LIBRARY OF THE Theological Seminary, PRINCETON, N. J. C«se,....^.CrC-^-..:Dmsio Shelf,^^hl^^^ S-ect-io; Book, Ho..,.., A DONATION /l^^ >^*^f/^^^^^ ^W deceived Oc0^- (tf^t^. h '/^. //2/ y A N •ESSAY ON THE LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON, COMMAjStDER IK CHIEF OF THE AMERICAN ARMY, THROUGH THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR ; AND THE FIRST PRESIDENT UNITED STATES. BY AARON BANCROFT, a. a. s. fASrOR OF A CONGREGAriOlTAL CHURCH IN tVORCESTES. WORC ESTER .;._, PRINTED BY THOMAS & STURTEVANT, SOLD BY THOMAS AND ANDREWS, I. THOMAS AND I.THOMAS, JUJ»^ OCTOBER 1807. i DISTRICT OF MASSACHUSETTS....TO wit : ©--^Q BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the nineteenth ( L. S. ) day of September, in the thinysecond year of the Independence of ©V, ^0 the United States of America, Aaron Bancroft of the said Dis- ttict, has deposited in this Office the Tiile of a Book the Right whereof he claims as Author in the Words following, te tuit : " An tssay on the Life of GEORGE WASHINGTON, Commander in Chief of the American Ar- my, through the Revolutionary War, aad the first President of the United By AARON BANCROFT, a. a. s. Pastor of a Congregational Church in Worcester." In Conformity to the Act of the Conp;ress of the United States ; intitled, " An Act for the Encouragement of Learning, by fecuring the Copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies, during the Times therein mentioned ;" and alfo to an Act in- titled, " An Act supplementary to an Act, intitled An Act for the Encour- agement of Learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts and Books, to the Author, and Proprietors of iuch Coppies during the times therein men- tioned ; and extending ihe Benefits thereof to the Arts of Designing, Engrav- ing and Etching, Historical and other Prints," WILLIAM S. SHAW, Clerk oj the District ofMtssachmetts, PREFACE. THE following publication originated in the author'' s wish to place within reach of the great body of his country. men, an authentick biography of General WASHINGTO N. Judge Marshall, t?i his valuable life of this illustrious patriot, has etnbraced not ohly the settlement and general his^ tory oj the North American Colonies ; but also the political history sj the United States. His work is therefore necessa^ rily too expensive to be obtained by all classes of American people. The writer of these memoirs apprehended, that by publishing the life of WASHINGTON in one volume, reasonable in its price, he should enable those of his fellow citizens ^ who are not in possession of Marshall, to leave to their posterity a memorial oj a inan, who was preeminently distinguished as a Soldier and Statesman. General WASHINGTON was from his youth devoted to his country, his character therejore cannot be pourtrayed, with- out bringing into view many important publick transactions. The plan of the writer has been to notice no individual or event, further than was necessary to display the principal character. He has made Judge Marshall his leading authority for facts, and has in some measure followed him in the order of events. The histories of the war by Doctors Ramsay and Gordon, and several original zuritings have been consulted i but he trusts, that greater liberty has not been taken with any of them than is fair and honou ruble* The jew jacts, which PREFACE. have not before been published, were received immediately from confidential friends of General WASHINGTON, or from gen- tlemen who, in respectable official situations, were members of his family during his military command. Jt has been the endeavour of the author to display tht character of the man who is the subject oj the work, by exhib- iting in a connected view his actions and his writings ; and he has, as Jar as possible, 7nade this exhibition in the person of General WASHINGTON. He has not conceived that he was writing for men of eru- dition, but for the unlettered portion of the commurtity ; and he has for their benefit more particularly studied simplicity of style. Should he be so happy as to obtain their approbation, he will receive an ample rezvard of his labour. He entertains no expectation of acquiring literary fame by this publication ; but he hopes to escape the disgrace of hav- ing written an useless book. WoRCMS^ER^ Massachusetts, Oetobevy 1807* CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. His Birth... .Education,... Appointed an Adjutant General oi the Militia.. ..His Embassy to the Ohio. ...Commissioned as Lieutenant Colonel of a regular Regiment. ...Surprises a detachment of French troops. ...Capitulation of Fort Ne-' cessity....He is appointed a volunteer Aid de camp to General BRADDOCK....His bravery in the action in which that General fell. ...He is appointed the Colonel of a regi- ment, and Commander in Chief of the Virginia troops.... His eftbrts to defend the frontiers. ...His exertions in the expedition under General Forbes to gain possession of Fort du Quesne. ...Resigns his commission - - - Page I CHAPTER H. Colonel Washington's Marriage. ...His Management of the Estate of Mount Vernon.... Appointed a Judge of the County Court, and a Member of the Virginia Legislature ....Chosen a member of the first Congress... .Appointed Commander in Chief of the American Forces.. ..Arrives at Camp.. ..Arranges the Army. ...Deficiency of Arms and Ammunition.. ..Colonel Arnold detached to Quebec. ...Suc- cess of American Cruisers.. ..Evils of temporary Inlist- ments....An attack on the Enemy's Posts meditated.... Possession taken of the Heights of Dorchester....Boston evacuated -----------.--.. .. 33 4 CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. General Washikgton marches the Army to New York.... . Fortifications of the City and River.. ..Independence de- clared....General Howe lands on Staten Island. ...Interview between General Washington and Colonel Patterson.... State of the British and American Forces.. ..Camp at Brooklyn. ...Battle on Long Island. ...Retreat from it. ...The City and Island of New York evacuated... .Manoeuvres at White Plains.... Fort Washington taken ...General Howe invades New Jersey. ...Depression of the Americans.... General Washington invested with new Powers.. ..Suc- cess at Trenton, and at Pi'inceton....New Jersey recov- ered . -71 CHAPTER IV. Oeneral Washington disposes his small force for the pro- tection of New Jersey.. ..Army Innoculated.... Abuse of A- merican prisoners.. ..The Exchange of General Lee re- fused....Stores at Peck's Kill and Danbury destroyed...^ American Army takes post at Middlebrook....Sir William Howe moves tov/ards the Delaware. ...Returns to Staten Island and embarks his troops.. ..He lands at tlie Head of Elk. ...General Washington marches to meet him. ...Bat- tle of Brandywine....Efrect of a Storm. ...British take pos- session of Philadelphia.. ..Mud Island and Red Bank forti- fied Obstructions in the River... .Attack on Mud Island ....Count Donop defeated. ...British surmount the Fortifi- cations of the River.. ..Plan to attack Philadelphia... .Sir "W^iDiHrn Howe reconnoitres the American Camp at Whi'e Marsh. ...The Army hutted at Valley Forge. ...The Privationsof the Soldiers during the Winter - - - . 13S CHAPTER V. ProgresB and issue of the Northern Campaign. ...Plan to dis- place General Washington. ...His Correspondence on Ihe Srbject... .Letter of General Gates. ...Remonstrance of the Legislature of Pennsylvania against closing tlie Cam- CONTENTS. iii paign... .Observations of the Commander in Chief upon 5t.... Sufferings of the army for the want of Provisions and Clothing... .Measures adopted by the Commander in Chief to obtain Supplies. ...Methods taken to recruit the Army ....Sir Henry Clinton appointed Commander in Chief of the British Forces.. ..He evacuates Philadelphia, and march- es through New Jersey to New York.. ..General Wash- ington pui'sues him. ...Battle of Monmouth... .Thanks of Congress to the General and Army. ...General Lee cen- sured....He demands a Court Martial, and is suspended from his command.. ..French Fleet appears on the Amer- ican Coast. ...Expedition against Rhode Island.. ..It fails.... Disaffectioi) between the American and French Officers ....Measures of the Commander in Chief to prevent the ill consequences of it. ...Army goes into Winter Quarters in the High Lands - .... r -------- --.-.- , 168 CHAPTER VI, Plan formed by Congress and the French Minister for the invasion of Canada and Nova Scotia.. ..General Washing- ton's objections to it. ...Delinquency of the United States to prepare for the approaching campaign... .The exertions of the General. ...His Letter on the State of the Nation.... The Remonstrance of Officers belonging to the New Jer- sey Brigade to the Legislature of that State..., Letters of the Cominander in Chief on the Subject. ...Expedition a- gainst the Indians under General Sullivan. ...He destroys their Towns. ...The American Army posted for the De- fence of the High Lands on the North River, and for the protection of the Country against the incursions of the British. ...Sir Henry Clinton moves up the Hudson, takes possession of Stony and Verplank Points, and fortifies them.... Arrangements made for Assaulting these posts.... General Wayne carries Stony Point by Storm.. ..The At- tack upon Verplank fails. ...Congress vote their thanks to General Washington and to the brave Troops employ- ed in this service. ...They vote General Wayne a Medal ^...Evils of short Inlistments....Plan of the General's to iv CONTENTS. remedy them.. ..The Army in two Divisions erect huts for winter quarters, one near West Point, and the other at Morristown in New Jersey. ...The troops suffer through the scarcity of Provisions.. ..Colonel Wadsworth resigns his Office... .Confusion in the Commissary's department ....The Commander in Chief is necessitated to apportion supplies of Meat and Flour upon the Counties of New Jersey.. ..The winter excessively cold, and the waters a- round New York frozen over ; but the Commander in Chief is too weak to avail himself of this opportunity to Assail the British Posts.. ..Expedition to Staten Island fails 20S CHAPTER VII. Amount of Paper Emission.. ..Congress destitute of Means to support the War... .Supplies apportioned upon the States. ...Exertions of the Commander in Chief ...Mutiny in a part of the Army. ...The British make an Excursion into New Jersey. ...The American Troops bravely resist them. ...The Court of France promises a Naval and Land Armament to act in America.. ..Preparation to Cooperate with it.. ..A French Squadron arrives on the American Coast.. ..Count Rochambeau lands at Newport with five thousand Men.. ..The American and French Commanders meet at Hartford to settle the Plan of the Campaign.... The Second Division of the French Troops fails... .Gener- al Arnold becomes a Traitor. ...He Corresponds with Ma- jor Andre.... Andre comes on Shore at West Point. ...At- tempts to return to New York by land. ...He is taken into Custody by three Militia Men.. ..A Board of General Of- ficers Condemn him.. ..He is executed. ...Letter of Gen- eral Washington on the State of the Army. ...Congress adopts a Military Establishment for the W^ar....The Ar- my goes into Winter Quarters 233 CHAPTER VIII. Arnold is appointed a Brigadier in the British service, and jnyades Virginia.. ..Plan to capture him. ...Mutiny in ths CONTENTS. V American camp... .Violence of the Pennsylvania Line.... Order restored.. ..Weak state of the Army. ...The French Court grants a Loan to the United States. ...Exertion of the States to enable the General to open the Campaign. ...The French Troops march to the American Camp. ...Plan to surprize the British Post at King's Bridge. ...Expedition to Virginia. ...Count de Grasse arrives in the Chesapeake.... Yorktown besieged. ...British Redoubts stormed.. ..The British make a Sortie. ...Lord Cornwallis attempts to es- cape....He capitulates and surrenders his Posts. ...Indeci- sive Action between the French and English Fleets.... Sir Jlenry, too late, embarks his Troops for Yorktown.... Thanks of Congress to the American and French Com- manders, and to the Army. ...General St. Clair dispatched to Carolina. ...The other Corps of the Army return to the Neighbourhood of New York, and go into Winter Quar- ters 26r CHAPTER IX. Preparations for another Campaign. ...Sir Guy Carlton ar- rives at New York, and announces the vote of Parliament to acknowledge American Independence. ...Army anxious for their pay.... Anonymous Address exciting them to a Revolt....General Washington convenes and addresses the Officers. ...Their I'esolutions.. ..Preliminary articles of peace received. ...Cessation of Hostilities proclaimed.... General Washington addresses a Circular Letter t« the Executives of the several States.. ..Army disbanded.... New Levies of Pennsylvania revolt. ...The Commander in Chief enters New York. ...Takes leaves of his Officers.... Resigns his Commission to the President of Congress.... Retires to Mount Vernon ------291 CHAPTER X. General Washington in Retirement.. ..His pursuits. ...Votes of Congress and of the Legislatvire of Virginia respecting |iim....His Visitors and Correspondents. ...His"Plans to ini- vi CONTENTS. prove the Navigation of the Potomack and James' Rivei-» ....Declines the grant of Virginia.. ..His Advice to the Cin- cinnati....State of Publick Affairs.. ..National Convention.... General Washington its President.. ..Federal Constitu- tion recommended and adopted.. ..General Washingtoit requested to consent to administer \he Government. ...He is chosen President of the United States. ...Sets out for the Seat of Government.. ..Attention shown him on his Journey. ...His Reception at New York ., r ., - - - , 328 CHAPTER XI. Inauguration of the President. ...His Address to Congress..., Answers of the two Houses. ...The Arrangements of his Household.. ..His Regulations for Visitors... .The Reasons of their adoption. ...The Relations of the United States with Foreign Powers.... Congress establishes the Depart- ments of the Government.. ..The President fills them.... He visits New England. ...His Reception.. ..Addresses to him. ...His Answers. ...Negotiations with the Indians.... Treaty with the Creeks. ...War with the Wabash and Mi- amis Tribes.. ..General Harmar's Expedition. ...St. Clair defeated.. ..General Wayne victorious and makes a Treaty with tliem.. ..Second Session of Congress. ...Fiscal Ar- rangements of the Secretary of the Treasury. ...Indisposi- tion of the President. ...He visits Mount Vernon. ...Meets Congress at Pliiladelphia....His Tour to the Southern States. ...Second Congress. ...The President refuses his Signature to the Representative Bill. ...Contemplates re- tiring to Private Life. ...Consents to be a Candidate for the Second Presidency ...-..-, 267 CHAPTER XII. General Washington reelected President... .State of Par- ties....Division in the Cabinet. ...The President endeavours to promote union. ...Influence of the French Revolution.... Measures to secure the Neutrality of the United States in the War between France and England.. ..Mr. Genet's illegal practices.... He insults the Government.. ..The Ex- CONTENTS. Yli ecutive restricts him. ...He appeals to the People. ...They support the Administration. ...The President determines to arrest Genet.. ..He is recalled. ...Negotiation with Britain. ...Insurrection in Pennsylvania.... Democratick Societies. ...British Treaty. ...Coinmunication between the French Executive and the Legislature of the United States. ...The President refuses to the House of Representatives the Papers respecting Diplomatic trans- actions....His interpositions in favour of the Marquis La Fayette.. ..Takes the Son of the Marquis under his Pro- tection and Patronage -- 40S CHAPTER XIH. The President calumniated.... His Letter to Mr.Jefferson.... Statement of the Secretary of the Treasury. ...The French Directory's attempt to control the American Government ....Review of the transactions with France. ...The Presi- dent declares his resolution to retire from Publick Life.... Meets Congress for the last Time. ...Describes the Let- ters that had been forged.... Attends the Inauguration of Mr. Adams... Retires to Mount Vernon.... Threatening at- titude of France. ...General Washington appointed Com- mander in Chief of the American Forces.... His opinion of Publick Measures. ...His Indisposition and Death. ...Con- clusion 467 LIFE OF GEORGE WASHINGTON. CHAPTER I. His Birth. ...Education.. ,.Apfioi7ited an Adjutant General of the militia.... His embassy to the Ohio. ...Coin7nissioned as Lieu- tenant Colonel of a regular regiment ....Surp.rises a detach- ment of French troops. ...Cafiitulation of Fort JVecessiiij...i He is afipointed a volunteer Aid de camp, to General Brad- dock. ...His bra-very in. the action in 'which that General fell,,.. He is appointed the Colcnsl of a regiment, and commander i7i chief of the Virginia troops.. ..His efforts to defend the fron- tiers. ...His exertions in the expedition under General Forbes to gain possession of Fort du Quesne ....Resigns his eommisdcn. George Washington was bom m the county of Westmui eland, Virginia, on the 22d day of February, 1732. He was the third son of Mr. x\ugustine Washington, and the great grand- son of Mr. John Washington, a gentleman of a fam- ily of some distinction in the north of England, who emigrated about tlie year 1657, and took up the es- tate oil which the subject of these memoirs was born. 2 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [l747. At the age often years, by the death of his father, he was left in the sole care of a solicitous mother. She gave him a private education. A grammatical knowledge of the English language, mathematicks, geography, history, natural and moral philosophy, to the exclusion of the learned languages, formed the course of his youthful studies. The candour and manliness of his disposition were early displayed among his young companions, and the commanding infiuence of his character wa& first discovered by his ascendency over them. The patrimonial estate of Mr. Washington was small. After the completion of his course ^^ ith his tutor, he was engaged in useful industry ; and for several years of his minority, employed as a county surveyor. In this employment he distinguished himself by his diligence, and by the neatness and accuracy of his plans. His experience in this busi- ness made him well acquainted with the worth of new lands, and aided him afterwards in their selec- tion. The military bias of his mind was early discover- ed. The war between England and France in 1747 kindled in his young breast that spark, which at a subsequent period burst into a flame ; and at his ov;n importunity, the birth of a midshipman, at the age of fifteen, was obtained in the British navy. His views in this instance were defeated by the anxiety of an affectionate mother. At a time when the militia \\ as to be trained for actual service, at nineteen he was appointed one of 1753.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3 the adjutant generals of Virginia, with the rank of major ; from the execution of the duties of this commission, honourable to his age, he was soon cal- led to higher employments. France at this period mifolded her ambitious de- sign of connecting Canada with Louisiana, and in this way of enclosing the British colonies in North America. Her officers were directed to establish a line of posts from the lakes to the Ohio. This tract of country, the English held to be within the boundaries of Virginia. Mr. Dinwiddle, then the Lieutenant Governour of the province, alarmed by encroachments, which involved the important inter- ests of the British crown, conceived it proper offi- cially to warn the French to desist from the prosecu- tion of a scheme, deemed a violation of existing treaties between the two countries. It was difficult to select a proper agent to execute this perilous mission. He must pass through an un- explored wilderness,filled by tribes of Indians ; some of which were doubtful friends, and many the decided enemies of the English. The fatigues and dangers which induced other Virginians to decline the com- mission of envoy on this occasion, led Mr. V/ash- INGTON with ardour to seek the appointment. The very day on which he received his i7'53^* coif^niission he commenced his journey from Williamsburg. At Winchester he procured the necessary provisions, baggage and horses. On the fourteenth of November he reach- ed Will's Creek, the frontier of inhabited Vir, 4 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1753, ginia ; here he hired a pilot, and four other at- tendants, to accompany him over the Alleghany mountains ; the passage of which was now at- tended with difficulty and hazard. The weather became incessantly stormy, and the snow deep ; and he was unable to arrive at Turtle Creek, on the mouth o/ the Monongahela before the 22d. Here he was informed of the death of the French General, and that his troops had retired to winter quarters. With extreme fatigue he pursued his journey ; sur- veyed the country with the judgment of a soldier, and selected the forks of the Monongahela and Al. leghany rivers, as a place highly expedient for the English to possess and fortify. On this site the French soon after erected Fort du Quesne, which, when the British General Forbes gained the pos- session, he called Foi t Pitt. In this place he spent a few days to conciliate the affections of the Indians of the viciiiity. Some of their chiefs, whose fidelity he took the wisest meas- ures to secure, he engaged as guides, with them, ascended the Alleghany river, and at the mouth of French Creek found the first French post. Pro- ceeding up the creek to another fort, he met Mon- sieur le Gardeur de St. Pierre, the commanding officer on the Oiiio, and to him he delivered Gover- nour Dinwiddle's letter. Within three or four days he received an official answer to his communication, and immediately left the place on his return ; but the snow being excessively deep, and his horses growing weak from fatigue, he became impatient 1753.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 5 at the slo\vness of his progress. Leaving there- fore his horses with necessary directions, in the car- of his attendants, he and his pilot wrapt them- selves in watch coats, took his important papers, and the necessary provisions in their packs, and with their guns in their hands, prosecuted die journey on foot the nearest v\'ay through the woods. The next day, December 26, as he passed a place, called the Mur- dering town, he fell in with a party of French In- dians, which laid in wait for him ; one of them not fifteen steps distant fired, but without effect. They took him into custody, and kept him un- til nine o'clock at night, then let him go, and walked themselves all the remaining part of the night, without making any stop, that they might be out of the reach of pursuit the next day, supposing that the Indians would then follow their track. The second day he reached the river two miles above the Shannapis, expecting to find it frozen over ; but the ice extended only fifty yards from the shore ; though quantities of it were driving in the channel. A raft was their only means of passing, and they had but one poor hatchet with which to make it. It cost them a hard day's work to form the raft; the next day they launched it, went on board, and at- tempted the passage ; but before they were half way over they were enclosed by masses of ice, and threatened with immediate destruction. Mr. Wa sh- INGTON put down his setting pole to stop the raft, that the ice might pass by, but the rapidity of the current threw the ice with such force against the 6 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. pole, that it jerked him out in ten feet water. But fortunately he saved himself by seizing one of the raft logs. With their utmost efforts they were una- ble to reach either shore, but with difficulty they landed on an island. The cold was so severe, that Mr. Gist the Pilot had his hands and feet frozen. The next morning, without hazard they passed the river on the ice, and were received into the lodgings of Mr. Frazier, an Indian trader. Here Major Washington took a horse, and on the 16th Janu- ary 1754, reached Williamsburg, and made report of his proceedings. The fatigue and danger of this mission, are not easily conceived by persons in the bosom of civilized life. "From the 1st to the 15th of December," say$ Major Washington, "there was but one day in which it did not rain or snow incessantly, and through the whole journey there was but one continued sc- ries of cold, wet weather." The journal composed for the perusal of Governour Dinwiddie, was publish- ed, and the enterprise, judgment, and perseverance displayed in this mission exalted Mr. Washington in public opinion ; and gave his country an earnest of his future services. The embassy to the Ohio, not having induced the French to M^ithdraw from that country, the as- sembly of Virginia adopted measures to maintain the claims of the British crown. They empowered the executive of the Colony to raise a regiment to consist of three hundred men. Mr. Fry, a gen- tleman acquainted with the western country, was ap- pointed to command it, and the commission of Lieut. 1754.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 7 Colonel was given to Maj .Washington. Enter- prising and patriotic, Col. Washington requested and obtained permission to march first, early in April, 1754, with two companies to the Great Meadows. The motives which led him to this measure, were to be early inllctive service, to learn the designs of the enemy, to afford protection to the English settle- ments, to cultivate the friendship of the Indians, and to acquire a knowledge of the country, which prom- ised to be the scene of military operations. Scarcely had he taken possession of his ground, when some friendly Indians informed him that the French had driven away a w^orking party, sent by the Ohio company to erect a fort on the southeastern branch of the Ohio, and were themselves building a fortress on the very ground, which he had recomm.endcd to the Governour for a military post. They also gave the intelligence, that a force was then marching from that place to the Great Meadows. Although hostil- ities had not commenced ; yet it was considered that the French had invaded the English territory ; and many circumstances rendered it probable, that a force was approaching with hostile views. It ap- peared that the party had left the direct road, and had encamped in a valley, a few miles to the west of the Great Meadows, as a place of concealment.... Colonel Washington, under the guidance of the Indians, set out in a dark, rainy night and surround- ed the encampment. At day break his men fired, and rushed upon the French, being completely sur- prised, they surrendered. One man only made his escape, and Mr. lumonville, the commander, alone was killed. 8 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1754. The other companies of the regiment were, at this time, in march to join those in advance ; before these reached the camp Colonel Fry died, and the command devolved on Lieutenant Colonel Wash- ington. Two companies of British troops, one from Soiithcarolina, and the other from Nevvyork, also joined the regiment at the Great MeadoM's, making a force of four hundred effective men. The regular captains reluctantly placed themselves under the command of a provincial officer ; but pressinp* circumstances induced them for the time, to wave dispute about rank, and to act under the orders of Colonel Washington. For the security of their stores he erected a small stockade, and then marched towards Fort du Ques- ne, to dislodge the French. At the foot of Laurel Hill, thirteen miles on the way, he was met by a number of friendly Indians, who informed him, that the enemy were hastily approachmg with a strong detachment. A confidential chief assured him, that he had seen a reinforcement arrive at du Quesne, which place he left two days before, and had learnt that a body consisting^ of eight hundred French and four hundred Indians, M'ould immeciialely march to attack the English. The previous information of deserters from tiie enemy confirmed the Indian's re- port. The troops had been already six days with- out bread, and had but a small quantity of meat in store. The French might approach 'oy water car- riage, within five miles of their present encampment; and then pass them by a different route and starve 1754.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 9 them into a surrender, or fight them with a great su- periority of numbers. In this critical situation Colonel Wash- 1754^' iNGTON called a council of war. The unanimous advice of which was, to return to their position at the Great Meadows ; because the two roads at that place united, and the country did not allow an enemy to pass them unperceived ; and at this place they might wait the arrival of a supply of provisions, and reinforcement of men. The Col- onel approved the advice of his officers, and imme- diately carried it into effect. (July 2) His first care was to sink a ditch round the stockade, which he now named Fort Necessity ; but before it was com- pleted, the enemy attacked him, (July 3) under the command of Monsieur de Villier, \\ hose force con- sisted of fifteen hundred men. The assault was spiritedly made, and bravely repelled. Part of the garrison fought within the fort, and part in the ditch, which was almost filled with mud and water. Col- onel Washington, during the whole action, re- mained without the fort, by his presence and exam- ple animating his men. The attack began at ten in the morning, and u as continued without intermission as long as the light of day remained. Early in the evening Monsieur de Villier demanded a parley and mentioned the terms of capitulation which he was willing to grant. These were rejected ; but in the course of the night, articles were agreed upon and signed. By these, the fort was to be surrendered, the garrison allowed the honours of war, to retain c 10 tiFE OF WASHINGTON. £l754. their fire arms and baggage, and umolested to march to the inhabited part of Virginia. The capitulation was the work of haste, and written in the French language, with which neither Colonel Washing- ton nor any of Ms officers were acquainted, and unfortunately contained an expression, which the translator, at the time, construed to Colonel Wash- ington to imply, that Mr. lumonville, in the first action was killed ; but which literally would bear the translation, was assassinated. In answer to a publication of Monsieur de Villier, Colonel Wash- ington, soon after the event, made it fully to appear that he did not understand the import of the word ; but during his presidency, an enemy had the audaci- ty to call him, upon the strength of this capitulation, an assassin,^ The killed and wounded in the Virginia regiment, on this occasion amounted to fifty eight. The ene- my were stated to have had about two hundred kil- led and wounded. The publick gave to this brave band, merited praise ; and the assembly of Virginia expressed their sense of the resolution and judgment displayed in the above action, by a vote of thanks to Colonel Washington and his officers, and by adonationof three hundred pistoles to the soldiery. The regiment fell back to Winchester to recruit. At this place, the companies from Northcarolina * In an infamous publication in the Aurora, under the signature af Ja.SP£R DwiGHT. 1754.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. II and Maryland joined the Virginia force ; the whole commanded by Colonel Innes of Northcarolina. Governor Dinwiddie, with advice of council, or- dered the troops to march over the Alleghany moun- tains ; either to drive the French from du Quesne, or to erect a fort in a favourable position. The forces were in number much inferior to those of the ene- my, and were totally unprovided with articles of clothing and provisions, essential to a winter's cam- paign. Orders were also given immediately to fill up the regiment ; although no money was voted for the recruiting service. Colonel Washington pointedly remonstrated against these measures ; but being adopted, did all in his power to carry them into effect. The Legislature soon rose, with- out providing effectual means for active service, and the troops did not march. During the succeeding winter, regulations from the war office were published in America, which pro- vided, that general and field officers of provincial troops, when serving with general and field officers commissioned by the crown, should have no rank ; and, consequently, that senior provincial officers should be commanded by their juniors belonging to the regular troops. The military ambition of Colonel Washington had been excited by his experience, and by the ap- plause of his country ; but he possessed the spirit of a soldier, and refusing submission to these! degrad- ing regulations, he indignantly resigned his com- mission. At the same time he declared, that with 12 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755« high satisfaction he would obey the commands of his country, when her service should be consistent with his honour. 1755. Colonel Washington had at this time succeeded to the estate of his eldest brother, on the Potomack, called Mount Vernon, in compliment to the British Admiral of that name. On this estate he resolved to devote his life to agricultural and philosophick pursuits, a resolution that he did not long retain. March 1'"^ the spring General Braddock, who ^''55. commanded two British regiments, and a few corps of Provincials, was making preparation for an expedition to the Ohio. He invited Colonel Washington to join his army, as his volunteer Aid de camp. The opportunity of making a cam- paign with a gentleman of his professional knowledge and experience was with pleasure embraced. When the General, in April, left Alexandria, Colonel Washington entered his family, and attended him to Will's Creek, where fort Cumberland was now erected. Here the army remained until the 12th of June, collecting horses, waggons and provisions.... Colonel Washington advised the commander in chief to use, as far as possible, pack horses instead of waggons, on account of the roughness of the country. Little attention was given to his opinion at the moment, but, after the commencement of the march, the measure from necessity was partially a- doptcd. 1755.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 13 Soon after the army left Cumberland, Colonel Wjishington was attacked by a violent fever, re- fusing to be left behind, he was carried forward in a covered waggon. All the difficulties arising from the state of the roads, which had been foreseen by Colonel Washington, were on the march, fully re- alised. General Braddock now advised with him on the most eligible measures to be adopted to secure the success of the expedition. He earnestly recom- mended, that the heavy artillery and baggage should be left under the charge of a subaltern officer ; and, that the commander in chief, with the flower of his army, should with the utmost dispatch advance to the Ohio, in the expectation of possessing themselves of Fort du Quesne, before the French garrison could be reinforced by the troops that were known to be on their way for that purpose. The general closed with this advice. Twelve hundred men were select- ed, a few waggons were attached to the light artille- ry, and necessary provisions were placed on pack horses. Of this body General Braddock himself took the command, leaving Colonel Dunbar to bring up the other division by slow marches. General Braddock with his disencumbered troops did not move v/ith the expedition that accorded with the enterprising spirit of his Americaa aid. In a letter written at the moment, he says, " I found that instead of pushing on with vigor, without re- garding a little rough road, they v. cn=; halting to level every mole hill, and to erect bridges over every brook." In four days they advanced only nineteeji i4« LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755^ miles. The indisposition of Colonel Washing- ton now became so severe, that his physicians de^ clared that his life would be the sacrifice of the con- tinued fatigues of the march. The General there- fore absolutely directed him to remain at Yohogany with a small guard, until Colonel Dunbar came up with him. Colonel Washington at length con- sented, on the promise that he should be brought up with the advanced corps, before its arrival at Fort de Quesne. The day preceding the fatal ac- tion, he, in a covered waggon, rejoined the troops, and, in his debilitated state, entered on his duty. General Braddock was warned of the danger, to which the character of his enemy exposed him, and advised to employ the ranging companies of Virginia to scour the woods, and prevent ambuscades ; but not looking for an enemy capable of serious op- position, he without caution moved his army in small columns. Within seven miles of du Quesne, July 8, he was suddenly attacked by an invisible 1755. fop . the assaulting party of French and In- dians fighting under cover of the thick wood and high grass, with which the country abounded. Early in the action, the Aids decamp, except Colonel Washington, were killed or disabled, and he performed the whole of the dangerous service of carrying the orders of the commander to his re- spective officers. Of all those, who on this fatal day did duty on horseback, he alone escaped with- out a wound ; although he had two horses shot un- der him, and four balls through his coat. Doctor Craik, the physician who attended him in his last 1755.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. IB sickness, was a witness of this scene : "I expect- ed," says he, " every moment to see him fall. — - His duty and situation exposed him to every danger. Nothing but the superintending care of Providence could have saved him from the fate of all around him." After an action of three hours, the troops broke, and the efforts of their officers to rally them were fruitless. Colonel Washington assisted to bring General Braddock off the field, who was mortally wounded. He reached fort Cumberland, and there died, and was buried. During the arduous and dangerous conflicts of this hour, Colonel Wash- ington exhibited that self possession and deter- mined courage, which are essential to the offi* cer. To his quick discernment and sound judg- ment, the preservation of the defeated troops was in a great measure attributed ; and had his ad- vice been previously adopted, probably the disaster would not have happened. i\s soon as relieved from his attention to his unfortunate General, he was dispatched to Cumberland, to provide for the retreating army. Colonel Dunbar being joined by August, them, destroyed the stores he could not 1 755. remove, and marched his army to Philadel- phia into winter quarters. The British troops had not been accustomed to Indian warfare ; and, on this occasion, Col. Wash- ington indignantly witnessed their pusillanimity. In an official relation of the engagement, to the Ex^ ecutive of Virginia, he observes, " They were struck with such an inconceivable panic, that noth- ing but confusion and disobedience of orders pre- 16 Lf^E OF WASHINGTON. [175^* vailed among them. The officers in general behav- ed with incomparable bravery, for which they great- ly suffered ; there being upwards of sixty killed and wounded ; a large proportion of what we had. " The Virginia companies behaved like men, and died like soldiers .; for I believe of three com- panies OD the ground that day, scarcely thirty men were left alive. Capt. Peronny and all his officers, down to a corporal, were killed. Capt. Poulson had almost as hard a fate, for only one of his escap- ed. In short, the dastardly behaviour of the regular troops, so called, exposed those who were inclined to do their duty to almost certain death. And at length, in spite of every effort to the contrary, they broke and ran as sheep before hounds ; leaving the artillery, ammunition, provisions, baggage, in short every thing, a prey to the enemy ; and when we endeavoured to rally them, in hopes of re- gaining the ground, and what we had left upon it, it was with as little success, as if we had attempted to stop the wild bears of the mountains, or the rivu- lets with our feet ; for they would break by in spite of every effort to prevent it." The assembly of Virginia was in session, when the gloomy intelligence was received, that General Braddock was defeated and slain, and that Colonel Dunbar had left their frontiers open to the invasion of the enemy. They immediately voted to raise a regiment to consist of sixteen companies. The importarit transactions in which Colonel Washington had been engaged, developed his 1755.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 17 character and his reputation rose by every publick trust, with which he was invested. He now received a commission appointing him Colonel of this regi- ment, and Commander inChief of all the forces rais- ed, and to be raised, in Virginia ; Vv/ith the privilege to name his field officers. He could, in the existing state of the colony, engage in the military service of his country without an impeachment of his honour, and with alacrity he accepted the appointment. 1755. A scene now opened to Colonel Wash- ington, trying indeed to a Commander of his youth and degree of experience, but proving an excel- lent school, in . which to form the General of the revolutionary war. With an incompetent force he was to defend a frontier of three hundred and sixty miles. The French on the Ohio, aided by the nu- merous Indians attached to their interests, embraced every favourable opportunity to invade the northern and western borders of Virginia, spreading terror and desolation in their course ; and having com- pleted their work of slaughter and ruin, they retreat- ed with their plunder over the Alleghany mountain, before a force could be collected to attack them. — Governour Dinwiddle was not himself a soldier, nor did he possess a mind to comprehend the nature of this mode of war. Jealous of his prerogative, and obstinate in his temper, his orders vi^ere often inade- quate to their object, or impracticable in their na- ture. The military c5de of the Colony was insuf- ficient, which rendered it impossible to bring the militia into the field v.'ith the dispatch necessary tg D 18 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1755, repel an Indian invasion ; and her martial laws did not possess vigour to prevent insubordination in of- ficers, or secure discipline in the permanent troops. The Colony was at that time too poor, or too im- provident, seasonably to lay up magazines for the use of her little army, or to keep money in the mil- itary chest for its regular payment. Under all these embarrassments. Colonel Wash- ington entered on the duties of his commis- sion. Having put the recruiting service in opera- tion, he visited the line of posts on the frontiers, and established the best regulations their state ad- mitted, to keep the petty garrisons vigilant and alert. He had accomplished this necessary business, and nearly completed a journey to Williamsburg, to settle with the Governour the plan of operations ; and to press upon him, and other influential charac- ters in the government, the importance of Legisla- tive interference to conciliate those Indians who were not already attached to the French ; and to adopt effectual means and regulations to support and discipline the troops ; when information reach- ed him of an eruption of the French and Indians on the northern border. In haste he returned to Win- chester, and found the country in the utmost alarm and confusion. The small garrisons conceived them- selves to be in danger in their fortresses, and were unable to protect the open country. The inhabit- ants on the extreme frontier, instead of uniting their force for mutual safety, fell back and communicat- 1755.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 19 ed their fears to more interior places. Orders to call the militia into the field were unavailing ; the solicitude and exertion of each individual were directed to the immediate preservation of his fami- ly and property. The sufferings of his countrymen deeply wounded the heart of Colonel Washing- ton. Every measure was adopted, that an enter- prising spirit could suggest ; and all the means he possessed were judiciously and strenuously exerted for their protection ; but all were ineffectual. He was compelled to be the witness of the calamity of friends, whom he could not relieve ; and of the car- nage and ravages of a ferocious enemy, whom he could not chastise. Before a force from below could be collected, the invading foe, having glutted their appetite for blood, and loaded themselves with spoil, recrossed the mountain. Three years service affords little else, than a repe- tition of scenes of a similar nature ; scenes, which occasioned to these settlements the utmost horror and distress, and fully tested the fortitude and mil- itary resources of the Commander; but which, in recital, would swell this work beyond the designed bounds. The regiment never consisted of more than one thousand effective men. Colonel Wash- ington, in addition to the appropriate duty of his commission, was obliged to superintend the opera- tions of each subordinate department, and to at- tend to the wants of the impoverished inhabitants. During this period, he unremittingly urged upon the Executive and Legislature of his Province, the 20 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1756, insufficiency of the mode adopted to prosecute the war. He earnestly advised to offensive operations, as the only measure which would effectually relieve the Colony from the heavy loss of inhabitants, and from the expense of money yearly sustained ; and prevent the total depopulation of the fertile plains beyond the Blue Ridge. If the necessary coopera- tion of Great Britain, to enable the Colony to drive the enemy from the Ohio, were unattainable, which would prove a radical cure of the evil, he strongly recommended, that a regular force of two thousand men should be raised. By this measure he thought the militia, whose services were attended with incal- culable expense, and were seldom productive of good, might be relieved from temporary draughts. The feelings and views of Col. Washington on these subjects, will fully appear by the following ex- tracts from letters which he wrote at the time. In a dispatch to the Lieutenant Governour, he thus paints the situation of the inhabitants and the troops, *'I see their situation, I know their danger, and part- icipate their sufferings, without having it in my pow- er to give them further relief than uncertain promi- ses. In bhort, I see inevitable destruction in so clear a light, that, unless vigorous measures are taken by the Assembly, and speedy assistance sent from be- low, the poor inhabitants, now in forts, must una- voidably fall, while the remainder are flying before the barbarous foe. In fine, the melancholy situation of the people, the little prospect of assistance, the gross and scandalous abuses cast upon the ofiicers 1756.] XIFE OF WASHINGTOlSr, 21 in general, which is reflecting on me in particular, for suffering misconduct of such extraordinary kind, ^fid the distant prospect, if any, of gaining reputa- tion in the service cause me to lament the hour that gave me a commission, and would induce me at any other time than this of imminent danger, to re^ sign, without one hesitating moment, a command, from which I never expect to reap either honour or benefit ; but, on the contrary, have almost an abso- lute certainty of incurring displeasure below, while the murder of helpless families may be laid to my account here. *' The supplicating tears of the women, and mov- ing petitions of the men, melt me with such deadly sorrow, that I solemnly declare, if I know my own mind, I could offer myself a willing sacrifice to the butchering enemy, provided that would conduce to the people's ease." The inefficiency of the militia he thus pourtrays. " The inhabitants are so sensible of their danger if left to the protection of these people, (militia) that not a man will sta}' at his place. This I have from their own mouths, and the principal inhabitants of Augusta county. The militia are under such bad order and discipline, that they will come and go when and where they please, without regarding time, their officers, or the safety of the inhabitants. There should be, according to your honour's orders, one third of the militia of these parts on duty, at a timej instead of that, scarce one thirtieth is out. They are to be relieved every month, and they are a great 22 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1756. part of that time marching to and from their stations ; and they will not wait one day longer than the limited time, whether relieved or not, however ur- gent the necessity for their continuance may be." " I met with Col. Buchanan, with about thirty men, chiefly officers, to conduct me up Jackson's river, along the range of forts. With this small company of irregulars, with whom order, regularity, circum- spection and vigilance were matters of derision and contempt, we set out, and by the protection of providence, reached Augusta courthouse in seven days, without meeting the enemy ; otherwise we must have been sacrificed by the indiscretion of these hooping, hallowing, gentlemen soldiers. — This jaunt aftbrded me great opportunity of seeing the bad regulation of the militia, the disorderly pro- ceedings of the garrisons, and the unhappy circum- stances of the inhabitants. *' We are either insensible of danger until it breaks upon our heads, or else through mistaken notions of economy, evade the expense until the blow is , struck, and then run into an extreme of raising the militia. These, after an age, as it were, is spent in assembling them, come up, make a noise for a time, oppress the inhabitants, and then return, leaving the frontiers unguarded as before. This is still our re- liance, notwithstanding former experience convinces us, if reason did not, that the French and Indians are watching the opportunity when we shall be lull- ed into fatal security, and unprepared to resist an attack, to invade the country, and by ravaging one 1756.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. S3 part, terrify another ; that they retreat when our militia assemble, and repeat the stroke as soon as they are dispersed ; that they send down parties in the intermediate time, to discover our motions, procure inteUigence, and sometimes to divert the troops." The expediency of an offensive war, he supports by the following observations. *'The certainty of advantage by an offensive scheme of action, renders it beyond any doubt, much preferable to our defensive measures. To prove this to you, Sir, requires, I presume, no argu- ments. Our scattered force, so separated and dis- persed in weak parties, avails little to stop the secret incursions of the savages. We can only put them to flight, or frighten them to some other part of the country, which answers not the end proposed. Whereas, had we strength enough to invade their lands, and assault their towns, we should restrain them from coming abroad and leaving their fami- lies exposed. We then should remove the princi- pal cause, and have stronger probability of success ; we should be free from the many alarms, mischiefs and murders that now attend us ; we should inspirit the hearts of our few Indian friends, and gain more esteem with them. In short, could Pennsylvania and Maryland be induced to join us in an expedi- tion of this nature, and to petition his Excellency Lord Loudoun for a small train of artillery, with some engineers, we should then be able, in all hu- man probability, to subdue the terrour of Fort du 24 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1757. Quesne, retrieve our character with the Indians, and restore peace to our unhappy frontiers." On condition that the assembly should persist in the scheme of defensive warfare, he presented to the Governour a plan for his opinion. This was to es- tablish twenty tv/o forts, reaching from the river Mayo to the Potomack, in a line of three hundred and sixty miles ; and which were to be garrisoned by a regular force, consisting of two thousand men. The pride of Governour Dinwiddle was offended by these frank communications of a gallant and in- dependent officer. In uncourtly language he cen- sured advice, which he could not comprehend, and reproached this officer with officiousness and neglect of duty. Colonel Washington felt the repri- mand as a patriot, the welfare of whose country ever dwelt on his heart ; and, like a soldier, who had an invaluable prize in his own reputation. In the consciousness of having made the highest efforts fViithfully to execute the trust reposed in him, he thus spiritedly replied to the charge, in a letter to an in- fluential friend. " Whence it arises, or why, lam ignorant, but my strongest representations of mat- ters relative to the peace of the frontiers are disre- garded as idle and frivolous ; ray propositions and measures, as partial and selfish ; and all my sincer- est endeavours for the service of my country, pervert- ed to the worst purposes. My orders are dark, doubtful and uncertain. Today approved, to- morrow condemned ; left to act and proceed at haz- ard ; accountable for the consequences, and blamed 1757.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 25 without the benefit of defence. If you can think my situation capable of exciting the smallest degree of envy, or of affording the least satisfaction, the truth is yet hid from you, and you entertain no- tions very different from the reality of the case. However, I am determined to bear up under all these embarrassments, some time longer, in the hope of better regulations under Lord Loudoun, to whom I look for the future fate of Virginia." To the Governour himself, in answer to a com* munlcation from him, which conveyed a censure, he >vrote, " I must beg leave, before I conclude, to observe, in justification of my o\^ n conduct, that it is with pleasure I receive reproof w hen reproof is due, because no person can be readier to accuse me, than I am to acknowledge an errour when I have committed it ; nor more desirous of atoning for a crime, when I am sensible of being guilty of one. i3ut, on the other hand, it is with concern I remark, that my best endeavours lose their reward, and that my conduct, although I have uniformly studied to make it as unexceptionable as I could, does not ap- pear to you in a favourable point of light. Otherwise your Honour would not have accused me of loose be- haviour and rein'issness of duty, in matters, where I think I have rather exceeded than fallen short of it. This, I think, is evidently the case in speaking of In- dian affairs at all, after being instructed in very ex- press terms, '•Not to hwcc any concern U7*///, or man- agement of Indian affairs.'^ This has induced me to forbear mentioning the Indians in my letters to E- 26 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1757. your Honour of late, and to leave the misunderstand* ing which you speak of, between Mr. Alkin and them, to be related by him." He had been informed by letter of a report com- municated to the Governour, impeaching his veracity and honour. A copy of this letter he inclosed to his Honour, earnestly requesting of him the name of the author of this report. " I should take it infinitely kind if your Honour would please to inform me, whether a report of this nature was ever made to you, and in that case, who was the author of it ? *' It is evident, from a variety of circumstances, and especially from the change in your Honour's conduct towards me, that some person as well in- clined to detract, but better skilled in the art of de- traction than the author of the above stupid scandal, has made free with my character. For I cannot sup- pose that malice so absurd, so barefaced, so diamet- rically opposite to truth, to common policy, and in short to every thing but villainy, as the above is, could impress you with so ill an opinion of my hon- pur and honesty. " If it be possible that Colonel , for my belief is staggered, not being conscious of having given the least cause to any one, much less to that gentleman, to reflect so grossly. I say, if it be possi- ble that could descend so low, as to be the prop- agator of this story, he must either be vastly igno- rant of the state of affairs in this county at that time, or else he must suppose that the v\ hole body of in- habitants had con)hined with me in executing the deceitful fraud. Or, why did they, almost to a man, 1757.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 27 forsake their dwellings in the greatest terrour and confusion ? And while one half of them sought shel- ter in paltry forts, of their own building, the other should flee to the adjacent counties for refuge ; num- bers of them even to Carolina, from whence they have never returned ? *' These are facts well known ; but not better known, than that these wretched people, while they lay pent up in forts, destitute of the com- mon supports of life, (having, in their precipitate flight, forgotten, or were unable rather to secure any kind of necessaries) did dispatch messengers, (thinking that I had not represented their mise- ries in the piteous manner they deserved) with ad- dresses of their own to your Honour and the assem- bly, praying relief. And did I ever send any alarm- ing account, without sending also the original papers, or the copies, which gave rise to it. " That I have foibles, and perhaps many, I shall not deny. I should esteem myself, as the world also would, vain and empty, were I to arrogate perfec- tion. *' Knowledge in military matters, is to be ac- quired by practice and experience only, and if I have erred, great allowance should be made for my errours for want of them, unless those errours should appear to be wilful ; and then I conceive it would be more generous to charge me with my faults, and let me stand or fall according to evidence, than to stig- matize me behind my back, "It is uncertain in what light my services may have appeared to your Honour ; but this I know, 28 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1757. and it is the highest consolation I am capable of feel- ing, that no man that ever was employed in a publick capacity, has endeavoured to discharge the trust re- posed in him with greater honesty, and more zeal for the country's interest, than 1 have done ; but if there is any person living, who can say with justice, that I have offered any intentional v/rong to the publick, I will cheerfully submit to the most ignominious pun- ishment that an injured people ought to inflict. On the other hand, it is hard to have my character ar- raigned, and my actions condemned, without an hearing. " I must therefore again beg in more plain ^ and in very earnest terms to know if has taken tlie^ liberty of representing my conduct to your Hon- our, with such ungentlemanly freedom as the let- ter implies ? Your condescension herein will be ac- knowledged a singular favour." Soon after this transaction, Mr. Dinwiddle left the government, and Mr. Blair, the president of the Council, became, for a short time, the Executive, between whom and Colonel Washington perfect confidence and free communication existed. 1757. This year Lord Loudoun succeeded to the civil government of Virginia, and to the chief command of the British troops in North America. Colonel Washington obtained permission to wait upon him the succeeding winter ; to whom he pre- sented an address from his regiment, and commu- nicated from himself a statement of the military situ- ation of the colony. In this he pointed out the er- rour of d\e government in the management of the war, 3.758.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 29 and particularly in their depending on the aid of the militia ; and demonstrated the superiour advantages of ori'ensive operations. Colonel Washington was sanguine in the ex- pectation, that Lord Loudoun would adopt his darl- ing scheme of an expedition to dispossess the French of Fort du Quesne ; but his Lordship having deter- mined to direct his force against Ticonderoga, he was again mortified by a disappointment. At the close of the year 1757, General Aber- crombie was appointed to the supreme command in America, and General Forbes commissioned as the commander of the middle district. To the high gratification of Colonel Washington, the conquest of du Quesne became a principal object. 1758. Colonel Washington, not expecting to be placed on the establishment, had determined to resign his commission ; but he thought the expe- dition for this purpose presented a fair prospect of distinguished service, and he resolved to engage in it. He warmly recommended an early campaign ; for thiS) among other reasons, seven hundred In- dians had, in April, assembled at Winchester, whose patience would be exhausted unless early employed ; and in that event, he observes, *' No words can tell how much they will be missed." He was at length ordered to collect the Virginia troops at Winchester, and to hold them in readiness for active service. At this late moment, when the duties of the field demanded his attention, he was necessitated to make a journey to Williamsburg, to provide arms, clothing, and money for Lis regiment ; 30 LIPE OF WASHIN^CTOK. [1758. and to obtain for his soldiers, the same pay which the assembly, in their last session, had voted to a regi- ment raised for the present campaign. Early in July the Virginia forces were moved to Cumberland, and through the month employed in opening a road from that place to Raystown. Fly- ing parties of the enemy greatly annoying them in their business, it was contemplated to send a de- tachment over the mountain, to restrain the French and Indians from this annoyance ; but Col. Wash- ington objected to the measure, because the detach- ment would be exposed to the whole force of the enemy on the Ohio, and must be defeated. The plan w^as in consequence given up ; and by his ad- vice frequent scouts, consisting principally of In- dians, were substituted. The prediction of Colonel Washington, respecting the body of Indians at Winchester, was verified ; before the campaign opened, their patience was exhausted, and they retir- ed to their homes. It was confidently expected that the army would march by Braddock's road, which needed only slight repairs ; but on the last of this month, Col. Bou- quet by letter, requested an interview with Colonel W A sHiNGTON,to cousult with him on opening a new route. In reply he wrote, " I shall most cheerfully work on any road, pursue any route, or enter on any service that the General or yourself may think me use- fully employed in, or qualified for ; and shall never have a will of my own, when a duty is required of me. But since you desire me to speak my sentiments free- ly, permit me to observe, that after having convers- 1758.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Sf ed with all the guides, and having been informed by- others acquainted with the country, I am convinced that a road to be compared with Gen. Braddock's, or, indeed, that will be fit for transportation, even by- pack horses, cannot be made. I own I have no predilection for the route you have in contemplation for me." Notwithstanding every remonstrance, he found Col. Bouquet determined to open the new road. — That nothing in his power might be omitted to pre- vent the adoption of a scheme, which he thought would probably defeat the expedition, he addressed a letter to this officer, with the express design that it should be laid before General Forbes, then indisposed ; in which he gave the following reasons for the preference of Braddock's road. When individuals of Pennsylvania and Vir- ginia, he said, were about to establish a trade with the natives on the Ohio, they, under Indian guides^ explored the country, and adopted the road by Will's Creek as the best route. This road had been open- ed by the Ohio company in 1753, and had been re- paired in 1754 by the troops under his command, as far as Gist's plantation, beyond the Great Mead- ows. In 1755 it had been put in good order by General Braddock, and could with little labour be fitted for use. This road, therefore, must be preferable to a new route over ground not more favourable. In respect to forage there could be no material difference. The hills on both routes were barren, and the vallies between them abounded with grass. The objection to Braddock's road, he ob- 52 i.iTE OF WASHINGTON. [175^. served, on account of high waters, was not founded j he had hhnself passed with a body of men, the Yo- hogany, the most rapid stream, and the soonest fill- ed of any on the road, after thirty days of almost in- cessant rain. The Monongahela might be avoided. The defiles on Raystown road were as numerous as on Braddock's, and the saving in distance was in- considerable. But the insuperable objection to the new route, he observed, was the time that must be expended in opening it. The distance was little short of an hundred miles, over mountains, almost impassible, and covered with woods and rocks. The most that could be expected, he said, on this route the present season, would be to gain the .height of land, there erect fortifications, and wait the return of spring. This delay must be attended with ruinous consequences to the colonies, which had exerted themselves beyond their strength to drive the French from the Ohio the present cam- paign. In the same letter, he communicated an order of march on Braddock's road, which would biing the army in sixtyfour days before Fort du Quesne, with provisions for eighty six days. He also wrote to Maj. Halket, Aid of Gen. Forbes, to engage his good offices to prevent the fatal plan. " 1 am just returned from a conference held with Col. Bouquet. I find him fixed — I think I may say, unalterably fixed, to lead you a new way to the Ohio, through a road, every inch of which is to be cut at this ad- vanced season, when we have scarcely time left to tread the beaten track, universally confessed to be the best passage through the mountain. 1758.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 33S " If Colonel Bouquet succeeds in this point with the General, all is lost ! All is lost indeed ! Our enterprise is ruined, and we shall be stopped at the Laurel Hill this winter — but not to gather laurels, except of the kind which cover the mountains. — The southern Indians will turn against us, and these colonies will be desolated by such an accession to the enemy's strength. These must be tlie conse- quences of a miscarriage, and a miscarriage the al- most necessary consequence of an attempt to march the army by this route." The judgment and advice of Colonel Wash- ington in this important measure were overruled,' and to his extreme mortification, the new route of the army was adopted. The disappointment and gloomy prospect which he entertained, are strong- ly expressed in the following letter, written from Cumberland, to the Speaker of the House of Bur- gesses. Sept. 2, *' We are still encamped here, very sick- 1758. \y aj-,^ dispirited at the prospect before us- That appearance of glory which we once had in view, even that hope, that laudable ambition of serving our country, and meriting its applause, are now no more ; all is dwindled into ease, sloth and fatal in- activity. In a word, all is lost, if the ways of men in power, like certain ways of providence, are not inscrutable. But we, who vie\y the actions of great men at a distance, can only form conjectures agree- ably to a limited perception ; and, being ignorant of the comprehensive schemes which may be in con- templation, might mistake egregiously in judging of 34 LIFE OF WASHINGTON". [l758. things from appearances, or by the lump. Yet ev- ery fool will have his notions, will prattle and talk away ; and why may not I ? We seem then, in my opinion, to act under the guidance of an evil genius. The conduct of our leaders, if not actuated by su- periour orders, is tempered with something — I do not care to give a name to. Nothing now but a miracle can bring this campaign to a happy issue.'* Mentioning the arguments he had brought against the new road, he proceeds, '* But I spoke all una- vailingly. The road was immediately begun, and since then, from one to two thousand men have con- stantly wrought on it. By the last accounts I have received, they had cut to the foot of Laurel Hill, about t'artyfive miles, and I suppose by this time, fifteen hundred men have taken post about ten miles further, at a place called Loyal Hanna, where our next fort is to be constructed. " We have certain intelligence, that the French strength at Fort du Quesne did not exceed eight hundred men, the 13th ultimo, including about three or four hundred Indians. See how our time has been mispent.... Behold how the golden opportunity is lost, perhaps never more to be regained ! How is it to be accounted for ? Can General Forbes have orders for this ? Impossible... .Will tiien our injur- ed country pass by such abuses ? I hope not ; rath- er let a full representation of the matter go to his Majesty ; let him know how grossly his glory and interests, and the publick money have been prosti- tuted." 1758.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 35 Col. Grant, with a force of eight hundred men, having been detached to reconnoitre the country, in the neighbourhood of the Ohio, w as about this time defeated with loss ; and himself, and Major Lewis of Colonel Washington's regiment, were taken prisoners. Three companies of this regiment were on the expedition, and behaved with great bravery. Of eight officers belonging to these com- panies, on this service, five were killed, one wound- ed, and one taken prisoner. Capt. Bullet, who had charge of the baggage, defended it with great reso- lution, and did much to protect the defeated troops ; he fortunately came oft* the field without a wound. This spirited and soldierly conduct the Britons ac- knowledged to be highly honourable to the troops themselves, and to the Commander, who trained them to the service. Gen. Forbes complimented Colonel Washington on the occasion. Colonel Washington was at this time employ- ed on the new road, in the neighborhood of Rays- town. Oct. s, General Forbes resolved that the main 1758. army should move from this place ; and he called upon the commanding officers of regi- ments to lay before him a plan for its march. Col- onel Washington presented his ; it has been preserved, and is said to display the soundness of his judgment. Through a road almost impassable, the army at length reached Loyal Hanna, about ten miles from the foot of Laurel Hill, and fortyfive from Fort Cumberland. At this place Colonel Washin gton 36 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. j^l758. had predicted the expedition would terminate. In a Council of War it was actually resolved to be im- adviseuble to poceed further this Autumn. To have wintered in this inhospitable wilderness would, perhaps, have been impossible ; but before any dispo. sition of the army was made, intelligence was brought by some prisoners,that the garrison of Fort du Quesne had not been supported from Canada ; that the In- dians had deserted it ; and, that it was not in a situa- tion to make resistance. This intelligence induced General Forbes to change his resolution, and to push on to the Ohio. Colonel Washington was or- dered to the front to superintend opening the road for the army ; which duty he, with extreme fatigue, executed. In slow and laborious marches, Gener- Nov. 25, ill Forbes reached du Quesne, and found 1758. that the French, on the evening preceding his arrival, had set fire to this fort, and had passed in their boats down the river. The success of the campaign was wholly to be attributed to the pressure of the English on Canada, which constrained the French Commander in chief to call in, or weaken his out posts ; but for this circum- stance, the gloomy predictions of Colonel Wash- ington would have been verified, in the failure of the expedition. The Fort being repaired, w^^ called Fort Pitt, in compliment to the preeminent British Minister, under whose auspices the war was now conducted. Colonel Washington furnished two hundred men of his regiment to the garrison, and soon after returned to Williamsburg to take his seat in thp 1758.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 37 House of Burgesses, of which, in his absence he had been chosen a member. His services, while commander of the Virginia forces, were appreciated by his countrymen ; and the British officers with whom he served, bore hon- ourable testimony to his military talents. The sol- dierly and gallant behaviour of his regiment in the field, exhibited the best evidence of the address of their commander, in training them to exact disci- pline, and exciting in them a martial spirit. His officers expressed the great affection and respect, which they entertained for his character, by an unan- imous address, presented to him at the close of this campaign ; and the inhabitants of the frontiers plac- ed full confidence in him, even at a time when he was unable to defend them from the slaughter and devastation of the enemy. Colonel Washington now saw the great ob- ject attained, to which for years he had directed his whole mind. The enemy was driven from the Ohio, and his country, in a great measure, relieved from the carnage and distress of an Indian war.... His health was impaired by the arduous services of the campaign ; and his private concerns demanded his attention. He therefore resigned his military commission, and retired to the tranquil scenes of domestick life. 38 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1759. CHAPTER II. Colonel WASHi2iGf0N*s Marriage... .His Management of the Estate of Mount Vernon... .App.ointed a Judge of the County Courty and a Member of the Virginia Legislature. ...Chosen a Member of the first Congress 4fifiointed Conunander in Chief of the American Forces. ...Arrives at Camp.. ...Arranges the Army ....Deficiency of Arms and Ammunition.... Colonel Arnold detached to Quebeck... Success of American Cruisers... JEvils of temporary inlistments 4n attack on the Enemy's Posts meditated. ...Possession taken of the Heights of Dor- chester...Boston evacuated. 1759. oOON after the resignation of his mil- itary commission, Colonel Washington marri- ed Mrs. Martha Custis, a young and beautiful widow, who possessed an ample fortune, and whp was endowed with those amiable and pleasing ac- complishments of mind and manners, which give the best security for happiness in the married state. With her, he lived in all the confidence, endearment and felicity which this relation can produce. On his estate of Mount Vernon, he extensively en- gaged in the business of agriculture, and was greatly distinguished for the judgment he displayed in the improvement of his lands. Every branch of busi- ness was conducted upon system, exact method and economy were observed throughout every de- partment of his household, the accounts of his 1759 74.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 39 Overseers he weekly inspected, the divisions of his farm were numbered, the expense of cultiva- tion, and the produce of each lot were regularly- registered ; and, at one view he could determine the profit or loss of any crop, and ascertain the respec- tive advantages of particular modes of husbandry. He became one of the greatest landholders in North America. Besides other great and valuable tracts, his Mount Vernon estate consisted of nine thousand acres, all under his own management. On which, in one year, he raised seven thousand bushels of wheat, and ten thousand of Indian corn. His domes- tick and farming establishments were composed of nearly a thousand persons ; and the woollen and linen cloth necessary for their use, was chiefly manufac- tured on the estate.* Order and industry were carried into all his con- cerns. The authority he exercised over his slaves was blended with great tenderness and humanity, and their affection and gratitude insured a prompt and cheerful obedience to his commands. Mount Vernon was ever the seat of hospitality, and here its rights were liberally exercised. Colonel Wash- ington, although exact in requiring the punctual fulfilment of contracts and engagements, yet was diffusive in offices of humanity, and deeds of char- ity to those of his vicinity who needed his assist- ance. From the close of the war on the frontiers of Virginia, to the commencement of the rcvoluticn- * See "J-eg5cies of Washington," printed at Trenton, in i8oo. 40 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [l775rf ary contest, Colonel Washington acted as a Judge of a County Court, and represented his district in the House of Burgesses of his Province. Although never distinguished as a popular speaker, yet the sound- ness of his judgment, the vvisdom of his counsels, and the uniform propriety of his behaviour, secured him the confidence and esteem of all who were acquainted with his character. While a Legislator of Virginia, he took an ac- tive and influential part in opposition to the principle assumed by the British Parliament, to tax the Amer-^ ican Colonies. When it became expedient to train the Militia for the defence of those rights, which the country determined never to sacrifice, the inde- pendent companies, in the Northern part of Virginia chose him their Commander. He was elected a member of the first Congress, which met in Philadelphia in 1774 ; in which body he had a distinguished agency in the arrangement of the military resources of the United Provinces. He was the active member of all Committees, to which business of this nature was entrusted. June 15, -^^ ^^^ commencement of hostilities, 1775. Congress deemed it necessary to appoint a Commander in Chief of the American forces. The eminent character of Colonel Washington pointed him out, as the best qualified to unite the confidence of the publick, and successfully to conduct the ardu- ous conflicts of the war. Congress unanimously elected him *' General and Commander in Chief of the United Colonies, and of all the forces now rais- ed, and to be raised by them." When the Presi- 1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 41 dent of Congress communicated his election, he thus addressed him. *' Mr. President, although I am truly sensible of the high honour done me in this appointment, yet I feel great distress from a consciousness that my abilities and military experience may not be equal to the extensive trust. However, as the Congress desire it, I will enter upon the mo- mentous duty, and exert every power I possess in their service, and for the support of the glorious cause. I beg they will accept my most cordial thanks for this distinguished testimony of their ap- probation. '*' But lest some unlucky event should happen, unfavourable to my reputation, I beg it may be re- membered by every gentleman in the room, that I this day declare, with the utmost sincerity, 1 do not think myself equal to the command I am honoured with. I beg leave, Sir, to assure the Congress, that, as no pecuniar}'^ consideration could have tempt- ed me to accept this arduous employment, at the expense of my domestick case and happiness, I do not wish to make any profit from it. I will keep an exact account of my expenses. These, I doubt notj they will discharge, and that is all I desire.^' ( Congress, when his commission was executed, unanimously and solemnly resolved, to support him with their lives and fortunes, as the General of their army, in defence of the country. General Wash- INGTON instantly prepared to enter upon the eventful duties of his command. The difficulties which he was to encounter, will clearly appear from a slight G 42 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775* view of the state of the country, and of the condi- tion of the army. As a means to repel the encroachments of the British Parliament, the American merchants had generally entered into resolutions, not to import ar- ticles of merchandise from Great Britain ; and at the commencement of the war, the country was, in a great degree, destitute of ammunition, and of every material necessary to clothe an army, and furnish the men with tents. There were no considerable mag- azines of provisions, and few tools suitable for the work of fortification. The men who composed the army were raised by different States, on short inlist- ments, and on different establishments ; and they carried into the camp, the feelings and habits form- ed by their respective pursuits in private life. They were animated by the love of liberty, and possessed the resolution and bravery of hardy yeomanry ; but they could not easily be brought to submit to the rigid rules of military subordination and discipline. The authority of Congress and of different Colonies, was blended in all the arrangements of the army. These causes occasioned numerous and complicated embarrassments to the Commander in Chief. Tlije appointment of General Washington was universally approved. On his journey to head quarters, he met with tlie most affectionate attention, and received the fullest assurances of assistance and support. He was escorted by companies of respecta- ble volunteers ; and, at Springfield, an hundred miles from Boston, a Committee of the Congress of Massachusetts met,*and attended him to Cambridge. 1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 43 July 2, O'l his arrival, that body presented him a ^775. respectful address, in v\hichthey expressed their entire satisfaction with his appointment, and pledged the most effectual cooperation with his meas- ures, in their power. His answer was well calculat- ed to increase the attachments to his person, and the confidence in his talents, which the publick already entertained. '* Gentlemen, your kind congratulations on my appoipitment and arrival, demand my warmest acknowledgments, and will ever be retained in grateful remembrance. In exchanging the enjoy- ment of domestick life, for the duties of my pres- ent honourable, but arduous situation, I only emulate the virtue and publick spirit of the whole Province of Massachusetts, w hich, with a firmness and patriotism without an example, has sacrificed all the comforts of social and political life, in sup- port of the rights of mankind, and the welfare of our common country. My highest ambition is to be the happy instrument of vindicating these rights, and to see this devoted Province again restored to peace, liberty and safety." The British army, at this time, commanded by General Gage, was strongly posted in three divis- ions ; on Bunker's Hill, a mile from the ferry of Charles's River, on Cop's Hill, in Boston, and on Roxbury neck. These fortified posts secured the isthmus of Boston, and that of Charlestovvn, the only avenues by land into those towns. Floating batteries and armed ships, stationed in the waters which surround Boston, supported the positions 44 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. of the British, and kept open the communication between them. The American army was posted at Roxbury, Cambridge, and on Winter and Prospect Hills, in front of Bunker's Hill. These positions formed a crescent of twelve miles in extent. After reconnoi- tring the situation of the enemy, ajid examining the state of his own army, the General attempted a better organization of the troops. He formed them into tVree divisions ; the division at Roxbury form- ed the right wing of the army, and was commanded by Gen. Ward ; the division on Prospect and Win- ter Hills, composed the left wing, and was command- ed by Gen. Lee ; and the troops at Cambridge form- ed the centre, and were commanded by Gen, Wash- ington in person. The forces were deemed in- competent to defend this extended camp, but the situation of the country did not favour a more com- pact arrangement ; nor could the neighbouring country be otherwise defended from the depreda- tions of the enemy. These positions were secured by lines and forts ; and a few companies of men were posted in the towns, around Boston Bay, most exposed to annoy- ance by British armed vessels. General Washington found himself embar- rassed by the total want of system in every depart- ment of the army. In the execution of the duties of his commission, it became necessary to open a correspondence, not only with the Continental Con- gress, and with most of the Governments of the Colonies, but also with the Committees of all those 1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 4,5 towns which furnished supplies for the army. In 4 letter to Congress on this subject, he observes, *' I should be extremely deficient of gratitude, as well as justice, if I did not take the first opportunity to acknowledge the readiness andattention which the Congress, and the different Committees have shewn, to make every thing as convenient and agreeable as possible ; but there is a vital and inherent principle of delay, incompatible with military service, in trans- acting business through such various and different channels. I esteem it my duty, therefore, to repre- sent the inconvenience that must unavoidably ensue from a dependence on a number of persons for sup- plies, and submit it to the consideration of Congress, whether the publick service will not be the best promoted by appointing a Commissary General for the purpose." An inquiry into the state of the magazine of powder, was among the first cares of Gen. Wash- ington, and three hundred and three barrels in store was the return made to him. Soon after he discovered, that this return embraced the whole quantity brought into camp, without deducting what had been expended ; and that there remained on hand, only sufficient to furnish the army with nine cartridges a man. While the greatest caution was used to keep this alarming fact a secret, the utmost exertions were employed to obtain a supply of this article of absolute necessity in war. Application was made to all the Colonies, and measures were adopt- ed, to import powder into the country. The imme- diate danger was soon removed by an arrival of a 46 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775', small quantity, sent froir. Elizabethtown, in New Jersey. Under the perplexities which arose from the defect of arms, the want of clothing and maga- zines, from the want of engineers, and from the confused state of the staff department, the mind of Gen. Washington was, in some measure, cheer- ed by a view of the men who composed his troops. *' It requires," says he, in a letter to the President of Congress, *' no military skill to judge of the difficulty of introducing proper discipline and sub- ordination into an army, while we have the enemy in view, and are daily in expectation of an attack ; but it is of so much importance, that every effort will be made that time and circumstances will ad- mit. In the mean time, I have a sincere pleasure in observing that there are materials for a good ar- my ; a great number of able bodied men, active, zealous in the cause, and of unquestionable cour- age." The details of the departments of the Pay- master, Quartermaster and Commissary, fell upon Gen. Washington, andhe urged Congress to fill them. Being himself authorised to make the ap- pointments, he called to his assistance the general staff, which is necessary for the regular support and expeditious movements of an army ; and as- siduously prosecuted plans to organize and discipline his troops. General Gage had, at his disposal, a force con- sisting of eight thousand men, and, by the aid of his shipping, he was enabled to direct it to any point of the extended lines of the Americans, w hose ar- my did not amount 40 more than fourteen thousand 1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 47 and five hundred men. General Washington was fully apprized of his danger, and early summon- ed the General officers to deliberate upon the expe- diency of attempting to support their present posi- tion, or of taking one in their rear more compact. The council with unanimity advised to remain in their present lines. The reasons in support of this opinion were, the immediate effect which a retro- grade movement would have to animate the British, and to depress the American troops ; the unfavour- able impression that would be made upon the pub- lick mind ; the devastation of the fertile country, that must be opened to the enemy, and, the difficul- ty of finding a strong position in the rear. As a precautionary measure, it was determined that they would not take possession of the heights of Dorches- ter, nor oppose the attempt of General Gage to gain them. In case of an attack and defeat, the Welsh mountains in Cambridge, and the rear of the lines in Roxbury, were appointed as places of rendezvous. The enemy was watched with vigilant attention ; and any movements which threatened a distant in- vasion, were communicated to Congress, and to the Executives of the Provinces particularly exposed. The enemy had been taught respect for the American army by the battle of Breed's Hill, and their plans, from that period through the year, were directed to self defence. With little interrup- tion, both armies were employed in strengthening their respective lines and posts. The few skirmishes which took place between small parties, neither in their nature or consequences merit notice. 49 LIFE OF WASHINGTOIT. [1775. The mere defence of lines, did not satisfy the enterprizingand patriotick mind of General Wash- ington. With extreme anxiety he noticed the ex- pense of the campaign, without possessing the means of diminishing it. He knew that his countiy was destitute cf rev- enue, and apprehended that her resources must soon be exhausted. In a few months the army of course would be disbanded, and the inlistment of another, he conceived to be extremely difficult, if practica- ble ; powerful reinforcements to the enemy were, in the Spring, to be expected from England ; and he thought it doubtful, whether proportionate strength could be collected in the Colonies to meet them in the field. He conceived it, therefore, of vast impor- tance to the American cause to subdue the army in Boston, before it could be reinforced. An event of this magnitude would unite and animate the Colo- nies, and convince Great Britain, that America was determined in her opposition to the measures of Parliament. Under these impressions he often re- connoitred the enemy, and collected information of their numbers and strength, from every possible source. The attempt to dislodge the British, he well knew would be attended with extreme hazard ; but, it was his opinion, that the probability of ulti- mate success, and the great advantages accruing from it, warranted the effort. In a letter to the General Officers, he stated the questions, to which he desired them to direct their close attention ; and after sufficient time had been given for deliberation, he called them into council to determine, whether 1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 4? an attack on Boston should be made ? The result was an unanimous opinion, ''that for the present, at least, the attempt ought not be made." To con- tinue the blockade, and to strengthen their lines, was all that remained in their power. Alihough the Commander in Chief acquiesced in the decision of the Council, yet it was evident, from his letter to Congress, that he himself felt inclin- ed to risk the attack. Probably this inclination was increased by the wishes of Congress, previously- communicated to him. The scarcity of fresh provisions in Boston, in- duced the enemy to send small parties to collect the stock along the shores of the continent, within protecti!"!g distance of their armed vessels. This imposed an heavy burden upon the towns on the sea board, in the defence of their property ; and the Governours of several of the Colonies were fre- quent and importunate in their request to General Washington, to detach forces from his army for their protection. He was embarrassed by repeated requisitions of this nature. To make the required detachments, would expose the main army to inev- itable destruction; and to deny the requests, would occasion dissatisfactions, which endangered a cause that could be supported by publick opinion onl}^ To relieve him from this embarrassment. Congress passed a resolution, " That the army before Boston, was designed only to oppose the enemy in that place, and ought not to be \^^eaken(:d by detachments for the secyrity of other parts of the country." ^6 LIFZ OF WASHINGTON. [1775, General Washington early gave an example of the humane mdnner in which he determined to conduct the war. By the representations of individ- uals from Nova Scotia, Congress was led to suppose that a small force from the American army, aided by those inhabitants of that Province, who were in the American interest, might suprise a British gar- rison at Fort Cumi^erland, at the head of the Bay of Fundy, and possess themselves of valuable military stores, if not retain the country ; the measure was, therefore, recommended by that body to their General. On examination, he found that the stores were of no magnitude, and that the expe- dition would expose the friends of America in that Province to inevitable ruin, from the prosecutions of their own Government, and he discountenanced the scheme. The attempt was, however, eventu- ally made by a few indiscreet individuals, but it failed, and involved the inhabitants of Nova Scotia, who engaged in it, in the predicted ruin. Some of the American cruisers, acting without publjck orders, brought three of the principal inhab- itants of the Island of St. John into General Wash- ing ton's camp; he treated them with the great- est tenderness, and permitted them immediately to return to their distressed families. In the course of the Autumn, gradual approaches were made towards the British posts. The army being strengthened by the arrival of Morgan's Rifle- men, from Virginia, and of a number of regiments from Connecticut and Rhodeisland, Gen, Wasii- 1775.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON". 51 Sept. IN g TON detached Colonel Arnold, with a 1773. thousand men, by the rivers Kennebeck and St. Francis, to cooperate with General Montgom- ery in Canada ; and, if possible, to surprise Que- beck, the capital of that Province. Arnold, and about six hundred of his men, actuated by uncon- querable resolution, with incouceiviible fatigue, reached Quebeck. The situation of the garrison corresponded with the presumptions, on which the expedition was founded ; but a number of circum- stances, not open to human foresight, nor controula- ble by human prudence, rendered it unsuccessful. Through the season, the highest endeavours of the Commander in Chief were exerted to procure arms and ammunition for his troops, and partial success attended the measures adopted in every part of the union, to accomplish this important purpose. A successful voyage was also made to Africa, and every pound of gun powder for sale in the British factories on that coast, was obtained, in exchange for Nev/ England rum. Capt. Manly, in the Privateer Lee, captured a British ordnance ship, laden with milita- ry stores, so complete ly adapted to the \^ ants of the American army, that had Congress made out an in- voice, a better assortment could not have been procured. Considerations respecting tlie reinlist- ment of the army, lay with immense weight on the mind of General Washington, and he repeatedly invited the attention of Congress to this subject. In September, Congress appointed a Committee of their own body to repair to Head Quarters, to con- sult with the Commander in Chief, and the Execu- 52 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. lives of the New England Provinces, " on the most effectual method of continuing, supporting, and reg- ulating a Continental army." The result of their deliberation was, that the new army should consist of twenty thousand three hundred and seventy two men ; but unhappily, the men were to be inlisted only for one year. The evils resulting from short inlistments were severely felt at the close of the next campaign, even to the utmost hazard of the inde- pendence of the country. Various causes operated to lead Congress to the al- most fatal plan of temporary military establishments. Among the most influential of these, was a prospect of accommodation with the parent state. Want of ex- perience in the management of war upon an extensive scale was another. The revolutionary conflict placed the people of America in a situation, in which all the energies of the human mind are brought into action, and mm makes his noblest eftbrts ; the oc- casion called upon the publick theatre, statesmen and warriors, who, by the wise and honourable execution of the complicated duties of their new characters, surprised the world ; still from ihem, errours of inexperience were to be expected. The fear of accumulating expense, which the re- sources of the country could not discharge, had a leading influence to deter the American Government from the adoption of permanent, military establish- ments ; although the recommendations of Con- gress, and the regulations of Statfe Conventions had, in the day of enthusiasm, the force of law, yet the ruling power thought it inexpedient to attempt to 1775,] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 53 raise large sums by direct taxes, at a time when the commerce of the country was annihihited, and the cultivators of the ground were subjected to heavy services in the field of war. The only recourse w as to a paper medium, without funds for its. redemption, or for the support of its credit, and therefore of ne. cessity subject to depreciation, nnd, in its natisre, capable of only a temporary currency ; Congress, therefore, was justly afraid of the expense of a per- manent army. Jealousy toward a standing army, had a powerful influence upon the militar} arrange- ments of America ; this jealous spirit early insinu- ated itself into the Legislative bodies of the Colo- nies, and was displayed in many of their measures. It appears in the address presented by the Provin- cial Assembly of New York to Gen. Washing- ton, while on his journey to the American camp. *' We have the fullest assurance, say they, that v. hen ever this important contest shall be decided, by that fondest wish of each American soul, an accommo- dation with our Mother Country, you will cheerfully resign the important deposit committed into your hands, and reassume the character of our v/orthiest citizen." Congress, as a body, unquestionably felt this jealousy, and was afraid to trust a standing army with the power necessary to conduct the war, lest, at its successful termination, this army should become the master of the country for whose liber- ties it had fought. The plan of temporary iiiiist- ments was adopted by Congress, in the confident persuasion, that draughts on every occrcsion might be made from the militia, to oppose any force Briiain 54 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. (^1775, could bring into the field; and that the native patri- otiijiTi and brave, y of the Americans would prove superiour to the mechanical movements of disciplin- ed troops. There being no magazines of arms in the coun- try, the soldiers of the first campaign were of neces- sity permitted to bring their own muskets into ser- vice, although their different length and size occa- sioned much inconvenience. By the i egulation of Congress for the new inlistment, the soldiers, who chose not to serve another campaign, were not per- mitted to carry home their arms ; but they were to receive payment for them by appraisement. Every soldier who inlisted was to find a gun,* or pay a dollar to the Government for the use of one during the campaign. Every soldier, who found himself a blanket was to receive two dollars. As it \Aas im- practicable to clothe the army in uniforms, clothes of different colours were provided, the price of which was to be deducted from the w ages of the men. As soon as the plan of the new army was settled, General Washington adopted measures to carry it into execution. In general orders he directed, that all officers, who intended to decline the service of their country at the expiration of their present engagements, should in writing make known their intention to their respective Colonels ; which was to be communicated to the General Oflicers com- manding Brigades. *' Those brave men, and true patriots, \\ ho resolved to continue, to serve and de- fend their brethren, privileges and property," were 1775.3 LIFE or WASHINGTON'. SS called upon in the same manner to make known their intentions, and to consider themselves as en- gaged to the last of December, 1776, unless sooner discharged by Congress. The period of patriotick enthusiasm had, in some measure, passed away ; numbers of officers consent- ed conditionally to remain in the army, and many made no communication on the subject. Immedi- ate decision was necessary ; and, in new orders, the Commander in Chief solemnly called upon Oct 30 , . . them for a direct and unconditional answer to his inquiry. *' The times," he observtd, *' and the importance of the great cause we are engaged in, allow no room for hesiiation and delay. When life, liberty and property are at stake ; when our country is in danger of being a melancholy scene of bloodshed and desolation ; when our towns are laid in ashes ; innocent women and children driven from their peaceful habitations, exposed to the rig- ours of an inclement season, to depend perhaps, on the hand of charity for support ; v\ hen calamities like these are staring us in the face, and a brutal enem.y tre threatening us, and every thing we hold dear, A\iih destruction from foreign troops ; it little becomes the character of a soloier to shrink from darger, and condition for new terms. It is the General's inten- tion to indulge both officers and soldiers, who com- pose the new army, with furloughs for a reasonable time ; but this must be done in such a manner as not to injure the service, or weaken the aimy too much at once." The troops were assured that clothes, on reason- able terms, were provided '* for those brave sol- S6 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. diers, who intended to continue in the army another year. With great difficuhy the arrangement of of- ficers was'completed, and recruitine; orders Nov. 12, , . ^ . ° were mimediately issued. Recruiting offi- cers were directed to "be careful not to inlist any person suspected of being unfriendly to the liberties of America, or any abandoned vagabond, to uhom all causes and countries are equal, and alike indifi'er- " ent. The rights of mankind, and the freedom of America would have numbers sufficient to support them, without resorting to such wretched assist- ance. Let tliose, who wish to put shackles up- on freemen, fill their ranks with, and place their confidence in such miscreants." To aid the cause, popular songs were composed and circulated through the camp, calculated to inspire the soldiery with the love of country, and to induce them to en- gage anew in the publick service. But unfortunately, the army at this time was badly supplied with cloth- ing, provisions and fuel, and the consequent suffer- ings of the soldiers, operating upon their strong de- sire to visit their homes, prevented their inlistment in the expected numbers. On the last day of De- cember, when the first term of service expired, only^ nine thousand six hundred and fifty men had inlist^ ed for the new army, and many of these were of " necessity permitted to be absent on furlough. It was found impossible to retain the old troops a sin- gle day after their times expired. General Wash- ington called upon the Governments of the reigh- bouring Provinces for detachments of militia to man his lines, and he was highly gratified by the prompt 1776.} LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 57 compliance with his demand. In a letter to Con- gress he writes, " The militia that are come in, both from this Province and New Hampshire, are very fine looking men, and go through their duty with great alacrity. The despatch made, both by the people in marching, and by the Legislative powers in com- plying with my XTquisition, has given me infinite satisfaction." In the space of time, between that of disbanding; the old army, and of an effective force from the new recruits, the lines were often in a defenceless state ; the enemy must have known the fact ; and no ade- quate reason can be assigned, why an attack was not made. Jan. 4 "It is not," says General Washing- i776i TON, in his communications to Congress, " in the pages of history to furnish a case like ours. To maintain a post, within musket shot of the ene- my, for six months together, without ammunition, and, at the same time, to disband one army and re- cruit another, within that distance of twenty odd British regiments, is more, probably, than ever was attempted. But if we succeed as well in the last, as we have heretofore in the first, I shall think it the most fortunate event of my whole life." To defend the American lines with an incompe- tent number of troops, with defective arms, and with- out an adequate supply of ammunition ; to disband one army and recruit another in the face of eio^ht thousand British soldiers, will be viewed as a hazard- ous measure, and will be supposed, with the organ- ization and discipline of the men, to have emplo"M I 58 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. |]1776. every active power of the General ; yet this did not satisfy his mind. He knew, that Congress, with solicitude contemplated more decisive measures, and that the country looked for events of gi eat- er magnitude. The publick was ignorant of his act- ual situation, and conceived his means for offensive operations, to be much greater, than in reality they were ; and from him expected the capture or expulsion of the British army in Boston. He felt the imnortance of securing the confidence of his countrymen by some brilliant action, and was fully sensible that his own reputation was liable to suffer, if he confined himself solely to measures of defence. To publish to his anxious country, in his vindication, the state of his army, would be to ac- quaint the enemy with his weakness, and to involve his destruction. The firmness and patriotism of General Wash- ington, were displayed in making the good of his country an object of higher consideration, than the applause of those, who were incapable of forming a correct opinion of the propriety of his measures. On this, and on many other occasions during the viar, he withstood the voice of the populace, rejected the entreaties of the sanguine, and refused to adopt the plans of the rash, that he might ultimately secure the great object of contention. While he resolutely rejected every measure, that iji his calm and deliberate judgment, he did not ap- prove, he daily pondered upon the practicability of a successful attack upon Boston. As a preparatory step, he took possession of Plowed Hill, Cobble 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 59 Hill and Lechmere's Point, and upon them erected fortifications. These posts brought him within half a mile of the enemy's works on Bunker's Hill ; and, by his artillery, he drove the British floating batteries from their stations in Charles's River. He erected floating batteries, to watch the movements of his enemy, and to aid in any offensive operations, that circumstances might warrant. He took the opinion of his General Officers a second time re- specting the meditated attack ; they again unani- mously gave their opinion in opposition to the meas- ure, and this opinion was immediately communicat- ed to Congress. Congress appeared still to favour the attempt, and, that an apprehension of danger to the town of Boston, might not have an undue influ- ence upon the operations of the army, had re- solved, in Dec. 1775, "That if Gen. Washing- ton and his Council of w ar should be of opinion, that a successful attack might be made on the troops in Boston, he should make it in any manner he might think expedient, notwithstanding the town, and property therein, might thereby be destroyed." General Howe had, in October succeeded Gen. Gage in the command of the British army, and through the winter confined himself to measures of defence. The inability of the American General to ac- complish the great object of the campaign, repeat- edly pointed out by Congress, w^as a source of ex- treme mortification ; but he indulged the hope of success in some military operations during the win- ter, that would correspond w ith the high expectar 60 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776, tions of his country, and procure him honour in his exalted station of Commander in Chief" of the Amer- ican armies. In his reply to the President of Con- Jax. 6, gress, on the reception of the resolution, 1776. authorizing an attack on the fortified posts in Boston, he observed, " The resolution relative to the troops in Boston, I beg the favour of you, Sir, to assure Congress, shall be attempted to tje put in ex- ecution the first moment I see a probability of suc- cess, and in such a way as a Council of officers shall think most likely to produce it ; but if this should not happen as soon as you may expect, or my wishes prompt to, I request that Congress will be pleased to revert to my situation, and do me the justice to believe that circumstances, and not want of in- clination, are the cause of delay. ^' Early in January, he accordingly summoned a Council of war, at which Mr. John Adams, then a Member of Congress, and Mr. James Warren, President of the Provincial Congress of Massachu- setts, were present ; in which it was resolved, *' That a vigorous attempt ought to be made on the ministerial troops in Boston, before they can be reinforced in the Spring, if the means can be pro- vided, and a favourable opportunity shall ofi'er." It was also advised, *' That thirteen regiments of mil- itia should be asked for, from Massachusetts and the neighbouring Colonies, in order to put them in a condition to make the attempt. The militia to as- semble the first of February, and to continue, if necessary, until the first of March." The reinforce- ments thus obtained, amounted to between four an4 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINCTOIC. 61 five thousand men ; but thus far the winter proved unusually mild, and the waters about Boston were not frozen. The General, in his official communi- cation to the National Legislature, says, " Congress in my last, would discover my motives for strength- ening these lines with the militia ; but whether, as the weather turns out exceeding mild, insomuch as to promise nothing favourable from ice, and there is no appearance of powder, 1 shall be able to at- tempt any thing decisive, time only can determine. No person on earth wishes more earnestly to destroy the nest in Boston than I do ; no person would be willing to go greater lengths than I shall to accom- plish it, if it shall be thought adviseable ; but if we have neither powder to bombard with, nor ice to pass on, we shall be in no better situation than we have been in all the year : We shall be worse, because their works are strons'er," While anxiously waiting to embrace any favour- able opportunity that might present to annoy the en- emy. General Washington seriously meditated upon the importance of establishing a permanent iarmy. His experience enabled him to anticipate the evils that must ensue at the expiration of the peri- od for which the present troops were engaged, and he bent the whole force of his mind to induce Con- gress seasonably to adopt measures to prevent them. In a letter to the President of Congress, dated Feb- ruary 9, he entered thus fully into the subject. " The disadvantages attending the limited inlist- jnent of troops, are too apparent to those W'ho are py^ witnesses of them, to render any animadversions 62 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. fl776. necessary ; but to gentlemen at a distance, whose attention is engrossed by a thousand important ob- jects, the case may be otherwise. '* That this cause precipitated the fate of the brave, and much to be lamented Gen. Montgomery > and brought on the defeat which followed thereujjon, I have not the most distant doubt : For, had he not been apprehensive of the troops leaving him at so im- portant a crisis, but continued the blockade of Que- beck, a capitulation, (from the best accounts I hav6 been able to collect) must inevitably have followed. And, that we were not at one time obliged to dispute these lines, under disadvantageous circumstances, (proceeding from the same cause, to w it, the troops disbanding themselves before the militia could be got in) is to me a matter of wonder and astonish- ment ; and proves that General Howe \\ as either un- acquainted with our situation, or restrained by his instructions from putting any thing to a hazard till his reinforcements should arrive. " The instance of General Montgomery, (I men- tion it because it is a striking one ; for a number of others might be adduced) proves, that instead of having men to take advantage of circumstances, you are in a manner compelled, right or w rong, to make circumstances yield to a secondary consideration. Since the first of December, I have been devising every means in my power to secure these encamp- ments ; and though I am sensible that we never have, since that period, been able to act upon the offensive, and at times not in a condition to defend, yet the cost of marching home one set of men, 1776.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 63 bringing in another, the havock and waste occasioned by the first, the repairs necessary for the second, with a thousand incidental charges and inconven- iences which have arisen, and which it is scarce pos- sible to recollect or describe, amount to near as much as the keeping up a respectable body of troops the whole time, ready for any emergency, would have done. To this may be added, that you never can have a well disciplined army. " To bring men well acquainted with the duties of a soldier, requires time. To bring them under proper discipline and subordination, not only re- quires time, but isa work of great difficulty ; and in this army, where there is solitde distinction between the officers and soldiers, requires an uncommon de- gree of attention. To expect then, the same service from raw and undisciplined recruits, as from veteran soldiers, is to expect what never did, and perhaps never will happen. Men who are familiarized to danger, meet it without shrinking ; whereas, those who have never seen service, often apprehend danger where no danger is. Three things prompt men to a regular discharge of their duty in time of action — - natural bravery, hope of reward, and fear of punish- ment. The two first are common to the untutored and the disciplined soldier ; but the latter most obviously distinguishes the one froni the other. A coward, when taught to believe, that if he break his ranks and abandon his colours, he will be punished ^ith death by his own party, will take his chance against the enemy ; but a man who thinks little of the one, 64 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [l776i and is fearful of the other, acts from present feelings, regardless of consequences. " Again, men of a day's standing will not look forward ; and, from experience we find, that as the time approaches for their discharge, they grow care- less of their arms, ammunition, camp utensils, &.C. Nay, even the barracks themselves, lay us under additional expense in providing for every fresh set, when we find it next to impossible to pro- cure such articles as are absolutely necessary in the first instance. To this may be added, the sea- soning which new^ recruits must have to a camp, and the loss consequent thereupon. But this is not all : Men, engaged for a short, limited time only, have the officers too much in their power : For to obtain a degree of popularity, in oider to induce a second inlistment, a kind of familiarity takes place, which brings on a relaxation of discipline, unlicensed fur- loughs, and other indulgences, incompatible with order and good government ; by which means, the latter part of the time for w hich the soldier was en- gaged, is spent in undoing, what you were aiming to inculcate in the first. " To go into an enumeration of all the evils we have experienced in this late great change of the army, and the expenses incidental to it — to say noth- ing of the hazard we have run, and must run, between the discharging of one army and the inlistment of an- other, unless an enormous expense of militia be in- curred— would greatly exceed the bounds of a letter. What I have already taken the liberty of saying, will serve to convey a general idea of the matter ; 1776.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 65 rind therefore I shall, with all due deference, take the liberty to give it as my opinion, that if the Congress have any reason to believe that there will be occa- sion for troops another year, and consequently of another inlistment, they would save money, and have infinitely better troops, if they were, even at a bounty of twenty, thirty, or more dollars, to engage the men already inlisted, till January next; and such others as may be wanted to complete the establish- ment, for, and during the war. I will not under, take to say, that the men can be had upon these terms ; but I am satisfied that it will never do to let the matter alone, as it was last year, till the time of service was near expiring. The hazard is too great in the first place ; in the next, the trouble and per- plexity of disbanding one army, and raising another at the same instant, and in such a critical situation as the last was, is scarcely in the power of words to describe, and such as no man, who has experienced it once, will ever undergo again." Unhappily, the reasons which first induced Congress to adopt the plan of short inlistmcnts, still had influence on that body, and on many of the gen- eral officers of the army ; nor were they convinced of their errour, but by the most distressing experience. ^ , , The ice now became sufficiently strongr, Feb. 14. J ^■> for General Washington to march his forces upon it, into Boston ; and he was himself in- clined to risk a general assault upon the British posts, although he had not povvder to make any extensive use of his artillery ; but his general of- ficers in Council voted against the attempt, with m 66 LIFE OF WASHINGTON". [1776, whose decision he reluctantly acquiesced. In his communication of their opinion to Congress, he ob- served, " Perhaps the irksomeness of my situation may have given different ideas to me, from those which influence the judgment of the gentlemen whom I consulted, and might have inclined me to put more to hazard than was consistent with pru- dence. If it had this effect, I am not sensible of it, as I endeavoured to give the subject all the consider- ation a matter of such importance required. True it is, and I cannot help acknowledging, that I have many disagreeable sensations on account of my situation ; for, to have the eyes of the whole continent fixed on me, with anxious expectation of hearing of some great event, and to be restrained in every military operation, for the w ant of the necessary means to carry it on, is not very pleasing ; especially, as the means used to conceal my weakness from the ene- my, conceal it also from my friends, and add to their wonder." By the last of February, the stock of powder was considerably increased, and the regular army a- mounted to 14,000 men, AAhich was reinforced by 6,000 of the militia of Massachusetts. General Washington now resolved to take possession of the Heights of Dorchester, in the prospect that this movement would bring on a general engagement with the enemy, under fa\'Ourable circumstances ; or, should this expectation fail, from tliis position he would be enabled to annoy the ships in the harbour, and the troops in the town. Possessing these heights, he might erect works upon the pointb of land nearest 1776.] LIFE ©F WASHINGTON. 67 to the southerly part of Boston, which would com- mand the harbour and a great part of the town, as well as the beach from which an embarkation must be made, in case the enemy was disposed to evacu- ate the place. To mask the design, a severe cannonade and bombardment were opened on the British works and lines, for several nights in succession. As soon as the firing began on the night of the 4ih of March, a strong detachment marched from Roxbury, over the neck, and, without discovery, took possession of the heights. General Ward, who commanded the division of the army in Roxbury, had, fortunately, provided fascines, before the resolution passed to fortify the place ; these were of great use, as the ground was deeply frozen ; and, in the course of the night, the party by great exertions erected works that defended them against the shot of the enemy. On the next morning, the British manifested sur^ prise and consternation at sight of the American fortifications, Mutual firings took place, but with little effect ; and the Americans laboured indefatiga- bly to complete their works. On the contingence of an attack upon Dorches- ter Heights, by a strong force, it had been resolved, that four thousand of the American troops, in boats, should cross Charles river, protected by three float- ing batteries, and attempt to carry the British posts in Boston, and open the communication by the neck to the American forces in Roxbury. Admiral Shuldham informed General Hov\e, that the Americans must be dislodged, or he could 68 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. not remain with his fleet in Boston harbour. In pursuance of this intimation, on the afternoon of the 5ih, a detachment consisting of three thousand men fell down to Castle Island, now Fort Independence, a position which would facilitate the attack on the next morning ; but a violent storm, during the night, deranged the plan, and before the British were again in readiness to make the attempt, the American works became too formidable to be as- saulted. General Washington, on this occasion, in- dulged a confident expectation of the success of his plans ; and wished the meditated attack upon Dor- chester to be made, in the sanguine hope, that the complete conquest of the British troops in Boston would be its ultimate effect; but the storm frus- trated his prospects. The safety of the British fleet and army, ren- dered the evacuation of Boston a necessary meas- ure ; and the arrangements of the enemy for this purpose, were soon communicated to Gen. Wash- ington. A paper, under the signature of four of the Selectmen, was sent out by a flag, containing a proposal, purporting to be made by General Howe, that on condition his army was permitted to embark without molestation, the town should be left without injury. The letter was directed to the Commander in Chief, but it did not bear the signature of Gene- ral Howe, nor bind him to the observance of the condition. General Washington did not, there- fore, officially notice it ; but he directed the Ameri- can officer, to whom it was delivered, to return an 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 69 answer to the Selectmen, informing them that their letter had been communicated to his General, and as- signing the reasons why it had not been officially noticed ; but both the commanders appear to have tacitly complied with the conditions. The British army was not annoyed in the preparations to leave their post, nor was Nook's point fortified. On the 17th, the town was evacuated, and left in a better state than was expected ; the houses were not dam- aged in any great degree ; but the British left few publick stores of value. Although Halifax was mentioned, as the destin- ed place of the British armament, yet GeneralWASH- INGTON apprehended that New York was their object : On this supposition, he detached several brigades of his army to that city, before the evacua- tion of Boston. General Howe remained a number of days in Nantasket Road, and the Commander in Chief, when he entered Boston, as a measure of security, fortified Fort Hill. The issue of the campaign was highly gratifying to all classes ; and the gratulations of his fellow cit- izens upon the repossession of the metropolis of Massachusetts, was more pleasing to the Commander in Chief than would have been the honours of a triumph. Congress, to express the publick appro- bation of the military achievements of their General, resolved, "That the thanks of Congress, in their own name, and in the name of the thirteen United Colo- nies, be presented to his Excellency General Wash- ington, and the officers and soldiers under his 70 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. command, for their wise and spirited conduct in the siege and acquisition of Boston ; and that a medal of gold be struck, in commemoration of this great event, and presented to his Excellency." In his letter, informing Congress that he had ex- ecuted their order, and communicatea to the army the vote of thanks, he observes, " They were indeed, at fiist, a band of undisciplined husbandmen, but it is, under God, to their bravery and attention to their duty, that I am indebted for that success which has procured me the only reward 1 wish to receive, the affection and esteem of my countrymen." 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 71 CHAPTER III. General WASHiNCf on marches the Army to JVew York....Forti' Jications of the City and River. ...Independence declared General Hotve lands o?i Staten Island. ...Intemiew between General Washington and Colonel Patterson. ...State of the British and American Forces. ...Camp at Brooklyn. ...Battle en Long Island. ...Retreat from it. ...The City and Island of JVew York evacuated. ...3fana:in>res at White Plains. ...Fort Washington taken. ...General Howe invades JVew Jersey.... Depression of the Atnericans... .General Was hincTon in- vested with new Powers.. ..Success at Trenton., and at Princeton..., JVew Jersey recovered. 1776. x\S soon as the necessary arrangements were made in Boston, in the persuasion that the Hudson would be the scene of the next campaign, General Washington marched the main body of his army to New York, where he arrived himself the 14th of April. The situation of New York was highly favourable for an invading army, supported by a superior naval force. The Sound, the North and East rivers, open- ed a direct access to any point on Long Island, York Island, or on the continent bordering upon these waters. To the effectual defence of the city, the passage up the rivers must be obstructed by forts and other impediments ; and an army was nee- 72 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. fessary, of force sufficient to man the posts and lines of defence, and to meet the invviding foe in the field. Aware of these facts, General Washington doubt- ed the practicability of a successful defence of New York. But the importance of the place, and the diffi- culty which he had already experienced in dislodging an army from a fortified town, open to the protec- tion and supplies of a fleet, inclined him to make the attempt. His own disposition to the measure was strengthened by the wishes of Congress, the opinion of his general officers, and by the expectation of his country. The resolution being formed, he called into action, all the resources in his power, to effect it. His first care was to put an end to the intercourse, which to this time had been con- tinned, between the town and the British ships in the harbour, by which they were supplied with every necessary ; and Tryon, the British Govern- our, enjoyed the most favourable opportunity to concert his plans with the numerous disaffected in- habitants of the city and its vicinity ; and by the aid of the Committee of Safety, this dangerous commu- nication was effectually stopped. The General, with unremitted diligence, pushed on his works of de- fence. Hulks were sunk in the North and East riv- ers ; forts were erected on the most commanding situations on their banks ; and works were flung up to defend the narrow passage between Long and York Islands. The passes in the High Lands, bordering on the Hudson, became -an object of early and solicitous attention. The command of this river was equally 1776.] i^iFE OF Washington. 73 important to the American and the British General. By its possession, the Americans easily conveyed supplies of provision and ammunition to the north- ern army, and secured an intercourse between the southern and northern colonies, an intercourse es- sential to the success of the war. In the hands of the British, this necessary communication was inter- rupted, and an intercourse between the Atlantic and Canada was opened to them. General Washing- ton ordered these passes to be fortified, and made their security an object of primary importance, through every period of his command. In these defensive preparations, the American army incessantly laboured until Lord and General Howe arrived at Sandy Hook with the British fleet and army. In the near prospect of active warfare, the mind of the Commander in Chief was agitated by innumerable embarrassments. He found himself destitute of the means to give his country the protec- tion it expected from him ; the Colonies had not fill- ed up their respective regiments ; his force had been weakened by large detachments sent to reinforce the army in Canada ; he was greatly deficient in arms, tents, clothing, and all military stores ; and notwith- standing his urgent entreaties on this subject, such was the destitute state of America, that Congress with all their exertions were unable to supply him. Two thousand men in camp, w^re at this time with- out arms ; and no confidence could be placed in many of the muskets, which were in the hands of the soldiery. In this weak and deficient condition. 74 LIFE OF WASHINGTON* fl776. General Washington was to oppose a powerful and well appointed army, and to guard against the intrigues of those in New York and its neighbour- hood, who were disaffected to the American cause : These were numerous, influential and enterprising. A plan was laid by Governour Try on, through the agency of the Mayor of the city, to aid the enemy in landing, and to seize the person of General Wash- ington. The defection reached the American ar- my, and even some of the General's guard engaged in the conspiracy ; but it was seasonably discov- ^ ered, and a number of those concerned in it were executed. The permanent troops being found incompetent to defend the country, it became necessary to call de- tachments of the militia into the field ; and Congress, placing implicit confidence in the judgment and patriotism of their General, invested him with dis- cretionary powers, to call on the go^'ernments of the neighbouring Colonies, for such numbers as circum- stances should require ; and they empowered him to form those magazines of military stores, which he might deem to be necessary. In pursuance of the measure recommended by Congress, a requisi- tion was made for thirteen thousand and eight hun- dred of the militia from Massachusetts, Connecti- cut, New York and New Jersey. While these defensive preparations were going forward in the camp, Congress was ripening meas- ures to declare the Colonies independent of Great Britain. The free exercise of their constitutional 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 75 rights was the extent of the American claim at the commencement of the controversy, and a reconcilia- tion with the parent state, by a redress of grievan- ces, was the ardent desire of the great body of the American people ; but the operations of war pro- duced other feelings and views : A general aliena- tion of affection from the British government took place, and it was thought, that the mutual confi- dence of the two countries could never be restored. In the common apprehension, it became an absurdi- ty, that one country should maintain authority over another, distant from it three thousand miles : The restrictions of Great Britain upon the Colonial trade, in the course of investigation, appeared as a heavy burden, and the commerce of the world was viewed as a high reward of independence : Common sense dictated, that the ability successfully to contend for the liberty formerly enjoyed as British Colonies, strenuously exerted, would secure to the country the more honourable and permanent blessings of an independent and sovereign nation. The declaration of independence was supposed to be the most effect- ual means to secure the aid of foreign powers ; be- cause the great kingdoms of Europe would be dis- posed to assist the efforts of the Colonies to establish an independent government, although they would not interfere with their struggles to regain the liberties of British subjects. By reasonings of this nature, the minds of the American people were ripened to renounce their allegiance to Britain, and to assume a place among independent nations ; and the repre- 76 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1776. sentatives of most of the Colonies, were instructed to support in Congress measures for this important purpose. Early in June, the following resolution was mov- ed in Congress by Richard Henry Lee, and second- ed by John Adams, " Resolved that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and in- dependent States ; and that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved." This resolution was solemnly debated for several days, and finally passed Congress, in the affirmative, by the ' unanimous suffrage of its members. The duties of the field, precluded General Washington from a primary agency in this impor- tant, national measure ; but it met his full approba- tion. On the reception of the instrument, he wrote as follows to the President of Congress. " I perceive that Congress have been employed in deliberating on measures of the most important nature. It is certain that it is not with us to deter- mine in many instances, what consequences will flow from our counsels ; but yet it behoves us to adopt such, as, under the smiles of a. gracious and all kind Providence, will be most likely to promote our happiness. I trust the late decisive part they have taken, is calculated for that end, and will se- cure us that freedom, and those privileges, which have been, and are, refused us, contrary to the voice of nature, and the British Constitution. Agreeable to the request of Congress, I caused T/ie Declara- don to be proclaimed before all the army, under my 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 77 immediate command ; and have the pleasure to in- form them, that the measure seemed to have their most hearty consent ; the expressions and behaviour of both officers and men, testifying their warmest approbation of it." General Howe had sailed from Halifax in June, and early in July landed his army, without serious opposition, on Staten Island ; and on the twelfth of that month, he was joined by Lord Howe, with the reinforcements for the army. Lord Howe had been appointed to command the naval force on the American station ; and he and the General were in- vested with the powers of Commissioners to treat with individuals, and with corporate bodies in the Colonies, upon terms of reconciliation with Britain. Although independence was already declared, yet they were anxious to commence negotiation ; and though unwilling to recognize the official capacity of Congress, or of General Washington, yet they desired to open with them a correspondence. His Lordship sent a letter by a flag, directed to " George Washington, Esq." This the General refused to receive, as " it did not acknowledge the publick character, with which he was invested by Congress, and in no other character could he have any inter- course with his Lordship." Congress, by a formal resolution, approved the dignified conduct of their General, and directed, "That no letter or message be received on any occasion whatever from the enemy, Ly the Commander in Chief, or others, the Com- manders of the American army, but such as shall be directed to them in the character they respectively sustain." 78 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. An intercourse between the British commander, and General Washington, was greatly desired for political reasons, as well as for purposes grow- ing out of the war. Not yet disposed to adopt his military address, they sent Colonel Patterson, Ad- jutant General of the British army, to the Ameri- can head quarters, with a letter directed to " George Washington, &c. he. &c." When the Colonel was introduced to the General, he addressed him by the title of Excellency, and said, " that General Howe greatly regretted the difficulty that had arisen respecting the address of the letter ; that the man- ner of direction had been common with Ambassa- dours and Plenipotentiaries, in cases of dispute about rank and precedency ; that General Washington had himself, the last year, directed a letter in the following manner, "The Hon. William Howe ;'* that Lord and General Howe held his person and character in the highest respect, and did not mean to derogate from his rank ; and, that the et ceteras implied every thing which ought to follow." He then laid the letter which had been before sent, on the table. The General, declining its reception, observed, " that a letter, directed to a publick character, should have an address descriptive of that character, or it might be considered as a private letter. It was true that the et ceteras implied every thing, they also implied any thing. The letter alluded to, v/as in answer to one received from General Howe, under the like address, which being received by the officer on duty, he did not think proper to return ; 1776,] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 79 and therefore answered in the same mode of address ; and tliat he should absolutely decline any letter re- lating to his publick station, directed to him as a private person." Colonel Patterson then said, that General Howe would not urge his delicacy farther, and repeated his assertion, that no failure of respect was intended. Some general conversation then passed, respecting the treatment of prisoners, when the Colonel pro- ceeded to observe, that the goodness of the King had induced him to appoint Lord and General Howe his commissioners, to accommodate the dispute that had unhappily arisen ; that their powers were very extensive, and they would be highly gratified in effecting the accommodation ; and he wished his visit might be considered as the introduction to ne- gotiation. GcTieral Washington replied, that Congress had not invested him with powers to negotiate ; but he would observe, that from what had transpired, it appeared that Lord and General Howe were only empowered to grant pardons : That they who had committed no faults, wanted no pardon ; and that the Americans were only defending what they thought their indubitable rights. Colonel Patter- son rejoined, that this would open a wide field of ar- gument, and after expressing his fears, that an ad- herence to forms might obstruct business of the greatest moment, took his leave. The highest courtesy was observed in this conference : The ad- dress of Colonel Patterson was manly and polished ; the American General fully supported the dignity of so LITE OF WASHINGTOjr. [1776» his character and station ; and the scene was highly interesting to spectators. The Commander in Chief expected no salutary consequences to result from the agency of the Brit- ish commissioners. He apprehended, that their at- tempts at negotiation were calculated only to divide and weaken the continent ; and he feared, that their measures would operate to relax the exertions of the United States to meet the conflicts of the field. In a private letter to a confidential friend, as early as May, he lamented the effects of this nature, which had actually been produced. " Many members of Congress," he wrote, " in short the representatives of whole provinces, are still feeding themselves on the dainty food of reconciliation ; and although they will not allow that the expectation of it has any in- fluence on their judgments, so far as respects pre- parations for defence, it is but too obvious that it has an operation upon every part of their conduct, and is a clog upon all their proceedings. It is not in the nature of things to be otherw ise ; for no man who entertains a hope of seeing this dispute speedily and equitably adjusted by commissioners, will go to the same expense, and incur the same hazards, to pre- pare for the worst event, that he will who believes that he must conquer or submit unconditionally, and take the consequences, such as confiscation and hanging." General Howe commanded a force of * ' twenty four thousand men, u ell disciplin- ed, and abundantly supplied with every thing ne- cessary to take the field j he daily expected to be i776.] Ll^E OF WASHINGTON. 81 i-einforccd by a second detachment of Geimaft troops ; and he was supported by a fleet judiciously fitted to its destined service. To oppose this form= idable enemy, General Washington had under his direction seventeen thousand two hundred and twenty five men ; of these three thousand six hun- dred and sixty eight were in the hospitah His ef- fective force was disposed in New York, on Long and Governour's Islands, and at Paulus Hook ; and he informed Congress, that in case of an attack, he could promise himself only the addition of one small battalion. Some of the posts occupied by the army were fifteen miles distant from others, and navigable waters intervened. " These things," observed the General, " are melancholy, but they are neverthe- less true. I hope for better. Under every disad- vantage, my utmost exertions shall be employed, to bring about the great end we have in view ; and so far as I can judge from the professions and appar- ent disposition of mytroopsy I shall have their sup- port; The superiority of the enemy, and the ex- pected attack do not seem to have depressed their spirits. These considerations lead me to think, that though the appeal may not terminate so happily as I could wish, yet the enemy will not succeed in their views without considerable loss. Any advantage they may gain, will, I trust, cost them dear." Before serious hostilities commenced, the Amer- ican army was reinforced by several regiments of permanent troops, and by detachments of militiaj which made the whole number amount to twenty eeven thousand ; but the men were not accustomed u 82 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. to the life of the camp ; they were much exposed from the want of tents, and one quarter of the whole army were taken from duty by sickness. While waiting the tardy movements of the en- emy, General Washington, apprised of the im- pressions that would be made by the event of the first encounter, exerted himself to the utmost to bring his inexperienced troops under subordination, and to excite in them military ardour, without which he could have no hope of successful warfare. In general orders, he called upon officers to be cool in action, and upon the soldiery to be obedient to or- der^, and to be firm and courageous. He directed, that any soldier, who deserted his ranks in time of batde, should be immediately shot down. He de- sired commanders -of corps to report to him every instance of distinguished bravery in the soldiery, with promise of honourary reward. He endeavour- ed, by the love of liberty, of country and of posterity, to animate his army to do their duty. I " The time," he observed, "is now at hand, which must proba- bly determine whether Americans are to be free m.en or slaves ; whether they are to have any proper- ty they can call their own; whether their houses and farms are to be pillaged and destroyed, and themselves consigned to a state of wretchedness, from which no human efforts will deliver them. The fate of unborn millions will now depend, under God, on the courage and conduct of this army. Our cruel and unrelenting enemy leaves us only the choice of a brave resistance, or the most abject sub- mission. We have to resolve to conquer, or to die. 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ^5 Our own, our country's honour call upon us for a vigorous and manly exertion ; and if we now shame-, fully fail, we shall become infamous to the whole world. Let us then rely on the goodness of our cause, and on the aid of the Supreme Being, in whose hand victory is, to animate and encourage us to great and noble actions. The eyes of all our countrymen are now upon us, and we shall have their blessing and praises, if happily wc are the in- struments of saving them from the tyranny meditat- ed against them. Let us therefore animate and en- courage each other, and show the whole world, that a freeman, contending for liberty on his own ground, is superiour to any slavish mercenary on earth."] In the communication to his army of ' the success of the Americans at Fort Moultrie near Charleston, he thus laboured to ex- cite them to emulate the bravery of their country- men in South Carolina. " This glorious example of our troops, under the like circumstances with ourselves, the General hopes, will animate every officer and soldier to imi- tate, and even to out do them, when the enemy shall make the same attempt on us. With such a bright example before us, of what can be done by brave men, fighting in defence of their country, we shall be loaded with a double share of shame and infamy, if we do not acquit ourseh^es with courage, and manifest a determined resolution to conquer or die. With the hope and confidence that this army will have an equal share of honour and success, the Gen- eral most earnestly exhorts every officer and soldier §4 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. to pay the utmost attention to his arms and health ; to have the former in the best order for action, and by cleanliness and care to preserve the latter ; to be exact in their discipline, obedient to their superi- ours, and vigilant on duty. With such prepara- tions, and a suitable spirit, there can be no doubt but, by the blessing of heaven, we shall repel our cruel invaders, preserve our country, and gain the greatest honour." In the immediate view of the arduous conflict, the General once more endeavoured to inspire his army with the heroism necessary successfully to sustain it. " The enemy's whole reinforcement is now ar- rived," said he, •* so that an attack must, and soon will be made. The General therefore again Repeats his earnest request, that every officer and soldier will have his arms and ammunition in good order ; keep within his quarters and encampment, as much as possible ; be ready for action at a moment's call ; and when called to it, remember, that liberty, pro- perty, life and honour are all at stake ; that upon their courage and conduct, rest the hopes of their bleed- ing and insulted country ; that their wives, children and parents expect safety from them alone ; and that we have every reason to believe that heaven will crown with success so just a cause. " The enemy will endeavour to intimidate by show and appearance ; but remember, they have been repulsed on various occasions, by a few brave Americans. Their cause is bad ; their men are con- scious of it ; and if opposed with firmness and cppl- 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 85 ness on their first onset, with our advantage of works, and knowledge of the ground, the victory most assuredly is ours. Every good soldier will be silent and attentive, wait for orders, and reserve his fire until he is sure of doing execution ; of this the officers are to be particularly careful." The possession of Long Island is essential to the defence of New York. It had been determined in a Council of war, to fortify a camp at Brooklyn, fronting: New York ; and stretching across that end Qf Long Island, from East river to Gowan's cove. The rear of this encampment was defended by bat- teries on Red Hook and Governour's Island, and by works on East River, which secured the commu- nication with the city. In front of the encampment, ran n range of hills from east to west across the island. These were covered with wood, and were steep, but could any where be ascended by infantry. Over this range were three passes, leading by three roads, to Brooklyn ferry. A strong detachment of the American army was posted on Long Island, under the command of Gen- eral Green, who made himself intimately acquainted with the passes on the hills ; but unfortunately be- coming sick, General Sullivan succeeded him in this command only a few days before active opera- tions commenced. The main body of the Ameri- can army remained on York Island. A flying camp, composed of militia, was formed at Amboy, to pre- vent the depredations of the enemy in New Jersey ; ^nd a force was stationed near New Rochelle, and at 86 LIFE or WASHINGTON. [1776. East and West Chester on the Sound, to check the progress of the enemy, should they attempt to land above King's bridge, and inclose the Americans on York Island. The head quarters of General Wash- ington were in the city, but he was daily over at Brooklyn to inspect the state of that camp, and to make the best arrangements circumstances would admit. *" An immediate attack being expected on Long Island, General Sullivan was remforced, and directed carefully to watch the passes. On the 26th the main body of the British troops, with a large detachment of Germans, landed under cover of the ships, on the south western extremity of Long Island. A regiment of militia stationed on the coast, retreated before them to the heights, A large reinforcement was sent to the camp at Brooklyn, and the command of the post given to General Putnam, who was particularly charged to guard the woods, and to hold himself constantly pre- pared to meet the assault of the enemy. On the same day, the British, in three divisions, took post upon the south skirt of the wood ; Gen- eral Grant upon their left, near the coast ; the Ger- man General de Heister in the centre at Flatbush ; and General Clinton upon their right at Flatland. The range of hills only now separated the two armies, and the different posts of the British were distant from the American camp, from* four to six miles. Upon their left, a road to Brooklyn lay along the coast by Gowan's cove, before General Grant's di- vision. From Flatbush a direct road ran to the A- 1776.] lilFE br WASHINGTON. 87 merican camp, in which the Germans might pro- ceed. General CHnton might either unite with the Germans, or take a more eastern route, and fall into the Jamaica road by the way of Bedford. These three roads unite near Brooklyn. On the pass at Flatbush, the Americans had fiung up a small re- doubt, mounted it with artillery, and manned it with a body of troops. Major General Sullivan con- tinued to command on the heights. In the evening, General Clinton, with- • out beat of drum, marched with the in- fantry of his division, a party of light horse, and fourteen field pieces, to gain the defile on the Jamai- ca road. A few hours before day, he surprised an American party stationed here to give the alarm of an approaching enemy, and undiscovered, seized the pass. At day light he passed the heights, and descended into the plain on the side of Brooklyn. Early in the morning. General de Heister, at Flat- bush, and General Grant upon the west coast, open- ed a cannonade upon the American troops, and be- gan to ascend the hill ; but they moved very slowly, as their object was to draw the attention of the A- mcrican commander from his left, and give Gene- ral Clinton opportunity to gain the rear of the Amer. ican troops stationed on the heights. General Put- nam, in the apprehension that the serious attack would be made by de Heister and Grant, sent de- tachments to reinforce General Sullivan and Lord. Sterling at the defiles, through v, hich those divisions of the enemy were approaching. V/hen General Clinton had passed the left flank of the Americans, ^9 LIFE OF Washington. [1776^ about eight o'clock in the morning of the 27th, de Heister and Grant vigorously ascended the hill ; the troops which opposed them, bravely maintained their ground, until they learned their perilous situation from the British columns, which were gaining their rear. As soon as the American left discovered the progress of General Clinton, they attempted to re- turn to the camp at Brooklyn ; but their flight was stopped by the front of the British column. In the mean time, the Germans pushed forward from Flat- bush, and the troops in the American centre, under the immediate command of General Sullivan, hav- ing also discovered, that their flank was turned, and that the enemy was gaining their rear, in haste re- treated towards Brooklyn. Clinton's columns con- tinuing to advance, intercepted them, they were at-i tacked in front and rear, and alternately driven by the British on the Germans, and by the Germans on the British. Desperate as their situation was, some regiments broke through the enemy's lines^ and regained the fortified camp ; but most of the detachments upon the American left and centre were either killed or taken prisoners. The detachment, on the American right, under Lord Sterling, behaved well, and maintained a se-^ vere conflict with General Grant for six hours, un- til the van of General Clinton's division, having crossed the whole island, gained their rear. , Lord Sterling perceived his danger, and found, that his troops could be saved only by an immediate retreat over a creek near the cove. He gave orders to this 1776.] LIFE OF WASHlNGTOi^* §9 purpose ; and, to facilitate their execution, he in person attacked Lord Cornvvallis, who, by this time having gained the coast, had posted a small corps in an house, just above the place where the Ameri- can troops must pass the creek. The attack was bravel}' made with four hundred men, who, in the opinion of their commander, were upon the point, of dislodging Cornwallis ; but his Lordship being reinforced from his own column, and General Grant attacking Lord Sterling in the rear, this brave band was overpowered by numbers, and those who sur- vived were impelled to surrender themselves prison- ers of war ; but this spirited assault gave opportu- nity for a large proportion of the detachment to escape. The loss of the Americans on this occasion, for the number engaged, was great ; General Wash- in g ton stated it at a thousand men ; but his re- turns probably included only the regular regiments. General HowCj in an official letter, made the prison- ers to amount to one thousand and ninety seven. Among these were Major General Sullivan, and Brigadier Generals Sterling and Woodhul. The amount of the killed was never with precision as^ certained. Numbers were supposed to have been drowned in the creek, and some to have perished in the mud on the marsh. The British loss acknowl- edged by General Howe, was twenty one officers, and three hundred and forty six privates killed^ woufided, and taken. General Washington passed over to Brook- lyn in the heat of the action ; but unable to rescue N 90 * LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. his men from their perilous situation, was constrain- ed to be the inactive spectator of the slaughter of his best troops. At the close of the day, the British approached in front of the American works, and it has been said, that the troops, in their ardour, exhibited a strong inclination to storm the lines ; but General Howe, remembering Bunker Hill, prudently restrained them from the assault. Determining to carry the American works by regular approaches, the British commander broke ground, on the night of the 28th, within six hun- dred yards of a redoubt. General Washington was fully sensible of the danger that awaited him. The success of the ene- my by regular approaches was certain. His troops were without tents, and had already suffered ex- tremely by heavy rains. The movements of tlie British fleet indicated an intention to force a passage into the East river, and cut off the retreat of the troops to the city. Should they accomplish this, the situation of the army on Long Island would be desperate. An immediate retreat to the city was therefore thought expedient. The measure was happily accomplished, on the night of the 29th, with all the stores, and military apparatus, ex- cept a few pieces of heavy artillery, which the soft- ness of the ground rendered it impossible to move. This important retreat was made with so much silence and address, that the enemy did not perceive it, altliough so near, that the noise of their intrench- ing tools was distinctly heard by the Americans. 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 91 A heavy fog hung over Long Island until late in the morning of the 30th, which hid the movements of the American army from General Howe. When it cleared, the rear guard was seen crossing East river, out of reach of the British fire. The General in person inspected the details of this critical retreat ; and for the forty eight hours, which preceded its completion, in his own language, he was "hardly off his horse, and never closed his eyes." He did not leave the island, before the co\ering party inarched from the lines. The attempt to defend Long Island has by ma- ny been considered, as an errour in the military op- erations of the American General. But before his judgment, in this instance, is condemned, the rea- sons which led to it ought to be weighed. Its pos- session was highly important to either army ; its sit- uation rendered its defence, in a good degree, proba- ble ; the range of hills was favourable to the obstruc- tion of an invading enemy ; and a fortified camp in the rear opening a communication with the city, and supported by batteries on Governour's Island and the East river, rendered a retreat practicable, v/hen circumstances should make it necessary. There was then a fair prospect of defending the isl- and ; at least of detaining the enemy so long in the effort to gain possession of it, as to waste the cam- paign in the contention. The disastrous conse- quences of this measure, are not to be attributed to any defect in the original plan, but to the neglect of the commanding officer on the island in guard- ing the pass on the road from Jamaica to Bedford. 92 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1776. Unfortunately this officer was changed at the time, when hostilities were about to commence ; and the General, who directed the disposition of the troops on the day of the action, was imperfectly acquainted with the passes in the mountains. General Wash- ington, by written instructions, directed this offi- cer " Particularly to guard the defiles in the woods, and to render the approach of the enemy through them as difficult as possible." This order was not fully executed. It appears, that General Sullivan was not apprised of the march of the British de- tachment from Flatbush to Flatland, on the evening of the 26th, and a guard on the Jamaica road did not seasonably discover the approach of the enemy to give information. General Howe, in his official let- ter, mentioned, that an American patroling party was taken on this road ; and General W a shington in a letter to a friend wrote, " This misfortune hap- pened in a great measure, by two detachments of our people, who were posted in two roads leading through a wood to intercept the enemy in their march, suffer- ing a surprise, and making a precipitate retreat." It should also be recollected, that the plans of the Commander in Chief, were laid in the expecta- tion of a much larger force, than in event he real- ized. The regiments were not completed ; and he was absolutely destitute of cavalry. There W'as not a single company of horse on Long Island to watch the motions of the enemy,and give information of their movements. This furnishes some apology for the ignorance of the commanding officer, res- pecting the manoeuvre of the enemy. 1776.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 93 The defeat of the 27th made a most unfavoura- ble impression upon the army. A great proportion of the troops lost their confidence in their officers, and in themselves. Before this unfortunate event, they met the enemy in the spirit of freemen, fight- ing for their highest interests, and under the persua- sion, that their thorough use of arms, rendered them equal to the disciplined battalions which they were to oppose. But, on this occasion, by evolutions, which they did not comprehend, they found them- selves encompassed vvith difficulties, from which their utmost exertions could not extricate, and in- volved in dangers, from which their bravery could not deliver them ; and entertaining an high opin- ion of the adroitness of the enemy, in every move- ment, they apprehended a fatal snare. These melancholy facts were thus narrated by General Washington, in his letter to Congress. *' Our situation is truly distressing. The check our detachment sustained on the 27th ultimo, has dispirited too great a proportion of our troops, and filled their minds with apprehension and despair. The militia, instead of calling forth their utmost effiDrts to a brave and manly opposition, in order to repair our losses, are dismayed, intractable and im- patient to return. Great numbers of them have gone of.... in some instances, almost by whole regi- ments, by half ones, and by companies at a time. This circumstance, of itself, independent of others, when fronted by a well appointed enemy, superiour in number to our whole collected force, would be sufficiently disagreeable : But when their example S>i LIFE or WASHINGTON. []1776^. has infected another part of the army ; when their want of discipline, and refusal of almost every kind of restraint and government, have produced a like conduct, but too common to the whole, and an en- tire disregard of that order and subordination neces- sary to the well doing of an army, and which had been inculcated before, as well as the nature of our military establishment would admit of, our condi- tion is still more alarming ; and with the deepest concern I am obliged to confess my want of confi- dence in the generafity of the troops." The British General being in possession of Long Island, prepared to attack New York. The body of the fleet lay at anchor near Governour's Isl- and ; but particular ships passed up the East river, without sustaining injury from the American bat- teries ; others, sailing round Long Island into the Sound, passed up to the higher part of York Island. By these movements, the situation of the American army became critical. It was uncertain whether the attack would be made upon the lines, or, whether General Howe would land his troops above King's bridge, and inclose the Americans. To guard a- gainst the danger which threatened him, the Com- mander in Chief ordered the stores, that were not of present necessity, to be removed above King's bridge, and assembled a Council to deter- • mine upon the expediency of retreating from the city. The majority of his general officers voted against the immediate evacuation of New York. The plan recommended was to station the army in the best manner, to defend the points men- 1776.] LIFI OF WASHINGTON. 95 aced with attack, that the enemy might waste the residue of the season in the struggle to possess the island. The belief that Congress desired that New York should be maintained to extremity, probably had influence on this Council. In communicating the adopted plan to that body, General Washing- ton clearly indicated an opinion, that an immedi- ate evacuation of New York was expedient. Speak- ing of the enemy, he observed, ** It is now extremely obvious, from all intelli- gence, from their movements, and every other cir- cumstance, that leaving landed their Vvhole army on Long Island, (except about four thousand on Staten Island) they mean to inclose us on the Island of New York, by taking post in our rear, while the shipping effectually secure the front ; and thus, either by cutting off our communication with the country, oblige us to fight them on their own terms, or surrender at discretion, or, by a brilliant stroke, endeavour to cut this army in pieces, and secure the collection of arms and stores, which they well know we shall not be able soon to replace. *' Having, therefore, their system unfolded to us, it became an important consideration, how it would be most successfully opposed. On every side there is a choice of difiiculties ; and every measure, on our part (however painful the reflection be from ex- perience) to be formed with some apprehension that all our troops will not do their duty. In deliberating on this great question, it was impossible to forget, that history, our own experience, the advice of our ablest friends in Europe, the fears of the enemy, and 96 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1*776* even the declarations of Congress, demonstrate, that on our side, the war should be defensive.... (it has ever been called a war of posts).... that we. should on all occasions avoid a general action, nor put any thing to the risk, unless compelled by a necessity into which we ought never to be drawn. *' It was concluded to arrange the army under three divisions ; five thousand to remain for the defence of the city ; nine thousand to King's bridge and its dependences, as well to possess and secure those posts, as to be ready to attack the enemy who are moving eastward on Long Island, if they should attempt to land on this side ; the remainder to occu- py the intermediate space, and support either ; that the sick should be immediately removed to Orange- town, and barracks prepared at King's bridge with all possible expedition to cover the troops. " There were some general officers, in whose judgment and opinion, much confidence is to be reposed, that were for a total and immediate remov- al from the city, urging the great danger of one part, of the army being cut off before the other can sup. port it, the extremities being at least sixteen miles apart ; that our army, when collected, is inferiour to the enemy ; that they can move with their whole force to any point of attack, and consequently must succeed by weight of numbers, if they have only a part to oppose them ; that, by removing from hence, we deprive the enemy of the advantage of their ships, which will make at least one half of the force to at- tack the town ; that we should keep the enemy at bay, put wothing to the hazard, but at all events. 1776J LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 97 keep the army together, which may be recruited another year ; that the unspent stores will also be preserved ; and, in this case, tlic heavy artillery can also be secured." In the full expectation that a retreat from York. Island would soon become necessary, the General assiduously continued tlie removal of the stores and heavy baggage to a place of safety. The General officers became alarmed * at the danger of the army, and, in a second Council, determined to remove it from New York. On the fourteenth, several ships passed up thfCTO>r, finding his troops un- fitted for action, relinquished, from necessity, the immediate intention of a battle, and continued his retreat through the day, and most of the night, a- midst a cold and tempestuous rain, and in very deep roads. On a full discovery of the extent of the damage to the arms and ammunition, the General ascended the Schuylkill, and crossed it at Warwick furnace, to obtain a fresh supply of ammunition, and to refit or replace the defective muskets. He still resolved to risk a general engagement, for the safety of the capital. He recrossed the Schuyl- ^^^" • kill at Parker's ferry, and encamped east of that river, on both sides of Parky omy creek, and detachments were posted at the difierent fords, at which the enemy might attempt to force a passage. As the British army approached the river, General Washington posted his army in their front; but, instead of forcing a passage, Sir William moved w 154 LITE or WASHINGTON. [177T. rapidly up the road towards Reading. The Ameri- can Commander, bupposing that his object was to destroy the military stores at that place, and to turn the right flank of the American army, marched up the river to Pottsgrove, leaving the lov^ er road to the city open to his antagonist. Sir William Howe availed himself of the opportunity, and on the 26th, entered Philadelphia in triumph. General Washing ton had seasonably taken the precaution to remove-the publick stores from the city, and to secure for the use of the army, those articles of merchandize, w hich their wants rendered of prima- ry necessity. Colonel Hamilton, then one of General Washington's aids, luid been sent into the city on this important business. By his instructions he was directed to proceed in his requisitions upon the stores and shops of Philadelphia cautiously but ef- fectually. " Your own prudence will point out the least exceptionable means to be pursued, but remem- ber delicacy, and a strict adherence to the ordinary mode of application, must give place to our necessi- ties. We must, if possible, accommodate the sol- diers with such articles as they stand in need of; or we shall have just reason to apprehend the most in- jurious and alarming consequences from the ap- proaching season." From the landing of the British army at the head of the Elk, on the 25th of August, to the 26ih of September, when they entered Philadelphia, the American troops had encountered a continued series of active operations, and the duty of the General was complicated and arduous. During this time, the 1777.] LIFE OF WASHINSTON. 155 soldiers were destitute of baggage, insufficiently supplied with provisions, and deprived of the com- forts that administer to ihe support of the human frame under severe fatigue. Without covering, they were exposed to heavy rains, and obliged ta march, many of them without shoes, in deep roads, and to ford considerable streams. The best British writers, who have given us an history of the revolutionary war, highly applaud the generalship of Sir William Howe in this part of the campaign. Can they then withhold applause from the American Commander, who manoeuvred an in- feriour army in the face of the British General, and detained him thirty days, in marching sixty miles, from the head of Elk river to Philadelphia, in a coun- try, in which there was not one fortified post, nor zi stream that might not, at this season be every where forded ; who fought one battle, and although beat- en, in five days again faced his enemy with the in- tention to risk a general engagement ; who, when in the moment of action, was providentially necessir tated to retreat, w ith muskets and ammunition un- fit for use, extricated himself from his perilous sit- uation and once more placed himself in front of the invading foe ; who at last was induced to open the Philadelphia road to the British General, not because he was beaten in the field, but through the influence of circumstances, which no military address could counteract. Four regiments of grenadiers were posted in Philadelphia, and the other corps of the British ar- my were cantoned at Germantown. The first ob-r 156 EirE Ot WASHINGTON. [1777. ject of Sir William was to subdue the defences and remove the impediments of the Delaware, that a communication might be opened with the British shipping. General Washington made every ef- fort to prevent the execution of the enemy's design, in the hope of forcing General Howe out of Phila- delphia, by preventing supplies of provisions from reaching him. Of the attainment of this important object, he had no doubt, could the passage of the Delaware be rendered impracticable. To this pur- pose works had been erected on a bank of mud and sand in the river, near the confluence of the SchuyU kill, and about seven miles below Philadelphia. The place, from these works, was denominated Fort Island, and the works themselves Fort Mifflin, On a neck of land on the opposite shore of New Jersey, called Red Bank, a fort was constructed and mounted with heavy artillery, and called Fort Mer- cer. Fort Island and Red Bank, were distant from each other half a mile. In the channel of the Dela- ware, which ran between them, two ranges of Che- vauxdefrise were sunk. These consisted of large pieces of timber, strongly framed together, and pointed with iron, and they completely obstructed the passage of ships. These works were covered by several gallics, floating- batteries and armed ships. Sir William Howe having detached a consider- able force from Germantown to operate against the works on the Delaware, General Washington thought this a favourable opportunity to attack the British army in their cantonments. The line of the British encampment crossed the village of German- 1777.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 157 town at right angles, near its centre ; and its flanks were strongly covered. General Washington now commanded a force consisting of about eight thousand continental troops and three thousand militia. The General's plan was to attack both wings of the enemy in front, and rear at the same time. The arrangements having been made, the army was moved near the scene of action on the evening of the 4th of October. The divis- ions of Sullivan and Wayne, flanked by Conway's Brigade, were to enter Germantown by the way of Chesnut Hill, and attack the left wing of the British. General Armstrong with the Pennsylvania militia was ordered to fall down the Manatawny road, and turning the British left flank, attack its rear. The divisions of Green and Stephen, flanked by M'Dou- gal's Brigade, were to take a circuit by the way of the Limekiln road, and entering at the market house, at- tacked the right wing. The militia of Maryland and New Jersey, under General Smallwood and General Forman, were to march down the old York road, and fall upon the rear of the British right. The division of Lord Sterling, and the brigades of Nash and Maxwell were to form a corps de reserve. About sunrise the next morning, the ^^' ' front of General Sullivan's column, which the Commander in Chief accompanied, drove in the British picket at Mount Airy. The main body of this division soon engaged the British light infantry and the fortieth regiment of foot, and obliged them to give way, leaving all their baggage behind. Gen- eral Green in half an hour after Sullivan reached the 158 LIFE or WASHINGTON. [1777. ground of action, attacked and drove in the troops in front of the right wing oftheenemv. Several brigades of Sullivan's and of Green's divisions pen- etrated the town. The enemy appeared to be sur- prised, and a fair prospect of eventual success in the assault presented itself to the mind of the American General. The flattering expectations, which the success- ful commencement of the enterprise excited, were soon succeeded by disappointment and mortification. As the British retreated before General Sullivan's di- vision, Colonel Musgrave took post with six compa- nies of light troops in a stone house, from which he severely galled the Americans in their advance. At- temp':s were made to dislodge him, but they proved ineffectual and the American line was checked and flung into disorder. The morning being extreme- ly foggy, the Americans could neither perceive the isituation of the enemy, nor take advantage of their own success. The ground to which some of the British corps were pursued had many inclosures, which broke the American line of march, and some of the regiments, in their ardour to push forward, separated from their brigades, were surrounded and taken prisoners. In the moment of supposed victo- ry, the troops retreated, and the efforts of their Gen- erals to rally them, were fruitless. The militia were never seriously brought into action. General Wash- in g ton, perceiving that victory, had on this occa- sion, eluded his grasp, contented himself with a safe and honourable retreat. 1777.] LIFE or WASHINGTON. 159 In this bold assault, two hundied Americans were killed, six hundred wounded, and four hundred tak- en prisoners. Among the killed was Brigadier General Nash. The l^ritish loss was one hundred kil- led and four hundred wounded. Among the killed were Brigadier Agnevv and Colonel Bird. This enterprise, as far as the Commander in Chief was conceriied in it, was honourable. Its ultimate fail- ure must be attributed to the want of discipline and experience in his men. Congress fully approved of the plan, of this assault, and applauded the courage displayed in its execution. They voted their thanks ' to the General, and to the army. The works in the Delav^ are now engaged the at- tention of the British and American Generals. Sir William Howe broke up his encampment at Ger- mantown, and moved his w hole army into Philadel- phia. General Washing fon placed confidential garrisons in Port Mercer at Red Bank, and in Fort Mifflin en Mud Island, but he had not a force equal to their complete defence. He appointed detach- ments to intercept the transportation of provisions from the British ships below the American works to Philadelphia. He called upon the government of New Jersey to turn out the militia of that state, to form a camp in the rear of Red Bank ; and he set patroles of militia on the roads leading to Philadel- phia, both in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, to pre- ' vent the disaffected inhabitants from carrying their articles into the market of Philadelphia. To avail himself of any flivourablc opportunity to annoy the enemy, he moved his army to White Marsh, dis- tant only fifteen miles from the city. 160 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1777* Lord Howe, by continued exertion, having over- come the obstructions, which the Americans had placed in the river at Billingsport, a joint attack by- sea and land was planned against Red Bank and Fort Island. The Augusta^ a sixty four gun ship, the Merlin frigate, and several small armed vessels mov- ed up the Delaware to assault the works on Fort or Mud Island. Count Donop crossed into New Jer- sey with twelve hundred Germans, and in the even- ing of the 22d appeared before Fort Mer- ^ ''• "• cer, on Red Bank. His assault was high- ly spirited, and the defence intrepid and obstinate. Colonel Green the commandant, whose garrison did not exceed five hundred men, was unable to man the out works. From these he galled the Germans in their advance, and on their near approach he quit- ted them, and retired within the inner intrenchments. The enemy pressed forward with undaunted bravery, and the Americans poured upon them a deadly fire. Count Donop was himself mortally wounded at the head of his gallant corps ; the second in command soon after fell, and the third immediately drew off his forces. The assailants had four hundred men killed and wounded. The garrison fighting under cover, had only thirty killed and wounded. Had the camp of militia been formed in the rear of Red Bank, agreeably to General Washington's desire, this whole corps would probably have been made pris- oners. In the mean time. Fort Mifflin was attacked by the shipping, and by batteries erected on the Penn- sylvania shore. Incessant voUies of bombs and can- 1777.] LifE OF WASHINGtOW. 161 iion balls were discharged upon it. But at ebb tide the Augusta and Merlin grounded, and were burnt. The garrison supported this tremendous fire with- out material injury. The resistance of the forts on the Delaware far exceeding the expectations of the British command- ers, they adopted measures to overcome it, without the hazard of a second assault. They erected batte- ries upon Province Island, within five hundred yards of the American fort. They also brought up their shipping, gun boats &c. and from the 10th to the 16th of November, battered the American works. By this time the defences were entirely beat down, every piece of cannon was dismounted, and one of the ships approached so near Fort Mifflin as to throw hand grenades from her tops into it, which killed tnen upon the platform. The brave garrison re- ceived orders to quit the post. Red Bank being no longer useful, its garrison and stores were also with- drawn on the approach of Lord Cornwallis with five thousand men to invest it* While these transactions were going on, the en- terprising spirit of the Commander in Chief, was employed to explore an opening through which to attack his adversary. He clearly saw the impor- tance of driving the British from Province Island ; But fifteen hundred men, in the opinion of his Gen- eral officers, was necessary to effect this object. This detachment could reach the place of assault only by marching down a neck of land six miles in length almost in sight of the British General, who might easily cut off the retreat of the American dng of this misunderstanding, or, if it has reached them, that means may be used to stop its progress and prevent its effects." In a correspondence with Count d'Estaing, General Washington strove to soften his resent- ments, to sooth the chagrin of disappointment, and to conciliate his good affections towards the United States. These prudent measures were attended with the most salutary effects. With the battle of Monmouth, active operations for the campaign closed in the Middle States. On the approach of winter, the American army went in- to quarters in the neighbourhood of the High Lands, Being better clothed and fed than in the preceding winter, their situation was greatly ameliorated, and their sufferings were comparatively nothing. At the close of the campaign of 1778, the local situation of the hostile armies did not greatly differ from that of the commencement of the campaign of 1776, except the possession of New York by the British. This fact is impressively stated by General Washington, in a letter written to a friend. V*" It j& not a little pleasing, nor less wonderful to contem- 1778.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 205 platt?, that after tw o years manoeuvring, and under- going the strangest vicissitudes, both armies are brought back to the very point they set out from, and the offending party in the beginning is now re- duced to the use of the pickaxe and the spade for defence. The hand of providence has been so con- spicuous in all this, that he must be worse than an infidel that lacks faith, and more than wicked that has not gratitude to acknowledge his obligations. 'y '06 £I?E O? WASHINGTON. [1779* CHAPTER VI. Plan formed bxj Congress and the French Mmister for the In- ■vasion of Canada and J\"ova Scotia. ...General JVjshjng- rfON's objections to it. ...Delinquency of the United States to firefiare for the afifiroaching Campaign.... The exertions of the General. ...His Letter on the State of the J\''ation....The. Remonstrance of Officers belonging to the J^ eni) Jersey Brig-- ade to the Legislature of that State. ...Letters of the Com- mander in Chief on the Subject.... Ex fie dition against the In- dians under General Sullivan. ...He destroys their Towns.... The American Army posted for the Defence of the High Lands on the A'^&rth Rivcr^ and for the protection of the Country against the Incursions of t/ie British. ...Sir Henry Clinton moves up the Hudson^ takes Possession of Stony and- Verplank Points.^ and Fortifies them Arrangements made for Assaulting these Posts. ...General Wayne carries Stony Point by Storm... .The Attack upon Verplank fails....Con-' gr ess vote their Thanks to General Washington and to the brave Troops employed in this service. ...They vote General Wayne a Medal. ...Evils of short Inlistments....Plan of the General's to remedy them. ...The Army in two Divisions erect Huts for Winter Quarters, one near West Point, and the other at Morristonvn in JVew Jersey ....The Troops suffer through the scarcity of Provisions. ...Colonel Wadsivorth re- signs his Off ce... .Confusion in the Com7nessary^s Depart- vient....The Commander in Chief is necessitated to apportion supplies of Meat and Flour upon the Counties ofA^'ew Jer- sey....The Winter exces.-iively Cold, and the Waters around J^few York frozen over ; but the Com?nander in Chief is too weak to avail himself of this opportunity to Assail the Brit\ ish Posts. ...Expedition to Staten Island fails. 1779. The emancipation of Canada had ev- er been an important object with Congress. By its incorporation with the revolted colonies, the boun- 177^0 LlfE OF WASHINGTON. SOf daries of the United States would be greatly en- larged, and the country delivered from the destruc- tion aiid terrour of war from the northern tribes of Indians. In the winter of 1777 — 8, an expedition for this purpose had been settled with the Marquis de la Fayette, and in its prosecution he repaired to Ticon- deroga. Wanting then the means to accomplish the design, it was relinquished. During the succeed- ing autumn the scheme was resumed under the aus- pices of the French Minister. The plan embraced the conquest of Canada, Nova Scotia and all their dependencies. It was to be carried into effect by the joint operations of distinct detachments of Amer- icans, acting in different points, and all cooperating with a French fleet and army on the river Saint Lawrence. This lofty scheme of military operations had been adopted in Congress without consulting viith the Commniander in Chief, or any American offi- cer. It wds to be communicated to the French Court by the ?ilarquis de la Fayette, and his in- fluence, with that of the French Minister, w-as to be employed to induce his government to adopt their part of the expedition. In October the plan was communicated to General Washington, he was desired to give Congress his opinion upon it, and to enclose it with his comments to the Marquis. The General had already re^'olvcd in his mind an expedition against the British posts in Upper Canada, with the intention to be prosecuted the next season, on the coniingence that the Briiish ar»» 208 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. my should be withdrawn from the United States. Struck with the extravagance of the plan of Con- gress, instead of complying with their requisition, he wrote to them, stating in strong terms his objec- tions to the scheme. He mentioned the impolicy of entering into any engagements ^vith the Court of France to execute a combined system of opera- tion, without a moral certainty of being able to exe- cute the part assigned to America. It was, the General observed, morally certain in his mind, that if the English should maintain their posts on the continent, it would be impractica- ble to furnish the men, or the necessary stores and provisions for the expedition. " If I rightly under- stand the plan," he remarked, " it requires for its execution, twelve thousand and six hundred rank and file. Besides these, to open passages through a wilderness, for the march of the several bodies of troops, to provide the means of long and difficult transportation by land and water, to establish posts of communication for the security of our convoys, to build and man vessels of force necessary for ac- quiring a superiority on the lakes ; these and many other purposes peculiar to these enterprises, will re- quire a much larger proportion of artificers, and per- sons to be employed in manual and laborious offices than are usual in military operations." The aggre- gate number, he observed, requisite for the contem- plated expedition, added to the force necessary to be kept in the field to restrain depredation from the Brit- ish posts at New York, would make nearly double the men necessary, to any number, which with all 1779.2 i^IFE O? WASHINbTObl. ^(^ their efforts, tlie United States Xi'tvc ever yet able to raise. The experience of the General taught him, that it would be as difficult to furnish the necessary sup- plies of provisions as to raise the men. ** The scen^ of our operations has hitherto been in the heart of the country, furnishing our resources, which of course facilitated the drawing them out. We shall then be carrying on the war at an immense distance, in a country wild and uncultivated, incapable of af- fording any aid, and great part of it hostile. We cannot, in this case, depend on temporary and occa- sional supplies as we have been accustomed ; but must have ample magazines laid up before hand. The labour and expense in forming these, and trans- Jjorting the necessary stores of every kind for the use of the troops, will be increased to a degree that can be more easily conceived than described. Tht transportation must be a great part of the way thronc:h deserts affordinjr no other foraf^e than herb- age ; and from this circumstance our principal pro- visions of the fiesh kind, must be salted, ^vhich would gready increase the difficulty, both of provid- ing and transporting." Supplies upon this scale, he conceived, greatly exceeded the resources of the country, and in policy and honour. Congress could not promise to furnish tl>em. Serious doubts rested upon the mind of the Gen- eral, whether France would execute the part of the Canada expedition assigned to her. The superiori- ty of tlie British fleet was evident. The Court of London would be made acquainted with the scheme n n 210 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. and a superiour British fleet might prevent the French squadron detached on this service, from en- tering the river St. Lawrence, or destroy it after its entrance, or the British garrisons in Canada might be reinforced, and rendered superiour to the assail- ing armament. In an expedition consisting of several distinct parts, General Washington thought it unreason- able to expect that exact cooperation among the different detachments which would be necessary for mutual support ; of consequence, the divisions might be defeated in detail, and after all the expense, the expedition miscarry. The consequences of a failure, which were much to be deprecated, would be the misapplication of the French force ; the ruin of the detachments employed in the expedition, and jealousy and disaffection between France and the United States. The letter'of the Commander in Chief, Congress referred to a Committee. In their report, this Com- mittee admit his objections to be weighty, but still advise to the prosecution of the plan. Congress ac- cepted the report, and again requested the General to write fully on the subject to the Marquis, and to Dr. Franklin, then the American Minister at the Court of Versailles. Congress probably felt them- selves already pledged by their conversation with the Marquis and the French Minister, and possibly they thought that measures had already been adopt- ed in France to carry the plan into execution. General Washington was greatly perplexed by the perseverance of Congress in this measure. 1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 211 All his objections to the plan remained in full force, and he found himself called upon to use his influ- ence to bring the French government to adopt a scheme, of which he himself wholly disapproved, and to promise the cooperation of the American arms in a manner that he thought impracticable. To this request he thus replied : *' I have attentively taken up the report of the Committee of the fifth, (approved by Congress) on the subject of my letter of the 11th ultimo, on the proposed expedition into Canada. I have consider- ed it in several lights, and sincerely regret that I should feel myself under any embarrassment in car- rying it into execution. Still I remain of opinion, from a general review of things, and the state of our resources, that no extensive system of cooperation with the French for the complete emancipation of Canada, can be positively decided on for the ensuing year. To propose a plan of perfect cooperation with a foreign power, without a moral certainty in our supplies ; and to have that plan actually ratified with the Court of Versailles, might be attended, in case of failure in the conditions, on our part, with very fatal effects. *' If I should seem unwilling to transmit the plan as prepared by Congress, with my observations, it is because I find myself under a necessity (in order to give our minister sufficient ground to found an ap- plication on) to propose something mere than a vague and indecisive plan ; which, even in the ' event of a total evacuation of the states by the enemy, jnay he rendered impracticable in the execution 212 UPE OF WASHINGTON. [1770. by a variety of insurmountable obstacles ; or if I re- tain my present sentiments, and act consistently, I must point out the difficulties, as they appear to me, which must embarrass his negotiations, and may disappoint the views of Congress. " But proceeding on the idea of the enemy's leaving these states, before the active part of die ensuing campaign, I should feiu' to hazard a mistake, as to the precise aim and extent of the views of Congress. 1 he conduct I am to observe in writ^ ing to our Minister at the Court of France, does not appear sufficiently aeiiiicated. Were I tp undertake it, I should be much afraid of erring through misconception. In tliis dilemma, I would esteem it a particular favour to be excused from writing at all on the subject, especiAlly as it is the part of candour in me to acknowledge, th;it I do not see my vray clear enough to point out such a plan for cooperation, as I conceive to be consistent with the ideas of Congress, and as will be sufficiently ex- planatory, with respect to time and circumstances, to give efficacy to the measure. " But if Congress still think it necessary for me to proceed In the business, I must request their more definite and explicit instructions, and that they will permit me, previous to transmitting the intended dispatches, to submit tiiem to their deter- mination. " I could wish to lay before Congress more mi- nutely, the state of the army, the condition of sup- plies, and the requisites necessary for carrying into execution an undertaking that may involve the most serious events. If Conjjrcss think this can be done 1779.] hlfE ©F WASHINGTON. 2lX: more satisfactorily in a personal conference, I hope to have the army in such a situation before I can re- ceive their answer, as to afford me an opportunity of giving my attendance." Congress indulged the General with the propos* cd interview, and a Committee of their body was chosen to confer with him on this business and on the state of the army. His objections were found to be unanswerable, and the Canada expedition was laid aside. To the magnificent schemes of Congress upon Canada, succeeded through United America a state of supineness and inaction. An alliance with France was received as a security for independence. In the expectation that Great Britain would relinquish the American war, that she might with her united force contend with her ancient enemy in Europe, Congress appeared not disposed to encounter ^he expense necessary to prepare for another active cam<. paign. The delusive supposition that the war was over prevailed through the country, and palsied the spirit of the community. General Washington perpetually stimulated his countrymen to exertion. Uninfected with the common delusion, he believed that Great Britain would continue the American war, and in every possible way exerted himself sea- sonably to be prepared for the conflicts of the field. But Congress was slowly roused to attention to this important business. Their resolution empowering the Commander in Chief to recruit the army did not pass until the 23d of January 1779, and the re- quisition upon the several iitates was not made until the 9th of March, 214 LIFE or WASHrNGTON. [1779. The dissensions which at this time existed in Congress, the speculations that prevailed through the country in consequence of the depreciation of paper money, and the apparent reUictance among all class- es of citizens to make sacrifices for the publick in- terest, greatly alarmed General Washington. His apprehensions are fully disclosed in the annexed letter written at the time to a confidential friend of distinguished reputation in the political world. " I am particularly desirous of a free communi- cation of sentiments with you at this time, because I view things very differendy, I fear, from what peo- ple m general do, who seem to think the contest at an end, and that to make money, and get places are the only things now remaining to be done. I have seen without despondency, even for a moment, the hours which America has stiled her gloomy ones ; but I have beheld no day since the commencement of hostilities, when I have thought her liberties in such imminent danger as at present. Friends and foes seem now to combine to pull down the goodly fabrick we have hitherto been raising, at the expense of so much time, blood and treasure ; and unless the bodies politick will exert themselves to bring things back to first principles, correct abuses, and punish our internal foes, inevitable ruin must follow. Indeed we seem to be verging so fast to destruction that I am filled with sensations to which I have been a stranger until within these three months. Our en- emy behold widi exultation and joy how effectually Me labour for their benefit ; and from being in a state of absolute despair and on the point of evacuate i779»] LIFE or WASHINGTON. 215 ing America, are now on tiptoe. Nothing-, there- fore, in mj judgment, can save us but a total reform- ation in our own conduct, or some decisive turn of affairs in Europe. The former, alas ! to our shame be it spoken, is less likely to happen than tlie latter, as it is now consistent with the views of the specula- tors, various tribes of money makers, and stockjob- bers of all denominations, to continue the war, for their own private emolument, without considering that this avarice and thirst for gain must plunge ev- ery thjng, including themselves in one common ruin. ' • Were I to indulge my present feelings, and give a loose to that freedom of expression which my uni;escrved friendship would prompt to, I should say a great deal on this subject. But letters are liable to so many accidents, and the sentiments of men in of- fice are sought after by the enemy with so much avidity, and besides conveying useful knowledge (if they get into their hands) for the superstructure of their plans, are so often perverted to the worst of purposes, that I shall be somewhat reserved, not- withstanding this letter goes by a private hand to Mount Vernon. I cannot refrain lamenting, how- ever, in the most poignant terms, the fatal policy too prevalent in most of the states, of employ inf^- their ablest men at home, in posts of honour or pro- fit, before the great national interest is fixed upon a solid basis. " To me it appears no unjust simile, to com- pare the affairs of this great continent to the mechan- ibm of a clockj^ each state representing^ some one 216 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1779* or other of the small parts of it, which tliey arc en- deavouring to put in fine order, without consider- ing how useless and unavailing their labour is, un- less the great wheel, or spring, which is to set the whole in motion, is also well attended to and kept in good order. I allude to no particular state, nor do I mean to cast reflections upon any one of them, nor ought I, as it may be said, to do so upon their representatives ; but as it is a fact too notorious to be concealed, that Congress is rent by party ; that much business of a trifling nature and personal con- cernment, withdraws their attention from matters of great national moment, at this critical period ; when it is also known that idleness and dissipation tak^ place of close attention and application ; no rwan who wishes well to the liberties of his country, and desires to see its rights established, can avoid crying out ; Where are our men of abilities ? Why do they not come forth to save their country ? Let this voice, My dear sir, call upon you, Jefferson and oth- ers. Do not, from a mistaken opinion that we are to sit down under our vine and our own fig tree, let our hitherto noble struggle end in ignominy. Believe me when I tell you there is danger of it. I have pretty good reasons for thinking that admin- istration, a little while ago, had resolved to give the matter up, and negotiate a peace with us upon al- most any terms ; but I shall be much mistaken if they do not now, from the present state of our cur- rency, dissentlons and other circumstances, push matters to the utmost extremity. Nothing, I am sure will prevent it but the interruption of Spain, and their disappointed hope from Prussia. '^ 1779.1 Ll^£ OF WASHINGTON. 2lt The depreciation of the paper currency had re- duced the pay of the American officers to a pittance, and the effects were severely felt. At the moment the campaign was to open, the dissatisfaction of a part of the sufferers broke out into acts of violence, which threatened the safety of the whole army. Ear- ly in May, the Jersey Brigade was ordered to march as part of a force destined on an expedition into the Indian country. On the reception of this order, the officers of the first regiment presented to their Col- onel a remonstrance, addressed to the Legislature of the State, in which they professed the determina- tion, unless that body immediately attended to their pay and support, within three days to resign their commissions. This resolution greatly disturbed the Command- er in Chief. He foresaw its evil consequences, and on this important occasion determined to exert his per- sonal influence. In a letter to General Max v> ell, to be communicated to the dissatisfied officers, he dis- suaded them by a sense of honour, and by the love of country from the prosecution of the rash measure they had adopted. " There is nothing," proceeds the letter, " which has happened in course of the war, that has given me so much pain as the remonstrance you mention from the officers of the first Jersey regiment. I cannot but consider it as a hasty and imprudent step, which on more cool consideration they will themselves con- demn. I am very sensible of the inconveniences under which tlie officers of the army labour, and I hope they do me the justice to believe, that my ^n^ E a 218 LI?E OF WASHINGTON, [1779. deavours to procure them relief are incessant. There is more difficulty, however, in satisfying their wishes than perhaps they are aware of. Our resour- ces have been hitherto very limited. The situation of our money is no small embarrassment ; for which, though there are remedies, they cannot be the work of a moment. Government is not insensible of the merits and sacrifices of the officers, nor, I am per- suaded, unwilling to make a compensation ; but it is a truth, of which a little observation must con- vince us, that it is very much straitened in the means. Great allowances ought to be made on this account, for any delay, and seeming backwardness which may appear. Some of the States indeed have done as generously as it is at this juncture in their power, and if others have been less expeditious, it ought to be ascribed to sgme peculiar cause, which a little time, aided by example, w^ill remove. The patience and perseverance of the army have been, under ev- ery disadvantage, such as to do them the highest honour, both at home and abroad, and have inspired me w'ith an unlimited confidence in their virtue, which has consoled me amidst every perplexity and reverse of fortune, to which our affiiirs in a struggle of this nature, were necessarily exposed. Now that we have made so great a progress to the attainment of the end we have in view, so that we cannot fail without a most shameful desertion of our own inter- ests, any thing like a change of conduct would im- ply a very unhappy change of principles, and a for- getfulness as well of what we owe to ourselves as to our country. Did I suppose it possible this could 1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 219 be the case, even in a single regiment of tiie armj^, I should be mortified and chagrined beyond expres- sion. I should feel it as a wound given to my own honour, which 1 consider as embarked with that of the army at large. But this I believe to be impos- sible. Any corps that was about to set an example of the kind, would weigh well the consequences ; and no officer of common discernment and sensibil- ity would hazard them. If they should stand alone in it, independent of other consequences, what would be their feelings on reflecting that they had held themselves out to the world in a point of light inferiour to the rest of the army. Or if their exam- ple should be followed, and become general, how could they console themselves for having been the foremost in bringing ruin and disgrace upon their country. They would remember that the army would share a double portion of the general infamy and distress, and that the character of an American officer would become as despicable, as it is now glo- rious. " I confess the appearances in the present in- stance are disagreeable ; but I am convinced they seem to mean more than they really do.^ The Jer- sey officers have not been outdone by any others in the qualities, either of citizens or soldiers ; and I am confident, no part of them would seriously in- tend any thing that would be a stain on their form- er reputation. The gentlemen cannot be in earnest ; they have only reasoned wrong about the means of obtaining a good end, and on consideration, I hope and flatter myself they will renounce what must ap- 220 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. pear improper. At the opening of a campaign, when under marching orders, for an important ser- vice, their own honour, duty to the pubUck, and to themselves, and a regard to miUtary propriety, will not suiferthem to persist in a measure, which would be a violation of them all. It will even wound their delicacy, coolly to reflect, that they have hazarded a step which has an air of dictating terms to their country, by taking advantage of the necessity of the moment. " The declaration they have made to the state, at so critical a time, that unless they obtain relief in the short period of three days, they must be consid- ered out of the service, has very much that aspect ; and the seeming relaxation of continuing until the state can have a reasonable time to provide other of- ficers, will be thought only a superficial veil. I am now to request that you will convey my sentiments to the gentlemen concerned, and endeavour to make them sensible that they are in an errour. The ser- vice for which the regiment was intended, will not admit of delay. It must at all events march on Monday morning, in the first place to this camp, and further directions viill be given when it arrives. I am sure I shall not be mistaken in expecting a prompt and cheerful obedience." This letter made a deep impression upon the minds of the officers, but did not fully produce the desired effect. In an address to the Commander in Chief, they expressed their unhappiness, that any act of theirs should occasion him pain ; but in justifica- tion of the measure they had adopted, they pleaded 1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 221 that their state government had paid no attention t® their repeated petitions, that they were themselves loaded with debts, and that their famiHes were starv- ing. " At length," said they, " we have lost all confidence in our Legislature. Reason and ex-peri- ence forbid that we should have any. Fev/ of us have private fortunes ; many have families who are already suffering every thing that can be received from an ungrateful country. Are we then to suffer all the inconveniences, fatigues and dangers of a military life, while our wives and our children are perishing for want of common necessaries at home ; and that without the most distant prospect of reward, for our pay is only nominal ? We are sensible that your Excellency cannot wish nor desire this from us. '' We are sorry that you should imagine we meant to disobey orders. It was and still is our determination to march with our regiment, and to do the duty of officers, until the Legislature shall have a reasonable time to appoint others, but no longer. " We beg leave to assure your Excellency that we have the highest sense of your ability and virtue, that executing your orders has ever given us pleas- ure ; we love the service, and we love our country ; but when that country gets so lost to virtue and jus- tice as to forget to support its servants, it then be- comes their duty to retire from its service." This attempt in the officers to justify their con- duct placed General Washington in a very criti- cal and delicate situation. Severe measures, he up- 222 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. prehended, would probably drive the whole Jersey brigade from the service ; and to assume the exer- cise of the powers of Commander in Chief, and then recede without producing the effect, must hazard his own authority, and injure the discipline of the army. Under these embarrassing circumstances, he prudently resolved to take no further notice of this address, than to notify the officers, through General Maxwell, that while they continued to do their duty, he should only regret the step they had taken, and hope that they themselves would per- ceive its impropriety. This alarming transaction, the General commu- nicated to Congress, and at the same time remind- ed them of his repeated and urgent intreaties in be- half of his officers. Some general provision for them he now recommended as a measure of abso- lute necessity. " The distresses in some corps,'* he observed, " are so great, either where they were not until lately attached to any particular state, or where the state has been less provident, that officers have solicited even to be supplied w ith the clothing destined for the common soldiers, coarse and un- suitable as it was. I had not power to comply with the request. "The patience of men animated by a sense of duty and honour, will support them to a certain point, beyond which it will not go. I doubt not Congress will be sensible of the danger of an extreme in this respect, and will pardon my anxiety to obvi- ite It. )j 1779.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 223 Tlie regiment marched agreeably to orders, and the officers withdrew their remonstrance. The Le- gislature took measures for their relief, and they continued in the service. The situation of the hostile armies not favouring active operations, General Washington planned an expedition into the Indian country. His expe- rience while he commanded the troops of Virginia in the French war, convinced him, that the only ef- fectual method to defend the frontiers from the des- tructive invasion of Indian foes, is to carry the war into their own country. To retaliate in some meas- ure, the cruelties the Indians had inflicted on the Americans, and to deter them from their repetition, General Sullivan, the commanding officer, was or- dered, on this occasion, to exercise a degree of se- verity, which in the usual operations of war, was abhorrent to the humane disposition of the Com- mander in Chief. In the course of the summer months. General Sullivan successfully prosecuted the plan, and destroyed the Indian towns upon the northern boundary of the state of New York. The disposable force of Sir Henry Clinton this year consisted of between sixteen and seventeen thousand men. The troops under the immediate command of General Washington amounted to about sixteen thousand. A view of the numbers of the two hostile armies is sufficient to shew, that ofiensive operations against the strong posts of the British, were not in die power of General Washing- ton. The marine force, by which these posts were supported, flicilitated the dosigns of the British 224 LIFE OF WASHINGTON-. [1779. commander ia predatory expeditions upon the A- merican shores and rivers ; but in the middle states, the campaign passed away without any military oper- ations upon a large scale. The American Gener- al posted his troops in a situation the most favoura- ble to protect the country from the excursions of the enemy, and to guard the high lands on the north river. These highlands were the object of the prin- cipal manoeuvres of the opposing Generals, and the scene of some brilliant military atchievments. West Point was now the chief post of the Amer- icans on the Hudson. Here was their principal mag- azine of provisions and military stores. It was sit- uated upon the western side of the river, in the bo- som of the mountain, was difficult of approach, and its natural strength had been increased by fortifica- tions, although they were not completed. Lower down at the foot of the mountain is King's ferry, over which passes the great road from the eastern to the middle states. This ferry is commanded by the points of land on the two shores. The point on the west side is high, rough ground, and is called Stony Point. That on the east side is a low neck of land projecting into the river and denominated Verplank's Point. On each shore General Washington had erected fortifications, and a small garrison under the command of a Captain was placed in Verplank. Sir Henry Clinton, on the last of May, moved with the greater part of his force up the river towards these posts. On his approach Stony Point was evac- uated ; but the celerity of his movements obliged the garrison at Verplank to surrender themselves pris- 1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 225 oners of war. The possession of King's ferry could not have been the sole object of Sir Henry's move- ment, his force was much greater than this purpose required. The possession of West Point was prob- ably the ultimate design of the expedition ; but the excellent disposition of the American troops, defeat- ed this intention of the British Commander. Hav- ing fortified the positions of Stony Point and Ver- plank, and placed garrisons in them, Sir Henry re- turned with his army to New York. The Americans were subjected to great inconve- nience by the loss of King's ferry. To pass the North river, they were necessitated to take a route by the way of Fish Kill, through a rough and moun- tainous country, and the transportation of heavy articles for the army by this circuitous road became very tedious. General Washington was induced by a varie- ty of motives to attempt the recovery of Stony and Verplank points. The very attempt would recall the British detachments that were out on predatory expeditions. Success in the plan would give repu- tation to the American arms, reconcile the publick mind to the plan of the campaign, and restore to the Americans the convenient road across King's fer- ry. In pursuance of this intention, he reconnoitred the posts, and, as far as possible, gained information of the situation of the works, and of the strength of the garrisons. The result was a plan to carry the posts by storm. The assault upon Stony point was committed to General Wayne, and that no alarm flight be given, his force was to consist only of the 226 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1775. light infantry of the army, which corps was already on the lines. The night of the 15th of July was assigned for the attack. The works were strong, and could be approached only by a narrow passage over a piece of marshy ground, and the garrison Consisted of six hundred men. About midnight the troops moved up to the works through a heavy fire of artillery and musketry, and without the discharge of a single gun, carried them at the point of the bayonet. The Americans, on this occasion, dis- played their uswal humanity ; they put not an indi- vidual to the sword after resistance ceased. The loss of the Americans in the assault was in- considerable, compared with the nature of the ser- vice. Their killed and wounded did not exceed one hundred men. General Wavne received a wound on the head, which, for a short time stunned him ; but he insisted upon entering the fort, which by the support of his aids he accomplished. Sixty three of the garrison were killed and sixty eight wounded, and five hundred and forty three made prisoners. Military stores to some amount were found in the fort. General Ho\a e was intrusted with the execution of the design against Verplank ; but through a num- ber of unfortunate incidents, to which military oper- ations are always liable, it miscarried. Stony Point alone did not give the Americans the use of King's ferry. Sir Henry Clinton imme- diately moved up the North river w ith a large force to recover the post, and General Washington, not thinking it expedient to take from his army the number of troops necessary to garrison it, dest'oycd 1779.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 227 the works and retired to the high lands. General Clinton erected the fort anew with superiour fortifi- cations, and placed a respectable garrison in it, un- der the command of a Brigadier General. Congress embraced this occasion, by an unani- mous resolve, to thank General Washington for the wisdom, vigilance and magnanimity with which he conducted the military operations of the nation, and particularly for the enterprise upon Stony point. They also unanimously voted their thanks to Gen- eral Wayne for his brave and soldierlike attack, and presented him with a gold medal emblematical of the action ; and tliey highly commended the coolness, discipline and persevering bravery of the officers and men in the spirited assault. During this summer, Spain joined France in the war against England. General Washington ex- pecting substantial aid from these powers, and un- willing to waste any part of his small force in partial actions, contented himself with the defence of the country from the depredations of the enemy, that he might be in readiness with the greatest possible numbers, to cooperate with the allies of America in an attack upon the British posts. But the fond hope of effective aid from France proved delusive ; and the expectation that the war would this season ter- minate, as a dream passed away. Effectual measures were not yet adopted by Congress to establish a permanent army. The of- ficers generally remained in service, but a great pro- portion of the privates were annually to be recruited. 3y the delays of the general and state governments, 228 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1779. the recruits were never seasonably brought into the field. At different periods they joined the army ; and frequently men totally unacquainted with every branch of military service, >yere introduced in the most critical part of an active campaign. At the close of this year, General Washington, not discouraged by all his former unavailing endeav- ours, once more addressed Congress on this subject, which he deemed essential to the welfare of the u- nion. In October he forwarded to that body a mi- nute report of the state of the army, by which it ap» peared, that between that time and the last of June the next year, the time of service of one half the pri- vates would expire. With the report he submitted a plan, by which the recruits of all the states were to be raised and brought to head quarters by the middle of January of each year, that time might be given in some meas- ure to discipline them before the campaign opened. *' The plan I would propose," says the General in the address, *'is that each state be informed by Congress annually of the real deficiency of its troops, •and called upon to make it up, or such less specifick number as Congress may think proper, by a draught. That the men draughted join the army by the first of January the succeeding year. That from the time the draughts join the army, the officers of the states from which they come, be authorised and directed to use their endeavours to inlist them for the war, under the bounties granted to the officers themselves and the recruits, by the act of the 23d of January last, viz. ten dollars to the officer for each recruit, and 1779.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 229 two hundred to the recruits themselves. That all state, county and town bounties to draughts, if prac- ticable, be intirely abolished, on account of the un- easiness and disorders they create among the soldiery, the desertions they produce, and for other reasons which will readily occur. That on or before the first of October annually, an abstract or return similar to the present one be transmitted to Congress, to enable them to make their requisitions to each state with certainty and precision. This I would propose as a general plan to be pursued ; and I am persuaded that this or one nearly similar to it, will be found the best now in our power, as it will be attended with least expense to the publick, will place the service on the footing of order and certainty, and will be the only one that can advance the general interest to any great extent." This judicious plan was never carried into effeet. Congress did not make the requisition until February, and the states were not called upon to bring their re- cruits into the field before the first of April. Thir- teen foreign states exercising their respective inde- pendent authorities to form a federal army, were al- ways tardy in time and deficient in the number of men. On the approach of the inclement season, the ar- my again built themselves huts for winter quarters. Positions were chosen the most favourable for the de- fence of the American posts, and for covering the country. The army was formed into two divisions. One of these erected huts near West Point, and the other at Morristown in New Jersey. The head 250 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. quarters of the Commander in Chief were with the last division. Great distress was felt this winter on account of the deranged state of the American finances. Gen- eral Green and Colonel Wadsworth, gentlemen in every respect qualified for the duties of their respec- tive stations, were yet at the head of the Quarter Master and Commissary departments, but the credit of the country was fallen, they had not the means to make prompt payment for articles of supply ; and they found it impossible to lay up large magazines of provisions, and extremely difiicult to obtain supplies to satisfy the temporary wants of the army. The evil was increased by a new arrangement in- troduced by Congress into the Commissary depart- ment. A fixed salary in the depreciated currency of the country was given to the Commissary Gener- al, and he was authorised to appoint a certain num- ber of deputies, whose stipends were also established, and no emolument of office was allowed. Deputies competent to the business could not be obtained up- on the terms established by Congress, confusion and derangement ensued through the whole department, and in consequence Colonel Wads\vorth was con- strained to resign his office. Before the month of January expired, the sol- diers were put upon allowance, and before its close, the whole stock of provision in store was exhausted, and there was neither meat nor flour to be distribut- ed to the troops. To prevent the dissolution of the army, theCommandcr in Chief was reluctantly driv- en to very vigorous measures. He apportioned upon 1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 231 each county in the state of New Jersey a quantity of meat and flour, according to the ability of each, to be brought into camp in the course of six days. At the same time he wrote to the magistrates, stating the absolute necessity of the mcssure, and inform- ing them, that unless the inhabitants voluntarily complied with the requisition, the exigency of the case would force him to obtain it by military exac- tion. To the honour of the inhabitants of New Jersey, harassed as their country had been, the iall quantity of provision required was cheerfully and seasonably afforded. To Congress General Washington expressed his sense of the heroic patience, vi ith which the troops bore the privations of clothing and provisions through this winter of unusual severity. The ex- tent of these privations m ill be seen in an extract of a letter written by the Commander in Chief to his friend General Schuyler. " Since the date of my last we have had the vir- tue and patience of the army put to the severest trial. Sometimes it has been five or six days together with- out bread ; at other times, as many days without meat ; and once or twice, two or three days, with- out either. I hardly thought it possible at one peri- od, that we should be able to keep it together, nor could it have been done, but for the exertions of the magistrates in the several counties of this State, on whom I was obliged to call, expose our situation to them, and in plain terms declare that we were re- duced to tlie alternative of disbanding or catering 232 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1730. for ourselves, unless the inhabitants would afford us their aid. I allotted to each county a certain pro- portion of flour or grain, and a certain number of cattle, to be delivered on certain days, and for the honour of the magistrates, and good disposition of the people, I must add, that my requisitions .were punctually complied with, and in many counties ex- ceeded. Nothing but this great exertion could have saved the army from dissolution or starving, as we were bereft of every hope from the commissa- ries. At one time, the soldiers eat every kind of horse food but hay. Buck wheat, common wheat, rye, and Indian corn composed the meal which made their bread. As an army they bore it with the most heroic patience ; but sufferings like these accompanied with the want of clothes, blankets. Sec. will produce frequent desertion in all armies, and so it happened with us, though it did not excite a sin- gle mutiny." The frost of this winter was excessive. For six weeks together, the waters about New York were covered with ice, of sufficient thickness to admit the passage of large armies with waggons and the heavi- est pieces of artillery. The city, of consequence, in many places, became assailable. The vigilant and ac live mindof General Washington, with mortifica- tion, saw an opportunity to attack his enemy which he was unable to embrace. The British force in New York, in numbers, exceeded his own, and the want of clothing and provision rendered it impossi- ble to move his troops upon an extensive enterprise. An attempt to surprise a post on Staten Island failed. 1780.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 233 CHAPTER VI L Amount of Paper Emission, ...Congress destitute of Meani to support the War. ...Supplies apportioned upon the States.... Exertions of the Commander in Chirf....Mutiny in a part of the Armij....The British make an Excursion into JVetti Jersey. ...The American Troops bravely resist them. ...The Court of France promises a Altval and Land Armament to act in America... .Preparation to Cooperate nvith it... .A French Squadron arrives on the American Coast. ...Count Rochambeau lands at J^eivport nvith five thousand Men..,. The American and French Commanders meet at Hartford to settle the Plan of the Campaign., ..The Second Division of tM French Troops fails ....General Arnold becomes a Traitor.... He Corresponds ivith Major Andre dndre comes on Shore at West Point ....Attempts to return to JVetv York by land.... He is taken into Custody by three Militia Men 4 Board of General Officers Condemn him.. ..He is executed. ...Let.' ter of General Washing f on on the State of the Army.... Congress adopts a Military Establish?nent for the War.,.. The Army goes into Winter Quarters. 1780. Two hundred miliions of Dollars in paper currency were at this time in circulation, upon the credit of the United States. Congress had the preceding year solemnly pledged the faith of government not to emit more than this sum. The National Treasury was empty. The requisitions of Congress for money by taxes, assessed by the au^ thority of the States, were slowly complied with, and G G 234 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [l78^. the supplies of money, in this way obtained, bore no proportion to the expenijCo of the war. A novel state of things was in consequence in- troduced. Congress, the head of the Nation, had no command of the resources of the country. The power of taxation, and of every coercive measure of government, rested va ith the State Sovereignties, The only power left with the National Council was, to apportion supplies of provision for the army, as well as recruits of men, upon the several States. The military establishment for 1780, consisted of thirty five thousand, two hundred and eleven men. No portion of these u as to be raised by the author- ity of Congress, but in the whole transaction an ab- solute dependence was placed on the agency of the States. Upon the States also specific articles of provision, spirits and forage were apportioned for the subsistence of the army. Congress gave assur- ances that accurate accounts should be kept, and re- solved, " That any State which shall have taken the necessary measures for furnishing its quota, and have given notice thereof to Congress, shall be au- thorised to prohibit any Continental Quarter Master, or Commissary from purchasing within its limits." General Washington greatly lamented the necessity of managing the war by State authorities. He freely suggested to Congress the defects of their system, defects m hich \vould prevent the attainment of competent and seasonable supplies for the troops. The estimate, he observed, in all articles was below the ordinary fVmiind, t' e time of n ception was left in a vague manner ; and no provision v/as made for 1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 235 extraordinary exis^cncies. No means were adopted to obtain for the use of the army any surplus of pro- duce, which a particular State might conveniently supply, beyond its apportionment ; but a State un- der this predicament was authorised to prohiI;it the National Commissary from purchasing such surplus- age, whatever might be the publick wants. To a friend in Congress, he in a private letter thus. freely expressed his opinion. *' Certain I am, that unless Congress speaks in a more decisive tone ; unless they are vested with po\\ers by the several States, competent to the great purposes of the war, or assum.e them as matter of right, and they, and the States respectively act v^ ith more energy than they hitherto have done ; that our cause is lost. We can no longer drudge on in the old way. By ill timing the adoption of measures, by delays in the execution of them, or by unwarrant- able jealousies, we incur enormous expenses, and derive no benefit from them. One State will com- ply with a requisition from Congress, another neg- lects to do it, and a third executes it by halves ; and all differ in the manner, the matter, or so much in point of time, that we are always working up hill ; and, while such a system as the present one, or rather want of one, prevails, we ever shall be unable to apply our strength or resources to any advantage. ** This, my dear sir, is plain language to a mem- ber of Congress, but it is the language of truth and friendship. It is the result of long thinking, close application, and strict observation. I see one head gradually changing into thirteen. I see one arm^ 236 LIFE OF WASHINCTOIf. [l780. branching into thirteen ; and instead of looking up to Congress as the supreme controling power of the United States, considering themselves as de- pendent on their respective States. In a word, I see the power of Congress declining too fast for the con- sequence and respect which are due to them as the great representative body of America, and am fear- ful of the consequences." Although General Washington had weighty objections to the plan of Congress, he exerted him- self to carry it into effect. His personal influence was greater than that of any other man in the union, and this new order of things required its full exercise. He wrote to the Executives and Legislatures of the several States, stating the critical situation of pub- lick affairs, pointing out the fatal consequences that must flow from the inattention and neglect of those who alone possessed the power of coertion, and urg- ing them by all the motives of patriotism and self interest to comply with the requisitions of Congress. But each of the States felt its own burdens, and was dilatory in its efforts to promote a general interest. A system, which in its execution required the conjoint agency of thirteen Sovereignties, was too complex for the prompt operations of a military body. In the course of the winter forage had failed, and many of the horses attached to the army had died, or were rendered unfit for use. General Washington therefore struggled with almost in- superable difiiculties in supplying the army. He possessed no means to transport provisions from a 1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 237 distance but by impressment, and to this painful and oppressive mode, he was obliged frequently to recur. The unbounded confidence placed in his patriotism, wisdom and prudence, enabled him to carry these measures into effect, among a people tenacious of individual rights, and jealous of tlie en- croachment of power. The pay of the officers of the army had scarcely more than a nominal value. They were unable to support the appearance of gentlemen, or to furnish themselves with the conveniences which their situa- tion required. The pride essential to the soldier was deeply wounded, general dissatisfaction manifested itself, and increased the perplexities of the Comman- der in Chief. The officers of whole lines belonging to some of the States in a body, gave notice that on a certain day, they should resign their commissions, unless provision was made for their honourable sup- port. The animated representation of the danger of this rash measure to that country in M'hose ser- vice they had heroically suffered, induced them to proffer their services as volunteers until their suc- cessors should be appointed* This, their General without hesitation rejected, and the officers reluct- antly consented to remain in the army. A statement of the great difficulties which the General encountered, led Congress to depute a Committee of llieir body to camp, to consult with him upon measures necessary to be adopted to re- move the grievances of the army. This Committee reported, " That the army ^vas unpaid for five months ; tliat it seldpm had more than six days 258 LIFE OF WASHINGTON^ [1780, provision in advance, and was on several occasions for several successive days, without meat ; that the army was destitute of forage ; that the medical depart- ment had neither sugar, tea, ciiocolate, M-ine or spir- ituous liquors of any kind ; that every department of the army was without money, and had not even the shadow of credit left ; that the patience of the soldiers, borne down by the pressure of complicated sufferings, was on the point of being exhausted." Congress possessed not the means to apply ade- quate remedies to these threatening evils. They passed a resolution, which was all they could do, " That Congress will make good to the line of the army, and to the independent corps thereof, the defi- ciencies of their original pay, which had been occa- sioned by the depreciation of the continental curren- cy ; and that money or other articles heretofore re- ceived, should be considered as advanced on ac- count, to be comprehended in the setUement finally to be made." This resolution was published in general orders, and produced a good effect ; but did not remove the complaints of officers or men. The promise of future compensation from a country, whose neglect was conceived to be the source of all their sufferings, they deemed a feeble basis of de- pendence, at the moment they were severely pres- sed by privations of every kind. Murmurs at length broke out into ac- March 25. ^^^j mutiny. Two of the Connecticut regiments paraded under arms announcing the in- tention to return home, or by their arms to obtain subsistence. The other regiments from Connecticut 1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 239 although they did not join in the revolt, exhibited no inclination to aid in suppressing the mutineers, but by the spirited and prudent exertions of the officers, the ringleaders were secured, and the regiments brought back to iheirduty. The perplexities of a General, who commands an army in this situation, are not to be described. When the officers represented to the soldiery the greatness of the cause in which they were engaged, and stated the late resolution of Congress in their fa- vour, they answered, that for five months they had received no pay, and that the depreciated state of the currency would render their pay of no value when received ; they wanted present relief, and not prom- ises of distant compensation ; their sufferings were too great to be supported ; and they must have im- mediate and substantial recompense for their servic- es. To the complaints of the army were joined murmurs of the inhabitants of New Jersey, on ac- count of the frequent requisitions unavoidably made upon them. These disaffections were carried to New York with the customary exaggerations of rumour. Gen- eral Knyphausen, the commanding officer at that post, supposing the American citizens and soldiers ripe for revolt, passed over into New Jersey \a ith five thousand men, to avail himself of fa- * vourable events, and probably \\ith the in- tention to drive General Washington from his camp at Morristou n. He took the road to Spring- field, and the behaviour of the Americans soon con- vinced him, he had been deceived in the report of §40 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. their disaffected and mutinous disposition. The troops detached from the army to oppose his pro- gress, fought with obstinate bravery ; and the inhab- itants seizing their arms with alacrity, emulated the spirit and persevering courage of the regular soldier. The enemy finding he must encounter serious oppo- sition, halted at Connecticut farms, consigned most of the buildings of that village to the flames, and then retreated to Elizabeth point, opposite to Staten Island. While General Knyphausen lay at Elizabeth point, Sir Henry Clinton, with four thousand men, returned from the conquest of Charleston, South Ca- rolina, and joined him at that place. On the 23d of June Sir Henry moved by different routes, five thousand infantry, and a large body of cavalry, with twenty pieces of artillery, towards Springfield. Gen- eral Washington supposed that his determined object was the destruction of the American camp and stores at Morristown. The effective force at this time under his immediate command, amounted to little more than three thousand men. Not being able to contend with the enemy, but with the ad- vantage of ground, he made the best disposition of his small force to defend his post, and detached Gen- eral Green with a thousand men to guard the defiles on the road, and particularly to dispute the enemy's passage of the bridge near Springfield. This service was performed with great military judgment, and with the spirit and efficacy of disciplined courage. When overpowered by numbers. General Green drew up his brave band on the heights back of Spring- 17S0.] LIFE OF V/ASHINGTON'. 241 field. Sir Henry Clinton was not disposed to at- tack him in his strong position, nor to encounter the danger of proceeding to Morristown, and leaving Green in his rear ; he therefore relinquished the ob- ject of his expedition, and burning the town of Springfield returned to New York. General Washington keenly felt this insult offered to his country, and was deeply mortified at his inability to repel it. In a letter to a friend he observed, *' You but too well know, and will regret with me the cause which justifies this insulting ma- noeuvre on the part of the enemy. It deeply affects the honour of the States, a vindication of which could not be attempted in our present circumstances, without most intimately hazarding their security ; at least so far as it may depend on the security of the army. Their character, their interest, their all that is dear, call upon them, in the most pressing man- ner to place the army immediately on a respectable footing." Late in the spring the Marquis La Fayette return^ cd from France with the pleasing intelligence that his government had resolved to assist the United States, by employing, this year, a respectable land and naval force in America- This grateful information reanimated the publick mind, and gave a new stimulus to the agency of Congress, and of the governments of the several states ; that preparation might be made to cooperate tvith the French armament on its arrival. This event excited anew in the breast of the Commander in Chief the mingled emotions of anib.u H H ^42 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. tion and patriotism. His country having solicited foreign aid, he felt the disgrace she must suffer, should the allies find her in a situation not to second their friendly assistance. He anticipated the deep wound that would be inflicted on his own feelings, should the French Commanders find him the nomi- nal head of a naked, destitute and inefficient army. To prevent the evils that were apprehended, he ad- dressed a circular letter to the governments of the states, urging them to exertions proportionate to the present prospect of their country, and painting to their view the picture of dishonour and ruin that must arise from the neglect to improve this pros- perous tide in their affairs. Vigorous measures were in consequence adopt- ed by Congress and by the states to recruit the army, to lay up magazines, and to enable their General to comply with the reasonable expectations of their al- lies ; but the agency of different bodies was neces- sary to carry these publick measures into effect, and their operation was dilatory. On the 20th of June General Washington informed Congress that the army was yet destitute of many essential articles of clothing. " For the troops," he observed, "to be without clothing at any time is highly injurious to the service, and distressing to our feelings ; but the want will be more peculiarly mortifying when they come to act with our allies. If it be possible I have no doubt immediate measures will be taken to relieve their distresses. *'It is also most sincerely to be wished that there would be some supplies of clothing furnished to the 1780.] LIFE or WASHINGTON. 245 officers. There are a great many whose condition is still miserable. This is, in some instances, the case with tlie whole lines of states. It would be well for their own sakes, and for the publick good, if jhey could be furnished. They will not be able, when our friends come to cooperate with us, to go on a ,common routine of duty ; and if they should, they must, from their appearance be held in low esti- mation." In the near prospect of the arrival of the French armaments, the embarrassments of General Wash- ington increased. His army was not yet in a sit- uation to cooperate with the allies, and he became extremely anxious to know the force on which he might absolutely depend. He wished to attack New York if the means were in his power. But to concert an attack upon this post with the French commanders, and in the event be unable to execute his part of the engagement, he knew would dishon- our the American arms, and expose the French ma- rine force employed in the service, to destruction. Should prudence forbid an attempt upon New York, his force might be competent to assail some other British post, and it was highly expedient that the plan should be ripened, and all measures prepared for immediate action, the moment the French de- tachments should reach the continent. The anxie- ty of the Commander in Chief on this subject was disclosed in the following letter to Congress. *' The season is come when we have every rea- son to expect the arrival of the fleet, and yet for want of this point of primary consequence, it is im- 5244 LITE OF WASHINGTON. [1780, possible for me to form a system of cooperation. I have no basis to act upon ; and of course, m ere this generous succour of our ally now to arrive, I should find myself in the most awkward, embarrassing, and painful situation. The General, and the Admiral, from the relation in which I stand, as soon as they approach our coast, will require of me a plan of the measures to be pursued, and there ought of right to be one prepared; but circumstanced as I am, I can- not even give them conjectures. From these con- siderations, I have suggested to the Committee, by a letter I had the honour of addressing them yester- day, the indispensable necessity of their writing again to the states, urging them to give immediate and precise information of the measure they have taken, and of the result. The interest of the states, the honour and reputation of our councils, the jus- tice and gratitude due to our allies, all require that, I should without delay be enabled to ascertain, and in- form them what we can or cannot undertake. There is a point which ought now to be determined, on the success of which all our future operations may depend, on which for want of knowing our pros- pects, I can make no decision, for fear of involving thefleet and army of our allies in circumstances which would expose them, if not seconded by us, to mate- rial inconvenience and hazard. I shall be compelled- to suspend it, and the delay may be fatal to our hopes." Congress had assured the French Minister, that they would bring, this campaign, twentyfive thous- and men into the field j that to these such detach- 1780.] MFi: OF WASHINGTON. 240 ments of militia should be added as to make a force competent, when supported by a naval armament, to attack any of the British posts. They had also engaged to lay up magazines of provisions adequate to the demands of the armies of the United States, and of any division of French troops, acting in con- cert with them. On this account the deficiences of the army lay with the more gaUing weight upon the mind of General Washington. While he was revolving this important subject, Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Arbuthnot returned from South Carolina, to New York, whose garrison now consisted of eleven thousand regular troops. The prospect of successful operations against this post was by the event greatly diminished. In the absence of the British armament it had been propos- ed by the American Commander, that the French fleet should, as soon as it reached the American coast, block up the harbour of New York, and co- operate with the army in the attack upon that place. But in this change of circumstances, he conceived it adviseable that the French squadron should enter the harbour of Newport, land their troops, and there wait until a plan of joint operation should be formed. At length the first division of French ' troops reached the American shore, con- sisting of between five and six thousand men, with a large train of battering and field artillery. These forces were commanded by Count de Rochambeau, whose government had placed him under tlie com- mand of General Washington. The Count brought information, that a second division would 246 LIf£ OF WASHINGTON. [1780. follow him as soon as transports could be fitted to bring them. The principal French and American officers as- siduously cultivated a mutual affection between the two armies ; and the Commander in Chief recom- mended to the officers of the United States to ingraft on the American cockade, a white relief, as an em- blem of the alliance of the two powers. At the arrival of the French, the Americans were unprepared to act with them, nor did the American General know what force would ultimately be brought into the field. But it became necessary for him to make arrangements with the French com- manders for offensive operations against the enemy, on the arrival of the reinforcements. In this weighty transaction, he consulted the honour and interest of the United States, rather than the ex- isting condition of his army. Confiding in the successful efforts that his countrymen would, on this occasion make, he communicated to Count de Ro- chambeau, his intention to comply with the engage- ments into which Congress had entered with the Court of Versailles. The solicitude of the General on this subject, appears in the following communication, which at the time he made to the President of Congress. " Pressed on •all sides by a choice of difficulties, in n moment which required decision, I have adopted that line of conduct which comported with the dig- nity and faith of Congress ; the reputation of these States, and the honour of our arms. 1 have sent on definitive proposals of cooperation to the French 1780.] LIFE or WASHINGTON-. 247 General and Admiral. Neither the period of the season, nor a regard to decency would permit delay. The die is cast : And it remains with the States* either to fulfil their engagements, preserve their credit, and support their independence, or to involve us in disgrace and defeat. Notwithstanding the failure pointed out by the Committee, I shall pro- ceed, on the supposition that they will, ultimately consult their own interest and honour, and not to suffer us to fail for the want of means which it is ev- idently in their power to afford. What has been done, and is doing by some of the States, confirms the opinion I have entertained of sufficient resources in the country. Of the disposition of the peo- ple to submit to any arrangements for bringing them forth, I see no reasonable ground to doubt. If we fail for the want of proper exertions in any of the governments, I trust the responsibility will fail where it ought ; and that I shall stand justified to Congress, my country, and the world." The plan of joint operation was formed upon the presumption, that the French would maintain a na- val superiority in the American sea. But soon af- ter the arrival of the French, the British on this sta- tion, were reinforced by a squadron superiour to that which convoyed the troops of His Most Chris- tian Majesty. Sir Henry Clinton and Admiral Greaves contemplated an attack upon the French in their new station, and after great delay, six thou- sand troops of the flower of their army were embark- ed, and supported by the fleet, sailed to Hunting- don Bay» But the commanders here learning the im- 248 LIFE Of WAJ5HIN6TON. [l780. proved state of the fortifications at Newport, laid aside the expedition. During these movements, General Washington collected his force and crossed the North River, with the intention to at- tack New York, should the British General jwo- ceed in his attempt against the French. He confi- dently expected in this case to establish himself in some commanding position, which would not only compel General Clinton to abandon his enterprise, but also facilitate the success of his operations against the city. The return of Sir Henry induced the American General to recross into New Jersey, and to post his army at Orangetown. To expedite the meditated operation against New York, he also took possession of ground about Dobb's ferry, ten miles above King's bridge, and erected works to com- mand the river. The offensive measures to be pursued by the allies were suspended upon the event of the French naval force in America being reinforced. General Washington exerted himself to be in the best state of preparation, to embrace any opportunity that might present to annoy the enemy. At this critical moment, Congress, against the remonstrance of the Commander in Chief, and all his General Officers, introduced those essential changes in the Quarter Master General's depart- ment, which induced General Green to resign the office of Quarter Master. Colonel Pickering was appointed his successor, who, in the full exercise of a mind, judicious, active and indefatigable, found it impossible to execute the business of the depart- ment on the plan of Congress. 1780.1 I-IFK or WASHINGTON. 240. The stores of the Commissary failing, General Washington was necessitated to open and exhaust the magazines of West Point, and to forage upon the already distressed inhabitants of the country, in the neighbourhood of his camp. These deficien- cies at the moment that brilliant achievements were generally expected, gave a presage of disappoint- ment. The second French armament was daily expect- ed, and General Washington had ordered a large body of militia into the field ; but the difficulty of procuring subsistence led him to countermand the order for their march to camp, although their aid M^ould be essential in the event of active operations. The American and French Command- ^^^* • ers met at Hartford to complete the gener- al system of subsequent operations, and they agreed to direct their offensive measures against the British post in New York. While expectations of immediate and effectual aid from France were entertained through the United States, information was brought, that the second arm- ament destined for America was blocked up in the harbour of Brest, and would not this season reach the American Continent. The flattering prospect of ter- minating the war by the conquest of the British posts in a moment vanished ; and elevated views of bril- liant success were succeeded by disappointment and chagrin. General WashiJ^gton himself had admit- ted the persuasion, that the campaign would end in a decisive manner; and he felt the deepest mortification at its failure. " We are," he observed in a letter to a J I 250 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1780. friend, '' now drawing to a close an inactive cam- paign, the beginning of which appeared pregnant with events of a very favourable complexion. I hoped, but I hoped in vain, that a prospect was opening which would enable me to fix a period to my military pursuits, and restore me to domestick life. The favourable disposition of Spain, the promised succour from France, the combined force in the West Indies, the declaration of Russia, (acced- ed to by other powers of Europe, humiliating to the naval pride and power of Great Britain) the su- periority of France and Spain by sea in Europe, the Irish claims and English disturbances, formed in the aggregate, an opinion in my breast which is not very susceptible of peaceful dreams, that the hour of de- liverance was not far distant ; for that however un- willing Great Britain might be to yield the point, it would not be in her power to continue the contest. But alas ! These prospects, flattering as they were, have proved delusory ; and I see nothing before us but accumulating distress. We have been half of our time without provisions, and are likely to con- tinue so. We have no magazines, nor money to form them. We have lived upon expedients, until we can live no longer. In a word, the history of the war is a history of false hopes, and temporary devices, instead of system and economy. It is in vain, however to look back, nor is it our business to do so. Our case is not desperate, if virtue ex- ists in the people, and there is wisdom among our rulers. But to suppose that this great revolution can be accomplished by a temporary army ; that 1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 251 this army will be subsisted by state supplies, and that taxation alone is adequate to our wants, is in my opinion absurd, and as unreasonable as to expect an inversion of the order of nature to accommodate itself to our views. If it were necessary, it would be easily proved to any person of a moderate under- standing, that an annual army, or any army raised on the spur of the occasion, besides being unquali- fied for the end designed, is, in various ways, which could be enumerated, ten times more expensive than a permanent body of men under good organiza- tion and military discipline ; which never was, nor ever will be the case with new troops. A thousand arguments, resulting from experience and the nature of things might alao be aduced to prove that the ar- my, if it is to depend on state supplies must dis- band or starve ; and that taxation alone, (especially at this late hour) cannot furnish the means to carry on the war. Is it not time to retract from errour, and benefit from experience ? or do we want further proof of the ruinous system, we have pertinaciously adhered to ?" At the time, the country was exhausting its re- sources, and General Washington, under innu- merable embarrassments exerting every power to obtain an honourable peace, treason entered the strong hold of independence, and planned the des- truction of the infant states of America. General Arnold early and warmly embraced the American cause. His enterprising spirit, his invincible forti- tude, his heroic and persevering ardour in battle, had exalted his military character, in his own coun- , 252 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1780. try and in Europe. Being incapacitated for the du- ties of the field, by the wounds he received before Quebec, and at Saratoga, he was appointed Com- mandant in Philadelphia, when the British evac- uated that city. In this flattering command, he a- dopted a stile of living above his means, and soon found himself loaded with debt. He entered into various schemes of speculation, and was unsuccess- ful in all. Hollow at heart, he had recourse to fraud and peculation. These practices rendered him odi- ous to the citizens, and gave offence to government. At length formal complaints were lodged against him ; and Congress ordered his trial by a Court Martial. By this Court he was found guilty, and sentenced to be reprimanded by the Command- er iu Chief. The sentence was approved by Con- gress, and carried into execution by General Wash- iNGTON. In the gold that was to reward his trea- son, Arnold expected relief from his pecuniary em- barrassments ; and his implacable spirit sought its revenge of his country by betraying into the hand of her enemy the post that had been called the Gib- raltar of America. West Point was the first post in importance with- in the United States. Its great natural strength had been increased by every expense and labour of for- tification ; and it was an object on which General Washington perpetually kept his eye. This for- tress Arnold selected to give consequence to his apostacy. By the surrender of this into ihe hands of the British commander, he expected to insure a high price for liis treason, and, at the same moment, 1780.1 H'E or WASHINGTON. 255 to inflict a mortal wound upon his country. His measures were artfully adopted to accomplish his perfidious purpose. He obtained a letter from a member of Congress to General Washington, re- commending him to the command of this important post. He induced General Schuyler to mention to the Commander in Chief, his desire to rejoin the army, and his inclination to do garrison duty. At the time General Washington was moving down to New York, when Sir Henry Clinton had embarked a large body of troops, with the design to attack the French at Newport, he offered the com- mand of the left wing of the army to General Ar- nold, who declined on the plea that his wound un- fitted him for the active duties of the field ; but he intimated a desire to command at West Point. Knowing his ambition for military fame, the Gene- ral was surprised that Arnold declined this favoura- ble opportunity to distinguish himself ; but the pu- rity of his own mind forbid him to suspect an officer of treason, whose blood had been freely shed in the cause of his country, and he gratified him with the solicited command. Under fictitious names, and in the disguise of mercantile business, Arnold had already opened a correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton through Major Andre, Adjutant General of the British army. To him the British General committed the maturing of Arnold's treason, and to facilitate measures for its execution, the Vulture sloop of war conveyed him up the North river. Under a pass for John Ander- son, Andre came on shoie in the night, and had a 254 LITE OF WASHINGTON. [1780, personal interview with Arnold without the Ameri- can works. The morning opened upon them be- fore their business was accomplished. Arnold told Andre that his return on board the Vulture by day- light was impracticable, and that he must be con- cealed until the next night. For this purpose he was conducted within an American post, and spent the day with Arnold. In the course of the day a gun was brought to bear on the Vulture, which obliged her to shift her station ; and at night the boatmen on this account, refused to carry Andre on board the sloop. The return to New York by land, was the only alternative left. To render the attempt the more safe, Major Andre laid aside hU uniform, which he had yet worn under a surtout, and in a plain coat, on horseback, began his journey. He was fur- nished with a passport signed by Arnold, in which permission was granted to John Anderson " to go to the lines of White Plains, or lower if he thought proper, he being on publick service." Alone, and without having excited suspicion, he passed the American guards, and was silendy congratulating himself that he had passed all danger, when his im- aginary security was disturbed by three militfa men, who were scouring the country between the outposts of the hostile armies. They suddenly seized the bridle of his horse, and challenged his business in that place. The surprise of the moment put him off his guard, and instead of shewing his pass, he hastily asked the men, " where do you belong?" they answered " to below," meaning New York. 1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 255 The Major instantly replied, " so do I.'* He de- clared himself to be a British officer, and pressed for permission to proceed on the urgent business on. which he was employed. The mistake was soon apparent, and he offered the men a purse of gold and a valuable gold watch, for permission to pass ; and on condition that they would accompany him to the city, he promised them present reward and future promotion. But the pat- riotism of these yeomen could not be bribed. They proceeded to search Andre, and found secreted in his boots, in the hand writing of Ar- nold, exact returns of the state of the forces, ord- nance and defences of West Point, with critical re- marks on the works, and oilier important papers. They conducted their prisoner to Lieutenant Colo- nel Jameson, who commanded the troops on the lines. Their names were John Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van Vert. Congress eventually setded on each of them an annual pension of two hundred dollars during life ; and presented each with a silver medal, on one side of which was a shield with the inscription " Fidelity ;" and on the other the motto " Amor Patriae." Andre still passed as John Anderson, and re- quested permission to write to General Arnold to in- form him that Anderson was detained. The Colo- nel thoughtlessly permitted the letter to be sent. Colonel Jameson forwarded to General Washing- ton the papers found on the prisoner, and a state- ment of the manner in which he was taken. The General was then on his return from Hartford, i256 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. and the express unfortunately took a road differ- ent from that on which he was travelling, and pass- ed him. This occasioned so great loss of time, that Arnold having received Andre's letter, made his escape on board the Vulture, before the order for his arrest arrived at West Point. As soon as Andre thought that time had been given for Arnold to make his escape, he flung off the dis£^uise which was abhorrent to his nature, and assumed his appropriate character of ingenuousness and honour. The express which conveyed the in- telligence of his capture, was charged with a letter from him to General Washington, in which, he declared his name and rank, stated that he had, by order of his Sir HenryCUnton, corresponded with Ar- nold, that his intention was to have met him on neutral ground, and that against his stipulation he had been brought within an American post. Attempting to make his escape from it he had been betrayed into the vile condition of an enemy in disguise, and he re- quested that, ** whatever his fate might be, a decency of treatment might be observed, which would mark, that though unfortunate he was branded with nothing that was dishonourable, and that he was involuntari- ly an impostor. The decorous and manly deport- ment of Andre greatly interested in his favour the American army and nation. He was endowed with properties to conciliate general esteem. His char- acter is thus beautifully painted by the late General Hamilton, who without envy might have contem- plated his eminent qualities, for they were not e- qual to his own. *' There was something singular-- 1780.] LITX. OF WASHINGTON. 257 ly interesting in the character of Andre. To an ex- cellent understanding, well improved by education and travel, he united a peculiar elegance of mind and manners, and the advantages of a pleasing person. It is said that he possessed a pretty taste for the fine arts, and had himself attained some proficiency in poetry, music and painting. His knowledge appear- ed without ostentation, and embellished by a diffi- dence that rarely accompanies so many talents and accomplishments, which left you to suppose more than appeared. His sentiments were elevated and inspired esteem, they had a softness that conciliated affection. His elocution was handsome, his address easy, polite and insinuating. By his merit he had ac- quired the unlimited confidence of his General, and was making rapid progress in military rank and reputation. But in the height of his career, flushed with new hopes from the execution of a project the most beneficial to his party that could be devised, he is at bnce precipitated from the summit of pros- perity, sees all the expectations of his ambition blast- ed, and himself ruined. The character I have giv- en of hi A is drawn partly Irom what I saw of him myself, and partly from information. I am aware that a man of real merit is never seen in so favoura- ble a light as through the medium of adversity. The clouds that surround him are so many shades that set off his good qualities. Misfortune cuts down little vanities, that in prosperous times serve as so many spots in his virtues ; and gives a tone to hu- manity that makes his worth more amiable. 258 tlTE OF WASHINGTON, [1780. **His spectators, who enjoy a happier lot, are less prone to detract from it through envy ; and arc much disposed by compassion to give the credit he deserves, and perhaps even to magnify it." General Washington referred the case of Ma- jor Andre to a Board of fourteen General officers. Of this Board General Green was President, and the foreign Generals La Fayette and Steuben were mem- bers. They were to determine in what character he was to be considered, and what punishment ought to be inflicted. This Board treated their prisoner with the utmost delicacy and tenderness. They de- sired him to answer no question that embarrassed his feelings. But, concerned only for his honour, he frankly confessed that he did not come on shore under the sanction of a flag, and stated so fully all facts respecting himself, that it became unnecessary to examine a single witness ; but he cautiously guard- ed against communications that would involve tl^c guilt of others. The Board reported the important facts in the case, and gave it as their opinion that Andre was a Spy, and that agreeably to the laws and usages "of nations, he ought to suffer death. His execution took place next day. Andre was reconciled to death, but not to the mode of dying, w hich the laws of war had assigned to persons in his situation. He wished to die as a soldier, not as a criminal. In language, that proved him possessed of the nicest feelings of heroism and honour, he wrote to General Washington, soli- citing that he might not die on a gibbet : But the 1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON". 259 Stern maxims of justice forbade a compliance with the request, although the sensibility of the General was wounded by a refusal. Major Andre walked with composure to the place of execution between two American officers. When he beheld the instrument of his fate, he asked with some emotion, '* must I die in this manner ?" *' It is unavoidable," was the answer. He replied, *' I am reconciled to my fate, but not to the mode ;" but immediately added, " it will be but a moment- ary pang." With a countenance of serenity and magnanimity that melted the heart of every specta- tor, he mounted the cart. Being asked at the fatal moment if he wished to say any thing, only that *' you will witness to the world, that I die like a brave man." Never, perhaps, did an execution of this kind more deeply interest the finer feelings of human na- ture. The General officers, who reported his case, lamented the necessity they were under to advise that as a spy he should be hung, and the heart of General Washington was wrung with anguish when he signed his death warrant. But the fatal wound that would have been inflicted on the country, had Arnold's treason succeeded, made the sacrifice necessary for the publick safety. The American of- ficers universally discovered a sympathy for the un- fortunate sufferer, and the sensibility of the publick was greatly excited on the occasion. Great, but unavailing endeavours had been used by Sir Henry Clinton to save Major Andre. Even Arnold had the presumption to write a threatening 26Q LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. letter to General Washington on the subject. The General deigned not to answer his letter, but he conveyed to him his wife and his baggage. The merits and the fate of Andre gave a darker shade to the baseness^and treachery of Arnold, and he became an object of publick detestation and abhorrence. *' Andre," observed General Washington in a let- ter to a friend, " has met his fate with that fortitude which was to be expected from an accomplished man and gallant officer ; but I am mistaken if at this time Arnold is undergoing the torments of a mental hell. He wants feeling : From some traits of his character, Avhich have lately come to my knowledge, he seems to have been so hackneyed in crime, so lost to all sense of honour and shame, that while his fac- ulties still enable him to continue his sordid pursuits, there will be no time for remorse."*' Arnold published at New York, an address to the inhabitants of America, and a proclamation to the officers and soldiers of the American army. In these publications, he attempted to sow the seeds of dis- affection to the government among the citizens, and to allure, by the prospect of emolument and promo- tion, numbers from the army to the British standard ; but these publications met with universal indigna- tion and contempt. During ihe whole period of the * Colonel Hamilton in a private letter to a friend unfolded the practices to which General Washington here alludes. "This man (Arnold) is in ev- ery sense despicable. In addition to the scene of knavery and prostitution during his command in Philadelphia, which the late ieizure of his papers has unfolded, the history of his command at West Point is a history of little as yitW as great villainies. He practiced every dirty art of peculation and even stooped to connexions with the settlers of the garrison to defraud the publick." 1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 261 revolutionary war, the infamous Arnold was the on- ly American officer, who deserted his banners, and turned his sword against the bosom of his country. On the discovery of the defection of Arnold, General Washington strengdiened the garrison of West Point, and moved the army to a position to support it, should Sir Henry Clinton make an at- tempt to carry the post. But although he had ac- quired a correct knowledge of its w orks, and was as- sisted by the advice of Arnold, he was not inclined to hazard the assault unaided by plot and stratagem. The state of the army lay perpetually upon the mind of the Commander in Chief. Not wholly dis- couraged by former unsuccessful attempts to per- suade Congress to adopt a permanent military es- tablishment, he embraced the inactive period of this campaign once more to address that honourable body on this important subject. His letter was dated as early as August, while exerting himself to be in readiness to cooperate with the French troops, and he observed, " But while we are meditating offensive operations which may either not be undertaken at all, or being undertaken may fail, I am persuaded Congress are not inattentive to the present state of the army, and will view in the same light with me the necessity of providing in time against a period (die first of Jan- uary) when one half of our present force will dis- solve. The shadow of an army that will remain, will have every motive, except mere patriolism, to abandon the service, without the hope which has hitherto supported them of a change for the better. 262 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. This is almost extinguished now, and certainly will not outlive the campaign, unless it finds something more to rest upon. This is a truth of which every spectator of the distress of the army cannot help be- ing convinced. Those at a distance may speculate differently ; but on the spot an opinion to the con- trary, judging human nature on the usual scale, would be chimerical. " The honourable the Committee of Congress, who have seen and heard for themselves, will add their testimony to mine ; and the wisdom and jus- tice of Congress cannot fail to give it the most serious attention. To me it will appear miraculous, if our affairs can maintain themselves much longer in their present train. If either the temper or resources of the country will not admit of an alteration, we may expect soon to be reduced to the humiliating con* dition of seeing the cause of America, in America, upheld by foreign arms. The generosity of our al- lies has a claim to all our confidence, and all our gratitude ; but it is neither for the honour of Ameri? ca, nor for the interest of the common cause, to leave the work entirely to them." After assigning his reasons for the opinion that Great Britain v\ ould continue the war, he proceeds, " The inference from these reflections is, that we cannot count upon a speedy end to the war ; and that it is the true policy of America not to content herself with temporary expedients, but to endeavour, if possible, to give consistency and validity to her measures. An essential step to this will be imme- diately to devise a plan and put it in execution, for 1780.1 I^iFE OF WASHINGTON. ^6$ providing men in time to replace those who will leave us at the end of the year, and for subsisting and for making a reasonable allowance to the officers and soldiers. " The plan for this purpose ought to be of gen- eral operation, and such as will execute itself. Ex- perience has shown that a peremptory draught v^ill be the only effectual one. If a draught for he war or for three years can be effected, it ought to be made on every account ; a shorter period than a year is inadmissible. ** To one who has been witness to the evils brought upon us by short inlistments, the system appears to have b^en pernicious beyond description ; and a crowd of motives present themselves to dictate a change. It may easily be shown that all the mis- fortunes we have met with in the military line are to be attributed to this cause. " Had we formed a permanent army in the be- ginning, which, by the continuance of the same men in service, had been capable of discipline, we nev- er should have had to retreat with a handful of men across the Delaware, in 1776, trembling for the state of America, which nothing but the infatuation of the enemy could have saved ; we should not have remained all the succeeding winter at their mercy, with sometimes scarcely a sufficient body of men to moimt the ordinary guards, liable at every moment to be dissipated, if they had only thought proper to march against us ; we should not have been under the necessity of fighting at Brandy wine, with an un- equal number of raw troops, and afterwards of see- 264 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1780. ing Philadelphia foil a prey to a victorious army ; we should not have been at Valley Forge with less than half the force of the enemy, destitute of every thing, in a situation neither to resist nor to retire ; wc should not have seen New York left with a handful of men, yet an overmatch for the main army of these states, while the principal part of their force was de- tached for the reduction of two of them ; we should not have found ourselves this spring so weak, as to be insulted by five thousand men, unable to protect our baggage and magazines, their security depend- ing on a good countenance, and a want of enterprise in the enemy ; we should not have been the greatest part of the war inferiour to the pr.«mj, indcbLcd for our safety to their inactivity, enduring frequently the mortification of seeing inviting opportunities to ruin them, pass unimproved for want of a force which the country was completely able to afibrd ; to see the country ravaged, our towns burnt, the inhabitants plundered, abused, murdered with impunity from the same cause. *' There is every reason to believe, the war has been protracted on this account. Our oppo- sition being less> made tlie successes of the enemy greater. The fluctuation of the army kept alive their hopes ; and at every period of the dissolution of a considerable part of it, they have flattered them- selves with some decisive advantages. Had we kept a permanent army on foot, the enemy could have had nothing to hope for, and woiild, in all probability, have listened to terms long since. If the army is left in its present situation, it must continue an encouragement 1780.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 265 to the efforts of the enemy ; if it is put in a respectable one, it must have a contrary effect, and nothing I be- lieve will tend more to give us peace the ensuing win- ter. It will be an interesting w inter. Many circum- stances will contribute to a negotiation. An army on foot, not only for another campaign, but for many campaigns, would determine the enemy to pacifick measures, and enable us to insist upon favourable terms in forcible language. An army insignificant in numbers, dissatisfied, crumbling to pieces, would be the strongest temptation they could have to try the experiment a little longer. It is an old maxim, that the surest way to make a good peace, is to be prepared for war." Congress having at length resolved to new mod- el the army, determined upon the number of reg- iments of infantry and cavalry, which should com- pose their military establishment, and apportion- ed upon the several states their respective quo- tas. The states were required to raise their men for the Vv^ar, and to have them in the field by the first of the next January : But provision ^vas made, that if any stcite should fii'id it impracticable to raise its quota by the first of December, this state might sup- ply the deficiency by men engaged to serve for a pe- riod not short of one year. This arrangement of Congress was submitted to the Commander in Chief, and his opinion desired upon it. He in a respectful manner stated his ob- jections to the plan. The number of men contem- plated was, he conceived, too small, and he propos- ed that the number of privates in each regiment h L 265 LIFE OF WASKINCTON". [1780. should be encreased. Instead of distinct regiments of cavalry, he recommended legionary corps, that the horse might always be supported by the infantry attached to them. He deplored the necessity of a de- pendence on state agency to recruit and support the army, and lamented that Congress had made pro- vision for the deficiency of any state to procure men for the war, to be supplied by temporary draughts ; because, he conceived that the states upon the ur- gent requisition of Congress, would have brought their respective quotas into the field for the war ; but the provision for deficiency being made, their exertions would be weak, and the alternative gener- ally embraced. He warmly recommended honour- able provision for the officers. The repeated remonstrances of General Wash- ington, supported by the chastisements of experi- ence finally induced Congress to lay aside their jealousy of a standing army, and to adopt a military establishment for the war. The expected superiority of the French at sea failing, the residue of the campaign passed awav without any remarkable event. The hostile armies merely watched each other's motions, until the in- clemency of the season forced them into winter quar- ters. The Pennsylvania line wintered at Morris- town ; the Jersey line about Pompton on the con- fines of New York and New Jersey ; and the troops belonging to the New England States at West Point and its vicinity, on both sides of the North river. The New York line had previously been stationed at Albany, to oppose any invasion that might be made from Canada, and here it remained through the winter. 1781,] Lin O? WASHINGTON. 267 CHAPTER VIII. Arnold it appointed a Brigadier in the British Service and invades Virginia.. ..Plan to capture him. ...Mutiny in the Americati Camp. ...Violence of the Pennsylvania Line. ...Or- der restored.... Weak State of the Army. ...The French Court grants a Loan to the United States, ...Exertion of the State* to enable the General to open the Campaign....The French Troops march to the American Camp. ...Plan to surprise the British Post at King's Bridge. ...Expedition to Virgin^ ia.. .. Count de Grasse arrives in the Chesapeak....Yorktown besieged. ...British Redoubts stormed. ...The British make a Sortie. ...Lord Cornivallis attempts to escape. ...He capit' ■ulates and surrenders his Posts. ...Indecisive Action between, the French and English Fleets... .Sir Henry., too late., em- harks his Troops for Yorktonvn.. ..Thanks of Congress to the American and French Commanders., and to the Army. ...Gen- eral St. Clair dispatched to Carolina. ...The other Corps of the Army return to the Neighbourhood *fJVenu Yorky and ^9 into Winter Quarters. 1781. Arnold, having been appointed a Brigadier General in the British army, was with a- bout sixteen hundred men detached to invade Vir- ginia. With his armed ships, he sailed up James* river, and at Richmond and other places destroyed publick and private property to a great amount. He at length indicated a design to establish a permanent post at Portsmouth. 268 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. The French fleet since its arrival on the Ameri- can coast had been blocked up in the harbour of New Port, and the land forces had remained inactive in the town. But about this time the British block- ading squadron sufiered by a violent storm, and a temporary superiority was given to the French. General Washington thought that a fair op- portunity presented to strike a decisive blow at the 3ntish detachment in Virginia, and to obtain the person of Arnold. In pursuance of this scheme, the General detached the Marquis La Fayette to Virginia with twelve hundred of the American in- fantry : At the same time he requested the cooper- ation of the French from Rhode Island. The com- manding officers gladly embraced the opportunity to engage in active services, that might prove advan- tageous to their American allies. On the death of Admiral de Turney, at New Port, the command of the fleet devolved on D'Est- anches. In compliance with the request of General Washington, he sailed with his whole squad- ron for the Chesapeak, having eleven ARCH . j^m^^jj.g(j i^j^jj troops on board. The British Admiral Arbuthnot having repaired the dam- ages, sustained by the storm, immediately followed the French, and on the 25th an action took place between the two hostile fleets. The battle ended without loss to either fleet, but the fruits of victory were on the side of the English. The joint expe- dition was frustrated, the French returned to New Port, and Arnold was rescued from the fate which he merited. 1781.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 26^ The winter of 1781 in a degree renewed the pri- rations and sufferings of the American army. The men were badly clothed and scantily fed ; and they had served almost a year without pay. Without murmuring they long endured their accumulated distresses. But the fortitude of the firmest men may be worn down. Disheartened by their suffer- ings, despairing of relief, and dissatisfied, that their country did not make more effectual exertions for their suppr^rt, the spirit of mutiny broke out with alarming appearances. The Pennsylvania line stationed at Morristown, with the exception of three regiments, revolted. On a concerted signal, the non commissioned officers and privates turned out with their arms, and announc-. ed the design of marching to the seat of Congress, there to demand a redress of their intolerable griev- ances. The mutiny defied opposition. In the at- tempt to quell it, one officer was killed, and several dangerously wounded. General Wayne, in a threat- ening attitude, drew his pistol, the mutineers pre- sented their bayonets to his breast and said, " Gen- ral, we love and respect you, but if you fire, you are a dead man. We are not going to the enemy, on the contrary if they were now to come out, you should see us fight under your orders with as much alacrity as ever ; but we will no longer be amused, we are determined on obtaining Mhat is our just due." Thirteen hundred of them, under oflicers of their own election, marched in order for Princeton with their arms and six field pieces. They commit- ted no other act of violence, than to demand of the inhabitants provisions for their necessary support. 270 LIF£ OF WASHINGTON. [1781. Congress sent a Committee of their own body to ccsifer with them. They demanded the redress of their grievances as the basis of accommodation. Sir Henry Clinton sent out agents to invite them to his standard, promising them more advantageous terms than those demanded of Congress. They with in- dignation rejected his proposals, and delivered over his emissaries to General Wayne, who hanged them as spies. President Reed offered the mutineers a purse of an hundred guineas as a reward for the sur- render of the British emissaries. This they refus- ed, declaring that '* what they had done was only a duty they owed their country, and they neither de- sired, ncM" would receive any reward but the appro- bation of that country, for which they had so often fought and bled." The Council of Pennsylvania appointed Mr, Reed, their President, and General Potter, a Com- mittee to compfbmise with the soldiery, to whom the gentlemen from Congress transferred their pow- ers. The Committee felt themselves compelled to yield more to the demands of these soldiers in a state of mutiny, than would have retained them quietly in their ranks, had the government of Pennsylvania seasonably attended to their pressing wants. Most of the artillerists, and many of the infantry were dis- charged, because their time of service was vaguely expressed in the orders under which they had inlist- ed. The residue received furloughs for forty days ; and the whole line was, for this period, absolutely dissolved. 1781.] t-IFE Oy WASHINGTON. 271 The evil did not rest with the troops of Pennsyl- vania. Some of the Jersey brigade at Pomptoa caught their complaining spirit, and imitated their mutinous example. The mutineers were most- ly foreigners, and they made the same claims upon the country, which had been granted to the Pejinsyl- vania line. The former instance of mutiny had taken place at a distance from head quarters, and General Washington, upon serious dehberation, had re- solved, not to hazard his authority as Commander in Chief, in the attempt to bring the revolters to order by the influence of his personal character ; but to leave the delicate transaction with the civil govern- ment of the state ; and he was satisfied with th^ issue. But he perceived the importance of arresting; the progress of a spirit, which threatened the disso- lution of his army. Relying on die firmness and patriotism of the New England battalions, which were composed almost exclusively of native Ameri- cans, he determined to reduce the Jersey revolters ta unconditional subjection. General Howe was de- tached on this service, v/hich he promptly perform- ed. Two or three of the ring leaders were execut- ed on the spot, and complete subordination was re- stored in the brigade. The mutiny was suppressed, but causes of unea- siness remained, and these were not confined to the army. The money received into the national treas- ury from taxes imposed by state authorities, bore no proportion to the publick expense. The maga- zines were exhausted, and the states were so dcfi- 272 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. cient in furnishing provisions for the army, that sup- pHes of every description M^ere of necessity obtained by impressment. Publick credit being gone, the certificates of property in this manner taken, were considered of little value, and general uneasiness and murmuring ensued. These evils threatened the destruction of the army, and the loss of the A- merican cause, unless a vital remedy was speedily applied to the publick disease. The Court of London became intimately ac- quainted with the interiour situation of the United States, and in consequence entertained sanguine ex- pectations of a complete conquest of the States south of the Hudson. The letters of Lord George Ger- maine, to Sir Henry Clinton, which were written at this period, urged him in the strongest language, to embrace the favourable opportunity to disperse the remnant of General Washington's army, and to push his conquest of the revolted colonies. The spring of 1781 opened a gloomy prospect to the Commander in Chief. Congress had made a re- quisition upon the several states for an army consist, ing of thirty seven thousand men. In May, the states, from NewJersey to New Hampshire inclusive, had not in the field more than seven thousand in- fantry. The men were generally new recruits, and time had not been given to discipline them. The cavalry and artillery, at no period during the cam- paign, amounted to one thousand men. Supplies of provisions were greatly deficient, and the soldiers were almost naked, the clothing for the army, ex- pected from Europe, not having arrived. The 1781.] tIFE OF WASHINGTON. 273 Quarter Master's department had neither funds nor credit, and the transportation of stores could be made only by impressments, aided by a military force. Measures of this violent nature excited great unea- siness among the inhabitants ; and General Wa sh- INGTON expected that actual resistance would be made to them. These difficulties had been foreseen by the Commander in Chief, and he had made every possible exertion to obviate them. He had repeat- edly made known the urgent wants of the army to Congress and to the states, and had sent officers of the greatest influence into the respective govern- ments to enforce his statements. The mind of General Washington sunk not iinder his embarrassments. He had fully reflected iipon the dangers incident to his situation, and his resolution rose to meet them. While pondering upon his desperate prospects, he received the grateful intelligence, that the government of France had loaned the United States six millions of livres, a part of which sum was advanced in af ms and cloth- ing for the army ; and a part paid to the draughts of General Washington. Information was also giv- en, that this government had resolved to employ a respectable fleet in the American seas the next sum- mer. The plan of vigorous o]:)erations was resumed, and it was determined by General Washington and the French commanders, that New York should be the first object of their attack. On this occasioix the Commander in Chief, addressed letters to theEx- •cutives of the New England states, and of New 274 LIFE or WASHINGTON. [1781. Jersey, earnestly calling upon them to fill up their battalions, and to furnish their quotas of provision. The near prospect of terminating the war ani- mated these States to unusual exertions. The num- ber of men indeed fell short of the requisition of Congress ; but effectual measures were adopted to supply the army with provisions. Under the sys- tem of state requisition, meat, spirit and salt were drawn from New England. A convention of dele- gates from these states met at Providence and adopt- ed a system of monthly supplies, through the cam- paign. As soon as this plan could be carried into operation, the supplies of those articles were regular and competent. Requisitions of flour were made from New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania. New York and New Jersey, having been much exhausted by the depredations of the enemy, and by the necessary im- pressments of the American army, the chief depend- ence for this essential article was placed on Pennsyl- vania. The Legislature of the state, was not vigor- ous in its measures, and a scarcity of flour was apprehended. At this period, Mr. Robert Morris of Philadel- phia, a member of Congress from that state, a mer- chant of much intelligence and enterprise, was en- trusted with the management of the finances of the United States. To him the Legislature of Penn- sylvania transferred the taxes appropriated to furnish the requisitions of Congress upon that state ; and he in consequence contracted to supply the national requisition. By his personal agency and credit, he 1781.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 275 established temporary funds, amply supplied the ar- my with flour, and furnished the Quarter Master General with the means effectually to execute the duties of his department. Through the campaign the movements of the army were made with facility and expedition. In June, the French troops marched from New- port to the Head Quarters of the American army. As they approached the North river,General Was^- INGTON laid a plan to surprise the British works at King's bridge. On the night of the 2d of July, the plan was to be carried into execution. At this time it was expected Count Rochambeau would reach the scene of action, to assist in maintaining the ground, which the American troops might gain. To secure his cooperation, the Commander in Chief sent an Aid to the Count requesting him to direct his route to King's bridge, and to regulate his march in such a manner as to be at that place by the specifi- ed time. To mask the design, and to give a reason for the movement of the American army, which might not excite the suspicion of the British Commander, General Washington, in orders on the 3()th June mentioned that a junction with the French troops might soon be expected. He, in subsequent or- ders, gave information " that the Frencli army would not come to that ground, and as the General was commendations, and Governour Nelson, who com- 1781.3 LIFE or WASHINGTON. 287 manded the militia was thanked for his effectual ex- ertions in the field, and in furnishing the army with such articles as his state afforded. To Count Ro- chambeau, to the French officers and troops, Gen- eral Washington expressed his acknowledgments in flattering language. The British General and Admiral at New York had not been inattentive to the perilous situation of Lord Cornwallis. Admiral Rodney in the West Indies had early been apprized of the intention of Count de Grasse to visit the American coast ; but not supposing that the whole of the French fleet on that station, would be employed on this service, Rodney detached Sir Samuel Hood to the continent with fourteen sail of line of battle ships. Sir Samuel reached the mouth of the Chesapeak before de Grasse, and finding no enemy there, sailed along the coast to Sandy Hook. Admiral Greaves then lay in the harbour of New York, with seven ships of the line. Immediately after the arrival of Hood, in- telligence was received that Count de Barrass had sailed from Newport. Admiral Greaves with the whole British squadron without loss of time sailed in pursuit of him, and on the 24th of September he discovered the French fleet under de Grasse consist- ing of twentyfour ships of the line, riding at anchor in the Chesapeak and extending across its entrance. Count de Grasse ordered his ships to slip their ca- bles and form the line of battle. A partial engage- ment took place, in which some of the English ships were considerably damaged. The hostile fleets ma- noeuvred for four or five days in sight of each other 2SS LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [l78l. and Count de Grasse then returned to his anchorage ground. Here he found Count de Barrass who had taken a wide circuit to avoid the English, and had, while the hostile fleets were at sea, entered the Ches- apeak with the squadron from Newport, consisting of five ships and fourteen transports, laden with heavy artillerj and military stores for the siege. Admiral Greaves returned to New York to repair. In the course cf a few days, the British squadron was augmented to twentyfive ships of the line, and Sir Henry Clinton determined to encounter every hazard in the attempts to relieve Earl Cornwall is. He embarked seven thousand of his best troops, and convoyed by the fleet, sailed on the very day of the capitulation, for Virginia. At the entrance of the Chesapeak, on the 24th of October, he received in- formation of the surrender of his Lordship, and he returned to New York. The capture of Lord Cornwallis and his army excited universal joy through the United States. In a circuitous route from Charleston to Yorktown, this army had marched eleven hundred miles and had spread terrour and distress through the whole extent. From this dread the country was delivered. The surrender of a second royal army, the Ameri- cans deemed an event decisive of the independence of the United States, and which would speedily ter- minate the war. The day after the capitulation General Wash- ington ordered, " that those who were under ar- rest should be pardoned and set at liberty ;" and an- nounced, that " Divine service shall be performed to- 1781.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 289 morrow in the different brigades and division^. The Comniander in Chief recommends, that all the troops that are not upon duty do assist at it with a serious deportment, and that sensibility of heart, which the recollection of the surprising and particu- lar interposition of providence in our favour claims.'* Congress as soon as they received General Wash- ington's official letter giving information of the event, resolved to go in procession to the Dutch Lutheran Church, and return thanks to Almighty God for the signal success of the American arms ; and they issued a proclamation, recommending to the citizens of the United States to observe the thir- teenth of December as a day of Publick Thanksgiv- ing and Prayer. The news of the capture of -Earl Cornwallis was every where received with exultation and publick rejoicing. Congress for this achievement, voted the thanks of the United States to General Washington, to Count Rochambeau, to Count de Grasse, to the officers of the allied army generally, and to the corps of artillery and engineers in particular. They also resolved that a marble column should be erect- ed at Yorktown in Virginia, bearing emblems of the alliance between the United States and his Most Christian Majesty, and inscribed with a suc- cinct narrative of the sunender of the British army linder the command of Karl Cornwallis. Two stands of colours taken from the ro3'al troops, were presented to General Washington, two field piec- es to Count Rochambeau ; and application was made to the French Court that Cout.t de Grasse 0 o 290 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1781. might be permitted to accept a testimonial of the approbation of Cojigress, similar to that which Ro- chambeau had received. To the Commander in Chief the most affection- ate and respectful addresses were presented by the governments of the states, by the authorities of cit- ies and by the corporations of literary institutions. The decided superiority of the allies in naval and land force, General Washington wished to direct to the conquest of the British posts at Carolina and Georgia. He addressed a letter to Count de Grass e on this subject, requesting his cooperation in meas- ures directed to these objects. But the Count de- clined, declaring that the service of his King de- manded his immediate return to the West Indies. Orders were of course issued for the disposition of the allied armies for the approaching winter. Ma- jor General St. Clair was detached with two brigades to South Carolina to reinforce General Green. The French forces remained in Virginia. The Eastern troops embarked early in November for the Head of Elk, under the command of General Lincoln, who was ordered to march them from the place of their landing into New Jersey and New York, and to canton them for the winter in those states. Count de Grasse with his fleet sailed for the West Indies, and General Washington proceeded to Philadel- phia. 1781.3 IIFE OF WASHINGTON. 291 CHAPTER IX. Preparations for another Campaign... .Sir Guy Carlton arrive^ at JVeio York and announces the vote of Parliament to ac knowledge American Independence ■4rmy anxious for their Pay ...../inonymous Address exciting them toa Revolt. ...GenC' ralWASHlNGTON convenes and addresses the Officers. ...Their resolutions., ..Preliminary Articles of Peace received... .Cesf sation of Hostilities proclaimed. ...General M''ashing7'on ad- dresses a Circular Letter to the Executives of the Several States.. ..Army disbanded.. ..JVew Levies of Pennsylvania re- volt....The Commander in Chief enters J\,''enu York. ...Takes leave of his Officers. ...Resigns his Commisson to the Presi- dent of Congress. ...Retires to Mount Fcrnon. 1781. The brilliant issue of the last cam- paign did not relax the vigilance of General Wash- INGTON. He deemed it true policy to call forth all the resources of the country, that the United States might be prepared for the conflicts of another year, or, might take a commt.nding attitude in a negotiation for peace. From Mount Vernon, on his way to the seat of government, he wrote General Green, *' I shall attempt to stimulate Congress to the best im- provement of our late success, by taking the most vigorous and ejffectual measures to be rea^y for an early and decisive campaign the next year. My great- est fear is that, viewing this stroke in a point of light which may too much magnify its importance, they 292 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1782. may think our work too nearly closed, and fall into a state of languor and relaxation. To prevent this errour, I shall employ every means in my power, and, if unhappily we sink into this fatal mistake, no part of the blame shall be mine." He reached Philadelphia the 27th of November, and on the next day had an audience of Congress. The President informed him that a committee was appointed to arrange the military establishment of the next year, and that he was requested to remain in Philadelphia to assist in this important business. At the consultations of this committee, the Secreta- ry of War, the Minister of Finance, and the Secreta- ry of Foreign Affairs assisted. The arrangements were made with despatch, and on the 10th of De- cember, Congress passed the resolves for the requi- sitions of men and money for the year 1782 upon the several states ; and the personal influence of the Commander in Chief was on this occasion used, to persuade the state governments seasonably to com- ply with the resolutions of Congress. 1782. The first intelligence from the British government, after the surrender of Earl Cornwallis, indicated a design to continue the American war ; but early in May, Sir Guy Carlton arrived at New York, to supercede Sir Henry Clinton as Command- er in Chief of the British army ; and he and Ad- miral Digby were appointed Commissioners to treat with the United States upon terms of peace. He communicated to General Washington a vote of the British Parliament against the pros- ecution of the American war ; and a bill author. 1782.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 293 azing the King to conclude a peace or truce Avith the re'uolted pro'vinces of North America. Sir Guy professed his pacific disposition, and pro- posed that hostilities should cease, as these would produce individual distress without national advan- tage. This bill, when Sir Guy left England had not passed into a law, and therefore was not a prop- er basis of negotiation ; and the Commander in Chief continued his defensive preparations. In August Sir Guy officially informed General Washington, that negotiations for a general peace had commenced at Paris ; ancl that his Britannick Majesty had directed his Minister to propose the Independence of the United States as a preliminary. The deficiency of the states in paying their re- spective requisitions of money into the national treasury subjected the Minister of Finance to ex- treme difficulty ; but by anticipating the publick revenue, and by exerting, to the utmost, his person- al influence, he was enabled barely to subsist the army. Neither Officers nor men received any pay. In September Congress contemplated the reduction of their military establishment. By this measure many of the officers would be discharged. In a con- fidential letter to the Secretary of War, the Com- mander in Chief expressed a full persuasion, that the gentlemen would gladly retire to private life, could they be reinstated in a situation as favourable as that which they quitted for the service of their country ; but added he, " I cannot help fearing the result of the measure, when I see such a number of men goaded by a 294 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1782. thousand stings of reflection on the past, and of anti- cipation on the future, about to be turned into the world, soured by penury, and what they call the in- gratitude of the publick ; involved in debts without one farthing of money to carry them home, after Iiaving spent the flower of their days, and many of them, their patrimonies in establishing the freedom and independence of their country ; and having suf- fered every thing which human nature is capable of enduring on this side of death. I repeat it, when I reflect on these irritable circumstances, unattended by one thing to soothe their feelings, or brighten the gloomy prospect, I cannot avoid apprehending that a train of evils will follow of a very serious and dis- tressing nature. *' 1 wish not to heighten the shades of the pic- ture so far as the real life would justify me in doing, or I would give anecdotes of patriotism and distress which have scarcely ever been paralleled, never sur- passed in the history of mankind. But you may re- ly upon it, the patience and long suffering of this army are almost exhausted, and there never was s(> great a spirit of discontent as at this instant. While in the field, I think it may be kept from breaking out into acts of outrage ; but when we retire into winter quarters, (unless the storm be previously dis- sipated) I cannot be at ease respecting the conse- quences. It is high time for a peace.'* Although the military services of the field did not require the presence of the Commander in Chief, yet he was induced on account of the irritable - state of the army to remain the whole season in camp. 1782.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 295 The disquietude of the army arose more from an apprehension, that their country would ultimately fail in the compensation promised them, than from the deficiency of prompt payment. In October 1780, Congress had passed a resolu- tion, granting half pay to the officers for life ; but they had no funds to pledge for the fulfilment of these engagements. Publick opinion seemed to be opposed to the measure, and the pointed opposi- tion by a number of the members of the National Legislature, rendered it doubtful whether a future Congress would feel themselves bound by that re- solution. This doubt was strenothened by the consideration that, since the passage of the resolu- tion, the articles of confederation had been adopted, and by these the concurrence of nine states, in Con- gress assembled, is necessary to the appropriation of publick money. Could absolute confidence be plac- ed in the honour and faith of the National Council, still they must depend on state sovereignties for the ways and means to execute their promises. The country had been greatly deficient to the arm}^ in the time of war, when their services were absolutely necessary. Would this country, amidst the securi- ty and tranquillity of peace, be more just ? As the prospects of immediate peace brightened, the atten- tion of the officers became the more er^afi:ed to se- cure a compensation for those services which were the means to establish the independence of their country. In December they presented a memorial to Congress, stating that many of them had expend- ed their private fortunes, and most of them the -96 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. (]l783ed with feelings that words cannot express. Having entered the barge, he turn- ed, and waving his hat, bid them a silent adieu, s s 322 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. Congress was then in session at Annapolis. To this honourable body, the General immediately re- paired to resign his military command.* He arrived on the 19th, and on the next day in- formed Congress of his desire to resign into their * On his way to Annapolis, he stopped at Philadelphia to settle his accounts ; ofwhich transaction Dr. Gordon makes the following statement. " While in the city, he delivered in his accounts to the Comptroller, down to December 1 3th, all in his onvn hand ivriting, and every entry made in the most particular man- ner, stating the occasion of each charge, so as to give the least trouble in examining and comparing them with the vouchers, with which they were attended. The heada are asjolloivs, copied from the folio manuscript pa- per book in the file of the treasury office^ N'o. 3700, being a black box oftin^ conlaining) under lock and key, both that and the vouchers. Total of Expenditures from 1775 to 1783, ex- clusive of Provisions from Commissaries and Contractors, and of liquors, &c. from them and others, £3587 14 i * Secret intelligence and service, 1982 10 0 Spent in reconnoitring and travelling, 1874 8 8 Miscellaneous charges, 2952 10 1 Expended besides, dollars according to the scale of depreciation, 6114 140 £16,311. 17 1 JVote. 104,364 of the dollars were received after March, 1780, and although credited forty for one, many did not fetch at the rate of a hundred for one, while 27,775 of them are •' * Two hundred guineas advanced to General M'Dougal are not in- cluded in the /"198a 10, not being yet fettled, but included in fome of the •tbei charges, aad io reckoned in the general fuai." 1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. i523 hands the commission with which they had invested him as Commander in Chief of the American ar- mies ; and he asked in what form he should present his resignation. Congress resolved that it should be at a publick audience on the succeeding Tuesday. When the moment of this interesting transaction arrived, the gallery was crowded with spectators ; and many of the civil officers of the state and of the returned without deducting any thing from the above ac- count (and, therefore, actually made a present of to the pub- lick.) (General Washington's account) from June, 1775, to the end of June, 1783, £16,311 17 I Expenditure from July 1, 1783, to Decem- ber 13, 1717 5 i C Added afternvardsj from thence to Decem- ber 28, 213 8 4 Mrs. Washington's travelling expenses in coming to the General and returning, . . 1064 1 o £19,306 11 9 Lawful money of Virginia, the same as the Massachusetts, or £14,479 18 9 3, sterling, " The General entered in his book...." I find, upon the final adjustment of these accounts, that I am a consider-f able loser.. ..my disbursements falling a good deal short of my receipts, and the money I had upon hand of my own : For besides the sums I carried with me to Cambridge, in 1775 I received monies afterwards on private account in 1777, and since which (except small sums that I had occa- sion to apply to private uses) were all expended in the pub- lick service ; through hurry I suppose, and the perplexity of business (for I know not how else to account for the deficien- cy) I have omitted to charge the same, whilst every dedit against me is here credited. Julij 1, 1783," 324 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. principal officers of the army, the French Consul General, and a large body of respectable citizens were admitted to the floor of the Hall. The mem- bers of Congress, representing the sovereignty of the nation, were seated and covered. At twelve o'clock, General Washington was introduced and conducted to a chair. After a short interval the Secretary commanded silence. The President then informed the General, *' that the United States in Congress assembled, were prepared to receive his communications." With dignity of manner suited to the occasion, he arose and addressed them : *' Mr. President, ^' The great events, on which my resignation de- pended, having at length taken place, I have nov/ the honour of offering my sincere congratulations to Congress, and of presenting myself before them to surrender into their hands the trust committed to me, and to claim the indulgence of retiring from ihe service of my country. *' Happy in the confirmation of our independence and sovereignty, and pleased with the opportunity afforded the United States of becoming a respecta- ble nation, I resign, with satisfaction, the appoint- ment 1 accepted with diffidence ; a diffidence in my abilities to accomplish so arduous a task, which, however, was superceded by a confidence in the rectitude of our cause, the support of the supreme power of the Union, and the patronage of Heaven. " The successful termination of the war has veri- fied the most sanguine expectations ; and my grat- itude for the interposition of Providence, and the 1783.] LIFE Of WASHINGTON. 325 assistance I have received from my countrymen, in- creases with every review of the momentous contest. " While I repeat my obhgations to the army in general, I should do injustice to my own feelings not to acknowledge, in this place, the peculiar ser- vices and distinguished merits of the gentlemen \\ ho have been attached to my person during the war. It was impossible the choice of confidential officers to compose my family should have been more for- tunate. Permit me, sir, to recommend in particu- lar, those who have continued in the service to the present moment, as worthy of the favourable notice and patronage of Congress. " I consider it as an indispensable duty to close this last solemn act of my official life, by commending the interests of our dearest country, to the protection of Almighty God, and those who have the superin- tendance of them to his holy keeping. '' Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great theatre of action, and bidding an affi^ctionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employ- ments of publick life." Having advanced to the chair and delivered the President his Commission, he received from him the the following reply : *' SIR, " The United States in Congress assembled, re- ceive, with emotions too affecting for utterance, the solemn resignation of the authorities under which you have led their troops with success, through a perilous and a doubtful war. 526 XIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1783. " Called upon by your country to defend its in- vaded rights, you accepted the sacred charge, be- fore it had formed aUiances, and whilst it was with- out funds or a government to support you. " You have conducted the great military contest with wisdom and fortitude, invariably regarding the rights of the civil power, through all disasters and changes. You have by the love and confidence of your fellow citizens, enabled them to display their martial genius, and transmit their fame to posterity. You have persevered, till these United States, aid- ed by a magnanimous king and nation, have been enabled under a just Providence, to close the war in freedom, safety, and independence ; on which hap- py event, we sincerely join you in congratulations. " Having defended the standard of liberty in this new world : Having taught a lesson useful to those, who inflict, and to those who feel oppression, you retire from the great theatre of action, with the blessings of your fellow citizens ; but the glory of your virtues will not terminate with your military command ; it will continue to animate remotest ages. " We feel, with you, our obligations to the army in general, and will particularly charge ourselves with the interests of those confidential officers, who have attended your person to this affecting moment. " We join you in commending the interests of our dearest country to the protection of Almighty I God, beseeching him to dispose the hearts and minds of its citizens, to improve the opportunity afforded them of becoming a happy and respectable 1783.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 327 nation. And for you, we address to him our earn- est prayers, that a -life so beloved, may be fostered with all his care ; that your days may be happy as tliey have been illustrious ; and that he will finally give you that reward which this world cannot give." The General immediately retired from the hall of Congress. The minds of the spectators were deeply impressed by the scene. The recollection of the circumstances of the country at the time the commission was accepted, the events that had since taken place, and the glorious issue of the conflict conspired to give the scene the most lively interest. His country being exalted to the dignity of a sovereign and independent nation, General Wash- ington with great satisfaction resigned the ar- duous duties and high responsibility of his military command. He repaired to Mount Vernon, in the delightful prospect of spending the residue of his days in the bosom of domestick life. With an immaculate character he had passed through all the complicated transactions of a revo- lutionary war ; and had established an immortal repu- tation as a soldier and a patriot, throughout the civ- ilized world. To his retirement he carried the pro- found veneration and most lively affection of his grateful countrymen. In the estimation of his friends, the measure of his honour was full. The extent of their wishes was, that no unpropitious e- vent might take place to tarnish the lustre of his reputation ; but that in peace he might descend in- to the gra\'e, with his laurel crown unfaded on his head. 528 LIFE OF WASHINOTOW. [1784. CHAPTER X. General Washing-Ton in Retirement.... His Pur suits. ...Votei of Congress and of the Legislature of Virginia respecting him. ...His Visitors and Correspondents. ...His Plans to iin- prove the A'avigation of the Potomack and James* Rivers.... Declines the grant of Virginia.... His Advice to the Cincin- nati....State of Publick Affairs.... National Convention.... Gen- eral Washinct'on its President. ...Federal Co7istitution re- commended and adopted.. ..General Washinct'on requested to consent to admi7iister the Government. ...He is chosen Pres- ident of the United States... .Sets out for the Seat of Govern- ment— Attention shown him on his Joui-ney....His Reception at JSfetv York. 1784. 1 EACE being restored to his country upon the broad basis of Independence, General Washington with supreme delight retired to the pursuits of private life. In a letter to Governour Clinton, written three days after his arrival at Mount Vernon, he thus expressed the grateful feelings of his heart on being relieved from the weight of his publick station. " The scene is at length closed. I feel myself eased of a load of publick care, and hope to spend the remainder of my days in cultivat- ing the affections of good men, and in the practice of the domestick virtues." This sentiment was more fully expressed to the Marquis La Fayette, *' I have become a 1784.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 329^ private citizen on the banks of the Potomack, and under the shadow of my own vine and own fig tree, free from the bustle of a camp, and the busy scenes of publick lite, I am solacing myself' with those tranquil enjoyments, of which the soldier who is ever in pursuit of fame, the statesman whose watchful days and sleepless nights are spent in de- vising schemes to promote the \vclfare of his outi, perhaps the ruin of other countries (as if the globe was insufficient for us all) and the courtier who is always watching the countenance of his Prince in the hope of catching a gracious smile, can have verV" little conception. I have not only retired from all publick employments, but am retiring within my- self, and shall he able to view the solitary walk and tread the paths of private life with heart felt satisfac- tion. Envious of none, I am determined to be pleased with all ; and this, my dear friend, beinp* the order of my march, I will move doVVn the stream of life, until I sleep with my fathers." But delighted as he was with his domestick en- joyments, he found it to be the work of time to di- vest himself of the feelings and habits formed in his publick station. " 1 am just beginning," said he in a letter to a friend, " to experience the ease and freedom from publick cares, which however desira- ble, takes some time to realize ; for strange as it may seem, it is nevertheless true, that it was not until lately I could get the better of my usual cus- tom of ruminating as soon as I awoke in the morn- ing, on the business of the ensuing day ; and of ni^ surprise at finding, after revolving many things in T X S30 I-IPE OF WASHINGTON. [1784. my mind, that I was no longer a publick man, or had any thing to do with publick transactions. I feel, now however, as I conceive a wearied traveller must do, who, after treading many a painful step with a heavy burden on his shoulders, is eased of the latter, having reached the haven to which all the former were directed, and from his housetop is looking back and tracing with an eager eye, the meanders by which he escaped the quicksands and mires which lay in his way, and into which none but the all- powerful Guide and Dispenser of human events could have prevented his falling." Soon after the proclamation of peace, Congress unanimously resolved to erect at the place which should be established as the permanent seat of gov- ernment, an equestrian statue of Gen, Washing- ton. This resolution, however, has not yet been carried into effect. Virginia also bore an honourable testimony of the sense entertained of the services of her distin- guished citizen. In a spacious area in the centre of the capitol of this state, she erected a marble statue of him, with the following inscription on its pedestal. "The General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia have caused this statue to be erected as a monument of affection and gratitude to GEORGE WASHINGTON, who, uniting in the endowments of the HERO the virtues of the PATRIOT, and exerting both in the establishment of the liberties of his country, has rendered his name dear to his fel- low citizens, and given the world an immortal ex- ample of true glory." 1784.] LIJE OF WASHINGTON, 531 In addition to these expressions of publick vener- ation, innumerable addresses from literary and oth- er incorporations were presented to him, which, in ardent language, expressed the veneration univer- sally felt for his character, and the admiration en- tertained for his services. His well balanced mind bore these publick and private honours without a symptom of vanity or pride. The pursuits of General Washington at this period were a renewal of habits, formed at an earlier part of life, and a recurrence to employments in which he ever took delight ; and he experienced nothing of that dissatisfaction and tedium of which gentlemen often complain, who leave the cares of a publick station for the silent scenes of retirement. The improvement of American husbandry engaged his close attention, and in the prosecution of plans adapted to this purpose, he entered into a corres- pondence with Mr. Arthur Young, and other dis- tinguished European agriculturists. The result of their information, and of his own experience, he applied, to amend his farming implements, to improve his breed of cattle, and in various experi- ments, suited to the soil he cultivated. The plans which succeeded with hini, he recommended to the farmers around him. But even in the shade of Mount Vernon, the time of General Washington was not wholly at his own disposal. Every foreigner of distinction who visited the United States was urgent for an in- troduction to the late Commander in Chief ; and «very American of any consequence, who was about 332 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784. to cross the Atlantic, was ambitious to obtain let- ters from him to celebrated characters in Europe. With numbers of the officers of the late army, with many of the political characters of his own country and with several eminent individuals of Europe, he held a correspondence. Ceremonious visitors and officious correspondents became oppressive to him» and in a letter to a friend, he thus complained of the burden of them. " It is not, my dear Sir, the let- ters of my friends which give me trouble,or add ought to my perplexity. I receive them with pleasure, and pay as much attention to them as my avocations will permit. It is references to old m.atters with which I have nothing to do ; applications which often times cannot be complied with ; inquiries to satisfy which would employ the pen of an historian ; letters of compliment, as unmeaning, perhaps, as they are troublesome, but which must be attended to ; and the common place business, which employ my pen and my time, often disagreeably. Indeed these, with company, deprive me of exercise ; and unless I can obtain relief, must be productive of disagreea- ble consequences. Already, I begin to feel their ef- fects. Heavy and painful oppressions of the head, and other disagreeable sensations often trouble me. I am therefore determined to employ some person who shall ease me of the drudgery of this business. To correspond with those I love is among my highest gratifications. Letters of friendship re- quire no study ; the communications they contain flow with ease ; and allowances are expected and are made. But this is not the case with those which 1784.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 333 require research, consideration and recollection." At length he engaged a young gentleman of talents and education, who relieved him from a great part of these irksome attentions. The patriotick mind of General Washington Gould not however be engrossed by his own concerns. In his retirement, he with solicitude watched over the interests of his country. The improvement of its inland navigation early engaged his reflections. Plans which the war had interrupted, were now re- sumed upon an enlarged scale. This year he visit- ed the western country as far as Pittsburg, and hav- ing collected the necessary information, he opened his scheme to Mr. Harrison, then Governour of Vir- ginia. This was to render the rivers Potomack and James navigable as high as practicable ; to take accurate surveys of the country between these rivers and the streams which empty into the Ohio, and find the most advantageous portages between them ; to survey the waters west of the Ohio, which empty into the lakes ; and to open such inland navigation between these waters, as would secure the trade of the western country to Virginia and Maryland. ' 'Na- ture," he observed *' haol made such an ample display of her bounties in those regions, that the more the country was explored the more it would rise in esti- mation." He was persuaded that Pennsylvania and New York would adopt measures, to direct the trade of that country to their sea ports, and he was anxious that his native state should seasonably avail herself of the advantages she possessed to secure her share in it. 534t LIFE OF WASHINGTON. []1784» *' I am not," he declared, " for discouraging the exertions of any state to draw the commerce of the western country to its seaports. The more com- munications we open to it, the closer we bind that rising world, (for it indeed may be so called) to our interests, and the greater strength shall we acquire by it. Those to whom nature affords the best com- munication, will, if they are wise, enjoy the great- est share of the trade. All I would be understood to mean therefore, is, that the gifts of Providence may not be neglected." But political motives had higher influence in this transaction than commercial. " I need not remark to you, Sir," said he in his communication to thcGovernour of Virginia, " that the flanks and rear of the United States are possess- ed by other powers, and formidable ones too ; nor need 1 press the necessity of applying the cement of interest to bind all parts of the union together by indissoluble bonds ; especially of binding that part of it which lies immediately west of us, to the middle states. For what ties, let me ask, should we have upon those people, how entirely unconnect- ed with them shall we be, and what troubles may we not apprehend, if the Spaniards on their right, and Great Britain on their left, instead of throwing impediments in their way as they now do, should hold out lures for their trade and alliance ? When they get strength, which will be sooner than most people conceive, what will be the consequence of their having formed close commercial connexions with both, or either of those powers, it needs not in my opinion, the ^ift of prophecy to foretell. 1784.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. S3f ** The western settlers (I speak now from my own observations) stand as it were upon a pivot. The touch of a feather would turn them any way. Until the Spaniards (very unwisely as I think) threw difficulties in their way, they looked down the Missi- sippi ; and they looked that way for no other reason than because they could gently glide down the stream ; without considering perhaps the fatigues of the voyage back again, and the time necessary for its performance ; and because they have no other means of coming to us, but by a long land transportation through unimproved roads." These recommendations were not lost. Under the patronage of the governments of Virginia and Maryland, two companies were formed for opening the navigation of the Potomack and the James. Of both which Gen. Washington consented to be the president. The Legislature of Virginia by a resolution v/hich passed unanimously, directed the treasurer of tlie state to subscribe for one hundred and fifty shares in each company for the benefit of General Washington. The appropriation vva^ made in a manner the most affecting to a noble mind. The assembly expressed a Avish, that while the improvements of their inland navigation were monuments of his glory, they might also be monu- ments of his country's gratitude. The donation placed him in a very delicate and embarrassed situ- ation. The feelings excited by this generous and honourable act of his state, he fully expressed to the friend, who informed him of the passage of the bill. *' It is not easy for me to decide by which 336 LIFE OF WASHINGTOW. [1784. my mind was most affected upon the receipt of your letter of the sixth instant surprise or gratitude. Both were greater than I had words to express. The attention and good wishes which the assembly has evidenced by their act for vesting in me one hundred and fifty shares in the navigation of the rivers Potomack and James, is more than mere com- pliment.... There is an unequivocal and substantial meaning annexed. But, believe me sir, no circum- stance has happened since I left the walks of pub- lick life which has so much embarrassed me. On the one hand, I consider this act, as I have already observed, as a noble and unequivocal proof of the good opinion, the aifection, and disposition of my country to serve me ; and I should be hurt, if by- declining the acceptance of it, my refusal should be construed into disrespect, or the smallest slight up- on the general intention of the Legislature ; or that an ostentatious display of disinterestedness, or pub- lick virtue, was the source of refusal. '* On the other hand, it is really my wish to have my mind and my actions, which are the result of reflection, as free and independent as the air, that I may be more at liberty (in things which my op- portunities and experience have brought me to the knowledge of) to express my sentiments, and if ne- cessary, to suggest what may occur to me, under the fullest conviction that although my judgment may be arraigned, there will be no suspicion that sinis- ter motives had the smallest influence in the sugges- tion. Not content then with the bare conscious- ness of my having in all this navigation business, 1784-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 3Sf acted upon the clearest conviction of the political importance oflhe measure. I would wish that eve- ry individual who may hear that it was a favourite plan of mine, may know also, that I had no other motive for promoting it, than the advantage of which I conceived it would be productive to the union at large, and to this state in particular, by cementing the eastern and western territory together, at the same time that it will give vigour and increase to our commerce, and be a convenience to our citi- zens. *' How would this matter be viewed then by the eye of the world, and what opinion would be form- ed when it comes to be related that, that G***** W********n exerted himself to effect this work, and that G*****W*^******n has received /w^w(y thousand dollars , and ^ve thousand pounds sterling of the publick money as an interest therein ? Would not this (if I am entitled to any merit for the part I have performed, and without it there is no founda- tion for the act) deprive me of the principal thing which is laudable in my conduct ? Would it not in some respects be considered in the same light as a pension ? And would not the apprehension of this induce me to offer my sentiments in future with the more reluctance ? In a word under whatever pre- tence, and however customary these gratuities may be in other countries, should I not thenceforward be considered as a dependent ? One moment's thought of which would give roe more pain than I should receive pleasure from the product of all the tolls, was every farthing of them vested in me." U ¥ 538 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784-7. After great deliberation, he determined to appro- priate the shares to such publick uses as the Legisla- ture should approve. In communicating this deter- mination through the Governour, to the General Assembly, he begged him to assure them that he was *' filled on the occasion with every sentiment which can flow from a heart, warm with love to his country, sensible to every token of its approbation and affection, and solicitous to testify in every in- stance a respectful attention to its wishes." Ac- cording to his desire, the shares were appropriated to the support of a college in the vicinity of each of those rivers. The Cincinnati had in their original constitution secured perpetuity of existence to their society. The eldest male posterity of the officers were to suc- ceed to the places of their fathers, and in the failure of them, a collateral branch might be introduced. Individuals also of the respective states, distinguished for their talents and patriotism, might be admitted as honorary members for life. In this part of the institution, some American patriots thought they perceived the seeds of an order of nobility, and pub- lick jealousy was excited against the society. Gen- eral Washington, their President, conceived that if popular prejudices could not be removed, the so- ciety ought " to yield to them in a degree, and not sufl:er that which was intended for the best of pur- poses to produce a bad one." On full inquiry, he found that objections to the institution were gen- eral throughout the United States, under the appre- hension that it would prove dangerous to publick 1784-7.]] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 339 liberty, he therefore exerted his influence among the officers to induce them to drop the offensive part of the institution, and at the annual meeting in May 1787, the hereditary principle, and the power to adopt honorary members, Avere expunged from the constitution. This modification fully removed the publick apprehension. Experience proved the articles under which the United States originally confederated to be inade- quate to the purposes of national government ; and wise and good men in every part of the union anx- iously looked forward to a crisis in publick affairs. Many of General Washington's friends intimated to him that the occasion would call for his personal influence. Mr. Jay, in letters written in the spring and summer of 1786, with feeling described the state of the country, *' You have wisely retired from publick employments, and calmly view from the temple of fame, the various exertions of that sover- eign ty and independence, which Providence has en- abled you to be so greatly and gloriously instru- mental in securing to your country, yet I am per- suaded that you cannot view them with the eye of an unconcerned spectator. " Experience has pointed out errours in our na- tional government which call for correction, and which threaten to blast the fruit we expected from the tree of liberty. An opinion begins to prevail that a general convention for revising the articles of confederation would be expedient. Whether the people are yet ripe for such a measure, or whether the system proposed to be obtained by it is only to 340 tIFE or WASHINGTON. [1784-7. be expected from calamity and commotion is diffi- cult to ascertain. " I think we are in a delicate situation, and a va- riety of considerations and circumstances give me uneasiness. It is in contemplation to take meas- ures for forming a general convention. The plan is not matured. If it should be well connected and take effect, I am fervent in my wishes that it may comport with the line of life you have marked out for yourself, to favour your country with your counsels on such an important and single occasion. " Our affairs seem to lead to some crisis, some- thing that 1 cannot foresee or conjecture. 1 am un- easy and apprehensive, more so than during the war. Then we had a fixed object, and though the means and time of obtaining it were problematical, yet I did firmly believe that we should ultimately succeed, because I did firmly believe that justice was with us. The case is now altered. We are going and doing wrong, and therefore I look forward to evils and calamities, but without being able to guess at the instrument, nature, or measure of them. " That Me shall again recover, and things again go well, I have no doubt. Such a variety of cir- cumstances would not, almost miraculously, have combined to liberate and make us a nation, for tran- scient and unimportant purposes. I therefore be- lieve that we are yet to become a great and respecta- ble people ; but when or how, only the spirit of prophecy can discern. *' What I most fear is, that the better kind of people (by which I mean the people who are orderly H 1784-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 341 and industrious, who are content wivh their situa- tions, and not uneasy in their circumstances) will be led by the insecurity of property, the loss of con- fidence in their rulers, and the want of pubhck faidi and rectitude, to consider the charms of liberty as imaginary and delusive. A state of uncertainty and fluctuation must disgust and alarm such men, and prepare their minds for almost any change that may promise them quiet and security." To these weighty communications General Washington replied. " Your sentiments that our affairs are drawing rapidly to a crisis, accord with my own. What the event will be, is also beyond the reach of my fore- sight. We have errours to correct ; we have pro- bably had too good an opinion of human nature, in forming our confederation. Experience has taught us that men will not adopt and carry into execution, measures the best calculated for their own good, without the intervention of coercive power. I do not conceive we can exist long as a nation, without lodging, somewhere, a power which will pervade the whole Union in as energetick a manner, as the author- ity of the state governments extends over the several states. To be fearful of investing Congress, con- stituted as that body is, with ample authorities for national purposes, appears to me the very climax of popular absurdity and madness. Could Congress exert them for the detriment of the people, without injuring themselves in an equal or greater propor- tion ? Are not their interests inseparably connected with those of their constituents ? By the rotation of 342 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1784-7. appointments, must they not mingle frequently with the mass of citizens ? Is it not rather to be appre- hended, if they were not possessed of the powers before described, that the individual members would be induced to use them, on many occasions, very timidly and inefficaciously, for fear of losing their popularity and future election ? We must take hu- man nature as we find it ; perfection falls not to the share of mortals. *' What then is to be done ? Things cannot go on in the same strain forever. It is much to be fear- ed, as you observe, that the better kind of people, being disgusted with these circumstances, will have their minds prepared for any revolution whatev- er. W^e are apt to run from one extreme to an- other. To anticipate and prevent disastrous con- tingencies, would be the part of wisdom and patriot- ism. " What astonishing changes a few years are ca- pable of producing ! I am told that even respecta- ble characters speak of a monarchical form of gov- ernment without horror. From thinking proceeds speaking, thence to acting is often but a single step. But how irrevocable and tremendous ! what a tri- umph for our enemies to verify their predictions ! what a triumph for the advocates of despotism to find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems, founded on the basis of equal lib- erty, are merely ideal and fallacious ! W^ould to God that wise measures may be taken in time to a- vert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend. 1784-7.] I.IFE or Washington. 343 " Retired as I am from the world, I frankly ac- knowledge I cannot feel myself an unconcerned spectator. Yet having happily assisted in bringing the ship into port, and having been fairly discharg- ed, it is not my business to embark again on the sea of troubles. *' Nor could it be expected that my sentiments and opinions would have much weight on the minds of my countrymen. They have been neglected, though given as a last legacy in a most solemn man- ner. I then perhaps had some claims to publick at- tention. I consider myself as having none at pre- sent." When the plan of a Convention was ripened, and its meeting appointed to be at Philadelphia in May, 1787, an influential character in Virginia, communi- cated to General Washington the intention of that state to elect him one of her representatives, on this important occasion. He explicitly declined being a candidate, yet the Legislature placed him at the head of her delegation, in the hope that mature reflection would induce him to attend upon the ser- vice. The Governour of the state, Mr. Randolph, informed him of his appointment, by the following letter. " By the enclosed act you will readily dis- cover that the Assembly are alarmed at the storms which threaten the United States. What our ene- mies have foretold seems to be hastening to its ac- complishment, and cannot be frustrated but by an instantaneous, zealous and steady union among the friends of the federal government. To you I need ■not press our present dangers. Tlie ineflicacy of 344 LIFE OP WASHINGTON-. [1784-7. Congi'css you haA'e often felt in your official charac- ter; the increasing languor of our associated repub- licks you hourly see ; and a dissolution would be, I know, to you, a source of the deepest mortification. I freely then entreat you to accept the unanimous appointment of the General Assembly to the Conven- tion at Philadelphia. For the gloomy prospect still admits one ray of hope, that those who began, car- ried on and consummated the revolution, can yet re- store America from the impending ruin." *' Sensible as I am," said the General in his an- swer, " of the honour conferred on me by the Gen- eral Assembly of this commonwealth, in appointing me one of the deputies to a Convention proposed to be held in the city of Philadelphia in May next, for the purpose of revising the federal -constitution ; and desirous as I am on all occasions of testifying a ready obedience to the calls of my country.... yet sir, there exist at this moment, circumstances which I am persuaded will render this fresh instance of confi- dence incompatible with other measures which I had previously adopted, and from which seeing lit- tHe prospect of disengaging myself, it would be dis- ingenuous not to express a wish that some other character on whom greater reliance can be had, may be substituted in my place, the probability of my non attendance being too great to continue my appointment. "As no mind can be more deeply impressed than mine is wifh the critical situation of our affairs, resulting in a great measure from the want of effi- cient powers in the federal head, and due respect to 1787.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 345 its ordinances, so consequently those who do engage in the important business of removing these defects, will carry with them every good wish of mine, which the best dispositions towards their obtainmcnt can bestow." The Governour decHned the acceptance of his resignatioti of the appointment, and begged him to suspend his determination until the approach of the period of the meeting of Convention, that his final judgment might be the result of a full acquaintance with all circumstances. Thus situated, the General reviewed the subject, that he might upon thorough deliberation make the decision which duty and patriotism enjoined. He had, by a circular letter to the state societies, declin- ed being reelected the President of the Cincinnati, and had announced that he should not attend their* general meeting at Philadelphia on the next May ; and he apprehended, that if he attended the Conven- tion at the time and pluce of tlieir meeting, that he should give offence to all the officers of the late army who composed this body. He was under ap- prehension that the states would not be generally represented on this occasion, and that a failure in the plan would diminish the personal influence of those who engaged in it. Some of his confidential friends were of opinion that the occasion did not re- quire his interposition and that he ought to reserve himself for a state of things which would unequivo- cally demand his agency and influence. Even on the supposition that the plan should succeed, they thought that he ought not to engage in it ; because w w 546 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1787. his having been in Convention would obligate him to make exertions to carry the measures, that body might recommend, into effect, and would necessa- rily "sweep him into the tide of publick aft'airs. " His own experience since the close of tlie revolu- tionary war created in his mind serious doubts, whether the respecti\'e states would quietly adopt any system, calculated to give stability and vigour to the national government. "As we could not," to use his own language, " remain quiet more than three or four years in times of peace, under the con- stitutions of our ov\ n choosing, which were believed in many states to have been formed with delibera- tion and wisdom, I see little prospect either of our agreeing on any other, or that we should remain long satisfied under it, if we could. Yet I would wish any thing and every thing essayed to prevent the effusion of blood, and to divert the humiliating and contemptible figure we are about to make in the annals of mankind." These considerations operated powerfully to con- firm him in the opinion first formed, not to attend the Convention. On the other hand, he realized the greatness of the publick stake. The confederation was univer- sally considered as a nullity. The advice of a Con. vention, composed of respectable characters from ev- ery part of the union, would probably have great in- fluence with the community, whether it should be to amend the articles of the old government, or to form a new constitution. 1787.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 347 Amidst the various sentiments which at this time prevailed, respecting the state of publick affairs, ma- ny entertained the supposition that the " times must be worse before they could be better," and that the American people could be induced to establish an efficient and liberal national government only by the scourge of anarchy. Some seemed to think that the experiment of a republican government in Amer- ica, had already failed, and that one more energet- ic, must soon by violence be introduced. General Washington entertained some apprehension, that his declining to attend theConvention would be con- sidered as a dereliction of republican principles. While he was balancing these opposite circum- stances in his mind, the insurrection of Massachu- setts occurred, which turned the scale of opinion in favour of his joining the Convention. He viewed this event as awfully alarming. '• For God's sake tell me," said he in a letter to Colonel Humphreys, " what is the cause of ail these commotions ? Do they proceed from licentiousness, British influence disseminated by the tories, or real grievances which admit of redress ? If the latter, why was redress de- layed until the publick mind had become so much agitated ? If the former, why are not the powers of government tried at once ? It is as well to be with- out as not to exercise them. To General Knox and other friends, similar ap- prehensions were expressed. " I feel infinitely more than I can express to you, for the disorders which have arisen in these states. Good God ! who besides a tory could have foreseen, or a Briton 348 LIFB OF WASHINGTON." [I787i. have predicted them ? I do assure you that even at this moment, Avhen I reflect upon the present as- pect of our affairs, it seems to me like the visions of a dream. My mind can scarcely realize it as a thing in actual existence :....So strange, so wonder- ful, does it appear tome. In this, as inmost other matters, we are too slow. When this spirit first dawned, it might probably have been easily check- ed ; but it is scarcely within the reach of human ken, at this moment, to say when, where, or how, it will terminate. There arc combustibles in every state, to which a spark might set fire. In bewailing, which I have often done with the keenest sorrow, the death of our much lamented friend General Greene, I have accompanied my regrets of late with a query wheth-*" er he would not have preferred such an exit, to the scenes which it is more than probable many of his compatriots may live to bemoan." " You talk, my good sir, of employing influence to appease the present tumults in Massachusetts. I know not where that influence is to be found ; nor if attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for these disorders. Influence is uot goiicrnment. Let us have a government by which our lives, liberties, and properties will be secured; or let us know the worst at once. Under these impressions my hum- ble opinion is that there is a call for decision. Know then precisely what the insurgents aim at. If they have real grievances, redress them if possible ; or ac- knowledge the justice of them, and your inability to do it in the present moment. If they have not, em- ploy the force of the government against them at 1787.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 345 once. If this is inadequate, all will be convinced that the superstructure is bad, or wants support. To be more exposed in the eyes of the world, and more contemptible than we already are, is hardly possible. To delay one or the other of these expedients, is to exasperate on the one hand, or to give ccMifidence on the other, and will add to their numbers ; for, like snow balls, such bodies increase by every movement, unless there is something in the way to obstruct and crumble them, before their weight is too great and irresistible. " These are my sentiments. Precedents are dangerous things. Let the reins of government then be braced, and held with a steady hand ; and every violation of the Constitution be reprehended. If de- fective, let it be amended, but not suflPered to be trampled upon while it has an existence." A friend having intimated by letter his appre- hension, that civil discord was near, in v/hich event he would be obliged to act a publick part, or to leave the continent. ** It is," said the General in re- ply, " with the deepest and most heartfelt concern, I perceive, by some late paragraphs extracted from the Boston papers, that the insurgents of Massachu- setts, far from being satisfied with the redress offered by their General Court, are still acting in open viola- tion of law and government, and have obliged the Chief Magistrate, in a decided tone to call upon the militia of the state to support the constitution. " What, gracious God, is man ! That there should be such inconsistency and perfidiousness in his conduct. It is but the other day, that we were 550 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1787. shedding our blood to obtain the constitutions un- der which we live ; constitutions of our own choice and making ; and now we are unsheathing the sword to overturn them. The thing is so unaccountable that I hardly know how to realize it ; or to persuade myself that 1 am not under the illusion of a dream. My mind, previous to the receipt of your letter of the first ultimo, had often been agitated by a thought similar to the one you expressed respecting a friend of yours ; but heaven forbid that a crisis should come when he shall be driven to the necessity of making a choice of either of the alternatives there mentioned." Having learned that the states had generally elected their representatives to the Convention, and Congress having given its sanction to it, he on the 28th of March communicated to the Governour of Virginia, his consent to act as one of the delegates of his state on this important occasion. On the second Monday in May 1787, the dele- gates of twelve states met in Convention at Pliladel- phia, and unanimously elected General George Washington their President. The present Con- stitution of Government of the United States was the result of the deliberations, and concessions of this venerable body. Although the friends of General Washington had fully acquiesced in the propriety of his retiring from publick life at the close of the revolutionary war, yet from the moment of the adoption of the Fed- eral Constitution, all eyes were directed to him as the first President of the United States. His cor. 1787.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. S51 respondents early endeavoured to prepare his mind to gi'atify the expectations of his country. Mr. Johnson., a distinguished patriot of Maryland, wrote him, " We cannot do without you, and I and thou- sands more can explain to any body but yourself why we cannot do without you." The struggle between inclination and duty was long and severe. His feelings on this occasion ful- 1}'^ appeared in the letters which he wrote to his friends on the subject. Colonel Lee then a member of Congress, communicating to General Wash- ington the measures which that body were adopt- ing to introduce the new government, thus alludes to the presidency. *' The solemnity of the moment, and its applica- tion to yourself, have fixed my mind in contempla- tions of a publick and a personal nature, and I feel an involuntar)' impulse which I cannot resist, to com- municate, without reserve to you some of the reflec- tions which the hour has produced. Solicitous for our common happiness as a people, and convicted, as I continue to be, that our peace and prosperity depend on the proper improvement of the present pe- riod, my anxiety is extreme that the new govern- ment may have an auspicious beginning. To ef- fect this, and to perpetuate a nation formed under your auspices, it is certain you will again be called forth. The same principles of devotion to the good of mankind, which have invariably governed your conduct, will no doubt continue to rule your mind, however opposite their consequences may be to your repose and happiness. It may be wrong, but S52 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1788. I cannot suppress in my wishes for national felicitj a due regard for your personal fame and content. " If the same success should attend your efforts on this important occasion which has distinguished you hitherto, then, to be sure, you will have spent a life which Providence rarely, if ever, before gave to the lot of man. It is my anxious hope, it is my belief that this will be the case ; but all things are uncer- tain, and perhaps nothing more so than political events. " Without you, the government can have but lit- tle chance of success ; and the people, of that hap- piness which its prosperity must yield.'* To these communications, the General thus re- plied : *' Your observations on the solemnity of the cri- sis, and its application to myself, bring before me subjects of the most momentous and interesting na- ture. In our endeavours to establish a new general government, the contest nationally considered, seems not to have been so much for glory, as existence. It was for a long time doubtful whether we were to survive as an independent republick, or decline from our federal dignity into insignificant and wretched fragments of empire. The adoption of the consti- tution so extensively, and with so liberal an acqui- escence on the part of the minorities in general, promised the former ; but lately, the circular letter of New York has manifested in my apprehension an unfavourable, if not an insidious tendency to a con- trary policy. I still hope for the best ; but before you mentioned it, I could not help fearing it would )788.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 353 serve as a standard to which the disaffected could resort. It is now evidently the part of all honest men, who are friends to the new constitution, to en- deavour to give it a chance to disclose its merits and defects by carrying it fairly into eftect, in the first instance. " The principal topick of your letter is to me, a point of great delicacy indeed, insomuch that I can scarcely, without some impropriety, touch up- on it. In the first place, the event to which you al- lude may never happen, among other reasons be- cause, if the partiality cf my fellow citizens conceive it to be a mean by which the sinews of the new government would be strengthened, it will of con- sequence be obnoxious to those who are in opposi- tion to itj many of whom, unquestional:)ly, will be placed among the electors. This consideration a^ lone would supersede the expediency of announcing any definitive and irrevocable resolution. You are among the small number of those who know my in- vincible attachment to domestick life, and that my sincerest wish is to continue in the enjoyment of it solely, until my final hour. But the world would be neither so well instructed, nor so candidly dis- posed, as to believe me to be uninfluenced by sinister motives in case any circumstance should render a deviation from the line of conduct I had prescribed for myself indispensable. Should the contingency you suggest, take place, and (for argument's sake alone let me say) should my unfeigned reluctance to ac- cept the ofiice be overcome by a deference for the reasons and opinions of my friends ; might I not, af- X X S54i LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [|1788» ter the declarations I have made, (and heaven knows they were made in the sincerity of my heart) in the judgment of the impartial world, and of posterity, be chargeable with levity and inconsistency, if not with rashness and ambition ? Nay farther, would there not even be some apparent foundation for the two former charges ? Now, justice to myself, and tranquillity of conscience require that I should act a part, if not above imputation, at least capable of vindication. Nor will you conceive me to be too solicitous for reputation. Though I prize as I ought the good opinion of my fellow citizens, yet if I know myself, I would not seek popularity at the expense of one social duty, or moral virtue. *' While doing what my conscience informed me was right, as it respected my God, my Country, and myself, I could despise all the party clamour and unjust censure which must be expected from some, whose personal enmity might be occasioned by their hostility to the government. I am con- scious, that I fear alone to give any real occasion for obloquy, and that I do not dread to meet with unmerited reproach. And certain I am, whensoev- er I shall be convinced the good of my country re- quires my reputation to be put in risque, regard for my own fame will not come in competition with an object of so much magnitude. *' If I declined the task, it would be upon quite another principle. Notwithstanding my advanced season of life, my increasing fondness for agricul- tural amusements, and my growing love of retire- ment, augment and confirm my decided predeliction 1788.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 355 for the character of a private citizen, yet it will be no one of these motives, nor the hazard to which my former reputation might be exposed, or the ter- rour of encountering new fatigues and troubles, that would deter me from an acceptance ; but a belief that some other person, who had less pretence and less inclination to be excused, could execute all the duties full as satisfactorily as myself. To say more would be indiscreet ; as the disclosure of a refusal beforehand might incur the application of the fable, in which the fox is represented as undervaluing the grapes he could not reach. You will perceive, my dear sir, by what is here observed (and uhich you will be pleased to consider in the light of a confiden- tial communication) that my inclinations will dispose and decide me to remain as I am ; unless a clear and insurmountable conviction should be impressed on my mind, that some very disagreeable consequen- ces must in all human probability result from the indulgence of my wishes." To similar suggestions from Colonel Hamilton, General Washington replied. " On the deli- cate subject with which you conclude your letter I can say nothing ; because the event alluded to may never happen, and because in case it should occur, it would be a point of prudence to defer forming one's ultimate and irrevocable decision, so long as new data might be afforded for one to act with the greater wisdom and propriety. I would not wish to conceal my prevailing sentiment from you. For you know me well enough, my good sir, to be per- suaded that I am not guilty of affectation, when I 356 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1788. tell you it is my great and sole desire to live and die in peace and retirement on my own farm. Were it even indispensable a different line of conduct should be adopted, while you and some others who are ac- quainted with my heart would acquit, the world and posterity might probably accuse me of inconsistency and ambition. Still I hope, I shall always possess firmness and virtue enough to maintain (what I con- sider the most enviable of all titles) the character of OJi honest man. *' Although I could not help observing from several publications and letters that my name had been sometimes spoken of, and that it was possible the contingency which is the subject of your letter might happen, yet I thought it best to maintain a guarded silence, and to lack the counsel of my best friends (which I certainly hold in the highest esti- mation) rather than to hazard an imputation un- friendly to the delicacy of my feelings. For, situat- ed as I am, I could hardly bring the question into the slightest discussion, or ask an opinion even in the most confidential manner, without betraying in my judgment, some impropriety of conduct, or without feeling an apprehension that a premature display of anxiety, might be construed into a vain glorious de- sire of pushing myself into notice as a candidate. Now, if I am not grossly deceived in myself, I should unfeignedly rejoice, in case the electors, by giving their votes in favour of some other person, would save me from the dreadful dilemma of being forced to accept or refuse. If that may not be, I am in the jiext place, earnestly desirous of searching out the 1788.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 357 truth, and of knowing whether there does not exist a probability that the government would be just as happily and effectually carried into execution with- out my aid, as with it. I am truly solicitous to ob- tain all the previous information which the circum- stances will afford, and to determine (when the de- termination can with propriety be no longer post- poned) according to the principles of right reason, and the dictates of a clear conscience ; without too great a reference to the unforeseen consequences which may affect my person or reputation. Until that period, I may fairly hold myself open to convic- tion, though I allow your sentiments to have weight iii them ; and I shall not pass by your arguments livithout giving them as dispassionate a consideration as I can possibly bestow upon them. " In taking a survey of the subject, in whatever point of light I have been able to place it, I will not suppress the acknowledgment, my dear sir, that I have always felt a kind of gloom upon my mind, as often as I have beeii taught to expect I might, and perhaps must ere long be called to make a decision. You will, I am well assured, believe the assertion (though I have little expectation it would gain cred- it from those who are less acquainted with me) that if I should receive the appointment, and should be prevailed upon to accept it ; the acceptance would be attended with more diffidence and reluctance, than ever I experienced before in my life. It would be, however, w ith a fixed and sole determination of lending whatever assistance might be in my po\A er lo promote the publick weal, in hopes that at a con- 558 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1788. venient and early period, my services might be dis- pensed with ; and that I might be permitted once more to retire.. ..to pass an unclouded evening after the stormy day of life, in the bosom of domestick tranquillity." We have already made copious extracts from the letters of the General on the subject of the Presi- dency ; but as they clearly describe his feelings and views on the near prospect of being again summon- ed by his country into publick life, they must be in- teresting to all. We will close them with the fol- lowing communications made to General Lincoln, who had also communicated to him the expectation of his friends, " I would willingly pass over in si- lence that part of your letter, in which you mention the persons who are candidates for the two first of- fices in the executive, if I did not fear the omission might seem to betray a want of confidence. Mo- tives of delicacy have prevented me hitherto from conversing or writing on this subject, whenever I could avoid it with decency. I may, however, with great sincerity, and I believe without ofl'ending a- gainst modesty or propriety, say to you, that I most heartily wish tiie choice to which you allude might not fall upon me ; and that if it should, I must re- serve to myself the right of making up my final deci- sion, at the last moment, when it can be brought into one view, and when the expediency or inexpediency of a refusal can be more judiciously determined than at present. But be assured, my dear sir, if fi'om any inducement I shall be persuaded ultimately to accept, it will not be (so far as I know my own heart) 1788.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 359 from any of a private or personal nature. Every personal consideration conspires to rivet me (if I may use the expression) to retirement. At my time of life, and under my circumstances, nothing in this world can ever draw me from it, unless it be a coji- •uiction that the partiality of my countrymen had made my services absolutely necessary, joined to a fear that my refusal might induce a belief that I pre- ferred the conservation of my own reputation and private ease, to the good of my country. After all, if I should conceive myself in a manner constrained to accept, I call heaven to witness, that this very act would be the greatest sacrifice of my personal feel- ings and wishes, that ever I have been called upon to make. It would be to forego repose and domes- tick enjoyment for trouble, perhaps publick oblo- quy ; for I should consider myself as entering upon an unexplored field, enveloped on every side with clouds and darkness. " From this embarrassins; situation I had natur- ally supposed that my declarations at the close of the war would have saved me ; and that my sincere intentions, then publickly made known, would have effectually precluded me forever afterwards from be- ing looked upon as a candidate for any office. This hope, as a last anchor of worldly happiness in old age, I had still carefully preserved ; until the pub- lick papers, and private letters from my correspond- ents in almost every quarter, taught me to appre- hend that I might soon be obliged to answer the question, whether I would go again into publick life or not," ^60 L7FE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. Iri event it appeared, that amidst the discordance of opinion, respecting the merits of the Federal Con- stitution, there was but one sentiment, throu"-h the United States, respecting the man who should ad- minister the government. On counting the votes of the electors of President and Vice President, it wasfound that General George Washington had their unanimous suffrage, and was chosen President of the United States for four 3'ears from the 4th of March 1789. On the 14th of April, official information reach- ed him of his election. Having already made up his mind to obey the summons of a whole country, on the second day after this notification, he quitted the quiet walks of Mount Vernon for the arduous duties of the supreme magistracy of his nation. Although grateful for this renewed declaration of the fiivoura- ble opinion of the community, yet his determination to accept the office was accompanied with diffidence and apprehension. *' I wish," he observed "that there may not be reason for regretting the choice, for indeed all I can promise is, to accomplish that which can be done by an honest zeal." The feel- ings, with which he entered upon publick life, he left upon his private journal. " About ten o'clock, 1 bade adieu to Mount Vernon, to private life, and to domestick felicity ; and with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I have words to express, set out for New York, with the best dispo^itiorjis to render service to my country in obedience to its call, but with less hope of answering its expecta- tions." 1789.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 361 He was met on the road by the gentlemen of Alexandria, and oonducted to a publick dinner. From the numerous addresses presented to the Gen- eral on this occasion, we select that of the citizens of Alexandria, because it is a testimonial of the af- fection and veneration in which his neighbours and friends held his private as well as publick character, and because in itself it has peculiar interest. The following is the address : "Again your country commands your care.... Obedient to its wishes, unmindful of } our ease, wc see you again relinquishing the bliss of retirement, and this too at a period of life, when nature itself seems to authorize a preference of repose ! "Not to extol your glory as a soldier ; not to pour forth our gratitude for past services ; not to ac- knowledge the justice of the unexampled honour which .has been conferred upon you by the sponta- neous and unanimous suffrages of three millions of freemen, in your election to the supreme magistra- cy ; nor to admire the patriotism which directs your conduct, do your neighbours and friends now ad- dress you. Themes less splendid, but more en- dearing, impress our minds. The first and best of citizens must leave us. Our aged must lose their ornament ; our youth their model ; our agriculture its improver ; our commerce its friend ; our infant academy its protector ; our poor their benefactor, and the interiour navigation of the Potomack (an event replete with the most extensive utility already, by your unremitted exertions, brought into partial use) its institutor and promoter. Y Y 362 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. " Farewell !....go ! and make a grateful people happy, a people, who will be doubly grateful when they contemplate this recent sacrifice for their inter- est. '' To that Being who maketh and unmaketh at his will, we commend you ; and after the accom- plishment of the arduous business to which you arc called, may he restore to us again, the best of men, and the most beloved fellow citizen !'* To which General Washington replied as follows : "Gentlemen, "Although I ought not to conceal, yet I cannot describe the painful emotions which I felt in being called upon to determine whether I would accept or refuse the Presidency of the United States. The unanimity in the choice, the opinion of my friends communicated from different parts of Europe as well as from America, the apparent wish of those who were not entirely satisfied with the constitution in its present form ; and an ardent desire on my own part to be instrumental in connecting the good will of my countrymen towards each other, have induced an acceptance. Those who know me best (and you, my fellow citizens, are, from your situa- tion, in that number) know better than any others my love of retirement is so great, that no earthly consideration, short of a conviction of duty, could have prevailed upon me to depart from my resolu- tion never more to take any share in transactions of a publick nature. For, at my age, and in my circumstances, what prospects or advantages could 1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 363 I propose to myself, from embarking again on the tempestuous and uncertain ocean of publick life ? I do not feel myself under the necessity of making publick declarations, in order to convince you, gentlemen, of my attachment to yourselves, and regard for your interests. The whole tenour of my life has been open to your inspection ; and my past actions, rather than my present declarations, must be the pledge of my future conduct. " In the mean time, I thank you most sincerely for the expressions of kindness contained in your va- ledictory address. It is true, just after having bade adieu to my domestick connexions, this tender proof of your friendships is but too well calculated still farther to awaken my sensibility, and increase my regret at parting from the enjoyments of private life. " All that now remains for me is to commit myself and you to the protection of that beneficent Being who, on a former occasion, hath happily brought us together, after a long and distressing separation. Perhaps the same gracious Providence will again indulge me. Unutterable sensations must then be left to more expressive silence.... while from an aching heart, I bid you all, my affec- tionate friends, and kind neighbours, farewell !'* It was the wish of General Washington toa- void parade on his journey to the seat of government, but he found it impossible. Numerous bodies of respectable citizens, and detachments from the mi- litia escorted him the whole distance, and at every place through which he passed, he received the 564 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. most flattering evidence of the high estimatiOTi, in which his countrymen held his talents and his vir- tues. Gray's bridge over the Schuylkill M'as, with much taste and expression, embellished on the oc- casion. At each end arches were erected com- posed of laurel, in imitation of a Roman trium- phal arch; and on each side was a laurel shrub- bery. As the General passed, unperceived by him, a youth by the aid of machinery let down upon his head a civick crown. Through avenues and streets thronged with people, he passed from the Schuylkill into Philadelphia, and at night the city was illum.i- nated. At Trenton, the Ladies presented him with a tribute of gratitude for the protection which, twelve years before, he gave them, worthy of the taste and refinement of the sex. On the bridge over the creek which runs through this place, a triumphal arch was erected on thirteen pillars, these were entwined with laurel and decorated with flowers. On the front of the arch was the following inscription, in large gilt letters, THE DEFENDER OF THE MOTHERS WILL BE THE PROTECTER OF THE DAUGHTERS. On the centre of the arch above the inscription was a dome of flowers and evergreens incircling the dates of two events particularly interesting to the in- habitants of New Jersey, viz. the successful assault on the Hessian post in Trenton, and the gallant stand made by General Washington at the same creek 1789.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 365 on the evening preceding the battle of Princeton. A numerous party of matrons, holding their daugh- ters in their hands, who were dressed in white and held on their arms baskets of Rowers assembled at this place, and on his approach the young Ladies in- fthantingly sang the following ode, Welcome Mighty Chief, once more Welcome to this grateful shore ; Now no mercenary foe Aims again the fatal blow, Aims at THEE the fatal blow. Virgins fair and matrons grave Those thy conquering arms did save, Build for THEE triumphal bowers ; Strew ye fair his way with flowers, Strew your HERO's way with flowers. At the last line the flowers were strewed before him. On the eastern shore of New Jersey, he was met by a Committee of Congress, and accompanied over the river in an elegant barge, of thirteen oars, and manned by thirteen branch pilots. " The display of boats," observes the General in his diary, " which attended and joined on this occasion, some with vocal and others with instru- mental musick on board, the decorations of the ships, the roar of cannon, and the loud acclamations of the people which rent the sky as I passed along the wharves, filled my mir^d with sensations as painful (contemplating the reverse of this scene, which may be the case after all my endeavours to do good) as they were pleasing." 366 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [178{>. He landed on the 23d of April at the stairs on Murray's wharf, which were highly ornamented for the purpose. At this place the Governour of New York received him, and with military honours, and amidst an immense concourse of people, conducted him to his apartments in the city. At the close of the day, Foreign Ministers and other characters of distinction, made him congratulatory visits, and the publick exhibition was at night closed by a brilliant illumination. 1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 367 CHAPTER XI. Inauguration of the President. ...His Address to Congress.... JnsHoersofthetnvo Houses. ...The Arrangements of his House- hold....His Regulations for Visitors. ...The Reasons of their adoption. ...The Relations of the United States nvith Foreign . Powers.. ..Congress establishes the Dejiartments of the Gov- ernment....The President fills them.. ..He visits J\''ew Eng- land....His Reception.. ..Addresses to him.... His Answers.... J^fegotiations inth the Indians. ...TreRty with the Creeks.... War with the Wabash and I^Iiamis Tribes... .General Mar- mar's expedition. ...St. Clair defeated. ...General Wayne -vic- torious and makes a Treaty with them. ...Second Session of Congress. ...Fiscal Arrangements of the Secretary of the Treasury. ...Indisposition of the President.. ..He visits Mount Vernon. ...Meets Congress at Philadelphia... .His Tour to the Southern States....Second Congress.. ..The Pi-esident refuses ^is Signature to the Representative Bill....Conte7nplates re- tiring to Private Life. ...Consents to be a Candidate for the Second Presidency. 1789. In adjusting the ceremonies of the in- auguration of the President, Congress determined that the oath of office should be administered to him in an open gallery adjoining the Hall of the Sen- ate. Accordingly on the 30th of April, General Washington attended, and, in a view of a vast as- semblage of people, was constitutionally qualified for the administration of the government. On his being proclaimed President of the United States, reiterated acclamations testified the interest and the 568 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. pleasure, which the attending multitude felt in the transaction. The President immediately entered the Senate chamber and made the following Speech to the two branches of the Legislature. FELLOW CITIZENS OF THE SENATE, AND OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, *' Among the vicissitudes incident to life, no event could have filled me with greater anxieties than that of which tlie notification was transmitted by your order, and received on the 14th day of the pre- sent month. On the one hand, I was summoned by my country, whose voice I can never hear but with veneration and love, from a retreat which I had chosen with the fondest predilection, and, in my flattering hopes, with an immutable decision as the asylum of my declining years : A retreat which was rendered every day more necessary as well as more dear to me, by the addition of habit to inclination, and of frequent interruptions in my health to the gradual waste committed on it by time. On the other hand, the magnitude and diffi- culty of the trust to which the voice of my country called me, being sufficient to awaken in the wisest and most experienced of her citizens, a distrustful scrutiny into his qualifications, could not but over- whelm with despondence one, who, inheriting infe- riour endowments from nature, and unpractised in the duties of civil administration, ought to be pecu- liarly conscious of his own deficiencies. In this conflict of emotions, all I dare aver is, that it has bee« my faithful study to collect my duty from a 1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON". S69 iust appreciation of every circumstance by which it might be affected. All I dare hope is, that if in ac- cepting this task I have been too much swayed by a grateful remembrance of former instances, or by an affectionate sensibility to this transcendant proof of the confidence of my fellow citizens ; and have thence too little consulted my incapacity as well as disinclination for the weighty and untried cares be- fore me ; my errour will be palliated by the motives which misled me, and its consequences be judged by my country, with some share of the partiality in which they originated. ** Such being the impressions under which I have, in obedience to the publick summons, repaired to the present station, it would be peculiarly improper I to omit in this first official act, my fervent supplica- I tions to that Almighty Being, who rules over the / universe, who presides in the councils of nations^ and whose providential aids can supply every hu- man defect, that his benediction- may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, a government instituted by them- selves for these essential purposes, and may enable every instrument employed in its administration, to execute with success, the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the great Au- thor of every publick and private good, I assure my- self that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own ; nor those of my fellow citizens at large, less tlian either. No people can be bound to ac- knowledge and adore the invisible liand, which con- ducts tlie affairs of men, more than the people of z z 570 LIFE or WASHINGTON. [1789. ' the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by sonic token of providential agency. And in the impor- tant revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations and voluntary consent of so many distinct commu- nities, from which the event has resultedj cannot be compared with the means by which most gov- ernments have been established, without some re- turn of pious gratitude along with an humble antici- pation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections arising out of the pres- ent crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none under the in- fluence of which, the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence. " By the article establishing the executive de- partment, it is made the duty of the President ' to recommend to your consideration, such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient.' The cir- cumstances under which I now meet you, will ac- quit me from entering into that subject, farther than to refer you to the great Constitutional Charter un- der which v.e arc assembled ; and which in defm- ing your powers, designates the objects to which your attention is to be given. It will be more con- sistent with those circumstances, and far more con- genial with the feelings which actuate me to substi- tute in place of a recommendation of particular measures, the tribute that is due to the talents, the 1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 571 rectitude, and the patriotism which adorn the char- acters selected to devise and adopt them. In tliese honourable qualifications, I behold the surest pledg- es, that as on one side, no local prejudices or attach- ments, no separate views nor party animosities, will misdirect the comprehensive and equal eye which ought to watch over this great assemblage of com- munities and interests : So, on another, that the foundations of our national policy will be laid in the pure and immutable principles of private moral- ity ; and the preeminence of a free government be exemplified by all the attributes which can win the affections of its citizens, and command the respect of the world. " I dwell on this prospect with every satisfaction which an ardent love for my country can inspire ; since there is no truth more thoroughly established, than that there exists in the economy and course of nature, an indissoluble union between virtue and happiness.... between duty and advantage. ...between the genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy, and the solid rewards of publick prosperity and felicity. Since we ought to be no less persuad- ed that the propitious smiles of Heaven can never be expected on a nation that disregards the eternal rules of order and right, which Heaven itself has ordained : And since the preservation of the sacred fire of liberty, and the destiny of the republican model of government, are justly considered as deeply^ perhaps as finally staked, on the experiment en- trusted to the hands of the American people. 572 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1789, *' Besides the ordinary objects submitted to your care, it will remain with your judgment to decide, how far an exercise of the occasional power delegat- ed by the fifth article of the Constitution is render- ed expedient at the present juncture, by the nature of objections which have been urged against the system, or by the degree of inquietude which has given birth to them. Instead of undertaking partic- ular recommendations on this subject, in which I could be guided b}^ no lights derived from official opportunities, I shall again give way to my entire confidence in your discernment and pursuit of the publick good ; for 1 assure myself, that whilst you carefully avoid every alteration which might en- danger the benefits of an united and effective gov- ernment, or which ought to await the future lessons of experience ; a reverence for the characteristick rights of freemen, and a regard for the publick har- mony, will sufficiently influence your deliberations on the question, how far the former can be more impregnably fortified, or the latter be safely and ad- vantageously promoted. *' To the preceding observations I have one to add, which will be most properly addressed to the House of Representatives. It concerns myself, and will therefore be as brief as possible. When I was first honoured with a call into the service of my coun- try, then on the c\ e of an arduous struggle for its liberties, the light in which I contemplated my duty, required that I should renounce every pecuniary compensation. From this resolution I have in no instance depajtcd. And being still under the im- 1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 373 pressions which produced it, I must decline as in- applicable to myself, any share in the personal emol- uments, which may be indispensably included in a permanent provision for the executive department ; and must accordingly pray that the pecuniary esti- mates for the station in which I am placed, may, during my continuation in it, be limited to such actual expenditures as the publick good may be thought to require. "Having thus imparted to you my sentiments, as they have been awakened by the occasion which brings us together, I shall take my present leave ; but not without resorting once more to the benign Parent of the human race, in humble supplication, that since he has been pleased to favour the Ameri- can people with opportunities for deliberating in perfect tranquillity, and dispositions for deciding with unparalleled unanimity on a form of govern- ment for the security of their union, and the ad- vancement of their happiness ; so his divine bless- ing may be equally conspicuous in the enlarged views, the temperate consultations, and the wise measures on v\ hich the success of this government must de- pend." The answer of the Senate was highly respectful and affectionate. " The unanimous suffrage of the elective body in your favour, is peculiarly expressive of the gratitude, confidence and affection of the citizens of America, and is the highest testimonial at once of your merit, and their esteem. We are sensible, sir, that nothing but the voice of your fellow citi- 574 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. []l789, zens could have called you from a retreat, chosen by the fondest predilection, endeared by habit, and consecrated to the repose of declining years. We rejoice, and with us, all America, that, in obedience to the call of our common country, you have return- ed once more to publick life. In you all parties con- fide, in you all interests unite, and we have no doubt that your past services, great as they have been, will be equalled by your future exertions ; and that your prudence and sagacity as a statesman, will tend to avert the dangers to which we were exposed, to give stability to the present government, and digni- ty and splendour to that country, which your skill and valour as a soldier, so eminently contributed to raise to independence and empire. *' When we contemplate the coincidence of cir- cumstances, and wonderful combination of causes which gradually prepared the people of this country for independence ; when we contemplate the rise, progress, and termination of the late war, which gave them a name among the nations of the earth, we are, with you, unavoidably led to acknowledge and adore the great Arbiter of the universe, by whom empires rise and fall. A review of the many signal instances of divine interposition in favour of this country, claims our most pious gratitude. And permit us, sir, to observe, that among the great events which have led to the formation and estab- lishment of a federal government, we esteem your acceptance of the office of President, as one of the most propitious and important." 1789.] Lin OF WASHINGTON. 375 The House, equally affectionate and respectful in their answer, say : " The Representatives of the People of the Uni- ted Slates, present their congratulations on the event by which your fellow citizens have attested the pre- eminence of your merit. You have long held the first place in their esteem ; you have often received tokens of their affection ; you now possess the only proof that remained of their gratitude for your ser- vices, of their reverence for your wisdom, and of their confidence in your virtues. You enjoy the highest, because the truest honour, of being the First Magistrate, by the unanimous choice of the freest people on the face of the earth, " We well know the anxieties with which you must have obeyed the summons, from the repose re- served for your declining years, into publick scenes, of which you had taken your leave forever ; but the obedience was due to the occasion. It is already applauded by the universal joy w Inch welcomes you to your station, and we cannot doubt that it will be rewarded with all the satisiliction, with which an ardent love for your fellow citizens must review suc- cessful efforts to promote their happiness. "This anticipation is not justified merely by the past experience of your signal services. It is par- ticularly suggested by the pious impressions under which you commence your administration, and the enlightened maxims by which you mean to con- duct it. We feel with you the strongest obligations to adore the invij^ible hand which has led the Amer- ican people through so many difTiCukies, to cherish 5t6 LIFE or WASHINGTON". [1789. a conscious responsibility for the destiny of republi- can liberty, and to seek the only sure means of pre- serving and recommending the precious deposit in a system of legislation, founded on the principles of an honest policy, and directed by the spirit of a diffusive patriotism. *'The question arising out of the fifth article of the Constitution, will receive all the attention de- manded by its importance, and will, we trust, be decided under the influence of all the considerations to which you allude. "In forming the pecuniary provisions for the ex- ecutive department, we shall not lose sight of a wish resulting from motives which give it a pe- culiar claim to our regard. Your resolution, in a moment critical to the liberties of your country, to renounce all personal emolument, was among the many presages of your patriotick services, which have been amply fulfilled ; and your scrupulous adherence now to the law then imposed on your- self, cannot fail to demonstrate the purity, whilst it increases the lustre of a character, which has so many titles to admiration. *' Such are the sentiments with which we have thought fit to address you . They flow from our own hearts, and v/e verily believe, that among the mil- lions we represent, there is not a virtuous citizen whose heart will disown them. *' All that remains is, that we join in your fer- vent supplications for the blessings of Heaven on our country ; and that we add our own for the choicest of those blessings on the most beloved of her citizens." 1789.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 377 While waiting the movements of the Legisla- ture, the President endeavoured fully to acquaint himself with the state of publick affairs, and for this purpose, he called upon those who had been the heads of departments under the confederation, to report to him the situation of their respective concerns. He also, having consulted with his friends, adopted a system for the order of his own household, for the regulation of his i^ours of busi- ness, and of intercourse with those who, in a for- mal manner, visited him as the Supreme Magis- trate of the nation. He publickly announced that neither visits of business or ceremony would be expected on Sun- day, as he wished to reserve this day sacredlv.to himself. Other regulations, adopted at this time were at a subsequent period complained of as par- taking too much of monarchical customs. To a friend in Virginia, who had made known these complaints, the President gave the following rea- sons for their adoption. "While the eyes of America, perhaps of the world, are turned to this government, and many- are v/atching the movements of those who are con- cerned in its administration, I should like to be in- formed through so good a medium, of the publick opinion of both men and measures, and of none more than myself ;... .not so much of what may be thought commendable parts, if any, of my conduct, as of those which are conceived to be of a differ- ent complexion. The man who means to com- A A A 378 EIFE or WASHINGTON. [178D. mit no wrong, will never be guilty of enormities, consequently can never be unwilling to learn what are ascribed to him as foibles. If they are really such, the knowledge of them, in a well disposed mind, will go half way tov.urds a reform. If they are not errours, he can explain and justify the mo- tives of his actions. At a distance from the the- atre of action, truth is not always related without embellishments, and sometimes is entirely pervert- ed, from a misconception of the causes which pro- duced the effects that are the subject of censure. " This leads me to think that a system which I found it indispensably necessary to adopt upon my first coming to this city, might have undergone severe strictures, and have had motives, very for- eign from those that governed me, assigned as the causes thereof.... I mean first, returning no visits; second, appointing certain days to receive them generally, (not to the exclusion, however, of visits on any other days under particular circumstances) and third, at first entertaining no company, and afterwards (until I was unable to entertain any at all) confining it to official characters. A few days evinced the necessity of the two first in so clear a point of view, that had I not adopted it, I should have been unable to have attended to any sort of bu- siness, unless I had applied the hours allotted to rest and refreshment to this purpose ; for by the time I had done breakfast, and thence until dinner, and afterwards until bed time, I could not get re- Jieved fi'om the ceremony of one visit, before I had 1789.] MPE OF WASHINGTON. S7M to attend to another. In a word, I had no leisure to read or to answer the dispatches that were pouring in upon me from all quarters. *' Before the custom was etablished, which novr accommodates foreign characters, strangers, and others, who, from motives of curiosity, respect to the Chief Magistrate, or any other cause, are indu- ced to call upon me, 1 was unable to attend to any business whatsoever. For gentlemen, consulting their own convenience rather than mine, were calling from the time I rose from breakfast, often before, until I sat down to dinner. This, as I resolved not to neglect my publick duties, reduced me to the choice of one of these alternatives ; either to refuse them altogether^ or to appropriate a time for the re- xjeption of them. The first would, I well knew, be disgusting to many ; the latter, I expected, would undergo animadversions from those who would find fault with or without cause. To please every body was impossible. I therefore adopted that line of conduct which combined publick advantage with private convenience, and which in my judgment was unexceptionable in itself. " These visits are optional. They are made without invitation. Between the hours of three and four every Tuesday I am prepared to receive them. Gentlemen, often in great numbers, come and go, chat with each other, and act as they please. A porter shews them into the room, and they retire from it when they choose, and without ceremony. At their first entrance, they salute me, and i them, and a§ many as I can talk to, I do. What pomp 380 LirE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. there is in all this, I am unable to discover. Per- haps it consists in not sitting : To this, two reasons are opposed; first, it is unusual ; secondly, (which is a more substantial one) because I have no room large enough to contain a third of the chairs which would be sufficient to admit it. If it is supposed that ostentation, or the fashions of courts, (which, by the bye, I believe originate oftener in conven- ience, not to say necessity, than is generally imagin- ed) gave rise to this custom, I will boldly affirm that no supposition was ever more erroneous ; for were I to indulge my inclinations, every moment that I could withdraw from the fatigues of my sta- tion, should be spent in retirement. That they are not, proceeds from the sense I entertain of the pro- priety of giving to every one as free access as con- sists with that respect which is due to the chair of government ; and that respect, I conceive, is nei- ther to be acquired or preserved but by maintaining a just medium between much state, and too great familiarity. " Similar to the above, but of a more familiar and sociable kind, are the visits of every Friday af- ternoon to Mrs. Washington, where I always am. These publick meetings, and a dinner once a week to as many as my table will hold, with the references to and from the different departments of state, and other communications with all parts of the union, is as much, if not more, than I am able to undergo ; for I have already had, M'ithin less than a year, two severe attacks ;,...the last worse than the first :....a third, it is more than probable, w ill put me to sleep 1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 381 with my fathers.... at what distance this may be, I know not." At the commencement of the Presidency of General Washington, a variety of circumstances combined to create anxiety and apprehension res- pecting the operations of the government. The relation of the country with foreign powers was critical and embarrassing. Spain discovered jealousies of the American people, and manifested a disposition to check their progress to national wealth and strength. She had refused negotiation with the American government, and denied to its subjects the navigation of the Mississippi south of the boun- dary of the United States. Between Great Britain and the United States, great causes of altercation existed. Just complaints of the non execution of essential articles of the trea- ty of peace were mutually made, and an irritable state of mind appeared in both nations, which ren- dered the adjustment of the controversy the more difficult. France early discovered a disposition to take advantage of the partiality of the American people, to gain an influence in their councils, and to acquire the control of their destiny. The Indians, through the whole extent of the western frontier, manifested great inquietude. Their jealousies of the United States were supposed to have been excited by the intrigues of Spanish and British partisans, and most of the tribes assumed a very threatening attitude. 582 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. In addition to these foreign difRculties, there were considerations of a domestick nature, pecii- harly calculated to excite apprehension. The whole plan of the Federal Government was new. In no branch of it was there a precedent ; but first principles and general rules were to be established in every department. The United States were with- out funds or revenue, and were destitute of publick credit. Many influential characters, in different parts of the Union were from the first opposed to the Federal Constitution. Debates in state Conventions on its principles, had enkindled no inconsiderable de- gree of animosity. It had been ratified in them generally by small majorities, and in some instan- ces this majority had been obtained, by annexing provisional amendments to the ratification. It was therefore to be apprehended that many of the mem- bers of the Legislature were hostile to the Constitu- tion, and would, under the idea of amending, sacri- fice its spirit, or by their opposition to every saluta- ry measure, prevent an experiment of a republican form of government, auspiciously begun, from be- ing fairly completed. Happily the American people retained their con- fidence in those distinguished statesmen, who had been their leaders in the controversy with Great Britain, which terminated in National Independence ; and these statesmen, imitating at this crisis the pub- lick spirit of the General of the revolutionary war, consentci'^ to forego the pleasures and emoluments of private life, for the service of their country. Ma- [1780. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 383 ny of them were the successful candidates for popu- lar suffrage to compose the Legislature of the nation, and the first Congress consisted of men eminent for their talents and political information, and vener- able for their patriotism and virtue. A decided majority of these were the friends of the Constitu- tion, and were disposed to make every exertion to carry it into execution upon a liberal and efficient plan. One of the first acts of the Legislature was to establish those departments which were necessary to aid the Executive in the administration of the government. In filling these departments, the President was to perform an important and delicate duty. Appli- cations for office had been numerous, and the fol- lowing extract of a letter written to a friend, who had applied even before General Washington ac- cepted the Presidency, will shew the disposition with which he executed this trust. *' Should it become absolutely necessary for me to occupy the station in which your letter presuppos- es me, I have determined to go into it, perfectly free from all engagements of every nature ^vhatsoever. A conduct in conformity to this resolution, would enable me in balancing the various pretensions of different candidates for appointments, to act with a sole reference to justice and the publick good. This is, in substance, the answer that I have given to all applications (and they are not few) which have al- ready been made. Among the places sought after in these applications, I must not conceal that the of- 384 LIfK or WASHINGTON. [178f. fice to which you particularly allude, is comprehend- ed. This fact, I tell you merely as a matter of in- formation. My general manner of thinking, as to the propriety of holding myslf totally disengaged will apologize for my not enlarging further on the subject. "Though I am sensible that the publick suf- frage which places a man in office, should prevent him from being swayed, in the execution of it, by his private inclinations, yet he may assuredly, with- out violating his duty, be indulged in the continu- ance of his former attachments." His consequent nominations fully proved the purity of these declarations, and attested that his se- lection of characters, for the respective offices to be filled, was made with great judgment and pru- dence. Removed from the influence of local and family considerations, he directed his attention to the publick interest. Where qualifications were equal, the candidate who could claim the merit of publick service, had the preference in his appoint- ment. His cabinet was composed of Mr. Jefferson, Sec- retary of State, Colonel Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury, General Knox, Secretary of War, and Mr. Edmund Randolph, Attorney General. The session of Congress continued to Septem- ber, perfect harmony subsisted through this pe- riod between the Executive and the Legislature, and no circumstance threatened to interrupt it. At the adjournment of Congress, the President made preparations fo*- a tour through New England, 1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 585 to view the improvements of the country and to judge of the disposition of the people towards the newly established government. Accordingly, on the 15di of October, he began his journey and, pass- ing though Connecticut and Massachusetts went as far as Portsmouth in New Hampshire ; returning by a different route, he arrived on the 13th of No- vember at New York. Many circumstances were combined during this visit to excite his sensibility and to render it grate- ful to his best feelings. His journey carried him through the most populous and cultivated part of the United States, and gave him a favourable oppor- tunity to notice the progress of the country in those improvements, which consitute the strength, the wealth and ornament of society. He visited the scene of his first campaign, and must have experi- enced elevated reflections in contrasting the present situation of himself and his country, with his and their condition at the commencement of the revolu- tionary war. Every where he remarked a steady at- tachment to the Federal Government, and received the most grateful evidence of unqualified approba- tion of the measures of tiie x\dministration. In ev- ery place through which he passed, business was suspended, and ail classes of citizens were eagerly employed to obtain a sight of 'the Father of their country, and to join in the common expressions of veneration and attachment Military parade, processions, and triumphal arches, awaited him in those populous toivns at which he stopped, and so fully was the publick curiosity engrossed by hisjour- £ 6 £ 586 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. ney, that the newspapers of the day were filled with narratives of its progress and termination. At Cambridge, the Lieutenant Governour and Council of Massachusetts waited upon him and ac- companied him to Boston, escorted by a numerous collection of citizens, under the direction of the Marshal of the District, and the Sheriff of Suffolk. The Selectmen received him at the entrance of the town, and from it a procession of the inhabitants was formed, which extended to the State House ; an in- teresting part of this procession, and which engaged the special attention of the President, was the male children of the town, under their respective literary in- structors. This procession opened to the right and left, and he on horseback, preceded by companies of artillery and inf.uitry, by the Lieutentant Governour and Council, the Marshal and Sheriff', passed to the State House. Here a triumphal arch was erected from the State House across cornhill to the oppo- site houses. On the top of the arch was a galler}', in which were placed a select choir of singers of both sexes. In the middle of the gallery a pyramid was erected. On one side of this over the arch, was the inscription, "TO THE MAN WHO UNITES ALL HEART S," and on the op- positeside"TO COLUMBIA'S FAVOUR. ITE SON." At the end of the arch next the State House, in a large ground was this inscription, " BOSTON RELIEVED MARCH 17, 1776." The Presi- dent was introduced through the State House to a handsome gallery at the west end of that building;, 1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 587 erected near the arch on seven pillars. As soon as he appeared in view, loud acclamations broke from the concourse below. He bowed to them, on which the choir sang an appropriate Ode. He was then conducted to an house provided for his use, and elegantly furnished from the families of individ- ual gentlemen. Addresses were presented to him from civil, lit- erary and religious corporations, and from all other societies of any distinction. In these, grateful no- tice was taken of his publick services, and particular- ly, of the sacrifice he made of private happiness in accepting the Presidency, In his answers, the President reciprocated the benevolent wishes of his countrymen, in language calculated to confirm their confidence and affection. He thus replied to a respectful address from the in- habitants of Boston. " I rejoice with you my fellow citizens, in ever}'- circumstance that declares your prosperity ; and I do so most cordially because you have well deserv- ed to be happy. " Your love of liberty, your respect for the laws ; your habits of industry, and your practice of the moral and religious obligations, are the strongest claims to national and individual happiness. And they will, I trust, be firmly and lastingly established." In the renewal of direct intercourse between General Washington and the companions of his toils and glory in the tented field, we perceive the most interesting effusion of the refined feelings of the human heart. - 388 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1789. *' Amidst the various gratulations," says the so- ciety of Cincinnati of Massachusetts, *' which your arrival in this metropoUs has occasioned, permit us, the members of the society of the Cincinnati in this Commonwealth, most respectfully to assure you of the ardour of esteem and affection you have so in- delibly fixed in our hearts, as our glorious leader in war, and illustrious example in peace. " After the solemn and endearing farewell on the banks of the Hudson, which our anxiety presaged as final, most peculiarly pleasing is the present unex- pected meeting. On this occasion we cannot avoid the recollection of the various scenes of toil and dan- ger through which you conducted us, and while we contemplate various trying periods of the war, and the triumphs of peace, we rejoice to behold you, in- duced by the unanimous voice of your country, en- tering upon other trials, and other services, alike im- portant, and in some points of view, equally hazard- ous. For the completion of the great purposes which a grateful country has assigned you, long, very long may your invaluable life be preserved. And as the admiring world, while considering you as a soldier, have long wanted a comparison, may your virtues and talents as a statesman leave them without a parallel. "It is not in words to express an attachment founded like ours. We can only say, that when soldiers, our greatest pride was a promptitude of obedience to your orders ; as citizens, our supreme ambition is to maintain the character of firm support- ers of that noble fabrick of Federal Government over which you preside. 1789.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 389 " As members of the society of the Cincinnati, it will be our endeavour to cherish those sacred prin- ciples of charity and paternal attachment which our institution inculcates. And while our conduct is thus regulated, we can never want the patronage of the first of patriots and the best of men." To which the President thus replied. " In reciprocating with gratitude and sincerity, the multiplied and affecting gratulations of my fel- low citizens of this Commonwealth, they will all of them with justice allow me to say, that none can be dearer to me than the affectionate assurances which you have expressed. Dear indeed is the occasion which restores an intercourse with my faithful as- sociates in prosperous and adverse fortune ; and en- hanced are the triumphs of peace participated with those whose virtue and valour so largely contributed to procure them. To that virtue and valour, your country has confessed her obligations. Be mine the grateful task to add the testimony of a connexion, which it was my pride to own in the field, and is now my happiness to acknowledge in the enjoyments of peace and freedom. " Regulating your conduct by those principles which have heretofore governed your actions as men, soldiers and citizens, you will repeat the obligations conferred on your country, and you will transmit to posterity an example that must command their ad- miration and grateful praise. Long may you con- tinue to enjoy the endearments of paternal attach- ment and the heartfelt happiness of reflecting that you have faithfully done your duty. 390 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1789. *' While I am permitted to possess the con- sciousness of this worth, which has long bound me to you by every tie of affection and esteem, I will continue to be your sincere and faithful friend." The first diplomatick transaction of the President was with the Indian tribes. He conceived it to be true policy to " cultivate an intimate intercourse with the Indians upon principles calculated to ad- vance their happiness, and to attach them firmly to the United States." With these views he early opened negotiations with them, and the interests of several of the states being closely connected with treaties that might be made, he asked, during the first session of Congress, the advice of the Senate upon questions that were at issue. The first attempt to establish a peace with the Creek Indians failed. M'Gillivray, their Chief, was the son of a white man, and his resentment had been keenly excited against the state of Georgia by the confiscation of lands which his father had holden ; and more particularly by the claim of that government to a large tract on the Oconee in virtue of an Indian purchase, the validity of which the Creek nation denied. General Lincoln, Mr. Grif- fin, and Colonel Humphries were deputed Commis- sioners to negotiate with the Creeks in the summer of 1789. They met M'Gillivray with other Chiefs, and about two thousand of the tribe at Rock landing, on the Oconee, on the frontiers of Georgia. Al- though first appearances promised success to the mission, yet M'Gillivray suddenly broke off the ne- 1790-5.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 391 gotiation for the ostensible reason of a dispute about boundaries, but really as was supposed, through the influence of the Spanish government. The. situation of the United States in their rela- tion with the Indians became more and more criti- cal and embarrassing, and war was threatened with all the tribes from Canada to Louisiana. The dan- ger was the more formidable from the supposition tliat tlie jealousies of the Indians were excited by the intrigues of British and Spanish agents, and that an Indian war would probably lead to hostilities with those powers. Ardently desirous to secure the frontiers from the horrours of Indian warfare, the President again attempted to negotiate with the Creeks, without committing the dignity of government. He sent Colonel Willett, a gallant revolutionary ollicer, into their country, apparently upon private business; but furnished with credentials, to be used if he found M'Gillivray disposed for peace. This second mission proved successful. M'Gillivray and a num- ber of Creek Chiefs were induced to repair to New York, where negotiations were immedi;itely open- ed, and a treaty soon established ; although the Secretary of East Florida came to New York with a large sum of money, under a pretence of purchas- ing flour, but in fact to prevent M'Gillivray from treating. The attempt to establish peace with the Indians of the Wabash and the Miamis did not terminate so successfully. The American settlers on that fron- tier continued to suffer from their hostilities, and all 592 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. (]1790-5. appearances indicated, that they could be brought into a pacifick disposition, only by being made them- selves to feel the miseries of war. The President was decidedly of the opinion that on the failure of negotiation, a military force should be employed in their country, which their miited power could not successfully resist, and which should be adequate to the conquest of their towns, and the destruction of their villages. This, he conceived, policy, economy, and humanity dic- tated. But Congress, in their military establish- ment, did not meet his views, and at the moment he gave his sanction to the bill, he entered in his private journal, that he did not conceive the military establishment was adequate to the exigence of the government, and to the protection it was intended to afford. For the sake of a connected view of Indian af- fairs, \^ e will in this place give a narrative of subse- quent transactions, although we shall be carried out of the order of time in which events took place. The attempt to negotiate with the Indians north- west of the Ohio having proved abortive, the Presi- dent conceived himself obligated to use the means Congress had put into his hands to protect the fron- tiers, and accordingly General Harmar was sent in September 1791, into the Indian territories with a force, consisting of about three hundred regular troops and eleven hundred miJitia of Pennsylvania and Kentucky, with orders to bring the Indians if possible to action, and to destroy their settlements on the waters of the Scioto and Wabash. 1790-5.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 393 The Savages avoided an engagement with the main body of the American army, but with great spirit attacked a strong detachment which had pursued them, and killed several valuable of- ficers. Harmer destroyed their settlements, but afforded no protection to the frontiers. Several smaller expeditions with various success were made into the Indian country, and in the autumn of 1791 Major General St. Clair marched a force of near two thousand effective men into their territories, and on the fourth of November was attacked and totally defeated by them. The President, apprehending that the success of the Indians, and the booty they had gained, would have influence to bring other tribes into the war, conceived that the honour of the nation was con- cerned to retrieve the American losses, and to af- ford protection to the frontiers. St. Clair resigning his commission, General Wayne was appointed his successor. The President lost no time in laying before Congress an estimate of such a military force, as he thought would be adequate to the ob- ject ; and they at length acceded to his proposal. While these preparations v. ere ripening, much com- plaint was made of the war, and the President was induced, rather from a desire to convince the coun- try that successful warfare was the only means of peace, than from any expectation of success in the mission, to send Colonel Harden and Major True- man, two valuable oflicers and worthy men, into the Indian country, to attempt negotiation ; but they G c c 394 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790-5. were both murdered. On the 20th of August, 1794, General Wayne brought the Indians toanen- gagefnent, totally defeated them, and destroyed their country on the Miamis. This action was decisive : It deterred other trilDes from entering into the war, and induced the Miamis themselves to treat for peace. On the 3d of August, a treaty was entered into by General Wayne with the Indians northwest of the Ohio, which ended all hostilities, quieted the fears of the frontiers and gave universal satisfaction. As early as 1789, the President received authen- tick intelligence, that Spanish agents were intriguing with the inhabitants of the Western country, to se- duce them from their allegiance to the United States. Representations were made them in the name of the government of Spain, that while they were connect- ed with the Atlantick States, the navigation of the Mississippi would be denied them ; but if they would assume an independent government, the riv- er should be opened, and their independence sup- ported. In 1794, Spain, suft'ering herself the evils of war, was inclined to treat with the United States. She intimated by her ministers, that the etiquette of her court forbid her to treat with Mr. Short, the American resident at Madrid, yet a higher diplo- matick character would be accredited, and negotia- tions immediately opened with him. The Presi- dent placed full confidence in Mr. Short, but he thought it policy to meet the friendly proposi- tions of Spain, and in November nominated Mr. 1790-5.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 395 Pinckney to be the American Minister at that Court. In the course of the next summer, Mr. Pinckney repaired to Madrid, and on the 20th of October 1795, a treaty was signed between him and the Spanish commissioners, which happily terminat- ed the controversy respecting boundary lines, and the navigation of the Mississippi to the satisfaction of the nation. On the 8th of January, 1790, the President met Congress at their second session. In his speech he congratulated them on the suc- cess of their measures, and recommended a variety of national objects to their serious attention. A- mong these, the following are the principal. Pro- vision for national defence ; the means of holding intercourse with foreign nations ; establishing a rule of naturalization ; uniformity in the currency, Aveights and measures of the United States ; and the promotion of science and literature. " Knowledge," he observed, *' is in every coun- try the surest basis of publick happiness. In one, in which the measures of government receive their impressions so immediately from the sense of the community as in ours. It is proportionably essential." And he concluded with the following assurances. " I shall derive great satisfaction in cooperating with you in the pleasing though arduous task of in- suring to our fellow citizens the blessings which they have a r?ght to expect from a free, efficient and equal government." The answers of the Senate and the House of Representatives were cordial and respectful, and 556 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790-5, promised a continuance of harmony between the Executive and Legislature. In this session of Congress, the Secretary of the Treasury first reported those fiscal arrangements in support of publick credit, which, in their progress to establishment, were the occasion of warm and an- imated debates in the Legislature, fully displayed the discordance of political opinion among the mem- bers, and excited that party spirit which has since convulsed the United States. The President readily gave his sanction to these fiscal establishments of the Legislature, yet by this act he seemed not to lose the good opinion of the opposition ; the blame and odium fell upon the Sec- retary of the Treasury, and upon the northern federal members of Congress. The incessant application to business had a visi- ble effect upon the constitution of the President, and at this period he was for a second time attacked with a violent disease, which put his life in immi- nent danger. At the close of the session, therefore, he determined to give himself a short relaxation in a visit to Mount Vernon. He first made a tour to Rhode Island, which not being then in the Union,had not been included in his visit to NewEng- land, and at Newport and Providence received every attention which affection and respect could dictate. This retirement was of essential service to his health, and at the close of autumn he returned to Philadelphia to meet the Legislature ; to \vliich place Congress had adjourned, at the close of the year 1790. At this time the President noticed tlie 1790-5.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 597 rising disturbances in Europe, and advised to those precautionary measures, v/hich had a tendency to secure to the United States the benefit of their com- merce. Mentioning to the House the sufficiency of the established revenue to the purposes to which it was appropriated, he expressed his hope " that it would be a favourite policy with them not merely to secure the interest of the debt funded, but as far, and as fl^st as the growing resources of the country will permit, to exonerate it of the principle itself." The address was closed in the following impressive manner. "In pursuing the various and weighty business of the present session, I indulge the fullest persua- sion that your consultations will be marked with wisdom, and animated by the love of country. In whatever belongs to my duty, you shall have all the cooperation which an undiminished zeal for its wel- fare can inspire. It will be happy for us both, and our best reward, if by a successful administration of our respective trusts, we can make the establish- ed government more and more instrumental in pro- moting the good of our fellow citizens, and more and more the object of their attachment and confi- dence." The respect and confidence of the Legislature in the Executive appeared on this occasion without diminution ; although one of the measures of the President was for the first time condemned. A member from Georgia pronounced the treaty with the Creek I ndians to be a violation of the rights of that state. SJ>8 LIFE OF WASHINGTOJf. [1790-5. In this session of Congress the Bank of the Unit- ed States was established. Its constitutionality- had been deeply argued in the Legislative body, and came before the Executive as a question in- volving the highest national interest. It was review- ed in the Cabinet with the deliberation it merited. The Council, on this occasion, as on most others, were divided. Messrs. Jefferson and Randolph were decided that the law was unconstitutional. Messrs. Hamilton and Knox were fully convinced of its con- stitutionality. The President called upon each member of his Council for the reasons of his opin- ion in writing. These he maturely weighed, and being convinced himself that the law was constitu- tional, put his signature to it. With the 3d of March, 1791, terminated the pe- riod of the first Congress. President Washington having made the ne- cessary arrangements, and appointed an Executive Council to attend to the business of the g-overnment, soon after the close of the session, commenced a journey to the Southern States. On his way he stopped at the Potomack, and pursuant to the pow- ers with which Congress had vested him, marked out the site of the Federal City, designed as the permanent seat of government. In the course of this tour he received the same general expressions of love and veneration for his character, and of confidence in his government, which he had expe- rienced in his northern circuit. And he derived great satisfaction in contemplating the improvements of the countr}^, and remarking the evidences of at- [1790-5. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 399 tachment to the Federal Government. The feelings excited by this journey are fully expressed in the following letter, written after his return to Phi- ladelphia. *' In my late tour through the Southern States, I experienced great satisfaction in seeing the good ef- fects of the general government in that part of the union. The people at large have felt the security which it gives, and the equal justice which it ad- ministers to them. The Farmer, the Merchant, and the Mechanick, have seen their several interests attended to, and from thence they unite in placing a confidence in their Representatives, as well as in tliose in whose hands the execution of the laws is placed. Industry has there taken place of idle- ness, and economy of dissipation. Two or three years of good crops, and a ready market for the produce of their lands, have put every one in good humour ; and in some instances, they even impute to the government what is due only to the goodness of Providence. " The establishment of publick credit is an im- mense point gained in our national concerns. This I believe exceeds the expectatio/i of the most san- guine among us ; and a late instance, unparalleled in this country, has been given of the confidence reposed in our measures, by the rapidity with which the subscriptions to the Bank of the United States were filled. In two hours after the books were^ opened by the commissioners, the whole number of shares were taken up, and four thousand more ap- plied for than were allowed by the institution. 400 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790-5. This circumstance was not only pleasing as it relat- ed to the confidence in government, but also as it exhibited an unexpected proof of the resources of our citizens." The hearts of all Americans were with General Washington at this period ; but notwithstanding these publick appearances, there was in fact much hostility to the government at the Southward. On the 24th of October, 1791. the President met the second Congress in the established form. During this session a great national question came before the Legislature which the President was necessitated ultimately to decide. The constitution provides that there shall not be more than one Representative to thirty thousand in- habitants. An enumeration having been made, the House of Representatives passed a bill provid- ing for each state to send one Representative for every thirty thousand of its population. This ratio in several instances leaving a large fraction, oper- ated hardly on the small states. The Senate, to cure the evil, assumed a new principle of apportionment. They found the whole population of theUnited States, and dividing this aggregate number by thirty thous- and, took the quotient as the number of Representa- tives, and then apportioned this number upon the sev- eral states according to their population ; to which the House concurred. When the President had the bill before him for his signature, he took the opinion of his Cabinet upon the constitutionality of the arrangement. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph thought the bill uncon- 1T90-5.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 401 stitutional. General Knox was undecisive, and Colonel Hamilton conceived that the expression of the Constitution might be applied to the United States, or to the several states, and thought it best to coincide with the construction of the Legislature. After due deliberation, the President thought the biir unconstitutional, and not hesitating to do his duty, he returned it with the following objections. " GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, " I have maturely considered the act, passed by the two Houses, entitled * an act for the appor- tionment of Representatives among the several states according to the first enumeration,' and I return it to your House, wherein it originated, with the fol- lowing objections. "First, The Constitution has prescribed that Representatives shall be apportioned among the sev- eral states according to their respective numbers, and there is no proportion or division which, applied to the respective numbers of the states, will yield the number, and allotment of Representatives propose^ by the bill. *' Secondly, The Constitution has also provided, that the number of Representatives shall not exceed one for thirty thousand, which restriction is by fair and obvious construction, to be applied to the sepa- rate and respective numbers of the states, and the bill has allotted to eight of the states more than one for thirty thousand." In a new bill, a Representative for every thirty- three thousand to each state was substituted. D D D 4.02 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1790-5. The first Presidency of General Washington closed without other occurrences of great magni- tude. The last session of the second Congress was violent and impassioned, and the members separated in a state of great irritation, but neither they nor their constituents had as yet impeached the motives of the President, yet it was evident that, if he should remain at the head of government, his reputation must soon pass the ordeal of party conflict. He had determined to decline being a candidate for the Presi- dency at a second election, and to this purpose, had written a valedictory address to the American people ; but the critical state of the country, and the urgent intreaties of his friends induced him to relinquish the determination. 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 403 CHAPTER XII. General WASHi^JCfoij-reelected President. ...State of Parties.... Division in the Cabinet. ...The President endeavours to firo-' mote union, ...Injiuence of the French Revolution... .Measures to secure the J^eutrality of the United States in the War be- tween France and England. ...Mr. Genet's illegal practices ....He insults the Government. ...The Executive restricts him ....He appeals to the People. ...They support the Administra' tion....The President determines to arrest Genet. ...He is re- called. ...Negotiation nvith Britain. ...Insurrection in Pennsyl- vania....Democratick Societies. ...British Treaty ... .Communi- cation between the French Executive and the Legislature of the United States. ...The President refuses to the House of Representatives the Papers respecting Diplomatick transac- tions....His interpositions in favour of the Marquis La Fay- ette....Takes the Son of the Marquis under his Protection und Patronage. 1793-7. "When the constitutional period ar- rived for the reelection of a President, it appeared, that General Washington had a second time the unanimous suffrage of his country for this exalted office. He entered upon its duties in the prospect, that the administration of the government would be attended with accumulated difficulty. The character of the American patriot is with reluctance blended in these pages with events of a local or temporary nature. It is })ainful to reflect, that his fair fame was even for a moment sullied by 404 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. £1^93-7- the foul breath of calumny. The pen is indigantto record charges against his honour and his patriot- ism, charges which their authors knew to be un- founded, and which were made only to answer the purposes of a party. But it is impossible to portray the wisdom, the firmness and prudence which were displayed during his second Presidency, or to shew the good fortune which attended it, without bring, ing into distinct view the circumstances under which he acted. Without a knowledge of the difficulties which he surmounted, and the opposition which he conquered, posterity will have no adequate concep- tion of the merits of this period of his administra- tion. The difference of political opinion arising from pursuits of personal ambition, from discordant views of national and state policy, and from the danger to be apprehended from the encroachments of democrac)^, or from the abuse of power in the constituted gov- ernment, had, since the establishment of the Federal Constitution regularly increased in strength and as- perity. It had appeared in all the important debates of Congress, had pervaded every part of the United States, and under its influence, two political parties were by tiiis time fully established, and nearly bal- anced ; the one the warm advocates, the other the determined opponents of the measures of the govcrn- Snent. Although the President had readily given his sanction to those acts of the gc i ei nment which had agitvited in the highest degree the passions of parties, yet there was that in his character Vv hich forbid luji 1793^7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 405 political enemies to denominate him the head of a party. He had strong hold of the affections and con- fidence of the great mass of his countrymen, and the most daring of the oppositionists thought it as yet impolitick to assail his patriotism ; but a crisis was evidently approaching, when he would be necessi- tated to put his personal influence to hazard, to sub- ject himself to the obloquy of a virulent party, and to sustain the assault of disappointed ambition. Unfortunately the spirit of political controversy and division, which agitated the nation, entered the Cabinet of the Executive, and discovered itself in almost every important subject that was submitted to their discussion. Ou'ing to constitutional com- plexion of mind, or to general habits of reflection, Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Hamilton were directly opposed to each other on almost all important national ques- tions. This opposition being frequently warmed by the collision of debate, finally settled into impla- cable political and personal animosity. The Presi* dent noticed this hostility between his counsellors with grief and mortification ; and unwilling to part with either, he endeavoured to reconcile them. In a letter addressed to the Secretary of State in August 1792, after stating the critical situation of the Unit- ed States, with respect to foreign nations, he thus feelingly touched upon the animosity that existed in the Cabinet. " How unfortunate, how much to be regretted then, that while we are encompassed on all sides with avowed enemies, and insidious friends, internal dis- sections should be harrowing and tearing our vitals. 406 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [l793-7« Thelast,to mc,is the most serious, the most alarming, and the most afflicting ol' the two ; and without more charity for the opinions of one another in government matters, or some more infallible criterion by which the truth of speculative opinions, before they have undergone the test of experience, are to be forejudg- ed than has yet fallen to the lot of fallibility, I believe it will be difficult if not impracticable to manage the reins of government, or keep the parts of it togeth- er ; for if, instead of laying our slioulders to the machine, after measures are decided on, one pulls this way, and another that, before the utility of the thing is fairly tried, it must inevitably be torn asun- der ; and in my opinion, the fairest prospect of hap- piness and prosperity that ever was presented to man, will be lost, perhaps forever. *' My earnest wish and fondest hope therefore is, that instead of wounding suspicions, and irritat- ing charges, there may be liberal allowances, mu- tual forbearances, and temporising yielding on all sides. Under the exercise of these, matters will go on smoothly, and if possible, more prosperously. Without them, every thing must rub ; the wheels of government will clog ; our enemies will triumph ; and by throwing their weight into the disaffected scale, may accomplish the ruin of the goodly fabrick we have been erecting. *' I do not mean to apply this advice, or these observations, to any particular person or character. I have given them in the same general terras to oth- er officers of the government, because the disagree- ments which have arisen from difference of opinions. 1793-7.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 407 and the attacks which have been made upon almost all the measures of government, and most of its ex- ecutive officers, have for a long time past filled me with painful sensations, and cannot fail, I think, of producing unhappy consequences, at home and abroad." To a letter of Mr. Jefferson's, in which he en- deavoured to prove, that although he wished to a- mend, yet he had advocated the adoption of the Federal Constitution, the President thus replied. " I did not require the evidence of the extracts which you enclosed me, to convince me of your at- tachment to the constitution of the United States, or of your disposition to promote the general welfare of this country ; but I regret, deeply regret, the difference of opinion which has arisen, and divided you and another principal officer of the government ; and wish devoutly there could be an accommodation of them by mutual yieldings. '* A measure of this sort would produce harmo- ny and consequent good in our publick Councils ; and the contrary will inevitably produce confusion and serious mischiefs ; and for what ? Because mankind cannot see alike, but would adopt different means to obtain the same end. For 1 will frankly and solemnly declare, that I believe the vie\vs of both to be pure and well meant, and that experience only will decide with respect to the salubrity of the meas- ures which are the subject of this dispute. Why then, when some of the best citizens of the United States, men of discernment, uniform and tried pat- riots, who have no sinister views to promote, but 408 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [iTQS-t. are chaste in their ways of thinking and acting, are to be found, some on one side, and some on the oth- er of the questions which have caused these agita- tions ; why should either of you be so tenacious of your opinions as to make no allowance for those of the other ? " I could, and indeed was about to add more on. this interesting subject, but will forbear at least for the present, after expressing a wish that the cup which has been presented to us may not be snatch^ ed from our lips by a discordance of action, when I am persuaded that there is no discordance in your views. I have a great and sincere esteem for you both ; and ardently wish that some line could be marked out, by which both of you could walk.'* These serious endeavours of the President pro- duced not their desired effect. The hostility of the two Secretaries remained in full force. The Attorney General almost without exception coincided in opin- ion with Mr. Jefferson ; the Secretary of War geiierally accorded in judgment with Colonel Hamilton, and of consequence the President was deprived of the prop- er advice of his Council. But he possessed in a degree which few other men ever did, the faculty to sus* pend his own judgment on every important subject, initil he had exhausted every source of information, and had fully weighed the opinions of those about him. He early established it as a maxim never to give his opinion on any important question, until the moment that a decision was necessary, and from a rigid adherence to this maxim, on many critical •ccasions he derived singular advantage. In de- [1793-7. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 409 liberating upon national subjects submitted to him as the Supreme Executive, he appeared to be raised above the influence of passions, prejudice, and eve- ry personal and local consideration ; and having given every circumstance its weight, to decide from the dictates of pure intelligence. This was the political situation of the United States, when the French revolution had made such progress as to acquire an influence over the feelings and the sentiments of the American people, and to render the diplomatick concerns of the government with that country critical and embarrassing. Mr. Morris, the American Minister at Paris, with much discrimination noticed the surprising events that were daily taking place in France, and transmitted a minute account of them to the Presi- dent ; but while waiting for instructions, he cau- tiously avoided committing the government of his own country. On the deposition of the Monarch, with all the bloody and ferocious deeds which accompanied it, the President gave Mr. Morris the following infor- mation for the direction of his ministerial conduct. The existing administration in France was to be acknowledged ; as every nation possesses an inherent riglit to settle the frame of its own government, and to manage its internal concerns ; that the United States would punctually pay the debt due to France, and would furnish any supplies to St. Domingo that the parent country might desire. Mr. Morris was directed to assure France of the friendly disposition E E E 410 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. of the United States, and that every opportunity would be embraced to promote her welfare. Attached to republican principles, the President fondly hoped that the struggle in France would ter- minate in a free government ; but his partiality to- wards the new order of things in that country, was not so great as to render him forgetful that the aid given to America was afforded by the fallen king, or unmindful that he was the head of his own nation, whose independence and prosperity he ought to hold in higher estimation than the interest of a for- eign people. The prejudices and partialities of the American people towards England and France, excited by the revolutionary contest, had not at this period wholly subsided, and the commencement of war between regenerated France and the Monarchs of Europe, operated upon their feelings like a shock of electric- ity. Reason and judgment seemed to be laid aside, and nothing was heard but the language of passion. Without inquiring which nation was the first ag- gressor, Americans saw a number of despots com- bined against a sister Republick, virtuously strug- gling to establish her liberty. Their national vanity was flattered by the persuasion that the spark which lit the flame of liberty in France, was taken from their altar, or, in the language of Dr. Franklin, " the French having served an apprenticeship in America, set up for themselves in Europe.'* If a few individuals more cool, doubted the ten- dency, and dreaded the issue of the commotions in France, they were generally; denominated aristocrats, 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 411 the enemies of equal liberty, and the enemies of their own country. Although there was no intention in the body of American citizens to involve the United States in a war, yet they generally discovered an ardent inclina- tion to grant those favours to France, which must inevitably lead to a state of hostility. The President was at Mount Vernon on some urgent private business, when the intelligence of the declaration of war between France and England reached the United States. Perceiving the impor- tance of the crisis, he with haste returned to the seat of government. On the day which succeeded that of his arrival, April 17, 1793, he addressed the fol- lowing letter to the members of his Cabinet, for their solemn deliberations. " The posture of affairs in Europe, particularly between France and Great Britain, places the United States in a delicate situation, and requires much consideration of the measures which will be proper for them to observe in the war between those pow- ers. With a view to forming a general plan of conduct for the Executive, I have stated and enclos- ed sundry questions to be considered, preparatory to a meeting at my house tomorrow, where I shall expect to see you at 9 o'clock, and to receive the re^ suit of your reflections thereon. '* Question I. Shall a Proclamation issue for the purpose of preventing interferences of the citi- zens of the United States in the war between France and Great Britain, &c. ? Shall it contain a 412 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7, declaration of neutrality or not? What shall it contain ? " Question II. Shall a minister from the Repub- lick of France be received ? " Question III. If received, shall it be abso^ lutely, or with qualifications, and if with qualifica- tions, of what kind ? " Question IV. Are the United States obliged by good faith to consider the treaties heretofore made with France, as applying to the present situ- ation of the parties ? May they cither renounce them or hold them suspended until the government of France shall be established? " Question V. If they have the right, is it expe- dient to do either ? And which ? " Question VI. If they have an option, would it be a breach of neutrality to consider the treaty still in operation ? " Question VII. If the treaties are to be con- sidered as now in operation, is the guarantee in the treaty of alliance applicable to a defensive war only, or to war either offensive or defensive ? *' Question VIII. Does the war in which France is engaged appear to be offensive or defen- sive on her part ? Or of a mixed and equivocal character ? " Question IX. If of a mixed and equivocal character, does the guarantee in any event apply to such a war ? *' Question X. V^hat is the effect of a guaran- tee, such as that to be found in the treaty of alliance between the United States and France ? 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 413 " Question XI. Does any article in either of the treaties prevent ships of war, other than priva- teers, of the powers opposed to France, from com- ing into the ports of the United States, to act as convoys to their own merchantmen ? Or docs it lay any other restraints upon them more than would ap- ply to the ships of war of France ? '* Question XII. Should the future Regent of France send a minister to the United States ? ought he to be received ? " Question XIII. Is it necessary or advisable to call together the two Houses of Congress with a view to the present posture of European affairs ? If it is, what should be the particular objects of such a call?" On some of these questions he had already made up his mind, as appears from his communications to Mr. Morris, but he thought it expedient to take a view of the whole subject. At the proposed meeting, the Cabinet unani- mously recommended to the President to issue a Proclamation of Neutrality, forbidding the citizens of the United States to engage in any act of hostility against either of the belligerent powers, or to carry ei- ther of them articles, contraband of war, and requir- ing them to refrain from all acts, unfriendly towards nations with whom the United States were at peace. This Proclamation, the Executive immediately is- sued. It was unanimously recommended to the President to receive a Minister from the Frencli Republick. The Cabinet was also united in the 414 LIFK OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. opinion, that it was inexpedient to call Congress to- gether. On the other questions the usual difference of sentiment existed. The Secretary of State and the Attorney General conceived that the changes in the government of France made no essential differ- ence in the relation of the two nations ; but that in all respects the intercourse should proceed on princi- ples established with tlie monarch}^ The Secreta- ries of the Treasury and of War, admitted the right of a nation to change the form of its government at will, but denied its right to involve other nations in all the consequences of alterations, they might be disposed to make. The convulsions of France they thought threatened dangers to nations in alliance with her, and maintained that the United States were at liberty to suspend the operation of treaties, with that country when it was necessary for their own safety. Messrs. Jefferson and Randolph also contended that it was inexpedient to come to any decision res- pecting the application of the article of the guarantee to the present government. Messrs. Hamilton and Knox were of opinion that France being the aggres- sor, the war on her part was offensive, that the guarantee respecting only defensive war, did not apply to the present state of things. The President again required the reasons in writing of each opinion, and after due investigation established those maxims for the support of neutral rights, which he firmly, but temperately maintained through the succeeding period of his administration ; and which, amidst conflicts that prostrated the sta. 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 415 blest pillars of old European governments, preserv- ed his country from the miseries of war. In the state of the publick sentiment which wc have noticed, Mr. Genet landed April 8th, at Charleston, South Carolina, as the Minister of Re- publican France. Ardent in the constitutional tem- perament of his mind, inflated with the zeal of a new convert to the doctrine of liberty and equality, he conceived that the enlightened world felt an high interest in the revolution of his country, and that every man of virtue uas disposed to espouse her cause. His reception at Charleston was calculated to increase his most sanguine views. From the Suj;)reme Magistrate of the state, and from every class of citizens, he received warm expressions of en. thusiastick devotion to the new Republick. Taking these as evidence of the general disposition of the A- merican people he did not wait to present his official letter to the Executive, and to be accredited by him ; but availins; him&elf of the favourable situation of Charleston to fit out privateers against the West In- dian trade, he presumed to authorise the arming of ships in that port, and to give commissions to cruise against the commerce of a nation with whom the United States were at amity. Prizes taken by these privateers were brought into American harbours, and French Consuls were opening Courts of Admi- ralty to condemn them. From Charleston Mr. Genet travelled by land to Philadelphia, receiving in every part of his way the same ardent declarations of attachment to •France. Although the unwarrantable conduct of 416 LITE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7* Mr. Genet at Charleston was well known in Phila- delphia, yet his entrance into the city was rendered pompous and triumphal, and " crowds flocked from every avenme of the city to meet the Republican Ambassador of an allied nation." On the day after his arrival, addresses were presented to him froni particular societies, and from individual citizens, in which they expressed their exultation at the victo- ries of France, and declared that in their opinion, her success was essential to the safety of the Ameri- can states. On the 18th of May he presented his credentials to the President. These contained respectful senti- ments towards the government of the United States, and abounded with devotions to the American peo- ple. The President received him in an open and ingenuous manner, and with sincerity expressed his regard for the French nation. In this conference, Mr. Genet declared that his government had no desire to engage the United States in the European war, but wished them to pur- sue their own interest ; yet he persisted in the ex- ercise of his assumed power, and a French privateer captured an English merchantman within the Capes of the Delaware, while on her way to the ocean. This prize being taken in the waters of the United States, and therefore under the control of the gov- ernment, the British minister complained of this illicit proceeding, and demanded restitution of the property unlawfully taken from his countrymen. The Cabinet unanimously agreed that the pro- ceedings of Mr. Genet were i;iot warranted by any 1793^7.] LIFE or Washington. 417 existing treaties between the two nations, were there- fore violations of neutral rights, and that the govern- ment ought to prevent the repetition of them. They also agreed that restitution ought to be made, of the prize taken within the waters of the Delaware. Respecting prizes taken upon the high seas, in virtue of commissions issued by Genet, and brought into the American ports, the Cabinet were divided. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph held- that the gov- ernment was under no obligation to restore them to their original owners. Colonel Hsanilton and Gen- eral Knox contended that, to maintain an honest neutrality, the United States were bound to restore the prizes. The President took time to deliberate on those points on which his Council were not agreed. Principles in which they were united, he estab- lished ; and directed the Secretary of State to give the necessary information to the Ministers of France and Britain. Mr. Genet complained heavily of these rules of the American Government, as a violation of neutral right, and as a breach of existing treaties between the two nations. • In his comments upon these treaties, he claim- ed for France every thing which the two nations had bound themselves not to grant to other coun- tries, converting negative stipulations which respect- ed other nations, into grants of positive privileges to the contracting parties. He was informed, that out of respect to h'lm^ the subject had been reviewed in the Cabinet j y F 1 418 LIFE or WASHINGTON. [1793-7. but that the President saw no reason to change his opinion. Mr. Genet still refused acquiescence, and seemed to have entertained the expectation, that he should be able so far to avail himself of the partiality of the Americans for France, as to bend the Admin- istration to his own purposes, or to overthrow it. Prosecutions having been commenced against two of the American citizens, whom Genet engaged at Charleston, to cruise in the service of France, he demanded these men of the civil magistrate who had arrested them, in the following very extraordi- nary language. " I have this moment been informed that two of- ficers in the service of the Republick of France, citizens Gideon Henfield and John Singletary, have been arrested on board the privateer of the French Republick, the Citizen Genet, and conducted to prison. The crime laid to their charge, the crime which my mind cannot conceive, and which my pen almost refuses to state, is the serving of France, and defending with her childreil the common glori- ous cause of liberty. " Being ignorant of any positive law, or treaty M'hich deprives Americans of this privilege, and au- thorizes officers of police arbitrarily to take mariners in the service of France from on board their vessels, I call upon yom' intervention, sir, and that of the President of the United States, in order to obtain the immediate releasement of the above mentioned officers, who have acquired by the sentiments ani- mating them, and by the act of their engagement, anterior to every act to the conti-ary, the right of 1793-7.] LiFi or Washington. 419 French citizens, if they have lost that of American citizens." The President considered this insolent demand as an attack upon the honour and independence of the United States ; but without noticing the intem- perate language of the French Minister, he steadily pursued the publick interest. The influential individuals of that portion of the American people who had been opposed to the adoption of the National constitution, and were op- posed to the measures of theAdministration under it, in the partialities and prejudices manifested through- out the Union towards France and Great Britain, saw the probable means to weaken the confidence, and alienate the affection which the citizens of the United States manifested towards the President ; and in this way to bring about a revolution in the nation- al government. In pursuance of this plan, the re- sentments and the enthusiastick sympathies of the people were fostered ; and democratick societies, in imitation of the Jacobin Club in Paris, were formed. The victories of France were celebrated by feasts, bonfires, and other publick rejoicings. The measures adopted by the Executive to pre- serve the peace of the nation, were vilified in the newspapers devoted to the opposition ; the procla- mation of neutrality was declared to be an exercise of power, with which the Constitution did not in- vest the President ; and the measures of the Admin- istration generally were pronounced to be unfriendly to France, and to carry evidence of their intention to break with that Republick and to join in the royal 420 IIFE OF WASHINGTON-* [1793-7. crusade against liberty. Mr. Genet was justified in the construction of the existing treaties betw^een the two nations, and he was urged to persist in his oppo- sition to the measures of the American government. The President deeply felt the insult offered to tlie nation, by the attempt of the French Minister to continue the exercise of an usurped authority within the United States ; but he knew the impor- tance of yielding to the feelings of his countrymen, as far as consisted with the dignity of his station, and with the independence, the peace and wel- fare of his country. He contented himself with confuting in a cool and dispassionate manner the ex-r travagant positions of Mr. Genet, and inflexibly adf hered to his system. Private business called him to Mount Vernon, and he was absent from the seat of government from the 24th of June to the 11th of July. During his absence the Heads of Departments superintended the execution of the measures that had been agreed upon in the Cabinet, At this time an event took place, which fully exhibits the rashness of the French Minister, and shews the difficulty to which he subjected the administration. A French privateer brought an English mer- chantman, the little Sarah, into Philadelphia. This vessel Genet equipped as a privateer. Having mounted fourteen iron cannon, and six swivels, and taken on board one hundred and twenty men, a num- ber of whom were Americans, she was about to sail under the name of La Petite Democrat. In this situation the Secretary of the Treasury reportcjl 1793-7.3 I-IPE OP WASHINGTON. 421 her case to the Secretaries of State and of War. Gov- ernour Mifflin was in consequence requested to make examination, and on the 14th of July he reported that she was to sail, next day. By desire of the Heads of Departments, the Governour sent Mr.Dal- lasj Secretary of State for Pennsylvania, to request Mr. Genet to relieve them from the disagreeable necessity of preventing by force the sailing of a pri- vateer equipped in their ports. This request excit- ed in that Minister the most violent passion, which he vented in very intemperate and abusive language, declared that La Petite Democrat would repel force by force, and threatened to appeal from the Execu- tive to the people. Mr. Jefferson in person waited upon him to renew the request, that he would order the privateer not to sail until the pleasure of the President could be known ; Mr. Jefferson report- ed, that after an ebullition of passion, and some equivocation, he understood Mr. Genet to promise, that the privateer should fall down below Chester, and there wait the will of the President. Colonel Hamilton and General Knox were for taking meas- ures to prevent her sailing, but Mr. Jefferson, pro- fessing his confidence in the promise of Mr. Genet, opposed them, and they were not put in execution. These proceedings were immediately reported to the President on his return to the seat of govern- ment. Mr. Jefferson had then retired, indisposed, to his country house, and the President wrote him as follows : " What is to be done in the case of the Little Sarah, now at Chester ? Is the Minister of the 422 LI?E OF WASHINGT^M. [1/93-7. French Republick to set the acts of this govern- ment at defiance with impunity ? And threaten the Executive with an appeal to the people ? What must the world think of such conduct ? And of the United States in submitting to it ? " These are serious questions. Circumstances press for decision ; and as you have had time to consider them, upon me they come unexpectedly, I wish to know your opinion upon them even before tomorrow, for the vessel may then be gone." In answer to this letter, the Secretary of State informed the President, that Mr. Genet had assured him that the vessel should not sail before the decision of the Executive respecting it should be known ; and coercive measures were therefore suspended. In Council next day, it was determined to detain the armed vessels of belligerents in port. This determination was made known to Genet, but in contempt of it the privateer sailed. The opposition applauded even this act of resistance in the French Minister. The unwearied endeavour of the Admin- istration, by a faithful observance of treaties, and an impartial treatment towards belligerent powers, to secure the blessings of peace, and the rights of neutrality to the United States, was construed into a violation of those treaties, and into an insidious scheme to force the country into a war against France. The French Minister persisted in his exposition of the treaty, and in repeated letters, written in abusive and insulting language, to the Secretary of State, demanded reparation of injuries his country had sustained. 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 423 The President was at length convinced of the necessity of taking effectual measures with Genet, and on the 25th of July he wrote the following let- ter to Mr. Jefferson. " As the official conduct of Mr. Genet, relative- ly to the affairs of this government, will have to undergo a very serious consideration, so soon as the special court at which the Attorney General is now engaged, will allow him to attend with con- venience, in order to decide upon measures prop- er to be taken thereupon, it is my desire that all the letters to and from that Minister may be ready to be laid before me, the Heads of Departments, and the Attorney General, whom I shall advise with on the occasion, together with the minutes of sucli oral communications as you may have had with him on the subject of these letters, &:c. And as the memorials from the British Minister, and an- swers thereto, are materially connected therewith, it will be proper, I conceive, to hav'e these ready also." The Executive proceeded with the unanimous consent of the Cabinet, to establish a system by which to regulate the intercourse with nations at war. The rules adopted, evidence the unaltera- ble purpose of the President, sacredly to observe all national engagements, and honestly to perform every duty due to belligerent powers ; and to insist upon the uninterrupted exercise of the rights of neutrality for his own country. It was also agreed that prizes brought into American ports, by priva- teers equipped in them, should be restored, or com- 424 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7* pensation be made for them, and that armed vessels of this description should not be permitted to remain ill American harbours. The regulations were communicated to the Ministers of the belligerent nations, and in the same letter, the privileges stipulated by treaty for France were stated, and a solicitude was expressed for their security. x'^fter deliberate attention to the conduct and correspondence of the French Minister, it was agreed that a letter should be written to Mr. Morris, American Minister at Paris, stating the reasons on which the measures of the Administration with belli- gerent nations v/ere founded, giving information of the disagreement of Mr. Genet with the government, jtnd requesting his recal. The communication to the French government on this subject, concluded in the following manner. " After independence and self government, there was nothing America more sincerely wished than perpetual friendship with them." The threat of Mr. Genet to appeal from the Pres- ident to the people being reported on most respect- able authority, made a deep impression on the pub- lick mind. That portion of the American people, which were originally in favour of adopting the Na- tional Constitution of government, generally approv- ed the measures of the Administration ; and al- though they thought favourably of the revolution of France, and wished well to her cause, yet they were indignant at the insult offered by her minister to the Chief Magistrate of the United States. TIic I 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 425 appeal having been made to them, they felt them- selves constrained by every feeling of patriotism to support their own government in measures they deemed to be fair, just and impartial. In every part . of the United States, the people assembled in their towns and districts, to express their opinions on pub- lick measures. The contest was warm, but the great majority of voices was found on the side of the Ad- ministration, its measures were approved ; and it fully appeared that the affection and confidence of the American people in the President, existed in their force and efEcacy. Yet at the moment that publick indignation was expressed at the attempt to exercise a foreign influence over the American counsels, it was evident that those who expressed it, felt a strong partiality in favourof France in her con- tention with England. In the spirit of conciliation, General Washing- ton determined not to take violent measures with Genet, until the result of the complaint lodged against him with his own government, should be known, and with magnanimity he bore his abuses. But at length, patience and forbearance were out- raged. In 1794 the French Minister deliberately plan- ned two expeditions against Spain, to be carried on from the United States, and granted commissions to American citizens to be officers in them, who pri- vately inlisted men for the purpose. The conquest of the Floridas was the object of one of these expe- ditions, and Georgia was the place of rendezvous for the troops destined to this service. The other was G G G 4.26 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. designexl for the invasion of Louisiana, and was to be prosecuted from Kentucky down the Ohio and Mississippi. The arrangements were all made ; but before the plan was ripe for execution, the govern- ment interposed, and some of the principal agents were arrested. No government, the President con- ceived, which had any pretentions to independence, could submit to insults of this nature. Having consulted with the Vice President, the Heads of Departments, and other leading characters in the government, he determined to suspend the ministerial functions, and to confine the person of Genet. Messages to the two houses of the Legis- lature on this subject were prepared, and orders were given to the Marshal to take the French Min- ister into custody. - But the evening preceding the day, on which these orders were to have been car- ried into execution, official letters from Mr. Morris informed the President, that Mr. Genet was recalled, which prevented the necessity of carrying the meas- ure to extremity. One instance among many, of the independence, the firmness and the good fortune of President Washington. Mr. Fauchet, the successor of Mr. Genet, brought assurances that his government disapproved of the conduct of his predecessor, and made warm declarations of his own disposition to consult the peace and honour of the government of the United States, and his practices for a time corresponded with his language. About this period, the Executive of the French P'overtunent made known to the President their 1793-7.] LIFE or Washington. 427 wishes that Mr. Morris might be recalled. He im- mediately complied with their request, and nomi- nated Colonel Monroe of Virginia as his successor, an appointment peculiarly pleasing to the friends of France. The task of the Executive was rendered still more delicate, arduous and difficult by the conduct of Great Britain. The Court of London had declined a treaty -with Congress under the old Confederation. At the commencement of the Federal Government^the Ad- ministration was disposed to negotiate with Great Britain without committing the honour of the nation. Mr. Gouverneur Morris, who was in England on private business, was directed to open an informal conference with members of the British Cabinet on the subject of American affairs. With much ad- dress he executed this commission but to little pur- pose. He informed the President, that the Duke of Leeds and Mr. Pitt manifested a disposition to live on terms of amity and friendship with the United States ; but discovered no inclination to enter into a commercial treaty with them ; that they complained of the neglect of the American government to exe- cute the stipulations of the treaty of peace, for which neglect they justified their retention of the Western Posts. In this situation the French revolution found Great Britain and the United States. At the com- mencement of the war between France and England, various circumstances indicated the probability that America would be brought into the contention with Britain. 428 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. The warm and animated expressions of fraterni- ty made by the American people towards France ; the festivals in celebration of French victories, and the manifest partiality which many discovered for her in the management of the war, probably led the British Cabinet to think, that the United States were disposed to become parties in the war, and induced them to adopt measures to meet this hostile spirit. On the other hand, the unfriendly indica- tions of the English Court, and the impressments of American seamen in the British ports, in addition to the common vexation of neutrals on the high seas, and the attempt to starve France by carrying Amer- ican provision vessels into English ports, v/as so much fuel to feed the passions of the Americans al- ready in a blaze. In this state of national affairs, the President met Congress on the 4th of December 1793. In the speech delivered on this interesting occasion, he thus noticed his reelection to the Presidency. *' Since the commencement of the term for which I have been again called into office, no fit occasion has arisen for expressing to my fellow citizens at large the deep and respectful sense which 1 feel of the renewed testimony of publick approbation. While on the one hand, it awakened my gratitude, for all those instances of affectionate partiality with which I have been honoured by my country ; on the other, it could not prevent an earnest wish for that retirement, from w hich no private consideration should ever have torn me. But influenced by the belief that my conduct would be estimated accord- 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 429 ing to its real motives, and that the people, and the authorities derived from them, would support exer- tions, having nothing personal for their object, I have obeyed the suffrage which commanded me to resume the executive power ; and I humbly implore that Being on whose will the fate of nations depends, to crown with success our mutual endeavours for the general happiness." He then made the following communications respecting the measures of the Ad- ministration. " As soon as the war in Europe had embraced those powers with whom the United States have the most extensive relations, there vi^as reason to apprehend that our intercourse with them might be interrupted, and our disposition for peace drawn in question by suspicions too often entertained by bel- ligerent nations s It seemed therefore to be my duty to admonish our citizens of the consequence of a contraband trade, and of hostile acts to any of the parties ; and to obtain by a declaration of the exist- ing state of things an easier admission of our rights to the immunities belonging to our situation. Un- der these impressions the Proclamation was issued. " In this posture of affairs, both new and deli- cate, I resolved to adopt general rules, which should conform to the treaties, and assert the privileges of the United States, These were reduced into a sys- tem, which shall be communicated to you." After noticing those legislative provisions which his experience dictated as necessary, he proceeded : ** I cannot recommend to your notice, measures for the fulfilment of our duties to the rest of the 450 LIFS or WASHINGTON* [1793-7. worldj without again pressing upon you the necessity of placing yourselves in a situation of complete de- fence, and of exacting from t/iejn, the fulfilment of their duties towards us. The United States ought not to indulge a pursuasion that, contrary to the or- der of human events, they will forever keep at a dis- tance, those painful appeals to arms, with which the history of every other nation abounds. There is a rank due to the United States among nations, which will be withheld, if not absolutely lost, by the reputa- tion of weakness. If we desire to avoid insult, we must be able to repel it, if we desire to secure peace, one of the most powerful instruments of our prosper- ity, it must be known that wc are, at all times ready for war." After advising the greatest appropriations for the redemption of the publick debt, which the resources of the country would permit, he in the following manner concluded the address. " The several subjects to which I have now refer- red open a wide range to your deliberations, and in- volve some of the choicest interests of our common country. Permit me to bring to your remembrance the magnitude of your task. Without an unpreju- diced coolness, the welfare of the government may be hazarded ; without harmony, as far as con- sists with freedom of sentiment, its dignity may- be lost. But as the legislative proceedings of the United States will never, I trust, be reproached for the want of temper, or of candour, so shall not the publick happiness languish from the want of my strenuous and w armest cooperations." 1793-7.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 451 The party in the United States, opposed to tlie general system on which the Federal Government had been administered, by associating the cause of France with their own, had increased their mem- bers in the present Congress ; but they were not prepared to attack the discernment or the patriotism of the President. The House of Representatives, in their answer, thus noticed the unanimous suf- frage, by which Gen. Washington had, a second time, been elected to the Presidency. " It was with equal sincerity and promptitude they embraced the occasion for expressing to him their congratulations on so distinguished a testimo- ny of publick approbation, and their entire confi- dence in the purity and patriotism of the motives which had produced this obedience to the voice of his country. It is to virtues that have command- ed long and universal reverence, and services from which have fiowed great and lasting benefits, that the tribute of praise may be paid without the re- proach of flattery ; and it is from the same sources that the fairest anticipations may be derived in fa- vour of publick happiness." The Proclamation of neutrality was in a cautious manner approved, and a disposition was expressed to support the Execu- tive. The answer of the Senate breathed unreserved af- fection, and confidence. Referring to the second elec- tion of thePresident, they observed, " In the unanim- ity which a second time marks this important national act, we trace with particular satisfaction, besides the distinguished tribute paid to the virtues and abiii- 452 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. tics, which it recognizes, another proof of that just discernment, and constancy of sentiments and views, which have hitherto characterized the citizens of the United States." They declared the Proclama- tion to be " a measure well timed and wise, mani- festing a watchful solicitude for the welfare of the nation, and calculated to promote it." At the close of this year, Mr. Jefferson resign- ed his Secretaryship, and was succeeded by Mr. E. Randolph ; and Mr. William Bradford was appointed Attorney General, After a very animated debate, January, 1794, a bill passed Congress by a very small majority, to build six frigates, and it received the cordial assent of the Executive. This was the commencement of the American navy. In November 1793 the British government had given instructions to her ships to detain all vessels laden with goods, the produce of any colony be- longing to France, or carrying provisions, or other supplies to those colonies, and bring them into English ports for adjudication. These instructions were thought, by reflecting men in America, to be evidence of an hostile spirit in the British Cabinet towards the United States, and Congress deemed it expedient to be prepared to meet the probable event of war. They accord- ingly laid an embargo for the term of thirty days, and with great unanimity adopted provisional meas- ures of self defence. While these measures were in train, the President on the 4th of April, 1794, transmitted to Congress a 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 433 letter from Mr. Pinc.kney, who had been appointed Minister at the Court of London, which contained information, that the orders of November were re- voked, and instructions given to cruizers to bring in for adjudications only those neutral vessels which were laden with the produce of French Islands on a direct voyage from those islands to Europe ; and detailing a conversation between Lord Grenville and Pinckney in which his Lordship more satisfac- torily explained the instructions of November ; and manifested a disposition to cultivate peace and ami- ty with the United States. This communication made a deep impression on the Federal members of Congress. They thought that a door was opened for negotiation, and that war might probably be avoided. The opposition members and the partizans of France, alarmed by these symptoms of moderation, redoubled their attack upon England, and upon all, who were disposed to cultivate friendship with her. Newspapers were filled with invectives of this na- ture, and every epithet of vileness and calumny was made use of to inflame the publick mind, and in- crease the hostility of the nation against Great Brit- ain. The majority of Congress discovered a dis- position to proceed in their military preparations, in which the sentiment of the community seemed to support them, and general appearances still indicat- ed approaching hostilities. The President foresaw the evils, that must be introduced by a war with Great Britain, in the dis- tempered state of the publick mind. He knew that H H H 434 LlFB OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7^* she commanded the Ocean, that she presented the best markets for the exports of the United States, and furnished, on the easiest terms, those manufac- tures which were necessary to his countrymen. He perceived that the devotion of the people to France, would throw the United States into her arms, and that his country must become a mere sateUite of her will. He was not without some apprehension, that the bloody and ferocious spirit, that had disgrac- ed the French revolution, might be introduced into the peaceable society of America. Under these solemn impressions, he determined to use Ills endeavours to arrest the dreaded evil, and on the 16th of April he nominated in the Sen- ate an Envoy Extraordinary to the Court of Great Britain, and for the following reasons. " The communications which I have made to you during your present session, from the despatch- es of our Minister in London, contain a serious as- pect of our affairs with Great Britain. But as peace ought to be pursued with unremitted zeal, before the last resource, which has so often been the scourge of nations, and cannot fail to check the advanced prosperity of the United States, is con- templated, I have thought proper to nominate John Jay, as Envoy Extraordinary of the United States to his Britannick Majesty. " My confidence in our Minister Plenipotentiary in London continues undiminished. But a mission like this, while it corresponds with the solemnity of the occasion, will announce to the world a solicitude for the friendly adjustment of our complaints, and £1793-7.- JLIFE OF WASHINGTON. 435 a reluctance to hostility. Going immediately from the United States, such an Envoy will carry with him a full knowledge of the existing temper and sensibility of our country ; and will thus be taught to vindicate our rights with firmness, and to culti- yate peace with sincerity." To a considerable part of Congress, and to a large portion of the American people, this decisive act was unexpected and displeasing.; and it was a- dopted in full view of the obloquy and abuse of which it would be the occasion, A motion made to stay the proceedings against Great Britain, on account of the pending negotiation was overruled in the House of Representatives ; and a bill prohibiting commercial intercourse with her carried by a considerable majority ; which was lost in the Senate by the casting vote of the Vice Pres- ident. The authority of the Executive to issue the proclamation of neutrality had by many been doubt- ed ; his power to call out the militia to prevent the sailing of privateers, which had violated his rules, denied ; and the American citizens, who had been prosecuted for engaging in expeditions against the nations at war, had been acquitted by a jury of trials. The President therefore, although entertaining him- self no doubt about his constitutional authorit}^, was desirous to obtain the sanction of Congress for the system he had adopted, to preserve the peace of the country. At the commencement of the session, he inti- mated to the National Legislature the propriety of 436 LIFE OF WASHlNGTOy. [1793-7. the measure, and in pursuance of his advice, the Senate introduced a bill, prohibiting within the U- nited States the exercise, by Foreig-n Ministers, of those acts of sovereignty which Genet claimed, and subjecting to fine and imprisonment those who should be guilty of any of the acts towards the bel- ligerent nations, which the Executive had forbidden. This bill, necessary as it was to the honour and peace of the nation, was opposed by the whole force of the Antifederalists, and finally passed the Senate by the casting vote of the Vice President. On the 9th of June, 1794, the session of Congress, which had been active and stormy, closed. In the course of this year, the President was called to an important, but painful duty in adminis- tering the domestick concerns of the government. Under the last Presidency an act had passed, laying a duty on spirits distilled within the United States. To the inhabitants in the Western Counties of Pennsylvania this was highly offensive. The whole district had been from the beginning, hostile to the Federal Constitution. I'hey had whh acrimony opposed its adojjtion, and were in opposition to all the measures of the Admin- istration. Emboldened by the hoars© and loud clamours of their party, they absolutely refused com- pliance with the law. The President with anxiety saw this combination, but waited in the expecta- tion that the quiet submission to the act in other parts of the Union, would induce the people of this district to yield obedience. In the mean time he re- 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 457 commended to Congress to modify the act in such; a manner, as to remove every reasonable objection. Ac- cordingly in May, 1792, the National Legislature took up the subject, and made such alterations in the act, as experience directed would be salutary. This revi- sion did not conciliate the insurgents. The officers, who attempted to collect the duty, were violent- ly opposed. In County and District Conventions, a systematick opposition was planned ; and banish- ment from the circle of good neighbourhood, and from all the benefits and pleasures of social inter- course, was denounced against all who should aid the publick officers; and the officers themselves were threatened with every personal outrage, should they persist in the endeavour to execute the duties of their office. Knowing the importance of breaking this daring combination, the President issued a Proclamation, admonishing all persons to desist from proceedings designed to obstruct the execution of the laws, re- quiring the interposition of magistrates in support of government, and directing the prosecution of ofien- ders. The Proclamation not producing the desired ef- fect, he endeavoured to prevent the necessity of hav- ing recourse to a military force, by making it the in- terest of the distillers to pay the duty. Prosecutions were instituted against delinquents, where they could be sustained, the spirits dihtillcd in the counties opposing the law were ordered lo be seized on their way to market, by the officers ©f the revenue, and the contracters for the arn^y 433 LIfE OF WASHINGTON. [l793-f. were directed to purchase only the spirits, on uhich the duties had been paid. But whatever were the wishes of the distillers, the fear of an infuriated pop- ulace prevented a compliance with these orders ; and the insurgents took encouragement from the lenity of the Executive, in the expectation of ulti- mate success. By violent threats they deterred the Marshal from the service of his precepts, committed numerous outrages upon the friends of government, and organized themselves into military bands to re- sist any force th?it might be sent to subject them to the laws. The President had for three years patiently wait- ed the effect of conciliatory measures, but these had onl}' rendered the opposition more desperate. He therefore had only to choose between the alternative of permitting the prostration of the government, or to call out its force in support of the laws. The subject in all its momentous consequences was laid before the Cabinet, and General Mifflin, the Governour of Pennsylvania, was on this occasion cal- led into the Council. Their unanimous desire was to avoid, if possible, the coertion of the military, and they therefore advised, that Commissioners should be sent to the insurgents to warn them of their danger, and to offer a pardon of past offences, on condition of future obedience to the laws. It was also advised that a proclamation should be issu- ed in conformity to the act of Congress, commanding the insurgents to disperse by a given day. But in respect to ultimate operations, there was not an una- nimity of opinion. The Governour of Pcnnsylva- 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 439 nia thought that the militia of that state would be insufficient to suppress the insurrection, and appear- ed apprehensive of danger from the attempt to call out the power of government. Mr. Randolph, Sec- retary of State, expressed his fears on account of the numbers and strength of the insurgents. He doubt- ed whether the militia would obey the orders of the Executive, and march to suppress by force of arms this combination ; if they should, he doubted the success of the expedition, and foreboded civil war in all its horrors as the consequence of a failure. The Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of War, and the Attorney General, were of opinion, that the President was bound by the most sacred ob- ligations, to use the means placed at his disposal, faithfully to execute the law. They therefore ad- vised him to try the power of the government to co- erce submission ; and from policy and humanity to march a force into the insurgent counties, too strong to be resisted. The President did not hesitate to do his duty. Without exerting the means of prevention in his power, he could not see the laws prostrated, and the authority of the United States defied. On the 7th of August, Tie issued the Proclama- tion which the law made a prerequisite to the em- ployment of force. In it he gave a recapitulation of the measures of Government, and of the opposition of the insurgents, and thus proceeded, " Whereas it was in his judgment necessary, under the cir- cumstances of the case, to take measures for calling forth the militia in order to suppress the combina- 440 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [179S-7. tions aforesaid, and to cause the laws to be duly ex- ecuted, and he had accordingly determined so to do ; feeling the deepest regret for the occasion, but withal the most solemn conviction that the essential inter- ests of the Union demanded it ; that the very ex- istence of government, and the fundamental princi- ples of social order were involved in the issue ; and that the patriotism and firmness of all good citizens vi^ere seriously called upon to aid in the suppression of so fatal a spirit." The Proclamation closed by ordering all insurgents, and all other persons whom it might concern, on or before the first day of the ensuing September, to disperse and retire to their respective iiomes. Orders were on the same day issued to the Governours of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia, for their res- pective quotas of twelve thousand men, which at a subsequent period was increased to fifteen thousand, who were to be held in readiness to march at a min- ute's warning. Reluctant to draw the sword upon his fellow cit- izens, the President at this awful crisis determined to make one more attempt to reclaim by mild en- treaty his deluded countrymen. The Attorney General, Judge Yates, and Mr. Ross, were com- missioned to bear to the insurgents a general amnes- ty for all past crimes, on condition of future obedi- ence ; but the clemency of the government was again spurned, and its power disregarded. The insurgents, forming an opinion from the language of democratick societies, and from the publications in antifederal newspapers, seem to have 1793-7.] LIFE OJf WASHINGTON. 441 entertained the supposition that their disaffection was generally felt by the citizens of the United States, and that the attempt to suppress them would issue in a revolution of the government. That the Executive of Pennsylvania might act in unison with the National Administration, Govem- our Mifflin had also issued a Proclamation, and ap- pointed commissioners to join those of the nation. The faction opposed to government insidiously attempted to obstruct the execution of the orders of the President, but without effect ; the community expressed unequivocally the determination to sup- port the government, and to execute the laws. The personal influence of Governour Mifflin surmounted the obstructions which arose from the insufficiency of the militia laws of Pennsylvania ; the officers and men of the respective States, obeyed the sum- mons with an alacrity that exceeded the expecta- tion of the most sanguine ; and the required num- ber of troops was seasonably in readiness to obey the orders of the Commander in Chief. The command of the expedition was given to Governour Lee of Virginia, and the Governours of Pennsylvania and New Jersey commanded the mili- tia of their respective states under him. This force moved into the insurgent counties and bore down all opposition. Thus by the vigour and prudence of the Executive, this formidable and alarming insur- rection was, without the sacrifice of a life, subdued. The President attributed this insurrection in a great degree to the influence of the democratick so- cieties. This opinion he expressed in his private III 442 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. letters, and in his publick communications to the Legislature. In a letter to Mr. Jay, he observed, " That the self created societies, who have spread themselves over this country, have been labouring incessantly to sow the seeds of distrust, jealousy, and of course discontent, hoping thereby to effect some revolution in the government, is not unknown to you. That they have been the fomenters of the western disturbances, admits of no doubt in the mind of any one who will examine their conduct. But, fortu- nately they have precipitated a crisis for which they were not prepared ; and thereby have unfolded views which will, I trust, effect their annihilation sooner, than it might have happened." General Washington had the firmness and in- dependence to denounce these societies to the Na- tional Legislature, and to loan his personal influence to counteract their designs, thereby bringing upon himself their resentment. In his official address to Congress, on the 19th of November, he, as a channel of publick informa- tion, narrated the rise, progress and issue of the in- surrection, passed a merited encomium on the pat- riotism of those who had with alacrity exerted them- selves to suppress it, and proceeded to observe : " To every description of citizens, let praise be given. But let them persevere in their affectionate vigilance over that precious depositor}^ of American happiness, the Constitution of the United States. And when in the calm moments of reflection, they shall have retraced the origin and progress of the insurrection, let them determine whether it has not 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 443 been fomented by combinations of men, who, care- les of consequences and disregarding the unerring truth, that those who rouse, cannot always appease a civil convulsion, have disseminated, from an ignor- ance or perversion of facts, suspicions, jealousies, and accusations of the whole government." He on this occasion, renewedly recommended to the Leg- islature the organization of the militia, and made such other communications as the state of the coun- try rendered expedient. In their answer to this address, the Senate said, ** Our anxiety arising from the licentious and open resistance to the laws in the Western Counties of Pennsylvania, has been increased by the proceed- ings of certain self created societies relative to the laws and Administrations of the government ; pro- ceedings, in our apprehensions, founded in politi- cal errour, calculated, if not intended,to disorganize our government, and which, by inspiring delusive hopes of support, have been instrumental in mis- leading our fellow citizens in the scene of insurrec- tion." They expressed an unqualified approbation of the measures adopted by the Executive to suppress the insurrection, and concluded in the following man? ner. " At a period so momentous in the affairs of nations, the temperate, just and firm policy that you have pursued in respect to foreign powers, has been eminently calculated to promote the great and essential interest of our country, and has created the fairest title to the publick gratitude and thanks," 444 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [1795-7. The House of Representatives was not thus cor- dial and approbatory, in their answer to the Speech of the President. After much debate, they omitted to notice the conduct of the Executive with foreign powers, and they made no reply to his observations on self cre- ated societies. In other points, the answer was re- spectful. On the last of January 1795, Mr. Hamilton resign- ed his place as Secretary of the Treasury, and was succeeded by Mr. Oliver Wolcott. And soon after General Knox resigned the Secretaryship of War, and was succeeded by Colonel T. Pickering. While these events were taking place in Ameri- ca ; Judge Jay was executing a commission in Eng- land highly important to his country. From the moment that he was admitted to a conference with the British Cabinet, he with the ar. dour of a patriot, and the ability of a statesman, de- voted himself to the business of his mission. While decorous in his behaviour towards the British crown, he maintained the respectability of his own charac- ter, and supported the honour of the United States. Persuaded that war would be the consequence of a failure of his negotiation, he patiently attended to the investigation of the subject in controversy, and finally agreed with Lord Greenville upon a treaty be- tween the two countries. In a letter to the Presi- dent, he declared this to be the best it was possible to obtain, and added, " I ought not to conceal from you, that the confidence reposed in your personal character was visible and useful throughout the ne- gotiation." 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 445 On the 8th of June, the President submitted the treaty, with the documents which attended it, to the dehberation of the Senate, that they might " in their wisdom decide whether they would advise and con- sent that it should be ratified." After deUberate investigation, the Senate, by ex- actly two thirds of their numbers, the constitutional majority, advised to its ratification, with some quali- fication of the 12th Article. Great exertion had been made, by the party that opposed the mission of Mr. Jay, to keep alive the spirit of hostility to Great Britain. The secrecy ob- served in the negotiation was pointedly reprobated as a violation of the first principles of a Republican Governmerit, and every circumstance that transpir- ed respecting it, was used as a means to excite o- dium against the negotiation, and prejudice against the treaty. While the train was laying to enkindle a publick flame, word was received through a credi- ble channel that the British Court had renewed the orders to their cruisers to detain provision vessels bound to French ports. Although the President had previously determined to ratify the treaty, yet on this information, he ordered a strong remonstrance to be drawn against those orders, and suggested to his Cabinet the propriety of suspending the exchange of the ratified treaty, upon their revocation. In this stage of the business, he was called to Mount Vernon. During his absence, and while the publick mind was in a state of irritation, a Senator in Congress from Virginia, violating the decorum and the rules 446 klFR OF WASHINGTONT. [1793-7, of the Senate, sent an incorrect copy of the treaty to the Editor of a democratick paper, and through the press it was immediately communicated to (he pub- lick. If the attempts to negotiate were represent- ed as inconsistent with the honour of the United States, and all the circumstances attending it crim- inated, as a dereliction of the interests of a sister Re- publick ; it cannot be supposed, that the instrument itself, which was the result of mutual concessions, and the adjustment of opposing national interests, should quiet the publick mind, subjected to the des- potism of passion and prejudice. Noisy and violent declamation against the treaty abounded in every part of the United States, and few were found, who unbiassed by national interest, coolly and impartially decided upon its merits. Publick nieetings were holden in all the large towns, and intemperate addresses denouncing the treaty voted, which were published in the Newspa- pers before they were presented to the President. Pamphlets were also put into circulation, written with ingenuity and calculated to increase the preju- dices against this national transaction, on the pre- tence that it Avas a sacrifice of the interests of France in favour of Great Britain. These violent movements deeply affected the President, but they did not change his determina- tion. His letters, and the general tenour of his con^ duct at this period, discover the firmness and inde- pendence with which he was prepared to resist every attempt unsuitably to bias the Executive. His greatest apprehensions on this occasion were, that 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 44f France would avail herself of these popular commo- tions, either to force the government of the United States into her measures, or to embarrass the execu- tion of the treaty, and to render its stipulations in fa- vour of American commerce ineffectual. In a letter of the 29th of July written to the Secretary of State, after mentioning that the state of the country re- quired the utmost circumspection, he added : *' I have never since I have been in the admin- istration of the government, seen a crisis which, in my opinion, has been so pregnant with interesting events, nor one from which more is to be apprehend- edjXvhether viewed on the one side or the other. From New York there is, and I am told will further be, a counter cunxnt ; but how formidable it may appear, I know not. If the same does not take place at Bos- ton and other towns, it will afford but too strong ev- idence that the opposition is in a manner universal, and would make the ratification a very serious busi- ness indeed. But as it respects the French, even counter resolutions would, for the reasons I have al- ready mentioned, do little more than weaken, in a small degree, the effect the other side would have." In a letter to the Secretary, of the 3 1st of July, hav- ing mentioned his determination to return to Phila- delphia, and stated the firmness and v/isdom neces- sary to meet the crisis, he proceeded, " There is too much reason to believe, from the pains that have been taken before, at. and since the advice of the Senate respecting tlie treaty, that the prejudices against it are more extensive than is generally im- agined. How should it be odierwise, when no 448 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [l79;>-7. Stone has been left unturned that could impress on the minds of the people the most errant misrepresen- tation of facts ; that their rights have not only been neglected, Ijut absolutely sold ; that there are no re- ciprocal advantages in the treaty ; that the benefits are all on the side of Great Britain ; and what seems to have had more weight with them than all the rest, and has been most pressed ; that the treaty is made with the design to oppress the French Republick, in open violation of our treaty with that nation, and contrary too to every principle of gratitude and s:ound policy. In time, when passion shall have yielded to sober reason, the current may possibly turn ; but, in the mean while, this government in relation to F ranee and England may be compared to a ship between Sylla and Charybdis. If the treaty is ratified, the partisans of the French, or rather of war and confusion, will excite them to hostile meas- ures, or at least to unfriendly sentiments ; if it is not, there is no foreseeing all the consequences that may follow as it respects Great Britain. '* It is not to be inferred from hence, that I am, or shall be disposed to quit the ground I have taken, unless circumstances more imperious than have yet come to my knowledge, should compel it ; for there is but one straight course, and that is to seek truth, and to pursue it steadily. But these things are mentioned to shew that a close investigation of the subject is more than ever necessary Every step should be explored before it is taken, and every word weighed before it is uttered or delivered in writing," In a subsequent letter, in which he men- IJPS-V.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON, 449 tioned the increasing hostility to the treaty, he ad- ded, *' All these things do not shake my determin- ation with respect to the proposed ratification nor will they, unless something more imperious and un- known to me should, in the opinion of yourself and the gentleman with you, make it advisable for me to pause." On the 11th of August, the President arrived at Philadelphia, and on the next day he brought before the Cabinet the question respecting the immediate ratification of the treaty. The Secretary of State ad- vised to the postponement of this measure, until the orders of the British should be revoked. The oth- er members of the Cabinet voted for an immediate Ratification with a strong memorial against those or- ders. With this advice the President closed. The orders were recalled, and the ratifications of the trea- ty exchanged. The President was probably led to this immedi- ate ratification of the treaty by the popular violence, which was raised against it in every part of the U- nited States. He conceived that it was necessary, either at once to arrest its progress, or ultimately to yield to its force. The event proved the soundness of his judgment, and the influence of his character. Violent opposition ceased. Reflection and experi- ence convinced discerning men, that the4reaty wa» a u'ise and salutary measure. On the 19th of August 1795, Mr. Randolph re- signed his office as Secretary of State. He had been strongly suspected of breach of trust, and of having committed the honour and interest of his country m 450 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. his communications with the French Minister. To enable him, as he affirmed, to vindicate himself, he requested the sight of a confidential letter, which the President had written to him, and which he had left in the office. His avowed purpose was to publish this, with other documents, to show that he had been disgraced on account of his attachment to France and liberty, v I have directed," replied the President, " that you should have the inspection of my letter of the 22d of July, agreeably to your re- 1 quest ; and you are at full liberty to publish without reserve awy or every private and confidential letter 1 ever wrote you ; nay more, every word I ever ut- tered to you or in your presence, from whence you can derive any advantage in your vindication.'* Happy the ruler, who in the consciousness of the pu- rity of his intentions can, in times of political agita- tion, thus address a suspected member of his Coun- cil, who had been admitted to his unlimited confi- dence, j Cotonel Pickering was removed to the depart- ment of State, and Mr. M'Henry appointed Secreta- ry of War. By the death of Mr. Bradford, the of- fice of Attorney General become vacant, which was soon filled by Mr. Lee of Virginia. In the Autumn of 1795 a treaty was negoti- ated through the agency of Colonel Humphreys with the Regency of Algiers, by which a number of A- merican citizens, who had been enslaved, were lib- erated. On opening the first session of the fourth Con- gress, the President congratulated the two Houses 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 451 on the prosperity of the nation. " I trust" said he, *' I do not deceive myself while lindulge the per- suasion that I have never met you at any period, when, more than at the present, the situation of our publick aflfairs has afforded just cause for mutual congratulation ; and for inviting you to join with me in profound gratitude to the authour of all good for the numerous and extraordinary blessings we en- joy." Then making a brief statement of the situa- tion of the United States in their foreign relations, he thus proceeded. " This interesting summary of our affairs, with regard to the powers between w horn and the United States, controversies have subsisted ; and with re- gard also to our Indian neighbours with whom we have been in a state of enmity or misunderstanding, opens a wide field for consoling and gratifying reflec- tions. If by prudence and moderation on every side, the extinguishment of all the causes of external dis- cord which have heretofore menaced our tranquillity, on terms compatible with our national faith and hon- our, shall be the happy result, how firm and how pre- cious a foundation will have been laid for accelerat- ing, maturing and establishiiig the prosperity of our country." Recommending a number of national objects, to the attention of the Legislature, the speech was con- cluded in the following manner. " Temperate discussion of the important sub- jects that may arise in the course of the session, and mutual forbearance where there is a difference in o- pinion, are too obvious and necessary for the peace, 452 LIFE OP WASHINGTOjr. [1793~7, happiness and welfare of our country, to need any recommendation of mine." The answer of the Senate was in their usual cor- dial and respectful manner. A majority of the House of Representatives of this Congress was of the party opposed to the genei'- al administration of the government. To this party the British treaty was offensive ; and their feelings on this subject had an influence on their reply to the President's speech. The Committee reported an answer, which contained this clause; "that the confidence of his fellow citizens in the Chief Magistrate remained undiminished." It was moved to strike out this clause because it contained an untruth. In the animated debute that ensued, the friends of the President supported the clause, and maintained with zeal, that the confidence of the American citi- zens in him had suffered no diminution ; the advo- cates of the motion with pertinacity averred that by a recent transaction the confidence of the people in the President was diminished ; and several of the speakers declared, that their own confidence in him was lessened. To prevent a vote of the House to expunge the clause, it was moved and carried to recommit the answer. In the second report, this clause was in such a manner modified as to pass w ithout objec- tion. Mr. Monroe reached Paris soon after the fall of Robespierre, his reception as the American Minifeter was publick, and on the occasion, he gave [1793-7. LIFE OF WASHINGTOK, 45* the Convention the most positive assurances of the fervent attachment of the American people to the interest of France. The Committee of Safety of France had previ- ously written to the American Congress, and the Executive of the Federal Government being the constituted organ of foreign intercourse, the Sen- ate and House of Representatives had by their re- solves, transmitted this letter to the President with a request, that he would in a respectful answer ex- press their friendly disposition towards the French Kepublick. Accordingly the Secretary of State addressed two letters to the Committee of Safety, in the name of each branch of the Legislature. These Mr. Monroe conveyed, and delivered with his own credentials to the President of the Conven- tion. The communications of the American Minister were received with expressions of high gratification, and the Convention decreed, that the flags of France and America should be united, and suspended in their hall, as an emblem of the eternal union and friendship of the two Republicks. Colonel Monroe, to reciprocate this act of fra- ternity, requested the Convention to accept from him the American flag, as evidence of his own sensibility, and as a token of the satisfaction with which his country would improve every opportu- nity to promote the union of the two nations. Mr. Adet, the successor of Mr. Fauchet, arriv- ed at Philadelphia in the summer of 1795, and J^rought with him the flag of France as a compliment 4,54) LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1793-T. from the Convention to Congress, and a letter from the Committee of Safety to this body. He made no mention to the President of this present until December, intending to present it directly to Con- gress, and to avail himself of the opportunity to ad- dress that body. The President and the Heads of De- partments, perceiving his intention to make a bridge of the Executive to open a direct communication with the popular branch of Congress, and appre- hending evil from it, with address defeated the in- triguing scheme. They directed, that the flag and the letter should be placed in the hands of the Pres- ident, and by him presented to Congress. The 1st of January 1796, was appointed as the time on which the President would receive them. Mr. A- det on this occasion addressed him in the impassion- ed language of his countrymen. He represented France as exerting herself in defence of the liberty of mankind. " Assimilated to, or rather indentified with free people by the form of her government, she saw in them," he observed, " only friends and brothers. Long accustomed to regard the American people as her most faithful allies, she sought to draw closer the ties already formed in the fields of America, un- der the auspices of victory, over the ruins of tyranny." To answer this speech was a delicate task. An- imated expressions of attachment and friendship for France were expected ; and it was improper for the Executive of a neutral nation to shew partiality or prejudice towards belligerent powers. The following was the reply of the President. 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ^55 " Bom, sir, in a land of liberty ; having early- learned its value ; having engaged in a perilous conflict to defend it ; having, in a word, devoted the best years of my life to secure its permanent estab- lishment in my own country ; my anxious recollec- tions, my sympathetick feelings, and my best wish- es are irresistibly attracted, whensoever, in any country, I see an oppressed nation unfurl the ban- ners of freedom. But above all, the events of the French revolution have produced the deepest solici- tude, as well as the highest admiration. To call your nation brave, were to pronounce but common praise. Wonderful people ! Ages to come will read with astonishment the history of your brilliant ex- ploits. I rejoice that the period of your toils and of your immense sacrifices is approaching. I rejoice that the interesting revolutionary movements of so many years have issued in the formation of a Con- stitution designed to give permanency to the great object for which you have contended. I rejoice that liberty, which you have so long embraced with enthusiasm... .liberty, of which you have been the invincible defenders, now finds an asylum in the bosom of a regularly organized government ; a government which, being formed to secure the hap- piness of the Frencli people, corresponds with the ardent wishes of my heart, while it gratifies the pride of every citizen of the United States by its re- semblance to their own. On these glorious events, accept, sir, my sincere congratulations. " In delivering to you these sentiments, I ex- press not my own feelings only, but those of my fel- 456 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. flVOS-frf low Citizens in relation to the commencement, the progress, and the issue of the French revolution ; and they will certainly join with me in purest wishes to the Supreme Being, that the citizens of our sis- ter republick, our magnanimous allies, may soon enjoy in peace, that liberty which they have pur- chased at so great a price, and all the happiness that liberty can bestow. *' I receive, sir, with lively sensibilit)'^, the sym- bol of the triumphs, and of the infranchisements of your nation, the colours of France, which you have now presented to the United States. The transac- tion will be announced to Congress, and the colours "will be deposited with the archives of the United States, which are at once the evidence and the me- morials of their freedom and independence ; may these be perpetual ; and may the friendship of the two Republicks be commensurate with their exist- ence." The address of the French Minister, the reply of the President, the flag of France, and the letter of the Committee of Safety were all transmitted by the President to Congress. In February 1796, the treaty w'as returned in the form recommended by ihe Senate, and ratified by his Britannick Majesty ; and on the last of that month, the President issued his Proclamation stating its rat- ification, and declaring it to be the la\v of the land. The predominant party in the House of Repre- sentatives expressed surprise, that this Proclamation should be issued before the sense of the House was taken on the subject ; as they denied the power of 1795-t.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 457 the President and Senate to complete a treaty with- out their sanction. In March a resolution passed, requesting the President *' to lay before the House a copy of the instructions to the Minister of the U- nitcd States, who negotiated the treaty with the King of Great Britain, communicated by his message of the first of March, together with the correspondence and other documents relative to the said treaty ; ex- cepting such of the said papers as any existing ne- gotiation may render improper to be disclosed." This resolve placed the President in a situation of high responsibility. He knew that the majority of the House entertained the opinion, that a treaty- was not valid until they had acted upon it. To op- pose, in a government constituted like that of the U- nited States, the popular branch of the Legislature would be attended with hazard, and subject him to much censure and abuse ; but considerations of this nature make but weak impressions on a mind supremely solicitous to promote the publick in- terest. Upon the most mature deliberation, the Presi- dent conceived, that to grant this request of the House, would establish a false and dangerous princi- ple in the diplomatick transactions of the nation, and he gave the following answer to their request. *' GENTLEMEN OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, " With the utmost attention I have considered your resolution of the 24th instant, requesting me to lay before your House, a copy of the instructions to the Minister of the United States, who negotiated L L L 458 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7^=. the treaty with the King of Great Britain, together with the correspondence and other documents rela- tive to that treaty, excepting such of the said papers as any existing negotiation may render improper to be disclosed. *' In deliberating upon this subject, it was im- possible for me to lose sight of the principle which some have avowed in its discussion, or to avoid ex- tending my views to the consequences which must flaw from the admission of that principle. *' I trust that no part of my conduct has ever in- dicated a disposition to withhold any information which the Constitution has enjoined it upon the President as a duty to give, or which could be re- quired of him by either house of Congress as a right ; and with truth I affirm, that it has been, and will continue to be, while I have the honour to pre- side in the government, my constant endeavour to harmonize with the other branches thereof, as far as the trust delegated to me by the people of the United States, and my sense of the obligation it imposes, to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution, will permit. *' The nature of foreign negotiations require caution, and their success must often depend on se- crecy ; and even when brought to a conclusion, a full disclosure of all the measures, demands, or eventual concessions which may have been proposed or contemplated, would be extremely impolitick ; for this might have a pernicious influence on future negotiations, or produce immediate inconveniences, perhaps danger and mischief to other persons. The 1793-7.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 4.59 necessity of such caution and secrecy was one co- gent reason for vesting the power of making treaties in the President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, the principle on which that body was form- ed, confining it to a small number of members. " To admit then a right in the House of Repre- sentatives to demand and to have as a matter of course, all the papers respecting a negotiation with a foreign power, would be to establisii a dangerous precedent. " It does not occur that the inspection of the pa- pers asked for, can be relative to any purpose under the cognizance of the House of Representatives, ex- cept that of an impeachment, which the resolution has not expressed. I repeat that I have no disposi- tion to withhold any information which the duty of my station will permit, or the publick good shall re- quire to be disclosed ; and in fact, all the papers af- fecting the negotiation with Great Britain were laid before the Senate, when the treaty itself was commu- nicated for their consideration and advice. '* The course which the debate has taken on the resolution of the house, leads to some observations on the mode of making treaties under the Constitu- tion of the United States. " Having been a member of the General Con- vention, and knowing the principles on which the Constitution was formed, I have ever entertained but one opinion upon this subject ; and from the first establishment of the government to this moment, my conduct has exemplified that opinion. That the power of making treaties is exclusively vested in the 460 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1793-7, Prcsident, by and widi the advice and consent of the Senate, provided two thirds of the Senators pres- ent concur ; and that every treaty so made, and promulgated, thenceforward becomes the law of the land. It is thus that the treaty making po\ver has been understood by foreign nations ; and in all the treaties made with them, we have declared, and they have believed, that when ratified by the Presi- dent with the advice and consent of the Senate, they became obligatory. In this construction of the Constitution, every House of Representatives has heretofore acquiesced ; and until the present time, not a doubt or suspicion has appeared to my knowl- edge, that this construction was not the true one. Nay, they have more than acquiesced ; for until now, without controverting the obligations of such treaties, they have made all the requisite provisions for carrying them into effect. " There is also reason to believe that this con- struction agrees with the opinions entertained by the State Conventions, when they were deliberating on the Constitution ; especially by those who objected to it, because there was not required in commercial treaties, the consent of two thirds of the whole num- ber of the members of the Senate, instead of two thirds of the Senators present ; and because in trea- ties respecting territorial, and certain other rights and claims, the concurrence of three fourths of the "whole number of the members of both houses res- pectively, was not made necessary. *' It is a fact declared by the General Conven- tion and universally understood, that the Constitij- 1793^-7.] LIFB Of WASHINGTON. 461 tion of the United States was the result of a spirit of amity and mutual concession. And it is well known, that under this influence, the smaller states were admitted to an equal representation in the Senate with the larger states ; and that this branch of the government was invested with great powers ; for on the equal participation of those powers, the sovereignty and political fafety of the smaller states were deemed essentially to depend. ^' If other proofs than these and the plain letter of the Constitution itself be necessary to ascertain the point under consideration, they may be found in the journals of the General Convention which 1 have de- posited in the office of the Department of State. In these journals it will appear, that a proposition was made, that no treaty should be binding on the United States, which was not ratified by a law ; and that the proposition was explicitly rejected. " As therefore it is perfectly clear to my under- standing that the assent of the House of Representa- tives is not necessary to the validity of a treaty ; as the treaty with Great Britain exhibits in itself all the objects requiring legislative provision ; and on these the papers called for can throw no light ; and as it is essential to the due administration of the govern- ment, that the boundaries fixed by the Constitution between the different departments should be preserv- ed ; a just regard to the Constitution, and to the duty of my office, under all the circumstances of this case, forbid a compliance with your request." A resolution moved in the House to make the necessary appropriations to carry the British treaty into effect excited amiong the members the strongest 462 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. emotions of human nature, and gave rise to speech- es highly argumentative, eloquent and animated. The debate was protracted until the people assumed the subject. In their respective corporations, meet- ings were holden, the strength of parties was fully tri- ed,and it clearly appeared that the great majority were disposed to rally around the Executive. Innumer- able petitions were presented to Congress praying them to make the requisite appropriations. Unwilling to take upon themselves the conse- quences of resisting the publick will, Congress made the appropriations. It was not in the administration of the govern- ment only, that General Washington found it nec- essary to exercise great caution and prudence. Tiie convulsions of France and the political divisions of the United States, rendered it expedient that he should be circumspect in his personal friendships, and in the exercise of benevolent offices towards in- dividual characters. A sincere friendship had been formed between him and the Marquis La Fayette. This friend- ship was not disturbed by those vicissitudes in France, which occasioned the exile and foreign im- prisonment of that nobleman. These rather in- creased the sensibility, and stengthened the attach- ment of the President towards the unfortunate Mar- quis. But on account of the state of parties in France and America, interpositions in his favour were privately made. The American Ministers at Foreign Courts were directed in an unofficial man- ner to exert themselves to obtain his liberation, or 1793-7.] LIFE OF WASHIMGTOI*. 465 to render his confinement less oppressive, A con- fidential agent was sent to Berlin to solicit his liber- ty ; but before he reached his place of destination, the King of Prussia had surrendered the Marquis to the Emperour of Germany. Mr. Pinckney then at the Court of London, was directed to intimate the the \vishes of the President to the Austrian Minis- ter at that Court, and to solicit the influence of the British Cabinet in favour of the illustrious prisoner. Disappointed in the expected mediation of Great Britain, the President addressed the following letter immediately to the Emperour of Germany. " It will readily occur to your Majesty that oc- casions may sometimes exist, on which official con- siderations would constrain the Chief of a nation to be silent and passive in relation even to objects "which affect his sensibility, and claim his interposi- tion as a man. Finding myself precisely in this sit- uation at present, I take the liberty of writing this private letter to your Majesty, being persuaded that my motives will also be my apology for it. "In common with the people of this country, I retain a strong and cordial sense of the services ren- dered to them by the Marquis La Fayette ; and my friendship for him has been constant and sin- cere. It is natural, therefore, that I should sym- pathize' with him and his family in their misfor- tunes, and endeavour to mitigate the calamities they experience, among which his present confinement isf not the least distressing. " I forbear to enlarge on this delicate subject. Pemiit me only to submit to your Majesty's consid- 464 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-7. eration, whether his long imprisonment, and the confiscation of his estate, and the indigence and dis- persion of his family, and the painful anxieties inci-» dent to all those circumstances, do not form an as- semblage of sufferings, which recommend him to the mediation of humanity ? Allow me, sir, on this occasion, to be its organ ; and to entreat that he may be permitted to come to this country on such conditions, and under such restrictions as your Majesty may think it expedient to prescribe. *' As it is a maxim with me not to ask, what under similar circumstances, I would not grant, your Majesty will do me the justice to believe, that this request appears to me to correspond with those great principles of magnanimity and wisdom, which form the basis of sound policy and durable glory." This letter was sent to Mr. Pinckney, and was by him transmitted through the Austrian Minister to the Emperour. From this period the Marquis was treated with more mildness, and was soon after discharged from his confinement ; but what influ- ence the President's letter had on these measures, is not known. In 1795, George Washington Motier La Fay- ette, the son of the Marquis La Fayette, made his es- cape from France, and arrived with his tutor at Boston. He immediately by letter communicated his situation to Gen. Washington and solicited his advice and patronage. The mother of young Fay- ette was then in France, and the President was sur- rounded by Frenchmen, the agents or friends of the administration, which had denounced the Marquis. 179J-7.] MFE OF WASHINGTON. 465 These men were ready to denounce every act of favour done to a man who was proscribed by the French Government. From regard to the safety of that lady, and from prudential considerations in res- pect to his own official character, he thought it un- advisable to invite him immediately to the seat of government, and publickly to espouse his interest. But he wrote confidentially to a friend in the neigh- bourhood of Boston, requesting him to visit the young gentleman, to acquaint him with the reason, which rendered it ineligible that he should be invit- ed into the President's family, and to adopt the language of the letter, to '* administer all the conso- lation that he can derive from the most unequivocal assurances of my standing in the place, and becom- ing to him a father^ friend^ protector and sup' porter. *' Considering how important it is to avoid idle- ness and dissipation.... to improve his mind.... and to give him all the advantages which education can bestow, my opinion and my advice to him is, (if he is qualified for admission) that he should enter as a student at the University in Cambridge ; although it should be for a short time only. The expense of which, as also for t\^Yy other means for his sup- port, I will pay ; and now do authorize you, my dear sir, to draw upon me accordingly. And if it be de- sired that his tutor should accompany him to the University, any expense that he shall incur for the purpose, shall be borne by me in like manner.'* M M M 466 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1793-T. The tutor of young Fayette thought he might xvith more advantage pursue his studies in private^ and therefore he did not enter the University. The members of Congress, in opposition to the measures of the Administration, obtained the knowl- edge of the arrival of a son of the Marquis La Fay- ette in some part of America. Expecting perhaps that the President had maintained a cold and unfeel- ing reserve towards him, they instituted an inquiry into his situation ; and when they discovered that the President had extended towards young Fayette the assistance and the protection of a friend and a father, they dropt the subject. This young gentleman did not remain for a length of time in the United States. Returning to France, he afterwards distinguished himself as an officer in the army of Buonaparte, but has beea refused the usual promotion. 17^-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 4-67 CHAPTER XIII. The President calumniated. ...His Letter to Mr. Jefferson..., Statement of the Secretary of the Treasury. ...The French Directory's attemfit to control the American Government.... Review of the transactions with France. ...The President declares his resolution to retire from Publick Life. ...Meets Congress for the last Time ....Describes the Letters that had been forged... .Attends the Inauguration of Mr. Adams.... Retires to Mount Vernon. ...Threatening attitude of France ....General Washington appointed Commander in Chief of the American Fore es.... His opinion of Publick Measurct ....His Indisposition and Death.,. .Conclusion, 1796. 1 HEfriendsof General Washington knew that it was his intention to decline being a candidate at the third election of President, and this was expected by the publick. Warm solicitations were used to dissuade him from the intention, but his determination was fixed ; and nothing could change it, excepting a crisis in the affairs of his country, which would render retirement incon- sistent with his duty, and derogatory to his char- acter. In the possibility of such an event, his friends prevailed with him to withhold the publick expres- sion of his design until it should become necessary to direct the attention of the community to a succes- fior. This silence alarmed the party, opposed to his 468 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. ,[l79G-9, administration. His personal influence at the head of government, they conceived could alone defeat their plans, and prevent a revolution in the National Council. Since the ratification of the British treatv, they had laid aside the decorous language and ex- teriour respect, which they had, until that period, observed towards the President, and on this occa- sion they with the utmost virulence assailed his character. His merit as a soldier, and his wisdom and patriotism as a statesman, were denied ; and even his honour and honesty as a man were brought into question. Letters, forged and published in 1776, to injure his reputation as the General in the revolutionary war, were at this time republished as genuine, to excite prejudice against him. The que- ries, which he had confidentially proposed to the deliberation of his Cabinet, were laid before the publick, with comments designed to show, that they indicated a deadly hostility to France. The queries could have come before the publick only by a breach of confidence in some one of the Cabinet. Mr. Jefferson was disposed to prevent any suspicion from resting on the mind of General Washington, that he was the dishonourable indi- vidual, and for this purpose he addressed a letter to him, to which the President gave the follow ing reply. " If 1 had entertained any suspicion before, that the queries which have been published in Bache's paper, proceeded from you, the assurances you have given of the contrary w ould have removed them ; but the truth is, I harboured none. I am at no loss to conjecture from what source they flowed, through ,1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 469 what channel they were conveyed, nor for what purpose they and similar publications appear. " As you have mentioned the subject yourself, it would not be frank, candid, or friendly to conceal, that your conduct has been represented as derogat- ing from that opinion I conceived you entertained of me ; that to your particular friends and connex- ions you have described, and they have denounced me, as a person under dangerous influence, and that if I would listen more to some other opinions^ all would be well. My answer has invariably been, that I had never discovered any thing in the conduct of Mr. Jefferson, to raise suspicions in my mind of his sincerity ; that if he would retrace my publick conduct while he was in the administration, abun- dant proofs would occur to him, that truth and right decisions were the sole objects of my pursuit ; that there were as many instances within his own knowl- edge, of my having decided against as in favour of the person evidently alluded to ; and moreover, that I was no believer in the infallibility of the politicks or measures of any man living. In short, that J was no party man myself, and that the first wish of my heart was, if parties did exist, to reconcile them. " To this I may add, and very truly, that until the last year or two, I had no conception that parties would, or even could go the lengths I have beea witness to; nor did I believe until lately, that it was within the bounds of probability, hardly within those of possibility, that while I was using my utmost ex- ertions to establish a national character of cur 479 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. fl796-9, own, Independent, as far as our obligations and justice would permit, of every nation of the earth ; and wished by steering a steady course to preserve this country from the horroursofa desolat- ting war, I should be accused of being the enemy of one nation, and subject to the influence of an- other ; and to prove it, that every act of my ad- ministration would be tortured, and the grossest and most insidious misrepresentations of them be made, by giving one side only of a subject, and that too in such exaggerated and indecent terms as could scarcely be applied to a Nero.... to a notorious de- faulter....or even to a common pickpocket. " But enough of this. 1 have already gone further in the expression of my feelings than I in- tended." General Washington was also atrociously charged with having unlawfully drawn money from the publick treasury for his private use. This charge was supported by extracts from the books of the Dational treasury, and his enemies boasted that they had discovered an indelible blemish in his char- acter ; but their triumph was only for a moment. The Secretary of the Treasury published a state- ment of facts, by which it clearly appeared that the money drawn by the orders of the President had in no year exceeded the appropriations for his salary. He received no publick money but for the support of liis family, in some quarters of the year the receipts had overrun the amount due, and in others fallen short ; and that the President himself had no con- cern in the transaction, the business having been 1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 47jl conducted by a gentleman, who superintended his household. The publick frowned his accusers into silence, and the weapon levelled against his reputa- tion fell innoxious to the ground. The Government of France was too well ac- quainted with the number and the temper of their friends in the United States, to relinquish the plan formed to obtain a controling influence in the ad- ministration of American affairs. Mr. Fauchet had made formal complaints against the measures of President Washington. For a time his remon- strances were made in the language of decency and respect ; but at the close of his ministry, he de- scended to the reproachful manner of his predeces- sor. Mr. Adet arrived at Philadelphia, while the Senate were deliberating on the British treaty, and full communications were made to him on the sub- ject. Colonel Monroe was also furnished with doc- uments, calculated to remove uneasiness from the minds of the French Directory respecting this trans- action. But instead of communicating to the Di- rectory the documents and reasonings of his gov- ernment, while they were deliberaUng on this sub- ject, and before they had committed themselves by any publick act, he reserved them as answers to complaints, that the government of France might make against the treaty with Great Britain. The President well knew that France had no just ground of complaint against the United States ; but he was apprehensive that her disappointment at the adjustment of a controversy which had long me- naced war between Great Britain and America, would 472 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. fl7^6-!^. induce her to some act of violence. He therefore deemed it highly important, that there should be a Minister at Paris, who fully entered into the views of the Administration. Not being perfectly satisfied with Mr. Monroe, he recalled him, and appointed as his successor, General Charles Cotesworth Pinck- ney. The French having complained of most of the acts of the American Government, in relation to the powers at war, by order of the President these acts were carefully reviewed, a fair and minute de- tail of all points of difference between the two na- tions given, and the measures of the Administration defended by unanswerable arguments. Upon this lucid and conclusive vindication of the mieasures of the Administration, the President relied to remove jealousy from the minds of the Directory, and res- tore the harmony of the two nations ; but unhappi- ly the party at home had taken their ground, and were not by auy considerations to be moved from it, and supported by these, the French Directory were not disposed to recede. At the near approach of the period for the elec- tion of a President, it fully appeared, that General Washington had not lost his hold on the affections and confidence of his countrymen. The publick sentiment every where indicated a determination to choose no man an elector, on whom implicit confi- dence could not be placed, to give his suffrage for General Washington ; and it was satisfactorily- ascertained, that should the General consent to be a candidate, he would for the third time be unani- mously chosen President of the United States^ 1796-9.3 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 473 In this state of the publick mind, in the month of September he published the following address. "friends £s? FELLOW CITIZENS, " The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the Executive Government of the United States being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, es- pecially as it may conduce to a more distinct ex- pression of the publick voice, that I should now ap- prize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those, out of whom a choice is to be made. " I beg you, at the same time, to do mc the jus- tice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken, without a strict regard to all the considera- tions appertaining to the relation which binds a du- tiful citizen to his country ; and that, in withdraw- ing the tender of service, which silence in my situa- tion might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest ; no' deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness ; but am supported by a full conviction that the step is com- patible with both. " The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto ia the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what ap- peared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, con-^ sistently with motives which I was not at liberty to N N N 474 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-&. disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to de- clare it to } ou ; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of per- sons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to aban- don the idea. " I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of du- ty, or propriety ; and am persuaded whatever par- tiality may be retained for my services, that in the pi esent circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire. *' The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper oc- casion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed to- wards the organization and administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very falli- ble judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experi- . ence in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be wel- come. Satisfied, that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were tem- porary, I have the consolation to believe, that while 1796-0.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 475 choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. " In looking forward to the moment, which is to terminate the career of my pubhck life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honours it has conferred upon me ; still more for the stedfast coDfidence with which it has supported me, and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of inanifest- ing my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive examj)le in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agi- tated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious vicissi- tudes of fortune, often discouraging. ...in situations, in which, not unfrequently, want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism... .the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they w ere effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong in- citement to unceasing vows, that Heaven may con- tinue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence ....that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual. ...that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained.... that its administration, in every department, may be Stamped with wisdom and virtue.... that, in fine the 476 LIFK OF WASHINGTON. [^1796->. happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a use, of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recom- mending it to the applause, the afibction and the adoption of every nation which is yet a stranger to it, *' Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solici- tude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some senti- ments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them, the dis. interested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his coun- sels. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a form^ er and not dissimilar occasion, " Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment, " The unity of government which constitutes you one people, is also dear to you. It is just- ly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence ; the support of your tranquillity at home ; your peace abroad ; of your safety ; of your prosperity ; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But, as it is easy to foresee, that from dif. 1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 477 ferent causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth ; as this is the point in your political fortress, against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often cov- ertiy and insidiously) directed ; it is of infinite mo- ment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union, to your collective and individual happiness ; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to it ; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it, as of the palladium of your political safety and prosper. ity ; watching for its preservation with jealous anx- iety ; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned ; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. " For this you have every inducement of sympa- thy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to con- centrate your affections. The name of American^ which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discrimina- tions. With slight sliades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits and political principles. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together; the independence and lib- erty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and 478 RIPE 01 WASHINGTON. [i796-9, joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and suc- cesses. But these considerations, however powerfullv they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more im- mediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a com- mon government, finds in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprize, and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigor- ated....and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the nation- al navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally- adapted. The East, in like intercourse with the JFest, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interiour communications, by land and water,wiU more and more find a valuable vent for the com- modities which it brings from abroad, or manufac- tures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort.... and what is, perhaps, of still greater consequence, it 1796-9.1 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 47^ must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indis- pensable outlets, for its own productions, to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantick side of the Union, directed by an in- dissoluble community of interest as one nation* Any other tenure by which the M^est can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrin- sically precarious. While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts, greater strength, gi-eater resource, proportionably greater security from ex- ternal danger.. ..a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations, and what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves,' which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same government ; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to pro- duce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attach- ments and intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as the main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the ©ther. 4S0 WFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9. These considerations speak a persuasive lan- guage to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the Union as a primary object of patriotick desire. Is there a doubt wheth- er a common government can embrace so large a sphere ? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrat- ed its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who, in any quar- ter, may endeavour to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterising parties, by geographical discrimina- tions, Northern^iW^ Southern^ Ai/antick and fFestern; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to ac- quire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other dis- tricts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations ; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhab- [1796-9. LIJK OP WASHINGTON. 481 itants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head : They have seen in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unani- mous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them, of a policy in the general government and in the Atlantick states, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Mississippi : They have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our for- eign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preserva- tion of these advantages on the Union, by which they were procured ? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens ? , " To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts, can be an adequate substitute. They must inevitably ex- perience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances, in all times, have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government, better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This government, the 0 o o 4-82 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9* offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and un- avved, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with en- ergy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confi- dence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its mcas-: ures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental max- ims of true liberty. The basis of our political sys- tems is, the right of the people to make and to alter their constitution of government. But the consti- tution which at any time exists, until changed by an explicit and authentickactof the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish gov- ernment, presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. " All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular delibera- tion and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental principle, and of fa- tal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force, to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small, but artful and enter- prising minority of the community ; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the publick administration the mirror of the ill concerted ^nd incongruous projects of faction, rather 1796^9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 483 than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common councils, and modified by mur tual interests. *' However combinations or associations of the above description, may now and then answer popu- lar ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cun- ning, ambitious and unprincipled men, will be ena- bled to subvert the power of the people, and to u- surp for themselves the reins of government; des- troying, afterwards, the very engines which had lifted them to unjust dominion. " Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discounte- nance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged au- thority, but also that you resist, with care, the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretext. One method of assault may be to ef- fect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations \yhich will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrovv'n. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessa- ry to fix the true character of government, as of other human institutions ; that experience is the sur- est standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country ; that facility in changes, upon tlie credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetiial change, from the end- less variety of hypothesis and opinion ; and remem- ber, especially, that for the efficient management of 484 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1706-9. your common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigour, as is con- sistent with the perfect security of Uberty, is indis- pensable. Liberty itself will find in such a govern- ment, with powers properly distributed and adjust- ed, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and prop- erty. *' I have already intimated to you, the danger of parties in the state, v^^ith particular references to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally. " This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes, in all governments ; more or less stifled, control - ed, or repressed ; but in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy. " The alternate domination of one faction over an- other, sharpened by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissention, which in different ages and coun- tries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism : But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, gradually in- 1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 485 cline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual ; and sooner or later, the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own eleva- tion, on the ruins of publick liberty. " Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be en- tirely out of sight) the common and continual mis- chiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it. It serves always to distract the pub- lick councils and enfeeble the publick administra- tion. It agitates the community with illfounded jealousies and false alarms ; kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments, occasionally, riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated ac- cess to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. " There is an opinion that parties in free coun- tries are useful checks upon the administration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within certain limits, is probably true, and in governments of a monarchical cast, pat- riotism may look with indulgence, if not with favour, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popu- lar character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency it is certain there will always be enough of 486 I.IFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-1?. that spirit for every salutary purpose ; and there be- ing constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of publick opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands uni- form vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, least instead of warming it should consume. " It is important likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free country, should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the pow- ers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and prone- ness to abuse it, which predominate in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and dis- tributing it into different depositories, and constitut- ing each the guardian of the publick weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experi- ments ancient and modern ; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve theni must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modifi- cation of the constitutional powers be in any partic- ular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment, in the vay which the Constitution designates : But let there be no change by usurpation ; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument 1796-9.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 487 of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly over balance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. *' Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indis* pensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labour to sub- vert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens* The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and publick felicity. Let it simply be asked, where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice r And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained with- out religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclu- sion of religious principle. " It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every sjie^ cies of free government. Wiio that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabrick ? " Promote then, as an object of primary impor- tance, institutions for the general diffusion of knovvl- 488 LIFE or WASHINGTOIf.^ [l796'-9. edge. Ill proportion as the structure of a govern- ment gives force to publick opinion, it is essential that publick opinion should be enlightened. *'As a very important source of strength and secu- rity, cherish publick credit. One method of preserv- ing it, is to use it as sparingly as possible ; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but re- membering also, that timely disbursements to pre- pare for danger, frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it ; Avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occa- sions of expense, but by vigourous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throw- ing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims be- longs to your representatives, but it is necessary that publick opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that to- wards the payment of debts there must be revenue ; that to have revenue there must be taxes ; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less in- convenient and unpleasant ; that the intrinsick embar- rassment inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties) ouohtto be a decisive motive for a candid construe- tion of the conduct of the government in making it ; and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the publick exigencies may at any time dictate. *' Observe good feith and justice towards all na- tions, cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion 1796-y.] LIFE OF WASHlNGtOW. 489 and moralit}- enjoin this conduct ; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it ? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and (at no distant period) a great nation, to give to mankind the mag- nanihioas and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any tempo- rary advantages which might be lost by a steady ad- herence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not con- nected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue ? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas ! is it rendered impossible by its vices ? *' In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antip- athies against particular nations, and passionate at- tachments for others should be excluded ; and that in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The nation which indul- ges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habit- ual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation, against anoth- er, disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. " Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenom- ed and bloody contests. The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes impels to war tho p p p 490 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, [1796-9. government, contrary to the best calculations of pol- icy. The government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts, through passion, what reason would reject ; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, instigated by pride, ambition and other sin- ister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes, perhaps, the liberty of nations has been the victim. *' So likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sym- pathy for the flivourite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favourite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions ; by un- necessarily parting with what ought to have been re- tained ; and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a dis- position to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld : And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote them- selves to the favourite nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity ; gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obliga- tion, a commendable deference for publick opinion, or a laudable zeal for publick good, the base or fool- ish compliances of ambition, corruption or infatua- tion. 1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 4^1 " As avenues to foreign influence in innumera- ble ways, such attachments are particular!}' alarm- ing to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many opportunities do they afibrd to tamper with domestick factions, to practise the arts of seduc- tion, to mislead puWick opinion, to influence or awe the publick councils ! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. " Against the insidious wiles of foreign influ- ence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) file jealousy of a free people ought to be coristantly awake ; since history and experience prove that for. eign influence is one of the most baneful foes of re- publican government. But that jealousy to be use- ful must be impartial ; else it becomes the instru- ment of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, arq liable to become suspected and odious ; v\ hile its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the peo- ple, to suiTcnder their interests. *' The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial re- lations, to have with them as little political connex- ion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect g^ood faith. Here let us stop. 492 LIFE OP WASHINGTON. [i795-9, " Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our con- cerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties, in the ordina- ry vicissitudes of her politicks, or the ordinary com^ binations and collisions of her friendships, or enmi^ ties. *' Our detached and distant situation invites and cna]:)les us to pursue a different course. If we re- main one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material in- jury from external annoyance ; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the ncutralit}- we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respect- ed ; when belligerent nations, under the impossibili* ty of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation ; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by jus- tice, shall counsel. " Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation ? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground ? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivaU ship, interest, humour or caprice ? " It is our true policy to steer clear of perma. nent alliances with any portion of the foreign world ; so far, I mean, as we arc now at liberty to do it ; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing inHdelity to existing engagements. I hold the max- 1796-9.] Lirt 01 Washington. 4S^3 im no less applicable topublick than to private aflfairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unneces- sary and would be unwise to extend them. " Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suit- able establishments, on a respectable defensive pos- ture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. " Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, arc recommended by policy, humanity and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an e- qual and impartial hand ; neither seeking nor grant- ing exclusive favours or preferences ; consulting the natural course of things ; diffusing and diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of commerce, but forc- ing nothing ; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the govern, ment to support them ; conventional rules of inter- course, the best that present circumstances and mu- tual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as ex- perience and circumstances shall dictate"; constant- ly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favours from another ; that it must pay, with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character ; that by*such acceptance, it may place itself in the condi- tion of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater errour than 494 LIFI OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9* to expect, or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. ** In offering to you, my countrymen, these coun- sels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish ; that they vvill control the usual cur- rent of the passions, or prevent our nation from run- ning the course which has hitherto marked the des- tiny of nations : But if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some paitial benefit, some occasional good ; that they may now and then recur, to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated. *' How far, in the discharge of my official du- ties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the publick records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them. " In relation to the still subsisting v/ar in Eu- rope, my Proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approv- ing voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me ; uninfluenced by any trt- tempts to deter or divert me from it. " After deliberate examination with the aid of tlie best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied 1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. . 495 that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take a neutral position. Having tak- en it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance and firmness. " The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary, on this occa- sion, to detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. " The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing, more, from the obliga- tion which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to main- tain inviolate the relations of peace and amity to- wards other nations. " The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own for- tunes. *' Though, in reviewing the incidents of my iid- ministration, I am unconscious of intentional errour, 1 am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it proloable tliat I may have committed many •rrours. Whatever they may be, I fervently be- 496 LIFB OF WASMINGION. [IT'J^-^* »cech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils t© which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence ; and that after fortyfive years of my life dedicated to its service, with an u])right zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be con- signed to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. *' Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations ; I anticipate with pleasing expectation, that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influ- ence of good laws under a free government.... the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labours and dangers." This Address to the people of the United States was received with the highest veneration and grati- tude. Several of the State Legislatures ordered it to be put upon their journals, and every citizen consid- ered it as the legacy of the most distinguished American Patriot. On the 7th of December, 1796, the President for the last time, met the National Legislature. In his Speech, after taking a view of the situation of the United States, he, regardless of opposition and censure, recommended the attention of Congress to those measures which he deemed essential to na- 1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 49*? tional independence, honour and prosperity. The first among these was the creation of a Navy. " To an active external commerce, the protec- tion of a naval force is indispensable. This is man- ifest with regard to wars in which a State is itself a party : But besides this, it is in our own experience, that the- most sincere neutrality is not a suincient guard against the depredations of nations at war. To secure respect to a neutral flag requires a naval force, organized and ready to vindicate it from insult or aggression. This may even prevent the necessi- ty of going to war, by discouraging belligerent pow- ers from committing such vioh\tions of the rights of the neutral party, as may first or last, leave no other option. From the best information I have been able to obtain, it would seem as if our trade to the Mediterranean, without a protecting force, will al- ways be insecure ; and our citizens exposed to the calamities from which numbers of them have but just been reheved. " These considerations invite the United States to look to the means, and to set about the gradual creation of a Navy. The increasing progress of their navigation, promises them, at no distant peri- od, the requisite supply of seamen ; and their means, in other respects, favour the undertaking. It is au encouragement, Iike\vise, that their particular situa- tion will give v/eight and influence to a moderate naval force in their hands. Will it not then be ad- visable to begin without delay to provide and lay up materials for the building and equipping of ships ©f 498 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9. war ; and to proceed in the work by degrees, in pro- portion as our resources shall render it practicable ^vithout inconvenience ; so that a future war of Eu- rope may not find our commerce in the same un- protected state in which it was found by the present.'* He proceeded to recommend those establish- ments for the manufacturing such articles as are ne- cessary for the defence of the country, an institution for the improvement of agriculture, a Military Acad- emy and a National University. In reference to foreign powers, he observed : " While in our external relations, some serious inconveniences anc4 embarrassments have been over- come, and others lessened, it is with much pain and deep regret I mention that circumstances of a very unwelcome nature, have lately occurred. Our trade has suffered, and is suffering extensive injuries in the West Indies from the cruisers and agents of the French Bepublick ; and communications have been received from its minister here, which indicate the danger «f a further disturbance of our commerce by its authority ; and which are in other respects far from agreeable. "It has been my constant, sincere and earnest wish, in conformity with that of our nation, to main- tain cordial harm-ony, and a perfectly friendly un- derstanding with that Republick. This wish re- mains unabated ; and I shall persevere in the en- deavour to fulfil it to the utmost extent of what shall be consistent vvith a just and indispensable regard to the rights and hoi^our of our country ; nor will I easily cease to cherish the expectation, that a spirit 1796-0.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 499 of justice, candour, and friendship, on the part of the Republick, will eventually ensure success. " In pursuing this course, however, 1 cannot forget what is due to the character of our govern- ment and nation ; or to a full and entire confidence in the good sense, patriotism, self respect, and for- titude of my countrymen." In the following manner, he concluded his Address. .^ " The situation in which I now stand, for the last time, in the midst of the representatives^ of the people of the United States, naturally recalls the period w hen the administration of the present form of Government commenced ; and I cannot omit this occasion to congratulate you and my country on the success of the experiment ; nor to repeat my fervent supplications to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, and Sovereign Arbiter of Nations, that his providen- tial care may still be extended to the United States ; that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved, and that the government, which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties, may be perpetual." The Senate in their reply approved the senti^ ments of the address, and noticing the prosperity of the United States, they added, *' Whilst contemplating the causes that pro- duced this auspicious result, v, e must acknowledge the excellence of the constitutional system, and the wisdom of the legislative provisions ; but we should be deficient in gratitude and justice, did we not at- tribute a great portion of these advantages to the SOO LIFE OF WASHINGTON. L^^^^-*' virtue, firmness, and talents of your administration ; which have been conspicuously displayed, in the most trying times, and on the most critical occa- sions ; it is therefore with the sincerest regret, that we now receive an ofiicial notification of your inten- tions to retire from the publick emplo}ments of 3'our country. ** When we review the various scenes of your publick Ufe, so long and so successfully devoted to the most arduous services, civil and military ; as well during the struggles of the American Revolu- tion, as the convulsive periods of a recent date, we cannot look forward to your retirement without our warmest affections and most anxious regards accom- panying you ; and without mingling with our fellovir citizens at large, in the sincerest wishes for your personal happiness, that sensibility and attachment can express. " The most effectual consolation that can of- fer for the loss wc are about to sustain, arises from the animating reflection that the influence of your example will extend to j^our successors, and the United States thus continue to enjoy an able, up- right, and energetlck Administration." In the House of Representatives, an aiiswer, which promised attention to the several subjects re- commended in the Speech, and concluded as fol- lows, was after pointed objection and warm debate, voted by a large majority. " And while wc entertain a grateful conviction that your wise, firm, and patriotick administration has been signally conducive to the success of tho 1796-9.] LIFE or Washington. 501 present form of government, we cannot forbear to express the deep sensations of regret with which we contemplate your intended retirement from of- fice. " As no other suitable occasion may occur, wc cannot suffer the present to pass without attempting to disclose some of the emotions which it cannot fail to awaken. " The gratitude and admiration of your coun- trymen are still drawn to the recollection of those resplendent virtues and talents which Vvcre so emi- nently instrumental to the achievement of the Rev- olution, and of which that glorious event will ever be the memorial. Your obedience to the voice of duty and your country, when you quitted reluctant- ly, a second time, the retreat you had chosen, and first accepted the Presidency, afforded a new proof of the devotedness of your zeal in its service, and an earnest of the patriotism and success which have characterized your Administration. As the grate- ful confidence of the citizens in the virtues of their Chief Magistrate has essentially contributed to that success, we persuade ourselves that the millions whom we represent, participate with us in the anx- ious solicitude of the present occasion. "Yet we cannot be unmindful that your modera- tion and magnanimity, twice displayed by retiring from your exalted stations, afford examples no less rare and instructive to mankind than valuable to a Republick. *' Although we are sensible that this event, of it- j^elf, completes the lustre of a character already coiu 502 LIFE OF WASHiNcTorr. [1796-9f, spicuously unrivalled by the coincidence of virtue, talents, success and publick estimation ; yet we conceive we owe it to you, sir, and still more em- phatically to ourselves and to our nation, (of the language of whose hearts we presume to think our- selves, at this moment, the faithful interpreters) to express the sentiments with which it is contem- plated. ** The spectacle of a free and enlightened nation, offering by its Representatives the tribute of un- feigned approbation to its first citizen, however novel and interesting it may be, derives all its lus- tre (a lustre which accident or enthusiasm could not bestow, and which adulation would tarnish) from the transcendent merit, of which it is the voluntary testimony. " May you long enjoy that liberty which is so dear to you, and to which your name will ever be so dear. May your own virtue and a nation's prayer$ obtain the happiest sunshine for the decline of your days, and the choicest of future blessings. For our country's sake, and for the sake of republican lib- erty, it is our earnest wish that your example may be the guide of your successors ; and thus, after being the ornament and safeguard of the present age, become the patrimony of our descendants." President Washington now with supreme de- light anticipated the time, when he should quit the storms and agitations of publick life, for the retire- ment of Mount Vernon ; and on the day, which ter- minated his Presidential course, he directed the fol- lowing letter to the Secretary of State. £1796-9. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 503 *' DEAR SIR, "At the conclusion of my publick employ- ments I have thought it expedient to notice the pub- lication of certain forged letters which first appeared in the year 1776, and were obtruded upon the pub- lick as mine. They are said by the editor to have been found in a small portmanteau that I had left in the care of my mulatto servant named Billy, who it is pretended was taken prisoner at Fort Lee, in 1776. The period when these letters were .first printed will be recollected, and what were the impressions they were intended to produce on the publick mind. It was then supposed to be of some consequence to strike at the integrity of the motives of the Ameri- can Commander in Chief, and to paint his inclina- tions as at variance with his professions and his duty ....another crisis in the affairs of America having oc- curred, the same weapon has been resorted to, to wound m.y character and deceive the people. " The letters in question have the dates, addres- ses, and signatures here following." " J^EW York, June 12, 1776. " To Mr. Lund Washington, at Mount Ver- notiy Fairfax County^ Virginia, G. W. " June 18, 1776. "Tb John Park Custis, Esq. at the Hon. Benedict Calvert's, Esq. Mount Jiry, Mary- laud. G. W. <' X£iy York, July 8, 1776. " To Mr. Lund Washington, Mount Ver^ non^ Fairfax County^ Virginia. G. W. ^<- Xf.it Y OS k, July 16, 1776. " To A/r. Lund AV'ashington. G. W. 504 hirZ OF WASHINGTON. [ITPG-f*. « A^'ejv York, July 15, 1776. *' To Mr. Lund Washington. G. W. " A''kiv York, July 22, 1776. " To Mr, Lund Washington. G. W. <-^Ju7ie 24, 1776. *' To Mrs. Washington. "At the time when these letters first appeared, it was notorious to the army immediately under my command, and paiticularly to the gentlemen attach-* ed to my person, tliat my mulatto man Billy had never been one moment in the power of the enemy. It is also a fact that no part of my baggage, or any of my attendants, were captured durfng the whole course of the war. These well known facts made it unnecessary, during the war, to call the publick at- tention to the forgery, by any express declaration of mine ; and a firm reliance on my fellow citizens, and the abundant proofs they gave of their confi- dence in me, rendered it alike unnecessary to take any formal notice of the revival of the imposition, during my civil administration. But as I cannot know how soon a more serious event may succeed to that which will this day take place, I have thought it a duty that I owed to myself, to my country and to truth, now to detail the circumstances above, re- cited, and to add my solemn declaration that the let- ters herein described, are a base forgery, and that I never saw or heard of them until they appeared in print. The present letter I commit to your care, and desire it may be deposited in the office of the Department of State as a testimony of the truth to the present generation and to posterity." i't96-9.'\ LIFE OF \VASHlNG•I'0^f. SQS On the fourth of March 1797, he attended the Inauguration of his successor in office. Great sen- sibility was manifested by the members of the Legis- lature and other distinguished characters, when he entered the Senate chamber ; and much admiration expressed, at the complacence and dehght, he man- ifested at seeing another clothed with the authority, with which he had himself been invested. Having paid his affectionate compliments to Mr. Adams as President of the United States, he bid a- dieu to the seat of government, and hastened to the delights of domestick life. He intended, that his journey should have been private, but the attempt was vain ; the same affectionate and respectful atten- tions were on this occasion paid him, which he had received during his Presidency, At the adoption of the Federal Constitution, for- eign powers refused all negotiation with Congress^ publiek credit was lost, nor was any function of a living government performed. Under his own aus- pices, General Washington saw a National Gov- ernment firmly established, and the country rise to a state of strength and respectability ; controversies with foreign nations, which had long existed, and which involved the best interests of the United States settled ; the resources of the country explor- ed and brought into action; the debts of the war funded, and credit restored, through all the ramifica- tions of publiek and private concerns ; the agricul- ture and commerce of his country flourishing^ be- yond example, and its capital doubled. R R R 506 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9^. One cloud only at this time obscured the politic- al horizon of the United States. France had assum- ed a threatening attitude ; but for the peace and safety of the country, the General confided in the patriotism of his fellow citizens, under the provi- dence of Heaven. In the rejection of the American Envoys by the Court of France, in their menaces to the United States, and in the measures adopted under the ad- ministration of Mr. Adams, his feelings v^'ere deep- ly interested. When the indignities of the Direc- tory exceeded endurance, and the spirit of the A- merican nation was roused to resistance, every eye was directed to him as the Military leader. He might without jealousy be placed at the head of a powerful army, and could bring into the field all the military strength and talents of the country. Colonel Hamilton in May 1798, intimated to him this universal expectation ; to whom General Washington thus replied. " You may be assured that my mind is deeply impressed with the present situation of publick af- fairs, and not a little agitated by the outrageous con- duct of France towards the United States, and at the inimical conduct of those partisans who aid and abet her measures. You may believe further,, from assurances equally sincere, that if there was any thing in my power to be done consistently, to avert or lessen the danger of the crisis, it should be rendered with hand and heart. *' Rut, my dear Sir, dark as matters appear at present, and expedient as it is to be prepared for the 1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 507 worst that can happen (and no man is more dispos- ed to this measure than I am) I cannot make up my mind yet, for the expectation of open war ; or in other words, for a formidable invasion by France. I cannot believe, although I tliink her capable of any thing, that she will attempt to do more than she has done. When she perceives the spirit and policy of this country rising into resistance, and that she has falsely calculated upon support from a large part of the people to promote her views and influence in it, she will desist even from these practices, unless un- expected events in Europe, or the acquisition of Louisiana and the Floridas should induce her to continue them. x\nd I believe further, that al- though the leaders of their party in this country will not change their sentiments, they will be obliged to change their plan, or the mode of carrying it on. The effervescence which is appearing in all quarters and the desertion of their followers, will frown them into silence, at least for a while. " If I did not view things in this light, my mind would be infinitely more disquieted than it is : For, if a crisis should arrive when a sense of duty, or a call from my country should become so imperious as to leave me no choice, I should prepare for re- linquishment, and go with as much reluctance from my present peaceful abode, as I should go to the tombs of my ancestors." In June, President Adams wrote General Wash- ington a letter in which he thus alluded to his a- gain appearing in a pubUck character. " In forming an army, whenever I must come to that extremity, I am at an immense loss whether 508 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-S|y to call out all the old Generals, or to appoint a young set. If the French come here, we must learn to march with a quick step, and to attack, for in that ■way only they are said to be vulnerable. 1 must tax you, sometimes, for advice. We must have your name, if you will, in any case, permit us to use it. There will be more efficacy in it than in many an army." Four days after the Secretary of War addressed him in the following manner on the same subject. *' May we flatter ourselves that, in a crisis so aw- ful and important, you will accept the command of all our armies ? I hope you w'ill, because you alone can unite all hearts and all hands, if it is possible that they can be united.'* To the President he thus replied. "At the epoch of my retirement, an invasion of these states by any European power, or even the probability pf such an event in my days, was so far from being contemplated by me, that I had no con- ception either that or any other occurrence would arise, in so short a period, which could turn my eyes from the shades of Mount Vernon. But this seems to be the age of wonders. And it is reserved for in- toxicated and lawless France (for purposes of provi- dence far beyond the reach of human ken; to slaught- er her own citizens, and to disturb the repose of all the world besides. From a view of the past, from the prospect of the present, and of that which seems to be expected, it is not easy for me to decide satis- factorily on the» part it might best become me to act. In case of actual invasion by a formidable force, I 1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 509 certainly should not entrench myself under the cov- er of age and retirement, if my services should be required by my country to assist in repelling it. And if there be good cause to expect such an event, ."which certainly must be better known to the gov- ernment than to private citizens, delay in preparing for it may be dangerous, improper, and not to be justified by prudence. The uncertainty however of the latter, in my mind, creates my embarrass- ment ; for I cannot bring it to believe, regardless as the French are of treaties, and of the laws of nations, and capable as I conceive them to be of any species of despotism and injustice, that they will attempt to invade this coiuitry after sucli an uniform and une- quivocal expression of the determination of the peo- ple in all parts to oppose them with their lives and fortunes. That they have been led to believe by their agents and partizans among us that we are a divided people, that the latter are opposed to their own government, and that the show of a small force would occasion a revolt, 1 have no doubt ; and how far these men (grown desperate) will further attempt to deceive, and may succeed in keeping up the de- ception is problematical. Without that, the folly of the Directory in such an attempt would, I conceive, be more conspicuous, if possible, than their wicked- ness. " Having with candour made this disclosure of the state of my mind, it remains only for me to add, that to those who know me best, it is best known, that should imperious circumstances induce me to .exchange once more the smooth paths of retirement 510 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9. for the thorny ways of piiblick life, at a period loo when repose is more congenial to nature, that it would be productive of sensations which can be more easily conceived than expressed." To the question of the Secretary of War, this was his answer. *' It cannot be necessary for me to premise to you or to others who know my sentiments, that to quit the tranquillity of retirement, and enter the boundless field of responsibility, would be produc- tive of sensations v*'hich a better pen than I possess would find it difficult to describe. Nevertheless, the principle by which my conduct has been actuat- ed through life, would not suffer me, in any great emergency, to withhold any services I could render when required by my country ; especially in a case where its dearest rights are assailed by lawless am- bition and intoxicated power, in contempt of every principle of justice, and in violation of solemn com- pacts, and of laws which govern all civilized na- tions ; and this too with the obvious intent to sow thick the seeds of disunion, for the purpose of sub- jugating our government, and destroying our inde- pendence and happiness. *' Under circumstances like these, accompanied by an actual invasion of our territory, it would be difficult for me at any time to remain an idle specta- tor under the plea of age or retirement. With sor- row, it is true, I should quit the shades of my peaceful abode, and the ease and happiness I now enjoy, to encounter anew the turmoils of war, to which, possibly, my strength and powers might 1796-9.] LIFE or Washington. 511 be found incompetent. These, however, should not be stumbling blocks in my own way. But there are other things highly important for me to as- certain and settle, before I could give a defini- tive answer to your question. *' First, the propriety in the opinion of the pub- lick, so far as that opinion has been expressed in conversation, of my appearing again on the publick theatre, after declaring the sentiments I did in my valedictory address of September, 1796. *' 2dly. A conviction in my own breast, from tlie best information that can be obtained, that it is the wish of my country that its military force should be committed to my charge ; and 3dly. That the army now to be formed should be so appointed as to afford a well grounded hope of its doing honour to the country, and credit to him who commands it in the field." Before these letters had reached the seat of gov- ernment, the President had nominated to the Sen- ate, "General Washington to be Lieutenant General and Commander in Chief -of the Armies raised and to be raised." The Secretary of War waited upon him with his commission, and with the following letter from the President. *' Mr. M'Henry, the Secretary of War, will have the honour to wait on you in my behalf, to impart to you a step I have ventured to take, which I should have been happy to have communicated in person, had such a journey at this time been in my power. " My reasons for this measure will be too well known to need any explanation to the publick. 512 LIFE OF WASHINGTON.' [1796-Cf. Every friend and every enemy of America will com- prehend them at first blush. To you, sir, I owe all the apology I can make. The urgent necessity I am in of your advice and assistance, indeed of your conduct and direction of the war, ^is all I can urge ; and that is a sufficient justification to myself and to the. world. I hope it will be so considered by your- self. Mr. M'Henry will have the honour to consult you upon the organization of tlie army, and upon everv thino; relating to it." With the order towait on General Washington. the Secretary of War received from President Adams the following instructions. " It is my desire that you embrace the first op- portunity to set out on your journey to Mount Ver- non, and wait on General Washington with the commission of Lieutenant General and Commander in Chief of the armies of the United States, which^- by the advice and consent of the Senate, has beert signed by me. " The reasons and motives which prevailed on me to venture on such a step as the nomination of this great and illustrious character, whose volunta- ry resignation alone occasioned my introduction to the office I now hold, were too numerous to be de- tailed in this letter, and are too obvious and impor- tant to escape the observation of any part of Amer- ica or Europe. But as it is a movement of great delicacy, it will require all your address to commu- nicate the subject in a manner that shall be inoffen- sive to his feelings, and consistent with all the res^ pcct that is due from mc to him. 1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 513 "If the General should decline the apponitment,all the world will be silent, and respectfully acquiesce. If he should accept it, all the world, except the ene- mies of this country, will rejoice. If he should come to no decisive determination, but take the subject into consideration, I shall not appoint any other Lieutenant General until his conclusion is known.'* The General opened himself explicitly to the Secretary of War, and by him returned the fol- lowing answer to the President's communication. ** I had the honour, on the evening of the 11th instant, to receive from the hands of the Secretary of War your favour of the 7th, announcing that you had, with the advice and consent of the Senate, appointed me Lieutenant General and Commander in Chief of the Armies raised, or to be raised for the service of the United States. *' I cannot express how greatly affected I am at this new proof of publick confidence, and at the highly flattering manner in which you have been pleased to make the communication. At the same time, I must not conceal from you my earnest wish that the choice had fallen upon a man less declined in years, and better qualified to encounter the usual vicissitudes of war. *' You know, sir, what calculations I had made relative to the probable course of events on my retiring from office, and the determination, with which I had consoled myself, of closing the rem- nant of my days in my present peaceful abode, s s s 514 LIFE or WASHINGTON, [179G-9, You will therefore be at no loss to conceive and appreciate the sensations I must have experienced, to bring my mind to any conclusion that would pledge me at so late a period of life, to leave scenes 1 sincerely love, to enter upon the boundless field, of publick action, incessant trouble, and high responsibility. " It was not possible for me to remain ignorant of> or indiflferent to recent transactions. The conduct of the Directory of France towards our country ; their insidious hostility to its government ; their various practices to withdraw the affections of the people from it ; the evident tendency of their arts, and those of their agents, to countenance and invigorate op- position ; their disregard of solemn treaties and the laws of nations ; their war upon our defenceless com- merce ; their treatment of our Ministers of peace ; and their demands, amounting to tribute, could not fail to excite in me, sentiments corresponding with those my countrymen have so generally expressed in their affectionate addresses to you. " Believe me, sir, no man can more cordially approve the wise and prudent measures of your Ad- ministration. They ought to inspire universal con- fidence, and will, no doubt, combined with the state of things, call from Congress such laws and means as will enable you to meet the full force and extent of the crisis. *' Satisfied, therefore, that you have sincerely wished and endeavoured to avert \\ ar, and ex- hausted to the last drop the cup of reconciliation, we can, with pure hearts, appeal to heaven for the justice of our cause, and may confidently trust 1796-9.] LIFE OF WASHINGTON.^' 5l5 the final result, to that kind Providence who has heretofore, and so often, signally favoured the people of the United States. " Thinking in this manner, and feeling how in- cumbent it is upon every person of every descrip- tion to contribute, at all times, to his country's welfare, and especially in a moment like the present, when every thing we hold dear and sac- red is so seriously threatened, I have finally deter- mined to accept the commission of Commander in Chief of the Armies of the United States, vv ith the reserve only, that I shall not be called into the field until the army is in a situation to require my pres- ence, or it becomes indispensable by the urgency of circumstances. *' In making this reservati(bn, I beg it to be un- derstood that I do not mean to withhold any assist- ance to arrange and organize the army, which yoa may think I can afford. I take the liberty also to men- : tion that I must decline having my acceptance consid- ered as drawingafter it any irnmediate charge upon the publick, or that I can receive any emoluments annex- ed to the appointment before I am in a situation to incur expense." From this period the domestick employments of General Washington were blended with the con- cerns of his publick commission ; but he did not ap- prehend that France v/ould push her aggressions to actual war. He conceived that the object of the Directory was to subject the Government of tlie U- nited States to their measures, either through fear of war, or by the controling influence of the people. 516 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9. It was the settled opinion of the General, that the great body of the American people were actuated by the love of country, and only needed information respecting the measures of government, to induce them to support it. In the patriotick spirit, excited in 1798, he contemplated a resource, which might at all times be relied upon to repel foreign aggres- sions, and on this occasion he confidently expected, that France would recede from her insolent pre- tensions. But he did not live to see the fulfilment of his predictions. On Friday, December 13, 1799, while superintending some improvements on his estate, he was out in a light rain, which wet his neck and hair. The occurrence commanded no immediate attention, but in the course of the ensuing night he was seized with an inflammation of the wind pipe. The complaint was accompanied with diflSculty in swallowing; and with a quick and laborious respi- ration. Conceiving that bleeding would be salutary, a vein was opened by one accustomed to the use of the lancet, and fourteen ounces of blood taken from him ; but he could not be persuaded to send for his Physician until the morning. About 11 o'clock on Saturday, Dr. Craik arrived, and perceiving his extreme danger, desired the advice of two consult- ing Physicians ; but their aid, in this case, was un- availing. Speaking soon became painful, and respi- ration contracted and imperfect, and at haif past eiev. en on Saturday night, December 14, in the full possession of reason, he expired. [1796-9. LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 517 From the moment of attack, he believed the dis- ease would prove mortal, and submitted to medical aid rather to gratify the wishes of his anxious friends, than from any expectation of relief. Some hours before death, with extreme difficulty, he intelligibly expressed a desire, that he might be permitted to die without further disturbance. When he could no longer swaliov/, he undressed himself and got into bed, there to await his dissolution. Dr. Craik took the head of his beloved and respected friend in his lap, to vt^hom the General said, " Doctor, I am dying, and have been dying for a long time, but I am not afraid to die." With fortitude he bore the painful conflict, and with perfect serenity resigned himself to his God. His interment on Vv'ednesday, the 18th of De- cember, was attended by religious services, and mili- tary honours ; and a great concourse of people fol- lowed his hearse, as undissembled mourners. The report of the death of General WAspiiNCTOif reached the seat of Government before the informa- tion of his sickness. It excited the highest sensibil- ity in the members of Congress, and overwhelmed them v/ith affliction. A solemn silence prevailed iu the House of Representatives for several minutes. At length, Mr.Marshall, the present Chief Justice of the United States, mentioned the melancholy information. " This information is not certain," he observed, " but there is too much reason to believe it true. After receiving intelligence," he added, *' of a national calamity so heavy and afflicting, the House of Rep- resentatives can be but ill fitted for publick business." In consequence, both Houses adjourned. 5l8 tIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9. On opening the House the next morning, Mr. Marshall addressed the Chair in the following manner. *' The melancholy event which was yesterday announced with doubt, has been rendered but too certain. Our Washington is no more! The Hero, the Patriot, and the Sage of America... .the man on whom, in times of danger, every eye was turned, and all hopes were placed, lives now only in his own great actions, and in the hearts of an aflfec- tionate and afflicted people. "If, sir, it had even not been usual openly to testify respect for the memory of those, whom Heav- en has selected as its instruments for dispensing good to man, yet, such has been the uncommon worth, and such the extraordinary incidents which have marked the life of him whose loss we all deplore, that the whole American nation, impelled by the same feelings, would call, with one voice, for a publick manifestation of that sorrow which is so deep and so universal. '* More than any other individual, and as much as to one individual was possible, has he contributed to found this our wide spreading empire, and to give to the Western W^orld, independence and freedom, " Having effected the great object for which he was placed at the head of our armies, we have seen him convert the sword into the ploughshare, and sink the soldier into the citizen. " When the debility of our Federal System had become manifest, and the bonds which connected this vast Continent were dissolving, \\c have seen 1796-9.'] LIFE OF WASHINGTON. 519 him, the Chief of those Patriots who formed for us a Constitution, Vvhich, by preserving the Union, will, I trust, substantiate v.nd perpetuate those bles- sings which our Revolution h:id promised to be- stow. ?' In obedience to the general voice of his coun- try, calling iiim to preside over a great people, we have seen him once more quit the retirement he lo\ ed, and in a season more stormy and tempestuous than war itself, with calm and wise determination, pur- sue the true interests of the nation, and contribute, more than any other could contribute, to the estab- lishment of that system of policy, which will, I trust, yet preserve our peace, our honour and indepen- dence. " Having twice been unanimously chosen the Chief Magistrate of a free people, wc have seen him, at a time when his reelection with universal suffrage could not be doubted, afford to the world a rare in- stance of mcderatlcn, by withdrav, ing from his high station to the peaceful walks of private life. " However the publick confidence may change, and the pubJick affections fluctuate with respect. to others, with respect to him, they have, in war and in peace, in publick and in priyate life, been as steady as his own firm mind, and as constant as his own ex- alted virtues. '•^ Let us then, INfr. Speaker, pay the last tribute of rer,pect and afFoction to our departed friend. Let the Grand Council of the nation display those senti- ments which the nation feels. For this purpose I 520 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9, hold ill my hand some resolutions which I take the liberty of offering to the House.'* The resolutions, after stating the death of Gen- eral Washington", were as folio us. " Resolved, That this House will wait on the President in condolence of this mournful event. " Resolved, That the Speaker's chair be shroud* ed with black, and that the members and officers of the House wear black durinsr the session. o " Resolved, That a Committee in conjunction with one from the Senate, be appointed to consider on the most suitable manner of paying honour to the memory of the man, first in war, first in peace, and first in the hearts of his fellow citizens." These resolutions had no sooner passed, than a written message was received from the President, transmitting a letter from Mr. Lear, " which," said the message, " will inform you that it had pleased Divine Providence to remove from this life our excellent fellow citizen, George Washington, by the purity of his life, and a long series of services to his country, rendered illustrious through the world. It remains for an affectionate and grateful people, in whose hearts he can never dicj to pay suitable honour to his memory." On this mournful event, the Senate addressed to the President the following letter. *' The Senate of the United States respectfully take leave, sir, to express to you their deep regret for the loss their country sustains in the death of General GEORGE WASHINGTON. 1796-5.^ LIFE OF WASHINGTON'. 52l *' This event so distressing to all our fellow citi- zens, must be peculiarly heavy to you, who have long been associated with him in deeds of patriotism. Permit us, sir, to mingle our tears with yours. On this occasion it is manly to weep. To lose such a man, at such a crisis, is no common calamity to the world. Our country mourns a Father. The Almighty Disposer of human events has taken from us our greatest benefactor and ornament. It becomes us to submit with reverence to HIM who ''maketh darkness his pavilion." *' With patriotick pride we review the life of our WASHINGTON, and compare him with those of other countries who have been preeminent in fame. Ancient and modern names are dimin- ished before him. Greatness and guilt have too of- ten been allied ; but his fame is whiter than it is brilliant. The destroyers of nations stood abashed at the majesty of his virtues. It reproved the in- temperance of their ambition, and darkened the splendour of victory. The scene is closed, and we are no longer anxious lest misfortune should sully his glory ; he has travelled on to the end of his jour- ney, and carried with him an increasing weight of honour ; he has deposited it safely where misfor- tune cannot tarnish it ; where malice cannot blast it. Favoured of heaven, he departed without ex- hibiting the weakness of humanity ; magnanimous in death, the darkness of the grave could not obscure his brightness. " Such was the man whom we deplore. Thanks to God, his glory is consummated. Washingt©n T T T S22 LIFE OF WASHINGTOjrr [1796-9* yet lives on Earth in his spotless example.... His spirit is in Heaven. '* Let his countrymen consecrate the memory of the heroick General, the patriotick Statesman, and the virtuous Sage. Let them teach their children never to forget that the fruits of his labours and his example are their inheritance,^^ To which the President made the following answer. *' I receive, with the most respectful and affec- tionate sentiments, in this impressive address, the obliging expressions of your regret for the loss our country has sustained, in the death of her most es- teemed, beloved and admired citizen. *'In the multitude of my thoughts and recollec- tions on this melancholy event, you will permit mc to say, that I have seen him in the days of adversity, in some of the scenes of his deepest distress, and most trying perplexities. I have also attended hirai in his highest elevation, and most prosperous felicity, with uniform admiration of his wisdom, moderation and constancy. *' Among all our original associates in that memorable league of this Continent in 1774, which first expressed the sovereign will of a free nation in America, he was the only one remaining in the gen- eral government. Although with a constitution more enfeebled than his, at an age when he thought it necessary to prepare for retirement, I feel myself alone, bereaved of my last brother ; yet I derive a strong consolation from the unanimous disposi- tion which appears in all ages and classes to mingle JL7%-9.] life of WASHINGTON. 523 their sorrows with mine on this common calamity to the world. "The life of our Washington cannot suffer by a comparison with those of other countries, who Iiave been most celebrated and exalted by fame. The attributes and decorations of royalty could on- ly have served to eclipse the majesty of those vir- tues which made him from being a modest citizen, a more resplendent luminary. Misfortune, had he lived, could hereafter have sullied his glory only with those superficial minds, who, believing that characters and actions arc marked by success alone, rarely deserve to enjoy it. Malice could never blast his honour, and en'oy made him a singular exception to her universal rule. For himself, he had live4 long enough to life and to glory. For his fellow citizens, if their prayers could have been answered, he would have been immortal ; for me, his depart- ure is at a most unfortunate moment. Trusting, however, in the wise and righteous dominion of Providence over the passions of men, and the results of their councils and actions, as well as over their lives, nothing remains for me but humble resigna- tion. " His example is now complete ; and it will teach wisdom and virtue to magistrates, citizens and men, not only in the present age, but in future generations, as long as our history shall be read. If a Trajan found a Pliny, a Marcus Aurelius can nev- er Avant biographers, eulogists, or historians." A joint Committee of the two Houses reported the following resolutions. 524 LIFE or V/ASHINCTON. [1796-9, ** That a marble monument be erected by the United States at the city of Washington, and that the fiimily of General Washington be requested to permit his body to be deposited under it ; and that the monument be so designed as to commem- orate the great events of his military and political life. " That there be a funeral procession from Con- gress Hall to the German Lutheran Church, ia memory of General Washington, on Thursday the 26th instant, and that an Oration be prepared at the request of Congress, to be delivered before both Houses on that day ; and that the President of the Senate, and Speaker of the House of Representatives, be desired to request one of the members of Con- gress to prepare and deliver the same. *' That it be recommended to the people of the United States to wear crape on the left arm as mourn- ing for thirty days. " That the President of the United States be re- quested to direct a copy of these resolutions to be transmitted to Mrs. Washington, assuring her of the profound respect Congress will ever bear to her person and character, of their condolence on the late affecting dispensation of Providence, and entreating her assent to the interment of the remains of General Washington in the manner expressed in the first resolution. *' That the President be requested to issue his Proclamation, notifying to the people throughout the United States the recommendation contained in the tlilrd resolution.'* E796-9.] LIFE OP WASHINGTON. 525 The President transmitted the resolutions of Congress to Mrs. Washington, to which she thus repHed. *' Taught by the great example which I have so long had before me, never to oppose my private wishes to the publick will, I must consent to the re- quest made by Congress, which you have had the goodness to transmit to me ; and in doing this, I need not, I cannot say, what a sacrifice of individual feeling I make to a sense of duty." Information of the death of General Washing- ton was, throughout the United States, accompanied ^y spontaneous and universal expressions of deep grief for his loss, and of the highest veneration foe his memory. The citizens without exception com- plied wath the recommendations of Congress. Civil Incorporations and Legislative Bodies, Colleges and all other respectable Societies, formed funeral pro- cessions, and attended upon prayers, eulogies, and ©rations. The resolution of Congress respecting the mon- ument has not been carried into execution. When a motion for the necessary appropriation wsls made in the House of Representatives, many members manifested a preference for an Equestrian Statue, voted by Congress at the close of the war, and in the dispute between a monument and a statue, the session of the Legislature passed away, and no ap- propriation \\'as made. They, who had opposed every part of his ad- ministration, probably could not in sincerity favour a National Monument to his memory ; and when S26 LIFE OF WASHINGTON. [1796-9. the subject was revived in Congress, the publick feelings having in some measure subsided, they op- posed any appropriation for this purpose, as an im- proper use of publick money. The reason as- signed for objecting to the measure was, that the gratitude and veneration of the people were the ap^ propriate monument of the publick services of tlie American Patriot. General Washington never had any children. By his will he left Mrs.Washington the use of all his property during her life. At her decease he liber- ated his slaves, and disposed of property among his and her relations, amounting by his own estimate, to five hundred and thirty thousand dollars. ItFI OF WASHINCTOir."' S27 CONCLUSION. GENERAL WASHINGTON was exactly six feet in height, he appeared taller, as his should- ers rose a little higher than the true proportion. His eyes were of a grey, and his hair of a brown colour. His limbs v/ere well formed, and indicated strength. His complexion was light, and his countenance se- rene and thoughtful. His manners were graceful, manly and dignified. His general appearance never failed to engage the respect and esteem of all who approached him. Possessing strong natural passions, and having the nicest feelings of honour, he was in early life prone keenly to resent practices which carried the intention of abuse or insult ; but the reflections of maturer age gave him the most perfect government €>f himself. He possessed a faculty above all other men to hide the weaknesses inseparable from human nature ; and he bore with meekness and equanimity kis distinguished honours. Reserved, but not haughty, in his disposition, he was accessible to all in concerns of business, but he opened himself only to his confidential friends ; and no art or address could draw from him an opin- ion, which he thought prudent to conceal. He was not so m«{ch distinguished for brilliancy of genius as for solidity of judgment, and consum- mate prudence of conduct. He was not so eminent ^28 tJFE Of WASHINGTON. for any one quality of greatness and worthy as for the union of those great, amiable and good qualities, which are very rarely combined in the same char- acter. His maxims Were formed upon tlie result of ma- ture reflection, or extensive experience ; they were the invariable rules of his practice ; and on all im- portant instances, he seeniied to have an intuitive view of what the occasion rendered fit and proper. He pursued his purposes with a resolution, which, one solitary moment excepted, never failed him.* Alive to social pleasures, he delighted to en- ter into familiar conversation with his acquaint- ance, and was sometimes sportive in his letters to his friends ; but he never lost sight of the dignity o^ his character, nor deviated from the decorous and appropriate behaviour becoming his station in soci- ety. He commanded fr'om all the most respectful at- tention, and no man in his company ever fell into light or lewd conversation. His stile of living cor- responded with his wealth ; but his extensive estab- lishment was managed with the strictest economy, and he ever reserved ample funds liberally to pro- mote schemes of private benevolence, and works of publick utilit)^ Punctual himself to every engage- ment, he exacted from others a strict fulfilment of contracts, but to the necessitous he was diffusive ii» his charities, and he greatly assisted the poorer clas- ses of people in his vicinity, b\» furnishing them with means successfully to prosecute plans of industry. * On York Island, in ir76....See page 98. LIPK OF WASHINGTON. 529 In domestick and private life, he blended the au- thority ot" the master with the care and kindness of the .guardian and friend. Solicitous for the welfare of his slavesj while at Mount Vernon, he every morning- rode round his estates to examine their condition ; f(3r the sick, physicians were provided, «nd to the weak and infirm every necessary comfort was administered. The servitude of the negroes lay with weight upon his mind ; he often made it the subject of conversation, and revolved several plans for their general emancipation ; but could de- vise none, which promised success, in consistency with humanity to them, and safety to the state. The address presented to him at Alexandria, on the commencement of his presidency, fully shows how much he was endeared to his neighbours, and the affection and esteem, in which his friends held his private character. His industry was unremitted, and his method so exact, tJiat ail the complicated business of his mili- tary command, and civil administration, was man- aged without confusion, and without hurry. Not feeling the lust of power, and ambitious bnly for honourable fame, he devoted himself to his country upon the most disinterested principles ; and his actions ^vore not the semblance but the reality of virtue t The purity of his motives was accredited, and absolute confidence placed in his patriotism. , While filling a publick station, tJie performance of his duty took the place of pleasure, emolument and every private consideration. During the more critical years of the war, a smile was scarcely seen u u u SS6 LltE OP WASHINGTO!ir. upon his countenance, he gave himself no moments* of relaxation ; but his whole mind was engrossed to execute successfully his trust. As a military commander, he struggled with inimmerable embarrassments, arising from the short jnlistment of his men, and from the want of provis- ions, clothing, arms and ammunition ; and an opin- ion of his achievements should be formed in view of these inadequate means. The first years of his civil administration were attended with the extraordinary fact, that while a great proportion of his countrymen reprobated his measures, they universally venerated his character^ and relied implicitly on his integrity. Although his opponents eventually deemed it expedient to vilify his character, that they might diminish his political influence ; yet the moment that he re- tired from publick life, they returned to their expres- sions of veneration and esteem ; and after his deaths used every endeavour to secure to their party the in- fluence of his name. He was as eminent for piety, as for patriotism. His publick and private conduct evince, that he im- pressively felt a sense of the superintendence of God and of the dependence of man. In his addresses while at the head of the army, and of the national government, he gratefully noticed the signal bless- ings of Providence, and fervendy commended his country to divine benediction. In private, he was known to have been habitually devout. In principle and practice he was a Christian, The support of an Episcopal church, in the vicinity •LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Sol of Mount Vernon, rested principally upon him, and here, when on his estate, he with constancy attendr €d publick worship. In his address to the Ameri- can people, at the close of the war, mentioning the favourable period of the world at m Inch die inde- pendence of his country was established, and enu- merating the causes \Ahich unitedly had ameliorated the condition of human society, he, above science, philosophy, commerce, and all other considerations, ranked " t/ie pure and benign light of Reijelation.''^ Supplicating Heaven that his fellow citizens might cultivate the disposition, and practise the virtues, which exalt a community, he presented the following petition to his God, '* That lie would most gracious- ly be pleased to dispose us all to do justice, to love mercy, and to demean ourselves with that charity, humility and pacifick temper of mind, which were the characteristicks of the Dhine Author of our bleS' sed religion ; without an humble imitation of whose example, in these things, we can never hope to be an happy nation." During the war, he not unfrequently rode ten or twelve miles from camp to attend publick wor- ship ; and he never omitted this attendance, w hen opportunity presented. In the establishment of his presidential household, he reserved to himself the Sabbath, free from the interruptions of private visits, or publick business; and throughout the eight years of his civil adminis- tration, he gave to the institutions of Christianity the influence of his example. "^ He was as fortunate as ^reat and good. 532 LIFE OF WASHINGTON, Under his auspices, a civil Mar was conducted with mildness, and, a revoUition with order. Raised himself above the influence of popular passions, he happily directed these passions to the most useful purposes. Uniting the talents of the soldier with the qualifications of the statesman, and pursuing, unmoved by difficulties, the noblest end by the pur- est means, he had the supreme satisfaction of behold- ing the complete success of his great military and civil services, in the independence and happiness of his country. THE END. APPENDIX WASHINGTON'S WILL. LV THE JVAMR OF GOD, AMEK. I GEORGE WASHINGTON, of Mount Vernon, a Citizen of the United States, and lately President of the same, DO make, ordain and declare this Instrument, which is written with my own hand,* and every page thereof subscribed with my Name, to be my last WILL and TESTAMENT, revok- ing all others, Imprivns. All my debts, of which there are but few, and none of magnitude, are to be punctually and speedily paid, and the Legacies herein after bequeathed, are to be discharged as soon as circumstances will permit, and in th6 manner directed. Itejyi. — To iny dearly beloved Wife Martha Washington^ i give and bequeath the use, profit and benefit of my whole Es- tate, real and personal, for the term of her natviral life, except such parts thereof as are specially disposed of hereafter. My improved Lot, in the town of Alexandria, situated on Pitt and Cameron streets, I give to her and her heirs forever ; as I also do my Household and Kitchen FvuTiiture, of every soit and kind, with the Liquors and Groceries which may be on hand at the time of my decease, to be used arid disposed of as she may think proper. Item. — Upon the decease of my v/ife, it is my will and de- sire that all the Slaves which I hold in rny own right shall re- * In the original manufcript, George V/asiijkc rot'^ came v/as wriiten at the bpttom of every page. 554 APPENDIX. ceive thrir freedom. To emancipate them during her life, would, though earnestly wished by me, be attended with such insuperable difficulties, on account of their intermixture by marriage Avith the dpwer negroes, as to .exeite the most pain- ful sensations, if not disagreeable consequences trom the lat- ter, while both descriptions are in the occupancy of the same proprietor ; it not being in my p»\ver, under the tenure by which the dower negroes are held, to manumit them. Arid ivhereas^ among those who will receive freedom according to this devise, there may be some, who from old age or bodily in- firmities, and others, who on account of their infancy, that will be unable to support themselves, it is my will and desire, that all Avho come under the first and second description, shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my heirs while they live ; and that such of the latter description as have no parents Jiving, or if living, are unable or unwilling to provide for them, sh:ill be bound by the court until they shall arrive at the age of twenty- five years ; and in cases where no record can be produced, whereby their ages can be ascertained, the judgment of the court, ujwn its own view of the subject, shall be adequate and final. The negroes thus bound, are (by their masters or mistresses) to be taught to read and write, and to be brought up to some useful occupation, agreeably to the laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia, providing for the support of or- phan and other poor children. And I do hereby expressly forbid the sale or transportation, out of the said Common- wealth, of any Slave, I may die possessed of, under any pre- tence whatsoever. And I do moreover, most pointedly and most solemnly enjoin it upon my Executors hereafter named, or the survivor of them, to see that this clause respecting Slaves, and every part thereof, be i-pligiously fulfilled at the epoch at which it is directed to take place, without evasion, neglect, or delay, after the crops which may then be on the ground arc harvested, particularly as it respects the aged and infirm ; seeing that a regular and permanent fund be es- tablished for their support, as long as there are subjects requiring it ; not trusting to the uncertain provision to be made by individuals. And to my Mulatto man, IVillianu call- APPENDIX. SS^ ing himself William Lee, I give immediate freedom, or if h« should prefer it, (on account of the accidents which have be- fallen him, and which have rendered him incapable of walk- ing, or of any active employment) to remain in the situation he now is, it shall be optional in him to do so ; in either casei however, I allow him an annuity of Thirty Dollars, during his natural life, which shall be independent of the victuals and clothes he has been accustomed to receive, if he chooses the last alternative ; but in full with his freedom, if he prefers the first ; and this I give him, as a testimony of my sense of hi» attachment to me, and for his faithful services during the Revolutionary War. Item. — To the Trustees (Governours, or by Avhatsoever othei' name they may be designated) of the Academy, in the town of Alexandria, I give and bequeath, intrust, Four Thou- sand Dollars, or in other words, twenty of the Shares which I hold in the Bank of Alexandria, towards the support of a Fre« School, estaLlished at, and annexed to, the said Academy, for the pm-pose of educating such Orphan Children, or the Chil- dren of such other poor and indigent persons, as are unable to accomplish it with their own means ; and who, in the judg- ment of the Trustees of the said Seminary, are best entitled to the benefit of this donation. The aforesaid 20 Shares I give and bequeath in perpetuity ; tlie dividends only of which are to be drawn for, and applied by the said Trustees, for the time being, for the uses abovementioned ; the Stock to remain entire and untouched, unless indications of fail- ure of the said Bank should be so apparent, or a discontin- uance thereof, should render a removal of this fund necessary. In cither of these cases, the amount of the Stock here devised is to be vested in some other hank, or publick institution, whereby the interest may with regularity and certainty be drawn and applied as above : And, to prevent misconception, my meaning is, and is hereby declared to be, that these Twen- ty Shares are in lieu of, and not in addition to, the Thous- and Pounds given by a missive letter some years ago ; in con- sequence whereof, an annuity of Fifty Pounds has since beea paid towards tlie support of this institution. Jif^n.»— WHKRBAfi by a law of the Commonwealth of -Virginb, enacted m the year 1785, the Legislature thereof, was pleased, as an evidence of its approbation of the services I had x-endered the publick during the Revolution, and partly I believe, in consideration of my having suggested , the vast ad- Vantages which the community would derive from the exten- sion of its inland navigation under Legislative patronage, to present me with One Hundred Shares, of One Hundred Dol- lars each, in the incorporated Company, established for the purpose of extending the navigation of James' River, from tide \vater to the mountains ;— *and also with Fifty Shares of 100/. sterling each, in the corporation of another company likewise established for the similar purpose of opening the navigation of the river Potowmack, from the tide water to Fort Cumberland ; the acceptance of which, although the offer was highly honour- able and grateful to my feelings, was refused, as inconsistent with a principle which I had adopted, and had never departed .from — 'viz. not to receive pecuniary com|>ensation for any ser- vices I could render my country in its ardvious struggle with Great Britain for its rights ; and because I had evaded similar propositions from other States in the Union. Adding to this refusal, however, an intimation that, if it should be the pleasure of the legislature, to permit me to appropriate the said shares to publick uses, I would receive them on those terms with due sensibility ; and this it having consented to, in flattering terms, as will appear by a subsequent law, and sundry resolutions, in the most ample and honourable manner, I proceed after this re- cital, for the more correct understanding of the case, to declare — That as it has always been a source of serious regret with me, to see the youth of these United States sent to foreign countries for the purpose of education, often before thieir minds were formed, or they had imbibed any adequate ideas of the happiness of their own ; contracting too frequently, not only habits of dissipation and extravagance, but principles unfriend- ly to Republican Government, and to the true and genuine liberties of mankind ; which thereafter are rarely overcome. For these reasons it has been my ardent wish, to see a plan de- vised on a liberal scale, -which would have a tendency to spreaci APPENDIX. SSi i^ystematic ideas through all parts of this rising empire, thereby to do away local attachments and State prejudices, as far as the nature of thii^gs would, or indeed ought to admit, from our National Councils. — Looking anxiously forward to the accom- plishment of so desirable an object as this is (in my estima- tion) my mind has not been able to contemplate any plan more likely to effect the measure than the establishment of an UNI- VERSITY in a central part of the United States, to which the Youths of fortune and talents from all parts thereof, may be sent for the completion of their education, in all the branches of polite literature ; in arts and sciences, in acquiring knowl- edge in the principles of politicks and good government, and, (as a matter of infinite importance in my judgment) by asso- ciating with each other, and forming friendships in juvenile years, be enabled to free themselves, in a proper degree, from those local prejudices and habitual jealousies which have just been mentioned ; and which, when carried to excess, are nev- er failing sources of disquietude to the publick mind, and preg- nant of mischievous consequences to this country, under thess impressions, so fully dilated. Item. — I give and bequeath in perpetiiity, the Fifty Shares which I hold in the Potovvmack company (under the aforesaid acts of the Legislature of Virginia) towards the endowment of an UNIVERSITY, to be established within the limits of the district of Columbia, under the auspices of the General Gov- ernment, if that Government should incline to exteml a foster- ing hand towards it ; and until such Seminary is established, and the funds arising on these shares shall be required for its support, my further will and desire is that the profit accruing therefrom, shall, whenever the dividends are made, be laid out in purchasing Stock in the Bank of Columbia, or some other Bank, at the discretion of my Executors, or by the Treasurer of the United States for the time being, imder the direction of Congress — provided that honourable body should patronize the measvire ; and the dividends proceeding from the purchase of such Stock, is to be vested in more Stock, and so on, until a ifeum, adequate to the accomplishment of the object is obtained ; W which I have not the smallest doubt before many years pas*? W W W 53S APPENDIX. away, even if no aid or encouragement is given by the Legisla- tive authority, or from any other source. Item. — The Hundred Shares which I hold in the Jame« River Company, I have given, and now confirm in perpetuity, to and for the use and benefit of Liberty Hall Academy, in the County of Rockbridge, in the Commonwealth of Virginia. Item. — I release, exonerate and discharge the Estate of my deceased Brother Samuel Washington, from the payment of the money Avhich is due to me for the land I sold to Phillfi Pendle- ton (lying in the County of Berkley) who assigned the same to him, the said Samuel., who by agreement, was to pay me there- for : And ivhereas, by some contract, (the purport of which was never communicated to me) between the said Samuel and his son, Thornton Washingtoti, the latter became possessed of the aforesaid Land, without any conveyance having passed from jne, either to the said Pendleton, the said Samuel, or the said Thornton, and without any consideration having been made, by which neglect neither the legal nor equitable title has-been alienated ; it rests therefore with me to declare my intentions concerning the premises ; and these are to give and bequeath the said land to whomsoever the said Thornton IVashingt^n^ (who is also dead) devised the same, or to his heirs forever, if he died intestate, exonerating the estate of the said Thornton, equally with that of the said Samuel, from payment of the pur- chase money, which, with interest, agreeably to the original contract with the said Pendleton, would amount to more than a Thousand Pounds : And whereas, two other sons of my said deceased Brother Samuel, namely, George Ste/itoe Washington, and Lawrence Augustine Washington, were, by the decease of those to whose care they Avere committed, brought under my protection, and in consequence, have occasioned advances on my part, for their education at College, and other schools, for their board, clothing, and other incidental expenses, to the amount of near Five Thousand Dollars, over and above the sums furnished by their estate, which sum it may be inconven- ient for them or their father's estate to refund — I do for these reasons acquit them and the said estate from the payment thereof — my intention being tliat all accounts between them and me, and their father's estate and me, shall stand balancctl. APPENDIX. 539 Item. — The balance due to me from the estate of Bartholo- ■inerv Dandriclge^ deceased, (my Wife's Brother) and which amounted on the first day of October, 1795, to four hundred and tAventyfive pounds, (as will appear by an account rendered by his deceased son John Da7ich-idge, who was the acting exec- utor of his father's will, I I'elease and acquit from the payment thereof and the negroes (then thirtythree in number, for- merly belonging to the said estate, who were taken in execu- tion, sold and purchased in on my account, in the year (blank) and ever since have remained in the possession, and to the use oi Mary,, widow of the said Bartholometa Dandridge^ with their increase, it is my will and desire shall continue and be in her possession, without paying hire, or making compensation for the same, for the time past or to come, durmg her natural life ; at the expiration of which, I direct that all of them who are forty years old and upwards, shall receive their freedom ; and all under that age, and above sixteen, shall serve seven years and no longer ; and all under sixteen years shall serve until they are twentyfive years of age, and then be free-^and to avoid disputes respecting the ages of any of these negroes, they are to be taken into the Court of the County in which they reside, and the judgment thereof, in this relation, shall be final, and record thereof made, which may be adduced as evi- dence at any time thereafter, if disputes should arise concern- ing the same — And I furthur direct that the heirs of the said JBartholomew Dandndge shall equally share the benefits arisinaj from the services of the said negroes, accordmg to the tenor ©f this devise, upon the decease of their mother. Item — If Charles Carter, who intermarried with my niece, Betty Lewis, is not sufficiently secured in the title to the lots he had of me in the town of Fredericksburg, it is my will and DESIRE that my Executors shall make such conveyances of them as the law requires to render it perfect. Item . — To my nephew, William Augustiyie Washington, and his Heirs (if he should conceive them to be objects woith prosecuting) a Lot in the town of Manchester (opposite to Richmond) No. 265, drawn on my sole account, and also the lenth of one or two hundred acre lots, and two or three half 540 APPENDIX. acre lots, in the city and vicinity of Richmond, drawn in part- nership with nine others, all in the Lottery of the deceased William Byrd, are given ; as is also a lot which I purchased of John Hood, conveyed by William Willie and Samuel Gordon^ Trustees of the said Jo/in Hood, numbered 139, in the town of Edinburgh, in the County of Prince George, State of Virginia. Item. — To my nephew, Bushrod Washington, I give and bequeath all the Papers in my possession, which relate to my civil and military administration, of the affairs of this country. — I leave to him also, such of my private Papers as are worth preserving ; and at the decease of my Wife, and before, if she is not inclined to retain them, I give and bequeath my Library of Books and Pamphlets of every kind. Item. — Having sold lands which I possessed in the State of Pennsylvania, and part of a tract held in equal right with George Clinton, late Governour of Newyork ; in the State of Newyork, my share of land and interest, in the Great Dismal Swamp, and a tract of land which I owned in the County of Gloucester — withholding the legal titles thereto, until the con- sideration money should be paid — and having moreover leased and conditionally sold (as will appear by the tenor of the said leases) all my lands upon the Great Kenhawa, and a tract up- on Difficult Run, in the County of Loudoun, it is my will and DIRECTION, that whensoever the contracts are fully and res- pectively complied with, according to the spirit, true intent and meaning thereof, on the part of the purchasers, their heirs or assigns, that then, and in that case, conveyances are to be made, agreeable to the terms of the said contracts, and the money arising therefrom, when paid, to be vested in Bank Stock ; the dividends whereof, as of that also which is already vested therein, is to inure to my said Wife during her life, but the stock itself is to remain and be subject to the general dis- tribution hereafter directed. Item. — To the Earl of Buchan I recommit the " Box made of the Oak, that sheltei'ed the great Sir William Wallace, after the battle of Falkirk," presented to me by his Lordship in terms too fluttering for me to repeat, with a request " to pass it, on the event of my decease, to the man in my countrv, who APPENDIX. 541 (should appear to merit it best, upon the same conditions that have induced him to send it to me." Whether easy or not to select the Man who might comport with his Lordship's opin- ion in this respect, is not for me to say ; but conceiving that no disposition of this valuable curiosity can be more eligible than the recommitment of it to his own cabinet, agreeably to the original design of the Goldsmiths' Company of Edin- burgh, who presented it to him, and at his request, consented that it should be transferred to me— I do give and bequeath the same to his Lordship ; and in case of his decease, to his heir, with my gi'ateful thanks for the distinguished honour of presenting it to me, and more especially for the favourable sentiments with which he accompanied it. Item. — To my Brother Charles Washington., I give and be- queath the gold headed Cane, left me by Dr. Franklin in his will. I add nothing to it, because of the ample provision I have made for his issue. To the acquaintances and friends of my juvenile years, Lawrence Washingtori and Robert Washing- ton., of Chotanck, I give my other two gold headed Canes, hav- ing my arms engraved on them ; and to each, as they will be useful where they live, I leave one of the Spyglassses, which constituted part of my equipage during the late war. To my Compatriot in arms, and old and intimate Friend, Dr- Craik, I give my Bureau, (or, as the cabinet makers call it. Tambour Secretary) and the circular Chair, an appendage of my study. To Dr. David Stuart, I give my large shaving and dressing Table, and my Telescope. To the Reverend, now Bryan, Lord Fairfax, I give a Bible, in three large folio volumes, with notes — presented to me by the Rt. Rev. Thom- as Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Mann. To General De La Fayette, I give a pair of finely wrought steel Pistols, taken from the enemy in the revolutionary war. To my Sisters in Law, Hannah Washington and Mildred Wai^hington to my friends Eleanor Stuart, Hannah Washington, .of Fairfield, and Elizabeth Washington, of Hayfield, I give each a mourning ring, of the value of one hundred dollars. These bequests are not made for the intrinsick value of them, but as mementos pf my esteem and regard. To Tobias Lear, 1 give the use of 542 APPENDIX. the Farm which hft now holds, in virtue of a leAse from me t9' him and his deceased wife, (for and during their natural lives) free from rent during his life ; ut the expiration of which, it is to be disposed of as is herein after directed. To Sally B. Haynie^ (a distant relation of mine) I give and bequeath thre» hundred dollars. To Sarah Green^ daughter of the deceased Thomas Bisho/i, and to jinn Walker^ daughter o^John jilton, al- so deceased, I give each one hundred dollars, in consideration of the attachment of their fathers to me ; each of whom hav- ing lived nearly forty years in my family. To each of my Nephews, William Augustine Washington.) George Lewis^ George Stefitoe WashingtQn,Btishrod Washington., and Samuel Washing' ton, I give one of the Swords, or Cutteaux, of which I may die possessed ; and they are to choose in the order they are nam- ed These swords are accompanied Avith an injunction not to unsheath them for the purpose of shedding blood, ex- cept it be for self defence, or in defence of their country and its rights ; and in the latter case, to keep them unsheathed, and prefer falling with them in their hands to the relinquishment tliereof. And Now,having gone through these specifick Devises,with explanations for the more correct understanding of the mean- ing and design of them, I pi'oceed to the distribution of the more important parts of my Estate, in manner following: First — To my Nephew, Bushrod Washington, and his heirs, (partly in consideration of an intimation to his deceased Father, while we were Bachelors, and he had kindly undertak- en to superintend my Estate during my military services, in the former war between Great Britain and France, that if I should fall therein. Mount Vernon, (then less extensive in domain than at present) should become his property) I give and bequeath all that part thereof, which is comprehended within the following limits, viz — Beginning at the ford of Dogue Run, near my Mill, and extending along the road, and bounded the'reby, as it now goes, and ever has gone, since my recollection of it, to the ford of Little Hunting Creek, at the Gum Spring, until it comes to a knowl, opposite to an old road •which formerly passed through the lower field of Muddy Hole APPENDIX. 543 Farm ; at which, on the north side of the said road, are three Red or Spanish Oaks, marked as a corner, and a stone placed — thence by a line of trees, to be marked rectangular, to the back line or outer boundary of the tract between Thomfison Mason and myself.. ..thence with that line easterly (now doub- le ditching, with a post and rail Fence thereon) to the run of Little Hunting Creek — thence with that run, which is the boundary between the lands of the late Huvifihrey Peake^ and nne, to the tide water of the said Creek — thence by that water to Potowmack River — thence with the river to the mouth of Dogue Creek — and thence with the said Dogue Creek to th« place of beginning at the aforesaid ford, containing upAvards of four thousand acres be the same more or less, together -vnth the Mansion House, and all other buildings and improvements thereon. Second — In consideration of the consanguinity be- tween them and my Wife, being as nearly related to her as to myself ; as, on account of the affection I had for, and the obligation I was under to, their Father when living, who from his youth had attached himself to my person, and followed my fortunes through the vicissitudes of the late Revolution, after- wards devoting his time to the superintendence of my private concerns for many years, whilst my publick employments I'en- dered it impracticable for me to do it myself, thereby affording me essential services, and always performing them in a man- ner the most filial and respectful : Fqr these reasons, I say, I give and bequeath to George Fayette Washington, and Laii}- rence Jugustne Washington, and their heirs, my estate east of Little Hunting Creek, lying on the river Potowmack, includ- ing the farm of three hundred and sixty acres, leased to Tobias Lear, as noticed Isefore, and containing in the whole, by deed, two thousand and twenty seven acres, be it more or less ; which said estate, it is my will and desire should be equitably and advantageously divided betvv^een them, according to quanti- ty, quality, and other circumstances, when the youngest shall have arrived at the age of twenty one years, by thretf judicious and disinterested men ; one to be chosen by each of the broth- ers, and the third by these two. In the mean time, if the ter- mination of my Wiffc's interest therein should huvs ceased* SU APPENDIX. llie profits arising therefrom are to be applied for their joint iises and benefit. "J^uiRO—^nd whereas it has always been my intention, since my expectation of having issue has ceased, to consider the grand children of my Wife in the same light as I do my own relations, and to act a friendly part by them, more especially by the two whom we have raised from- their earliest infancy, namely, Eleanor Park Ctcstisy and George Washington Park Custis, and whereas the former of these hath lately intermarried with Lawrence Lewis^ a son of my deceas- ed sister, Betty Lewis, by which union the inducement to pro- vide for them both has been increased Wherefore, I give and bequeath to the said Lawrence Lews, and Eleanor Park Lewis his wife, and their heirs, the residue of my Mount Vernon Estate, not already devised to my Nephew, Bushrod Washington, comprehended within the following description, viz. all the land north of the road leading from the ford of Dogue Run to the Gum Spring, as described in the devise of the other part of the tract to Bushrod Washington, until it comes to the stone and three red or Spanish oaks on the knowl, thence with the rectangular line to the back line (be- tween Mr. Mason and me) thence with that line westerly a- long the new double ditch to Dogue Run, by the tumbling dam of my Mill, thence with the said run to the ford afore- mentioned : To which I add, all the land I possess west of the said Dogue Run and Dogue Creek, bounded easterly and southerly thereby ; together with the mill, distillery, and all other houses and improvements on the premises, making to- gether about two thousand acres, be it more or less. Fourth ■ — Actuated by the principle already mentioned, I give and bequeth to George Washington Park Custis, the grandson of Tny Wife, and my ward, and to his heirs, the tract I hold on Four Mile Run, in the vicinity of Alexandria, containing one thousand two hundred acres, more or less, and my entire square, No. 21, in the city of Washington. Fifth — All the rest and residue of my estate real and personal, not disposed of in manner aforesaid, in whatsoever consisting, wheresoever lying, and whensoever found,a schedule of which,as far as is recollect- ed, with a reasonable estimate of its value, is hereunto annexed. , Appendix. i4i 1 desire may be sold by my Executors, at such times, in such manner, and on such credits, (if an equal, valid and satisfacto- ry distribution of the specifick property cannot be made with-* out) as in their judgment shall be most conducive to the inter- est of the parties concerned ; and the monies arising there- from to be divided into twentythree equal parts, and applied as follow, viz. To William Augustine Washington., Elizabeth S/iotsivood, Jane Thornton^ and the heirs of Ann Ashton, sons and daughters of my deceased Brother, Augustine Washington, I give and bequeath four parts ; that is, one part to each of them. To Melding Leivis^ George JLeivis, Robert Lewis, HonV' ell Lewis and Betty Carter, sons and daughters of my deceased sister, Betty Lewis, 1 give and bequeath five other parts ; one to each of them. To Ceorge Stefitoe Washington, Lawrence Augustine Washington, Harriott Parks, and the heirs of Thorn- ion Washington, sons and daughters of my deceased brother, Samuel WasMngton, I give and bequeath other four parts ; one to each of them. To Corbin Washington, ^niS. the heirs of Jane Washington, son and daughter of my deceased Brother, Joh7i Augustine Washington, I give and bequeath tvv'o parts ; one to each of them. To Samuel Washington, Frances Ball and Mildred Hammond, son and daughters of my Brother, Charles Washington, I give and bequeath three parts ; one part to each of them ; And to George Fayette Washington, Charles Augustine Washington, and Maria Wasldngton, sons and daughters of my deceased Nephew, George Augustine Washington', I give one other part ; that is, to each a third of that part. To Elizabeth Park Law, Martha Park Peters, and Eleanor Park Lewis, I give and bequeath three other parts, that is, a part to each of them. And to my Nephew, Bushrod Washington and Lawrence Lewis, and to my ward, the ^rand- *on of my Wife, I give and bequeath one other part, that is, a third thereof to each of them. And if it should so happen, that any of the persons whose names are here enumerated (unknown to me) should now be dead, or should die before me, that in either of these cases, the heirs of such deceased person shall, notwithstanding, derive all the benefits of the be- quest in the same manner, as if he or she was actually living XXX 546 APPENDIX, at the time. And by >v?.y of advice, I recommend it to mf Executors not to be precipitate of disposing of the landed pi'op- crty (herein directed to be sold) if from temporary causes, th© sale thereof should be dull ; experience having fully evinced, that the price of land, (especially above the falls of the river, and on the western waters) have been progressively rising, and cannot be long checked in its increasing value. And I particularly recommend it to such of the Legatees (under this clause of my will) as can make it convenient, to take each a share of my stock in the Potowmack Company, in preference to the amount of what it might sell for ; being thoroughly convinced myself, that no uses to which the money can be ap- plied will be so productive as the tolls arising from this navi- gation when in full operation, (and thus, from the nature of things, it must be, ere long) and more especially if that of the Shenandoah is added thereto. The family vault at Mount Vernon requiring repairs, and bring improperly situated besides, I desire, that a new one oF brick, and upon a larger scale, may be built at the foot of what is commonly called the Vineyard Inclosure, on the ground which is marked out : In which my remains, with those of my deceased relations, (now in the old vault) and such others of my family as may choose to be entombed there, may be de- posited. And it is my express desire, that my corpse may be interred in a private manner, without parade, or funeral ora- tion. Lastly-, I constitute and appoint my dearly beloved Wife, Martha Washington., my Nephew, William Augustine Wash" ington, Bushrod Washington, George Ste/ttoe Washington, Sam- uel Washington, and Lawrence Leiiis, and my ward, George Washington Park Custis, (when he shall have arrived at the age of twenty one years) Executrix and Executors of this Will and Testament : In the construction of which it will be readi- ly perceived that no professional character has been consulted, or has had any agency in the draught ; and that although it has occupied many of my leisure hours to digest, and to throw it into its present form, it may, notwithstanding, appear crude imd incorrect ; but, having endeavoured to be plain and explic* APPENDIX. :.IT it In all die devises, even at the expense of prolixity, perhaps of tautology, I hope and trust that no disputes v. ill arise con- cerning; them. But if, contrary to expectation, the case should be otherwise from the want of legal expressions, or the. usual technical terms, or because too much or too little has been said on any of the devises to be consonant with law, my will and direction expressly is, that all disputes, (if unhappily any should arise) shall be decided by three impartial and hi- telligent men, kiiown for their prolnty and good understand- ing ; two to be chosen by the disputants, each having th© choice of one, and the third by those two— which three men, thus chosen, shall, unfettered by law, or legal constructions, declare their sense of the Testator's intention ; and such deci- sion is, to all intents and purposes, to be as binding on the parties as if it had been given in the Supreme Qonrt of the United States. Jn loitness of all, and of eat h of the things herein contained, I have set my hand and ^eal, this ninth day of July, in the year Qnc Thousand Seven Hundred and JVlhety,^ and of the Jndcjicn^ dence of the United States, the tvtenty fourth. GEORGE WASHINGTON. (CI^J * It appears th« word '• Nine" wai omitted by the Testator. A SCHEDULE OF PROPERTY Comprehended in the foregoing WILL, which is directed to be Sold ; and some of it conditionally is told : JVith descriptive and exJUanatory notes relative thereto. In VRGIJVLf. .'tlcres. Price/!. Dollars. Loudoun Coimty, Difficult Run, 300 DolU. 6,666 a Loudoun and Fauquier, Ashby's Bent, 248 1 10 24,8 10 > Chattin's Run, 885 8 7,080 5 Berkly, South Fork of Eullskin, 1600 Head of Evans's M. 453 In Wormtey's Line, 183 2236 20 !4720 r 548 APPENDIX. Mres. Prices. Dollara. Frederick, bought from Mercer, 571 20 11,420 d Hampshire,onPotowmackRiveraboveB.240 15 3,600 c Gloucester, on North River, 400 about 3, GOO / Nanseniond, near Suffolk, one third ? „„„ of 11 19, acres, ^ ^^^ « 2,984 g Great Dismal Swamp, my dividend ? thereof, ^ about 20,000 A Ohio River, round bottom, 587 Little Kenhawa, 2314 Sixteen miles Lower down, 2448 Opposite Big Bent, 4395 9744 10 97,44d i Great Kenhawa, Near the mouth, west, 10990 East side above, 7276 Mouth of Cole River, 2000 Opposite thereto, ^^^^^1 ^oTi Burning Spring, 1 25, 5 '^"^ ^ 200,000 it MARYLA.N'D. Charles County, 600 6 3,600 I Montgomery County, 519 12 6,228 ?» PEJ^MSYL YANIA, Gi-eat Meadows, 2i34 & 1,404 n NE WYORK. Mohawk River, about 1000 6 6,000 • J^ORTHWEST TERRITORY. On Little Miami, 839 Ditto, 977 Ditto, 1235 3051 5 15,251 p KENTUCKY. Ilough Creek, 3000 Ditto, adjoining, 2000 5000 C lOiOO© LOTS, VIZ. CITY OF WASHIATGTOM Two near the Capitol Square, 634 cost> . , __„ 963 dollars, and with buildings, 5 ' APPENDIX. )49 No. 5, 12, 13 and 14, the last three water lots on the Eastern Branch in square 667, containing togethc 34,438 square feet, at 12 cents, '^} JLEXJADRJJ. Corner of Pitt and Prince streets, half'' an acre laid out into buildings 3 or( 4 of which are let on gi'ound rent at( three dollars per foot, -^ WIJVCHESTER A lot in the town, of half an acre and another on the commons, of about 6 acres, supposed, BATH or WJRM SPRIJVGS Two well situated and handsome buildings, to the amount of 1 50/. STOCK. United States 6 per cents. 3746 "| ■ Ditto, deferred, oqI^?250o[' Ditto, 3 per cents. 2946 3 J Potowmack Company, 24 shares, cost 100/. sterl. James River Company, 5 shares, each cost 100 ) dollars, 5 Bank of Columbia, 170 shares, 40 dollars each. Bank of Alexandria — ^besides 20 in the free school, 5 Dollars. 4,132 s 4,000 t 4,000 u 800 V 6,246 TO 10,666 # 500 y h, 6,8001 I 1,000 r STOCK LIVIJVG, isfc. One covering horse, 5 carriage horses, 4 riding horses 6 brood mares 20 working horses and mares, 2 covering jacks, and 3 young ones, 10 she asses, 42 working mules, 15 younger ones, 329 head of horned cattle, 640 head of sheep, and a large stock of hogs, the precise number unknown g;^ My manager has estimated this live stock at 7000/ ; but I shall set it down, in order to make % I'ound sum, at 15,653 Aggregate amount g530,000 5oO APPENDIX. NOTES. (a) THIS tract, for the fize of it, is valuable, more for its fitiiation th»r» th^; quality of its foil ; though that is good for farmirig, with a confidera- ble proportion of ground that might very eafily be improved irao mead- ow. It lies on the great road from the city of Wafhington, Alexandria and Georgetown, to Leefburgh and Winchefter. At Difficult Bridge, nine- teen yiiles from Alexandria, lefs from the city of Georgetown, and not more than three from Matildaville, at the Great Falls of Potowmack there is a valuable feat on the premifes, and the whole is CQnditionally fold for the fum annexed in the Ichedule (b) What the felling prices of lands, in the vicinity of thefe two tracti, are, I know not ; but compared with thofe above the ridge, and others be- low them, the value annexed v/ill appear moderate ; a lels one would not obtain them from me. (c) The furrounding land, not fuperiour in foil, fitua^ion or properties of any fort, fell currently at from twenty to thirty Hollars an acre. The loweft, price is affixed to thefe. (d) The obfervations made in the laft note, apply equally to this tract; being in the vicinity of them, and of fimilar quality, although it lies in another county. (t) This tract, though fmall, is extremely valuable. It lies on Potowmack River, about 12 miles above the town of Bath or Warm Springs, and is in the fhape of a horfefhoe ; the river running almoft around it. Two hundred acres of it is rich low grounds, with a great abundance of the largeft and fineft walnut trees ; which with the produce of the foil might, (by means of the improved navigation of the Potowmack) be brought to a (hipping port, wiih more eale, and at a fmaller expenfe, than that which is tranfport- ed 3« miles only, by land, (^f) This tract is of fecond rate Gloucefter low ground ; it has no im« provements thereon, but lies on navigable water, abounding in (ifh and oyfters. It was received in payment of a debt, (carrying inierefl) and vaU ued in the year 1789, by an impartial gentleman, to 800I. N. B. It ha« lately been fold, and there is due thereon a balance, equal to what \i an- nexed in the Ichedule. (g) Thefe 373 acres are the third part of an undivided purchafe made by the deceafed Fielding Lewis, Thomas Walker and myfelf ; on fall convic- tion that they would become valuable. The land lies on the load from Suf- folk and Norfolk, touches, (if I am not millaken) fome part of the naviga- ble water of Nanfemond river ; the Rich Dilmal Swamp is capable of great improvement ; and from its fituation mull become extremely valuable. (h) This is an undivided intereft, which I held in the Great Difmal Swamp company, containing about 4000 acres, with my part of the planta- tion, and ftock thereon, belonging to the company in the faid Swamp. (i) Thefe feveral tracts ot land are of the firft quality, on the Ohio river, Jn the parts where they are fituated ; being almoft, if not altogether, rives bottoms. The fmallell af theie tracts is actually fold at ten dollars an acre, but the confidcration therefor, not received. The reft are equally valuable, and fold as high ; efpecially that which lies juft below the Little Kcnhawa, and is oppofite to a thick feltlementon the weft fide of the river. The four tracts have an aggregate breadth upon the river of fixteeii miles, and is bounded thereby that diftance. (k) Thelc tracts are fituated on the Great Kenhawa river, and the firft four are bounded thereby for more than forty miles. It is acknowledged by all who have ieen them, (and of the tract containing 1099O acres, whicW APPENDIX. 5S1 I have been on myfelf, I can affert) that there is no richer or more valuable land in ail that region ; they are conditionally fold for the fum mentioned in the Ichedulc, that is, aO0,OoO dollars ; and if the terms of that falc are not complied with, they wiU comnnand confiderably more. The tract, gF which the 125 acres is a moity, was taken up by General Andrew Lewis and myletf, for, and on account of a bituminous Ipring which it contains, of fo inflammable a nature as to burn as freely as Ipirits, and is nearly as difficult to extinguifh. { i) 1 am but little acquainted with this land, althotigh 1 have once been on it. It was received (many years lincc) :u dilcharge of a debt to me frora Daniel Janifer Adatos, at the value jnneried thereto, and muft be worth more. It ii very level ; lies near the river Potowmack. («) This tract lies ab«ut 30 miles above the City of Wafliington, not far from Kittoctan. It is good farming land and by thofe who are well ac- quaintei with it, I am informed that it would fell at twelve or fifteen dol- lars per acre, (n) This land is valuable on account of its local fituation and other properties. It affords an exceeding good fland on Braddock's road, from Fort Cumberland to Pittlburg, and befides a fertile loil, poffeiles a large quantity of natural meadow, !it for the fcythe. It is diftinguifhed by the appellation of the Great meadow*, v.rheie the firfl action with the French in 1754 was fought. (0) Ihis is the moity of about aoOO acres, which lemains: unfold of 6071 acres on the Mohawk river. (Montgomery county) in a patcni granted to Daniel Coxe, in the townfhip of Coxeborough aiidCarolinas, as -will ap- pear by deed from Marinus Willet and wife, to George Clinton (late Gov- ernour of Newyork and myfelf. The latter fales have been at fix dollars an acre, and what reraaias unlold, will fetch that or more. (p) The quality of thel« lands and their fituations, may be known by the iurveyors' certificates, which are filed along with the patents. They lie in the vicinity of Cincinnati ; one tract near the mouth of the Little Miami ; another leven, and the third ten miles up the fame. I have been informed that they will command more than they are eftimated at. (q) Vox tlie dekription of theie tracts in detail, fee General Spotfwood's letters, filed with the other papers relating to them. Befides the general good quality of the land, there is a valuable bank of iron ore (hereon, which when the fettlement becomes more populous (and fettlers are moving that way very faft.) will be found very valuable ; as the Rough Creek, a branch •f Green River, affords ample water for furnaaes and forges. LOTS, VIZ. CITY OF WASHINGTON. (r) The two lots near the Capitol in fquare 634, coft me 963 dollar* only. But in this price I was favoured, on condition that I fhould build two brick houfes, three ftsries high each ; without this leduction, the icllinj prices of thele lots would have coft me about 135O dollars, Thefe lots, • ■with tiie buildings thereon, when completed, will ftand me in I5,c00 dol- lars at Icaft. (sj Lots No. 5, 12, 13, and 14, on the Eaftern branch, areadvantagcouf- ly lituated on the water, and ;