which I had wrapped my provisions, fastened by a strap to my shoulders and hanging down my back, with rapid strides, I followed my guide with his gun on his shoulder and tomahawk and knife at his side and a piece of dried deer meat hanging over his shoulder. He looked very friendly and took pains to please me, and prided himself not a little that I reposed such great confidence in him as to trust myself to his guidance. Since he believed me to be in a great hurry to arrive at my destination, without stopping once, he ran over the trail, through water standing in dells, which were all full on account of the excessive rains, up to the knees. At first, I picked my way over old logs or fallen trees so as to keep dry, but having lost sight of my guide a number of times, and having to strain myself very much to catch up with him again, I learned by experience not to spare either myself or my clothing, and followed him right through the water everywhere, and saw that in this way I could keep up with him. This pleased him greatly, feeling that I had already learned this much from him. Since I could not speak with him, and he desired to make a halt, he pointed with his finger to the sun to announce to me that it was dinner-time. He cut off several pieces of his dried venison, and in a very friendly manner offered me one of them, which I did not refuse, and handed him in return, a piece of my bread, which he took with loud approval. After we had smoked a pipe together, we proceeded on our journey. Along the trail at various intervals, we found hunters' huts made from the bark of trees, which served the hunter with shelter, but which were now forsaken. In one of them we found quarters for the night and dried our clothing. Next day toward evening, we reached the first Indian village, after having covered a distance of 60-65 miles. Here we met a trader by the name of John Connor, whose father formerly belonged to the Indian congregation on the Muskingum. Willing as he seemed to be to help us in our trouble, it was very dis- couraging to have come all this long way in vain, because he told me that all his pack-horses, laden with furs, had been sent to Fort Wayne several days previous, and that he knew of no horses to be had from the Indians, since they were still off on their hunting-grounds. But he said he would do what he could for us. As he was at the point of going out, a re- spected Indian, with his family, and a number of horses, arrived, and, upon being asked where he was going, he said that he was about to meet 376 his father-in-law, Jacob Pemcholind, since he had heard that the traveller* had need of horses. Mr. Connor thought, and I, too, was of the opinion, that we might be helped, and accordingly began my return journey at once, in company with the Indian and his horses. On the second day after we left Woapicamikunk we reached the rest of the party. But, to our no little terror and sorrow, we met here a company of Delaware Indians, who were on their way home from the settlement of the white people, where they had exchanged their skins and furs for whisky, which they had loaded, in small barrels, on their horses and were now in the act of bringing to the Indian village to sell. The liquor traffic is lucrative among them because the Indian will give the last of his pos- sessiens for whisky. We soon saw a sorrowful scene that we could not escape. Not only the heathen Indians with us, but, with the exception of several, our own as well, seated themselves around the whisky and a two- day's carousal ensued, in connection with which the air resounded with terrible yelling, by day and by night. We kept ourselves out of the way of it by hiding a short distance away. How sad and discouraging this oc- currence was for us, especially here in the woods among these people, one may readily imagine ! And it was but a foretaste of the state of the people to whom we had come to preach the gospel. The Lord, however, who had called us to this undertaking, sustained our courage and strength of body and soul, and enabled us to continue our journey trustfully. After every- body had become sober again, the packing up was begun. But we soon learned that in our expectation of help we had deceived ourselves, because this Indian said what the other had told us before him, namely, that he had no pack-horse for us, that he had come with the sole intention of assisting his father-in-law, Jacob Pemcholind. Nevertheless, we secured a horse from each of them. Upon these we could forward the lightest of our baggage, while the rest, still about five horse loads, had to be left behind under guard of an Indian family. Thus, on May 2, after having spent nearly five weeks in the woods, we brought our two cows and the lightest things at last to the first Indian village, Woapicamikunk. We had consumed all our provisions with the exception of one loaf of bread. This Bro. and Sr. Kluge shared with me. when I returned from here, with five pack-horses and one of our Indians, to get our things which were left behind, about fifty miles away. Bro. and Sr. Kluge, together with the Indians who had preceded us, made their way down the White River from Woapicamikunk to a green spot on the river, twenty miles away, and with- in three miles of Anderson Town. This was the place which had been designated for our settlement. In about six or seven days I arrived there too, very tired and half-starved, and found them under the shelter of bark- covered huts. We rejoiced together that we had at last reached the end of our journey of weeks, and thanked our dear Lord, who had brought us safely thus far and had kept us well and happy in spite of the many diffi- culties connected with our journey. On the right bank of the river, on an elevation surrounded by dense woods, we erected our dwelling. We lacked nothing more, at this time, than a number of good axe-men to help us 377 make a clearing and to build houses or good log-huts. But it was the be- ginning of June and consequently late for planting as it was, therefore the first thing to be done was to get some corn and garden vegetables into the ground. To this end the plains, which lay opposite our place and which had rich soil and were overgrown with high grass, served a good purpose. We mowed down the grass and got into the ground with the hoe and planted the necesary field and garden vegetables. There were no fences, but these were not so necessary, in the beginning, while the Indian brethren had no cattle. Among the Indian brethren who had come with us from Goshen and who desired to build here, there were but two who could handle the axe well. These two were therefore useful to us in building, first of all, a summer hut, and in covering it over with the bark of trees, as well as later, during the summer months, in felling trees and getting them in shape for a winter house for us. These were our interpreter Joshua and a helper by the name of John Thomas. Articles of food were very ex- pensive and rare, because flour had to be brought through the woods, on the horses of the traders, from the nearest settlement of the white people, which was eighty miles away from the Miami River and White Water stream, so that flour sold to us cost six dollars a hundred. During the first summer, corn was sold for two dollars a bushel among the Indians and even at that price could scarcely be had. The latter article, however, has to be reckoned according to the Indian value of silver buckles, so that the sum is not equivalent to that amount in money. At the same time, we seldom lacked meat, which does not keep long in summer and consequently could be bought from the Indians for a small sum. They went after deer for their skins and frequently left a part of the meat lying in the woods. This was not the case, however, with bears' meat, which was more scarce and had greater value among them. There- fore, we and our Indian brethren lived on that which the gracious Provi- dence of our dear Heavenly Father provided for us, and although we had no great abundance, we had to answer: "Lord, never!" to the question: "Did ye ever lack anything?" Naturally we had to deny ourselves many things, under the circumstances, which one could enjoy in other places. In the beginning, our meetings here, as well as on our journey, had to be kept under the open sky. Some oak trees which stood in front of our huts, served a good purpose in this connection. These afforded beautiful shade, in which we used benches made of split wood. In the beginning, these services were attended by painted savages from the Indian village named Anderson Town, which lay down stream and whose Chief called himself Anderson or Kiktuchwenind. He was a half-breed who belonged to a certain family by that name, at the ferry at Harrisburg. He was not inclined, however, to Christianity, but sought to make his people averse to it. Our old Indian Brother Joshua was our interpreter. In his youth he learned the German language at Bethlehem, and could read the German 18 378 Bible with ease. In the years of his childhood, he also played the organ a little. Because he could also write well, we had opportunity to learn a good deal cf the Delaware language from him. He and his invalid son were the first of our people who helped us erect a little log-hut, fourteen feet square, which served also, in the beginning, as a meeting-place. The building of our house, which was to be 16 feet square and made of prepared lumber, progressed slowly and with difficulty, partly because we had to struggle against attacks^ of fever during the summer, and partly because we lacked the necessary help, the Indian brethren having enough work of their own. Nevertheless, we got so far that, by the beginning of November, we could move into our winter quarters. We lacked a great many necessities in general and money in particular. The nearest post- office was at Cincinnati, which lay a hundred and twenty-five miles south- east of us. I made a journey there in November. I went on foot to the upper Indian village, Woapicamikunk, where I hired a horse and rode through the woods for three days, to the border inhabitants on the Big Miami, arriving first at Fort Hamilton and then at Cincinnati, which at that time was still an insignificant place. In the latter town I met Major Ziegler, whose acquaintance we had made before. He supplied me with the necessary things. My horse was well-loaded and I had to make my way home through the woods, on foot, from Fort Hamilton. In like man- ner, I had to make this journey every year, from two to three times, as long as we stayed on the White River, and, with several exceptions, I travelled alone on horseback through the woods. On these occasions I not only enjoyed the protection of the Lord by day and by night, so that I never suffered any injury to amount to anything, either at the hands of men or beasts, but I became strongly and comfortably conscious of His loving presence, in my loneliness. During the inclement seasons of the year I generally carried a small tent with me and put it up in front of some fallen tree. During the night I kept a large fire going and lay on a blanket spread on the ground, my saddle serving me as a pillow. My horse usually gave me the greatest care, because I had to allow him sufficient freedom during the night to seek his nourishment in the neighbor- hood. For this reason, I was in danger of losing both myself and horse in the woods. As I was all alone, this might have happened very easily. Good people often advised me not to travel alone through the woods without a weapon, as it was known why I made the journey and since I had money on my person on my return trip, because there was no lack of bad people on the frontier who might make use of such an opportunity to maltreat me or to rob me. I always answered, however : "Thus far the Lord has pre- served me from all danger, and I will trust Him further, for if He will withdraw His protection, then surely no weapon can save me." Although I was not very much afraid of wolves, because one seldom heard in this community that they attacked men, nevertheless I was often disturbed by their terrible howling during the night, and, as they do not readily come near a fire, I kept up a good one. 379 The fact that we lived a great distance from white people made it very troublesome or inconvenient for us in many respects. At the same time, conditions were more favorable on this account because the destructive liquor traffic was carried on to too great an extent, as it was. If the hurt- ful beverage was not brought in by the traders, it was not too far for the Indians, when about to celebrate certain heathen festivals, to go four or five days' journey to the Ohio River and bring from five to six horse loads, after which the whole Indian village concerned would be plunged into the most pitiful and terrible state, since nearly all the inhabitants of both sexes, children and minors not excepted, gave themselves over to drink, and people from other Indian towns came on horseback to assist in the wicked- ness, which seldom passed off without wounds and bumps, yes, and seldom without homicide and murder. The first summer we were visited by some of the older Chiefs, namely, Pakantschihilas and Tetepachsit. The first was an old warrior of renown but a hardened pagan and an enemy of the conversion of his people to Christianity. The latter was the first and oldest Chief of his Nation. In the year 1802, he visited with some of his people in the city of Washington, as well as at Lititz, where the brethren showed him many honors. When they visited us, they told us that they had given their people liberty to visit us and to hear the gospel or Word of God, and that they would admonish them not to do us any hurt, and not to come through our settlement when drunk. But soon after, we heard that they worked hard against having their people come to us and becoming obedient to the Christian teaching, because they believed that they would thereby lose their own dignity and power. They also expressed their displeasure that only some of the Indian families from the Muskingum had come, since all had been invited by them. Besides the Chiefs mentioned, of whom the first had his seat in Woapi- camikunk, where about forty Indian families lived, and the latter, with about eight families, in Monsy Town, four miles down stream, there were two other Chiefs named Hackinkpomska and Kiktuchwenind, who were our nearest neighbors. The former lived with his people eight miles up stream, and the latter three miles down stream from us in Anderson Town, with about fifteen or sixteen Delaware families. Below them were some small Indian villages of which the last was called Sarah Town, because Isaac and Sarah, two baptized Indians, had settled there with their sons, who had become heathen. The parents were dead, and the sons would not leave their heathenism and come to us and accept the Word of God, since they were highly respected among the heathen. In every Indian town there was a so-called long-house, about forty feet in length and twenty feet wide, in which the savages held their sacrifices and dances. It also served as a Council House. These houses were built of split logs set together between dug-in posts, and were provided with a roof, consisting of tree-bark or clapboards, resting on strong pillars dug into the earth. The entrance was at both gable-ends and there was neither floor nor ceiling. Near both ends and in the middle, there were three fires 38o over which hung large kettles in which corn and meat were boiled for the guests and always kept in readiness for them to eat, when finished with the dance. In the roof there were openings over every fire, so that the smoke could escape. Along the inside of the house there were seats or elevations from the ground about a foot high and five feet wide. These were first covered with the bark of trees and then with long grass. On them the guests sat, or if they felt like it, lay down and smoked their pipes, while the others were engaged in dancing. The dances of the Indians are generally held in honor of their protecting deities, concerning whom they declared that they once upon a time ap- peared unto them in a dream, in one or another form, for example, in that of a large bird ; that they talked with them, told them their future fate for better or for worse; that they either would have great Chiefs or Warriors who would do great deeds, great witch-doctors who would deal in super- natural things, or that they would possess great riches and many relatives, or the contrary. If the latter was the case, however, they did not sing their dreams but sadly related them. Those who had the former dreams, on such occasions step forward, holding the shell of a land-turtle contain- ing a number of beans or kernels of corn. Then the one who is to lead the dance, in honor of the protecting deity, advances. After he has rattled the turtle-shell with his hand amid many grimaces, he stops, and, speaking in a loud tone of voice, he relates, by fits and starts, the contents of his dream, or the manner in which his god appeared and what he told him. When he is finished with it, he turns about and faces those who want to join him in the dance. These are arranged in a row and equipped with bells fastened to their legs and arms. The bells consist of deer-hoofs and all sorts of silver trinkets in the shape of crescents, scrapers and bracelets. These are so fastened to the body that a jarring sound is produced at every step taken. Two Indians, sitting at the side, beat the time with sticks, on a dried deer-skin made for the occasion, while the whole crowd moves forward with short, regular steps, which all take at the same time at certain abrupt intervals. Meanwhile the leader relates his dream in lines, which are repeated during the dance and drum-beating. The leader cuts many capers and jumps up and down. This is all in harmony with the time, and brings to light the skill of the dance. In this manner, the whole mass, the men first and the women following them, moves around in the house until they come again to the place from which they started, where- upon all gather around the post or pillar standing in the middle and upon which the roof rests. Upon both sides of this pillar are cut men's faces, provided with hair and painted, making a hideous appearance. In con- clusion, all stretch out their hands toward the totem, and with a terribly shrill yell the dance comes to an end, whereupon all take their places again. After a short pause, another steps forward, when the same performance is repeated. These dances are held only at night and are often continued for weeks at a time. At the conclusion a sacrificial feast is held, for which the deer and bear-meat is provided by all joining in a common hunt, the women furnishing a store of corn-bread. All is prepared, in common, in 38i the house of sacrifice, and there partaken of amid certain ceremonies. For example, the bread is arbitrarily thrown among the guests, and each one catches as much as he can. In conclusion, two beautiful tanned deer-skins are turned over to two old men appointed beforehand, who hold them to- ward sunrise, in front of the house of sacrifice, and spread them out, while murmuring something. In this way, they imagine they are praying to their god. They thank him for long life and health. For this service the old men afterwards receive the skins as their property. Before I could under- stand the language very well, I had the opportunity of attending such a dance for half of a night, and that at Woapicamikunk. There were present a large number of Indians, besides Chiefs. John Connor, the trader mentioned above, who had a Delaware Indian for a wife and with whom I stayed over night, invited me to the dance and introduced me. He himself appeared to be very much taken with it. He said that the Indians in this way sought to serve their god, and that he had .learned to know many of them whose dreams had been fulfilled; in fact, their dreams, with few exceptions, generally came true. He himself danced with them and had not gotten much farther in knowledge than the heathen. On such occasions, the Chiefs addressed their people, both the men and women, and, although they themselves did not abstain, strictly prohibited the use of strong drink, fornication, adultery, stealing, lying, cheating, murder, and urged hospitality, love, unity, as things well-pleasing to God, which is proof that even the heathen is not without knowledge of good and evil and therefore has a conscience which accuses or excuses him, and which will also judge him. It was customary among them on these occasions to erect tents around the outside of the Council House. After the ceremonies were over, they went, in companies, from one tent to the other to visit and to greet one another with a mutual handshake. In connection with this, they assumed a solemn mien and used courtly language according to the age or circumstances of the family addressed. All this makes a good outward show to one who does not know them or their circumstances. But, after one has made a closer acquaintance with them, one learns, unfortunately, how they distrust one another, even their nearest relatives, because of poisoning, witchcraft and the black art, so that really not one confides in another. When one of their relatives dies, whether old or young, it is not at all unusual for one or the other of the relatives, or even some one else, to be suspected of having brought about the death either by poisoning or witchcraft. The fellowship of love is therefore unknown among them, and on such occasions they merely make a pretense, because they are really afraid of one another. One sees from this how far imagination, stimulated by fear, causes such people, who are still in the grip of superstition, to go. Because their hearts are evil they cannot think well of one another. Their useless worship of God is based on sensual enjoyment and prefer- ences and applies itself to the desire of long life, wealth, honor and good fortune, and not infrequently supernatural powers and communion with the protecting deities, who are to grant them respect and dignity. Such 382 as pretend to have this privilege generally succeed in gaining certain ad- vantages over others, but at the same time, they also run the great risk of being looked upon as evil persons, who put others out of the way by means of this art and supernatural power. Of such things the minds of the Indians of both sexes are full and so deeply rooted are they that even those who have accepted Christianity and believe that through Jesus' death they are delivered from the ^power of sin and of Satan, still insist that such evil powers exist among the heathen, and that they can kill each other by means of secret poison and the black art, and therefore easily give room to suspicion that such things do happen. Special grace is therefore needed for such as have been converted from heathenism to Christianity, especially under certain circumstances as, for example, sickness, that they may be kept from seeking help from the sorcerers who claim that, by means of their art, they can cure or drive out disease, and rather resolve to die in faith in the Saviour and to inherit eternal life than by means of an evil power to become physically well and then be eternally lost. If one tells the heathen of the world's Saviour or Son of God, that He became man to deliver us from the power of sin and of Satan, that He was by wicked men nailed to the cross and put to death and again arose from the dead and ascended into Heaven, they usually turn off the matter by saying that they had no part in the death of the Son of God, since it did not happen in their country nor at the hands of their Nation. On the other hand, they relate that God, their Protector, had also appeared unto them from Heaven once upon a time, and that in winter, in the midst of a snow-storm, and that He had large snow-shoes on His feet; that He had stayed with them for a long time and prescribed to them their mode of life and sacrificial feasts, which they had followed strictly ever since. They had not dealt so wickedly with their God, but had reverently dismissed Him again, and therefore did not have to reproach themselves on account of it like the white people, who said of themselves that they had crucified the Son of God. Others declared that God had indeed given the Bible or written book to the white people who could read it, but to the Indians or children of the forest He had given the hunting-grounds, sacrificial feasts, and had shown them another mode of life; the former could therefore seek to live up to what God had commanded them, while they felt it their duty to hold fast to that which He had appointed for them. Others again are of the opinion, which is not generally held among them, however, that the Indians did not come from the same source as the white people, but had been created separately, for which reason they were not allowed to adopt the customs of the white people and to regulate themselves according to their religion. Such declare that because of the acceptance of the white man's religion on the part of some, their gods had become angry and sought their destruc- tion ; that their deities wanted to take away from them their land and all customs and liberties, including the use of whisky, which was the discovery of the whites, as well as their silver and their gold, and the practice of 383 usury among them, all of which they regarded as an evil in the world, and as originally unknown among their race, and something that had been brought upon them by the white people. Others who were unfriendly to the preaching of the gospel were not ashamed to declare that we came among them for political reasons ; that our object was to preach to them in order that they might be made tame and afterwards delivered over to the white people, as was the case in the war on the Muskingum. All this proved to us clearly that, while we stayed among these people, we had to battle against the prince of darkness, into whose realm we had come, and that we could not expect that he, without great opposition, would allow himself to be so readily robbed of his booty, since the Indians were willing, with lies and false reasoning, however absurd, to harden themselves against the truth and the light which was to lighten the way out of their prison, and not to accept it because they loved their darkness more. Now I want to continue with the history of our sojourn among these people. The first years two baptized persons came to us who had lived for eighteen years among the heathen and had become old, their children having grown up in heathenism. Their names were Christina and Louisa. The latter was re-admitted to the Holy Communion. But since their children had no desire to follow them, and they could not support them- selves, without their help, in our Indian congregation, which was weak and needy itself, they soon moved back again to their children. Our stay, how- ever, made an impression on a number of sick persons who had themselves brought to the settlement. They forsook heathenism, were baptized, and later died and were buried in our village. During the five years of our work on the White River, only two persons, who were in health, were baptized, namely, a Pottewatemi and a Monsy woman. Undoubtedly we would have had more increase in population if our numbers had been large, and we had not been quite so afraid of false growth, which surely would have brought us a great deal of trouble. A woman, who belonged to us, allowed herself to be persuaded by her heathen relatives to resort to sorcery in the hope of being made well. Instead of recovering she died, whereupon we refused permission to have her buried on our graveyard according to the heathen custom, which incurred the enmity of her rela- tives. This occurrence and the fact that Indians came from their carousals in the neighboring Indian village and took the liberty, if it so pleased them, of shooting our best swine and taking them away, against which we could not defend ourselves, were unpleasant experiences. We therefore made a move in the spring of 1806 to find out whether it would not be possible to settle at another place in the neighborhood, where we would be farther away from the Indians. At the time mentioned, namely, at the beginning of March, in company with our old interpreter. Bro. Joshua. I made a tour of inspection to the Mississiniway stream, which is an arm of the Wabash. Our way there took us through Woapicamikunk, where we found the Delaware and Monsy Nations in the midst of their annual sacrificial festival and dance, but this time, not, as is usually the case, in honor of 334 their gods, but chiefly for the purpose of discovering all those guilty of using poison, witch-doctors, and witches in their nation, and then putting them to death, because they declared that these evil-doers were the cause that so many of the people died and reached no great age. The young men, therefore, banded together and took the rule into their own hands. In a council held by themselves in the woods, they declared their resolution to destroy all poisoners and sorcerers among them, so that not so many of their people would die and they themselves would become older. It was therefore resolved that every one of their people suspected of being guilty of these evils should be brought before their grandfather — that is, fire — and if he would surrender his poison and give up his bad art, he should be pardoned. But, if he should refuse, he should be killed with the toma- hawk and have his body thrown into the fire. On the same day that this decision was reached in the upper Indian town Woapicamikunk, which was twenty miles from our place, the Indian Bro. Joshua and I arrived there, in the evening, on our way to the Mississiniway stream, where we wanted to see if we could find our future place of resi- dence. We camped with an Indian family, which had its tent not far from other Indians, who had come from the Indian towns, and had erected their tents near the house of sacrifice. We soon heard with astonishment of the new developments and saw that there was a great commotion among the savages. The fixed stares and earnest faces, especially of the older people of both sexes showed it, because there was no telling how the matter would end. Next morning we resumed our journey and examined the place to which we went, remained there over night, and then began our homeward journey, but without coming too near to the meeting-place of the Indians, which we tried to pass unnoticed. We remained over night in Monsy Town, and came home safely in the afternoon of the fourth day. We were hardly at home, however, for more than an hour, when seven young Indians, with faces painted black, made their appearance and im- mediately made known their errand, namely, that they had been ordered to bring Joshua before the council, because their old Chief Tetepachsit, who had been accused of being a poison-master, had declared that he had concealed his poison in Joshua's house during his stay there last winter, and that he had therefore to defend himself against the charge. All of us were very much frightened over this report, but never dreamed that any harm would come to him, when he should prove his innocence in the matter. After he had enjoyed a meal and had taken leave of us, without further ceremony, he accompanied them. Unci"- the circumstances, he seemed quite calm and comforted. Perhaps he had no idea of his fate, because he was not conscious of any crime of that sort. But the wicked, lying spirit and murderer had him now in his power and he sought to take his revenge, though this was at the time unknown to Joshua and to us. When Joshua had arrived before the council in the upper town and ha'l given answer to the accusation, he was declared innocent of the charge. But when he wanted to return home, he was detained under the pretext that another hearing awaited him and all who were accused, as they were 385 expecting the well-known Schawano prophet (Tecumseh's brother), before whom all were to be examined, whether guilty or not, for a Monsy woman who had had an extraordinary vision and had swallowed three times, a light that had appeared to her, and who for that reason had thus far acted as judge, did not want to keep the office any longer, because it was too hard for her, being after all a woman. Joshua could not do otherwise very well than to undergo another examination in order that he might free him- self from suspicion. But when he was brought before the Schawano prophet, this fellow said, no doubt having been previously instructed, that Joshua had no poison, but that he possesed the spirit of sorcery, with which he could kill people, if he wanted to surrender them to his guardian deity as a meal. This was sufficient to expose him to the suspicion and hatred of the superstitious people, among whom Satan had his special instruments, to carry out his wicked designs. Joshua was now led to a large fire and there surrounded. They insisted that he should confess how many people he had already put to death in the way mentioned above. But since he protested that he was innocent in the matter and had never caused the death of any one, and indeed could not in the manner he was accused of, it so happenend, having been agreed upon previously no doubt, that one in the circle went to the fire with his toma- hawk-pipe, as if he wanted to light it for smoking, having filled it with tobacco. But when he had come back from the fire, he struck, from be- hind, the tomahawk-hatchet into Joshua's head. This action was repeated by the others, whereupon amid heathenish yells, they threw his body into the fire and burned it in barbaric fashion. This was the sad end of our poor Indian Bro. Joshua. Of course he had a great many faults, but surely he was quite innocent of the charge, and became a victim of superstitious cruelty. Unfortunately, he had not always conducted himself as a model among the heathen. He was never quite free from superstition, and, in an hour of weakness, he boasted of a dream which he had had in his childhood. This boast he made while under the influence of whisky to which the heathen had tempted him. On that oc- casion, he told the Indians that if, after the heathen manner, he wanted to make use of the dream of his youth, he could also do evil, for in his vision a bird had appeared unto him and said : "I am a man-eater, and if you wish to feed me, you need but point out to me some one, and then I will put him out of the way." Thus it was that the Great Enemy was permitted to wreak vengeance on him and to become his accuser and murderer, so that the mission work might be brought to an end here. Joshua had made many heart-experiences and had great reverence for the gospel and the Holy Scriptures, which he could read and understand well in the German language. He also possessed the ability to express himself intelligently in German, since he had learned to speak it in his youth in the children's institution at Bethlehem, and was afterwards em- ployed as an interpreter. Still, he had never quite renounced connection with heathen sins and superstitions, so that his life unto the end consisted of falling and rising. At the same time, the Spirit of God labored with his 3 86 heart, so that after he had fallen, he humbled himself as a great sinner and with tears of repentance begged for pardon. We.did not doubt that the Saviour, in spite of this hard fate, had graciously received unto Him- self his poor soul and counted it among the number who are made righteous through His blood. It is true, he did not die as a martyr, for the sake of God's Word, but still a great deal of jealousy, on the part of the enemy, may have fastened itself upon him, because of his service to the gospel as interpreter, as he frequently, with a warm heart, gave witness to the great sinner-love of God in Christ Jesus, to those who attended the meetings and visited him. On the same day that Joshua was murdered at Woapicamikunk or the upper Indian village, without our knowing anything about it, the old Chief Tetepachsit was brought to our place by six or seven black-painted savages and, without the least hesitation, they took a fire-brand out of one of the Indian brethren's house and hastened to a certain tree in the neighborhood, where the old Chief was said to have declared that he had concealed his poison. When they came there, they could not find any poison, which was also the case at other places to which they had gone previously. In spite of the declaration of his innocence and of his telling them of the great punishment to which they would expose themselves by putting him to death, since he had no poison, he was knocked down with a tomahawk, wielded by his grown-up son, in the same manner as related above, and then, after they had taken off his wampum-belt and other articles, his body was thrown into the fire. When these murderers returned to our place, some of those whom we knew came into our house, without our knowing what had happened. They, however, boasted of their terrible deed, and the son wore his father's belt and showed the articles which he had taken away from him, and said : "This comes from him who cast off my mother and his oldest children and took unto himself a young wife." We now feared for the fate of Joshua and we put in a few good words for him. One of them whom we knew well, said, however : "We would not like to take him under our protec- tion, because he is a wicked person and possesses supernatural powers with which he can destroy people, and he has undoubtedly taken a great many lives already." But they left us under the impression that he was still alive. Next day I started out for Woapicamikunk with the hope of after all doing something for our Joshua, of standing by him under the trying circumstances, and even if I could do nothing else for him, at least of admonishing and comforting him. But after I had proceeded ten miles or half way, I met the Indian Chief Anderson or Kiktuchwenind, who with several others had come from there. From them I learned that Joshua had been put to death in the manner related above, and at the same time at Woapicamikunk that old Chief Tedpachsit met his fate near our place. I could not conceal my grief over poor Joshua's death and told the Chief that he had been innocent. But, with solemn mien, he told me that Joshua had received his just reward, as would the other wicked people among 387 them, who, with poison and supernatural powers, put others out of the way. When I wanted to reproach him that the Indians put their own people to death in this manner, he said : "You white people also try your criminals, and when they are found guilty, you hang them or kill them, and we do the same among ourselves." Another of our Chiefs, Hokink- pomska by name, was likewise condemned for having poison and was even then under arrest, though it was not yet decided how he should fare. What terrible pain this occurrence gave us may readily be imagined ! We did not know what to say or think of it. The continuance or destiny of our mission and our staying here longer, looked very dark to us, especi- ally so, since we had heard that the Indians threatened to drive us away, or at least would advise us to leave the place before evil should befall us. Not to be frightened away by all sorts of evil reports, we resolved to inquire for ourselves from the Council at Woapicamikunk, so that we might learn the truth. For that reason I went there and asked the Council, which was still in session, to let us know without reserve, what it thought in regard to our longer stay here. This body declared that what we had heard had not come from them, but might have been said by some of their young people. Under the circumstances, they really could not tell us any- thing, because they had never called white teachers, but only their Indian relatives from the Muskingum, but of that number the families White Eyes and Kilbuck, whom they had especially invited, had not come, only a few others. We were therefore free and could do as we wished, either go or stay; that they had no intention of hurting us. After this declara- tion, they directed me to their arrested Chief Hackinkpomska, who in spite of the fact that he was at the time accused of being a poison-master and was to have his hearing and was under guard, had not laid aside his office. He agreed with the Council in saying, that formerly they did not know how to serve God, but recently He had raised up people from their own number, who spoke to them through sacrifices, and told them that in this way they might free themselves from all evil; they therefore did not need the help of white teachers any longer, as they formerly believed was neces- sary. Hereupon I made my way home again and we decided to remain here quietly, for the time being, and await the answer of our dear brethren at Bethlehem. All this happened in spring, in the month of March, 1806, after we had labored for almost five years without prospects of doing anything toward the conversion of the souls of these people. Though we fully expected to be called away, we considered it best to continue with our usual work, plant our corn and garden and look after our other duties, so as to be pre- pared, if the opposite should be the case. As it was, we could not expect an answer before the month of August, on account of our mail regulations and the distance of one hundred and thirty miles from the nearest post- office. Meanwhile, we were greatly annoyed by the constant carousals going on in the next Indian village, three miles down the river. Some of these drunken savages finally moved to our village, which they made their drinking-place. 388 Under the circumstances, if we wanted to get out of the way of the disorder, there remained nothing for us to do but to lock our houses and flee to the woods and stay in our sugar-camp until the drinking was over. On one such occasion I was the last to leave the place, having spent some time in locking up, and consequently did not get away as soon as Bro. and Sr. Kluge and the children, and an Indian family that lived with us. When I was in the act of leaving, I had the unpleasant experience of being at- tacked by a drunken Indian, who caught sight of me. With violent words he called after me that I should wait until he had caught up with me. This done, he told me with great fierceness, after having rushed upon me, that I had to return with him and give him something to eat. I told him that everything had been locked up and that there was nothing to eat on hand, save a little sour milk in the shed. This seemed to satisfy him, but I had to go with him and hand it over to him. After he had drunk a little of it, he told me that I had to go with him to their drinking-place and drink whisky, which I refused to do. Finally he informed me that if I would not accompany him voluntarily and do as he demanded, he would compel me to go, whereupon he grabbed me and became violently angry, when I tried to tear myself away from him. After we had struggled a while and he found that he could not over- power me, he became still angrier, picked up a hatchet which lay near us, and held it over my head, and told me that if I would not walk in front of him, he would knock my brains out with it. I realized my danger and con- sidered it the part of wisdom to accompany him. I told him that he should lead the way and I would follow him. Thereupon he said that I was his prisoner and had to walk in front of him, which I did. He therefore walked back of me, swinging the hatchet and howling and yelling that he had taken a white prisoner. An Indian woman had seen us from a dis- tance and hurried to us and tried to wrench the hatchet out of his hand, but he gripped it all the harder, swung it about and cried that I was his prisoner. In this way we reached the drinking-place, where from seven to eight of his Delaware companions were assembled around a barrel of whisky. Among these was a certain Thomas White Eyes. My captor called out loudly again : "Here I bring a white prisoner." The former looked at him sternly and said: "This is my friend, and if you hurt him in the least, you and I will have trouble." He then told me that I should take a seat. He took the hatchet away from my persecutor and handed it to me. Turning to the Indian, he said : "We like to drink whisky, but he does not, and I will not permit you to force my friend to do what goes against him." Thereupon he told me that I could now return home in peace. Filled with gratitude to our dear Lord that He had provided me with a guardian angel to deliver me out of the hands of this wicked man, I made the most of the opportunity to get away, and went to a slight elevation in the woods, from where, unobserved, I watched the drinking for a while, and listened to the fierce yells which rent the air. The poor horses which they had brought or had caught in the neighborhood were raced up and 3»9 down amid fearful yells and had to suffer a great deal from their cruelty. On such occasions it is customary for two to sit on one horse and then ride him at full speed, and not infrequently one or the other is hurt badly or even loses his life. It is a sad sight to watch these people in their madness, maltreating themselves and their beasts, in their drunkenness. One is reminded of the condition concerning which Paul wrote: "The creature is subject to vanity against its will." I then made my way to our sugar-hut which was nearby in the woods, where I met Bro. and Sr. Kluge with their children, and the Indian family living with us, and I told them what had happened and how things were in our village. After we had remained in hiding until evening and learned that our place was once more empty, we came out of our holes and went home. To our astonishment, we found everything undisturbed in and around our houses, which proved to us that the drunken Indians had entertained no evil intentions in regard to us, but merely desired to indulge their wickedness in our settlement and to frighten us a little, since only a few Indian families lived with us at the time. From such visits from the nearby Indian village, we had to suffer frequently while drinking was go- ing on. At such times half-naked, drunken Indians would ride into our village at top-speed and fill the air with wild yells and demand something to eat, for they became quite famished from their carousing. It was safest for us to get out of the way and lock our houses or place something in front of the door to show that the inhabitants were not at home, since an Indian, in that case, will not easily take the liberty of entering, so as not to expose himself to the suspicion of wanting to steal, which among them is very much looked down upon and regarded as something despicable. The beginning of August I went to Cincinnati to get our mail from the post- office at that place. This time we expected to find an answer in regard to our future work, which we received, too, in a letter from Bro. Loskiel of Bethlehem, from which we learned that our post had been given up and that we might go to the locality which we had in mind. Thereupon preparations for leaving were made and we soon found an opportunity to exchange our corn-field, a number of hay-stacks, together with our small stock of cattle and some household goods, to a French trader, for four pack-horses, which, together with the three horses we had already, enabled us to undertake the journey through the woods to Fort Hamilton or the settlement of the whites on the Big Miami River. But when it became known that we were intending to leave, Chief Anderson, from the neighboring Indian village, and a number of his people visited us and told us that they came to inform us, that after the custom of the white people, the one who lived on the land of another had to pay rent; that we had now lived five years on their land and had never yet given them as much as a hog or an ox, with which they could have a good time, he had there- fore come to tell us, in the name of the Chiefs and members of the Coun- cil, that they claimed a certain amount of our cattle, namely, a young ox, three hogs, and a table which had been made from wood which had grown on their land ; that without this tribute, they would not dismiss us peace- 39° fully. We were therefore compelled, so as not to get into trouble with them, to turn over what they demanded, and to reimburse the trader in cash for the deduction. Sorrowfully we left the place, where we had passed through so many trials, but where we had apparently accomplished little for the good of the kingdom of God. We left two baptized adults behind us, namely, a Monsy woman who lived with her old Cherokee Indian, and a Putawattomi woman, who had a Frenchman for a husband. Both had been baptized by us and appeared sad to have us leave them. Trusting in the help of the Lord Who had so graciously stood by us thus far, and had not allowed us to succumb to our trouble, with seven horses, of which four were laden with our baggage and on three of which we missionaries sat, each holding a child of Bro. and Sr. Kluge, the biggest of them being five years old, we began our journey through the woods, on September 16. We soon learned that we could make our three or four days' journey through the woods alone, but that we would be compelled to hire a man to take charge of the pack-horses. After having traversed eight miles, we came across a Frenchman named Bruje, who had an Indian wife, in an Indian village, and who was willing to accompany us, for a dollar a day, as far as to the border of the white people, a distance of seventy miles, where we struck the large road which leads eastward through the State of Ohio. Here we had to remain a while, in order that I might go to Cincinnati, which we had left about thirty-five miles to the south of us, to furnish ourselves with the money needed for our journey. After my return, we exchanged one of our best horses for a wagon and hitched to it our horses and followed our road eastward over New Lebanon, New Lancaster, and Zanesville on the Muskingum River. When we were in the region of our brethren in Gnadenhuetten, our way leading us about thirty miles south of there, we embraced the good opportunity to send two of our horses, which we could spare, to Bro. Heckewelder to have sold for the benefit of the Missionary Society. Thereupon we came to Wheeling, where we had ourselves ferried across the Ohio River, thence drove through Somerset, Bedford, Strasburg, Shippensburg, thence over the mountains to Harrisburg, and finally arrived safe and sound, in the midst of our dear brethren at Lititz, on the 5th of November. Here we enjoyed sincere love and heartfelt interest. Strengthened in body and spirit, on the 10th, we continued our journey to Bethlehem, where we ar- rived safely, on November 12, and were warmly welcomed. Our hearts were filled with praise and gratitude toward God, who had, after six years' absence, kept His gracious hand of protection over us, amid our many trials in the Indian country as well as on our journey, and had permitted us to return in safety to the place whence we started out. In looking back over the five years and a half mentioned above, I cannot help remembering the many heart experiences through which I passed. During that time the Spirit of God showed me indescribably much patience and faithfulness, and faithfully, though chastisingly as well, interested Himself in my poor soul, which often found itself in a desert and tor- 39i merited and frightened by Satan with many doubts, though not to the point of rejecting Christ. I was always brought to the right path of salvation in Christ again. In my loneliness I was not only denied the beautiful services and blessed meetings which I had enjoyed in the lap of the congregation, but I was surrounded by dark heathenism and the idolatry, superstition and vices connected with it. It depended now on how strong my faith in the Saviour of the world. Whom I was to preach to the heathen, would piove itself to be. Under these circumstances I not only had to feel my weakness but also my unbelief and doubt, and I was greatly perplexed over my condition during the first years, which made me cry unto the Lord. I was frightened over the doubts within me, whether the Holy Scriptures were divine, and sought to fight these questions with the aid of reason, thinking in this way to rid myself of them. Hard as I tried to lock myself in this stronghold and to keep the field. I frequently became painfully con- scious that I still did not possess the right weapons with which to defeat the Enemy. For that reason, I not only failed to gain any advantage over him. but plunged myself into still greater darkness. At last, the Spirit of God succeeded in getting me to take a look into my wicked heart, to learn the source of all my doubts, and to show that there was nothing at the bottom of them but pride, self-confidence and lack of humility. With deep shame and penitence in my soul, that I should have doubted the truths of God, I prayed to the Saviour for the forgiveness of the sins which had so grieved His Spirit, and for having stood in my own way for so long. I became more and more convinced of the hatefulness and enormity of the sin of unbelief. I realized how foolish it was not to want to believe any- thing, except that which poor man can apprehend and understand, and in this way trying to make himself equal to God. If, therefore, I was tempted to doubt in the future, I knew at once whence my doubts came and would not allow myself to debate or to dispute or to engage in examination, but rather regarded them as the arrows of the Devil, whose object it is to make man doubt God and all His truths and promises. In this way, I took my refuge with the Saviour and got rid of my doubting. Although I was at peace at far as the divine truths were concerned. I found difficulty at times in making them my own as I wished. I also doubted whether I was really in a state of grace, since I could not find within me the marks of a child of God, according to my own preconceived ideas. In this perplexity I again threw myself at the feet of the Saviour and begged Him to give me the assurance that I was a child of God and that my salvation was a fact, otherwise I could not be at rest, on account of my feeling of poverty. Before I arose from prayer. I was comforted in a special way by that verse occurring to me : "I am thine, because Thou hast given Thy life and shed Thy blood for me. Thou art mine because I lay hold of Thee, and will not let Thee, O my Light, out of my heart." This was so vividly and convincingly spoken to my heart that I could not but believe, in a childlike manner, that I was His dearly purchased pos- session, and that nothing more was required of me than in faith to keep 392 myself near Him, and allow Him and His good Spirit to guide and direct me. Another time, when I entertained doubts in regard to the atonement and was in a cloud of legality, concerning the judgment of God and the lost and sinful condition of fallen mankind and the state of my own depraved heart, under which feeling I was uncomforted, my anxious and sorrowful soul found relief, on Easter morning (1803), while meditating on the History of the Resurrection arid the words of the Apostle Paul when he wrote to the Romans: "Who is he that condemneth? It is Christ Jesus that died, yea rather, that was raised from the dead, who is at the right hand of God, who also maketh intercession for us." Thereby I was en- lightened and quickened as never before and I was so pleased and happy that I wished I could tell all people how easy it was to become a child of God, since the just died for the unjust and all depended on our acceptance cf it by faith. From that time my desire was, more and more, to enjoy the merits of the Saviour in my own heart, and to proclaim them to the heathen in their lost condition, and not to dwell so much on my and their great, sinful misery, which could only result in leaving one comfortless, but the rather to rejoice that the Prince of this world is judged, and that the Saviour has robbed death of its power and brought life and im- mortality to light. After my return from the White River in November, 1806, I sojourned in the Brethren's House at Bethlehem, for several months, and busied my- self with the copying of the Delaware translation of the Harmony of the four Gospels. In the beginning of February, 1807, I received a temporary position in Nazareth Hall, where, in pleasant and intimate intercourse with the teachers, I spent seven months. Strengthened in body and spirit, I began my journey, in accordance with my appointment, in August of that year, travelling by stage, over Philadelphia and Pittsburg to Gnaden- huetten on the Muskingum, where I took charge, for a while, of the store business for Bro. D. Peter, who had gone to Bethlehem to be married. After his return, before winter set in, I went to Goshen to Bro. and Sr. Zeisberger and Bro. and Sr. Mortimer and there entered once more upon mission service. During the winter I was busy teaching school and learn- ing the Delaware language, for which the opportunity afforded itself. The feeling of my weakness and shortcomings, when I realized what I could and should be to the Saviour, discouraged me for a while and drove me to prayer to Him, in answer to which I experienced His powerful en- couragement, so that I learned to place my confidence more on the help of the Saviour and the all-powerful strength of His good Spirit. This kept me humble, in that I felt all bodily and spiritual gifts to serve Him come down from above, from the Father of lights, and that before Him no man could boast, and that everything was a pure gift of grace for which He would hold us accountable. Though I realized that I would always remain a debtor to Him at the judgment, I regarded my poverty of spirit as the seal of my being a child of God, for in this way He could reveal Himself 393 to my heart, and quiet, comfort, and meet me as a friend, at His own pleasure. Through my intercourse with the old experienced Missionary, D. Zeis- berger, who was now in his eighty-sixth year, I had further opportunity to learn from his verbal accounts many things that were of great assist- ance to me in my future service, in connection with my having charge of the Indian congregation. He was in the habit of saying: "If one wants to catch birds, one must not throw sticks at them." After very pleasantly spending the winter of 1808 in this place, I was asked, the beginning of April, to make a journey, in company with a number of Indian brethren, to Petquotting on Lake Erie, where Bro. and Sr. Denke and the single brother, J. Haven, had been assigned to serve the Indian congregation. At the time, they were having all sorts of unpleasant experiences, due partly to conditions in the Indian congregation, and partly to the difficulties which arose in connection with the land upon which the mission was situated. The land had been transferred by the Wyandottes to the United States, and later given by the Government, as indemnity for a loss by fire, to a company in Connecticut. The owners of the land now made their appear- ance and took possession of it and in consequence the Indian Congregation could no longer remain. From here the Helpers' Conference at Bethlehem asked me, in company with the single brother J. Haven and a number of Indian brethren, to make a journey, either by land or water, to Kikeyunk or Fort Wayne in order to find a suitable location for an Indian congregation. Since this desire could not be fulfilled in spring, the journey was postponed until the following August. In the interim, I went to Goshen on the Muskingum again, and then, at the appointed time, made my appearance at Petquot- ting. Accompanied by the single brother J. Haven and a number of Indian brethren, I began the journey on horseback. We followed a trail which led us over the Upper and Lower Sandusky, through the Indian towns of the Wyandottes and Senecas, who originally lived on the Sandusky, and through the villages of the Schawanos, whose original seat was on the Big Miami and Anglaize River, and touched the upper part of St. Mary's River, which we followed to its mouth at Fort Wayne, where it joins the St. Joseph River, thus forming the Maumee River, which empties itself into Lake Erie. At Fort Wayne, we consulted with Captain William Wells, who commanded a small fort on the Indian Reservation. We then jour- neyed down the Maumee River, past Fort Defiance until we reached Fort Meigs (now Toledo), and from there made our way again to the Lower Sandusky and thence to Petquotting, after having made a circuit of 350- 380 miles in eighteen days. Having been asked to bring the report to Bethlehem myself, I travelled on horseback through the woods from Petquotting to Goshen, a distance of eighty miles, a region which at that time had no white settlers. The beginning of October, I reached safely the Brethen Zeisberger and Mortimer on the Muskingum. After a short stay with them, I resumed my journey to Bethlehem in company with 19 394 Joseph Rice and his wife and his father. After spending six weeks at Bethlehem, Bro. Gotthard Cunow and I went to Washington, by way of Philadelphia and Baltimore, to secure the protection of the Government for the Mission of the Brethren among the Indians in the United States. To this end, Bro. Cunow handed to Jefferson, who was President at that time, an address and short mission reports, as well as some printed Dela- ware translations. From Washington Bro. Cunow returned home again, and I traveled by stage to Pittsburg and Steubenville, and arrived safely at Goshen on the Muskingum, January i, 1809. Here I was just in time to witness the baptism of an adult Indian who received the name of Clemens. To my great sorrow, I was not permitted to meet again with the dear old Bro. D. Zeisberger here on earth, he having peacefully fallen asleep toward the end of the previous year. All the more did it become my duty to assist, in both spiritual and temporal matters, Bro. and Sr. Mortimer, who were now- alone in the work. The following spring, however, I received a call to Fairfield in Upper Canada, and in pursuance to this call, accompanied by an Indian, I went to Petquotting the beginning of April, and thence by- water, in company with Bro. and Sr. Denke and two Indian families in two canoes, along the banks of Lake Erie to Detroit. From here we went along the banks of Lake St. Clair to the Thames River, then up that stream for forty miles until we reached Fairfield safely, May 14, and found ourselves in the presence of Bro. and Sr. Schnall and the single Brethren Michael Jung and J. Haven. Our water-journey took us about three weeks, since we were often compelled, on account of contrary winds, to remain at a stand-still near the shore. In this place I gained more pro- ficiency in the Delaware language from my intercourse with the Indian brethren and sisters, as well as by teaching a goodly number of children. I also had to make my addresses in Delaware because there was no in- terpreter. After a short time, I could express myself satisfactorily without having to write my addresses. In this respect, Bro. Denke, who had pre- viously made addresses in the Delaware language, was of assistance to me, because I could learn the expressions more readily from him than from an Indian. During the following year (1810) I was asked to make a visit, in com- pany with an Indian brother, to the Monsy and Delaware towns lying thirty miles up stream ; also to the Indians of the said nation living a hundred miles farther away on the Grand River, on which occasion I had the opportunity of preaching to them the gospel in their own language. For the purpose of hearing the Word, they assembled in their houses of sacrifice. The journey was repeated later on to the Monsy town thirty miles from Fairfield. At that time I stayed with the well-known Indian sorcerer Onim, who is frequently mentioned in the Mission Reports. Although he was still a hardened heathen then, and strongly defended the heathen superstitions, one could see that he after all feared, as he put it, that the teaching of the white people was the divine truth, and his con- tentions were lies. Eventually he was converted and before his death 395 baptized by Bro. Denke, receiving the name Leonard. The hearts of the Delawares and Monsys in that region seemed for the time to be closed against the teaching of the Gospel, because they feared their Chiefs and relatives. Not until their neighbors, the Chippewas, accepted the Word of God, did they do likewise. After I had been in the service at Fairfield for two years, I was asked, in the spring of 1811, in company with the single Bro. Joachim Hagen, who was in Bethlehem at the time, to make an attempt to gather the Christian Indians who were scattered from Petquotting to the Sandusky, and also to preach the gospel to the heathen who lived on the Upper and Lower Sandusky. At the beginning of May, accompanied by two In- dian brethren, I left Fairfield by water, in a canoe, and reached Detroit on the 5th, where I made a formal call on Governor Hull, of Michigan, and acquainted him with our intention and the reason for our sojourn on the Sandusky River, and commended ourselves to the protection of the Govern- ment. At the mouth of the Detroit River, we stopped at the English fort ill Maiden, and acquainted Captain Elliot with our purpose. He had served for many years as Indian agent and had accumulated considerable possessions. He was the same man who, under command of the English and assisted by the Half-king of the Huron Indians, in the fall of the year 1781, brought the Indian congregation, by force, from the Muskingum River to the Upper Sandusky and greatly maltreated the missionaries. He was now an old man and sought to help the mission wherever he could. From here we passed over to the American side, made our way along the shores of Lake Erie to the mouth of Sandusky Bay, and then up the same until we reached the Lower Sandusky, where the Monsys had settled, in three small villages, near the Wyandottes and Hurons, to whom the land really belonged. Here I met Bro. Hagen, who had come from Bethlehem by way of the Muskingum. He had arrived eight days earlier. After we had announced ourselves to the Indian Chiefs, we erected a summer hut for ourselves near some Monsy families, who had formerly belonged to the congregation at Petquotting and after its abandonment had moved here. From time to time, we visited not only the heathen families who lived in the villages, telling them about the kingdom of God, but also asked them to come and hear the Word of God, which we intended to preach every Sunday in their long houses or Council houses. With faces painted red and dressed in their heathen finery, they complied with this request a number of times, and attended the meeting. But when their curiosity was satisfied, we had to be content with small companies in a house, or even with one family, after we had received permission to keep a short service, which consisted of the singing of a Delaware hymn, a prayer and a short address. We sought to make these visits every Wednesday and Sunday, but soon learned that we were a burden to them, because they frequently got out of the way when they saw us come. Nevertheless, we succeeded in speaking with many, and that not without blessing, of faith in the world's Saviour, and of their need of a new heart, which would enable them to give up sin and all evil. Meanwhile, we lived here in the midst of the 396 savage heathen, and frequently had to listen to their night-long heathen dances held in the nearest villages, when the air was filled with their noise and the echo of one party was answered by another. Drunkenness was not unusual among them and ensued as often as the occasion arose to pro- cure whisky, which had to be brought, from sixty to seventy miles, from the settlement of the white people, of whom the bad ones, as well as the Indians, were only too ready to carry on the hurtful traffic. To their credit it must be said, however, that at such times we were rarely disturbed by individuals, and if that did happen, they usually asked our forgiveness and attributed the evil deeds to whisky. After we had become settled in the most primitive fashion and had started a small garden, we started out on a short visit to the Delaware Indian village called Green Town or Armstrong Town, lying forty miles south-east of us or half way to the Muskingum River, in the neighborhood where Mansfield now stands. Many of these heathen families had formerly heard the gospel, because they were related to the Christian Indians in Goshen and Petquotting and had frequently visited here. They had re- mained unfriendly to Christianity because of their love for their heathen customs. The amusements of the young men, among these people, consist of prize-fighting and gymnastic games, with which they pass nearly all their time when they are at home. Added to these are the nightly dances and copious whisky drinking, so that they have little inclination for any- thing else, and it is generally difficult to get their minds on divine or heavenly things. When we came to their village, they were busily engaged in playing their games. In the center of the village they have an open space for the purpose and upon this ground no grass can grow, because they tramp around on it daily. They received us in a friendly manner and showed us into an Indian house, where we lodged with an Indian family that was acquainted with the Indian Brethren at Goshen. We remained a number of days, visited in many houses and held a number of services in the house in which we stayed. A considerable number of Indians of both sexes attended the meetings and listened attentively. From here we went to Goshen and Gnadenhuetten and renewed our strength in fellowship with the white and brown brethren. On our way home, we stopped again at the house of our host in the Indian village and tried to hold meetings, but these were not as well attended as the first. One could clearly see that the inhabitants did not want their Chiefs to suspect them of having anything to do with Christianity, for fear of being persecuted by those inclined to heathenism. Many of the latter class are so prejudiced against the white people that they hold in disdain everything that comes from them, and declare that the Indians had been forsaken by their gods, because they had adopted the customs and teachings of the white people. In this connection, however, it is wonderful that they except whisky, for that in no wise falls under their displeasure. We came across an example of such prejudice against Christianity in the following manner. On our return, in following the trail, we found in the woods a bark hut about half a mile from the Indian 397 village. In this hut we saw an elderly Indian, quite emaciated and pale, stretched on a bed a little above the ground. As it seemed, it was im- possible for him to move a leg on account of rheumatism from which he had evidently suffered a long time. For superstitious reasons he had been separated from the rest of the men and brought here and left to his fate. He told us that he had been in this condition for six years, and had been reduced to this state by wicked men by means of their sorcery. With the assistance of his relatives, among whom the nearest one was Chief Ander- son, he had given his all and had paid a great deal of money to the sorcerers, so that they would free him again, but thus far all efforts had been in vain. They had therefore brought him here, so that he might be all by himself, which, under the circumstances, would be most pleasant for him. In addition to these troubles, he told us, an unpleasant thing hap- pened, namely, a cow grazing around the outside of his hut had dared to take away from him, the cloth which he had fastened about his head, and had chewed it up, because it was impossible for him to move. After we had heard his complaint and had expressed our pity for his condition, I took the Word and sought to comfort him with the glad tidings of a Saviour Who had come into the world to deliver mankind from its sorrow and misery and to free it from the power of sin and the Devil, through His incarnation, life, suffering and death, and had, if men believed on Him, promised them Heaven and eternal salvation, in His divine Word. I begged him in his forlorn condition to yield himself, body and soul, to the Saviour, as His possession. Hereupon he remained silent for a while, then said : "The words which you told me are good and great words ; they please me very much, but, for the time being, I cannot make use of them. I will, therefore, lay them carefully at my side and will try not to forget them. If I get so that I can safely use them in the future, I will bring them forth and apply them. I can do nothing without having to give an account of it. If the others learned that I had become a Christian or believer, they would forsake me entirely. I cannot quite give up the hope of getting well again, in which event I would rather remain as I am now and not expose myself to any contempt." With sorrowful hearts we had to leave him thus, a sad proof of how base the poor soul of man acts against its Saviour and Redeemer, even under the most hopeless and wretched circumstances, and rather holds fast to a straw than to the promises of God for eternal life. After we had again reached the Sandusky, we began in earnest the build- ing of a winter house, for which we ourselves felled the trees of light, round wood found in the forest. We had them dragged to the appointed place, whereupon we asked some heathen Indians to help us put the logs together, which they gladly did for something to eat, and finally, at the end of November, we could move into the house. Some time previous to that, however, Bro. Hagen was taken with a malignant fever, from the effects of which, after he had suffered two separate attacks, during which he was unconscious for thirty-six hours each time, he was left in an en- tirely paralyzed condition in the whole lower part of his body, so that for 398 three months he was unable to stand on his legs. This paralysis resulted from a wound, on the lower part of his body, which first had to be healed. This made our lot all the heavier during the winter, but the dear Lord did not allow us to die in our misery, but sent us help from a source whence we did not expect it, namely, through the old Indian helper, Bro. Stephen, who came over Lake Erie in a canoe from Fairfield to visit his relatives, and on account of the cold weather had been hindered on his return, so that he stayed with us during the winter and helped us faithfully. Throughout the winter we had sufficient to do with ourselves and found little opportunity for intercourse with the heathen, save when they visited us, which frequently happened, and gave us a chance to talk with them about their salvation, though this was not done very easily, unless food was provided for the hungry body of the visitor either before or after- wards. By spring Bro. Hagen had recovered to such an extent that he could move about with the help of a cane. We therefore debated how we might fulfill our calling and proclaim the Word of God to the neighboring heathen. We decided to use our summer hut for Sunday services. To these meetings we gave invitations, but only a few Indians came, for their minds were filled with the thought of hunting, and furthermore a report had spread among them that war had broken out between the United States and England. This plunged them into great unrest. After they had held a daily council for a number of weeks in their long house, and had deliberated whether they should plant corn and await the scene of battle here, or leave and side with the English, they finally decided upon the latter course, whereupon the whole Monsy settlement broke up, during the month of May. In canoes prepared for the occasion, they crossed Lake Erie and went to Maiden, where they joined the English. With the exception of the Wyandottes, who had their settlement three miles farther up stream, where a store and a school-house had been built for them on the reserva- tion land which they had transferred to the United States, we were now quite forsaken. Earnest preparations were now made for war. A small fort with soldiers was established here, on the reservation, at the United States' store, and we were advised to go there for safety. To this we gladly con- sented, because we were quite alone. We remained until fall at the fort on the reservation. From there, I made a visit, during the summer, to the Upper Sandusky, forty miles away, where was the original seat of the Wyandotte Indians, and while with them preached to them the Word of God in their Council House, in the Delaware language, which many of them understood, so that they could translate what was said into Wyan- dotte. I also visited the Seneca villages which lay half way between the Lower and Upper Sandusky and acquainted them with my purpose. Here I was lodged in their Council House and provided with a kettleful of boiled venison and corn, for which a wooden spoon, after the Indian custom, was placed in front of me. They brought me a number of deer- skins for my bed for the night. Next morning I was visited by two 399 Chiefs, of whom the one could talk some English. With very solemn faces, they sought to make it clear to me that my efforts to preach to them the Word of God could not be accepted, first, because they had decided to hold to the manners and customs of their forefathers and therefore had no desire to have anything to do with the teaching of the white people ; secondly, they had no interpreter who would be able to translate the English or Delaware into their language. Meanwhile, the unrest caused by the war became greater, but we be- lieved ourselves safe where we were because Detroit was provided with a strong garrison under Governor Hull. This continued until the middle of October, when all of a sudden the most terrible report reached us, that the latter, after a feeble defence, had surrendered Detroit to England, and that, in consequence of this, the English soldiers might be expected in Sandusky the next day (the day after we had heard the report). This created the greatest consternation among the inhabitants of the fort, as well as among the Indians, and everybody, we included, made preparations to flee with the greatest possible haste. The Wyandottes in the Lower Sandusky fled to the Upper Sandusky, as did also the Senecas. They drove their cattle before them and everybody had to look out for himself. With the assistance of a man who had pack-horses, we had the good fortune of bringing away our best belongings, though we suffered the loss of a great many useful things which could not be packed. In company with three white families and their children, who had a wagon between them, we began our journey to the Upper Sandusky. Bro. Hagen rode on our horse. Thus far we had not seen anything of the enemy, but it was not long after, that they appeared in the Lower Sandusky, where the fort was attacked but not taken. A skirmishing-party of British Indians had ven- tured into the region and had murdered a number of white families near Mansfield. In the course of a week we reached Muskingum or Goshen, having been detained on the way for a number of days, by fever. We were grateful and glad that the Lord's protection had been so graciously over us and had brought us into the midst of our dear brethren. Wherever we went on our journey, we met frontier settlers in the greatest alarm making prepa- rations for flight. We saw their wagons, loaded with household effects, standing in front of the houses, ready to drive off at a moment's notice, should the signal be given. At Goshen there was also considerable unrest, but this was of a different character. This was due to the great suspicion which many of the white people in the neighborhood entertained against the Indian brethren. It was believed that they secretly sympathized with their relatives who had joined the English. This brought about un- avoidable hatred against them and all eyes watched their every movement, so that, for a while, a guard, consisting of trustworthy persons, was kept in the village in order to allay suspicion and to get rid of the slander. Bro. and Sr. Mortimer had received a call to New York and, accom- panied by the single Bro. Hagen, they left for Bethlehem, November 12. I was therefore left in sole charge of the mission, confident that the Lord 4 would help me, and so passed the winter in peace in the midst of the little Indian congregation, until spring. On the third of April, toward evening, two men, namely, Philip Ignatius and a strange Indian from the English side, came here secretly with the intention, as the former afterwards de- clared, of bringing away his mother and sister to the English side. All the Indians were staying at their sugar camps, at the time, and I was all alone in the village. The prowlers therefore kept themselves concealed during the night, in the sugar-huts of their relatives, and were not discovered. But on their way here they had been seen at Mansfield, about forty miles from this place, and the white people followed them as far as New Phila- delphia and there made it known. Thereupon an officer, with two parties on both sides of the river, hastened to the Goshen tract, in order to hunt the spies, as they called them, and to take them prisoners. My house was searched from top to bottom and all corners thereof. They strongly sus- pected that I knew of their presence and, in collusion with them, had con- cealed them with the Indian brethren. But since they were nowhere to be found, they hastened to the sugar-camps of the Indian brethren. I went with them, because I knew nothing of what had transpired and still hoped that it would prove to have been a false alarm on the part of the New Philadelphians, when to my horror, I learned that it was all too true. The Indians in question, when they heard that they were pursued, fled to a small island in the Muskingum River and hid themselves in the woods. When I arrived with the officer and his men, the island was surrounded by white people, and many of them held their guns in readiness to shoot in case the fugitives should show themselves and refuse immediately to give themselves up as prisoners. This led me to call to the fugitives to come out of the woods and surrender themselves voluntarily, and I begged the officers and his men to hold back so that there should be no bloodshed. A number jumped into the water where it was most shallow, while others were taken across in canoes, which some of our Indian brethren had dragged to the place. At the demand of the officer, I accompanied him to the island that I might persuade the Indians to surrender themselves voluntarily and allow tr.emselves to be bound. One of the men proposed that I should be ar- rested, too, because I was no better than the Indians who had concealed the arrival of these spies. But nobody listened to the hostile fellow, and they were satisfied to take a Goshen Indian named Isaac George, who had denied that strange Indians had come from the Sandusky. Him they bound and took, together with the two others, to the prison at New Phila- delphia. This occurrence brought the Indian congregation the greatest trouble and sorrow. The mother and sister of Philip Ignatius and his daughter cried aloud for several days and nights and would not be com- forted, because they expected nothing else than that their relative, as well as his companion, would be condemned to death, since both were regarded as spies and the former was strongly suspected of having had part in the murder of a number of families near Mansfield, the previous fall. Be- cause of the many cruelties perpetrated by the British Indian warriors on 401 the American soldiers on the Miami River, the enmity of the white people in the neighborhood of Mansfield and New Philadelphia continually in- creased against the Indian brethren in Goshen. They were believed to be in danger because of these bitter feelings which many cherished against them, therefore good friends and well-wishers advised them to break up their settlement and to remove to another neighborhood, where they would be under the protection of the Government. Their answer, however, was : "God can protect us here, too, if it is His will ; if not, we prefer to die on our own rather than on strange land." After the prisoners had been kept in chains in the prison at New Phila- delphia for four or five weeks, I informed Governor Meigs of it, where- upon he promised to stop off at New Philadelphia on his return from the army on the Miami River. Because it was suspected that he was inclined, on that occasion, to give the prisoners their freedom, a number of armed men from Mansfield and Wooster made their appearance at New Phila- delphia and demanded violently that the prisoners should be turned over to them, and even made preparations to break into the prison. But the New Philadelphians did not want this disgrace to attach itself to them, so they made counter-preparations and prevented them from carrying out their cruel intentions. When the angry men saw that they could not visit their wrath upon the prisoners, it occurred to them that they might take vengeance on the Indians of Goshen and threatened to march there with their weapons and storm the place. Neighbors who belonged to the Sharon congregation and had just come from New Philadelphia, told us of this at once. They offered to receive the Indian brethren into their houses and barns and to protect them against attack, in answer to which the latter immediately left Goshen. On the advice of several Sharon brethren who came to me late in the evening, I allowed myself to be persuaded by them to go with them and stay with them over night, since they were of the opinion that I would not escape without injury. The Lord, however, graciously protected us against the evil, in that the enemies were not permitted to carry out their evil designs. They changed their minds and returned home without seek- ing revenge. After a six weeks' imprisonment of the Indians, Governor Meigs ar- rived at last at New Philadelphia and ordered that the prisoners should be shown lenience and that they should have their hearing at Chillicothe instead of at New Philadelphia. In accordance with this order, they were to be taken first to Zanesville. After some months, however, they received their freedom and Isaac George came back to us, while the other two entered the service of the American army. Already in the spring of 1813, it was decided that I should have a help- meet in the service of the little congregation at Goshen, but, because of the unrest at the time, it was impossible to make arrangements for leaving my post, so the matter had to be postponed until fall, when a party from Lititz was gotten together, under the leadership of Bro. Lanius, with the intention of coming west. Among the number was the one whom the 402 Lord had chosen to be my helpmeet, namely, the single sister Rosina Heckedorn, from the Lititz choir-house. Hard as it was for her to accept the call under these circumstances, she found no rest until she had fol- lowed it, in child-like manner, and consecrated herself unconditionally to His service, and made the experience that, in this way, one feels happiest, come what may. This party reached New Philadelphia, September 6, and arrived at Goshen on the 7th. Their arrival occasioned great joy, not only among the Indian brethren at Goshen but among the neighboring Sharon brethren, among whom were Bro. and Sr. Blickensderfer, Sr. and the family of A. Ricksecker, former residents of Lititz. These, together with the other white brethren from Sharon and Gnadenhuetten, increased, by their presence, the solemnity of the wedding, which took place on the 8th, in the presence of the Indian brethren and sisters, the minister at Gnaden- huetten, Bro. George Miller, performing the ceremony. At the conclusion of the service, the Holy Communion was celebrated, the Sharon brethren and sisters also participating with fervor. All of this made a deep impression upon our little Indian congregation. The distance from Goshen to Sharon was about two miles and that from the latter place to Gnadenhuetten, about six miles, where the Sharon brethren went to church, therefore it often became my pleasant duty, especially when the weather was unfavorable, to serve them with the Word and Sacrament, which brought about a loving fellowship between them and the Indian congrega- tion, and served as a blessing to both. At this time the fortunes of war turned to the borders of Upper Canada and the American troops drew near to the British on the Thames River, so that the terror of the white inhabitants in our community was over, and our little Indian congregation once more enjoyed rest and peace, and we with it. At the same time, they were now cut off entirely from their countrymen, who had left their former homes and for the most part had gone over to the British side. There was therefore no prospect that our congregation or place, which consisted of from six to seven families, would have any growth from without, accordingly, we had to be satisfied with what was here and serve the little Indian congregation with school, Word and Sacrament, as long as it would please the members to remain in this isolated place. On the other hand, influences were very hurtful here, on account of the ever-increasing temptation to drink whisky, because they could hardly leave their village without coming in contact with it. They realized more and more themselves that it was impossible for them tc remain here very much longer, but it was hard for them to decide upon leaving their homes and move over on the English side, since the Kilbucks and White Eyes families were always Americans and their families stood and served on that side during the Revolutionary War. Our lot during our seven years' sojourn at this place was very much lightened by the near and brotherly interest and support in every need and case of sickness, on the part of Bro. and Sr. Blickensderfer, Sr., and the many other brethren at Sharon. We could not thank the Saviour suf- ficiently for His gracious assistance under so many trying circumstances, 403 and often felt that we were not worthy of the kindnesses which they showed us for the sake of the cause of the Saviour. Here there were born to us three daughters, of which we had to give up the oldest, when she was nine weeks old, to the Church above, at which time the Saviour comforted us richly, so that I was enabled myself to deliver the funeral address, circumstances being such that nobody else could be secured to do it. When Bro. J. Schnall pasesd away unexpectedly, September, 1819, at New Fairfield, we received the call in October to take his place. The journey thither had to be postponed, however, until the following spring, because of the illness of our youngest daughter, who was seven months old, and also on account of the lateness of the season to cross Lake Erie. Bro. Chr. Blickensderfer, Sr., had intended to accompany us to New Fair- field, but to our sorrow, our old greatly-beloved benefactor passed away before we left. Toward the end of May, 1820, we took leave of our dear little Indian congregation at Goshen, as well as of the dear neighboring white brethren and sisters at Sharon. Some of the former and a few of the latter, accompanied us on our way to Cleveland as far as our first night's lodging, one of their wagons bringing us to that place and another our baggage, since it is the nearest and best city to trade in, although ninety miles away. Since both of our children suffered from the whoop- ing-cough, it was very hard for us to find lodging on the way. One night we would have been on the street, if a God-fearing woman had not taken pity on us and received us and our children and quartered us in her own room. Toward Cleveland we found the road, for twenty miles, almost unbroken and bad, so that the wagon went from one chuck-hole into the other. In addition to this, the many corduroy bridges helped to make it almost unendurable to remain in the wagon. It would have been nearly as easy to travel on foot. We had to remain in Cleveland for almost a week on account of storms and contrary winds, until we came across a little schooner going to Detroit, which we boarded. We reached Detroit in thirty-six hours, after enjoying fairly favorable weather. Here we hired two men with an open boat, who brought us up the Detroit River into Lake St. Clair, where we were struck by a strong wind and heavy thunderstorm and we were unable to land. As the waves dashed into the boat, we were in great danger of sinking, for we could not know how soon a wave might fill our boat if the storm grew worse. We prayed to the Lord to deliver us out of this danger and how happy we were when our prayer was answered and we could finally enter the mouth of the Thames River, before it was quite dark. Here we found lodging in the small hut of a Frenchman, and we were able to dry our clothing and bedding. Next morning we went four miles farther up stream and reached Mr. Isaac Dolson, at whose hands we received a friendly reception. Here we unloaded our things and discharged our boatmen. With these good people we remained two days until we had made arrangements to proceed. The Indian, Jeremiah Kilbuck, who had accompanied us from Goshen, had 404 proceeded immediately from here to New Fairfield, about forty miles away, in order to announce our coming. We left our heaviest things here and drove with a horse and wagon over a level road, leading along the river for fifteen miles, and came to John Dolson, Esq., with whom we felt at home immediately, because of an earlier acquaintance derived through his intercourse with the missionaries and inhabitants of New Fairfield. From the latter place a horse and wagon were sent, with which, accompanied by a large part of the Indian congregation and the Brethren Schmidt and Kaman, as well as the sick Indian Helper, Bro. Jacob, who had come to meet us, we arrived safely at New Fairfield on June 13. We were glad and thankful for the gracious help and protection of our dear Lord, which we had experienced on our journey. The single Bro. Renat. Schmidt and the widowed Sr. Schnall will soon begin their journey to Bethlehem, on the wagon which brought out the single Bro. Haman. The mission field was now given over to us. Here, too, we soon experienced the strong influence of the ubiquitous whisky- evil, which proved a great detriment to the congregation, especially to the men, so that it was impossible to think of carrying on the mission work without much patience and forbearance. The evil results showed them- selves especially saddening at the time of the annual receipt of the im- perial presents in Matoon or Amherstburgh, to which place the congrega- tion had to go every year to get the gifts. Wicked people lay in wait for the Indians, either before they left the place or on their way home, in oider to take from them their presents in exchange for whisky, and in spite of the heavy penalty set on such action, they succeeded all too well, because no one bothered himself with a crime of this sort. Therefore not a few returned with depressed and heavy hearts, on account of which the congregation not infrequently suffered. Everywhere one could see fallen faces, while others cried and complained. Others were shy and would not let themselves be seen in the meetings for a long time. There were also many who were unfortunately hardened sinners or such as had not as yet made any experience of a change of heart. We had to struggle against all sorts of evils, as for example, drunkenness, adultery, fornication, super- stition and other works of darkness, which could only be driven out by the grace of God. There was therefore a feeling of mortification and sinful- ness on the part of such persons who were still under the influence of the Spirit of God. From time to time, they came to their teachers and frankly talked to them of their heart's condition and occasionally, at least, received new hope and encouragement, so that they did not remain discouraged and mired in their sins so as to lose all hope. The Spirit of God let Himself be strongly felt in such hearts and made the precious atonement of Jesus for sin extraordinarily important and en- joyable to such souls, since there was no other way open to them to find entrance into Jesus' kingdom of grace. The growth in holiness and in the following of Jesus had to be awaited with a great deal of patience in most cases. It was comforting to me to know that the betterment of the moral condition of the congregation did not depend on stringent outward regula- 4 05 tions, good as these are in their way and much as they find favor in men's eyes, but on the heart's acquaintance with its depraved and lost condition, and the soul's turning to the Saviour, with a full surrender to His care and trust thereon until the end. The slow progress which was made in a true life of faith through the work of the Spirit of God in the heart, because of the many faults and short-comings, tried my patience very much, indeed, in my efforts to further it, but also afforded me the opportunity to learn to know, not only the sinful misery of the Indian congregation but my own depravity. I strongly felt that in God's eyes, I could boast of no superiority in the presence of the greatest sinner and this taught me to exercise patience, a gift which the Lord had given me for my own life and from which a blessing flowed into my heart, which I might not have en- joyed otherwise in such rich measure. The fact that I could at this time talk with them in their own language and make all addresses in the meet- ings without an interpreter, stood me in good stead, and made my work among them easier amid so much intercourse with them in regard to their inner and outer affairs. By the abandonment of Goshen on the Muskingum, the congregation at New Fairfield received a considerable increase, in the year 1821, through the Indian families of Kilbuck and White Eyes, together with others who came here from there. The sale of the Indian land on the Muskingum resulted in an annuity of $400 for the Indian brethren, which amount was annually distributed among all the inhabitants of New Fairfield in the form of merchants' wares and articles of clothing sent to them from Detroit, or brought by them from that place. They also received other assistance for themselves and their children. It was a heavy task each year to distribute these articles among them to the satisfaction of all. In the year 1823, a great and threatening danger arose for the Indian congregation at New Fairfield because of its location. Even before this time it was encroached upon by the white inhabitants. Now a new survey of their tract showed a great disadvantage to our settlement in that the northern border-line cut off a part of the planting-grounds of the Indian brethren, which would have exposed their settlement, in the future, to the all too close proximity of white people. The Lord helped us out of this trouble, however, and inclined to us the heart of the Governor of that time, P. Maitland, of Toronto, to whom we had turned with a written petition, and in the event, half of our tract was measured off on the south side of the river Thames, and the other half on the north side. This brought our settlement into the middle and the white settlers around us three miles away. This was a great favor and for the good of the mission, without which it could not have existed in the long run. It encouraged the Indian brethren to extend their farm land on both sides of the river, and to spread out more and more themselves, especially so because the population of the village increased a little each year. After seventeen years' absence from the white congregations, it afforded me and my wife special pleasure, in the year 1825, to have opportunity to make a visit to Bethlehem in order to put our oldest daughter, who was in 406 her tenth year, in the Girls' School of that place, and to spend the Winter there. On this occasion we visited relatives at Nazareth, Schoeneck, Lititz and Lebanon, and it made us feel very humble to enjoy all the loving and friendly receptions and entertainment on the part of friends. Strengthened in body and soul, after Whitsunday, 1826, we began our homeward journey by way of New York, Albany and Buffalo, and after a fourteen days' journey, at the middle of June, safe and well-preserved, we arrived at New Fairfield to the joy of our white and brown brethren. Bro. and Sr. Haraan were sick at the time, so we were soon in the harness again. The wish of the Indian Sr. Abigail was fulfilled. She had been suffering from consumption and we had expected her end long before. She constantly begged the Lord that He might permit her to live until after our return and we actually had the joy of seeing her in full consciousness, and of blessing her for her home-going, whereupon she peacefully passed away the following night. The Indian congregation at New Fairfield had needed a new church for a long time, the old one having become too small and tumbledown. There- fore, during my stay at Bethlehem. I induced the directors of the Mis- sionary Society to grant the necessary means for a new edifice. On Sep- tember 17, 1828, in the presence of the Rev. Mr. Morley, rector of the Episcopal Church in Chatham, the new church was dedicated, which greatly encouraged the Indian congregation in their services. Our youngest daughter having reached her eleventh year, and pur post being manned by Bro. and Sr. Chr. Miksch and the widowed Bro. Adam Haman, we left for Bethlehem in order to put her also into the Boarding School. The Lord gave my wife and me the necessary grace and strength, in accordance with our calling, to begin our return journey with- out our children, with perfect willingness. We left Bethlehem in October, and went by way of New York, Albany and Queenstown over land to Brand fort, where we stayed a number of days on the Grand River, forty miles up-stream from the road, among the Delaware and Monsy Indians, and conducted services for them. In this way, we became better acquainted with them, which had the result, that many of them visited us later at New Fairfield and came to us. From there our way led us back again through the various Mohawk villages on the Grand River to Brandfort, from which place we went by stage to our home, one hundred and thirty miles away. On this journey we enjoyed the gracious protection of our dear Lord. The stage-driver had become drunk and lost control of the horses, and though it was after dark, he drove rapidly, in spite of the fact that the wagon-pole had already been broken through reckless driving. When my wife and I saw our danger, we got off the wagon when a halt was made in order to get the hat of the driver, which had fallen off. We were ad- vised to get on the wagon again, since it was impossible for us to make the journey on foot. But when we would not be persuaded, the driver drove off at full speed with the remaining passengers, part of whom were like- wise merry. Since we had two miles to the next station, we comforted 407 ourselves with the thought that, although dark, we would reach it in time. After we had walked about half a mile, we saw a light ahead of us and thought that we were near a house by the road-side. But when we drew nearer we found to our alarm, that our travelling companions had been greatly shaken up and tossed about by fast driving over the stump of a tree, all having been thrown from the open wagon, one breaking his shoulder-blade and another being unconscious and having to be carried to the nearest house. Through the terrible jolt, the four horses succeeded in breaking away from the wagon and ran off. The wagon lay there broken to pieces, and had to be taken farther piece-meal. We thanked the dear Saviour, in the secret depths of our hearts, for He had graciously pro- tected us from the accident by putting it into our minds to escape in time. The following day we arrived safely at our destination, after an absence of four months, and had the pleasure of finding our dear Bro. and Sr. Miksch and Bro. Haman. as also the Indian brethren, well and happy. Thus far Bro. and Sr. Miksch did not have a comfortable house, so it was decided, with the assistance of the Indian Brethren, to build them, during the following year, a house of prepared lumber, which work was done for the most part by us. In the year 1832 the widowed Bro. Adam Haman left us with his six- year-old daughter, after having been with us in the service here for twelve years. His departure gave us sorrow, especially to my wife. It was as if she was giving up one of her own children, because she had taken the place of a mother to the little one for two years and a half. In the fall of the year 1833 Bro. and Sr. Vogler came to us. With their help in spiritual and temporal matters, I found more time to meet the request made several years previously to translate Huebener's Bible His- tory of the Old and New Testament into the Delaware language, which was published later by the American Tract Society in New York, and dis- tributed as a reading-book among the Indians of this Nation. The years 1836-1837 were hard and discouraging ones to me and my co-laborers, since a part of the Indian congregation left for the West with the idea of settling on the Missouri River. To this end they had banded together and entered into negotiations with His Excellency, Governor Bondhead, re- questing him to transform half of the Indian tracts lying on the north side of the Thames River into an annuity ot $600, with indemnity for the im- provements on it. Those of the inhabitants who remained behind, pro- tested, because they would thereby lose all their planting-grounds on the side mentioned, and the settlement of the white people would be brought to their doors. Those who moved away, however, would not rest until they had attained their end. and left, in July, 1837, acompanied by Bro. Vogler. in sixteen canoes. Some other Indian families from Monsy Town joined them. Since many quarrels were wont to arise between the two factions, which naturally created disturbances, those who separated themselves not having acted in as brotherly a manner as might have been desired, there was a great deal of unpleasantness, especially for me, to pass through. But our dear Lord graciously helped us also in this respect, so that eventu- 408 ally all difficulties were smoothed over and removed, and we were helped out of all perplexity. A written petition was sent to Governor Bondhead and approved by him, according to which the inhabitants of New Fairfield, cr the part that remained behind, anew secured the planting-ground on the north side of the Thames River, which made the large road on the north side of the River Thames instead of the river, the northern boundary of the Indian tracts, for which a guarantee was received later. The population of our village was now greatly reduced and the attend- ance at the meeting-house was also considerably smaller. At the same time, the change brought about more quiet and reverence in the services and appeared to make a blessed impression upon many, since encourage- ment to better things grew stronger and the temptations to worse things became less, because there was a greater unity among them than before. This, too, was due to the fact that outer circumstances, agriculture for example, improved exceedingly, because so many fields had been left be- hind for cultivation. This enabled many to extend their activities and to spread themselves out more, without much effort. We also enjoyed more peace and quiet in the village and had considerably less intemperance to fight, since the best part of the congregation had remained. There was also some increase in population, through heathen families from the Grand River, who were baptized and joined the congregation. Bro. and Sr. Miksch and Sr. Vogler with her two children, in accordance with their call to Westfield, left here in the spring of 1838, so that for the time being all the work rested upon me and my wife. In fall, however, Bro. and Sr. Bachman came to assist us, but had to leave again in the spring of 1842 on account of the critical condition of Sr. Bachman's health, which increased our missionary labors once more. Especially so, since dur- ing the following summer a new, roomy school-house was built. By fall this was finished, and, my remaining assistant having gone to Bethlehem, the school with almost forty children was left on my hands, which labor in addition to the meetings and other church-work, so weakened my chest, that in the winter of 1843, I had to stay in the house for several months, and my recovery often seemed doubtful. Under these circumstances, being already quite advanced in years, I considered it best to ask for a release from service, which was granted me, too, at once. It gave us not a little sorrow to separate ourselves entirely from the fellowship of the dear Indian congregation, after having served it for twenty-three years and having passed through so many experiences with it, and far rather would we have closed the years of our life among them, if other conditions had not made it necessary to seek our little place of retirement in the Church. DATE DUE DEMCO 38-297 ICI