msmi} n ; ' 'x: ;- A /9 BR 152 .R5 1843 Riddle, Joseph Esmond, 1804 1859. A manual of Christian antia A MANUAL CHRISTIAN ANTIQUITIES. A MANUAL OP CHRISTIAN ANTIQUITIES: Ott, AN ACCOUNT THE CONSTITUTION, MINISTERS, WORSHIP, DISCIPLINE, AND CUSTOMS OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH, PARTICULARLY DURING THE THIRD, FOURTH, AND FIFTH CENTURIES; TO WHICH IS PKEFIXED AN ANALYSIS OF THE WRITINGS OF THE ANTE-NICENE FATHERS. COMPILED FROM THE WORKS OF AUGUSTI AND OTHER SOURCES. V THE REV. J. E. RIDDLE, M.A., OF ST. EDMUND HALL, OXFORD; AUTHOR OF AN ENGLISH-LATIN AND LATIN-ENGLISH DICTIONARY, SERMONS, LUTHER AND HIS TIMES, i)C. THE SECOND EDITION. LONDON: JOHN W. PARKER, WEST STRAND. M.DCCC.XLIII. (»84ij LONDON ; HARRISON AM) CO., PBlNlKllS; ST. MABIIN'S l.ANK. CONTENTS. Preface § 1. Remarks on the study of ecclesiastical arclircology. Design, contents, and plan of this ^lanual § 2. Some account of the principal treatises on Christian Antiquities ..... § 3. A review of Christian Antiquities considered in con- nexion with the theology and morals of the ancient Church .... § 4. A plea for Episcopacy, Charity, and Peace . , 11 32 ]50OK I. LIVES AND WRITINGS OF THE ANTi:-NICENE FATHERS. Preliminary Reniavks . 55 CHATTER I. Clement of Rome .... 58 Note concerning some spurious writings : — 1. Shepherd of Hernias 64 2. Epistle of Barnabas . 65 II. Ignatius .... 65 III. Polycarp ..... 68 IV. Justin jNIartyr .... 70 V. Ilerniias ..... 74 VI. Ilegesippus .... 75 VII. Tatian ..... 76 VIII. Dionysius of Corinth 7J> IX. Athenagoras 7f) X. Theophilus of Antioch «2 XI. Irenosus .... 84 XII. Clement of Alexandria f>4 XIII. Tertullian lOD XIV. ^Minucins Felix 129 XV. Origen .... 130 XVI. Cjiirian ..... 144 XVII. Dionysius of Alexandria . in XVIII. Gregory of Neoca?sarea 155 XIX. Arnobius .... . 151) XX. Lactantius .... 160 XXI. Eusebius of Coesarea . 164 XXII. Apostolical Constitutions and Canons 171 VI CONTKNT.S. BOOK II. OF THE CHURCH, OR GENERAL BODY OF CHRISTIANS. CHAPTER PAOE I. Accounts of Jewish and Profivnc Authors . . 175 Epistles of riiny and Trajan . . . 178 II. Sect. 1. Names assumed by Christians . . . Ifll 2. Names applied to Cliristians by way of reproach 185 III. Divisions or classes of Christians . . . 188 IV. Of Catechumens ...... 192 X. Of the Baptized, Faithful, or Complete Members of the Church . . . . 194 1. Their names or titles .... 194 2. Their rights and privileges . . . 195 VI. Of Penitents ...... 197 VII. OfEuergumcns . . . • • 197 VIII. Of Ascetics 198 BOOK III. OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. I. Names given to the ^Ministers of the Church, both ordinary and extraordinary .... 201 Remarks concerning Apostles .... 204 Evangelists ... 205 Prophets . . . .200 II. Different orders or classes of the Clergy, or ordinary Minis- ters of the Church .... 208 Ofticors of the Jewish Synagogue .... 209 III. Of Bishops ...... 210 Sect. 1. Their names and titles .... 210 2. Their office and duties . . . 214 1. Celebration of divine worship . , 214 2. Church government and discipline . 215 :$. Insignia or emblems of the episcopal office . 217 . 4. Difterent orders or classes of bishoi)s . 219 1. Superior bishoj)s . . . .219 2. Inferior bishops . . . 221 I^Ioro particular account of ^^etropolitans and Patriarchs. J. Of Metropolitans . . . 22:i 1. The name or title . . 223 2. Origin of the office . . , 225 3. Metropolitans in the East and West 225 4. Privileges and office of Metropolitans 22(i 5. Election and ordination . . 228 CONTENTS. Vii CHAPTER PAG* III. Sect. 4. 2. Of Tat rial cbs . . . .228 1. The name or title . , 228 2. Origin of the office . . . 22y 3. Privileges and office of Patriarchs 231 4. Division of the Patriarchate. Seats of Patriarchs ... 232 — — 5. Difference between bishops and presbyters . 233 1. Episcopacy supposed to be of merely human, or ecclesiastical, origin . . 234 2. Episcopacy supposed to be founded upon Divine Institution or Apostolical Tra- dition . . . . .249 0. Division of the church into Metropolitical and Patriarchal Dioceses at the latter end of the fourth century .... 2G2 7. Of Councils . . , . .270 Origin of church councils . . 271 Extent of early couucils . . . 272 Their form or constitution . . 273 Lists of General Councils . . . 275 IV. Of Presbyters and Presbyteries . . . 277 Sect. 1. Of the name or title . . . .277 2. Quality and office of presbyters . . 273 3. Difi'erent orders or classes of presbyters | . 2^3 V, Of Deacons ...... 284 Sect. 1. Their name and rank .... 284 2. Their office and duties . . . 28 ! 3. Of Archdeacons .... 292 History of the office . . . 29 i VI. Of Deaconesses and other Female Ministers . . 29o 1. Testimony of Apostles and early ecclesias- tical writers . . . 29G 2. Allusions of heathen writers . . 298 3. Prescribed or canonical age . . 298 4. Ordination of deaconesses . . 299 5. Their office and duties . . . 299 It. Discontinuance of this office . . 300 VII. OfSubdcacons ..... 301 VIII. OfReadei-s ...... 303 IX. Of Acolyths ..... 304 X. Of Exorcists ...... 305 XI. Of Singers or Precentoi-s .... 306 XII. Of Ostiarii or Doorkeepers (Portei-s) . . .308 XIII. Of Inferior Servants of the church and clergy . 309 XIV. Of Ordination ...... 311 Sect. 1 . Origin and nature of the rite . • 311 2. Disqualifications and qualifications for ordination 313 3. Administration of the rite . . . 320 4. Forms of prayer used at ordinations . . 323 vni COXTEN'T!?. XV. erodes of Appointment to Ecclesiastical Offices . Sect. 1. Election by the votes of a whole church 2. I'.lection Ity visitoifi, &c. .... 3. Extraordinary modes of appointment ' . 4. Patronajro ..... XVI. Rank, Ki^hts, and rnvileges of the Clerg}'.— Punishment of Delinquents ..... Sect. 1. Hank, rights, and privileges of the clergy 2. Punislmient of delinquents 1. Suspension . . . . 2. Degradation .... 3. Privatio Communionis, or Deprivation 4. Corporal Punishment . . . 5. ]'"xconimunication . . . . XVIT. Revenues of the Ciiurch .... XVIII. Habit and Vestments of the Clergy XIX. Remarks of Chrysostom, Jerome, and Gregory Nazi- auzen, relating to the character and duties of Christian Ministers ..... PA OK 327 327 331 335 335 337 337 342 342 343 ;U3 344 345 345 351 351 BOOK IV. OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. I. Of Public Prayer, Psalmody, and Instruction Sect. 1. Use of the Ijord's Prayer 2. Of different kinds of Public I'rayer and Liturgical Formularies ... 1. Amen ..... 2. Hallelujah .... 3. Hosannah .... 4. Kyrie eleeison 5. Ciloria in excelsis fi. Pax vobisciun ! . 7- Oreuius! .... }f. Sursum Corda ! • 3. Of Psalmody ..... 4. Kites and Ceremonies connected with Public I'rayer and Psalmody 1. Standing .... 2. Kneeling .... .'{. Lowing .... 4. Prostration . . 5. Stretching out the arms C. Folding of the hands . 7. Heads imcovercd or covered . H. Turning towards the luist . 9. Times and hours of i'rayer . . 372 372 378 379 379 37!) 380 .381 382 382 383 384 3!n .31)1 3»3 303 393 393 394 394 394 395 CONTENTS. IX CHAPTER PAGE I, Sect. 5. Ancient foniis of Common Prayer . . .H!)fJ 1. Prayer for the Cateclumiens . . 'Ml 2. Energumens . . 'M'J 3. Compotcntcs or Candidates for IJaptism . . 400 4. Penitents . . .401 0. Faithful . . 403 G. Lord's Day . . .408 7. Prayers for Morning and Evening . 409 C. History of Ancient Liturgies . . • 413 1. Oriental Liturgy . . . 413 1. Liturgy of Antioch . . . 414 2. Basil, or Cicsarea . 414 3. Clirysostom, or Constantinople 415 2. Alexandrian Liturgy . . . 4!G 3. Roman Liturgy . . . 41G Milanese Liturgy . . . 417 African Liturgy . . . 417 4. Galilean Liturgy . . • . 417 iMozarabic or Spanish Liturgy . 418 /• Liturgy of Ephesus . . . 418 British Liturgy . . . 418 Synopsis of the contents of ancient Liturgies 411) 7. Of Prayers for the Dead . . . .421 General statements on this subject . 421 Testimony of TertuUian . . . 424 Origen . . . 425 Cyprian . . • 425 Arnobius . . . 425 Cpil of Jerusalem . . 420 Gregory of Nazianzen . 42C Ambrose . . . 42G Epiphanius . . 42? Chrysostom . • . 428 Jerome . • . 429 • Augustin . . . 429 Fonn of prayer in the Apostolical Constitutions 431 General conclusions concerning this practice in the ancient church . . . 433 Connexion of prayer for the dead with the doctrine of piu'gatory . . . 434 8. Of the public use of Holy Scripture . . 437 9. Of Preaching . . . . .447 Testimonies concerning preaching in the early church .... 449 The preachci-s . . . .451 Frequency of preaching . . . 453 Length of discourses .... 453 Place of delivery . . . • 453 CONTENTS. CU/. ITER I 10. 11. Sect. 9. rostnrc and conduct of liearei-s . Notation and publication of Seiinous Extempore preaching Prayer before Sermons Subject-matter of Sermons f)f Catechetical Instruction . Discipliua Arcaui Ancient Creeds . • • • Creed of Irenanis Tertullian .... Origen .... Cyprian .... . Clregory of Neocasarea Lucian the Martyr Tlie Apostolical Constitutions . Jei'usalera .... Ciesarca in Palestine Arius, presented to Constantine - Antioch . . • Kome .... Aquileia • • • Kicica, as first published as completed Question concerning the author of the Athanasian Creed ..... II. Of Baptism and Confirmation Sect. 1. A'arious names and appellations of Baptism . 2. Persons baptized Classes of persons excluded from Baptism 3. Ministers of Baptism 4. Times of Baptism .... 5. Place of Baptism C. Mode and form of Baptism 1. Immei-sion, or Dipping Trine Immei-sion Single Immersion 2. Aspei*sion, or Sjjrinkliug li. Form of words used at Baptism 7 Observances and C'eremonies connected \\h\ Baptism ..... 1. Catechetical Instruction 2. Kxorcism .... '.i. Vow or promise of obedience, and profession of faith 4. Signing •with the sign of the Cross 5. Unction .... C. Use of salt, millc, and honey 7. Ceremonies after Baptism COXTEXTs'. XI CHAPTER II. Sect. 8. Of Sponsors . . " . . 1. Their names or appellations . 2. Origin of the office 3. Duties of Si)onsors 4. Persons qualified to act as Sponsors 6. Number of Sponsors . • 9. Of names given at Baptism 10. Of Confirmation .... 1. Derivation of the rite from the practice of the Apostles .... 2. Confirmation in connexion with baptism 3. Ministers of confirmation 4. Administration of the rite 1. Imposition of hands 2. Unction, or anointing with the chrism 3. Sign of the Cross 4. Prayer and benediction . III. Of the Lord's Supper ..... Sect. 1 . Names or appellations of this Sacrament 2. Celebration of the Lord's Supper in successive periods of the Church 1. Accounts given in the New Testament 2. Testimony of the Apostolical Fathers 3. .Tustin Martyr 4. Iren^us 5. Clement of Alexandria and Origen (>. TertuUian and Cyprian 7. The Apostolical Constitutions 3. Times of Celebration 1. The time of day , 2. Days and seasons .... — — 4. Place of Celebration 5, Ministers of the Loi'd's Supper G. Of the Communicants 1. Persons admitted to the Holy Communion 2. Preparation of the Communicants 3. Acts and conduct of the Comuuuiicants 7- Of the Elements .... 1. Of the Bread 1. Quality of the Bread 2. Form of the Bread 2. Of the Wine .... 1. Colour of the Wine 2. Mixture of Water witli the Wine 8. Observances and Ceremonies connected with th Administration of the Lord's Supper 1. Consecration of the Elements 2. Distribution of the Elements I. Communion in both kinds PAGK 522 522 524 525 527 528 521) 531 531 534 538 539 540 540 541 541 542 542 552 552 55G 559 5(i2 5G3 5G4 5GG 5G8 5fJ8 570 574 575 577 577 580 58G 587 587 687 589 590 590 690 592 692 693 593 XU CONTENTS. CHAPTKR PAGE III. Sect. 8. 2. Orderof distrlljution . . .394 3. Fonn of distribution . . 595 4. Method of distribution . . . 69B 3. Sign of the Cross ... 599 4. Uso of Incense .... 599 5. Agap.T?, or Feasts of Charity . . 3 I^'. A more particular account of the Agapa?, or Feasts of Charity 7C4 Sect. 1. Origin of tlic Name, and of the Custom . 764 — — 2. Mode of celebration .... 765 — — 3. Time and place of celebration . . 766 1 . Time of day ..... 766 2. Day of the week .... 766 3. Place of meeting .... 766 4. Abolition of the custom . . . 767 V. Of Stations, Processions, and Pilgi-imnges . . . 768 Sect. 1. Of Stations ..... 769 —— 2. Of Processions . . . . .771 • . 3. Of Pilgrimages .... 774 CON TENTS. XV CHAPTER P.VGK VI. Of Monacliisiu and Afonasteries .... 775 Sect. 1. Of ^lonacliism .... 775 1. Origin of Monaclii.sni . . . 775 2. Names and different classes of A[onks . 777 2, Of Monasteries ..... 7'U CHRONOLOGICAL AND ALPHABETICAL TABLES. Chronological Table of Ecclesiastical Writers to Gregory the First . 784 Alphabetical List of Ecclesiastical Writers enumerated in the fore- going Table .... . . 787 Chronological List of the principal Councils mentioned in this Work 788 Alphabetical List of the same Councils, with Latin Titles . . 789 APPENDIX. A. Public Prayer in the Primitive Church (King) . , 791 B. On turning towards the East in Prayer (Bingham) . . 795 C. Gregorii M. Liber Sacramentonmi : qualitcr missa'Romana celebratur ...... 798 D. Daily Tenii)lc-Service and Synagogue-Worship of the Jews at the beginning of the Christian Era (Lightfoot and Pri- dcaux ; Bingham) ..... 801 E. Ornaments of Churches (Ambrose and Jerome) . . 811 F. Use of Pictures, &c., in Churches (Gregory the Great) . 812 G. Ascetics and Monks (Mosheim) . . . .814 IL The Literature of Christian Antiquities ; or, a classified Cata- logiie of the principal works relating to the several siibjects of Ecclesiastical Archaeology (August! and Sicgcl) . 81 G INDEX 0,9 PREFACE. § 1 . Remarks on the study of Ecclesiastical Archaolngy. Design, contents, and plan of tins Manual. Ax acquaintance with the institutions, rites, and ceremonies of the early church is, on many accounts, interesting and import- ant. Accordingly, great pains have heen bestowed upon this department of hterature during the last two centuries, by divines of various communions ; and by none with greater success than by a member of our own Church. But the works of these learned men have been written, in general, for the use of others almost as learned as themselves ; or, at least, they have been composed in such a style, or in so copious a form, that the information they contain is accessible only to the (c\\. At the same time, there are many educated persons, including espe- cially the younger students of divinity, who desire to possess a certain amount of knowledge relating to the early practices and institutions of the Christian Church ; and to whom a com- pendious account of such matters, with due reference to autho- rities, would be at once acceptable and useful. But no such manual has been placed within their reach. While our Ijiblical and classical students have possessed admirable summaries of Jewish, Greek, and Roman antiquities, in their own language, no similar compilation has been at hand to assist those persons who may wish to form an acquaintance with the Church, as it existed and appeared during the early centuries. It is, then, in the absence of any better work of the kind, that I have un- dertaken to construct the volume now before the reader. And in this preface I intend to ofier some explanation of the contents and i)lan of the work ; — to give a general view of the history of this branch of literature, by an enumeration of the prin- cij)al works on ecclesiastical archaeology, Avhich have hitherto n 2 I'UEFACE. DESIGN, CONTEXTS, AND appeared ; — and to notice a few points which seem, at present, to deserve pecuhar attention, in connexion with the study of church antiquity. It would he easy to introduce this volume to the reader by recounting the various uses of the studies in which it proposes to assist him, and by displaying the benefits M'hich such studies, if properly pursued, may produce to the great cause of true Christian religion. Much might be said, also, in favour of attempts to make progress in such investigations, as a duty incumbent upon not a few members of our church. But all that could be said on these heads shall be included in one remark, namely, that these are Christian Antiquities, and that we are Christians. Nor do I offer any further amplifica- tion of this sentiment than that which may be found in the following words of a writer of the last century : — " Productis in medium Hebraicarum, Grsecarum, Romanarum Antiquitatum monumentis, ea demum, ut ingenue fatear, mentem cogitatio subit ; — cuinam hominum generi, et ad quid, haec omnia scri- bantur? Hebrseorum respublica cum veteri lege tumulo pridem illata est; Grcecia sub mausoleis et pyramidibus suis sepulta jacet ; Romana gloria atque potentia inter triumphos suos con- senuit ; .... Modo Hebrfci non sumus, neque Gr£eci, neque Romani. . . . ; neque amplius harum gentium moribus vivimus. Quid ergo nos juvat, illarum antiqua tem- pora, mores, et monumenta tanto studio a rudcribus suis ac tenebris in lucem protrahere, dum interea obliti vivimus eorum, quae domestica nobis sunt, et esse deberent ? Dixi, non sumus Hebrrci, non Graci, non Romani . . . attamen Christianos nos omnes esse profitemur in hodiernam usque diem. Horum itaque quorum nomine, disciplina, ct religione insigniti etiam- num vivimus, horun-«, inquam, antiquitates cognoscere prsc omnibus crcteris, rem summi momenti, summaj utilitatis, ac gloriac futuram esse judicavi." [Mannhart.) The following work has been designed as a compendious history of the subjects usually denominated Christian Antiqui- ties ; that is to say, an account of the institutions, offices, rites, ceremonies, and other observances of the early church, and PLAN OF THIS MANUAL. 6 especially of the church as it existed from the second century to the fifth. It has been my object to compress into one volume such records and notices of these interesting subjects as may be useful to the student in divinity, and at the same time acceptable to any other persons who may wish to inform themselves concerning the manners and customs of our fore- runners in the Church of Christ. This twofold adaptation of the work has been kept in view, both in the choice of materials and in the manner of making quotations and references; and I trust that while the ecclesiastical student will here find suffi- cient appeals to authorities and sources, other readers will not find obstruction or difficulty in the appearance of anything scholastic or recondite. I have made it a rule not to quote in the text any Latin or Greek words or sentences without immediately subjoining a translation or its equivalent. All the longer quotations from ancient writers, and any others which appeared less simple or less interesting than usual, have been thrown into notes at the foot of the page, or transferred to the Appendix ; and those continual references which were necessary to the comj^jletion of the design are inserted in the text within parentheses, and in a distinct type, in order that they may be easily passed over by the eye of any reader willing to dispense with them. I have made use of the works of several continental scholars, who have lately laboured with great industry and success in this department of literature, as well as of the voluminous and learned work of Bingham. The book now in the hands of the reader has, in fact, been almost entirely constriicted upon tlie basis of the archaeological compendiums of Augusti and Siegel, which will be mentioned more particularly hereafter, together with Schrock's Church Histor}\ My part in the undertaking may be described, in few words, as consisting chiefly in the selection, arrangement, translation, and abridgment of materials under my hand, together with care in verifying and correcting references and quotations as far as appeared needful, and the occasional addition of matter from the stores of our own theo- logical literature. n 2 4 PllEFACK. ACCOIT.VT OF l-ORMliK A distinction of dates has been observed throughout the work, as far as possible. Such general expressions, however, as " the ancient church," " early Christians," &c., have been unavoidably used, chiefly with reference to some of the first four or five centuries. But statements of date, when not formally made, are often implied in the references made to authors or councils ; a rule having been been generally observed of quoting, among others, the earliest authorities which may have been alleged in support or explanation of facts under consideration. And in order to make this kind of information available to all readers, I have appended some alphabetical and chronological tables of early ecclesiastical authors and councils. Dates of other writers or councils are connected with the mention of them in the course of the work. The foregoing remarks concerning the design and construc- tion of the present volume, are, I trust, sufficient. § 2. Some Account of the principal Treatises on Christian Antiquities. We now enter upon an inquiry concerning tliis class of books in general, or an exaihination of the dates, titles, and authors of the principal works on ecclesiastical archaeology hitherto published. All matters relating to the constitution, ceremonies, and discipline of the early church were for a long time included in general church history, without being made the subjects of separate treatises or distinct inquiry. A large fund of materials of this nature was collected, in the first instance, by the Mag- deburg Centuriat'ors, who devoted two portions or chapters of their voluminous history, in each century, to a description of the rites and ceremonies, the constitution and government, of the churcli (0, De Ritibus ct C(crctno)iiis. 7? i^c Politia et Gubcrnationc Ecclesicp). The Magdeburg Centuries gave rise to another laborious compilation, tlie Annales Ecclesiastici of Baronius, written with a view to support the doctrines and pretensions of the Churcli of Rimhc, in opposition to the \VOUKS 0.\ C1I1{1ST1A.\ ANTJuririES. 5 Centuriators and tlieir party. This work included a large amount of archeeological investigation. So great, indeed, was the admixture of this kind of matter, that Schulting, one of the epitomists of Baronius, expressly descriljed his book as '•' con- taining a Thesaurus of Sacred Antiquities." For a considerable time, the Centuries and Annals, with continuations and abridg- ments, were the only great repositories of learning on the combined subjects of the history and antiquities of the Christian church. Nor did succeeding historians omit to treat of the ceremonies and institutions of the church as an integral portion of their subject. This branch of inquiry holds an important place in the voluminous and learned works of Natalis Alexander, Fleury, Tillemont, Saccarelli, Stollberg, and other Koman Catholic writers, and of Basnage, Venema, Arnold, Mosheim, Walch, Schnick, among Protestants, as well as of Schmidt, Gieseler, and Neander, in later times. As early as the seventeeth century, some scholars began to consider it more correct and useful to treat the subject of ecclesiastical ceremonies and institutions as a distinct branch of study, not only independent of polemics, but apart from the general n)aterials of church history. An example, to this effect, had been set by the introduction of a custom of describing the antiquities of Greece and Rome in separate treatises, using that title in a sense which had been assigned to it by Terentius Varro, Aulus Gellius, and other Latin Avriters, More especially, the work of Jo. Rosinus, entitled Antiqintates Bomance. first pub- lished in tlie year 1583, appears to have conveyed a hint, or to have set a pattern to divines. Balthasar Beljclius, a theologian of Strasburg, was probably the first who applied the new system to ecclesiastical subjects. In the year 1669, he pvd^lished a work entitled Antjqiiitates Ecchs'ue in tribus post Chr. nat. sd'culis, which was followed in 1679, \)\ Ant'tqiiitatcs EccL in quarto post Clir. nat. sacido. But this Avork, although it con- tained some sections, " De ministris EcclesicP, De moribus Christianorum," and the like, was less historical, and of a more polemic and dogmatical character, than its title would lead us to expect. About the same time appeared a sketch of Christian 6 PREFACE. — ACCOUNT OK FORMER Antiquities, in alphabetical order, by Joshua Arnd, under the title of Lexicon Antiquitatum Ecclesiasticarum; Gryphiswaldi.'e, 1669. After this, several works were constructed ujDon the same system. The learned brothers, D. and C. Macri, compiled a Hierolexicon s. Sacrum Dictionariim : Rom. 16/'7« In Germany the following works were published: — J. A. Schmidt, Lexicon Ecclesiasticum minus: Helmst., 1/12. 8. — A. Rechenberg, Hierolexicon Reale : Lips., 1714. 4. — A. E. Mirus, Lexicon Antiquitat. Eccl. : 1717- 8. — And to these have been added in later times, C. W. Roch's Deutsches Kirchen-tVorterbuch : Halle, 1784, — and F. Grundmayr's Lexicon der Romish KatJioUsclien KircJiengebrdnche : Augsburg, 1816. 8. Other writers, abandoning the alphabetical or lexicogra- phical plan, attempted to throw the subjects of Christian anti- quities into a more systematic form. The following are their names, and the titles of their works : J. A. Quenstedt, Anti- quitates Biblicce et Ecclesiastics : Viteb., 1688, 1699. 4. — Jo. '^icoiuA.i, Antiquitates Eccl. : Tubing., 1705. 12. — J. G. Walch, Compendium Antiquitatum Eccl. ex scrijJtorihus apologeticis eorumque commentatoribus compositum. Accedunt C. S. Schurtz- fleischii Controversise et Qusestiones Antiq. Eccl.: Lips., 1733. 8. — S. J. Baumgarten, Prima Linece Breviarii Antiquit. Chr. ; Scholia multa addidit J. S. Semler : Halle, 1766. 8. — S. J. Baumgarten, Erliiuteruny der Christlichen Alterthilmer ; herausy. von J. Chr. Bertram: Halle, 1768. 8. — J. Simonis, Vorlesungen iiber die Chr. Alterth. nach Baumgarten ; herausg. von S. Mursinna : Halle, 1769. 8. — J. L. Vogel's Alther- thiimer der ersten vnd iiltesten Christen: Hamb., 1780. 8. — Haug's Alterthiimer der Christen: 1785. 8. — J. C.Volbortu, Primce Linae Antiquitatis Chr., in usum tiromnn : Goetting., 1789. 8. — The treatises here enumerated were, however, of but limited extent ; nor did they contain more than a general and imperfect survey of the large field of inquiry upon wliich their authors proposed to enter. Roman Catholic writers, at first, avoiding both the general subject and the comprehensive title of " Antiquities," contented themselves with recording and expounding the ancient ritual. WORKS ON CHRISTIAN ANTIQUITIES. 7 Several elaborate works on this subject apjieared in the course of the seventeenth century. Such were the following : J. Bapt. CasaliuSj De Sacris Christianorum Ritibus, sive apud Occiden- tales sive Orientales Catholica inEcclesia jwobatis : Rom., 1647. — J. Stepii. Durantus, De Ritibus Ecclesia Catholica : Par., 1632. S. — Cardinal J. Bona, Rerum Liiwfficarum, Libri ii. : ed. Colon., 16/4. 8. — Gabr. Albaspin/eus (Aubespine), De Veteris Ecclesice Ritibus: edit. Meyer. Helmst., 1672. 4. — All these writers were surpassed by the learned Edm. Martene, in his treatise entitled De Antiquis Ecclesice Ritibus : ed. 2, Antverp. 1736— 1738. f. — At a later period, books of "Anti- quities^^ were compiled by divines of the Romish communion. A work on an extensive scale, entitled Originum et Autiquitatum Christianarum, Libri xx., was begun by Th. Mar. Mamachi, but never completed. (Romte, 1749-55, vol. i. — v. 4.) This attempt was followed, from time to time, by the publication of J. L. Selvagii Autiquitatum Chr. Tnstitut. : vol. i. — vi., Nea- pol., 1772-74 ; (ed. Mogunt., 1787, vol. iii. 4, with a better arrangement). — F. Xav. ^Iaskiwrt, Liber Sim/uluris De Anti- quitatibus Christianorum: Aug. Vindel., 1767. 8. — A. Aurel. Pelliccia, De Christiance Ecclesice primce, meclice, et novissima cetatis Politia, Lih. VI.,duobus iomis compreheiisi : Neapol., 1777. 8 ; (of this work a new edition has lately been published by J. J. Hitter, Colon.) — A. J. Binterim, Denkwiirdif/keiteii der Christ. -cat hoi ischen Kirche aus dem ersten, mittlern und letzten Zeiten: Mainz., 1825 — 1832, 8, (constructed upon the basis of Pelliccia's book, bvit more prolix in its style, and less distin- guished by candour and impartiality.) — J. N. Lociierer, Lehrbuch der Christlichen Archdologie : P^rankf., 1S32. S. In our own country, comparatively little was effected in this branch of literature during the seventeenth century. The learned William Cave published his Primitive Christianity, or the Religion of the Ancient Christians in the First Ages of the Gospel ; but, as it was the chief design of that author to draw a picture of the institutions and customs of the early Christians on the favourable side, his work is defective in an historical point of view. " The most methodical account of things of 8 PREFACE. ACCOUNT OF FORMER this kind that I have yet seen," says Bingham, "is that of our learned countryman, Dr. Cave, in his excellent book of Primi- tive Christianity ; wherein he has given a succinct, but clear, account of many ancient customs and practices, not ordinarily to be met with elsewhere. But his design being chiefly to recommend the moral part of primitive Christianity to the observation and practice of men, he was not obliged to be very particular in explaining many other things, which, though useful in themselves, yet might be looked upon as foreign to his design ; and for that reason, I presume, he industriously omitted them." Besides this, the learned author appears to have composed his work under the mistaken impression that, "the life and spirit of Christianity" did not "visibly decline apace," until after the first three or four centuries. — Sir Peter (afterwards Lord Chancellor) King published An Inquiry into the constitutio7i, dlscijjUne, unity, and ivorship of the Primitive Churchy that flourished rvithin the first three hundred years after Christy in which he appears to have made a free use of Cave's labours, as far as suited his purpose. This work Avas dis- tinguished as advocating peculiar principles concerning the government and constitution of the church, in opposition to the sentiments and practices of our own episcopal communion. It was answered by a presbyter of the Church of England (Sclater), in a treatise entitled An Original Draught of the Primitive Church, in which some historical errors are corrected, and some high church views of polity strenuously maintained. It has been said that Lord King was convinced by the argu- ments of tliis Answer ; but I do not know upon what authority the assertion rests. The great work, however, in this department of literature, adapted at once to supply former deficiencies, and to assist the future pursuit of arch ecological inquiries, was that which pro- ceeded from the pen of a learned member of our church, Mhose name has been already mentioned, — Joseph Bingham. This M'ell-known repository of materials relating to ecclesiastical ceremonies, institutions, and observances, — Origines Eccle- siasticce, or The Antiquities of the Christian Church, — was first AVORKS ON CHRISTIAN AXT I QT I'll KS. 9 published between the years 17O8 and 1722, and since that time has gone through several editions. Many of the works already enumerated as having been subsequently pvd)lished on the continent were largely indebted to this valuable compi- lation. Soon after its appearance it was translated into Latin by Grischovius *. It was also abridged, much to the learned author's dissatisfaction, by Antony Blackmore, who pub- lished his compendium mider the title of Ecclcsue Primitive Notitia, or A Summary of Christian Antiquities. Lond. 1722. 8. This Summary was translated into German by F. E. Rambachf. An abridgment of Bingham's book, but without due acknow- ledgment, was published at Venice, in the year 176G:j:; and another compendium of Antiquities, avowedly extracted from this work by an anonymous Roman Catholic writer, was pub- lished at Augsburg, towards the close of the century §. This work is the produce of much original research, and indefatigable industry. It contains a large mass of information, including numerous statements of facts, quotations from fathers and councils, and references to authorities. Its arrangement of subjects is tolerably clear ; but it presents a confusion of dates, or frequent intermingling of matters relating to different periods of history, which has formed a subject of complaint. High church principles are professed and maintained to a consider- able extent; but the more modern corruptions of Romanism are often detected and exposed. Many persons, M'ho believe that Christian Catholicism is more catholic than the author's, are inclined to charge him with undue partiality on the side of the hierarchy and old ecclesiastical institutions ; while others, of course, are ready to unite in the judgment of a Roman Catholic critic, who speaks of this work in the following terms : * Joseph I Binghami Anyli Ori- gines s. Antiqititutes Ecclesiastica. Ex Lingua Aiiglicana in Latinam vcitit J. H. Grischovius ; acccdit Pra^fatio J. Fr. Bucldei: llahr, 1724 — 17-29, x. vol., 4. (Ejustl. Disscrtat. Eccles. in- terprcte Grischovio : 1/38. 4.) Edit, nova. 17ol. xi. vol., 4. t AxT. Bi-ACKMont's Cfn; Allcv' thumev : axis dem E)i(ih ulersetzl, Tli. I. II., Brcslau, l/O'S-Ci). 8. :J: Lvcii Pai.eotimi Antifpiitatum s. Oriffinwn Ecclcsiasticarum Summa. § Jos. Bingiiaim's Allcrth'umcr der Kirche ; ein auszup ans dcr E>i;iL aus- (jnbe : Augsburg, \-,V,H—\-,W. H. 10 PREFACE. — ACCOUNT OF FORMER " Ce livre est plein de recherches et d'erudition, mais il ren- ferme des prejuges et de mauvaises critiques centre les dogmes, la Uturgie, et la discipline de FEglise catholique." Charges like this, and the recriminations which they produce, will never be banished from tlie church, until Christians in general rightly understand, and practically adopt, a maxim which has been often repeated, but seldom cordially embraced, — " In things essential, unity ; in things not essential, Ubert>i ; in all things, churilii /*' In recounting the names of more modern scholars who have bestowed any considerable labour upon the study and arrange- ment of Christian Antiquities, we must, perhaps, give the first place to one from whose volumes the present Manual has been chiefly compiled, — Johann Christian Wilhelm Augusti. His principal work, comprised in twelve octavo volumes, was pub- lished at Leipsic, between the years 1817 and 1831, under the general title of Denkwiirdigkeiten am der Christlichen Archdo- loffie ,• mit bestdndiger Riicksicht auf die gegemvdrtigen Bediirf- nisse der Christlichen Kirche ; and this has been followed by a very i\seful abridgment, contained in three thick octavo volumes, entitled Handbuch der Christlichen Archdologie. I have endeavoured to compress into the present Manual the substance of the most important and valuable information contained in these works of Augusti, so far as relates to the customs and phraseology of the earlier ages ; omitting, how- ever, the mention of institutions and terms of more modern origin, and thus reserving room for the introduction of other materials connected with the early history of the church, and for occasionally enlarging upon subjects which Augusti has treated less copiously than their importance, at present, demands. Other continental scholars have laboured in this department of literature during the present century. To the work of Augusti the following must be added as particularly worthy of notice: — K. Sciione's Geschichtforschungen iiberdie Kirchlichen Gebrduche und Einrichtungen der Christen, Hire Ausbildung and Verdndervngen/Vh. 1. — 111. : Berlin, 1821 —22. 8; — F. H. WORKS ON CIIRI.STIAN ANTIQUITIES. H Rheikwald's KirchUche Archdologie : Berlin, 1830. 8; C. C. F. Siegel's Handbuch tier Christlich-kirchlichenAlterthuiner ia alphabetischer Ordauny, mit steter Beziehung auf das, ivas dauon nochjetzt hi Christlkhen cidtus iibrlg yeblieben ist ; Leip- zig, 1835 — 38, 4 Bde. 8. To the last-mentioned of these works I acknowledge considerable obligation. It occupies four closely printed octavo volumes, but is by no means prolix or redundant in its style. The author has made great use of the labours of his learned predecessors ; and has, indeed, frequently incorpo- rated into his work their statements and expressions, some- times with, and sometimes without, abridgment. The book contains a large fund of information concerning the rites, ceremonies, and constitution of the church, both ancient and modern ; and much matter highly interesting to the eccle- siastical student is to be found in its pages : but I regret to add that there are few Christians in our own countrv whose minds would feel satisfied with the tone and manner of its statements in connexion with many important passages of sacred history. I have elsewhere taken opportunities of indicating the use which I have made of the copious church history of the learned, laborious, and candid Schrock. — I ought also to men- tion that I am under some obligation to the new edition of Pelliccia's concise and valuable work, De Christiana Ecclesice Politia. A more particular account of the literature of Christian Antiquities, in a list of works which have been written on the several branches of the subject, will be found in the Appendix, H. 3. A review of Christian Antiquities considered in connexion ivith the state of Theology and Morals in the ancient Church. In a work on Christian Antiquities the reader must not expect to find a systematic examination or exposition of the doctrines of the early church, or of the state of religion and 12 PUEIACE. — THEOLOGY AND MORALS morals among its members. But the contents of such a treatise are intimately connected with these important subjects, and throw considerable light upon their history. And a little atten- tion to the facts stated, the institutions described, and the formularies cited, in the following i)ages, may enable us to draw some tolerably accurate conclusions relating to the faith and religion of the ancient church, especially as it existed during the fourth and fifth centuries. A few cursory remarks in this place may serve to point out, in some measure, the use to which an acquaintance with Christian Antiquities may be applied with reference to such inquiries. The creeds which were received in ancient churches satis- factorily show that the great facts on which Christianity rests, and which involve its leading doctrines, were recognised, and, to a certain extent, rightly apprehended. But the anathemas which we occasionally find ai:)pended to such confessions of faith indicate the existence of a bad ecclesiastical spirit, which must have produced evil consequences, and may lead us rea- sonably to conclude that refinements of doctrine, bitter contro- versies, and positive error, had prevailed to no inconsiderable extent. The forms of prayer, which have been ^reserved, exhibit a good acquaintance with many of the principles and practical truths of religion ; although they are not without some admix- ture of superstition and error. A system of divinity, of no mean value, might be constructed from them. The known opinions and speculations of many individual writers belonging to the early church prove that great mischief had been wrought within its borders by an undue deference to heathen philosophy, a perverse use of reason, and the indul- gence of imagination. This remark is made chiefly Avith allusion to the contents of the first book of the following Manual. The records which relate to the clergy and the sacraments during this early period make it painfully evident that the mediatorial glory of the Saviour had been generally obscured, — that the true doctrines of Christ's religion witli reference to pardon of sin and acceptance with God had been perverted or OF IIIK AXClliNT CHURCH. 13 concealed, — and that the dictates of Scripture concerning the conveyance of divine grace to the soul had begun to be imper- fectly understood. The phraseology current in the (so called) orthodox or catholic church \vith reference to the Lord's supper, — and especially the copious list of terms which were applied, not to the holy supper itself, but merely to the elements employed in its celebration, — indicate the want of a sound acquaintance with the nature and design of that sacred institution. Many terms and modes of expression which are necessarily employed in describing the observances and prac- tices of tlie church, during the period under review, forcibly admonish us of the presence of deeply-seated error, and of a prevalent deviation from scriptural and primitive truth. It may appear, however, from a calm consideration of the general nature of the institutions of the early Christians, and from the tone of their formularies, that they had so far retained the apprehension of Gospel truth, as to leave us the satisfaction of contemplating our Lord's faithfulness in the fulfilment of his promise concerning his perpetual presence with his church. We cannot, at the same time, l)ut find cause for gratitude in the reflection, that our lot has been cast within the borders of a church which has detected and renounced the errors of former ages, and in which the truths of the Gospel are taught with a simplicity and purity unknown to the churches in which Atha- nasius, Chrysostom, or Ambrose taught. A demonstration of theological opinions or ecclesiastical partialities does not properly consist with an historical detail of facts, such as that which this Manual professes to exhibit. I have, accordingly, made it a rule to give, for the most part, a simple statement of what was said or done in the early church, without any indication of approbation or the contrary. But it would be a difficult matter, and indeed no very enviable attain- ment, to manifest an entire indifference to what is true and right, throughout a long survey of subjects which affect, more or less directly, the vitals of religion. Sometimes, perhaps, I have written not merely as an historian, but also as a clergyman who assents to the doctrine and admires the ritual of the 14 PREFACE. THEOLOGY AND MORALS Church of England ; but I hope that I have not in any instance expressed myself ofTensively to members of other churches, or given an unbecoming prominence to my own convictions and preferences. One observation, however, which I have ventured to make, although it requires no apology, leaves me not with- out a wish to make some further remarks in connexion with it. In stating the progress of inquiry respecting the author of the Athanasian Creed (pp. 438 — 441), I have expressed my entire approbation of the doctrines contained in that well-known confession. But perhaps, in justice to myself, and as one small tribute to the great cause of Christian charity, I ought to have subjoined some notice of my entire and hearty concurrence in the following remark of Bishop Burnet, taking his words in the utmost extent of their meaning: "We may believe that some articles are necessary to salvation, as well as that there are some commandments necessary for practice ; and we may also believe that some errors, as well as some sins, are exclu- sive of salvation; all which imports no more than that we believe such things are sufficiently revealed, and that they are necessary conditions of salvation ; but by this we do not limit the mercies of God towards those who are under such darkness as not to be able to see through it, and to discern and acknow- ledge these truths. It were, indeed, to be wished that some express declaration to this purpose were made by those who have authority to do it : but, in the meanwhile, this being the sense in which the words of this creed are universally taken, and it agreeing with the phraseology of the Scripture upon the like occasions, this is that which may be rested upon. And allowing this large explanation of these severe words, the rest of this creed imports no more than the belief of the doctrine of the Trinity." Such observations respecting the "severe words" which occur in some parts of the Athanasian Creed are, I think, at once just and charitable. Indeed, if our church should resolve upon altogether expunging the clauses com- monly called condemnatory, it is possible that the cause of truth would suffer no detriment. One reflection connected with this subject has often occurred to my mind, which I will OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 15 venture to mention in this place, especially as it stands connected with a branch of Christian Antiquities. The Nicene Creed, as originally published (see p. 436), concluded Mith an anathema against all persons who should reject its doctrines; but, in the course of time, the anathema has been kindly dropped, and we now recite the creed without the defensive clause, or any equivalent. No harm, however, has happened to the Christian faith in consequence of this omission ; and to the present hour it is fully understood, that every man who deserves to be regarded as a minister of our church believes and teaches all the doctrines contained in this gentle and inoffensive creed. Now, why may we not, with equal impunity, adopt the same course with regard to certain clauses in the creed commonly called the Creed of Athanasius ? We know, indeed, in what sense those clauses are usually understood among ourselves, and how far they are true. But we cannot oblige every man to honour them with a similar construction, or to receive the interpretation of Burnet, or of any other member of our church. Perhaps the history of the Nicene Creed may suggest a still better mode of proceeding than even that of making any " declarations," however "express." The original Nicene Creed has not only received addition, but has suffered mutilation; and yet the Christian faith remains, within the borders of our church, entire. Why then should we fear lest a similar mutilation of the Athanasian Creed should involve a sacrifice of Christian truth ? One creed has been taught a lesson of moderation, and why may not another be made to learn the same? Surely it cannot be supposed that a creed must lose its life when it has lost its sting. A sting has been extracted from the confession of faith drawn up and published by the venerable fathers of Nicoea, without loss or detriment to the cause of religion and truth ; and why may we not safely take the same liberty with the later composition of an unknown writer ? Doubtless, this is no new argument ; but, if it be a sound one, it deserves attention. Some intimations respecting the state of practical religion and morals in the early church may be gathered from the 16 PREFACE. THEOLOGY AXD MORALS liistory of Christian Antiquities. An investigation of such a subject is at all times delicate, and is attended with peculiar difficulties, because practical religion is hidden as to its source, and unobtrusive in its exercise ; and especially because it falls neither within our province, nor under our power, to deter- mine with what feelings any religious offices arc performed, or what is the moral effect upon the mind of those who may perform them. Express testimonies concerning the religious condition of Christian societies, as declared by apparent piety and virtue, or evident ungodliness and immorality, are to be found in the writings of the fathers. The pictures there drawn are varied with light and shade j and they may perhaps lead us to infer that the mixture of good and evil principles and practices in the early church was not very different from that which appeal's to exist at the present day. But with such descriptions and testimonies vre are not now concerned. We propose merely to collect information on these points from the history of the rites, ceremonies, and institutions of the church. And we may perhaps arrive at some correct conclusions by a consideration of the obvious or probaljle tendencies of those observances. It may be hoped that religious knowledge, such as the age possessed, was pretty generally diffused among the members of the church, by means of the formal and careful preparation of catechumens, by the regular reading of holy Scripture in the congregation, and by the labours of pious and zealous preachers. Although some doctrines were studiously concealed from the uninitiated, under the system of secret instruction, yet it is pleasing to remember that practical duties Avere assidu- ously inculcated. upon persons of all ages. We cannot, indeed, but fear that some great mistakes were made even in this department of Christian erudition ; but yet we may find reason to hope that, on the whole, much good was produced. Again, from an inspection of ancient forms of public prayer, we may conclude that a flame of devotion was kept up in the church; and, more particularly, that high and reverent thoughts of God, — charitable feelings towards Christian brethren, and OF THE AXCIEXT CHURCH. 1 J' kind sympathy with all sorts and conditions of men, — and ardent hopes of future blessedness, — were cherished in the breasts of a large number of the members of the church. Perhaps, also, a salutary exercise of self-denial, self-distrust, and humility prevailed to a considerable extent. All this may be inferred, with greater or less probability, from what is recorded as having taken place within the walls of baptisteries and churches. But, on the other hand, we discover in the records of ancient institutions too many traces of spurious piety and fictitious virtue, and even of disorderly conduct and immorality. Ascetic institutions, and more especially the practices of fasting and celibacy, which were introduced as early as the second century, and rose rapidly in repute, point to the exist- ence of some grievous mistakes respecting the nature of true spiritual excellence and Christian morality. And we fear that any extensive mistake respecting the real nature of holiness and virtue is usually either a consequence or a cause of erroneous or defective practice. Is is likely that, in the early church, false humility was linked with spiritual pride; and needless mortification or austerity in some particulars was, probably, too often attended with its natural accompaniment, unhallowed licence, or too great indulgence, in others. Again, even in matters connected with the celebration of divine worship, we seem to discover an increasing stiffness and formality, together with a growing love of pomp and desire of external effect; and to such an extent did these things take place, that we can hardly avoid regarding them as symptoms of a gradual exchange of the life and energy of primitive devotion for coldness and indifference. We may well fear that piety was, to a great degree, oppressed and stifled under the burden of a splendid ritual. The disorders attendant upon the Agapte, or feasts of charity, which led to the abolition of that primitive institution, do not speak in favour of the feelings or morals of many Christians of the third and fourth centuries ; nor do the regu- lations which it was thought necessary to make for the preser- c 18 PREFACE. — THEOLOGY AND MORALS A'ation of order during the celebration of divine worship give us a very high idea of a sense of propriety, or of a sober and deep rcHgious impression, with reference to a large, or at least an indefinite, number of the faithful. The penitential discipline which prevailed in the early church may at first sight seem admirable, and adapted to promote the cause of practical religion and morals. We may hope that it produced this effect to a considerable extent; but we find cause to fear that it was likewise attended with many evils. Was the course of humiliation wliich was prescribed to penitents adapted to produce altogether a wholesome effect upon their minds ? Was it not too abject and sordid, con- sidered as a social and relative act, — an act not only performed in the presence of their fellow creatures, but in a certain sense addressed to them ? And was it not such as to open a wide door for hypocrisy and imposture ? Besides this, what effect may it not probably have produced upon the minds of the " faithfuV whose intercessions, compassion, and favour were sought with tears and lamentations ? It is true that the infliction of penance may have served as a warning against sin, and may have been useful as an incentive to watchfulness. This, no doubt, would have been its proper effect, and would have been in accordance with one part of the original design. But we may justly fear that the mode of treating penitents in the ancient church, and the circumstances attendant upon their seeking re-admission into tlic nvimbcr of the faithful, tended to excite or cherish pride and unhallowed notions of superiority in the minds of many members of that venerated body. They probably derived more harm than good from the situation in which they -found themselves placed relatively to their offending brethren. Again, the servile respect and almost impious reverence paid to the clergy must have been highly demoralizing. It must have Mrought injurious cftccts upon tlie minds of both ministers and people. We may hope, indeed, that in many cases the distinction whicli was made between clergy and laity, and the deference paid by the latter to their spiritual pastors, OP THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 19 may have been attended with no more than becoming humility, modesty, and submission on the part of the people, and may have been received by the ministers of religion as a sakitary admonition concerning the nature of their duties, and their own deep responsibility to the great Head of the Church, who alone is worthy to receive honour and adoration. But, at the same time, it is difficult to consider the extravagant titles and marks of respect which were bestowed upon the clergy during the fourth and fifth centuries, without feeling convinced that the less enlightened members of the Christian community must have been affected with a mean and pitiful spirit, a want of generous self-respect and of holy Christian emulation, and a debasing forgetfulness of the animating assurance that all who truly believe on the Lord Jesus Christ have been made by him kings and priests unto God and his Father. It is true, indeed, that a faithful, industrious, and aft'ectionate minister readily acquires the esteem and good-will of the people among whom he labours ; and that this feeling of attachment, under certain restrictions, is at once due to the pastor and salutary' to the people. More than this, respect to the whole order of Christian ministers, apart from personal connexion with them, and solely on account of their office, is a sentiment which necessarily pervades every well-disposed Christian community; and this, also, if maintained on right principles, is at once an element and a promoter of true religion. But the excesses, and especially the counterfeits, of these things are at once wrong in principle and mischievous in their result. It is a hurtful prejudice in the minds of Christians, when they suppose that any order of men, as such, possesses a greater degree of inherent sanctity than other men can possess or can attain, or that such an order comprises within itself the peculiar favourites of heaven. The existence of such arrogant pretensions tends not so much to produce genuine humility in the minds of those men who are hopelessly excluded from the privileged class, as to discourage them, and to act as a check upon their pursuit of excellence. Wise men have thought that "one way to make men better is to make the best of them ;" and, on the same c -2 20 PREFACE. THEOLOGY AND MORALS principle, one way to lower the general standard of piety and virtue is to cherish a belief in the minds of some members of the church that they are necessarily and unalterably inferior to others in point of Christian excellence, and lower in the divine favour. Much spiritual and moral mischief must have been thus produced, during the fourth and fifth centuries, by means of the extravagant honours bestowed upon certain classes of believers, and especially upon the clergy and ascetics of the day. One clear indication of a low state of religious feeling and practice in the church, during the period under review, occurs in that general adoption of heathen rites and ceremonies which seems to have been deemed necessary, in order to swell the ranks of the faithful, or to keep professed Christians firm in their attachment to the religion of the Gospel. When heathen superstitions and festivals were incorporated into the course of Christian worship, with little other ceremony than a change of name, no inconsiderable amount of levity, sensuality, and evil love of the world, must have existed within the borders of the church. The demonology of the ancient church Mill be considered more particularly below; but I may here mention certain errors and abuses connected with the commemorations of martyrs, which seem to bespeak the presence of considerable alloy in the practical religion of the times. In course of time, consider- able superstition Avas involved in these solemnities; and super- stition is always debasing. Besides this, the examples which were furnished by the illustrious sufferers whose names were held in honour, although suited to the encouragement of believers whei) ciUed to undergo severe persecution or trials, were yet, in many instances, far from perfect, and were ill adapted to produce a happy influence on the general course of Christian life. At the same time, the unbounded encomiums bestowed upon the lives and actions of these worthies, by the preachers who assisted at their commemorations, must have greatly tended to counteract the influence of scriptural truth relating to the solemn demands of the divine law, the true OF THE ANCIENT CIITTUCH. 21 condition of human nature, and the right influence of Christian doctrines upon the heart. And, in addition to all this, it is certain that disorderly conduct and immoral practices -were at last connected with these religious festivals to a very serious extent. Such abuses of this ancient custom were, indeed, con- demned by the ministers of the church; and, when they had become evidently incurable, the custom itself was discoun- tenanced, and gradually laid aside. So that, if we were dis- cussing tlie merits or demerits of the clergy on this point, we should be bound to pay attention to the following remarks and admonition of Augustin: — "I know there are many who super- stitiously worsliip graves and pictures; I know many that drink luxuriously and excessively over the dead, and when they make a feast for the deceased bury themselves over those that lie buried in the graves, and, after all, place their gluttony and drunkenness to the account of religion, liut I advise you to leave oflf railing at the catholic church for this; for, in speaking against the morals of such men, you only condemn those whom the church herself condemns, and daily labours to correct them as wicked children They Avho make themselves drunk in the memorials of the martyrs, are so far from having the approbation of the church, that she condemns them for being guilty of that vice in their own private houses; it is one thing we are commanded to teach, and another thing we are com- manded to correct, and obliged to tolerate and endure till we can amend it*." — But, in considering the state of practical religion and morals among the Christian community at large during the fourth and fifth centuries, it is necessary to remember that such abuses did exist; and it is impossible not to regard the fact as a drawback in our estimate of the Christian character prevalent in those ages. " As the best things," says Bingham, " by the corruption of men, often degenerate into abuses, so it fared with this laudable i^ractice. Some made use of it only as an opportunity of gratifying their covetousness and desires of filthy lucre; others hence took occasion to indulge "'• Aug. De Moribus Ecclesicc Cat/wf. c. 34; Cont. Fauf/. lib. xx. cai'. 21.— BiNC.lIA.'*!. 22 PREFACE. — THEOLOGY AND MORALS themselves in revellings and dancings; and some were so vain as to think that even rioting and drunkenness at such times was for the honour of the martyr." These demoraUzing fes- tivals, it must be remembered, were of frequent occurrence, at least in some places. '' They were grown so numerous in the time of Chrysostom and Theodoret, that they tell us it was not once, or twice, or five times in a year that they celebrated these memorials, but they had oftentimes one or two in the same Aveek, which occasioned frequent solemnities*." The practice of alms-giving was connected with the festivals of martyrs, as well as with the general celebration of divine worship; and indeed it holds a prominent place in the institu- tions and history of the early church. The consideration of this circumstance may tend to enhance our opinion of the piety and morals of the times, while we remember that the exercise of benevolence, especially towards the needy members of the church, is what holy Scripture positively requires as a mani- festation of vital religion, or true Christian j)rinciple. But we know that no outward duty varies in its real nature and value more than this, according to the motives with which it is per- formed, and the circumstances by which it is affected. We wait, therefore, to know the general impression which existed during the fourth and fifth centuries respecting those acts of charity of which we read, before we draw from them any con- clusion with reference to the state of Christian feeling, and the amount of practical religion, in the churches of that period. And we find too great occasion to fear that even the practice of alms-giving among the ancients must be regarded as an indica- tion of ignorance and corrupt doctrine, and as a work of super- stition and selfishness, rather than an evidence of the power of true religion. The following passages occur in the Homilies of Chrysostom. Upon reading them, we may well reason thus: — if a Christian bishop of the fourth century could venture to adopt such language, what must have been the practical per- suasion concerning the nature of religion among the unlearned * Vid. CHnvs. Horn. 40 in Juventinum; Theod. Herm. 8 de Martyribus ; C'linTj. Horn. Go de Martyr. — Bingham. OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 23 multitude ? " For this reason," says Chrysostom, '•' our fore- fathers appointed the poor to stand before the doors of our churches, that the sight of them might provoke the most back- ward and inhuman soul to compassion. And as by law and custom we have fountains before our oratories, that they who go in to worship God may first wash their hands, and so lift them up in prayer; so our ancestors, instead of fountains and cisterns, placed the poor before the doors of the church; that as we wash our hands in water, so we should cleanse our souls by beneficence and charity first, aiid then go and offer up our prayers. For water is not more adapted by nature to wash away the spots of the body, than the power of alms-deeds is to cleanse the filth of the soul. As therefore you dare not go in to pray with unwashen hands, though this be but a small offence, so neither should you without alms ever enter the church for prayer. You, many times, when your hands are clean, will not lift them up to God, before you have washed them in water; so prevalent is the force of custom witli us: let us, therefore, do tlie same with respect to alms-deeds; and thougli we arc not conscious to ourselves of any great and heinous crimes, yet let us by charity clear our consciences of lesser spots and blemishes which we contract in our daily business and conversation." So again, in another place, ex- pounding these words, " Thou shalt not appear before the Lord empty," — " Those things," says he, " were spoken to the Jews, and how much more to us? Therefore the poor stand before the doors of the church, that no one should go in empty, but enter securely with charity for his companion. You go into the church to obtain mercy; first show mercy; make God your debtor, and then you may ask of Him, and receive with usury. We are not heard barely for the lifting up our hands. Stretch forth your hands not only to heaven, but to the hands of the poor: if you stretch out your hands to the poor, you touch tlie very height of heaven. For He that sits there receives your alms: but if you lift up barren hands, it profits nothing=i=." It ' * Chrvsost. Horn. 25 dc Verbis Apo»t.; Horn. 1 in 2 Tim. Coiif.JIom. Orf'' Panilent. — Bingham. 24 I'HEFACE. THEOLOGY AND MCJRALS is painful to reflect that such expressions proceeded from the lips of a man who was regarded by tens of thousands as almost an oracle of truth. This was the eloquent bishop concerning whom multitudes were heard to declare^ " It were better that the sun should not shine, than that he should not preach!" Well may we feel thankful that we belong to a church which teaches a more scriptural doctrine in connexion with this branch of Christian morals. Our Homily on Alms-deeds, although it includes some expressions of this ''godly and learned doctor/^ and some sayings of Augustin, very questionable and dangerous in themselves, omits not, however, to add useful explanations, and earnestly contends that nothing which it contains is to be understood in a sense which may tend '■' to deface Christ, and to defraud Him of his glory." Such are some reflections which may occur to the mind upon a survey of several of the details of worshijD and practice during the fourth and fifth centuries. But there are certain features of the prevalent religion of the times which deserve a separate and more particular consideration; especially as they have been made the foundation of some most serious charges affecting the general character and condition of the ancient cliurch. Our learned Bishop NcAvton does not hesitate to affirm, in accord- ance with the opinion of Mede, that tlie apostasy foretold by St. Paul, in 1 Tim. iv. 1 — 3, had begun, and had even pro- ceeded to a considerable length, during the period now under review. He appeals, in support of liis views, to the prevailing demonology, with its accompanying passion for the false and marvellous, and to the extensive adoption of ascetic institutes, especially fasting and celibacy. His allegations are weighty, and deserve the most serious attention; especially as they have never been dispro'ved. Nor can we, perhaps, obtain a more correct or forcible impression concerning the theology of the ancient church, than by carefully considering the bishop's inter- pretation and application of that remarkable prophecy. The substance of his remarks shall be here given, as far as possible, in his own words. The passage of Scripture under consideration, closely and OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 25 critically translated, is as follows : — " But the Spirit speaketh expressly, that, in the latter times, some sliall apostatize from the faith, giving heed to erroneous spirits, and doctrines con- cerning demons, through the hypocrisy of liars, having their conscience seared with a hot iron, forbidding to marry, and commanding to abstain from meats, which God hath created to be received with thanksgiving by the 'Jjelievers, and them who know the truth." Apostasy from the faith, says the bishop, consists in ''a revolt in the j)rincipal and essential article, when we worship God by any image or representation, or when we worship other beings besides God, and pray unto other mediators besides the ' one mediator between God and men, the man Christ Jesus.' " " Spirits" seems to be used in much the same sense as " doctrines" (compare 1 John iv. 1), so that the latter word is explanatory of the former; and "error" sometimes signifying "idolatry," "erroneous doctrines" may comprehend idolatrous, as well as false, doctrines; and it is in order to fix the sense precisely, that the explanatory clause is added, — " doctrines concerning demons." The former part of this prophecy there- fore gives us to understand " that the idolatrous theology of demons professed by the Gentiles should be revived among Christians. Christians should in process of time degenerate, and resemble the Gentiles as well as the apostate Jews. Now, demons, according to the theology of the Gentiles, were middle powers between the sovereign gods and mortal men; and were regarded as mediators or agents between the gods and men. Of these demons there were accounted two kinds. One kind of demons were the souls of men deified, or canonized after death. The other kind were such as had never been the souls of men, nor ever dwelt in mortal bodies. These latter demons may be paralleled with angels, as the former may with canonized saints. It appears then, that, according to this prophecy, the doc- trines concerning demons, which prevailed so long in the 36 PREFACE. THEOLOGY AND MORALS heathen world, should be revived and established in the Chris^ tian church. Now, how stand the facts ? " Some tendency to tJie worshijjpiny of angels was observed even in the apostle's time, insomuch that he thought proper to give his caution to the Colossians (ii. 18), *Let no man beguile you of your reward in a voluntary humility and worshipping of angels;' and this admonition, we may su])pose, checked and suppressed this worshiji for some generations. The worship- ping of the dead yvas not introduced so early into the church; it was advanced by slower degrees; and what was at first nothing more than a pious and decent respect to the memory of saints and martyrs degenerated at last into an impious and idolatrous adoration. At first, annual festivals were instituted to their honour; the next step was praying in the cemeteries at their sepulchres; then their bodies were translated into churches; then a power of working miracles was attributed to their dead bodies, bones, and other relics; then their wonder-working relics were conveyed from place to place, and distributed among the other churches; then they were invocated and adored for performing such miracles, for assisting men in their devotions, and interceding for them with God; and not only the churches, but even the fields and highways, were filled with altars for invoking them. "As early as the time of Constantine, the first Christian emperor, we find Eusebius, one of the best and most learned of the fathers, quoting and approving Hesiod's and Plato's notions before mentioned concerning demons, and then adding, ' These things are befitting upon the decease of the favourites of God, whom you may propei'ly call the champions of the true religion. Whence it is our custom to assemble at their sepul-^ chres, and to make our prayers at them, and to honour their blessed souls.' Here Eusebius compares the saints and martyrs with the demons of the Gentiles, and esteems them worthy of the same honour. The famous Anthony, who was one of the great founders of monkery, gave it in charge to the monks, with his dying breath, ^to take care and adhere to OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 27 Christ in the first place, and then to the saints, that after death they may receive you as friends and acquaintances into the everlasting tabernacles.' His advice was but too well followed ; and the emperor Julian reproacheth the Ciiristians for ' adding many new dead men to that ancient dead man Jesus.' All the fathers, almost, of the fourth and fifth centuries, contributed too much to the support and propagation of this superstition ; and Theodore t, in particular, having cited the same passages of Hesiod and Plato, reasons thus : ' If, then, the poet hath called good men, after their decease, the deliverers and guardians of mortal men, and the best of philosophers hath confirmed the poet's saying, and asserted that we ought to serve and adore their sepulchres, why, I beseech you, sirs (speaking to the Greeks), do you blame these things which are done by us ? For such as were illustrious for piety, and for the sake thereof received martyrdom, we also name deliverers and physicians ; not calling them demons (let us not be so desperately mad), but the friends and sincere servants of God.' Here Theodoret plainly allows the thing, and only disappi-oves the name. Again, he saith, in the same exalted strain, concerning the martyrs, ' They who are well pray for the continuance of health, and they who have been long sick pray for recovery; the barren also pray for children; and they who are to make a Ion" journey desire them to be their companions and guides in the way ; not going to them as gods, but applying to them as to divine men, and beseeching them to become intercessors for them with God.' Nay, he saith, 'That the martyrs have blotted out from the minds of men the memory of those who were called gods. For our Lord hath brought his dead into the place of your yods, whom he hath utterly abolished, and hath given their honour to tlie martyrs : for, instead of the feasts of Jupiter and of Bacchus, are now celebrated the festivals of Peter, and Paul, and Thomas, and the otlier martyrs. Where- fore, seeing the advantage of honouring the martyrs, fly, O friends, from the error of the demons ; and, using the martyrs as lights and guides, pursue the way which leadeth directly to God.' Here are 'the doctrines of demons' evidently revived. 28 PREFACE. THEOLOGY AND MORALS only tlie name is altered, and the saints are substituted for demons : the divi or deified men of the Christians, for the divi or deified men of the heathen." It is remarkable that Epiphanius applied the passage before us to the practice of certain persons in his time. " That father, Avho was very zealous against the worship of saints and images, which was then springing up in the church, loudly complains of some Arabian Christians, who made a goddess of the blessed Virgin, and oftered a cake to her as the queen of heaven. He condemns their heresy as impious and abominable, and declares that ' upon these also is fulfilled that of the apostle : Some shall apostatize from the sound doctrine, giving heed to fables and doctrines of demons ; for they shall be, saith the apostle, worshippers of the dead, as in Israel also they were worshipped.' Epiphanius recites this addition as the very words of the apostle ; but if it was only a marginal reading added by Avay of explication, as Mr. Mede and Dr. Mill suppose, it still evinces that Epii^hanius, and some before his time, understood the j^assage in the same manner that we have explained it." The bishop intimates his opinion that by "the latter times," in the strict application of the term, we are to understand the times of popish worship. But it is evident, from what he elsewhere says, that he would not limit the date precisely to so late a period, and that he considers the apostasy to have begun during the third and fourth centuries, although it did not reach its height until afterwards. "Having shown wherein the great apostasy of the latter times consists, namel}', in reviving the doctrines concerning demons and worshipping the dead, the apostle proceeds to describe by what means and by what persons it should be propagated, and established in the world. . . . * Through the hypocrisy of liars, having their conscience seared with a hot iron.* It is impossible to relate or enumerate all the various falsehoods and lies which have been invented and propagated for this purpose ; the fabulous books forged under the names of apostles, saints, and martyrs; the fabulous legends OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 29 of their lives, actions, sufferings, and deaths ; the fabulous miracles ascribed to their sepulchres, bones, and other relics • the faljulous dreams and revelations, visions, and apparitions of the dead to the living; and even the fabulous saints, who never existed but in the imagination of their worshippers : and all these stories, the monks, the priests, the bishops of the church have imposed and obtruded upon mankind, it is difficult to say, whether with greater artifice or cruelty, with greater con- fidence or liypocrisy and pretended sanctity, a more hardened face, or a more hardened conscience." These remarks are just, to a very considerable extent, if applied to the history of the fourth and fifth centuries. "A further character of these men is given in the following M'ords, ' forbidding to marry.' The same hypocritical liars who should promote the worship of demons, should also prohi])it lawful marriage." The clergy were forbidden to marry by the council of Elvira, a.d. 305, and by that of Neocresarea, a.d. 314. A motion to nearly the same effect was made at the first general council of Niccca, a.d. 325 ; in which instance, how- ever, it was overruled. "But the monks had not yet prevailed; the monks soon overspread the eastern church and the western too : and as the monks were then the first who brought single life into repute, so they were the first also who revived and promoted the worship of demons. It is a thing universally known, that one of the primary and most essential laws and constitutions of all monks, whether solitary or associated, whether living in deserts or in convents, is the profession of single life, to aljstain from marriage themselves, and to dis- courage it all they can in others. It is equally certain that the monks had the principal share in promoting and propagating the worship of the dead; and either out of creduhty, or for worse reasons, recommended it to the people with all the pomp and power of their eloquence, in their homilies and orations. Read only some of the most celebrated fathers: read the orations of Basil on the martyr Mamas, and on tlie forty Martyrs : read the orations of Ephraim Syrus on tlie death of Basil, and on the forty Martyrs, and on the praises of the holy 30 PREFACE. — THEOLOGY AND MORALS Martyrs ; read the orations of Gregory Nazianzen on Athana- sius, and on Basil, and on Cyprian; read the orations of Gregory Nyssen on Ephraim Syrus, and on the martyr Theo- dorus, and on Meletius, bishop of Antioch; read the sixty-sixth, and other homilies of Chrysostom ; read his oration on the martyrs of Egypt, and other orations ; and you will be greatly astonished to find how full they are of this sort of superstition, what powers and miracles are ascribed to the saints, what prayers and praises are offered up to them. All these were monks, and most of them bishops too, in the fourth century : and the superstitious worship which these monks began, the succeeding monks completed, till at length the very relics and images of the dead were worshipped as much as the dead themselves.'' " The last note and character of these men is ' commanding to abstain from meats, which God hath created to be received with thanksgiving of them who believe and know the truth.' The same lying hypocrites, who should promote the worship of demons, should not only prohibit lawful marriage, but likewise impose unnecessary abstinence from meats : and these too, as indeed it is fit they should, lasually go together, as constituent parts of the same hyprocrisy It is as much the law and constitution of all monks to abstain from meats as from marriage. Some never cat any flesh, others only of certain kinds and on certain days. Frequent fasts are the rule, the boast of their order ; and their carnal humility is their spiritual pride. So lived the monks of the ancient church ; so live, with less strictness perhaps, but with greater ostentation, the monks and friars of the Church of Rome : and these have been the principal propagators and defenders of the worship of the dead, both in former and in later times. The worship of the dead is indeed so monstrously absurd, as well as impious, that there was hardly any possibility of its ever succeeding and prevailing in the world, but by hypocrisy and lies : but that these particular sorts of hypocrisy, — celibacy under pretence of chastity, and abstinence under pretence of devotion, — should be employed for this purpose, the Spirit of God alone could OF THE ANCIENT CHURCH. 31 foresee and foretell." — {Dissertations on the Prophecies ; Diss. xxiii.) Such is the judgment of the learned Bishop Newton, respecting the state of the church during the fourth and fifth centuries. He considers that it had been marked beforehand, by the Spirit of truth, with the brand of apostasy; and that its actual apostasy, or its very prevalent departure from the principles of the gospel, was indicated chiefly by its idolatrous Teneratiou of the dead, — its ascetic sjmit and institutions, — and its superstitious celibacy. On the whole, therefore, while our brief survey of the doctrines and practice of the early church aff"ords reason for thankfulness to the Giver of all good, by whose mercy a large amount of truth and godliness existed, as we hope, in that portion of the Christian body, it also leaves us great cause to mourn over the ignorance and infirmity of human nature, to which we trace no inconsiderable degree of error, superstition, and corruption. Let it not, however, be supposed that, because ancient churches aff'ord no pattern of perfection, the study of their rites, institutions, and history is therefore superfluous and useless. We may derive benefit by following their example^ so far as it is good. And we may also take many lessons from them otherwise than by copying their practice, — sometimes even by rejecting it and adopting its opposite. If, indeed, any persons are inchned to propose the church of the fourth and fifth centuries as a model for close and faithful imitation, deeming its standard of truth and its practice of religion superior to our own, it is not too much to say that they labour under a serious practical mistake. Such an error, however, is directly opposed to the judgment of our church. There was, indeed, a time M^hen the clouds of the fourth century appeared to be gathering around the borders of our sanctuary. But let us hope that, by divine mercy, we have escaped such a calamity completely and for ever. The following anecdote will at once identify the miserable period to which I refer, and convey an intimation of the mournful result which M'ould almost certainly ensue from the prevalence of a blind 32 PREFACE. A PLEA FOR admiration of the ancient church, and especially from an exten- sive recurrence to its false principles and mistaken practices. " The daughter of the Earl of Devonshire having embraced the Romish faith, was asked by Land her reason for changing her religion. ^ It is chiefly,' she replied, ^because I hate to travel in a crowd.' The meaning of these words being demanded, she gave the following explanation. ' I perceive your grace, and many others, are muk'niy haste to Rome; and, therefore, to prevent my being jostled, I have gone before you.' " Si vetei'es ita miratur laudatque poetas Ut nihil auteferat, nihil illis comimret, errat. § 4. — A Plea for Episcopacy, Charity, and Peace. Appeal has been often made to the records of the ancient church with reference to various forms of ecclesiastical govern- ment, and especially concerning episcopacy as it is established in this country. It has been proved, I believe, from Scripture and history, first, that the episcopal form of church government is lawful, and, secondly, that it has prevailed among Christian churches from the earliest times. It is not perhaps too much to say, that these points have been placed beyond all reasonable doubt. But there are some further inquiries connected with this subject which cannot be so clearly determined. Such are the questions whether the establishment of the episcopate as a distinct order from that of presbyters is to be regarded as a divine institution, or simply as an ecclesiastical arrangement; — whether such an institution is of universal and perpetual obliga- tion, for the preservation of a distinct authority, and the con- veyance of a peculiar grace ;— and in what respects, or to what extent, this difference subsists. In the following Manual I have stated, in connexion with these subjects, more than one set of arguments drawn from the testimony of ecclesiastical antiquity. Hence perhaps it may happen, that, because I have not chosen to appear as the decided advocate of either hypo- thesis, I may he regarded by some persons as leaning towards the high apostolical succession scheme, and by others as enter- EPISCOPACY, CHARITY, AN'D I'-EACE. 33 taining too low and mean a view of episcopacy altogether. The truth is, however, that while I reject the more lofty claims Avhich are sometimes urged in favour of the hierarchical consti- tution, I am yet persuaded that a moderate episcopacy rests upon good and sufficient grounds, — that it is entitled to the preference of many Christians, and to the respect of all, — and that its claim to this preference and respect can be forfeited only by a certain amount of internal mal-administration or abuse, or by arrogant pretensions, and an uncharitable bearing with regard to tlie meml^ers or constitution of churches other- M'ise ordered. Nor shall I dismiss the subject with tliese few words. I design to state distinctly what I conceive to be some of the strong grounds of episcopacy, so far as relates to the testimony of Scripture and the ancient records of the church. And I shall venture also to mention what are those points con- nected with the question which some persons may reasonably regard as doubtful, and with reference to which it ought to be understood among Christians that a certain latitude or variety of opinion and practice must remain. In offering these remarks, I shall plead honestly, hoAvever feebly, the common cause of episcopacy, charity, and peace. There is no dispute concerning the identity, or rather the continual interchange, of the terms bisho]) and presbyle?; in the apostolical writings. It is generally agreed that at an early period of the church, the title of bishop was modestly sub- stituted for that of apostle, or at least was applied only to those whom the church consented to regard as its chief pastors or governors after the death of the apostles; and that the term presbyter continued to denote those ministers to whom the New Testament gives indifterently the title of presbyter or bishop. It may also be taken for granted, as a position which no serious and humble Christian will dispute, that any manifesta- tions of the divine will, with reference to the government and administration of the church, ought to be unhesitatingly and thankfully obeyed. All churchmen, at least, will cordially agree with a pious and judicious nonconformist in the following remarks. -^ God's work mnst be done, in everything, according D 34 PR R FACE. A I'l-EA FOR to his own will. His institutions neitlier need nor admit men's inventions to make them either more beautiful or more likely to answer the intention of them. Add thou not unto his words. God is pleased with willing worship, but not with will-worship*.'^ But then comes the question, what reasons have we for supposing that the well-understood distinction which prevails between the titles and offices of bishops and presbyters is in conformity with a divine institution, or in accordance with the divine will ? In answer to tliis question, the following conside- rations may be urged, besides others unconnected with the records, or early practice, of the church. It is obvious that a standing ministry was appointed during the time of the apostles, and under their immediate sanction. By this I mean, that certain pastors were attached to the several churches or congregations which were formed from time to time, and that these pastors were charged with the especial and perpetual duty of conducting religious worship, of preaching and expounding God's word, and labouring for the edification of the people, — in one word, M'ith the cure of souls. Some Christians were placed " over " others '- in the Lord ;" and an apostle says expressly to believers^ " Obey them that have the rule over you, and submit yourselves: for they watch for your souls, as they that must give accountf." And it was plainly the design of the apostles that the office of this distinct and responsible ministry should be continued in the church. The apostles enjoined those who had heard the Gospel from their own lips to commit the precious deposit to " faithful men, who should be able to teach otliers also J." Mutual edification was enjoined upon believers in general, and was doubtless prac- tised; but yet the general instruction and spiritual oversight of the people, as a body, was not left to the people themselves. Certain individuals were placed in the definite and responsible situation of pastors, or overseers of the whole flock; and this arrangement was made immediately by the apostles, or with their concurrence, — that is to say, under the guidance and • Matthew llExnv, Commentary on Exod. xxxix. 32, 42. t Heb. xiii. 7. X 2 Tim. ii. 2. EPISCOPACY, CIIARITY, A\D PEACE. 35 autliority of divine inspiration. So that a standing ministry, or the existence of a class of men peculiarly and perpetually entrusted with the duty of teaching others, and promoting their spiritual welfare, is an apostolic or divine institution. The advocates of ejiiscopacy ought, I think, to state this jiosition clearly, and give it some degree of prominence, because it is one which lies among the foundations of their system. Not only were ministers of the Gospel appointed under the sanction of the apostles, but it was the declared intention of these divinely-commissioned founders of the church, that a succession of ministers should be kept up. Timothy, for examjile, was required by St. Paul not only to discharge the duties of a teacher in his own person, but to train up other teachers, by qualifying them for the discharge of the same duties in their turn. It appears then, that a standing ministry, such as episcopacy necessarily implies, is in accoi'dance with the will of our Lord and Master, declared by the injunctions and practice of his apostles. It may be observed, however, that although epis- copacy implies a standing ministry, such ministry does not necessarily involve episcopacy. But yet it constitutes its basis. And we may now proceed to inquire, in the next place, whether or not the apostles made any regulations, or established any precedent, aft'ecting the station, interests, or relative position of the men who had been appointed, with their sanction, to the sacred office of ministers or teachers of the people. Did they leave these ministers in the exercise of their functions without any control or supervision, committing them entirely to God and their consciences ? Did they place them in the hands of their several congregations, making them answerable for their conduct to the people? Or did the apostles themselves exercise authority over them concerning their ministry? And, still more particularly, did they commission any persons besides them- selves to exercise a like jurisdiction? To such questions the Apostolical Epistles return sufficient answers. The apostles did continue to interfere, and to exercise authority, in the affairs of infant churches, notwithstanding the 36 PREFACE. — A PLEA FOR previous appointment of presbyters. St. Paul tells us, for instance, that tlie care of all the churches devolved upon him. And since no one can doubt that the churches, when thus spoken of, include ministers as well as people, it is plain that the first preshjters ivere subject to the jurisdiction of superiors, in the persons of the apostles. Nor is this all. It is certain, moreover, that this power of jurisdiction or superintendence ivas delegated by the apostles to other men; as appears from the commissions which were given to Timothy and Titus. It is probable that those commissions were only of temporary dura- tion; but, whether temporary or permanent, they prove, beyond all dispute, that presbyters and deacons, as the ordinary ministers of churches, were required by the apostles to submit to certain persons, appointed as their superiors or superintend- ents. We sliould weaken our ground exceedingly, if we were to contend that Timothy and Titus were in all respects bishops, according to our present ideas of the office. But the point in their history which is certain, and which alone is of real import- ance, is this : — that an apostle invested Timothy and Titus with (at least a temporary) authority over the pastors of several churches, during his own absence from those churches. It is probable, too, that althoiigh the appointment of those indi- viduals was only temporary, yet the ofHce of delegated super- intendent in Ephesus and Crete was perpetual even in the apostle's time, or at least as permanent as his absence; for suc- cessors appear to have 1)ecn provided M'hen Timothy and Titus were recalled. At all events, such an arrangement, whether in force for a longer or a shorter time, was, substantially, a com- mencement of episcopacy. Perhaps also a still nearer approxi- mation to this 'system, or rather its first regular and permanent establishment, may be found in the appointment of .Tames to the office which he held at .Jerusalem, during the life-time of the apostles. And this, say some, holds good especially if we agree with certain critics in regarding James the Just as a different person from the apostle St. James the Less. But, this example of primitive episcopacy, and others which could be adduced, whether strong or weak, may ])e easily dispensed EPISCOPACY, CilAlUTV, AND 1>KA(E. 37 witli; and-, as tlic evidence concerning them is open to o])jec- tion, it is perhaps unwise to rank them Avith the clear instances of episcopal jurisdiction which we find in the histories of Timothy and Titus. The facts which have been stated, few and simple as they are, form a sufficient ground for the defence and recommenda- tion of an episcopal form of church government. These facts involve great ])rinciples. Men of humble, serious, and candid minds may well be justified in regarding them as solemn indi- cations of the Lord's will, with reference to a constitution of his church, which, although he does not positively enjoin or universally require, he is yet ready to sanction, accept, and bless. A standing ministry was appointed in the church under the sanction of the ajjostles: — the body of ministers thus con- stituted was subject to the jurisdiction of the apostles, whenever they were present, or could otherwise communicate their inten- tions and commands: — and the apostles, during their absence from certain churches, or in the multiplicity of their engage- ments, commissioned other men to exercise the same kind of superintendence, at least for a time, or when occasion required. Is it, then, too much to conclude that, in this well-known practice of the inspired teachers of the Christian churcli, we find the stamp of divine approbation impressed upon a system of ecclesiastical government and subordination such as that which obtained in the church after the death of the apostles? The final removal of the first goveriiors of the infant church may naturally have been regarded by the members of that church as a warning that the time was come in which their temporary provisions and regulations (if they were no more) should be made permanent. If absence from the Churches of Ephcsus or Crete, or inability to give a personal attention to their affairs, caused St. Paul to supply them with temporary governors, or perhaps with a succession of governors to the end of his life, was it too much to infer, that the final deijarture of all the apostles from the world rendered it necessary that permanent governors should l)e appointed in all the churches, if they did not already exist? And may not an episcopalian of 3s PREFACE. A PLEA FOR the present day be permitted to say, that he feels himself bdutid to regard the apostolic precedent as an indication of his Lord's will, which extends in its consequences to the existing church? It is certain, moreover, that such a Adew of the case Was taken by many individuals and churches within the space of a hundred years after the death of the apostles; and even that a form of episcopal government was generally estabhshed, so faf as circumstances would permit, before the close of the second century; — that, during a considerable space of time, no diversity of views respecting this form of government subsisted among even those Christians or communities who differed from each other on points of doctrine; — and that, in more modern times, the opinion of disinterested and impartial judges has been often given in its favour. As to the antiquity of the institution, it may be remarked that TertuUian, who flourished about the year 2G0, declares that the line of bishops extended from his time upwards to the days of St. John; (ordo episcoporum ad origi- nem recensus, in Joannem stabit auctorem. Adv. Marcion, lib. iv. c. 5.) And, with reference to opinions on the subject deducible from Scripture, it may be worthy of notice, that a learned commentator of our own age and country,^himself not a member of the episcopal Church of England, — has recorded his decision in the following terms: — " Episcopacy in the church of God is of divine appointment, and should be maintained and respected." " Deacon, presbyter, and bishop, existed in the apostolic church, and may, therefore, be considered of divine origin." (Dr. Adam Clarke, on 1 Tim. iii. 1, 13.) To these considerations no man can charitably forbid us to fedd a conviction, that, in the present state of society and of the church, an episcopal constitution is, in many respects, the best and most efficient, at least in our own country. We may claim a right also to cherish a persuasion, that it is at once lawful and expedient, under such a constitution of the church, to commit certain functions exclusively to the chief ministers or bishops, and especially to follow the example of early churches in entrusting to them the power of ordination, at least so far as to enact that the laying on of the hands of presbyters shall be null K PISCO I'ACn-, CHARITY, AND PEACE. 39 and void without the concurrence of a bishop. And, lastly, we may be allowed to attach some importance to a conscious feeling of security in our preference of an episcopal constitution over every other; to entertain a pleasing belief, that, in a matter which has given rise to great discussion, and in which many learned arguments have been adduced on opposite sides, we are certainly safe in conforming to an institution which seems to be supported by at least as many reasons as any other, and which has, moreover, the preference of ancient churches in its favour. On these grounds, few and simple as they are, we may safely defend a conscientious adherence to episcopacy, and may claim liberty to retain and to act upon the conviction that it is a wise and good institution, and in its origin divine. But, together with this assertion of our own liberty, we are un- doubtedly bound to exercise charity and candour towards other men, and other institutions. And perhaps we fall very short of a due degree of charity and candour, unless we are ready to forego any exclusive claims or pretensions in our own favour. We may reasonably believe that episcopacy is a divine institu- tion; but we have no right to contend that it is the only system to which that honour is attached. It is generally allowed by the advocates of episcopacy that, at first, the system of subordination was established only in the larger cities, or the more extensive churches. It may be as easy to prove the early existence, and the present lawfulness, of a presbyterian consti- tution (for instance), as to establish the same points in favour of an episcopal establishment. And as it may be wise and useful to adopt the primitive episcopal model in one age or country, so it may be equally wise and useful to adopt the primitive presbyterian model in another. But, although we should enter on dangerous ground, and commit a 1)reach of the Christian peace, by seeking to uj^hold the dignity or credit of an episcopal institution to the exclusion of all others, we may yet feel ourselves unalterably secure in our own adherence to it. From some parts of the practice of the apostles, and from some notices in the early history of the 40 PREFACE. — A I'LEA FOR church, we infer the propriety, and even the divine designation, of an episcopal government; and hence we may not only feel ourselves bound to conform to such an institution, but may claim a right, in the face of the whole Christian church, to act upon this conviction. This ground is clear, and the position impregnable. If Ave are content to occupy it, no arguments or sophistry can avail to weaken our attachment to episcopacy, or to induce a doubt respecting the propriety of our choice. We build upon facts which history can never fail to confirm. We are not guilty of any breach of charity or kindness, and we are therefore exposed to no misgivings respecting our right, as Christians, to persevere in an attachment to our cause. And, more than this, Ave feel confident that no man can censure our most determined and pertinacious adherence to our chosen system, without a Avant of humility and candour on his part, sufiicient of itself to gi\'e us an immeasurable superiority in the argument. All rival claims, as moderate as our own, may be freely allowed Avithout the slightest detriment to our cause; Avhile others, less temperate or more overbearing, Avill stand self-condemned, not only as being less easily supported by historic facts, but also as manifesting a comparatively unchris- tian spirit, and thus occupying a far loAver position. Having stated what appear to be the strong grounds of episcopacy, I must now take notice of another argument in favour of the system, draAvn from the analogy of God's provi- dential dealings Avith mankind, and especially from his dispen- sations Avith reference to the church. The order of the hierarchy, it is said, is perfectly like that AA-hich Ave observe in nature, and in those institutions Avhich are confessedly divine. It resembles, 'also, that form of church polity Avhich certainly proceeded from divine appointment. Nor can Ave suppose, it is sometimes added, that the great head of the Christian Church Avould have omitted to make some such provision for the har- mony and consistency of His spiritual body, as that Avhich Avould be found in the apostolic episcopal church if universally established and duly respected. The idea is very beautiful; and it is one Avhich may easily present itself to a devout Chris- EPISCOPACY, CHAIUTY. AND PKACli. 41 tian mind. But any arguments of this kind are open to serious objection; and to insist upon them may perhaps only weaken our cause. Dift'erent analogies may present themselves to different minds; and hence, in many cases, such reasoning in favour of episcopacy would be at least powerless. Besides, if the system of arguing from analogy be admitted at all, in con- nexion with this subject, it may be pursued to a dangerous extent, or in a direction altogether unfriendly to the conclusions ■\ve would establish. For instance, one man may argue, from the analogy of the Jewish institutions, that if our Lord had indeed designed to establish episcopacy, he would have given clear and positive instructions on the subject, and these instruc- tions would have been recorded in the written word. Or again, even supposing that our Saviour had designed to introduce the system merely by force of example, and had chosen to try the faith and humility of his church by waiting for its compliance with a slight and obscure expression of his will, still, it may be said, in order to remove doubt and difficulties in after ages, he would probably have exercised such a providential care over the history of the infant church, that we shovild now possess a clear and indubitable testimony concerning the appointment and succession of l^ishops in the second century, instead of the few broken fragments and documents of doubtful authority which have, in fact, come down to us. Analogy Avould lead us to suppose that He would have done this; for He has merci- fully preserved the precious volume of inspiration against the malice of enemies, and amidst the wrecks of time. — Analogy may be very useful in conlirming the views of a person whose mind may have been already convinced by sound and strong reasons for episcopacy ; but it would be unAvise to insist upon it as a real and independent proof, or to place it in the fore- ground of an argument. It is surely at once a part of Christian charity, and a matter of obvious expediency, not to insist too strongly upon doubtful points in ecclesiastical matters; or to claim as on our side what may perhaps prove to be against us. The study of Christian antiquities may show that questions do exist, in connexion 42 PREFACE.— A PLEA FOR with the origin and claims of episcopacy, which, if positively- decided and maintained in the affirmative by any one set of persons, must lead to unpleasant differences, and perhaps to a want of Christian sympathy, between those who ought to " love as brethren." Let the advocates of different systems of church government treat each other, not merely with forbearance, but with unfeigned respect. None of the prevalent systems of the present day can afford to maintain any exclusive or haughty claims in the face of history. Nor can such claims consist with charity. I do not think that the advocate of any other form of church government, or the member of any other church, can tell me, consistently with truth and charity, that my own episcopal church, as such, is anti-scriptural and sinful; but neither can I feel myself at liberty to declare the same con- cerning his church or churches, be their constitution what it may. I may also exercise and manifest a decided opinion in favour of episcopacy; but, with all this preference, I can have no just cause to treat any other institution with contempt or scorn. And besides this, there are strong reasons why my conclusions in favour of episcopacy, although sufficient to satisfy my own mind and to influence my choice, ought yet to be not too positive, universal, or exclusive. There are many parti- culars of detail connected with every episcopal constitution, which, though they have been often strongly asserted, can never be proved. The following questions, for example, may well be left open ; being such as will always receive different answers from different inquirers. Did our Lord design to establish, by precept and example, one or more permanent, unalterable systems of government and ministry in his church, — or did He deem it sufficient to lay down general principles on this subject, leaving each church at liberty to arrange its particular form of government and method of administration, always indeed in conformity with the general principles established, but yet with variety of detail, according to the differences of time, country, civil government, and other circumstances? Facts may be adduced in support of either hypothesis. Borne persons, also, may regard the former dispen- EPISCOPACY, CHARITY, AND PEACE. 43 sation as alone agreeable to the nature of an all-wise and unchangeable Founder, and consistent with the unalterable nature of truth and the fitness of things; while others may be disposed to prefer the latter, and to think that they discover, in its plastic nature and facility of adaptation, a remarkable trace of the wisdom and benevolence of its Author, an accordance with the genius of a religion designed for universal adoption, and an admirable provision for love, harmony, and peace among all the branches of the great family of Christ in every age and nation. Did not the apostles construct the Christian church, for the most part, upon the model of the Jewish synagogue, intending that several presbyters or elders should preside over the conduct of divine worship, some of whom should " labour in the word and doctrine," while others should act as presidents or rulers of the synagogue? And is it not possiljle that they designed that each society should be complete and independent, after the first settlement of the churches by themselves and their coadjutors, or by any others who should act as evangelists or missionaries ? Doubtless there are strong reasons in support of those who reply to these questions in the negative; but are there not also grounds for the affirmative, sufficient to justify any man who may view the matter in this light, and who may choose to regulate his practice accordingly? Did the apostles intend that the power of ordination should be exclusively assigned to a certain class of ministers, who should succeed themselves in the government of the churches, -^that is, to bishops? And did they intend that a succession of such ministers should be preserved by a formal and visible derivation of authority from themselves and the first bishops? Or did they expect that ministers would be continually pro- vided by the choice or authority of whole churches, with the concurrence of those who already sustained the office of pres- byters or pastors? Did they, in any way, sanction the doc- trines commonly connected with the theory of apostolic succes- sion? If an apostolic succession had been designed from the fii'st, it may reasonablv be supposed that the apostles would 44 PKEFACK. A PLEA FOR have made some pointed allusion to such a provision 'for the transmission of the faith and for the peace of the church, espe- cially in the course of their warnings against false doctrines and divisions. But although such warnings are numerous, they contain no intimations of any such bulwark of sound doctrine and centre of Christian unity. St. Paul, in fvxU prospect of the attempts of false teachers, did not charge the elders of Ephesus to abide by the decisions and doctrines of a bishop, but he desired them to take heed to themselves, and then commended them to God. St. Peter, in the prospect of his death, and with direct allusion to the expected event, when some reference to his ''successor,^' or to the bishop for tlie time being, Avould seem to have been almost unavoidable, contents himself, how- ever, with endeavouring to keep up the remembrance of the truth by composing a written document, and by referring his readers to the ancient j^rophecies and to the immediate teaching of the apostles, — in other words, to the Old and New Testa- ments. '' Moreover, I will endeavour that ye may be able after my decease to have these things always in remembrance. . . . We have also a (Gr. the) more sure word of prophecy." (2 Pet. i. 15, 19.) "There were false prophets also among the people, even as there shall be false teachers among you. . . . This second epistle, beloved, I now write unto you; in both which I stir up your pure minds by way of remembrance; that ye may be mindful of the words which were spoken before by the holy prophets, and of the commandment of us the apostles of the Lord and Saviour." (2 Pet. ii. 1; iii. 1,2.) Noav here is a simple reference to the Bible as the defender of the faith, with complete silence as to the necessity, or safety, of adhering to the opinions' or decisions of a bishop in matters of Christian doctrine. But no such silence is observed by the writer of epistles ascril)ed to Ignatius, — perhaps some interpolator who wrote after the introduction of novel doctrines concerning the episcopal office and the nature of the church, and probably for the very purpose of propagating those doctrines. Thus, in the epistle to the Trallians, after a warning concerning the danger of false doctrines and their teachers, we read, " Be on your EPISCOPACY, CHARITY, AND PEACE. 45 guard therefore against them. And this you will be, i£ you are not inflated with pride, and if you remain inseparably attached to God — Jesus Christ, and to the bishop, and to the ordinances of tlie ajDOstles. He who is within the altar is pure, [but he that is without is not pure,] that is, he who does anything without the bishop, and the presbytery, and the deacon, he is not pure in his conscience." {Ep. ad Trait. § 70 To the Phila- delphians the following advice is given: — " Children of light and truth, shun division and false doctrine, but where the shep- herd [?". e., the bishop] is, thither do you follow as the sheep. For many grievous [or, plausible] wolves, by means of false pleasure, captivate the followers of God; but in your unity they will find no place. {Ep. ad Philad. § 2. — Conf. Ep. ad Magnes. § 13; ad Smyrn. § 7? 8-) — Whatever may become of apostolic suacession as a theory or institute, it is impossi1)le, at all events, to prove the fact of such succession, or to trace it down the stream of time. In this case, the fact seems to involve the doctrine; and if the fact be hopelessly obscure, the doctrine is irrecoverably lost. But can we suppose that the divine author of our religion has sufi^ered any part of his Gospel to perish ? It is, of course, possil>le that a truly apostolic suc- cession may have existed, although the traces of it may have entirely disappeared; but must we not allow men to regard such a loss as contributing to render the vdiole doctrine and institute extremely douljtful? Should we not weaken the o-ood cause of episcopacy by insisting upon pretensions which cannot be established, and wliich may really be fictitious? It is impossil)le to prove the personal succession of modern bishops, in ail unliroken episcopal line, from the apostles, or men of the apostolic age. As a matter of history and fact, apostolic succes- sion, in this acceptation of the term, is an absolute nonentitv. Call it a theory, a fiction, a vision, or whatever you choose, you cannot give it a name too shadowy and unsubstantial. It exists, indeed, as an honest prejudice in the minds of many sincere Christians, and so far it is entitled to consideration and respect. But in itself it is an empty sound. Doubtless, the custom of setting apart men for the Christian jninislry by the laying on 46 PREFACE. — A PLEA FOR of handig has existed in the church from the apostolic age; having been originally derived from the practice of the Jewish synagogue, under which institution all who were appointed as fixed ministers, to take care of the performance of religious duties, were solemnly appointed to their office in this manner. The hands of the ajoostles and their contemporaries form, therefore, the first link of a chain which has extended to the present day; and this circumstance is a pleasing subject of con- templation to the minds of many persons, and especially to the members of those churches which have retained the custom. But we must be in possession of many other particulars, which are irrecoverably lost, in order to build upon this fact the doc- trine of a succession, derived from the apostles themselves, in the line of bishops alone, and for the conveyance of a peculiar grace ! Again: — The various modifications which the Christian ministry has undergone since the days of the apostles and the second century, although they furnish no arguments against episcopacy itself, will yet present serious difficulties if the insti- tution be defended on false grounds, or maintained with too haughty claims. — We learn, for example, from the records of Christian antiquity, that, after the formation of the hierarchy, it was the theory of the church that the bishop was the admi- nistrator of the word and sacraments throughout his diocese, while the presbyters were regarded as acting only in the capa- city of his substitutes, or by virtue of a commission received from him. Now, this ancient theory was founded upon a still more ancient fact. And some persons may be disposed to maintain that, because theory is one thing and fact another, and because the functions of the minister now called a bishop are not identical Mith the functions of either the apostles or the bishops of the primitive church, we have therefore departed from the original institution, and consequently the church of the present day possesses not only no successors of the apostles, but not even their counterparts or resemblance. An episco- palian may be permitted to say, that the changes which have taken place are not essential, — that they are only such as the EPISCOPACY, CHARITY, AND PEACE. if church had authority to make, from time to time, — and thai, therefore, they furnish no argument against his favourite form of church government. But here, tliough lie may be firm, he must be modest. In the due exercise of moderation, and of a love of truth, peace, and concord, he cannot but allow that tha matter may easily appear in a different light to the mind of another man, and that such an one may be more than justified in preferring a church constructed differently from our own. The duties of bishops in the early part of the second century were not confined, either in theory or practice, to the oflfice of ordaining and governing presbyters, and of administering con- firmation; but such bishops were the ordinary ministei's of divine offices in the congregation. And it is remarkable that St. Paul, in his addresses to Timothy and Titus, lays greater stress upon their qualifications as ministers of the gospel, that is, expounders of God's word and teachers of Christian truth, than upon those which related to their duties of superintendence and government. Besides this, the bishops of the primitive churches were immediately concerned with the administration of discipline; and they were expected to possess a personal acquaintance with all the individual Christians of their diocese, whether ministers or people. The shadow of all this remains to the present day; although it is true that our bishops, as such, are not the fixed ministers of any parish or congregation; and that they do not personally watch over the morals and conduct of laymen. To the mind of an episcopalian, however, the identity of their office with that of earlier bishops may satis- factorily appear. But can we, consistently with Christian charity and love of truth, contest the point very strongly with any man who may say that, in his judgment, our bishops are not bishops according to the primitive pattern ? Is not this a point on which, while we may claim the right of retaining our own opinion and practice, we are also bound to concede to any other man the liberty of thinking or acting differently? Other modifications of the Christian ministry may be discovered upon inspecting the records of antiquity. Thus, the mode of appointing bishops and presbyters to their office has 48 PREFACE. — A PLEA FOR been repeatedly changed. Election by the people, for instance, has been discontinued. This is, indeed, in the estimation of episcopalians, a great improvement: but still, as they must allow, it is a change. — Again, bishops have been lately appointed by secular princes. This also is a system which many persons would strenuously uphold, thanking God that kings and queens have been nursing fathers and mothers to the church. But yet, it was not thus from the beginning. — Several offices of the Christian ministry, which were known to the apostles, have been discontinued. We call those offices extraordinary and temporary, and think that their discontinuance does not affect the doctrine of three orders in Christ's church '■ from the apostles'' time." But other Christians may be otherwise minded on this subject. They may contend that the oftice of an evangelist or itinerant missionary, empowered to preach to the heathen, to found and settle churches, and to ordain ministers, was designed to be as perpetual as that of a bishop, or, at least, to be attached to the church as long as there should remain any portions of the world unconverted to the faith of Christ. And this bears upon the doctrine of episcopacy, because it is closely connected with another more general doctrine, namely, that of the three orders. — And for the same reason the following considerations may be brought into the account. The office of deacon has suffered great modifications since the primitive times. The functions of deacons are not exactly the same as they were at first ; and long was the tradition retained that, according to the apostolic institution, the number of these ministers Avas necessarily limited to seven, even in so large a church as that of Rome. Deaconesses, again, were recognised by the apostles among the regular ministers of the church ; but in our episcopal com- munion they are not found. The Church of England may reasona1)ly claim ])ermission to differ in tliis respect from the apostolic church (for instance) of Cenchrea. She may demand in this particular, as well as in many others, to be left unmolested in the exercise of her own judgment, and to be suffered to dwell at peace in the midst of her own harmonious EPISCOPACY, CnARlTY, AND PEACE. 49 institutions, rejoicing in having wisely copied some parts of tlie primitive and apostolic model, and in having as wisely neglected others. But then, at the same time, she cannot, consistently with a love of truth and peace, censure or despise any other Christian churches which may have been constituted upon principles diiFerent from her own. Such modifications as those which have taken place in the constitution of the church demand, or rather presuppose, a considerable liberty of sentiment and latitude of practice. We liave departed, to a certain extent, from the primitive model, without essentially deviating from the rules and example of our Lord and his apostles. Let this be granted. But, then, what follows ? Certainly, that if any church should depart from our own model, and recur to that of the primitive times in every respect, such a society would be at least as apostolic as our own : — and even that if any society should make other varia- tions in a diflerent direction, but yet no greater than our own, that society also would be equally apostolic, so far as may relate to its polity. It has often been thought that our dioceses are much too large ; and Bingham very truly remarks that, in case of a considerable reduction of the dioceses all over England, such an arrangement would be only '•' a change from one primitive model to another." In like manner, if a church should resolve to acknowledge no archbishops but such as should succeed each other from among the diocesans according to seniority, this would be only a recurrence to a model which existed at an early period in Africa. If another church should resolve that its presbyters should succeed to the office of bishop according to the same rule, such an institution, although in our opinion extremely inconvenient, would perhaps be a correct imitation of primitive practice, and could not be censured as a greater or more essential change than many which have occurred. Or even, as an instance of more decided variation, if a church should resolve to be governed by bishops holding- office only for a term of years, we could not be justified, after all our own modifications of the episcopal office, in charging such a church with havinfr made an unwarrnntal^le innovation. 50 PREFACE. A PLEA FOU Would not that church be able to contend that its modifications, although different from our own, were yet no greater or more fatal ? Lessons of moderation, candour, and Christian charity may be continually learnt by a careful examination of church history and antiquities. Great mischief and many dissensions have arisen from refusing to acknowledge certain questions to be doubtful or open, which yet have never been determined, and which it is not needful to compress within narrow limits. Many disputes would have been avoided, for example, if a certain latitude of opinion had been generally conceded with reference to the nature and number of clerical orders. If the question concerning the identity of the orders of presbyter and bishop had always been treated with perfect candour, how many refinements upon truth, contradictions of ti'uth, and breaches of charity, would have been avoided ! The Church of Rome acknowledges the identity of the orders of presbyter and bishop ; and accordingly enumerates the " three greater or holy orders," as those of priest, deacon, and subdeacon ; but some Romish writers (Medina, Bellarmin, Estius) maintain that the episcopate is an order distinct from that of the jDriesthood. The Church of England reckons the three holy orders as those of bishop, priest, and deacon ; but divines of her communion have differed among themselves concerning the identity of the two orders of bishop and priest. Presbyterians, Independents, and others, look upon this matter in altogether a difi^erent light. It were vain to hoj^e for any settlement of this question by reference to Scripture, to history, or to both combined. It ■were useless to attempt to produce any uniformity of opinion on such a subject, as long as the records remain tmaltered, and the mind of man continues to be what it is. But, surely, there yet remains " a more excellent way." Without any precise agreement in opinion, Avithout any prevailing uniformity of practice, there yet may be harmony of feeling, and true unity and concord, throughout the churches. Only let Christian charity have her perfect work, and she will reveal herself in all majesty and beauty, as at once the friend of truth and the minister of peace. EPISCOPACY, CHARITY, AND PEACE. 51 It is worse than vain for one church or party to upbraid another with ignorant or wilful departure from the principles or institutions of the Gospel, on questions relating to church government. On such a subject, any charge of want of honesty and candour is almost as bad as the fault alleged. Not only have individuals and churches differed from each other on these points, but even learned divines have changed their own opinion. Cranmer and Stillingfleet, for instance, changed their views with regard to the original identity of presbyters and bishops. And to what cause must we attribute such a change ? Should we be justified in charging those great and learned men with dishonesty, intention to deceive, unjustifiable carelessness, or any other dereliction of their duty as ministers and advocates of truth ? We should scorn to cast such an imputation upon their memory on any such grounds. Honi soit qui mal y pense ! But yet there must be some cause for the conflicting statements which appear upon the face of their writings. What is it ? Perhaps, either the difficulty of the subject concerning which they maintained dift'erent opinions, — or its extreme simplicity, combined with the apprehension of a difficulty where there was really none. I have thus put together a few thoughts which have arisen in my mind while I have been particularly conversant with works relating to the history and antiquities of the Christian church. Perhaps even those grounds of episcopacy, which I have described as certain and strong, may be regarded by some persons in a different light; while others may think that clear certainty and evidence attach to those which I have ventured to describe as doubtful. But such difference of opinion will not trouble either ray readers or myself if we are duly influ- enced by Christian humility and a peaceful love of truth. Pride has been one great cause of controversies and contentions in the church ; and therefore humility, and a modest opinion of self, may justly be regarded as one great means of preserving peace. Humility in the heads and counsellors of churches would preserve peace between their own communities and others. Humility and modesty in the inferior ministers of E 2 52 PREFACE. A PLEA FOR religion, who have voluntarily made themselves subject to ecclesiastical authority, would compel them cheerfully to render canonical obedience to their superiors, to manifest all due respect to their persons, and to pay a becoming deference to their opinions. A love of truth, indeed, will forbid more than this ; but Christian humility will be satisfied with nothing less. And, in like manner, a due measure of humility and self-distrust in all members of the church would induce them to submit themselves, in a meek and docile spirit, to all their " governors, teachers, spiritual pastors and masters," while yet they pro- perly regard God's M^itten word as the only authoritative teacher, and, in one sense, " call no man master upon earth." "Only by pride cometh contention; but with the well advised is wisdom." (Prov. xiii. 10.) Humility, indeed, does not require us to submit our judgment unreservedly to the decrees of general councils, or to the opinion of any individual teacher: but it forbids a petulant or contumacious opposition even to the most manifest errors; it enables a teacher to endure the manifestation of doubts or contradiction, while it obliges an objector to propose his doubts modestly, and to offer contra- diction with gentleness and meekness; — and it effectually extracts all fury, bitterness, and venom, from theological con- troversy. Who that has read the history of the church can repeat that term — theological controversy — without a sigh? Investi- gation and exposition of facts or opinions, if conducted in a Christian temj^er, tend to the discovery or establishment of truth, and are followed by no evil consequences. But quarrels and dissensions, concerning either truth or error, tend to obscure and mystify the subjects under debate, and lead to no good result. Such wretched controversy cannot benefit the church, or assist in enlightening the world; much less can it cherish the flame of pure religion in the souls of individuals, or help them towards the attainment of everlasting life. " I wis," says the pious Bishop Hall, '• it will be long enough ere we shall wrangle ourselves into heaven. It must be true contri- tion, pure consciences, holy affections, heavenly dispositions, EPISCOPACY, CHARITY, AND PEACE. 53 hearty devotion, sound regeneration, faith working by love, an humble walking with God, that shall help us thither-^." There are some sound and practical remarks in Bishop Butler's second sermon upon the Love of our Neighbour, Avhich bear very strongly upon this subject. The following passage cannot be too often quoted, or too attentively considered. "As to the spirit of party, which unhappily jjrevails amongst mankind, whatever are the distinctions which serve for a supply to it, some or other of which have obtained in all countries, one who is friendly to his kind will immediately make due allowances for it, as what cannot but be amongst such creatures as men, in such a world as this. And, as wrath and fury and overbearing upon these occasions proceed, as I may speak, from men's feeling only on their ovm side; so, a common feeling, for others as well as for ourselves, would render us sensible to this truth, — which it is strange can have so little influence, — that ive ourselves differ from others just as much as they do from ns. I put the matter in this way, because it can scarce be ex])ected that the generality of men should see that those things which are made the occasions of dissension and foment- ing tlie party spirit are really nothing at all: but it may be expected from all people, hoiv much soever they are in earnest about their respective peculiarities, that humanity, and common good-will to their fellow-creatures, should moderate and restrain that wretched spirit." Would that churches and disputants were content to say to each other concerning many points of controversy, — and espe- cially concerning subjects of debate relating to the constitution and government of the church, — These questions are either so difficult that we shall never settle them, or they are so broad that we need not quarrel over them; and therefore, whatever may be the difference of our views, we will at all events live in peace, and love as brethren, as we hope to dwell together hereafter in the regions of harmony and bliss ! Oxford, J. E. R. October Uth, 1839. • Preface to Select Thouqhts. CHRISTIAN ANTIQUITIES. BOOK I. LIVES AND WRITINGS OF THE ANTE-NICENE FATHERS. Preliminary Remarks. It is tlio object of this Introductory Book to give a, general account of the writings of the earliest Christian Fathers, arranged, as far as possible, in chronological order. An accurate acquaint- ance with the Avhole works of the Ante-Nicene writers, in the original languages, such as ought to be possessed by every ecclesiastical controversialist or critic, must be the fruit of much learning and study ; but there is a lower degree of knowledge on this subject, which ought to be attained by students who seek to profit by the labours of more profound theologians ; and this, like much of their early information, may be profitably received at second hand. And it appears to be more especially important that the readers of a M'ork on Christian Antiquities should not be altogether strangers to those early records to M'hich, in the course of such a Avork, appeal or reference is continually made. Under this impression, I have resolved to lay before the readers of the following pages some preliminary information respecting the lives and writings of the Fathers who flourished during the first three centuries ; and I have confined my notices to authors of this early date, both because the high antiquity of these works imparts to them a peculiar importance, and because it would have been impossible to give any useful analysis of the voluminous works of the following century, within the limits of the present midertaking. In the following work, the Avritings of the Fathers are used historically, as monuments bearing witness to the customs and observances of the times in which they Avcre composed. It is, indeed, chiefly in this point of view that these venerable remains of ecclesiastical writers are valuable to the student of the present o6 'JllE ANTK-XrCKXK i- ATI IK Its. [goOK I. (lay. Wc do not profess to assent to all their arguments, to receive all their interpretations, or to adopt all their opinions and doctrines. In these particulars, their \vorlvS present us -with a most heterogeneous mixture of what is good and bad, true and false, sound and fanciful, sober and extravagant ; and we take the liberty of rejecting whatever may bo wrong or unprofitable, while wc thankfully appropriate to our own use whatever may be instructive, rational, or devout. But these writers are also historians of the Church, and reporters of its customs and practices in successive ages ; and therefore we have recourse to their writings for information on matters of ecclesiastical anticpiity, just as we refer to the works of heathen orators, historians, and poets, for a large proportion of our knowledge relating to the antiquities of Greece or Rome. It is obvious, however, that a learned inquirer, in endeavouring to derive from the writings of the Fathers the historical or anti([uarian knowledge which they are adapted to convey, must read those works throughout ; and that, in the course of his studies, he must become acquainted with the various arguments, opinions, and speculations, which they record. It is plain, also, that the mere reader of the works of modern ecclesiastical historians or critics labours under a great disadvantage as long as he is an entire stranger to the names of the authors, and the titles of the works, which are cited as the .sources of information ; wdiile, on the other hand, a general knowledge of the history of those writers, and of the date and contents of their particular treatises, may serve not only to give an interest to such allusions or references, but to lead to some just estimate of their value, and to infix them on the memory. In order, therefore, to enable the reader of this ^Manual to make a i>rofital)le, though not a learned, acquaintance with the Ante- Nicene Fathers, I propose to draw a short sketch of their lives or personal history, to ropresent the order in which they succeeded each other, to arrange the works of each writer chronologically, and to give an analysis or outline of those books which have been preserved entire. And, still with no higher design than that of assisting the reader to form, so to speak, sonic kind of personal acquaintance with these Fathers, I shall sometimes state a few of their private opinions or speculations, their philosophical tenets. IIOOIC 1.] IlIK ANTE-NICEXE JATlU:n^(. 57 or their interpretations of holy Scripture ; selecting especially such of these as may possess any ])eculiar or striking features. These outlines and sketches Avill, doubtless, exhibit many ])articulars in which the writings of the Fathers are more curious than useful, inasnuich as they record errors and false reasoning, rather than correct views of truth, or sound expositions of Scrip- ture. But let it always be remembered that such failings may be attributed not so much to the writers themselves as to the times in which they lived ; that these are matters on which our divines do not appeal to their authority; and that their value as historians or reporters of the actual transactions of the existing Church is not diminished by the weakness of their reasoning, the absurdity of their speculations, or their fanciful and mistaken systems of doctrine or of scriptural interpretation. Concerning this portion of the volume, I may with especial propriety address the reader in the following words of an old English author : — " If thou bcest learned, as thou needest it not, so I humbly entreat thee to know that 1 writ it not for thee ; yet I bar thee not the reading, but most willingly sulnuit it to thy censure. Some, and worthily, in regard of their great activity and judgment, like nothing for themselves but that which tran- scendeth common capacities. I do not think myself able to give them satisfaction. For ^thee which art but a beginner have I laboured'." The writers whose lives and works will thus fall under our notice are the following : — Clement of Rome ; Ignatius ; Poly- carp; Justin Martyr; Hermias; Hegesippus; Tatian; Dionysius of Corinth; Athenagoras ; Theophilus of Antioch ; Irenaeus; Clement of Alexandria ; TertuUian ; Minucius Felix ; Origen ; Cyprian; Dionysius the Great, of Alexandria ; Gregory of Neo- csesarea, or Thaumaturgus ; Arnobius; Lactantius; and Eusebius. The book will conclude with a notice of the Apostolical Consti- tutions and Canons. ' For the suLstancc of this book I Patnim, or History of Ecclesiastical am indebted chiefly to the first six Writers; Sculteti MciIuUcb TheolO' vohinies of Sciiiioeck's Kirchenge- gice Pa/rum Syntagma, schichte. See also Du Pin's Bihliothcca . 58 [hook 1. CHAPTER I. CLEMENT OF ROME. Clement, bishop of Rome, is supposed by some writers to have been the fellow-labourer of St. Paul, mentioned in the Epistle to the Pliilippians^. Neither the date of his appointment to the superintendence of the church, nor the time of his death, can ba exactly ascertained ; but it is probable that he succeeded two former bishops, Linus and Anacletus (or Cletus), at the latter end of the first century, perhaps about the year 91 or 92, and that he died about a.d. 100. Some disorders having arisen in the church of Corinth, in consequence of opposition offered by certain members of that church to their presbyters or teachers, Clement wrote an epistle to that community, with a view to allay these dissensions. This celebrated Epistle to the Corinthians, written probably about the jear 96, was addressed in the name of the church of Rome to that of Corinth ; nor does the writer, in any part of it, speak of himself by name. It was so highly esteemed by the early Christians, that it was publicly read in their religious assemblies, in the same manner as the apostolical epistles, (Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. lib. iii. c. 16.) It contains gentle and brotherly exhorta- tions to peace, expressed in a simple style, resembling that of the apostles in the practical or hortatory parts of their epistles. The writer frequently quotes and refers to the books of the New Testament, which, at the time he wrote, were generally known to Christians, although not collected into one volume. The first Epistle of St. Paul to the Corinthians is mentioned by name ; quotations are made from other Epistles of that apostle, from the 2 This is, at least, imcertain. It has place, if Clemeut of Rome had been, been remarked that Ireiicp\is, in re- indeed, the fellow-labourer of St. coimting the advantages enjoyed by I Paul. But this identity is affirmed Clement, in having had personal inter- i by Jerome (Z)c Viris Illuslr. c. 15), course with tlie apostles, omits all Eusebius {Hist, Eccl, lib. iii. c. 4, 15), mention of the apostolic testimony Origon (in JoAa«. i. 29), and Epipha- in question, — an omission which can ! nius {llv ov8' oXcos p-vrjpr] ris irapa rois TTokainis paKTrjpa. EtrsEB. Hisl Ecch lib. iii. c. 38. * " The Recognitions and Homilies which bear his (Clement's) name, and the Constitutions and Canons of the (j)fpfTai. OiiSe yap Kudapov rrjs «7ro- Ajiostles, Avhich have sometimes been (TTo'\iKr]s opdodo^ias aTTotrw^et top ^«- ', ascribed to him, arc such palpable 60 I'lTK ANTE-MCENE FATHERS. [bOOK I. Two epistles under the name of Clement, in Syriac, published by Wetstein in l7o2, have been abundantly proved to be the AYork of a much later hand. (Yenema, Epist. ad Wesseling. ; Laedner's Dissertations upon the two Epistles ascribed to Clement of Rome.) The following is an analysis of Clement's genuine Epistle to the Corinthians. — In the beginning of this epistle, the writer, having tonnnended the good order and peace which formerly prevailed in the Corinthian church, laments the rise of disorders and dissensions, which he traces to the prevalence of jealousy and ill-will ; the evil effects of which he details at large, especially as displayed in many instances recorded in holy Scripture, (Gen. iv. 3—8; xxviii. 37; Kxod. ii. 14; Numb. xii. 15'; xvi. 33; 1 Sam. xviii. 8, scq.; 2 Cor. xi. 23 — 27.) Clement then exhorts the Corinthian Christians to return to a better mind ; and brings forward several examples and quotations from Scripture in proof of the benefits of repentance, faith, and obedience, (Noah, probably with allusion to 2 Pet. ii. 5; Jonah iii. ; Ezek. xxxiii. 11; xviii. 80; Ps. ciii. 10, 11; Jer. iii. 19—22; Isa. i. 16— 20; Enoch ; Noah ; Abraham, with reference to James ii. 23, or Isa. XLi. 8; and quotations from Gen. xii. 1 — 3; xiii. 14 — 16; XV. 5, 6 ; Rom. iv. 3 ; deliverance of Lot from Sodom ; Paliab, with quotations from Josh, iii.,) adding a particular commenda- tion of humility and meekness, (Jer. ix. 23 ; Luke vi. 30 — 38 ; Isa. Lxvi. 2.) He advises the Corinthians especially to have nothing to do with quarrelsome persons, and movers of sedition, (Prov. ii. 21 ; Ps. xxxvii. 35 — 37;) but to attach themselves to those who piously studied peace, and not to such as made a merely hypocritical pretence of a peaceable disposition, (Isa. forgeries, if tlicy were really meant to trutli." Burton, Lectures upon Ike deceive, that it would 1)e a waste of Ecclesiastical History of the first Three critical labour to prove tha* they were ; Centuries, Lect. xi. not written by Clement. They are not * The allusion to this passage, made without their use, as speaking the sen- ai)parently from memory, is not cpiitc timents of the times in which they correct j inasmuch as the author speaks were really composed; but they have j of both Aaron and Miriam as having no connexion with the ecclesiastical | been excluded from tlie camp, while history of the first century, except as I the sacred text mentions iMiriam alone preserving a few traditions, which may j as ha\ing suflered tluit punishment, perhaps have been founded upon CHAP. I.] CLKMENT OF ROME. Gl xxix. 13; Ps. Lxii. 4; Lxxviii. 3G, o7 ; xxxi. 18; xii. 3— 6.) He exhorts them to humility, by reference to the example of our blessed Saviour, (Isa. Liii. ; Ps. xxii. G— 8; Matt, xxvii. 43;) and of several saints whose history is recorded in the Old Testa- ment, (Abraham, Gen. xviii. 27 ; — Job, Job i. 1 ; xiv. 4, 5 ;— Moses, Heb. iii. 2, compared with Exod. iii. 11 ; and a quotation either from some apocryj)hal book, or from a Jewish tradition, or (possibly) with allusion to Hosea xiii. 3; — David, Ps. Lxxxix. 20, compared with Ps. Li. 1 — 17.) Clement adverts in the next place to the order observable in nature, and the subjection of the inanimate creation to the will of the Creator ; and then founds a claim to obedience and concord upon the acknowledged goodness of God, and his intimate acquaintance with the thoughts and feelings of the heart, (Prov. xx. 27; Psalm xxxiv. 11—17; xxxii. 10.) The writer then commences an exhortation to faith in the great Christian doctrine of the resurrection, (with allusions to James i. 8; 2 Pet. iii. 4; Matt. xxiv. 32; Mai. iii. 1; Hab. ii. 3.) He refers to various natural indications of the resurrection, in the alternations of day and night, {conf. Tertullian, de Besurrectione^ § 12; Epiphax. in Ancorato, § 84;) the decay and growth of seed, the (fabulous) history of the phoenix, {conf. Ter- TULLiAN de Resurrectione, § 13; Epipiiax. in Ancorato, § 84; Cyril. Hierosol. Catec/i. xviii. 8;) to the declarations of Scrip- ture, (Ps. iii. 5; Job xix. 26;) and to the faithfulness and omni- potence of God, (Wisdom xi. 22; xii. 12; Ps. xix. 1 — 3.) Ho exhorts the Corinthians to fear Him who is omnipotent, and from whom no one can escape, (Ps. cxxxix. G;) and to live in holiness and peace as becomes those whom God has chosen for his own, (Ueut. xxii. 8, 9, Sept.; allusions to Deut. iv. 34, and some other passage; Prov. iii. 34, or 1 Pet. v. 5; Job xi. 2, 3.) He shows how we may obtain the divine blessing, by reference to the histories of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob; that we are justi- fied by divine grace through faith; that we ought not, however, to neglect good works and charity, but rather to be zealous in the performance of every good work, following herein the example of God himself, (who will render to every man according to his works,) and of the holy angels, (Dan. vii. 10; Isa. vi. 3.) He G2 THE ANTE-NICli.MC rATIIERS. [eook I. speaks in high terms of the excellency of the future reward of the righteous, (1 Cor. ii. 9,) and describes the method by which we may become partakers of it ; while the way to incur the divine displeasure is that marked out in Ps. i,. IG — 23^ He then speaks of our Lord Jesus Christ in language evidently borrowed from the Epistle to the Hebrews, especially from the first chapter. Afterwards, he exhorts to unity and mutual sub- jection, with reference to the obedience of soldiers to their officers, and the concord of the several members of the human body, (with evident allusion to 1 Cor. xii. 12 — 2G; recommends sympathy, and a cheerful interchange of good offices; and shows the little- ness of man, by quotations from the Eook of Job, (iv. 16 — 18; XV. 15; iv. 19 — 21; v, 1 — 5.) The writer then admonishes the Corinthians to preserve order, in matters of divine worship, with regard to time, place, and persons,- — (It is here that we find mention of the high priest, priests, deacons, and laity, and such a description of the platform of the Christian ministry and worship, as to induce a strong suspicion in the minds of many critics, that * This part of the epistle contains a hcantiful delineation of Chi-istian hope and character. The folloM'ing extract is important as containing an accnrate description of the way of salvation, made knoMn to ns in the Gospel. And I quote it the rather, hecatise I have seen various garbled extracts from this jiart of the epistle which altogether fail to represent the sense of Clement on the siihjcct. — "Let us then earnestly endeavour to be found in the number of those who wait for Him, that we may be partakers of the promised rewards. And how will this be, beloved? If our mind be firm in faith towards God, if we seek the things which are pleasing and accept- able to Him, if we do the things which are agreeable to his holy will, and follow the way of truth, casting away from us all umighteousncss and iniquity, covetousness, stiifo, malice, and deceit, whisperings and backbit ings, hatred of God, pride and arrogance, vain glory, and the niggardly love of self. For they who commit such things are hateful to God ; and not only they who commit them, but such as take pleasure in them; for the Scripture says, Bvl vnto the vugodly saith God, S^c. (Ps. L. 16—23, here quoted at length.) This is the way, beloved, in w hich we find our salvation, JcsusChrist,thehigh priest of our sacrificcSjOurdcfender and the helper of our infirmities." § 35, 3C. Clement had previously stated the great doctrine of justification by faith, in the following terms: — "All these obtained glory and honour, not by themselves, or their works, or the righteousness which they wrought, but by His will. And we, therefore, being bj' His will called in Jesus Christ, are not justified by ourselves, or by our own wisdom, knowledge, or jiiety, or by works which we have wrought in holiness of heart, but by faith, by which Almighty God lias justified all those who have been justified from the beginning of the world." § 32. CHAP. I.] CLEMENT OF ROME. 63 the passage is the work of a later Avritcr, and must be regarded as an interpolation made with a view to support the growth of episcopal authority. Keasons have been advanced for attributing the passage to Clement of Alexandria, from whose works it may have found its -way into this epistle. The tone of the suspected passage is unquestionably very different from that of the rest of the epistle.) — The writer reminds his readers that the saints of old were persecuted, not by the righteous, but by the wicked; exhorts them to follow the example of good men, (Ps. xviii. 26;) speaks of the mischiefs occasioned by the Corinthian schism, (Matt. xxvi. 24; xviii. 6; Luke xvii. 2, quoted as one passage;) refers them to St. PauFs first Epistle to their church, (1 Cor. i. 10, &c.,) and describes their present dissensions as more disgraceful than those which had called forth the reproof of the apostle; exhorts them to return to a spirit of concord and brotherly love, (Ps. cxviii. 19, 20; and perhaps an allusion to 1 Cor. x. S3;) and recounts the excellent qualities and benefits of charity, (1 Pet. iv. 8; 1 Cor. xiii. 7; Isa. xxvi. 20; Ps. xxxii. 1, 2.) The writer then exhorts the offenders to repent, pointing out the danger of hardening their hearts, with reference to the destruction of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, and the overthrow of Pharaoh and his army in the Ped Sea; and shows that repentance is acceptable to God, (Ps. Lxix. SO, 81; L. 14, 15.) He commends the charity and compassion of Moses, as recorded in Dent. ix. 12 — 14; Exod. xxxii. 32; and recommends those on whose accoimt the dissensions had arisen to retire, and submit to the will of the majority, " that the flock of Christ may be in peace with its appointed presbyters." Many princes and generals among the heathen, says he, have sacrificed their own lives, or have gone into voluntary banishment for the sake of promoting the public good, or preserving tranquillity; and many among ourselves have surrendered their own liberty, in order to redeem their brethren from captivity,- — and he recounts the famous exploits of Judith and Esther, as noble examples of public spirit, even in pious females. He exhorts the Corinthians to the piactice of intercessory prayer, and mutual kind reproof, intended for each other''s benefit; as the chastise- ments of God are designed for the good of his children, (Ps. cxviii. IS; Piov. IV. [-I; Meb. xii. 6; Pr. cxr.i. 5; Job v. 17— 2().) 64 THE ANTE-NICEXK FATHEHS. [bOOK I. The epistle concludes \Yitli an exiiortatiou to the authors of the existing dissensions to submit themselves "to the presbyters," (Prov. i. 23 — 31;) a sublime prayer for the flourishing of Christ- ian graces in the Church'; a note respecting the return of the messengers by whose hands the epistle had been sent; and an apostolical benediction and doxology. Note concerxixg some Spurious Writings. "A book entitled The Shepherd, (O Iloifi^v,) ascribed to Hernias, who is mentioned by St. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans, became generally known about the middle of the second century. It was received by many as the genuine pro- duction of the apostolical Hernias, and was publicly read in the Oriental churches. By Origen, Eusebius, and Jerome, it was regarded as spurious, or at least of doubtful authenticity. Some suppose it to have been the \vork of a certain Hernias, brother of Pius I., bishop of Rome; and to have been written by him about the year 1-iO. — It is a moral fiction, well meant, but weakly conceived. An angel, in the form of a shepherd, is represented as appearing to the author, and instructing him in various points of Christian duty, by visions and similitudes. A great part of the book consists of an imitation or accommodation of the Apoca- lypse. It contains some erroneous and strange doctrines; such as, that every man is attended by a good and a bad angel, the former of whom entices him to holiness and virtue, and the latter tempts him to sin; and that marriage is not dissolved by adultery and divorce. It is uncertain whether the writer of this treatise intended to impose upon the church by these pretended revela- tions, with a view to establish his peculiar opinions, or was himself deceived by the influence of an overheated imagination. Perhaps we may not be wrong in supposing that the author 7 « May all tlic-secing God, the ruler of spirits and Lord of all Hesh, who has chosen the Lord Jesus Christ, and us by him for a peculiar people, grant unto every soul that calls upon his glorious and holy name, faith, fear, Amen." peace, patience, long-suffering, tempe- rance, holiness, and wisdom, unto all well-pleasing, through our high-priest and advocate Jesus Christ; through whom be unto Ilim all glory, majesty, might, and honoui*, now and for ever. t)IAl». r.]] SIM'RIOUS WT.ITlXr..-!. 65 ought not to lie under cither of these imputations; but that the work was professedly published as a fiction or allegory, designed for the conveyance of supposed truth; resembling, in this respect, the Pikfrlm's Progress, which has been written, with happier effect, in later times. 2. Epistle of Bavnahas. — An epistle, in Greek, is ascribed to Barnabas, the companion of St. Paul. This treatise under- takes to prove the truth of the Christian religion from the prophe- cies and types of the Old Testament; and then proceeds to give various exhortations to godliness and virtue. The method of quoting Scripture, the fabulous narratives, and the erroneous notions, contained in this epistle, abundantly prove that it cannot have proceeded, in its present form, from an apostolical writer. If any part of it were indeed composed by Barnabas, it is yet extremely difficult, or rather impossible, to separate the genuine remains from the s])urious and interpolated matter with which they arc mixed up. It is certain that the epistle was extant in the second century; and it is frequently referred to by Clement of Alexandria as a genuine writing. But Eusebius {Hist. Eccl. lib, iii. c. 25; lib. vi. c. lo, 14,) and Jerome {Catal. Script. Eccl. c. 6,) speak of it as spurious, or doubtful; thus confirming an opinion which may be reasonably formed from the contents of the epistle itself. It has been supposed that some genuine epistle may have formed the basis of the writing now extant; but it is generally agreed by the learned that the epistle, in its present form, if not a forgery throughout, is yet so filled with interpolations, that it is quite impossible to distinguish any genuine matter, if such there be, from the spurious. CHAPTER IT. IGNATIUS. Ignatiits was a contemporary and disciple of the apostles, espe- cially of St. .Tohn. He presided over the Church of Antioch, eminent alike for his zeal and ability as a Christian teacher, and for his practice of piety and virtue, in accordance with the doc- p 66 THE AXTE-XICEXE FATHERS. [book I. trines which he taught. The Emperor Trajan, in passing through Antioch, sentenced this memorable leader of the Christians to be conveyed under a guard of soldiers to Rome, and there to be exposed to the wild beasts in the Amphitheatre'. This event is dated by some as early as the year 106 or 107, and by others as late as 115 or•116^ A great sensation, we are told, was occa- sioned in the churches of Asia Minor, by the journey of the condemned bishop towards the coast ; the bishops of several churches, as the representatives of those communities, waited upon hira to take a solemn leave ; and to several of these churches ho afterwards addressed epistles, thanking them for their demon- stration of Christian sym])atliy, and conveying some seasonable and important admonitions. From Smyrna he wrote to the Churches of Ephesus, Magnesia, and Tralles ; and from the same place he also addressed a letter to the Christians at Rome, entreating them not to make any attempts to save his life. From Troas he wrote to the Churches of Philadelphia and Smyrna, and to Polycarp, the venerable bishop of the latter church, who had been, like himself, a disciple of St. John. These epistles are extant in two forms, a shorter and a longer; the genuineness of which has been a subject of great doubt and controversy. Isaac Yossius and Usher have strenuously contended for the genuineness of the shorter epistles; and they have been followed by other writers, especially by Pearson in his Vindicfce Epistolariim S. Ic/natii. Daille and others, on the contrary, have laboured to show that both the longer and the shorter epistles are spurious productions. Some, ^Yllo admit the shorter as genuine, reject the longer. On the whole, it appears to bo > IIiEROK. De V'uis lUustr. c. IG. * Anno Cliristi, 10/, Trajani decimo Ignatii niartyriuni illigant. Usserius, Not. in Ignatii Ada, p. 36. Tillemon- tiiis, Mtmoires, ii. 105. Ruinartus, Act. Sine. Mart. p. 10. DodwcUus, Dissert. Ci/pr. xi. 18. I3araterius, De Siicces- xione, p. 92. Gallandius, Proleg. p. i.xii. Biirtonus, Lfc/t/rfs, ii. 23. Tcar- sonus autom .... Ignatiiim in anno 110 ()ccul)uissc statuit, 4uem socuti Kunt l.oydius; PngiuR, Cii/ic. in Annul. Baronii, 107, nnm. 3 — G. Gratius, Spicil. ii. 9. Lc QiiieniiLS, Oriens Chris- tianus, ii. 701. Clericus, Hist. Eccles. anu. lib', § 7- Benedictini, in opere L'Art de virijier les dales, iuscripto. Yenenia, Hist. Eccles. kcc. ii. § 7. Gieselciiis, Kirchengeschichte, i. 117. Gnerickneus. K. G. i. 163. In medio relinqnit Schroeckins, K. G. ii. .336, 337. — Jacohson. Patres Apostoiici, 1, xxi. CHaP. II.] IGXATIUs. 67 generallv agreed that the shorter epistles are substantially the work of Isnatius. but that they contain many interpolations of a later date. The great objects of these epistles are to establish the churches in the doctrine of the apostles, — to inspire them with respect and obedience towards their teachers. — to warn them against rising heresies, especially that of the Gnostics, — and to urge upon them the duties of love, concord, and all Christian virtues, especially steadiastness in suffering. They contain some mystical expressions, and others which appear to savour of hete- rodoxy respecting the person and nature of our blessed Lord; whence it has been supposed that the work of interpolation was effected by some Arian writer. But one of the most remarkable features of these epistles, and that which has been really the cause of so sharp a controversy respecting their genuineness, is the high tone which they assume respecting the authority of Christian ministers, and the duty of complete or unlimited obedience and submission on the part of their hearers. ^\'e are here told, for instance, that Christians ought to look up to the bishop as to the Lord himself, (ad Ephes. c. 6;) that they ought to follow their bishop, as Jesus Christ complied with the will of the Father, and to submit themselves to the presbyters as to the Apostles, {ad Smyvn. c. 8;) and that he who should do any- thing without the consent of his bishop would be a servant of the devil, {lb. c. 9.) In expressions such as these, some writers suppose that they find proofs of the early exercise of power, and claims of apostolical authority, by the teachers of the Church, and testimonies to the duty of submission to that authority; while others believe that the spirit of these passages is entirely at variance with the doctrines and practices which really prevailed at the beginning of the second century; and that the passages themselves proceeded from some writer who lived when the relations between minister and people began to be misrepresented and misunderstood. It has been remarked by learned men, that various portions of these epistles bear internal marks of spuriousness ; and that there is every reason to believe that even these shorter compositions, commonly called genuine, have G8 TUE AXTE-XICRXE FATIIKn5i. [rook 1. been tampered with'. Certain it is, at all events, that we cannot appeal to these suspected documents, or to the epistle of Clement, in favour of any particular form of church government, unless we are content to argue in a very loose and unscholarlike manner. Five other epistles which were, for a long time, reckoned among the genuine writings of Ignatius, addressed to the Churches of Tarsus, Pliilippi, and Antioch, to Heros, a deacon of the Church of Antioch, and to a woman named Mary, are now universally rejected as spurious. Two epistles to St. John, and one to the Virgin Mary, were also forged in the name of Ignatius. CHAPTER III. POLYCARP. PoLYCAKP, bishop of Smyrna, a disciple and friend of St. John, survived all other teachers of the Christian church, who had enjoyed the privilege of living and conversing with the apostles'. lie lived to witness the spread of Gnosticism, and the disorders thereby occasioned ; and he addressed several epistles to the neighbouring churches, with a view to keep them steadfast in the true faith of the Gospel. Of these epistles the only one extant is that to the Church of Pliilippi, supposed to have been written soon after the martyrdom of Ignatius. Of the original Greek a part only has been preserved; but we possess an old Latin trans- lation of the entire c])istle. — In it the author speaks of the joy which he had felt on account of the kindness shown by the Christians of Pliilippi to their persecuted brethren, and on account of their steadfastness in the faith of the Gospel. He admonishes them concerning various particulars of their duty; ' " Not only were the simrloiis epis- tles added to the miniber, but the seven which are genuine, were inter- polated and enlarged, so as to retain for their basis the sentiments of Igna- tius, but very frequently to speak the language of a later age." — Burton, Lectures itpm the Ecclesiastical History of the first Three Centuries; Lect. xiv. ' IIiEUO.v. de Viris Illustribus. c. I7. CIIAI' „..] 1'0LY( AKP. 69 declares (in accordance with the language of St. John,) that any one who denied that Christ had heen made man, was an antichrist; and that such as perverted the word of God accord- ing to their own pleasure, maintaining that there was to he neither resurrection nor judgment, were the first-born of Satan. He exhorts the Philippians to imitate Jesus Christ, the apostles, and various martyrs, (naming particularly Ignatius,) in patience and the endurance of suifering. He expresses his sorrow for the fault of Valens, who had been a presbyter among them, and his wife; with a wish that they might recover themselves, and an intimation of the duty of Christians not to regard such persons as enemies, but to endeavour to bring them back from their errors. He exhorts them to pray for kings and princes, and even for their persecutors and enemies; and says that, at their request, he had sent to them the epistles which Ignatius had addressed to himself and his church. This epistle is ascribed to Polycarp by Irenreus, (Ade. TIcvres. lib. iii. c. 3,) Eusebius, {Hist. Ecd. lib. iv. c. 14, 15,) and Jerome, {Catal. Script. Bed. c. 17.) Eusebius has quoted a passage from it. (Hist. Eccl. lib. iii. c. 36.) It was read, together with other writings of celebrated teachers, by the Asiatic Christ- ians in their Churches. The epistle, in its present form, is, on the whole, correct in its doctrine, simple in style, and such as might have been written by a contemporary of the apostles and an early teacher of the church; but it is not without some appearance of interpolation. An admonition which it contains, to the effect that Christians must be subject to their presbyters and other ministers, as unto God and Christ, savom's of a later date in the annals of the church. The genuineness of the whole epistle has been called in question by some critics. It is worthy of remark that Irenseus, speaking of the tradi- tions delivered by Polycarp, declares them to have been in perfect harmony with the Scriptures". * Ai yap (K 7rai8v raiv fcopaKOTcov rbv Kvpiov, Km as U7r(fivr]fj.6ueve rovs \6yovs avrwv, kui irepl Toi) Kvpiov riva yv a nap fHfivtov aKrjKOfi' Koi nepl twv dvuapeav avrov, nal TTfpl rrjs didaa-KoKias, ws napa rmv avTOTTTmv rrfs C^rjS Tov Xoyov TrapeiXr)' (f)a)s 6 Tlo\vKap7ros, a7r/)yyfXXf navra crvp(f)(i>vn rals ypaffans. — InEX.T.us. Fraf/m. Eplsl. atl Florintim. Opp. p. .'^40. cd. Massuet. (RouTH. Script. Eccl. Opusc, i. p. 32.) CHAJ'. IV.] JL.SriX MAdlYl!. J] The ])rii]clpal works of this author which have come down to us are Two Apologies on behalf of Christians and their religiou, and a Dialogue Avith Trypho, a Jew. The following brief out- lines of their contents may be sufficient in this place. First Apologif. — Justin presented his first apology on behalf of the Christian religion to the Emperor Antoninus Pius, at Rome, about the year 140, or 148. In this treatise he shows, first, how unjust it was that Christians should be condemned without a lawful hearing and trial, and how undeserving of punishment they really were ; — that their religion was adapted to make men good citizens, rather than to injure the state; — that their principles did not tend to atheism; — that the dangers and privations to which they exposed themselves evinced the sincerity of their belief; — and that they were not guilty of the immora- lities Avhich were sometimes laid to their charge. He then proceeds to adduce proofs of the truth of Christianity; — showing that Jesus was the Messiah, from ancient prophecies, which he supposes to have been at the foundation of many fables by which the evil spirits (who had become acquainted with them) had imposed upon mankind. He asserts that Plato had derived his doctrine concerning the formation of the world from the Mosaic account of the creation. In the concluding portion of the M'ork he gives a circumstantial (and to us very important) account of the habits and customs of Christians in his day, and especially of their mode of celebrating divine worship. There are some weak points in the arguments brought forward in this apology. Such especially is the author's appeal to the Sibylline books of the day as genuine and inspired ; — an error, however, which belongs to the times rather than to the individual writer*. The work is disfigured also by various marks of care- ' " Justin is not the only one of the yet in the age of Justin JNIartjT there Fathers -who entertained this belief: was, perhaps, no person who did not and though such a conclusion may lead , believe them to be inspired. The ns to iminign his critical powers, it verses of the sibyls were known to tlie docs not prove him less sincere in his attachment to the Gospel, or weaken his other arguments in support of it. heathen from a remote antiquity; tlie Jews, as well as the Christians, ap- pealed to them ; and the prohibition In the present day there is, perhaps, ' of their perusal by an imperial decree no' person mIio does not conceive the i is a sufficient proof of the effect which Sibj'lline oracles to be forgeries: and I they were calculated to produce. If 72 TIIK .VNTI>N1CENE lATIIIiKf'. [book I. lessness, and by some errors in matter of fact. But, on the whole, this apology' contains a fair exhibition of the Christian religion. Second Aj)olociij. — Justin's second apology appears to have been composed at the beginning of the reign of Marcus Aurelius, on occasion of the persecution of the Christians, which had then arisen at Rome. In this treatise the author complains that the Christians were unjustly condemned; — maintains that the cir- cumstance of their being left in the power of their enemies was no proof that God was not on their side; — traces the origin of all murder and cruelty to the influence of demons, who, says he, were descended from the daughters of men by angels, to whom God had committed the management of the world, and who abused their power by indulging in lascivious intercourse; — declares that these demons will eventually be consigned to eternal punishment, together with all their adherents and wor- shippers;— shows the superiority of Christianity to all human systems of philosophy, pointing out especially the superiority of our blessed Saviour to the celebrated philosopher Socrates; — and appeals to the steadfastness of Christians imder sufferings in proof of their innoceucc and virtue \ some of the oracles which ■were quoted by the Fatliers could be in-oved to be geuuine, the couclusion would seem irresistiblej that the writers of them were inspired. They allude to the personal history of Christ, and the leading doctrines of his religion, with much greater plainness than the pro- phecies in the Jewish Scriptures : Jus- tin l^Iartyr and several of the Fathers appeal to them as documents wliich no one could dispute ; and yet no rational pereon can doubt, that they were Avrit- teu subsequently to the publication of the Gospel." — Burton, Lectures upon the Ecclesiastical History of the first Three Centuries: Lect. 17. ■* "I ought, perhaps, to notice a charge which has been brought against Justin ^Martyr, in modern times, of having corrupted the Gospel from Pla- tonism. It has been said, that he in- troduced the doctrine of tlie personality of the Logos, having met with it in the philosophy of Plato : and hence it is argued, that the Christians before the time of Justin did not believe Jesus Christ to be a divine person, or truly the Son of God, but merely an ordi- nary human being. A few words may prove the utter gi'oundlessness of such a charge. It is built on the assiunp- tion that the personality of the Logos is to be found in the writings of Plato ; but, though these writings contain many obscure passages concerning the Logos, or mind, or reason of God, it is demonstrable that Plato never ima- gined this Logos, or mind, to be a per- son, in the sense in which Christians believe the Son of God to be a pei-son. The later Platonists endeavoured to twist their master's expressions to bear this meaning; but not till the Gospel CHAP. IV.] JUSTIN MAHTYH. 73 I Dialogue u'ith Trypho^ a Jeic. {JJpos TpvcpMva 'lovhalov JuiXoyo^;.) — In this dialogue, which is probably fictitious, and composed after the manner of the dialogues of Plato, Justin brings forward arguments from the Old Testament Scriptures to prove that Jesus was the Messiah, and obviates the chief objec- tions which were current among the Jews of his day. Justin wrote also — An Ea-hortation to the Gentiles^ [A6yo luunour in the disputes about God and nature; and describes the fluctuations of his mind under the successive tuition of a number of Pagan masters, each teaching him a different lesson. " Anaxa- goras tells me that all things are derived from an Intelligent Mind, the cause of order, motion, and beauty. In this I should acquiesce, if Melissus and Parmenides did not object, who con- tend, both in verse and prose, that the universe is one, self-sub- sisting, eternal, infinite, immoveable, and unchangeable. Awed, therefore, by this double authority, I begin to drop my attach- ment to Anaxagoras. Yet neither do I rest with Melissus and Parmenides; for Anaximenes now proves to me, that all things are produced from air. I begin, therefore, to lean towards his philosophy; but on a sudden I hear a voice calling to me out of Etna, and commanding me to believe that the system of the M'orld arose from the collision of love and hatred, by whose operation alone can be satisfactorily explained the things similar and dissi- milar, finite and infinite. Thanks to you, Empedocles; and in gratitude for so important a discovery, I am ready to follow you even into the crater of your volcano," &c. He then passes rapidly through a number of other systems: — the heat and eold of Archelaus; the God, matter, and ideas of Plato; the active and passive principles of Aristotle; the rether, earth, and time of Phcrecydes; the atoms of Leucippus; the existence and non-existence, the plenum and vacuum, of Democritus; the fire of Heraclitus; and the numbers of Pythagoras. Imitating, too, the well-known sentiment of Anacreon, he declares, that his enumeration is yet imperfect, and that other multitudes of names Fush upon him from Libya, &c. CHAPTER YI. HEGESIPPUS. Hegesippus, a convert from Judaism to Christianity, wrote the first ecclesiastical history; of which no more than a few fragments remain. This history was composed in four books; it extended from the date of the birth of Christ to the author's own times, 76 'iUE ANTK-NICENE FATIIKKS. [bOOK I. that is to say, some^vhat later than the year 170 (Euskrius, Hist. Ecd. lib. ii. c. 23; lib. iii. c. 19, 20, 32; lib. iv. 8, 22: Photius, Biblioth. Cod. 282: Hieron. de Viris Illusiribus, c. 22.) CHAPTER VII. TATIAN. Tatian, an Assyrian by birth, after having for a long time studied Grecian literature, and philosophy in particular, and having tra- velled to Home in prosecution of his studies, Avas there converted to Christianity, by means of his study of Scripture. He became a friend of Justin Martyr, Avhom he assisted in composing his Defence., and whose place at Rome he supplied for some time after the martyr's death, until at length he returned to his own country; where he died, probably about the year 176. Tatian composed A harmony of the Four Gospels (To Aia (Teaadpcov), (omitting, however, the genealogies of our Lord, and all those passages in which he is called the son of David;) and other works, which have not come down to us. The only treatise of this author now extant is An Address to the Gentiles (Ao^os 'jTpos"EX\'r}vas)^ the main object of which is to assert the anti- quity and excellence of the Christian religion, and its superiority over that of the heathen. In discoursing on the nature of the Divine Being, Tatian makes the same misuse of the Platonic philosophy as that which has been ascribed to Justin Martyr, Athenagoras, and Theophilus of Antioch; and, in addition, he introduces the doctrine of the emanation of all things from the divine essence, together with some other dogmas of the Oriental philosophy. He speaks of the resurrection of the dead, — of the creation of angels and men by the divine Word, — and of the fall of man, which he supposes to have arisen from the circumstance of man having paid divine honour to the first-born angel ; from whom, and his followers, all evil spirits or demons proceeded. According to Tatian, there arc two kinds of spirits; namely, the human soul, and another essence of a still higher order, which is the image or likeness of God. CHAP. VII.J TATIAX. / / Both these, says he, were possessed by the fii-st man. Tlie soul in itself is neither mortal nor immortal; it may die or not. If it does not receive the knowledge of the truth, it dies, and is dis- solved together with the body; but will at last rise together with it, in order to receive due punishment. On the other hand, a soul which has attained the knowledge of God, does not die, even though it may be for a time dissolved. When the soul has been united to the divine Spirit, it is never deserted, but rises to a place to which that Spirit conducts it. At first, the divine Spirit and the soul dwelt both together; but the divine Spirit quitted the soul, because the latter would not obey it ; and, although the soul has retained some remains of its former power, yet, being sepa- rated from the divine Spirit, it has ftillen into error. But this Spirit unites itself to the righteous, dwells in their souls, and reveals to them things hidden from others. At first sight, this may appear to be no other than the Scrip- tural doctrine of the indwelling of the Holy Spirit in the souls of believers; but with the addition of certain refinements, and systematic niceties. It is plain, however, from the whole drift of the discourse, that we have here, in fact, the traces of a philosojjhy distinct from the truths of Christianity; for Tatian appears to have understood by the Spirit, or the Spirit of God, only the immortal part of man, as distinguished from the soul; and we must look for the source of his opinions to the dogmas of Plato and other philosophers, wdio treated of the several parts of man's intelligent nature in a similar manner. Indeed, Tatian often adopts the very terms which the philosophers had used on this subject;— as when he says that the perfect Spirit was as the wings of the soul; and that after the soul had lost this companion, it could fly no better than a hen, and was ])rone to sink down to the earth. The author subjoins many warnings against the influence and delusions of evil spirits;— he contrasts the Christian doctrine of the incarnation of the Son of God with the fabulous stories con- cerning some of the heathen deities;— ridicules some of the hea- then customs and laws; — points out the excellence of Christian institutions, and answers objections which had been urged against them;-'and concludes by claiming for the Christian philosophy (such is his expression) a higher antiquity than that wliich 78 THE ANTK-NICEXE FATHER.^. [rOOK I. belongs to any of the heathen sciences, or writers ; instituting a comparison between the dates of Moses and Homer; and inter- spersing various remarks on the two rival systems of religion. The writings of Tatian are characterized by harshness and obscurity of style, want of method, a perplexed and mystical phi- losophy, and a less happy use of learning in his explanation or defence of Christianity, than in his exposure of the errors of Paganism, and his attacks upon that system. Some critics think that they find traces of Gnostic error in the Address to the Gentiles. It may not, perhaps, be easy to substan- tiate this charge; but it is certain that Tatian became involved in serious error during the latter part of his life. Irenoeus (Adv. Hwres. lib. i. c. 28) says that after the death of Justin, he M^as led astray by his own confidence and self-conceit; others say that he was seduced by the Gnostics; but, be this as it may, it is certain that he began publicly to depart from the simplicity of Christian faith about the year 170. He spoke of yEons, said to have been created by the Supreme God; and of a Creator of the world distinct from the latter. He made arbitrary alterations in the Sacred Writings, and especially in St. Paul's Epistles. It is probable that he acceded to the Gnostic system of belief in many particulars ; and we know that his views of morals coincided with those which were adopted by that sect, exceeding them, however, in gloom and severity. He taught that marriage is sinful; or, as some say, that it is a groat impediment to Christian perfection. He forbade the use of meat and wine; and to such an extent did he carry this prohibition, that he substituted water for wine in the administration of the Lord's Supper. For these and other parti- culars respecting Tatian, see Iren,i;us, adv. Hares, lib. i. c. 28; lib. iii. c. 23: Clem. Alexandr. Strom, lib. i. p. 378; lib. iii. p. 547, seq., cd. Potter: Eusebiu.s, Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 16, 21, 28, 29; lib. v. c. 13: Hieronym. Catal. Script. EccL c. 29: Epipiianils, Hcer. 46, 47: Theodoret, Ha:ret. Fahul. lib. i. c. 20. The followers of Tatian spread through several provinces of Asia Minor ; and afterwards, as it seems, in Italy, Gaul, and Spain ; continuing to be distinguished until the end of the fourth century. They were called Tatianists, or, more commonly, Encratites (the Temperate). On account of their habit of CHAP. VIII.] DIONYSIUS or CORINTH. 79 drinking nothing but water, they were called also Hydropara- statae, and Aquarii (water-drinkers). But, as Tatian held the doctrine of abstinence from marriage in common with many Gnostic sects, it would perhaps be incorrect to regard all who bore the name of Encratites as his disciples. As might naturally have been expected, some of his followers, such as Severus and Cassian, departed more or less widely from the principles of their master. And among these may be reckoned the Apotactites (Renouncers), so called from the circumstance of their renouncing the possession of all property. CHAPTER VIII. DIONYSIUS OF CORINTH. DioNYSius, bishop of Corinth, during the reign of Marcus Aure lius, addressed various epistles to the churches of Lacedsemon, Athens, Nicomedia, Crete, and Pontus, containing instructions and remonstrances on points of Christian doctrine and discipline. These epistles have perished ; but an account of their author is preserved by Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 23. CHAPTER IX. ATHENAGORAS. The next Christian writer and apologist whose works have come down to us' is AxHEXAGOiiAs. He was a native of Athens, where he taught philosophy. Having read the Scriptures with a view to find materials for a treatise which he intended to write against the Christians, he became, by divine grace, a convert to their Like Justin Martyr, he retained the j)hilosophcr's religion. ' !Mclito, bishop of Saidis, addressed an apology, on bclialf of the Christians, to Marcus Anrelius, of which only some fragments are preserved in Eusep. Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 2(J, together with the titles of his other works, which were numerous. About the same time, A.I). 1/0, or a little later, Miltiades, and Claudius Apollinaris, drew up apologies, no parts of which have been preserved. 80 THI' ANIK-NUKNE FATIIKRS. [bOOK I. mantle after he had ])iofessed himself a Christian. He was appointed teacher of the catechetical school at Alexandria; in ^vhich city he is said to have taught both religion and philosophy; declaring his preference of the Platonic Philosophy, as superior to all other systems of mere human origin. Athena^Toras wrote a defence of the Christians, entitled, A n Embassy in behalf of the Christians {U pea ^eia irepl Xpiariavcoy), addressed to INIareus Aurelius and his son Commodus, a.d. 170. In this treatise he sets forth the injustice of persecuting the Christians simply on account of their religion, while all other subjects of the empire were permitted to exercise various rites of worship, how absurd soever, without molestation ; especially as the Christians yielded to none in respect of piety and loyalty. The apologist undertakes to refute particularly the calumnies of the heathen against the professors of the Christian religion. He shows, first, that they were not atheists, but woi-shippers of the one true God ; and here he takes an opportunity of explaining the Christian doctrine respecting the holy Trinity in Unity:— a subject which he ventures to explain a little too much ; endea- vouring, by the aid of his Platonic philosophy, to expound those mysteries concerning the divine nature which Scripture simply declares ; and thus atteni])ting to bring down to the level of human understanding a subject which is necessarily above it, and to make plain to other men what he himself had no means of fully comprehending. — Athenagoras attempts, also, in this part of his treatise, to improve upon the heathen systems of gods and goddesses ; by describing the (supposed) parts which angels take in the government of the world, in subordination to the Supreme. With greater force of reason, he adduces the holy lives of Christians, and their habits of prayer, in proof that they were no atheists. And, in answer to the argument used by the heathens in defence of their own practices, that they did not offer worship to the images in their temples, but to the deities whom those imaoes represented, Athenagoras asserts that those deities them- selves were unworthy of divine honour, being no other than "iants or demons, who were the offspring of the illicit amours of fallen angels with the daughters of men, which angels became the founders and promoters of idolatry. CHAP. IX.] ATUE.X.vrJOItAS. 81 The secotul and third charges which Athenagoras refutes relate to the alleged existence of immoral practices in the cele- bration of Christian worship. In the course of his answer to this calumny, he advances a position which was afterwards adopted and defended by many of the Fathers ; namely, that a second marriage is a kind of adultery, — a proposition, it is almost needless to observe, quite at variance with the doctrines of Scripture. In refuting the accusation of eating the flesh of infants, he represents such a practice not only as opj)osed to the views entertained by Christians concerning the crime of murder (which led them to denounce the practice of exposing new-born infants, prevalent among the heathens), but also as totally inconsistent with their expectations of the resurrection of the dead, which was one of the main and peculiar features of their religion. Respecting this doctrine of Christianity, he says th:it the truth of it had been recognised by many philosophers, and that it is in perfect accordance with the principles of Pythagora? and Plato. It was perhaps the latter part of this defence which gave rise to another treatise of Athenagoras, — that On the Itesurrection of the Dead (Ilepl ^ Avaardcrews rdv NeKpwv). — In this book, the author first refutes objections commonly urged against the doctrine, by arguments drawn from the power and will of the Creator ; and he then argues in support of it, upon the following grounds ; namely, — the end of man''s creation, — the constitution of his nature, — the justice and providence of God ; — especially, says he (by a philosophical speculation, not founded upon Scrip- ture), as all sin originates with the body, and as we cannot imagine either virtue or vice existing in the soul alone, since the divine laws have been imposed upon the whole man, and not merely upon any particular portion of his nature. 82 THE ANTR-NICENR FATHRRS. [nOOK I. CHAPTER X. THEOPHILUS OF ANTIOCH. Theophilus, bishop of Antioch, is highly commended by Eusebius {Hist. EccL lib. iv. c. 23) and Jerome {Gated. Script. Eccl. e. 25). He wrote a defence of Christianity, and commentaries on Scrip- ture, which have perished, with the exception of a small fragment preserved in one of the Epistles of Jerome. He died in the year 181. His Treatise addressed to his friend Autolyclms, a learned heathen, with a view to convert him to Christianity {TJepl tP]9 T(ov XpiaTiavMv IHcyTecos), is still extant. In this work, the heathen system of religious belief and worship is successfully encountered by a judicious use of the writings of Greek authors ; but the description and defence of Christianity itself is less skilfully managed. The treatise consists of three Books. In the First BooJc, the bishop replies to a demand of his friend " to show him the Christian's God," by affirming that God, like the soul of man, cannot be seen by the bodily eyes, — that He is visible to us only in his works, — and can be beheld now only by the eyes of a pure understanding, but that we shall be permitted to see God in the eternal world. He then advances arguments, natural and moral, in support of the Christian doctrine of the resurrection of the dead. In the Second Book., Theophilus shows the folly of the heathen system of religion, and the uncertainties in which it was involved, by reference to the absurdities of its mythology, and the mutual contradictions and disagreements of philosophers and poets ; in opposition to whicli, he adduces the consistency of the sacred prophets in their doctrines concerning the true religion, and especially in their account of the creation of the world, — a subject on which great ignorance and confusion of thought prevailed among the heatben. Tn common with Justin Martyr and Athcnagoras, Theophilus docs not forget to declare that the world was created by the Eternal AVord, or Son of God ; but like them, also, he refines too much on this high subject. (He niw X.] TIlEOl'ini.L'S OF ANTlOCir, 83 explains the words, "In the beginning God created the heavens and the earth," as equivalent to " God created the heaven and the earth by the Word, which is the beginning," apxv'-> ^"^l he interprets the passage which speaks of the Spirit of God moving upon the foee of the waters, as relating to the wind, or some other principle of life : agreeing in this particular with the views of other early ecclesiastical writers, but differing from the interpretation of the text adopted by later, and more learned, expositors of Scripture'.) Then follow comparisons of the world with the sea, of God with the sun, of man with the moon, and various other allegorical interpretations or speculations equally frivolous and tedious. Theophilus understands the words, "Let us make man," as spoken by God the Father to his Word or AVisdom. He says, "It was not God the Father of all things, but his Word by whom all things were made, that was present with Adam in Paradise ;" referring, on this head, to the words of Adam, " I heard thy voice, (/. e. says he, thy Word,) in the garden." He affirms that God made man neither mortal nor immortal, but capable of either death or immortality. Lastly, he compares a great number of the Sibylline verses, and some of the thoughts of heathen writers, with the books of the prophets, from which he supposes them to have been borrowed. Ill ihe Third Bool\ the bishop attacks the writings of heathen philosophers, which Autolychus continued to prefer to the sacred books ; pointing out their discrepancies and inconsistencies, together with the uselessness of their positions, and their immoral ' Theopliilus apjicars to be the first vritor wlio used tlio -word " Trinity," to express the Scriptural doctrine con- cerning a distinction of persons in the one Eternal Godhead. "Though some persons have objected to the mixture of Christian ideas and expressions with those Avhich belong to the Platonic philosophy, a careful perusal of the work [of Theophilus] Avill confirm the remark already made, that Platonism had by this time been materially al- tered ; and that when a Christian spoke in the language of Plato, he adapted it to docti'ines which the fol- lowers of Plato had never heard of till they came in contact with the Chris- tians."— BuHTON, Lectures vpon the Eccleniaiiical History of the first Three Centuries. Lect. 19. " The passages which have been brought to prove that anything like the Christian Trinity was held by Plato, have entirely failed to substantiate the point. . • The later Platonists, as the followers of Ammonius were called, were the bit- terest enemies of Christianity ; but still tliey endeavoured to show that it resembled Platonism."— /i., Lect. 24. G 2 84 THE AXTE-NICKXE FATHERS. [nOOK 1. tendency. He then exhibits the superiority of the Christian rehgion, by giving a short sketch of its code of morals from the Old and New Testaments ; and hence he takes occasion to show- how improbable and absurd were the charges of immoral and cruel practices in Christian worship, with which the professors of the Gospel were continually reproached by unbelievers. — In conclusion, the writer attempts to prove, historically and chrono- logically, that the Jewish Scriptures are as old as they profess to be ; and that early profane history is full of mistakes and uncer- tainty. These points he establishes, on the whole, pretty well ; but not without error in some particular instances. CHAPTER XI. IREN^US. The first Christian writer that appeared in the western parts of the Roman empire was Iren.eus, bishop of Lyons. He, how- ever, belonged originally to Asia Minor; where, in his youth, he had enjoyed the friendship and instruction of some of the immediate disciples of the Apostles, especially Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna ; and for this reason he is himself ranked among the Apostolical Fathers. Having carefully studied, not only the doctrines of Christianity, but also the principles and opinions of the chief })liilosophical and religious parties of his day, he after- wards settled at Lyons, where he was ordained a presbyter by Pothinus, bishop of that church. During his discharge of that office, he was sent as a deputy from the Christians in Gaul to the Roman bishop, with a view to recover the peace of the church, which had been wounded by the errors of the Montanists. Pothinus died in the year 177, and Ircuivus was elected to succeed him as Bishop of Ljons ; in which capacity he became distinguished by his zeal in maintaining the soundness of Christian doctrine against the various errors of the age, and by his success in the conversion of the heathen to the faith of the Gospel. He died in the year 202, or somewhat later; but there is no clear evidence of his having suft'ered martyrdom. CHAP. XI.] irenjEus. 85 Of his writings many are known to us only by name, their titles having been recorded by Eusebius {Hid. Eccl. lib. v. c. 20, 26). But, happily, the most important of his works has been, in a great measure, preserved. This is a Treatise in five Books, in which he undertook to develope and refute the error of the Valentinians, and other Gnostics, entitled, A Refutation of Knowledge, falsely so called ('EXeyx^^ '^"^ 'Ayarpoiri) tyjs Wev- Bcovvp,ov rv(t)ut the rest of the work has been preserved only in an old Latin translation. It was translated not long after its publication, perhaps for the use of the Gallic and African Christians, among whom Greek was but imperfectly understood; and there is reason to believe that Tertullian made use of it. The translation, however, is badly executed; and appears to have proceeded from the pen of a writer who was not thoroughly acquainted with either Greek or Latin, and who was, moreover, but little versed in the subject-matter of the book. But this work is valuable, as introducing us to some acquaintance with the Latin version of the Scriptures at that time in use, from which the translator quotes the various texts which occur in the course of the work. In the First Book, Irenocus describes the doctrines of the Gnostics, especially of the Valentinians, and more particularly still of the followers of Ptolemy. He declares at large the opinions of the Valentinians respecting the ^Eons and their gene- rations, the creation of the world, and other matters; and quotes the passages of Scripture which they had wrested, or misinter- preted, in support of their peculiar notions. He then shows that the several advocates of the erroneous system were at variance among themselves; and that thus they in fact furnished an argu- 86 TUP AXTE-NICENE FATIIEKS. [bOOK I. merit in favour of the truth of the doctrines generally received in the Christian Church. He then gives a summary view of this universal Christian doctrine, which had been delivered, as he says, by the apostles and their disciples; and he states it as con- sisting in— a belief in one God, the Father Almighty, Creator of all thinsrs; in one Jesus Christ, the Son of God, who was made man in order to redeem us; and in the Holy Spirit, who, by the prophets, foretold the divine dispensations, the birth, sufferings, resurrection, and ascension, of our dear Lord Jesus Christ, and his coming again from heaven, in the glory of the Father, to raise all men from the dead; in order that unto Jesus Christ, our Lord, God, Redeemer, and King, all knees in heaven, in earth, and under the earth, should bow, and that every tongue should confess him; and that he should exercise a righteous judgment upon all, so that he should condemn the fallen angels and wicked men to everlasting fire, and bestow upon the righteous and godly, life, immortality, and eternal glory. These words present us with the substance of the earliest creed or confession of faith adopted in the Christian church'; and the author expressly adds, that " neither the churches established in Ger- many, nor those of Spain and Gaul, (the first historical record of churches in Germany and Spain,) nor those in the countries of the East, in Egypt, Libya, or the middle of the world. (/. g., the centre of the Roman empire,) believe or teach differently in any respect." The merely literary or verbal debates which arise among Christian teachers do not, says he, affect this uniformity of belief. It is easy to discover, in the short sketch of Christian doctrine thus given by L'en?eus, the groundwork of the confession afterwards known by the name of the Apostles'" Creed; and we may observe also, that while it contains, or plainly and certainly implies, all the essentials of the Christian faith, it denies to any teacher or church whatsoever the right of imjiosing additional articles of belief as necessary to salvation. Ha])py. indeed, would it be for the cause of truth and and holiness, if the terms of com- munion in all Christian churches could be safely made to rest upon a basis as broad as the confession of faith thus carefully and ' For an exact triiuslatiun of tlie whole passage, and the 'oi-iyiiial, see book iv. chap. 1, sect. II, ami note. scrupulously recorded by Irenasus, who had sut at the feet of Polycarp, the disciple of St. John! With this perfect agreement ill matters of faith which prevailed in the Christian church, Irenteus compares the discrej)ancies existing in the tenets of the Valentinians, as exhibited in the difference between the doctrines of ^^•llcntinus himself, and those of his followers, Secundus, Epiphanes, Ptolemy, Colorbasus, and Marcus; detailing minutely some of the errors, impostures, and vices, which attached to the latter, and his adherents the Marcionitcs. Here he mentions incidentally the custom of ])ublic penance (i^o/jbo\6yr]ai9) as it then existed in the church, or the discipline exercised with regard to those members who had given offence by any miscon- duct.— At the close of the book, having stated the Christian doctrine concerning the nature of God and the creation of the world, the author describes certain ancient heresies, in order to show that the tenets of the Valentinians had descended from those corrupt sources. I7i the Second BooJc^ the author undertakes to refute the errors which he had described, by natural and iiioral arguments, or proofs from reason and the nature of things. He answers, also, some of the Valentinian arguments, founded upon perversions of Scrip- ture. Here, in refuting the foolish opinion that the thirty ^Eons of the Valentinians were mystically alluded to in the fact that our Lord was baptized at the age of thirty years, Irenseus erro- neously asserts that our Saviour was nearly fifty years old at the time of his crucifixion. The author then makes some good remarks concerning the use of the understanding in matters of religion, and on the use and interpretation of Scripture; giving also some seasonable warnings against a desire to pry into the mvsterics of the divine nature, or any other of the " deep things of CJod.'" The continued exercise of miraculous gifts and powers in the church is then expressly asserted, with an enumeration of the particular kinds of miracles which frequently took place; and the Valentinians are upbraided with the absence of these powers among thenoselves: — a remarkable assertion, especially if M-e consider the challenge with which it is accompanied, and one which strongly tends to confirm the opinion (I suppose I may say generally hchl) relating to the f^radual cessation of miracles 88 THE AXTE-NICENE FATHERS. [liOOK I. in the Christian church, after the age of the apostles. Towards the conclusion of this book, (c. 82,) Irenseus asserts, in accord- ance with other early ecclesiastical writers, that the soul of man is not of itself immortal, but lives only as long as God pleases; a doctrine which he resolves into that of the absolute and universal sovereignty of the Most High. In the Third Book, Irenjeus refutes the errors of the Gnostics by proofs from Scripture, and the teaching of the apostles. He remarks that the sacred writers did not record the doctrines of religion without having first received an extraordinary and accu- rate knowledge of them by divine inspiration. Hence, says he, they are certain guides; and he who does not assent to them (mentioning particularly the Evangelists, or writers of the Gospels) despises Christ and the Father. But, adds Irenseus, when we refute the opinions of the heretics out of these sacred books, they complain that these books have been corrupted, and are not in themselves a sufficient authority in matters of faith; and that the truth cannot be gathered from the Scriptures by those who are not also acquainted with oral ' tradition."" He represents them as referring to the words of St. Paul, " We speak wisdom among the perfect, howbeit not the wisdom of this world;"" and adds, that each leader of the different sects supposes his own fancies and inventions to be the wisdom to which St. Paul alludes; so that, according to their doctrine, truth is to be sought sometimes from Valentinus, sometimes from Marcion, sometimes from others. But, on the other hand, says Irenteus, when we appeal (/. e. be it observed, in confirmation of the truth recorded in Scripture, — not for the establishment of any addition to that truth) to tradition, derived from the apostles, and preserved by the presbyters Avho have succeeded each other in the church, then they reject this tradition, and affirm that themselves alone have discovered the pure truth, being wiser than the presbyters, and even than the apostles. Hence we learn that the false teachers w^ho sprang up in the early church were the first who maintained that the testimony of Scripture is not of itself sufficiently clear and e.xplicit in matters of faith, and that, in order to arrive at the whole truth of our religion, recourse must be had to various oral explanations and CHAP. XI.] IKEN.I^US. 89 additions handed down from the days of the apostles; a position equally false and dangerous, sufficient to alter or destroy the whole fabric of Christianity. The written record was, in fact, at once the depository and safcfruard of the true faith. The vague- ness and inefficiency of oral tradition, even with reference to matters of fact, was abundantly proved by the dissensions which arose in the early church respecting the time of celebrating Easter. Irenreus affirms that apostolical tradition, in all churches, was in accordance with .Scripture; and refers especially to the church of Rome, Avhich was particularly valuable as a witness in this matter, inasmuch as it was the earliest, (that is, among the western churches,) and consisted of Christians gathered from all parts of the M'orld. He mentions the succession of Roman bishops from the time of the apostles, and says that other churches, also, such as those of Smyrna and Ephesus, had pos- sessed the same advantage of an unbroken lino of pastors; and then takes occasion to relate some sayings attributed to St. John and Polycarp, expressing their detestation of Gnostic errors. — From all this, Trenreus concludes that the truth is to be sought, not in the modern sects, but in those churches in which the apostles themselves had taught. If, says ho, these apostles had not left any writings behind them, we must in that case have adhered to the faith as orally delivered and propagated by their disciples. Such a process must have taken place among a bar- barous people, ignorant of the art of writing. But, inasmuch as he was not thus compelled to have recourse to oral tradition in support of Christian truth, he again refers the Gnostics to the Holy Scriptures, and refutes many of their errors by })roofs drawn from the sacred volume. — In the course of this demonstration, after having made quotations from each of the gospels, he falls into the silly conceit of pretending to show that it was necessary the gospels should have been four in number, because there arc four quarters of the world, four cardinal winds, and four living creatures mentioned in the Apocalypse! — Afterwards, he main- tains correctly that the Old Testament does not contradict the New. — He bestows great ])raise upon the Septuagint translation of the Old Testament, relating its history according to the fabu- 90 THE ANTE-NICEXE FATHERS. [l300K I. loiis tradition of the Jews, and supposing its authors to have been qualified for the execution of their tasks by divine inspiration. In this latter opinion he is supported by Justin Martyr and other early ecclesiastical writers. Having hitherto referred chiefly to the writings of the apostles, Irenceus proceeds, in the Fourth Book, to appeal to the writings of the prophets, and the discourses of our Saviour himself. He treats particularly of the nature of the deity, Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. It is to be regretted that this author, who justly blames the Gnostics for professing to be wise above what is wu-itten, should himself have fallen, in some measure, into the same error. But such is the fact. He tells us a great deal more concerning the divine nature than M'e find in Scripture, and therefore more than himself, or any other man, can have means of knowing; as, for example, when he affirms that God the Father is immediately served by his own offspring and form {progenies et ficfuratio sua), that is, the Son and the Holy Ghost, the Word and the Wisdom of God; and that these other persons of the Godhead are served by all the angels, who are subject to them. He main- tains (against the Gnostics) that the Old and the New Testaments have the same author and the same end; and that Christ did not abolish the law of nature contained in the Ten Commandments; but only the Mosaic law; Avhicli he did, in order that men might serve God with greater liberty, and call upon him as their Father with greater confidence. He applies his remarks concerning the divine origin of the Old Testament more particularly to the insti- tution of sacrifices under the law; and describes the celebration of the Eucharist, according to Christ's holy institution, as having taken the place of all these abrogated ceremonies, and as having been foretold by the prophet Malachi (ch. i. v. 10, 11), under the character of Incense {i. e. as Irenreus explains it, the prayers of the saints) and a pure offering. The whole of this passage concerning the Eucharist has given rise to much debate, but this is not the place for a critical exann'nation of it; and it may suffice to observe that, without declining into any serious error on the doctrine of the Lord's supper, Irenocus does appear to have refined a little too much upon the subject, and to have overlooked the simple and real meaning ol' the institution, by a desire to draw a rilAP. XI.] IRE.V.KUS. 91 parallel between it and the sacrifices or oblations of the Mosaic economy. He concludes, however, with these words, which per- haps are sufficient to prevent any serious mistake: — " The altar is in heaven; for thither do we direct our prayer and our oft'ering." Of the various explanations of texts from the Old Testament given in this book, some arc sound and edifying, while others are erroneous and absurd ; but the great doctrine of the unity of the Godhead is successfully established against the Gnostics. At the conclusion of the book, the author combats, with great zeal, the false doctrine that some men are good, and others bad, by nature. He represents all men as both able and free to choose and to per- form either good or evil; maintains that we cannot explain, upon any other supposition, the exhortations to holiness and good works addressed to mankind by the prophets, and Jesus Christ himself; and asserts that the fiiult lies entirely with men themselves, if they come short of perfection, by neglecting to make a good use of their moral liberty and capacities. In the Fifth Book, Irenrcus argues principally from the words of our Lord and the apostles. He proves the real humanity of Christ against the Valentinians and Ebionites, and maintains the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead against the Gnostics. He again adverts (and still with too much explanation and refine- ment) to the nature of the Holy Trinity in Unity. He institutes a comparison between Eve and the Virgin Mary; the latter of Avhom he calls the advocata (in the original the word was probably irapdKXrjTO'i) of the other, but without attributing to her any office of intercession or the like. In fact, his object is simply to contrast the disobedience of Eve, with the obedience and submission to the divine will manifested by the holy virgin. The author then touches upon various other matters in which the Gnostics had departed from the true standard of Christian faith, and at length mentions their opinions concerning Antichrist. His testimony to the authenticity of the Revelation of St. John is express. He intimates (but rather obscurely) his own opinion that by Antichrist was meant the Roman empire, and especially one particular emperor who would fill the throne. But he observes, very wisely, that it is far better and safer to wait for the accomplishment of the prophecies contained in that book, 92 THE ANTK-NICKXK FATUIiKS'. [uOOK I. than to frame conjectures respecting their meaning and applica- tion. Irenajus deems it evident that the ^vorld will last six thousand years, because it was created in six days, and it is said that a thousand years is with the Lord as one day. He main- tains the eternity of future punishment. And from the fact of our Saviour not having risen from the dead until the third day, he concludes that the souls of the faithful are not admitted to the presence of God immediately after their departure from the body, but rather that they go to some invisible place, set apart for their reception, where they will remain until the general resurrection; after which, they will be admitted, in their perfect natures, that is, with body and soul united (as in Christ himself at his ascension), to the beatific presence. He supposes that, imme- diately after the resurrection, the Lord Jesus Christ will set up a kingdom upon earth, in which his saints will reign with him, (giving here another instance of his credulity, by appealing to the testimony of former teachers, especially Papias, in proof of St. John having reported a saying of our Saviour, that the produce of the vine would be wonderfully abundant during this happy reign ;) and labours industriously to prove that the descriptions given by the Jewish prophets of the kingdom of Messiah, are to be understood, .not in a spiritual sense, but literally. He asserts (with appeal to the doctrine taught by the disciples of the apostles) that some of the saints will be taken up into heaven, others will enjoy the happiness of paradise, and others will possess the beautiful city, New Jerusalem, (according to their respective merits,) but that all will see God. It is evident, from even the foregoing sketch of the Treatise against Heresies, that it contains much sound and valuable matter, mingle. XIII.] TERTULLIAX. 109 'TiTOTviraiaeLS, or Expositions (of Scripture). Pliotius {Blblioth. Cod, 109) gives a general idea of this work; which he repre- sents as containing some true doctrines, mixed up with many absurd, and even heretical and impious, opinions. Euscbius has preserved some fragments of the historical portion of this work in \\\H Ecclesiastical History^ (lib. i. c. 12; ii. 1, 2, 9, 1-1, 1.5; vi. 14.) CHAPTER XIII. TERTULLIAN. \ QuixTus Septimus Florens Tertullianus was a native of Car- thage, son of a pro-consular centurion. We know nothing of his history before his conversion to Christianity; except that, by an industrious use of great native talent, he had made considerable progress in various branches of literature, and that, according to his own confession, his manners were dissolute and vicious. AVe possess no account of either the occasion or the date of his con- version; but we learn that it was attended with a suitable change of moral conduct, and that soon after it had taken place, he was made a ])resbyter of the Church at Carthage (more probably than, as has been often said, at Rome), where he began to employ his pen in the service of the religion which he had embraced. About the year 200, Tertullian attached himself to the sect of the Montanists, whose cause he continued to support until his death, which took place about the year 218 or 220. It is said by Jerome {Catal. Script. EccL c. 53), that Tertullian was induced to join this party in consequence of the jealousy and detraction of the Roman clergy; but the account is obscure and unsatisfac- tory, and we may perhaps rightly ascribe the adoption of Mon- tanist tenets to that severe turn of thought on questions of morals, combined with a vigorous and lively imagination, by which Tertullian had already become distinguished. He did not adopt all the errors and extravagances of all who bore the name of Montanists; but he was a zealous defender of their views, so far as he coincided with them; not hesitating to distinguish the members of his favourite sect by the name of Spiritales, spiritual, while he 1]0 THE ANTE-NICKNE FATHERS, [iJOOK I, usually affixed the contemptuous appellation of Psychici, sensual or carnal, to the general body of Christians, %vliose communion he had abandoned. There can be little doubt that his example and writings contributed materially to increase the numbers of the party he had joined. It must be remembered that the Mon- tanists were a body of religious enthusiasts, or pietists, rather than a sect of heretics, in the usual acceptation of that term. Perhaps the Montanism of Tertullian was, on the whole, beneficial to the cause of religion at the period in which he lived; inasmuch as his powerful advocacy of the tenets and morals of his sect may have excited the body of orthodox clergy to greater circumspection in their conduct, and may have withdrawn their attention from allegorical interpretations of Scripture, and other subtleties, about which they might otherwise have employed their ingenuity to the great detriment of truth. Tertullian was what may be termed, in modern phraseology, a great genius. His turn of mind was ardent and impassioned; his imagination vivid, his invention fertile, his wit ready and sarcastic; his learning was extensive, and often skilfully applied. But his judgment was not sound, nor was his mode of arguing adapted to produce deep and abiding conviction. His style is often oratorical and turgid, when it ought to have been simple and perspicuous; and it appears as if he was often betrayed by the vehemence of his rhetoric into an overstatement of his own opinions and positions. He was well acquainted with the Greek philosophy ; but he disliked it, as being, in his opinion, the mother of all heresies among Christians. He was, however, a powerful advocate of the Christian religion ; and, if we make allowance for some peculiar opinions of no great moment, and for his Montanist tenets, we find in his writings a clear and impres- sive exhibition of Christian doctrine, without the admixture of those miserably artificial explanations, comparisons, and additions with which the works of earlier writers had been disfigured and greatly deteriorated. Even on questions of morals, in which many of his positions are harsh and overstrained, Tertullian often appears to great advantage; his heart, full of zeal for the honour of religion, kindles a corresponding flame in the mind of the reader; and he pleads so powerfully on behalf of piety and virtue, CHAP. XIII.] TERTULLIAX. HI tliat wc cannot but make a favourable allowance for his con- clusions, even when they are extreme or erroneous. He makes continual appeal to Holy Scripture ; and although he sometimes adopts the fashion, so common in his age, of using it merely for the confirmation of his own opinions, yet on the whole he may bo regarded as an able expositor. He argues with great vehemence, and even in a spirit of animosity, against the various errors by [which Christianity had been corrupted. His style (which forms the foundation of ecclesiastical Latinity) is harsh and peculiar, distinguished by the use of obsolete, newly-coined, and far-fetched words, unusual constructions, difficult allusions, strik- ing inequalities, obscure brevity of diction, daring images, and quaint antitheses. The writings of TertuUian, however, are highly valuable, not only on account of the learning they contain, but especially for their description of the existing state of Christian doctrine, — of the constitution, worship, and customs of the church, — and of the positions assumed by the various sects of heretics. It is important to discover and bear in mind what books were written by TertuUian as a member of the general or orthodox Church, and what as a Montanist. This question has been the subject of some debate, but, on the wdiole, we are able to make the distinction with some degree of certainty. His Apology for the Christians against the Heathen (Apologe- ticus adversus Gentes), written probably about the year 198 or 199, or at the latest in 205, is not indeed the first of his compositions, but may be regarded as the most beautiful and delightful of them all, as it was undoubtedly the most eloquent and powerful defence of the Christian religion which had yet appeared. This treatise was addressed to the Homan provincial governor. The author begins by showing the combined injustice and folly of condemning truth without a hearing; that animosity against the Christian religion arose, in a great measure, from a want of acquaintance with it, and from prejudice, which existed notwithstanding the wonderful propagation of the faith among all classes of persons. Bad men, he continues, shun the light, but Christians court it ; they glory in their religion, and are willing to endure suffering on its account. He upbraids the enemies of Christians with accusing them of monstrous crimes, 112 THE ANTE-NICENE FATHERS. [l300K I. while yet, in accordance with the rule laid down by Trajan, they abstained from examination; and convicts them of other incon- sistencies and errors in their proceedings, especially that of per- secuting good men merely on account of their Christian name. In the Second Book Tertullian maintains the innocence of the Christians, and shows that there is no reason why they should be punished under the sanguinary laws of Nero and Domitian, — urges the improbable and absurd notions of some of the charges brought against the Christians, — points out the low character of the heathen idols, and the unreasonableness of worshipping them, — rebukes the foolish insinuation that the Christians worshipped the head of an ass, — declares the nature of the great and invisible God, the antiquity, authenticity, and divine authority of the Jewish Scriptures, the person and history of our Saviour, the nature and influence of evil spirits whom the heathen worshipped as gods, and the power which was exercised over them by Christians, — retorts the charge of impiety upon the heathen, — asserts the loyalty of Christians, founded upon Scripture, and their respect for the person of the emperor, so far as it was lawful, — describes their spirit of love, and their forbearance towards their enemies, not- withstanding the power they had acquired by the rapid and asto- nishing increase of their numbers, — and concludes by remarking, that they ought not to be blamed for conscientiously absenting themselves from the public games and exhibitions. The author then goes on to describe the constitution of the Christian society, or church, and the nature and circumstances of its religious worship and discipline. (Many references to this passage are made in the course of the following work.) Tertullian then shows how unreasonable it was to lay public or national calamities to the charge of the Christians, who ought rather to be regarded as (insfcrumentally) the preservers of their country, — pleads that they were not, as sometimes represented, useless or unprofitable members of the state, — contends that, although the Christians ought not to be regarded as a mere philosophical sect, yet that, at least, they ought to have the liberty and security accorded to such sects, — shows the superiority of Christianity to mere philosophy, — and exhibits the real nature, and the grounds, of that constancy and patience in suffering, which had been miscalled obstinacy by CHAP. XIII.] TERTl'I.LIAN. 1 I .•] their persecutors. " The blood of the Christians," says he, " is the seed of the church. You condemn us, but God acquits us." But he makes a sad mistake here, when he imphes that, for the shedding of his blood, a martyr receives at the hands of God forgiveness of all his sins. Tertullian afterwards revised this apology, and enlarged it for the purpose of more general circulation ; when it was published under the title Ad Nationes, Lihrl Duo. The second book of this treatise was enriched by a systematic refutation of the heathen theology, philosophical, poetical, and political. With these two treatises of our author another is closely connected, entitled On the Testimony of the Soul (De testimonio Animse) . This treatise is devoted to the more ample developement of a position laid down in the Apology, (c. 17,) that the soul of man involuntarily bears testimony to the leading truths of religion. The author here calls upon the untutored soul of man to testify what it knows concerning God and its own future destiny. He argues from the common modes of speech, — God grant it! If God will! God is good! God bless you! God will judge between us! and the like, — that the mind of man is naturally impressed with ideas of the one true God, which agree with the Christian doctrine on the subject. From the practice of imprecations and curses, he shows that the mind believes in the existence and agency of evil spirits; and he contends that the mind anticipates its existence after death, from the circumstance that men sometimes speak and think of the dead as miserable or safe, sometimes wish they may experience misery or rest, sometimes say of a person deceased, 'He is gone and must return,"" and sometimes arc influenced by a desire of posthumous renown, and all this merely as they are prompted by nature, independently of instruction; and he asserts that the mind, with these impressions, ought to attain to the true knowledge of God, or of Christianity — for the rejection of which it nuist answer at the bar of God. The argument, as it stands in this treatise, is imperfect; but it was, perhaps, eftcctive, under the circumstances of the times, as an argumentum ad homincm. The treatise On Prayer (De Oratione), is supposed to be the oldest of Tertullian's writings. It consists of an exposition of the Lord's Prayer, with some remarks on the exercise of prayer I 114 TIIK ANTE-NICENE rATIlERS. [bOOK I. in general. The author speaks highly of the Lord's Prayer, both on account of its author, and as containing a complete summary of Christian doctrine. This treatise contains some mistaken and vain speculations, but it is highly important to us as a record of facts and customs ; and in this point of view it is frequently referred to in the course of the following pages. An Exhortation to the Imprisoned Confessors of Christianity (Liber ad Martyras), belongs also to the early portion of Tertul- lian's writings. Some disagreement of opinion had arisen among these confessors, and it was the immediate object of Tertullian in this treatise to remove any unpleasant feeling which might exist. He recommended concord, especially on the ground that many Christians on whom penance had been imposed sought to obtain, by means of their written intercession, the peace of the church, (that is, reconciliation with the body,) earlier than it could other- wise be accorded. He adds other topics of encouragement, moral and religious. His Treatise on Public Shows (Liber de Spectaculis), appears to have been composed at an early period. Its object is to dis- suade Christians from frequenting the public spectacles of the day ; and it is addressed more immediately to the catechumens. The author first answers two arguments in favour of these shows; namely, that such pleasures are not dangerous to religion, and that all the means of diversion employed are the gifts of God, and not to be neglected; — he then answers the remark that Scripture does not expressly forbid Christians to partake in such amuse- ments ; — he proceeds, in the next place, to bring forward argu- ments in support of his position, namely, the renunciation of the devil, his pomp, and his angels, made in baptism, (proving that the public shows are included in this renunciation, on account of their idolatrous origin and use;) the inconsistency of the feelings excited by these shows with the gentle and pure operations of the Holy Spirit in the heart; the danger of moral contamination; and the practice of hypocrisy and deception which such exhibitions occasion. He speaks of such scenes as the deviFs own territory ; and intimates that it is no wonder that evil spirits take possession of persons found on tlieir own ground. Besides, says he, it is hero that the name of God is blasphemed, and that plaus for the CHAP. XIII.] TERTULLIAN. 115 persecution of the church are formed. — In conclusion, he refers Christians to the far higher sources of pleasure and rejoicing \^■hich are opened to them in the Gospel; and reminds them of the tremendous and sublime spectacle Avhicli they will all be called to witness in the last day. Asa continuation of this book, TertuUian composed another On Idolatn/ (Liber de Idololatria). His object in this treatise is to show the real extent of the sin of idolatry, under which he includes the making of images of heathen deities, and the like; the practice of astrology; the teaching of heathen literature; and the dealing in wares used for idolatrous or superstitious purposes. He then proceeds to prohibit various other particulars in action or word, as savouring of idolatry; on the whole, with good reason; but in some cases, perhaps, with too much stric-tness and scrupu- losity, carrying his injunctions to an impracticable extent. His book O71 Baptism (Liber de Baptismo), composed most probably before he had quitted the communion of the orthodox church, is in many respects valuable and important. — TertuUian begins by expressing his admiration of the extreme simplicities of the rite of baptism considered in connexion with its wonderful results, and contrasted with the costly and elaborate ceremonies of idolatry. — He speaks of the antiquity and intrinsic excellence of water, and of the apt significancy of ablution; and maintains, moreover, that the water of baptism is prepared for its mystical use by an angel, as of old an angel officiated at the pool of Bethesda. — He enumerates several ceremonies observed in Christian bap- tism, which will be mentioned in their place in the following work. — He adverts to the various emblems of baptism contained (or supposed to be contained) in holy Scripture. — He then states and ansvvei's various objections relating to the importance or neces- sity of baptism. Among these are the following. An objector asks why Avere not the twelve apostles baptized? TertuUian answers, they had, at all events, received the baptism of John. Nor is it imreasonable to regard them as having been baptized when they were sprinkled by the spray of the sea, at the time of their being tossed about in the ship, during the storm mentioned in the Gospel ; for that ship is an emblem of the church, tossed on the floods of ])cr.sccution, until the Lord, being roused by the I 1 11^ THE ANTE-NICENE FATHERS. [bOOIv I. prayers of his saints, commands a calm. Another objection is, that since faith is sufficient for salvation, as we see in the case of Abraham, it cannot be truly said that baptism is necessary. It is so, answers Tertullian, according to our Saviour's own words; and it is to be regarded as the clothing put upon faith, previously naked. — The author then speaks of baptism by heretics as no real baptism ; explains why it is administered only once ; and speaks in high terms of the baptism of blood, (martyrdom,) as a substitute for that by water. He says, that the minister of baptism in the Christian church is the high priest or bishop. (Tertullian was much addicted to the adoption of Jewish phrase- ology, with reference to the ministers and services of the church ; a practice which subsequently led to serious abuse.) Presbyters and deacons also, says he, have a right to baptize, but not without permission from the bishop, for the honour of the church ; for where this is maintained, there also the peace of the church is preserved, — and he adds, that the laity also have this right (but not women) in cases of necessity. Baptism, continues Tertullian, ought not to be administered hastily; it is better to defer it for some time, especially in the case of children, who, he thinks, ought to be instructed in the religion of Christ before they enter upon the profession of it by baptism. In this passage we find the first mention of sponsors in baptism. A dread of persons falling into sin after baptism was evidently at the foundation of Tertullian's views respecting the expediency of delaying the admi- nistration of the rite. At the conclusion of the book, Tertullian recommends Easter and Whitsuntide as the most appropriate seasons for the administration of baptism ; adding, however, that every day is the Lord's, and no time in itself unfit, provided that the candidates have been properly prepared by prayer, fasting, and confession of sins. To the works of Tertullian which are free from all traces of Montanism, belong also the Iht-o BooJcs to his Wife (Libri duo ad Uxorem). In the First Book of this treatise the author advises his wife, if he should die first, not to marry again, assuring her that this advice is dictated, not by any feeling of jealousy on his part, but by a desire for her welfare, he being persuaded that (iod, who had instituted marriage, had not sanctioned more than CIIAP. XIII,] TEUTULLIAN, ll7 one such union for each individual. He then proceeds to cite arguments and examples from Scripture, especially from the -writings of St. Paul, in support of his theory of the unlawfulness of a second marriage, and to answer some pleas usually urged against it. It is, perhaps, needless to add that he does violence to the sense of Scripture in order to maintain his position. In the Second Book Tertullian abates the rigour of his claims, advising his wife, in case of her surviving him, at all events not to marry a heathen, as many Christian widows had done. Against this practice he brings forward sound and powerful arguments ; and, in conclusion, represents the benefits and blessings attendant upon a thoroughly Christian marriage. Besides these writings, which are evidently free from the peculiar tenets of Montanism, there are those concerning which it is difficult to pronounce whether they were written by Ter- tullian before or after his secession from the orthodox body, Among these we may reckon his Book on Penitence (Liber de Poenitentia), although it appears most probable that this book was composed before the author joined the Montanists, In this treatise Tertullian teaches that repentance, (consisting in a sorrow for sins committed, whether in act or thought, arising from a fear of God, and tending to salvation,) is necessary in order to bap- tism ; and that, in Cclse of sin after baptism, there is room once more, (but only once,) for repentance, accompanied by an out- ward act of penitence, i^ofioXoyrjais, (such as is described in the following work, book iv., chap, iv., sect, i.) It is manifest that this book departs from the simplicity of Scripture, and contains various seeds of error. Another work of Tertullian, of uncertain date, is his Treatise against the Jeics (Liber adversus Judreos). In it the author shows that the heathen had obtained a right to the grace of God through Christ; that the law of nature, on which that of Moses was founded, extended to all people ; that the ceremonial worship had attained its end, inasmuch as its spiritual meaning had been developed, and the shadow had given way to the substance; and, lastly, that the Messiah was really come. He traces the error of the Jews, who maintained that the coming of INIcssiah was yet future, to the fact of their confounding the prophecies which 118 'IIIE ANTE-XlCENi-: VATHERS. [rOOK I. relate to his first coming in the flesh ^yith those which predict his second coming in glory. The Treatise on Patience (Liber de Patientia), is another of doubtful date ; the passages which have been supposed to indi- cate a leaning towards Montanism being by no means decisive. In- it, the author recommends patience by the examples of the long-suffering of God and our Saviour; — describes its opposite, impatience, as of Satanic origin ; — points out the connexion which subsists between patience and faith; — recounts at large the benefits of patience; — and concludes with a warning against a false appearance, or vicious imitation of this virtue. All the other works of Tertullian which remain to be noticed, were undoubtedly composed by him as a Montanist. Of these, the first is his Treatise on the Soldiers Chaplet (Liber de Corona). This book was composed on tlie following occasion. On a day appointed for the distribution of the emperor's bounty among the Roman army, all the soldiers wore, as usual, chaplets of laurel in honour of the imperial benefactor, with the exception of one, who appeared before the general carrying his chaplet in his hand. On being asked the reason of his singular behaviour, he replied that, as a Christian, he could not consent to a practice which savoured of idolatrous worship ; and, in consequence of this confession, he was put to death. The Christians, in general, disapproved of his conduct, regarding his objection as over scru- pulous, and calculated to do harm to the cause of their religion. Tertullian, on the other hand, applauded his honesty and bold- ness; and composed this treatise in his defence, inveighing at the same time against the cowardice of the (so called) orthodox Christians. He maintains, in the treatise before us, that by the ancient and primitive custom of the church, it was generally unlawful for a Christian to wear a chaplet ; refers to the renun- ciation used in baptism, and other ceremonies connected M-ith that sacred rite ; then speaks of the celebration of the holy Eucharist, and other practices of the church and of private Christians, including that of the frequent marking of the sign of the cross on the forehead ; concerning all which, continues the author, you would look in vain to Scripture for rules and direc- tions, which in fact have been handed down to us by oral tradi- CHAP, Xlir.] TERTULLIAV. J 10 tion, have been established by custom, and are observed by faith. The reasons of these you may find out yourself, or learn from another. In like manner, among the Jews, and in civil trans- actions, many things are established by custom, rather than by law. This first ground of argument against the wearing of the soldier's chaplct, namely, the authority of custom founded on tradition, is followed up by others, derived from the natural use of flowers, and the idolatrous origin of the wearing of garlands. The author then aiiswers certain objections; argues that the pro- fession of arms itself is unlawful for a Christian; and asserts that all the occasions on which chaplets were usually worn, are unbecoming one who ought rather to wear his master's crown of thorns, in order thereby to obtain the crown of life. In this treatise we find the author appealing to oral tradition, as a guide or rule in matters of form or ceremony. Mention is made of the sign of the cross as usual among Christians, with- out any trace of superstition or abuse. The subject of which this book treats, naturally led the writer to speak of the Christian as a soldier of Christ; and to this comparison we may trace the use of several terms which, by means of Tertullian and succeeding writers, have been adopted into the phraseology of the church. Thus, days of fasting and prayer are compared to the soldier's posts, and hence called stattones; the creed, or confession of faith, by which Christians are distinguished from unbelievers and others, is compared to the military watchword or passport, and hence called by the same name, sf/mboliim; wdiile the solemn rites by which Christians are dedicated to the service of Christ, and profess their allegiance to him, are represented as corre- sponding to the soldier's oath {sacrament urn), and denominated accordingly. AVith regard to the word Sacramentum, it may bo observed that Tertullian uses it in a wide sense, denoting by it sometimes a doctrine of Christianity, sometimes the Holy Scrip- tures, sometimes a ceremony or institution of the church; herein probably following only the Latin translation of the New Testa- ment, as in Col. i. 27; Eph. i, 9; v. 32; 1 Tim. iii. 16. But, in the narrower signification of a military oath, Tertullian began to apply the term Sacramentum to the sacred rites of Baptism 120 THE AXTK-NICEXE FATHERS. [^OOK I. and the Lord's Supper, as beln^ those by which the Christian is especially devoted to the service of his Lord. Hence came the use of the word sacrament in Christian theology; — a word which, as being at once ambiguous and figurative, could well be spared. It may indeed be employed, as by our own church, without any leaning tow^ards error; but there can be little doubt that this term, misinterpreted or misunderstood, has assisted in introducing false doctrines and erroneous views, especially concerning the solemn, but simple, rite of the Lord's Su])per. From the uncommon zeal with which Tertullian advocates the peculiar tenets of the Montanists in his Treatise concerning the Veiling of Virgins (Liber de Velandis Virginibus), it has been supposed that this was the first book which he wrote as a member of that sect. It was the practice at Carthage for the young females to appear at public worship with their heads uncovered ; and in defence of this practice, it was urged that St. PauFs rule to the contrary related only to married women. In reply to this argument, our author contends that even esta- blished customs (unlike matters of faith) are subject to alteration for the better; — that, as Satan is busy in extending evil, Christ- ians ought to adapt their customs to the counteraction of his designs ; — that the Paraclete, or Holy Spirit, has been sent in order to establish a perfect discipline among Christians, but gradually, in condescension to their weakness, and inasmuch as all things require time in order to arrive at their maturity. He says that, in the Greek churches, the young women had already adopled the custom of wearing veils at public worship ; and he adduces reasons to show that the practice ought to become general, contending that the Apostle Paul was on his side. In his impassioned and oratorical style, he speaks of those young women who should appear veiled as dedicated to God, and represents the others as being only "for the men," supposing them to attend public worship for the purpose of being seen and admired. And, in conclusion, he relates a revelation said to have been made by an angel to a sister, or female Christian, by which his doctrine was entirely confirmed. Similar in their contents are two other treatises of Tertullian; one On Female Dress (De habitu mulicbri), and another On CHAP. XIII.] TEKTUIJ.IAX. 121 Female Ornaments (De cultu feminarum). These are u.suall}^ and indeed more correctly, cited as one \A-oik, under the latter title. A mournful habit, says the author, rather than gay clothing, becomes that sex through Avhicli sin was introduced into the world. Female ornaments were invented by the fallen angels, and brought into ftishiou on occasion of their intercourse with the daughters of men, in the early ages of the world. — The author then contends for the authenticity of the "Book of Enoch," which appears to serve his purpose. — lie depreciates the value of gold and silver, pearls and precious stones, as of base origin; and of garlands, as an invention of Satan, the falsifier of nature. — ■ He declaims against various particulars of female vanity, such as the use of curls, the wearing of false hair, and painting the face ; — gives various directions respecting modesty, simplicit}', and moderation ; — maintains that God has placed many things in the w orld for the very purpose of furnishing opportunity for tem- perance and abstinence ; — and, in conclusion, cautions female Christians against even the appearance of immodesty. Five other treatises were composed by this author in oppo- sition to the common opinions and habits of Christians. One of these, is A Book on FUqht in Time of Persecution (Liber de Fu<^a in Persecutione). The author argues that Christians ought not to attempt to avoid persecution, inasmuch as it was permitted by God for the trial of faith; but that they ought, under circum- stances of danger, to commit themselves to the care of Divine Providence ; — and he answers various objections, exercising his ingenuity in attempting to overthrow the force of our Saviour's own example, and of his precept, " When they persecute you in one city, flee imto another." An Exhortation to Chastitt/ (Liber de Exhortatione Castitatis), and A Treatise on Single Marriage (Liber de JNIonogamia), are also to be reckoned in this class. In these books, Tertullian declares the unlawfulness of contracting a second marrias:e; — an opinion, bo it remembered, which (although mistaken) he held in common with many others in his day. The former treatise is addressed to an individual friend ; the latter is of a more general character, and more peculiarly marked by JNIontanist tenets. The arguments adduced are professedly drawn from reason and 122 THE ANTK-XICRNE FATHERS. [nOOIv I. Scripture ; but, in fact, agree with neither. The Liber de Exhortatione Castitatis contains a curious, and in some respects important, passage concerning the character of all Christians, — those of the laity as well as the clergy, (inter ordinem et plebem, says Tertullian, in language borrowed from the Roman juris- prudence'.) A similar passage occurs in the treatise Do Mono- gamia, c. 12. All Christians are called priests (according to the Jewish phraseology) by Justin Martyr, Iren?eus, and Tertullian, on account of the holy freedom and confidence with which they are entitled to approach God in faith and prayer. In the same way, they are all said to offer sacrifice in common prayer and in the celebration of the Lord's Supper, without any intimation that this was the office of the clergy in particular, but on the supposi- tion that ministers and people possessed equal power, and exer- cised equal privileges, in this matter. On the same principle Tertullian concludes that, in case of necessity, any Christian could baptize, or consecrate the elements used in the Lord's Supper, in the absence of a minister. But even Tertullian him- self sometimes departs from the simplicity of these principles; and gives us to understand that Christian ministers are priests (such as the Jewish) in an exclusive sense; — thus paving the way for the establishment of a false claim, by which the governors and teachers of the Christian church arrogated to themselves pecu- liar gifts and privileges unknown to the early church, including the sole power of offering to God an awful, but fictitious, sacrifice. Tertullian defended the peculiar opinions of the Montanists on fasting, in a work entitled A Treatise on Fasts, against the Sensual (Liber de Jejuniis, adversus Psychicos). In this book, the author upbraids the general body of Christians with the laxity of their ideas and practice respecting fasting, representing them as using religious abstinence only once in the year, namely, "when the bridegroom was taken away from his own," that is, from Good Friday to Easter day. He brings forward arguments in favour of a more general observance of this custom, and espe- cially for the peculiar fasts of the Montanists (xerophagiae et stationes). ' Tertul. Lib. de Exhort, ad Cantit, c. 7. CilAP. Xlll.] TEIJTULLIAX. 123 111 his Treatise on Modestn (Liber do Pudicitia), Tertullian contends earnestly on behalf of another peculiar opinion of his sect, namely, that Christians who had become gviilty of adultery or fornication after baptism, could never be permitted to do penance, or be received into the church again. lie blames the Roman bishop for having promised remission of sins to such offenders, after having performed penance. In the course of this treatise, the author quotes a passage from the Epistle to the Hebrews, which epistle he attributes to Barnabas;" and he s))eaks of our Saviour's words to St. Peter, "Upon this rock will I build my church, Sec," as meaning that the church should be founded by that apostle, and as having been fulfilled by the circumstance that St. Peter was made the first instrument of converting the Jews, of opening the kingdom of heaven by baptism, of punishing Ananias and Sapphira for their sins, and of delivering the lame man from the bands of his infirmity. We shall now take a view of some highly important treatises of Tertullian, directed against the errors of those sects of his day, which were considered heretical. Among these is one which treats of the subject of heresy in general ; entitled On the Pre- scription of Heretics (De prtcscriptione Hereticorum, or De prje- scriptionibus ad versus Hsereticos). The author condemns a spirit of needless curiosity, and all attempts at over refinement, in matters of religion ; and maintains that men ought to rest satisfied with an acquaintance with the rule, or general outline, of faith, once known. He then repeats the heads of Christian belief (see book iv. chap. i. sect. 11); and points ont the useless- ness and danger of maintaining controversy with the determined opponents of truth. The agreement of the apostolical churches among themselves in matters of faith, continues the author, is a token that they are in possession of the truth; and he challenges the erroneous sects to show that their first bishops had an apostle or disciple of the apostles for their predecessor or instructor. If they should pretend to such succession, still, says Tertullian, their want of agreement with the doctrine of the apostles would be a sufficient refutation of their claims; and then he refers them to the apostolical epistles. This passage is remarkable, inasmuch 124 THE ANTK-MCENE FATHERS. [liOOK I. as the ultimate appeal in matters of faith is here made to the Holy Scriptures, even while the succession of living teachers in the church could be traced from the apostles themselves. Ter- tullian upbraids the heretics, not only v^ith corrupting the text, and departing from the doctrines of Scripture, but also with the want of that regular constitution and discipline, which are necessary to a true church. In the controversies which have arisen between lloman Catholics and Protestants, appeal has been often made, and sometimes very unfairly, to this treatise of Tertullian. The whole sum of the author's argument, rightly understood, may be stated in the following words: — If any man departs from Christian truth, as it was received by the first churches from the mouths of the apostles and their immediate disciples, and as it has been professed from the beginning in accordance U'ith the written instructions of the ajwstles, this man is, in fact, a modern innovator, and his doctrines are of too late a date to be received as the doctrines of the Gospel. — The members of our own church believe that this position is far more favourable to their own views than to those of their lloman Catholic brethren. In the BooJcs against Marcion (Libri quinque adversus Mar- cionem), Tertullian shows (book i.) that there is but one true God, and that the true God of the Christians is eternal, — the creator of the world, — the author of all good, — perfectly just or righteous, — from whom alone men can receive forgiveness of sins. He shows that baptism ought to be administered to all ; and defends the institution of marriage. — He then (book ii.) answers more particularly the arguments of his opponents against the goodness and other ]3erfections of the Deity, as they are set forth in holy Scripture. In the course of these observations, he asserts the freedom of man's will, — libertas arbitrii, liberum arbitrium,— in moral and spiritual things, even after the Fall, (c. viii.) — Tertullian goes on (bookiii.) to prove against Marcion that Christ is the son of the only true God, the creator of the world; — that the Old and New Testaments proceed from the same divine Author, and agree together; — and that our Saviour assumed a real human body. At the end of this book, the author expresses his expectation (in common with Papias, Justin, CIIAI>. XIII.] TRRTFLLIAN. 125 and Irenseus) of our Saviour's personal reign upon earth diuinff a thousand years after the first resurrection*; and most unwisely relates a fahle, which could not but give great advantage to those against whom he was writing, to the effect that, during the campaign of the Emperor Severus in Judea, a type of the heavenly Jerusalem w^as exhibited to the heathen, in a city which actually appeared to them suspended in the air during the space of forty days. The argument is continued in T//e Fourth Book, chiefly with reference to the Gospel of St. Luke, the authority of which book (but in a corrupt form) was admitted by JNIarcion ; and in T/ie Fifth Book, with reference to ten epistles of St. Paul, wdiich also were received by the same teacher, witli such omissions as his purpose required. Tertullian proves the corruptness of the Marcionite text; and establishes his points by a comparison of many passages of genuine Scripture with each other. — This work of Tertullian is one of the most learned trea- tises of Christian antiquity. It is valuable as furnishing an extensive view of the opinions of the early church concerning the sense of Scripture ; and also on account of the representations which it gives of the leading doctrines of Christianity, as they were generally received in the author''s timo^. In his Treatise against the Valentinians (Liber adversus Valentinianos), Tertullian professedly combats the opinions of that sect with ridicule rather than argument. lie satirizes their history of ^ons, their notions respecting the Creator of the world, concerning Christ, and men ; and the differences and dissensions wdiich existed among themselves. In the Treatise against Pra.reas (Liber adversus Praxeam), Tertullian shows that God the Father did not become man and suffer; — that the Christian doctrine of the holy Trinity in Unity does not interfere \\\t\\ the dominion of the One Supreme God ^ Cains, a presbyter of Rome, after- reckoned thiiteeu ei^istles of St. Paul, wards a bishop, contemporary -with j not including that to the Hebrews. Tertullian, fragments of whose works \ Ibid. lib. vi. c. 20. are preserved by I'Aisebius, appears to ^ For example, in book iv. c. 40, we have been the first orthodox writer find the bread and wine of the Lord's who called in (question this doctrine j Supper correctly described as a figure concerning the millenium. See Eu- or emblem (figura) of our Saviour's sEBius, Hist. Eccl, lib. iii. c. 28. Cains body and blood. 126 THE ANTE-NICENE FATHERS. [bOOK I. (Movap^ia); — that there is one Goel, from whom come the three degrees, forms, and kinds, (gradus, formse, and species,) under the names of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, of one essence, nature, and power, (unius substantive, status, et potes- tatis.) The doctrines laid down by Tertullian in this treatise, concerning the nature of the holy and undivided Trinity are, on the whole, in accordance with Scripture ; but they are attended with too much definition, explanation, and refinement, and a certain degree of what I cannot but describe as unhallowed speculation ; and, moreover, the author asserts that God must have a body, or that the Eternal Spirit must be united to some material substance, — an opinion entertained by many of the good fathers of the early church, by whom it w'as derived probably from the philosophy of the Stoics. — How can we look into the works of the ancient fathers of the church, without again and again thanking God that even these venerable men are not the dictators of our faith ! In the Treatise against Hermogenes (Liber adversus Hermo- genem), Tertullian shows that God is not the author of evil, although He created all things out of nothing. In his arguments against the doctrine of the eternity of matter, Tertullian draws a hasty conclusion, wholly at variance with his opinions else- where declared, — namely, that there was a time when God had no son. In a treatise entitled An Antidote against the Scorpions (Scor- piace, or In Scorpiacum, adversus Gnosticos, de bono Martyrii), Tertullian refutes the opinions of those Gnostics who taught, during the persecution under Severus, that it was neither neces- sary nor expedient for Christians to submit to death on account of their religion. In his treatise On the Body of Christ (De Carne Christi), he contends that our Lord assumed a real human body, against the various errors of Marcion, Apelles, the Docetre, and Yalentinus. Upon this book he founded another, On the Besurrection of the Human Body (Liber de Resurrectione Carnis), in which he argues for the fact of the future resurrection from the dignity of the human body, and especially that of a Christian, — the power, will, and justice of God, — and examples recorded in Scripture. CHAP. XIII.] TEnrULLIAN'. 1 27 The author then refutes various objections made against the doctrine, and proceeds to describe the nature and condition of the body after the resurrection. It is one of the best treatises on this important subject which have come down from the early church; and should be read in connexion with the book of Athenagoras mentioned above. Tertullian wrote also A Book on the Soul (Liber de Anima), against the heathen philosophers; in which, after having asserted that they were extremely ignorant on the subject, he states his own views concerning the nature and properties of the soul ; and then concerning death, sleep, dreams, and the state of the soul after death. He supposes that almost every soul is attended from its birth by an evil genius, from which it is not free until it has been united to Christ. This book is in many respects inter- esting and instructive ; but it contains many strange notions, and is distinguished by a striking mark of credulity in the narrative which it records concerning a certain female, among the Monta- nists, said to have been favoured with extraordinary visions and revelations (c. 9). In his Treatise on the Mantle (Liber de Pallio), Tertullian defends his own conduct in having laid aside the Roman toga or long robe, and having assumed in its stead the philosoidier's mantle or cloak, on account of which he had incurred some ridicule at Carthage. A great store of learning is brought to bear upon the point under review; but the style of the treatise is peculiarly obscure and harsh. An Address to Scapidd (Liber ad Scapulam), was written with a view to moderate the cruelty of that governor towards the Christians in Africa. In it, Tertullian calls upon Scapula to beware lest he should bring down the divine judgments upon himself and the whole country, by persecution of the Christians. He maintains that no man ought to be compelled to adopt any religion whatever;— that the Christians were unoffending and loyal subjects, who even offered prayer to God on behalf of the emperor; — that the displeasure of the Almighty, on account of their oppressions, had already been manifested by great natural calamities and signs; — that a inagistrate, in the discharge of his 128 THE ANTE-XICKXK FATHERS. [liOOK I. duty, ought not to forget the claims of humanity; — that many governors, and even emperors, had recognised the Christians as good citizens, and deserving of protection ; — and Lastly, that toleration ought to be granted to them, if for no other reason, yet on account of their large number in the province. This treatise, though short, contains many interesting particulars relating to the history of the church in the early part of the third century It was written about the year 211. Such are the works of Tertullian which have come down to our time. He wrote also a treatise in defence of the Montanists, in seven books; one on the Hope of the Faithful, one on Paradise, and others, which have been lost. The learning and talents of Tertullian are spoken of in high terms by Eusebius {Hist. Eccl. lib. ii. c. 2); — Lactantius {^Dlv Instlt. lib. v. c. 1); — Jerome {Gated. Script. Eccl. c. 53; Epist. G9, 81;), who, how- ever, on one occasion, in answer to an objection urged against him from the writings of this author, thinks it enough to say that Tertullian was no member of the orthodox church {A elvers. Helvidium, c. 9); — Augustin {De Ileeres. c. 26); — and Yincen- tius Lirinensis {Commonitorium, c. 24). I subjoin Bishop Kaye's classification of this author's works, from his Ecclesieistical IIistor>f of the second and third centuries, illustrated from the n-ritine/s of Tertidlian; which, it may be observed, agrees in the main with the arrangement adopted in the foregoing analysis. " Works probably written while Tertullian was yet a member of the church :— De Poenitentia, De Oratione, De Bap- tismo. Two Books Ad Uxorem, Ad INIartyras, De Patientia, Adversus Judreos, De Pmcscriptione Hsereticorum. " Works certainly written after he became a Montanist : — First Book against Marcion, Second Book against Marcion, De Anima, Third Book against JNIarcion, Fourth Book against Marcion, De Carne Christi, De Resurrectione Cariiis, Fifth Book against Marcion, Adversus Praxcau), In Scorpiacum, Do Corona Militis, De Yirginibus Vclandis, Do Exhortatione Casti- tatis, De Fuga in Pcrsccutione, Do Monogamia, De Jcjuniis, De Pudicitia. CHAP, XIV.] MINUCIUS IKI.IX. 129 " Works probably written after lie became a Montauist : — Adversus Valentinianos, Ad Scapulam, De Spectaculis, Do Idololatria, The two Books Do Cultu Foemiuarum. " Works respecting which nothing certain can be pronounced: — The Apolog}', The two Books Ad Nationes, The Tract De Testimonio Anima?, De Pallio, Adversus Hermogenem." CHAPTER XIV. MINUCIUS FELIX. Marcus Minucius Felix, probably a native of Africa, flourished at about the same time as TertuUian, or perhaps a little later. He wrote an Apology for the Christian Religion, coni])osed in the form of a dialogue, partly in imitation of the Apology of Tertul- lian, but with the addition of some new matter, and in a much purer and smoother style. In this dialogue, the speakers are Crccilius Natalis, a heathen, who brings forward objections against Christianity, Octavius Januarius, who replies to these objections, and Minucius Felix himself who acts as moderator. Crccilius urges the difficulty of attaining to a knowledge of religious truth, — ^the absence of divine providence in the govern- ment of the world, — the antiquity and usefulness of the system of heathen worship, — the poverty and obscure condition of the majority of Christians, — the often-repeated calumnies concerning their worship, faith, and morals, — the absurdity of some of their doctrines, — the sufterings to wdiich the Christians were exposed, and the subjugation of the Jews, compared with the greatness of the Roman empire under the protection of its gods, — the cheerful manners of the heathen, compared with those of the Christians, — and the propriety of imitating the conduct of Socrates, in forbearing to pronounce positively concerning things not quite certain. Octavius Januarius answers the arguments of Csecilius seriatim ; making a very expert use of the topics usually urged on this side of the question. The treatise, in short, contains a well-condensed statement of the arguments for and against Christianity, which were current at the beginning of the third 130 THE ANTE-NICEXR FATHERS. [rOOK I. century. It was for a long time attributed to a wrong author by the moderns, being reckoned as the eighth book of the work of Arnobius against the Gentiles. CHAPTER XV. ORIGEN. Origen was born in the year 185, of Christian parents, in Egypt. His father Leonides, a learned and pious man, M'as the first to instruct him in religion and the elements of general knowledge; and afterwards, finding in his son an uncommon aptitude and desire for theological attainments, this watchful parent transferred the task of completing Origen's religious education to the cele- brated Clement, head of the catechetical school of Alexandria. Not long after, during the persecution under Severus, Leonides suftered martyrdom (a.d, 202); and Origen, then seventeen years old, emulous of dying with his father in the cause of Christianity, was restrained only by the entreaties and efforts of his mother. The property of Leonides having been confiscated, his widow and seven children were left in indigent circumstances. Origen was supported for some time by the bounty of a rich Christian lady; but in about a year after his father's death, he began to earn his own livelihood by teaching languages. At the request of some of his pupils, he added to his philological lectures a course of instruction in the Christian religion; and not long after, Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, appointed him catechist, or instructor of the candidates for ba})tism in his church (a.d. 204). Li this situation, during the continuance of the persecution, Origen was distinguished by his zeal and intrepidity. He visited the Christians in prison, and accompanied them to the ])lace of execution; on which occasions, we arc told, he often exposed himself to the danger of being stoned to death by the heathen: besides this, he became an object of popular indignation by his success in making converts to Christianity, among whom were many learned men, and several who afterwards suffered martyrdom. During this period, he attended the lectures of the celebrated CHAP. XV.] OIUGEX. 1:31 Ainmoiiius Saccas, founder of the system of Eclectic philosophy. He subsequently abandoned his lucrative profession of literary teaching, in order to devote himself entirely to the work of Christian instruction. He even sold his precious manuscripts of ancient authors, in order to live without foreitrn assistance; and practised a variety of austerities in his mode of life. At this period, under the influence of a zeal not sufficiently enlightened or tempered by sound judgment, he felt himself bound to imitate the example of the eunuchs mentioned in Matt. xix. J 2; and acted accordingly. In later life, he recognised his error. Some time after this (a.d. 213), Origen paid a visit to the church of Rome. On his return to Alexandria, he resumed the office of instructing the catechumens, at the earnest request of Demetrius. He found himself obliged, however, to divide the labours which continually increased with the growing number of catechumens; and accordingly he devolved the care of the lower forms, or beginners, upon one of his most able jjupils named Heraclas. At the age of thirty years, Origen began the study of the Hebrew language, in order to obtain a more perfect acquaint- ance with the Old Testament Scriptures; an attainment, be it observed, which very few of the fathers made, even in a moderate degree, being generally satisfied with the Septuagint, or the Latin translations. Origen combined lectures on philosophy with those on reli- gion; and attracted universal admiration by an unusual display of learning and acuteness. In the year 215, when Caracalla, having visited Alexandria in person, was exercising extraordinary cruelties in that city, Origen sought refuge in flight. He retired to C'a3sarca in Palestine, where he was invited by the bishop, Theoctistus, to expound the Scriptures publicly in the church. As Origen was only a layman, Demetrius, bishop of Alexandria, remonstrated with Theoctistus, on account of this proceeding, which ho represented as contrary to ecclesiastical discipline. The bishop of Cresarea, however, defended his conduct, showing by reference to precedents that he had not sanctioned any irregularity by permitting a layman to interpret Scripture in the church; and in this he was supported by the bishop of Jerusalem. During a subsequent visit to Palestine, Origen was ordained presbyter by 132 THE ANTE-XICEXE FATHERS. [rOOK I. Theoctlstus, assisted by Alexander of Jerusalem and other bishops. Demetrius, who appears to have become jealous of Origen on account of his great reputation, was highly indignant at this step, which certainly was, in some respects, irregular; and having summoned two councils at Alexandria, he first deprived Origen of his office as teacher of the school, and banished him from Alexandria, and then deprived him of his rank as a presbyter. Origen, however, had previously retired to Palestine (a.d. 230 or 231'). Origen now fixed his residence at Csesarea. Here he ex- pounded the Scriptures publicly; delivered lectures on theology, philosophy, and science; and proceeded with the composition of his extensive commentaries on the Bible, which he had already begun. In the year 235, during the persecution under Maxi- minus, he was obliged to flee from Ctesarea, and sought refuge in Cappadocia, where he remained in concealment during the space of two years, busily employed in prosecuting his theological studies and labours, especially his great work of correcting the Septuagint translation of the Old Testament, and compiling his Hexapla. In the year 244, Origen having been invited to attend a council at Bostra in Arabia, convened for the purpose of con- demning the errors of Beryllus, bishop of that city, concerning the person of our Saviour, he happily succeeded in convincing the bishop of his error, who not only retracted his opinions, but returned thanks in writing to the learned stranger who had been the means of leading him back to the truth. On a subsequent occasion, Origen was again called into Arabia, where he succeeded in correcting some errors which had been maintained concerning the nature of the soul. During his residence at Cresarea, Origen composed the greater portion of his voluminous and learned works. It was not until he had reached the age of sixty years, that he permitted his sermons to be taken down by short-hand writers, and afterwards published; but the number thus preserved was very large. His industry and application to study were astonishing; equalled only ' Epiplianius {Hares. 64, c. 2) gives i but his statement is altogether impro- a diffei'ent account of the cause of bable. Origen's banishment from Alexandria ; | CIIAI'. XV.] ORlGEiV. ISo by his piety, his humility, and the gentleness and modesty of his deportment. He was thrown into prison during the persecution of Decius (a.d. 250), where he suffered great cruelties. After the death of Decius he was released from prison; and he died soon afterwards at Tyre, in the seventieth year of his age, a.d. 253, or 254. There can be no doubt that Origen, in the interpretation of Scripture, borrowed largely from the philosophy of the later Platonists, and also gave too great a play to his own lively imagination. He carried to a great extent the allegorical system of exposition adopted by Philo Judjeus, and by many of the Alexandrian Christians. In a word, Origen may be regarded as having materially assisted in laying the foundation of that mystical theology, which afterwards extensively prevailed, to the great detriment of Christian truth. His labours furnish a powerful evidence of the necessity which exists for the exercise of a sound judgment and a modest caution, as well as for learning, piety, and a love of truth, in the exposition and practical appli- cation of holy Scripture. The late learned Professor Burton, whose authority is de- servedly high in these matters, takes the following view of the opinions and writings of Origen, in his Lectures upon the Eccle- siastical History of the first Three Centuries, and his History of the Christian Church to the conrersion of Constantine. I quote from the latter of these works. " The philosophers in Alexandria were obliged to abandon their principles, and to form a new system, which has been called the Eclectic, or the school of the later Platonists. They could not shut their eyes to the fact, that Christianity was gaining rapidly upon them, and that as a scheme of religion it was far purer and sublimer than their own. They therefore endeavoured to prove, that the doctrines held by the Christians concerning the nature of God, his Word or Son, and the Spirit emanating from him, were all to be found in the philosophical system of Plato. In order to establish this resemblance, they gave an entirely new interpretation to the language of Plato, and ascribed to him opinions which he had never held. By this artifice, they thought 134 THE ANTE-\[CENE FATHER?. [lK)OK I. to check the progress of Christianity, and to show that after all it was merely a corruption of Platonism. " It is greatly to be regretted that Christians incautiously lent their aid in tracing this fanciful resemblance. They thought to do away the objection to the Gospel in the eyes of the heathen, if they showed it to be like to the philosophy of Plato. They therefore asserted that Plato had borrowed many of his ideas from the writings of Moses; and the most mysterious doctrines of Christianity, even that of a Trinity, were said to be found in the works of the heathen philosopher. This compromise between the two parties appears to have taken place at Alexandria, about the beginning of the third century. Ammonius Saccas, who had once been a Christian, was considered as the head of these later Platonists, and Origeu, in his younger days, had attended his lectures. " Origen, as well as the other Christian writers of Alexandria, has often been charged with borrowing largely from Plato. But it was his language only which they borrowed, not his philosophy. Plato never conceived the ideas which were ascribed to him by the philosophers of Alexandria; and the latter pretended to find them in his writings, merely that they might be able to check the progress of Christianity, Origen, however, was extremely incautious in some of the opinions which he expressed. He was too fond of fanciful speculations into subjects which human reason cannot fathom ; and he carried to an unwarrantable length the system of allegorizing the Scriptures. This fanciful method of interpretation was not an invention of Origen, nor of the Christian Fathers; they found it already carried to a great length by the Alexandrian Jews, who seem to have adopted it in order to establish a resemblance between the writings of JSIoses and those of the Greek philosophers. There was not a passage in the Scriptures, even in the books which are purely historical, which was not supposed to contain a hidden or allegorical meaning. If we read the works of Pliilo Judajus, we might almost suppose that he did not receive the words of Moses and the other sacred writers in their literal sense at all; he might be supposed to have understood them as if the events recorded had not really taken CHAP. XV.] ORIGEN. 135 place, but as if some moral and religious truth was intended to be conveyed to the reader by the narrative. It w^ould probably be very unjust to Philo and his countrymen to charge them with such extravagance, though their own words and their fanciful method of interpretation have exposed them to it; but it was laid down as a principle with expositors of that school, that every passage of Scripture contained at least three meanings; one, which was the literal or historical; another, which conveyed some moral lesson; and a third, which was still more sublime and mystical, and which, under the semblance of something visible and earthly, was intended to reveal the truths of the invisible and spiritual world. " It was not unnatural that the Alexandrian Christians should adopt this method in their interpretation of Scripture. They knew that it would be acceptable to the Jews, and even the heatben had learnt to extract meanings from the works of their own writers, which were very different from the plain and obvious sense. Clement of Alexandria belonged to this alle- gorical school, and his 'pupil Origen carried its principles to still more unwarrantable lengths. Wo know from his own words that he was accused of taking dangerous liberties with the Scrip- tures; and from the causes already assigned, or from others which have not been explained, a disagreement arose between him and his bishop Demetrius. It is most probable that this had some- thing to do with his leaving Alexandria in 229, when he paid a second visit to Cresarea in Palestine." (c. 14.) " It does not appear that the prejudice against Origen existed to much extent in his lifetime, nor for several years after his death. He was looked upon as a man of profound learning, and held the foremost rank among the champions of Christianity : this caused his name to be long held in great respect ; and persons M'cre not satisfied with studying and transcribing his works, but he was placed at the head of a school which honoured him with almost a religious veneration. Towards the end of the third century, we read of an attack being made upon him by JSIethodius, bishop of Tyre ; he was afterwards considered decidedly heretical upon several points, and his works have been condemned by bishops and councils ; but persons who were able to read many 136 THE ANTE-NICENE FATIIEKS. []bOOK I. more of his works than what have come down to our own day, have taken a more favourable view of his opinions ; and like other questions which have been treated with a spirit of party, it seems most probable that this has given rise to much misrepre- sentation on both sides, and that, without attempting to justify Origen for his bold and fanciful speculations, -we may still stop short of condemning him as heretical on fundamental articles of faith." (c. 15.) It would be difficult to determine the chronological order of the works of Origen. In enumerating his labours, it will be convenient to arrange them according to their subjects, and to notice, in the first place, all those which relate to the criticism or exposition of the Holy Scriptures. His great work, begun at an early period, was The Hexapla (Ta e^airXa) already mentioned. This consisted of an edition of six different Greek translations of the Old Testament, in parallel columns (whence its name), — namely, a new and corrected edition of the Septuagint, which had become full of variations and mis- takes ; the translations of Aquila, Theodotion, and Symmachus ; and two other anonymous translations. This great work is said to have been the result of twenty-eight years'" labour, and was highly useful with regard to the preservation and exposition of the sacred text : but no more than fragments of it arc now extant. It is sometimes called Octapla, on account of the addi- tion of two columns, containing the Hebrew text, one in Hebrew and the other in Greek characters, making eight columns in the whole. And an edition was published containing only the four earlier translations, hence called Tetrapla. Origen also undertook to collate the manuscripts and to cor- rect the Greek text of the New Testament ; a task which had become necessary, in consequence of the unavoidable verbal vari- ations in the genuine copies, which had been carefully preserved by different churches, and especially by the attempts to corrupt and falsify the text, made by the Valentinians and Marcionites, and by the followers of Lucian. These critical labours of Origen paved the way for his expo- sitory works. He appears to have been the first Christian writer who attempted the composition of a literal commentary on the CHAP. XV.] ORIftEN. 137 sacred text. His expositions of Scripture were of three kinds : remarks or brief critical annotations ; more copious commen- taries ; and sermons or lectures on different passages or sections. Of the first kind (Scholia Excerpta, and ^ly/u^eccoaets), none have been preserved, at least in a separate form. Of the com- mentaries (T6fx,oc, Volumina, or Comment arii), some portions are extant. Of his sermons or expository discourses ('OfiiXiai, Tractatus), a large number have come down to us ; some of them having been revised and published by Origen himself, while others were printed from the notes of short-hand writers. It appears that the expositions of Origen extended to all the books of the Old and New Testament, except the Apocalypse. His allegorical interpretations abound chiefly in his popular discourses or sermons. In the second homily on Leviticus, Origen main- tains that remission of sins, strictly speaking, is accorded to a Christian once only, namely, in baptism ; but, he adds, that the Gospel speaks also of other pardons, namely, a second, by suffer- ing martyrdom ; a third, by alms-deeds ; a fourth, by forgive- ness of our brethren ; a fifth, by converting a sinner from the error of his way; a sixth, by a superabundance of love; a seventh, by severe penance, when the sinner bemoans his offence day and night with tears, and is not ashamed to confess his sins to the priests of the Lord. It may be interesting to notice the opinions of Origen con- cerning the authenticity of certain portions of Scripture, and the character of writings usually regarded as apocryphal. In one place he speaks of the penman of the Epistle of the Hebrews as unknown ; but in several other portions of his works he ascribes this book to St. Paul. He expresses his doubts, which he enter- tained in common with many Christians in those days, of the genuineness of the Second Epistle of St. Peter, the Second and Third Epistles of St. John, the Epistles of James and Jude ; but he does not venture to deny that these books were written by the apostles whose names they bear, and he sometimes quotes passages from them. To the Jewish apocryphal works in general he does not attach a high value ; he speaks indeed of the books of Maccabees and of Enoch under the title of Scripture, but without inserting them in the list of inspired writings. He 138 THE ANTE-NICENE FATHERci. [bOOK I. sometimes quotes from the apocryphal books of the New Testa- ment, such as the gospel of the Hebre\ys, the gosj^el of Peter, the history of Paul, but he never declares an opinion in favour of their genuineness. Of The Shepherd of Hennas^ however, he speaks in high terms, describing it as not only a useful book, but as one written under the guidance of divine inspiration ; but granting, at the same time, that other Christians viewed it in a different light. Next in importance to Origen's Commentaries on the Scrij)- ture is his treatise Against Celsus, in eight books. Celsus, an Epicurean, or, as is generally supposed, Platonic, philosopher, who flourished in the time of Hadrian, wrote a work against Christianity, entitled The Word of Truth, in which the old objections against the religion of the Gospel were brought for- ward with great pertinacity. Origen, in his reply, examined this work passage by passage. In the First Book, he answers various objections drawn from the supposed secrecy, or unreasonableness, of the Christian doctrines ; from the alleged credulity of those who received the Gospel ; from the assump»tion that the different deities of the heathen were only the one true God under various names. He brings forward the doctrines and power of the Gospel as a proof of its divine origin ; and maintains that the truth of the Jewish religion being supposed, that of Christianity necessarily follows ; pointing out the application of prophecy to the Messiah, and making some remarks on various particulars of the Gospel history. — In the Second Book, Origen vindicates the miracles of our Lord and his apostles. In the Third and Fourth Books, the author defends the cause of Christianity chiefly in pliiloso])hical and jiioral points of view. (But here, among other mistakes in matters of fact and of belief, he advances the erro- neous, and at that time novel, doctrine concerning the future ]nniishments of the wicked, which teaches that such punishments are not strictly penal and everlasting, but only corrective, and of temporary duration.) — In the Fifth Book, Origen apologizes on good grounds for the Jews and Christians who had been justly accused of offering no adoration to the heavenly bodies ; but he asserts, with Clement of Alexandria (see above, p. 53), that the worship of the sun, moon, and stars was permitted to the CHAP. XV.] oniGEX. 139 heathen, in order to lead them to the knowledge of the trne God ; and he details varions idle fjincies and fables respecting the nature of the stars, and the offices of angels in the government of nations. In this work, he also defends the doctrine of the resurrection of the dead; — describes the ancient constitution of the Jews; — recounts the various errors which had sprung up among Christ- ians;— and describes the patience and meekness of Christians towards their adversaries, in accordance with the precepts of our Saviour and the apostle Paul. — In the Sixth Book, Origen pleads on behalf of the simple style of the Holy Scriptures, and contends that the authors of those sacred books were not indebted to the Greek philosophy for any portion of their contents. — He speaks in the same manner as Clement of Alexandria (see above, page 44) concerning certain secret doctrines, or supplemental instruc- tions, supposed to have been delivered by our Saviour to his apostles, and conveyed by them to the stronger or more enlight- ened believers. He shows that many objections urged by Celsus against the whole body of Christians, related only to certain heretical sects who bore that name. His reply to the observa- tions of his opponent on the doctrine of Satanic influence, which occui's in this part of the work, is meagre and inadequate, pro- ceeding upon fanciful or allegorical interpretation. — In the Seventh Book, Origen expounds his opinions concerning the state of departed spirits, in accordance with the Platonic philosophy; — argues in behalf of the divine origin of the Jewish prophecies ; — removes the alleged discrepancy between the doctrine of our Lord and the law of Moses, by means of allegorical interpreta- tions of the latter ; — maintains that Christianity alone conducts men to the knowledge of the true God ; — and defends the prac- tice of Christians in possessing no temples, images, or altars. — In tJie Eighth Book, the author pursues his argument in favour of Christian worship, denying the propriety of praying to departed spirits, but admitting, indefinitely, that a kind of respect is due to angels. He enumerates the festivals of the Christian church ; mentioning first, Sunday, then the Preparation (jrapacrKGvi]), which is, probably, Good Friday; then the Passover, with the feast of the Resurrection (7rao-;)^a) and Pentecost (TrevTrjKoarT)), including under the latter term, as usual at that time, the whole 140 THE ANTK-NICENK FATHERS. [l300K I. space from Easter to Whitsuntide. Two remarkable passages occur in this book, in which Origen asserts that the souls of martyrs perform various good offices on behalf of the faithful who are alive, and that the favour of the supreme God is attended with the good-will of his friends the angels and beatified spirits, just as the shadow moves always together with its substance. " They," says he, " see who are worthy of the divine favour ; and not only are they kindly disposed towards such persons, but they assist those who desire to serve the most high God, and procure for them his favour, mingling their prayers and wishes with their own. We may maintain, then, that when good men pray to God, there are countless blessed powers who, without being called upon for the purpose, join with them in their supplications."" From such opinions it was easy to arrive at the practice of pray- ing to, or invoking, angels and saints. The origin of this novel opinion concerning inferior mediators or intercessors in heaven, is probably to be found in the high and ever-growing veneration which was paid, in the early ages of the church, to the memory of confessors and martyrs. In another portion of his works {Homil. xvi. in Josicam), Origen says, " I am of opinion that all our forefathers who have fallen asleep strive together with us, and assist us in our prayers;" and adds, that he had found this opinion maintained by an old teacher of the church, in an exposition of Numbers xxii. 4. He does not support his opinions by proof; and so far w^as he from teaching that we ought to pray to beatified spirits for their help and intercession, that he affirmed and zea- lously maintained the contrary. — In this book, also, the author touches upon some questions connected v/itli the morals and cus- toms of Christians ;' on which points he preserves the severe and uncompromising tone already assumed by preceding writers. On tlic whole, although this reply to Celsus is disfigured by some errors and false opinions, although the objections of the opponent are met very often by allegorical interpretations and false appli- cations of Scripture, and a portion of Platonic and Stoic philo- sophy is mixed up with Christian doctrine, yet the work must be ref^arded as an able and powerful attack upon the system of heathen belief and worship. It must be remembered that Celsus and other pagan writers, in defence of their creed, resorted t j ^"■^''- ^'^'O ORIGE.V. j^j allegorical interpretations of the fables contained in their mytho logy; and Christian writers, like Origen, snpposed themselves justified in adopting a similar method in recommendinrr their sacred books to the notice of heathen philosophers. This was an error m judgment, by which we ought not to be misled, althouoh vve may willingly ascribe the best intentions to its authors and abettors. ^lany of the mistakes committed by Origen in this c^reat work were errors of the times rather than of the individual writer A treatise entitled Foicr Books concerning the Principles of the Christian Faith {-rrepl dpx<^y, Libri Quatuor de Principiis) IS the work which brought upon the author perhaps the largest share of obloquy and censure. The book was translated^w Ruffin at tne end of the fourth century, with various omissions and modifications, adapted to harmonize it with some of Origen's more orthodox productions. Considerable fragments of the Greek text remain. The great fault of this treatise is the system of refininc. and philosophizing upon revealed truth, in a most arbitrary manner and with a degree of mystical obscurity. " That alone is true " says the author at the outset, "which entirely agrees with the [/ doctrine of the apostles, propagated to this day in the churches ^ But the apostles, while they declared the most necessary parts of Christian faith very plainly, and in such a manner that they may be ascertained by the most superficial inquirer, left, however the investigation of the causes or first principles of their system to those who partake of the high gifts of the Holy Spirit. Concern ing other things, they have asserted indeed that thev are so or so but they have maintained silence as to how and' whence they arise; v>Uhont do^0.t for this very purpose, that the more industi ons oftheu' successors nuaj have a field in .chick to e.ercise their ■n^genuH,. After such an exposition of the author;s sentiments we cannot expect to find the following portions of the work cha- racterized by simplicity of Christian doctrine.-^/.. First Book is occupied chiefly with disputations respecting the nature of God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost; of the stars; and of ^^^g^\^.-The Second Booh treats of matter, nature, and the oriajn ot the Morld;— of the incarnation of the Son of God, and of die descent and gifts of the Holy Spirit ;-of the human soul the 14'2 THE AXTE-XICEXE FATHER;^. [bOOK I. resurrection of the dead, and of future torments; — of the divine promises relating to a future life, (refuting the ideas of those who looked for a new earthly Jerusalem, and placing the happiness of the soul in enlarged knowledge,) and of the state of souls after death. — In the Third Book, Origen contends for the freedom of the human will; — treats of evil spirits, and their influence; — of the temptations incident to human nature; — of the origin of the world (asserting the existence of several worlds previous to this, and that another will arise after its destruction) ; — of the future subjection of Christ to the Father (1 Cor. xv. 28); — and of the change effected in the body by death and the resurrection. — The Fourth Book relates to Holy Scripture, its divine origin, and its interpretation, (here the author developes his views relating to the threefold meaning of Scripture mentioned above, page 82.) — It is evident that many of the opinions contained in this book, which have given occasion to the charge of heterodoxy against their author, were derived from the Platonic philosophy, and were probably not intended to be so interpreted as to militate against more correct statements in his other works. With regard to his assertions respecting the spiritual power of man since the fall, which have been claimed as favouring the views of the Pelagians, it must be remembered that Origen wrote before the spread of Pelagian tenets, and that he did not guard his expressions as he might have done if he had found it necessary to avoid or oppose a prevalent error. He allegorized Scripture, and interwove Greek philosophy with religion, to a great and dangerous extent, pur- suing a path which had been trodden by others before him. But it has been supposed that much of the vituperation which has been bestowed on, him originated with jealousy excited by his extraordinary talents, learning, and reputation. Two other treatises of Origen are extant; one of these is O/i Prayer {^vvrajfxa irepl ev'x^rjs), in which he describes the neces- sity and nature of prayer, and then gives an exposition of the Lord's Prayer. The other is An Exhortation to the Endurance of Martyrdom, or to a confession of Christian faith in the face of daufrer. This was written for the encouragement of his friend Ambrosius, an opulent native of Alexandria, and deacon of the church in that city, and Protoctetus, 9, pastor of the church at CFIAP. XV.] OKIGKX. 14-3 Caesarca, during the persecution under the Emperor Maximinus in the year 230. Many of his arguments are such as would he used by a Christian writer of* the present day under similar circum- stances; but Origen also extols highly the value of the baptism of blood, as a means of obtaining forgiveness of sins. "For," adds he, " as those who stood at the altar, according to the law of Moses, appear to have obtained remission of sins by their ministry through the blood of bullocks and Qoats, so the souls of those who have suftered death for the sake of Jesus, do not stand in vain at the altar of heaven, but by their ministry they obtain the forgive- ness of sins for those who pray. We know that as the high priest Jesus Christ offered up himself as a sacrifice, so also the ])riests, who are under him, offer up themselves in sacrifice ; and hence they were seen at the altar as at their proper place. The steadfast confessor, or the perfect martyr, is such an unblemished priest, as were the Jewish priests of old, and he ofters an unblem- ished sacrifice." "Perhaps," he says, in another place, "aswc have been purchased by the precious blood of Christ, some things are purchased for us by the precious blood of the martyrs." There can be no need of words to expose or condemn this piece of false divinity; we know the use which was afterwards made of such hints to the great injury of Christian faith and practice. Of the other writings of Origen, including his epistles, only a few fragments have come down to us. He wrote two treatises and two dialogues on the resurrection ; and a large work, in ten books, entitled Stromates {HrpcofjiaTeh), in imitation of Clement of Alexandria, containing a comparison of Christian doctrine with the heathen philosophy. Many pieces appear to have been been falsely ascribed to Origen, according to a prevail- ing custom of seeking to gain attention to a book by prefixing to it the name of some celebrated author. The ancients who have transmitted to us particular accounts of Origen are, — Eusebius {H'lst.Eccl. lib. vi. c. 1 — 6, 8, 14 — 21, 23—28, 30—33, 36—39), who writes on this subject with his usual industry and candour; — Jerome {De viris Illustr. c. Li v.; Ep. 41, al. 65), who speaks of our author sometimes in terms of admi- ration, and sometimes with censure ; — and Epiphanius (Hceres. 64), who speaks against him with his characteristic virulence 144 THE ANTE-NICENE FATHERS. [rOOK I. and party spirit. For a careful estimate of the talents, opinions, and labours of Origen, see Mosheim, De Rebus Christlanorum ante Const. M. Sec. Tert. § 27, not., and Cave's HUtoria Literaria. CHAPTER XVI. CYPRIAN. Thascius CjiciLius CvrHiANus was born in Africa, probably at Carthage, of heathen parents, about the year 200. He soon became remarkable for his abilities, and attained great eminence as a teacher of rhetoric in Carthage. By divine mercy he was converted to Christianity about the year 245, through the instru- mentality of Csecilius, a Carthaginian presbyter. His reception of the Gospel had the happy eftect, not merely of changing his opinions and affecting his outward conduct, but of producing, through the grace of God, a real and permanent' reformation of heart and life. From a most depraved state of morals and prac- tice, by the enormity of which his past years had been distin- guished, he attained to an eminent degree of Christian holiness. It was in gratitude to him who had been the means of his con- version, that Cyprian assumed the prsenomen of Coecilius; while he willingly undertook the charge of the surviving family of his benefactor, which he intrusted to him with his dying breath. Immediately after his conversion to Christianity, Cyprian applied himself diligently to the practical study of the Holy Scriptures; and he readily performed all that the records of the divine will appeared to point out as his duty, not hesitating even to sell his estates, and to distribute all the proceeds among the poor. So great were his attainments in the knowledge of Scripture and the practice of piety, that, contrary to the general rule of the church, he was ordained presbyter in the course of a few months after his baptism; and about the year 248 or 249, at the urgent demand of the church, and contrary to his own remonstrances and efforts, he was made bishop of Carthage. Five presbyters, and no more, opposed his election ; and these he afterwards treated with the utmost kindness. As bishop, Cyprian was distinguished, in no CHAP. XVI.] CYPRIA.V. ] 45 ordinary degree, by his vigilance and zea] ; and he succeeded in recommending the doctrines of the Gospel, no less by his bright example, than by his powerful preaching and instruction. In his personal character he was an exemplary Christian, an orna- ment of the faith, and a monument of the power of divine orace; while in his ministerial and episcopal capacity he displayed a temper truly apostolic. He was an excellent disciphnarian; but he appears to have formed too high an estimate, or, rather, to have taken a somewhat erroneous view, of the power and dignity belonging to his office, and to have been over anxious for the maintenance of his authority and privileges, whether real or supposed. During the persecution under Decius, soon after his appoint- ment to the episcopal office, Cyprian was obliged to save himself by flight from the violence of the heathen. From the place of his concealment he wrote letters, and issued orders and advice, for the instruction and government of his church, zealously enjoining the maintenance of strict discipline. In the following year, when the persecution began to abate, lie returned to Carthage ; where he was busily occupied in correcting the dis- orders and schisms introduced by the conduct of some apostatizing Christians, and the growth of Novatian errors. A new persecu" tion, under Callus, soon sprung up; to which were added the horrors of a plague, which raged with great violence throughout a large portion of the empire; and under these trying cir'cum- stances, the Christian courage and benevolence of the bishop of Carthage were equally conspicuous. About the year 253, Cyprian promoted a contribution for the purchase of Christians who had been made slaves by the barbarians in a recent irruption into Numidia. He held councils, composed various treatises, laboured for the promotion of discipline and order in the church, and at length took an active part in the controversy which arose respect- mg the validity of baptism administered by heretics; the termi- nation of which he did not live to see. In the year 257, Valerian commenced his persecution of the Christians. At an early stage of these proceedings, Cyprian was banished by Paternus, proconsul of Africa, to Curubis. a place about fifty miles from Carthage. He was permitted bv Maxi- 146 Tin: ante-xicene fattiehs, [book i. mils, the next proconsul, to return from exile ; but shortly afterwards, (a.d. 258,) refusing to renounce his religion by offering incense to the gods, at the command of the same officer, he was sentenced to death, and immediately beheaded. He died praising God that he was counted worthy to suffer in the cause of Christ ; and leaving a most profitable example of Christian character for the benefit of surviving Christians, and to the glory of his divine master. His writings, distinguished by their eloquence no less than by their spirit of genuine piety, benevo- lence, and prudence, have continued to attract the admiration, and to minister to the instruction, of succeeding ages. He was himself a great admirer of Tertullian, whose works he used to call for M'ith an intimation that he regarded them as models, (Da Magistrum !) nor did he altogether avoid the danger inci- dent to such a case, of imitating some of the defects, as well as the excellences of his favourite pattern. The life of this excellent bishop was written, but not very circumstantially, by Pontius, his deacon. Many succeeding ecclesiastical writers have recorded his history, (Lactant. Div. Institut. lib. v. c. 19; Eusebius, Hist. Eccl. lib. vi. c. 43; lib. vii. c. S; HiERON. Catal. Script. Eccl. c. 5.3, 67, 68; see also Greg. Naz. Orat. 18; Prudent. Hymn. 13;) and no small portion of learning and industry have been bestowed upon his annals by the moderns, (Pearson. Annales Ctiprianici ; Tillemont. Memoires pour sermr a VHist. Eccl., Notes sur St. Cyprien ; Prudent. Maran Vita S. Cypriani ; Le Clerc, Bihliotheque Universelle, T. 12.) Of Cyprian's writings the first in order of time is his Treatise addressed to Donatiis, on the Grace of God (Ad Donatum, Liber de Gratia Dei). "This was written soon after the author's con- version in the year 246, with a view to give his friend an idea of the surprising and most beneficial change which had resulted, through the grace of God, from his adoption of Christianity and reception of baptism. Having described this effect at length, and in glowing language, Cyprian portrays the vices and enor- mities of the heathen, especially as they were practised at Car- thage, and points out their disastrous and ruinous tendency. Soon after the publication of this treatise appeared another. CIIAI'. XVI .] CYPRIAX. 147 (a.d. 2i7,) On the Vanity of Idols (De Idolorum Vanitate). In this work Cyprian exposes the mean origin of the heathen deities, the gross absurdities of their mythology, and the mis- chievous tendency of their worship. — He then speaks, in honour- able terms, of the nature of the true God, and of Christian wor- ship;— describes the origin and tendency of the Christian religion; — and refers to the history of Christ, and the progress of Christ- ianity in the world. In this treatise Cyprian borrowed largely from the similar works of Tertuilian and Minucius Felix. Another of the early works of Cyprian is his Three Boohs of Proofs from Scripture against the Jews (Testimonia adversus JudiPos). This consists chiefly of a collection of texts of Scrip- ture, accompanied with brief remarks, tending to show that the Jews, in rejecting Christ, had fallen from God (Book 1); — that Jesus Christ was the true Messiah (Book 2); — and pointing out certain Christian duties (Book 8). Of the texts, some are well applied ; but others, according to the prevailing practice of the age, are forced into the service of the argument by means of fanciful or allegorical interpretation. A treatise On the Dress of Virgins (De Habitu Virginum), is of nearly the same date. It is, to a great extent, an imita- tion of the writings of Tertullian on the same subject. The book contains some extravagant and unscriptural commendations of the state of voluntary and perpetual virginity. The treatise On the Unity of the Church (De Unitate Ecclesia), to which was afterwards added, Sen de Simplicitate Brfclatorum), was written with a view to heal some unhappy divisions which had arisen to the great prejudice of Christian truth and practice. It was directed immediately against the Novatians. In this book, the author admonishes the Christians to combine wisdom with simplicity; and to guard especially against those subtle inventions of the devil, heresies and schisms. These, says he, arise principally from men's neglecting to keep close to the Scriptures, where it may be plainly seen that there is but one Christian church, from which we ought not to sufter ourselves to be drawn away. It was in order to provide eftect- ually for the unity of the church, that our Lord founded it especially u])on the apostle Peter; although all the apostles \. 2 148 THK AXTK-MCKXK FATHERS. [noOK r. possessed equal power. Hence there is but one bishopric, of which each bishop has a part. He who by heresy separates himself from this one true Church cannot be saved. That there is indeed but one church, Cyprian goes on to prove from the fact that there is but one God, one Christ, one faith; because our Saviour himself declared that there should be one fold under one shepherd ; adding various other proofs and illustrations. " If," sa3's he, " it be objected that the Lord has promised that where- soever two or three are gathered together in his name, there He will be in the midst of them; let it be remembered that this promise relates only to the church and its members, joined by the bonds of unity and love, and not to those sects which have separated from it. Such a separation is a great sin, and amounts to an apostasy from Christianity itself." It is obvious that, although most of the positions contained in this treatise are, in some sense, true ; yet by means of the ambiguity of the terms, "one church, one faith," &c., and by arbitrary assumptions and interpretations, the foundation of serious error is here laid, — a foundation which, by an extensive application of the same mode of arguing, was afterwards deepened and enlarged, to the great detriment of Christian truth and charity. The book On the Lapsed (De Lapsis), was composed with reference to the case of those persons who sought readmission into the church, after having been induced to ofter sacrifice to idols in order to avoid persecution. The object is to show that such persons ought not to be readmitted hastily or easily; — that the sin of apostasy was great and inexcusable ; — that the la])sed ought not to flatter themselves that the merits of martyrs could avail to their immediate absolution and acceptance ; — and, on the whole, that they ought not to be received again into the church until after a long course of penitence and discipline, and proofs of real reformation. The treatise On the LorcTs Prayer (De Oratione Dominica), is chiefly of a i)ractical tendency. In this work, the author describes the disposition of mind appropriate to prayer, and the external marks of reverence and devotion with which it should be attended ; exhorts to tlie practice of common and public prayer; comments u]^oii tlio sovcrnl clau.^cs of the L'^rd's I'jaycr; tlIA]>. XVI.] CYPKIAN'. 1-1-9 refcr.s to the customs of the church in illustration of this position, that this prayer ought to proceed from the heart, as well as from the lips; insists upon the necessity of combining alms with our petitions ; and recommends the practice of setting apart certain hours of the day and night for the exercise of prayer. The treatise On Mortalit)/ (De Mortalitate), is a practical and serious exhortation to Christian courage and patience, during the prevalence of the pestilence which raged extensively about the year 252. The arguments emplo}ed are, for the most part, scriptural and sound ; such, in fjict, as a pious minister of the present day would urge upon the attention of his flock under similar circumstances. Cyprian maintained however, by an easy mistake, that the prevailing pestilence was a token of the end of the world then rapidly approaching. The Exhortation to the Suffering of Martyrdom (De Exhor- tatione IMartyrii), which was composed at about the same time as the former treatise, consists of the usual arguments to con- stancy and patience under persecution, for Chrisfs sake, with a collection of texts of Scripture, bearing upon the same subject. The Address to Demetrian (Liber ad Demetrianum), was composed upon the occasion of assertions made by the heathen generally, and especially by Demetrian, a magistrate at Carthage, to the effect that the great pestilence, under which all ])arties were sufi'ering, was occasioned by the impieties and crimes of the Christians. Cyprian here retorts this chai'ge upon the heathen themselves; upbraids their idols with the weakness of not being able to defend their own cause against the Christians, without the intervention of human power and cruelty; affirms that Christians do not seek to avenge themselves upon their persecu- tors, because they are able patiently to commit their cause into the hands of the true God ; and that they can well endure the loss of earthly things, because they have a better and more enduring treasure, which temporal calamities cannot reach. He exhorts the heathen to repent and embrace the Gospel; assuring them that it was not too late for them to become partakers of all the grace and blessings which had been purchased, and were continually dispensed, by the Saviour of the world. The book On Good Works and Almsdeeds (De Opero ct 150 THK AXTK-NICENE FATIIERti. [boOK T. Eleemosynis), was written with a, view to promote contributions in aid of the Christians who had been captured during an irrup- tion of the barbarians into Numidia. In this treatise Cyprian represents, as motives to ahiisgiving, the blessings bestowed by God upon ourselves ; the duty and benefit of being rich towards God ; the groundlessness of unbelieving fear on the part of Christians, lest themselves or their families should ever be reduced to want by Christian liberality; and the certainty of a recompense at the hands of God : appealing, in support or illustration of his positions, to the histories of Tabitha, Elijah and the widow, Job, Tobias, and of the church in the days of the apostles. His language is often too strong ; and he exceeds his commission especially by declaring, pointedly and unreservedly, that almsdeeds avail to the obtaining of forgiveness. The treatise On the Benefits of Patience (De Bono Patientise), is a practical, judicious, and pious disputation upon the Christian virtue of which it professes to treat. The author shows that patience is a necessary part of true wisdom ; recommends it by the example of God, of Christ, and of holy men, whose lives are recorded in Scriptixre; points out the numerous occasions for this virtue, which arise in the Christian life ; refers to its benefits, and especially its good effect upon faith and hope ; describes the mischiefs of the opjiosite temper ; points out the extent of Christian patience, and its influence upon character ; and reminds his readers that it is the will of God that we should not attempt to avenge ourselves, but refer our cause to Him to whom alone vengeance belongeth, and who has hitherto chosen to defer His judgments. In the treatise Concerning Envy and III Will (De Zelo et Livore), Cyprian points out, in a scriptural and practical manner, the evil, the origin, the sinfulness, the misery, and the dangerous and destructive tendencies, of the unholy disposition against which he writes ; and shows its inconsistency with the demands and the spirit of the Gospel. The Epistles of Cyprian are highly important and valuable, both as displaying to us the character of this holy man, and as involving much information concerning the history and com- plexion of his times, more especially concerning the affairs of CHAP. XVI.] CYPniAX. 151 Christianity and the church in general, and of its ministry, government, and discipline in particular. — In these writings of Cyprian, as well as in his other works, we are especially delighted with the sincere and primitive piety of the author; while the chief subject of our regret and disapprobation, are his mistaken views concerning the constitution of the church, and, especially, his assertion of undue power and prerogative on behalf of Christ- ian ministers ; — of such influence and authority as the apostles never sanctioned, and such as no pastors, wdio have thoroughly imbibed the apostolic spirit, would wish to exercise or to possess. CHAPTER XVII. DIONYSIUS OF ALEXANDRIA, sukvamed THE GREAT. DiONYSius, bishop of Alexandria, was a teacher of the church, eminent at once for learning and eloquence, and for the more estimable qualities of constancy and courage in the profession of his faith, and a well-directed zeal in the cause of truth, combined with a remarkable degree of prudence, moderation, and love of peace. It is probable that he was born in Egypt, of heathen parents; and that in early life he filled some respectable station, probably that of a teacher of rhetoric at Alexandria. By means of a perusal of the Holy Scriptures, in the course of his diligent researches into the learning of the age, he was led to an acquaintance with Christian truth ; and was thus induced to place himself under the tuition of the celebrated Origen. When Heraclas, who had succeeded Origen as the head of the cate- chetical school, was raised to the bishopric of Alexandria, upon the death of Demetrius, in the year 232, Dionysius was appointed as his successor. He was then ordained ])resbyter; and after- wards, in the year 247 or 248, he succeeded Heraclas as bishop of Alexandria; and was himself succeeded in the catechetical school, probably, by Pierius. Soon after the elevation of Diony- sius to the bishopric, and during the reign of Philip, a persecution of the Christians broke out at Alexandria, which was shortly afterwards succeeded by the general and more ciuol persecution 152 THE ANTE-NICENE FATHERS. [bOOK I. under Decius, who issued his famous edict, (which enacted that all Christians should be compelled to sacrifice to the gods,) at the end of the year 249, or at the beginning of 250. At the com- mencement of this persecution, Dionysius was obliged to seek safety by flight. He was once taken prisoner ; but having recovered his liberty, he retired to a desert part of Libya, where he remained in concealment vmtil the middle of the year 251, or perhaps until the death of Decius, at the close of that year. From his place of refuge he wrote various epistles to the presbyters and other Christians of Alexandria, giving them directions for their conduct, and administering topics of consola- tion, under their trying circumstances. After the return of Diony- sius to Alexandria, he M^as most usefully and honourably employed in endeavouring to settle disputes connected with the Novatian controversy; — in administering support and consolation to his church during the fatal pestilence, which broke out in the year 252, and raged with more or less violence throughout the Roman empire during the space of fifteen years; — in refuting the argu- ments upon which was founded an expectation of a millennium, or personal reign of Christ upon earth for a thousand years, espe- cially as taught in the writings of Cerinthus, and a bishop named Nepos; — and in acting as peace-maker during the violent disputes which took place, concerning the rebaptization of reputed heretics who wished to come over to the church. In refuting the errors of Sabellius, Dionysius used some expressions concerning the nature of the Son of God, which caused his own orthodoxy to be called in question, as if he were leaning to errors of the opposite extreme; but his own explana- tions on this subject have been considered satisfactory, and it has been well remarked, that the circumstance of his supposed opinions having been warmly denounced is one proof, among many others, of the prevailing belief of the early church con- cerning the true and proper deity of our Saviour. The bishop of Rome (Dionysius), having received a report of the suspicions which attached to the doctrines held by liis brother of Alexan- dria, and having convened a council to take the matter into consideration, remonstrated with him upon the subject by letter. In reply to the charges thus brought against him, Dionysius drew CHAP. XVII.] UIONYSIU-S OF AI.KXa.N DKIA. 153 up a treatise in four books, entitled, A Itefutation and Defence^ Avhich lie transmitted to the bishop of Rome. "Some few fragments of this work have been preserved to us, from which it appears that the charges against Dionysius were entirely ground- less. In the following century, his authority was claimed by the Arians, as being on their side; but we maybe satisfied of the falsehood of this claim, when we find a defence of him written by Athanasius, his successor in the see of Alexandria, and the great opponent of the Arians. It must be remembered that, at the time when Dionysius wrote, the Arian controversy had not yet been heard of; and he may have used some expressions which a writer of the fourth century would have avoided, as being then capable of two meanings. In exposing the errors of Sabellius, and in proving that the Son of God was not actually the same with God the Father, he had dwelt very strongly upon those passages of Scripture which show the human nature of Christ. In arguing that the Father and the Son are not one and the same Being, he had observed, incautiously perhaps and irre- levantly, that a tree is not the same with the person who plants it, nor a ship with the person who builds it. From these and other expressions it was inferred, that he meant to speak of the Son as made or created by the Father. But he said in reply, that whenever he spoke of the Sou being made, he spoke with refer- ence to his human nature. And he referred toother illustrations which he had used, such as a stem growing from a root, and a river flowing from its spring; where the stem and the river are of the same nature with the root and the spring, though they are not actually the same. With respect to the Son being of one substance with the Father, he acknowledged that he had not liap])ened to use the word coiisubstantial, which, as he says, does not occur in the Scriptures; but he contended, that all the notions which arc attached to the term, are implied in many pas- sages of his letters, as in the two instances already adduced of the stem and its root, the river and its spring, and in the analogy to which he had referred, of the human son being necessarily of the same substance or nature with his father. . . . The charge brought against him, of not considering the Son to be of one substance with lot THE ANTE-MOE.VR FATHERS'. [iJOOK r. the Father, is a convincing proof that the belief of the church in that day, on this subject, was in accordance with Scripture; and that unless a man was prepared to acknowledge the true doctrine, he was liable to be denounced as maintaining heretical tenets. Whatever Dionysius may have written in his first publications upon the Sabellian controversy, it is demonstrable, from his Refutation and Defence, that he held the divinity of the Son, and his consubstantiality with the Father, in the fullest and highest sense of which those words are capable. If he is to be suspected of error at all, he perhaps came nearer to what w'as afterwards known by the name of the Nestorian heresy, which made a complete separation between the divine and human nature of Christ'." During the persecution under Valerian, which began in the year 257, Dionysius was summoned before -.Emilian, governor of Egypt, and required to renounce the Christian religon. Upon his refusal, he was banished to a place named Cephron, in a remote part of Libya. Here the bishop and his friends were at first rudely treated by the heathen; but, in a short time, they not only succeeded in allaying the violence of their enemies, but even induced many of them to embrace the Christian faith, and unite with themselves in religions worship. In consequence of this, Dionysius, and some of his fellow Christians, were removed to a place named Colluthon, in a still more inhospitable region ; but where the bishop enjoyed greater fiicilities of intercourse with the members of his church at Alexandria. Dionysius had after- wards occasion to defend his conduct in consenting: to retire into banishment, against the aspersions of an Egyptian bishop, named Germanus. About the year 260, he returned to Alexan- dria; soon after which time, himself and his church were called to struggle with the difficulties and misery attendant upon civil commotion and anarchy. TovA'ards the close of his life, Dionysius wrote against the errors of Paul of Samosata", in a letter * Burton, Lectures ztpon the Eccle- siastical History of the first Three Cen- turies, Lect. 27. A similar view of the conduct and opinions of Dionysius is taken by ^Ir. Newman, in his work on The Arians of the Fourth Century, chap. i. sect. 5. * "The fundamental error of Paul ClIAf. XVII.J DIOXYSIUsJ OF ALKXAXDRIA. 1 00 addressed to the council of Antiocli, which met in the year 2G5, for the condemnation and removal of those errors. He would probably have attended the council itself, had he not been pre- vented by declining health, and indeed, by the near approach of his death,— an event which took place in the course of the same year, and not long after he had despatched his letter. Only a very small portion of the works of Dionysius have come down to us; and this chiefly in the shape of fragments. For the earliest information concerning his life and writings, together with specimens of his works, see Eusebius Hist. Eccl. lib. vi. c. 29, 35, 40—42, 44—46; lib. vii. c. 1, 4-11, 20, 28; Prceiyar. Evangel, lib. xiv. c. 23—27; Hieron. Cata. Script. Eccl. sen De Viris Illust. c. 69.— Co;?/. Mosiieijf De Rehm Christ. Ante Const. M. Sec. Tert. § 19, 33, 35, 38. CHAPTER XVni. GREGORY OF NEOCyESAREA, surname d THAUMATURGUS. This celebrated man was born at Neocresarea in Pontus, of heathen parents, at the beginning of the third century of the Christian era. His original name was Theodorus. He had devoted himself to the study of the law; but having met with Origen at Ctcsarea, in Palestine, in the year 231, he was per- suaded by him to addict himself to the higher study of philosophy, and to receive him as his guide and teacher. Having conducted his pupil through a course of study in dialectics, natural and moral philosophy, and the ancient classics, Origen directed his attention to the holy Scriptures, as the fountain of moral and religious truth. After mature consideration, Theodorus declared himself convinced of the truth of revealed religion, and was not only baptized into the f\uth of Christ, but gave evidence of having deeply imbibed the spirit of the gospel. When Origen was obliged to retire to Cappadocia, during the persecution under was to deny that Christ had any dis- \ Christ to be a more human being, in tiuct personal existence, before the the modern sense of that expression." time when Jesus was born of Mary; Burton's Lectures, Lect. 27- but he by no means believed .Tesus 156 THE ANXK-NICENE I'ATUEH.?. [noOK 1. Mtaximinus, Tlieodorus went to xVlexandria; but soon after the return of the former to Cjesarea, in Palestine, he was joined by his former pupil. Soon afterwards (about a.d. 240), Gregory received ordination, and was appointed bishop of Neocsesarea. The number of Christians at Neocajsarea is said to have been exceedingly small at the time of Gregory's appointment to the supei'intendence of their body; but soon after he had entered upon his labours, the increase of converts was so great, that Gregory resolved upon erecting a church for their accommo- dation; which is remarkable as being the first building of this kind mentioned in ecclesiastical history. During the persecu- tion under Decius, which began in the year 250, Gregory was obliged to save himself by flight. After his return, upon the cessation of the persecution, he established the custom of com- memorating the days upon which any martyrs or confessors had died, with public festivities. And herein, says Gregory of Nyssa, he acted wisely; for many persons, in his'time, continued in their attachment to heathenism, for the sake of the festivals connected with its superstitions; and he hoped to gain over such persons to the true religion, by holding out similar inducements in connexion M'itli its ceremonial. We may, perhaps, be unwilling to subscribe to this testimony respecting the propriety of this proceeding; but, while we deplore this partial accommo- dation of Christianity to a dejn-aved taste, and regard such an imitation of heathenism as equally unnecessary and injudicious, it is gratifying, at least, to observe that the page of history is not disfigured by traces of any superstitious or immoral practices, in connexion with the early commemorations of martyrs. Gregory combated the prevailing errors of his times, espe- cially Sabellianism, and the doctrines of Paul of Samosata. He has been charged, however, with having himself approximated to the mistaken tenets of Sabellius; because, in an exposition of faith which he delivered in ansM'cr to the calumnies of a heathen, named ^Elianus, mIio had represented the Christians as believing in a plurality of Gods, he declared that the Father and the Son are two in representation, or in our mode of conception (eVt- voio), but only one in ]icrscn (iTroo-Tacret). But Basil answers the charge thus brought against Gregory, by saying that he used ( 11AI>. Will.] GREGORY OK NROf.EiSARKA. lo7 these expressions not in the more strict and accurate way of teaching doctrine (Soy/* art/ceo y), but in a manner suited to a controversy with an unbeliever (ayo}vi(TTtK(o<;) ; and he adds that those who took the notes of his observations in answer to ^lillianus, made some mistakes in recordins; his expressions. (Jrcgory, says this writer, in disputing with a heathen, did not think it necessary to be very precise in the use of his terms ; and, indeed, he felt it right to concede some things to this man, who was favourably inclined towards the Christian religion, lest he should be led to reject even the leading doctrines of the gospel. And, hence, he made use of several expressions con- cerning the Son of God, such as " creature," " made," and the like, of which false teachers might willingly avail themselves. — These observations of Basil are remarkable, as containing one of the oldest examples of a distinction which afterwards extensively ])revailed between accurate or precise instruction in the Christian faith (Soy/jLo), and a more lax and accommodating representation of the doctrines of our holy religion (avyKard^aai'?, otKovo/xia). This practice, esjjecially when systematized and perverted, was doubtless injurious to the cause of truth; nor can it be justified either by reason or by precedent. It may be right, sometimes, to make only a partial promulgation of truth, of which mode of ])roccdure we find instances in the teaching of our blessed Lord himself, of St. Paul at Athens, and of Origen in his gradual training of Gregory and other pupils, and which is expressly commended in the writings of Cyril of Jerusalem, and other fathers; but it must always be wrong to make a partial con- cession to error, or rather to feign a ]>artial admission of false doctrine. To apply to the eternal Son of God expressions which are true only of a creature, is to do something more than to make a necessary or judicious concealment of the full truth'. The history of Gregory after the date of his conversion to Christianity, as recorded in the works of ancient authors, is full of lecends concerning: visions, revelations, and wonders which were attributed to him, and obtained for him the appellation of Thaumaturgus, or the Worker of miracles. Many of these are ' For a more favoiuable view of tliis matter, see Mr. Newsfan's Arians of the Fourth Centimj, cliap. i. sect. 3. 158 TIIR ANTE-XICR\E FATHERS. [boOK I. highly absurd and inconsistent, and all more or less incredible; but the narratives concerning them tend to supjiort the theory, that the cessation of miracles in the early church was gradual, and was not completely accomplished until some time after the death of the apostles and their fellow-labourers. Among the most authentic sources of Gregory''s history must be reckoned his own panegyric upon Origen. Eusebius {Hist. Eecl. lib. vi. c. 30; lib. vii. c. 14, 28), and Jerome {De Yiris Illustr. c. Qb-^ Ep. ad Mar^num), furnish but scanty notices of his life; although Ruffin, in his translation of Eusebius, has enlarged the narrative b}' inserting passages from other writers (lib. vii. c. 25, according to his division), and these additions have been sometimes cited under the name of Eusebius himself. About a century after the time in which Gregory flourished, more copious narratives of his life, or rather elaborate panegyrics in his favour, were composed by the two celebrated brothers, Basil the Great, and Gregory of Nyssa; in which they made use of materials communicated by their grandmother, who had lived in Cfesarea, of which place Gregory was bishop. The account of Basil may be found in his Book on the Holy Spirit (c. 29), and in several of his epistles (Ep. 28, al. G2; ep. 110, al. 64; ep. 204, al. 75; ep. 207, al. Q^). Gregory of Nyssa compiled a regular narrative of his life, copious in its detail, but of little historical value (Gkeg. Nyss. Vita Grey. Thaumat.). Theodoret {Hwret.fah. lib. ii. c. 28), and Socrates {Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 27), are writers of a still later date who record portions of Gregory's history; but it is evident that no dependence can be placed on incidents in his life recorded by these writers alone. — Gregory died, ])robably, in the year 270. Very small portions of the works of this celebrated bishop have come down to us. His Paneyyric on Oriyen is extant. We possess, also, a Paraphrase or Eaposition of the Book of Ecclesiasticiis, by this writer ; and a letter M'hicli he wrote to a certain bishop, concerning the rules of discipline to be observed with regard to some ofVonding members of the church, entitled his Canonical Epistle, which was reckoned by the council of Con- stantinople, A.D. 680, among the canons of the church. In it, we find an early reference to the several degrees or classes of CHAT. MX.'I Al'.NOmL;^'. 159 penitents, which Avill be described in the course of the followinf^ work. Several other compositions now extant, which have been attributed to Gregory, are either of doubtful authority, or mani- festly sjmrious. CHAPTER XIX. ARNOBIUS. Arxobius M-as a native of Sicca in Africa, where he taught rhe- toric with great reputation and success. He wrote A Disputation against the Heathen, in Seven Books (Disputationum adversus Gentes Libri 7). In the first and second hooks of this treatise, the author states and answers the common objections of the heathen against Christianity;— in the third, fourth, and fifth, he attacks the principles of idolatrous Avorship, and exposes the absurdities of heathen mythology ;— in the sixth book,\\e declaims against the temples and images of the pagan deities ;— and in the seventh, he apologizes for the Christians in declining the use of sacrifices ; the futility of which, as offered by the heathen, he explains at large. It has been supposed that this treatise was written by Arnobius before he M-as admitted to Christian bap- tism ; but this point cannot be determined. The book certainly does not display any accurate or intimate acquaintance with Christian doctrine ; but the author may have considered it use- less to enter into particulars in a treatise, the object of which was to destroy the credit of the o])posing system, and to recommend Christianity only incidentally, and in a general point of view. It has been also remarked as singular, that Arnobius does not make any reference to the sacred writings of either the Old or the New Testament ; but this he may have studiously avoided, not without reason, in disputing with men M'ho were not disposed to acknowledge the divine authority of holy Scripture. This treatise was probably composed about the beginning of the fourth century. The death of Arnobius may perhaps be correctly placed at about the year 325. (Hieroxym. de Tir. lUustr. c. 79; Cliron. ad an. XX. Constantlni.) IGO THE AXTK-XTCKXIC FATHERS. [rOOK I. CHAPTER XX. LACTANTIUS. Lucius Ccelius (or C.kcilius) LAcxANTiua Firmianus. Neither the time nor place of his birth are known ; but, from the circum- stance of his haA'ing attended the lectures on rhetoric delivered by Arnol)ius, at Sicca, it has l)een concluded that he was a native of Africa. About the end of the third century, he began to teach rhetoric at Niconiedia, where he remained many years. He was entrusted by the Emperor Constantine with the educa- tion of his son Crispus ; and it is probable that he did not long survive that unfortunate prince. He died probably about the year 325. In opposition to the literary attacks made upon Christianity during his residence at Nicomedia, Lactantius composed a treatise, entitled An Introduction to True lieligion, or Christian Institutions, in Seven Books (Institution um Divinarum Libri 7), which he designed as a more complete and accurate defence of the Christian religion than those already put forth by TertuUian and Cyprian. This work was completed about the year o20. In the first and second boohs of this treatise, Lactantius demon- strates the falsehood of the heathen system of religion ; using many sound arguments against a plurality of gods, and the folly of image- worship; but adding an unauthorized account of the history and influence of demons or evil spirits, and the origin of evil. — The third book is employed in showing the vanity and unprofitableness of the heathen philosophy, and in exposing the faults of philosophers; a comparison being afterwards made in favour of the power of divine wisdom, or religion. — In the fourth book, the author undertakes to explain the principles of true religion and wisdom. This book is sadly disfigured by free and unhallowed speculations concerning the nature and eternal gene- ration of the Son of God; but it contains, also, some more cor- rect remarks concerning the real divinity of our Lord, and the union of the divine and human nature in his person. The author attempts to describe the great work of redemption accomplished CHAP. XX.] LACTAXTIUS. IGl l)y the sufferings of Christ ; but this description is most painfully defective, for it represents the work of the cross as designed chiefly by way of example or encouragement to believers. At the close of the book, the author describes the origin of heresies, and points out the difference between the true orthodox church and all erroneous sects. — The fifth hook contains a description of the nature of true righteousness, which, says the author, consists in piety and justice. Much also is said concerning the unrea- sonableness and wickedness of persecuting the Christians on account of their religion. — The sixth hook gives instructions con- cerning the true worship of God, and the nature of good works. We find here many excellent remarks relating to the spiritual service of God and true holiness of life ; but there is a great deficiency of doctrine on many important points, and the author strongly maintains the unscriptural tenet that works of benevo- lence take away sin. At the close of the book, Lactantius insists upon the fact that, if any man has fallen into sin, he may be restored to divine favour upon his repentance and reformation, (/nerdvoca, which, says he, may be well expressed by the Latin word resipiscentia.) — The seventh hook treats of the future rewards of righteousness, the immortality of the soul, and the end of the world. The end of the present order of things is here fixed at the expiration of six thousand years from the creation ; and the troubles of the latter days, together with the final triumph of Messiah over Antichrist, are described in accordance with the writer's views of the prophecies of Ezekiel, Daniel, and the Apocalypse ; but without mentioning either of those books, and with great latitude of interpretation. The author then, in the next place, gives a description, for the most part fjinciful and unwarranted, of the proceedings of the day of judgment, and of the mode in which separation will be made between the righteous and wicked professors of religion. He afterwards descants upon the millennium, or thousand years'* reign of Christ upon earth (evidently founding his views upon a literal interpretation ot certain portions of the Apocalypse); — the subsequent rebellion and destruction of Satan and his hosts, followed by a peace S3 profound, that no tree will be cut down for the space of seven years, because the weapons of warfare, no longer needed, will M 162 THE ANTE-NICENE FATHERS. [bOOK I. serve for firewood; — the final glorification of the righteous; — the second resurrection of the wicked, and their doom to ever- lasting torments. TertuUian confidently fixes the commencement of the millennium at the date of two hundred years from the time of his writing (which would have been the six-thousandth year of the world, according to the system of chronology then current). — Such, says Lactantius in conclusion, is the doctrine of the holy prophets which we Christians receive; he then eulogizes the Emperor Constantine, to whom he had dedicated his work ; and earnestly calls upon the heathen to embrace Christianity. We must excuse Lactantius, and other early writers, for their well-meant, but mistaken, statements on sacred subjects ; but we cannot help feeling that their language sometimes interferes with that deep solemnity and reverence which ought to pervade the mind, while it contemplates, at humble distance, those awful realities which the Almighty has not thought fit to disclose to us, or of which he has given only such intimations as are adapted to influence our practice, without satisfying an idle curiosity, or a vain thirst after unprofitable knowledge. The Latin style of Lactantius is distinguished from that of other early ecclesiastical writers, by its superior clearness and elegance; and it has obtained for him the honourable appellation of the Christian Cicero. As to the contents of his great work, it may be remarked, that they embrace much that is valuable and instructive, both in an historical and religious point of view; but it is obvious that the author was far less successful in describing the foundations and principles of the Cliristian reli- gion, than in exposing the errors and absurdities of the heathen systems. He was seduced by a desire of being, or appearing to he, wise above what is written ; a failing which he possessed in common with many other pious fathers of the church before and after his time. The treatise On the Wrath of God (De Ira Dei, Liber unus), consists of a series of arguments against the assumption that the Divine Being is incapable of wrath or indignation. It is directed especially against the tenets of the Epicurean and Stoic philoso- phers. Lactantius maintains that a love of good, which is allowed to belong to the Almighty, necessarily implies a hatred CHAP. XX.] LACTANTIUS. IGo of the opposite; he answers objections, — such as that if God can be angry, ho must necessarily be subject also to fear and desire; that his happiness consists in repose; and that he could punish sin without being angry. The author is content to maintain a true position, and to refute a false one, rhetorically, instead of carefully explaining in what sense we are to understand the lan- guage which he defends, and how far the arguments of his oppo- nents are correct or false. But the latter is surely the course M-hich ought to be pursued with regard to a question on which much that is true may be said on apparently opposite sides. In the treatise On the Workmanship of God^ or the Formation of Man (De Opificio Dei, vel Formatione Hominis), the author adduces the wonderful construction of the human frame as a proof of the divine wisdom and providence. In conclusion, he discusses some questions concerning the soul, its nature, and its production. The book On the Deaths of Persecutors (De Mortibus Perse- cutoruni), is designed to show that those emperors who had engaged in the persecution of the Christians had become peculiar objects of divine vengeance in their misfortunes, and especially in their deaths ; and that a testimony in favour of the Christian religion occurred from the fact thus stated. This treatise con- tains some valuable historical notices; but it is disfigured by bitterness of style. Its genuineness has been questioned by some critics ; but strongly maintained by Baluze. Some Latin poems are attributed to Lactantius. Two of these, entitled Symposium, and Carmen de Phocnice, are admitted to be genuine ; but two others, De Pascha and De Passione Domini, are assigned with great probability to a later date. Contemporary with Lactantius w^as the Christian Latin poet Juvencus (Caius Vettius Aquilinus Juvencus, a Spaniard), who detailed the history of the Gospels in four books of Latin hex- ameter verses (Historic Evangelicro Libri 4). This poem con- sists chiefly of a simple versification of the narratives recorded by the evangelists. M 2 164 THE ANTE-NICENE FATHERS. [cOOK I. CHAPTER XXI. EUSEBIUS OF C^SAREA. EusEBius, bishop of Csesarea, was born in Palestine, about the year 270. He was ordained presbyter at Csesarea, where he contracted an intimate friendship with the celebrated martyr Pamphilus, — a connexion which he valued so highly that he was fond of being called, by way of distinction, " the friend of Pam- philus" (Eusebius Paraphili). He was constant in his attention to this valued friend during his imprisonment, which was of long duration; and assisted him in the composition of his Defence of Origen, — a work on which he was earnestly engaged, and of which some fragments have come down to the present time. After the martyrdom of Pamphilus, Eusebius himself was cast into prison in Egypt; but he was afterwards liberated without further loss or suffering, — a circumstance which gave rise to a charge, apparently unfounded, of his having purchased his liberty by offering sacrifice to idols (Epipiian. Hwr. 68). About the year 815, Eusebius was elected bishop of Csesarea; soon after which date we find that he was present with other bishops at Tyre, on occasion of the consecration of a magnificent church by Paulinus, bishop of that city ; before whom he pro- nounced an oration, in which he congratulated the church on the cessation of persecution, and its prosperity under the sunshine of imperial favour, — dwelt on the love of Christ, and the blessings of the Gospel, — spoke of the erection of the spiritual Temple to God's honour in the soul of man, — but disfigured his speech by extolling, in the most unmeasured, offensive, and dangerous manner, the person and office of Paulinus. In the year oil), or somewhat later, Eusebius was chosen bishop of Antioch ; but although the office to which he was invited was most honourable and important, and the number of bishops by whom he was elected was very large, he firmly declined the honour, and chose to remain in his own more humble situation, in compliance with the usual practice and regulations of the church, which did not admit of a bishop's translation ClIAl'. XXI.] EUSKUUns. 165 from one see to another. He continued bishop of Caisarea until his death, in the year 340, employing his time in the zealous discharge of his episcopal duties, and in aiding the general cause of religion by iiis valuable writings. He was highly esteemed and favoui-ed by the emperor Constantine; and it is not sur- prising that his gratitude to so distinguished a patron betrayed him into an undue admiration of his person, and even taught him to adopt strains of flattery and ])anegyric which are incon- sistent with the sober dignity of truth, and are peculiarly unsuited to that simplicity, uprightness, and candour, which ought to distinguish a Christian minister in all ages of the church. The name of Eusebius was afterwards conspicuous in the history of the church. He acted an important part in the Arian controversy, which began about the }'ear .320, and raged with disastrous fury until the end of his life ; but in this business he was so distinguished by his moderation and love of peace, that the more violent of the orthodox party did not hesitate to reproach hun with being himself an Arian at heart'. The fact appears to have been that, although sound in his own views of religious doctrine, and therefore incapable of subscribing to the tenets of Anus, he was yet highly dissatisfied with the intemperate zeal and intolerance of the orthodox body, and unable to do or say in their favour all th;".t they desired. He was one of those upright and temperate men who, in the contest of parties, must always be either unknown, despised, or hated. Of the literary labours of Eusebius, one of the first was a great work on history and chronology, entitled Ckronkon {JJav- roha-Tfi-i laropia); in which he undertook to describe the origin and progress of all nations from the beginning of the world to the time of Constantine. This valuable compilation has, how- ever, perished ; but some fragments of a translation by .Terome have been preserved, and have been published, together with some other fragments of the original work fronj the ]\vzantine historians, and certain other additions. The chief works of Eusebius now extant are the following: ' Contemporary ^vith lai.ubius of Crcsarea was another Euiebius^, bitl.on of iNiconiedia, who was au Arian. 166 THE ANTE-NICENE FATIIERiS. [bOOK I. An Evangelical Preparation, or Preparation /or the Demonstration of the Truth of the Gospel (IIpoirapaaKeuyj evayyeXiKr), or evayyeXiKrjs dTToBel^ecos TrpoTrapaaKevy]). This work is com- prised in fifteen books ; in the first six of which the author undertakes to show the folly of the heathen theolopjy and worship ; and in the others, to establish the superior claims of Christianity. In the first hooky Eusebius answers the objections commonly urged by the heathen and Jews against Christianity ; he then mentions some of the blessings which this religion had conferred upon mankind; and proceeds to justify the Christians in their renunciation of heathenism, by detailing particularly the nature of the several systems of false theology. He begins by stating the opinions of the Greeks, concerning the origin of the world; describes the worship of the heavenly bodies as the earliest kind of idolatry; and explains especially the old Phoenician theology. It is in this part of the work that we find a celebrated fragment from the writings of Sanchoniathon, the Phoenician philosopher, in the Greek translation of Philo Byblius. — From the Phoenician theology, the author passes, in the second hook, to the Egyptian, which he describes partly in the words of Manetho ; and then to the Grecian, which he portrays from the writings of Diodorus Siculus, Euemerus, and Clement of Alexandria. He displays particularly the defects of Plato's system of theology, and shows cause for rejecting the allegorical interpretation of the Grecian mythology. — The folly of these allegorical explanations is more particularly shown in the third hook; in which, and in the fourth and fifth hooks, the author exposes the vanity of the heathen oracles and arts of divination, and maintains that the pagan worship \vas really addressed to demons or evil spirits, from whose t3u-anny Christ came to deliver us. — The sixth hook contains a refutation of the heathen doctrines concerning fate, and the influence of the heavenly bodies upon the destiny of man and of human affairs in general; and here, also, the author asserts and expounds the doctrine of the liberty of the human will. Having thus assigned reasons for rejecting the various systems of heathen theology, Eusebius proceeds to show why the .Jewish system deserved the preference which it had received froni Christians. — tllAl'. XXI.J KUsEmU.S. 167 In the seventh book, he describes the Jewish religion as most excellent and useful, inasmuch as it gives the best account of the nature of God, of angels, evil spirits, and men, and of the creation of the world. — In the eufhth book, \\c have an account of the sources of the Jewish religion; — of the Septuagint translation of the old Testament (after Aristeas); — and of the nature of the Mosaic theology and religion. The author here asserts the secret or double sense of Scripture. He extols the piety of the Essenes, and the wisdom of Philo. — In the ninth book, Eusebius shows that the best of the Greek writers had frequently referred to the history and religion, the laws and customs, of the Jews, and had even mentioned by name some of their celebrated men. He then goes on to prove at large, in the tenth, eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth books, that the Greeks had borrowed all that was really good in their philosophy from the Jews, who M-ere a much more ancient ])eople than themselves ; (presenting here an expansion and excessive refinement of the argument already brought forward by Clement of Alexandria and other writers.) — In the fourteenth and ffteenth books, the inconsistencies and disagreements of the heathen philosoi)hers, their futilities, errors, and wranglings, are alleged as reasons for abandoning all their systems, and giving a preference to the doctrine of the Jewish and Christian Scrip- tures. The whole vvork displays the fruits of extensive and careful reading, and is highly valuable, both as contributing to our know- ledge of heathen superstition and philosophy, and because it preserves many fragments of ancient writers which w'ould otlier- wise have been lost. A Demonstration of the truth of the Gosjwl [EuayyeXiK?] airo- Bei^is). This treatise is the sequel of the former. It consisted of twenty books, of which only ten remain. The contents of this work are designed chiefly for the convictionof the Jews; and accordingly the argument turns very much upon the M-ritings of the Old Testament, and upon the fulfilment of the Jewish jiro- phecies relating to the person and history of the Messiah. In the first book, Eusebius points out the difference between the Jewish, heathen, and Christian religions; and labours more particularly to show that, while the Jewish system was adapted 168 THE ANTE-NICENE FATHERS. [bOOK I. to only one people, Christianity on the other hand was designed for all nations, and that the religion of Christians is in substance the ancient religion of the Jewish patriarchs, the law of Moses having intervened as a remedy for the idolatrous propensities which the Jews had contracted in Egypt. The author then institutes a comparison between the doctrines of Moses and Christ, and shows why our Lord submitted to the ceremonial law. This is followed by some observations relating to abstinence from marriage. — The second hook is employed in proving that the divine promises of a Redeemer conveyed by the Jewish prophets were designed to extend to all mankind ; — that the knowledge and worship of Christ were to be adopted by all nations ; and that the prophets had foretold the rejection of the Jews on account of their unbelief, together with the calling of the Gentiles. — After this introduction, the author approaches his main subject in the third hook. He shows, first, that Jesus Christ is the true Saviour of the world ; and that he was the subject of many of the Jewish prophecies; — he traces points of resemblance between Moses and Christ ; maintains that our Lord was no impostor, and espcially defends his miracles from the unfair imputations of unbelievers. — In tJie fourth hook, Eusebius ex- pounds the doctrine of our Saviour's deity and incarnation, and his work of redemption ; detailing incidentally some information concerning the ministry of angels in the government of the world, much more copious and circumstantial than any which can be found in Scripture. — The following books are occupied in proving that all the particulars recorded in the Gospels concerning our blessed Lord were severally predicted by the Jewish prophets. — In the fifth hook, Eusebius compares the Jewish prophecies with the heathen oracles, to the disparagement of the latter, which he maintains to have been under the control of evil spirits, and to have been silenced at the coming of Christ. He then proves the divinity of Christ from the first chapter of St. John's Gospel, and Col. i. 15, 1(3; and supposes that he finds the same doctrine intimated in about thirty passages of the Old Testament. (Of these, some of the most remarkable are Gen. xix. 24; Exod. xxiii. 20; Ps. xxxiii. 6; xlv. 7; ex.; Prov. viii. 22; Isa. xlv. 14, 15; XLviii. 12, seq.; Zech. ii. 8 seq.) — The sixth hook tends CHAP. XXI.] EusiEuiu^^. 1G9 to cstabli.sli the fact that the appearance of the Messiah among men was an ancient subject of prophecy; and in the seventh and eighth books, the author shows that even the manner, time, and place of his birth, and the family from which he was to come according to the flesh, were also minutely foretold. — And lastly, in the ninth and tenth books, the author collects passages from the prophets, in which particular events in the life of Christ upon earth were announced; such as the appearance of the star in the east (Numb, xxiv,); — the flight of Christ into Egypt (Isa. xix.); — his temptation (Ps. xci.) ; — his first miracle in Galilee (Isa. ix.) ; — his walking upon the sea (Job ix. 8) ; — the treachery of Judas (Ps. XLi. 10; LV. 14; cix. 1, seq.; Zech. xi. 13); — the darkening of the sun at the time of the crucifixion (Amos viii. 9; Zech. xiv. 6,7); — his struggle wuth despair; and many other circum- stances and consequences of his sufl'erings and death (Ps. xxii.) This part of the work, and indeed many others, would have been far more correct and valuable, if the author had not adopted and acted upon the opinion of Origen and others, relating to the supposed double sense of Scripture. Another treatise of Eusebius in defence of Christianity is that against Hierocles. Hierocles was a governor of Bithynia, who employed his pen, and other more severe means of persecu- tion, against the Christians. The treatise of our author in reply to his book is chiefly occupied in exposing the fallacy of the comparison which Hierocles had instituted between the miracles of our Saviour, and the wonderful works falsely ascribed to ApoUonius of Tyana. The Ecclesiastical History, in ten books {'laropia^ eKKkrjcTi' av tottikcov ev rfi Oeia ypacf)^, Onomasticoii urbium et locorura S. Scripturse, ed. lo. Cleric). Some portions of his Expositions of Scripture have come down to us. They ])artake too much of the faults of the school of Origen; but arc not without their value in a critical point of view. Fourteen minor treatises, or rather sermons, which exist in a Latin trans- lation, have also been ascribed to Eusebius. Some treatises written in the course of the controversies with Arius and Mar- cellus of Ancyra complete the number of the works of this author now extant; many other productions of his labours and pen have perished amidst the wrecks of time. CHAPTER XXII. APOSTOLICAL CONSTITUTIONS AND CANONS. Two collections of ecclesiastical rules and formularies, entitled ArcsTOLicAi. Constitutions {ALara The following remarks of Rosen- mlillcr, quoted by Augiisti, represent tho general opinion of modern critics respecting the date of tho Constitu- tions:— Certum est Constitutiones in Romano collectas et cditas. Quis au- tem fuerit auctor, et quo tempore serip- serit, id nemo focile definiro ausit. Mihi eorum probabilis est sententia, qui credibilc esse cxistimant, has Con- hoc opere contcntas nee ab apostolis I stitutiones non ab uno homine, ncc esse profectas, ncc etiam a Clemente uno tempore, sed a diverbia homiaibus 172 APOSTOLICAL CONSTITUTIONS AND CANONS. [bOOK I. The Constitutions are comprised in eight books. In these the apostles are frequently introduced as speakers. They contain rules and regulations concerning the duties of Christians in gene- ral, the constitution of the church, the offices and duties of ministers, and the celebration of divine -worship. The tone of morality which runs through them is severe and ascetic. They forbid the use of all personal decoration and attention to appear- ances, and prohibit the i-eading of the works of heathen authors. They enjoin Christians to assemble twice every day in the church for prayers and psalmody, to observe various fasts and festivals, and to keep the sabbath {i. e. the seventh day of the week), as well as the Lord's day. They require extraordinary marks of respect and reverence towards the ministers of religion; command- ing Christians to honour a bishop as a king or a prince, and even as a kind of God upon earth, — to render to him absolute obedience, — to jiay him tribute, — and to approach him through the deacons or servants of the church, as we come to God only through Christ ! This latter kind of (profane) comparison is carried to a still greater extent; for the deaconesses are declared to resemble the Holy Spirit, inasmuch as they are not able to do anything without the deacons. Presbyters are said to represent the apostles; and the rank of Christian teachers is declared to be higher than that of magistrates and princes. — We find here also a complete liturgy or form of worship for Christian churches; containing not only a description of ecclesiastical ceremonies, but the prayers to be used at their celebration. This general description of the contents of the Book of Constitutions is alone enough to prove that they are no produc- ct variis tcniporibus conflatas, ct pri- niis decursu temporis additas esse no- vas, queniadmodum et nova) leges ac Lane collectioncni jam ante sec. iv., et, quod cousequcns est, ante Concilium Nica^num, vel ex Eusebii testimouio constitutiones in legiminc ecclesijo, j patct. Sic autem loi^ui solet nou de novis occasionibus enatis, factic sunt. £criptis sua demum aitate confictis: .... Nam inter mores et instituta, sed de antiijuioribus, qualia sint Iler- qua> in hoc ojierc recensentur, alia niio Tiistor, Epistola Barnabix), etc., satis esse antiijua et jam sec. ii. impri- ad quorum dasseni istic 8tSa;^ni ab co mis in ecdesia (Invca rocepta, alia : referuutur. Jo. (pears probable that the Apostolical Constitutions which that author used have been corrupted and interpolated since his time. On the whole, it appears probable, from internal evidence, that the Apostolical Constitutions were compiled during the reigns of the heathen emperors towards the end of the third century, or at the beginning of the fourth; and that the compilation was the work of some one writer (probably a bishop), of the eastern church. The advancement of episcopal dignity and power appears to have been the chief design of the forgery. If we regard the Constitutions as a production of the third century (containing remnants of earlier compositions), the work j)Ossesscs a certain kind of value. It contributes to give us an insight into the state of Christian faith, the condition of the clergy and inferior ecclesiastical officers, the worship and dis- cipline of the church, and other particulars, at the period to which the composition is referred. The growth of the episcopal l^ower and influence, and the ]i:iins and artifices employed in order to derive it from the apostles, are here partially developed. Many of the regulations prescribed, and many of the moral and religious remarks, are good and edifying; and the prayers 174 APOSTOLICAL CONSTITTTIONS AXD CANONS. [nOOK f. especially breathe, for the most part, a spirit of simple and primitive Christianity. But the work is by no means free from traces of superstition ; and it is occasionally disfigured by mystical interpretations and applications of holy Scripture, and by needless refinements in matters of ceremony. We find several allusions to the events of apostolical times; but occurrences related exclusively in such a work are altogether devoid of credi- bility, especially as they are connected with the design of the compiler to pass off his book as a work of the apostles. The Canons relate chiefly to various particulars of ecclesiastical polity and Christian worship; the regulations which they contain being for the most part sanctioned with the threatening of depo- sition and excommunication against offenders. The first allusion to this work by name is found in the acts of the Council which assembled at Constantinople in the year SUi, under the presi- dency of Nectarius, bishop of that see. But there are expressions in earlier councils and writers of the same century which appear to refer to the canons, although not named. In the beginning of the sixth century, fifty of these canons were translated from Greek into Latin by the Roman abbot Dionysius the younger; and about the same time thirty-five others were appended to them in a collection made by John, patriarch of Constantinople. Since that time the whole number (eighty-five) have been regarded as genuine in the east; while only the first fifty have been treated with equal respect in the west. It appears highly probable that the original collection was made about the middle of the third century, or somewhat later, in one of the Asiatic churches. The author may have had the same design as that which appears to have influ- enced the compiler of the Apostolical Constitutions. The eighty- fifth canon speaks of the Constitutions as sacred books; and from a comparison of the two works, it is plain that they are either the production of one and the same M-ritcr, or that, at least, the two authors \vere contemporary, and had a good understanding with each other. The rules and regulations contained in the Canons arc such as were gradually introduced and established during the second and third centuries. In the canon or list of sacred books of the New Testament given in this work, the Revelation of St. John is omitted, but the two epistles of Clement and the Apostolical Constitutions are inserted. 175 BOOK II. OF THE CHURCH, OR GENERAL BODY OF CHRISTIANS. CHAPTER T. ACCOUNTS OF JEWISH AND PROFANE AUTHORS. Jewish and profane writers afford but scanty information con- cerning tlie constitution and practices of the early church. The disputed passage in Josephus, in which allusion is made to the divine author of our religion, does not descend to any mention of his followers; nor do the remarks of this writer and Philo, even if we suppose that they refer to the Christians under the name of Essenes, offer much assistance in our inquiry. Greek and Roman authors, especially the latter, took but slight notice of the Christian society for some time after the period of its foundation; regarding it, probably, as a mere offshoot of Judaism, or as an insignificant Jewish sect. And, hence, the passages in which Suetonius (rit. Ner. c. xvi.; vit. Claud, c. 2.).), Tacitus {Aniial. xv. 44), Arrian, Antoninus, Dio Cassius, and other writers, make mention of the Christians, throw little or no light on their manners and customs. The most important notices of this kind occur in the letters of Pliny the younger, who was Governor of Pontus and Bithynia in the years 110, 111, and in the writings of Lucian of Samosata, an opponent of Christianity, who flourished in the latter part of the same century. Pliny, finding occasion to consult the Emperor Trajan respect- ing the measures to be adopted with regard to the Christians in his province, many of whom he had punished, merely, as he states, on account of their obstinacy, or unflinching profession of their faith, gives some insight into their practices, in the following passage. " They declared," says he, " that their fault consisted only in this, that it was their practice to meet together on a 176 ACCOUNTS or [book II. stated day before it was light, and to sing a hymn by turns (or to join in a set form of words), addressed to Christ as God ; binding themselves, also, by a solemn compact, not indeed to commit any crime, but, on the contrary, not to steal, commit adultery, break their word, or refuse to restore anything wdiich may have been entrusted to them. This done, they used to separate, until they met again to partake of a common (or ordinary) meal, of a per- fectly harmless character." Here we find an alkision to the observance of the Lord's day ; assemblies for worship early in the morning (conventus antelucani, TertulL); common prayer, or psalmody, or both, with the use of responses ; probably, the read- ing and exposition of the Scriptures ; and, evidently, the agapse, or love feasts, and the celebration of the Lord's supper, in an evening or night assembly. This letter also contains a striking proof of the extensive propagation of Christianity at the time in which it was written. It is highly important in many respects ; and as it will be a subject of frequent reference in the following pages, I transcribe the entire original, with the emperor's reply, in a note \ 1 Plinius Trajano {Epist. x. f)7). Solenne est milii, Domine, omnia, de quibus dubito, ad Te referre. Quis enim potest melius vel cunctationem meam rcgere, vel ignorantiam in- struere? Cognitionibus de Christianis iuterfui niinquam : ideo nescio, quid et quatenns aut puniri soleat aut quaMi. Ncc mediocriter hnositavi, sitne aliquod disciimen rctatum, an quamlibet teneri nihil a robustioribus difterant ; deturne pjonitentiic venia, an ei, qui omniuo Cliristianus fuit, desisse non prosit : nomen ipsum etiamsi flagitiis carcat, an flagitia cohajrcntia nomini punian- txu'. Interim in iis, qui ad me tanqiiam Cliristlani defercbantur, liunc sum sc- cutus modum.. Intcrrogavi ipsos, an essent Christiani. Confitcntes itcrum et tcrtio intcrrogavi, supplicium mina- t\is: porscvcrantes duci jussi. Ncque cnim dubitabam, qualecunquc esset quod fiiterontur, pervicaciam ccite et inflcxibilcm obstinationem debere pu- niri. Fnerunt alii siniilis amentire : quos, quia cives Komani erant, anno- tavi in mbem remittendos. Mox ipso tractatu, iit fieri solet, difFundente se crimine,plures species inciderunt. Pro- positus est libellus sine autore, multo- rum nomina continens, qui negarent, se esse Christianos aut fuisse. Cum prtc- eunte me Deos appellarent, et imagini Tua», quam propter hoc jussoram cuna simulacris numinum afferri, tliure ac vino supplicarent, prneterea maledice- rent Christo, quorum nihil cogi posse dicuntur, qui sunt rcvera Christiani; ergo dimittendos putavi. Alii ab in- dice nominati, esse se Christianos dixerunt, et mox negaverunt: fuisse quidem, sed desisse, quidam ante tri- ennium, (piidcm ante plures annos, nonnemo etiam ante viginti quoquc. Omnes et imagincm Tuam, Deorumque simulacra vcncrati sunt, et Christo maledixerunt. Affirmabant auteni, banc fuisse summam vel culprc sua) vel erroris, (juod essent soliti stato die ante luccm convenire, carmenque CTIAP. I.] JEWISH AXn PROl'ANK AUTHORS. 177 Luciau of Samosata, an opponent of the Christian faith, had many opportunities of becoming acquainted with its large and increasing body of professors in Syria, Asia Minor, Gaul, Italy, and other countries. His writings (De iSIorte Peregrini, Phi- lopseudes, Pseudomantis), contain many allusions to the rites and practices of the early church. He represents the Christians as worshippers of " a man who had been crucified in Palestine," whom they regarded as their lawgiver. He makes mention of their public M'orship, and their observance of peculiar religious ceremonies; their fraternal union among themselves; their renunciation of idolatry, and contempt of false gods ; their readi- ness to assist and support the sick and poor, and their insti- tutions for these purposes ; their agapa?, or love-feasts ; their possession and use of sacred books ; and their rigorous diciplinc, as shown in the practice of excommunicating offenders. The testimony of Celsus, preserved by Origen, is important for its information respecting the doctrine of the Christians in his day, but it affords little or no insight into their customs and observances. Cliristo quasi Deo dicorc secuiii iuvi- cciii ; seque sacramcuto, iion in scelus aliqiiod obstringere, sed iie furta, ue lactrocinia, no adultciia committorent, ne fidem falleront, ne depositum appel- lati abnegarcnt; quibusperactis,morein sibidiscedcndifuisse riirsus(iuo coeundi ad cai)ienduiu cibuni, proraiscuuin ta- nien et innoxiuin : ([uod ipsum facere desisso post cdictum meum, (pio socuu- duiii iiiandata tua heterias esse vetue- min. Quo inagis ucccssarium credidi, ex duabus ancillis, . I.] JKWISII AND PKOfAXr. ArTriou><. 179 threats at the same time; when, if they still persevered, I ordered them to be immediately punished ; for I was persuaded, what- ever the nature of their opinions might be, that a contumacious and inflexible obstinacy certainly deserved correction. There were others also brought before me, possessed with the same infatuation, but being* citizens of Rome I directed them to be carried thither, lint this crime spreading, (as is usually the case,) while it was actually under prosecution, several instances of the same nature occurred. An information was presented to me without any name prescribed, containing a charge against several persons, who upon examination denied they were Christ- ians, or had ever been so. They repeated after me an invocation to the gods, and offered religious rites with wine and frankincense before your statue, (which for this purpose I had ordered to bo brought, together with those of the gods,) and even reviled the name of Christ : whereas there is no forcing, it is said, those who are really Christians into a compliance with any of these articles. I thought proper, therefore, to discharge them. Some of those who were accused by a witness in person, at first confessed themselves Christians, but immediately after denied it ; while the rest owned indeed that they had been of that number for- merly, but had now (some above three, others more, and a few above twenty years ago) forsaken that error. They all worshipped your statue and the images of the gods, throwing out impreca- tions also at the same time against the name of Christ. They affirmed that the whole of their guilt or error was, that they met on a certain stated day before it was light, and addressed them- selves in a form of prayer to Christ, as to some god, binding themselves by a solemn oath, not for the ])urposes of any wicked design, but never to commit any fraud, theft, or adultery: never to falsify their word, nor deny a trust when they should be called upon to deliver it u]) ; after which it was their custom to separate, and then re-assemblc, to eat in common a harmless meal. From this custom, however, they desisted after the publication of my * It was one of the privileges of a Roman citizen, secured by the Sem- proniau law; that he could not be. ^ capitally convicted but by the suffrage | mentioned to Rome.— Melmoth. N 2 of the peojde; wliich seems to have been still so far in force, as to make it necessary to send the persons here 180 JEWISH AXn PROFANE AUTIIOnS. [nOOK II. edict, by which, according to your orders, I forbade the meeting of any assemblies. After receiving this account, I judged it so much the more necessary to endeavour to extort the real truth, by putting two female slaves to the torture, who were said to admi- nister in their religious functions^: but I could discover nothing more than an absurd and excessive superstition. I thought proper, therefore, to adjourn all further proceedings in this affair, in order to consult with you. For it appears to be a matter highly deserving your consideration, more especially as great numbers must be involved in the danger of these persecutions, this inquiry having already extended, and being still likely to extend, to persons of all ranks and ages, and even of both sexes. For this contagious superstition is not confined to the cities only, but has spread its infection among the country villages. Nevertheless it still seems possible to remedy this evil, and restrain its progress. The temples, at least, which were almost deserted, begin now to be frequented ; and the sacred solemnities, after a long intermis- sion, are again revived ; while there is a general demand for the victims, which for some time past have met with but few pur- chasers. From hence it is easy to imagine, what numbers might be reclaimed from this error if a pardon were granted to those who shall repent."' Trajan to Pliny. " The method you have pursued, my dear Pliny, in the proceed- ings against those Christians which were brought before you, is extremely proper ; as it is not possible to lay down any fixed plan, by which to act in all cases of this nature. Ihit 1 would not have you officiously enter into any inquiries concerning them. If indeed they should be brought before you, and the crime is proved, they must be punished ; with this restriction, however, that when the ])arty denies himself to be a Christian, and shall make it evident that he is not, by invoking our god.s, let him (notwithstanding any former susj)icion) be pardoned u])on his repentance. Informations without the accuser's name subscribed ought not to be received in prosecutions of any sort ; as it is introducing a very dangerous precedent, and by no means agree- able to the equity of my government." ' Deaconesses. CHAP II.] 181 CHAPTER II. § 1. NAMES ASSUMED BY CHRISTIANS. Thk common appellations of the professors of the Christian religion which occur in the New Testament, and were current among themselves at the date of the Apostolical Epistles, arc the following: — Saints, or the /ioIt/ people (a'yLOt); believers, or the faithful {TTLco- riini pallio ctiam vestiebautur Clirist- commuui scoiuniato audiebant Grooci, et ab injcctione pallii quod tunicio superimpouebaut, etiani eniOeTai, hoc est (ut ita dixei'ini), imponenles. Id simplicitcr accipiebat indoctuiu vulgus ob iiallii sui)enmpositionein ; cetcruni literati figuratum iiiorsuni iutoUigebant iaui (quauquam uon onuiiuiu onmino, in vocabulo (TridfTrjs, quo ficret ad qui Christo uomcu dederaut, sed to)v ' impostoris iionien apud Latiuos tacita u(TKr]Tii>v tantunij gestaineu id fuissc, ut ' alhisio, hoc est, deceptoris et lioniiuis iiec onniiuni CJraicoruin, sed sohiui philosophoruni, ostendit Sahuasius lul libruiu TerluUiani do raliio), liiuc sanctitatem ineutientis. — Koutiiolt. Pagan, Obtrectat, pp. 4U7 — 40U. CHAP. II. J I!Y MAY 01" KfCPKOACII. 187 individual writers, or were applied only in particular countries, or on particular occasions. SucIj are the following : — {a.) SibijUists ; a favourite expression of Celsus, m'Iio accused the Christians of having falsified the Sibylline books. (i^.) Sarmentitii and Semaxii ; because the martyrs, when burnt alive, were sometimes fastened to a stake (semaxis), sur- rounded by piles of faggots (sarmenta, sarmlna). — See Tehtull. Apolo(jet. c. 50. {c.) Paraholaui or Paraholarii, and Desperati^ were terms applied to Christian martyrs who were exposed to wild beasts ; being the common appellation of those reckless adventurers who fought with beasts in the Amphitheatre for hire. — Lactant. Instit. v. 9. {d.) Biathanatl {Btaddvaroc), i. e., suicides or self-murderers, from their contempt of death, and cheerful endurance of extreme sufferings for the sake of Christ ; or Biot/ianati, men who expect to live after death. — See Binguam, book i., chap, ii., § 8. (('.) PlautiiKV prosapiic homines et Pistores (Minl'c. Fkl. Octuc. c. 14), i. e., men of the race of Plant us, and BaJcers, jirobably on account of their poverty and low station in life ; with allusion to a story relating to the poet Plautus, that he was once obliged to procure a .subsistence by hiring himself to a l)aker, who employed him in grinding his mill. (/.) In like manner. Christians were sometimes unjustly entitled stulti, stupidi, fatui, imperiti, hebetcs, idiotrc, i.e., fools, infatuated; creduli, simplices, credulous, simpletons; rudes, rustici, vuhjar, cloicns; abjecti, outcasts; lucifugjc, lucifuga natio, skulklnf/, afraid of the lif/ht. 7. Other terms of reproach were of a more general significa- tion, and related more particularly to the nature of the Christian religion and worship. Thus the professors of the Gospel arc sometimes entitled: — {a.) ^'Adeoi, i. e., Atheists; their renunciation of the errors of polytheism being construed into an entire denial of the exist- ence and providence of God. Hence the Roman proconsul, who called upon Polycarp to renounce his Christianity, addre3:jcd him ill the following terms, '• Repent. Say, away with the Atheists." — EusEu. Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 15. 188 DIVlSlOXfi OR CLASSES [bOOK II. (b.) Novelli, novissimi, nuperrimi, Necorepoi, i. e., innovatoi's. Both Jews and Gentiles were accustomed to upbraid Christianity with the novelty of its doctrines, and to describe it as a " new, foreign, barbarous superstition." — See Arnob. Disp. adv. Gent. i. 71, seq.; Prudent. Hymn. 10, 14, 40-1, seq.; Tertull. ad Nat. i. 8. (c.) ^TavpdXdrpat, worsMppers of the cross. This appella- tion seems to refer chiefly to the respect paid to the sign of the cross, and the practice of making that sign on the body, which prevailed in the early church. Christian writers indignantly repel the charge of offering any worship to the sign, and retort the accusation of image-worship upon their accusers. — See Ter- tull. Apol. c. 16; Ad Nat. i. 7, 12; Athanas. Parah. Script. quaest. 83; Augustin. Ep. 44". {d.) ^Ovoxorjral, Asinarii, i. e., worsMppers of aji ass. This name seems to have been derived from an old prejudice against the Jews, of uncertain origin, mentioned by Tacitus. — See Plu- tarch. Symp)Os. lib. iv. qufest. 5; Joseph, contr. Apion. ii. 10. (e.) Some have supposed that the Christians were also called Ovpavo\dTpai, ccelicolae, worsJiippers of the heavens^ and 'H\to- \drpaL, heliolatrse, zcorshippers of the sun; but there is not sufficient evidence on the subject. CHAPTER III. DIVISIONS OR CLASSES OF CHRISTIANS. In the New Testament, Christians are divided simply into hearers or learners, and teachers or governors. Those of the ^ Cruces etiam nee colimus, nee optamiis [al. orainus]. Tos plane, qui ligneos decs consecratis, cruces ligneas, ut deorum vcstrorum partes forsitan adoratis. Nam et signa ipsa, et can- tabra, et vcxilla castrorum, quid aliud, qiiam inaurat.Tc cruces sunt ct ornatoe ? Tropfca vestra victricia nou tan turn simplicis crucis facieni, verum et affixi liorainis imitantur. Minuc. Fel.Oclav. p. 33, ed. Ouzel. Lugd. B. 1C52, 4.— Ilabeat Helena, qua3 legat : iinde cru- cem Domini recognoscat. Inveuit ergo titulum, regem adoravit : non lignum utiqiie, quia liic gcntilis est error et vanitas impioruni. Adoravit ilium qui pepcndit in ligno, scriptus in titulo. — Ajibuos. Orat, de Obitu Theo- dos. Imp. Conf. Tertvll. Jpol. c. Kf; ad Nation, lib. i. c. 7, 12; Atha- nas. Parah. Script, quiost. i)3; Au- gustin. E]}. 44. CHAP. III.] OF CHRISTIANS. 189 formev class are denominated 6 \ao^, the people; ro Troifxviov, the flock; to ttXtjOo^ tmv Triajcbv ('rriarevadvTcov), the body of believers; r/ iKKXrjata, the church, assembly, congregation; tSitorai, private persons; ^iwriKol, seculars, &;c. Those of the latter class are called BtSda-Kokoi, teachers; rj-yovfievoi, leaders; TTOLfxives, shepherds; eiriaKOTroi, overseers, superintendents, bishops; Trpea/Bvrepoi, elders; irpoearoires, presidents; and others who were immediately connected with them, and subject to them, as assistants in their ministrations, are the BiuKovoc, ministers, deacons ; %7}pat or SiaKovia-aat, widows or deaconesses; vTrrjperac, assistants, servants; vecoTepoi, the younger, &:c. It is admitted on all hands that the original constitution of the Christian church was framed after a Jewish pattern; but it has been debated whether it was constructed in accordance with the Temple service, or with the worship of the Synagogue. Early ecclesiastical writers differ in their opinions on this subject. Tertullian, Cyprian, and Jerome, find the prototype of the Christian church in the Mosaic institution; while Chrysostom, Basil, and Augustine, refer to the services of the synagogue, as the pattern which was followed in Christian worship. Modern writers, especially among Protestants, incline, for the most part, to the latter opinion. And they advance the following reasons for refusing to refer the origin of Christian ecclesiastical institu- tions to the services of the Temple. First, say they, although in the New Testament, especially in the Epistle to the Hebrews, our Saviour is compared to the high priest of the old dispen- sation, yet no comparison whatever is instituted between the rulers or teachers of the Christian church and the Jewish priests; but the resemblance is traced rather between those priests and believers in general, as in 1 Peter ii. 9; R.ev. i. 6. Secondly, there is a greater similarity between the services of the synagogue and the offices of the Christian church, than between the minis- ters of the tem])le (high priest, priests, and Levites) and the three orders of Christian clergy. Thirdly, the testimonies of the Fathers, which are urged on the other side of the question, do no more than show that the real origin of ecclesiastical offices was forgotten or overlooked at an early period of the church; which may be partly accounted for, by remembering that, after the 190 DIVISIONS on CLASSl'S [nOOK II. destruction of the Jewish polity, the institutions of the synagogue were but little known. The memory of the temple service was, at the same time, perpetuated in the sacred records of the Old Testament; and it may have been thought more to the credit of the Christian worship to trace it to a divine institution than to any other. Eusebius classes the whole body of Christians under two general divisions, the governors and t/ie r/ovemed; and subdivides the latter class into t/ie unhaptized and the baptized or the faithful. Jerome mentions a fivefold division, which, however, may be reduced to the more simple classification of Eusebius. He speaks of five orders in the church; namely, bishops, presbyters, deacons, the faithful, and the catechumeni, «'. ^., the imbaptized. It is obvious that the first three of this order are included in the first class of Eusebius; and that the last two are the same as his twofold division of the second class\ In the New Testament, and the writings of the Fathers, the word " Church" usually denotes the body of believers, either in general, or as met together in a particular place, including governors and teachers, the governed and the hearers. Some- times, however, "the Church" is spoken of in early writers in contradistinction to " the ministers of the Church," denoting merely the people, or those who were not employed in any eccle- siastical oflflce. But the word commonly employed in this latter sense, was that which we have retained in our terms lay, laity. The Greek term \diKos avdpcoTros, derived from Xaos, populus, and signi- fying "one of the people," was retained in the Latin form, laicus, being sometimes, but rarely, translated into popidari^. The word is thus employed by early Christian writers; but some ' Tpia Ktiff (KuaTTjv {KkXtjctuiv rdy- fxaTO, tv fiiv TO rdv rjyovjJifvav, bvo fie TO Twv VTTo^flitjKOTav, Tov Tijs tKKXrjcrias Tov XpicTTOv els 8vo Tayfxara birjp-q- fiivov, els re to fxev TncTTwv, kol tu>u fiev firjte ira ttJs Sia \ovTpov irdXiyyevecrias Tj^icofxevav, Euseb. Dcmonst. Evang. lib. vii. c. 2. — Quinquc ccclesia; or- dines, episcoiios, jji-csbytcros, diaco- nos, fidelcs, catccliumenos. IIieuon. Comm. ill Jes. 19. — Majoreni pocnam liabet, qui ecclcsia; pnosidet, ct dclin- qiiit. Anuon niagis iiiiscricordiam prom eve tiir ad comparationem fidelis, catechumenus ? Non magis venia dig- nus est laiciis, si ad diaconiim confe- ratur ? Et nirsiis coniparatione pres- byteri diaconus veuiam plus nierctiir. OniGEN, Horn, r», in Ezek. ciTAP. iir.] or ciinisTrAxs'. ]91 scholars have supposed that the tlistinction between laicus and clericus (laity and clergy) was not introduced until the third century. Although both Jews and Christians in general were entitled God's /cXr/po?, h'ts inheritance, 2>o)'fion, or clergy, as dis- tinguished from the heathen (see Dent. iv. 20; ix. 29; 1 Peter V. S), yet ministers were likewise distinguished by this title from the other members of the church. (See Clem. Roman. (^) Ep. ad Corinth, i. c. 40; Clem. Alexaxd. cqy. Euseb. lib. iii. c. 23; Tertull. de Prccscript. c. 41.) Nor were the laity per- mitted to exercise any clerical office; except that they were suffered to baptize, in case of necessity, when no ecclesiastical minister could be had. (Hieuon. Dial. c. Lucifer.; Tertull. Exhort, ad Castlt. c. 7.) " As soon as the Church began to spread itself over the world, and sufficient numbers were con- verted to form themselves into a regular society, then rulers and other ecclesiastical officers were appointed among them, and a distinction made that no one, — no, not of the clergy themselves, — might presume to meddle with any office not committed to him, and to which he knew himself not ordained. So that, for ought that appears to the contrary, we may conclude that the names and offices of laymen and clergy were always distinct from one another, from the first foundation of Christian churches."''' Bingham. — There can be, at all events, no doubt that the dis- tinction, and the terms by which it was expressed, existed in the early part of the third century. Laymen were called also ^lcotlkoI, secidars, and IStcorai, private men. (Chrysost. Hoin. 8, in Laz.; Horn. 23, in Rom.; Horn. 35, in 1 Cor. xiv.; Theodoret Com. in 1 Cor. xiv. 16.) Among the laity in the primitive church there was a wide and important distinction between the unbaptized and the bap- tized. The former were entitled Kairj^ovfievoi, catechumens, 1. e., persons receiving a course of instruction, or learners; and the latter TTicrrol, i. e., believers, the faithful. 192 [book it. CHAPTER IV. OF CATECHUMENS. All persons who had not completed that course of religious instruction which was deemed necessary in order to admission to the church, were called in Greek Karr^-^ovfievot, catechumens, — a word which occurs more than once in the New Testament (Rom. ii. 18; Gal. vi. 6; compare Acts xviii. 25; 1 Cor. xiv. 9). They were also called candidates for baptism; a name which especially applied to them in its original Roman signification {clothed in white), from the circumstance of their being obliged to appear in white vestments when they were received into the church. Hence the name of the first Sunday after Easter, Dominica in albis (in white). The instruction given to these persons was called in Greek KaTi]')(r]aL9, catechesis; \6yo9 Karrj'^rjTtKO'i, catechetical lessons; or KaTrj^ia-fMo?, catechism. The teacher was called KaT)-i')(riT'>]s, or KaTrj')(^iaTi]<;, catechist. The place in which this instruction was given, and the candidates were prepared for baptism, was entitled KaTTT^ov/xevelov, or usually, in the plural, ra KaTri-)(^ov- /j,€vela, Karrj-^ovixevLa, and sometimes to, Kart]-)(^ouf.ieva, the schools of the catechumens. These Greek appellations were com- monly retained by the Latin writers; but sometimes they employed the corresponding Latin terms novitii and novitioli, novices; tirones, or tirones Dei, tiros; audicntes, auditorcs, pujnls; rudes, incipientes, beginners. There does not appear to have been any fixed age at which persons were eligible as Catechumens; nor was there any uniform rule respecting the duration of their term of instruction. The term of probation appears to have extended sometimes to two or three years; but in many cases it M'as reduced to a much shorter compass. And it seems to have been understood that the child- ren of Christian parents required less preparatory instruction than Jewish converts, and the Jewish converts in like manner less than the heathen'. ' Itaque pi'O cxijiisque pcrsonro con- I cunclntio baptismi utilior est, piwcipue ditiono ac dispositione etiam rctato I taineu circa paiviilos. . . . Veniiuit CHAP. IV.] OP CATECHUMENS. 193 The Catechumens were divided, at a very early period of the church, into certain classes or orders ; but the learned are not agreed respecting the names and number of these classes. The Greek canonists speak of only two classes, namely, the ^AreXecTTepoi, imperfect, and the TeXeicorepoi, more perfect. Hence Cave {PrimitlTe Christianitif^hooki.oh^^. S), says, "Of the Catechumens there were two sorts, the TeXeKorepot, or jnore perfect, such as had been catechumens of some considerable standing, and were even ripe for baptism ; the others were the ^AreXecrrepoi, the more rude and imperfect; these were as yet accounted heathens, who applied themselves to the Christian faith, and were catechised and instructed in the more plain grounds and rudiments of the Christian religion. These princi- ples were gradually delivered to them, according as they became capable to receive them, first the more plain, and then the more difficult." Other writers, (including Beveridge, Basnage, and Suicer,) divide the Catechumens into two classes, but under different names ; while others again contend for a larger number of classes, but without agreeing concerning their distinctive appellations*. ergo dum adolescuut, veniant dum discunt, dum, quo veniant, docentiir, fiant Christiani, dum Cliristum nosse potucrint. Tertitll. de Baptisino, c. 18. — Audieram ego adhuc puer de vita a>terna nobis piomissa per liumi- litatom Domini Dei nostri, descenden- tis ad superbiani nostram ; ct signabar jam signo crucis ejus, ct condiebar ejus sale, jam inde ab utero matris mea\ quaj multum spcravit in T. . . . . Dilata est itaque mundatio mea, quasi nccesse csset, iit adluic sordi- darer, si vivcrem; quia videlicet post lavacrum illud major ct periculosior in sordibns dclictornm rcatus foret, AforsTiy. Confess, lib. i. c. II. — 'O ^e'XXo)!/ KaTi])(f7(T6ai, rpia trrj Karr}- ■)(ti(T6u>' (I he. arrovhaios ris j), Kui tvvoiav €;>^et Trepl to irpuyixa, TrpoaBe- XfO'doi' oTi ov)( 6 xpot'os, «XX' o rpoTTOs Kpivtrai. Constil. Apost. lib. viii. c. 32. — Eos, qui ad fidem primam crcdulitatis accedunt, si bonsTc fuerint conversa- tionis, intra biennium placuit ad bap- tismi gratiam admitti. Cone. lUilerit. c. 42. — Judoci, quorum perfidia fre- quenter ad vomitum redit, si ad legem catliolicam venire voluerint, octo nien- sibus inter catechimienos ccclesia? limen introeant ; et si jnira fide venire noscuntur, turn demuni baptismatis gratiam mereantur. Cone. Agath. c. :U. — Cow/. Cyuii.. IIiERosor.. Catech.'i. n. 5; IIiEiiON.JE:;;.Gl,a(/7^am»2ac/t.c.4; SocRAT. Hist. Ecel. lib. vii. c. 30; Basil M. Ep. 180; Epiphan. Hares. 28, n. G. * Catecliumenos in vari;is olim classes distinctos reperio. ... In Latina Ecclesia omnes classes in qua- tuor rcdacta^ sunt, qu.a? in sermonibus ct tractatibus Latinonnn patnim pas- sim occurrunt. Quidam enim ab infi- delitatc ad fidem convert i desiderantes audiebant in ecclesia verbum Dei, et 194< OF THE BAPTIZED, FAITHFUL, OK COMPLETE [bOOK II. It would seem that there was no general rule in the early church, respecting the classification" of the Catechumens, or the claims which were made upon them. These matters appear to have varied according to circumstances, regard being had espe- cially to the age, education, and sex of the candidates. Persons received as Catechumens, or candidates for baptism, were signed with the sign of the cross, with prayer, and the imposition of hands. (Concil. Arelat. i. c. 6 ; lUiber. c. 39 ; EusEB. Vit. Constant. M. c. 61 ; Sulp. Sever, tit. Mart. Turon. Dial, ii, c. 5 ; Augustin. Confess, b. i. c. 1 1 ; De Feccator. Merit. lib. ii. c. 26.) The exercises and occupations of Catechumens are considered particularly in the chapter which treats of the preparations for baptism. CHAPTER V. OP THE BAPTIZED, FAITHFUL, OR COMPLETE MEMBERS OF THE CHURCH. The other class of the laity consisted of baptized persons, or the full members of the church. And these were distinguished by peculiar names and privileges. 1. Their names or titles, an acquaintance with which tends to throw much light on the phraseology and formularies of the ancient church, were the following : — UiaTol, that is, the faithful. By this name those who had been instructed in the truths of Christianity, and were living as private members in full communion with the church, were distin- guished especially from the clergy, the catechumens, penitents, the possessed, and ascetics. This title, as well as the more common OL TTiaTevovres, or TriarevaavTes, believers, occurs in the New Testament.— Acts xvi. 1 ; 2 Cor. vi. 15; 1 Tim. iv. 12; v. 16. ii dicebantur Audienles. Alii aiulito germone procumbebant in genua et orationum ccclesiae aliquo modo parti- cipes eiant, et vocabantur Suhntrati instituti l)a])tismum pctebant, et dioti sunt Competentes, Qui vero ex istis in albo baptizandorum descripti erant, Electi nuucupaii solebant. — Box a, lU- sive Gmvjieotentes, Alu in fide recte mm Litunj. lib. i. c. 10, n. 4. CHAP, v.] MEMDJJRS OF THK CHURCH. 195 2. 4>(OTi^6fj,evoi, the enlightened^ with reference to baptism, which was called ^wTiayios^ or (fxoTia-fia, illumination. This name does not occur in the New Testament, but it is perfectly analogous to expressions which are found in Eph. iii. 9 ; 2 Tim. i. 10; 2 Cor. iv. 4 — 6; and other places. 3. Mefiv7]fjiivot, the initiated. This name prevailed especially during the fourth and fifth centuries, having originated in the supposed analogy between baptism and the rites of initiation into the sacred mysteries of the heathen. The phrase liaaaiv oi fxe/xvTj/xiyoi, the initiated know, occurs about fifty times in the works of Augustin and Chrysostom. In like manner, the words IMvaral, fjLva-TaycoyijTol, mi/stagogues^ and other terms borrowed from the heathen mysteries, are applied to the Christian rites. All these expressions mark the prevalence of that system of secret instruction or doctrine which will be noticed in its place. (See book iv. chap. i. sect. 10.) — They came into general use during the fourth century. The corresponding titles of catechumens were dfMin]Toiy cifMucTTot, dfMvo'TaycoyijToi, uninitiated. 4. TiXecoi, and reXecoufieyoi, the perftct. This name, aa well as the former, was derived from the system of secret instruction, or sacred mysteries, which appears to have been gradually established in the church during the second, third, and fourth ccnturioft'. The term was applied only to those who were admitted to a participation of the Lord's supper, which ordinance was mystically denominated TeXer?) reXeTcop, perfection of perfec- tions. The word TiXeioi and its cognates are applied to the persons and the spiritual condition of Christians in the New Testament, but in a less restricted sense ; e. g. Matt. v. 48; Heb. vi. 1. 5. Lastly, to this class of Christians were attached the common titles of affection and respect, dSeXc^ot, brethren; aytoi, saints; iKXeKrol, the cltct; dya7r7}Tol, beloved ; viol @6ov, sons of God; carissimi in Jesu Christo filii, dearly beloved in Christ, and the like. IL The following were the rights and jyrivileges peculiar to this class of Christians. 1. They were permitted to attend all religious assemblies without exception. AMiereas the catechumens, and all others 196 OF THE CHURCH. [bOOK II. who were not in full communion with the church, were entitled to attend only certain services, and were commanded to retire from the assembly, when the more sacred services and rites were about to be performed. 2. It was regarded as a special privilege of the faithful, that they might hear and repeat the Lord's prayer aloud ; which prayer was hence called evxh '^^'^ Tnarwv. The catechumens in their assemblies were not permitted to recite this prayer aloud, but to use it 8ia aicoTTTjs, in silence. In the services of the faithful it was said or sung, and repeated by all present. S. The faithful were further entitled to receive an explanation of all the mysteries of their religion. Not that the ancient teachers of the church represented all the doctrines of Christianity as fully intelligible by the mind of man, or by any finite under- standing. But by this privilege we are to understand a right of acquaintance with all those sacred ordinances of the church, which were especially termed mysteries, and with the peculiar doctrines and truths of Christianity, especially those relating to the Holy Trinity, and the nature of the sacraments. The cate- chumens were instructed only in the more simple outlines of the Christian belief, and in matters relating to morals and prac- tice'.— (See book iv. chap, i, sect. 10.) 4. As the most important privilege of church-membership, the faithful were admitted to the celebration of the Lord's supper, which was regarded as the highest and most complete of all ' De moralibus quotidianum sermo- nem habuimus, cum vel Patriarchamra gcsta, vel provcrbiorum legcrcntur prfccepta: ut his informati atque in- stituti assucsceretis majorum ingredi vias eoi-uniqiie iter carpere, ac divinis obedirc mandatis, quo renovati per baptismum ejus vitno iisum teneretis, quae ablutos deceret. Nunc de mysteriis dicero admonet atque ipsam sacramen- torum rationeni cdere : quam ante baptismum si putassemus insinuandum nondum initiatis, prodidisse potius quam edidisse, restimaremur. Asi- BR09., De his cjid mysleriis iiiilientur, c. 1. — Dimissis jam catechumenis, vos tantum ad audiendum rotiauimus : quia, prjBter illa,qu8e omnes Christianos convenit in commune servare, specia- liter de cajlestibus mysteriis locuturi sumxis, quai audire non possunt, nisi qui ea donante jam Domino percepe- runt. Tanto igitur majorc reverentia debetis audire quaj dicimus, quanto majora ista sunt, qujr solis baptizatis et fidelibus auditoribus committuntur, quam ilia, quoe etiam eatechumeni audire consueverunt. Avcvst. Serm. 1. ad Neoph. — 'Acnj/ito? but rovs d/xvt]- Tovs Trepi Tci)v 6(iu>v 8ia\(y6fji(6a fiv- (TTrjpluiv TovTCdv 8f x^(Oj)i^ofXfva)i', aa)? is borrowed from jirofane writers; by 200 OF THE CHURCH. [bOOK II. whom it \A'as originally applied to the athletes, or men trained to the profession of gladiators. Eusebius and Epiphanius call the ascetics airovBaioi, meaning persons eminent for their sanctity; and Clement of Alexandria entitles them iKKeKTwv eKkeKTorepoi^ i. e., the elect of the elect. In later times we read of ava'x^coprjral, anchorites, i. e., solitaries; ipijfiirai, hermits, i.e., dwellers in deserts; coenobitse, i. e., persons who live in common, in one place, or with a commu- nity of goods, and under a common discipline ; and other titles, implying peculiar exercises, or acts of mortification, were given or assumed. 201 BOOK III. OF THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. CHAPTER I. NAMES GIVEN TO THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH, BOTH ORDINARY AND EXTRAORDINARY. Before we proceed to consider the several orders and offices of the ministers of the church, it may be useful to review the appel- lations by which this whole body of men were distinguished from the laity, or ordinary Christians. 1. The title Clerus^ Clerici (whence our term clergy)^ was given to this body at a very early period. It is derived from a Greek word Kkr]pos, signifying a lot. Some suppose that the ministers of the gospel were so called, because they were some- times elected to their office by lot. But it is generally agreed that the term is derived from the more common application of the same word to all Christians, after the manner of the Jews, as being the lot or inheritance of the Lord. " God always had a peculiar people, whom he selected for himself out of the rest of mankind. Such were the patriarchs and the holy seed of old; such the Jews, chosen by him above all other nations in the world. This was his Kkrjpos, his particular lot and portion, comprehending the body of the people in general. But after- wards this title was confined to narrower bounds, and became appropriate to that tribe which God had made choice of to stand before him, to wait at his altar, and to minister in the services of his worship. And after the expiration of their economy, it was accordingly used to denote the ministry of the gospel, the persons peculiarly consecrated and devoted to the service of God in the Christian Church." — (Cave, Primitive Christianity, part i. chap. 8.) The learned are for the most part agreed in this derivation of the word clerus, or clergy; although some eminent writers, 202 THE MINISTERS OP THE CHURCH. [bOOK III. including Bingham and Dodwell (Dissert. Cyprian, i. c. 15), contend for the former. It is remarkable that this doubt con- cerning the origin of the title existed in early times, as appears from the writings of Jerome and Augustin'. It has been maintained that this title was not appropriated to the ministers of the church until the beginning of the third century; but this is a question which, in the absence of sufficient information, cannot be accurately determined. Tertullian is indeed the first writer who points out a definite distinction between the clergy and laity, and mentions a strict division and gradation of ecclesiastical offices. A distinction, substantially the same, but less systematically defined, appears in a disputed passage of Clemens Romanus^; not to mention a passage in the writings of Ignatius, the genuineness of which has been reason- ably doubted. Perhaps the term was appropriated during the second century. 2. Spiritual persons were also called KavoviKol., canonici, or ol rod Kavovos, ol iv tc3 KavovL, men of the canon, because their names were entered in an official list or register of the church, called KavMV, dyic; Kavwv, register, sacred register, or KardXoyo'i leparcKos, list of the jjriesthood ; in Latin, album, matricula, tabula clericorum. In later times this name was applied to those who were bound only by the general laws and statutes of the church, in opposition to monks, who were moreover bound by the particular rules of their order. 3. The terms 'EKKXtjcriaaTiKol, Ecclesiastici ; Oi tov Boyfia- ros, Dogmatici, Gnostici, and the like, were applied at first to Christians in general, but were afterwards given more especially to the niinistevs of the church. During the middle ages the term ecclesiastici was ahnost restricted to the inferior orders of clergy. 4. 01 Tov /S/j/naros, or rd^ia, d^ia, d^Lw/xa, in the same sense. It cannot be exactly determined at what time a distinction was made between the ordines majores and minores, hir/her and lower orders; but it appears, from the Apostolical Constitutions, and the writings of Tertullian and Cyprian, that a distinction of various ecclesiastical offices and functions was in existence as early as the end of the second, or the beginning of the third century (see Euseh. Hist. Eccl. lib. vi. c. 48). " The whole KaraXoyo'; iepariKO'i (as it is often called in the Apostolical Canons), i. e. the roll of the clerciy of the ancient church (taking within it the compass of its first four hundred years), consisted of two sorts of persons; — the lepovfievot, who were consecrated to the more proper and immediate acts of the worship of God, and the vTrrjpeTai., such as were set apart only for the more mean and common services of the church." — Cave, Primitive Christ- ianity, part i. cli. 8. It has been usual to distinguish the governors and teachers of the church into two classes, ordinary and extraordinarrf . This distinction appears to be well founded, by a reference to Eph. iv. 11, 12, compared with 1 Cor. xii. 28; Rom. xii. 7, 8; 1 Tim. iii. 5. The TToifieveii and 8tBda-Ka\oc, pastors and teachers^ of whom we read there were certain ordinary ministers of particular con- gregations, as sufficiently appears from the expression, €<'< and TlTI.KS. 'J'hr Creek word tTrt'cr/coTroy, cpiscopus, has been always retained in the church, to denote the chief minister in sacred things. It was sometimes, but rarely, translated by Latin writers into inspector, superinspeetor, superintendens, or snperattendens, /. f. CUM'. III. J OF PISIIOP.S. 211 overseer, or superintendent. It is fouiul in the English bishop, German bisc/iof, French tveque. Aiigustin (De Civ. Dei, lib. xix. c. 19, lib. i. c. 9) explains the word as equivalent to .speculator, overseer, and pra'positus, president, superintendent ; and Jerome (Epist. 8 ad Evar/r.) says, €7naK07rovvTes, i.e. superintendentes, iinde et nomen episcopi tractum est; superintendents, u-hence the name bishop. IJotli Augustin and Jerome, however, always employ the original word. In the New Testament, the terms eVt'cr/coTrot and irpea^vrepoi are used synonymously. In 1 Pet. v. 1, 2, we read of Trpea/Svrepoi iiria-KOTTovvTe';, i. e. presbyters exercising the episcopal functions, where the former word appears to be a title of honour, and the latter a designation of their office. But of this more hereafter. The following names and titles were also employed by the ancients with reference to the office of these spiritual presidents or bishops. 1. The scriptural appellations irpoicndixevoL (1 Tliess. v. 12) and TrpoeaTMTeq (1 Tim. v. 17) were translated into Latin by PivTpositi (whence our word provost), and were retained by the Greek fathers, with the addition of irveviiaTiKol, or Trvev/xariKov y^opoi), spiritual, by way of distinction from temporal titles. (See Justin. Makt. Apolo^. 2; Euseb. Hist. Eccl. vi. c. 3, 8; vii. c. 13; Basil. M. Horn, in Ps. xxviii.; Cyprian. Ep. 3, 9.) In the same signification we find also Antistites sacrorum, or simply Antistites, and Praosules. 2. In nearly the same way the term irpoehpoL was employed (Euseb. Vit. Const. M. lib. ii. c. 2; Hist. Eccl. lib. viii. c. 2); which was translated by the Latin writers prtesides and prsesi- dcntes, pi-esidents. (TERXfi.r.. Apol. c. 39 ; De Cor. Mil. c. 3 ; CvpRiAx. Ep. 72.) This name refers to the right of occupying the first seats in religious assemblies {irpoeBpia). 3. "E§ 4. — Different Orders or Classes of Bishops. The whole number of bishops in the early churches may be divided into two classes or orders, — superior and inferior. I. To the superior bishops may be referred, — 1. 'Ap)(^c67riaK07ros, archbishop. This title was given in the fourth and lifth centuries to the bishops of the chief cities, such as Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, and Constantinople; which bishops presided amongst the other metropolitans and bishops in the districts, or divisions of the empire, attached to those places. The title occurs, perhaps, for the first time in Athanas, AjjoI. 2. c. Ar., where it is applied to the bishop of Alexandria. It was officially given by the Council of Ephesus, a.d. 430, and the Council of Chalcedon. It afterwards yielded to the more favourite title of patriarch. 2. HaTputpxv^y patriarch. The patriarchate of the ancient church has been the subject of much political and learned con- troversy. It may be sufficient in this place to make the following remarks concerning it : — 1. The official title iraTpidp-^ai^ occurs for the first time in the acts of the Council of Chalcedon, a.d. 431, and in Socratks, Hist. Eccl. lib. V. c. 8, where it is used as synonymous with e^apx^ot T)]<; eTrap^M';. There is no doubt that this title was derived from the Jews, by whom it was commonly used for some time after the destruction of Jerusalem. 220 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [bOOK HI. ii. The title was given especially to the bishops of Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem. iii. The common rights and privileges of these patriarchs, as stated by Bingham, book ii. chap. 17, were the following: — 1. To ordain all the metropolitans of the diocese, and to receive their own ordination from a diocesan synod. 2. To convene diocesan synods, and to preside in them. 3. To receive appeals from metropolitan and provincial synods. 4. To act as censors over metropolitans, and also their suffragans, when metropolitans were remiss in the exercise of their authority. 5. To employ metropo- litans as their commissioners or delegates. 6. To be consulted by their metropolitans in matters of any great moment. 7- To communicate to their metropolitans such imperial laws as con- cerned the church. 8. Great criminals were reserved for the patriarch's absolution. 9. They were absolute, or independent one of another. 3. MrjTpoTToXcTr)^, metropolitan, or Tlpoiros, primus, primate. This bishop presided over others in a province or district, included in the larger district subject to the patriarch. " ' The settlement of metropolitans,' says Dr. Cave, ' commenced not long after the apostolic age, when sects and schisms began to break in apace ; and, controversies multiplying between particular bishops, it was found necessary to pitch upon one in every province, to whom the umpirage of cases might be referred, and by whom all com- mon and public affiiirs might be directed.' Perhaps it took its rise from that common respect and deference which was usually paid by the rest of the bishops to the bishop of the civil metro- polis in every province; which, advancing into a custom, was afterwards made into a canon by the Council of Nice." — Bingham, book ii. chap. 16, § 2. The authority of metropolitan or primate existed long before that council, by which it was confirmed; and there are traces of it as early as the second century. In early times, the terms app^ieTTiV/coTros", KecpaXr], head, or €^apxoa\oL, inv TTKTTevfiv. Clesi. Rom. (!) Ep. ad Corinth, c. 42. Ola Koi Tovs oand'ovTas ctvrov (mcTKOTTovs rcou Ofiopav uypcov re koi iroXtcov, Koi irpfcr- ^vrepovs eV rais npos rov \a6v opiXlais Kudtrjai diaXfyecrdni. KuSEB. Hist. EccL lib. vii. c. 30." cHAi*. 111.] or iiisiiops. 223 disorders. The same complaint had been made as early as the middle of the fourth century in the East ; and by a canon of the Council of Laodicea, quoted above, an attempt was made to do away with their office, by substituting visiting presbyters in their room, l^ut this canon was very partially and imperfectly obeyed; and the office of chorepiscopus continued in the East until the tenth century. The first order for their abolition, in the West, was passed by the Council of Ratisbon, a.d. 800. But it appears that they exercised their functions in France as late as the twelfth century, and in Ireland even in the thirteenth. From that period, however, their name is lost in history ; and their place was, to a certain extent, supplied by archdeacons, rural deans, and vicars-general, 5. AVe read of Intercesi^^otrs, or Interventores, in the ancient African church. These were persons who discharged the episco- pal functions of a diocese, during a vacancy of the see. The duration of their authority was limited to a year. To this general description of the different orders or classes of bishops, I subjoin a more ])articular account of metropolitans and patriarchs, which is due to the pre-eminent dignity and import- ance of those offices. And here the subordinate rank may be more conveniently considered in the first place. I, Of Met ropoli fans. 1. Of the Name or Tith. — Bishops or archbishops, who had their seat in the chief city (fi7]rp67ro\is) of a Roman province, were called, from that circumstance, metropolitans. This title does not occur in any writings of the second and third centuries; during which time such bishops were called by the Latins episcopi sedis apostolicre, (if their churches had been, or were said to have been, founded by an apostle, as was the case, e. g., with the churches of Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, Ephcsus, and Corinth,) or episcopi ])rima3 sedis, or prima? cathedra^ — and by the Greeks, Trpcorot, or 'TrpoKpiral tcov XocTTOiv sc, iTna-KOTTcov. But, inasmuch as this title was publicly adopted at the Council 224 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [bOOK III. of Nice, in the year 325, it may be supposed to have come into use even before the end of the preceding century. The growing power of the episcopal order continued to add dignity to its titles. In the sixth canon of the Council of Sardica, which was held in the year 344, we find metropolitans distinguished by the title, princeps provincise, e|^ap%09 r?}? eVa/o^ta? ; and elsewhere they are entitled monarchse. But as these titles pointed too plainly to the possession of temporal dignity and power, the use of them was forbidden by the third Council of Carthage, a.d. 397. In Africa, the leading archbishops were usually styled pri- mates; but we meet with the term metropolitans in the acts of several councils held in that country. Here, also, the same bishops were frequently called senes (elders), because their dignity %vas attached rather to the priority of their standing, than to their residence in a chief city. The senior bishop of a province was, for the most part, the chief or metropolitan; indeed this rule obtained universally in Africa and Spain ; except in the case of Carthage, the possession of which see conferred metropolitan rank upon its bishop, independently of any other consideration, — Cone. Milev. i. c. 13; Bracar. i. c. 24; Tolet. iv. c. 4. Sometimes the term primate or metropolitan was applied merely as a title of respect. Thus, in Africa, it was given to several of the older bishops, besides the senior to whom it pro- perly belonged. Also, whenever the emperor raised a provincial town to the rank of a metropolis, without bestowing upon it all the privileges of the chief city, the title of metropolitan was accorded to the bishop of the place. Thus the Emperor Marcian honoured Chalcedon with the title of metropolis, without infringing upon the privileges of Nicomedia, which retained its ancient rank as the chief city of the province. And in this way it happened that various provinces possessed several bishops who were metropolitans in title, but only one who possessed the corre- sponding authority. Thus, also, the bishops of other celebrated cities were honoured with this title; as in the case of the bishop of Jerusalem, while the metropolis of Palestine was Casarea. — HiERON. ^. ad Fammach.\ Vales, not. in 'Evsep. Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 23. The term apostolici continued to be applied especially to rilAP. III.] OF BISHOPS. 225 metropolitans, even down to the time of Alcuin ; and their sees accordingly were entitled series apostolicce. — Alcuin. De Dlvin . Officio, c. oQ. 2. Origin of the Metropolitan Office. — It is easy to account for the origin of the metropolitan rank among the bishops, when we consider that the larger sees possessed, for the most part, a prio- rity of foundation, as well as a larger degree of influence. They were, in fact, not only the largest communities, but in many cases the parent churches of the whole Christian neighbourhood. It is needless, therefore, as well as fruitless, to attempt, with Baro- nius. Usher, and others, to refer the establishment of metropo- litan precedence to the age and practice of the apostles. Some traces of it are found as early as the second century. During the third century, certain rights and privileges were gradually, and no doubt voluntarily, conceded to the bishops of the chief cities, their possession of which was recognised by the first Council of Nice ; by which council, not only the title was established, but the duties and privileges of the ofhce w^ere defined. 3. Metropolitans in the East and West. — The oflice and title of metropolitans was established at an earlier period, and more completely, in the churches of the East than in those of the West. It appears from the provincial councils which were held at the close of the second century concerning the Paschal con- troversy, and from the synodal letters composed on those occa- sions, (EusEB. Hist. Eccl. lib. v. c. 23, 24,) that metropolitans existed (although not under that title) at Alexandria, Antioch, Ephesus, Caesarea in Palestine, together with Jerusalem, Caesarea in Cappadocia, Corinth, and Carthage. And we may infer, from the decrees of councils held at the end of the third century and the beginning of the fourth, that at that time almost every pro- vince had its metropolitan. — Cone. Uliber. a.d. 305, c. 28 ; Cone. Nic. A.D. 325, c. 4. After the time of Constantine, the ecclesiastical districts of the East corresponded, for the most part, to the political divi sions, or provinces, of the empire ; and hence we may conclude, that there were then as many metropolitan sees as chief cities of the several provinces. But in this respect, as well as in others Q 22G iiir: mixistkus of tuf. cmiicH. [hook iit. Egypt foi'uis a marked exception ; for although that country was poHtically divided into three parts, namely, Egypt Proper, Libya, and Pentapolis, it formed no more than one ecclesiastical district, under the metropolitan of Alexandria. Other Egyptian metro- politans were such only in point of title. In the western portions of the empire, where Christianity was of comparatively later introduction than in the East, the metro- politan system was also of later and more imperfect formation. It does not appear to have arisen at all in these parts (except in Spain and Africa) before the fourth century; a circumstance which may, perhaps, be referred to the preponderating influence of the Romish bishops, the more democratic spirit of the people, and the violoice of political commotions. A slight comparison of the number of metropolitan sees with that of the provinces of the empire in this part of the world may suffice to illustrate this remark. For example; — when Sextus llufus Festus wrote his Brei'iarum, which he dedicated to Valens (about a.d. 370), Gaul consisted of fourteen provinces ; and not long afterwards, under Gratian, it reckoned seventeen : but yet the Council of Valentia, which \vas held in the year 375, and that of Tours, in 401, addressed their Synodal Epistles to the bishops of Gaul and the five provinces, — thoreby designating the whole Gallican church at that period. The same was the case with Italy; where we find metropolitans only at Home, Milan, Aquileia, and (subse- ({uently) Ravenna. 4. Prh'ilef/es and Office of Metropolitans. — The rights and privileges of metropolitans were not exactly the same in all places. But Ave may obtain a tolerably correct general view of them by considering, in order, the decrees and canons in which they are defined. In the Apostolical Canons (c. 35), it is ordered that the bishops of every ]n'ovince nhould respect the fir>:t among them as their head, and undertake nothing of importance without his concurrence, except what may immediately belong to the special government of their own dioceses. In the Apostolical Constitutions (4 and 8), precedence is accorded to the ])rimatc in the election of bishops. CHAP. III.] OF nrsnop.?. 227 The Council of Elvira, a.d. 305, c. 58, indicates the presence of a metropolitan, -whose duty it was to examine the literse for- mata? and their hearers. The Council of Nica?a, a.d. 325, c. 4, 6, confirms the existing rights of metropolitans, especially respecting the election of bishops. The Council of Antioch, A.n. 341, c. 9, confirms and explains foi'mer decrees on this subject. The Council of Sardica, a.d. 344, c. 6, ordains that the bishops of the neighbouring province shall be summoned to the election of a metropolitan. The ninth canon commands all bishops who may be desirous of carrying any point at the impe- rial court, to transmit the substance of their requests to their metropolitan. The Councils of Turin, a.d. 101, — of Ephesus, a.d. 431, — and of Chalccdon, a.d. 451, — speak of the ordination of bishops by metropolitans. From all these sources we may form the following estimate of the rank, rights, and privileges of a metropolitan. i. As bishop of the chief city, he had precedence of all other bishops of his province, a decisive voice in the matter of their election, and the power of confirming and ordaining them, which was the original foundation of episcopal subordination. ii. He summoned provincial councils, presided in them, and drew up their decrees. These M-ere the earliest distinctive rights of metropolitans, from which others were derived in course of time. iii. The metropolitan had the oversight of the provincial bishops; and the ecclesiastical superintendence of the whole pro- vince, saving only the diocesan rights of the respective bishops. iv. He possessed also the privilege of determining all causes of especial importance (causoe majores) in a provincial council ; but in concurrence with the other bishops of the province. \. In extreme cases appeal was made to the metropolitan, who had the power of controlling a provincial bishop in such matters, without the assistance of other bishop?. vi. He had the right, in conjunction with the bishops, to grnnt a clergyman permission to undertake a journey to the w -' 228 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [bOOK III. imperial court ; or, by his own authority, to commission a deacon to transact his business there. vii. It was his privilege to give and receive letters of com- munion; and to publish and carry into effect la^ys, enacted either by councils or the emperor, relating to the church. viii. The metropolitan of Alexandria possessed the peculiar privilege of fixing the time for the celebration of Easter every year (Leo. Ep. 7 '2, ad Marc. Tmperat.) ; a privilege which was perhaps accorded to him on the supposition that the bishop of a city so celebrated for its cultivation of the science of astronomy possessed peculiar facilities for determining the season with exactness. But this privilege was afterwards granted to other metropolitans ; e. g., to Ambrose, bishop of Milan. It may be thought, perhaps, that the establishment of the metropolitan rights and presidency must have tended to diminish the dignity and influence of the provincial bishops. But the effect was, in fact, directly the reverse. After the establishment of this order in the hierarchy, all causes relating to the bishops were withdrawn from the cognizance of the churches at large, and even from that of the clergy, and were referred, as causae majores, to the higher tribunal of the metropolitan and the pro- vincial synod. And thus the submission of bishops to their superiors involved their independence, and the increase of their power, with regard to the inferior clergy and the laity. 5, Election and Ordination of Metropolitans. — The bisho]:)s of a province elected and ordained their metropolitan, witliout the concurrence of the metropolitan of another province. We learn from Augustin (Brevic. CoUat. tert. die., c. 16), that this custom prevailed in Italy as well as in Africa; and in fact we find, in the early history of the church, no trace of any foreign ordination being required for a metropolitan, such as was afterw\ards pre- scribed under the papal system. II. Of Patriarch. 1 . Of the Name or Title. — The title of patriarcli is undoubtedly borrowed from the Jews ; but it does not appear to have been in use among Christians in the earliest ages of the church. Salma- CHAl'. III.] OF msfllOPS. 229 sius indeed (De Prlmata, c. 4) supposes, that the bishop of Alexandria Avas entitled patriarch as early as the reign of Hadrian ; but, upon an attentive examination of the passages to which he refers in support of this opinion, we discover that they relate to the Jewish patriarch, who sometimes resided at Alex- andria. After the destruction of Jerusalem and the temple, the office of the Jewish high priest ceased ; and his place was partially supplied by superintendents or presidents at Babylon, Alexandria, and perhaps other considerable cities in the East, who bore the title of patriarchs, and exercised their functions under the sanction of imperial authority. But, during the first half of the fifth century, this office and title ceased to exist among the Jews, and was assumed by the Montanists, who transferred the title of patriarch to the chiefs of their clergy. (Hierox. Ep. 54.) Not long after, this title Avas adopted also by the orthodox. Gregory of Nazianzum applies it to the bishops who suffered persecution under Constantius ; and in his funeral oration for his father, he calls him patriarch, although he was only the bishop of so inconsiderable a place as Nazianzum. {Conf. Sochat. Hist. Eccl. lib. V. c. 8.) Sub.sc(|uently, this title was officially applied and restricted to certain leading archbishops. The term was thus adopted first by the Council of Chalcedon, a.d. 45J. We learn from Socrates, who wrote his Church ffistori/ about the year 440, that this strict and limited sense of the title was esta- blished in the course of seventy years ; namely, between the date of the Council of Constantinople, a.d. 881, and that of the Council of Chalcedon, a.d. 451. 2. Origin of the Fatriarchal Office. — Baronius, and other writers of his church, have sought the institution of the patriar- chal office in the age of the apostles. It is perhaps needless to say, that they founded their supposition upon unwarranted conjec- ture, or forged documents ; and that their opinion is entirely unsupported by any historical proof. Among those writers who attend more closely to the facts of history, or the intimations of ancient records, some place the institution of patriarchs a little earlier than the date of the first Council of Nicrea, a.d. o'2o, and others immediately after that era. We cannot err widely from the truth, if wc suppose that, in point of fact, the office of 230 THE MlMSl'liKS OF THE fllUUOH. [bOOK Jll. patriarch was known before that date, but that it was not formally and legally established until some time between the assembling of that council and the date of the Council of Chal- cedon, a.d. 451. Allusions to patriarchs and their office occur more frequently in the acts of councils held during that interval, than in those of any other period of the church. The following considerations may assist us in accounting for the rise and establishment of the patriarchal dignity in the Christian church, independently of arguments which may be drawn from the general spirit of the times. First. All those bishops who were eventually denominated patriarchs enjoyed from very early times considerable distinction among neighbouring metropolitans, arising partly from the cele- brity and importance of their places of residence, and partly from the extent of the districts subject to their jurisdiction. Take, for example, the three bishops of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch. As early as at the end of the third century, the first of these was recognised as metropolitan by the bishops of the ten provinces, called suhurbicariw ; the second, by the six provinces into wdiich Egypt was divided ; and the third, by the fifteen provinces which composed the Oriental diocese or district (Orlens). Accordingly, the Council of Nicaea regarded these as the greater metropolitans ; and it appears from the celebrated sixth canon of that council, that these three bishops enjoyed a kind of precedence, or superior dignity. The Council of Aries (a.d. 314), had already distinguished them by the title of majores dioecesium episcopi ; and they had been entitled Exarchi and Archiepiscopi. Secondly, The efforts of the church to conform its institutions to those of the civil government doubtless contributed to the formation of the patriarchate. Constantine the Great divided the whole Roman empire into four great districts, each subject to its own prielectus pnctorio, and including a certain number of smaller provinces. This arrangement naturally affected the posi- tion and influence of the bishops of those cities which were distinguished as the residence of these prrcfccti prcetorio. This circumstance however, singly considered, would not account for the origin of the patriarchal office. But, I iiAP. m.J VI- jiisiiui'!!. :2,'jl Thirdly, the studious exultation of the dignity of the bishop of Constantinople may have contributed, directly and materially, to this result. The JJyzantine emperors, in endeavouring to raise their residence to the rank of the chief city of the world, naturally sought to obtain for the bishop of that city a presidence over all others. This remark applies particularly to the Emperor Justinian. (C'o(/. Just. 1. i. tit. 2, c. 24.) It was therefore natural that the other great metropolitans, who had hitherto occupied at least the same rank as the bishop of Constantinople, should seek for an extension of their own dignity and influence, no loss than commensurate with that which the latter had begun to possess. The jealousy which afterwards prevailed between the patriarchs of Rome and Constantinople is well known. 3. Pririle-f/ex and Office of Ptitriarchs. — Patriarchs were the superiors of their metro])olitan.s, as the latter Avere of their subor- dinate bishops. The rights and privileges of patriarchs varied a little, according to ditt'crencc of time and place; but they may be described in general as consisting in the following par- ticulars : — i. Patriarchs ordained all metropolitans subject to their jurisdiction. They received their own ordination from a diocesan council. {Colic. CJialced. c. 28; Jrsr. Novell. 131, c. 3.) ii. They had ])ower to summon all their metropolitans and provincial bishops to a diocesan council. (Theodoret, Ej). 81.) iii. They received appeals from the decisions of metropolitans and provincial councils, with power to reverse such decisions. {Cone. Chalced. c. 17; Cod. Just. 1. i. tit. 4, c. 29.) iv. They could institute inquiry into the lives and administra- tion of their metropolitans, \\'\t\\ power to inflict punishment U))on any who might be found guilty of heresy or malversation in their office. They could also exercise authority in like manner with regard to ])rovincial bishops, in case of neglect on the part of the metropolitan. (Just. Novell. 37, c. 5.) An instance of this exercise of patriarchal authority is recorded by Sozomen, in his Ecclesiastical Histori/ (lib. viii. c. G). V. Metropolitans were expected to consult their patriarchs on matters of peculiar importance or difficulty. {Cone. Chalced. c. 30.) Patriarchs could also cm])loy their metropolitans in the 232 TUJi MINISTERS OF JIIE CHURCH. [bOOK 111. capacity of legates or commissionors. (Synes. Ep. 67.) Such was the case at least in Egypt, if not elsewhere. vi. Patriarchs promulgated laws, ecclesiastical and civil, so far as the latter concerned the clergy. (Justin. Novell. 6. Epilog.) 4. Division of the Patriarchate — Seats of Patriarchs. — At an early period, rights, nearly corresponding to those of a patri- arch, were exercised by the bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia over the bishops of Pontus and the neighbouring countries ; by the bishop of Ephesus over the bishops of Asia Minor ; by the bishop of Thessalonica in Greece ; by the bishop of Lyons in Gaul ; and by the bishop of Toledo in Spain. But these bishops were afterwards made to occupy an inferior position, in conse- quence of the growing claims and power of the bishops of Rome and Constantinople. Afterwards, four patriarchs, (and at length five,) gradually rose to eminence. — Among these, the first place was conceded to the bishop of Rome. Next to him may be reckoned the patriarch of Alexandria, to whom no less than ten metropolitans were subject in the fourth century. The third in order was the patriarch of Antioch, whose church was the first established in the Gentile world, and who presided in a city which was reckoned as the third in the Roman empire, being inferior only to Rome and Alexandria. The patriarch of Con- stantinople was at first the fourth in rank ; but during the fifth century he was reckoned as second, next to the j^atriarch of Rome ; and he possessed the most extensive jurisdiction in the Oriental church. The sixth canon of the Nicene Council reckons him among the metropolitans ; — by the second and fourth general councils he was placed upon an equality with the bishop of Rome, lie was distinguished by the title of Patriarcha CEcu- menicus, or Caput totius ecclesia?, {Conf. Cod. Justix. 1. i. tit. ii. c. 24 ;) a distinction, however, which was soon claimed by the bishop of Rome, and by other independent metropolitans of Oriental churches. The fifth place was assigned to the patriarch of Jerusalem. In his case the name of patriarch was at first no more than a title, the metropolitan of Ctcsarea and the patri- arch of Antioch possessing jurisdiction over the church of Jeru- salem. The bishop of Jerusalem, however, became independent of his metropolitan, probably in the course of the fourth century. CHAP. III.] OP BISHOPS. 233 Theodosius II. ordained that the bishop of the ancient capital of Judea should be supreme in the churches of Palestine, Phoenicia, and Arabia; thus severing no less than six provinces from the patriarchate of Antioch ; and by the general Council of Chalcedon, A.D. 450, it was decreed that the bishop of Jerusalem should retain this independent authority over the three provinces of Palestine, but that the other provinces should be restored to the bishop of Antioch. It should be remarked, that some metropolitans continued to be independent of patriarchs ; as some bishops also were exempt from the jurisdiction of metropolitans. These were called avro- K€pointnieut. Surely the language of Jerome does not favour either of these views. The writer speaks of the ap- pointment of governing bishops with- out any disapprobation ; but at the same time lie positively affirais that tlie appointment was of human or ecclesiastical origin, and no more. The words " Quid enim facit," &c., in the epistle to Evagrius, when consi- dered in connexion with other pas- sages of the same writer, cannot im- ply any higher assertion respecting the inherent distinction ; — quite sufficient to destroy that identity which Jerome unequivocally maintains. For a different ^•iew of the matter, see Cabassutii y^oiitia Ecclesiastica, sivc. ii. diss. 13, De discrimine inter cpiscopos et presbyteros jam inde ab ipsis ecclesia? exordiis ; and the argu- ments of Hooker, Hall, imd Jeremy Taylor. For a good statement of the alignments now under ^e^•iew, I would refer especially to Stillikcfleet's Irenicon, part ii.; in wliich the testi- mony of Jerome is most accurately weighed, and the opinions of many of our own divines are collected. f iiAP. 111.] OF nisiiops. 237 to all the saints in Christ Jesus which are at Philippi, with the bishops and deacons; grace be unto you and peace, from God our Father, and from the Lord Jesus Christ:' &c. Philippi is a single city of Macedonia; and certainly, of those who are now styled bishops there could not have been several at one time in the same city. But, because at that time they called the same persons bishops whom they styled also presbyters, therefore the apostle spoke indifferently of bishops as of presbyters/' The writer then refers to the fact, that St. Paul, having sent for the jiresb^fei'-a (in the plural) of the s'niale city of Ephesus only, afterwards called the same persons bisJiopg. (Acts xx.) To this fact he calls particular attention ; and then observes that, in the Epistle to the Hebrews also, we find the care of the church divided equally amongst many; "Obey them that have the rule over you, and submit yourselves; for they watch for your souls, as they that must give account; that they may do it with joy, and not with grief, for that is [unjprofitable for you." — "And Peter," continues Jerome, "who received his name from the firmness of his faith, says, in his Epistle, ' The presbyters who are among you I exhort, who am also a presbyter, and a witness of the sufferings of Christ, and also a partaker of the glory that shall be revealed; feed the flock of God which is among you, [he omits the words, taking the oversight thereof, i7riaK07rovvT€<;, i. e., superintending it,] not by constraint, but willingly."" These things we have brought for- ward to show that, ^citk the ancients, preshiiters u'ere the same as bishops. But in order that the roots of dissension might be plucked up, a usage gradually took place that the whole care should detohe upon one. Therefore, as the ])resbyters know that it is by the custom of the church that they are subject to him who is placed over them., so let the bishops know that they are above presbyters rather by custom than by the truth of our Lord'^s appoint- ment, and that they ought to rule the church in common, herein imitating Moses," tJce." ^ Idem est presbyter, qui et epi- Postquam voro unusquisque eos, quoa Scopus ; et antequam (liaboli instinctu baptizaverat, suos putabat esse, non studia in religione fiereut, et diceretur | Cliristi, in toto orbe decretiira est, ut in populis, Ego sum Paul i, ego Apollo, \ uniis de presbyteris electus super- ego autem Cepha, comtnuni presbyte- poneretur ca?teris, ad qiiem omnis rorum consilio ecclesitc g^ubernabantin-. ecclesi;e enra pertineret, et scbisma- 2.38 Tin: MlMSTEHS 01- THE Clft P.CII. [rook ui. The same views are maintained by this father in his Epistle to Evagrius, with the additional mention of the fact, that from the first fomidation of the church of Alexandria down to the days of Heraclas and Dionysius, the presbyters of that church made (or, as we should say, consecrated) their bishops. The passage, which is quoted at some length in the note, is very important. Having referred to several passages of the Acts and Epistles in proof of an assertion which he had made, to the effect that bishop and presbyter were at first the same, he proceeds to say that " afterwards, when one was elected, and set over the others, this was designed as a remedy against schism. . . . For at Alexandria, from the evangelist ]Mark down to the bisho])s Heraclas and Dionysius, the presbyters always gave the name of turn semina tollerentur. Putet aliquis non Scripturanim, seel nostrani, esse sententiam, episcopum et prcsbyterum iiniim esse, et aliud aetatis, aliud esse nomen officii : relegat Apostoli ad Pliilippenses verba dicentis, "Paulus et Timotheus servi Josu Christi, om- nibus Sanctis in Christo Jesii qui sunt Philippis, cum episcopis et diaconis, gratia vobis et pax," — et reliqua. Philippi una est ui-bs Macedonia?, et certe in una civitate plures, ut nuncu- patur, episcopi esse non poterant. Scd quia cosdem cpiscopos illo tempore quos et presbyteros appellabant, prop- terea indift'erenter de episcopis quasi de presbyteris est locutns. Adhuc hoc alicui videatur ambiguum, nisi altcro testimonio coniprobetur. In Actibus Apostoloium scriptum est, quod cum vcnisset Apostolus Miletum, miserit Epbesum, ct vocavcrit presby- teros ccclesiix} cjusdem, quibus postea inter caitera sit locutus, "Attendite vobis, et omni grcgi in quo vos Spiritus Sanctus posuit episcopos, pascere ec- clfsiani Domini, quani acquisivit per sanguinem suum," Et hoc diligentius observato, quo modo unius civitatis F.phcsi presbyteros vocans, postea cos- dem opiscoi)OS dixerit. Si quis vult recipere earn cpistolam, qu£e sub nomine Pauli ad Ilebra^os scripta est, et ibi Pequaliter inter plures ecclesi?e cura dividitur. Siquidem ad plebem scvibit, " Parete principibus vestris, et subjecti estote; ipsi enim sunt qui vigilant pro animabus vestris, quasi rationem reddentes, ne suspirantes hoc faciant : siquidem hoc \itile (sic) vobis est." Et Petrus, qui ex fidei firmitate nomen accepit, in epistola sua loquitur dicens, "Presbyteros ergo in vobis obsecro compresbyter, et testis Christi passiom\m, qui et ejus glorite, qute in future revelandus est, socius sum, pas- cite eum qui in vobis est gregem Domini, non quasi cum necessitate, sed Aoluntarie." Hkc propterea, ut ostenderemus apud veteres eosdem fuisse presbyteros quos et episcopos ; paiilatim vero, ut dissensionum plan- taria evellerontur, ad unum omuem sollicitudinem esse delatam. Sicut ergo presbyteri sciunt so ex ccclesine consuetudine ei qui sibi pra'positus fuerit esse subjectos, ita episcopi novc- rint sc magis consuetudine quam dis- positionis dominicne vcritate pifsby- teris esse majores, ct in commune debere ecclesiam regere, imitantes Moysen ; qui cum haberet in potestate solus prfoesso populo Israel, soptua- ginta elegit, cum quibus populum judi- caret.-.-IIiEnov. Cemmeut. in Tit. i. CHAl'. III. or nisdoi' 239 bishop to one whom they elected from themselves, and placed in a higher degree; in the same way as an army may create its general, or as deacons may elect one of their own body, whom they know to l)e assiduous in the discharge of duty, and call him archdeacon. For what does a bishop perform, except ordination, which a presbyter may not do," &c/ The fact which Jerome here states respecting the appointment and ordination of bishops in the church of Alexandria by presbyters alone for the space of more than two centuries, is attested also by Eutychius, patriarcli of Alexandria. And the opinion of Jerome respecting the ori- ginal equality, or rather identity, of presbyter and biehop, is in perfect accordance with the language of a still earlier writer, Tertullian. It will be needless to multiply references to ancient authors, after having added to the passage already quoted from Jerome, one from the treatise of Tertullian, De Baptismo (c. 17). The two passages together form a text and commentary, sufficient to elucidate the whole matter. '' The highest priest, who is the h'lshop^'' says Tertullian, " has the right of administering baptism. Then the jyreshiiters and deacons, yet not without the authoritv of * Quod autein postea uiius elcctus est qui casteris propponeretur, in schis- matis rcniodium factum est: ne iinus- quisque ad so trahciis Christi ecclc- siani rumpcret. Nam ot Alexandria^ a !Marco evangelista uscjue ad Ilera- clam et Dionysium cpiscopos, prcsby- teri semper iinum ex se clectum, iu excelsiori gradu collocatum,episcopum nominabant : quo mode si oxercitus imperatorem faciat ; aut diaconi eligant de sc, (juem industrium noverint, ct archidiaconum voceut. Quid enini facit, excepta ordiuatione, episcopus, quod presbyter nou faciat? Nee altera llomana^ urbis ecclesia, altera totius orbis cxistimauda est. Et Gallia^, ct IJritannia^, et Africa, et Persia, ct Oriens, et India, et onines barbarre nationcs unun\ Christum adorant, unara observant regulam vcritatis. Si auctoritas qua^ritur, orbis major est urbe. Ubicunquc fuerit episcopus, sive Romae, sivc Eugubii, sivc C'on- stantinopoli, sivo Rliegii, sive Alex- andria?, sivc Tanis, ejusdem meriti, cjusdem et sacerdotii. Potontia divi- tiarum, et paupertatis liumilitas, vol subliniiorem, vel inferiorem, episcopuui uon facit. Ciwtcruni oninos aposto- lorum successores sunt Presbyter et episcopus aliud a?tatis, aliud dignitatis, est uomen. Unde et ad Titum, et ad Timotlieum de ordi- uatione episcopi et diaconi dicitur ; de presbyteris omnino reticetur; quia in episcopo ct presbyter contiuetur. . . . Et, lit scianuis traditiones apostolicas sunitas de veteri Testamento; quod Aaron ct filii ejus (one order, namely, priests, corresponding to bishops or presbyters), atque Levita» (another order, corresponding to deacons), in templo fuerunt, lioc sibi episcopi et presbytcri, et diaconi, vindiceut in ecclesia. — TTiEnoK. Ep. ad Evagrium, 85. 240 THE MINISTRR.S OP THE CHURCH. [book nr. the bishop, because of the honour of the clmrch^ which being preserved, peace is preserved. Otherwise, the right beloncrs even to laymen. . . . Emulation is the mother of divisions. ' All things are lawful to me,' said the most holy Paul, ' but all things are not expedient.' Let it suffice that you use your liberty in cases of necessity, when the condition of the person, or the circumstances of time or place compel you to it\" Our own church wisely contents herself with asserting the antiquity of the three orders or offices, of bishop, presbyter, and deacon, without pretending to establish a distinction between bishop and presbyter by divine right. In the preface to the Form and Manner of Making, Ordaininr/, and Consecrating of .Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, we read, " It is evident unto all men diligently reading the holy Scripture and ancient authors, that from the aijostles' time there have been these orders of ministers in Christ's church, bishops, priests, and deacons." There can be no doubt that this language would be perfectly consistent with the doctrine of the divine right of episcopacy as distinct from the office of presbyters; but it is evident also, from the following testimonies, that it does not, of itself, assert or imply any such doctrine. — In answer to a question proposed to an assembly of divines in the reign of Edward VI., '• Whether bishops or priests were first; and if the priests were first, then the priest made 'the bishop?" Archbishop Cranmer affirmed that '• bishops and priests were at one time, and were not two things, but both one office in the beginning of Christ's religion." See remarks on Cranmer's opinion, below, pp. 243-4. — Bishop Jewel, in his Defence of the Apoloaij, refers to the two passages above (juoted from Je'rome; and adds another testimony of like nature from Augustin {Ep. 19). "The office of a bishop is above the office of a priest [not by authority of the Scriptures, but {Jeu'el)'\, after the names of honour which the custom of the church hath * Dandl (baptismum) habet jus ummus sacerdos, qui est cpiscopus ; dehinc pi-esbytcri, et diaconi ; non tamen sine episcopi auctoritate, prop- ter ecclesise honorcm ; quo salvo, pax salva est. AUoquin ctiam laicis jus est. . . . jTilmulatio schismatum mater est. Omnia licoro dixit sanc- tissimus apostolus, sod non omnia cx- pedire. ISufficiat scilicet, in necessita- tibus utaris, sicuti aut loci, aut tem- poris, aut personas conditio compellit. — Tertull. lie Bapt. c. 17. CHAP. III.] 01' nisiioi's. 241 now obtained*." And in a subsequent part of the Defence^ he says, " AVhat meant Mr. Harding here to come in M'ith the difference between priests and bishops? Thinketh he, that priests and bishops hold only by tradition \ Or is it so horrible an heresy as he maketh it, to say, that by the Scriptures of God a bishop and a priest are all one ? Or knoweth he how far, and unto whom, he reacheth the name of an heretic \ Verily Chry- sostom saith, ' Between a bishop and a priest in a manner there is no difference.*' St. Hieromc saith, somewhat in rougher sort, ' I hear say there is one become so peevish, that he setteth deacons before priests, that is to say, before bishops; whereas the apostle plainly teacheth us, that priests and bishops he all one.'' Augustine saith, ' What is a bishop but the first priest, that is to say, the highest priest V So saith St. Ambrose, ' There is but one consecration of priests and bishops; for both of them are priests, but the bishop is the first.' All these, and other holy fathers, together with St. Paul the apostle, for their saying, by Ilr. Harding's advice, must bo holden for heretics'." — "I believe," says Bishop Stilliiif/ffcet, '' upon the strictest inquiry, Medina''s judgment will ]>rovc true, that Jerome, Austin, Am- brose, Sedulius, Primasius, Chrysostom, Theodorct, Theopliylact, were all of Acrius's judgment, as to the identity of both name and order of bishops and presbyters in the primitive church; but here lay the difference, Aerius from thence proceeded to separa- tion from the bishops and their churches because they were bishops." (Irenicou, part ii. chap. vi. § 13.) — Aerius denied what the Church of England, with the general consent of antiquity, maintains, — that the government of the church by bishops is lawful and expedient. ' " Secundum honorum vocabula, perspicue doceat, eosdem esse presby- qu.T jam ccclesuo usus obtinuit, opi- toros cpios opiscopos. IIieiiok. nd scopatus preshyterio major est." ; Evagrinm. — Quid est ei)iscopus, nisi ' Tlic following arc the originals primus presbyter, hoc est, summus prefixed by Bishop Jewel to the trans- j sacerdos? Avgi.'st. in Qmestion. Xovi lations in his text. — Inter episcopum et Vet. Testamenti, qua^st. 101. — Epi- et presbyterum interest ferme nihil, scopi et presbyteri una ordinatio est : Chrysost. in 1 Tim. Horn. 11. — ; uterque enira sacerdos est. Sed epi- Audio quendam in tantam erupisse scopus primus est. Ambros. in 1 vecordiam, ut diaconos prosbyteris, id Tim. cap. 3. est opLscopis, autcforrct : cum apostolus R 2-1-2 THK MiNisTF.n.^ or tiif niiTTifii. [p.ook iir. Upon the whole, then, it appears that the order (or office) of a l)ifshop is above that of a priest, not by any anthority of Scrip- tnrc, but only by the custom of the church, or by virtue of an ecclesiastical arrangement. The facts relating to the distinction between bishops and presbyters, and to the origin of that distinc- tion, may be stated in the following manner. At first, each church was instructed and governed by a presbyter, or, especially if the church was large, by a presbytery, or council of elders; the superintendency of the whole being vested in the apostles during their lives. In course of time, and after the removal of the apostles, it became expedient, from the increase of business or other circumstances, that some one member of the presbytery should have precedence of the others, and be invested with a certain degree of authority over them ; or, at least, should be so far distinguished from his brethren that their acts could not be valid without his presence, approbation, or consent. Besides this, when churches began to multiply in a city or district, it was natural that the chief officer of the oldest church should be regarded as a leader or president of the whole. All these changes actually took place. A presbytery appointed one of its members foreman or chairman; it then acknowledged him as represen- tative of the whole body; and afterwards, for the sake of good order, and in the natural course of human institutions, it con- sented to submit to him as governor, not without something very much like apostolic precedent in favour of the measure. Such was the origin of the useful and venerable office of a bishop in the Christian church. It is contrary to the sense of Scripture and the voice of antifjuity to pronounce such an order of ministers unlawful; while it is ctpially unscriptural and opposed to the truth of history to describe it as absolutely necessary or essential to the being (or even, under some circumstances, to the well- being) of a Christian church. The bishop is a presbyter whom other ])resbyters may lawfully be required to obey for the good of the church ; and it forms part of the duty and wisdom of the church to increase or diminish the power of this officer, as may best consist with the interests of the whole body, or of religion in general, and as circumstances may, from time to time, require. Experience has proved that the episcopal order, in the due CHAP. IK. J OF nisnops. 243 exercise of its functions, and under efficient control, is highly heneficial to the churcli; ulthouuh doubtless, by the concession and usurpation of despotic authority or undue influence, it has sometimes been found equally oppressive and jiernicious. The first three centuries furnish many examples of an oppo- sition made by ])resbyteries, /. e. bodies of presbyters, to their presiding bishop. Thus Novatus and Novatian, with their parties, opposed Cyprian and Cornelius at Carthage and Rome. And in some cases the resistance of the presbyters operated most favourably for the preservation of sound doctrine against attempts at innovation on the part of the bishop; as in the case of Beryl- lus, Paul of Samosata, and others down to the time of Arius. In many instances this opposition or resistance was perfectly con- stitutional; inasmuch as the presbyters were the colleagues or assessors of the bishop (according to the Apodoliccd Const'ituttons, book ii. chap. :^S), and the regulations made by the bishop with- out the consent of his presbytery were null and void. — See CuRYsosT. (le Sacerdof., lib. iii. chap. 15; Hierox. in Jes. chap. 8; Condi. Carthar/. iv. c. 2o. Such are the conclusions at which many critics have arrived, as the result of their investigations into the origin of the distinc- tion which has so generally obtained between bishops and pres- byters. Learned writers, of different communions, have supported this view of the question; but it has not found extensive accept- ance with divines of the Church of England. It prevailed, at first, among our early reformers, but it w-as soon abandoned, Cranmer, for instance, at first plainly asserted this position; but he after- wards changed his opinion on the subject*. Stillingfleet, in like * The following (luestions, among J consecration of a bishop and priest, or othei-s, were proposed to an assembly only appointeigne to the office be suf- of divines convened by order of King ficient?'' The answers returned by Edward VI. at Windsor Castle : " 10. Archbishop Cranmer to these ques- Whether bishops or priests were first; tions, in his own handwriting, were us and if the priests were first, then the | follow: — " 10. The bishops and priests priest made the bishop? 11. AVhether ! were at one time, and were not two a bisliop hath auctoritie to make a things, but both one office in the be- priest by the Scripture or no, and ginning of Christ's religion. 11. A whether any order but only a bishop bishop may make a priest by the Scrip- may make a priest? 12. Whether in ! tures, and so may princes and gover- the New Testament he required any nors alsoe, and that by the auctority of 244 THE MINISTERS OP THE CHURCH. [book III. manner, who, as we have seen, advocated the opinion of the human (but lawful) institution of episcopacy in the early part of his life, took a different view of the question when he had advanced in years, and had been deservedly honoured with eccle- siastical preferment. Nor can I, perhaps, make a more con- venient transition from one view of this subject to the other, than by extracting two [or three passages from the earlier and later M'orks of this learned author. In the Irenicon^ which Stillingfleet wrote as a young man, while rector of Sutton, he delivers and maintains the following sentiments: — " When the apostles were taken out of the way, who kept the main power in their own hands of ruling the several presbyteries, or delegated some to do it (who had a main hand in the planting churches with the apostles, and thence are called God committed them, and the people also by their election. For as we reade that bishops have done it, so Christian emperors and pi'inces iisiially have done it. And the people, before Christian princes were, commonly did elect their bishojis and priests. 12. In the New .Testament, he that is ap- pointed to be a bishop or a priest, needeth no consecration by the ScriiJ- ture ; for election or appointing thereto is sufficient." *' Which I have exactly transcribed |oiit of the original,'' con- tinues Bisliop Stillingfleet, from whom {Irenicon, part ii. ch. vii. § 2) I quote. " I have observed generally the form of writing at that time used. In the same AIS. it appears that the bishop of St. Asaph, Therleby, Redman, and Cox, were all of the same opinion M'ith the archbishop, that at first bishops and presbyters were the same ; and the two latter expressly cite the opinion of Jerome with approbation. Thus we see by the testimony, chiefly of liim wlio was instrumental in our reformation, that he owned not episco- pacy as a distinct order from presby- teiy of divine right, but only as a prudent constitution of the civil ma- gistrate for the better governing in the church." But Archbishop Cran- mer advocates other views in his Ser- mon on the Power of the Keys. ' A treatise in which the author takes great pains to prove that no one form of church government is so ne- cessary to the being of a church, but tliat a good and peaceable Christian may and ought to conform himself to the government of the place in wliich he lives. In it, he entirely agrees with those who make all difterence between church officers to arise from consent of parties, and not from any divine law. In the preface he says, " My main design throughout this whole treatise _is, to show that there can be no argument drawn from any pretence of a divine right, that may hinder men from consenting and yield- ing to such a form of government in the church as may bear the greatest correspondency to the piimitive church, and be most advantageously conduci- ble to the peace, unity, and settlement of our divided church. I plead not at all for any abuses or corruptions in- cident to the best form of government through the corruption of men and times." CHAP, III.] oi- uisiiors, 245 in Scripture sometimes fellow-labourers in the Lord, and some- times evangelists, and by Theodoret apostles, but of a second order) after, I say, these were deceased, and the main power left in the presbyteries, the several presbyters enjoying an equal power among themselves, especially being many in one city, thereby great occasion was given to many schisms, partly by the bandying of the presbyters one against another, partly by the siding of the people with some against the rest, partly by the too common use of the power of ordinations in presbyters, by which they were more able to increase their own party by ordaining those who would join with them, and by this means to perpetuate schisms in the church; upon this, when the wiser and graver sort con- sidered the abuses following the promiscuous use of this power of ordination, and withal having in their minds the excellent frame of the government of the church under the apostles and their deputies, and for preventing future schisms and divisions among themselves, they unanimously agreed to choose one out of their number who was best qualified for the management of so great a trust, and to devolve the exercise of the power of ordination and jurisdiction to him; yet so as that he act nothing of importance without the consent and concurrence of the presbyters, who were still to be as the common council to the bishop. This I take to be the true and just account of the original of episcopacy in the primitive church, according to Jerome; which model of govern- ment, thus contrived and framed, sets forth to us a most lively character of that great wisdom and moderation which then ruled the heads and hearts of the primitive Christians; and which, when men have searched and studied all other ways (the abuses incident to this government through the corruption of men and times being retrenched), will be found the most agreeable to the primitive form, both as asserting the due interest of the presby- teries, and allowing the due honour of episcopacy, and by the joint harmony of both carrying on the affairs of the church, with the greatest unity, concord, and peace. Which form of govern- ment I cannot see how any possible reason can be produced by either party, why they may not with cheerfulness embrace it." — IrenicoH, part ii. ch. vi. § 13. The same author, however, in his treatise On the Unreason- 2-16 TlIK MIM^TJJKS OF JlIK CllL'UClJ. [iJOOK 111. ahleness of Separation^ Avritten at a subsequent period of his life, when he was clean of St. Paul's, and chaplain in ordinary to King Charles II., takes a different view of the question concern- ing the origin of episcopacy'". The following passage from that work will ])repare us for statements on this subject, different from those which we have been considering. — " That our church did believe our bishops to succeed the apostles in those parts of their office (namely, government, ordination, and censures), I shall make appear by these things: (1.) In the preface before the Book of Ordination^ it is said that ' it is evident unto all men, diligently reading the holy Scripture, and ancient authors, that from the apostles'" time there have been these orders of ministers in Christ's church, bishops, priests, and deacons.' What is the reason that they ex])ress it then ' from the apostles'* time,' rather than ' in the apostles' times,' but that they believed, while the apostles lived, they managed the affairs of government them- selves ; but as they withdrew, they did in some churches sooner, and in some later, as their own continuance, the condition of the churches, and the qualification of persons were, commit the care and government of churches to such persons whom they appointed thereto? Of which we have an uncontrollable evidence in the instances of Timothy and Titus; for the care of govern- ment was a distinct thing from the office of an evangelist ; and all their removes do not invalidate this ; because, while the apostles lived, it is probable there were no fixed bisho])s, or but few. But as they went off, so they came to be settled in their several churches. And as this is most agreeable to the sense of our church, so it is the fairest hypothesis for reconciling the (liferent testimonies of antiquity. For, hereby, the succession of bishops is secured from the apostles' times, for which the testi- monies of Irenseus, TertuUian, Saint Cyprian, and others, are so plain ; hereby, room is left to make good all that Saint Jerome hath said; and what Epiphanius delivers concerning the differing settlements of churches at first. So that we may allow 10 « -^yju yoy jjQt; allow one single I unci thouglitfiil part of his life, to see person, who happened to write about | reason to alter his judgment ?'' — Pre- these matttirs when lie was very young, face to the Unreasonableness of Separa- in twenty years time of the most busy Hon. til A I', m.] Ol- l!J:^JlUl-.<. 247 for the community of names between bishop and presbyter for a while in the church, that is, while the apostles governed the churches themselves ; but afterwards, that which was then part of the apostolical office became the episcopal, which hath con- tinued from that time to this, by a constant succession in the church. (2.) Archbishop Whitgift several times declares, that these parts of the apostolical office still remained in the bishops of our church. ' As for this part of the apostle's function,' saith he, ' to visit such churches as were before planted, and to provide that such M'ere placed in them as were virtuous and godly pastors, I know it remaineth still, and is one of the chief parts of the bishops' function.' And again, ' There is now no planting of churches, no going through the whole world, there is no writing of new gospels, no prophesying of things to come, but there is governing of churches, visiting of them, reforming of pastors and directing of them, which is a portion of the apo- stolical function.' Again, ' although that this part of the apostolical office which did consist in planting and founding of churches through the Avliole world is ceased, yet the manner of government by placing bishops in every city, by moderating and governing them, by visiting the churches, by cutting off schisms and contentions, by ordering ministers, remaineth still, and shall continue, and is in this church in the archbishops and bishops, as most meet men to execute the same' {Defence of the Answer to the Admonition). Bishop Bilson fully agrees as to these parti- culars. '(1.) That the apostles did not at first commit the churches to the government of bishops, but reserved the chief power of government in their own hands. (2.) That upon experience of the confusion and disorder which did arise through equality of pastors, they did appoint, at their departures, certain approved men to be bishops. (3.) That these bishops did succeed the apostles in the care and government of churches ; as he proves at large, and therefore he calls their function apostolic,' {Perpetual Government of Chrisfs Church, chap. 12.) Instead of many others, which it were easy to produce, I shall only add the testimony of King Charles I., in his debates about episcopacy, who understood the constitution of our church as well as any bishop in it, and defended it with as clear and strong a reason. 248 THE MIXISTEIIS OF THE CHUUCH. [bOOK 111. In his third paper to Henderson, he hath these words: — 'Where you find a bishop and presbyter in Scripture to be one and the same (which I deny to be always so), it is in the apostles' times ; now I think to prove the order of bishops succeeded that of the apostles, and that the name was chiefly altered in reverence to those who were immediately chosen by our Saviour.' In his first paper at the treaty of Newport, he thus states the case about episcopal government:—'! conceive that episcopal government is most consonant to the word of God, and of an apostolical institution, as it appears by the Scriptures to have been practised by the apostles themselves, and by them committed and derived to particular persons, as their substitutes or successors therein, (as for ordaining presbyters and deacons, giving rules concerning Christian discipline, and exercising censures over presbyters and others,) and hath ever since, to these last times, been exercised by bishops in all churches of Christ; and, therefore, I cannot in conscience consent to abolish the said government; In his reply to the first answer of the divines, he saith, 'that mere presbyters are episcopi gregU only, they have the oversight of the flock in the duties of preaching, administration of sacraments, public prayer, exhorting, rebuking, &c. ; but bishops are episcopi gregis et pastorum too, having the oversight of the flock and pastors within their several precincts in the acts of external government. And that, although the apostles had no successors in eundem gradim, as to those things that were extraordinary in them, as, namely, the measure of their gifts, the extent of their charge, the infallibility of their doctrine, and the having seen Christ in the flesh ; but in those things that were not extraordinary (and such those things are to be judged, which are necessary for the service of the church in all times, as the office of teaching and the power of governing are), they were to have, and had, suc- cessors; and, therefore, the learned and godly fivthers and councils of old times, did usually style bishops the successors of the apostles, without ever scrupling thereat.' Many other pas- sages might be produced out of those excellent papers to the same purpose ; but these are sufficient to discover that our bishops are looked on as successors to the apostles, and, therefore, Mr. Baxter hath no reason to call our episcopacy 'a new devised CilAl'. 111.] OF IHsHOl'si. 249 species of churches,'' and ' such as destroys the being of parochial churches/" Um-easonahleness of Separat'io7i., part iii., sect. 13. — Thus far the learned author, when dean of St. Paurs. — In his ordination sermon, the bishop maintains expressly, that "there is as great reason to believe the apostolical succession to be of divine institution, as the canon of Scripture, or the observation of the Lord's day Now it cannot but seem unequal not to allow the same force where there is the same evidence ; and therefore our church hath wisely and truly determined, that since the apostles' time there have been three orders, of bishops, priests, and deacons, and that these in a regular well-constituted church are to continue to the world's end." II. Episcopacy supposed to be founded upon Divine Institution or Apostolical Tradition. It has been the opinion of the leading divines of our own church, from a very early i^eriod, that any view of episcopacy as a human or ecclesiastical institution is below the truth, and essentially defective. They contend" tliat episcopacy is a divine, or at least apostolical, institution, and supported by apostolical tradition and catholic practice. Perhaps what is usually meant by the term "divine right of episco])acy" may be well explained in the following words of Bishop Hall :— " Whereas there are three degrees of truths and holy institutions, as they are commonly distinguished, human, apostolic, divine; the first, from mere men; the second, from men apostolical; the third, from God himself immediately : — the author desires to go a midway in this difference; holding it too low, to derive episcopacy from a merely human and ecclesiastical ordinance; holding it too high, to '^ See especially, Bisaor Bilson, Perpetual Government of Christ'g Church; IIamjmond, Defence of Epi- scopacy against Blonde/ ; Archbishop Potter, On Church Government; Bishop Parker, Account of the Go- vernment of the Christian Church for the frst Si.v Hundred Years ; Bishop ]Iall, Episcopacy by Divine Night As- serted ; Bishop Jeremy Taylor, Episcopacy Asserted, or, Of the Sacred Order and Office of Episcopacy by Divine Institxition, Apostolical Tradi- tion, and Catholic Practice; Hick's Tivo Treatises of the Christian Priest- hood, and the Dignity of the Episcopal Order. — See also Bingham's Anti- quities, book ii. chap. 3 ; and Sci.a- ter's Original Draught of the Primitive Church, in answer to Lord Chancellor King's Enf/niry. 250 TlIK -Ml.MsiEHs OF TM!-: CIJLCUI. [iJOUK III. deduce it from an immediate command of God; and therefore, pitching upon an apostoHcal institution, rests there. But, because those apostles were divinely inspired, and had the directions of God's Spirit for those things which they did for the common administration of the church, therefore, and in that only name, is episcopacy said to lay claim to a divine right : how- soever, also, it cannot be gainsaid, that the grounds were formerly laid by our Saviour, in a known imparity of his first agents." This passage occurs in Bishop Hall's Advertisement to his trans- lation of a tract in favour of the Divine Hight of Episcopacy, by " that eminent light of the Palatinate, Dr. Abraham Scul- tetus'*." Having, in the foregoing pages, personated an advocate of the opposite or lower views of this subject, I do not know that I can more effectually, and at the same time concisely, represent the opinions of those who appeal to primitive antiquity in defence of the Apostolical Institution of Episcopacy, than by inserting in this place the temperate and well-digested statement of Scultetus, and appending further exjdanations, or remarks of our own divines, in the form of notes. — The opinions of those who contend for the divine right, in the extreme sense of the expression, may afterwards be represented in a few words. The following is the tractate of Scultetus. I trust I may be per- mitted to introduce it with the words of its pious translator. " Peruse it. ... And if you shall not meet with convinciug reasons to bring you home to this opinion, yet, at least wise, find cause enough to retain a charitable and favourable conceit of those who are (as they think, upon good grounds,) otherwise minded : and whilst it is, on all parts, agreed by wise and unprejudiced Christians, that the calling is thus ancient and sacred, let it not violate the peace of the church to scan the original, whether ecclesiastical, apostolical, or divine. Shortly, let all good men humbly submit to the ordinance, and heartily M-ish for the reformation of any abuses. And so many as are of this mind, peace be upon them, and the whole Israel of God." '* The DelerwiiKition of ike Question concerning the Dinne Right of Episco- piofessor of divinity in the Uuivei'sity of Heidelberg. Faithfully translated pficg. By the famous and learaed out of his observations upon the Epi- divine Dr. Abrahanius Scultetus, late sties -to Timotliy and Titus. CHAP. III.] Of UlsUOl'S. 2-51 The Question-. Whether episcopacy be of dicine right ; that is, whether the apostles ordained this novernment of the church, that not onhj one shoidd be placed over the people, but oter presbijters and deacons, icho should hace the poicer of imposition of hands or ordination, and the direction of ecclesiastical councils. This was anciently denied by Aerins; as is related by Epi- phanius, in his seventy-fifth heresy: and by John of Jerusalem ; as appears by Jerome, in his epistle to Pammachius. And there are not wanting, in these days, many learned and pious men, who, although they acknowledge Aerius to have erred, in that he should disallow of that manner of ecclesiastical government which had been received by the whole world '\ yet in this they agree with him, that episcopal government is not of divine right. From whose opinion why I should sever my judgment, I am moved by these strong reasons, famous examples, and evident authorities. My judgment is this: — First, in the apostles' epistles the name of bishop did never signify anything diflerent from the office of a presbyter. For a Bishop, Presbyter, and an Apostle were common names ; as you may see in Acts xx. ; Phil. i. 1 ; Tit. i. ; 1 Pet. v. ], 2; Acts i. 20. Next, in the chief apostolical church, the church was governed by the common advice of presbyters ; and that, for some years, in the time of the preaching of the apostles. For, first of all, companies must be gathered together, before we can define any- thing concerning their perpetual government. Then, the A])ostles, as long as they were present in or near '* "All times, all histories, all au- thor, all places, are for us. Yea, which is most remarkable, even those was their question, whether this or that man should be their bishop ; it was never questioned, whether tliey tactions wliich divided themselves from I should have any bishops at all."- the church, as the Ariaus, Xovatiaus, ; B.ai.l, Episcopacy by Divine Right, part Donatists, yet still held themselves to , ii. sect. 21. the government of their bishops. It i 252 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [book III. their churches, did not place any bishop over them, properly so called, but only presbyters ; reserving episcopal authority to themselves alone. Lastly, after the gospel was far and near propagated ; and that, out of equality of presbyters, by the instigation of the devil, schisms were made in religion ; then the apostles, especially in the more remote places, placed some over the pastors or pres- byters'*; which, shortly after, by the disciples of the apostles, Ignatius and others, were only called Bishops, and by this appellation were distinguished from presbyters and deacons'*. Reasons moving me to this opinion: — First, Jerome, upon the first chapter of the Epistle to Titus, '■* " This was the apostles' course. For the plantation of the church, and the better propagation of the gospel, wherever they came they found it necessaiy to ordain meet assistants to them : and they promiscuously im- parted unto them all their own style, but apostolical; naming'them bishops, and presbyters, and deacons, according to the familiarity and indifferency of their former usage therein. But, when they, having divided themselves into several parts of the world, found that the number of Christians, especially in the greater cities, so multiplied, that they must needs be divided into many congregations, and those congregations must necessarily have many presby- ters, and those many presbyters in the absence of the apostles began to emu- late each other, and to make parties for themselves to their own advantage ; then, as St. Jerome truly notes, began the manifest and constant distinction, betwixt the office of bishops and pres- byters, to be both known and observed. For now, the apostles, by the direction of the Spirit of God, found it requisite and necessary, for the avoiding of schism and disorder, that some emi- nent persons should everywhere be lifted up above the rest, and ordained to succeed them in the overseeing and ordering both the church and their many presbyters under them ; who, by an eminence, were called their bishops, or, as the word signifies, supervisors and governors; so, as the ministers, (TKOTTovvTfS, Pliil. ill. 17, tlicy, enia-KO- TTovvTes: for, as the offices, so the names, of bishop and deacon, were of apostolical foimdation. These bishops, therefore, were the men whom they furnished with their own ordinary power, as church governors, for this purpose. Now the offices grew fully distinct, even in the apostles' days, and under their own hands; although, sometimes, the names, after the former use were confounded." — Bp. Hall, Episcopacy/ by Divine Right, part ii. sect. 4. '5 " After the churches were settled, and bishops fixed upon their several sees, then the names also were made distinct, only those names which did design temporary offices did expire. Tore yap recoy €koivu)vovv ovofian, saith St. C'hrysostom, — Thus far the ?iaines were common, — Xonroi/ Se to l8ia^ov (Kaara aTTOvfUffiTjrai opofia, (TTiaKOTTOv (TTKTKOTra), 7rpf(T^VTepOV npfo-^VTfpu), — but immediately the names ivere made proper and distinct, and to every order its oicn name is left, of a bishop to a bishop, of a presbyter to a presbyter.'''' — Je- remy Taylor, Episcopacy 'Asserted, sect. '23. CTIAP. III.] OF BISHOPS. 253 writeth, that " A presbyter is the same with a bishop ; and before that, by the instigation of the devil, factions were made in religion, and it was said among the people, ' I am of Paul, I of Apollos, but I of Cephas,' the churches were governed by the common counsel of presbyters : afterwards, it was decreed, in the whole world, that one, chosen out of the presbyters, should be placed over the rest." — From whence I thus argue ; — When it began to be said among the people, "I am of Paul, I of Cephas, and I of Apollos," then one chosen out of the presbyters, was placed over the rest ; — but while the apostles yet lived it was so said among the people, as the first Epistle to the Corinth- ians, besides other of St. Paul's epistles, puts it out of doubt ; — therefore, while the apostles lived, one chosen out of the presby- ters was placed over the rest. Again : — there can be no other term assigned, in which tishops were first made, than the time of the apostles ; for all the first successors of the apostles were bishops : witness the successions of bishops in the most famous churches of Jerusalem, Alexandria, Antioch, and Rome ; as it is in Eusebius". There- fore, either the next successors of the apostles changed the form of ecclesiastical government received from the apostles, according to their own pleasure, which is very unlikely ; or, the episcopal government came from the apostles themselves. Besides, even then, in the time of the apostles, there were many presbyters, but one bishop: even then, in the time of the apostles, 6 TrpoeaTcbs, he that was placed over the rest, wdiich afterwards was '" " Our learned Bilson hath cleared t self expressly, sat as bishop ia the this point, beyond all contradiction. ! church of Jerusalem, to Alacarius, In whom (Perpetual Government of '• who sat in the Nicene Council, forty Christ's Church, ch. 13), you may please to see, out of Eusebius, Hegesippus, So- crates, Jerome, Epiphanius, and others, as exact a pedigree of all the holy bishops of the primitive churcli, suc- ceeding each other in the four aposto- lical sees, until the time of the Nicene Council, as our Godwin or Mason can bishops punctually named : — from St. Peter, who governed the church of Antioch, and was succeeded by Evo- dius, and he by Ignatius, twenty- seven ; — in the see of Rome, tliirty- seven ; in the see of Alexandria, from Mark the Evangelist, twenty-tliree : — a catalogue which cannot be questioned give us of our bishops of England ; or without too much injurious incredu- a Speed or Stow, of our English kings, lity ; nor denied, without an unreason' Then you shall find, from James, the ! able boldness."— Bp. Hall, Episco Lord's brother, who, as Jerome him- pact/ by Divhie Riyht, part ii. sect. 8. 254 THE MIXJ.iJTIvRS OF THE CIJIRCII. [fiOOlC [11. called bishop, did impose hands, or ordain ministers of the word ; which presbyters alone did not presume to do. Even then, therefore, the calling of bishops was distinct from the office of presbyters. If any desire the examples of Apostolical Bishops, the books of the ancients are full of the episcopal authority of Timothy and Titus ; either of whom, however, first performed the office of an evanf^elist ; yet, notwithstanding, ceased to be an evangelist, after that Timothy was placed over the church of Ephesus, and Titus over the church of Crete : for evangelists did only lay the foun- dations of faith in foreign places, and then did commend the rest of the care to certain pastors ; but they themselves went to other countries and nations, as Eusebius writes in his third book of Ecclesiastical History, and thirty-fourth chapter. But Paul taught sometimes in Ephesus a,i>d Crete, and laid the foundations of faith there ; therefore he commandetli Timothy to stay at Ephesus, and Titus at Crete, not as evangelists, but as governors of the churches. And indeed, the epistles, written to either of them, do evince the same : for, in these, he doth not prescribe the manner of gathering together a church, which was the duty of an evangelist ; but the manner of governing a church already gathered together, which is the duty of a bishop: and all the precepts in those epistles are so conformable hereunto, as that they are not referred, in especial, to Timothy and Titus; but, in general, to all bishops ; and, therefore, in no wise do they suit with the temporary power of evangelists. Besides, that Timothy and Titus had episcopal jurisdiction, not only Eusebius, Chryso- stom, Thcodoret, Ambrosius, Jerome, Epiphanius, CEcumenius, Primasius, Theophylact, but also the most ancient writers of any that write the History of the New Testament, whose writings are now lost, do sufficiently declare. Eusebius, without doubt appealing unto those, in his third book of Ecclesiastical History and fourth chapter, " Timothy," saith he, " in histories is written to be the first which was made bishop of the church of Ephesus ; as Titus was the first that was made bishop of the church of Crete.^' But, if John the apostle, and not any ancient disciple of the apostles, be the author of the Revelation, he suggests unto us CIT VP. III.] or nisiioi',?. 255 those seven new examples of apostolical bishops ; for all the most learned interpreters interpret the seven Angels of the chnrches to be the seven Bishops of the chnrches; neither can they do otherwise, unless they shonld offer violence to the text. What should I speak of James, not the apostle'^, but the brother of our Saviour, the son-in-law of the mother of our Lord ? He, by the apostles, was ordained bishop of Jerusalem' ^ as is related by Eusebius, in his second book of Ecclesiastical History, and first cha])ter, out of the Hypotyposes of Clement, and by Jerome, concernino; Ecclesiastical Writers, out of the first of the Comments of Hegesippus : — Ambrose upon the first chapter to the Galatians, Chrysostom in his twenty-third Homily upon the fifteenth chapter of the Acts, Augustin in his second book and thirty-seventh chapter against Cresconius, Epiphanius in his sixty-fifth Heresy, and the sixth Synod in Trullo and thirty-second canon, all assenting thereunto. For, indeed, this is that James who had his fixed residence at Jerusalem, as an ordinary bishop ; whom Paul, in his first and last coming to '' This point lias been much dis- puted, ^lany contend that the James who presided over the church of Jeru- salem was the apostle James the younger, son of Alphiieus. '8 "It is unanimously delivered by all ancient writers, that .James, the Lord's brother, was the first bishop of the church of Jerusalem. St. Jerome says, ' He was ordained by the apo- stles, immediately after our Lord's crucifixiou.' (Hieron. Catal. Script. c. .3.) Epiphanius calls him, therefore, the first bishop ; the first who had an episcopal chair; the first to whom Christ committed his own throne upon earth. (Epiphan. liter. 78, Antidico- viar, n. 7; Hcer. 29, Nazor. n. 3; Hasr. CG, Afanich, n. 19.) Chrysostom says, ' lie was made bishop by Christ him- self.' (Chrysost. Horn. 38 in 1 Cor. XV.) The author of the Apostolical Constitutions, ' both by Christ and the apostles.' {Co7ist. Apost. lib. viii. c. 35.) In like manner, Eusebius always speaks of liim under that character, as first bishop of Jerusalem, ordained by the apostles. (Ev^Kii. Hist. Eccl. lib. ii. c. 23; lib. iii. c. 5,7; lib. vii. c. 19.) So Ilegesippus, Clemens Alexandri- nus, and Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, all cited by Eusebius. (Hist. Eccl. lib. ii. c. 23 ; lib. ii. c. 1 ; lib. iv. c. 23;) to whom we may add St. Augustin, who styles John, bishop of .lerusalem, St. James's successor, and possessor of the chair, wherein he sat as first bishop of the place. (Aug. contra Crescon. lib. ii. c. 37; Cont. Liber. Petil. lib. ii. c. 51.) And it is remarkable what Clemens, one of the most ancient of these ^viiter-s, says, ' That tliis was designed as a peculiar honour to St. James, in re- gard that he was the brother of Christ ; for though our Saviour usually gave the preference to Peter, and John, and James his brother, yet none of those contended about this honour, but chose this .Limes surnamed Justus, to be bishop of the place; where he lived a saint, and" died a martyr." — BixGHAM, Antiq. bookii. ch. i. § 4. 256 THE MIXISTERS OP THE CHURCH. [book in. Jerusalem, found in the city (almost all the apostles preaching in other places, Gal. i. 19); and who concluded those things which were decreed in the assembly of the apostles. Acts xxi. For he was, with Chrysostom, bishop of the church of Jerusalem ; from whom when certain came, Peter would not eat with the Gentiles, Gal. ii. 12. From examples, I pass to authorities''; which Ignatius con- firms by his own authority: whose axioms are these: — "The bishop is he, which is superior in all chiefty and power. The presbytery is a holy company of counsellors and assessors to the bishop. The deacons are the imitators of angelical virtues, which show forth their pure and unblamable ministry. He who doth not obey these is without God, impure, and contemns Christ, and derogates from his order and constitution," in his Epistle to the Trallia?is^\ In another place, " I exhort that ye study to do all things with concord : the bishop being president, in the place of God ; the presbyters, in place of the apostolic senate ; the deacons as those to wdiom was committed the ministry of Jesus Christ," in his Epistle to the Mapiesians^\ And again, " Let the presbyters be subject to the bishop, the deacons to the pres- byters, the people to the presbyters and deacons," in his Epistle to those of Tarsus^*. But Ignatius was the disciple of the apostles : from whence then had he this hierarchy, but from the apostles ? Let us now" hear Epiphanius, in his seventy-fifth Heresy. ' '" Bishop Hall quotes, as of great value, the supposed testimony of Clem. OF Rome, Ep. ad Corinth, c. 44, 45. *" Passages of this nature abound in the epistles of Ignatius ; but they are written so much in the style of the third and fourth centuries, and are often introduced so gratuitously, as to have fallen under strong suspicion of having been inserted in the original epistles by some later hand. The words here quoted as from the epistle to the Trallians are not even admitted into the text by later editors of tlie genuine epistles. *' Ep. ad Magnes. § 6. ^^ Tliis epistle is now entirely re- jected as spurious. ^' The testimony of IrencBus is here overlooked; but it has been often ap- pealed to by Hall and others. " Ire- najus,'' says Bingham, {Antiq. book ii. chap. i. § .*$,) " declares himself of the opinion that there were bishojis as well as presbyters in the apostles' days ;" " for the assembly of Miletus," he says, (lib.iii.c. 14,) " was composed of bishops and presbyters that were of Ephesus, and the neighbouring cities of Asia." And therefore, agreeably to that hypothesis, he always derives the succession of bishops, and their original, from the apostles ; as where he says, "that Hyginus, bishop of Rome, was [the ninth in order of epis- copal succession from the apostles" ....] or msiioi* 257 " The apostles could not presently appoint all things. Presby- ters and deacons were necessary; for, by these two, ecclesiastical affairs might be despatched. When there was not found any fit for the episcopacy, that place remained without a bishop; but, where there was need, and there were any fit for episcopacy, they were made bishops. All things were not complete from the beginning; but, in course of time, all things were provided, which were required for the perfection of those things which were necessary: the church, by this means, receiving the fulness of dispensation."' But Eusebius comes nearer to the matter, and more strongly handles the cause; who, in his third book of Ecclesiastical His- tory, and twenty-second chapter, as also in his Chronicle, affirmeth that Evodius was ordained the first bishop of Antioch, in the year of our Lord 45, in the third year of Claudius, the Emperor: at which time, many of the apostles were alive. Now, Jerome writeth to Evagrius, that, at Alexandria, ''from Mark the evangelist, unto Heraclas and Dionysius the (lib. i. c. 28). And, in another place, , (lib iii. c. 3,) giving an exact cata- logue of the twelve bishops of Rome that governed successively in that see, to his own time, he says of Linus, the first of them, " that he was ordained bishop immediately by the apostles, upon the first foundation of the church ; ; and of Eleutherius, the last of them, that he was the twelftli bisliop from ; the apostles." Irenpcus tells us that in his early life he saw Polycarp, " who, ' says he, " was appointed bishop of the church of Smyrna by the apo- stles,' (lib. iii. c. .S.) The following passage from Tertul- lian (De PrcBscripf. c. 33) has been frequently quoted in this controversy : — "Edant origines ecclesiarum sua- rum : evolvant ordinem episcoporuni suorum, ita per successiones ab initio deenrrentem, ut primus ille episcopus aliquem ex apostolis, vel apostolicis viris, qui tamen cum apostolis perse- veraverint, habuerit auctorem et ante- cessoreni. Hoc enim modo ecclesijB apostolica? census suos deferunt : sicut SmyrnjBorum ecclesia Polycarpum ab .Foanne collocatum refert": 'sicut Ro- manorum Clementem a Petro ordina- tum edit : proinde utique et caeterte exhibent, quos ab apostolis in episco- patum constitutes, apostolici seminis traduces habent :" — i. e., " Let them show lis the origin of their churches, and display to us a catalogue of their bishops, in a regular succession from first to last ; by which it may appear that their first bisliop had either some apostle, or some apostolical man who continued with the apostles, for liis founder and predecessor. For thus it is that the apostolical churches trace their pedigree. 'I'he church of Smyrna counts up to Polycarp, ordained by St. •John ; the church of Rome to Clement, ordained by St. Peter ; and so the other churches in like manner exhibit those who were ordained bishops by the apostles, by whom the apostolical I succession was propagated and con- I tinned." s 258 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [book 111. bishop, the presbyters called one, chosen out of themselves, and placed in a higher degree, the bishop." But Mark died, as Eusebius and Bucholcerus testify, in the year of our Lord 64: Peter, Paul, and John, the apostles being then alive. Therefore, it is clear that episcopacy was instituted in the time of the apostles; and good Jerome suffered some frailty when he wrote that " bishops were greater than presbyters, rather by the custom of the church, than by the truth of the Lord's disposing;" unless, perhaps, by "the custom of the churcir he understands the custom of the apostles; and by "the truth of the Lord's dis- posing," he understands the appointment of Christ". Yet, not so he satisfies the truth of history: for it appears, out of the '^* Jerome, " as he was naturally a waspish and hot good man, so now, being vexed with some cross proceed- ings, as he thought, of John, bishop of Jerusalem, he flew out into some ex- pressions, indeed, but yet such as in other places he doth either salve or contradict. The passages are scanned thoroughly by many authors. It is true, then, that he saith bishops are greater than presbyters, rather consue- iudine ecclesicB than DominiccB dispo- sitionis veritate; but even in that, withal, he grants episcopacy to be an apostolical institution ; for he interprets himself that this custom was derived and continued from tlie apostles, and that the Dominica diapositio of which he spake, was to be taken of a personal appointment from Christ our ISaviour. "Wherefore, what can be more plain than that his toto orbe decretum relates to apostolic constitution? The very pedigree of it is by himself fetched from the time of the quarrels which St. Paul mentions in his epistle to the Corinthians, ' One says, I am of Paul ; another, I am of ApoUos ; I am of Cephas,' which was in the heart of the apostolic times. And, relating those words of the bishop of Jerusalem's letters, 'There is no difference be- twixt a bishop and a presbyter,' he passes a satis imperii upon it : profess- ing to his Marcella, against the novelty of Montanus, ' With us, our bishops hold the place of the apostles ; and that the depression of their bishops below their place was utterly pei-fidi- ous ;' and, commenting upon that pas- sage of the Psalm, Instead of thy fathers thou shall have children, ^-c., * The apostles,' saith he, ' O church, were thy fathers,' &c. ' Thou hast, instead of them, children, which are the bishops, created by thyself.' And, which is for all, where he is most ve- hement for the dignity of a presbyter, yet he adds, Quid facit episcopus excepta ordinatione, quod presbyter non facit f \^)ion facial, as Bishop Taylor particu- larly remarks,] tchal doth a bishop be- sides ordination, tvhicJi a presbyter doth not [may tiol du] ? That very excep- tion exempts him from Aerianism, and those other clear testimonies, besides more wliich might be cited, show him, though but a presbyter, no friend to the equality of our presbyterians." — Bishop Hall, Episcopacy by Divine Right, part ii. sect. 21 ; Conf. Defence of the Humble Bemonstrance, sect. 6. See also Bishop Jeremy Taylou, Episcopacy Asserted, sect. 21 ; Hooker, Ecclesiastical Polity, book vii. cli. 5; BixGHASi, Anliquilies, book ii. chap. 3, sect 5. ■] OK HISMOl'S. 2o9 first, second, and third chapters of the Revelation, that the form of governing the church by Angels or IJishops was not only ratified and established in the time of the apostles, but it was confirmed by the very Son of God. And Ignatius calls that form " the order of Christ." And when Jerome writes that " it was decreed, in the whole woi-ld, that one chosen out of the presbyters should be placed over the rest;" and when I have demonstrated that, in the lifetime of the apostles, bishops were superior to presbyters, in ordination, and that each church had one placed over it; do we not without cause demand where, when, and by whom episcopacy was ordained^ Episcopacy, therefore, is of divine right". Wherefore, all bishops are warned from hence, that they thoroughly weigh wnth themselves the nature of apostolical epi- scopacy, of which they glory that they are the successors. That episcopacy had two things peculiar to it, — the privilege of succeeding, and the prerogative of ordaining": — all other " " Although we had not proved the immediate divine institution of episco- pal poweroverpresbytersand the whole flock, yet episcopacy is not less than an apostolical ordinance, and delivered to us by the same authority that the observation of the Lord's day is. ... Baptism of infants is most certainly a holy and charitable ordinance, and of ordinary necessity to all that ever cried, and yet the church hath founded this rite upon the tradition of the apo- stles Of the same consideration are divere other things in Christianity, as, the presbyters consecrating the eucharist. . . . This also rests upon the practice apostolical and traditive interpretation of holy church, and yet cannot be denied that so it ouglit to be, by any man that would not have his Christendom suspected To these I add the communion of women, — the distinction of books apocryplial from canonical, — that sucli books were written by such evangelists and apo- stles,— the whole tradition of Scripture itself, — the apostles" creed, — the feast of Easter These, and divers others of greater consequence, (which I dare not specify for fear of being misunderstood,) rely but upon equal faith with this of episcopacy, (though I should waive all the arguments for immediate divine ordinance,) and therefore it is but reasonable it should be ranked amongst the 'credenda' of Christianity, which the church hath entertained upon the confidence of that which we call 'the faith of a Christian,' whose master is truth itself." — Bp. Jeremy Taylor, Epi- scopacy Asserted, sect. 19. *". "Bishops had a power distinct from, and superior to, that of presby- ters; as, of ordination; — and confir- mation ; — and jurisdiction."— Jeremy Taylor, Episcopacy Asserted, sect. 32 —34. B 2 260 TllK MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [kOOK III. things were common to them with the presbyters. Therefore, both bishops and presbyters should so exercise themselves in godliness, should so free themselves from contempt by their con- versation, and so make themselves examples to their flock: not neglecting especially the gift of prophesying received from above: but being wholly intent to reading, consolation, and teaching; to meditate on these things, to be wholly conversant in them; and so perpetually employed in this holy function and divine affairs, with this promise, that, if they shall do these things, they shall both save themselves and their auditors; but if, after the custom of some great ones, they follow the pride and luxury of this world, they shall both destroy themselves and them that hear them. Such is the resolution of the question concerning the origin and institution of episcopacy by the learned Scultet: and in this short treatise, together with the notes which I have a))pended from the writings of our own divines, we have as complete a representation of the views of those who maintain the doctrine of the apostolical institution as can be comprised within the limits of the present work. The following passage, extracted from Lindsay's Preface to Mason's Vindication of the Church of Enffland, may perhaps be considered by some persons as giving, in brief and general terms, a still more satisfactory representation of the truth upon tliis subject. It became a fashion, at least as early as the third century, to represent the Christian ministry as formed, by divine dispensation, upon the model of the Aaronic priesthood. "When Almighty God, the sovereign disposer of his crea- tures, thought' fit, in his divine wisdom, to gather a church in tlie world, he himself did institute a holy priesthood in the tribe of Levi, whose peculiar office it was to offer sacrifice to him for the sins of the whole ])eo])le, and to bless them in the name of the Lord. And this priesthood, by his own express appointment, consisted of tliree distinct orders, namely, a high priest, priests, and Levites; all which, in their respective degrees of subor- dination, being expressly called and selected out of the rest of the tribes of Israel by God himself, were also, by the like CHAI'. 111.] OF BISHOPS. 261 divine appoiiitinent, fbrinally and solemnly consecrated to their respective offices, with a grant thereof to them and their heirs male, in due course of succession, exclusive of, and (as to their sacerdotal powers) wholly distinct from, and independent upon, all persons whatsoever. " How sacred and inviolable this office was, appears evidently, among divers others, in the case of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, and the dreadful judgment inflicted upon them and all their adherents, for their rebellious and schismatical invasion of that sacred function; which the Holy Ghost has recorded as a rebel- lion against the Lord who had instituted the same, and honoured it with the sanction of his divine authority. " Agreeable to which Levitical hierarchy, our blessed Saviour selected and separated a people, called his church, from the rest of mankind, and constituted them an incorporation, with laws, governors, and subjects, rights and privileges, purely spiritual: in which he himself, in person, sustained the office of high priest and bishop, being the supreme ruler of his church; under whom the apostles were then only as priests; and under them again the seventy disciples, as in the ))lace of Levites. But when he had, immediately before his ascension, conferred upon his apostles the plenitude of power, he thereby preferred them to the first order, namely, that of bishops; under whom we find a second order, in every church, deriving their authority and mission from them, namely, elders, presbyters, or priests; and under both, a third, called deacons. Who did all, accordingly, exercise their respective offices, as committed unto them by God, independent on the secular powers, and notwithstanding any temporal prohi- bition to the contrary. " Nor did these orders in the church cease with the apostles themselves; but they provided for the continuance of the same ' alway, even unto the end of the world,' by consecrating into their own order and fellowship, in the Apostolical College, Timothy, Titus, Silvanus, Sosthenes, Epaphroditus, and others; whom St. Paul styles his partners, fellow-helpers, brethren, companions in labour, and fellow-soldiers; yea, and expressly apostles too; joining them with himself in the authoritative part of several of his epistles; and to whom it peculiarly belonged 262 THE .MIXrSTKKS OK THE CIIIRCII. [liOOK III. (in right of their office), 'to set in order the things that were wanting,' or necessary to be done, in the church, and particularly to ordain elders or presbyters 'in every city,^ in subordination to themselves. For to them, and to their respective true and lawful successors, no less than to the apostles themselves, are those words of our blessed Saviour applied, ' As my Father hath sent me, even so send I you. — All power is given unto me in heaven and in earth: go ye therefore and disciple all nations, &c. And lo ! I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world. Amen."* Which they likewise did (as the apostles had done before), notwithstanding all the threatenings and terrors of the temporal powers; for which many of them were glorious martyrs and confessors; as is well known to all who are acquainted with ecclesiastical history. " Now, of these bishops, or overseers, as they were called, (from their having the oversight over all the flock of Christ,) we find St. James the Just, the first who was called, at Jerusalem; St. Peter at Antioch, and afterwards of the Jewish Proselytes, as was St. Paul of the Gentile converts, at Rome; St. Mark at Alexandria; Timothy at Ephesus; Titus in Crete; Dionysius at Athens, &c. Every true church of Christ being able, at this day, to produce a catalogue of their bishops, in a due course of succession, from the first planting of Christianity among them."" § 6. — Division of the Cuukcii into Metropolitical and Patri- archal Dioceses at the latter end of the Fourth Century. The Greek word AioiKr^ais, as denoting a portion of territory, was at first applied to a district subject to the jurisdiction of a Roman prsetor; and in this sense we find the word frequently used by Cicero (e. g., ad Famil. iii. 8; xiii. 53, 67; ad Attic, v. 21). This meaning of the word was afterwards enlarged, so that during the period of the Byzantine Empire it denoted a district containing several distinct provinces subject to the authority of one chief magistrate or governor; (SioUrjats Be eVrtV 17 TroXXa? €7ra/>%ta9 exova-a iv eavrrj, says an old Glossary.) The governor of such a diocese, who resided in the metropolis or chief city of CHAP. 111.] OF BISHOPS. 263 the district, was a i)riefectas pijetorio; and the several provinces of which the diocese consisted, were each placed under the imme- diate jurisdiction of a comes or vicarius. When Christianity had become the religion of the empire, the division and administration of the church were gradually brought to a conformity with the model of the civil government, with which it also became continually more and more intimately blended. Hence the term dicecesis was applied to a large section of the church corresponding with the civil district distinguished by that name; at the head of which stood an arclibishop or metropolitan, corresponding to the prael'ectus praetorio, having his residence in the same metropolis, and intrusted with the superintendence of the bishops of the several parochiae or sees. Such is the meaning of the word diocese in the ecclesiastical history of the fourth and fifth centuries. In later times, as is well known, the term has been employed to denote the district committed to the care of an individual bishop ; which was included as a 7rapot«ta, parochia, under the term diocese in its earlier acceptation. From a work, quoted by Bingham, which is supposed to have been compiled by some unknown author during the reign of Arcadius and Honorius, we learn that the whole Roman empire was at that time placed under the jurisdiction of four prsefecti proetorio, to each of whom were assigned several dioceses, which were again subdivided into numerous provinces. These divisions and subdivisions of the empire, with the corresponding distribu- tions of ecclesiastical government, were the following : — I. Pk^fectus Pr.i=;torio per Orientem. Five dioceses were subject to his jurisdiction ; namely, — 1. The Oriental diocese, properly so called. 2. The diocese of Egypt. 3. The diocese of Asia. 4. The diocese of Pontus. 5. The diocese of Thrace. 1 . The Oriental diocese contained fifteen provinces ; namely, — 1. Palaestina. 2. Phoenicia. 3. Syria. 4. Cilicia. 5. Cyprus. 6. Arabia. 7. Isauria. 8. Palrestina Salutaris. 9. Palrestina Secunda. 10. Phoenicia Libani. 11. Phoenicia Euphratensis* 264 TIIK .MIMsrF.KS OK IIIK CllflUH. [nOOK III. 12. Syria Salutaris. 13. Osroena. 14. Mesopotamia. 1.5. Cilicia Secunda. 2. The diocese of Egypt consisted of six provinces; naiiielv, — 1. Libya Superior. 2. Libya Liferior. :! Thebais. 4. iEcryptu.s (i. e., Egypt Proper). 5. Arcadia. 6. Aniiustaninica. 3. The diocese of Asia inchided eleven provinces; namely, — 1. Pampliylia. 2. Hellespontus. 3. Lydia. 4. Pisidia. 5. Lycaonia, 6. Phrygia Pacatiana. 7- Phrygia Salutaris. 8. Lycia. 9. Caria. 10. Tnsulse Cyclades. 11. Asia Proconsularis. 4. The diocese of Pontiis was composed of eleven provinces ; namely, — 1. Galatia. 2. Bithynia. 3. Honorias. 4. Cappa- docia Prima. 5. Paphlagonia. 6. Pontus Polemoniacus. 7. Helenopontus. 1. Armenia Prima. 9. Armenia Secunda. 10. Galatia Salutaris. 11. Cappadocia Secunda. 5. The diocese of Thrace was formed by six provinces ; namely, — 1. Europa. 2. Thracia (i.e., Thrace Proper.) 3. Haemimontis. 4. Rhodope. 5. Mcesia Secunda. 6. Scythia. The territorial divisions of the Church correspond to this civil distribution of the Roman empire during the fourth century, and part of the fifth, throughout the Oriental diocese. " By com- paring," says Bingham, " the broken fragments that remain in the acts and subscriptions of the ancient councils, with the notitia of the empire, and conferring both with the later notitise of the church, it plainly appears that the church was divided into dioceses and provinces much after the same manner as the empire." With reference to the large district already described, this conformity appears from the following table : — 1. The Oriental Diocese. Patriarch of Antioch. Provinces. Metropoles. 1. Palrcstina Prima . . Caesarea. 2. Phoenicia . . . Tyrus. Antiochia (seat of the Patri- 3- Syria . . . .| ^^^^^y 4. Cilicia Prima . . Tarsus. ,5. Cyprus .... Constantia. 6. Arabia . Bostra. 7. Tsauria ... Seleucia. 8. Palaestina Salutaris erusaloui, or i^'li. Jp;, or elders, in the Jewish synagogue ; but the duties of a governor and a teacher may be easily combined, and were in fact united at a very early period in the Christian church, as appears from the application of the word wpea^urepo^ even in the writings of the New Testament. The apostles entitled them- selves TrpealSvTepovs, or o-v/XTrpea-^urepovs (1 Peter v. 1 ; 2 •John i. ; compare Philipp. ii. 25); and they were certainly both governors and teachers. In some places we find the -rrpealSvTe- poc described as iroifxives kuI SiSdaKoXoi, i.e., pastors and teachers. And the twofold nature of their office is implied in a passage in the first Epistle to Timothy, which has been the subject of nuuh criticism and of various interpretation in the 278 THE MINlSTEllS OP THE CHURCH. [nooK in. controversy which has arisen respecting the name and office of presbyter in the early church. This passage, to which frequent reference is made, is 1 Tim. v. 17; it stands thus in the original, and in our authorized version ; Gr., ot koXms it po ear Sires it pea- ^vrepoi ZcrrKris rtfx.rj9; I ii- c- 28 ; Curysost, De Sacenlot. lib. Ep. ad Maffiies. § G; Const. Apost. lib. I iii. c. 15; Synes. Ep. 67. CHAP. IV.] OF PKICsiltYTI-.HS AND PIlIiSiinYl ICHI I^S. ^81 course of public worship, and tlic administrator of all sacred offices, the presbyters performed the sacra ordinaria, or common services of the church, as his representatives or assistants. Tn the earliest times, teaching and preaching were considered as the chief duties of the bishop ; and hence it was that presbyters were allowed to preach only by permission of the bishop, and that, in many cases, the duty was intrusted to deacons. This, however, holds good only concerning those churches, in which both bishops and presbyters were present, and during the times in which bishops were both able and willing to preach. Jerome {Ep. 2. ad Nep. ; compare Dial. c. Liicif.) complains that presbyters, in his time, did not receive full liberty to preach. During the first seven centuries, the bishops were assiduous in the discharge of this part of their office. But afterwards, the duty of preaching devolved chiefly upon the presbyters. 3. With regard to the sacraments, presbyters were regarded as avWeLTovpyol, comministri, consacerdotes, joint or felloii'- ministers^ in accoi-dance with the theory that whatever was done in the church was done by the bishop. This still appears in the office of ordination, which is called exclusively the work of the bishop; inasmuch as the assistant presbyters, as well as the bishop, lay their hands on the heads of the persons ordained. (See Cone. Carthag. iv. c. 3, 4 ; Constit. Eccl. Alex. c. 8 ; Drcret. Gratiaiii, dist. xxiii. c. 8.) In later times, the pres- byters became the ordinary officiating ministers in the adminis- tration of the sacraments; especially, — I?i the office of baptism ; and this particularly after the introduction of infant baptism. Confirmation was usually admi- nistered by the bishop alone, although some exceptions octur. ii. I7i the sacrament of the Ld'cTs supper. The consecration of the elements has been always regarded as the chief office in this sacrament; and this was performed by presbyters, unless the bishop was present. It was also an old rule for the bishoji, if present, to distribute the bread; and to pronounce the concluding benediction. The discharge of these eucharistical functions was viewed by the ancient church as the highest point of a presbyter's dignity and office, (see Chrysost. de Sacerdot. lib. iii. c. 1 ; lib. vi. c. 4; Homil. 4 in Jesa.; Ilomil. 15 in 2 Ep. in Corinth). 282 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHUUCH. [bOOK HI. With reference to this part of his office, the presbyter was called fieaiTTjs, mediator ; an appellation which Augustin very ])roperly censured, as derogating from the dignity and office of the true and only Mediator of the Christian covenant {Contr. Parmen. lib. ii. c. 8; compare De Civ. Dei, lib. ix. c. 15). It ouirht to be remarked that this word was used also to denote that the presbyter occupied a middle rank between the bishop and deacon. iii. The presbyter took part in conducting the offices of puhlic penance; which, however, were under the superintendence of the bishop. iv. In the early church, mention is made especially oi public prayer {Trpocr^Mvrja-is, ev^V '^^^ ina-rcov), and the iTriKXrjcri^, or collect, as a function of the bishop or presbyter, besides the general conduct of divine worship, and the oversight of deacons and inferior officers. — (Constit. Apost. c. 9, 10, 11 ; Condi. Milexilt. c. 12.) 4. It is evident that the presbyters took part with the bishops in the exercise of ecclesiastical discipline, with regard to clergy as well as laity. (See Cyprian, Ep. xxxiii. al. 88; vi. al. 14; 4G (49); 24 (29); 5o (59); Basil. M. Ei). 319; Epiphan. Ilcer. 57, § 1 ; 69, § 3; Chrysost. De Sacei'dot. lib. iii. c. 15.) Differences sometimes arose respecting the extent and appli- cation of their power in these matters; but the principle of a right of concurrence was firmly established, if not in favour of individual presbyters, yet, at least, in favour of the collective body, or the presbytery (or in cathedral establishments, of more modern date, the chapter). The influence of the presbyters extended also to the manage- ment of church property, and the business oi Synods. It appears indeed, that presbyters had seats and votes in several synods. (See EusEu. Hist. Eccl. lib. vi. c. 43; vii. c. 28, 30; Concil. Illiber. c. 36; Arelat. 1; Tolet, 1; Bracar. 2; Chalcedon ; and others.) 5. The chief business of the presbyters, however, was the cure of souls, both general and special. In the discharge of this useful and important office, they often encountered great difficulties. CIlAl'. IV.] OK PRESBYTERS AND l'Ui:Sl!YTERIES. 283 § 3. — Different Orders or Classes of Preshytkrs. 1. By a distinction analogous to that observed with regard to hishops, presbyters were divided into those of the city and of tho country. The latter (iiri'x^copioi Trpea/Svrepoi^ regionarii, rural presbyters), were regarded as inferior to the city presbyters {irpea^vTepoi iroXecos). 2. The oldest among the presbyters was styled 'Ap-^nrpea- ^vT€po<;, arc/ipresbyter, or 7rpcoT07rpe(r/3vTepo9, pastor primarius, first presbyter, (Greg. Naz., Orat. 20; Cone. Chalced. c. 14). From the fifth to the seventh centuries, theso archpresbyters possessed great influence, and shared in the administration of the bishop's office, as suffi-agans and general vicars. When the sec was vacant, they discharged all the episcopal duties; and usually succeeded to the bishopric. Some parts of tho episcopal administration were committed exclusively to their care. Hence misunderstandings often arose between them and the bishops; and the latter were in the habit of favouring and supporting tho archdeacons, as a check upon the power of the archpresbyters. The first trace of this is to be found in the canons of the fourth council of Carthage (c. 17). We may not, perhaps, be right in admitting the account of Isidore, that the archpresbyters were sul)jected to the archdeacons as early as the seventh century; but this subordination was established by Innocent III., (^De qffic. Archidlac. c. 7), " Archipresbyteri, qui a pluribus decani nun- cupantur, archidiaconi jurisdictioni se noverint subjaccre," Let the archpresbyters, commonly called deans, know that they are snlject to the jurisdiction of the archdeacon. The word decanus, dean, which we find in this passage, was unknown in the earlier centuries. Decanus (8€KaBdpxo. 22, ad Eustoch.), to the overseers of monks and coenobita;. The praepositi canonicorum cathedralium, heads of cathedral chapters, were not called decani, deans, until the eleventh or 284 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [boOK III. twelfth century. The name was first applied to them in Ent^'land. These deans have hitherto maintained their station and importance ; but the rural deans, or archpresbyters, were for the most part supi)lanted by periodeutae or visitors, and became entirely subject to the archdeacons or general vicars. The feminine irpesjBvTepa, or irpea^vTi^;, presbytera, or pres- byterissa, is of frequent occurrence in early w^riters, and denotes either the wife of a presbyter, or a female officer of the church (vidua, diaconissa). Concerning their office, see CorELER. ad Constitut. Apost. lib. iii. c g, and Zimmerman, De Presbyteris et Presbi/terissis. CHAPTER V. OF DEACONS. § 1. — Their Name and Rank. The terms hu'iKovos, ScuKovia, and BtaKovelv, were" originally a])plied to any kind of service or ministration. They are of frequent occurrence in the New Testament, both in a general, and ill a more limited, signification; but are for the most part applied especially to acts of religious or s])i ritual service, and ministrations for the good of the church. Thus we read of hcaKovia Tov \6yov, Acts vi. 4 ; StaKovia rov 'Trv€VfMaTO(;, 2 Cor. iii. 8; BtaKovia rrj<; \eirovpr]ijiT)(TavTos [(irfv(f)T](Tav- Tos] navTos tov Xaov, ol KoXovfievoi nap Tjp.'iv hicLKOvoi diboaaiv (Kaara tup ■napovTOiv fifToXa^uv dno tov fv\npi(T- TT]devTOS [evx^cipia-devTOsI, aprov Koi oivov Koi v8aTos, Kal toIs ov irapovariv a7ro(pova-i. — (Justin Mart. Apol. i. al. 2, § 65.) 290 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [bOOK III. emblem of a deacon. — (See Constit. Ap. lib. ii. c. 57; Hieron. Ep. 57; Concil. Vasens. ii. c. 2.) 3. The deacons pronounced the common formularies of exhor- tation^ c^c, which were usual during the celebration of divine worship (formuljE solennes, 7rpoa(f)covT]a€initentia imposita veniant ad Do- (al. 18) ad Cler. ^ ^laKovos dcpopi^ei imodiaKOvov, dvayvaxTTTip, yj/'aXrrjv, SiaKOVKjcrnv, f'av Tj Ti ToiovTov fif] napuPToi npea^vTf'pov' vnoSiaKoixo ovk e^eariv d(f)opiCfH'} ovre fifj dvayvaxrrrjv, ovre ■^dXTriv, ovre Sia- Ki VLcrcrav, ovre KKrjpiKov, J) XaiKOf' vrrrj- ptTai yap fieri diaKOvcov. — Const. A post. lib. viii. c. 28. U 2 252 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [bOOK III. increased, this occupation became proportionably more important and laborious; and the assistance of the deacons, partly as keepers of accounts, and partly as managers of the property, became indispensable to the bishops. § 3. — Of Archdeacons. The office of deacon, as has been already stated, derived increased and progressive importance from the spirit of jealousy and rivalry which existed between bishops and presbyters, when the church had declined from its primitive simplicity, and the ministers had become ambitious of dignity and power. But during this struggle, and the consequent growth of episcopal authority, the ^Ap'x^tSlaKovoi, archdeacons^ especially were opposed to the ap-x^iTrpecr/SvTepoL, arckpresb^ters, with a view to diminish the influence of the latter. Some writers, especially certain of the Roman Catholic church (e. p., Baronius, Annal. a. 34, n. 285), trace the origin of the archidiaconate to the New Testament, regarding Stephen as the first who held this office ; in accordance with an expression of Augustin, (Serm. 94, de Dirersis,) Stephanus inter diaconos illos nominatus primus, sicut inter apostolos Petrus, i. e., Stephen was named first among those deacons, as Peter among the apostles. But even if the seven deacons at Jerusalem were the type of the diacouate afterwards generally established in the church, (which is by no means certain,) and if the primacy of Stephen among those deacons were admitted, it would only follow that arch- deacons created after this model would be chief among their equals, without anything like a distinct authority, or a right of governing their fellow-deacons. The real origin of the office appears to be the following. During the celebration of divine worship it was usual for one of the deacons to stand by the side of the bishop at the altar, whilst the other deacons belonging to the church discharged their several offices in the assembly (Constit. Apost. lib. ii. c. 57). This deacon was called primus, primicerius diaconorum, the first or chief deacon. He was also usually the bishop''s man of business. (Orig. Tract. 5 in Matth.) Hence came the rank and office of CHAP, v.] OF ARCHDEACONS. 293 archdeacon, which was in high repute as early as the fourth century. It is probable that Laurence, mentioned by Pruden- tius, {Ilymn de S. Laurentio^ v. 10,) was archdeacon of the church at Rome : — Ilic primus e septem viris Qui slant ad aram proximi, Levita sublimis gradu Et cseteris praestantior. " This was the first of those seven men who stand nearest to the altar, levite of a high degree, and superior to the others^' It is likely that at first the deacon senior both in years and office was elevated to the rank of archdeacon ; as in the similar case of the archpresbyter. But as the office increased in import- ance, it became necessary to select not the oldest, but the most able and proper, person to discharge it. Thus Athanasius at Alexandria appears to have been made archdeacon while he was a young man ; according to Theodoret, {Hist. Eccl. lib. i. c. 26,) veo? fxev wv tijv rjXiKiav, rov x^P^^ ^^ "^^^ oiaKovcov rj'yovn.evos, i. e., he'uig young hi years, but taking the lead in the company of deacons. In HiERox. Ep. 85 ad Evagr., we read, concerning the church of Alexandria, "Aut diaconi eligent de se, quem industrium noverint, et archidiaconum vocent," i. e., or as the deacons may elect from their own body one whom they may knoic to be diligent in the discharge of his duties^ and call him archdeacon. And the same writer says, {Ep. 4 ad Rustic,) " Singuli ecclesiarum epi- scopi, singuli archipresbyteri, singuli archidiaconi," i. e., each church has one bishop, one archpresbyter, and one archdeacon. While the archdeacon was appointed to his office in some places by election, it is probable that in others the choice rested entirely with the bishop ; and indeed when the relation of bishop and deacon became very intimate, and the latter was of especial importance to his superior in the discharge of his episcopal functions, it was in the nature of the case that the bishoj) should, at least, have considerable influence in the appointment. Hence, although it was according to rule that the bishop or the college of deacons should choose the oldest among the deacons to the office of archdeacon, it was permitted to the bishop, while he left 294 THE MIXISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [nOOK HI. the person so elected in possession of his due title and rank, to transact his business by the hands of some other deacon better qualified. A canon of the Council of Agde to this effect is quoted in a note*. Concerning the history of this office, the following observa- tions are worthy of remark : — 1. In the fourth and fifth centuries we sometimes find mention of the office of archdeacon, without the title. Such was the case with regard to Athanasius ; who, it may be remarked, was a person of much greater influence at the Council of Nicaea than his own bishop Alexander. To the same class belongs the deacon Caecilian, of Carthage ; to whom Optatus Milevit. {De Schism. Donat. lib. i. c. 16,) gives the title of archdeacon, although Csecilian styled himself only deacon {Ibid. c. 19). Thus also the celebrated Leo the Great, as a deacon at Rome, evidently dis- charged the duties of an archdeacon, and even those of a bishop. 2. According to the testimony of Jerome, the archdeacon possessed great influence in his time ; and this writer greatly complains of their pride and arrogance*. This arrogance, which took its rise in the fifth century, and evinced itself by an assump- tion of superiority over the presbyters, attained subsequently a still greater height, and became troublesome even to the bishops. ?. Archdeacons, even although they did not bear that title, often became the successors of their bishops, as in the cases of Csecilian, Athanasius, and Leo the Great. But there was no fixed rule and custom to this effiect. 4. During the seventh, eighth, and ninth centuries, the arch- deacons possessed considerable authority. They had the right of censuring deacons and inferior ministers (Concil. Aurel. iv. c. 26'; Concil. Ckalced.2i.QX.\Qi). Presbyters aspired to the dignity; and * Episcopus, quorum vita non repre- henditur, posteriorcm priori nuUus prsepoiiat, nisi fortassc olatus superbia, quod pro necessitate ecclesiao episcopus elegerit, pra?ponatur. — Cone. Agath. (a.d. 506,) c. 23. * Ultra Saccrdotes, hoc est Presby- teros, intumcscunt : et dignitatem non jusserit, implere contemnat. Sane si j merito, sed divitiis, ajstimant. Certe, officium archidiaconus propter simpli- qui primus fuerit ministorum, quia cioreni naturam implere aut expedire per singula coucionatur in populos, et nequivcrit, ille loci sui nomcn tcneat, i a Pontificii latere non recedit, injuriam et ordinationiecclesia;, quern episcopus I putat, si Presbyter ordinetur. — llii;- I iiOJ*. Comment, in Ex,ik: 48. CHAP, v.] OF ARCHDEACONS. 295 it was even declared that archiH-esbyters were subject to the juris- diction of archdeacons {Decret. Gratiani^ dist. xxv. c. 1). Bing- ham supposes that in the time of Gratian archdeacons were all chosen from the order of presbyters. 5. In the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries, the bishops began to use efforts to set limits to the extensive and encroaching power of the archdeacons. In this attempt, however, they found considerable difficulty, in consequence of the influence of the archdeacons in the ecclesiastical councils, and with tem- poral princes. In France, they even enjoyed the title of princes. And the establishment and increase of their power was fjivoured at Rome, as a means of weakening the hands of the bishops, and extending the influence of the Romish see. So that the very order of men which the bishops first employed to assist them in gaining ascendancy over the presbyters was now employed by a still more grasping power against themselves. 6. It was not until the thirteenth century that the archbishops succeeded in putting an effectual check upon the immoderate power of archdeacons. At that period, the councils began to take part in the same effort. (See Concil. Turon. a.d. 12.31, c. 8 12; Con. Salmur. a.d. 1253 (54) c. 7.) Archdeacons were then enjoined to discharge all their duties in their own persons, — a regulation which at once set limits to their operations. The archbishops required bishops to employ officers distinct frojn the archdeacon, as their vicars or officials. This title, official, was first used by Innocent IV., a.d. 1250. From this period, the power of archdeacons declined in the western churches. In the east, it had come to an end as early as the eighth century. The duties of an archdeacon may be referred partly to those of a deacon, and jiartly to those of a bishop ; according as we re^^ard this officer in his capacity of a deacon, or as the representative of a bishop, (so fjir as the laws of the church allowed the bishep to delegate his powers.) Many of the complaints which were made against the archdeacons arose from their claiming as their proper right or office what was entrusted to them only by episcopal commission. The offices of the archdeacon, as enumerated by Bingham, 296 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [kOOK III. were: — 1. To attend the bishop at the altar, &c. 2. To assist him in managing the revenues of the church ; 3. in preaching ; 4. and in ordaining the inferior clergy. 5. The archdeacon had power to censure deacons and the inferior clergy, but not pres- byters. CHAPTER VI. OF DEACONESSES AND OTHER FEMALE MINISTERS. The office of deaconess may be regarded as nearly, although not entirely, one and the same with that of presbyteress, mentioned above, chap. iv. sect. 3. And not only the terms 7r/9ecr/3uTtSei\o^evia and Kr)SefjbovLa, domestic services. That St. Paul entrusted the Trpea-^vrepai with the office of teaching, cannot admit of a doubt. The expressions which he uses concerning them evidently show that he did so. In Titus ii. 3, he requires that the Trpea^urtSes should be Ka\o8t8d(TKa\oc, good teachers, or, as in our version, teachers of good things. Some suppose, indeed, that this passage relates only to aged women; but this makes no difference with regard to the question whether female teaching was, or was not, permitted and in use. And in Acts xviii. 26, we find Priscilla joined with her husband Aquila in teaching Apollos " the way of God more perfectly." On the other hand, St. Paul expressly interdicts women from teaching in the churches (1 Cor. xiv. 34; compare 1 Tim. ii. 8, 9, 11, 12). From all which it seems to follow, that although women were not allowed to give homiletical instruction, or to preach, in the ' In Judaea diaconi viri etiam mull- eribus ministrare poterant : erat enim ibi liberior ad fojmmas aditus, quani in GraDcia, ubi viris claiisa ywaiKOivlTis. Ideo duplici in Grajcia foeminarum auxilio ecclesioo opus habuere. Altera} erant Trpea^OrtSes sive npoKuOr^fifvai, ante Laodicenam Synodum manibus impositus ordinabantur, ut \4dere est canone xi. Aliae erant biuKovoi, La- tine etiam Diacouissa;, quod Piinius in Ep. ad Trajanum vertit ministras, quae foeminas pauperes aut apgrotos pecunia atque opera sublevabant. — Grotius, quae fceminai-um mores formabant, et i Comment, in Rom. xvi. 1. 298 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [bOOK III. public assemblies, they were, however, employed in giving cate- chetical, or private instruction, in the truths of religion. And accordingly the ancient church entrusted the presbyteresses and deaconesses with at least a share in the elementary or catechetical instruction of the women. 2. Besides the testimony of apostles and early ecclesiastical writers in this matter, we possess that of some heathen writers to the same effect. Pliny tells us that, among the Christians, certain " ancillse, quse ministrae dicebantur," women called female ministers^ or deaconesses^ had been examined concerning their religion (Plin. Ep. lib. x. ep. 96, al. 97). Lucian of Samosata {De morte Feregrini^ § 12) makes mention of some "old women, widows, and orphans, belonging to the Christians, who visited Peregrinus Proteus in prison, and supplied him with food." These were the XVP^'' ^^^^ BiaKovcaa-ai, whose chief duty seems to have been to visit the sick and prisoners, like the " sisters of charity"" of modern times. (See also Libanii Orai. 1 6.) 3. Sixty years, at least, was the required, or canonical, age, according to 1 Tim. v. 9. (See Tertull. de Veland Virgin, c. 9; Constit. Apost. lib. iii. c. 1; Basil. M. Epist. Can. c. 24; Sozom. Hist. Eccl. lib. vii. c. 16 ; Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 2, 1. 27.) It may appear strange that we not only find many exceptions to the apostle''s rule, but that a much lower age than that which he prescribed was actually established by law. In Tertullian {De Veland. Virg. c. 9) we read of a young woman in the widow's office, under twenty years of age. (Compare Sozom. Hist. Eccl. lib. viii. c. 9.) And it was ordered by the council of Chalcedon, (can. 14, al. 15,) "that no woman should be ordained a deaconess under forty years of age." (Thus also Justin. Nov. 123, c. 13; but in Nov. 6, c. 6, the age of fifty years is required.) "By which we may judge," says Bingham, " that as the church varied in her rule about this matter, so bishops took a liberty to ordain deaconesses at what age they thought fit, provided they could be assured of their probity and virtue." But this is hardly satisfactory. We find ourselves compelled to ask, why any deviation and license from an established rule should have been allowed in this respect more than in others? CHAP. VI.3 OF DEACONESSES. 299 The difficulty, however, is greatly decreased if we keep in view the difference which, probably, subsisted between 7rpeo-/3vTepac and StaKoi^iaaac, and their respective offices. A lower age suf- ficed for the latter, partly because the apostle had made no regulation concerning it, and partly because it was consistent with the nature of their duties. An advanced age was, to say the least, highly desirable in a TrpeajBvrepa, whose duties included catechetical instruction, and a kind of superintendence or govern- ment. But for the offices of distributing alms, visiting the sick, and assisting at baptisms, a younger person would be admissible. Indeed, it may have been necessary, that those who undertook to discharge these duties should have been persons of a strong con- stitution, and of active habits. And although the rule may have been retained, that such female ministers should be widows, (whence the whole class is called viduatus, or gradus vidualis,) and these the relicts of one husband, having children; yet excep- tions to this rule may have been made in favour of other widows, or even married women, well fitted to discharge the duties of the office. Even young unmarried women were sometimes ordained deaconesses. — (See Ignat. Ep. ad Smyrn. § xiii; Constit. Apost, lib. vi. c. 18; 'EiVivii an. Expos. Fid. c. 21; Justin. Nov. vi. c. 6.) But it should be borne in mind, that the ecclesiastical writers sometimes give the title of irapOevos to widows of sober life and conversation. 4. A controversy has arisen, respecting the ordination of deaconesses. But the dispute is merely verbal, and therefore unimportant. It was the constant practice of the church to ordain deaconesses; that is to say, they w^ere consecrated to their office by imposition of hands, joined with a prayer of bene- diction.— See Clem. Alex. Pwdagog. lib. iii. c. 12; Constit. Apost. lib. viii. c. 19; Concil. Chalced. c. 15; Concil. Trull, c. 14, 40; Concil Nic. c. 19. The duties of deaconesses were the following: — 1. To visit and take care of the poor and sick. Martyrs and confessors were especial objects of their care. Even the heathen emperor Julian held up the institutions of Christians in this respect, as a pattern to his people. 300 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [bOOK III. 2. To prepare catechumens^ and to assist at baptism. Perhaps the office of instructing catechumens was entrusted chiefly to the vpea^uTiBe'; and 7rpoKadr)fjbevaL\ and the services at baptism were performed principally by deaconesses. Hence the latter, who assisted in undressing and dressing the candidates, in anoint- ing, and the like, were called vTroBeKrac, dvdBo')(^oc, susceptores, exceptrices. — See Constit. Apost. lib. iii. c. 15, 16; Epiphan. Expos. Fid. c. 21; Justin. Nov. vi. c. 6.) 8. To preside over the women in public worship, and at the administration of the eucharist, and other religious offices ; and also to keep watch over their domestic and private life, to admo- nish them, and to report their conduct to the presbyters and bishops. In these points we trace the chief resemblance of their office to that of deacons and subdeacons. — (See Constit. Apost. lib. viii. c. 28; lib. ii. c. 26, 57, 58; lib. iii. c. 7.) It is certain that the office of deaconess ceased to exist at a very early period; but the exact date of its discontinuance cannot be clearly ascertained. It was abolished first in France, and the western church in general. Canons were passed prohibiting all future ordinations as early as the fifth and sixth centuries. — {Concil. Araus. i. a. 441, c. 26 ; Epanon. a. 507, c. 21 ; Aurel. ii. c. 18.) Some say that this office came quite to an end in the western churches during the eighth, but others suppose not before the tenth or eleventh, century. The name diaconissa and archidiaconissa were retained, but only as the name of an officer in nunneries. In the Greek church deaconesses continued to officiate until the end of the twelfth century. No reasons are assigned by ancient writers for the extinction of this office. The question is not without interest ; and perhaps we shall not mistake, if we reckon the following among the principal causes of the change. First. The discontinuance of the Agapae, or feasts of charity, which furnished some employment to deaconesses, while they lasted. It may also be observed, that the mode of celebrating the Lord's supper in later times must have abridged their services at that solemnity, since they never acted as servants of the altar, or of sacred things, but only of the church and its ministers. CHAP. VI. J OF DEACONESSES. 301 Secondly. In the early centuries the care of the sick and poor belonged entirely to the church ; but from the time of Constan- tine the Great this was made a business of the state. Thirdly. The introduction of infant baptism. We find that the ancient services of deaconesses at the sacrament of baptism had become more or less superfluous, as early as the fifth and sixth centuries. Fourthly. The arrogance and misconduct of the female ministers themselves. The old rule, " Mulier taceat in ecclesia," Let the woman keep silence in the church, is very often repeated by ecclesiastical writers. We know that, in more modern times, abbesses and prioresses have claimed the right of exercising sacerdotal and even episcopal functions; and that the abuse has been prohibited by canons of councils and decrees of popes. CHAPTER VII. OF SUBDEACONS. The vTTTjperai, servants^ mentioned in the New Testament and the earliest ecclesiastical writers, are the same as the inroBidKovoi^ subdeacons, of whom we read from the fourth century down- wards. Athanasius is the first Greek writer who uses the term v7roBidKovo<;. As early as the fourth century, subdeacons were appointed, in both the Western and Oriental churches, as the immediate repre- sentatives and assistants of the deacons, whose limited numbers were unequal to the discharge of all their duties. At first the subdeacons corresponded to the deacons in point of number, as well as of ministry. In Rome seven subdeacons were appointed to assist the seven deacons, (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. vi. c. 43.) But when, in later times, it was found that this aid was inade- quate, the sacred number of seven subdeacons was tripled; and twenty-one of these ministers were appointed, divided into three classes, namely, Palatini, or the immediate assistants of the bishop; Stationarii, whose duties related chiefly to processions; Regionarii, who were employed in various occupations in the 302 THK iMINISTEHS OF TIIF. CHIHCII. [hooK HI. several regiones or districts of Rome. This arrangement was made in the eleventh century. In other places, this rule, relating to the number of deacons and subdeacons, was not so strictly observed. At Constanti- nople, in the time of Justinian, there were no fewer than ninety subdeacons ; but the number was reduced to seventy under Heraclius. It is uncertain whether or not subdeacons were regularly ordained to their office, in the same manner as deacons and pres- byters. The author of the Apostolical Constitutions speaks of them as being ordained by the imposition of the bishop's hands and prayer. — {Constit. Apost. lib. viii. c. 21.) On the other hand, Basil speaks of the subdiaconate as a'^^^eipOTovrjrov vTnjpe- aiav, i. e., a ministry without the imposition of hands, an unor- dained ministry. — (Basil M. Ep. Can. c. 51.) The fourth coun- cil of Carthage (c. 5) uses the word " ordinatur," respecting the subdeacon, but adds, " quia manus impositionem non accipit," that he does not receive imposition of hands. The Oriental church does not recognise any ordination ; and usually places the sub- deacons in a lower rank than readers, and in the same class as the acolytes. In the western churches, the rule of the Apostolical Constitu- tions, respecting the rank of the subdeacon, was at first generally followed ; and the first place among the inferior orders was assigned to this minister ; but in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the subdeacon began to be classed with the superior orders. It is probable that this change took place in consccpicnce of the elevation of the episcopate, which had at that time attained its greatest height. The duties of subdeacons, before their promotion in the western church, were the following : — to coiivey the bishop's letters or messages to foreign churches, and to execute other commissions of the superior ministers; — to fit and prepare the sacred vessels of the altar, and to deliver them to the deacons in the time of divine service; — to attend the door of the church during the communion service, taking care that no one went in or out during the time of the oblation; — and, perhaps, to conduct those who came into the church to their proper places. — (See en A I'. VII.] OF SUnDRACONS. 303 Const. Apost. lib. viii. c. 11 ; ConcU. Laodic. 21, 22, 25; Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. x. c. 4; Cyprian, Ejy. 24-, 29; 4, 9.) After the advancement of their order, the subdeacons were permitted to minister at the altar ; although they were never allowed to consecrate or distribute the sacred elements. And accordingly at their ordination an empty paten and cup were delivered to them, and a book containing the epistles. In short, their office was invested with as much dignity as possible ; and we find that many persons, ordained as subdeacons, rose after- wards to the higher, and even to the highest offices, in the church. This was entirely opposed to the ancient rules, which did not suffer any advancement from the rank of subdeacon. CHAPTER VIll, OF READERS. Thk office of an avayvayaTij^, (o dvayivcoaKcou, legcns, lector,) i. e.. Reader, has been regarded by some as of apostolical institu- tion, and has been traced to the customs of the .Jewish syna^i'Of'ue (Luke iv. 16; Acts xiii. 15, 27; 2 Cor. iii. 14); and it is cer- tain that dvayvcoais, (to dvdyv(oajj,a,) i. e., reading, formed an important part of ancient public worship (See Justin Martyr. Apol. i. § 67). But there is no proof of the early appointment of a special minister in the capacity of reader; for although, in the passage of Justin, a distinction is made between " the reader," and "the president;" yet the former may be explained as refer- ring to a deacon or a presbyter; and there is nothing to preclude the supposition that one of these was actually intended. It is most probable that the office of Reader was instituted in the course of the third century. The first mention which we find of it is in Tertlll. de Prwscript. Hwr. c. 41 ; where the " lector" is expressly distinguished from the " episcopus, pres- byter, and diaconus;" and it is implied that the catholic church observed a fixed rule respecting the office and duties of these several ministers. Cyprian speaks of the ordination of readers, and observes that their office was an introduction to the higher 304 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [boOK III. offices of the church {Ep. 24. al. 29 ; see also Ep. .3.3, al. 38 ; Const. Apost. lib. viii. c. 22). In his time, they were distin- guished by the title of doctores audientiuni, teachers of the audi- entes or hearers. It appears that, both in the synagogue and in the early Christian church, any person who was able to discharge the duty was allowed to hold the office of a reader, without reference to age. Boys of twelve, ten, eight, or even seven years of age were frequently employed in this manner. The office appears to have been a favourite one with youths of the higher orders in society. The imperial princes, Julian (afterwards the Apostate) and Gallus, in their younger years, were readers in the church at Nicomedia. In the western church the subdeacons assumed the privileges of the readers at a very early period ; and the office at length became almost extinct. CHAPTER IX. OF ACOLYTIIS. The term aKoXovOos^ acolythus, acolyth, acolyte., acolythist., denotes properly a servant who waits continually upon another, an attendant (pedisequus) ; and the office corresponds to that of an apparitor or bedellus (bedel). This order was peculiar to the Latin church for more than four hundred years ; it is probable that in the Greek church the subdeacons performed all the duties of the acolyth in the west. They are mentioned by Cyprian, but by no Greek writer before the time of Justinian. It was the duty of acolyths to attend the bishop and superior ministers, especially in processions and other solemnities, and to execute their commands ; also to light the candles of the church, and to attend the ministers with wine and water for the eucharist. There is a canon of the fourth council of Carthage which pre- scribes the form of their ordination, and gives some intimation of the nature of their office. " When an acolyth is ordained, the CHAP. IX. J OF ACOLYTHS. 305 bishop shall inform him how he is to behave himself in his office ; and he shall receive a candlestick, with a taper in it, from the archdeacon ; that he may understand that he is appointed to light the candles of the church. He shall also receive an empty pitcher, to signify that he is to furnish wine for the eucharist of the blood of Christ," {Concil. Cartkag. iv. c. 6). It is probable that the lighting of candles here spoken of took place at night, when the church met for evening prayer. " This office of acolythist," says Bingham, " as much as the Romanists contend for the apostolical institution of it, is now no longer in being the church of Rome, but changed into that of the cero ferarii, or taper-bearers, whose office is only to walk before the deacons, &c., with a lighted taper in their hands; which is so different from the office of the ancient acolythists, that Duarenus cannot but express his wonder how the one came to be changed into the other, and why their doctors should call him an acolythist of the ancient church, who is no more than a taper-bearer of the present. Cardinal Bona carries the reflection a little further, and with some resentment complains that the inferior orders of the Romish church bear no resemblance to those of the primitive church, and that for five hundred years the ancient discipline has been lost." (Book iii. chap. 3, § 8.) CHAPTER X. OF EXORCISTS. In the earliest ages of Christianity, the power of exorcising, or casting out evil spirits, by the name of Jesus, was not confined to the clergy, much less to any particular order ; but was common to all Christians, as appears from Origen. contr. Cels. lib. vii.; SocRAT. Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 27; Tertull. Apol. c. 23; Justin! Apol. 1.; Iren^us, lib. ii. c. 56, 57. But it is probable that, during the greater part of the first three centuries, bishops and presbyters were the usual exorcists of the church; and that exorcists were constituted a separate order about the latter end of the third century (See Concil. 306 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [hOOK III. Antioch. c. 10; Concil. Laodic. c. 24, 26; Epiphan. Expos. Fid n. 21). Exorcists were charged with the more especial care of the energumens, or persons possessed with an evil spirit. It was their duty to pray over these persons, and to use all means for their cure and restoration. Their appointment and ministry are thus described by the fourth council of Carthage : — " When an exorcist is ordained, he shall receive at the hands of the bishop a book, wherein the forms of exorcising are written ; the bishop saying, ' Receive thou these, and commit them to memory, and have thou power to lay hands upon the energumens, whether they be baptized, or only catechumens.' " {Concil. Carthag. iv. C.7.) It is doubtful whether it was part of the exorcist's office regulai'ly to exorcise catechumens before baptism, or whether this was done only when the catechumens were in the class of ener- gumens. CHAPTER XI. OF SINGERS OR PRECENTORS. The importance of psalmody in the Jewish temple and synagogue services, and in the apostolical churches, (see Eph. v. 19, 20; Coloss. iii. 16,) and the early introduction of it into Christian worship in general, may lead us to look for the appointment of singers or precentors in a very remote period of ecclesiastical antiquity. And we learn, from many passages of ancient writers, that the office of yjrdXTTjs, or singer, was recognised among the other early ecclesiastical appointments. (See Ignatii Ep. ad Antioch. § 12; -Canon. Apost. c. 48, 69; Constit. Ap. lib. iii. c. 11; Ephraem. Syr. Serm.^^\ Justin. Novell, iii. c. 1.) It is remarkable that the fifteenth canon of the Council of Laodicea forbids all persons to sing in the church, except the canonical singers ; who went up into the ambo, or singing desk, and sang out of a book. Rut it is exceedingly probable that, as Riiigham observes, " tliis was a temporary piovision, designed CHAl'. XV.] OI- KXOllCISTS. 307 only to restore and revive the ancient psalmody, by reducing it to its primitive harmony and perfection. That," adds this writer, " which the rather inclines me to ])ut this sense upon the canon, and to look upon it only as a prohibition for a time, is, that in after-ages we find the people enjoyed their ancient privilege of singing all together ; which is frequently mentioned by St. Austin, Ambrose, Chrysostom, Basil, and many others, who give an account of the psalmody and service of the church in their own ages." Augusti speaks of this conjecture as altogether gratuitous and without foundation ; but while he overlooks the appeal to more recent fathers, he adduces no argument of any weight to the contrary effect. The Latin writers translate ylrdXrrjs sometimes, but very rarely, by Psalta, usually by Psalmista (and sometimes Psalm- istanus)^ and Cantor; and for the most part these terms are used synonymously, although the latter has properly the more extensive signification. We find also the term viro/SoXei^, in connexion with dvayvcja-Tat (Socrat. Hist. Eccl. lib. v. c. 22,) which may be most strictly interpreted psalmi pronuntiatores, or succentores, leaders; denoting that the persons so called began the psalm or hynm, and sang a portion of the verse by themselves, and thus led the singing by prompting, or pronouncing the words. We find no mention of any special ordination of singers by the bishop. According to the fourth council of Carthage (c. 10), they were invested with their office by the presbyters alone. " The singer (psalmista) may enter upon his office without the knowledge of the bishop, and by the mere appointment of the presbyter; the presbyter using the form of words, 'See that what thou singest with thy mouth, thou believest also in thine heart, and that what thou believest in thine heart, thou con- firmest also in thy life.' " The estimation in which the services of these canonical singers were held, appears from the institution of schools for their instruction and training, and the great attention which was paid to these schools and their presidents. Such schools existed as early as the sixth century, (Gregou. Turon. de Mir. S. Martini., lib. i. c. 33.) But the most celebrated was that founded at X 2 308 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [bOOK III. Rome, by Gregory the Great, which was the model of many others afterwards established. The primieerius, or prior seholae cantorum, the head of such an establishment, was a man of considerable dignity and influence in the church. CHAPTER XII. OF OSTIARII OR DOOR-KEEPERS. The institution of TruXapol, ostiarii, door-keepers, appears not to have been either of very early origin, or of long continuance, in the church. The order began to be spoken of by some writers in the fourth century; and it appears to have become extinct about three or four centuries afterwards. The manner of their designation to their ofilce, or ordination, in the Latin church, is mentioned in the fourth council of Carthage (c. 9). " When a door-keeper is ordained, let the bishop, at the suggestion of the archdeacon, deliver to him the keys of the church, saying, ' Behave thyself as one who must give account to God of the things that are kept locked under these keys.' " " Their office," says Bingham, " is commonly said to consist in taking care of the doors of the church in the time of divine service, and in making a distinction betwixt the faithful, and the catechumens, and excommunicated persons, and such others as were to be excluded from the church. But I confess that this is more than can be made out from ancient history; at least in reference to the state and discipline of many churches All that the door-keepers could have to do in this matter, was only to open and shut the doors as officers and servants under the deacons, sub-deacons and deaconesses, and to be governed wholly by their direction. It belonged to them, likewise, to give notice of the times of prayer, and church assemblies; which, in time of persecution, required a private signal for fear of discovery; and that, perhaps, was the first reason for instituting this order in the church of Rome, whose example, by degrees, was followed by other churches. However it be, their office and station seems CHAP. XIII.] INFEHIOK SERVANTS OF THE CHURCH. 309 to have been little more than that of clerks and .sextons in our modern churches." Augusti, however, refers the institution to the Disciplina Arcani. The Ostiarii were sometimes called Mansionarii, and Janitores. CHAPTER XIII. OF INFERIOR SERVANTS OF THE CHURCH AND CLERGY. The inferior officers whose names most frequently occur in the writings of ecclesiastical antiquity, are the following: — 1. KoTriaral, copiatre or fossarii, undertakers and grave- diggers, whose office was to take care of funerals, and provide for the decent interment of the dead. The derivation of the Greek name is somewhat doubtful. Some deduce it from /coTr/a, rest, KOTrd^eiv, to rest; others from KOTTiav, to labour; and others again from KOTrerof, mourning. Jerome calls them fossarii, and reckons them as the lowest order of clerici (Hieron. De Sept. ordin. EccL). Augustin entitles them fossores (Augustin, c. Crescent, lib. iii. c. 21, and Ep. 241). These titles are evidently assigned to them from their office of ^'gg'"g graves. In Justinian's Novels C43, 49), they are called Lecticarii, from their carrying the corpse or bier at funerals. In the latter place, it is said that the order was first appointed by Constantine, and restored afterwards by Anastasius. The laws sometimes styled them collegiati, collegiates, and decani, deans. They were called by the former of these names, most probably, from the circumstance of their having been incor- porated into a kind of society at Constantinople; but the reason of the latter name has not been ascertained.— (Cod. Justin, lib. i. tit. 2, leg. 4; lib. xi. tit. 17; Cod. Theodos. lib. vi. tit. 33, leg. 1.) At Constantinople, certain revenues of land were settled upon this society, in order that the poor might have a decent inter- ment, without expense to their friends. But in other places, it 310 THE MI^MS■l'KRS OF THE CHUKCH. [liOOK HI. is likely that the copiatse were maintained partly out of the common stock of the church, and partly by their own labour. 2. Parabolani. These were officers appointed to attend upon the sick. It is supposed that their name is derived from ep^ov Trapd/SoXov^ i. e.^ a dangerous office, or from irapa^dWeaOai, i. e., to run a great risk, to expose one"'s life to danger; with reference to the hazard which they incurred in the discharge of their duties, especially during the prevalence of infectious or pestilential diseases. Or the name may have been given, for the same reason, with allusion to the irapd/SoXoi, those desperate men who used to hire themselves out to fight with wild beasts in the amphitheatre; a name which, as we have already seen, was applied to those undaunted Christians who exposed themselves to martyrdom in the profession or defence of their religion (See above, book ii. chap. 2, sect. 2). These officers appear to have been employed especially in Egypt and Asia Minor; countries which were peculiarly subject to epidemical diseases. Their numbers were considerable; and were sometimes abridged, in consequence of their having been implicated in civil commotions (See Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 2, leg. 42, 43; Cod. Justin, hb. i. tit. .3, leg. 18; Coll. Constitut. Eccl. lib. i. tit. 3, c. 18; Cone. Chalced. act. i.). In the west, during the middle ages, spiritual fraternities and sister- hoods arose, which discharged the duties assigned elsewhere to the parabolani. 3. TIapafjLovdpioi or mansionarii, whose office is uncertain; custodes locorum sanctorum, keepers of sacred places; seempky- laces, or ceimeliarchw, keepers of sacred vessels, utensils, and such precious things as were laid up in the sacred repository of the church; epfievevTal, or interpreters, who rendered one language into another, where need required, for edification of the people, or for the service of the church; notarii, notaries, who reported the examinations and trials of martyrs and confessors, prepared protocols for the synods, and acts of the councils, and otherwise fulfilled the office of secretaries; apocrisiarii, or responsales, resi- dent in the imperial city, who transacted business in the name of foreign churches; oeconomi, stewards, whose office was to take CHAP. XIII.J INFEKIOK OFFICERS 01' THE CHURCH. 811 care of the revenues of the church, especially during the vacancy of a bishopric. 4. Other inferior officers, concerned chiefly with the care of the church, or of sacred vessels, are mentioned by comparatively modern writers. Such were the sacristso, custodes, parafra3narii, matricularii (See Durandi llation. Div. Off. \\h. ii. c. 1, n. 14; Decret. Gkeg.; Concll. Later. 5; Du Cange, Ordo St. Victor; Cwremon. Rom. lib. i. sect. 2; Mabillon Mus. Ital. tit. 2). The parafrajnarii were the coachmen or grooms of the superior clergy. 5. ^vs nddovs, rj novov, Kal ore yvp- vo>deiij (t€>p(i yvvcilov, "iva pf) vno di'dpwv i(povpyo6vTo)i> de,]6eir), dXX' vno rijs SiaKovova-Tjs. Epiphan. Hceres. ^9, n. 3. Mr; 8fiv npoacfiaTov [TrpoaffidTws] (pcoTiaOevras npoadyeaBai ev rdypari lepariKa- Cone. Laodic. can. 3. Con- veniens nou est, nee ratio, nee disci- plina patitur, xit teniere vcl leviter ordinetur, autEpiscopus,aut Presbyter, 314 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [noOK III. 4. Energumens; including all persons of weak intellect, or disordered in mind. 5. Penitents; including all persons who had ever been subject to the censure of the church, even though absolution may have been obtained. (). All persons who had notoriously led a vicious or scandalous life after baptism (Canon. Ajjost. can. 61 ; Concil. Neocccsar. c. 8, 9; Nicen. c. 2; Illiberlt. c. 80; Origex contra Cels. lib, iii, p. 142). 7. Persons who exercised such trades or professions as diKsqua- lified from the reception of baptism. 8. Slaves., and such Freedmen as continued to owe any alle- giance to their masters. These persons were excluded not on account of the lowness of their condition, or any supposed infe- riority ; but simply because it was deemed inexpedient to appoint to the ministry any persons who were not entirely at liberty to discharge its duties, and whose services could not be at all times commanded. 9. Soldiers, {Cone. Tolet. i. c. 8 ; Innocent I. Ep. xxiii. c. 4; ii. c. 2,) persons sermng in civil offices, or who by virtue of their estates were bound to bear such offices (curiales), (Innocent I. Ep. iv. C.3; xxiiii. c. 6), and Advocates, (Innocent I. ^/). xxiii. c. 6.) These, also, were excluded on the ground not of moral, but of civil, incapacity. 10. All maimed or deformed persons, especially eunuchs. But this rule was subject to many exceptions and limitations^ (EusEB. Hist. Eccl. lib. vii. c. 82; Socrat. Hist. Eccl. vi. 15; SozoMEN. Hist. Eccl. viii. 24 ; Cone. Nic. can. 1). 11. Persons who had contracted a second marriage*. This law aut Diaconus, qui Neophytus est. . . . Sed hi, quorum per longum tempus examinata sit vita, et merita fuerint comprobata. Cone' Sardic. c. 10; Conf. Gkegor._SI. Epist. lib. iv. ep. 50 ; lib. vii. ep. 3; Justin. Nov- 6, c. 1 ; Nov. 137, c. I ; Cone. Paris, a.d. 829, can. 5. ^ 'Eaf Tis dvdnrjpos, fj toi/ 6(f)6aXiJ,6v, jy TO (TKeXos TrtTrkTjyixevus, a^ios 8e {(ttiv iiTi.|/-v;(i;s ficiXvcr- fios' KOXpos 8e &p, Kul TvcjAos, fxr) yi- vea6 obsequio — which was afterwards established by law. But the evil practice which this term denotes, namely, that of buying and selling appointments to spiritual offices, or the obtaining of them by unfair and dishonourable means, such as bribery, services, or the like, existed in the church long before the time of Gregory, having taken its rise as soon as the times of persecution were ended, and when spiritual offices began to be attended with honour or profit. Even in the Apostolical Constitutions, this species of iniquity is recognised and severely denounced ; all parties con- cerned in such nefarious trafiic being threatened with complete excommunication^ In the fifth century, this infamous crime was et dc coctu primitivorum iiumacula- toiumqiie ecclesiic, quaj non habet luaciilamj iicque rugani, cjicictur tliga- imis ; uou quo in ictoruum mittatiir incendium, sed quo iiartem non liabcat in regno Dei. Ouigen. Horn. \^ in Luc. 5 El Tis iirioKonos 6tu xptJixuTiDV rfji 316 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [boOK III. aptly denoted by the term Xpia-refiTropeia (impia ex Christo nundinatio), trafficking with Christ (Theodoret, Hist. Eccl. lib. i. c. 4) ; a much better word than Simony, inasmuch as the crime of Simon Magus does not exactly correspond to the wicked practice denoted by that term, either in its original acceptation, or in the sense which it acquired after the time of Gregory VII., when it was generally applied to the interference of temporal princes in the disposal of the higher dignities and emoluments of the church. " The church inflicted very severe censures upon all such as were found guilty of Simony. The Council of Chalcedon decreed (can. 2), ' that if any bishop gave ordination, or an ecclesiastical office or preferment of any kind, for money, he himself should lose his office, and the party so preferred be deposed.' And the reader may find several other constitutions of the same import in those called Apostolical Canons, the Council of Constantinople under Gennadius a.d. 459, the second Council of Orleans, the second of Bracara, and many others. The imperial laws, also, were very properly contrived so prevent this abuse; for by one of Justinian's laws it was enacted, ' that, whenever a bishop was to be chosen, the electors themselves take an oath, and insert it into the election-paper, that they did not choose him for any gift, or promise, or friendship, or any other cause, but only because they knew him to be a man of the true Catholic faith, and an unblameable life, and good learning,'' (Justin. Novel, cxxiii. c. 1). And in another of his laws where this same injunction is repeated, it is further provided, 'that the party elected shall also at the time of his ordination take an oath upon the holy Gospel, that he neither gave nor promised, by himself or other, nor hereafter will give, to his ordainer, or to his electors, or any other person, anything to procure him an ordination,"' {Novel. cxxxvii. c. 2). And for a bishop to ordain another without observing the rule prescribed, is deposition by the same law, both d^ias Tavrqs (yKparr^s yftnjToi, ^ 7rp«T- In many Greek manuscripts, the last ^irrtpos, f} bicLKovos, Kadaipdada, kui clause is entirely omitted. The old airros, Koi 6 x(ipoTovr}(}n$, Ka\ (kkott- Latin translation has only "sicut Simon t€ 6 Mayos , Magnus a I'etro." dno f'puii Utrpov. Canon Apost. c. 22. | CHAP. XIV.] OF ORDINATIOX. ^■[>7 for himself and the others whom he ordained." (BrNCHAM, Antlq. book iv. cli. iii. § 14.) These laws are directed to a good end; but they force upon us a conviction of the sad truth that in the time of Justinian the church was the seat of corruptions which must have taken their rise at a still earlier period. Besides the observance of these negative rules, or the absence of disqualification, it was necessary in order to ordination that certain positive regulations should be complied with, or that persons to be ordained should possess some real and definite qualifications. 1. T/ie>/ icere required to be of a certain ape. The rules of the early church concerning the canonical or legitimate age for ordina- tion were undoubtedly borrowed from the Jewish institution; the age of twenty-fiN-e years required for the Levites being adopted for deacons, and that of thirty years required for the priests being applied to presbyters and bishops. In the Apostolical Constitu- tions (lib. ii. c. 1.) the age of at least fifty years is required for a bishop ; and we find reference made to this rule by Boniface in the eighth century. It is certain, however, that at no very late period this law had grown out of date, and the term of thirty years was fixed as the lowest canonical age for a bishop, as well as for a presbyter. It appears, indeed, that exceptions even to this rule were sometimes made in favour of persons of a lower age. Thus we are told, that Gregory Thaumaturgus and his brother Athenodorus were raised to the episcopal dignity while they were young men (Elseb. Higt. EccL lib. vi. c? SO) ; and the general rule was perhaps dispensed with in the case of Acholius, bishop of Antioch (Ambros. Ep. 60), Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria (Theodoret Hist. Eccl lib. ii. c. 26)[ Paul, bishop of Alexandria (Socrat. Hist. EccL lib. ii. c. 5) ;' and Remigius, bishop of Rheims (HixcA5ARr. Rhem. Vit. Memig] —but as the youth of these persons is alluded to only in general terms, it is possible that they may have attained the age of thirty years before they were made bishops. Athanasius, indeed, who was elected to succeed Alexander, in the year 326, could hardly have been thirty years old at that time; but as he was considered very young to be chosen to the episcopal oflice, it. is probable that the canonical age for a bishop was then higher than thirty 318 THK MINISTKRS OF TKR CIITTRCH. [rOOK III. years, at least in the church of Alexandria. In .Justin. Novell. Constit. 123, c. 1, the lowest canonical age for a bishop is fixed at thirty-five years; but in Novell. 137, c. 2, at thirty. The Roman bishops Siricius {Ep. i.) and Zosimus {Ep. i.) required as the lowest age, for a deacon thirty years, for a presbyter thirty- five, and for a bishop forty-five. The age at which our blessed Lord entered on his ministry was frequently alleged as the reason for fixing thirty years as the canonical age for presbyters and bishops. — [Gone. Neocwsar. c. 11 ; Ac/atJi. c. 17; Tolet. iv. c. 19; Arelat. iv. c. 1.) The Council of Trent fixed the age for the deaconate at twenty-three ; for the priesthood at twenty-five^ Children were sometimes appointed to the office of reader ; but by the laws of Justinian none were to be appointed under twelve years of age. {Nov. Const. 123.) — The age for subdeacons, acolyths, and other inferior officers, was fixed sometimes at fourteen years, sometimes at fifteen, eighteen, twenty, or twenty- five. 2. They icere obliged to imdergo an examination^ which related to their faith, morals, and condition. — (Basil. M. Ep. Liv; Cone. Nicwn. a.d. 325, c. 2, 6, 10; Cone. Illiherit. c. 76'; Cone. Neocwsar. c. 9). This examination was conducted chiefly by the bishops ; but the concurrence of the people was requisite, in order to the admission of a candidate'. A remarkable testi- mony to the fact of its having been usual to publish the names of candidates for holy orders, is given by the Roman historian, Lampridius, in his Life of Alexander Sexerus^. Afterwards, the examination extended to the qualifications of the party to be ® Nullus imposterum ad subdiaco- natiis ordiueiu ante vigesimum secun- dum, ad diaconatus ante vigesimum tcrtium, ad prcsbyteratus ante vige- simcm quintum setatis sua) annum promoveatur. Sciant tanien cpiscopi, non singulos in ca retate constitutes debere ad hos ordiues assunii, sod dignos duntaxat, et (quorum probata vita sonectus sit. — Cone. Trident. Seas. xxiii. c. 12. "> Ut nullus clericus ordinetur non probatus vel episcoporum examine vel populi tcstimonio, [Cone. Carthag, a.d. ;i98, can. 22). — Prjesident apud nos probati quique scniores, honorem is- tum non pretio, sed testimonio adepti, (Tertull. Apologet. c. 39). — Episco- pus debgatur plebe pra^scnte, quro singulorum vitum plenissimc novit et uniuscujusque actum de ejus con vcrsa- tione pei-spexit. (Cyprian, Ep. (Hi, al. 67.) " See note 3, in page :{29. CHAP. XIV.] OF ORDINATION. 319 ordained, in respect of orthodoxy and learning®. By a law of Justinian, every candidate for holy orders was required to give in a testimonial or account of his faith, in his own handwriting, as well as to take the oath against simony'". And a council held in the beginning of the ninth century enacted, that every pres- byter should go through a course of preparation or probation, previously to ordination". 3. It was a rule, that no person should he appointed to the higher offices of the churchy u'ithout having passed through the * Qui episcopus ordinatiis est, antea exaininctur : si natura sit prudens, si docilis, si moiibus temporatus, si vita castus, si sobriiis, si seuipei* suis nogotiis vacans [al. cavens], si Inimilis, si aftabilis, si misericors, si literatus, si in lege Domini instructus, si in Seripturaium sensibus caiitus, si in dogmatibus ccclesiasticis exercita- tus, et ante omnia, si fidei doeumenta verbis simplicibus afferat [asserat]. Qua.'rendum etiam ab eo ; si novi vel veteris Testamenti, id est legis et proplietarum et apostolonnn, nnum eundemque credat auctorem ct Deum ; si Diabolus non per conditionera sed per arbitriuni factus sit mains. Cone. Carth. iv. c. 1. — Quando episcopus or- dinationes facere disponit, omnes, qui ad sacrum ministerium accedere vo- lunt, feria quarta ante ipsam ordina- tionem evocaudi sunt ad civitatem, ima cum arcbipresbyteris, qui eos repriesentare debent. Et tunc epis- copus a latere sue eligere debet sacerdotes et alios prudentes viros, gnai-os divinai legis, et exercitatos in ccclesiasticis sanctionibus, qui ordi- nandorum vitam, genus, patriam, a'tatcm, institutionem, locum ubi edu- cati sunt, si sint bene literati, si in- Btructi in lege Domini, diligcnter investigent, ante omnia si fidem ca- tholicam firmiter teneant, et verbis simplicibus asserere queant. Ipsi autoni, (piibus hoc committitur, cavere debent, no aut favoris gi-atia, aut cujuscunque muneris cupiditate illecti a vero devient, et iudignum et minus idoneimi ad sacros gradus suspiciendos episcopi manibus applicent. Cone. JVatme tense, a. d. 658. can. 11. '" Exigi etiara ante omnia ab eo, qui ordinandus est, libeUiim, ejus pro- pria scriptione complectentem qnm ad rectum ejus ^dem pertinent. Enimtiari etiam ab ipso et sanctam oblationis formulam, quao in sancta communiono fit, earn qua3 fit in baptismate preca- tionem, et reliquas deprecationes. Jusjurandum autem suscipere eum, qui ordinatur, per divinas scripturas, quod neque per se ipsum, nequo per aliam personam, dedit aut promisit, neque posthac dabit, vel vocanti ipsum, vel bis, qui sacra pro eo suftragia fecerunt, vel alii cuiquam ordinationis de ipso faciendaa nomine. Si (piis autem praj- ter memoratam observationem episco- pus ordinetur, jubemus et ipsum omnibus modis episcopatu dejici, et eum, qui contra talem observationem eum ordinare ausus fuerit. Justi- nian Nov. Constit. 137. c. 2. " Presbyterum ordinari non debet ante legitimum tempus, hoc est, ante xxx fetatis annum; sed priusquam ad presbyteratus consecrationem accedat, maneat in cpiscopio discendi gratia officium suum tam diu, donee possint et mores et actus ejus animadverti j et tunc, si dignus fuerit, ad sacerdotium promoveatur. Cone, Turon. 3. a. d. 813, c. 12. .320 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [book III. inferior degrees''^. This rule, which at one time furnished matter for a dispute hetvveen the churches of Rome and Constantinople, was generally observed ; exceptions to it being admitted, for the most part, only in extraordinary cases. 4. Every one was to be ordained to some special charge^ for the exercise of spiritual functions, in some specified church or place'^ exceptions to this rule, as in the cases of Paulinus and Jerome, were rare'"*. 5. Every spiritual person was required to remain in the diocese in which he teas ordained. This rule related especially to bishops. It was not strictly observed. 6. The clerical tonsure was not made requisite until the end of the fifth century, or the beginning of the sixth. In the fourth and fifth centuries we find it censured as unbecoming spiritual persons, on the ground of its being among the tokens of penance. (Opt AT. MiLEV. De Schism. Donat. lib. ii. c. 22; Hieron. Com- ment, in Ezech. c. 44.) § 3. — Administration of the Rite. The testimony of the ancient church is in few points so clear and decided, as in recording the rule, that the bishop was regarded as, ex officio, the regular minister of ordination. At an early period, the power of ordaining was vested in the bishop or governing presbyter, or at least it was arranged that no ordination by a presbyter could be valid, without episcopal concurrence and '* Ut ex laico ad gradum sacerdotii ante nemo veniat, nisi prius in officio lectorati vel subdiaconati disciplinam ecclesiasticam discat, et sic per singulos gradus ad sacerdotiuni veniat. Cone, Bracar. 2, A. D. 563, 3. 20. '3 Mr)8(va uTToXeXv/iej'o)? (absolute) ^fipoTOVflardai firjTf irpeo-^drfpov, fjLrjTf SiaKOVOV, /^^Te oXcoy riva roav iv eKKkr). o-iaa-TiKW rayiiarf ft pfj l8iKios (specia- liter) fv tKK^rjaia TroXfcor, fj kco/xtj?, rj paprvplco, »7 p.ovaaTr]pia, 6 xfipoTovovpt- VOS fTTLKrjpVTTOlTO. Tovs Sf (inoXvT(i)S yfipoTOVovpevovs apKTfv rj ayin (tvvoBos tiKvpov fXft" "rrjv ToiavTTjv ;(epny\s (consignatio cni- irapayivfTai, kqv Tpaffirjvai T171/ fMvariKrjv cifonnis, i.e., in forma crucis). CHAP. XIV.] OK OKDIXATION. 323 § -i. — Forms of Pkayhr used at Ordinations. The Apostolical Constitutions (lib. viii.) prescribe the followinfr forms of prayer to be used at the ordination of bishops, pres- b}ters, deacons, deaconesses, subdeacons, and readers. They are probably compositions of the fourth century; and may be regarded as patterns of the forms generally used at that period of the Christian church'®. Prayer at the Ordination of a Bishop. O eternal and almighty Lord God, the only unbegotten and supreme, who art from eternity, before all time and all things; thou who hast need of nothing, and art exalted far above all cir- cumstances and events; thou who art the only true, the only wise, the highest over all; whose nature is inscrutable, and whose knowledge is without beginning; thou who alone art good, and with whom no one may compare; thou who knowest all things, before they come to pass; thou from whom no secrets are hid, whom no one can approach unto, whom no one can command; O thou God and Fatlicr of thine only-begotten Son, our Lord and Saviour; thou who through time hast created all things, and who upholdest and prescrvest all ; thou father of mercy, and God of all consolation; thou who dwellest in the highest, and regardest the things that arc below ; thou who hast given to the church its bounds by the incarnation of thy Christ, with the testimony oi the Comforter, by thine apostles, and by the bishops here present by thy grace; thou who from the beginning, amongst the first men, didst for the good of thy people appoint priests, even Abel, Seth, Enos, Enoch, Noah, Melchizedek, and Job; — thou who didst choose thy faithful servants Abraham and the other patri- archs, Moses, Aaron, Eleazar, and Phineas, and didst appoint from among them princes and priests for the service of the cove- "^ Concerning tlicse ordination ser- vices, Bingham observes very properly: — " It is not to be imagined that one and the same form was used in all churches; for every bishop having liberty to frame his own liturgy, as there were different liturgies in dif- ferent churches, so it is most reason- able to suppose the primates or metro- politans had different forms of conse- cration, though there are now no re- mains of them in being, to give us any further information." — Anliq. book ii. chap- 1 1, sect. 9. Y 2 324 THE MINISTERS OP THE CHURCH. [eOOK III. nant ; who didst make Samuel both priest and prophet, who didst not leave thy sanctuary without ministers and attendance, and didst show favour unto those whom thou didst cause to minister to thy glory; — we beseech thee to pour out now through us, by the mediation of thy Christ, the power of thine almighty spirit, which is given through thy beloved Son Jesus Christ, and which he imparted to thine holy apostles, according to thy will, O eternal God. Grant, O thou searcher of the heart, that this thy servant, whom thou hast chosen to the office of a bishop, may feed thy holy flock in thy name, and may serve thee unblameably as thine high priest, day and night; and that he, propitiating thy countenance, may gather unto thee the number of those who shall be called, and may present the offerings of thy holy church. Grant unto him, O Lord Almighty, by thy Christ and the communication of the Holy Spirit, that he may have power to remit sins according to thy commandment, to confer orders (SiSovat KKt^pov^) according to thy appointment, and to loose every bond {iravTa avvSea/xov) according to the power which thou didst grant unto thine apostles. Grant that he may please thee by meekness, purity of heart, constancy, sincerity, and a blameless conversation ; that so he may offer unto thee the pure and unbloody sacrifice which thou hast appointed by Christ in the sacrament of the new covenant, and as the offering of a sweet-smelling savour, through thy dear Son Jesus Christ, our God and Saviour, through whom be unto thee glory, honour, and adoration, in the Holy Spirit, now and for ever. Amen. Prater at the Ordination of a Presbyter. O almighty Lord, our God, who by Christ has created all things, and dost preserve them, upholding all by him ; seeing that he who hath power to create, hath power also to u])hold ; thou, O God, dost provide for the immortals by thy guardianship alone, but for mortals by ruling their spirits by laws, and su])ply- ing their bodily wants ; look down now, we beseech thee, upon thy holy church, assist its growth, and increase the number of its rulers. Give them power to work, by word and deed, for the edification of thy people. Oh ! look now upon this thy servant, who has been chosen into the presbytery by the suffrage (-v/rjj^w) CHAP. XIV.] OK OUDINA'I ION. S25 and judgment of all the clergy ; replenish him with the s])irit of grace and counsel, that he may aid and govern thy people with a pure heart. As thou didst once graciously look down upon thy chosen people, and didst command Moses to choose elders, and didst fill them with thy Spirit, so grant. Lord, that now the Spirit of grace may remain undiminished among us ; that this man, being plentifully provided with healing powers and instructive words, may teach thy people with meekness, may serve theewnth a pure heart and a willing mind, and perform the sacred service unblameably for the good of thy people ; through thy Christ, to whom, with thee and the Holy Ghost, be glory, honour, and adoration, for ever. Amen'*. Prayer at the Ordination of a Deacon. O almighty God, who alone art true, who art rich in blessing to all who call upon thee faithfully, terrible in thy decrees, wise in thy thoughts, of great power and majesty: — Hear, O Lord, our prayer, accept our supplications, and cause thy face to shine upon this thy servant, who has been chosen to thy service. Fill him with the Holy Ghost and with power, with which thou didst replenish Stephen the witness and follower of the sufterings of Christ. Grant that he, having fulfilled the ofiice committed to him acceptably, steadfastly, unblameably, and without rebuke, may be worthy of a higher degree (//.e/^oi/09 /3a6pov); through the mediation of thine only-begotten Son, to whom, with thee and the Holy Ghost, be glory, honour, and adoration for ever. Amen. Prayer at the Ordination of a Deaconess. O eternal God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, the creator of man and woman ; thou who didst replenish wnth thy Spirit, Miriam, Deborah, Hannah, and Hulda; thou wdio wast '" " The words -vvhich the Roman church makes to be tl»e most neces- sary and essentiiJ part of a priest's ordination, namely, ' Receive thou power to offer sacrifice to God, and to celebrate mass both for the living and the dead,' were not in any of the an- cient forms of consecration." Bing. Antiq. book ii. chap. 19, sect. 17; with reference to Cone. Carth. iv. c. 3 ; (DiONYs.) de Eccl. Hicrarch. c. 5, jMUi. ii. ; Bisiior Burnet, Of Ordination. 326 THE MINISTKliS Of THK CHUHCH. [nOOK III. not ashamed that thine on]y-begotten Son sliould be born of a woman; thou who didst appoint, in the tabernacle and the temple, female watchers of thy holy gates; — look now, we beseech thee, upon this thine handmaid, who has been chosen to the service (of the church) ; grant unto her the Holy Spirit, and cleanse her from all pollution of the flesh and spirit, that she may fulfil the office committed unto her acceptably, to thy glory, and to the honour of thy Christ ; to whom, with thee and the Holy Ghost, be honour and adoration, for ever. Amen. Prayer at the Ordination of a Suhdeacon. O Lord God, the creator of heaven and earth, and of all things that are therein, who didst appoint in thy tabernacle attendants {vecoKopovs) and overseers of the sacred vessels, look now upon this thy servant appointed to the office of a subdeacon, and grant unto him the Holy Spirit, that be may reverently handle the vessels employed in thy worship (joiv XetTovpycKMy aou aKevcov), and in all things perform thy will; through thy Christ, to whom, with thee and the Holy Ghost, be glory and adoration, now and for ever. Amen. Prayer at the Ordination of a Reader. O eternal God, who art rich in grace and mercy, who dost display thy goodness and providence in thy woj-ks, and hast ))re- served the number of thine elect ; — look now upon this thy servant, who has been chosen to read the holy Scriptures to thy people, and grant unto him the holy and ])rophctic Spirit. As thou didst once instruct thy servant Ezra to read thy law to thy people, so now instruct this thy servant, we beseech thee, and grant that he, having faithfully discharged the duties of his office, may be counted' worthy of a higher degree; through Christ, to whom, fcc.*" be used with imposition of hands*; but wliether that was tho practice of all ** ** In the Greek church, Habertus (Archieratic. par. iv. obs. 1) thinks readere were ordained with the impo- sition of hands ; but among the Latins without it. The author of the ConsU- [ * Of the right hand only (ttju \e7pa). futions prescribes a form of prayer to ' — Ed. ClIAl'. XV.] APPOINTMENT TO HCCLESIASTICAL OFFICES. 327 CHAPTER XV. OF APPOINTMENT TO ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICES. The various modes of electing persons to ecclesiastical offices may l)c reduced to the following heads : — § 1. — Election hy the Voies of a whole Chuuch. Some suppose that, iu the days of the apostles, the whole church or congregation took part in electing their teachers and gover- nors. In confirmation of this opinion they a))])eal to the fact, (Acts i. 15, seq.) that even the apostles themselves did not pro- ceed to elect another in the room of Judas Iscariot, without the consent of the church at Jerusalem. And they remark that, on occasion of the election of the seven deacons in the same church, recorded in the sixth chapter of the Acts, " the twelve called the multitude of disciples unto them, and said. Look ye out seven men — and the saying pleased the ichole multi- tude, and thei/ chose Stcj)hcn, &c., whom they set before the apostles: and when they had prayed, they laid their hands on them.'" But it has been said, in reply, that these instances relate only to the appointment of apostles, and of overseers of the poor; and that there does not exist in the New Testament any trace of the election of bishop or presbyter by the lay members of a church; whereas it appears on the contrary, from Acts xiv. 23; 2 Tim. ii. 1 ; and Tit. i. o, that the apostles themselves appointed presbyters, and that St. Paul empowered and commissioned Timothy and Titus to do the same. In reply to this again, it has been urged tlie Greek church is very much ques- j fully and profitably, thou slialt have tioncd. In the Latin church it was part with those that minister in the certainly otherwise. The Council of Carthage (Cone. Carth. iv. c. 8) speaks of no other ceremony but the bishop's putting the Bible into his hands in the presence of the people, with these words, ' Take this book, and be thou a reader of the word of God, wliich office if thou fulfil fixith- word of God.' And in Cyprian's time, they seem not to have had so much as this ceremony of delivering the Bible to them ; but they were made readers by the bishop's commission and depu- tation only to sucli a station in the chirrch." Bingham, Antiq. book ill. chap. 5, sect, 3. 328 THE MlNIrfTKUS or THE CHI RCH. [hOOK III. that the word ^etpoTovetj/, in these passages of* Scripture, refers to the work of confirmation and ordination, and by no means excludes the idea of a previous election or nomination by the whole church. The apostle, in giving his directions, presupposes that Timothy and Titus, to whom he committed the ordination, designation, or solemn investment, of presbyters elect, would proceed in the same manner as himself and other apostles had done in similar cases; and that they would make it a rule to say in effect, '" Look yc out among you men of honest report;" that is to say, that they would not appoint any presbyter over the members of a church, without their previous knowledge and approbation of the person to be appointed. That the advice and consent of the churches was demanded on other occasions also, is evident from Acts xv. 1 seq.; i. 15; 1 Cor. v. 2; 2 Cor. ii.; 1 Cor. viii. 19, 20, and other passages of the New Testament. The best interpreter of the intention of the apostle, and the oldest witness in this matter whom we liave the ojiportunity of consulting, is Clemens llomanus (?) {Ep. ad Corinth. § 44). This writer, in speaking of the succession of pastors to their office, mentions the consent and approbation of the church concerning the person who should fill the place of a deceased ])astor, grounded upon previous trial or experience of his fitness for the office; and makes it evident that in his time there was aJi active co-o])eration of the church in the appointment of its ministers; not merely a power of negativing an appointment made by some independent authority'. In the writings of Cyprian, likewise, we find tbc most une- quivocal testimony to the fact of the concurrence of the people in the election of bishops and presbyters*. The respectful title ' The apostles appointed bishops [ ttoXXoIs )(f)6vois vno miuT(ov, tuvtovv and deacons, — Kal fifra^v (muofxfjv ! oii SiKaicos vofii^ofjifv uTTo^aXtadai tjjs SfbdnKaaiv, oTTws eau Koifir^doxriv, 8iudf- \fiTovpy\as. Clem. Ko-M. Ep. (1) ad ^oivTM fTtpoi d(8oKifji(iv, trvv(v8vKr}- ndarjSTrjS fKKXT](TiusTr(i(n]s, KtuXtirovf)- ytjiTuvTus d/ie/iTTTa)? tw nutfjivicf Toii auctoritate dLScendere ut sacerdos pk'bo pneseiite sub omnium oculis dc- li^atur, et dignus atcjue idunous jmblico judicio ac testimoniu comprobt-tur. . . XpivTov fjifTii TanfLi/ocfjfioavprji, r](Tv\ni ax. Ep. (>8. — Factus estautem Corneb'usepiscopus de Dei et Cliristi ejus judicio, de cleri- corum pene omnium testimonio, de plebis, qux tunc adfuit, suftragio, et de sacordotum anti(iu()rnm et bononnn vnoruin collegio, cum nemo ante se lactus esset. cum Fabiaui locus, id est, cum locus Petri et gradus catbedraj sacerdotalis, vacaret: quo occujjato de Dei voluntate, atque omnium nostrum cousensione firmato, quisquis jam episeopus fieri voluerit, foris fieri necesse est, nee babeat ecclesiasticam ordinationeni, qui ecclesiitj nou tenet unitatem. Id. Ep. 52. •* Alexander Severus, ubi aliquos voluissct vel rectores provinciis dare, vel prnepositos facero, vel procuratores, id est, rationales, ordinare, uomina eoruni proponebat, bortans populum, ut si quis quid baberat criminis, pro- baret manifestis rebus; si non pro- basset, subiiet pocnam capitis : dice- bat(pie grave esse, cum id Cbristiani et Jud;vi facerent in pra'dicandis sacerdotibus, qui ordinandi sunt, nou fieri in provinciarum rectoribus, quibus et fortunaj lioniinum connnittereiitur et capita. Lami'rid. in Vit. Alca,(utdri Seven, c. 45. 330 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHUUCH. [l?OOK III. by the suffrages of the people, — suffrages not merely testimonial, • but really judicial and elective. Instances, however, occur, in which there was no kind of propositio, or praedicatio, i. e., nomination; but in which the people of their own accord, and by acclamation, elected indivi- duals to the office of presbyter or bishop. Thus Ambrose, even before he was baptized, was called by the people, or lay members, of the church of Milan, to the office of bishop, and was compelled to undertake that office. (Paulin. Vit. Ambros.; Huffin. Hist. Eccl. lib. ii. c. 11; Theodoret, Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 6, 7; SozoMEN, Hist. Eccl. lib. vi. c. 24.) Martin of Tours was elected by the people, and compelled to undertake office against his own will, and that of several bishops. (Sulpic. Sev. Vit. S. Martini, c. 7.) The same happened to Eustathius at Antioch (Theodor. Hist. Eccl. lib. i. c. 7;; Chrysostom at Constantinople (Socrat. Hist. Eccl. lib. vi. c. 2); Eradius at Hippona (August. Ep. 110); and Meletius at Antioch (Theodor. Hist. Eccl. lib. ii. c. 31, 32.) That the people co-operated in the election of their presbyters is evident from many examples in ecclesiastical history. (See HiERON. Ejy. 4, ad Rustic; Comment in Ezech. x. c. 23; Possid. Vit. Au(/nstini, c. 21; Siricu, Ep. 1 ad Himer. c. 10.) It was ordered by the fourth council of Carthage (c. 22), that as the bishop might not ordain clerks without the advice of his clergy, so, likewise, he should require the consent, co-operation, and testimony, of the people, (Ut episcopus sine consilio clericorum suorum clericos non ordinet: ita ut civium assensum et conni- ventiam et testimonium qurerat.) In these elections, a regular system of voting appears to have been sometimes adopted; namely, whenever several different candidates were proposed to the choice of the people. {Concil. Arelat. ii., a.d. 452, c. 54; Concil. Barcin. c. 3; Philostorg. Hist. Eccl. lib. ix. c. 13; Gregor. Naz. Orat. 21.) But, for the most part, approbation or rejection was signified by the expres- sions a^ios, ft., or i'oretiir liono- ratiorum arIiitriuni,i'lectio cloricoiinn. . . Qui pnef'uturus est omnibus, ab oniuibus eligatur. Lko. M. Ep. «!>. CHAP. XV.] APPOINTMENT TO ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICES. 333 that Athanasins himself was thus clioscn, after the Niccne council was ended; which is a certain argument that the people's right was not abrogated in that council. . . . Two canons of the fourth council of Carthage comprise the whole practice of the church in relation to this matter. The one decreed, 'that the ordination of a bishop should alvv^ays be by the consent of four parties, the clergy, the laity, the provincial bishops, and the metropolitan, whose presence or authority was principally neces- sary in all such cases.' The other canon orders, ' that no bishop shall ordain any clergyman without consulting with his clergy, and asking the consent, approbation, and testimony of his people'.'' This seems to have been the most common and ordinary practice of the church.'''' On the other hand, by the thirteenth canon of the Council of Laodicea, the people were directly forbidden to take any part in the election of the clergy, (irepl tov /xr] rotp o-^^Xot^; cTriTpeTreiv Tas eVia'AcoTrcoi', npos rfi TfXfVTji Tov ^lovTvyxauj)' d fie' tu>v p-era ti)u Kolfi-qcnv tov avanavaa' Ti ToiovTov yiyvoiTO, uKvpni/ (ivai tijv pevov rrfv t^ovcriav exovnov tov irpoa-a- Kardaracnv. ^vKiiTTfaOai he tov 6(a- , yeadai tov a^iov. Cone. Antioch, a. D. p.OV TcW €Kk\i](TUI{TTIk6v, TTfpUXOVTIl, ^^17 | 441, c. 23. 336 THE MINISTERS OF TIIK CFUTRCH. [book III. it was then for the first time formally and officially esta- blished. Bnt we find that cases and claims of this nature had existed at an earlier period. The first Council of Orange, A.D. 441, granted to bishops the power and privilege of nomina- ting and presenting clerks to particular churches, founded by themselves in other dioceses than their own. Chrysostom speaks of the custom of naming founders of churches in the prayers of the congregation. In the laws of Justinian, the right of presen- tation is granted to the laity, that is to say, to any "founders of churches and their heirs;" who were permitted to nominate their own clerks, leaving to the bishop no power to ordain any other, unless the person nominated were disqualified by virtue of the canons'. The term patronus, Patron, which has prevailed since the fifth century, was evidently adopted from the language of civil life. The complete developement of the system of church patronage was a work of the eighth and ninth centuries". The general 7 Si quis episcoporura in aliena; civitatis territoria ecclesiara a>dificare cUsponat, vel profundi siii negotio, ant occlesiastica ntilitate, vel pro qnacun- qne sua opportunitate, permissa licentia redificandi, (piia hoc prohibere votum nefiis est, non prtesumat dedicationem, <]Ufe illi onini modis reservatur, in cujus tcrritorio ecclesia assurgit : re- servata a-dificatori episcopo liac gratia, ut, quos desiderat clericos in re sua videre, ipsos ordinet is, cujus territo- riuni sit : vel si ordinati jam sunt, ipsos habere acquiescat. Et omnis ecclesife ipsius gubernatio ad eum, in cujus civitatis territoria ecclesia surrexcrit, pertinebit. Cone. Araus. i. a. d. 441, c. 10; Conf. Cone. Arelat. ii. c. 3B. — El Ti e'xei-S (Is TT('vr]Tas avaK(ii(Tai, €Kel cimiXofTOV ^(\tiov eVft rj ivravOa' 6piy\rov bihuoKiAov 6p(y^ov huiKovov K(ii ItpaTiKov crvcula. II. De patronatu ecclesiastico laicoque sub imperio Chlodava;! usque ad Carolum M. III. Sub imperio Caroli IM. et Caroliufe stirpis. IV. Post A. c. 1000. With regard to the first of these periods the author thus records the result of his inquiries: — " Illud ergo ex his concluditur, patro- natum quidam ccclesiasticum in occi- dentc fundanienta habuisse primum, laicum autem in oiiente prius emersisse, antequani ejus iiUa in occidente emi- nerent vestigia, saltem quoad jus prjesentandi. Sed banc patronatus laici obscuritateni inter j>riora lia>e CHAP. XV. J APPOINTMENT TO ECCLESIASTICAL OFFICES. -337 standing rnlc is contained in these words, " Patronum faciunt dos, redificatio, fundus ;" and the rights and duties of the patron are described in the following distich : Patrono debetur honos, onus, utilitasque ; Prscsentet, praesit, defendat, alatur egenus. In most of the Lutheran, and some of the Reformed, churches, the members of the church possess a negative vote concerning the l^rcsentation of a minister, but no more. CHAPTER XVI. RANK, RIGHTS, AND PRIVILEGES OF THE CLERGY.— PUNISHMENT OF DELINQUENTS. 1. Rank, Rights, and Privileges of the Clergy. Befohe the time of Constantine the clergy were not recognised as holding any distinct rank in the state; but, when Christianity was adopted under that emperor as the religion of the Roman empire, its ministers were considered as occupying the place of those heathen priests whose superstitions and observances had fallen into disrepute. Constantine himself, in the year 825, assumed the title of Pontifex Maximus, which had belonged to the heathen emperors before him ; — a title which contributed to exalt at once the imperial and the episcopal dignity, and served to justify the interference of the emperor in ecclesiastical councils and in the nomination of bishops. Gratian was the last emperor to whom this title was ascribed. Besides the adventitious distinction of external and secular rank, the clergy derived importance from the exercise of their real and legitimate functions, as inspectors or censors of public morals, and in the exercise of a spiritual jurisdiction. A striking example of the power of ecclesiastical authority occurs in the history of the emperor Theodosius the Great. (See Sozom. Hist. Eccl. lib. vii. c. 25 ; Theodor. v. c. 17 ; Ruffin. xi. c IS.) sa>cula abunde compensabat egrogia I in episcoporum aliorumquo beneficia- illa potestas, qua fruebantur turn laici I riorum electionibus et ordiuatiouibus.' ' 338 THE MINISTEBS OF THE CHURCH. [rOOK III. It was not until the Western Empire had been restored by Charlemagne, that the bishops attained the rank of barons or lords ; and took part, as one of the estates of the empire, in the diets (which for the most part, were also synods), and other political affairs. At an early period of his reign, Constantino issued edicts in favour of the Christian clergy, by which they were put on a footing, in respect of civil rights, with the heathen priests. These edicts were soon followed by others, which gave to the clergy some special and exclusive privileges. The sons of Con- stantino confirmed and extended these grants ; and the losses which the clergy sustained under Julian the Apostate were amply repaired by his successors Valentinian III., Gratian, Theodosius the Great, and others. The following are the chief of those immunities and privileges which were thus accorded to the clergy. 1. Exemption from all civil and municipal offices. (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. x. c. 7; comp. Augustin. Ep. 68 ; Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 2, leg. 1, 2.) The same exemptions had been pre- viously granted to the heathen priests and Jewish patriarchs. (^Cod. Theodos. lib. xii. tit. 1, leg. 75; lib. xvi. tit. 8, leg. 3, 4; Symmach. lib. X. ep. 54.) 2. Exemption from the duties of contributing to the repair of highways and bridges, and of furnishing horses and carriages for conveyance of corn for the soldiers, and such other things as belonged to the emperor's exchequer. But the laws in this respect appear to have varied at different times, and in different places. Or, perhaps, the persons of the clergy were at all times free from these services ; but not their property. 3. Exemption from certain taxes and imposts. — The clergy were not, indeed, exempt from the ordinary canonical tribute laid upon meii's 'goods and possessions, or what we should call pro- perty and assessed taxes. ( Athanas. Apol. 2 ; Sozom. Hist. Eccl. lib. ii. c. 12; Theodor. Hist. Eccl. lib. iv. c. 7; Augustin. Serm. 49, de Dlv.; Cod. Tueodos. lib. xi. tit. 1, leg. 33 ; lib. xvi. tit. 2, leg. 1 5, 40.) But they were exempt ; — first, from that kind of capitation or personal tribute called census capitis, so far as this was paid " pro militia," from which the clergy were entirely CHAl'. XVI.] . FRIVir.KGES OF THE CLERGY. 339 free ; — secondly, from various other tributes and burdens con- nected with the census capitis, such as the aurum tironicum, 1. e., money paid instead of furnishing new soldiers, and the equus canonicus, mouey instead of horses for military purposes ; — thirdly, from the chrysargyrum, or lustral tax, a tax levied upon trade and commerce, collected every five years, and paid in silver and gold ; — fourthly, from the metatum, or the burden and charge of giving entertainment to the emperor's court and retinue when they had occasion to travel, or to judges or soldiers as they passed from one place to another ; and fifthly, from the colla- tiones superindictre et extraordinarise, i. e., such impositions as the emperors laid upon the empire, or any part of it, beyoud the ordinary and canonical taxes, upon great exigences or extraordi- nary occasions. 4. We do not find any law by which the clergy were exempted from military service ; but this may be satisfactorily accounted for, by supposing that such exemption was presupposed or understood, according to the analogy of the immunities of the Jewish and heathen priests. Some of the exemptions already enumerated evidently presuppose this. And the maxim, " Ecclesia non sitit sanguinem," was always recognised by the state. 5. The clergy enjoyed important immunities with respect to the civil government, and secular courts of law. No secular judge could compel a bishop to appear in a public court to give testimony before him; but he was directed to send one of his officers to the bishop's house to take his testimony in private; and even then the bishop was not obliged to give that testimony upon oath, as other witnesses were, but only upon his word, laying the holy gospels before him {Cod. Justin. lib. ix. tit. 41; lib. i. tit. 3, leg. 7, 8; Cod. Theodos. lib. xi. tit. 39, leg. 8, 10; Justin. Nov. 123, c. 7). Bishops and presbyters were privileged against being exa- mined by scourging or torture, which was lawful with regard to other witnesses. Besides this, all the clergy were exempt from the cognizance of the secular courts in ecclesiastical causes {Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 2, leg. 12, 23; lib. xvi. tit. 12, leg. 23; Justin. Nov. 86; z 2 340 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [bOOK III. c. 1; Ambros. Ep. 32). "To have a right understanding in this matter," says Bingham, " we must distinguish the several sorts of causes in which ecclesiastical persons might be concerned. Now these were of four kinds: — first, such as related to matters purely ecclesiastical, as crimes committed against the faith, or against the canons, discipline, and good order of the church, which were to be punished with ecclesiastical censure; — secondly, such as related to mere civil and pecuniary matters between a clergyman and a layman ; — thirdly, such as related to political matters, as gross and scandalous crimes committed against the laws, and to the detriment of the commonwealth, as treason, rebellion, robbery, murder, and the like, which in the laws are called atrocia delicta; — fourthly, such as related to lesser crimes of the same nature, which the law calls levia delicta^ small or petty offences. Now, according to this distinction of causes, the clergy were or were not exempt from the cognizance of the civil courts by the laws of the Roman empire. In all matters that were purely ecclesiastical they were absolutely exempt. — For all causes of that nature were reserved to the hearing of bishops and their councils, not only by the canons of the church, but by the laws of the state also. . . . Gothofred is also of opinion that some of the lesser criminal causes of ecclesiastics were to be determined by the bishops and their synods likewise But, in greater criminal actions, the clergy were liable to the cognizance of the secular judges, as well as others {Cod. Theod. lib. xvi. tit. 2, de Episcop. leg. 20, 23; Socrat. lib. iv. c. 29). . . . . The case was much the same in all civil pecuniary causes which the clergy had with laymen. For though they might end all such causes, which they had with one another, in their own courts, or before a synod of bishops; and the canons obliged them so to do; yet, if their controversy happened to be with a layman, the layman was not bound to refer the hearing of his cause to the ecclesiastical court, unless he voluntarily con- sented, by way of compromise, to take some ecclesiastical persons for his arbitrators." Baronius and the canonists maintained that the clergy anciently enjoyed an exemption, not only in ecclesiastical causes, but in all others. But it has been abundantly proved that the CHAP XVI.] PRIVILEGES OF THE CLERGY. 341 greater civil crimes of the clergy were reserved to the hearing of the public courts and civil judges. In the primitive church, bishops were commonly chosen as arbitrators of differences which arose between Christians, in com- pliance with the apostolic injunction, 1 Cor. vi. 4 (Sidon. lib. iii. Ep. 12; lib. vi. Ep. 2 and 4; Synes. Ep. 105; Ambros. Ep. 24, ad Marcell; Aug. Confess, lib. vi. c. 3; Ep. 110, 147). And the power which the bishops thus acquired was afterwards confirmed and established by law, when the emperors became Christians (Euseb. de Vit. Const, lib. iv. c. 27; Sozom. lib. i. c. 9). But it must be remembered that " no cause was to be brought before a bishop, except both parties agreed, by way of compromise, to take him for their arbitrator. In this case the bishop''s sentence was valid, and to be executed by the secular power; but not otherwise. In the Justinian code we have two laws of the Emperors Arcadius and Honorius, by which any bishops are allowed to judge, and their judgment is ordered to be final, so as no appeal should be made from it; and the officers of the secular judges are appointed to execute the bishop''s sentence. But then there are these two limitations expressly put; — first, that they shall only have power to judge, when both parties agree by consent to refer their cause to their arbitration; and secondly, where the causes are purely civil, and not criminal, in which perhaps life and death might be concerned; for in such causes the clergy were prohibited by the canons of the church, as well as by the laws of the state, from being concerned as judges; therefore bishops never suffered any criminal causes to come before them, except such as were to be punished with ecclesiastical censures" (Bingham, book ii. chap. 7, sect. 1 — 4). Bishops, on the contrary, often interceded with magistrates on behalf of cri- minals, in cases wherein pardon would be for the public good, or when the crime had some alleviating circumstance; and usually with success. Bishops were sometimes obliged to devolve this part of their duty upon the presbyters, or some other persons (Augustin. Ep. 110; Condi. Tarracon. c. 4; Socrat. Hist. Eccl, lib. vii. c. 37). 342 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH, [iJOOK III. II. Punishment of Delinquents. In the early church, the clergy of all degrees were subject to strict discipline. Their punishment was, in some respects, more severe than that which was inflicted upon the laity (poenitentia publica); for lay penitents could be restored to their former standing in the church after submission to certain penalties and preparatory exercises, but this privilege was never accorded to a degraded or excommunicated minister. One who had suffered degradation could never recover his former rank; and the excom- municated was excluded from the clerical order entirely and for ever. It would be difficult to enumerate particularly all the offences which subjected a clergyman to censure or punishment in the early ages of the church. They may, however, be generally stated as reducible to some or other of the following offences: namely, apostacy, heresy, simony, neglect of duty (especially departure from the prescribed forms or mode of worship) ; and open immo- rality; offences against clerical decorum were also sometimes visited with chastisement. The punishments inflicted upon offending members of the clerical body during the first seven or eight centuries, may be reduced to the following heads : suspension ; degradation ; pri- vatio communionis, or deprivation; corporal chastisement; excom- munication. ] . Suspension. — This related either to the revenues of the clergyman, or to his office ; and hence the distinction of suspensio a beneficio, and suspensio ab officio. Both these methods of punishment were adopted in the early church. Thus Cyprian {Ep. 28, al. 34) says concerning some clerical offenders, that their monthly portion of pay (divisio mensurna) should be stopped, but that they should be allowed to continue in the discharge of their duties. Suspension from office (suspensio ab officio) was various. Sometimes a certain period was fi.xed during which the offender was not allowed to officiate; while, however, he was still regarded as a member of the clerical body, and permitted to com- CHAP, XVI.] PUNISHMENT OF DELINQUENTS. 343 municate witli bis brethren. Laws to tbis effect were made by the councils of Nictea, Epbesus, and Agde, in the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries. In other cases, a delinquent clergyman was forbidden to perform some of the duties of his office, but permitted to discharge the others [Cone Neocws. a.d. 314). These punish- ments were only temporary. 2. Degradation. — This punishment consisted, as the name imports, in the deposition of an offender from a higher to a lower grade of office. It appears to have been jiermanent and irrever- sible (Conc.Nic. c. 8; Tolet. 1, c. 4; Trull, c. 20; Chalced. c. 29). In the case of bishops, this degradation consisted in removal fi'om a larger or more important see, to one smaller or less considerable (AuGusTiN, Ep. 36). Presbyters were degraded to the rank of deacons; and deacons to that of subdeacons. It was also a kind of degradation, sometimes practised in Africa, when a bishop was deprived of the right of succeeding to the rank of archbishop or metropolitan, which he possessed by virtue of his age or standing {Cone. Tolet. 1, c. 1, 3, 8; Ilerdens. c. I, 5; Araiisiac. 1, c. 24; Taurinens. c. 8; Leonis Ep. 3). 3. Privatio communionis, or Deprivation. — This was of two kinds; a restriction to communio peregrina, or to communio laica. (a.) Communio peregrina. — Great confusion and mistake have prevailed with regard to the nature of this punishment. Some writers have confounded it with lay communion. Others under- stood it as denoting communion in one kind. Others, commu- nion only at the point of death, which was regarded in the liomish church as a kind of passport to a foreign land, the future world. Perhaps the following explanation of this confessedly obscure point may be the most correct : — In the early church the term communio denoted not only a participation of the eucharist, but also the right of partaking in the ftivours of the church. AVhen travellers or strangers came to any church, without bring- ing litcrte communicatorire, or letters testimonial, by which they might be ascertained to be full members of some Christian church, they were liable to the suspicion that all was not right, and that they were probably under the censure of the church to which they had belonged. Until they could clear themselves from this im])utation, they were not admitted to the Lord's table, but they 3-i4 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH, [nOOK III. were allowed to derive their means of temporal maintenance from the church fund. It was in this way also that delinquent clergymen were sometimes treated in their own churches; and this is what appears to have been understood by their being reduced to the communio peregrina. They were not permitted to officiate, or to be present, at the celebration of the Lord's Supper; until they had given prescribed satisfaction to the church. Conf. Socrates. Hist. Eccl. lib. vi. c, 9 ; Sozomen. Hist. Eccl. lib. viii. ; Synes. Ep. 66. On this subject, the following works may be consulted : — J. Cabassutius, De Laica et Peregrina Cotnmunione (in his Notitia Conciliorum, and Notitia Ecdesiastica) ; H. Rixner, De Insti- tutis et Ritihus mterum Christianorum circa S. Euc/iaristiam, et de communione Laica., peregrina., ac prwsanctijicatoruvi ; J. H. Born, De Communione peregrina., veteri clericorum censura. (b.) Communio laica. — Another, and scarcely less painful, punishment, was that of allowing a clergyman to communicate in the Lord"'s Supper, but only as a layman, or among the lay members of the church. This was regarded as a kind of miti- gated punishment ; and in case of contumacy or resistance, or want of due submission to the censure, it was followed by the still more severe sentence of excommunication. When the expression curiw tradi is applied to a clergyman thus deprived of his rank, it denotes that he was not only reduced to the condition of a layman, but also obliged to perform certain services to the fraternity or society (curia) to which he thus belonged'. The custom of confining delinquent clergymen in monasteries appears to have taken rise during the fourth and fifth centuries. 4. Corporal Punishment. — This kind of punishment (impri- sonment and stripes) was inflicted only on clergy of the inferior orders. [Cone. Agath. ad. 506, c. 30, 41; Epaon. a.d. 517, c. 15; Matiscon. 1, a.d. 581, c. 5.) Augustin tells us, {Ep. 159,) that in his time such kind of punishment was by no means uncommon. A presbyter guilty of having given false witness in a criminal case, having been first deprived of his rank on account of the offence, could then be made subject to corporal chastise- ment in his quality of a layman. In large cities (as Constanti- ' With the later canonists, this phrase signifies to deliverover to the secular arm . CHAP. XVI.] PUNISHMENT OF DELINQUENTS. 345 nople), prisons or houses of correction (decanica) were attached to the churches. 5. Excommtmication. — This was the extreme, or final, mode of punishment. It deprived the offender of all hope of being restored to his clerical dignity, or the exercise of ministerial functions, even if he should be again received into the church ; inasmuch as it was a standing rule that none could be admitted to the order of the priesthood, who may at any time have been required to perform public penance. CHAPTER XVII. REVENUES OF THE CHURCH. The New Testament declares it to be the duty of a church to support its own teachers, in things temporal. Our Lord himself affirmed, in general terms, that " the workman is worthy of his meat," t^9 rpocprjs, (Matt. x. 10;) and St. Paul says, probably with reference to these words, " Even so hath the Lord ordained that they which preach the Gospel should live of the Gospel,''"' (1 Cor. ix. ] 4.) The apostle appeals also in the preceding verses to proverbs and examples, taken from common life and from the Mosaic law. But he adds that, for his own part, he had not exercised his right of claiming support from the members of the church, but had given his services in preaching the Gospel gratuitously, (v. 15 — 18.) On other occasions also, we find St. Paul holding the same language. In his address to the elders of Ephesus, he says, " I have coveted no man's gold, or silver, or apparel. Yea, ye yourselves know that these hands have minis- tered to my necessities, and to them that were with me,"" (Acts XX. 83, 34.) And with this we may compare his declaration to the same effect, in 2 Thes. iii. 8, 9, " Neither did we eat any man's bread for nought, but wrought with labour and travail night and day, that we might not be chargeable to any of you ; not because we have not power, but to make ourselves an ensainple unto you to follow us." And the following, among many other passages, treat of the relation which subsists 346 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [bOOK III. between the ministers and the church in this respect ; 2 (Jor. xi. 7, 8; xii. 18; Phil. iv. 16—18; 1 Tim. vi. 5; Tit. i. 11; Acts xviii. 3; xxiv. 17. Churches are bound to provide for the maintenance of their ministers; but the ministers are admonished to act in a liberal and disinterested spirit, and to accept a provision only when it may be necessary, and without encroaching upon the rights of the poor. And these principles were carried out into practice, not only during the age of the apostles, but for some time afterwards. There could not at that period be any settled revenues, or fixed stij)end, for the ministers of religion ; because the church, as a body, did not possess any property, but all its expenses were met by collections and volun- tary contributions. The usual provision for the ministers of the church, in the earliest times, appears to have consisted in board or maintenance, or, at all events, a sufficient and continual supply of the neces- saries of life ; as we may conclude from 2 Tliess. iii. 8, and perhaps also from 1 Cor. xi. 20 — 22, 33; Jude 12. Care may have been taken at the Agapse, or feasts of charity, that a due portion was set apart for the supply of the minister's wants. Tertullian (De Jejun. c. 17) makes some sarcastic remarks, concerning the abuses which had arisen, and continued to exist, in the celebration of these Agapae ; and alludes to the fact, that the presiding ministers demanded a double portion, as due to them according to the canon of Scripture'. That the contributions of church members for the maintenance of public worship, and the relief of the poor, were originally voluntary gifts, appears not only from the New Testament, (Acts xi. 29; Rom. xv. 26; 1 Cor. xvi. 1, seqq.,) but also from the testimony of the earliest ecclesiastical writers^. ' Ad elogium gulte tiife pertinet, quod duplex apud t'e procsidentibus lionor binis partibus deputatur, cum apostolus dupliceni honorfm dederit, ut et fratribus ct piwpositis, Quis sanctior inter vos, nisi convivandi fre- quentior, nisi obsonaudi poUucibilior, nisi calcibus instructior ? Merito lio- mei non erant. — Tertull. rfe J^yw/t. c. 17. '^ Prsesident probati quique seniores, honorem istum non pretio, sed tcsti- monio, adepti, ueque enim pretio ulla res Dei constat. Etiain si quod arose genus est, non de honoraria surama, quasi redcnipta? rcligionis congregatur : mines soli us aninia; et carnis, spiritaliu raodicam unusquisque stipem menstrua recusatis, talibus si placerent prophettc, die, vel cum velit, ot si mode velit et CEIAP. XVII.] KEVENUES. 847 Such offerings and contributions continued to be voluntary; and although, in later times, certain taxes were imposed for the maintenance of public worship and the clergy, yet these were always not ecclesiastical, but purely political, regulations. Con- cerning the administration of the ecclesiastical revenues derived either from voluntary or fixed contributions, and the remunera- tion paid to the clergy out of this fund, we find some account in Can. Apost. c. 3 ; Cyprian, E}). 28, 84, QQ ; Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. V. c. 18. The remuneration given to the clergy for their services was entitled sportse, sportellse, or sportuloe, (See Du Cange Glossar. s. v. Sporta.) In Cyprian we read of " fratres sportulantes," {Ep. 1.) This term, most probably, refers to the custom prescribed in Deuteronomy xxvi. 1 — 5. But neither this expression, nor any other, intimates the existence of anything like what are called surplice-fees. On the contrary, several laws were passed by the early church, commanding the gratuitous performance of all religious offices, (Concil. Illiher, c. 48; Gelas. Ep. 1, al. 9, c. 5; Gregor. Naz. Orat. 40; Gratian, Deer. c. 1, qu. i. c. 8; Concil. Trullan. ii. c. 23; Hieron, Quwst. Hehr. in Gen. 23.) The private administration of sacred offices, perhaps, led the way to a departure from this rule. And exceptions from the old laws were first made in the matter of penance, in favour of the ecclesiastical treasury; which soon occasioned a further extension of the practice thus introduced. In these cases, however, the fees were not paid to the officiating minister, but were put into the church chest. The practice of paying the minister in this way is one of later origin. The payment of the ministers and the poor was proportioned to the extent of the common fund, out of which it was made. The management of this fund was committed to the Bishop; who, however, usefully conducted it by his deacons, or by oeco- nomi or stewards^ appointed for the purpose. It was divided into si modo possit, apponit; nam nemo compellitur, sed sponte confert. Hjec quasi deposita pietatis sunt, nam inde non epulis, nee potaciilis, nee ingratis voratrinis dispensattir, scd cgeuis alcn- tlib hiimandisque, ct pueris ac puellis re ac parentibus destitutis, jamque domesticis senibus, item naufragis, et si qui in metallis, et si qui in insulis, vel in custodiis, duntaxat ex causa Dei sectfB, almnna! confessionis sua; sunt. Tertull. Apolog. c. 39. 348 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [bOOK III. certain portions for its different purposes, according to established rule^ After the beginning of the fourth century, the church and clergy came into the possession of real and permanent property. By a law of Constantine, in the year 321, the clergy were enti- tled to the right of receiving donations and testamentary bequests. {Cod. Theod. lib. xvi. tit. 2, leg. 4; Cod. Justin, lib. i. tit. 2, leg. 1. This right was afterwards confirmed and defined, in order to prevent abuses. Liberal grants were made by Constan- tine for the support of the clergy, (Euseb. Hist. Eccl. lib. x. c. 6; Vit. Const, lib. iv. c. 28, 38, 89; lib. iii. c. 21, 58; Sozom. Hist. Eccl. lib. v. c. 5; Theod. Hist. Bed. lib. iv. c. 4.) A law of Julian recalling the grant of state lands, is inserted in Cod. Theod. (lib. X. tit. 3, leg. 1); but this law was soon repealed or modified, and produced no permanent effect, (Cod. Justin, lib. i. tit. 2. leg. 12.) Besides the liberal grants in favour of the clergy and the church, which were made by Gratian, Theodosius the Great, and other emperors, from the revenues of the state, other regulations were made for the augmentation of the patrimony of the church. Such were the following: — 1. Upon the abolition of the heathen rites, under Theodosius the Great and his sons, the property of the heathen temples and priests, which fell to the state, was delivered over to the Christian clergy, or at least was appropriated to ecclesiastical uses, (Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 10, 1.19 — 21; Con/. Sozom. Hist. Eccl. lib. V. c. 7, 16.) 2. On the same principle, the ecclesiastical property of here- tics was confiscated, and made over to the catholic church; as, for instance, in the case of the Novatians, (Cod. Theodos. lib. xvi. tit. 5, leg. 52; Soceat. Hist. Eccl. lib. vii. c. 7.) 8 The principles upon which the distribution was made, are described in Cone. Bracar. i. c. 25; ii. c. 7; Gela- sii Ep. i. al. 9, c. 57; Simpmc. Ep. 3, ad Florent ; GnEGOn. M. Ep. lib. iii. Ep, 11. According to Cone. Braatr. i. c. 25, the whole was divided into tliree 0(iiial portions : — I'lacuit, ut do rebus ecclesiasticis iiant tres a)(iua> portiones; id est, una episcopi, alia clericorum, tertia in reparatione vel in luininariis ccclcsia^. — According to Gelas. {Ep. I. c. 27), the division was foui-fold: — Quatuor tarn de reditu, qiiaiu de oblatione fidelium, — convenit fieri portiones, = To this belong Cone. Laodic. c. 22, oTi ov 8fl vnrjpfTTjv wpcipiov (f)opeli^. C. 23, — OTiov 8el dyayvpdpiov fxovov iariv Ta>v huiKovitiv. Tlie fourth council of Car- thage (c. 41) forbids deacons to wear the alba, " nisi in sacro ministerio." Similar proliibitions occur, Co7ic. Nar- bon. A.D. 599, c. 12; Cone. Bracar. i. c. 27. Conf. Cone. Tolet. iv. c. 28. CEIAP. XVIII.] HABIT AND VESTMEXTS OF THE CLERGY. 353 arc required to appear in a becoming and simple dress, relate to the habits of common life; and prove, not that they had not already been accustomed to wear appropriate vestments during the celebration of divine service, but that, out of the church assemblies, they dressed according to the fashion of common life. It was from the excesses and follies of this fashion that they were required to abstain. Jerome expressly asserts that one dress was worn in sacred ministrations, and another in ordinary life*. On the whole, it does not appear probable that clerical vest- ments are the invention of the fourth century, or a later period, as some suppose. There is, however, reason to believe that a considerable change was introduced in the style and fashion of these vestments about the sixth century. This change probably consisted in the appropriation of the old Grecian and Roman habit (which had then begun to be banished from the use of ordi- nary or private life), combined with the insignia and ornaments of the Jewish priests. Monks were the first who introduced a distinction between the ordinary dress of spiritual persons and others; a practice which was strongly reprobated by the Roman bishop Coelestinus, and by others of his age*. The colour which was originally used, and has for the most ^ Religio alterum habitum habet in niinisterio, alterum in usu vitaque conimuni. . . . Per qu£e discimus, non quotldiaiiis et quibuslibet pro usu vitai communis poUutis vestibus nos ingredi debere in sancta sanctorum ; sed munda conscientia et mimdis vestibus tenere Domini sacramenta. IIieron. Comment, in Ezek. c. 44. Conf. HiE- Rov. contr. Pelag, lib. i. ; Ep. 3, ad Heliod.; Ep. 127, ad Rabiol.—ln Ba- iioNii Annul, a.d. 2C0, n. 6, it is said concerning the Roman bisliop Steplia- nus III., — ^" Hie constituit, sacerdotes et Levitiis vestibus sacratis in usu quo- tidiuuo non uti et nisi in ecclesia." ■* The following is an extract from an epistle addressed by the Roman bishoj) Ccelestinus to certain bishops, in tlie year 428 : — " Didicimus, quos- dam Domini sacerdotes suporstitioso potius cultui inservire, quam mentis vel fidei puritati. Amicti pallio et lumbis prsecincti credunt se Scripturse fidem, non per spiritum, sed per lite- ram, completuros. . . . Discernendi a plebe vel ceteris sumus, doctrina, non veste. . . . Unde hie habitus in eccle- siis Gallicanis, ut tot annorum tanto- rumque Pontificum in alteram babitura consuetude vertatur. . . . Nam si incipimus studere novitati, traditum nobis a patribus ordiuem calcabimus, ut locum supervacuis superstitionibus faciamus." 0pp. Leonis ed, Quesnel. t. ii. p. 133 ; Labbei Concil. t.ii. \i. 1817. — Similar expressions of sentiment occur in the writings of Salvianus, Paulinus Nol., and other authors of that age. 2 A 354 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [boOK III. part prevailed, in ecclesiastical vestments, is white. (Gregob. Naz. Somn. Athan.; Chrysost. Horn. 82 (al. 83), in Matt.; Horn. 37, de Fil. Prod.; Sozom. Hist. Eccl. lib. viii. c. 21; HiERON. Ep. ad Prwsid. ; Ep. 3, ad Heliod. ; contr. Pelag. lib. i.) It appears that at Constantinople, in the fourth century, the Catholic bishops and superior clergy wore black, and the Nova- tians white ; but it is likely that this relates to the dress of private life; the Novatians having introduced the novel custom of wearing white on ordinary occasions, while the Catholics adhered to the old practice of wearing black. (Socrat. Hist. Eccl. lib. vi. c. 20.) Mention is made of red, blue, and green, as having been used in clerical vestments or insignia as early as the seventh and eighth centuries. No colour appears to have been prescribed by a general law of the church until the twelfth century. The clerical tonsure was introduced during the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries ; and was afterwards recognised as indis- pensable. In later times, and in the western church alone, wigs were adopted by the clergy of all confessions ; and the fashion of wear- ing them was retained, notwithstanding repeated prohibitions, until it gradually died away of its own accord. Concerning episcopal insignia, see book iii. chap. 3, sect. 3. CHAPTER XIX. REMARKS OF CHRYSOSTOM, JEROME, AND GREGORY NAZI- ANZEN, RELATING TO THE CHARACTER AND DUTIES OF CHRISTIAN MINISTERS. The writings of the ancients contain many excellent observations respecting the disposition and character suited to Christian minis- ters, and many pleasing descriptions of the actual exercise of the virtues thus recommended and extolled. There are several treatises of the Fathers which treat expressly of this subject : such are Chrysostom's treatise On the priesthood^ Jerome's second epistle to Nepotian, On the life of the clergy., and Gregory Nazianzen's CHAP. XIX. J THEiR CHARACTER AND DUTIES. 355 Apology for declining the priesthood. " Or if,'' as Binj^fliain observes, " any one desires rather to see ^tlie duties of the clergy exempHfied in some living instances and great patterns of per- fection, which commonly make deeper impressions than bare rules, he must consult those excellent characters of the most eminent primitive bishops, which are drawn to the life by the best jiens of the age; such as the Life of Ignatius, by Chrysostom; the Life of St. Basil and Athanasius, by Gregory Nazianzen; the Life of St. Austin by Possidius; the Life of Gregory Thaumaturgus and JNIeletius, by Gregory Nyssen ; in all which the true character and idea of a Christian bishop is set forth and described with this advantage, that a man does not barely read of rules, but sees them as it were exemplified in practice." Bingham has inserted in his Antiquities a large collection of quotations from the Fathers, especially Chrysostom, Jerome, and Gregory Nazianzen, relating to the character and duties of Christ- ian ministers; from which I make the following selection. 1'he subject is one of more than ordinary interest ; and many of the observations of these pious writers of former times will be found to possess an uncommon degree of intrinsic weight and value. It may also be a seasonable relief to us, in the midst of this collection of testimonies from the early writers concerning the external constitution and practices of the church, to hear the evidence of the same writers concerning something of a more internal character; — to learn what was their standard of moral and spiritual excellence in the character of a Christian minister, as well as to consider their institutions concerning the different orders of clergy, their appointments, the offices assigned to them, their revenues, and dress. " Some," says Gregory Nazianzen, '• do, with unwashen hands and profane minds, press to handle the holy mysteries, and affect to be at the altar before they are fit to be initiated to any sacred service: they look upon the holy order and function, not as designed for an example of virtue, but only as a way of supporting themselves; not as a trust, of which they are to give an account, but a state of absolute authority and exemption. And these men''s examples corrupt the people^s morals, faster than any cloth can imbibe a colour, or a plague infect the air ; since men are 2 A 2 356 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [book III. more disposed to receive the tincture of vice than virtue from the example of their rulers." In opposition to this, he declares it to be incumbent upon all spiritual physicians,' " that they should draw the picture of all manner of virtues in their own lives, and set themselves as examples to the people; that it might not be proverbially said of them, that they set about curing others, while they themselves are full of sores and ulcers." He urges, also, the necessity of purity in the life and conversation of the clergy, from the consideration of the dignity and sacredness of their office. " A minister's office places him in the same rank and order with angels themselves ; he celebrates God with archangels, transmits the churclfs sacrifice to the altar in heaven, and per- forms the ])riest''s office with Christ himself^; he reforms the work of God's hands, and presents the image to his Maker; his workmanship is for the world above ; and therefore he should be exalted to a divine and heavenly nature, whose business is to be as a God himself, and make others gods also." (Greg. Naz, Orat. 1, Apologet. de Fuga.) And Chrysostom makes use of the same argument, " that the priesthood, though it be exercised upon earth, is occupied wholly about heavenly things; that it is the ministry of angels put by the Holy Ghost into the hands of mortal men ; and therefore a priest ought to be pure and holy, as being placed in heaven itself, in the midst of those heavenly powers." (Chrysostom, De Sacerdot. lib. 8, c. 4.) He dwells, also, upon the dangerous influence of bad example. " Subjects commonly^ form their manners by the patterns of their princes. How then should a proud man be able to assuage the swelling tumours of others? or an angry ruler hope to make his people in love with moderation and meekness? Bishops are exposed, like combatants in' the theatre, to the view and observation of all men; and their faults, though never so small, cannot bo hid; * This mistaken A-iew of the minis- terial oflSce is one of the cn-ors of the times in which Gregory wrote. Mis- representations concerning tlie real nature of the Christian ministry are not peculiar to the Churcli of Rome : they arose as early as the third and foiirth centuries. But while we discard the errors of the men of those times, let us not throw aside their reverent regard for tliat wliich constitutes the real dignity and usefulness of the sa- cred office of a minister in holy things. CHAP. XIX.] THEIR CHARACTER AND DUTIES. 357 and therefore, as their virtuous actions profit many by provoking them to the like zeal, so their vices will render others unfit to attempt or prosecute anything that is noble and good. For which reason, their souls ought to shine all over with the purest brightness, that they may both enlighten and stimulate the souls of others, who have their eyes upon them. A priest should arm himself all over with purity of life, as with adamantine armour ; for if he leave any part naked and unguarded, he is surrounded both with open enemies and pretended friends, who will be ready to wound and supplant him. So long as his life is all of a piece, he needs not fear their assaults; but if he be caught in a fault, though but a small one, it will be laid hold of, and im- proved, to the prejudice of all his former virtues. For all men are most severe judges in his case, and treat him not with any allowance for being encompassed with flesh, or as having an human nature ; but expect that he should be an angel, and free from all infirmities." {Ibid. lib. iii. c. 14.) " He cannot, indeed, with any tolerable decency and freedom discharge his office in punishing and reproving others, unless he himself be blameless and without rebuke." {Ibid. lib. v. c. 3.) The particular virtues of the external life and conversation of the clergy, which these pious writers most frequently commend, are the following : — hospitality and kindness to the poor, — fru- gality, and a holy contempt of the world, — harmless and inoflfen- sivc discourse; — and care to avoid all suspicion of evil. — Jerome says, "It is one of the glories of a bishop to provide for the poor; but a disgrace to the sacred function, to seek only to enrich himself." (Hieron, Ep. 2 ad Nepotian.) Chrysostom highly extols his Bishop Flavian upon account of this virtue. He says that "his house was always open to strangers, and to such as were obliged to have recourse to flight for the sake of religion ; where they were received and entertained with such liberality and kindness, that his house might as properly be called ' The house of strangers,' as ' The house of Flavian."" Yea, it was so much the more his own, for being common to strangers ; for whatever we possess is so much the more our property for being communicated to our poor brethren ; there being no place where we may so safely lay up^our [treasure, as in the hands of 358 THE MINISTKRrf OF THK CHURCH. [bOOK III. the poor." (Chry^jost. Serm. 1 in Gen.) On the other hand, Jerome observes, in his instruction to Nepotian, " You must avoid giving great entertainments to secular men, and especially to those who are high in office. For it is not very reputable to have the lictors and guards of a consul stand waiting at the doors of a priest of Christ, who himself was crucified and poor; nor that the judge of a province should dine more sumptuously with you, than in the palace. If it be pretended that you do this only to be able to intercede with him for poor criminals ; there is no judge but will pay a greater deference and respect to a poor clergyman than to a rich one, and show greater reverence to your sanctity than to your riches. Or if he bo such an one as will hear a clergyman's intercession only at his table, I should willingly be without this benefit, and rather beseech Christ for the judge himself, who can more speedily and powerfully help than any judge." (Hieron. Ep. 2 ad Nepotian.) Again, " The laity should rather find us to be comforters in their mournings, than companions in their feasts. That clergyman will soon be despised, who never refuses any entertainments when he is fre- quently invited to them," {Ibid.) — The virtues of the tongue were also considered of great importance in the life of a clergy- man, in the times of which we are treating. Jerome gives a particular caution to ministers, against the sin of detraction and calumny, and especially against giving encouragement to evil speaking, by a patient hearing. " No slanderer," says he, " tells his story to one who is not willing to hear him. An arrow never fixes in a stone, but often recoils, and wounds him that shoots it. Therefore, let the detractor be less forward and busy, by your unwillingness to hear his detraction." (Hieron. Ep. 2 ad Nepo- tian.) The same writer recommends another virtue of the ton<'ue to clergymen ; namely, the habit of keeping secrets, and of observing a becoming silence, especially about the affairs of public persons. " Your office," says he, " requires you to visit the sick, and thereby you become acquainted with the families of matrons and their children, and arc entrusted with the secrets of noble men. You ought, therefore, to keep not only a chaste eye, but a chaste tongue You ought not to CHAP, XIX.] THEIR CHARACTER AND DUTIES. 359 let Olio house know from you what may have been done in another."" {Ibid.) — Chrysostom gives some excellent advice respecting the great duty of avoiding all appearance of evil, — a duty especially incumbent upon Christian ministers. " If," says he, " the holy apostle St. Paul was afraid lest he should have been suspected of theft by the Corinthians; and upon that account took others into the administration of their charity with himself, that no one might have the least pretence to blame him ; how much more careful should we be to cut off all occasions of sinister opinions and suspicions, however false or unreasonable they might be, or disagreeable to our character. For none of us can be so far removed from any sin, as St. Paul was from theft ; yet he did not think fit to contemn the suspicions of the vulgar; he did not trust to the reputation which both his miracles, and the integrity of his life, had generally procured for him; but, on the contrary, ho imagined that such suspicions and jealousies might arise in the hearts of some men, and therefore he took care to prevent them; not suffering them to arise at all, but timely foreseeing them and prudently forestalling them; pro- \'iding, as he says, for honest things, not only in the sight of God, but also in the sight of men. The same care, and much greater, should we take, not only to dissipate and destroy the ill opinions men may have entertained of us, but to foresee afar off from what causes they may spring, and to cut off beforehand the occasions and pretences from which they may arise. And it is much easier to do this, than to extinguish them when they are risen, which will then be very difficult, and perhaps impossible; besides that their being raised will give great scandal and offence, and wound the conscience of many." (Ciirysost. de Sacerdot. lib. vi. c. 9.) Jerome, in like manner, represents it as the duty of a minister to avoid all suspicions; and to take care beforehand that there should be no probable grounds for fictitious stories to the disad- vantage of his moral character. (Hiruox. Ep. 2 ad Nepotian.y But it might happen, as Bingham truly observes, that a man, after the utmost human caution and prudence that could be used, might not be able to avoid the malevolent suspicions of ill-dis- posed persons; for our blessed Lord, whose innocence and conduct were both equally divine, could not in his converse with men 360 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [OOOK III. wholly escape them. Now, in this case, the church could pre- scribe no other rule than that of patience and Christian conso- lation, given by our Saviour to his apostles, " Blessed are ye, when men shall revile you, and persecute you, and shall say all manner of evil against you falsely for my sake; rejoice, and be exceeding glad; for great is your reward in heaven." (Matt. v. 11.) " When we have done," says Augustine, "all that in jus- tice and prudence we could, to preserve our good name, if, after that, some men will notwithstanding endeavour to blemish our reputation, and blacken our character, either by false suggestions or unreasonable suspicions, let conscience be our comfort, and even our joy, that great is our reward in heaven." Augustin. De Bono Viduitat. c. 22.) From these observations respecting the general life and con- versation of the clergy, let us pass to others more immediately relating to the exercise of the duties and offices of their sacred function. The Fathers frequently insist upon the necessity of due study and application, in order to the right discharge of the ministerial office. For since, as Gregory Nazianzen observes, {Orat. 1 . De Fuga,) a man could not become master of the meanest arts without the cost of much time and pains, it were absurd to think that the art of wisdom, which comprehends the knowledge of things human and divine, and comprises everything that is noble and excellent, was so light and vulgar a thing, as that a man needed no more than a wish or a will to obtain it. Some indeed, he complains, [Ibid.) were of this fond opinion ; and, therefore, before they had well passed the time of their childhood, or knew the names of the books of the Old and New Testament, or how well to read them, if they had learnt but two or three pious words by heart, or had read a few of the Psalms of David, and put on a grave habit, which made some outward show of piety, they had the vanity to think themselves qualified for the government of the church. They then talked of nothing but the sanctifica- tion of Sanniel from his cradle, and thought themselves profound scribes, great rabbies and teachers, sublime in the knowledge of divine things; and were for interpreting the Scripture, not by the letter, but after a spiritual way, propounding their own dreams CITAP. XIX.] THEIR CHARACTER AND DUTIES. 361 and fancies, instead of the divine oracles, to the people. This, he complains, was for want of that study and labour which ought to give continual employment to those persons who take upon them the offices of the sacred function. Chrysostom pursues this matter a little further; and shows the necessity of continual labour and study in a clergyman, from the nature of the work which he has upon hand, each part of which requires great and sedulous application. For, says he, first, he ought to be quali- fied to minister suitable remedies to the several maladies and disorders of men's souls; the cure of which requires greater skill and labour than the cure of their bodily distempers. And this can be done only by the doctrine of the Gospel; with which, therefore, it is necessary that he should be intimately acquainted. Then again, secondly, he must be able to stop the mouths of all gainsayers, Jews, gentiles, and heretics, who employ different arts and diflFerent weapons in their attacks upon the truth; and unless he exactly understands all their fallacies and sophisms, and knows the true art of making a proper defence, he will be in danger not only of suffering each of them to make havoc of the church, but of encouraging one error while combating another. For nothing was more common, in Chrysostom's time, than for ignorant and unskilful disputants to run from one extreme to another; as he shows in the controversies which the church had with the Marcionites and Valentinians on the one hand, and the Jews on the other, about the law of Moses; and the dispute about the Trinity, between the Arians and the Sabellians. Now, unless a man were well skilled and exercised in the word of God, and the true art and rules of disputation, which could not bo attained without continual study and labour, ho concludes that " it would be impossible for him to maintain his ground, and the truth, as he ought, against so many subtle and wily opposers." He then inculcates that instruction of St. Paul to Timothy, "Give attendance to reading, to exhortation, to doctrine: medi- tate upon these things; give thyself wholly to them, that thy profiting may appear to all men." Thirdly, he shows "how difficult and laborious a work it was to make continual homilies and regular discourses to the people, who were become very severe judges of the preacher's compositions, and would not 362 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [bOOK III. allow him to rehearse any part of another man's work, nor so much as to repeat his own upon a second occasion. Here his task was something the more difficult, because men had generally nice and delicate palates, and were inclined to hear sermons as they heard plays, more for pleasure than profit. Which added to the preacher's study and labour; who, though he was to con- temn both popular applause and censure, yet was also to have such a regard to his auditory, as that they might hear him with pleasure, to their edification and advantage." Some persons having been ready to plead the apostle's authority for their ignorance, and even to pride themselves upon their want of learning, to this Chrysostom very properly replies, that " this was a misrepresentation of St. Paul's meaning, and was vainly urged in excuse for any man's sloth and negligence in not attain- ing to those necessary parts of knowledge which the clerical life required. If the utmost heights and perfections of foreign eloquence had been rigidly exacted of the clergy; — if they had been required to speak always with the smoothness of Isocrates, or the loftiness of Demosthenes, or the majesty of Thucydides, or the sublimity of Plato, — then indeed it might be pertinent to allege this testimony of the apostle. But rudeness of style, in comparison with such eloquence, may be allowed; provided men be otherwise qualified with knowledge, and furnished with ability to preach and dispute accurately concerning the doctrines of faith and religion, as St. Paul was; whose talents in that kind have made him the wonder and admiration of the whole world; and it would be unjust to accuse him of rudeness of speech, who by his discourses confounded both Jews and Greeks, and wrought many into the opinion that he was the Mercury of the gentiles. Such proofs of his power of persuasion were sufficient evidence that he had bestowed some pains upon this matter; and therefore his authority was vainlyabuscd to patronize ignorance and sloth, whose example was so great a reproach to them." The same writer afterwards proceeds to show, that a good life alone is not a suffi- cient qualification for a minister, nor ought to be regarded as any valid ground of excuse for want of knowledge and study, and the art of preaching and disj)uting. " Both these qualifications," says he, " arc required in a priest ; he must not only do, but CHAP. XIX.] THEIK CHAHACTEK AND TUTIES. 8Go teacb, the commands of Christ, and must guide others by his word and doctrine, as well as by his practice ; each of these have their part in his office, and ai*e necessary to assist one another, in order to complete men's edification. For otherwise, when any controversy may arise about the doctrines of religion, and Scrip- ture may be pleaded in behalf of error ; what will a good life avail in this case? What will it signify to have been diligent in the practice of virtue, if, after all, a man through gross ignorance and unskilfulness in the word of truth, fall into heresy, and cut himself off from the body of the church? And I know many that have done so. But, suppose that a man should stand firm himself, and not be drawn away by the adversaries ; yet, when the plain and simple people who are under his care shall observe their leader to be baffled, and that he has nothing to say to the arguments of a subtle opponent, they will be ready to impute this not so much to the weakness of the advocate, as to the badness of his cause ; and so, by one man's ignorance, a whole people will be carried headlong to utter destruction ; or, at least, will be so shaken in their faith, that they will not stand firm for the future." (CniivsosT. De Sacerdot. lib. iv. 5.) And, in like man- ner, Jerome observes in his Epistle to Nepotian, " that the plain rustic brother should not value himself upon his sanctity, and despise knowledge ; neither should the skilful and eloquent speaker measure his holiness by his tongue. For, though of two imperfections it was better to have a holy ignorance than a vicious eloquence ; yet both qualifications were necessary to complete a priest, and he ought to have knowledge as well as sanctity to fit him for the several duties of his function."" (Hieron. Ep. 2 ad Nepotian.) But it was the stud// of the Holy Scriptures which was espe- cially enjoined upon Christian ministers by these pious wi'iters. Chrysostom says, " In administering spiritual remedies to the souls of men, the word of God is instead of everything that is used in the cure of bodily distempers. It is instrument, and diet, and air ; it is instead of medicine, and fire, and knife ; if caustics and incisions are necessary, they are to be done by this ; and if this do not succeed, it were in vain to try other means. This is it which is to raise and comfort the dejected soul ; and to take 364 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [book III down and suppress the swelling humours and presumptions of the confident. By this they are both to cut off what is super- fluous, to supply what is wanting, and to do everything that is necessary to be done in the cure of souls. By this all here- tics and unbelievers are to be convinced, and all the plots of Satan to be countermined : and therefore it is necessary that the ministers of God be very diligent in studying the Scriptures, that the word of Christ might dwell richly in them." (Chrysost. De Sacerdot. lib. iv. c. 3, 4.) Jerome commends his friend Nepo- tian for this, " that at all feasts it was his practice to propound something out of the Holy Scriptures, and entertain the company with some useful disquisition upon it. And, next to the Scrip- tures, he employed his time upon the study of the best ecclesias- tical authors, whom by continual reading and frequent medita- tions he had so treasured up in the library of his heart, that he could repeat their words upon any proper occasion ; saying, thus spake Tertullian, thus Cyprian, so Lactantius, after this manner Hilary, so Minucius Felix, so Victorinus, these were the words of Arnobius, and the like." (Hieron. Epitaph. Nepot.^ Ep. 3, ad Heliodor.) We find the following observations, among many others, respecting the public discharge of ministerial duties: — " With what exact care," says Chrysostom, " ought he to behave him- self, who goes in the name of a whole city, nay, in the name of the whole world, as their orator and ambassador, to intercede with God for the sins of all*? But especially when he invocates the Holy Ghost, and offers up the tremendous sacrifice of the altar ^; with what purity, with what reverence and piety, should his tongue utter forth those words ; whilst the angels stand by him, and the whole order of heavenly powers cries aloud, and fills the sanctuary in honour of him who is represented as dead and lying upon the altar." (Chrysost. De Sacerdot. lib. vi. c. 4.) * There is great danger in the use of such language as this. Doubtless there is a sense in which it may be rightly employed ; but it must be carefully remembered that the only mediator between God and man, — the only in- tercessor on behalf of the church, — is the Lord Jesus Christ. Many prac- tical errors, however, were interwoven with the Christian faith during the third and fourth centuries. * That is, celebrates) the Lord's Sup- per in the'congrcgation. CHAP. XIX.] THEIK CHARACTER AND DUTIES. 365 Concerning preacUng, the following rules are laid down by Gregory Nazianzen, Chrysostom, and Jerome.— First, that the l)reacher be careful to make choice of an useful subject. Gregory Nazianzen {Orat. 1 de Fuga), specifies some particular and leading subjects,— such as the doctrine of the world's creation, and the soul of man ; the doctrine of providence, and the restoration of man ; the two covenants ; the first and second comings of Christ; his incarnation, sufferings, and death ; the resurrection, the end of the world, and the future judgment ; the different rewards of heaven and hell; together with the doctrine of the blessed Trinity, which is the principal article of the Christian faith. Such subjects as these are fit for edification, to build up men in faith and holiness, and the practice of all piety and virtue. But then, secondly, these subjects must be treated in a suitable way; not with too much art or loftiness of style, but with great condescension to men's capacities, wdio must be fed with the word as they are able to bear it. This is what Gregory Nazianzen so much 'commends in Athanasius, when he says, " He condescended and accommodated himself to mean capacities, whilst" to the acute his notions and words were more sublime," (Greg. Naz. Orat. 21, de Laud. Athan.) Jerome also observes, upon this head, " that a preacher's discourse should always be plain, intelligible, and affecting ; and rather adapted to excite men s groans and tears by a sense of their sins, than their admi- ration and applause by speaking to them what neither they, nor he himself perhaps, do truly understand. For they are chiefly ignorant and unlearned men who affect to be admired for their speaking above the capacities of the vulgar. A bold man often interprets what he himself does not understand; and yet he has no sooner persuaded others to they know not what, than he assumes to himself the title of learning upon it. While yet there is nothing so easy as to deceive the ignorant multitude, who are always most prone to admire what they do not understand." (HiERON. Ep. 2 ad Nepotlan.) Chrysostom spends almost a wdiole book (^De Sacerdot. lib. v.) in cautioning the Christian orator against the fault of courting popular applause ; and points out the necessity of his despising both the applauses and censures of men, and all other things which might tem])t him to flatter '^66 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [nOOK HI. his hearers, rather than edify them. " In a word," says he, "his chief end in all his compositions should be to please God : and then, if he also gained the praise of men, he might receive it ; if not, he needed not to court it, nor torment himself because it was denied him. For it would be consolation enough for all his labours, that in the application of his doctrine and eloquence he had always sought to please his God." (De Sacerdot. lib. v. c. 7.) A third rule was, that preachers should carefully adapt their doctrine to the actual wants and necessities of their hearers. Chrysostom, in describing this part of a minister''s duty, says, that " he should be watchful and clear-sighted, and have a thousand eyes about him, as living not for himself alone, but for a multi- tude of people. To live retired in a cell is the part of a monk ; but the duty of a watchman is to converse among men of all degrees and callings ; to take care of the body of Christ, the church, and have regard both to its health and beauty; carefully observing lest any spot, or wrinkle, or other defilement, should sully its grace and comeliness. Now this obliges spiritual physi- cians to apply their medicines, that is, their doctrines, as the maladies of their patients chiefly require ; to be most earnest and frequent in encountering those errors and vices which are most predominant, or by which men are most in danger of being infected. (Chrysost. De Sacerdot. lib. iii. c. 12 ; lib. iv. c. 2, 3.) In private addresses to the persons under their charge, the clergy were enjoined to exercise prudence, as well as fidelity and diligence. " Man," says Gregory Nazianzen, " is so various and uncertain a creature that it requires great art and skill to manage him. For the tempers of men's minds differ more than the features and lineaments of their bodies; and, as all meats and medicines are not proper for all bodies, so neither is the same treatment and discipline proper for all souls. Some arc best moved by words, others by examples ; some are of a dull and heavy temper, and so have need of the spur to stimulate them; others that are brisk and fiery have more need of the curb to restrain them. Praise works best upon some, and reproof upon others, provided that each of them be ministered in a suitable and season- able way, otherwise they do more harm than good. Some men CHAP, XIX.] THEIR CHARACTRR AXn DUTIES. 367 are drawn by gentle exhortations to their duty; others by rebukes and hard words must be driven to it. And even in this business of reproof some men are affected most with open rebuke, others with private. For some men never regard a secret reproof, who yet are easily corrected, if chastised in public: others again cannot bear a public disgrace, but grow either morose, or impudent and implacable, under it; who, perhaps, would have hearkened to a secret admonition, and repaid their monitor with their conversion, as presuming him to have accosted them out of mere pity and love. Some men are to be so nicely watched and observed, that not the least of their faults are to be dissembled; because they seek to hide their sins from men, and arrogate to themselves thereupon the praise of being politic and crafty: in others it is better to wink at some faults, so that seeing we will not see, and hearing we will not hear, lest by too frequent chidings we bring them to despair, and so make them cast off modesty, and grow bolder in their sins. To some men we must put on an angry countenance, and seem to deplore their con- dition, and to despair of them as lost and pitiable wretches, when their nature so requires it: others again must be treated with meekness and humility, and be recovered to a better hope by more promising and encouraging prospects. Some men must be always conquered and never yielded to ; whilst to others it will be better sometimes to concede a little. For all men's distem- pers are not to be cured the same way; but proper medicines are to be applied, as the matter itself, or occasion, or the temper of the patient will allow. And this is the most difficult part of the pastoral office, to know how to distinguish these things nicely, with an exact judgment, and with as exact a hand to administer suitable remedies to every distemper. It is a master-piece of art, which is not to be obtained but by good observation, joined with experience and practice." (Greg. Naz. Orat. 1, cle Fuga; Conf. Orat. 21, de Laud. Atlian.) In like manner, Chrysostom, speaking of the qualifications of a Christian minister, observes, that " he ought to be wise, as w^ell as holy; a man of great experience, and that understands the world; and because his business is with all sorts of men, he should be ttockIXo^, one that can appear with different aspects, and act with great variety of skill. But when I 368 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [bOOK III. say this, I do not mean," says he, " that he should be a man of craft or servile flattery, or a dissembling hypocrite; but a man of great freedom and boldness, who knows, notwithstanding, how to condescend and accommodate himself to men's advantage, when occasion requires, and who can be mild as well as austere. For all men are not to be treated in the same way; no physician uses the same method with all his patients.*" (Chrysost. de Sacerdot. lib. iii. c. 16.) Zeal and courage in defending the truth is another quality which the ancients correctly represent as requisite in a Christian minister. " In other cases," says Gregory Nazianzen, " there is nothing so peaceable, so moderate, as Christian bishops; but in this case they cannot bear the name of moderation to betray their God by silence and sitting still; here they are exceedingly eager warriors and fighting champions, that are not to be overcome." (Greg. Naz. Orat. 21, De Laud. Athan.: Conf. Orat. 20, De Laud. Basil.) But in speaking thus, they made it to be, at the same time, distinctly understood that " the weapons of our warfare are not carnal." Such are among the truly excellent remarks of Chrysostom, Gregory Nazianzen, and Jerome, concerning the character and duties of a Christian minister. These specimens of practical piety and wisdom from the writings of the Fathers, while they convey important instruction on the particular subject to which they relate, may also serve to direct our attention, in general, to the true value and use of those precious records of the early church. Let us not be unwilling to avail ourselves of the piety, learning, and experience of ancient Christian teachers; nor be disposed to overlook what is really important in their writings, merely because they were subject to human infirmity, and were involved in some of those errors which gradually gathered round the church from the second century, until the days of the blessed Refor- mation. Having already made use of the labours of the learned Bingham in representing the views of the Fathers concerning ministerial qualifications, I cannot deny myself the pleasure of subjoining his own excellent " conclusion, by way of address to the clergy of the present church;" to which I shall take leave to CHAP, xrx.] THEIR CHARACTER AND DUTIES. 369 append another short, but valuable, passage, from the pen of Bishop Reynolds. The greatest ornament and best distinction of the clergy in the earliest and purest ages of the church, undoubtedly consisted in the simplicity of their faith and teaching, the sobriety and holiness of their lives, their patience, zeal, and devotedness to the work of their ministry. In these respects, they deserve the imitation of all who may succeed them in the office of Christian pastors or teachers. And, as it is highly gratifying and refreshing to the mind to advert to patristical delineations and examples of the ministerial character, after having been so long employed in considering dry historical details relating to the practices of the early church, so also it may afford us peculiar pleasure and advan- tage to observe the pious sentiments of early w^riters transfused into the language of two well-known divines of our own church, '' We all profess, as it is our duty to do, a great zeal for the honour and welfare of the present church. Now, if indeed we have that zeal which we profess, we shall be careful to demon- strate it in all our actions; observing those necessary rules and measures which raised the primitive church to its glory. We are obliged, in this respect, first, to be strict and exemplary in our lives; to set others a pattern of sobriety, humility, meekness, charity, self-denial, and contempt of the world, and all such common graces, as are required of Christians in general to adorn their profession; and then to add to these the peculiar graces and ornaments of our function, diligence, prudence, fidelity, and piety in the whole course of our ministry; imitating those excel- lencies of the ancients, which have been described; confining ourselves to the proper business of our calling, and not intermed- dling or distracting ourselves with other cares; employing our thoughts and time in useful studies, and directing them to their proper end, the edification of the church; performing all divine offices with assiduity and constancy, and in that rational, decent, and becoming way, which suits the nature of the action ; making our addresses to God with a serious reverence, and an affecting fervency of devotion; and in our discourses to men, speaking always as the oracles of God, with Scripture eloquence, which is the most persuasive; in our doctrine showing uncorruptness, ■2 R 370 THE MINISTERS OF THE CHURCH. [llOOK III. gravity, sincerity, sound speech that cannot bo condemned;^ in our reproofs, and the exercise of public and private discipline, using great wisdom and prudence, both to discern the temper of men, and to time the application to its proper season, mixing charity and compassion with a just severity, and endeavouring to restore fallen brethren in the spirit of meekness; showing gentle- ness and patience to them that are in error, and giving them good arguments with good usage, in order to regain them; avoiding all bitter and contumelious language, and never bringing against any man a railing accusation; treating those of our own order, whether superiors, inferiors, or equals, with all the decency and respect that is due to them, since nothing is more scandalous among clergymen than the abuses and contempt of one another; endeavouring here, as well as in all other cases, 'to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace;' showing ourselves candid and ingenuous in moderating disputes among good catholics, as well as resolute and prudent in opposing the mali- cious designs of the professed enemies of truth ; briefly, employing our thoughts day and night upon these things, turning our designs this way, and always acting with a pure intention for the benefit and edification of the church; even neglecting our own honour, and despising our own interest, when it is needful for the advantage of the public. " Such actions will proclaim our zeal indeed, and draw every eye to take notice of it. Such qualities, joined with probity and integrity of life, will equal our character to that of the primitive saints ; and either give happy success to our labours, or at least crown our endeavours with the comfort and satisfaction of having discharged a good conscience in the sight of God. The best designs, indeed,, may be frustrated, and the most pious and zealous endeavours be disappointed. It was so with our Lord and Master himself, and no one of his household then is to think it strange if it happen to be his own case. For, though He ' spake as never man spake,"" though He had done so many miracles among the Jews, yet they believed not on Him. This seems to be written for our comfort, that we should not be wholly dejected, though our endeavours fail of success, since our Lord himself was first pleased to take his share of the disappointment. It will still CHAP. XIX.] THEIR CHARACTKR AND DUTlKsi. 371 be our comfort, that we can be able to say with the prophet in this case, ' Though we have laboured in vain, and spent our strength for nought, yet surely our judgment is with the Lord, and our work with our God. And then, though Israel be not gathered, yet shall we be glorious in the eyes of the Lord, and our God shall be our strength' Isa. xux. 4, 5."" — (Bingham.) " We are stewards of no meaner a gift than the grace of God, and the wisdom of God: that grace which by St. Peter is called 'manifold grace,' 1 Pet. iv. 10; and that wisdom, which by St. Paul is called 'the manifold wisdom of God," Eph. iii. 10. We are the depositaries and dispensers of the most precious treasures which were ever opened unto the sons of men : the incorruptible and precious blood of Christ, the exceeding great and precious promises of the gospel, the word of the grace of God, and of the unsearchable riches of Christ. Now, it is required of stewards, that a man be found faithful, 1 Cor. iv. 2 ; that he defraud not Christ of his purchase, which is the souls of men, nor men of their price and privilege, which is the blood of Christ; that he neither favour the sins of men, nor dissemble the truth of God ; that he watch, because he is a seer ; that he speak, because he is an oracle ; that he feed, because he is a shepherd ; that he labour, because he is a husbandman ; that he be tender, because he is a mother ; that he be careful, because he is a father ; that he be faithful, because he is a servant to God and his church; in one word, that he be instant in season and out of season, to exhort, rebuke, instruct, to do the work of an evangelist, to accomplish and make full proof of his ministry; because he hath an account to make, because he hath the pre- sence of Christ to assist him, the promises of Christ to reward him, the example of Christ, his apostles, prophets, evangelists, bishops, and martyrs of the purest time, who have now their palms in their hands, to encourage him." — (Reynolds.) 2 B 2 372 BOOK IV. OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. CHAPTER I. OF PUBLIC PRAYER, PSALMODY, AND INSTRUCTION. § 1. — Use op the Lord''s Prayer. The first form of Christian prayer on record, is that which our blessed Lord himself prescribed for the use of his disciples, com- monly called the Lord's Prayer, (Matt. vi. 9 — 13, and Luke xi. 2—4.) No account of the use of this prayer in the apostles' times has come down to us. We find no trace of it in any of those passages in the Acts which speak of public prayer, nor does any allusion to it occur in the apostolical epistles. But the omis- sion, it must be remembered, does not prove that the prayer was not in general use during those times : because it may have been referred to by implication in some or all of those passages which mention public prayer in general terms. It is more remarkable, however, that no reference to this prayer in particular is made by the earliest ecclesiastical writers after the apostles ; in whose works we might naturally have expected some allusion to this prescribed form, as well as to other of our Saviour's institutions. Justin Martyr says (Apol. 1), that in the Christian assemblies, the presiding minister (6 TrpoecTTODs) offered up prayer and thanksgiving, as far as he was able (00-77 Bvvafjiis avroi), and that hereupon the people answered Amen ! The words oar) Bvvafj,i,<; avrS may mean, with as lotid a roice as he could C077imand, and this the old Latin translation may have intended by " totis viribus," which is its rendering ; or the expression may perhaps mean, as some inter- preters suppose, as tceJl as he could, to the best of his ahility, relating either to the fervour of the minister's devotion, or to the CHAP !•] OK PUBLIC PRAYER. 373 substance or form of an extempore prayer, " ex proprio ingenio," as TertuUian says'. If the latter be the true meaning of the expression, it would lead to the conclusion that public prayers were not confined to any precomposed forms ; but it would not prove that the Lord"'s l-*rayer was not used in addition to the extempore addresses of the officiating minister. In describing the ceremony of baptism, Justin speaks of the use made of " the name of the universal Father" {to tov rrarpos roiv o\&)f), which words may perhaps refer to the introductory clause of the Lord's Prayer ; as well as the eu%^ airb irarpos dp^dfxevos mentioned in the Philopatris of Lucian the younger. Nor is Irenseus much more explicit respecting the use of the Lord's Prayer. He says, however, (adv. Hceres. lib. v. c. 17,) " Quapropter et in oratione dicere nos docuit (Christus), Et remitte nobis debita nostra; utique quoniam hie est Pater noster^ cujus eramus debitores, transgressi ejus prsecepta," i. e., " Where- fore^ also, he {Christ) has taught us to say in prayer, '■And forgive us our debts;'' for he is our Father, ichose debtors we were, having transgressed his precepts.'''' — The same may be said with respect to Clement of Alexandria, who makes evident allusion to the Lord''s Prayer, in several passages ; especially Poedag. lib. iii. The earliest and most express testimony to the use of the Lord's Prayer would be that which is furnished by the Apo- stolical Constitutions, if the assumed date of that composition were the real one. But as that work cannot be supposed to have been compiled before the third century, no appeal can be made to it for the establishment of any fact during the first and second centuries, not recorded by some other contemporary ' " Some misconstrue this passage, and interpret the abilities of the minis- ter officiating so, as if they meant no more but his invention, expression, or the like ; making it by such a gloss to become an argument against the anti- quity of public liturgies, or set forms of prayer ; whereas indeed, it signifies here a quite different thing, namely, that spiritual vigour, or intenseness and ardency of devotion, with which the minister offered up the sacrifices of the church to God ; being such quali- fications as are necessary to make our prayer and praises acceptable unto Him, who requires them to be presented with all our soul and might; which may be done in set forms as well as any other way. And so Gregory Na- zianzen and Justin Jlartyr liiniself use the phrase, octj; Svva/us, where they speak of set forms of praising and serving God. ' Bingham, Antiq. b. vi. c. 3, § 5. Sec Appendix A. 37-i OF CHRISTIAN WOKSllIP AND DISCIPLINE. [bOOK IV, writer. Its testimony on this subject will therefore be inserted below. The testimonies of TertuUian, Cyprian, and Origen, fully establish the fact of the public use of the Lord's Prayer in tlie church during the second and third centuries. TertuUian not only quotes the Lord''s Prayer in various parts of his writings, but has left a treatise De Oratione, " On Prayer," which consists of an exposition of this prayer, with some remarks appended concerning customs observed in prayer. In this treatise (which he is supposed to have written before he went over to Montanism, i. e., before the year 200), TertuUian represents the Lord's Prayer, not merely as a pattern or exem- plar of Christian petitions, but as the quintessence and ground of all prayer, and as a summary of the gospel (breviarium totius evangelii*). He calls this foi-m the " Oratio legitima et ordi- naria," the legitimate and ordinary prayer; and says that the use of other prayers ought not to supersede this, which is rather to be regarded as the groundwork or foundation (fundamentum) of all. In chapter 19 (or 25), TertuUian recommends the use of (private) prayer three times a day, namely, at the third, sixth, and ninth hours, i.e.^ nine, twelve, and three o■'clock^ This * Dei Spiritus, et Dei Sermo, et Dei ratio, sormo ratiouis et ratio semionis ct spiritus. Utr unique Jesus Christus Dominus noster, novis diseipulis novi Testauienti novam oraliotiis formam delermiiiavil. . . Et quid non coe- lestc, quod Domini Christi est, ut haec quocpie orandi disciplina? . . Neque enim propria tantum orationis officia conii)lcxa est, venerationcm Dei, aut honiiuis petitioncm '; scd ouinem pene sennoneai Domini, onmem commenio- rationem discipliiuc, ut r^vcra in ora- tionc breviarium totius cvangelii com- prehendatur. Tektull. De Oral. c. 1. ' De tempore vero non erit otiosa extrinsecus observatio eliam horarum quarundam. Istarum dico conimunium, (|u;c diei intt-rspatia signant, teitia, se.vta, noua, quas solomniores in Scrip- turis invcnire est. . . . Etsi sim- pliciter se habeaut sine illius observa- tionis prajcepto, bonum tamen sit aliquam constituere ' prjcsumtioneni, qua et oi-andi admonitionem constrin- gat, et quasi lege ad tale munus ex- torqueat a negotiis interdum, ut quod Danieli quoque legimus observatum xitique ex Israelis disciplina, ne minus ter die saltern adoremns, debitores Patris, et Filii, et Si)iritus Sancti. Exccptis utique legitimis orationibus, quic sine idla admonitione debentur ingressu lucis ct noctis. Scd ct cibum non prius sumere, et lavacruni non prius adire, quam interposita oratione, fidcles decet. Priora enim liabenda sunt spiritus refrigcria et pabula, quam carnis, ct priora c(plcstia, quam tcr- rena. Tertull. Dc Oral. c. It) (al. 26). CHAP. I.] OF PUBLIC PRAYER. 375 writer does not mention the doxology at the end; indeed, he speaks of the words " deliver us" from evil," as being the end (clausula) of the prayer. Cyprian repeats the sentiments of Tertullian, whom he recognised to a great extent as his guide, in his treatise De Ora- tione Dominica, " On the Lord's Prayer." In this book, which is composed on nearly the same plan as that of Tertullian, Cyprian is more copious than his predecessor, and serves some- times to complete and explain his meaning. He calls the Lord*'s Prayer " Publica nobis et communis oratio," " Our public and common prayer." His celebrated contemporary, Origen, composed a treatise On Prayer (irepl Ev^V'^) about the beginning of the third century; the second part of which is devoted to an exposition of the Lord's Prayer. This writer takes notice of the slight difference which subsists between the two forms recorded by St, Matthew and St. Luke; and is inclined to regard them as two separate prayers, bearing however a general resemblance to each other, and sub- stantially the same (^eXrlov rj Scacjiopovi vofML^eadat ras Trpoaev^a^ KOLud rcva i'^oucra<; fiepr]). He regards this prayer as a form prescribed for the use of all Christians {vTrorervTrcofievijv 7r/5oy TO Selv ovro)<; irpocrev')(^ecr6ai Trpocrevxijv); containing the substance of every petition which a Christian can find occasion to offer to God. In writers of the fourth and fifth centuries we find frequent allusion to the Lord's Prayer, as a form appropriate for public use (AuGusTiN, Ep. 89, ad Hilar.; Retract, lib. i. c. 19; Chrysostom, Horn. 42, 44 ; Conf. Cyrill. Hierosol. Cateck. Blystag. 5). During the third, fourth, and fifth centuries, the use of the Lord's Prayer was restricted to the faithful, or members in full communion with the church; whence it is called by Chrysostom ev'x}] TOiv TTiarcov, it being adopted as a maxim that no unbap- tized person possesses the privilege of calling God his Father (Chkysost. Horn. 11, in 2 Cor.; Horn. 62; Theodoret. Hwret. Fabul. c. 28; Augustin. Cerm. 42; Conf. Enckirid, 7, 71). We must not, however, suppose that the contents of this prayer 376 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [bOOIC IV. were kept secret from the catechumens ; for this prayer is con- tained in the gospels, which were in the hands, not only of these persons, but even of the heathen : but it is probable that the church did not impart to the catechumens the doctrinal and mystical interpretation of this prayer which it had in its posses- sion,— the Sacramenta Orationis Dominicse, of which Cyprian and other writers speak. And here it may be interesting to trace the connexion which subsists between the interpretation of the Lord's Prayer and the celebrated system of secret traditional teaching (disciplina arcani). All expositors of the first five centuries agree that the words " Our Father, which art in heaven," are to be taken in a full and mysterious sense, peculiar to Christianity (Tertull. de Orat. c. 2, 8; Cyprian, de Orat. Domin.; Orig. de Orat.; Gregor. Nyss. Horn. 10, in Ep. ad Coloss.). The doctrine of adoption {vloOecTLa), and of boldness or confidence of access to God {Trapprjaia), were explained as a benefit peculiar to the Christian church, unknown alike to Jews and heathens. Attention was called especially to the liberty and equality of all men before God, so that those who in their social capacity are no higher than slaves, have attained to the privileges of children in the kingdom of God ; and it was observed that, in this sense, the Gospel is rightly termed a "law of liberty" by St. James, while St. Paul also truly declares, that " there is neither bond nor free, but we are all one in Christ Jesus." But this high and consolatory doctrine was not explained to the members of the church until after their baptism. The fourth petition, "Give us this day our daily bread," was understood by the ancients, almost without exception, in a mys- tical sense, and, was directly applied to the spiritual food of the soul in the Lord's supper (Iren. adv. Hwr. iv. c. 18; Tertull. de Orat. c. 6 ; Cyprian, de Orat. Domi?i.; Orig. de Orat. ; Cyrill. Hierosol. Catech. Mystag. v. c. 15). And it is probable that to each of the petitions in the Lord's Prayer some meaning was attached bearing reference to the Christian mysteries, or the esoteric doctrines of the church, which were carefully concealed from the catechumens. CHAP. I.] Of PURLICJ PKAYEK. 377 The doxology at the end of the Lord's Prayer, which is now found in the Gospel of St. Matthew, is generally supposed by critics not to have formed part of the original text of that evan- gelist. Tertullian, Cyprian, Origen, and Cyril of Jerusalem, appear to have been entirely unacquainted with it; and it is wanting in the earliest and best manuscripts of St. Matthew"'s Gospel, according to the testimony of Mill, Wetstein, Bengel, and Griesbach. It is the opinion of the two last-mentioned critics, that it appeared first about the middle of the fourth cen- tury, and that it is of Byzantine origin. It is found in the Apo- stolical Constitutions ; and it is not improbable that it may have been incorporated from that work into the text of the Gospel. It is found, also, in the earliest liturgies which have come down to us; but with slight variations of form. The author of the Apostolical Constitutions enjoins the use of the Lord's prayer three times a day (book vii. chap. 24) ; a prac- tice afterwards established by the laws of the church {Cone. Gerund, a.d. 517, c 10; Cone. Tolet. iv. a.d. 633, c. 9). The Co7istitutions also require every newly-baptized person to repeat the Lord's Prayer immediately after coming up from the water (ecrrwy Trpocrev^ecrOa) rrjv eu-x^rjv, fjv ihlha^ev rjfids 6 Kvpcos : Const. Apost. lib. vii. c. 44 ; Conf. Chrysost. Horn. 6, in Ep. ad Coloss.). After this, the baptized repeated the creed (symbolum, regulafidei), in which they had been previously instructed; and this is the " traditio et redditio symboli " so often mentioned by ecclesiastical writers. In the case of infant baptism, the sponsors at first repeated the Lord's Prayer and Creed on behalf of the child for whom they answered ; but afterwards, in the middle ages, the church began to dispense with this requirement, and to satisfy herself with the repetition of these formularies by the officiating minister. This lax practice has remained even in the Protestant churches ; but a regulation which exists in some countries, of subjecting sponsors to a catechetical examination by the minister previously to admission to their office, is a vestige of the ancient and better practice. Cyril of Jerusalem is the first writer who expressly mentions the use of the Lord's Prayer at the administration of the holy Eucharist. (Catec/i. Mystat/. v. 5.) Augustin also has alluded 378 OF CHRISTIAN W'OUSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [uOOK IV. to its use on this solemn occasion*. It is remarkable that this practice is not recognised in the Apostolical Constitutions. The Ordo Eomanus, ii. (n. 12), prefixes a preface to the Lord's Prayer, the date of which is uncertain. It contains a brief expo- sition of the prayer. All the Roman breviaries insist upon beginning divine service with the Lord's Prayer ; but it has been shown that this custom was introduced as late as the thirteenth century by the Cistercian monks ; and that it passed from the monastery to the church. (Mrratus, ad Gavanti Thesaur. t. 2, p. 103, 104.) The ancient homiletical writings do not afford any trace of the uso of the Ijord's Prayer before sermons. § 2. — Of different kinds of Public Prayer and Li-^urgical Formularies. It does not appear that, at any period of the Christian church, the use of the Lord's Prayer prevailed to the exclusion of other forms. In the earliest records of Christian worship, — the accounts given in the New Testament, — we find some intimation of the general purport and contents of public prayer, but no form pre- sented. A passage in the Acts of the Apostles, (chap. i. 24, 25,) which contains (probably) an outline of an occasional prayer, can hardly be deemed an exception to this remark. The testimony of Justin Martyr on this subject (Apol. i. c. 61, scq.) has been already considered. Tertullian tells us that the Christians in their assemblies prayed for the welfare of all mankind, the peace of the world, the empire, and persons in authority {Apol. c. 39) ; but he does not relate any precise set of words, or formulary, con- taining these supplications. The earliest formularies on record are certain short addresses or responses still in use : — namely. Amen ; Hallelujah, or Praise ye the Lord ; Hosannah ; Kyric Elccison, — Lord, have mercy * Precationes facimus in celebra- I comminuitur, quam totam petitioneiii tioiie sacramentoniin, antcMiuain illiul, ( fere omuis ecclesia Poininica oratioiio quod est in Doiiiiiii [iiuiisa, inciiiiat concliidit. — Avovsris. Lp.udPauliii. bcncdici; oiatioiies, Aa/3(8' cocrre to uxravva 8o^av (rrjpaivfi. Uapa roicri 8e crmaov 8t}, oiiK 6p6a>s. — SiJiDAS, Lea.: CHAP. I.] OF PrRLIC PRAYER. 381 4. Kyrie eleehon^ {Kvpce iXerja-ov,) Lord have 7nercy. — This expression is sometimes found in profane writers'; but it is on all accounts most reasonable to suppose, that it was adopted into the use of the church from the phraseology of the Old and New Testament, in which it frequently occurs. (Ps. u. 1 ; cxxiii. 3 ; Matt. XV. 22; ix. 27; xx. 30, &c.) Little credit can be attached to an account given by Nicephorus, (Hist. Eccl. lib. xiv. c. 46,) concerning the first introduction of this form of prayer into the services of the church, during the reign of Theodosius the younger. The fact is, that this formulary appears to have been in common use long before that time ; it is found in the Liturgy ascribed to St. James in the Apostolical Constitutions. Perhaps Nicephorus means to say, that at that period, on occa- sion of an earthquake felt at Constantinople, the Kyrie eleeison was first united to the Trisagium. It has been the practice in almost all churches, in using this formulary, to retain the original Greek'". Our church translates it: — Lord, have mercy upon us. Gregory the Great appears to have introduced the " Christe eleeison;" which we retain, in the form, " Christ, have mercy upon us." 5. Glory to God in the highest., (Gloria in excelsis.) — The introduction of this doxology into the service of the church has been attributed to Telesphorus, bishop of Rome, who is supposed to have ordered its use in the celebration of the eucharist, about the year 126. It is certain that the pope Symmachus, at the * According to Epictet. {Enchirid. lib. ii. c. 7i) Arrianus, a priest of Ceres and Proserpine, used these words : — Top Qfbv fniKoXovnevoi 8f6fi{da avrov' Kvpif fKfr], (TTiTpc^ov HOI e^eXOe'iv. And in Virg. (.E/t. 12, v. 777), we find Faune, precor, miserere mei. '" Non est autem niirum, si Gracco, nee non Hebrajo idiomate, utatur La • tina ecclesia in sacris niysteriis pera- gendis, sicut facit proferendo has voces Hebraicas, Amen, Alleluja, Sabaoth, Osanna : id enim ita institutum est, ut ostcndatur, imam esse ecclesiam, qiisc ex llobnx'is et Grnocis primum, deinde ex Latinis coadunata est : vel quia mysteria nostras fidei et sacra liturgia tribus hisce Unguis ab Apostolis eorum- que immediatis successoribus con- scripta vel saltern celebrata fuerit : quaj quidem lingugo in titulo crucis quemadmodum consecratae sunt ; et sicut cruentum Christi sacrificium tribus hisce principalioribus Unguis omnibus nationibus fuit manifestatum : ita congruum omnino est, ut etiam in ejusdem salvatoris sacrificio inci-uento celebrando easdem trcs principaliores lingiias adhibeat ecclesia. Gavanti Thesaur. Sacr. Rit. t. \, p. 80, (cd. ile- rati,) Bona lier. Lit. lib. ii. c. 4. 882 OP CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [liOOK IV. beginning of the sixth century, enjoined the use of it on all Sundays and holidays, except Advent, the Feast of the Innocents, and the season of Lent. In the seventh century, the angelical doxology was used with additions. (Cone. Tolet. 4, a.d. 633, can. 12. 6. Peace be with you; (Pax vobiscum.) — The Lord be with you; (Dominus vobiscum.) — During the prevalence of the system of secret instruction, this salutation was imparted only to the faithful; to the exclusion of the catechumens, as well as of the penitents and excommunicated. One charge which Tertullian brings against the reputed heretics of his day is, that they wished peace to all alike, (pacem quoque passim cum omnibus miscent; De Prwscript. Ilwret. c. 41.) In the fourth and fifth centuries the strictness of this observance was relaxed. (Chrysost. Horn. 3, in Ep. ad Coloss.) When the missa catechumenorum was united with the missa fidelium in the Latin church, it was established as a rule in many places that the bishop alone should use the form, " Peace be with you," while the presbyter was restricted to the use of " The Lord be with you." A canon of the first Council of Braga, in Portugal, was directed against this distinction, in the year 561, {Cone. Bracar. \. can. 21 ;) and the practice was after- wards modified". 7. Let us pray. — This form of exhortation, which, according to the author of the Apostolical Constitutions, was usually ])ro- nounced by the deacon, {BerjOcofiev,) had a peculiar reference to the disciplina arcani, during the prevalence of which the church contained not only different classes of supplicants, but practised various kinds of prayer in public, namcl}', silent prayer, {irpoa-evxv Bid aio)7ri)9,) and prayer viva voce, {evxh Trpoa^covijaeois, or " Pontifex vol episcojnis, iit niox innuiimia, in ccclesia occidcntali, qmiin populum salutat prima vico, ante pii- raoin orationeni, nou dicit, Dontinus vobiscum ! Hcd P(u: vohis ! quiaCliiistus Dominus his verbis locutus est ad dis- cipulos post suam rosurrectionem (lit legitur apud Joanii. c. xx.), ciijiis ty- piim poviint pontifex et cpiscopiis. Veriim, lit postca demoustrct cpisco- piis, so esse de numcro ca;teroriim sacerdotiim, dicit, iit alii sacerdotes, Dominus vobiscum ! qiium alias popii- liim salutat : ita Innocentius 111. (lib, ii. De Mi/stcriis Afissa, c. 42), et liic ritus est conformis canoiii superius allegati Concilii 1 liiacaronsis. Ga- VAN'TT Tlicsaiu: Sacr.Jiit. i, 1, p. 77. CHAP. I.] OF PUBLIC PRAYFR. 583 TrpoacfxMvijats.) This admonition was usually followed by anothev, Let us kneel! pronounced by the deacon or subdeacon; and, lastly, when prayer was ended, by Let us rise > Hence the expressions, dare orationem, and attcndere ad preces. The ancients used a variety of expressions, nearly equivalent to those now mentioned, which occur in the Apostolical Constitutions, and in the works of Chrysostom and other writers. 8. Lift up ijour hearts'. We lift them up unto the Lord. (Sursum corda ! Habemus ad Dominum,)— Cyprian is the earliest writer who mentions the use of this formulary in public worship, and on this account it has been commonly attributed to him as its author. But the manner in which he speaks of it (in his treatise On the Lord's Pratjer) shows plainly that it had been introduced long before his time, and was in general and well- known use when he wrote. It is mentioned in the Apostolical Constitutions (book viii. c. 12;) but it has been remarked as something singular, that Justin Martyr does not sjjeak of it in his description of the celebration of the Eucharist. The meaning of this exhortation and response is well explained by Cyril of Jerusalem, {Catech. Mystag. v. § 4;)—" Hereupon," says he, " the presbyter says, ' Lift up your hearts !' For in this most solenm hour we ought indeed to have our hearts truly lifted up to God, and not bent downwards upon the earth and earthly things. This is, therefore, as if the presbyter should exhort every man to lay aside, at this time, all the cares of life and of domestic matters, and to direct his heart towards heaven, to the God of mercy. Then you answer, ' We lift them up unto the Lord,' hereby giving your assent to the demand. Let not any one have his heart occupied with earthly things, while with his mouth he declares that his heart has been lifted up to the Lord ! We cannot, indeed, have God in our nn'nds at all times; but as this is impossible unto human frailty, we ought at least at this time to direct our hearts to him with especial attention." Similar explanations occur in Chrysost. Horn. xxiv. in 1 Cor. x.; Tiir:o- PHYLACT. Comment, in Coloss. iii.; Isidor. Pehis. Ejrist. lib. i. cp. 77; Al-gustin, De vera Relig. c. iii.; De dona perseverantiw, c. xiii. 384 OF CHRISTIAN WORiSIIIP AND niSCIPLIXK. [nOOK I. § 3. — Of Psalmody. There can be no doubt that Christian psalmody is of Jewish origin. In the synagogues, the Law and the Prophets were read and expounded; and the Psahns, which stood at the head of the Hagiographa, or third class of the sacred Scriptures, were in the place of the psalters or hymn-books of modern congregations. In the first ages of the Christian church the psalms were always chanted or sung. In the Apostolical Constitutions (book ii. 57), we find it laid down as a rule that one of the officiating ministers should chant or sing {yfraWeTO)) the psalms {vfivovs) of David, and that the people should join by repeating the ends of the verses. And this regulation is repeated and explained by other writers'". It was the ancient practice to recite the psalms between the reading of the several appointed portions of Scripture. The Council of Laodicea enacted that the psalms should not be sung one after another, but at intervals, after the reading of Scripture; and this custom is referred to by Augustin'^, Frequent mention is made by early writers of Psalmi Re- sponsorii, or (in the neuter) Responsoria. Opinions differ as to the meaning of these terms; but it appears that they must refer either to a repetition of the verses by the people; or to the repetition of the last words of a psalm, with the addition of Amen, or the Doxology; or, lastly, to the circumstance that the '* "Erepos Tis (sc. avayivaxTKOiv) tovs Tov Aa^\8 yl/'uXKtTO) vfivovs, Koi 6 Xaos TO aKpo(TTi\ia vTToip'aWeTO}. Const. '^ Mr] de7p (rvvaTTTdv tv rais (rvva^fo-i Toiis \l/a\fjiT]ovs, dWa 8ia fiftrov Kaff €KU(TTOv \//'aX/xoi/ yiueadai dvayvaxTiv. Apost. lib. ii. c. 57. — Kai viiv p.ev 8ix^ Non oportere Psalinos in conventibus hiavfprjOfVTfs, dvTf^dWovaiv dXKifKon- contextore, sed in nno quoqne Psalnio tnfiTa irdXiv (m.rpf'^avTts (v\ KUTapxdv \ interjecto spatio Icctionem fieri. Cone. TOV p€\ovs, ot \oin(n vrrT))(ov(Ti. Hash.. Laod. c. 17- — Hoc do Apostolica lec- J\. Ep. i>'.\. — 'E^t}p;^oi' hi TO)v xj/aXpioi' tione percepinius. Deiude cantuviiniis To'is aWoii, ol TuvTovs dKpi(iovvT(i, Kiu Psalninm, exhortantes nos invicem una ^vi>fnT])((i TO n\r]6os fv avp(f>uvia. voce, nno cordc dicentes, Venite, ado- SozOM. Hist. Eccl. lib. v. c. 1!>. — ^"O renins, et j)iosteinainnr ei, et fleamns Updpxijs dTTup^fTm TTJs If pas twu >//^nX- coram Domino, (jni fecit nos. Postha>c pc the eighth psahn, wherein were these words, ' Out of the mouth of babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise because of thine enemies, that thou mightest destroy the enemy and the defensor^'' as the Gallican version then read it, — ' Ut destruas inimicum et defensorem.' And this, though it seemingly were but a chance thing, was looked upon as provi- dential by the people, to overthrow the machinations of Defensor.''^ " Some psalms were of constant use in the church, as being appropriated to particular services. The sixty-third Psalm, ' O God, my God, early will I seek thee,' was peculiarly styled the Morning Psalm, because it was always sung at morning service, as the ninety-fifth is now in our Liturgy. And the hundred and forty-first Psalm, ' Let my prayer be set forth in thy sight as the incense, and the lifting up of my hands be an evening sacrifice,"" was always sung at evening service. They had also some proper psalms adapted to the nature of their communion-service, and their funeral offices. . . . The other psalms were sung in the ordinary course of reading from end to end, in the same order as they lay in the book, without being appropriated to any times, or lessons, or days, except those particular psalms which were appointed as proper for each canonical hour. Cassian. Instit. lib. ii. 2, 4; iii. 13." — Bingham, Antiq. book xiv. c. 1, § 4, 5, 6. The only express testimony which the New Testament aftbrds to the use of psalmody in the earliest Christian worship, is to be found in the parallel passages, Eph. v. 19, and Col. iii. 16, in which the apostles directs the converts to make use of "psalms and hymns, and spiritual songs;" where we may either suppose the apostle to refer to the psalms of David under the name of " psalms and hymns," and to the compositions of Christians themselves under the title of " spiritual songs" (see 1 Cor. xiv. 15 — 19), or, as some suppose, the three words are used to denote the same thing, and the epithet "spiritual" applies equally to all, — "spiritual psalms, hymns, and songs.'"" But some critics arc of opinion that the New Testament con- tains various fragments of the early Christian hynms. Thus Grotius and Michaelis would regard Acts iv. 24 — 30 as the first Christian psalm, which, say they, may easily be reduced to CIIAl'. I.] OF PSALMODY. 387 metre. Michaelis and others think that they detect fragments of psalms or hynnis in Eph. v. 14; 1 Tim. iii. I, 16; 2 Tim. ii. 11. And others maintain that many specimens of the psalms and hynms of the early church occur in the Apocalypse ; e. g., in i. 4—8; V. 9, seq.; xi. 15—19; xv. 8, 4; xxi. 1—8; xxii. 10— 18. On the whole, the following .conclusions may be drawn con- cerning the practice of the apostolic age in this particular. 1. The first churches made use of psalms and hymns in public worship. 2. And also at their religious feasts (the Agapse). 8. These psalms were accompanied by music. 4. It is probable that the Christians did not confine them- selves to the use of David's psalms, but composed spiritual songs or hymns for their own use, as the Essseans did, according to Philo. {De Vit. Contemplat.) We learn from Pliny that the Christians of his day were accustomed to sing together a hymn to Christ, as God (carmen Christo, quasi Deo, diccre sccum invicem, Epist. lib. x. ep. 97). But the information which early ecclesiastical writers give on this subject is exceedingly limited. Perhaps this may be in some measure explained, if we suppose that psalmody is included by them under the general titles of eu;^^ and ev-)(apLcnia, prayer and thanksgiving. No mention is made of the words vixvos, vfivo\oy€iv, or the like, by Justin Martyr, or by any of the apostolical Fathers; nor is any to be found in the Apostolical Con- stitutions. We learn from Origen that psalms and hymns were addressed to God and Christ ; and a passage quoted by Eusebius speaks of psalms and hymns (or songs, wBal,) as furnishing his- torical evidence of the constant belief of the church in the doctrine of our Lord's divinity'^ Augustin explains the word hymnus as denoting "a song containing the praise of God'*.'' '■* "Yfj-vovs els fiovou tou fVl nuai Xfyofjifu Qeov, Koi tov fiovoyfprj avrov [Xo'-yov Kal Qfov]. 0 RIG EN. contra Celx. lib. viii. c. (j7. — Kal tcop Xoinav Tis dyvofl /3t/3Xjn, Gfov kol ("iv6piTov KciTayyeXKovTa tov Xpiarov ; '^aXfioi 8f o(Toi Ka\ v (in upX'l^ ^''^" mcTToiv ypufpelcrm, tov Xoyov tov Qfov TOV XptOToi/ iifjivovcn deoXoyovvTfS. (Caius) ap. EusEB. Hist. Eccl. lib. v. c. 28. '* Hjniimis scitis quid est ; cantus est cum laude Dei. Si laudas Deum, et non cantos, non dicis liymniini. Si 2 C 2 388 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPr.INE. [bOOK IV, It is remarkable, that not only have no hymns of the first and second centuries come down to us, but not even the name of any hymn-writer belonwint,' to that period has been recorded. Basil the Great indeed speaks of one Athenogenes as the author of a doxological hymn (Basil. M. De Spirit. Sancto ad Amphil. c. 29) ; but we know nothing more concerning him, and therefore can- not say precisely at what time he lived. It has been supposed that he was a contemporary of Clement of Alexandria; and since Basil speaks of him as a martyr, it is certain that he must have lived some time before the time of Constantine the Great. We have no certain account of the authors of hymns in the Christian church before the middle of the fourth century. We read that Paul of Samosata banished from the church of Antioch certain psalms or hymns, addressed to the Lord Jesus Christ, which had been formerly sung there ; in the place of which he probably retained only the Psalms of David '^ This took place during the latter half of the third century. About the middle of the fourth century, the Council of Laodicea prohibited the use of hymns composed by private individuals, in public worship'^. Bingham adopts the supposition that these hymns were objected to for some particular or local reason',; but it must be remembered, that this canon was after- wards (a. D. 451) confirmed by the Council of Chalcedon as a general law; and we may, perhaps, be more correct in supposing cantas, et non laudas Deum, non dicis hymiium. Si laudas aliquid, quod uou pertinet ad laudem Dei, etsi cantando laudes, non dicis hymnum. August. in Ps. 148. '* 'i^aXfjLoiis fie Toi)s fxev (Is tov Kvpiov rjfj,av '1t](tovu Xpiarov navaas, as dr) VfdTfpovs Koi v«iiTep;crea>y, i.e., baptism,) and become worthy partakers of the holy mysteries, {twv ayiwv fMvaTtjpifov, i.e., the Lord''s supper,) and the com- munion of saints. Lift up yourselves, Catechumens, and pray for the peace of God through his Christ. Pray for the day of peace, and for deliverance from sins through the whole course of your life, for a Christian end (;^/3icrTtava vfjbdov tu reX?;), for a good and mer- ciful God, and for forgiveness of sins. Give up yourselves to God, the only unbegotten, through his Christ. Bow down, and receive the blessing ! And the people shall aiisicer to all that the deacon sai/s, — Kyrie eleeson. Especially the children (shall make this response**). "* We learn from Basil and Chrv- singinp;, and otherwise taking part in sostoni that, in their time, ehildren, and especially boys, were stationed abont the altar, for the pnrposes of the offices of divine worship. These were afterwards the regularly- ti-ained choristers. ( F^AP. I.] OF COMMO.V PRAYER. .'399 When they have boiced their heads, the bishop shall pronounce over them the folloicing benediction: — O almighty, unbegotten, and immortal God, the only true God, who art the God and Father of thy Christ, and thine only- begotten Son, thou God of the Comforter, (o Qeos rod JJapa- kX^tov, i.e., of the Holy Spirit,) and Lord of all things, who, through Christ, didst make the disciples teachers of righteousness, look now, we beseech thee, on thy servants who have been instructed in the Gospel of thy Christ. Give unto them a new heart, and renew within their souls the spirit of pure trust and confidence, that they may both know and obey thy will with all their heart, (eV Kaphia irXt^pei,) and with a willing mind. Grant that they may be worthy of the sacred initiation, (r^? dyia}? iv6d8e (vyias 7rapoiKla<;, parish-church), that the Lord of the world would deem us worthy to strive without ceasing after his heavenly hope, and to pay unto him the continual debt of our prayers. Let us pray for the whole episcopal office under heaven, and for all those who rightly divide {opOoTo/iovvTcoy) the word of truth. Let us pray for our bishop James, and his parishes. CIIAl'. I.] OF COMMON I'UAYEU. 405 Let us pray for our bishop Clement, and his parishes. Let us pray for our bishop Euodius, and his parishes**. That the merciful God would preserve them to his holy churches, in wealth, honour, and long life, and grant unto them an honoured old age in all godliness and righteousness. Let us pray for our presbyters, that God would preserve them from all that is unrighteous and evil, and enable them to fulfil their duties with happiness and honour. Let us pray for the Christian office of deacons, that the Lord would keep them unblamable in their service. Let us pray for the readers, singers, virgins, widows, and orphans. Let us pray for all those who live in the estate of matrimony, and bring up children, that the Lord would have mercy upon them all. Let us pray for the eunuchs of holy conversation. Let us pray for all those who lead sober and godly lives. Let us pray for those who do good (^KapirofpopovvTcov) to the holy church, and maintain poor widows. Let us pray for those who bring their offerings and first-fruits to the Lord our God, that God of his bountiful goodness would reward them with heavenly gifts, that he would repay them in this present world a hundred fold, and grant them in the world to come everlasting life, giving them things eternal for things temporal, and heavenly goods for earthly. Let us pray for our brethren lately enlightened (veocfjwrca-- T(i)v, i. e., lately baptized), that the Lord would strengthen and confirm them. Let us pray for our sick brethren, that the Lord would deliver them from all sickness and infirmity, and restore them to his holy assembly in good health. Let us pray for those who travel by water and by land. Let us pray for those who suffer for] the Lord's sake, in the mines, in banishment, in prison, and in bonds. Let us pray for those who endure the hardships of slavery. Let us pray for our enemies, and those who hate us. ** ThisalluBion to the churches of Jenisalem, Rome, and Antioch, looks like an inteJi)olation(AuGUSTi). 406 OF CHRISTIAN' WOUSHll' AND DISCU'LINE. [nOOK IV. Let us proy for those who persecute us for the Lord's name's sake, that the Lord would appease their fury, and set bounds to their rage against us. Let us pray for those who are without (twj/ e^(o ovtwv, i. e., without the pale of the church), who err and are deceived. Let us remember the young children of the church, that the Lord would bring them to perfection, and the measure of a full age. Let us pray for one another, that the Lord would preserve and defend us by his grace unto the end, protect us from evil and from aU offences, and keep us safe unto his heavenly kingdom. Let us pray for every Christian soul. Bless us, and deliver us, O God, by thy mercy ! Then let the deacon say. Let us stand up ! Let us commit ourselves, in fervent prayer, to the living God by his Christ ! Then the chief priest {apxtepeifs) shall pronounce the follow iti^ benediction: — (Prat/erfor the Faithful.) O, Almighty and most high God, who dwellest in the high and lofty place ! O thou holy One, who inhabitest the holy ])lace ! O thou without beginning, the only potentate ! Thou who through Christ hath vouchsafed unto us the preaching of knowledge (KrjpvyfJLa >yv(ocreo)s, i. e. the preaching of the Gospel), for the acknowledging of thy glory and thy name, and hast thereby revealed thyself to our understanding ; we beseech thee to look now, through him, upon thy flock, and deliver it from all ignorance, and from every evil deed; grant that we may fear thee in thy fear, and love thee in thy love; and that we may humble ourselves before the presence of thy glory. Be gracious and merciful unto thy people, and receive their prayers. Preserve them unchanged, blameless, and unrebukablo, that they may be holy in body and soul, without spot or blemish or any such thing, that they all may be perfect, and that none may be found among them maimed or imperfect. O thou our Almighty defender, with whom is no respect of CHAP. 1.] OF COMMON PRAYER. 407 persons ! Help this people, whom thou hast redeemed with the precious blood of Christ ! O thou our advocate, su])porter, defender, our guardian, bul- wark, stronghold, and confidence, we know that none can pluck us out of thine hand. For there is none other God beside thee, and in thee is our hope. The saints are in thy truth; for thy word is truth. O thou, whom no one can corrupt (aTrpoo-^^apto-re) and no one can deceive ! Deliver us from all sickness and infirmity, from all sin, from all unrighteousness and deceit, from all fear of the enemy, from the arrows which fly by day, and from the works of darkness. Make us worthy of eternal life through Christ, thine only begotten Son, our God and Saviour ; through whom be unto thee honour and adoration, in the Holy Spirit, now and for ever. Amen. Then shall the deacon say^ Attention ! The bishop shall salute the congregation, and say^ The peace of God be with you all ! And the people shall answer. And with thy spirit ! Then the deacon shall say to all. Salute ye one another with the holy kiss! Then the clergy shall kiss the bishop, and the laity each other, the men kissing the men, and the women the women. The boys shall stand round about the Bema; and another deacon shall pay attention to them, that they make no disturbance. Other deacons shall go round, and watch the men and women, that 'no noise be made, that no one nod, whisper or sleep. The remaining deacons shall stand at the men's door, and the sub- deacons at the women's door, to take care that no one go out, and that, at the time of the offering [Kara rov Kaipov rrjs dva(f)opd<;, i. e., during the celebration of the Lord's supper), the doors be not opened to any one, even of the faithful. One of the subdeacons shall bring water to the priests for the purpose of washing their hands, in token of the purity of their souls. 408 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [dOOK IV, VI. A Prayer for the Lord\s Day. The following is the oldest prayer which contains any mention of the Lord's day, as a sacred season set apart for divine worship ; it occurs in the Apostolical Constitutions, lib. vii. c. 36*\ O almighty Lord! Thou hast created the world by Christ, and hast ordained the Sabbath for a memorial of the same. Thou hast appointed festival days, for the refreshment of our souls, in order that we may commemorate Thy Created Wisdom; how, for our sakes, he suiFered himself to be born of a woman; how he appeared in the life of men, and at his baptism showed himself as God and man (a>9 ©eos iarc kol avOpwira, i. e., God-man); how, with Thy permission, he for our sakes suffered and died, and rose again by thy power. Hence do we celebrate the festival of the resurrection on the Lord's day {tt} KvpLUKf}), and rejoice on account of Him who has overcome death, and brought life and immortality to light. Yea, through Him hast Thou brought the nations to thyself, that they may be a peculiar people, the true Israel, the people that love and see God*^ Thou, O Lord, didst deliver our fathers from the land of Egypt, from the iron furnace, from the clay, and from the making of bricks. Thou didst deliver them from the hand of Pharaoh and his servants. Thou didst lead them through the sea, as over dry land, and didst satisfy them in the wilderness by manifold benefits. Thou didst give unto them thy law, even the ten commandments, which were spoken by thy mouth, and written by thine hand. Thou hast appointed the Sabbath, not as an excuse for idleness, but as -an occasion for piety, and in order to promote the knowledge of thy power. In order to preserve them from *' Under the following title; — Ilpocr- fvx^ vnoiJ.ifJivf](TKOV(Ta ttjv ytvoixevrjv XpKTTOv (vavdpa)7rj](Tiv, Kal rfjv fls rovs ayiovs bia tian liturgy, which bore the name of St. Mark. "From a period antecedent to the Council of Chalcedon, a.d. 451, the patriarch of Constantinople became possessed of the jurisdiction which had anciently belonged to the exarch of Ceesa- rea ; and the liturgy of Basil was (probably at an early period) received by the patriarchs of Constantinople, and the churches under their jurisdiction, so that to the present day it is used by those'church es' ° ." " This was the form which soon prevailed throughout the whole exarchate of Coesarea, and the patriarchate of Constanti- nople, where it has remained in use ever since. This was the form which was received by all the patriarchate of Antioch, translated into Coptic, revised by the patriarchs of Alexandria, and admitted into their church, used alike by orthodox and heretics. At this day, after the lapse of near fifteen hundred years, the liturgy of Basil prevails without any substantial variety from the northern shore of Russia to the extremities of Abyssinia, and from the Adriatic and Baltic seas to the farthest coast of Asia. In one respect, this liturgy must be considered as the most valuable that we possess. We can trace back the words and expressions of the greater portion, to about the year 370 or 880. This is not the case with any other liturgy. The expres- sions of all other liturgies we cannot certainly trace, in general^ beyond _the fifth century." 8. Litxirgxj of C/iiysostom, or of Constantinople. " Besides the liturgy of Basil, the churches subject to the patriarch of ^" This quotation, and others which follow in this section aie from Mr. Palmer's Dissertation. 416 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [noOK IV. Constantinople have, from a remote period, used another litm-gy, which bears the name of Chrysostom." The order of the part of Chrysostom''s liturgy which follows the dismissal of the catechu- mens is identical with that of Basil. " We may justly consider, the main substance and order to be as old as the fourth century." II. Alexandrian Liturgy. The patriarchate of Alexandria possessed an ancient liturg}% ^A'hich was attributed to St. Mark, probably for the first time, about the end of the fourth century, or beginning of the fifth. In the early part of the fifth century, this liturgy was enlarged by Cyril, patriarch of Alexandria ; and hence it was afterwards called CyriTs by the Monophysites, whilst the orthodox con- tinued to distinguish it by the older appellation of St. Mark's. " The difference between this liturgy and the great Oriental liturgy of Antioch, Caesarea, and Constantinople, is in the order of the parts. The general and solemn prayers for men and things occurred in the middle of the Egyptian Eucharistia or thanks- giving, and before the hymn Tersanctus. In the Oriental liturgy, the general prayers are deferred till after the end of the bene- diction of the gifts. Another peculiarity of this rite was the direction of the deacon to the people, during the course of the thanksgiving, 'to arise,' ' look towards the east,' and 'attend' or ' sing' the hymn Tersanctus. Of this, there is nothing to be found in any other rite." III. Roman Liturgy. It has been supposed that the Roman liturgy was composed by Gregory the Great, bishop of Rome, in the latter part of the sixth century ; but some writers are of opinion that Gregory merely revised or improved a liturgy which he found already in use. Vigilius, a predecessor of Gregory, in an epistle written in the year 538, speaks of the text of the canon then existing as having been received from apostolical tradition. " This liturgy was substantially the same in the time of Gelasius, a.d. 492, as it was in that of Gregory: it appears to have been the same in the time of Innocentius at the beginning of the fifth century; CHAP. I.] OF ANCIENT I.ITUHGIFS. 417 and was esteemed, at that time, and in the subsequent age, to be of apostolical antiquity/' Traces of higher antiquity than the early part of the fifth century are, however, merely conjectural. In this liturgy, the kiss of peace is not presented until after the consecration of the elements; which constitutes a remarkable variation from the liturgies of Antioch, Csesarea, Constantinople, and all the East. Milanese Liturgy. The Liturgy of Milan, commonly attri- buted to Ambrose, is substantially the same as that of Rome until the time of Gregory the Great ; and appears to have been derived from the same origin. " In the time of Gregory, the church of Milan did not adopt the chief alteration made by him. From that time, if not previously, the liturgy of Milan began to be considered a peculiar rite ; and, as the Romans gave their Sacramcntaries the names of Gelasius and Gregory, so the Mi- lanese gave theirs the name of Ambrose; who, in fact, may have composed some parts of it. After the time of Gregory, the Milan liturgy doubtless received several additions. The earliest ecclesiastical writer who has been cited as speaking of the Ambrosian rite is Walafred Strabo, who died a. d. 849." The African Liturgy agreed substantially with the ancient Roman ; except that it contained an invocation of the Holy Spirit to sanctify the elements, conforming in this respect to the Oriental forms. It is probable that the first African bishops were ordained at Rome; and that they made their congregations acquainted with the liturgy and ritual of the mother-church. IV. Gallican Liturgy. An ancient liturgy, differing materially in many respects from those of Rome and Milan, was u.sed in Gaul until the time of Charlemagne, when it was exchanged for the Roman by a decree of that prince. JSIr. Palmer regards the church of Lyons as the source from which this peculiar liturgy was derived; and, from the original connexion of that church with the East, he deems it probable that the ancient Gallican liturgy and rites were derived from the churciies of Asia and Phrygia, Indeed, he .seems disposed, by the aid of tradition and conjecture, to 2 I-; 4L8 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [nOOK IV. refer it to the apostle St. John. But the writer of a work on Christian Antiquities may be excused from following any of his guides into the regions of ecclesiastical mythology; and it may be thoudit more than sufficient even to have alluded to this proroiiiid speculation of a learned author. This liturgy bore a strong resemblance to the Oriental form. "The chief difference between the Gallican and Oriental liturgies consisted in this, that the prayer for the living and departed members of the church occurred after the thanksgiving and consecration in the Oriental liturgy; while, in the Gallican, they preceded the salutation of peace and thanksgiving. There is another difference; namely, that the Gallican had not the three prayers of the faithful, which seem to have been introduced into the Oriental liturgy, about the early part of the fourth century." The Mozarahic, or Spanish Liturgy^ appears to have agreed very nearly with the ancient Gallican, in its general substance, and as to the number and order of its parts. From the writings of Isidore of Seville, and Vigilius of Rome, it appears that the liturgy of the Spanish churches was distinct from that of the Roman, in the sixth century. The original model and substance of the Spanish liturgy was probably derived from the Gallican church; and the form thus received was doubtless modified by the alterations and additions of Isidore, Leander, and other Spanish bishops. Isidore attributes the origin of this liturgy to St. Peter (Isidor. Hispal. De Eccl. Off. lib. i. c. 15). Liturgy of Ephesus. Mr. Palmer thinks it highly probable that a liturgy resembling the ancient Gallican prevailed in the exarchate of Ephesus until the fourth century, when it may have been altered by the Council of Laodicea, in order to make it conformable to the great Oriental rite, which has been used there ever since. British Liturgy. The ancient Gallican form may have been adopted in Britain at first. From the time of Patrick (a. d. 4.S2), the Ii'ish probably used the Roman liturgy. The ancient British liturgy may have been introduced into Ireland about a century after; and both forms may have l)ccn used :it the same time in different ])arts of the island. The An<.do-Saxon Liturgy was formed from the Sacramentary CIIAl'. I.] OF ANCIENT Lm'RGIKS. 419 of Gregory the Great, wliicli was brought to England by Au- gustine and his companions at the end of the sixth, or beginning of the seventh, century. "As, however, each bishop had the power of making some improvements in the liturgy of his church, in process of time different customs arose, and several became so established as to receive the names of their respective churches. Thus gradually the 'Uses' or customs of York, Sarum, Hereford, Bangor, Lincoln, Aberdeen, &c., came to be distinguished from each other." These ancient liturgies, or services appointed to be used at the celebration of the Lord"'s Supper, " resemble one another in the following points^'. 1. All of them direct that, previous to communion, those who intend to communicate shall exchange ' the kiss of peace.' 2. In all of them, the more particularly solemn part of the service commences with words exactly answering to the English 'Lift up your hearts,' tSjc, as far as 'Holy Father, almighty, everlasting God.' 3. All contain the hymn, ' Therefore with angels and arch- angels,' &c , with very trifling varieties of expression. 4. Also, they all contain a prayer, answering in substance to ours, 'for the whole state of Christ's church militant.' 5. And, likewise, another prayer (which has been excluded from the English ritual), ' for the rest and peace of all those who have departed this life in God's fiiitli and fear;' concluding with a prayer for communion with them. G. Also, a commemoration of our Lord's words and actions in the institution of the Eucharist, which is the same, almost word for word, in every liturgy, but is not taken from any of the four Scripture accounts. 7. A sacrificial oblation of the Eucharistic bread and wine. ^' Tlic following synopsis, con- structed from Mr. Palmer's Oriyines L«/M)7/icte, is extracted from Tracts for (he Times, No. GI}. Hut I have taken tl\c liberty of discardin;,' the assumed titles of St. James's Liturgy, St. Peter's Liturgy, &c.; thinking it bet- ter to avoid, as much as possible, even the repetition of an acknowledged falsehood, when it is possible that it may tend to perpetuate error. 2 K 2 420 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [bOOK IV. 8. A prayer of consecration, that God will ' make the bread and wine the body and blood of Christ.' 9. Directions to the priest for breaking the consecrated bread. 1 0. The Lord's prayer. 11. Communion. These parts are always arranged in one of the four following orders: — Roman Liturgy. 1. Lift up your hearts, &c. 2. Therefore with angels, &c. 3. Prayers for the church on earth. 4. Consecration prayer. 5. Commemoration of our Lord's words. 6. The Oblation. 7. Prayers for the dead. 8. Breaking of bread. 9. The Lord's prayer. 10. The kiss of peace. 11. Communion. Alexandrian Liturgy. 10. The kiss of peace. 1. Lift up your hearts, &c. 3. Prayers for the church on earth. 7. Prayers for the dead. 2. Therefore with angels, &c. 5. Commemoration of our Lord's words. 6. The Oblation. 4. Consecration prayer. 8. Breaking of bread. 9. The Lord's prayer. 11. Communion. Oriental Liturgy. 10. The kiss of peace. 1. Lift up your hearts, &c. 2. Therefore with angels. 5. Commemoration of our Lord's words. 6. The Oblation. 4. Consecration prayer. 3. Prayers for the church on earth. 7. Prayers for the dead. 9. The Lord's prayer. 8. Breaking of bread. 11. Communion. Gallican Liturgy. 3. Prayers for the church on earth. 7. Prayers for the dead. 10. The kiss of peace. 1. Lift up your hearts, &c. 2. Therefore with angels, &c. 5. Commemoration of our Lord's words. 6. The Oblation. 4. Consecration prayer. 8. Breaking of bread. 9. The Lord's prayer. 11. Communion. Thus it appears that the four original forms from which all the liturgies in the world have been taken, resemble one another CHAP. I.] OF ANCIENT LITURGIES. 421 too much to have grown up independently, and too little to have been copied from one another," — They were probably all con- structed upon the basis of the form prescribed in the Apostolical Co7istitutions ; or, at all events, were composed in conformity with some model of the third or fourth century. The prayers for the dead, which they all contain, are unscriptural, and there- fore unwarranted and vain ; some expressions in the consecration of the elements are obvious departures from primitive doctrine ; and the appropriation of false titles, introduced after the compo- sition and first use of the forms themselves, is as plainly opposed to Christian simplicity and truth. But, together with these defects, we recognise in these ancient formularies much that is truly pious and devotional. It has been the wisdom of our church to retain what is excellent in these forms, while she has rejected what is spurious and wrong. May all the members ol that church make a devout and thankful use of these venerable addresses to the throne of grace, purified as they now are from base alloy, and admirably adapted to assist the aspirations of the pious Christian in the most solemn offices of religion. While we " hold fast," every " form of sound words," let us " pray with the spirit," and " pray with the understanding also." § 7. — Of Prayers for the Dead. We have been assured by a late learned and candid waiter (Dr. Burton) that the early Christians, in offering prayer for the dead, only besought Almighty God to hasten their admission into his heavenly kingdom. But this remark can hardly apply to Christians of a later period than the beginning of the third century; and even with regard to the church of the second century, such an assertion cannot, I believe, be more than con- jectural. Tertullian, who wrote a little after the year 200, gives us reason to suppose that the custom of praying for the dead had prevailed in the church antecedently to that date ; but T am not aware that we possess any minute descriptions of the substance or character of those ancient prayers. It is certain, however, — that during the third and fourth centuries, prayers were offered for the dead with a belief that they might contribute to their benefit in 422 OF CHRISTIAN WOKSHIP AND DISCII'LINE. [bOOK IV, various ways ; — that many Fathers of that date concur in speak- ing highly of the advantage of such prayers ; — and that this mistaken and mischievous practice, which, in some form or other, had crept into the church at a very early period, was con- ducted with the consent of those Christian teachers, upon false and unscriptural principles. It does, I think, appear, that, during the third and fourth centuries, this custom was observed, partly, perhaps, in imitation of some heathen ceremonies, and partly in compliance with the unenlightened dictates of natural feeling, without reference to the word of divine truth, yet with the entire approbation of pious, but mistaken Fathers. In order to exhibit a full view of this subject, I propose, first, to quote a passage in which the author above-mentioned acquaints us with the result of his inquiries, and another containing the learned judgment of Archbishop Usher ; — then to detail, in chronological order, various testimonies of the ancients, collected from the writings of Usher, Taylor, and Bingham^^ on the subject; — and, lastly, to state the entire amount of inference which these authorities appear to warrant or require. " Christians,'"' says Dr. Burton, " were at this time (namely, in the middle of the third century) generally agreed in supposing that the soul in its separate or disembodied state enjoyed a kind of consciousness, and was not insensible or asleep. They seem, also, to have considered that the souls of good and bad men were in a different state, or rather in a different place ; for we have little means of judging of the opinion of the early Christians, as to the actual condition of the souls of bad men : but with respect to the souls of the righteous, they conceived them to be in a place by themselves, where they enjoyed a kind of foretaste of the happiness which awaited them hereafter. It was also believed by a large portion of Christians, that the resurrection of the righteous would take place before the final resurrection of all mankind at the day of judgment. . . . When they spoke of ^^ Archbishop Usher's Answer to a Jesuit's Challenge; Bishop Je- remy Taylor, Dissuasive from Fo- ■pery, part ii. book 2, § 2 ; Bingham's Antiquities, book xv. c. 3, § 15, seq. ; see also, Jewell's Defence of his Apology. CHAP. I.] PRAYERS l<'OR THE DEAD. 423 the first resurrection, tlicy meant that the righteous would rise and reign with Christ upon earth for a thousand years, at the end of which ])eriod the general resurrection would take place. It was natural for them to add to this belief, that the souls of the righteous, while they were in their separate abode, were anxiously looking forward to the time of the first resurrection, when they would be released from their confinement ; and their surviving friends did not think it improper to make it a subject of their own prayers to God, that he would be pleased to hasten the period when those who had departed in his faith and fear might enter into his heavenly kingdom. " This was the only sense in which prayers were offered for the dead by the early Christians. They did not think that their prayers could affect the present or future condition of those who were departed. They believed them to be in a state of happi- ness immediately after death, and .to be certain of enjoying still greater happiness hereafter. It was only the period of their entering upon this final state which was supposed to be affected by the prayers of the living; and it afforded a melancholy satisfaction to the latter to meet at the graves of their friends, or on the anniversary of their death, and to remember them in their prayers to God'^"" The prin:iary intention of prayers for the dead, such as were made by the ancient church, is thus described by Arch- bishop Usher in his Answer to a Jesuit's Challenge. " First, prayers of praise and thanksgiving were presented unto God, for the blessed estate that the party now deceased was entered upon; whereunto were afterwards added prayers of deprecation and petition, that God would be pleased to forgive him his sins, and to place him in the kingdom of heaven ; which kind of interces- sions, however at first they were well meant, yet in process of time they proved an occasion of confirming men in divers errors ; especially when they began once to be applied not only to the good but to evil livers also, unto whom, by the first institution, they never were intended." And again, a little after, the same author says, — " The primary intention of the church in her ■■^^ BuUTON, History of the Christian Church to the Conversion of Constantine, chap. 11. 424 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [bOOK IV. supplication for the dead was, that the whole man (not the soul separated only) might receive public remission of sins, and a solemn acquittal, in the judgment of the great day; and so obtain both a full escape from all the consequences of sin, (the last enemy being now destroyed, and death swallowed up in victory, 1 Cor. xv. 26, 54,) and a perfect consummation of bliss and happiness; all which are comprised in that short prayer of St. Paul for Onesiphorus, (though made for him while he was alive,) ' the Lord grant unto him that he may find mercy of the Lord in that day,' 2 Tim. i. IS." And yet more expressly "the church, in her commemorations and prayers for the dead, had no relation at all unto those that had led their lives lewdly and dissolutely, (as appeareth plainly, both by the author of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, — Dionys. Eccles. Hierarch. cap. 7 — ■ and by divers other evidences,) but unto those that did end their lives in such a godly manner as gave pregnant hope unto the living that their souls were at rest with Grod, and to such as these alone, did it wish the accomplishment of that which remained of their redemption ; to wit, their public justification and solemn acquittal at the last day, and their perfect consum- mation and bliss both in body and soul in the kingdom of heaven for ever after. Not that the event of these things was conceived to be any ways doubtful, (for we have been told that things may be prayed for the event whereof is known to be most certain,) but because the commemoration thereof was thought to serve a special use, not only in regard of the manifestation of the affec- tion of the living towards the dead, . , . but also in respect of the consolation and instruction which the living might receive thereby." Such is a general description of the nature of prayei's for the dead among the early Christians, as given by two of our most learned divines. We shall obtain, however, a more close and accurate acquaintance with the subject by inspecting the testi- monies of ancient writers, with a due attention to the different dates at which they lived, and their varieties of opinion. Tertullian (died 220), in his treatise on the Soldier''s Chaplet, sjieaks of prayer for the dead as a custom of the church at the time of his writing that treatise, which was probably not long CHAP. I.] PRAYERS FOR THE DEAD. 425 after the year 200: — "We make anniversary oblations for the dead, for their birthdays," meaning, the days of their death '^ In another of his works the same author says, that it was the practice of a Mndow to pray for the soul of her deceased husband, desiring on his behalf present refreshment or rest, and a pm-t in the first resurrection; and offering annually an oblation for him on the day of his falling asleep, i. e., his death. And elsewhere he represents a bereaved husband as praying for the soul of his deceased wife, and offering annual oblations for her'\ Origen (d. 254), tells us, that Christians in his time " thought it right and useful to make mention of the saints in their public prayers, and to improve themselves by the commemoration of their worthies^^" Cyprian (d. 258), affirms, that in his time it was the practice of Christians to offer oblations and sacrifices of commemoration for martyrs, on the anniversary days of their martyrdom, with thanksgiving; and he refers also to the oblations and supplica- tions, or deprecatory prayers, on behalf of other departed members of the church''^ In another place Cyprian says, "When we have departed hence, there is no place left for repentance, and no effect of satisfaction^"." Arnobiiis, in his treatise against the heathen, written pro- bably about the year 305, speaking of the prayers offered after the consecration of the elements in the Lord''s supper, says that ^* Oblationes pro defunctis, pro nata- litiis, annua die facimus. Tertull. De Corona Miliiis, c. 3. ^* Pro anima ejus orat, et refrige- linm interim adpostulat ei, et in prima resurrectione consortium, et offert annuis diebus dorraitionis ejus. Id. De Monogamia, c. 10. Jam repete apud Ueimi pro cujus spiritu postules, pro qua oblationes annuas reddas. Exhort, ad Can tit. c. 11. TertuUian held that every little offence of the faithful would be punished by delaying their resurrection. Modicum quodque delic- tum mora resurrectionis luendura. De Anima, c. 58. '^^ Meminisse sanctorum sive in col- k'ctis solennibus, sive pro eo ut ex recordatione eorum proficiamus, aptum et conveniens videtur. Orig. lib. ix. in Rom. 12. 37 Celebrentur hie a nobis oblationes et sacrificia ob commemorationes eo- rum. Cypr. Ep. 37, al. 22, ad Clerum. — Sacrificia pro eis semper, ut meminis- tis, offerimus, quoties martyrum pas- siones et dies anniversaria commemo- ratione celebramus. £p. 34, al.39. — Non est quod pro dormitione ejus apud vos fiat oblatio, ant deprecatio aliqua nomine ejus in ecclesia frequentetur. Ep. 66, al. 1. "^ Quando isthinc excessum fuerit, nuUus jam locus poenitentifc est, nullus satisfactiouis effectus. Cyi'R. ad Dc- metrian, § 10. ■^^26 OF CIJIU.-TIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [bOOK IV. Christians prayed for pardon and peace, on behalf of the living and the dead ^ Ci/ril of Jerusalem (d. 386), reports the prayer made after consecration of the elements at the holy communion, in these words : — " We offer this sacrifice in memory of all those who have fallen asleep before us, first, patriarchs, prophets, apostles, and martyrs, that God by their prayers and intercessions may receive our supplications ; and then we pray for our holy fathers and bishops, and all that have fallen asleep before us, believing that it is a great advantage to their souls to be prayed for, whilst the holy and tremendous sacrifice lies upon the altar." {Catech. Mystag. 5, n. 6.) The same writer furnishes evidence, that in his time many persons doubted the efficacy of prayer, as a means of procuring benefit to the dead. " I know many," he observes in the same book, " who say, What profit does the soul receive that goes out of this world, either with sins, or without sins, if you make mention of it in prayer?" Gregory of Nazianzum (d. 890), prayed, that God would receive the soul of his brother Csesarius. (Greg. Naz. Orat. 10.) Archbishop Usher quotes the following passage from this father, in testimony of his dissent from the opinion that the dead could be profited by the prayers of the living: "Then in vain shall one go about to relieve those that lament. Here men may have a remedy, but afterwards there is nothing but bonds, or all things are fast bound." (Gkeg. Naz. in Carm. de Behus Suis.) It may be observed, that this passage proves only that Gregory esteemed prayer of no avail to those who may die in sin. In the writings of Ambrose (d. 397), we meet with prayers of that father, on behalf of the deceased Theodosius and Valcnti- nian and his own brother; and we find him giving instructions to a Christian not to weep for a deceased sister, but to make prayers and oblations for her. (Ambros. De Ohitu Theodos'ii; Le Obit. Valentin.; De Obitu Fratris; Ep. 8, ad Faust.) The same author affirms, in another place, that " death is a haven of rest, ■ " Cur immanitcrconventicula nostra | bus, familiaribus, inimicis, aclliuc vitum tlirui ineraerint ? In quibus sumnnis I dcgcntibus, ot resolutis corporum oratur Deus, pax cunctis ot venia pos- vinctiono. Arnob. Adv. Gentes, lib. liilatur,niagistratibus,exercitibus,regi- i iv. CJIAP. I.] PUAYEKS tOK THE DEAD. 427 and makes not our condition worse; but according as it finds every man, so it reserves him to the judgment that is to come." {De Bono Mortis^ c. 4.) Aerius appears to have been the first who publicly protested against the practice of praying for the dead; which he did upon the ground of the uselessness of such prayers to those w^ho were the subjects of them. His objections were met by Epiphanius^ (d. 403,) who maintained {Hwres. 75), first, that prayer for the dead was useful, as testifying the faith and hope of the living, inasmuch as it showed their belief that the departed were still in being, and living with the Lord; and, secondly, as a further argument, that " the prayer which is made for them does profit, although it do not cut off all their sins; yet, forasmuch as whilst we are in the world we oftentimes slip, both unwillingly and with our will, it serves to signify that which is more perfect. For we make," continues he, " a memorial both for the just and for sinners; — for sinners, entreating the mercy of God; for the just, (both the fathers and patriarchs, the prophets, and apostles, and ev'angelists, and martyrs, and confessors; bishops also, and autho- rities, and the whole order,) that we may sever our Lord Jesus Christ from the rank of all other men, by the honour that we do unto him, and that we may jield worship unto him." Arch- bishop Usher, (from whom this translation has been quoted,) mentions a sentiment of Epiphanius, declared in another part of his writings, (Contr. Cathar. Hwr. 59,) that "after death there is no help to be gotten either by godliness or repentance. For Lazarus does not go there unto the rich man, nor the rich man unto Lazarus; neither doth Abraham send any of his spoils, that the poor may afterward be made rich thereby; neither doth the rich man obtain that which he asketh, although he entreat merciful Abraham with instant supplication. For the garners are sealed up, and the time is fulfilled, and the combat is finished, and the lists are voided, and the garlands are given, and such as have fought are at rest, and such as have not obtained are gone forth, and such as have not fought cannot now be present in time, and such as have been overthrown in the lists are cast out, and all things are clearly finished, after that we are once departed from hence.'" 428 OF CllHl.STIAN WOUSIUP AND DISCII'LINE. [nOOK IV. It may be thought that the sentiments of these two passages do not entirely coincide. But, at all events, we may sum up the answer of this writer to the Aerians in the words of Bingham, and consider him as maintaining that "there are many good reasons for mentioning the names of the dead in our prayers; because this was an argument that they were still in being, and living vi^ith the Lord; because it was some advantage to sinners, though it did not wholly cancel their crimes; because it put a distinction between the perfection of Christ and the imperfection of all other men."" Chrysostom, (d. 407,) speaking of the death of the wicked, says, " They are not so much to be lamented, as succoured with prayers, and supplications, and alms, and oblations. For these things were not designed in vain, neither is it without reason that we make mention of those that are deceased in the holy mysteries, inter- ceding for them to the Lamb that is slain to take away the sins of the world; but that some consolation may hence arise to them. Neither is it in vain that he who stands at the altar, when the tremendous mysteries are celebrated, cries, ' We offer unto thee for all those that are asleep in Christ, and all that make comme- morations for them.'' For if there were no commemorations made for them, these things would not be said. Let us not therefore grow weary in giving them our assistance, and offering prayers for them. For the common propitiation of the whole world is now before us. Therefore we now pray for the whole world, and name them with martyrs, with confessors, with priests; for we are one body, though one member be more excellent than another ; and we may obtain a general pardon for them by our prayers, by our alms, by the help of those that are named together with them." {Horn. 41, in 1 Cor.) In another place he says, tliat " prayers were made in general for all those that were deceased in the faith; and none but catechumens, dying in a voluntary neglect of baptism, were excluded from the benefit of them." {Horn. 3, in Phllipp.) And again, in his treatise on the Priesthood, this father affirms, that " a bishop is to be inter- cessor for all the world, and to pray to God to be merciful to the yins of all men, not only the living, but the dead also." {De Sacerdot. lib. vi. c. 4.) In another ])lacc, Chrysostom represents CHAP. 1.] PRAYERS I'OR THE DEAD. 429 the prayers of survivors as effectual to procure an addition to tho rewards and retributions of the righteous. {Horn. 82, in Matth.) Archbishop Usher, in his Answer to a Jesuifs Challenge^ speaks of this opinion as " a private conceit, entertained by divers, (as well of the elder as of tho middle times,) in their devotion for the dead ;" and he had before remarked, that we ought " prudently to distinguish the original institution of the church from the private opinion of particular doctors, which waded further herein than the general intendment of the church did give them warrant." It must be admitted, however, that the statements of such a doctor as Chrysostom, addressed to a popular audience, and advanced without any hesitation, or show of argument, are a plain sign of the prevailing opinions of the church in his time ; just as any assertions of doctrine, made without attempt at dis- cussion or appearance of novelty, which may occur in the Sermons of the present bishop of London, may well be reckoned among the prevailing and acknowledged tenets of the Church of England in the nineteenth century. It should be observed, however, that the remark of Usher was made with especial reference to the false position of the Romanists, that the use of prayers for the dead in the early ages of the church presupposed the doctrine of purgatory. This distinction, which the archbishop points out, is, to a certain extent, real, and ought, in many cases, to be particu- larly noticed. Jerome (d. 420) says, " While we are in this present world we may be able to help one another, either by our prayers or by our counsels ; but wdien we shall come before the judgment-seat of Christ, neither Job, nor Daniel, nor Noah, can entreat for any one, but every one must bear his own burden." (Lib. iii. Com- ment, in Galat. c. 6.) Augustin (d. 430) maintained that the martyrs do not need the prayers of the church, and that we ought to offer only thanks- givings on their behalf. He considered that the prayers of the living might be of some advantage to such of the dead as had been guilty of only minor trespasses ; but that they could not at all assist those who had been very wicked. " There goes a com-- mon saying under his name,"" says Bingham, " which Pope Inno- 430 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [rOOK IV. cent III. quotes as holy Scripture, 'that he who prays for a martyr does injury to the martyr, because they attained to perfection in this life, and have no need of the prayers of the church, as all others have"."" Therefore, he says, ' When they were named at the altar, and their memorials celebrated, they did not commemorate them as persons for whom they prayed, as they did all others that rested in peace, but rather as men that prayed for the church on earth, that we might follow their steps^',' Upon this account, St. Austin thought that oblations and alms that were usually offered in the church for all the dead that had received baptism were only thanksgivings for such as were very good, and propitiations for those that were not very bad; and for such as were very evil, though they were no helps to them when they were dead, yet they were some consolation to the living. And to those who derive any benefit from these prayers, this is the benefit, either that they obtain a full remission, or that their condemnation be made more tolerable*^" In the Confessions of Augustin^ (lib. ix. c. 13,) we find a long prayer of this writer on behalf of his departed mother Monica". *" Innoc. in Decretal. Gregorii, lib. iii. tit. 41, cap. 5. — Perfectio in hac vita nonnuUa est, ad quam sancti mar- tyres {jervenerunt. Ideoque habet ec- clesiastica disciplina, quod fideles no- verunt cum martyres eo loco recitantur ad altare Dei, ubi non pro ipsis oretur, pro caeteris autem commemoratis de- functis oratur. Injuria est enim pro martyre orai-e, cujus nos debemus ora- tionibiis commeudari. Aug. Serm. 17, De Verb. Apost. • ■" Ad ipsam mcnsam non sic eos commemoramus, queniadmodum alios qui iu pace requiescunt, sed magis ut (orcnt) i^wi pro nobis, ut eorum vesti- giis inhfcrcamus. Aug. Tract. 84 in Joan. ■•^ Cum ergo sacrificia sivo altaris sivequarumcunque eleemosynarum pro bnptizatis defunctis omnibus ofFeruutur, pro valde bonis gratiarum actionos sunt; pro non valde malis propitia- tiones sunt; pro valde malis etsi nulla sunt adjumenta raortuorum, qualcs- cunque vivorum consolationes sunt. Quibus autem prosunt, aut ad hoc prosunt, ut sit plena remissio, aut certe tolerabilior fiat ipsa damuatio. Aug. Enchirid. ad Laurent, chai^. 110. — It may be observed that this passage does not contradict another from the same author, which is quoted in the Homily concerning Prayer, part 3. ■•3 "St. Austin prayed for pardon for his mother; and did 'bcUeve the thing was done already ; but he prajed to God to ajiprove the voluntary obla- tion of his mouth.' .... St. Austin prayed, besides many other reasons, to manifest his kindness, not for any need she had." Bishop Taylou, Dissuasive from Popery, j)art ii. book ii. sect. 2. CTIAP. I.] PRAYERS FOR THE DEAD. 4;>1 Theodoret (d. 456) says, "After death the punishment of sin is without remedy (immedicabilis)." {Qiicest. in lib. ii. Re(j., cap. 18, ]9.) In the Apostolical Constitutions we find the following prayer among those which are appointed to be repeated after the conse- cration of the elements in the Lord's Supper. " We offer unto thee for all thy saints that have lived well- pleasing in thy sight from the foundation of the world, for patriarchs, prophets, holy men, apostles, martyrs, confessors, bishops, presbyters, deacons, subdeacons, readers, singers, virgins, widows, laymen, and all whose names thou knowest." The form of prayer to be used at funerals, as given in the Constitutions (lib. viii. c. 41), is still more express. The deacon shall say^ Let us pray for our brethren that rest in Christ, that the merciful God who receives his soul may grant unto him forgive- ness of all his sins, whether committed wilfully or without his will ; may be good and gracious unto him ; and may translate him into the region of the pious, who rest in the bosom of Abra- ham, Isaac, and Jacob, and into the company of all those who from the beginning of the world have pleased God, and done his will ; where there is no more pain, nor sorrow, nor crying. Let us stand up and commend ourselves, and one another, to the grace of the eternal God, through his Word, which was in the beginning. Then the bishop shall pronounce the following prayer. O thou, who in thy nature art immortal and everlasting; thou, from whom all things, immortal and mortal, do proceed ; thou who hast created man, a rational creature (XoyiKov ^otov), and the inhabitant of this world (tov Koa/xoTroXiTijv), mortal, but hast given unto him the promise of immortality {avaa-racriav, ail. dvda-racnv, a resurrection ; but the former appears to be the true reading) ; O thou who didst save Enoch and Elijah from the suffering of death {davdrov iretpav) ; O God of Abraham, of Isaac, and of Jacob, thou art not the God of the dead, but the God of the living ! For all souls live unto thee, and the spirits 432 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [rOOK IV of the righteous are in thy hand, where no pain reaches them, because in thy hands all are sanctified ; look now, we beseech thee, upon this thy servant, whom thou hast chosen, and hast taken unto thyself to another destination (els erepav Xrj^tv). Forgive him in whatsoever he may have sinned against thee, whether wilfully or unintentionally. Grant unto him favourable angels'S and translate him into the bosom of patriarchs, prophets, and apostles, and all those who from the beginning of the world have pleased thee, where there is no sorrow, pain, or sighing, but the tranquil region of the pious, the quiet land of the righteous, and the company of all those who behold the glory of thy Christ. Through whom be unto thee honour, praise, worship, thanks- giving, and adoration, in the Holy Spirit, for ever. Amen. Then shall the deacon say (to the people). Bow down, and receive the benediction ! And the bishop shall pronounce over them the following thanksgiving. O Lord, save thy people, and bless thine inheritance, which thou hast redeemed by the precious blood of thy Christ. Feed them by thy right hand, and protect them beneath thy wings. Grant that they may fight a good fight, and finish their course, and keep the faith, holy and unblanieable ; through our Lord Jesus Christ, thy beloved son, with whom be unto thee honour, praise, and adoration, and unto the Holy Ghost, for ever. Amen. The liturgies extant under the names of Basil, Chrysostom, Gregory Nazianzen, and Cyril, many parts of which were pro- bably composed during the fifth century, contain prayers for all saints, the Virgin Mary herself not excepted**. The original Sacramentary of Gregory (d. 604) contained the following prayer : — " Remember, O Lord, all thy servants, men ** Angeloinxm officia in liomimim inorte, ex doctrina SS., sunt : assistere juorientibus, eosquc pro viiibus adju- vare; piis esse ayyeXovy (Ipjjvr^s, pluci- dos animse evocatores, accei)torcs exu- entes earn corruptible corporis indu- mentum, in ccelum portantes, ad Deum deducentos, 8opv(f)opovvTas, vitc duces ac comites, propugaatores, occursa- tores; impiis vero trisies, horribiles, aTr(iXr](p6pov^, exactores, et raptores, ad judicium acerbo pertrahentes. Co- te i.euius, in loc. •** These prayers are quoted in Bishop Taylor's Dissuasive from Popery, part ii. book ii. sect. 2; also in Archbishop Usher's Answer to a JciuiCs Challenge. CHAP. I.] PRAYEUS FOR THE DEAD. 433 and women, who liav^e gone before us in the seal of the faith, and sleep in the sleep of peace. We beseech thee, O Lord, to grant them, and all that rest in Christ, a place of refreshment, light, and peace, through the same Jesus Christ our Lord^'. On the whole, therefore, it appears, that from the time of Tertullian, at least, and probably from a still earlier date, the church was accustomed to offer prayers for the dead. Many teachers of the church during the third and fourth centuries sanctioned this superstitious practice ; some of them encouraging a belief that the prayers of the living were a means of procuring certain imaginary benefits for those who had died in sin, as well as for those who had departed in the faith ; but others affirming that the dead could derive no benefit from the prayers of survivors. So that while it was the erroneous opinion that prayers and obla- tions ought to be made for the dead, and was the received and universal doctrine of the church, it was yet a question among Christian doctors, on which they were allowed to differ, whether the dead received any profit from such prayers•*^ The entire abandonment of a custom so much at variance with divine truth was reserved for that brighter period in the history of the church, in which " the Bible, the Bible alone," began (perhaps for the first time since the commencement of the second century) to be recognised as the sole depositary of the principles of our religion, and the only unerring guide of Christian practice. When the prayers of the early church were offered on behalf of persons supposed to have died in the faith, who were regarded as about to enter into happiness. Christians were understood to beseech God that he would receive those persons to himself; — they gave thanks for their deliverance out of this sinful world ; — they petitioned for the divine forgiveness of all remains of sin and imperfection in the departed ; — they intended to offer a tribute of respect and affection to the deceased, and to testify *« Bibl. Patr. Gr. Lat. torn. ii.p. 129. ■" " Some of them maintained that tlie soul of every one that departed out of this life received very great profit by tlie prayers and alms that were performed for him ; and others on the contrary maintained that it was not so." GoBAR. in Fholii Bibliolh. quoted by Usher, in his Answer to a Jesuit's Challenge. 2 F 434 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [hOOK IV. their own belief of the immortality of the soul and a future life ; — and they sought to procure for their departed friends the bless- ing of an early share in the millennial reign of Christ upon earth (which was confidently expected by the early Christians), — as well as favour at the day of judgment, (when they supposed that all men would pass through a fire of purgation,) — and an augmen- tation of their reward and glory in the state of final blessedness. It is certain also, that prayers were offered for those who had died in sin, in the hope of mitigating their sufferings, or render- ing their condemnation more tolerable. (Chrysostom, Horn. 3, in Phil.\ Conf. Horn. 21, in Act. \ Horn. 32, in Matth.\ August. Enchirid. ad Laurent, c. 110; Pailin. Ep. 19; Athanas., Quwst. ad Antiock. ix. 34; Prudent. Cathemerin. Carm. 5, De Cereo Pasckali.) This supposed efficacy of prayer for those who had died in sin, carried to an extreme, is broadly and most offen- sively stated in the followirig terms, by a writer who lived when the corruptions of the church had gathered strength after the lapse of centuries, — Theophylact. " Observe," says he, in a commentary on Luke xii. 5, " that our Lord did not say, ' Fear him who after he hath killed casteth into hell^ but ' hath power to cast into hell.'' For sinners who die are not always cast into hell ; but it remains in the power of God to pardon them also. And this I say with reference to the oblations and gifts which are made for the dead; which do not a little avail even those who die in grievous sins. He does not therefore universally, after he hath killed, cast into hell ; but he hath power to cast. Where- fore let us not cease by alms and intercessions to appease him who hath power to cast, but who does not always use this power, being able to pardon also."" Archbishop Usher and many of our old divines take pains to show, that the use of prayer for the dead does not necessarily involve the doctrine of purgatory. This is true^"; and it is of *^ "Though the fathers prayed for the souls departed, that God would show them mercy ; yet it was that God would show them mercy in the day of judgment; * in tliat formidahle and dreadful day, then there is need of much mercy unto us,' saith St. Chry- sostom. ... Is there no mercy to he showed to them unless they be in purgatory? Some of the ancients CHAP. i.] PRAYEIfS FOK Till'; DRAD. 435 some importance in arguing with Romanists, who sometimes insist upon the contrary position. But it cannot be denied, that the mistaken practice in question was adapted to pave the way for the introduction of that false doctrine ; and that, as a matter of fact, the fable of purgatory did follow in the train of the speak of visitation of angels to be im- parted to the souls departed ; and the hastening of the day of judgment is a mercy ; and the avenging of the mar- tyrs upon their adversaries is a mercy, for which ' the souls under the altar piay,' saith St. John, in the Revela- tion ; and the Greek fathers speak of a fiery trial at the day of judgment, through which every one must pass ; and then will be great need of mercy. And after all this, ... at the day of judgment, there shall be . . . the final pardon, for which, till it be ac- complished, all the faithful do night and day pray incessantly." Bishop J EKE MY Tayi.oii, Dissuusive from Popery, p. 2, b. ii. sect. 2. " There are two gi'cat causes of their [the Romanists] mistaken pretensions in tliis article [respecting purgatory] from antiquity. " The first is, that the ancient churches in their offices, and the fa- thers in their writings, did teach and practise respectively prayer for the dead. Now, because the ciuircli of Rome does so too, and, more than so, relates her prayers to the doctrine of purgatory, and for the souls there de- tained; her doctors vainly suppose, that whenever the holy fathers speak of prayer for the dead, they conclude for pin-gatory; which vain conjecture is as false as it is unreasonable; for it is true, the fathers did pray for the dead, but how ? ' that God should show them mercy, and hasten the resiuuec- tion, and give a blessed sentence in the great day.' . . . The other cause of their mistake is, that the fathers often speak of a fire of purgation after this life ; but such a one that is not to be kindled until theday of judgment, and it is such a fire that destroys the doc- trine of the intermediate purgatory. We suppose that Origen was the first that spoke plainly of it ; and so St. Ambrose follows him in the opinion, (for it was no more ;) so does St. Basil, St. Hilary, St. Jerome, and Lactantius, as their words plainly prove, as they are cited by Sixtus Sennensis, affirm- ing, that 'all men, Christ only ex- cepted, shall be burned witli the fire of the world's conflagration at the day of judgment;' even the blessed Virgin herself is to pass tlirough this fire. There was also another doctrine very generally received by the fathers, which greatly destroys the Roman purgatory ; Sixtus Sennensis says, and he says very true, that Justin Martyr, Tertullian, Victorinus Martyi", Pnidentius, St. Chrysostom, Arethas, Euthymius, and St. Bernard, did all affirm, tliat before the day of judgment the souls of men are kept in secret re- ceptacles, reserved unto the sentence of the great day ; and that before then no man receives according to his works done in this life. We do not interpose in this opinion to say, that it is true or false, probable or improbable; for these fathers intended it not as a mat- ter of faith, or necessary belief, so far as we find. But we observe from hence, that if their opinion be true, then the doctrine of purgatory is false ; if it be not true, yet the Roman doc- trine of purgatory, which is incon- sistent with this so generally received opinion of the fathers,' is, at least, new, no catholic doctrine, not believed in the primitive church." Ibid, part 1, chap. i. sect. 4. 2 K 2 436 OP CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [boOK IV. common and authorized practice of praying for the souls of tlie departed. The seeds of the later delusion were contained in the earlier error. And we ought to bear this in mind, in the forma- tion of our own opinions, and in the regulation of our practice. Prayer for the dead ought to be rejected not only as inexpedient, and as a custom harmless in itself, although liable to abuse ; but as an unscriptural and erroneous practice, wrong in itself to a certain extent, and directly tending, especially if sanctioned by public authority, to more serious follies and falsehoods. We shall have derived no small benefit from this examination of the false views and erroneous practice of the early church respecting prayer for the dead, if we are led by this means to oifer up, with increased seriousness, humility, and self distrust, that wise petition of our own scriptural liturgy, " God, who . . . didst teach the hearts of thy faithful people, by the sending to them the light of thy Holy Spirit, grant us, by the same Spirit, to have a right judgment in all things, and evermore to rejoice in his holy comfort ; through the merits of Christ Jesus our Saviour, who liveth and reigneth with thee, in the unity of the same Spirit, one God, world without end." Our review of this subject may also tend to confirm our attachment to our own church, as a teacher of sound doctrine, while we contrast with the errors of former times the following plain declarations of divine truth, contained in the Book of Homilies, — " Now, to intreat of that question, whether we ought to pray for them that are departed out of this world, or no? Wherein, if we will cleave only unto the word of God, then must we needs grant that we have no commandment so to do. . . . He that cannot be saved by faith in Christ's blood, how shall he look to be delivered by man's intercessions? Hath God more respect to man on earth, than to Christ in heaven ? ' If any man sin,' saith St. John, ' we have an advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous, and he is the propitiation for our sins.' But we must take heed, that we call upon this advocate while we have space given us in this life, lest, when we are once dead, there be no hope of salvation left to us. For as every man sleepeth with his own cause, so every man shall rise again with his own cause. And look, in what state he dieth, in the same CHAP. I.] PRAYERS FOU THE DEAO. 437 state he shall be also judged, whether it be to salvation or con- demnation. Let us not dream therefore either of purgatory, or of prayer for the souls of them that be dead ; but let us earnestly and diligently pray for them that are expressly commanded in holy Scripture, namely, for kings and rulers, for ministers of God's holy word and sacraments, for the saints of this world, otherwise called the faithful; to be short, for all men living, be they never so great enemies to God and his people, as Jews, Turks, Pagans, infidels, heretics, &c. Then shall we truly fulfil the commandment of God in that behalf, and plainly declare ourselves to be the true children of our heavenly Father, who sufFereth the sun to shine upon the good and the bad, and the rain to fall upon the just and the unjust. For which, and all other benefits most abundantly bestowed upon mankind from the beginning, let us give him hearty thanks, as we are most bound, and praise his name for ever and ever." (Third part of the Homily concerning Prayer.) § 8. — Of the Public Use of Holy Scripture. The public reading of the Scriptures is a practice which passed unaltered from the Jewish synagogue into the Christian church. After the return from the captivity, it was the custom of the Jews to read a portion of " the Law"" in the synagogue every Sab- bath. When the use of the law was forbidden, during the Syrian persecution, and especially under Antiochus Epiphanes, a por- tion of " the Prophets" (including the historical books of Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and the Kings) was substituted for the origi- nally appointed portion of the law; and after the persecution had ceased, the practice was adopted of reading two portions, namely, one from the Law and another from the Prophets, every Sabbath. Such was the custom which prevailed during the ministry of our Saviour and his apostles (Acts xiii. 15; v. 27; Luke iv. 16, 17). It is uncertain whether or not the third class of Jewish Scriptures, the Hagiographa, or devotional books, were ever read publicly. These books are entitled by Jesus the son of Siracli, Joscphus, Philo, and in the New Testament, either aWa, dWa TTuTpia /Si^Xlu, other (Jewish) books, vfJivoL kol aWa, hymns, 438 OF CHRISTIAN WOHSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [hOOK IV ^c, ■ylrakfjLol, the psalms^ or ra \oLTra rtov /Si^Xicov, the other books ; but the Talmudic and Patristic appellations D^^^riD (ketubim), ypa(f>€ia, dyi,6ypa(f>a, are of later (and uncertain) date. It appears, however, to be beyond doubt that these books were not regularly read in the Jewish Synagogue; while it is equally certain that the exclusion 'of this portion of the sacred volume from public use was either entirely unknown to the early church, or at least was rejected in practice. The first account which has come down to us of the public reading of the writings of the evangelists and apostles {airofjivr}- fiovevfjiUTa rcov aTroa-ToXoiv), together with the books of the Old Testament, is found in the works of Justin Martyr (Apolofjf. i. c. 67). We learn from this narrative, that on every Lord"'s day a portion of these sacred writings was read in the public assembly, by an officer appointed for the purpose {dvayivtoa-Koov, a reader) ; and when the whole had been read, the presiding minister (o irpoearms) delivered an instructive and admonitory address, with reference to the passage. Such is the first description of a Christian lecture or sermon. Tertullian also {Apologet. c. 89) mentions the " Commemo- ratio literarum divinarum," for the instruction and strengthening of the faithful, as a chief exercise in public worship; and it is evident from other passages of the same writer, that he was acquainted with the public reading of the New Testament, as well as of the Old. Tertullian speaks also of the office of a reader (lector), as one regularly established and well known in the church {De Prccscript. Hwret. c. 41). Cyprian, in two of his Epistles, gives us an account of the ordination of two readers, named Aurelius and Celerinus (Cy- prian, Epp. 33, 84). In the Apostolical Constitutions, the reading of lessons out of Scripture is reckoned among the chief parts of public worship, and the reading of the Gospels is especially referred to, as the duty of the deacons and presbyters {Const. Ap. lib. ii. c. 25, 57). Origen makes frequent allusion to the use of the Scriptures, both public and private (See especially Orig. Cont. Cels. iii. 45, 50). In a Homily, De Consummatione Sceculi, attributed to Hippolytus, a disciple of Irenrous and friend of Origen, we find CHAP. I.] USE OF HOLY SCRIPTUKE. 439 the followiug sentence: — "Divine worship {\eirovpyia) will cease, the singing of Psalms will be silenced, and the reading of the Scriptures (^avdITUV fxtra TToXXiis y'larvx^aS" • . . • Kal t^ijs TrapaKuXeiTcoaav oi rrpeafSvTfpoL top Xauv, 6 Ka6e\s avroov, iiXXii pfj ('nravTfS' C. 57. — Kul uvayvovTfs to evayyeXiov iv (pojjo) Kui rpdpa, Kai TrpoaXnXi'jaavTes Tw Xaw ru Ttpos cru)Tr)piav. Jd. lib. v. c. 19. C, V)e Incomprehen. Del Nat, — Ti fiTTw ; rj TL Xi{\T](T(i> ; fiiXoyrjros 6 Qfoi, TOVTO iinov i^icov to (>i]na, toxito TToKiv fTTiivaXaiJ.fSdi'O}. Id. Horn. Post. Jicd. — 111 the Apostolical Const'Uullons the inmister is directed, immediately after the reading of the Scriptures, to salute the people with the ajiostolical benediction, and when tliis has boon returned by the words " And with thy Spirit," the minister is to address to the people the words of exhortation. Const. Apost, lib. viii. c. 6. — Omnis tractatus in ecelosia a nomine Dei in- cipitur, ct ejusdem nomine terminatur. Oi'TAT. :Milev. De Schisnia Donat. lib. vii. ; Conf. Auc.rsx. Horn. 46, De Temp. — Convei-si ad Dominum, ipsum deprecemur pro nobis et pro omui plebe sua, adstante nobiscum in atriis domus sure, quam custodirc protegereque dignetur : per Jesum Christum, Dominum nostrum, qui cum eo vivit et regnat in snecula sjcciilo- rum. Amen! August. Serm. 121, Dc Dili. ; Conf. Scrm. 30, De Verb. Dam.; Scrm. 102, 120, De Div. 460 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [boOK IV. of the creation of the superior and inferior Avorld ; of the nature of men and angels; of the subtilty of Satan, and his methods and policies ; of the different opinions of the Christian world ; of the true faith, and the gangrene of heresies; and other such myste- ries, which it behoves a Christian to be acquainted with. (Chky- sosT. Horn. 24, J)e Baptisma Christi.^ The design of Christian oratory, as St. Austin observes, is either to instruct men in the truth, or to refute their errors, or to persuade them to the practice of holiness and virtue, and dissuade them from the contrary vices. The first of these requires plain narration ; the second, strength of argument and ratiocination ; and the third, the art and power of moving the mind and affections. And in doing each of these, the Christian orator, as he never speaks anything but what is holy, just, and good, so he endeavours to speak these in such a manner, as that he may be heard with understanding, with pleasure, and with ol)edience." (August. De Doctrina Christie lib. iv. cap. 4, 15.) § 10. — Of Catechetical Instruction. Closely allied to the practice of preaching in the early church was that of catechetical instruction, that is, of delivering to candidates for baptism addresses concerning the general outline of Christian doctrine. Specimens of these addresses and their contents are preserved in the "Catecheses" of Cyril of Jeru- salem, the ^6709 KaT^yr^TiKos of Gregory of Nyssa, and the treatise of Augustin De Catecldzandis lliidibus. It must be remembered, that such addresses were delivered at first chiefly to persons of full age, and therefore are not to be brought into comparison with catechisms of the present day, provided for the use of children, either as to their form, or as to their contents. After the general prevalence of infant baptism, these catechetical discourses grew out of use ; or rather gave way to treatises, called instructions before baptism, on the creed, and the like. After the time of Charlemagne the terms Institutio, Catechetica, Cate- chismus revived ; but real catechetical instruction was at a low ebb until the period of the Keformation ; when, by the good providence of God, new life and vigour Avere im])arted to this part of ecclesiastical discipline and labour, as well as to many others. CHAP. I.] OF CATECHETICAL IXSTRITfTION'. 4G1 At first it was the office of tlie bishop to prepare the candidates for baptism, (KaTTjxou/xeuoi, catechumens,) as well as to admit them into the church by that sacred rite. But after the labours of bishops had greatly multiplied, in consequence of the extension of the church, it became impossible for them to devote the requi- site attention to this part of their office , and, accordingly, they transferred it to such presb}-ters and deacons as they deemed competent to the undertaking. These were called catecheta?, and their employment was considered peculiarly honourable, as requiring the exercise of eminent talents and qualifications. Origen, Cyril of Jerusalem, and Chrj'sostom were placed in this rank of teachers. They were sometimes termed vavroXoyot or vava-ToXoyoc, with reference to the well-known comparison of the church with a ship, and to the circumstance that the catechu- mens took their station in the church at the end of the nave. According to this similitude, the bishop was called 6 irpcopevs ; the presbyters ol vaurai; the deacons oi roixapxoi-^ and the catechctoe ol vavTo\6yoi'\ Traces of the early exercise of this office by the bishops remained, for some time after it had been transferred, in the occasional catechising of the Competentes previously to confirmation. (Ambros. Ep. S3.) The catechumens were permitted to take part in all offices of religious worship, except such as M-ere reserved exclusively for the faithful, or full members of the church ; and therefore they heard the Scriptures read and expounded in the general assem- blies. But their own peculiar course of instruction appears to have been carried on, in some place apart from the church, not before the congregation. We find mention of KaT-nxovfJi^va, i.e., buildings set apart for the instruction of catechumens, in the neighbourhood of the churches ; and we learn that sometimes the baptisteries were made use of for this purpose. (Leonis Novell, 73; Gone. Tnillan. can. 97 ; Amrros. 7i}>. 33.) The course of catechetical instruction consisted chiefly of an Erant vavaroXoyoi scu vavToXoyoi, qui in prora constituti, turn navem in- trantos recipiebant, turn vero cum navigaturis do futuro itincre colloque- Lantur, de uaiilo paciscebantiu-. Quo- circa Naustologos referunt partim janitores, ratione videlicet prinii nau- tologorum officii, partim Catedustte, ratiouo postcrioris. Cotelerius, Ad Const, /tpost. lib, ii. c. 57. 4G2 OP CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [noOK IV. exposition of the ten commandments, a creed, or summary con- fession of faith, and the Lord's ]:)ra}'er ; with suitable comments and remarks. At least, these formularies were the text which formed the basis of catechetical lectures. During the existence of the system of secret discipline, no instruction respecting the nature of the sacraments was given before baptism. This system of concealing certain sacred mysteries from the catechumens, called the Disci])li/ia Arcani, System of Secret Instiniction, did not exist in the earliest ages of the church. It originated, probably, in the precautions which became necessary during times of persecution ; and its formation may have been assisted by a desire of imitating the Eleusinian mysteries (espe- cially after the conversion of large numbers of the heathen to Christianity), and also by the efforts of the clergy to promote the dignity and influence of their order. Neander supposes that it took rise in the Church of Alexandria; whence it extended first to the eastern, and afterwards to the western, churches. The subject is involved in considerable obscurity ; but it is certain that the system was gradually established after the middle of the second century ; and it is supposed to have reached its perfection during the fourth century, — soon after the conversion of Con- stantino and the Council of Nicsea. The mysteries which, at that time, were carefully concealed from the catechumens, and all uninitiated persons, were, (to follow the enumeration of Bingham, Antlq. book x. chap. 5,) first, the manner of admini- stering baptism ; secondly, the manner of administering the holy unction or confirmation; thirdly, the ordination of priests; the public liturgy, or solemn prayers of the church ; the manner of celebrating the cucharist, and all discourses which treated plainly on the subject ; the mystery of the Trinity, the creed, and the Lord's prayer, (at least, from the first or lowest class of catechu- mens.) The reasons for concealing these things from the cate- chumens, as stated by the same author, were, first, that the plainness and simplicity of the Christian rites might not be contemned by them, or give any occasion of scandal or offence to them, before they were thoroughly instructed about the nature of the mysteries; secondly, to conciliate a reverence in the minds of men for the mysteries so concealed ; and, thirdly, to make the CHAP. T-1 ANCIENT CREEDS. 463 catechumens more desirous to know tbem, or to excite their curiosity. " Though the sacraments," says Augustin, " are not disclosed to the catechumens, it is not because they cannot bear them, but that they may so much the more ardently desire them, by how much they are the more honourably hidden from them." (Aug. Horn. 96, in Johan.) § n. — Ancient Creeds. It was usual, as has been said, to require the assent of Catechu- mens to a summary of the leading articles of Christian faith, or a creed, in which they had been previously instructed. This creed, from the nature of its contents, and the uses to which it was applied, was called sometimes symboluni, a mark, token, or badge; sometimes /cai'toj/, regula fidei, the rule, ov rule of faith ; sometimes, among the Greeks, iriarLs the faith, opo^ or cKBoacs IT [(news the determination or e.vjwsition of the faith, /juaOyj/xa the lesson. There can be no doubt that such a set form of doctrine was in use at a very early period, and even in the days of the apostles. Many writers, indeed, and among them some of our divines, have contended that the creed commonjy called the Apostles"" was composed in its present form by the apostles themselves*'; *' Some have thought that the twelve apostles, ia a full meeting, composed the creed in tlie very same form of Avords as now it is used in the churcli ; and others have gone so far as to pre- tend to tell what article was composed by eveiy particular apostle. Dr. Com- ber is so positive in the matter, as to say, "We have no better medium to prove the books were written by tliosc autliors wliose names tliey bear, than the unanimous testimony of antiquity; and by that we can abundantly lu-ove the apostles were the autliors of this creed." For this he cites Clemens Romanus, Irenreus, Origen, Tertullian, Ruffinus, Ambrose, Austin, Jerome, Pope Leo, Maximus Taininensis, Cas- sian, and Isidore. But none of tliesc writers, except llufiiuus, speak home to his purpose ; but only say, the creeds in general are of apostolical institution ; whicli, for the substance, no one denies ; for they speak of seve- ral forms, and yet ascribe tliem all to tlie apostles : wliich is an argiiment tliey did not mean this particular form any more than others. For the Nicene Creed is often called the Apostles' Creed; and yet no one believes that that creed was composed, to/if/]dC)S tyd'i'ijdr], {(jmyev re Ka\ fTTuv, (\\l]6cOS €8LCji\6r] iTU YliWTlOV YliKaTOV, aXrjdcJs icTTavpuiBr) koi unidavev, /3Xe- TTovTCDv Tcjp inovpavioiv, Kai cmyftcov, Koi \mo)(6ov'is ijye'pdtj unb vfKpSiV, iydpavTOS avrov tov ntiTpus avToxj, Kara ro opoiapa, os kol ijpns Tovs TTiCTTevovTas avra oirrats tyepei o extant. The following is the passage JJuT^p avrov iv XpicrriM 'Irjaov, oii to which I refer : — KucjjujBjjre ovy, or' X'^P'^ '''" u\T)6ivbv ^f/v ovk tx^H-^"- ^^P- uf vpiv X(^p'ii Tf;croC XpicTTOv XaXfj ris, (id Trull. § 9. roZ< (K ytpovs Afi^(8, TOV (k Mdpiaf, os j 2 II 4GG or CTIRlSXrAN worship and discipline. [hook IV. later than the end of the third century, or beginning of the fourth. We have also the early public creeds of the churches of Jeru- salem (preserved in the catechetical discourses of Cyril of Jeru- salem), Ca3sarea in Palestine (preserved by Eusebius), Alexandria (recorded by Socrates), Antioch (recorded by Cassian), Home (attested by Ruffin, and others), Aquileia (preserved by Iluffin). To which may be added the Nicene Creed, as first published by the Council of Nictea, and afterwards completed by the Council of Constantinople, a.d. S81. I proceed now to transcribe all these ancient confessions of faith in chronological order; giving an English translation in the text, and subjoining the orginals in notes; which method will, I hope, be acceptable at once to the general reader, and to the more learned inquirer. The translations in Bingham are adopted, except where there is reason for alteration; and the originals are such as I find in the works of the several Greek and Latin fathers, or councils, to which reference is made. Irenwus, — " The church, though it be dispersed over all the world from one end of the earth to the other, has received from the apostles and their disciples the belief in one God the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earth, the sea, and all things in them: and in one Christ Jesus, the Son of God, who was incar- nate for our salvation: and in the Holy Ghost, who preached by the prophets the dispensations of God, and the advent (ra? eA,eu- o-ety, adventum, Int. vet.), nativity of a virgin, passion, resurrec- tion from the dead, and bodily ascension into heaven of the flesh of his beloved Son Christ Jesus our Lord, and his coming again from heaven in the glory of the Father, to restore {avaice- ^akaiwaaadai, ad recapitulanda universa, Lit. vet.) all things, and raise the flesh of all mankind; that, according to the will of the invisible Father, every knee should bow, of things in heaven, and things in the earth, and things under the earth, to Jesus Christ, our Lord, and (Jod, and Saviour, and King; and that every tongue should confess to him; and that he may exercise just judgment upon all, and may send spiritual wickednesses, and the transgressing and npostate angels, with all ungodly, unrighteous, lawless, and blaspheming men, into everlasting fire; but, having granted life to all i-ighteous and holy men, that kcej) CHAP 1.] ANCIENT CREEDS. 467 nis commandments, and persevere in liis love, some from the beginning, others after repentance, on these he may bestow the gift of immortality, and invest them with eternal glory*\" TertuUlan. — Three several descriptions of the rule of faith are found in the writings of this author. They are as follow: " There is one rule of faith only, which admits of no change or alteration, — that which teaches us to believe in one God Almighty, the maker of the world ; and in Jesus Christ his Son, who was born of the Virgin ^lary, crucified under Pontius Pilate, the third day rose again from the dead, received into heaven, and sitteth now at the right hand of God, who shall come again to judge both the quick and the dead, by the resurrection of the flcsh«^" ^* 'H ^liv (KKkr^ata, Kalnep Kuff 6\r)s rrjs olKovfj.evr]S fv npocfirjTwv KfKrjpvxos Tiis oiKovopias, Koi Tns cXeutreif, Ka\ ttjv fK napSe'vov ytvvrjcnv, , koi Kp'iaiv biKuUiv (v ToTf TTiKTi ■noii](Tr]Tai, to piv nvfvpaTiKci TTjy TTOvriputs, Ka\ tiyyfXoff tovs napa- ^((iriKoTas, Koi (v dnocTTacria yeyovoTos, Kai Tois u(X(fBfU, Kcil d^iKovs, Kai di/o- ^ovf, Kcii ^\aa<()7}povi twv ai/^pcdTrwi^ (Is to alujvwp nvp irtp^T]^ to'is bi hiKa'i- ois, Ktti oa-iois, Kal r«y eVroXos oiroO T(Tr]pi]K0(Ti, KUI (f Ti/ dydnrj utTov bia- p(p(vr)K6arif Tois dir dpxi]s, toIs b( (K p(Tavo'ius, C'^i]v ;(optcr«/^€»'os', u({)6ap- aiuv bcoprjarjTui, Kai bo^av aiuiviov irtpi- Tvoii](Trj. lien. lib. i. c. 2. Credo iu unum Deum, fabricatorem ca'li ac terra) ct omnium qua; in eis sunt, per Christum Jesum Dei Filium, qui propter eminentissimam erga fig- mentura suum dilectionem, earn quae esset ex Virgiue generationem susti- nuit, ipse per se liominem adunans Deo, ct passus sub Pontic Pilato, et resurgens, et in claritate rcccptus, in gloria vcuturus Salvator eorum qui salvantur, ct Judex eonim qui judi- cantur, et mittens in ignem a^tcnnim ti'ansfiguratorcs veritatis, et contcmp- tores Patris sui et adventus ejus. Ircii. lib. iii. 0. 4. 68 Regula fidci una onmino est, sola inimobilis et irreformabilis, credendi scilicet in unicum Deum oninipoten- tem, mundi conditorcm, ct filium ejus Jesum Christum, natum ex Yirgine Maria, crucifixum sub Pontio Pilato, tertio die resuscitatum a mortuis, re- ceptum in ca*lis, sedcntem nunc ad dextram Patris, ventinum judicare vivos et mortuos, per carnis etiam re- surrectiouem. Tertui.l. dc Veland, Virgin. In 2 468 OP cniMSTrAN* wousnip and discii'I.im:. [isook iv. " The rule of faith is that, whereby we believe one God only, and no other beside, the nirikor of the world, who produced all things out of nothing, by his Word, ■svhicli he sent forth before all thini^s. This word was called his Son, who at sundry times appeared to the Patriarchs, and always spake by the prophets^ and at last descended into the Virgin Mary by the power and spirit of God the Father, and was made flesh in her womb, and born of her, a man, Jesus Christ ; who preached a new law, and a new promise of the kingdoni of heaven ; who wrought miracles, and was crucified, and the third day rose again, and was taken into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of the Father; whence he sent the power of the Holy Ghost in his stead, to guide them that believe : who shall come again with glory, to take the saints into the possession and fruition of eternal life, and the heavenly promises, and to condemn the proftmc to everlasting fire, having first raised both the one and the other by the resurrection of the flesh'^^" " We believe in one God, but mider this dispensation, which we call the economy, that that one God hath a Son, which is his AVord, who proceeded from him, by whom all things were made, and without whom nothing was made. We believe that he was sent by the Father to be born of a Virgin, both man and God, the Son of man and the Son of God, and that he was called Jesus Christ. That he suffered, and was dead and buried according to the Scriptures ; that he was raised again by the Father, and taken up again into heaven, where he sits at the right hand of "7 Regula est autcm fidei, ut jam hinc dicasso iiovam legem vt Ti:ihvll, tie J' rteacripl.ud. 1 J i£i el. novam proniissiouem regiii ea-iorum, j CII.\1>. I ] ANCIENT CRLEDS. 469 the Father ; and shall come again to jndgc the qnick and the dead ; from whence also he sent from his Father, according to his promise, the Holy Ghost, the comforter, wlio sanctifies the faith of those that helieve in the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost'"." Orujen. — " The things which are manifestly handed down by the apostolical preaching, arc these ; — First, that there is one God, who created and made all things, and caused the whole universe to exi^t out of nothing; the God of all the just that ever were from the first creation and foundation of all ; the God of Adam, Abel, Seth, Enos, Enoch, Noe, Sem, Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, the twelve patriarchs, Moses, and the ])rophets : and that this God, in the last days, as he had promised before by his pro])hets, sent our Lord Jesus Christ, first to call Israel, and then the Gentiles, after the infidelity of his people Israel. This just and good God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, gave both the law and the ])rophcts, and the gosjicls, being the God of the Apostles, and of the Old and New Testament." The next article is, " That Jesus Christ who came into the world, was begotten of the Father before every creature, who ministering to his Father in the creation of all things, (for by him all things were made,) in the last times made himself of no reputation, and became man : he who was God, was made flesh, and when he was man, he continued the same God that he was before. He assumed a body in all things like ours, save only that it was born of a Virgin by the Holy CUiost. And because this .Tesus Christ was born and suffered death common to all, in truth, and not only in appearance, he was truly dead ; for ho rose again truly from the dead, and after his resurrection conversed with his disciples, and was taken up into heaven. They also delivered unto us, that the Holy Ghost was joined in the same honour and ^8 Unicuin quiileiii Doum cvt'diiims, ' mortumn ct sopultuni socumliim Scrip- 6ub hac tanion dispousationc qnam otKovo^lav (liciimis, lit iinici Dei sit et Filius scrmo ipsius, qui ex ipso pro- ccsserit, per quein omnia facta sxint, ct sine quo foctuni est nihil, hunc mis- sum a Patro in Virginem, ot ex ea natum hominem et Deum, filium ho- minis ct filium Dei, et cognominatum turas, et resuscitatum a Patre, ct in CQi\o rcsmnptuni, scdcro ail dextram Patris, vcnturum judicare vivos ot mortuos, qui exinde misorat secundum proniissionem suam a Patro Spirituni Sanctum Paracletum, sanctificatorcm fidei eoium qui credunt in Patrem, et Filium, et Spirituni Sanctum. Ter- Josum Ciu•i^5tum, hunc pitssum, hunc [ tull. adv. Praxeam. 470 OF CHEISTIAX WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINK. [bOOK IV. dignity with the Father and the Son." And he adds some observations concerning the immortahty of the sonl, future rewards and punishments, and the resurrection of the dead. The entire passage is transcribed in the note*^ dtprian. — This author represents the interrogations proposed to a catechumen, as amounting in substance to this: — "Dost thou beheve in God the Father, and in Christ his Son, and in the Holy Spirit, in the forgiveness of sins, and eternal life by (or through) the church'"'?" AVhence it appears, as Bingham *' Unus Deus est, qui omnia creavit, atque composuit, quique ex nullis fecit esse universa, Deus a prima creatura et couditione mundi omnium justorum, Adam, Abel, Seth, Enos, &c. Et quod hie Deus in novissimis diebus, sicut per prophetas suos ante promiserat, misit Dominum nostrum Jesum Clirist- um, primo quidem vocaturum Israel, secundo vero etiam gentes post perfi- diam pop\ili Israel. Hie Deus Justus et bonus pater Domini nostri Jesu Christi, legem et prophetas et evan- gelia ipse dedit, qui et Apostolonim Dens est, et veteris et novi Testamenti. Turn delude quia Jesus Christus ipse qui venit, ante omnem creaturam natus ex patre est : qui cum in omnium con- ditione Patri ministrasset, (per ipsum enim omnia facta sunt,) novissimis temporibus seipsum exinaniens homo factus est, incamatus est cum Deus csset, et homo mansit quod Deus erat. Corpus assumsit corpori nostro simile, eo solo difFercns, quod natum ex Yir- gine et Spiritu Sancto est, et quoniam hie Jesus Christus natus et passus est in veritate, et non per imaginem, com- munem banc mortem vere mortuus est ; vere enim a morte resurrexit, et post resurrectionem conversatus cum disci- pulis suis assumtus est. Tum deinde honore ac dignitate Patri ac Filio sociatum tradiderunt Spiritum Sanctum, in hoc non jam manifeste discernitur, utrum natus an innatus. Sed inquirenda jam ista pro viribus sunt do sacra scriptura, et sa- gaci perquisitione investiganda, sane quod iste Spiritus Sanctus imumquem- que sanctorum vel prophetarum vel apostolorum inspiravit, et nou alius spii-itus in veteribus, alius vero in his, qui in adventu Cliristi inspirati sunt, manifestissime in ecclesiis pra?dicatur. Post ha?c jam, quod anima substantiam, vitamque habens propriam, cum ex hoc mundo discesserit, et pro suis mentis dispensabit, sive vitfe feternse ac beatitudinis hoereditate potitura, si hoc ei sua gesta proestiterint j sive igne feterno atque suppliciis mancipanda, si in hoc earn scelei-um culpa detorserit. Sed et quia erit tempus resurrectionis mortuorum, cum corpus hoc i^uod in corruptione seminatur, surget in incor- ruptione, et quod seminatur in igno- minia, surget in gloria. Origev. «n Procem. lib. De Principiis. — To this may be added, IIioTeOcroj' ort eis iariv 6 Gfof, 6 Tu ndvra KTiaai koi Karap- rlcras, kui noirjcrai ck tov firj oirroi els TO fivai TCI TTavra, ^pr] 8e Kai TncTTfVdV oTi Kvpioi 'irjcrovs Xpiaros Kai iracnj rrj TTtpX avTOv Kara ti)v deorrfra Koi rfjv dvdpcoTTOTTjTa uXrjdfia' be'i koi els to 'Ayiov llufvp.a nicrrfveip, Kai oti avrt^- ovaiOL ovTfS KoXa^ofieda fikv f(f)' ols afiapTauofitf, Tip.o)fifda 8e e(j) ois fS TTpaTTOfiev, — Origen'. Comment, in Johan. "" Crcdis in Deum Patrem, Filium Christum, Spiritum Sanctum, remissi- ouem peccatorum et vitam ajternam P'jr sanctam ecclesiam ? CvrniAX F.p. 7«, § C. CHAP. I.] AXCIEXT CREEOg. 471 riprhtly obsoi'ves, " that not only the carticles of the Trinity, but those others which relate to the church, and the remission of sins, and eternal life, were parts of the creed used iii Cypriaiis time in all the African churches. And except the descent into hell, and the communion of the saints, which are of later date in the creed than the times of Cyprian or Tertullian, all the other articles are taken notice of by these two primitive writers." Cyprian was a great asserter of the power of the church ; and from his time the ecclesiastical hierarchy made great progress in its pretensions, authority, and wealth. Gregory of Neocwsarea (Thaumaturgus). — " There is one God, the Father of the living Word — the subsisting wisdom and power, the eternal express image of God — who is a perfect begetter of a perfect, a father of an only-begotten Son. And one Lord, one of one, God of God, the character and image of the Godhead, the word of power, the wisdom that comprehends the whole system of the world, the power that made every creature ; the true Son of the true Father, invisible of invisible, incorruptible of incorruptible, immortal of immortal, eternal of eternal. And one Holy Ghost, who has his existence from God, who was mani- fested to men by the Son, the perfect image of the perfect Son, the living cause of all living, the fountain of holiness, essential sanctity, who is the author of holiness in all others ; in whom God the Father is manifested, who is above all, and in all, and God the Son, whose power runs through all things [literally, who is through all]. In this Trinity, therefore, there is nothing created or servile, nothing adventitious or extraneous, that did not exist before, but afterwards came into it. The Father was never without the Son, nor the Son without the Spirit, but the Trinity abides the same, unchangeable and invariable for ever''." ^' Eis Oeof TTQTtjp \6yov ^tayros, v {jfifpSav KaTtK- 66vTa (^ ovpavmp, Ka\ aapKa dva\a- /3orra, Kai (k rj}f aylus TzapOfvov filapias yfvVTjdfVTa, Kni noXtTfvadntvov oaicoi KaTU Tovs vofiovi TOV Oeov Ka\ naTpos avTov, Kal v- Tas Kal vfKpovSy ov Trjs ^a(crtv apapTicov, Ka\ (Is ^aaiXdap olpavSov, Ka\ els ((of)v TOV p.eXXoi'Tos alwvos. Coitst. Apoat, lib. vii. c. 41. — This is the profession of Christian faith, or, as it is entitled, (TvvTayr^ TTpos TOV XpicTTov TOV 0eoO, which was to be made, according to tho Constilulions, by the Catechinncns after their renunciation of the devil and his works {dnoTayfi npos top ivap- tIov). CHAP. I.J ANCIENT CREEDS. 475 prophets : and in one baptism of repentance, for the remission of sins: and in one holy Cathohc Church: and in the resurrection of the flesh: and in life everlasting"*." Creed of Ccesarea in Palestine. — " We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, maker of all things visible and invisible; and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Word of God, God of God, Light of Light, Life of Life, the only begotten Son, the first- born of every creature, begotten of the Father before all ages, by M'hom all things were made; who for our salvation was incarnate, and conversed among men, and suffered, and rose again the third day, and ascended unto the Father, and shall come again to judge the quick and the dead. We believe also in one Holy Spirit'*." It is added, '' believing every one of these to be and exist. We confess the Father to be truly a Father, the Son truly a Son, the Holy Spirit truly a Holy Spirit, according to what our Lord, when he sent his disciples to preach, said, ' Go, teach all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost.' " This creed Eusebius declares that he received from the bishops who were before him, both when he was catechised, or instructed in the first principles of the faith, and when he was baptized. "* 'H ay'ui Koi uTToaToXiKr] tt'ktth, (Is (TTayytXiuv ro7s (poori^oufvois rrapado- Bfiaa. niarfvofifv els eva Qfuv, Ylartpa TravTOKpciTopa, TrotrjTrjv ovpavov Koi y^y, 6paTu>v Tf TTiivTitiV KOI uopaTcov. Kai (Is (va Kvpiov 'irjaovv Xpiaruv, rov v'lov Toil GfoO Tw povoyfvr)- tuv (k. tov Tlarpos yfVVTjQtvra Qeov uKrjQivov irpb ndvTcov alu)V(ov 8i ov ra navra fyfVfTO' iv aapKi napayevopevov, koi evav6pu>- TTTjcravTa [eAc napdivov koi Uyevparos 'Ayiovy (TTavpoadfvra ku\ Ta(pivja- dva- aravTa t// rpi-nj fjpepa' Koi dviXdovTa (Is Toiis ovpavovs, icai Kadlcravra €k t(^lS}V TOV JJaTpOS' KCll (p)(6p(V0V tv 80^.17, Kplvai (aVTas Kcii VfKpovs' ov Trjs (iaa-iXfias ovk ecTTai TeXos. Kal els (v Ayiov Ylvdpa, tov TTapaKXrjTov, to Xa- Xii(Tav fv Tols irpof^TiTais' koi (Is (v (iunriapa p(Tavoias, (Is a(p((Tiv npap- T!(oy. K((i (Is plav dy'uiv KadoXiKrjv (KKXrjaiav. Kal di (rapKos dvdaTa(Tiv. Kat (IS C^fjp alwvwv. — 'Symbohim Hie- rosohjtanum, ex variis Cyrillinnarum Catecheseon locis coUeclum ; ad ca/c. Catech. 3, EJ. Bencd. Paris, 1720. ^^ 'n.i(TT(vop(v (Is (vn Q(ov, naT(pa navTQKpuTopa, tov to)v dnavTutv opaTonv T( Kat aopaTcov TToirjTr/v' Kal (Is (va Kvptov IrjcroZv XpicTTov, tov tov Q(ov Xoyov, Q(6v (K Q(ov, (pas (k (fxoTos, C(^fjv (K C^^TJs, vlov povoy(vr], npccTOTOKOv naarjs kti(T(u>s, npo ttuvtuiv twv alu>v(ov (K TOV Q(ov UctTpos y(y(vvTjp(vov 8C ov Kal (y(V(TO tu iravra. tIv din ttjv i]p(T(puv aaiTrjplav aapKiodevTa, Kal (V dvdp<^nois 7roXiT(vadp(vov' Kal iradovra, Kal ava(TTdvTa TJj TpiTj) tjpf'pa' Kal nv(Xd6vTa TTpls tov naT('pa, /cat rj^ovra naXiv (V Sd^r; Kp'ivai. ^SiVTas Kai v(Kpovs. 'n.i(TT(vop(v Kal (Is (V Tlv(vpa "Ayiov. EusEB. Episl. ad Ecclesiam Ccesar. ap. Socrat, lib. i, c. 8. 476 OF CHRtSTIAN AVOR.STHP AND DlSCiri-lXK. [liOOK IV. Creed presented hi/ Ar'ius to Constantine, after his recall from exile, designed as a proof of liis orthodoxy. — " We believe in one God, the Father Almighty. And in Jesus Christ, his Son, our Lord, God the "Word, begotten of him before all ages; by whom all things ^Yere made, that are in heaven and in earth; who came down from heaven, and was incarnate, and suffered, and rose again, and ascended into heaven, and shall come again to judge the quick and the dead. And in the Holy Ghost; and in the resurrection of the flesh; and in the life of the world to come; and in the kingdom of heaven; and in one Catholic Church of God extended from one end of the earth to the other"." Socrates records this creed as one which was composed by Arius and Euzoius; and represents them as adding that they had derived it from the Gospels, alluding especially to the ])rescribcd form of baptism. They then 2^>'ofessed to receive the doctrine of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, as the whole catholic church received it, and as the Scrij)tures teach; and they drew up this creed in proof of their affirmation. Creed of Antioch. — " I believe in one only true God, the Father Almighty, maker of all creatures visible and invisible. And in Jesus Christ our Lord, his only-begotten Son, the first- born of every creature, born of him before all ages, and not made, very God of very God, consubstantial with the Father; by whom the world was framed, and all things made; Avho for our sakes came, and was born of the Virgin ALary, and was crucified under Pontius Pilate, and buried, and the third day rose again according to the Scriptures, and ascended into heaven, and shall come again to judge the living and the dcad'^''' ^^ YlL(Trivop.iv fis iva Qeov, irartpa | ulcovos, Kcii ds jBaaiXeiav ovpavoiv, Kn\ TTavTOKpiiTopa' Kai (IS Kvpiov 'irjaovv fls juav KadoXiKTjv (KKX-qaiav tov ©eov, XpKTTOP TOV VtW aVTOV, TOV (^ OVTOV I TtJV (ITTO TTfpaTaV (iOS TTfpUTCOV. SoCIlAT. npo ndvTutv tcov aioovcov yfyevirqfj.tvov i Hint. Eccl. lib, i. c. 26. Q(ov \6yov, Si* oil Tu nnvTa tyevtro, | "" Textiim crfj^'o ct fides Antiochciii Ta Tf (V TOis oi'pavoii, K(n tu (ttl ttjs yrjs' TOV KaTf^^dovTci Kdi (TcipKoo6('vTa, Kal naOovTa, Kai avaaTiivTa, Kdi iiffX- OovTa (Is Toi'S ovpavoiis, K(ti tk'iXiv (px''>- fx(vov Kp'ivai ^o)VTas Kcii v(Kpovs. K(u (Is TO ''hyiov Hvtvpnx, Kai (ts aapKos tlVUCTTaaiV, K(U (Is C'^fjV TOV pfWoVTOS Syiuboli lia?c est. Credo in uimm et soluin rcrum Dcuin ratrein Oiniiipo- tentem, ereatorem omiiiuin visibilium ct iiivisibiliiim oreaturnnini. Et Doini- nuinnostriini Jesum Cliristiini, Fili\mi ejus uiiigcnitum, ct priiiiogcuitiim to- tiiis crcatinw, ex eo natmn ante omnia CUAV. I.] AxciEXT Ci:i;i:n>!. 477 T/ie J?oma)i Creed is that commonly called the Apostles' Creed. — "I believe in God, the Father Almiohty ; and in Jesus Christ, his only-begofctea Son, our Lord ; who was born of the Holy Ghost and the Yirwiu ]\Iary, and was crucified under Pontius Pilate, and was buried, and the third day rose again from the dead, ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of the Father, from whence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead. And in the Holy Ghost, the holy church, the remis- sion of sins, and the resurrection of the flesh. Amen^'-*.'' For full particulars respecting this venerable confession of our faith, the reader must be referred to the learned and well-known exjio- sition of Bishop Pearson. Creed of Aqu'dela. — " I believe in God the Father, Almighty, invisible and impassible. And in Jesus Christ, his only Son, our Lord, who was born by the Holy Ghost of the Virgin Mary, was crucified under Pontius Pilate, and buried; he descended into hell, and the third day rose again from the dead, and ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of the Father, whence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead. And in the Holy Ghost, the holy catholic church, the remission of sins, and the resurrection of this flesh""." " The descent into hell," says Bingham, "is almost peculiar to this creed; for, excepting this and the creed of Sirmium or Ariminum, mentioned by Socrates (lib. ii. cap. 37), this article was not expressly men- tioned in any other creed of this age; though Rufiinus thinks it was always implied in the word ' buried,' which he reckons of the same importance. ^Vhen it first came into the lloman creed, sa?cula, ot non factum, Deiim vcniin tcnteni, Invisihilem, ct Iinpassibilom. ex Deo vero, Ilonioousiou Patii, i)er | Et in Christum Jesum, imicum Filium quom et sa^cula compagiiiata sunt et 1 ejus, Dominum nostrum, qui iiatus est omnia focta. Qui propter uos venitet de Spiritu Sancto ex IVfaria A'irgine, natus est ox JIaria A'irginc, et cruci- I crucifixus sub Pontio Pilato, et sepul' fixus sub Pontio Pilato, ct sepultus, et tertia die resurrexit secundum Scrip- turas, et in co^los ascendit, et iterum veuiet judicave vivos et mortuos. Cas- tus, doscendit ad inferna. Tertia die resurrexit a mortuis, ascendit in ccelos, sedet ad dextram Patris, indeventurus est judicare vivos et mortuos. Et in SI AN. de Incarnat. lib. G. ; Spiritum Sanctum, Sanetam Ecclesium '' Tliis creed in Latin closely rcsem- | Catholicam, remissionoiu poccatorum, bles that of Aquiloia, reported l)y lluf- 1 hujus carnis resurrectiunem. J{ii- fin, and quoted in the next note. I iix. Expos. Symbon. '" Civdoin Doum Patnin, Omnipo- i 478 OF cmnsTiAN worship a\d discipline. [rook iv. the reader may find a particular account in Bishop Pearson, who speaks of it as being done about the year 600." The article " life everlasting" was supposed to be implied in that with which the creeds of Rome and Aquileia conclude, namely, " the resurrection of the flesh'"." Nicene Creed. — 1. As it icas first published by the Council of Nicwa, A. D. 325. — " We believe in one God Almighty, maker of all things, visible and invisible. And in one Lord, Jesus Christ, the Son of God, begotten of the Father, the only-begotten, that is, of the substance of the Father, God of God, Light of Light, very God of very God; begotten, not made; of one substance with the Father; by whom all things both in heaven and earth were made; who for us men and our salvation came down from heaven, and was incarnate, and made man, and suffered, and the third day rose again, and ascended into heaven, and shall come again to judge the quick and the dead. And in the Holy Ghost. As for those who say there was a time when the Son of God was not, or that he did not exist before he was made, or that he was made out of nothing, or of another substance or essence, or that he is created or mutable, — the catholic and apostolic church anathematizes them''^" 2. As completed by the second general Council of Constanti- nople^ A.D. .881. — The council of Nicsea rehearsed and expounded only so much of the former creeds as bore upon the questions ^' In synibolo Fidel— post coiifes- I a\r)6i.vov (k Qtov d\r}6ivov' yevvrjBfvra sionem Trinitatis et imitatem Ecclesia?, | ov -noirfdivTa, ofxoovaiov ra TTarpi bC omne Cliristiani dog'matissacramentum I ov Tcnruvra (yiveTO,ru re iv rw ovpav^ carnis resunectioneconcludituv. Hie- ««) ra fvrrj y?/- Ai fjfitts rovs audpo)- nON. Ep. 01 ad Pammuch. — Qua cor- ' ttouj Ka\ bia ttjv fj/jLerfpav awTTjpiuf pons resiiiTcctiono facta a temporis coiiditiono liberali, retcnia vita incffa- bili diaiitato ot ^tabilitato sine cor- ruptionc pcrfnienun-. Avcust. de Fide et Synibolo, '''- Tltarfvopfv th (va Otov, narfpa •naPTOKpuTopu, Tiitvrav oparcop re Koi tiopuTdv 7roiT}Tt]v, Kal (is tva Kvpiov Irjaovv Xpiarov, rou v'lvv tov Qtov' yevvr}6ivTa (k rov Harpos, povoyfvrj- Tovr ((TTiv (K Ti]s oviTias Tov Harpos, Qeov (K Qeov Kcii (pCis (k '] dyia KudoXiKr] Kal I'lTTO' aroXiKi) (KKXrjaUt, CHAP. I.] ANCIENT CREED3. 479 then under debate, in connexion with Arian doctrines; "leaving the rest," says Bingham, " to be supplied from the former creeds then generally received in the church." The creed which received the sanction of the second general council of Constan- tinople, was the same as the Nicene, with the addition of such other articles as were always used by the church in the inter- rogatories of baptism ; and is as follows : — " We believe in one God the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earth, and of all things visible and invisible. And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the only begotten Son of God ; begotten of his Father before all worlds; God of God, Light of Light, very God of very God; begotten, not made ; being of one substance with the Father; by whom all things were made ; who, for us men and our salvation, came down from heaven, and was incarnate by the Holy Ghost of the Virgin Mary, and was made man, and was crucified for us under Pontius Pilate ; he suffered and was buried, and the third day he rose again according to the Scriptures, and ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right hand of the Father, and he shall come again with glory to judge both the quick and the dead ; whose kingdom shall have no end. And we believe in the Holy Ghost, the Lord and giver of life ; who proceedeth from the Father; who with the Father and Son together is worshipped and glorified ; who spake by the prophets. And we believe one Catholic and apostolic church; I acknowledge one baptism for the remission of sins, and I look for the resurrection of the dead, and the life of the world to come"."" This is the confession of faith which has been admitted into our liturgy, under the name 8^ ntaTeuofxev els (va Qfoi/, narepu cravra' aravpuiQivra Tf virip rjfxmv eVi TraPTOKpciTopa, noir]Tr)v ovpavov Kui yrjs, i Hoi'Tiov IIiXiiTov, Kai nadovra Koi ra- opuTo)v re ttiij/to))/ Km aopuTOiv. Kai fli fva Ki'ptov ^Irjaovv Xpiaruv, tuv vlou Tov Qfov Tov povoyfvrj, tov (k tov narpos yfvvrjdevra npo liavTav rwv alu)VU)v, (f)cos fK (})oiT(>s, Q(uv uXrjdivov cpevTU Kai uvdcrruvTa tv tij Tpirrj rjjxipa Kara tus ypa(f>ds' Koi dpfXdovra ds rovs ovpavovs. Kai Ka6e^6fi(vov eK Sf^iwu tov Uarpus, KOI iraXiv fpxdfifvov fifra 86^t]S Kp'ivai ^avTas Ka\ VfKpovs' oi) rrjs ^acri- fK Qfov aXridivov, ytwrjOivra ol TTOirj . Xtias oi'K earui reXos. Ka\ fls to" I^yiov 6(VTa, 6poov(Tiov Tu> IlaTp), 6i' ov Tu JJufvpa, to Kvpiov, to ^coottoiov, to (K navTa iytvtTo. Tov 8i r;/iaf Tovi \ tov ITarpos (KTTopevopfvov, to criiv JJaTpi auapoiTTOVs, Ka\ 8ia ttjv i]p.(T(pav crwrr]- koi diw avp.iTpo(TKvvovixivov Kin crvvbo^- piav KaTtkQovTa fK t]peTovfi€vcov avrois riov SiaKovcov) ; bishops and presbyters being in this passage placed on an equality, and the deacons regarded as inferior to the higher order. Other testimonies on this subject may be found in the note below \ After the sixth century, the presbyter was considered the ordinary minister of baptism. We have no genuine record of the administration of this office by monks before the latter part of the eleventh century. Justin Martyr. {Apol. 1, c. 61) speaks of a certain pre])ara- tion for the administration, as well as for the reception, of bap- tism; the prayers and fasting of the officiating minister being represented as concurrent with the same exercises on the part of the candidates. The clergy may, perhaps, have made the same preparation for the solemn and public administration of baptism as for the celebration of the Lord's supper. We find no express injunction in any early documents con- cerning the vestment of the minister officiating at baptism; but it appears to be presupposed that he was clothed in white (Hiekon. ck/v: Pelag. lib. i.), as the candidates themselves were. There can be no doubt that lay-baptism was treated as valid by the laws and practice of the early church; but it is equally certain that this practice was only permitted, as an exception to the general rule, in cases of emergency. '' Sine cpiscopi jussione neqiic pres- byter iiequc diaconus jus habet bapti- zandi, quod frequenter, si tamen neces- sitas cogat, scimus etiam laicis licere. IIiERON. Dial. adv. Liicif. c. 4. — Re- liquis vero teniporibus, ubi a?gritudiiiis iicces!?itas coiiseqiii unumqucniquecom- pellit, specialitcr presbytcro licentia est, per salutaris aqutc gratiam dare indulgentiam peccatoruni, quoniaiu et munus ipsi licet causa mundationis oflcrre; diaconis vero nulla licentia iuvcnitur esse conccssa, sed quod se- luel forte contigit, usurpare, perucces- sitatem dicuntur excusati, nee postea in securitate commissuni. Synod. Ro- man. ad Gall, Episc. can. 7 ed. Hard. — Neque coram episcopo liccro presby- teris in Baptisterium introirc, nee pra--- sento autistitc iufantem tingere aut signare. Cone. Ilispal. 2, a. d. (il9. — Onines presbyteri, qui in parocliia sunt, sub potestate episcopi esse debcnt, et de corum ordine nullus Presbyter pra;- sumat in ilia parocliia baptizare, ncc- inissas celebrare, sine jussione episcopi, iji cujus parocliia est. Cone. Vern. a.d, 755, Capitul, Reg. Franc, t. i. 496 Of c:iRiSTiAx woasnip axd discipline. [book iv. In the commencement of the third century, a controversy arose between the churches of Rome and Carthage respecting the validity of baptism by heretics. It was determined that baptism administered in the name of the Holy Trinity {Cone. Arelat. 1, c. 8) by any lieretics or schismatics, except ^some w4io were expressly named {Cone. Nic. c. 8, 19; Cone. Constant. 1, c. 7; Cone. Laodic. c. 7, 8; Cone. Trullan. c. 95), should not be repeated. And this decision was grounded upon the doctrine that the efficacy of the sacrament was not affected by the worthi- ness or unworthiness of the officiating minister, but proceeded from the supernatural power of the sacrament itself. As a con- sequence of the establishment of this maxim, women were per- mitted to baptize cases of necessity, after the eleventh century. And by a decree of Innocent I. (a.d. 1250) all baptism (in due form), except that of a man's own self, was declared valid. The celebrated Athanasius, when a boy, having baptized some of his playfellows for their amusement, according to the rites of the chui'ch, the clergy of Alexandria declared this baptism valid and sufficient. § 4. — Times of Baptism. The prevalence of infant-baptism was instrumental in effecting a great change in the regulations of the church respecting the times of administering the rite. But it would not be correct to ascribe the whole of this change to that one cause. In the apostolic age the majority of candidates for baptism were adults, although children appear not to have been excluded from participation in the rite; but the administration of baptism was not then limited to any particular times or seasons. During the second and third centuries, certain periods were chiefly appointed for the baptism of adults; and these periods continued to be observed after the jiractice of infant-baptism had become general in the course of the fifth and sixth centuries. Only the number of those periods ■was increased, especially in the vrest ; a regulation against which some bishops zcalousily contended, as an innovation ui)on the ancient practice of the church. The following is a chronological account of the chief variations which took place in this particular. CHAI'. II.] or UAPTIJJM. 497 1. In the apostolic age, tlie administration of baptism was not in any degree limited to time or place. (/Vets ii. 41; viii. 33; ix. 18, seq.; x. 147; xvi. 33.) 2. From the account of Justin Martyr nothing can ba determined with certainty respecting the time at which baptism was performed ; but it would seem that the administration of this ordinance in his days w^as a public and solemn act, capable of being performed in any assembly held for religious worship. Tertullian {De Bapt. c. 19) speaks of Easter and AVhitsuntide as the two seasons most appropriate to the administration of baptism ; but, instead of appealing to tradition or primitive prac- tice, he proceeds to point out the reasons by which this preference might be established. Other writers, however, refer to an apostolical tradition, and an ancient rule of the church. Thus, Leo the Great {Epist. 4 ad Sicil. JSp.) proclaims baptism at the season of Epiphany to be an innovation, and speaks of bap- tism at Easter as a custom derived from the days of the apostles. (See also Siricius Ep. ad Hhnmer. c. 2; Soorat. Hist. Eccl. lib. i. c. 5; Amdros. de Mi/st. Pasc/icv, c. 5; Augustix. Ser}}i. de Temp. 160.) 3. In the sixth century, Easter and Whitsuntide were fixed l)y the canons of several councils as the regular periods of bap- tism, but with an exception in favour of cases of necessity. (See Cone. Antissiodor. a.d. 575, c. 18; Cone. Matiscon. 2, a.d. 583, c. 3.) 4. At these stated times, baptism was usually administered during the night preceding the great festivals, /. e. on the eves of Easter and Whitsuntide; a practice which generally obtained, although not enforced by any law. The time in which the church regarded the Saviour as lying in the grave just before his resurrection, appeared peculiarly fit for the celebration of a sacra- ment which is typical of the Christian's death unto sin and new birth unto righteousness, and also instrumental, in the way of divine appointment, to that happy change (see Horn. vi. 3); and the illuminations usual on that night have significant reference to a vite with which spiritual light was so intimately connected that the ordinance itself was distinguished by this very name {(b(OTia-fj.a, Tis.\i. 499 After the teiitli century, tlic observance of fctated seasons of l)a))tisni gradually fell into disuse. It was enacted, that children f«hould bo baptized within a month after their birth; or after eight days of age ; or as soon as ])Ossible. But a certain prefer- ence for the ancient seasons remained ; which was shown by the custom of baptizing adults, and of consecrating water for after- ii.se, at those periods. And some councils advised the deferring of the baptism of infants until Easter or ^VHiitsuntide, unless there appeared to be danger of their not living so long. The nocturnal celebration of this solemnity having fallen into discredit and disuse, the hours appointed on the chosen festivals were from three till six oY-lock in the afternoon; until, at a still later period, baptism after midday was forbidden. (Coiicil. Colo.i. A.D. lo49, c. 14; Cone. Mogunt. a. d. 1540, c. IG; Cone. Osua- iru(f. A. D. 1628, De Bapt. lib. xiii.) In Protestant churches no particular hour is ap])ointed for the celebration of baptism; but it is ordered, for the most part, that the ceremony shall take place during divine worship, and in presence of the congregation. § 0. — Plack op Baptism. With regard to the ])lace in which baptism was administered, it will be convenient to make our remarks with reference to the following three distinct periods in the history of this rite. Period 1 . The first ages of Christianity ; in ^Yhich the place, as well as the time, of baptism was indifferent. Period 2. The space of time during which, for the baptism of adults with great solemnity, a special place was deeiued neces- sary; when baptisteries detached from churches were built with greater or less splendour. Period H. In which, after the prevalence of infant baj-tism, and the disuse of stated seasons for the administration of this sacrament, baptisteries had become superfluous ; and churches provided with fonts became the ordinary places of baptism. 1. Period 1. "\\''e find no account in the New Testament of any place having been stt ap.art for the administration of baptism. John baptized in tlu^ river Jordan ; and so did the disciples of 2 K 2 500 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCJPLINK. [bOOK IV. Christ. (Jolin iii. 22.) But baptism could be administered at any other river or piece of water, as appears from Acts vii. 36, 37; xvi. 13 — 16, and other passages. Examples also of baptism in private houses occur in Acts ix. 18 ; x. 47, 48 ; xvi. 30, 33, 34. A public baptism of three thousand converts in one day, is recorded in Acts ii. 41, but no account is given of its per- formance. We find from the earliest ecclesiastical writers, that the same free choice of place was allowed in the age immediately succeed- ing that of the apostles. Justin Martyr, who speaks of baptism as a public transaction, evidently implies, that there was no fixed place to which the administration of it was limited, {eireiTa ciyovTai, viz. the candidates, v(p^ i)fjLOiv evOa vBcop icrrl, Apolog. 1, c. 61 ;) and the same fact may be inferred from Recognit. Clement., lib. iv. c. 32 ; vi. c 15 ; Clement. Homil. 9, 19. The same latitude of practice is distinctly asserted in the follow- ing words of Tertullian, {De Bapt. c. 4 :) — " Ideoque nulla distinctio est, mari quis, an stagno, flumine, an fonte, lacu, an alveo diluatur : nee quicquam refert inter eos, quos Joannes in Jordane, et quos Petrus in Tiberi tinxit ; nisi et ille spado, quern Philippus inter vias fortuita aqua tinxit, plus salutis aut minus, retulit,"" — language which amounts simply to this, that it matters not where a person is baptized. 2. Period 2. The first mention of a baptistery, or a place appropriated to the purposes of baptism, occurs in the Gesta S. Marcelli, in Surii Vit. S. d. 16 Jan.; and this baptistery was in a private house. Eusebius, In his descriptions of the churches at Tyre (ffisf. EccL lib. X. c. iv.), and at Antioch {De Vita Const. 31. lib. iii. c. 50), docs not use the word ^ainLcn/^pLov, or the like ; but he probably includes baptisteries under the title i^eSpai, exedrre, or outer buildings. Baptisteries arc mentioned by Cyril of Jerusalem, in whose time they were divided into two parts, outer and inner, in the I'ormer of which the prc])arations for baptism were made, and ill the latter the sacrament itself was administered. Catech, Mystag. i. 2; ii. 1. — See also Amhuos. De I nit. c. 2, 5 ; Ve ^acram. lib. iii. c. 2 ; Epist. 33.) Augustin speaks of a part CHAP, ir.] OF lUPTISM. 501 of the baptistery appropriated to women. {De Clt. Dei, lib. xxii. c. 8.) In the fifth and sixth centuries, baptisteries, or baptismal churches (ecclesiai baptismales), were general, and sometimes so spacious that ecclesiastical councils were held in them. We may form an idea of the size of some of these edifices, when we remember that in some places, as Antioch, no less than three thousand persons sometimes received baptism at one time. It M\is enacted, by laws both of church and state, that baptism should be performed only in the public baptisteries. In Justin. Kotell 58, in which oratories in private houses are allowed, it is forbidden in general to perform any of the sacer- dotal offices {lepal ^eiTovpryiai) in them; and in Kovell. 42, c. 2, the administration of baptism and the Lord's supper are expressly interdicted. Concerning the places dedicated to the administration of baptism, the following remarks are M'orthy of observation. i. The usual name of these places is BaTrriarripi.ov, Lat. Baptisterium, baptister?/, literally, the place of baptism. For baptisteria, Latin writers say also ecclesioe baptismales. (Conf. SuicERi Tkesaur. Eccl s. v. ; Du Cange Glossar. Lat. s. v. Bap- tistermm.) 11. Another appellation is (fxoTtaryjpiov (illuminatorium, i. e., locus illuminationis), on account of the light or illumination imparted to the baptized. iii. We sometimes meet with the expression aula baptismatis, applied to a large or splendid baptistery. iv. Instead of baptisterium ^ye occasionally find fons, KoXvfi- fivOpa, or piscina (the font); the part being, by a common figure of speech, put for the whole. V. For the most part, each diocese had only one baptistery which was connected with the cathedral church. But in some large dioceses and towns, and by the liberality of emperors, the number was sometimes increased ; in which cases, however, the cathedral baptistery always retained a certain degree of pre- ference. (DuRANDi 7?t't. Eccl. lib. i. c. 19.) 3. Period 3. Although it is impossible to determine the precise period at which baptisteries were nniltii)licd, and at 502 OF CIIIUSTIAN WORSHIP AND DlisCU'LIXE. [boOKIV. length united to, ov rather changed into, parish cdiurches, yet it :;ppears in general that this alteration took ])lace when stated seasons of baptism had ceased, and the right of administering the ordinance was ceded to simple presbyters and (under certain restrictions) to deacons. Since the fourteenth century, various ecclesiastical laws have insisted upon the celebration of baptism in churches, restricting permission to administer it in private houses to cases of necessity. § 6.— Mode and Form of Baptism. Undek this head we reckon — 1. The manner in which the bap- tized person received the appointed element, w%'iter ; and 2. The forms or ceremonies observed by the officiating minister, or the person wdio administered the sacrament. In both these respects, varieties of opinion and practice existed from a very early period; ; nd even to the present day a difference exists between the eastern and w^estern churches in this matter ; — a difference, however, which is wisely judged by the latter to be not of an essential or fundamental nature. 1. Immersion, or Dipping. — There is no doubt that the usual mode of administering baptism in the early church was by immersion, or plunging the wdiole body of the person baptized under water. An appeal to the numerous authorities by which this fact is attested w^ould be superfluous ; but there are some points in connection wnth this rite which deserve our more particular attention. The supposition that the practice of immersion was abandoned as soon as infant-baptism became prevalent, is founded on a mistake. Infant-baptism had become general in the sixth century; but the practice of inmiersion continued until the thirteenth or fourteenth, and [in fact has never been formally abandoned or entirely renounced. Trine immersion is prescribed in the Sacramentary of Gregory the (jlreat: — " Baptizet saccrdos sub trina mersione, tantum S. Trinitatcm semel invocans, ita dicendo: baptizo te in nomine Patris, et meraat semel, et Filii, et niergat itenim, et Spiritus Sancti. et mcrgai (ert/'o;"' i. c. '■'Let the priest baptize tcith a trine CIlAl'. U.] Of UAI'TISM. oOo {triple) immersion, but with only one invocation of the Holy Trinity, saying, I baptize thee in the name of the Father, (then let him dip the person once,) and of the Son, (then let him dip the person a second time,) and of the Holy Ghost, (and then let him dip the third time.)" Tertullian alludes to a similar practice as existing in his days; "non semel," says he, "sed ter, ad singula nomina, in personas tingimur:" i.e. " we receive the icater of baptism not merely once, but three times, at the mention of the name of each jyerson of the Holy Trinity,''"' {Adv. Prax. c. 26.) And in his treatise De Coron. Mil., c. 3, he says, " dehinc ter mergitamur," '■'hence tee are plunged thrice into the xcater of baptism.''' This custom, although not prescribed in the New- Testament, was supposed to have been introduced by the apostles ; such, at least, is the doctrine of Basil the Great, Jerome, and Ambrose. (Basil. M. de Spiritu Sancto, c. 27; Hieronym. adv. Lucif c. 4; Comment, in Ephes. 4; Ambros. de Sacr. ii. c. 7.) Some of the fathers suppose the practice of trine immersion to refer, not to the three persons in the Godhead, but to the triple fact of the death, resurrection, and ascension of Christ. (Cyrill. HiEROs. Catech. Mystag. ii. c. 4; Gregor. Nyssex. de Bapt. Chr.; Athanas. de Parabol. Ser. Quwst. 94; Leo. INI. Epist. ad Episc. Sic. c. 8.) Single immersion, however, was sometimes deemed sufficient to the validity of the sacrament. A controversy having arisen upon this subject in Spain, the matter was referred by the bishops cf that country to Gregory the Great; who, in reply, declared baptism by single immersion to be valid, and aptly significant of the unity of the Deity, as triple immersion was emblematic of the three persons subsisting in that unity. This decision was afterwards confirmed by the fourth Council of Toledo, held in the year 6o3\ * De trina mersione baptismatis nil I expriniatur. Quod si quis forte etiam responderi veriiis potest, quam quod pro suninuu Trinitatis venei-atioue ajsti- ipsi sensistis : quod iu una fide nihil afficit sanctce ecclesia) consuetudo di- vei-sa. Nos aiitem quod tertio mergi- muSj triduauK sepultunc sacrameuta signamus, ut dum tertio infans ab aquis educitur, resurrectio triduaui teniporis met fieri, neque ad hoc aliquid obsistit, baptizando semel iu aquis mergerc; quia dum in tribus iiersouis uua sub- stantia est, repi'ehensibile esse nulla- tenus potest, infantem in baptismate in aquam vel ter, vel semel, immergere, 504, OF CHRISTIAN M'OnSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [rOOK IV, In the early centuries, all parties who received baptism were completely undressed, a circumstance which was thought to con- tribute to the significancy of the rite. (AMnnos. Senn. 20; Cyrill. Hierosol. Catech. Mystag. ii. 2; Chrysostom. Horn. 6 in Ep. ad Coloss,; Ej). 1 ad Innocent.; Athanas. j^. ad Orthod.; — Conf. Voss. de Bapt. Disputat. 1.) But, in course of time, and by degrees, this custom was discontinued. 2. Aspersion or Sprinllinc/. — In the western churches, although immersion was never renounced by any statute or canon, yet, in practice, aspersion or sprinkling was generally substituted for it, after the lapse of several centuries ; and it is agreed by all parties, in those communions, that this particular in the administration of baptism does not affect the validity of tho sacrament. This point, however, is strongly contested by the Greek church ; which not only retains the primitive practice of immersion, but maintains that it is essential to the nature of true and effectual baptism ; nor will it consent to receive into its communion any persons who have been otherwise baptized, unless they submit to a second baptism by immersion. (Leo Allat. Be Eccl. Occid. et Orient. Con. lib. iii. c. 12, § 4; Alex, de Stourdza, Considerations sur la doctrine et Vesprit de VEglise ijuando et in tiibus nicrsionibus per- sonaiinn Trinitas, ct in una potest Divinitatis singularitas, designari. Sed quia nunc hncusque ab liaoreticis infans in baptismate tertio mergcbatnr, fien- dum quod vos esse non censeo : ne duni niersiones cnunierant, Divinita- Icni dividant ; dunique quod fuciebant, faciunt, se morem nostrum vicissc glo- lientnr. GnEGon. ^F. Epht. lib. i. rp. 41. — The Spanish bisliops, to whom this epistle was addressed, had been disposed to abandon the practice of trine immersion, in consequence of the misinterpretation and abuse of that ceremony by the Arians. It is to this that allusion is made in the latter part of the foregoing extract. — Propter vi- tandnm schismatis scandalum, vel ha?- retifi dogmatis usum, simplam tcnea- mus baptismi mersioncm, nc videantur iipud nos, qui tertio mergunt, lia-reti- corum probare assertionem, dum se- quuntnr et morem. Et ne forte cuiipic sit dubium hujus simpli niysterium sacramenti, videat, in eo mortem et resuiTectionem Christi significari : nam in aquis mersio, quasi in infernum descensio est, et rursns ab aquis emer- sio, resurrectio est. Item videat in eo unitatem Divinitatis, et trinitatem personanim ostendi : unitatem, dum semel immergimus ; trinitatem, dum nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti baptizamiis. Cone. Tolelan. 4, A.D. 633, can. 5. — Quoties debet puer immcrgi ? Resp. sccundmn consuetn- dinem ecclesiac vel scmcl, propter uni- tatem divinac cssentiir, vel ter, prop- ter trinitatem personanun. Gehsok. Sumtiia Theol. lib. iv. Conf. Steph. DuiVAKT. De Ritib. Eccl. Cath. lib. L c. 19. CHAP. II.] OK rAPTISM. 505 Orthodo.re.) The Western clnirclies (for the most part) practise aspersion, but allow immersion ; the Greek church practises immersion, but will not allow aspersion. Aspersion did not become general in the AVest until the thirteenth century; although it appears to have been introduced some time before that period. Thomas Aquinas says, {Summa^ p. o, qusest. Q)Q, article 7,) " Tutius est baptizare per modum immersionis, quia hoc habet usus communis,'" — /.. II.] OF UAl'ilSM. 507 But while baptism in the usual form was invariably prescribed in the liturgies of diftcrent churches, baptism administered simply " in the name of Christ" was explained as sufficient by Cyprian, Hilary, And)rose, and Fulgentius, and was declared valiirits; and hence it appears expedient and right, at the reception of that rite, to renounce the devil and all his works. And when the number of candidates for baptism was multiplied from among the heathen, who are spoken of in Scripture as, in a peculiar sense, sinners (Gal. ii. 15), and who were regarded as being especially under the power of the prince of darkness, it seemed more particularly needful that admission into the Gospel church, — the kingdom of heaven, — should be preceded by a formal abjuration of all heathen and 512 01' CIIia:5TI.VN WOUsiIlIP AND DISCIl'LlXi:. [uOOK IV. superstitious practices or worship; in one \Yord, by a renunciation of Satan. Such appears to be the most natural and simple account of the origin of exorcism at baptism in the Christian church. Justin Martyr, the first uninspired writer who describes Christian baptism, knew nothing of this practice; although he was not unacquainted with the custom of exorcising evil spirits in the case of persons possessed. Tertullian, however, treats expressly of this matter, and says, that the practice of renouncing the devil on occasion of baptism is founded not on Scripture, but on tradi- tion®. Cyprian also treats of baptismal exorcism. {Ejy. 76, ad Magn.) At first, indeed, this ceremony was confined to a re- nunciation of " the devil and all his works," on the part of the person about to be baptized; and it was not until the fourth century that a form of abjuration l^/ the officiating minister, commanding the evil spirit to depart from the new servant of Christ, was brought into use. And hence it is that some writers, making a distinction between the renunciation (aTrorayrj, abre- iiuntiatio) and exorcism (e^op/ciafibs), contend that the practice of exorcism was altogether unknown until the fourth, or as others say, the seventh century. The fact, however, appears to be, that these customs are substantially one and the same, differing only in form. And the true state of the case with respect to baptismal exorcism appears to be as follows: — 1. In the first century we find no trace of a renunciation of the devil in baptism. 2. In the second and third centuries this practice was in use, as appears from the testimonies of Tertullian and Cyprian, as well as of later writers who appeal to tradition. 3. In the fourth century the fathers speak of exorcism as not being absolutely necessary, and not enjoined by Scripture, but as being highly expedient, inas- much as, without it, children would not be free from the influence of evil spirits. (Optat. Mii-ev. de Schis?n. Donaf. lib. iv. c. G ; Basil. M. De Spiritu Sancto, c. 27 ; Gregor. Naz. Orat. 40.) * Deuique, ut a baptismo ingi-cdiar, aquam adituri, ibidem, sed et aliquanto prius in ecclesia sub antistisis mami, contostamur, nos renuntiare diabolo, et pompie et angelis ejus. Deliiuc ter mergitaimir, aniplius aliquid respon- dentes quam Doinimis in evangelio doteiminavit. Tehtull. De Corona Mil. c. 3. HAP. II.] OF BAPTISM. 5J3 We find mention of baptismal exorcism also in the canons of the Council of Carthage, held in the year 256; and those of the first Council of Constantinople, a.d. 881 . The exorcists, who were concerned at first only with the energumens or persons possessed, were afterwards called upon to assist at the baptism of all adults; but, as infant-baptism gained ground, the duties of this office became superfluous, and they arc very rarely mentioned in works posterior to the sixth century. The first writer in whose pages w'e find a form of exorcism is Cyril of Jerusalem. From various passages of this author we may infer, that exorcism in his time was twofold; a longer form being used some time previous to baptism, during the candidate's course of preparation, and a shorter immediately before the act of iriimersion. {Catec/i. Mijstag. 1, 2; Pro-Cateches. § 5, seqq.; Catech. i. § 5 ; Catech. xvi. § 19.) The observances and ceremonies connected with this exorcism were the following: — 1. Preparatory prayers and fasting. (Or this particular may be reckoned as part of the general introduction to baptism.) 2. Imposition of hands upon the head of the candidate, who was required to stand in a bowing or submissive posture. (Au- GusTiN, De Fide, ad CatecJiumen. ii. 1.) 3. The person to be exorcised put off his upper garments and shoes. (Chrysostom, Horn, ad Bapt'tz.; Concil. Constant, sub Menn. a.d. 4.36, act. 5.) 4. He stood with his f;ice toward the west, wdiich was the symbol of darkness, as the east, on the other hand, was the sym- bol of light. (CvRiLL. HiEROs. Catech. Mystag. i. § 2 ; Pseudo- DioNYs. De Hlerarch. Eccl. c. 2 ; Gregor. Naz. Orat. 40 ; Ambros. De Initiat. c. 2; De Mgster. c. 3; Hieuox. in Amos, vi. ]4.) 5. In the eastern churches, the person was required also to stretch out his hands towards the west, as in the act of pushing an object away in that direction, intended as a token of his abhorrence of Satan and his works, and his determination to resist and repel them. (Cyrill. Hieros. ; Pseudo-Dionys. ; iit supra.) G. The e.xorcist breathed upon the candidate, either once or 2 L 514 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [bOOK IV. three times. (But according to Dionysius, who is quite singular in this respect, the person exorcised was commanded thus to breathe, and then to turn round to the east, with his face and hands raised toward heaven.) 7. Some suppose that the candidate held a lighted taper in his hand during the ceremony ; but this is doubted by others, and appears to be, on the whole, improbable. The forms of renunciation recorded in different writers, are substantially the same, with slight verbal alterations. The person about to be baptized renounced the works of the devil and of darkness, especially idolatry, and the vices and follies of the world. But it may not be uninteresting to survey several of the forms, as they are preserved in the works of early writers. In the Apostolical ConstiUitions (lib. vii. c. 41), the form runs thus : — " I renounce Satan, and his works, and his pomps (or shows, Tai9 TrofiTrals avrov), and his services, and all things that are his." In Tertull. De Cor. Mil. c. 3, the form is sum- marily described as consisting in " a renunciation of the devil, his pomp, and his angels." Cyprian speaks of it as " a renounc- ing of the devil and the world" (-E/>. 7 ; Be Lapsis). Ambrose, addressing a baptized person, says, "Thou hast renounced the devil and his works, the world, its luxury and pleasures" (JDe Initiat. c. 2). In Salvian. De Frovid. lib. vi. we find the following formulary, " I renounce the devil, his pomps, his shows, and his works." The renunciation preserved by Cyril of Jerusalem (Catech. Mystag. 1, 4) is the same as that in the Apostolical Constitutions, except that it is in the form of an address to the evil spirit, " I renounce thee, Satan, and thy works, &c." Jerome (Cotnmoit. in Matth. 25, 26) gives it thus, " I renounce thee, devil, and thy pomp, and thy vices, and thy world which lieth in iniquity." This form of renunciation or abjuration was repeated three times, according to the express statement of Pseudo-Dionys., and as may be with great probability inferred from Ambrose {de Fide, lib. v. c. 7). The three-fold repetition is prescribed in the Sacramentary of Gregory, and the Ordo Romanus. In the offices of baptism, the renunciation is found in the form of question and answer. CHAP. II.] OP BAPTISM. 515 The form of adjuration or exorcism, in the west, was usually as follows, " Adjuro te, iinmunde spiritus, ut exeas ab hoc servo Jesu Christi, in nomine Patvis, et Filii, et Spiritus Sancti," i.e,^ " I adjure thee, unclean spirit, that thou come out of this servant of Jesus Christ, in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost;" frequently, however, with the addition of "and make way for the Holy Ghost." Variations and amplifi- cations of this form may be found in Assemani Codex. Liturg, lib. ii. c. 1, sect. 1 — 5. The form was founded upon Mark v. 7; 1 Thess. V. 27; Matt. xxvi. 63; xii. 43; xiv. 2; Rom. vii. 2; Ephes. ii. 1; 2 Timoth. ii. 26. The Greeks use the word a(f)opKL(TfMo/mboIo, lib. ii. c. 1.) St. Jerome {Com. in Amos A'i. 14) styles it a covenant made with the sun of righteousness, and a promise of obedience to Christ. And he so speaks of this ceremony as to show it to be a distinct act from the renunciation, though they both tended to the same end, because different rites were used in expressing them. For in renouncing the devil, they had their faces to the west, for sym- bolical reasons which we have heard before; but in making their covenant with Christ, they turned about to the east, as an emblem of that light which they received from the sun of righteousness, by engaging themselves in his service." (Bjngham, Antiquities, book xi. chap. 7, § 6.) 4. Signing icith the sign of the cross. — After the ceremony of exorcism had been performed, the candidate for baptism was solemnly signed with the sign of the cross ; the officiating minister pronouncing the words, " Receive thou the sign of the cross, on thy forehead and on thy heart." This was, properly speaking, the dedication of the person to Christ, the sign or seal of faith ; connected with the formal declaration that the candidate had passed from a state of sin to a state of grace". The ancients attached great importance, and ascribed a very powerful efficacy, to this signature of the cross in baptism. According to Pseudo-Dionys. {De Hierarch. Eccl. c. 2), this signature was made thrice; but, in the ancient rituals of the Latin church in Mabillon and Muratori, mention is made of only one signature, in connexion with a triple afflation; and the same may be observed concerning an old Gallican Sacramentary, pre- served in AssEMANi Cod. Liturg. lib. i. p. 43. " To vtap avri Tacfyrjs, Kal to (Xatov uvt\ irvfVfiaTOS aytov, rj 'Kppay'is clvrl Tov aravpov, to nvpov ^f^aiaicns ttjs opoXoyias. Const. Apost. lib. iii. c. 17- — Thus, Cj'pi'i^n speaks of the bap- tized as renati et signo Christi signati — and adds, quod autem sit hoc signum, et qua in corporis parte positum, mani- festat alio ia loco Deus, dicens, Transi per median! Hierusalem, et notabis signum super froutes virorum. Ad Demetr. ; De Unitate Eccl. iluniatur frous, ut signum Dei incolume serve- tur. Ep. 50, al. 58. — Ego Christianus et de parentibus Cliristianis natns, et vexillum crucis in mea fronte portans. HiERON. Ep. 113. — Semper cruci bap- tisma jungitur. (August.) Serm, de Temp. 101. 518 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND BISCirLINK. [uoOK IV. 5. Unction, or cmointin^ with oil. — In the Apostolical Consti- tutions and other liturgical writings, a distinction is observed between eXaiov (oleum, oil) and [xvpov (unguentum, unguent). And we find mention of a double anointing at baptism, one antecedent to the administration of the rite, and the other conse- quent upon it. The latter is called by way of distinction Xp'io-fJ'ai and in the Eastern churches it follows immediately upon baptism as a completion of that ceremony, while in the West it is quite separated from baptism, and attached to con- firmation. The first unction {to eXaiov) was preparatory, and took place immediately after exorcism, and the signature of the cross. The author of the Apostolical Constitutions represents it as taking place after the confession of faith (book vii, c. 41); but Cyril of Jerusalem places it between the renunciation and the confession. {Catec/t. Mystag. ii. 3). This custom does not appear to have existed in the time of Justin Martyr and Tertullian, if we may judge from their silence on the subject. " For though," says Bingham, " Tertullian speaks of an unction among the ceremonies of baptism, yet, as Daille rightly observes, it was not this unction preceding baptism, but the unction which followed after it in confirmation, accompanied with imposition of hands. For it is ])lain from Tertullian that neither of these were given before baptism {De Bapt. c. 4), but when men were come out of the water, then they were anointed with the holy unction, and had imposition of hands, in order to receive the Holy Ghost, [Antiq. b. xi. cli. 11, § 9.) Kespecting the design or significancy of this unction, ancient writers give the following accounts. Cyril of Jerusalem says, " jSIen wero anointed from head to foot with this consecrated oil, and this made them partakers of the true olive-tree, Jesus Christ. For they being cut out of a wild olive-tree, and ingrafted into a good olive-tree, were made partakers of the fatness of the good olive-tree." [Catech. Mi/stag. ii. 3.) Pseudo-Ambrosius observes, as a comment on this practice, "Thou wast anointed as a cham- pion (athleta) of Christ, to fight the fight of this world." {De Sacram. lib. i. c. 2.) "The author under the name of Justin Martyr, distinguishing between the .two unctions, says, ' Men CHAP. II,] Oi-- UAPTISM. 519 were first anointed with the ancient oil, that they might be Christs, that is, the anointed of God ; but they were anointed with the precious ointment, after baptism, in remembrance of hmi who reputed the anointing of himself with ointment to be his burial; (Jusxix. Itespons. ad Ovtliodox. p. 137.) The author of the Constitutions likewise uses the same distinction ; ' Thou shalt first of all anoint him with the holy oil, then baptize him with water, and afterwards sign him with the ointment ; that the anointing with oil may be the participation of the Holy Spirit, and the water may be the symbol of death, and the signing Avith ointment may be the seal of the compact made with God. But if there be neither oil, nor ointment, water is sufficient both for the unction and the seal, and the confession of him with whom we die." {Apost. Const, lib. ii. c. 22.) So that this was only a ceremony of baptism, which might be omitted without any detriment to the substance or essential part of it. To these may be added the words of St. Chrysostom, who says, ' Every person, before he was baptized, was anointed as wrestlers entering the field : and this not as the high-priest was anointed of old, only on the head, or right hand, or ear, but all over his body, because he came not only to be taught, but to exercise himself in a fight or combat.' (Chrysost. Horn. 6 in Coloss.) This is the account which they give of this unction preceding baptism." (Bingham, book xi. chap. ix. § 3.) This preparatory unction has been retained in the rituals of the Greek and Roman churches. 6. Use of salt, milk, and honey, at baptism.^Some writers have referred the use of salt in baptism to a heathen origin. But this, to say the least, is not necessary ; for we find several allusions to salt in the New Testament, from which the practice may have been derived. Thus,^Mark ix. 49, 50, "For every one shall be salted with fire, and every sacrifice shall be salted with (salt. Salt is good ; but if the salt have lost its saltness, wherewith will ye season it ? Have salt in yourselves, and have peace one with another." Compare Matt. v. 13 ; Luke xiv. 3; Coloss. iv. 6. It is highly probable, however, that the practice 520 OF CHRISTIAN AVOHSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [bOOK IV. of using salt at baptism, the sacrament of the new birth, arose from the Jewish custom of rubbing salt on the bodies of new-born infants, which is mentioned in Ezek. xvi. 4. — Some suppose that salt M'as placed on the tongues of catechumens as an emblem of ^visdom, and an admonition to the attainment of it. The practice of tasting milk and honey at baptism appears to have been founded upon the promises made to the Israelites, Exod. iii. 8, 17; xxxiii. 8. With reference to these promises, milk and honey were perhaps regarded as appropriate emblems at the administration of that sacrament by which we are intro- duced into the land of promise, the kingdom of God under the Gospel. And the tasting of milk may be supposed to refer espe- cially to the words of St. Peter, "As new-born babes, desire the sincere milk of the word, that ye may 'grow thereby"" (1 Pet. ii. 2) ; a passage which was applied to baptism, — whence the name of the Sunday " Quasi modo geniti." (Cyrill. Hierosol. CatecJi. Mystag. 5.) As milk denoted the spiritual nourishment afforded by God's word, so honey denoted its pleasantness or agreeableness to the mind and heart of a renewed person. (Ps. xix. 11 ; cxix. 103 ; Rev. X. 9, 10.) And the use of honey at baptism may, perhaps, have served to remind believers of the superiority of the Christian dispensation to the Jewish, since under the latter there was a law against the use of honey at sacrifices, on account of its liability to corrupt. The emblems of milk and honey M'ere in use as early as the third and fourth centuries, as appears from Tertullian and Jerome'^ The Greek fathers also mention the custom'^ '^ Inde suscepti lactis ct mellis con- cordiam pra>gustamus. Tertull. de Cor. Mil. c. .'{. — Sed ille quidcm usque nunc noc aquam reprobavit creatoris, qua suos abluit ; nee oleum, quo sues ungit ; ncc mellis et lactis societatcm, qua suos infantat; nee panem, quo ijj.simi corpus suum reprcsentat ; etiam in sacramentis ijrojuiis egens mendici- tatibus creatoris. Id. adv. Marcion. lib. i. c. 14. — Deinde egresses lactis et mellis prregustare concordiam ad in- f;intiiG significationem. IIieron. contr. Lucifer, c. 4. — Lac significat innoccn- tiam parvuloi-um. Qui mos ac typus in Occidentis ecclesiis hodie usque servatur, ut renatis in Christo vinum lacque tribuatur. De quo lacte dicebat et Paulus, Lac vobis potum dedi, non solidum cibum ; et Petriis, Quasi modo geniti nati parvuli rationale lac desi- derate. Id. Comment. i?i Es. lv. 1. '^ Tw yakaKTi, rfj KvpiaKjj Tpo(pjj, fidiis fJ-fv anoKvrjBiVTfs, Tidrjuovfifda' fvdvs 8e dvayfvvt]0fVTfS TfTfj.TjiJ.e6a, Ttjs dvanavcrfois tt/v eXnida, ttjv avu) 'Upov- OF BAPTISM. 521 CHAr. II.] We have no earlier testimony concerning the use of salt than that of Augustin, Confess, lib. i. c. 11; " Audiebam adhuc puer de vita reterna nobis promissa . . . et signabar jam signo crucis, ct condiebar ejus sale," i.e. "As a boy, I heard of the eternal life which is promised to us, . . . and I was signed with the sign of the cross, and seasoned with its salt." Another testimony of about the same date occurs in the fifth canon of the third council of Carthage, held a.d. 397. The practice is mentioned in the rituals of the Latin Church, subsequent to the fifth and sixth centuries. The Sacramentary of Gregory the Great con- tains a form for the consecration of the salt ; and then follows an instruction concerning the use of it'*. 7. Ceremonies after Baptism. — i. As late as the fifth century, we find mention of the kiss of peace as having been usual on this occasion. (Augustin. contr. Ep. Pel. iv. c. 8; Chrysost, Serm. 50 de Util. Leg. Script. See also Cypriak, Ej). 64, al. 59.) But no traces of this custom are found at a later period ; and it appears to have been superseded by the simple salutation, " Pax tecum," Peace be with thee. ii. Chrism (to p^upov), or the unction afterwards used at confirmation, and intended as the consignation or seal of the Holy Spirit, was used at first at the conclusion of baptism. iii. From the fourth century downwards, we find frei^uent mention of the practice of clothing the newly baptized in white garments. These garments, as emblems of i)urity, were delivered to them wnth a solemn charge to keep their robes of innocence unspotted until the day of Christ. Even Cyril of Jerusalem speaks of an exchange of garments at the time of baptism as a well-known custom, {Catech. Mystag. iv. § 8.) Other testimonies (rakfffi, fvayytXi^ofievoi' iv j) fifXi Kal ya\a ofx^ptiv uvayeypaTrraf 8ia rrjs fPiiKov, Koi TT]V ayiav fivrjarevofifv rpo- (}>fjv. Ci.EM. Alex. Fcedag. lib. i. c. C. '■• Ut per solenuiissimos iiaschales dies sacramentiim catechunienis non detur, nisi solitiim sal. Cone. Carth. iii. A.D. 397, can. 5. — In the Sacramentary of Gregory the Great, after a prescribed form for the benediction or consecra- tion of the salt, we read, Hac orationc expleta accipiat sacerdosde eodem sale, et ponat in ore infantis, diccndo, Accipe sal sapientiae in vitara jeternam,— and then follows an Oratio post datum salem. 522 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [bOOK IV. on this head may be found in Eusehius (Vit. Const, iv. 62); Socrates (Hist. Eccl. v. 8) ; Sozoraen {Hist. Eccl. vii. 8) ; Gregory Nazianzen {Orat. 39); Palladius {Vit. C/nysost. c. 9); Jerome {Ep. 57, 78, 128). The Neophytes wore this white dress from Easter Eve until the Sunday after Easter, which was hence called Dominica in Albis, i. e., the Sunday in White. (August. Serm. 282.) This garment was usually made of white linen, but sometimes of more costly materials. After the prevalence of infant-baptism, this custom was, in effect, retained ; the baptized infant being covered with a white cloth called ad^avo'i, sabanus. iv. Lighted tapers were placed in the hands of the baptized, if adults, or, if they were infants, in the hands of the sponsors. This custom was designed as emblematical of baptism as the sacrament of illumination. (Gregor. Naz. Orat. 40 ; Ambros. De Lcqysu Virg. Sacr. c. 5; Baron. Annal. a. 401; Gregor. TuRON. Hist. Franc, lib. v. c. 11.) V. The practice of washing the feet (pedilavium) prevailed in some countries at various times. (Augustin (Cesar. Arelat.) Serm. 160 de Temp.; Assemani, Cod. Lit. lib. ii. p. 42; Mabil- LON, Mus. Ital. t. 1, Sacram. Gallic.) vi. Presents in money or jewels, the use of garlands of flowers, and singing of hymns, are sometimes mentioned; banquets (convivia baptismalia) given on these occasions are on record as early as the fourth century. § 8. — Of Sponsors. At an early period of the church, certain persons were required to be present at the baptism of its members, who should serve as witnesses of the due performance and reception of the rite, and should also be sureties for the fulfilment of the engagements and promises then made. 1. Their names or appellations. — These persons were called at first sponsores, sponsors. This term is applied to them by Tertullian ; but it is worthy of remark that he uses the word only with reference to infant-baptism, and that he considers it to allude not only to an answer (respousum) given on behalf of the CHAP. II.] OP BAPTISM. 523 infant who was unable to speak for itself, but also to a promise and obligation, or the undertaking, on behalf of the infant, of a duty as the sponsor's own. But Augustin seems to restrict the allusion to the response or answer. They were called also fidejussores, sureties; a term which we find for the first time in this sense in Augustin, (Serm. 116, de Temp.) This title is borrowed immediately from the Roman law. The Greek term avdhoxo(' corresponds to the Latin offer entes and susceptores^ and refers to the assistance rendered to the baptized immediately before and after the act of immersion. The offices performed by those who brought adults to baptism, and assisted them at the performance of the ceremony, are described by Dionys. Areop. {de Hier. Eccl. c. 2.) It appears, however, from Chrysostom {Horn, in Ps, xiv.) and Basil M. [Ep. 128), that the word avdho')(os was used in the sense of surety (promissor, fidejussor) ; and avaSe;^oyu,ai. is sometimes used by profane writers in the sense of — I promise, or pledge myself to, anything. (Xex. Cyrop. lib. i. c. 6; Theophrast. Ethic. c. 12.) The appellation fidprvpes, testes, witnesses, which became a favourite in later times, was unknown to the ancient church ; either because this signification was included in the terms sponsor, fidejussor, dvdSoxoc, or because the word was then so strictly applied to those "martyrs," who laid down their lives in testi- mony of the truth, that any other application of it in the church would have been thought disrespectful to them, or would have been, at least, inconvenient. The more modern terms, irarepes, fj,T]repe<;, Trarepe?, /jLTjTepe^, eirl rov dyiov (fxoTLcr/jLaTO^, compatres, propatres, com- matres, promatres, patrini and matrinse, godfathers and god- mothers^ are derived from the practice of early times, in which the parents, or, in their absence, the nearest relatives, took tlie child out of the baptismal water. Perhaps the unclassical and peculiar Latin words, patrinus and matrina, were chosen, in order to prevent any misunderstanding which might arise from a double acceptation of the common words, pater and mater, while yet they were so nearly allied to these terms, as to imply a bond 52-t OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP A\D DISCIPLINE. [rOOK IV. of intimate relation, and the existence of mutual obligation. When Latin writers use pater in this connexion, they generally add spiritualise or lustricus; and in the same way they some- times call a godson Jrlivs lustricus. Augustin, in one passage, uses the simple terms patres and filii; but in such a connexion that no mistake could arise. [Serm. 116'\) 2. Origin of the office. — The origin of this office has been traced by some writers to the institutions of Judaism, and by others to those of the Roman civil law. Neither the Old nor the New Testament contains any allusion to the presence of witnesses at circumcision ; and it is impossible to say at what time this practice was introduced among the Jews. The passages of Scripture which have been adduced in order to prove the Jewish origin of the sponsor^s office, will be found, on examina- tion, to be beside the question, inasmuch as they do not contain any reference to circumcision. (Isa. viii. 2; xi.ix. 22; lx. 4; Lxvi. 20; Matt. xix. 13—15; Mark x. IS; Luke xviii. 15.) In Luke i. 59 — 6.3, we find a record of the circumcision and naming of John the Baptist, and mention is there made of friends and neighbours being present; but no intimation is given that any of these persons were there in the capacity of witnesses. No trace of sponsors or Avitnesses is to be found in any of the narratives of baptism recorded in the New Testament; nor do the sacred writers ever draw a parallel between baptism and circumcision. And therefore, on the whole, it would be difficult to prove any connexion between the Jewish and Christian customs with respect to the office of sponsors. But it is easy to account for the presence of sponsors at baptism, if Ave refer to the customs of the Roman law. Baptism was at an early period regarded in the light of a stipulation, covenant or contract ; on all matters of this nature the Roman jurisprudence was very exact and careful in its institutions; and it is likely that the leaders of the early church, many of whom '* Quare ita diligere debet homo cum qui se suscepit ex sacro fonte, ticut patrem : qninimo quauto prfc- stantior est spiritiis carne, taiito magis spiritalis pater in omnibus est a spiritali filio diligendus. . . Est tamen alia inter eos gratuita et sancta communioj quao non cst^ diccuda consaiiguinitas, sed potius liabenda spiritalis proximitas. NicoLAUS I. Consultat. Bu/(/ar, c. 2. CHAP, ir.] OF BAPTISM. 525 before their conversion were engaged in the interpretation or administration of the Roman laws, would endeavour to give security and solemnity to the sacred covenant, in a way corre- sponding to that which they had been accustomed to observe in civil transactions. Tradition says, that the office of sponsors was appointed by Hyginus or Iginus, a Roman bishop, about the year 154. A time of oppression and persecution in the church is likely to have given rise to an institution intended for the attestation and security of the profession of the Christian religion. And we know, as a matter of fact, that the Sponsor's office liad been so far introduced during the second and third centuries, that it was in full operation throughout the fourth and fifth. Perhaps, on the whole, we must conclude that the custom of requiring the presence of sponsors, or sureties at baptism, arose naturally from the practice of infant-baptism, in order that the interrogatories of the church might not be without some answer, and, in fact, the best that could be obtained under the circum- stances of the case ; or that it originated in the want of some security in addition to a personal confession, in the times of persecution, — men who had made their baptismal promises in the presence of witnesses being supposed less likely to deny their connexion with the church than they might be if no proof of their profession could be adduced, — or at least being supposed to have received an additional fortification against the danger of apostasy. We learn from Dionys. Areop. De Hierarch. Eccl. c. 2, that it was usual to enter in a baptismal register the name of the sponsor or sponsors, as well as that of the person baptized. 8. Duties of sponsors. — The duties imposed upon sponsors related entirely to the moral or spiritual instruction and oversight of the baptized. Bingham observes, " There were three sorts of sponsors made use of in the primitive church; — 1. For children who could not renounce, or profess, or answer for themselves ; — 2. For such adult persons as, by reason of sickness or infirmity, were in the same condition as children incapacitated to answer for them- selves;—8. For all adult persons in general. For the church required sponsors also for those who were otherwise qualified to 526 OP CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE, [bOOK IV. make their own responses. Now the office of sponsors was diver- sified a little in its nature, according to these distinctions. " They who were sureties or sponsors for children, were obliged first to answer in their names to all the interrogatories that were usually put in baptism, and then to be guardians of their Christian education. Some will also needs have it, that they were obliged to give them a perfect maintenance, and take them, as it were, for their own children by adoption, in case their parents failed, and left them destitute in their minority. But this I take to be a mistake. For whoever were sponsors for children, if ever they became destitute, the burden devolved upon the church in general, and not upon any others. In all cases the church was charged with this care, and not the sponsors, except there was some antecedent obligation. And there was good reason for this ; for, as St. Austin observes, ' children were pre- sented to baptism not so much by those in whose hands they were brought, (though by them too, if they were good and faithful men,) as by the whole society of saints. The whole church was their mother ; she brought forth all and every one by this new birth.' (Aug, Ep. 23, ad Bonifac.) Two things, indeed, were anciently required of sponsors as their proper duty; first, to answer in their names to all the interrogatories of baptism, i^wR,T\ji.h. De Bcqjt. c. 18; Gennad, De Eccl. Bogmat. c. 52; Aug. Ep. 23, ad Bonifac; August. 8erm. 116, Be Temp.; Serm. 1 4, Be Verb, Apost. c. 11 ; Be Peccator. Merit, lib. i. c, 34;) secondly, to be guardians of their spiritual life for the future ; and to take care by good admonition and instruction, that they per- formed their part of the covenant in which they were engaged. (Aug. Serm. 116^ 143, Be Temp.) " Another sort of sponsors were such as were appointed to make answers for persons who, by reason of some sudden sick- ness or other infirmity, could not answer for themselves. And if the party happened to recover after such a baptism, it was the sponsor's duty not only to acquaint him, as a witness, with what was done for him, but also, as a guardian of his behaviour, to induce him to make good the promises which he in his name had made for him. CHAP. II.3 OF BAPTISM. 527 " The third sort of sponsors were for such adult persons as were able to answer for themselves. For those also had their sponsors, and no persons anciently were baptized without them. (DioNYS. Eccl. Hierarch. c. 2; Constit. Apost. lib. iii. c. 16; Victor, de Perseciit. Vandal, lib. iii. Bibl. Pair. torn. vii. p. 613; Pallad. Hist. Laiisiac. c. 12, Bihl. Pair. torn. i. p. 915.) Their duty was, not to answer in the names of the baptized, but only to admonish and instruct them before and after baptism." (Abridged from Bingham, Antiq. book xi. chap. 8'^) 4. Persons qualified to act as sponsors. — Respecting the quali- fications of sponsors, it will be sufficient in this place to enu- merate the various rules and customs which obtained in the church, without entering into all the questions that have been raised in connexion with the subject. i. It was a general rule that every sponsor must be himself a baptized person, and in full communion with the church. By this regulation all heathen, and all mere catechumens, all reputed heretics, and all excommunicated persons and penitents, were disqualified. All energumens and persons of unsound mind were likewise excluded by an express law. Those reputed heretics whoso baptism was accounted valid were, however, allowed to act as sponsors. ii. Every sponsor was required to be of full age. No minors were admitted to this office, even though they had been baptized and confirmed. '^ Au important passage on this subject occurs in Augnstin, or C?esar Arelat. {Serm. 163, De Temp.) Hoc admoneo, ut quoties pascLalis solemnitas venit, quicumque viri, quse- cumque mulieres de sacro fonte filios spiritualiter exceperunt, cognoscant, se pro ipsis fidejussores ap\id Deimi exsti- tisse, et ideo semper illis soUicitudinem verte caritatis impendantet admoneant,. ut custodiant eastitatem, virginitatem usque ad nuptias servent, a maledicto vel perjurio linguam refi-aenent, cantica turpia vel luxuriosa ex ore non profe- rant, non superbiant, non invideant, iraciindiam vel odium in corde non teneant, auguria non observent, pliy- lacteria et characteres diabolicos nee sibi nee suis aliquando suspendant, incantatores velut ministros Diaboli fugiant, fidem catliolicam teneant, ad ecclesiam frcquentius cuiTant, con- temta verbositate lectiones divinas attentis auribus audiant, peregrines accipiant, et secimdum quod ipsis iu baptismo dictum est, hospitum pedes lavent, pacem et ipsi teneant, et dis- cordes ad concordiam revocare con- tendant, sacerdotibus et parentibus honorem amore verse caritatis impen- dant. AuGUSTiN (or Cesar. Are- lat.) Serm. de Tempore, 1C3. 528 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [bOOK IV. iii. Every one who acted in this capacity was supposed to be acquainted with the fundamental truths of Christianity, and to know the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, the Ten Commandments, and the leading outlines of Christian doctrine and morality. And it appears from Dionys. Areop. De Hierarch. Eccl. c, 2, that every sponsor was required to prepare himself beforehand for the right undertaking of the office. Ecclesiastical laws of a later date exclude persons "qui ignorant rudimenta fidei," — unac- quainted with the first principles of the Christian religion. iv. In early times monks and nuns were eligible as sponsors, and were frequently chosen to act in that capacity (August. Ep. 2'^, ad Boiiifac; Fita Epipkan. c. 8); but in the sixth century this practice was prohibited. {Cone. Antissiodor. a. d. 578, c. 25.) V. Parents were allowed to stand as sponsors to their own children during the earlier centuries ; and the first prohibition on record, by which they were disqualified for this office, is contained in a canon of the Council of Mentz. {Cone. Mogunt. a.d. 183, c. 55.) But this prohibition has never been universally enforced; and even the ordo Rom. i. proposes the alternative, " presbyteri, acceptis infantibus a parentibus vel patrinis eorum baptizent eos," i. e., presbyters., having received infants at the hands of their parents or sponsors, shall baptize them. 5. N^nmber of sponsor's. — At first there was no law respecting the number of sponsors at baptism. In Dionys. Areop. DeHier. Eccl. c. 2, mention is made of only one UU' A.NU Dl^CI I'MMC. [iJUUK IV. the Greek, Komaii, and Lutheran churches. The Reformed abstained from the use of this expression, even in an allegorical .sense, on account of their strong objection to denominate the Lord's table an altar. Their hesitation on this ground has decreased in modern times. But, without the addition of altar, the word Sacrament alono has been generally employed to signify the Lord's supper, by way of emphasis, that ordinance being the chief among the sacra- ments. 18. In addition to these usual and peculiar appellations, we find many of a more general character in less frequent use. Some of these [occur in [liturgical, doctrinal, and historical writings ; and are not without their importance, as conveying ideas respect- ing the nature, and dignity, and efficacy of the sacrament which they describe. Most of these refer to the sacred elements considered as the body and blood of Christ, bread and wine. In this point of view the holy supper is represented as "spiritual nourishment," — the food of the soul, the strengthening of the body and soul. In earlier times we find it spoken of as "body «>«? blood;'''' meat and dri?ik, bread and tcine; but after the practice of administering in only one kind had gained ground, the prevailing form of speech was " Body, Food, or Bread" alone, " Blood, Drink, Wine," being but rarely added. The following are the chief of the expressions here referred to : — i. Corpus Christi, i. e., the body of Christ. ii. Cibus Dei, s. Domini, the food of God, or of the Lord. iii. Cibus ccelestis, heavenly food. iv. Cibus angelorum, angels' food. V. Cibus viatorum, mortalium, pegrotorum, food of travellers, mortals, the sick, &;c. vi. Manna ccelestia, heavenly manna. vii. Panis Dei, s. Domini, bread of God, or of the Lord. viii. Panis co'lestis, heavenly bread. ix. Panis vita?, or vitalis, bread of life. X. Panis supersubstantialis, with allusion to the ancient custom of applying those words in the Lord's Prayer, toi' dprov ))/u,o)i' Tov iiTiovaiov, to the consecrated bread (11 A 1'. 111.] 01" illi: LOltu's STl'l'ER. .551 XI. E(f)68cov, viaticum, with reference to the communion of the sick, and to a custom (afterwards abandoned by the church) of putting the sacred elements into the coffins of the dead, xii. MeTaX7;A|r(9, synonymous with kolvcovlu, communion. xiii. ^Ap'pajBiov, earnest or pledge, and dppa/Scov r>}<; fxeX- \ova7)<; ^(orjs, earnest of the life to come ; with reference to 2 Cor. i. 22; v. 6, and Eph. i. U. xiv. ^dpfiaKov ddavaaia<; (Ignatius), medicamentum, uicdi- cina corporis et mentis, purgatorium, amuletum, and other ])hrases of the kind, signifying " the medicine of immortality, medicine or preservative of the soul," XV. Mvari]pLov rfjs elpt^vT)^^ sacrament of peace, a favourite expression of Chrysostom, xvi. The terms applied to baptism were often transferred to the Lord's supper ; such were (besides lepovp'yLa, fiuarijpiov, already mentioned,) a. TO (f)(x)9, light or illumination. b. 77 ^0)1], life, equivalent to " bread of life." c. J7 acoTTjpi'a, salus, salvation. d. 7) iXirls, spes vit£B jetemae, Lope of eternal life. e. rj v7rodeac<; rPp Trapprjaia^i access to the Father by Christ, with the assurance of adoption. f. 6 Ka6apipcr was celebrated with peculiar solemnity at the festival of Easter, which took the place of the Jewish passover. But from the circumstance of the original institution appears to have been derived the practice of celebrating this sacrament CHAP. III. J OF THE LORl/s SUPl'EP. 553 as an integral and concluding part of the whole course of divine worship, not as a separate or isolated service. It may appear singular, at first thought, that the evangelist St. John docs not record the institution of the Lord's supper in his Gospel. This apostle was not only the favourite disciple and bosom friend of our Lord, (John xiii. 2.3,) but it was he who, in conjunction with St. Peter, received our Saviour's instructions to go and make ready the passover. (Luke xxii. 8.) And therefore we might naturally have expected to receive from his pen an express and particular account of the whole transaction. But this omission is satisfactorily explained, if we regard the Gospel of St. John as a supplement to the other three previously written, and designed for the completion of their narratives. This appears, for many reasons, to be the right way of viewing his Gospel. (See EusEBius, Hist. Eccl. lib. iii. c. ^-i; and lib. vi. c. 14.) With respect to the paschal feast at which the Lord's supper was instituted, he says enough concerning it to show that he inten- tionally omits the narrative of the transaction, as one which it was not necessary to report or call to mind ; and he proceeds at once to detail the accessary circumstances not recorded elsewhere. " Is it possible," says Hug, {Introduct. to New T'estamettt, vol. ii. § 52,) " to pass over such an affecting and important event with more evident appearance of design I Could he more dis- tinctly signify, that he regarded it as already sufficiently reported, and left on imperishable record V ^ Many interpreters, however, both ancient and modern, con- sider that the sixth chapter of St. John's Gospel contains an evident allusion to the doctrine of this sacrament. The account given by St. Paul (1 Cor. x. 20 — 34; conf. v. 16, seqq.) is of great importance, not only as harmonizing with and confirming the narratives of the three evangelists, but also because, while it records the institution of the sacrament, it represents it as an established ordinance in the churches, and designed for perpetual observance. Certain abuses had arisen in the Church of Corinth, connected with the celebration of this sacred rite ; which appear to have consisted partly in the forma- tion of separate parties or companies among the recipients, and Ooi OF CUUISTIAN WOUSlilP A.\D DlScll'LlXi:. [hOOK. IV. partly in an immoderate use of the elements ; and, in particular, the separation of the rich from the poor on these occasions led to a breach of charity and Chi-istian fellowship. And the apostle intimates that by abuses such as these the whole scope and design of the Lord''s supper was defeated; "This," says he, "is not to eat the Lord's supper." He urges the necessity of cele- brating it according to the intention of its divine founder. And with this view he introduces the precise words of the institution, by which he requires the Corinthians to be governed, if they would not partake " unworthily." That the apostle regarded this supper as a rite to be observed with a certain order, pre- scribed form, or ceremony, appears from his instructions to the Corinthians to tcait for one another ; and from the significant clause, " The rest will I set in order when I come." It is worthy of remark that, in recording the words of institution, St. Paul agrees with St. Luke, the companion of his labours, in adding, " Do this in remembrance of me ;" which words are omitted by the other evangelists St. Matthew and St» Mark. Our blessed Lord not only instituted or appointed the holy supper, but was himself the first to administer it to his disciples. To use modern terms, he both consecrated and distributed the elements. The words of consecration are not recorded: " Having "iven thanks,'*' is the only expression which refers to them ; and from this we gather that, having taken the bread and cup into his hands, he uttered a thanksgiving, either in his own words, or in the form used by the Jews ; and then gave the bread and the wine to the disciples, saying. Take, eat — and drink this — Avith the other well-known words descriptive of the significancy of the action. It lias been debated whether or not our blessed Lord himself partook of the sacred elements on this occasion. This point is left quite undetermined in the narrative; except so far as the nature of the case may lead us to conclude that our Lord, who punctually observed all the Mosaic ordinances, was not likely ta omit in his own person any part of the ceremony connected with CHAP. III.] 01' iiit; j^oKi/tj sLprKK. 555 the celebration of the ])assovor ; and therefore he doubtless par- took of the bread and wine together with the apostles, unless this whole transaction was something superadded to the usual meal, which was completed independently of it. It is impossible to decide in a matter such as this, when the narrative is silent. Among early ecclesiastical writers we find Augustin {de Doctr, Christ.^ lib. ii. c. 9,) and Chrysostoni {Horn. 83 in Matth.) maintaining that our Lord partook of the elements, and appealing to Luke xxii. 18, in confirmation of their opinion. But Jerome affirms that this passage does not relate to the sacramental cup ; and in this view later writers coincide*. Li modern times the views of different parties relating to this question have been influenced by doctrinal prepossessions ; and the affirmative or negative has been maintained according as it appeared to make for or against some particular set of opinions concerning the real presence of Christ in the eucharist. Advo- cates for the doctrines of transubstantiation and consubstantiation have naturally laboured to prove that our Lord did not himself partake of the elements ; while the opponents of these systems take it for granted that he did. It has been asked (but this also with reference to a contro- verted point, — the reception of unworthy communicants at the Lord's table), whether or not the traitor Judas partook of the bread and wine which our Saviour distributed. In the Apostolical Constitutions (lib. v. c. 14), it is affirmed that when the holy supper was instituted Judas was absent ; and later advocates of this opinion appeal to John xiii. 30, in confir- mation of the statement. Others, including Cyprian, Jeronie, and Augustin, the scholastic writers, the Komish and Lutheran divines, who maintain that the traitor was present and partook of the sacred elements, contend that this verse proves nothing to the purpose, and refer to Luke xxii. 19 — 21, as expressly assert- ing the fact for which they plead. Calvin supposes that Judas * Verba ilia, Nou bibam auiplius de qui datus fuit post agui paschalis nian- gerniinc vitis etc., nou portiuent ad j ducationeui. — Bellarmik. De^wcAa- aliccm eucharisticmn, scd ad caliceni, I rislia, lib. i. c. 2. 556 OF CHiusrivx WORSHIP and disciplinp. [rook IV. partcok indeed of the bread and wine, but not of the body and blood of Christ, and appeals to Augustin [Servi. 61, and De Baptism, c. Donat. lib. 5) in support of this view of the matter*. In Luke xxii. 14, we read, "he sat down, and the ticelte apostles M-ith him;" and, in delivering the cup, our Lord said, " Drink ye all of this." The bread used at the passover was unleavened ; and such, no doubt, Mas that which our Lord distributed at the institution of the supper ; for, in Matt. xxvi. 26, we read that " as they were eating, Jesus took tov aprov, the bread, or the loaf, and blessed it, and brake it/' But it is to be observed that the New Testa- ment docs not lay any stress on the nature or kind of the bread, but on the significant fact of its being broken, and thus being a representation of the body of Christ, " wounded for our trans- gressions." The \vine used at the paschal feast was usually pure or unmixed ; and therefore it was probably such on this occasion. No trace of the custom of mixing it with water at the celebration of the Lord's supper is to be found in the New Testament. Perhaps the mention of water and blood (1 John v. 6, 8) was supposed to give countenance to the practice in aftertimes. It is probable that the eucharist was celebrated at first in the evening, — the time of day at which it was instituted. See 1 Cor. X. 23 and Acts xx. 7. But the New Testament does not contain any rule or prescription on this head. 2. Testimony of the Apostolical Fathers. — Polycai'p does not make any mention of the sacrament of the Lord's supper. In the epistle of Clement of Rome to the Corinthians we might have * Ilinc celeLre Aiig\istini dictum, reliquos discipulos panem Dominumman- dttcasse, Judam vera pancm Domini, quo incredulos clare excludit a parti- cipatione coi-poris et sanguinis. Quid miriiris, si datus est .Jiidic iianis Cliristi, per 4uein uiaucipaic tiir Diabolo, rjuuni vidcas e contrario datum Paulo Ange. him Diaboli, per qucm perficiretur in Christol Calvin. Instit. Chr. Jiel. lib. iv. c. 17, § 34. — Tlie reference ia to AvGVSTiK. Serm. 6\, and De Bap- /isrr. c. Don-il. lib. v. CHAT. III.] OF THK r-OHlTs SLPPKK. 5o7 expected to find some allusion to an ordinance of which St. Panl had so expressly treated in his first epistle to that church, with allu- sion to the disorders and controversies that had arisen in connexion with its celebration ; and it would have been gratifying to lenru what results had attended the regulations which the apostle pro- mised to make on the occasion of his next visit to Corinth. But no mention is made of these things by Clement ; nor is the Lord''s supper even named in his epistle, unless we suppose, which cannot be at all proved, that he alludes especially to this institution under the very general and comprehensive terms Trpoa-^opal, XeiTovpyLut, religious offerings and services. Unless, therefore, we regard Clement as the author of the Apostolical Constitutions^ we must reckon him among the fathers who do not mention the Lord's supper in any writing now extant. But that composition was evidently the work of another hand ; and is to be treated of in its place as a separate and independent document. Ignatius is the only one of the apostolical fathers in whose works we find any reference to the eucharist. But, even setting aside all doubts respecting the genuineness of the epistles of Ignatius in general, and especially of those to the Ephesians, Philadelphians, and Smyrnceans, we do not find much informa- tion on this subject in his works. In the epistle to the Ephesians we find the following passage " Breaking one bread, which is the medicine of immortality, a remedy against death and means of living in God by Jesus Christ, a purifier, and protection from all eviP." "Bread" is here used, by synecdoche, for the elements of bread and wine, after the manner of St. Paul, In the epistle to the Philadelphians we have another passage of some importance which has been made the subject of needless controversy. The following is a literal translation : — " Entreating you to use one faith, and one preaching, and one eucharist For the body of the Lord Jesus is one, and his blood shed for us is one ; one bread (or loaf) also is broken in pieces for all, and one cup is distributed to all, there is one altar for the whole '' Ej'a aprov KXojvres, os (cttiv (pdp- I Oavelv aWa (jjv iv ^Irjcrov XpiCTTu 8ia fiQKOv ddavaaias, iivTidoTos tov ixfj ano- ttuvtos. [Ignat.J Ep. ad Ephes. 558 OP CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DI>!ril'LiNK. [rOOK IV. chllrcll^■" Here is evidently an allusion to Eph. iv. 2 — 7 ; and the object of the exhortation is to promote unanimity and Concord. That no countenance is given by these words to the doctrine of transubstantiation and the practice of communion under one kind, has been easily proved by Chemnitz, Peter Martyr, Scultet, and other Protestant writers, against Baronius, Bellarmine, and other advocates of the church of Rome. In fact, this passage is in the highest degree unfavourable to the practice of the Roman Catholic church, inasmuch as it represents, beyond all doubt, the custom of administering the wine to all the communicants. Bellarmine, indeed, (de sacr. Euckar. lib. iv. c. 26,) denies the genuineness of the Greek text, and maintains the correctness of the old Latin version, " Unus calix solius ecclesife," one cup for the whole church. According to Baronius {Annales ad a. 109, n. 25), the words eV iron'^piov rols oXois 8iev€/j,7]d7], must be rendered, not (as we should naturally trans- late them), one cup is distributed to all, but o/ie cup is distributed for all. That is to say, — the cup was originally instituted for all, and its efficacy or benefit extends to all ; but yet the vicarious distribution of it among the priests alone may have place, and the actual withholding from the laity of the cup, which, accord- ing to the appointment of the church for the prevention of abuses, the priest alone receives on behalf of all, may be justified. The M'ords dpros rols irdatv iOpv^Orj, intimate not merely that the bread was at that time broken^ according to the original institution, but that it was afterwards given to each individual communicant. This seems to be strongly implied in the use of the word dpvTTTco, to break into small pieces, instead of the (New Testament) word kXc'ioj, to break; and it is put out of all doubt by the addition of roU iraaLv, to all, to the ichole number of communicants. The use of QpviTTw in this place may remind us of the words of Augustin {Ep, 59, ad Paulin.) " Cum benedicitur ct sanctificatur, et ad distribuendum conmii- "' WapiiKiiKav vfius nia nicrrd, koi eKxvdeu' (Is K(ii apros ro'ii nuaiv (6pv- cvi KrjpvypaTi, Kai pia fv^apLorTtq XPW' <^^'?> 'f"' *" T^orrjpiou to7s SXois Ste^/e- 6ai. Mia yap ((Ttlv t) crdp^ tov Kvplov pt]Or], tv dvffiaarrjpiov iracrr] rfi fiacXr)- Irjaov, Ka\ iv airov alfxa to virep rjpwv \ a-'ia, — [Igkat.] F.p. ud Philadelph. c. ; CHAP. III.] OF THE LOim's SUPPER. 559 nuitur,'''' '■'■ ichen it is consecrated, and broken into small pieces for distribution." Another passage from the writings of Ignatius will be foniul in the note*. It appears to have been interpolated from the Apostolical Constitutions (2, c. 26, 27) ; but, if it be genuine, it contains the earliest intimation on record that the elements could be consecrated only by the bishop, or under his immediate superintendence. 3. Testimony of Justin Martyr. — It is remarkable that most of the early apologists of Christianity make no mention of the Lord's su))per, which was yet at all times regarded as the most sacred ordinance of religion. This is the case with respect to Minucius Felix, whose only words which could possibly be sup- posed to bear even a remote allusion to the eucharist are the following: — convivia non tantum pudica colimus, sed et sobria, our entertainments are not only chaste but temperate. Not a word vith reference to this subject is found in the apologies of Athena- goras and Tatian. Theophilus of Antioch says nothing respecting it. And Arnobius, who lived at a later period, is so silent respecting baptism, the Lord's supper, and other institutions in the church, that Jerome even supposes him to have composed his work Ayainst the Gentiles before he was himself admitted into the church. We cannot, however, suppose him either to have been unacquainted with the Christian sacraments, or to have undervalued them ; and we must regard his silence as intentional, and as a specimen of that " reticentia sacrorum " of which we find so many other instances. If we assign a later date to the introduction of the system of secret discipline, /. e., the exclusion of catechumens from the Lord's table, (which was at its height in the fourth and fifth centuries, when persecution had ceased,) still it must be remembered that the Christians held it unlawful to impart a knowledge of the sacred mysteries to unbelievers. * 'E.KflvT) ^(^ala fV)(api(TTla rjyelcrQa), pfiv, ovre dvcriau npoaKop-i^fiv, ovTe So- vrro Tov (nlcTKoirov ovcra, rj w iiv avros ! ^^iju fTrtTt\(7v. — [Igkat. ]£"/).«(/ 5w^>v*. (TTiTpe'^ij . . . OvK f|(W tan ;^a)/)(f tov § 8. This passage was probably taken fTTiaKonovtOVTe (SaTTTtCai'fOVTf rrpo, 27. 560 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [noOK IV. This appears most evidently in the writint^s of Tertulllan, who discountenances mixed marriages on this ground, and instances particularly in the matter of the eucharist". A departure from this rule seems to have been permitted only when silencfe on these subjects would imply an admission of guilt, or when a magistrate should demand an explanation. And some (especially among the JMontanists) went so far as to choose to suffer martyr- dom rather than to make such disclosure even to the magistrate. Justin Martyr, however, happily for us, considering that a declaration of the nature of the sacraments would be serviceable to the cause of Christianity, gives, in his larger Apology, a parti- cular description of the ceremonies connected with the admini- stration of baptism and the Lord's supper. Reference to these passages has been made in another portion of this work, which it is not necessary to repeat in this place ; but some few remarks may here be added respecting this writer's description of the eucharist. Justin gives two descriptions of this ordinance, immediately following each other, and nearly in the same words. Either the second of these accounts is a mere recapitulation of the former; or, which is more probable, the former relates to the eucharist administered immediately after baptism, called the first commu- nion, and the latter to the ordinary administration of the sacra- ment on the Lord's day, in connexion with the Agapoe. This supposition is supported by the allusion made to the distribution of the oblation among the absent, the sick, and the poor. Justin does not record the precise words of consecration used in his time, neither docs he mention any form which may have accompanied the distribution. But on the former of these matters his brief account tends to throw some light. He speaks of a "thanksgiving to the Father of the Universe, through, or in, * IIoc est igitur delictum, (|uod Gen- , . . . . Non scict niaiitus, quid secreto tiles nostra noveiunt, quod sub consci- ante onineni cibuni gustes, ct si scivorit entia justorum sumus, quod bcneficio- panem.non ilium credit esseiiuidicitur, rum eorum est, si quid opcramur. — ct ha'c ignorans quisijue rationem sim- Margarita vestra sunt quotidiana con- pliciter sustinebit, sine gemitu, sine versationis insignia, quanto cuiaveris suspicione panis, au veneni ? Ter- ea occultare, tanto sus])ectiora fueris tui. l. ad U.iorein, lib. ii. c. 6. et niagis oavejida gentili curiositati. CHAP. III.] or Till-: i.ord\s siim'kh. 561 the name of his Son, and the Holy Ghost;" whence It appears that the consecration was made in the name of the sacred Trinity in Unity, and that mention was made of the third person, althou<^h the iTrcKXTjais tou 'jri'euixaros a'^jiov^ the calling ttpoii the Ilohj Spirit^ may have been no special and distinct act or part of the solemnity. Here is mention, also, of a particular thanksgiving, whence the name €V)(apt(nla. The eucharist is mentioned, also, in the Dlaloijne ii'ith Tnjpho the Jew ^ vmn^iWy ascribed to Justin Martyr; and which, if not written by him, as some modern critics suppose, must yet be assigned to a date A'ery little later than his, and is therefore, at all events, to be reckoned among the earliest records of the church. " The offering of wheaten flour (?; rrfs aefjuBaXecos irpoac^opa) was a type of the bread of thanksgiving [tov aprov rrjs ev)(^a- pKTTia'i), which our Lord Jesus Christ appointed in remembrance of his sufferings." (c. 41.) Again, "God will no longer accept the offerings of these Jews, being angry on account of their unbelief; but he has promised to accept the offering presented by ns in every place, namely, the offering of the bread of thanks- giving, and the cup of thanksgiving. Jiy these, which the Jews revile, God is glorified." {lb.) And again, " All offerings pre- sented in his (God's) name, according to the instruction of Jesus Christ, namely, those which are presented by Christians every- where in the eucharistic meal of bread and wine, he accepts, and testifies that they are well pleasing to him. But yours he reject?. I maintain that only those prayers and thanksgivings which are put up by worthy persons {vtto twv d^icov jcvofjievai,) are perfect and acceptable to God. Christians are taught to pre- )iare such alone, namely, at their memorial of dry and liquid food, (rpocf)?} ^TjpciKal vypt] here evidently denote the bread and wine,) with which they commemorate the sufferings once endured by the Son of God." (c. 117.) These passages do not furnish any information respecting the mode of administering the Lord's supper; but they are important as being the first instances in which the terms nrpoajiopa and 6va[a are used with reference to this sacrament. 2 o 562 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AXD DISCrPLIXE. [bOOK IV. 4. Testimony of Irenceus. — This first controversialist of the Christian church contributed very materially to bring into current use the words 7rpoa(f)opa (oblatio) and Ovaia (sacrificium), which Justin had already introduced. In various parts of his works he treats of the eucharist, against the heretics of his day ; but more with regard to the doctrine of the sacrament, than to its ritual. The history of Christian doctrine does not enter into the plan of this work; but it may deserve to be remarked, that Irenreus appears to have insisted on regarding the eucharist as a .sacrifice chiefly in opposition to tile Gnostics, who taught that tlic obligation of the Old Testament had ceased, and that all sacrifices had been entirely done away. Irenteus seeks to show, on the contraiy, that the one great sacrifice of the New Testa- ment is to be regarded as a continuation, ])ut with vast improve- ment, of the sacrifices under the law'*. From a passage in the fragments of Irenteus, collected by Pfaif, it appears that this writer was acquainted with the doctrine of the symbolical presence of Christ in the eucharist, which received his sanction; and that he distinguished i\\Q Lord's supper from Jewish sacrifices. Here, also, we find the first mention of that which has occasioned so much controversy, — the e7riK\'y]ai9 (or eKK\i]ai.9, Ikkn. Adi: Har. iv. 18, § 5,) rov irvevfiaros dyi'ov, invocation oftlie Holy Spirit ^\ '" EcclesiiTi obliitio, qiiain Domiuus rum, iiti ot per oblationes ostendatur tlocuit offeni in imi verso nunulo, punun sacrificium reputatura est apucl De«m, et acceptum est ei : non quod indigeat a nobis sacrificium, sed quo- niam is, qui oft'ert, glorificatur ipse in eo, quod ofi'ert, si acceptctur munus ejus. Per munus enini erga regem et honor et afifectio ostenditur : quod in omni .simplicitatc' et iunoccntia Domi- uus voloiis nos ofterre pricdicavit. . . . FA non (lemts obUtl'wnnm rejirobatum o&t; oblationes enim illic, oblationes autcm et liic ; sacrificia in populo (Israel), sacrificia in ecclesia (Chris- tiana) ; sed species immutata est tan- tiim, quippe cum jam non a servis, sed a liberis offcratur. Unus enim et idem Domiuus ; proprium autem character servilis oblatiouis, tt proiiiinui lil)oro- indicium libertatis. iREX.y.i's. Adc. Hie): lib. iv. c. 18. — Suis discipulis (Christus) dans consilium, primitias Deo offerre ex suis creatiuis, non quasi iudjgenti, sed ut ipsi nee infructuosi ncc ingrati sint, eum, qui ex natura panis est, acccpit, et gratias egit,diccns, Hoc est corpus meum. Et calicem similiter, quic est ex ea creatura quio est secundum nos, suum sanguiuem confessus est, et N. T. novam docuit oblationem, quam ecclesia ab apostolis accipiens, in imivcrso mundo oflert Deo, ei, qui alimenta nobis prtestat, primitias suorum munerum in novo Testaraento, de quo Malachia-s, i. 10, 11. lOid.c.n. K(U TO TroTi'ipini' Tijs (vXoyitii' fryopcr- CHAP, in.] or THE lord's supped. 5fi»3 In anotliei" plate, where Irenreus treats of certain abuses which had been introdiicecl by an impostor, we find allusion to the practice of niixino- the wine with water '^. Reference to that practice is made also in another part of the same book. {Adv. Hem: lib. i. chap. 2, § 8.) 5. Testimo7iy of Clement of Alexandria and On'qen. — The AYorks of these writers, while they contain much imj)ortant matter relating to the doctrine of the eucharist, afford however but little information concerning the history of its administration. Clement [Ptedaff. lib. ii.) refers to the mixing of the wine with water, and speaks of this custom as pointing to the blood of Christ as of a twofold nature, — bodily and spiritual' '. He also speaks of the bread and wine which ^lelchisedek presented to Abraham as being designed for a type of the eucharist, els tvttov tP)9 ev^apiaTia<;, {Stromaf. lib. iv.) From Origen we learn that in his time great care was taken lest any of the consecrated bread should fall on the ground, or be wasted. This is the first trace of a reverent custom, which became afterwards a matter of superstitious observance. " You," says Origen, "who frequent our sacred mysteries, know very well that, when you receive the body of the Lord, you take care, with all reverent caution, lest any j^art of it, however small, should fall to the ground, — lest any portion of the consecrated gift should be wasted. If any part of it should fall through your negligence, you think yourselves guilty, and think rightly. If then you use so much caution, and that with so much reason, in this matter. TovvTfS avro), on tj/ yjj (Ke\(v Bva'iav ravriju ' Adv. TIccr. lib. i. c. 13. KuX Tov "ipTov (Tuipa Tov XpiaToi., Kui TO \ ''' AiTTOu TO alp.a rou Kvpinv, to p-tv ■ncTTipiov, to cupa tov XpiaTov, Iva oi j aapKiKov, to de ivvivp.aTiKbv. — 'Ava\6- ptToXa^ovres TovTcov Tci}U (IvTiTiTTav TTJs ycos Toivvv KpivaTai . . • 17 Se upf^olv <;(/)e(reo)9 tu)v apapTiuu Kat rijy Ccorjs \ avdis Kpda-is, ttotov koi \6yov, 6v;^a- aiuvlov Tv\(t)aiv. Irkk.i;i Fragmenta \ piaria KfKXijTai, CLEJr. Ai.EX. Pa- Anecdoln, cd. Clir. M. PfatT. Hag. Com. j dapof/. 171"., H, fragment, ii. pp. 2fi— 'J«. 2 o 2 564 OF fnRISTIAX WOKSHIP AND DISCIPJ.tXF. [iJOOIC IV wlio can you esteem it a lighter sin to slight the word of God than to neglect his hody ''T"' 6. Tedimony of Tertidlia n and Cyprian. — Tertullian''s general description of the Lord's supper and the Agapre has been given in another place. In his treatise De Corona Militis (c. 3) this author has some remarks concerning the administration of this sacrament Avhich deserve attention. One of these remarks relates to the time of celebration, and the mode of distribution ; by which we learn that the sacrament was administered early in the morning before daylight, and was received at the hands of the presiding ministers alone. In another place we find allusion to the careful preservation of the elements mentioned by Origen. And Ter- tullian expressly affirms that the warrant for these practices rests, not upon any passage of Scripture, but upon the sole authority of tradition'*. Cyprian most expressly and copiously treats of the Old Tes- tament types of the Lord's supper, and of the sacred elements. One of his epistles treats directly of the custom of using water instead of wine. {Epist. G3 ad Cu'cillum de sacra/i/ento Dominici calicis.') In his time, several sects held the use of wine to be '* Volo vos admonere religionis vestrae exemplis. Nostis, qui divinis mysteriis interesse consuestis, (luoinodo cum suscipitis corpus Domini, cum omni cautela et veueiatione scrvatis, ne ex co parum quid decidat, ne con- secrati muneiis aliquid dilabatur. Roos enim vos creditis, si quid iude per negligentiam decidat. Quod si ciica corpus ejus conservandum tanta uti- mini cautela, et merito iitimini, quo- modo putatis minoris esse piaculi ver- l)um Dei negligere, quaui corpus ejus ? OniGEN. Horn in Exod. II. 13. '* Tertullian makes some iuii)ortant remarks concerning tlie administration of tlie Lord's supper in his time, in liis treatise De Corona Mililis, c. 3, One relates to the time of celebration, and tlie distiibution of the elenieiil'< : — Eucharista? sacramcntum et'in tempore victus et omnibus maiulatum a Domino, etiam antelucanis ctetibns, nee de alio- rum manu quam prasidenlium sinnimiis. — Another refers to the care which was taken lest any portion of the con- secrated elements should fall to the ground : — Calicis a\it panis etiam nostri aliquid decuti in terram anxiepatimur. — It is uncertain whether bv the " ob- latlones pro defunctis, pro natalitiis annua die facimus," he means prayei-s or oblations; but anotlier passage {De Ilc.surrect. Carnis,c. 1) seems to favour the latter interpretation. — Concerning all these matters, however, Tertullian expressly declares : — Sine uUius Scrip- tural instrumento, solius tradilionis titulo, et exinde ronsiielndiuis patrO' rinin \ili(lie;linu-i. niAP. III.] Ol' THE LOUD .S f.llM'i:H. 565 unlawful, even in the Lord's supper. C'y])rian .strongly maintains that water alone cannot represent the blood of Christ; and teaclies that wine must be mixed with it fur this purpose '^ Many other interesting notices respecting the administration of the eucharist are found in the Avritings of Cyprian. The ]uactice of dalhi coDiHinnion is incidentally mentioned'^ 1'ho custom of administering the sacraments to infants is recognised, in the history of a child who, after liaving partaken of some idolatrous sacrifices, started back fiom the rece])tion of the sacred elements, and when forced to partake of them, could not retain them'". An instance is recorded in Avhich the sacrament Avas '" Admonitos autem nos scios, ut in calice offercncla Dominica traditio ser- vetur, neqiic aliud fiat a nobis, quam quod pro nobis Doniinus prior fecerit, lit calix, qui in conimemorationem ejus offcrtiir, niixtus vino offeratur. Nam cum dicat Cbristus, l-'go sum vitis vera, sanguis Christi non acpia est utique, sod vinuni. Nee potest vidori sanguis ejus, quo redempti et vivificati sunius, esse in calice, quando vinum desit caliei, quo Christi sanguis ostenditur, qui Sciipturanmi omnium sacramento ac testimonio pra?dicetur JNIiror satis, unde lioc usurpatum sit, ut contra evangelicam et apostolieam diseiplinani (luibufrdani in locis aqua ofieratur in Douiinico'calice, qua? sola Christi san- guincm non j)ossit exprimere. . . . Nam si vinum tantum quis offerat, sanguis Christi incipitesse sine nobis. Si vcro aipia sit sola, plebs incipit esse sine Christo. Quando autem utrunupie miscelur, et adunatione confusa sibi invicera copulatur, tunc sacramentum sjiritale et cocleste pei-ficitur. Sic vero calix Domini non est aqua sola, aut vinum solum, nisi utrumque sibi niisceatur, quomodo nee corpus Domini potest esse farina sola aut aipia sola, nisi utiumquc adunatum fuerit et co- jiidatuni, et j)anis unius compage soli- datum Si quis de antecessoribus nostris, vel iguoranter vel simplieiter, non hoc observavit et tenuit, quod nos Dominus focere exeniplo et magisterio suo docuit, potest siniplicitati ejus de indulgentia Domini venia concedi. No- bis vero non poterit ignosci, qui nunc a Domino admoniti et instructi sumus, ut calicem vino mixtum, secundinn quod Dominus oblulit, oft'eramus, et de hoc quoquo ad eollegas nosti'as literas dirigamus, ut ubique lex evan- gelica et traditio Dominica servetur, et ab eo, (juod Christus docuit et fecit, non recedatur. Cyprian. Ep. (j'i ud Ceecilmm, de Sacrament. Dominici calicis. '• Ilunc autem panem dari nobis quotidie postulamxis, ne qui in Christo sumus et eueharistiam quotidie ad cibum salutis accipimus, intercedente aliipio graviore delicto, dum abstcnti (al. absentes) et non communicantcs a cadesti pane prohibemur, a Christi corpore separemur. Cyimuan. Dc Oral. Domiii. '" In corpore atquo ore violate eu- charistia pennanere non potuit. Sanc- tificatus in Domini sanguine potus de pollutis Visceribus eiupit : tanta est potestas Domini, tanta majestas. Se- creta tenebrarum sub ejus luce detecfa sunt, sacerdotem Dei nee occulta cri- mina fefellerunt. Hoc circa infantem, qua» ad eloqucndum alicnum circa se crimen nccdum habuit a^tatem. Cy- I'HiAK. De I.njisis. ^66 OF CllRiSTIAN \V0I!.SII1P AND IHSCII'LIM;. [bOOK JV, administered by a female enthusiast". We meet with some examples of the practice of sending the eucharist to the absent members of the church; and even of the practice of communi- cants at the Lord's table taking home with them some portion of the sacred elements*". And lastly, from a passage in one of Cyprian's epistles, it is evident that in his time the commmunicants took the elements from the officiating minister with their hands*\ 7. Testimony of the Ajiostolical Constitutions. — This work, the origin and contents of which have been treated of in another place, (book i. chap. 22,) cannot, by any means, be regarded as a production of the first or second century, in its present form ; and is referred, with the greatest probability, to the third, fourth, and fifth centuries. At the same time, it cannot be doubted that it contains fragments of the second century ; and that it is by fiir the oldest liturgical document now extant in the church. The liturgy contained in this work does not ap])ear to have been in actual use in any of the churches, cither of the East or the West; but it is evident that it served as the model of the liturgies of Cyril of Jerusalem, Basil, Chrysostom, Gelasius, Leo the Great, Gregory the Great, and others, which are in substance the same as this, with certain additions and amplifications, omissions and abbreviations, according to the varying circumstances of time and place. This work contains many passages which refer to the adini- '" 111 ;i letter addressed by Fiiiuiliaii to Cyprian, preserved among Cyprian's Epistles {E}u 75), concerning a certain Avoman -who had undertaken to admi- nister the Lord's feupper (mulier, qntc in ecstasi constitiita, in-ophetem so prnoferrct, ct quasi sancto Spiritn pleno plena sic agerct), we read, — At- tpii ilia mulier, qure prius, per pr.t>sti- gias et fallacias Dirmonis, multa ad deceptioncm fidelium moliebatur, inter cetcraquibus plurimos deccpcrat, etiam lioc fre(iuenter ansa est, iit et iuvoca- tionc non coutcmptibili sauctifieare so panem et Eucharisitiain faccre siraula- ret, et sacrificinm Domino non sins Sacramento solitte prtccatiouis oflferret ; baptizaret quoque multos. *" JusTiy. M. De bono Patientia.— CvPRiAN. De Lapsis. '^^ Armcmus et dextram gladio spi- ritali, iit sacrificia funcsta fortiter respuat, ct oucharistiop memor, quai Domini corpus accepit, ipsum complec- tatur, postea a Domino sumtura prx- mium coclestium coronarum, CvruiAX. E]). 58. CHAP. III.] Ol' 'JIIK LOUd's SUIM'EK. 567 nistratioii of the LorcVs supper. Brief descriptions of the agapye and eucharist are found in lib. ii. c. 28, c. 57; lib. iii. c. 10; lil). V. c. 19. In lib. vii. c. 25, and lib. viii. c 12 — 15, wc have coni])lctc furniularies or liturgies for this service [evx^piaria fj,vaTCK7], fxvcTTiKi] Xarpcia). In connexion with these formularies, the followiug particulars are especially worthy of remark'. The aga]i?c are distinguished from the eucharist. The exclusion of catechumens, penitents, and heterodox per- sons is treated as a point of great importance; — as much so as the exclusion of unbelievers. All persons admissible to the table of the Lord are supposed to partake of the sacrament. The sexes were distinguished, and received the consecrated elements separately, for the sake of decency and order. No ex]n-ess regulations are made respecting place ; but it appears to be understood that the sacrament was administered at tlie usual time of divine worship (the morning), and in the ordi- nary place of assembly. There is here no trace of a nightly cele- bration of the ordinance. At the commencement of the service, all persons who were not communicants retired, and the doors were shut and watched. The consecration of the elements was performed by the apxi^^- pev9, cluef-prlest\ but for this title that of eiricrKorros appears to be sometimes used as synonymous. And from this circumstance, if we do not admit the hypothesis of the identity of bishops and ])rcsbytcrs, and of teaching and governing bishops, we must collect that a presbyter was permitted to consecrate, especially in the absence of the bishop. The bread was distributed by the bishop or priest who had consecrated it, and the cup w'as handed by the deacons. (The latter, according to Justin Martyr, distributed both the bread and the wine.) The consecKiting minister offered up a prayer for himself in particular, as well as more general petitions. Mention is made of a splendid vestment for the chief minister ; and of his making the sign of the cross upon his forehead. 'J'he form attendins: the distribution of the sacred elements 5 '58 OF CJiniSTIAN WOT^SHIP and discipline. [bCOX IV. CO isists simply in the ^yol•ds, " the body of Christ, the blood of Christ, the cup of life," to which the communicant responded by a simple " Amen.'"' The brevity of this part of the ceremony is .'trikingly contrasted with the length of the other prayers and forms of which it was composed. Durin» the communion, the thirty-fourth psalm was sung. (In later times, the forty-second, and hundred and thirty-ninth. Mere added.) The three elements, — bread, wine, and water, — are distinctly mentioned ; and the two latter are described as being mixed together in one vessel. It is not said whether the water was warm or cold. The breaking of the bread is particularly named. The remnants were carefully preserved. Two deacons stood at the sides of the table, holding fans, with which they drove away flies from the wine. Respecting the posture of the communicants, it is to be observed that they are directed sometimes to stand, — sometimes to kneel, and with bent heads to receive the blessing, — and some- times to rise up. § 3, — Times of Celekration. Kespectixg the times of administering the Lord's supper, two questions are to be examined ; first, at what hour or part of the day, — and secondly, how often, and on what days in particular, — did it take place? — History, however, does not present us with any uniformity of practice, or any general rules, in these par- ticulars. ]. The time of day. — The institution of this sacrament by our blessed Lord took place in the evening, or at night, (Matt. xxvi. 20; 1 Cor. xi. 23); and it seems that it was celebrated at this time by the apostles on some occasions (Acts xx. 7), but jcrhaps not always (Acts ii. 46; 1 Cor. xvi. 2)-*. -* Traditio .Jiuhconini cstjClirihtum nostranim froutiiim consocniti sunt, media nocte ventunim, in similitu- Undc reor ct traditionem Apostolicam ilincni /Egyptii tcniporis, i^ except on Easter Eve^ nor by nighty except on Chr'utmas Eve. The use of lighted tapers at the eucharist is to be traced to the ancient custom of nocturnal celebration; although in later times it has been regarded as emblematical of spiritual illumi- nation, or rejoicing. (See Canones Aposf. c. 3 ; Hieronymis contra Vigilant, c. 4, 7; Innocent III. De Myster. Miss. lib. ii. c. 21.) The practice of burning ta])ers or candles at the time of ct>lebrating the Lord's supper was discarded by Protestants at the time of the Keformation, as savouring too much of Komish Matt. XXV. 0. — Conf. Lactavt. Instit. i a nobis propter advcntuni regis ac Dei Dix\ lib. vii. c. ID, ITocc est nox, qiux? | nostii pervigilio celebratur. 570 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [nOOK IV. superstition ; — but it might be fully justified as containing a memorial of the time and circumstances of the original institution of the sacrament by our blessed Lord 07i the night before he was betrayed. By the lloman laws, nocturnal assemblies, even for the purpose of religious worship, were forbidden. This was probably the reason of a ]:)ractice introduced among the early Christians of assembling in the morning before day-light, mentioned by Pliny in his celebrated letter to Trajan, and by Tertullian [De Cor. Bid. c. 3). By meeting in the dark, but not at a suspicious or forbidden hour, they preserved all that Mas essential in the jncference which otherwise would have been given to the night or evening, without violating the law. In later times, the moruing was deemed a fit time for the celebration of the Lord's su])per, as bearing an emblematical reference to Christ as the sun of righteousness, the light that came into the world, the day star that arises in a Christian heart. Nine o''clock in the morning soon became the canonical hour for the celebration of this sacrament. Sidonius Apollinaris {Epist. lib. v. Ep. 17) mentions this hour as usual in his time; whence we must conclude that it was introduced as early as the fifth century. The testimony of Gregory of Tours is to the same effect. The third council of Orleans, a.d. .538, (c. 14,) fixes this hour for the commencement of the solemnity on high festivals. In the year 797 we find Theodulph, bishop of Orleans, saying " hora tertia canonice fiunt missa%" i.e., the canonical hour for the celebration of the mass (eiicharist) is nine o''clock. It was finally settled that the sacrament should be celebrated at nine o'clock on Sundays and high festivals ; and at twelve on other days". In Protestant churches, the hour has not been fixed by law; but the holy sacrament is nsually administered as part of the morning service. 2. Daijs and seasons. — In the primitive church, it was an *^ Missa convontiialis ct solcnnis liora tcrtia, in festis siniplicibus et setiuenti online dici debet : — in festis feriis per annum dicta scxta. Missalc dnplicibus et semiduplicibiis, in Domi- Roman. Jiitlir. Gen. c. \a. nicis et infra Octavas dicta in choro CHAP. HI.] 01- TiiK i.oin/s sui"i»j:h. 571 universal custom to administer the Lord's supper on Thursday in ICaster Aveek, as being the day of its institution. A party in the church urged the propriety of celebrating this sacrament on that day alone in the course of the year, with a view probably to jn'eserve respect for the ordinance, and to indicate its superior sanctity. But the sense of the majorit}' of the church Mas against this practice, and frequent communion was considered expedient for the strengthening and refreshing of faith, and in compliance with the command of our Saviour, and the injunction of St. Paul in 1 Cor. xi. 26. Ecclesiastical history exhibits evident traces of the observance of the Lord's day, or the Christian Sabbath, very early in the second century, and of the celebration of the Lord's sujiper regularly on that day. This is probably the "status dies,*" " certain fixed or appointed day, '' of Pliny. Although Tertullian, in treating of the Lord's supper, does not expressly mention this day as appointed for its celebration, yet from other parts of his works the observance of the Lord's day in his time may be abundantly shown. (Sec especially Tertlll. ad Nation, lib. i. c. 13.) The testimony of .lustin JSIartyr {Apoloa. i. c. 67) is important, — "On Sunday," says he, "we all meet together." And the reason of the selection of this day is laid in the circum- stance that on the first day of the week light was created, and our Lord Jesus Christ rose from the dead. Li later times, Sunday continued to be preferred for the administration of the Lord's supper; whence it was called dies panis, — the day of bread. At the Reformation, the celebration of the eucharist on every Lord's day was earnestly recommended, although not ordered by any law or positive enactment. But we must not sujipose that the celebration of this sacra- ment was absolutely restricted to the Lord's day in the ancient church. On the contrary, a daily celebration appears to have been recommended, and to a certain extent practised. It is pro- bably to this that allusion is made in Acts ii. 42, 46. L-enanis says {adv. Hai\ lib. iv. c. 34), " Sic et ideo nos quoque offerro Dominus vult munus ad altare frequenter sine intermissione," — i. c., " Thus also it is the icill of our Lord that we should make our offcriiifj at his altar, frequcnthf, and without iiiterinis:id. c. 3. „..] OF Tin: I.OIM) S Sri'PRU. r,73 regarded as a season of public baptism. — IJut when the observance of viorils had been abolished or altered, and the seasons of public baptism, after the iutroductiou of infant-baptism, had ceased to be observed, a change took place also with respect to the cele- bration of the holy communion, so far as that the evening service M-as transferred to morning, and the forenoon of the then greater festivals became the seasons of preference and distinction. It was afterwards enacted by the canons of councils that the laity should partake of the holy communion three times a year at least, the festivals of the Nativity, Easter, and Whitsuntide, being expressly named. {Concil. Agath. a. n. •'^Ofi, can. 18; Cojk. Turon. III. c. ,50.) From the idea of an opus operatum, and the doctrine that a real sacrifice is offered to God in this sacrament, arose the opinion that the ])erformance of the rite may be available to believers without their actual presence and participation; and hence came the practice of private masses, which were miknown in the early church alike in prlncijde and in performance. Protestant divines reconuncnd a monthly, or, if possible, weekly, administration of the holy conununion'-'. ^■■* Calviu thought it right that the cucharist " sa>i)issiine et singulis ad minimum licbdomadilnis proponeretur ecclesi.T." Inslit. Rel. Chr. lib. iv. c. 17, § 4;J. — Abrogataigiturcommentitia ilia immolatione, communionem rcsti- tuimus, qu;c maxima in parte obsolu- erat. Modo enim semel cpiotannis acccderent homines ad mcnsam Do- mini, toto anni cursu satis putabant esse, si spectarent, (piod a sacerdote agebatur : caMuu ipiidem Dominica^ prtetextu, sed ita ut nullum illic coeua; vestigium exstaret. Qua) euim sunt Domini verba ? Accii)ite, inquit, et distribuite inter vos. In missa vero, pro recoptioue, oblationis simulatio ; ilistributio nulla, ac ne invitatio cpii- dom : sacerdos enim, quasi resectum a reliquo coi-pore membrum, soli sibi parat, et solus sumit. Calv, De Xeces- s'ltdte IteJ'orm. Eccl. — Sinqiilis mensibus cccnam celebrare ma.vime nobis placerct : modo ne usus frequentiornegligentiam pariat. Nam dum major pars a cona- mimione abstiuet, quodammodo dissi- patur ecclesia. ^Malimus tameu singulis mensibus invitari ecclesiam, quam (piater duntaxat in singulos annos, ut apud nos fieri solet. Quum hue pri- mum venirem, non distribucbatur nisi tor quotannis: et quidem ut inter cccnam Pentecostes et Natalis Christi septem toti menses iutercederent. Mill placebaut singuli menses: sed quum minimc persuaderem, satius visum est populi infirmitati ignoscere, quam per- tinaeius contendere. Curavi tamen reterri in acta publica, vitiosum esse morem nostrum, ut posteris faeilior esset et liberior correctio. Calv. Re^- pons, de Quibusdain Eccl. Itil. , 574 OF cnmsTiAN worship and DiSCiPLixr:. [rook iv. § 4. — Placr or Cklebration. This sacrament was instituted by our Lord himself in a private house, in which he celebrated the passover with his disciples. — And the places of Christian assembly of which we read in the Acts of the Apostles as the scene of " breaking of bread," were also the private houses of the believers. (Acts ii. 46; xx. 7, 8.) But in 1 Cor. xi. 10, 22, we find that a place had been set apart for the celebration of public worship and administration of the Lord's supper among the Corinthians, and that, being appro- priated to its sacred purpose, it was distinguished from private " houses to eat and drink in."" In times of persecution the Lord's supper was adminis- tered in retired places, in caves and the like ; but this was done as a matter of necessity, not upon any other principle. (Ersn:n. Hist. EccL lib. vli. c, 22; Cypriax. E2). 4.) And, at other times, the consecrated elements were sent by the hands of deacons to sick persons, who were unable to attend the public administration of the sacrament. But the rule which was observed from the beginning, as far as possible, was, that the wjiole administration of this ordinance, including the consecra- tion and distribution of the sacred elements, should be performed in the place of public assembly, or the church. It appears probable, although it cannot be established as a matter beyond doubt, that, in early times, several churches of a district, or all the churches in a diocese, possessed but one common table or altar, where the bishop consecrated the elements, which were sent to the several officiating ministers in other places for distribution. The custom, of covering the communion-table with a white linen cloth, at the time of the administration of the Lord's su))])er, is very ancient. The earliest writer who expressly mentions this practice is Optatus*", {De Schismat. Donat. lib. vi. ** Quis fidelium uescit, in peragendis tratur ct tcn-a. Si a vobis lignum mysteriis ipsa ligna liutcaniine coope- raditur, ct terra, cpia? subtcr est, fodi- ]in '. Inter ipsa sacranienta vela- atur, altani fucite scrobcm, dnni pro men potuit tangi, non lignum. Aut si I vestro arlntrio qua^ritis puritatom. . . tactu peuetrari possunt ligna, i)ene- . . N«n vereor C'liristianus dicere, cTiAP. irr.] 01' THE i.oi^d'.s suppkr. 575 c. 1, $('q.) AV"e find allusions to this covei-ing also in VifTon. De Persec. Vandal, lib. i.; I^sroon. Pki.us. lib. i. Ep. 123; Pallad. Hist. Laus. Theod. i. 31. § 5. — Ministers of the Lord's Supper. The New Testament does not contain any rule or order concern- ing the persons by whom the sacrament of the Lord's supper may be administered. Our Saviour himself administered it at the time of its institution; and it appears probable, from the sacred history, that the apostles afterwards officiated in the same man- ner. (Acts XX. 7 — 11 ; ii. ^2, l^G; 1 Cor. x. 14, seqq. ; xi. 23, seqq.) The earliest documents of the second and third century make mention of the bishop or presiding minister as the administrator of the eucharist. According to Justin Martyr {Apoloa. i. c. Go), tlie president (o TrpoecrTO)^ tmv dSeX(ficbv) pronounced the form of thanksgiving and praise over the elements, or, as we should say, consecrated them, and the deacons distributed them among the communicants who were present, and conveyed them to those who were absent. Ignatius {Ep. ad S)jn/ni.) speaks of the presence of a bishop as essential to the administration of the sacrament. In the Apostolical Constitutions (lib. viii. c. 13), the administrator is called sometimes apy^cepev';, chief priest, and sometimes iiriaKOTTos, bishop, and he is directed to stand before the altar, ^vith the presbyters and deacons, and consecrate the bread and wine. The same is required in Cvrill. Hierosol. Catech. Mystag. cat. 5 ; Pseudo-Dionys. Areop. De Hier. Ecr', c. 3. It was long observed as a rule, that a presbyter should not consecrate the elements in presence of the bishop; and that, if several bishops were present, cither the oldest among them, or quod vobls postulantibus gentilis exe- cutio lion potuit ignorare: velamiiia ot instruinenta Dominica extorsistis, qiuu jamdudum fiierant in commune pos- purificaie pioperastis ; lavistis piocnl dubio pallas; indicate quid de codi- cibus feceristis; in omnibus judicium piovidentiiu vestioo debet esse equale. scssa: cxtoisi«tis cum codicibus pallas : Opt at. Milevit. De Schism. Donat. judicio supi ibia' vestioe utraquc aibi- lib, vi. c. 1, 5. trati estis essepoUuta. Nisi tailor, lia^c I i7(i OF CHRISTIAN AVOTISIIIP AND PI.SCIl'LINF. [I'.OOK IV, one specially elected for the purpose, should perforin the sacred office. During the seventh and eighth centuries, the bishops ordina- rily presided on these occasions. But in the middle ages we find them more rarely present. Their presence at the administration of the sacrament became less frequent, partly perhaps in conse- quence of the continually increasing extent of their dioceses and amount of their duties, and partly on account of the prevailing opinion, that the superior dignity of their rank and office did not accord with the performance of common offices of religion, — an opinion which stands in striking contrast with the holy zeal and constancy with which bishops of earlier and better times per- formed their sacred duties at the Lord's table. At last, it becam? the practice for bishops to administer the Lord's supper only at the high festivals, or on other particular occasions. The general rule respecting the consecration and distribution of the sacred elements which obtained in the early centuries, may be described as follows: — The bishop consecrated, the presbyter administered the bread, and the deacons the wine; or, if a bishop were not present, a presbyter, acting as his representative, conse- crated, and the deacons administered both elements. We find that during the fourth century deacons sometimes took upon themselves the Avork of consecration, as well as that of distribu- tion; but this practice was regarded as wholly inconsistent with their office, and was expressly forbidden by several councils. {Coiic. Arelat. a.d. 314, c. 15; Cone. Nic. a.d. 32.5, c. 18, IIiERONVM. Z)/a/oy. contr. Luc//.; Ejiist. 85; Augustin, Qucest. V. et N. T. c. 46.) As early as the second and third centuries, we find examples of a special preparation for the administration of the Lord's supper on the ]>art of those who were about to officiate. It wa? afterwards established as a rule by the canons of councils, that administration should be preceded by confession, and by privati prayer. Fasting also was enjoined as preparatory to both the administration and the reception of the holy communion. The use of tobacco, in the form of snuff, or in smoking, has been likewise forbidden by several councils of modern date. {Co/ir. Cihn. A.n. 1G51, p. 2, c. 5; Statut. ^nnoJ. Tretireus. a.i>. 167vS, CHAP. III.] or THE LOUl/s SUPPEn. 577 § ii. c. 6, 7.) It was an ancient practice for tlie clergy to wash their hands before they proceeded to administration. (Cyrii.l. HiERos. Cateck. Mi/stacf.x. § 2; Const. Apost. lib. viii. c. 11.) Many testimonies are collected in Duraxti De Hit. EccL Cath. lib. ii. e. 28. § 6. — Of thr Commijxicants. Respecting the communicants we must consider — 1. The persons who were admitted to partake of the Lord's supper. 2. Their preparation for the solemn ordinance. 3. The part which they took in it, or their acts and conduct during the administration of the sacrament. 1. Persons admitted to the holy communion. ^-The Apostolical Constitutions, in several places, but especiailly in book vii. chaj). ]], 12, mention the persons who were allowed to be present at the celebration of the eucliarist. We learn that after the doors of the church were carefully shut and watched, the deacon made a proclamation describing the classes of persons who were not suffered to remain as communicants. These were, — 1 . The KaTTjxovfiivoi, catechumens, (i.e., the first class of them.) 2. The^ uKpocofiii'ot, hearers, (the second class.) 3. The dTTLo-Toi, unbelievers, (Jews and heathens.) 4. The eTepo- Bo^oi, either reputed heretics or false teachers, sej^jaratists, or penitents. The ])cnitents and energumens are not expressly mentioned in this catalogue ; but we know from other authorities that these persons were not admitted to the Lord's table ; at which, in fact, none but the Trtaroj, (fiefivrifjievoi, reXecot, fideles,) the faithful, or ])crsons in full communion with the church, were received. At first, all the faithful, without exception, paitook of this sacred ordinance. There are no traces of a selection of commu- nicants either in the New Testament, in Justin jNIartyr, Irenajus, or any other very early writer. All persons present at the conse- 578 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [uoOK IV. cration of the eucharist communicated; and, according to Justin, the sacred elements were sent, by the hands of the deacons, even to the sick and other absent members of the church. In the writings of Ambrose we find it stated as a rule, " Omnes Christian! omni Dominica debent offerre," i.e., All Christians ought to celebrate the Lord's supper every Lord's day. In the Apostolical Canons (can. 10) mention is made of certain among the TTLCTTol -who came to church without communicating, and who are on this account threatened with excommunication as introducing disorder into the church^^ This was repeated by the Council of Antioch, (c. 2.) But, during the fourth and fifth centuries, it became a general practice for members of the church to withdraw at the beginning of the celebration of the eucharist, at which, according to the rules of the church, they had a right, and were even required, to be present. This practice was strongly condemned by the clergy. (Chrysost. Horn. 3. in Ep. ad Ephes.; C.«sarius Arelat. Sertn. 5.) In the sixth century, the faithful who did not communicate retired from the assembly before the celebration of the Lord's supper began ; but not without receiving the blessing of the officiating minister. (Cone. Agath. a. d. 506, can. 44 ; Cone. Aurelian. I. a. d. 511, can. 28.) A kind of sanction was thus given to the practice of not communicating; and a foundation was laid of the division of the fideles into two classes — communicantes and non-communicantes; of which the church knew nothing in earlier and better times. To this also may be traced the introduction of the eulogia, a sort of consecrated bread, received by those who either could not, or would not, be present at the eucharist, and supposed to supply its place. The Council of Nante, about a.d. 890, enacted that the presbyters should keep some portions of the oblations in a proper vessel, in order that, after the encharistal service was ended, those persons who were not prepared to comnumicate, might, on every Lord's day and '^^ Uavras roiis daiovTus ttkjtovs fts j X)y\//'f<, us "iv aru^iav ( fiTroiovvras ry Ti]v dyiav tov Qfov (KKXtjaiav, Koi tSjv fKKXrjaia, d(Popi^ta6ai xpi']. Canones Upcov ypacpCyv aKovoiTas, }JlT) ■trapap.ivov- I ApostoL can. 7. — Conf, Cone, Antioch. Tas df rj) npoa-fvxfj koi tj) uyia fxtra- , c. 2. CHAP. III.] OF THE I.ORu's iSLPl'EK. 579 festival, receive some of this eiilogia, previously blessed with a proper benediction. To this custom it is easy to refer the origin of private masses, and of communion in one kind. According to the original laws and customs of the church, the communicants consisted of all persons who had been admitted as members of the church Ijy baptism. " No man,"" says Justin Martyr, '• has a right to partake of the cucharist, except he who believes our doctrine, who has received baptism of the forgiveness of sins and of regeneration, and who lives in obedience to the commandments of Christ." In this case, however, adult-baptism was supposed, l^ut inftint-baptism came into use as early as the second and third centuries, as appears from the testimonies of Tertullian and Cyprian, the former of whom inveighs against the practice {De Baptism, c. 18), while the latter defends it. {Episf. 64:.) And, on the ground that want of age formed no impediment to the efficacy of the sacraments, the Lord's supper was admi- nistered to infants previously baptized. (Cypuian. De Lapsis ; Constit. Apost. lib. viii. c. 12, lo; Dionys. Arkop. De Hierarch. Eccl. c. 7, § 11.) In the fifth century, we find Augustin not only speaking of this practice as common and well known, but strongly recommending it. (Epist. 28, 106, ad Bonif.; Epist. contra dnas Epist. Pelaa. lib. i. c. 22; Herm. 8, De Verb. Apost.; De Peccat. Merit., lib. i. c. 20.) The practice continued in the church during several centuries. The Council of Trent decreed that the reception of the eucharist by infants is not necessary to salvation, adding, that it " did not intend hereby to condemn antiquity for observ- ing this custom in some places. For as those holy fathers had a probable reason, considering the state of the times they lived in, for their practice, so it is certainly and without all controversy to be believed, that they did not do it upon any opinion of its being necessary to salvation."'' The reception of the Lord's supper was, however, evidently regarded as necessary to salvation, in the case of infants ; as a])pcars from the express language of Augustin, in a passage above referred to, and from the mode in which the practicewas observed. (See Bingham, Antiq. book xv. chap, 4, § 7.) Jji the Greek church, the administration of this sacrament, as ■1 y '1 .580 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [rOOK IV. well as of confirmation, to infants immediately after baptism, is still scrupulously practised. " L'Eglise orthodoxe administre les sacramens aux enfans a la mamelle, desirant les sanctifier des le berceau. Celle d'oceident n'accorde la communion qu\i un age plus avance. II y a plus de foi dans le premier de ces usages ; dans Tautre il y a plus de raisonnement." Alex. Stourdza, Con- sicUrat. sur la Doctrine et V Esprit de rEc/lise Orthodoxe, 1816. A custom of administering the eucharist to the dead was introduced at an early period into the African churches, and some others. It was deservedly censured both by fathers and councils. (Chrysostom. Horn. 40, in 1 Cor.; Cone. Carth. .3, can. 6; Cod. African, can. 18; Cone. Antlssidor. can. 12; Cone. Trull, can. So.) Another corrupt practice, of the same order, also prevailed to a considerable extent, namely, that of burying the consecrated elements with the dead, especially the clergy; a practice, equally with the other, without precedent in the primitive church, and prohibited by ecclesiastical laws. The consecrated elements were sent from the church to absent members, especially the sick and those in prison, by the hands of the deacons. {Cone. Nic. c. 13; Agatli. c. 15; Tolet. ii. c. 11; Cartlixig. iv. c. 76, 77; Araus. i. c. 3.) But it was rarely, and as an exception to the general rule, that consecration took place in a private house. (Cyprian. JEp. 5; Grf.gor. Naz. Orat. If), § 11; Pitilost. Hist. Eccl. lib. ii. c. 8.) 2. Preparation of the Communicants. — No special preparation was required by the early church for the first communion which followed immediately after baptism; the course of instruction and discipline which the candidate for baptism had undergone being considered a sufficient introduction to both sacraments at once. But, for every subsequent participation, especially at the high festivals, the communicants were required to prepare them- selves by self-examination and private prayer for the forgiveness of sins, — by obtaining absolution, or the removal ftf all ecclesi- astical censures and penalties, — and by fasting and watching. These regulations may be referred, for the most part, to the fourth century; but fasting is mentioned by TertuHian. CHAP. HI.] 01' THE LORd''s SUPPER. 581 Veils (usually ^vllite), called Dominicalia, were worn by women at the time of receiving the eucharist. {Gone. Antissidor. A.D. 578, c. 36, 42.) And mention is made by Augustin (or rather Csesar. Arelat.) of the practice of previously washing the hands as conunon to both male and female conununicants {Serm. 1.5i>, al 229, de Temp.) The fathers frequently insist upon sanctity and ])urity of .soul as the one great, and only true, preparation for the worthy receiving of the Lord's supper. " 1 observe many," says Chry- sostom, " who arc partakers of the Lord's body inconsiderately, and at all adventures, more out of custom, tlui n b any rule, or reason and understanding. If the holy season of Lent comes, or the day of Christ's Epiphany, or Nativity, then they partake of the holy mysteries, whatever their condition may be. But Epi- phany is not the time of approaching; neither does Lent make men worthy to come; but the sincerity and purity of their souls. With this come at all times; without it come never. Consider those who were partakers of the sacrifices muler the old law; M'hat abstinence did they not use, — what did they not do and perform, — to purify themselves in every respect ? And dost thou, when thou comest to the sacrifice at which even angels are amazed and tremble, measure the business by the revolutions and periods of certain times and seasons i How wilt thou stand before the tribunal of Christ, who darest to touch his body with polluted hands and lips ? Thou wouldst not presume to kiss the king with impure breath; and dost thou kiss the King of Heaven with an impure and noisome soul ? That is the highest affront which can really be offered to Him. Tell me, wouldst thou choose to come to the sacrifice with unwashen hands ? I suppose not; — I suppose thou wouldst rather not come at all than with unclean hands. Since, therefore, thou art so scrupu- lous and religious in a small matter, how darest thou to come and touch the sacrifice with a polluted soul 1 And yet thy hands only hold it for a time, but it is wholly dissolved into thy snil. At other times ye come not to it, though ye be clean; but at Easter ye come, although ye be defiled with sin. Oh custom ! oh prejudice !" (Chrysost. Horn. 3, in Ej>/ies.)— The particular duties more especially required in order to a worthy participation o82 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLI.NK. BOOK IV. are described by the same pious and eloquent father, in various homilies, as the following: — faith, repentance and obedience, integrity and justice, peace and unity, charity and beneficence, forgiveness of injuries, and a devout and reverent behaviour at the Lord's table. Many of the exhortations of Chrysostom relating to the true preparation for a worthy partaking in the Lord's supper, and corresponding conduct afterwards, are admirable at once for piety of sentiment, and for energy of thought and expression. In Chrysostom's time, many erroneous notions with regard to the real nature of the eucharist had become prevalent; nor was that eminent bishop himself exempt from mistaken impres- sions on the subject. We live in a time and country in which Christianity is far better understood, and is received with a much smaller admixture of error and superstition, than it was at Constantinople in the fourth century; but it will be well for every individual member of the church, at this more enlightened period, if his heart and practice respond to such appeals as the following, which were addressed to Christians of those earlier days. It were surely far better to live under the influence of a sincere and humble piety, such as is here recommended, even though mingled with all the superstitions and ecclesiastical follies of the fourth century, than to be in possession of better knowledge, and to have a clearer and more correct perception of gospel truth, but yet, at the same time, to be strangers to the humility, devotion, and godly love, which belonged to many of those half-informed Christians, whose crude notions and low views we cannot but lament. "Let us now become eagles,"'' says Chrysostom'^", "and fly up to the Lord in heaven ; let us have nothing to do with the earth, but look upward to the Sun of Righteousness. Let us not receive him with ])olluted hands, but come to him with reverence and all imaginable purity; saying, By this body I am no longer earth and ashes; I am no longer a captive, but free: for this I liope to receive heaven and all the good things therein, immortal life, the condition of angels, the society of Christ. Cleanse, therefore, and wash thy soul; prepare thy mind for the reception '^^ These extracts are from Hinirliam. CHAP, rii.J OP TiiK lord's suppkh. 583 of these mysteries. If the son of a king in all his splendid robes, Ills purple and his diadem, were put into thy hands to carry, thou \AOuklst contemn all inferior things. But now thou receivest not the son of a mortal king, but the only-begotten Son of God; and art thou not afraid still to retain the love of worldly things? Why is not this ornament alone sufficient for thee, but that thou must yet look to the earth, and be in love with riches ? Knowest thou not that thy Lord is averse from all the pomp and magnifi- cence of this life ? AVas he not therefore born of a poor mother, and at his birth laid in a manger? And did he not make this ;inswer to the man who sought to make a gain of his service: ' The Son of Man hath not where to lay his head V Let u?, therefore, imitate him. Overlooking the beauty of pillars and marbles, let us seek for mansions in heaven above; and trampling upon all worldly pride and the love of riches, let us take to our- selves lofty souls, and mind the things that are above." (Honi. 24 in Ep, ad Cor.) Again, — " When you come to the holy table and sacred mysteries, do it with fear and reverence, with a ]iure conscience, with fasting and prayer. Consider what a sacrifice you partake of, what a table you approach unto. Con- sider that thou, who art but dust and ashes, receivest the body and blood of Christ. God calls thee to his own table, and sets before thee his Son: where the angelic powers stand about with i'ear and trembling, and the cherubim cover their faces, and the seraphim cry with reverence, Holy, Holy, Holy Lord of Hosts ! Let us therefore come with the greatest reverence also, and give thanks, and fall down and confess our sins, and with tears bewail our oftences, and ofter up fervent prayers to God. And so, puri- fying ourselves in quietness and decent order, let us come as to a heavenly king; and, receiving the holy and immaculate sacri- fice, let us kiss and embrace it with our mouths and eyes, and therewith warm our souls; that we come not together to judg- ment and condemnation, but to create in us sobriety of mind, charity, and virtue, to reconcile ourselves to God, and to obtain a lasting peace, together with whatever other blessings arise thence; that we may both sanctify ourselves and edify our neighbours." (Horn. 31, de Nativ. Christi.) — "Thou fastest before thou dost communicate, that thou mayest appear worthy; )81 01' CIIHISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [uOOK IV. and (lost thou destroy all after communicating, when thou oughtest to he more temperate 1 I do not enjoin thee to fast, but to abstain from luxury, and all the evil effects of it, immode- rate laughter, disorderly words, pernicious jesting, foolish and vain discourse, and whatever a Christian ought not to speak, who has been entertained at Christ's table, and touched his flesh with his tongue*": whoever thou art, therefore, purify thy hands, thy lips, and thy tongue, which have been the gates at which Christ entered into thee." {Horn. 27 in Ep. ad Cor.) — " When thou sittest down to a common table, remember that spiritual table, and call to mind that supper of the Lord. Consider what words thy mouth hath spoken, words worthy of such a table, what things thv mouth hath touched and tasted, what meat it has fed upon. Dost thou think it no harm with that mouth to speak evil of and revile thy brother! How canst thou call him brother? If he is not thy brother, how couldst thou say ' Our Father V — for that implies more persons than one. Consider with whom thou stoodest in the time of the holy mysteries ; with cherubim and seraphim. But the cherubim use no reviling. Their mouth is filled with one office, glorifying and praising God. How then canst thou say with them. Holy, Holy, Holy, who usest thy mouth to reviling ? Tell me, if there were a royal vessel, always filled with royal dainties, and set apart only for this use, and one of the servants should use it for mean purposes, would he after- wards dare to place it, filled with that which is vile and refuse, among the other vessels appointed for royal use ? No, certainly. Yet this is the very case of railing and reviling. You say at the holy table, ' Our Father," and then immediately add, ' which art in heaven.' This word raises you up, and gives wings to your '■^^ It is easy to yead these words as a mere liyperbole, or some rhetorical figure. But the phraseology is incor- rect, to say tlie least. It may tend to destroy, in the minds of some men, a really religious veneration of sacred things. In fact, to the ears of a Pro- testant churchman, who has been in- structed in Scriptural trutii, and re- called, hy divine mercy, to the con- templation of the earliest Christian antiquity, it seems little less than pro- fane. Let us take care, however, that, while our views of the Lord's supper are more in accordance with bcrij)ture and reason than those which prevailed in the fourth century, our reverent and faithful regard of llim whom we remember in that ordinance, be likewise, if possible, proportionably greater. CHAP. III. J or THE lord's SUPPER. 585 soul, and shows that you have a Father in heaven. Therefore do nothing, speak nothing, of earthly things. He hath placed you in the order of spirits above, and appointed you a station in that choir. Why then do you draw yourself downward? You stand by the ro} al throne, and do you revile your brother I How are you not afraid lest the king should take it as an affront ottered to himself? If a servant beats or reviles another in our presence, Mho are but his fellow-servants, though he does it justly, we rebuke him for it. And dare you stand before the royal throne, and revile your brother? See you not these holy vessels? Are they not always appropriated to one peculiar use? Dares any one put them to any other ? But 30U are more holy than these vessels, yea, much more holy. Why then do you pollute and defile yourself? You stand in heaven, and do you still use railing? You converse with angels, and do "vou vet revile? You arc admitted to the Lord's holy kiss, and do you yet revile ? God hath honoured and adorned your mouth so many ways, by angelical hymns, by food, not angelical, but super-angelical, by his own kisses, and by his own embraces, and do you after all these revile i Do not, I beseech you. Let that which is the cause of so many^evils be far from the soul of a Christian." (Horn. 14 hi Ep. ad Ej)/tes.) — " Be grateful to thy benefactor by an excellent conversation ; consider the greatness of the sacrifice, and let that engage thee to adorn every member of thy body. Consider what thou takest in thy hand, and never after endure to strike any man; do not disgrace that hand by the sin of fighting and quarrelling, which has been honoured with the reception of so great a gift. Consider what thou takest in thy hand, and keep thy hand free from all robbery and injustice. Think again, how thou not only receivest it in thy hand, but ]nittest it to thy mouth ; and keep thy tongue pure from all filthy and contumelious speech, from blasphemy and perjury, and all words of the like nature. For it is a most pernicious thing that the tongue, which ministers in such tremendous mysteries, and is dyed with the purple of such ])recious blood, and made a golden sword, should be put to the vile practice of railing and reviling, and scurrilous and abusive language. Regard with veneration the honour wherewith God has honoured it; and do 586 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [bOOK IV. not debase it to such mean offices of sin. Consider again, that, after thy hand and thy tongue, thy heart receives that tremen- dous mystery : — then never devise any fraud or deceit against thy neighbour, but keejD thy mind pure from all malicious designs. And after the same manner guard thy eyes and thy ears." {Horn. 21 ad Pop. Antioch.) S. Acts and conduct of the Communicants. — The conduct of the communicants in partaking of the holy eucharist was subject to certain fixed rules. They were required to bring certain oblations [Trpoacfjopal) or presents {Biopa) of bread and wine. These were sometimes presented by persons who did not communicate. The bread and wine were enveloped in a white linen cloth, called Fago ; the wine being contained in a vessel called Ama or Amula. After the deacon had said, " Let us pray," the communicants carried their offerings towards the altar, which were usually taken by a deacon, and, having been delivered or presented to the bishop, were laid upon the altar, or upon a separate table provided for their reception (Constit. Apost. viii. 12). This custom of offering oblations ceased generally during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. The communicants stood during the administration of the sacrament {Constit. Apost. viii. 12; ii. 57; conf. AvGvs-v\y. de Serm. l)om. in Monte, lib. ii. c. 5), with their faces towards the east (Basil. M. de Spiritu Sancto, c. 27). The clergy (according to their different degrees) communi- cated first ; then the men, and lastly the women (Constit. Apost. viii. 18). They advanced to the table two by two. After the middle of the fourth century, lay communicants were for the most part forbidden to approach close to the table, or to go within the rails {Cone Laodic. c. 19), a right which was retained as the exclusive privilege of the clergy. The right of the laity, however, in this respect, appears to have been pre- served in some places. The elements were received by the communicants sometimes standing', sometimes kneeling, but never sitting. They took the CHAP. HI.] 01- TilK lord's SUPPRR. B8f bread and the cup in their hands. The women used a part of the dominical as a napkin, but the men received with the bare hand (previously washed). After the officiating minister had pro- nounced the words of distribution, they said Amen, in testimony that they believed themselves to be partakers of the body and blood of Christ. (Pseudo-Ambros. de Sacrafn. lib. iv. c. 5 ; AuGUSTiN. contr. Faust, lib. xii. c. 10; Serm. de Verb. Apost. c. 29 ; EusEB. H. E. vii. 9 ; conf. vi. 43.) After the ninth cen- tury, the bread was not' delivered into the hands of the commu- nicants, but placed in their mouths, in order to prevent the abuse of carrying the sacred element home, Oonmiunicants were required to be careful not to waste the least crumb of the consecrated bread, or a drop of the wine. (Cyril. Hierosol. Catecli. Miistagocj. -5, § 21, 22; Basil. M. Ep. 279; Chrysost. ad Popid. Antiocli. Horn. 21; Augustix. contra lit. Petil. lib. ii. c. 2.3; Serm. de Temp. 2.52; Concil. Tolet. i.[c. 14.) At the close of the communion, the people knelt down, and received the priest's blessing. {Const. Apost. viii. c. 14, 15.) After the blessing, the assembly was dismissed with the words, " Depart in peace." The practice of the people's kneeling during the consecration and distribution of the sacred elements was introduced during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, but did not become general until a still later period. (Basnage, L'Histoire de VEglise, lib. xvii. c. 1.; CoTTA Supplem. ad Jo. Gerhard Loc. T/tcol. t. 10.) 1^ 7. — Of the Elements. 1. Of the Bread. \. Quality of the bread. — A great dispute has existed between the Greek and Latin churches respecting the kind of bread which ought to be used in the eucharist ; the former contending for the propriety of using leavened, the latter urging the necessity of employing unleavened, bread for the purpose. Protestant writers have taken part with the Greek church in this contiover,s\ . It is foreign to the purpose of this work to enumerate the arguments 588 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [boOK IV. Avliicli have been advanced by both parties in support of their respective opinions and practice ; but the following historical facts must not be omitted. i. Early Christian writers make no mention of the use of unleavened bread in this sacrament. ii. The bread was consecrated from the oblations brou;:jht by the people, and the unconsecrated remainder was used in the agaj)te, or appropriated to the support of the poor or the ministers of the church. This circumstance has been advanced, not without reason, in Aivour of the use of common bread. iii. A passage in which Epiphanius describes the practice of the Ebionites, and an expression in a treatise, De Sacramenth^ attributed to Ambrose, appear to favour the opinion that leavened bread was in general use at the time when those authors wrote^''. iv. Until the middle of the eleventh century, no controversy existed respecting the use of leavened or unleavened bread. V. A difference of practice had, indeed, previously obtained. Platina (who wrote in the fifteenth century) ascribes the intro- duction of unleavened bread to Alexander I., a Iloman bishop of the second century. This testimonv is of little weidit. But it is certain that from the seventh century unleavened bread was used at Home, and leavened at Constantinople. Photius, how- ever, a Greek controversialist of the tenth century, who made many complaints against the Latin church in other particulars, did not reckon this practice among his grounds of accusation ; which is a proof that the use of leavened or unleavened bread in the eucharist was, at that period, rightly regarded as a thing indifferent. vi. Michael Cerularius, patriarch of Constantinople, originated this controversy {aprofiaj^ia)^ in the year 10o3. vii. The Latin church has frequently asserted men's liberty in this particular ; while the Greek church has positively condemned the use of unleavened bread. viii. Protestants regard the use of leavened or unleavened ^^ MuoTijpia he brfOtv reXov(Ti Kara filuTjaiv Twf ayicov tv rfi (KKXrjaia ano tviaVToi (Is iviavTov, bin A^v/jlcdv, kgi Til ('I'XXo flfpOS TOV llVtTTTJpioV 8l vbllTOS fjiovov. EriruAN. Ilceres, xxx. §.]G. — Tu forte dicis. Mens panis est usitatus ; sed panis iste panis est ante verba sa- cranientonim ; iibi accesserit conse- cratio, de pane fit caro Ciiristi. (Am- I'lios.) de Sacramcntiy, lib. iv, c. 4. CIT.VP. III.] OF THE LORD S SUPPER. 589 bread as indifferent. For the most part, they discontinued the use of unleavened bread at the lleformation ; but the Lutherans retain it''. 2. Form of the Bread. — The eucharistic bread in the church of Rome (called, after consecration, ho.stia, the host) consists of cakes of meal and water, small, round, and thin, in the shape of wafers. (Panes cucharistici, or sacramentales ; panes orbiculares, or rotundi ; panes tesselati ; panes reticulati ; placentre, ]>lacentae orbiculares, placentce missales; nebula, or spuma, panis; crus- tnla farracea; corona?, or rotimdne ; panes numularii ; denaria sacramentorum.) This shape appears to have been brought into general use soon after the rise of the controversy with the Greek church in T().")o. At the Reformation, the use of these thin cakes was discarded by most of the Reformed, but retained by the Lutheran, churches. *' Panis sit fennentatiis, an azy- inus; vinum i-ul>runi, an album, nihil refert. — Fcrmontatum et vulgarem pant>m fuisse ante tempiis Alexandri I{oni:uii Episcopi, narrant liistoria? ; rpii primus azymo pane delcctatus est ; qua idralione, non video, nisi ut plcbis oculos novo siiectaculo in adniirationem tralieret magis, quam ut auimos proba rcligione institueret. Omnes objure, (jui vel levi aliquo pietatis studio tan- guiitur, annon evidenter per.*piciant, ot quanto pricclarius Dei gloria hie resplendeat, et (juanto afilucntiov spi- ritualis consolatiouis suavitas ad fideles transeat, quam in i^-tis frigidis ct his- trionicis nugis, qua? nullum alium usum afferunt, nisi ut stupentis populi sinsum fallunt. Calvin. Inst. Chr. liel. lib. iv. c. 17, ^ 43. — Panis azymus ne sit an fermontatus, non niagnopere pntamus laborandum. Beza. £p, 12, «(/ Anglic. Eccl. Patres. — Odiosa exci- tata est contentio super materia cccnic dominica?, contendentibus his, pane azjnno, aliis vero fermentato esse uten- dura. Atqui apud veteres quondam de Ills nulla) niovebantur rixa^. Nam eeclositiG pi-o libeitate sua iitebantuv utroque. Videtur quidem Dominus in prima ilia ca>na usus esse pane azymo, in mensa ex voteri more cele- brandi Paschatis relicto, unde Jion pauese ecclesiac infermentato pane usa? sunt, qua) tamen fermentato pane utentes, non damnabant lirereseos. BuLLiNGER,^/}. Gfr/j«rc/. jLoc. Theol. x. — Fermentati a^que ac azymi panis in Eucliaristia liber usus est, dum niodo ne alteruter ceu neccssarius et nullo casu mutabilis pra>scribatur. Uterque analogiam quandum fuudit : ille nutri- tionis pleuioris ; liic sinccritatis ot sanctitatis, ad quam Eucliaristia obli- gat, majoris. Nostrre ecclesia) usum azymi a Zuinglio, cxtemoiiim ejus- modi plane incurioso et interiornm atquc spiritnalium tenacissimo, reten- tum, ceu fraction! et distribution! op- portunioreni, ut mutarent, hactenus induci non potuerunt, novandi peri- culum raetuentes. FlEiDEGCEn. Corp. Theol. Christ. Loc. xxv. § 78. 090 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCII'LINE. [bOOU IV. II. Of the Wine. 1. Colour of the icine. — It is probable that the wine used by our Saviour at the institution of the eucharist was of a red or dark colour. (See Bochart. Hieroz. p. 1, lib. ii. c. 12; Buxtorf. Dissert, de Coena Domini Thes. 20; Byn^i. J)^ morteJesu Christi, lib. i. c. 8, § ol.) In the churches both of the East and the West the colour of the wine has been treated as indifferent. A prefer- ence has been usually given to red, on account of its greater resemblance to that which it represents ; but white wine has been sometimes preferred, on account of its greater clearness and apparent purity. The use of white wine prevails in the Greek church, and in some Protestant churches on the continent. 2. On the mixture of icater with tcine. — It was the universal practice of the early church to mingle water with the sacramental wine. This mixture was called Kpafxa (mixtum, temperatum) ; which we find first in the writings of Justin Martyr and Irenseus; and frequently in authors of later date. A\ e find also Kpiicns ; which, however, denotes properly the act of mixing. Cy])riau and Augustin sj^eak of this mixing of water with the wine as an express precept of Christ (Cyprian. £^>. G3 ad Cccciliinn de Sacra- mento Dominici Calicis; Augustin. De Doctr. Christ, lib. iv. 21). Many early writers, both Greek and Latin, and various councils, appeal to the institution itself as a sufficient warrant for the practice (See, for example, Iri^n-kus ade. Hwres. lib. iv. c. 57; Cone. Carthag. 3. a. d. 397, c. 24). Numerous testimonies on this head have been collected by Bellarmin, De Sacram. Euchar.hh. iv. p. 10; Vossius, Thes. Theol. p. 308, ed. 1G58; Kr.uGF,, De more rimim aqua diluendi. The Council of Trent speaks of this practice as enjoined by ecclesiastical law, but not by a divine command {Sess. 22, c. 7; cf. c. 9). It unquestion- ably received the sanction of the church during many ages (See Cone. Carthag. 3, a.d. 397, c. 24 ; Cone. Bracar. 3 {al. 4) 1 ; c. 1; Cone. Antissidor. c. 8; Cone. Wormat. c 4; Cone. Tribur. c. 19; Cone. Trnllan. 2, a. d. G92, c. 32). The Encratitse or Hydroparastata% who used water alone, and the Armenians, who used wine alone (in order hereby to denote (HAP. III.] OF THE LORD S SUPPEK. 591 the unity of Christ^s nature, which they maintained), were regarded as heretics. The practice of the Armenians is severely condemned by Theophylact {Comment, in Jo. 19) and Nice- phorus {Eccl. Hist. lib. xviii. c. 53). At the Reformation, Protestants agreed in abandoning this ancient practice of the church, not as being unlawful or inexpe- dient in itself, but because Roman Catholics declared it necessary, on the ground of mere ecclesiastical (/, ^., human) authority. They refused, in this respect, as well as in others, to acknowledge any laws not contained in Scripture as binding upon the con- science''^ It has usually been taken for granted that the wine used at the passovcr was mixed with water ; but it appears, from testi- ^* Nondum constitui mecum, niis- cenda ne sit aqua vino, quaiKiuani hue inclino, ut morum potius vinum pare- tur absque aquic niixtura, quod signi- ficatio ine male habeat, quam Esa. i. 22, ponit : Yinum tuuin, inquit, inix- tum est aqua. Lvther. de forma Missce. — Imo si allegoriis liberct ludere, mixtio aqufc cum vino de adulteratione coentc Dominicna exponi posset. No- tuni enim est quid Esaias intelligat, quando inquit, Vininn tuum niixtum est aqua. Siinplicissinunn igitur et certissinium est, inha^rere mauifestis verbis institutionis ca-na; ; et ea, qua^ necessaria et substantialia sunt, dis- tinguere ab aliis vel accidcntibus vol circumstantiis. Mart. Chemxit. Exanien. Cone. Trident, p. 2. — Non simpliciter damnamus «t pugnantes contra Christi institutionem, qui vinum aqua teniperatum in aduiinistrationc EucbaristiiB usurpant; ncc judicamus Eucharistiff! integritati vel efficaciaj quidquani decedcre, si vinum aqua sit mixtuni, ipiod ab olvoKaTn'jXocs Stcpius fieri constat. Si ergo Pontificii niix- ticnem illam ut consuetudinem adia- phorani, qua) verbo Dei nee mandata, nee prohibita sit, sed rationem habeat vero non dissimilem, servarcnt et i^ro- poneront, nulla, ut de ve iudifferente, esset controversia. Qutestio autem est, an hnec mixtio aqua? cum vino, 1, in ipsa coenoe Dominica} administra- tione necessaria sit ? 2, et quidem hoc fide, ut unio fidelium cum Christo non solum reprajsentetur, sed etiam, 3, efficiatur? Pontificii affirmant : - - - - nos in negativam concedinius. The grounds upon Avhicli the nega- tive is maintained are thus stated : — 1. Ex verbis institutionis non po- test probari mixtionis illius neces- sitas. 2. Mixtio aqua; potius ali- quid addit institutionis, quia Evano-e- listcc solius merique vini meutionem faciunt. Matt. xxvi. 29; Mai-c. xiv. 25 ; Luc. xxii. 18. Chrysostomus, f/om, 83 in Matth, ait; Ex geruiine vitis, quaj certe vinum, non aquam, producit. 3. Mixtio ilia nititur sola traditione et consuetudine. Jam vero consuetude libera et traditio incerta non possuntnccessariiimquendaui fidei articulum constituere. 4. Mixtio ilia non respondet typo ilelcbiscdeci, qui panem et vinum, non autcni vinum aqua mixtum Abrali:\> ct niilitibus ob- tulit. 5. Quails sit mixtionis nccessi- tas adhuc apud ipsos Pontificios incer- tum est. G. Mixtio ha-c labyrinthum disputationum parit. Gehhabd, Lo:, Thcol. t. 10 592 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [nOOK IV. monies collected by Buxtorf, Schottgen, and Lightfoot, that this was not necessarily the case. The proportion of water mixed with wine, by those who adhere to the ancient practice, is very small. In the Western chnrch a third part of water is the largest quantity allowed ; but a few drops in the cup are deemed sufficient. In the Western church the mixture of (cold) water takes place only once, before the consecration, wine being first poured into the cup, and the water added. But in the Oriental church a two-fold mixing takes place. There is the first mixture of cold water in the cup before consecration, and then a second mixture of warm water, after consecration, and immediately before dis- tribution. This is said to have been designed to represent at once the water which flowed from our Saviour''s side, and the fire of the Holy Spirit. See Jac. Goari Eucholoa. Gr. ad missam Chrysost. n. 167; Arcudii Concord, lib. iii. c. 39; Conf. Thom. Aquix. Summa, P. 3, Qna'st. 83, art. (i ; Bona Ber. Litura. lib. ii.c. 9, §4. § 8. — Orsf.rvancks and Cere.moniks connected with the Administration of thk Lord''s Supper. ] . Consecration of the Elejnent.f. — The Eastern churches,follow- ing herein the old liturgies, have always rognrded the invocation of the Holy Spirit as essential to the consecration of the elements in the Lord''s supper; but the churches of the "West, for the most part, have declared this unnecessary, and have confined them- selves chiefly to the words of institution. In this particular Protestants and Romanists arc agreed. But it is remarkable that in the English first book of Common Prayer., in the reign of Edward the sixth, the form of consecration ran thus: — "Audi nos, pater miscricors, tc precamur, ct Sancto Spiritu tuo dignare benediccre et sanctificare hrec dona et creaturns panis et vini, ut sint nobis corj)US et sanguis carissimi filii tui Jesus Christ, qui ea nocte. qua proditus fuit, accepit pancm, &c. ;" which was after- wards altered, chiefly at the suggestion cf IJucer, to the present foini: — "Hear us, O merciful Father, we most humbly beseech thee, and grant tiiat we, receiving these thy creatures of broad CHAP, in.] or TUK loui/s suppeis. 503 and wine, according to thy Son onr Saviour Jesus Christ's holy institution, in remenihrance of his death and passion, may he partakers of his most hlcsscd hody and blood. Who, in the same night that he was betrayed, took bread,"" &c. Some English divines have since contended for the propriety of adopt- ing the ancient solemn invocation of the Holy Spirit. No high antiquity can be claimed for the elevation and adora- tion of the consecrated elements. A practice of this kind appears to have existed in the Eastern churches as early (perhaps) as the fourth century ; originating probably in the system of secret discipline, and in the irregularities of the Markosites, or other erroneous sects. The first traces of this custom in the West appears in a Life of Alphege, Archbishop of Canterbury, who lived in the beginning of the eleventh century; but the account is of doubtful authority. It existed in France in the beginning of the twelfth century; but it appears not to have been intro- duced in Germany before the thirteenth, and the same may bo said respecting Italy. Thomas Aquinas and Bonaventura speak only of the elevation of the host, or consecrated bread ; the elevation of the cup was introduced at a subse({uent period. The custom of ringing little bells during the ceremony arose in France, where it was introduced by William of Paris. The general observance of this custom was enjoined by Gregory XI. 2. Distribution of tlie elements. — i. Communion in both kinds. The communion was universally administered in both kinds to both clergy and laity, until about the twelfth century ; when the cup began to be gradually withdrawn from the laity, in the Western church, on account (as was affirmed) of the disorders to which the use of it had given rise"*'. The Greek church " Certum est, omncspa-sslui clericos i et "extra ccclesiam semper et ubique et laicos, viros et raulieres, sub utraiiue ! coiumimio sub una specie iu usu fuit. specie sacra mysteria antiquitus sum- j Priuiro parti assertionis conseutiuut sisse, cum solemni eorum celebrationi j omues, tain catholici quaui st'ctaiii; aderant et ofterebant et de oblatis ncc earn negare potest, qui vel levis- participabant. Extra sacriticium vero ' sima rerum ecolesiasticanim notitia 2 Q 594, OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AXD DISCIPLIXK. [boOK IV. retains the ancient cnstoni. The Councils of Constance, Basle, and Trent, asserted the right of the church to administer to the laity in one kind only, as a matter of ecclesiastical discipline, and maintained the sufficiency and validity of such administration ; but without claiming any other ground for this practice than the occasion which had arisen for the exercise of this supposed autho- rity. They held that, under the sanction of the church, the reception of both elements was not necessary to the perfection of the sacrament. Protestants, on the other hand, maintained the indispensable duty of adhering to our Saviour's institution ; and argued that, although the abuse of the original practice ought to be done away, the practice itself ought to be continued. ii. Order of distribution . — It was an old rule of the church, as appears from the Apostolical Constitutions, and the canons of the Council of Laodicea, that the consecrated elements were received first by the clergy present at the celebration of the imbutus sit. Semper enim et ubique ab ecclesia) primordiis usque ad saecu- lum XII sub specie panis et vin com- municarunt fideles ; ccepitque paiilatim ejus sajculi initio usus calicis obsoles- ccre, pleiisqiie episcopis eum populo ntercidentibus ob periculum irreve- rentiae et efFusionis, quod iuevitabile erat aucta fidelium multitudine, iu qua deese iion potcrant miiuis cauti et attcnti et pavum religiosi. • . Pau- latim introducta est communio sub sola specie panis, posteaquam intolerandi abiisus religiosos antistites ad abrogan- dum communem calicis usura iuduxe- runt. INIoribus enim immutatis leges quoque mutanda^ sunt, qua; aliquando utiles atque optimsc [^fueruut. Ilajc autcni mutatio facta est primum a divcrsis episcopis in suis ecclesiis, deinde a Synodo Constantiensi ca- nonica sanctionc pro omnibus stabilita. Bona if c/-. Liturg. lib. ii. c. 18, § J. — Ab ecclesire exordio ad sacculum usque XII eucharistiam etiamlaicis sub utra- que specie in publico solemnique eucha- ristia; niinisterio fuisse ministratam (etsi uon semper et necessario), nul- lus est inter catholicos qui ignorat, si vel levissima rerum ecclesiasticarum notitia sit imbutus. Veruni crescente indies fidelium iiumero, cum sanguis non raro a populo minus cauto et parum religioso fuerit eftusus, primum introducta fuit consuetude, ut ope tu- buli -vrel fistuhx! cujusdam sumeretur, qu;o fundo calicis, teste Liudano, (piandoque fuit ferruminata, ne ob incultioris populi rusticitatem tarn facile effundi posset. Ast cum et lia?c praxis sua liaberet incomnioda, cocjie- runt sacerdotes populo pancm eucha- risticam prctioso sanguine intinctum distribuere : qui mos sreculo XI et XII multis ecclesiis fuit familiaris. Verum cum ilium reprobaiint ecde- sinc alia?, nee inconvenicntiis satis iretur obviam, calicis usus sncc XIII semper semperquo minui, et tandem sfoc. XIV fere gcncralitcr obsolcscere co£>pit, donee srec. XV post exortam Hussitanim ha}resin calix publico oc- clesino decreto LaicLs omnibus fuerit sublatus. Khap^er Dc Liturp, p. TiOT. CHAP. III.] OF THE lord's SUPPER. 595 eucharist, accordin^^ to their several degrees, and then by the laity, the men in the first instance, and the women afterwards. As early as the fourth century, the laity were forbidden to communicate at the altar. It was afterwards observed as a general rule, that the clergy only should communicate within the chancel. In the Eastern church, admittance was granted to the emperors ; but even this was denied in the AVest. iii. Form of distribution . — It is remarkable that the primitive church does not appear to have accompanied the act of distribu- tion to individual communicants with any set form of words. Perhaps this omission may be accounted for, by remembering that the words of institution were alwavs rehearsed during the consecration of the elements. The earliest formulary, and also the shortest, which we find, is contained in the Apostolical Constitutions (book viii. chap. 18). At the delivery of the bread, the bishop (or presbyter) is there directed to say, "The body of Christ;" at the giving of the cup the deacon is instructed to say, " The blood of Christ, the cup of life." The communicant is directed on each occasion to answer, " Amen." This answer was universally given in the early church, and was regarded as of considerable importance. (Tr.n- 'x\j\A.. De ^peclac. c. 25; Euseh. //. E. vi. 4.3; Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. Mystagog. 5, § 18; Ambeos. De Sacram. lib. iv. c. 5; De Init. c. 9; August, contra Faust, lib. xii. c. 10.) By degrees the communicants omitted this response, and the word was pro- nounced by the clergy alone; but it is not easy to fix the date of the introduction of this practice. In the time of Gregory the Great the church adopted a longer and more express form, — " The body (or blood) of our Lord Jesus Christ preserve thy soul," By the time of Charlemagne it was extended to, " The body (blood) of our Lord Jesus Christ preserve thy soul unto everlasting life." During a practice (introductory to that of the administration in one kind only) of dipping the bread into the wine, the form of distribution ran thus: — "The body of our Lord Jesus Christ dipped in his blood, preserve your soul unto everlasting life. Amen." (Muratori, Antiq. Ital. Med. cvvi, t. iv. p. 178.) 2 Q 2 596 OF CimiSTIAN worship and DISCIPI.IXK. [book IV. The Vcariations in the Greek church are but slight. (Renau- T>oi\ Lltiirg. Orient, t. ii. p. 42, 118, G14; Cur, Angelus De Status et liitib. Eccl. Gi'cecce. c. 23.) The Syriac church retained the oldest and most simple form. Protestants usually add the words of institution, " Take, eat, — Drink this." iv. Method of distribution. — In the primitive church, the sacred elements were administered distinctly, the bread first, and the wine afterwards, as appears from the testimonies of Justin Martyr, the Apostolical Constitutions, and Cyril of Jeru- salem. Difficulties connected with the administration of the wine arose in the middle ages ; in order to meet which the use of " fistulre eucharisticae" was first introduced, and subsequently the practice of dipping the bread in the wine, so that both ele- ments were administered together. But this arrangement not being deemed sufficient, the Latin church, during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, adopted the system of withdrawing the wine from the laity altogether, while the Greek chucch mingled both elements, and administered them together in a kind of spoon, (\aySt9 or 'Xa/BlSiov ; opjdvov 'XeLTOvpyiKov.) Protestants reverted to the ancient practice of administering the bread and wine successively. At first, the elements were delivered into the hands of the communicants. In the sixth, eighth, and ninth centuries some traces may be discovered of the practice, which has universally obtained in the Latin church since the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, of j)lacing the consecrated elements in the mouth of the receiver. The custom of putting the cup to the lips of the communicants,' without delivering it into their hands, appears to have prevailed at an earlier period, — an arrangement, probably, intended merely to guard against the contingency of any conse- crated wine being spilt. The chief reason of ceasing to deliver the bread into the receiver's hand, was an intention to remove the possibility of its being carried home and superstitiously employed, — an abuse which crept into the church at an early period, as we learn from Tertullian and others. (Tkrtuli.. J)e Orat. c. 14; ad Uxor. ii. o ; Cyprian. De Laps. c. 7; Basil. M. CHAP. Ur.] OF THE LORu's .SUPPER. 597 Ejy. 289; ILeuon. ^/>. 50; C'o7ic. Ccesaraugust. a. d. 301, c. -3; Tolet. ], A.D. 400, c. 14; Tolet. 11, a. d. G75, c. 11.) Bona supposes that the modern custom began with the introduction of the use of unleavened bread and wafers, and was designed to guard against the danger of any particle, however small, falling to the ground or being wasted. {Iter. Liturgic. lib. ii. cap. 17, n. 7.) Protestants, for the most part, have returned to the ancient practice in this particular ; but the Lutherans conform to the more modern usage of the church of Rome. As to the posture of the commiuiicants, it would appear from the direct testimonies which are extant, that for the most part, if not always, they received the consecrated elements standing. It may be inferred also, with some show of probability, but not in a very satisfactory or decisive manner, that they sometimes knelt on these occasions. But there is not any trace or remote appear- ance in ecclesiastical history, that communicants maintained a sitting posture in the ancient church. It Nvas a custom in the ancient church for the people to sing certain psalms during the time of distribution. In the Apostolical Constitutions (lib. viii. c. 13), the thirty- third (our thirty-fourth) Psalm is appointed for this purpose. It was selected chiefly on account of the words, " O taste and see that the Lord is gracious,"" which Avere esteemed peculiarly appropriate to the occasion. (Cyrill. Hieros. Catech. Mijstagog, 5, § 17; HiERONYM. Ep. 28.) The forty-fifth Psalm also was used at this part of divine worship ; and Jerome seems to intimate (says BinMiam) that they sung both the thirty-fourth and the forty-fifth, when he says, " they received the eucharist always with a good conscience, hearing the psalmist sing, ' O taste and see that the Lord is gracious,' and singing with him, ' My heart is inditing of a good matter, I sing of the things which I have made unto the kiufr.'' This being a psalm peculiarly setting forth the praises of Christ, and the affection of the church toward him : ' Plearken, O daughter, and consider, incline thine ear, forget also thine own. people and thy father's house; so shall the king have pleasure in thy beauty, for he is thy Lord God, and worshij) thou him.'' ''' The hundred and thirtv-third Psalm, bei,Mnning with 598 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [boOK IV ' Behold, how good and pleasant a thing it is, hrethren, to dwell together in unity,'' Mas, probably, sung on this occasion. Tertul- lian says that Christians used to sing this psalm, " when they supped together;" and Augustin observes, that it was well known, even to persons otherwise unacquainted with the Psalter, as being in general and constant use. (Tertull. DeJejun, c. 13; Augustin Tract, in Ps. ]33.) The Alexandrian Liturgy prescribes the forty-second ])salni for use at the Lord's supper. According to Cotelerius {ad Const. Ap. viii. c. 13), the hundred and thirty-ninth was appointed in tlie api)endix to the Sacramentary of Gregory. In the liturgy of Chrysostom, it is ordered that a psalm be sung; but no particular psalm is pointed out. Chrysostom himself explains the hundred and forty-fifth psalm as peculiarly appropriate to " the spiritual table," especially on account of verses 15 — 17. The forty-third psalm, still used in the Roman liturgy, with the introit taken from it (v. 4), is also of long standing in this connexion. (Mic- ROLOGUS, c. 23.) The hymn Agnus Dei is generally supposed to have been introduced into the Roman service by Pope Sergius I. (subse- (|uently to the year 687) ; but the fact appears to be, that this pontiff ordered that hymn to be sung by both clergy and people (Anastasius, Vita Serf/ii), whereas, before his time, it had been repeated by the clergy alone. This form of solemn invocation is found in the Sacraipentary of Gregory the Great, which must have been composed about a century before the ordinance of Sergius. JN'otwithstanding the regulation of Sergius, the chanting of the Agnus Dei was afterwards left entirely to the choir. In the twelfth century, the threefold repetition of this form, with the response ''Grant us thy peace," had become universal. (HoNORii Augustodun, Gemma^ lib. i. c. 3 ; Innocent III. De Mhsa^ lib. iii. c. 4; Mabillon, Mus. Ital. t. ii. p. 285; Calvoer. Rit.Eccl. p. i. pp. 710, 711.) It was the ancient practice of the church not only to sing an imitatory psalm before the communion, and others during the distribution of the elements, but to conclude the whole ceremony with some solemn form of praise and thanksgiving, in which the whole body of comnnmicants joined. The^e were selected, fur CHAP. III.] OF TlIK lord's SLU'l'KR. 599 the most part, from the Book of Psalms ; but they varied in different times and places. 3. Sign of the cross. — The practice of marking the body with the sign of the cross at the celebration of the Lord's supper is unquestionably one of most remote antiquity in the Christian church. It has been generally supposed to be of apostolic origin. Basil the Great {De Spir. S. ad Amphil. c 27) mentions the practice of Christians signing themselves with the sign of the cross as the first instance of a ceremony concerning which no written instruc- tion had been given (i. e. in Scripture), but which was unhesita- tino'ly regarded as founded on apostolic tradition. Chrysostom (Demonstr. quod Ckristus sit Deus, c. 9) and Augustin {Tract. 118 in Joan.) also allude to the practice as well known, and generally prevalent. The first trace of the especial use of this sign at the adminis- tration of the Lord's supper is found in the Apostolical Constitu- tions, book viii. chap. 12. All ancient liturgies, of both the East and the West, lay great stress upon this observance ; but they vary greatly in their rules respecting the number of crossings to be performed. At the Reformation, the reformed churches on the continent abolished this practice, on account of the superstitious abuse to which it had become liable ; and the same course M\as followed by our own church (of England), although she retained the sign of the cross in baptism. But the Lutheran church adhered to primitive usage in this particular. 4. Use of incense. — hat the use of incense {dvfiUtfia) was unknown in the first ages of the Christian church appears plainly from the silence of the apostolic fathers, and early writers, (in- cluding Justin Martyr, the author of the Apostolical Constitutions, and Cyril of Jerusalem, who describe at large the ceremonies observed at the celebration of the euchurist,) as well as from the express declarations of early apologists on the negative side, (e. g. Tektull. Apologct. c. SO; De Corona Mil. c. 10; AthexNagohas, Ltgat. pro Christ, c. IS; Abnob. adv. Gent. lib. vii. c. 2G.) coo OF CIiniSTIAN ^VORSIIIP and discipline. QiOOK IV. Eellarmin [De 3I/sea, lib. ii. c. 19) and Bona (Ber. Lituiy. lib. j. c. 25) endeavour to found the practice of their church in this respect upon apostolical tradition; but no certain trace of the use of incense in Christian worship can be found during the first four centuries. It appears to have been introduced about the time of Gregory the Great, when the eucharist began to be regarded as a sacrifice, and the sacrificial customs of the Jewish dispensation were supposed to be in harmony with the spirit of that sacred ordinance. After that period, it is perfectly true that (to use the words of Bona) " Nulla est ecclesiastica coeremonia, cujus crebrior mentio fiat in antiquis et recentioribus omnium gentium liturgiis quam thuris et thymiamitis, quod saspe inter sacrificaudum ado- letur," i. e. " there is no ceremony of the church, of which more frequent mention is made in the liturgies, both ancient and modern^ of all nations, than the frequent burning of incense daring the celebration of the holy sacrifice.'''' But such assertion does not apply to the practice of the church during any period anterior to that of Gregory the Great. 5. Agapw, or feasts of charity. — The history of the common meals or feasts in the early church, called agapse {ayaTrac, more frequently than in the singular rj a'yd'TTr]), is in many respects obscure. (See book vii. chap. 4.) It appears that they were not independent rites, but always connected with some act or office of public worship. When they were celebrated in con- nexion with the Lord''s supper, they seem to have taken place before the administration of that sacrament, in conformity with the circumstances of the original institution, which took place "after supper,'"" (1 Cor. xi. 25.) This arrangement is supposed to have led to the disorders which St. Paul so sharply reproved in the Corinthian church; and the inconvenience of it becoming generally manifest, it was soon made the practice of the church to celebrate the Lord's supper first, and even to dispense with attendance at the feast M'hich followed, although all Christians were required to contribute provisions for it, according to their ability. (See Justin !Maktyr, Apol. i. c. 67; Hieronym. Com- went, in 1 Cor. xi.; Chrysost. Ho7n. 27 in 1 Cor.) rilAP. III.] OF TIIR T.ORn's SUPPER. 601 But, even under these altered circumstances, tlie love-feasts were frequently attended with intemperance, and other serious disorders, which form subjects of grave complaints in the writings of the Fathers. (Clem. Alex. Pad. lib. ii. c. 1; Atgustin. ii}>. 64; contr. Faust, lib. xx. c. 21; Confess, lib. vi. c. 2; Cmrysost. Horn. 27 in 1 Cor. xi.; Greg. Naz. Prwcept. ad Virgin.) This may perhaps be reckoned among the causes of the change in the time of celebrating the Lord's supper, already mentioned, from the evening to the early part of the morning. And hence it was that afterwards the holding of Agapje within the churches was forbidden. (Alc;. Ej). 64 ad Atirel.; Cone. Laod.., cir. a. d. 364, c. 28; Cone. Carthar/. a.d. 397; Cone. Aurel. ii. c. 12; Cone. Tridlan. c. 74.) And by this regulation the Agap?e became entirely distinct from the eucharist, which continued to be publicly celebrated in the church. It cannot be exactly determined at what period the Agapre were entirely abolished. 6. Kiss of charity or peace. — In the New Testament, we find frequent mention of " a holy kiss," (Rom. xvi. 16; 1 Cor. xvi. 20; 2 Cor. xiii. 12; 1 Thess. v. 26,) and "a kiss of charity," (1 Pet. V. 14,) as a token of brotherly love among the first converts to Christianity. This appears to have taken ])lace at their assemblies for religious worship, agreeably with an observation made by Justin Martyr (^^;o/. i. c. 65), "after prayers we salute one another with a kiss;" and although, at a subsequent period, the practice was observed on other occasions (as at baptism, absolution, ordination), yet its most solemn and most general use was during the celebration of the Lord's supper. It was omitted on Good Friday, in remembrance of the traitorous kiss of Judas Iscariot. This kiss was given in some churches before, and in others after, the consecration of the eucharistic elements. The following passsage from the nineteenth canon of the Council of Laodicea is worthy of remark on other accounts, as well as for its prescription concerning this token of Christian charity and concord. " After the bishops' sermons i^^erix t«9 ofiiKias tmv iiria-KO-rrccv), let a 602 OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP AND DISCIPLINE. [rOOK IV. prayer for the catechumens be first pronounced. When the catechumens have left the church, let the prayer for the penitents (ro)y eV fxeravoia) be said. After these have receiA'ed imposition of hands (7rpoae\66yTO)v vtto -^elpa)^ and have retired, let the three prayers of the faithful (roov Tnardv ra