§rom ffie fetfirarg of (profeeeor J)enrg teen Q&equeafJfcb fig fitm to ffie fetfirarg of (prtncefon £0eofogtcdf ^emtitdrg CE 25 . H23 1891 MacDonald, Malcolm. Harmony of ancient history Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2017 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library https://archive.org/details/harmonyofancient00macd_0 /7 cf£ 7^-> .> ^y y^ti HARMONY ANCIENT HISTORY, AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE EGYPTIANS AND JEWS. BY MALCOLM MACDONALD, A.M. PHILADELPHIA: J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY. 1891. Copyright, 1891, by J. B. Lippincott Company. CONTENTS. Introduction PAGE 11 PART I. CHAPTER I. Technical Chronology of the Egyptians — The Vague Year — The Five Intercalary Days and the Year of Three Hundred and Sixty Days — Philosophy of Intercalary Periods — The Copies of Manetho as affected by the Use of Years of Three Hundred and Sixty and Three Hun- dred and Sixty-five Days in establishing the Epoch of the Capture of Troy — The Identity between the Years of Three Hundred and Sixty and Three Hundred and Sixty-five Days — Egyptian Months and Seasons 21 CHAPTER II. Technical Chronology of the Egyptians— -Adjustment of the Egyptian Year to the Julian — Adjustment caused by the Observation of Ti- mocharis— Effect of the Decree of Canopus upon the Vague Year — The Rosetta Stone and the Restoration of the Vague Dates — The Egyptian Lunar Cycle in Connection with the Enforcement of the Decree of Canopus — The Luni-Solar Cycle of Thirty-three Years — The Apis Cycle: its Nature, its Suspension, and its Renewal— Two Tables of Apis Cycles — The Adjustment usually followed between the Julian and the Vague Year — The History of the Roman and Egyptian Years in the Time of Emperor Augustus— Objections to the View of Dean Prideaux — The Wrong and True View of the Reformation of the Roman Year by Julius Cassar — The Effect of placing the 1st of Jan- uary Seven Days earlier upon the Concurrence required by the Obser- vation of Timocharis — Comparative Table of the Wrong and True View — Era of the Battle of Actium — Epoch of Augustus 26 3 4 CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. PAGE Technical Chronology of the Egyptians — Sothic and Phoenix Cycles — The Usual View of the Sothic — Its Defects — True View of the Sothic Year — Three Great Seasons of the Sothic Year — Their Lunar and Luni-Sidereal Character — Dates of the Three Great Seasons — Statements concerning the Rise of Sirius attributed to Dositheus — Meton — Euctemon — The Phoenix Cycle — Its Description and Length of its Seasons 48 CHAPTER IV. Technical Chronology of the Egyptians — The Henti — Hypothesis that it denoted a Period of a Century — Division of a Century into Periods of Twenty-five and Thirty-three and One-third Years — The Use of the Denominations of Minor Time-Measures to denote the Sub- divisions of Cycles — The Contemplation of the Egyptian Year in Ref- erence to the Sothic Period 56 CHAPTER V. Technical Chronology of the Egyptians — The Set or Cycle of Thirty Years — Its Description from the Monuments — The Hypothesis of Mr. Gensler — Notices of Cycles upon the Monuments — The Cycle of Twenty-nine Years and not of Thirty — The Cycle to denote the Advance of the Tropical Points in the Vague Year — Pour such Cycles reckoned, one from each of the Four Cardinal Points of the Sun’s Course — These applied to the Four Jubilees in the Reign of Rameses II 61 CHAPTER VI. Egyptian Chronological Epochs — Epoch of Thutmes III. — Inscription of the Foundation-Stone of a Temple at Thebes — The Chronological Value of the Memorial — Hypothetical Epoch of the Memorial — Me- morial of King Nub — Hypothetical Epoch of the same — Epochs of Jubilee Cycles in Rameses II. 's Reign — Table of Epochs of Jubilee Cycles — Inscription of Amenemhib upon the Death of Thutmes III. — The Regnal Years of Thutmes II. — Queen Hatasou — Thutmes III. — Table of the same, with Years of Jubilee Cycles — Determination of the Year 24 of the Memorial of the laying of the Foundation-Stone — Inscriptions of the Regnal Years of Thutmes III. — Obelisk of Queen Hatasou — The Use of the Inscription to limit the Beginning of the Regnal Years of the Queen — Two Views of the same con- trasted— Astronomical Purpose of the Obelisk — The Haste in its CONTENTS. 5 PAGE Erection accounted for by the Heliacal Rising of Sirius on the 1st of Thoth of the Sixteenth Year of Hatasou, b.c. 1318 — The Manetho- nian Numbers considered and rectified to agree with the Monuments — The Victorious Campaign of Thutmes III. in Years 22 and 23 — The Battle of Megiddo — Harvest reaped after the Battle — This Fact used to determine the Season of the Year at the Time of the Battle — The Customary Times for entering upon Campaigns — The Epoch of the Battle — Possible Explanation of Years 21 and 22 — Determination of the Epoch of Thutmes III.’s Accession — Dates established for the Reign of Thutmes III 64 CHAPTER VII. Egyptian Chronological Epochs— Estimated Epochs of Kings preceding Thutmes III. in the Eighteenth Dynasty 81 CHAPTER VIII. Egyptian Chronological Epochs — Estimate of the Period between Reigns of Thutmes III. and Raineses II. — The Table of Abydos as interpreted by Dr. Brugsch — The Scheme of the Table explained by giving each King a Reign of Forty Years 82 CHAPTER IX. Egyptian Chronological Epochs — Rameses II. — Era of King Nub — Table of Regnal Years of Rameses II. — Epoch of the Era of King Nub — Explanation of the Calculation of the Rise of Sirius by the One Hundredth Year— Table of One Hundredth Year — The Origin of the Statement of Censorinus of the Rise of Sirius — Heliacal Rising of Sirius in the Reign of Rameses II 84 CHAPTER X. Egyptian Chronological Epochs — Period between Rameses II. and Takelath II. — Epoch of Takelath — Two Inscriptions mentioning As- tronomical Phenomena — The Use made of these to determine the Epoch of Takelath — The Rise of Sirius — Wrong Views combated — The Eclipse of the Moon in the Fifteenth Year of Takelath — Super- stition about Eclipses — Good Omens and Evil Omens — Assyrian As- tronomical Tablets relating to Eclipses — Luni-Solar Cycles — Cycles of Twenty-one, Eighty-four, Three Hundred and Thirty-six, and Thirteen Hundred and Forty-four Years explained — Tables for the same — Cycle of Vague Year and Concurrent Lunar Year — Interca- 1* 6 CONTENTS. PAGE lary Months, Second Adar and Second Nisan, and their Effect upon the Yague and Lunar Years — Tropical Cycle of Sixty Years — The Eclipse of Esdusarabe — Causes arising out of the Superstition about Eclipses operating to its Perpetuation — Eclipse of Thales — Eclipse of Larissa — Eclipse of Sardis — Epoch of the Rise of Sirius in the Reign of Takelath — Epoch of the Phenomenon of the Fifteenth Year — Apis Cycle reckoned from Full Moon on 1st of Thoth — Indication of the Fifteenth Year — Indication of the Twelfth Year — Table illustrating Cycles of Twenty-five Years and the Two Indications — Cycles of the Indication of the Twelfth Year (Eleven Years) between the Rise of Sirius in b.c. 1318, b.c. 999, and b.c. 845 — Cycles of Eleven Years a Subdivision of the Reckoning by the One Hundredth Year — Epoch of Shishak, the First King of the Twenty-second Dynasty — Epochs of Tirhakah — Psamethik I. — Necho — Psamethik II. — Hophra — Amasis — Psamethik III. — Epoch of Persian Invasion 90 PART II. CHAPTER SI. Technical Chronology of the Jews— Jewish Year after the Babylonian Captivity — Luni-Solar Year regulated by Constant Observation of Sun and Moon — The Object of a Prescribed Calendar — Cycles of Meton — Callippus — Hipparchus — Jewish Cycle of Eighty-four Years — Reformation of Jewish Year by Rabbi Hillel — The Year of Three Hundred and Sixty Days — Historical Festivals — Jewish Days — Months — Years— Conditions permitting Several Kinds of Years — Abib — Ethanim — Intercalations — Jewish Sabbaths and Special Days — Philosophical Basis of the Days of Rest— Chronological Order of Days of Rest and Labor — Adam’s Stay in the Garden of Eden a Type of the Jewish Sabbatical Year — Chronological Order of the Great Days of the Week of Years — Natural Basis of the Jewish System — The Rest Periods of Primitive Man the Origin of the Year of Ten Months — New Conditions produced by an Improved Social State — Application of the Natural Period of Rest in the Jewish Sys- tem— Jewish Festivals and Cycles — Feast of Unleavened Bread — Feast of Tabernacles — The Two compared — Their Cyclic Character — Feast of Pentecost — Sabbatical and Jubilee Years — Chronological Order of Sabbatical Years — Term of the Jubilee Cycle — Sabbatical Week in Two Forms — Table of Jubilee Cycle — Eponymous Cycles — Their Chronological Value Ill CONTENTS. 7 CHAPTEE XII. PAGE Historical Chronology of the Jews — Chronological Data from the Exo- dus to Kehoboam — The Four Hundred and Eighty Years of I. Kings vi. 1 — 'Chronological Table from the Exodus to Kehoboam — Table ex- plained— Astronomical Knowledge of the Jews — Season of the Year at the Time of the Exodus — Vague Year, the Historical Year of the Jews — Considerations determining the Epoch of the Exodus — Foundation of Solomon’s Temple — Dates of the Eeligious Festivals used to determine Eras — Epoch of the Exodus — Epoch of the Taber- nacle— Epoch of the Crossing of the Jordan — Epoch of Othniel — Ethanim compared with the Egyptian Month Athyr — Table of Con- current Jewish and Egyptian Months — The Series of Eponymous Cycles — Eponym of Othniel — Eponym of Eli — Epoch of the Founda- tion of Solomon’s Temple 133 CHAPTEE XIII. Historical Chronology of the Jews — Synchronous Histories of Judah and Israel — Difficulties stated — Chronological Data from Kehoboam to the Destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar — Chronological Table explained — Institution of the Worship of the Golden Calves by Jeroboam I. — Epoch of the Festival of the 15th of the Eighth Month — Epoch of Jeroboam I. — Epoch of Kehoboam — Cycle of Eclipse of Jeroboam I.— Epoch of Omri — Epoch of Jehu — Jehoahaz and Jehoash of Israel — Jeroboam II. — Azariah — Menahem — Peka- hiah — Pekah — Jotliam — Hoshea— Aliaz — The Names of Jotham and Ahaz — Eclipse of Hezekiah — Summary of Eclipses by which the Cycles were regulated 156 PART III. CHAPTEE XIV. Keduction of the Era of Nabonassar — The Proposed Keductions — The Astronomical Basis of the Canon — The Proposed Changes — Esar- liaddon — Nabopolassar and Nebuchadnezzar — Cyrus — Cambyses — Egyptian Inscriptions relating to the Keigns of Xerxes and Artax- erxes — Xerxes — Artaxerxes — Eclipses connected with the Proposed Changes — Chronological Table from the Fourth Year of Cyrus to the Twelfth Year of Darius Nothus — Cycles of the Series of b.c. 557, 585, 8 CONTENTS. and 527 — The Eclipse of the Seventh Y ear of Cambyses — Disagreement between the Almagest and the Canon — No Eclipse b.c. 523 on the 17th- 16th of Phamenoth — Eclipse of the Last Year of Cambyses — Slaying of the Apis Bull by Cambyses — Assyrian Canon compared with that of Ptolemy — Adjustment between the Two adopted by George Smith — The Effect upon the Assyrian Canon of the lowering of the Epochs of Ptolemy’s Canon — The Eclipse of Esdusarabe — The Reg- nal Years of Ptolemy’s Canon, how reckoned — Mr. Smith’s View of Ptolemy — Mr. Smith on the Assyrian Practice — Opposing View of Professor Oppert — The Method followed by Ptolemy illustrated by the Babylonian Chronicle — The Babylonian Chronicle — Epochs of Assyrian Kings from Shalmaneser II. to Kineladinos, inclusive . . 183 CHAPTER XV. Contacts between Egyptian and Jewish History — The Pharaoh of the Exodus — The Jews in the Time of Tlnitmes III. — Invasion of Judah by Shishak — Tirhakah and Hezekiah — Josiah and Necho — Hophra and Zedekiah 197 CHAPTER XYI. Contacts between Jewish and Assyrian History- — Shalmaneser II. with Ahab, Jehu or Jehoram— Tiglath Pileser with Azariah, Menahem, Pekah, Jehoahaz, and Hoshea — Shalmaneser with Hoshea — Sargon and the Capture of Samaria — Sennacherib is King Jareb — Senna- cherib with Hezekiah 201 CHAPTER XVII. Jewish History in Connection with the Histories of Babylon and Persia — Battle of Megiddo between Necho and Josiah — Nebuchadnezzar and Necho — Nabopolassar, King of Assyria, and Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon — Nebuchadnezzar’s Sole Reign — Captivity of Je- hoiachin — Josephus’s Chronology — Age of Darius Hystaspes at the Capture of Babylon — Xerxes was the Cyrus mentioned with Darius in the Capture of Babylon — The Name of Cyrus — The Legend of Perseus compared with the Story of Cyrus — Persian Kings of the Book of Ezra — -Succession of High-Priests — Captivity of the Third Yrearof Jehoiakim — Captivity of the Nineteenth Year of Nebuchad- nezzar— Captivity of the Twenty-Third Year of Nebuchadnezzar — Prophecy of the Destruction of Babylon — -The Period of Twenty- one Years — The Seventy Weeks of Daniel — The Period of Nine Hundred Years — The Sabbatical Years observed by Hezekiah and Josiah — The Period of the Iniquity of Israel — The Interpretation of CONTENTS. 9 PAGE tho Three Hundred and Ninety and Forty Days of Ezekiel — The Seventy Weeks of Daniel — The Number Seventy in Egyptian Myth — The Seventy Years of the Psalmist and Herodotus — The Cycle of Seven Hundred and Seventy Years — Epoch of b.c. 627 — New Con- currence between Egyptian and Jewish Months — The Date of the Destruction of the Temple by Nebuchadnezzar 215 CHAPTER XVIII. Generations of Jesus Christ — The Lists of Sts. Matthew and Luke — Generations of Different Lengths — Three Periods between Abraham and Christ — First Period, from Abraham to Foundation of the Temple of Solomon — Scheme of Twelve Generations of One Hundred Years — Scheme of Fourteen Generations of Eighty-four Years — Scheme of Fourteen Generations of Seventy Years — Second Period, from the Foundation of Solomon’s Temple to its Destruction by Nebuchad- nezzar— Scheme of Fourteen Generations of Thirty Years — Scheme of Fourteen Generations of Twenty-five Years — Third Period, from the Babylonian Captivity to the Birth of Christ — Scheme of Four- teen Generations of Forty-two Years — Scheme of Fourteen Genera- tions of Forty Years 231 CHAPTER XIX. Manetho and the Exodus of the Jews from Egypt — First Story from Josephus — The Second Story — The Two compared — The Sallier Pa- pyrus— Feeling of the Egyptians towards their Foreign Masters as discovered from the Monuments — The Naturalization of Foreign Races — Struggles between Two Factions or Races — Sallier Papyrus compared with the First Story — The Harris Papyrus — Comparison between it and the First Story — Alius the same as Alisphragmuthosis — True Meaning of the Name Thummosis— The Sallier and Harris Papyri contrasted — The Hyksos — Chaldean Shepherd Kings— Dr. Brugsch’s Explanation of the Term — Asiatic and African Ethiopia — The Cult of the Horse — The Term Sus— Connection between the Eighteenth Dynasty and the Ethiopian Kings — Piankhi and his Se- mitic Adversaries — Evidence of the Inscription of Piankhi to the Cult of the Horse — Other Evidences — The Second Story examined — Spec- tator of the Gods — -Horus and Piankhi — Expulsion of the Unclean — Who were Unclean — Story of Lysimachus — Hypothesis of the For- mation of the Name Bocchoris — A Portion of the Eighteenth Dynasty compared with the Twenty -second, Twenty-third, and Twenty-fourth Dynasties 242 10 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XX. PAGE Chronology of Coins — Coin of Antoninus Pius — Symbolical and Enig- matical Representations upon the Coins — The Palm-Branch, Circle, and Cornucopia — Interpretation of Numeral Letters — Coins of Philo- pator and Arsinoe — Description of the Coin of Arsinoe — Its Date — The Rise of Sirius in this Reign — The Tear of the Era of Nabo- nassar upon the Coin of Philopator — The Effect of the Decree of Ca- nopus upon the Astronomical Dates of the Years of the Era — The Length of Time of the Enforcement of the Decree — The Restoration of the Yague Dates — Epiphanes Eponymous on the 30th of Mesori and the 17th of Mechir — The Cycle of Nineteen Years used to mark the Advance of the Tropical Year in the Yague — Julian and Concur- rent Egyptian Date for the Rise of Sirius in the Reign of Philopator — The Date of the Rise of Sirius by the Macedonian Month — Coin of Philometor — Description of the Coin — Series of Nineteen-Year Cycles reckoned from b.c. 219 — Interpretation of the Obverse of the Coin — Interpretation of the Palm-Branch upon the Reverse — Of the Letter A — Of the Letters IAII — Era of the Ptolemies — Interpreta- tion of the Five Hundred and Fiftieth Year of the Era of Nabonas- sar — Coin of Antiochus VI. — Description of the Coin — Interpreta- tion of the Obverse — The Four Hundred and Thirteenth Year of Nabonassar on the Reverse — The Year of the Seleucid Era — Epoch of the Seleucid Era — Syro-Macedonian Year — The Yague Year of the Era — Coin of Arsinoe Philadelphus — Description of the Coin — Dr. Sharpe’s Reading — New Reading proposed — Era of Mena — Cele- bration of the Accession of Philadelphus — Similar Celebration by Rameses II. — Epoch of Era of Mena — Date of the Coin — The Year 33 of the Era of the Ptolemies — Duration of the Egyptian Mon- archy— Dr. Lepsius — Technical Character of the Three Thousand Three Hundred Years — The Three Hundred and Thirty Generations of Herodotus reduced to Thirty-three— The Turin Papyrus — Chron- ological Table for the Coins 261 Appendix 281 I. A Method to calculate the Dates of New and Full Moons . . . 281 II. Tables for determining Corresponding Dates between the Julian and the Egyptian Yague Year 291 III. How to find the Day of the Week for any Date 297 IY. Advance of the Sidereal Year in the Yague Year 299 Y. Advance of the Tropical in the Yague Year for Four Hundred and Fifty Years 300 INTRODUCTION. Ancient chronology is to some extent a speculative subject. The causes of this are the incomplete and conflicting chronolo- gies which have been handed down from the ancients, and the efforts of modern scholars to bring order out of confusion, and to supply what is wanting to perfect a system which will give to the reigns of kings and dynasties their proper epochs in a well-known year like the Julian. The compilation of Manetho, the authority for Egyptian chronology, was made during the reign of Ptolemy Philadel- phus. That he had access to original and authentic informa- tion is borne out by the results of recent monumental discovery, but this kind of confirmation does not extend to the whole of his chronology. There appears to have been an effort upon the part of the early chronologers to form a comparative system. It was to place the chronologies of the Jews, Egyptians, Assyr- ians, Babylonians, Persians, and Greeks in harmonious relations to each other. The original work of Manetho is lost ; we only possess it in the form of copies, and these differ materially. The Manethonian numbers have been altered. This was done by more than one hand, and more than one object was in view. The copies profess to identify the reigns in which certain Grecian chronological epochs had their origin, and as chronologers dif- fered as to these epochs, and as these differences were not allowed to affect the Egyptian reigns in which these epochs began, the list of Manetho had to be so changed that in one copy, following one system, the same king had an entirely different epoch from that which he had in another copy, adjusted to another system. Another disturbing element was the misunderstanding of Jewish chronology. Modern chronological experiments cannot be pro- ductive of real harm, even if they are not of much good, but this cannot be said of the work of the early chronologers. 11 12 INTRODUCTION. Modern monumental discovery lias brought to light many facts bearing upon the chronology of Egypt. Chronological lists have been found engraved upon the walls of temples, and many inscriptions discovered and translated, which, while con- firming Manetho in some particulars, have discredited him in others. These have encouraged great departures from the chronology in vogue up to the time the influence of modern discovery began to make itself felt. Scholars have gone outside of merely chronological details, and striven to fix the epochs of certain kings by means of astro- nomical phenomena, which are recorded upon the monuments in connection with a year in some king’s reign. All these in- fluences are at work, controlling to a more or less extent every effort made to form a system for the Egyptians, and the results are diverse and conflicting. Dr. Brugsch calls attention to the conclusions reached by the modern school of German Egyptolo- gers. Among them there is a difference of two thousand and seventy-nine years as to the era of Mena, the first king. The disparity is the same, he points out, as if a dispute should arise sixty centuries after our time concerning the date of the reign of the Eoman Emperor Augustus, some placing his epoch b.c. 207, and others a.d. 1872. A perfect chronology should fuimish accurate details of the lengths of reigns, a complete series of successive reigns, and an epoch from which to reckon, chrono- logically, the years, so as to place the history in relation to the present time. All these are wanting to Egyptian chronology. The possible error as to the epoch of the Persian invasion of Egypt is small, and this will affect perhaps only one historical synchronism, and the plain course for the chronologer to follow is to arrange the chronology so as to produce the synchronism. Owing to monumental discovery, our knowledge of the Egyp- tian dynasty, which came to an end with the Persian invasion, is chronologically more complete than that of any other. Above this there is no certainty of the reigns of most of the kings, or the length of the several dynasties. But the case is not so bad as it would at first sight appear. We certainly can do without particular and accurate knowledge of every chrono- logical circumstance, provided here and there in the history the reigns of certain kings can be fixed by independent facts. This INTRODUCTION. 13 is one of the objects of this work, which I have endeavored to carry out by the identification of the epochs of astronomical phenomena, the dates of which are recorded upon monuments erected by certain kings. If astronomical phenomena are re- corded in the terms of the vague year (the traditional and his- torical year of the Egyptians), and if the correct concurrence between the Julian and the vague year is discovered, as the periodic times of such phenomena are known to modern astro- nomical science, tables furnishing their recurrent dates may be made for both the Julian and the vague year. The phenomena for which dates are found are those of the moon, eclipses, heliacal risings of stars, and the cardinal points of the tropical year. The recurrent times of these phenomena are different. The case is such that, if an inscription should mention the occurrence of one of these upon a certain date of the vague year, modern science, by means of the concurrent dates of the Julian and the vague year, can determine in what years such an event was possible. The record of two different phenomena upon the same date in one inscription, and the recurrence of one or both of them on the same date in another, or other inscriptions of a manifestly different age, or upon another date which of itself denotes a different time, makes it possible to establish the correct epochs of the dates of the inscriptions. The historical periods are not too great or remote to invalidate conclusions reached in this way. By such means I have endeavored to establish the epochs of the reigns of Thutmes III., Rameses II., and to con- firm the epoch of Takelath II. Incidental to this subject, the technical chronology of the Egyptians is discussed. Two facts are brought out, — that a wrong adjustment between the Julian and the vague year has prevailed for many centuries, and that the present status of the Julian is seven days in error. The Julian year of chronology is adjusted to have the new moon following the winter solstice on the 1st of January, b.c. 45. The original Julian, using the dates of the chronological Julian, began on the 25th of December, b.c. 46. It is not in use at the present time, being superseded by the chronological Julian. Following the subject of Egyptian chronology, that of the Jews is considered. The chronological year of the Jews is found 2 14 INTRODUCTION. to have been the vague year, which is used in the forms of years of twelve months and years of ten months. The chronology, considered by itself, is determined by its own internal evidence. It forms a complete whole, and when to any one of the reigns an epoch is given, those of all the others naturally follow from it. The integrity of the chronology is independent of these epochs, but it is of the first importance by their means to place it in its true position to the present time. Unfortunately, the dates of astronomical phenomena are not so readily got at as in the case of Egyptian inscriptions. The evidence of these at the outset is principally inferential, but the same kind of argument is followed. The difficulties are manj^ and complex. I can but briefly outline them here. In the first place, the data furnished by the Bible must be arranged and construed so as to conform to the facts related. This is not so easy a matter, because it cannot be done unless several kinds of years were in use and the apparently conflicting data made to undergo a transformation which will reproduce the historical synchronisms which are on record. The adoption of the vague for the historical year has to be made upon the internal evidence of the chronology; we have not the same independent authority for it as for the Egyp- tian year. This is true of both the year of twelve months and the year of ten months, for the latter, by cycles of sixty months, which are equal to six years of ten months and five years of twelve months, runs side by side with the year of twelve months, but enumerates one more year in that time. After the chro- nology is arranged to be consistent with itself, epochs are to be given to its years. Two things are necessary to be known to accomplish this : first, if any, what astronomical phenomena may be reasonably looked for at certain epochs; second, the reproduction of recorded synchronisms between the events of Jewish history and the independent chronologies of other nations. The astronomical canon, or the canon of Ptolemy, furnishes a list of Babylonian and Persian kings with their chronological epochs. The canon has been long held to be of the highest authority, because, it is said, the epochs of certain kings, and the whole list by means of the year of the era of Nabonassar, are astronomically fixed by the eclipses which are recorded as having been observed on certain dates of the Egyp- INTRODUCTION. 15 tian vague year, giving in the same connection the year of the era and the regnal year of some king. The Jewish epochs are found from the canon by giving to the fourth year of Jehoiakim the same epoch as the first year of Nebuchadnezzar, on the authority of the Bible, which declares these regnal years to have synchronized. But as it will be shown that the adjustment between the Egyptian vague year and the Julian, followed by the canon as interpreted by the Almagest to identify the re- corded eclipses, is incorrect, and consequently no eclipses were on the recorded dates in those years, the astronomical basis of the canon is swept away. The lowering of the canon, which I advocate, is prompted by the epochs which I have given to the Jewish chronology independently of it, and the changes made are not arbitrary, — that is, made simply for the purpose, — but they have some sort of historical testimony in their favor. The whole scheme rests largely on circumstantial evidence, which is stronger than any direct testimony which is self-contradictory, and which can only be overcome by superior circumstances, if any such can be found. It is claimed for the Jewish scheme that there is not one single chronological statement in the Bible from which it does not remove all improbability, even if some subordinate matters are left in doubt. This is an advance upon the chronology usually followed. All conflicts between it and the chi'onologies of other nations are removed, which cannot be done by the old system. Even if the reduction of the era of Nabonassar be disallowed by a wiser criticism than that followed in this work, still the Jewish chronology will stand. It will only be necessary to increase all its epochs eighteen 3’ears, and to cause some of the astronomical conditions prevailing at the era of the Tabernacle to be dominant at the epoch of the exodus. I have placed the epoch of the exodus in b.c. 1397, and the era of the Tabernacle in the following year, — b.c. 1396. If the epoch of the exodus should be raised to b.c. 1415, which is nineteen years earlier than b.c. 1396, the lunar dates in respect to the tropical year will be about the same in b.c. 1415 as in b.c. 1396. Since I have acted upon the assumption that the political epoch of the nation was in b.c. 1397, and the technical epoch in b.c. 1396, the change of the epoch of the exodus to b.c. 1415 will cause the technical and the political epochs to coincide, and 16 INTRODUCTION. Abib is to have the same lunar dates in b.c. 1415 as in b.c. 1396, and also to have the vernal equinox upon the 1st of that month. In the brief outline here given the reader may obtain some idea of the scope of this work. Much of the success of the Egyptian portion, if competent criticism shall decide in its favor, is due to the admirable and faithful history of Egypt under the Pharaohs by Dr. Brugsch. As my work is dependent upon the accuracy of the translator of Egyptian inscriptions, it is of the first importance that they should be rendered in their purity, and not transformed to suit the mistaken but honest views of the historian. Laying every other argument aside, the results are alone sufficient to prove the truthfulness of the facts upon which they are founded. Commenting upon Theon, who in his formula for the rising of the Dog-star calculates from the era of Menophres, Dr. Sharpe writes : “ And Theon calls the beginning of the great Egjrptian cycle of fourteen hundred and sixty years, which began in the year b.c. 1321, the era of Menophres, and thus seems to fix the year in which either his reign began or he reformed the calendar.” One point of agreement between myself and Dr. Sharpe is the rise of Sirius on the 1st of Thoth in the reign of Thutmes III., who is Menophres. Latterly, the more favored plan has been to place this event in the reign of Eameses II. ; that is, the heliacal rising of b.c. 1321 or 1322, by some found to have been in the reign of Thutmes III., is by others given to the reign of Eameses II., thus causing a difference of about two hundred and eighty years in the epochs of these kings. My method of obtaining the epochs of Thutmes III.’s reign is entirely independent of the rise of Sirius or any calcu- lation by the sidereal year. More than this, the sole reign of Thutmes III., which began in b.c. 1318, as determined by the chronology of this work, had for its era the rise of Sirius on the day of the full moon, on the 1st of Thoth. Another rising of Sirius is found for the reign of Eameses II., which is confirmed by an inscription clearly indicating such an event, even to the year and day of the month, the chronology in this case also being independent of such a fact, but furnishing the means by which it is discovered. Concerning the Jewish portion, it may be said I have found my way by a path not often trodden, but which was never INTRODUCTION. 17 obliterated. Drawn by the use which Niebuhr had made of the Romulian year, or year of ten months, to solve some of the problems of Roman histoiy, I am led to apply the same kind of year to Jewish chronology. One or two trial tests were suffi- cient to encourage the effort which has produced the results which are set before the reader. Nothing in this has helped me more than a determination to adhere strictly to the Bible account, and to adopt that scheme which required no sacrifice of any historical statement, whether biblical or otherwise. Any other course would leave the chronology to a certain extent doubtful. Little good can be got by the advocacy of one set of historical facts to the exclusion of others when the critical test by which the last is done is some chronological scheme with which they disagree. Doubt is thi-own upon the whole subject if there is a conflict of testimony. With the canon of Ptolemy, the truth of which has been attacked, it is different. Real history, and not chronological tables compiled or emended long aftor the events to which they apply, is meant. One of the chief arguments against the canon is its disagreement with other histories. The line of my criticism is not in the direction of condemning the canon in its original state, but rather to show that if the state- ments of Ptolemy in the Almagest were ever true, they are not so now. Evidently the canon has undergone some change to render plausible the particular astronomical basis which is claimed for it. The alterations proposed are those which permit of a similar astronomical foundation. Here I have gone further, and indicated the astronomic chronological system to which they belong. It is tentative in character. Substantially the same end may be obtained by other changes, but none appeared so satisfactory as those adopted. Better and complete results, it is hoped, may be reached through future monumental dis- covery. Of one thing we may be confident, — they will agree with the discoveries already made. On this account, it is believed, they will add to, and not detract from, the truth of the conclusions here reached. Knowledge of the chronology of the past, freed from the large element of conjecture which has hitherto prevailed in all opinions, is particularly the demand of the age. In certain quarters there is a tendency to treat with scorn the so-called demands of the age. The failure of crude 2* 18 INTRODUCTION. theories and rash experiments which were in defiance of the settled experience of mankind has encouraged this attitude. But what I mean by the demand of the age has been the demand of every age, which is, simply, truth. Until quite recently the historical portions of the Old Testament have had no rival worthy of the name in their particular domain, but monumental dis- covery has produced other witnesses of the past, who speak not by hearsay, but as participants in the events of which they relate. My purpose has been to show that these agree with the history as told in the Old Testament or Hebrew Bible. PART I. EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY. CHAPTER I. TECHNICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE EGYPTIANS. The Egyptian vague year contained three hundred and sixty- five days, which were divided into twelve months, all of thirty days, with five intercalary days added in between every two years. If it is said the Egyptian year, although of three hundred and sixty-five days, was technically only of three hundred and sixty days, the distinction is not trifling, nor is the subject necessarily confused by the statement. It is not meant that the intercalary days formed no part of the three hundred and sixty- five, but that a time-measure, called a year, was of three hundred and sixty days; it fell short of the period to be measured, to which is also applied the term year, five days (not counting a portion of a day), and this number of days are leaped over by the year of three hundred and sixty days, so the next jTear of this kind may commence on a three hundred and sixty-sixth day. Chronology has a philosophical as well as a practical side. Time, as an appreciable part of eternity, is preceded and followed by durations which form no part of it. The future becomes a part of time only as portions of it lose that character and become present, and the past only as it has in this manner been at some recognized period a present is it a part of time. Time is pre- ceded and followed by unformed durations, — that is, periods, the measurements of which havenot been experiential. An expression for eternity is time preceded and followed by intercalary periods of infinite durations. The distinction between a duration which is experiential and one which is not does not apply to time which is always experimental, but the distinction between the intercalary days and the year has something analogous to it. The case of the Roman soldiers in the time of Augustus, who were required to serve three hundred and sixty-five days and only received pay for three hundred and sixty days, is to this point. The myth of the five intercalary days, which were festivals in the Egyptian year, is based upon the doctrine that - 21 22 EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY. these days belonged to neither month nor year. The Sothic cycle consisted of fourteen hundred and sixty-one vague years, and as this many equal fourteen hundred and sixty Julian years, the fourteen hundred and sixty-first year was regarded by the later Egyptians as intercalary and belonging to God. The only part of duration which belongs to man is time; eternity belongs to God. Attention is called to this character of the intercalary days, because some writers have advanced the view that the year of three hundred and sixty days and that of three hundred and sixty-five were as time-measures of different values, holding the years of three hundred and sixty days were the ones used for the purpose of records and reigns of kings. This notion ap- pears to have caused certain alterations in Eusebius’s and Afri- canus’s copies of the list of Manetho. These writers in their copies agree as to the king reigning at the time of the Trojan war. Another list, called the Old Chronicle, has many points of resemblance to those of Africanus and Eusebius. The following table shows the dynasties of the third book of Manetho, — that is, from the twentieth to the thirty-first dynasties, inclusive. It exhibits only the totals of years of each. The figures in brackets to the right of certain dynastic totals are what the regal years correctly add, there being in some instances a difference between the sum set as a total and the correct addition. Old Chronicle. Africanus. Eusebius. Dy- nasty. No. Kings. Years. No. Kings. Years. No. Kings. Years. 20 8 228 12 135 12 172 21 6 121 7 130 [114] 7 130 22 3 48 9 120 [116] 3 44 [49] 23 2 19 4 28 [89 or 92] 3 44 24 3 44 1 6 1 6 25 3 44 3 40 3 44 26 7 177 9 150.6 mo. [106.6 mo.] 9 167 [171] 27 5 124 8 124.4 mo. 8 120. 4mo. 28 1 6 1 6 29 57 I39 4 2 f 20.4 mo. 5 2 f 21.4 mo. 30 1 57 \ 18 3 S J 88 3 J \ 20 31 3 sl 9 3 B (16 38 862 64 807.2 mo. 58 790.8mo. TECHNICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE EGYPTIANS. 23 The Old Chronicle omits the thirty-first dynasty, but its last two reign fifty-seven years, and the last three of Eusebius reign fifty-seven years and four months. As the Old Chronicle omits all portions of years, it apparently ends its list at the same time as that of Eusebius. All these lists end at b.c. 332, the date of the conquest of Egypt by Alexander the Great. EPOCH OP THE CAPTURE OP TROY. Africanus and Eusebius place the capture of Troy in the reign of Thuoris, the last king of the nineteenth dynasty. According to both of these copyists his reign was short, only lasting seven years. It cannot be far wrong to assume that its close and the capture of Troy had the same epoch. By the Old Chronicle we obtain eight hundred and sixty-two years as intervening between the close of the nineteenth dynasty and b.c. 332, which will give 1194 as the epoch. The epoch of the capture of Troy, according to Clement of Alexandria, was b.c. 1193. The epoch of 1183 for the capture of Troy, which is the one commonly adopted, may be obtained for the Old Chronicle in the following way : The eight hundred and sixty-two years, if of three hundred and sixty days, which is a year ascribed by some writers to the Egyptians, when reduced to yeax*s of thi’ee hundred and sixty-five days will lose eleven yeai’s in the count, and the epoch previously obtained becomes 1183 b.c. Africanus gives for this period eight hundred and seven years and two months, but by the correct additions these are decreased sixty -four yeai’s, and increased sixty-one or sixty-four years. By various combinations of these discrepant numbers quite a number of possible totals in addition may be obtained. One of these is formed by increasing eight hundred and seven years by the difference between twenty-eight and ninety-two years, two of the totals of the twenty-third dynasty. This will inci’ease the period sixty-four years, and by taking the correct additions of the twenty-first and twenty-second dynasties, instead of those set down, the pei’iod will be deci'eased twenty yeai’s, or the whole amount to be added is (64 — 20) forty-four years, which, we may notice, is the difference between the amount given to the twenty- sixth dynasty, one hundx-ed and fifty years and six months, and the correct addition, one hundred and six yeax’s and six months. 24 EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY. This one hundred and six yeai’s and six months is caused by the omission of forty-four years, which by both Eusebius and the monuments belonged to King Amosis, who is put down in Africanus’s list as a king, but with the years of his reign omitted. The total of eight hundred and seven years, if in- creased forty-four years, will amount to eight hundred and fifty-one years, which gives for the epoch of the twentieth dynasty, b.c. 1183, the epoch of the capture of Troy according to Eratosthenes. The epoch of the capture of Troy for Eusebius may be b.c. 1127, tbe Trojan epoch given by Kallimachus. The 794 -J- years between the capture of Troy and b.c. 332 to produce this last epoch are obtained in the following way. The twenty-seventh dynasty of Eusebius, wbich is that of the Persians, is put down as of one hundred and twenty years and four months. The Old Chronicle and Africanus give this dynasty one hundred and twenty-four years. Eusebius has included four years in the previous dynasty (twenty-sixth), but has omitted them in the addition, the total being put at one hundred and sixty-seven years, the correct addition one hundred and seventy-one years. This increases the total to 794-)- years. It will be found upon a scrutiny of these numbers, which we have obtained for the interval between b.c. 332 and the fall of Troy, that they generally stand to each other as 360 to 365. That is, the eight hundred and sixty-two years of the Old Chronicle, if of three hundred and sixty days to the year, equal the eight hundred and fifty-one years we have obtained for Africanus, if the last are of three hundred and sixty-five days to the year. Again, if the total obtained for Eusebius of 794-)- years are of three hundred and sixt}r-five days, and if they are increased in number to be represented by years of three hundred and sixty days, that number is 805-)- years, which is only two years less than the total 807-)- years of Africanus before it is increased forty-four years. The Egyptians had not a year of three hundred and sixty days independent of one of three hundred and sixty-five days, unless it can be shown that at one time in their history they used one like the Babylonian, in which case, by the cycle of six years, it was substantially like that of three hundred and sixty-five days. TECHNICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE EGYPTIANS. 25 The principles relating to the intercalary days arc further dis- cussed in connection with the Jewish system. The Egyptian months were twelve, named as follows : First, Thoth ; second, Phaophi; third, Athyr; fourth, Khoiakh ; fifth, Tybi ; sixth, Mechir; seventh, Phamenoth ; eighth, Pharmuthi ; ninth, Pachons ; tenth, Payni ; eleventh, Epiphi ; twelfth, Mesori. The year was divided into three seasons. According to the nomenclature of Dr. Brugsch, the first season was Sa, the com- mencement or inundation ; the second was Per , winter or seed- time ; the third, Sen, summer or harvest. Thoth is the first month of the first season, Sa, or inundation. The Egyptian year being vague, none of its months will keep their places in the seasons, but fall back from them at the rate of about seven days in twenty-nine years. Since the three seasons do not exactly fit the natural conditions of the year in Egypt, it is im- possible by them alone to determine the exact time when the 1st of Thoth occupies its normal place at the beginning of the first season. If the new and full moon following the summer solstice, or the rise of Sirius on one of these lunar dates, entered as an element, it could be done. In connection with the year of three hundred and sixty-five days the Egyptians employed several cycles. Three of these are respectively called the Sothic, the Henti, and the Hib-set, which was called by the Greeks Triakonteris. Before discuss- ing these, it is necessary to correctly adjust the Egyptian year to the Julian. We need the corresponding dates of these two years, not only to explain these cycles, but also for the right understanding of certain monumental inscriptions of great his- torical importance. 3 26 EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY. CHAPTER IT. THE ADJUSTMENT OF THE EGYPTIAN YEAR TO THE JULIAN. The Julian year as applied to events prior to the reformation of the Roman year is simply a year by convention for the pur- poses of chronology ; it had no existence previous to the year b.c. 45. It is none the less of great usefulness, for all dates are readily reducible to its terms, and thereby conveyed in a precise form and one enabling us to obtain some intelligent notion of the time of the events with which they are connected. In adopting the Julian year for this purpose, I in no way assent to the historical correctness of that year as now understood. Whether Julius Caesar commenced the year with the 1st of January about at the winter solstice, or with the 1st of Jan- uary seven days later, are questions which do not interfere with its present use, providing its character is known, which is that of a year of three hundred and sixty-five days, with an inter- calary day every fifth year (that is, one in every four years), beginning with a bissextile 37ear b.c. 45, and with the 1st of January on the day of the new moon following the winter solstice. The common mode of reckoning by the vulgar era of the birth of Christ is followed. This makes the year b.c. 1 to be a bissextile year. According to the Julian, any year after Christ which is divisible by four without a remainder is a leap-year, and any year before Christ which when divided by four gives one as remainder is of the same character. The vague year was still observed in Egypt at the time of the reformation of the Roman year by Julius Caesar. If its dates in the Julian at that time or later are on record, and the histories of the two years being known, it would seem to be an easy matter to arrange a series of the two, with corresponding dates, which will extend many centuries backward. And so it would be were the two histories of these years accurately known. ADJUSTMENT OP THE EGYPTIAN YEAR TO THE JULIAN. 27 This does not seem to have been the case, as the reader may judge later on in the discussion. In comparing the two years, I begin with a date in the Egyptian year of an astronomical phe- nomenon for which a corresponding date in the Julian has been calculated. Timocharis, the astronomer, “has left an observation of the place of Venus on the seventeenth day of the month Mesori, in the thirteenth year of this reign, which by the modern tables of the planets is known to have been on the eighth day of October, b.c. 272.” * This was in the reign of Ptolemy Philadel- phus. Evidence will be given further on to prove that up to this time the vague year had remained unchanged. There are two inscriptions which throw some light upon the condition of the Egyptian year between b.c. 238 and b.c. 196. The decree of Canopus f is dated “In the year IX., 7th of the month Apellmus, the 17th of Tybi.” It informs us this was “on the day of the rising of the Divine Sothis which is called the New Year in his name.” ... “At present it occurs in his ninth year in the first day of Payni.” . . . “But as the case will occur, that the rise of Sothis advances to another day every four years, the day of the celebration of this feast shall not pass along, but it shall be celebrated on the first day of Payni, and the feast shall be celebrated as in the ninth year;” . . . “there- fore it shall be that the year of three hundred and sixty days, and the five days added to them,” . . . “ so one day, a feast of the benevolent gods, be from this day after every four years added to the five epagomenm before the New Year.” This was in the ninth year of Ptolemy Euergetes, and the inscription further informs that this was also done in order to keep the seasons to the same places in the year they then held. Calcu- lating from b.c. 272, when the 17th of Mesori fell on the 8th of October, it is found that the 1st of Thoth fell on the 19th of October in the year b.c. 238, and the 1st of Payni the same year was on the 16th of July. Now, it is known that this or- dinance, if it were ever observed, it was only for a short time. That it was carried into effect, and a day every four years added * “ History of Egypt” (Samuel Sharpe), chap. viii. (39). f “Records of the Past,” vol. viii. 28 EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY. to the vague for a while, must be admitted if any significance is to be given to the language of the priests, and any credit to their right to regulate such matters. The presumption is they con- tinued to add a day every four years until they satisfied them- selves that it was unnecessary to continue the practice. It appears that they had two objects in view : one, that Sirius (Sothis) should continue to rise heliacally on the 1st of Payni ; the other, that the seasons should thereby be made fixed in the year, and not left to advance as they always will in the vague. Considering these separately, the following facts concerning the sidereal j7ear may be noticed. The gain of the sidereal year over the vague for forty years is ten days, and six hours plus. Now, if for forty years one day had been added every four years, then at the end of the term ten such days would be intercalated, and the difference of six hours plus in the rising of the “ Divine Sothis” is marked enough to be clearly distinguished. This is the mean annual differ- ence between the Julian and the vague year which the priests desired to overcome. This could have satisfied them that in one hundred and sixty years the sidereal would advance one day in a year like the Julian, and that instead of keeping the 1st of Payni to the rising of Sirius, it would fall behind at that rate, and consequently lead to the abandonment of the practice. Forty years is a period belonging to the sidereal and the vague years. It is one-fourth of one hundred and sixty years, in which time the sidereal advances forty-one days plus, a period only twenty-eight minutes and forty seconds longer than full days. The forty stand to one hundred and sixty as one year to four: to every four years one day is added, so to every four periods of forty one day also is added, making forty-one in all ; and, if the vague year is left unintercalated, this marks the advance of the sidereal in that year. The other reason for adding this intercalaiy day was to prevent the seasons from wandering through the vague 3Tear. Perhaps more importance was attached to this than to the rising of Sirius. This portion of the decree is as follows: “ But that these feast-days shall be celebrated in definite seasons for them to keep forever, and after the plan of the heaven established on ADJUSTMENT OF THE EGYPTIAN YEAR TO THE JULIAN. 29 this day, and that the case shall not occur, that all the Egyptian festivals, now celebrated in wintor, shall not be celebrated some time or other in summer, on account of the precession of the rising of the Divine Sothis by one day in the course of four years; and other festivals celebrated in the summer, in this country, shall not be celebrated in winter, as has occasionally occurred in past times; therefore it shall be that the year of three hundred and sixty days, and the five days added to their end, so one day as a feast of Benevolent Gods be from this after every four years added to the five epagomense before the New Year, whereby all men shall learn that what was a little defective in the order as regards the seasons of the year.” We have seen that the addition of a day every four years failed to keep the “ Divine Sothis” to the 1st of Payni, the Canopic year at the end of forty years being six hours plus behind the sidereal. In a like manner they discovered the seasons were not keeping their places in the year, but were falling back in the new year even faster than the sidereal year was advancing. The proper number of vague years for an intercalation of ten days to produce tropi- cal, or years of the seasons, is forty-two. These are longer than forty-two vague years by ten days, four hours plus. The ten intercalary days fall within a period of forty-two vague years, — that is, between b.c. 238 and b.c. 196. The other inscription alluded to is that of the Eosetta stone. The preface to the English rendition of the French translation by M. Letronne (“Eecords of the Past,” vol. iv.) places its date in b.c. 198, or forty years after the decree of Canopus. This is a mistake. The ninth year of Ptolemy Epiphanes, to which the dates of the Eosetta stone refer, began in b.c. 197, with 1st of Thoth concui’rent with October 8. In no case could the ninth year of this king have fallen in b.c. 198, unless we alter all our opinions concerning the reigns of the kings in Ptolemy’s Canon. These have been known as those containing full years, but if they do not, then as between b.c. 238 and b.c. 196 the reigns of Euergetes and Philopator came to an end, and if they are not given in full years, the first year of the successor of each of these kings overlaps each of their last years, thus reducing the period two years. In this case the ninth year of Epiphanes will fall in b.c. 198. But the years in Ptolemy’s Canon are all 3* 30 EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY. full years; that is, these overlappings are already allowed, and the list may not be reduced in the manner above described. The inscription of the Rosetta stone, so far as it concerns our purpose, is as follows : It is dated “ the 4th of the month Xan- dikos, and the 18th of the month of the Egyptians, Mechir.” It recites, “Since the 30th of Mesori, when the king’s birthday is celebrated, as also the 17th of Mechir, when he received the crown from his father, (the Priests) have recognized them as eponymous in the temples;” . . . “that they should be cele- brated in honor of him by a panegyry in the temples of Egypt, monthly that they should celebrate a feast and panegyry” . . . “ yearly in all the Temples of the country, from 1st of Thoth, during five days.” While there may be some uncertainty as to the length of time the decree of Canopus was enforced, there is none of the fact that the vague year again became the Egyptian year, and I propose to show that at the time of the inscription of the Rosetta stone it was in force. The first hypothesis is that ten days were added to the vague between b.c. 238 and B.c. 196. The second hypothesis is that after they abandoned the Canopic year they re-established the vague year by increasing the dates ten days; that is, the 1st of Thoth became the 11th of Thoth, etc. Whether the number was ten or even less than ten, it does not affect the proposition that the date 18th of Mechir of the Rosetta stone was a date of the regular vague year, and that its concurrence with the Julian will be the same as if there had been no extra days added to the vague year ; and, calculating from the concurrence in b.c. 272, when from the observation of the planet Venus by Timocharis we know the 17th of Mesori fell on the 8th of October, the concurrence of the 18th of Mechir in b.c. 196 is found to be March 24. The dates 30th of Mesori and 17th of Mechir are without cor- responding dates of Macedonian months. The date 18th of Mechir, concurring with the 4th of Xandikos, belongs to the ninth year of Epiphanes, which by the principle of the Canon began in b.c. 197 with the 1st of Thoth, concurrent with Octo- ber 8. The decree of Canopus and the Rosetta stone put us in possession of two sets of double dates. The decree of Canopus declares that in the ninth year of Euergetes the 17th of Tybi concurred with the 7th of Apellams. The ninth year of Euergetes ADJUSTMENT OF THE EGYPTIAN YEAR TO THE JULIAN. 31 began in b.c. 239, and came to an end in October, b.c. 238. The date 17th of Tybi is in b.c. 238, and concurs with March 4. The Eosetta stone recites that in the ninth year of Epiph- anes the 18th of Mechir concurred with the 4th of Xandikos. I place this in b.c. 196, when the 18th of Mechir concurred with March 24. Since the Macedonian months were lunar, and the comparison is between them and the regular vague year, the lunar dates for the vague years b.c. 238 and b.c. 196 may be calculated, and they should agree with those of the Macedonian months. With the 17th of Tybi, concurring with the 7th of Apellseus, b.c. 238, the 1st of Dius of the Macedonian year fell on the 11th of Khoiakh, which concurred with the 27th of January. In this year the conjunction of the sun and moon was on the 3d of February; consequently the 1st of Dius was at the third quarter of the moon, and what was true of Dius was also true of the first of all the other Macedonian months. This is peculiar, because usually the old lunar months began with the visible new moon. But upon consideration it will be seen how perfectly this is adapted to the conditions of the Egyptian year. The Egyptian day began at midnight, and lunar cycles using Egyptian days should also begin at midnight, and the moon when at her third quarter rises at midnight. As the Macedonian months in b.c. 238 began with the moon at her third quarter, they were adapted to the vague year in this way, and we may conclude that they were connected with a lunar year like that belonging to the Apis cycle. As the priests had resolved to change their year to one like the Julian, they must necessarily abandon the lunar cycle adapted to the vague year, and take up with one suitable for their new year. This will be some kind of luni-solar cycle ; and as the changes were made to keep the seasons and festivals rela- tively to the same dates, this luni-solar cycle must, like others observed for a like purpose, commence with the moon in reference to one of the four points of the sun’s place in the ecliptic. In b.c. 237 the visible new moon was on the 25th of January, con- current with the 9th of Khoiakh. This was the new moon following the winter solstice, and it complies with the conditions suitable for the beginning of a luni-solar cycle. If they at this time advanced the 1st of Dius from its place at the third quarter 32 EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY. of the moon to the day of the visible new moon in order to observe a cycle of this kind, the 1st of Dius, beginning it now at sunset, will concur with the 25th and 26th of January and the 9th and 10th of Khoiakh. The form of the luni-solar cycle will be similar in construction to the Sothic cycle; that is, it will contain thirty-three lunar years of twelve months, which will be intercalated at the end with a lunar year of twelve months. This cycle will begin in b.c. 237. The second will commence in b.c. 204 on the 12th and 13th of Khoiakh. The ground for this is that four hundred and eight lunar months are three days, eleven hours plus longer than thirty-three vague years. These dates are further affected by being those of the visible new moon. The calculation is made with regard to the vague year, because I propose to bring the cycle down to b.c. 196 at a time when the vague dates were restored, when the condition was the same as if there had been no change in the Egyptian year. The following will be the dates of the 1st of Dius in the vague year for nine years of the second cycle. B.C. 204 Year of Cycle. 1 1st of Dius = 12th-13tb Khoiakh. 203 2 U = lst-2d Khoiakh. (8-9 January.) 203 3 u = 21st^22d Athyr. (29-30 Decem- 202 4 n ber.) = 10th-llth Athyr. 201 5 u = 30th Phaophi-lst 200 6 u Athyr. = 19th-20th Phaophi. 199 7 a = 8th-9th Phaophi. 198 8 u = 28th-29th Thoth. 197 9 u = 17 tli-1 8th Thoth. The ninth lunar year will begin in b.c. 197 on the 17th-18th of Thoth, concurrent with the 24th-25th of October. This year must not be confused with the ninth regnal year of Epiphanes cur- rent at this time, which by the canon was a vague year. With the 1st of Dius, concurrent with the 17th-18th of Thoth, in b.c. 197 the 4th of Xanthicus will in b.c. 196 concur with the 18th- 19th of Mechir, in perfect agreement with the Rosetta stone. The 1st of Xanthicus will concur with the 15th-16th of Mechir, and was the day of the visible new moon. It is impossible ADJUSTMENT OP THE EGYPTIAN YEAR TO THE JULIAN. 33 for the vague year, as the lunar dates fall back for each year at the rate of ten days, fifteen hours 'plus , to have any lunar date on the 15th of Mechir suitable for the use of lunar months which are always reckoned from the phases of the moon, in any other year but b.c. 196, for some years before and after that year. This certainly was the case in b.c. 198. I now pro- pose to compare these results with the Apis cycle. The Apis cycle, it is well known, contained nine thousand one hundred and twenty-five days, which is a period longer than three hundred and nine synodical months by one hour, nine minutes, and seventeen seconds. If a series of these cycles starts from an era, the lunar dates will fall back in the cycle at the rate of one hour, nine minutes, and seventeen seconds. If the series of cycles is to be continued with the same lunar dates, which is one purpose of the cycle, a new beginning must be made; a new era established, which will have the same lunar dates the preceding series had at its beginning. Six hundred vague years contain one day, three hours, seven minutes, and seventeen seconds more time than seven thousand four hundred and sixteen synodical months, and one hundred and thirty-two synodical months contain one day, three hours, fifty minutes, and twenty-nine seconds more time than eleven vague years. After six hundred and eleven years the lunar dates will be very nearly the same in the vague year as they were at the beginning of this period. Six hundred and eleven vague years contain twenty-four cycles of twenty-five years, and eleven supple- mental years. The cycles after beginning regularly every twenty-sixth year, counting from the first year of the previous cycle, for twenty-four times, will, after the completion of the twenty-fourth cycle, pass over a period of eleven vague years, when another series will commence ; or, to state it another way, the twenty-fourth cycle is extended to thirty-six years. Bach cycle of twenty-five years is begun with the 1st of Thoth. The cycle may be begun with any month, but Thoth is preferred because it is the first month of the vague year. The cycle also begins with the conjunction of the sun and moon on the 1st of Thoth. It could begin with full moon on that date, in which case the epoch of the first year of Cycle I. will be seven years higher. 34 EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY. Epoch of Series I. (611 years) b.c. 1661. “ “ “ II. ( “ ) “ 1050. “ “ “ III. ( “ ) “ 440. These epochs are separated by six hundred and eleven vague years. The epoch of Series III. is one year higher than would be the case if the interval was in Julian years. During the series which began in b.c. 440 the Egyptian year underwent a change, and its effect upon the vague year has already been dis- cussed, but its influence upon the Apis cycle is now to be dis- covered. If the vague year which began in b.c. 236 and came to an end in b.c. 235, which was the third year of a series of four years beginning in b.c. 238, received the first additional day ordained by the decree of Canopus, it would be a proper year, because Sirius rose on the 1st of Payni, b.c. 238. Let the time of the heliacal rising be put exactly at 6 a.m. on the 1st of Payni; this was not the case, but to simplify the matter we will suppose it to be at 6 a.m. The sidereal year advances in the vague six hours plus for each year. The condition for the four years of the series will be as follows: B.C. 238 237 236 235 234 Year. 1 2 3 4 5 Sirius rises on 1st of Payni. 6 A.M. 12 noon. 6 P.M. 12 midnight. 6 A.M. If to year 3, which came to an end in b.c. 236, an additional day was added* the rising of the star will be thrown back to midnight of the 30th of Pachons for year 4, and year 5 will begin a new series of four years, with the star rising at 6 a.m. on the 1st of Payni. Of course, the same will be true if in place of 6 a.m. is inserted the true time of the rising in b.c. 238, the true advance in four years being one day, thirty-six minutes plus. I have supposed the. Egyptian year which began in b.c. 197 to have had the vague dates restored in order to produce the concurrent dates Mechir 18 and Xanthicus 4 in b.c. 196. The year which began in b.c. 236 ceased to be vague when it received the extra day at its end in b.c. 235. The year b.c. 197, by the restoration of the vague dates, is for that reason the first vague year following ADJUSTMENT OF THE EGYPTIAN YEAR TO THE JULIAN. 35 the vague year of b.c. 237 ; it takes the place of the vague year of b.c. 236-235. B.C. Year. B.C. Year. 240 0-1 201 0-1 239 1-2 200 1-2 238 2-3 199 2-3 237 3-4 198 3-4 236 4-5 197 4-5 235 5 196 5 In this table the cycle has been extended back from b.c. 197 to b.c. 201. It was supposed that the Apis cjTcle was not ob- served in b.c. 201, but it may be taken to be the epoch of the first year of a new series, the fifth year of which began in b.c. 197. The condition of the new series is that the 1st of Thoth con- curs in b.c. 201 with the 9th of October, the same concurrence that existed in b.c. 1661, these epochs being exactly separated by fourteen hundred and sixty Julian years, or fourteen hundred and sixty -one vague years (a Sothic cycle). Calculating by mean months from an epoch, the following lunar dates are found : b.c. 1661, 1st of Thoth. Conjunction of Sun and Moon, Oct. 9, lOh. 8m. p.m. “ 1050, “ “ “ “ May 10, lOh. 12m. p.m. “ 440, “ “ “ “ Dec. 8, 10h.35m. p.m. “ 201, “ “ “ “ Oct. 8, 7h. llm.A.M. The difference between the new series is, the 1st of Thoth of Cycle I. (new series) is the day of the visible new moon, and not that of the conjunction of the sun and moon. The following is a table of these cycles as just described : Table I. of Apis Cycles. B.C. 1661 B.C.' 1561 b.c. 1461 b.c. 1361 B.C. 1261 B.C. 1161 b.c. 1061 “ 1636 “ 1536 “ 1436 “ 1336 u 1236 “ 1136 (1061 “ 1611 “ 1511 “ 1411 “ 1311 u 1211 “ 1111 11 “ 1586 “ 1486 “ 1386 “ 1286 u 1186 “ 1086 1050) Series II. b.c. 1050 b.c. 950 B.c. 850 b.c. 750 B.C. 650 b.c. 550 ] b.c. 450 “ 1025 “ 925 “ 825 “ 725 u 625 “ 526 (451 “ 1000 “ 900 “ 800 “ 700 u 600 “ 501 11 “ 975 “ 875 “ 775 “ 675 u 575 “ 476 440) 36 EGYPTIAN CHRONOROGY. Series III. b.c. 400 b.c. 340 b.c. 240 “ 415 “ 315 “ 390 “ 290 “ 365 “ 265 New Series. B.C. 201 B.C. 101 B.C. 1 A.D. 100 “ 176 “ 76 A.D. 25 “ 125 “ 151 “ 51 “ 60 “ 150 “ 126 “ 26 “ 75 “ 175 The purpose so far has been to show that the adjustment made upon the testimony of Timocharis in b.c. 272 was still applicable to the Egyptian year b.c. 196, subject to the advance of the Julian year in the vague. Between this point and the reforma- tion of the Egyptian year by the Emperor Augustus no change was made in the vague year. The following table of Apis cycles differs from the previous one in that they are reckoned from the 1st of Phamenoth, the seventh month, — that is, six months earlier, — to carry out the idea that the lunar cycle of the vague year began with the third quarter of the moon on the 1st of Phamenoth. Table II. of Epochs of Apis Cycles. b.c. 1661. 1st of Phamenoth concurrent with April 7. The new moon on the 15th of April concurrent with Phamenoth 9. B.C. 1661 B.C. 1561 b.c. 1461 b.c. 1361 B.c. 1262 b.c. 1162 b.c. 1062 “ 1636 “ 1536 “ 1436 “ 1336 “ 1237 “ 1137 (1062 “ 1611 “ 1511 “ 1411 “ 1311 “ 1212 “ 1112 11 “ 1586 “ 1486 “ 1386 “ 1286 “ 1187 “ 1087 1051) b.c. 1051. 1st of Phamenoth equals 6th of November. The new moon on the 14th of November equals 9th of Phamenoth. b.c. 1051 b.c. 951 B.C. 851 b.c. 751 B.C. 651 B.C. 551 b.c. 451 “ 1026 “ 926 u 826 “ 726 u 626 ti 526 (451 “ 1001 “ 901 11 801 “ 701 n 601 u 501 11 “ 976 “ 876 u 776 “ 676 u 576 u 476 440) b.c. 440. 1st of Phamenoth equals 12th of May. The new moon on the 20th of May equals 9th of Phamenoth. ADJUSTMENT OF THE EGYPTIAN YEAR TO THE JULIAN. 37 b.c. 201. 1st of Phamenoth equals 7th of April. The new moon on the 13th of April equals 7tli of Phamenoth. B.C. 440 b.c. 340 b.c. 240 B.C. 201 B.C. 101 B.C. 1 A.D. 100 a 415 “ 315 tt 176 tt 76 A.D. 25 “ 125 tt 390 “ 290 tt 151 tt 51 tt 50 “ 150 tt 365 “ 265 a 126 a 26 tt 75 “ 175 Julius Caesar began the reformed Roman year with the 1st of January, b.c. 45. The corresponding date in the Egyptian year is of some chronological importance. The Canon of Ptolemy, or the astronomical canon, as it is sometimes called, reckoned ■« its years from the 1st of the month Thoth. It begins with the era of Nabonassar, and is composed of four sets of kings, or rulers of four nations, — the Babylonian, the Persian, the Egypto- Greek (the Ptolemies), and the Roman. It is of importance to know the concurrent dates of the Julian and the vague year at the time of the adoption of the former by the Romans. The existing arrangement between the two years causes the 1st of Thoth to fall on September 3, b.c. 45. This date, September 3, is connected with the date July 20; that is, this adjustment makes the vague 1st of Thoth fall on July 20 from a.d. 136 to a.d. 140. The vague 1st of Thoth must not be confounded with the legal 1st of Thoth. The former is the year which lost its legal existence when the Romans reformed the Egyptian year and made it substantially the same as the Julian by the addition of a day every four years. The 1st of Thoth, concurring with July 20, a.d. 136 to a.d. 140, is the vague, not the legal, 1st of Thoth. For it appears that the astronomers continued the use of the vague year in their calculations. The date July 20 refers to the heliacal rising of Sirius. It is necessary, if it is possible to be done, that the history of the Roman and Egyptian years and their concurrent dates should be presented in a light consistent with the historical facts connected with them. Chronologists have endeavored to do this. I cannot do better than to quote what Dean Prideaux has written for this purpose, as the extract will contain the main facts of the history of the two yeai’s from b.c. 45 to a.d. 8. “As Octavianus came to Alexandria in the beginning of August, so he had there settled all the affairs of Egypt by the end of it ; and in the beginning of September again marched 4 38 EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY. thence, to return by the way of Syria, Lesser Asia, and Greece, again unto Kome. From this conquest of Egypt began the era of Actiac victory, by which the Egyptians afterwards computed their time till the first year of the Emperor Dioclesian, a.d. 284; from that, what was before called the era of the Actiac vic- tory was afterwards called the era of Dioclesian, and by the Christians of those parts the era of the martyrs, because in the reign of that emperor began the tenth persecution, in which a very great number of Christians suffered martyrdom for their holy religion. Although this era had its name from the Actiac victory, yet it had not its beginning till near a full year after it, — that is, from the time that Egypt was reduced; for the day from whence it commenced was the 29th of August. And therefore, that was ever after the first day of the year, through all the years by which these eras — that is, the era of the Diocle- sian, or the martyrs, as well as that of the Actiac victory — did calculate the times through which they were used. The reason which fixed the beginning of this era, and of all the years in it, to the 29th of August was, say some, because on that day Cleo- patra died ; and the Macedonian empire in that country thereby ending, the Roman began ; but this is only a modern conjecture, for none of the ancients say it. All that we can learn from them is that she died about the end of that month, but none of them tell us on what day it happened. The true reason of fix- ing it at this day was because this was then the first day of their month Thoth, which was always the New-Year’s day of the Egyptians, from whence they began all their annual calcula- tions; and therefore it was thought the properest time from whence to begin all the alterations in their era, and their year, which the Romans, on the conquest of their countiy, made in both ; and that especially since the time of that conquest fell in therewith. For at that time the form of their years, as well as the era by which they calculated them, was changed by the order of the conqueror. The old era, which was till now in use among them, was the Philippic, which commenced from the death of Alexander, and the beginning of the reign of Philippus Aridseus, his successor; and the form of their year was the same with the Nabonassarsean, made use of by the Chaldeans, which consisted of twelve months of thirty days each, and five ADJUSTMENT OF THE EGYPTIAN YEAR TO THE JULIAN. 39 additional days subjoined to them ; that is, it consisted in the whole of three hundred and sixty-five days, without a leap-year, the want whereof made this year to he a movable year, which after every four years began a day sooner than it did in the four years immediately preceding; so that, in the space of one thousand four hundred and sixty years, this form carried back the beginning of the year through all the different seasons of summer, spring, winter, and autumn, till it brought it about again to the same point of time, with the loss of one whole year in the cycle. For the remedjfing hereof, the Eomans, on their subduing this country, made a leap-year in the Egyptian calen- dar in the like manner as in the Julian, by adding, at the end of every fourth year, one day more than had been in the other three. For, whereas the other three had only five days super- added at the end of each of them, the leap-year had six ; that is, it consisted of twelve months of thirty days each, and six additional days subjoined to them ; whereas all the other years that were not leap-years had the same number of like months, and only five of those days added after them. And hereby the Egyptian year was made to consist exactly in the same number of days as the Julian, though not exactly in the same form. “ For, in all other particulars, the old form of the Egyptian year was retained, after this reformation, in the same manner as before. And the 1st of Thoth, which was always the first day of the Egyptian year, falling on the 29th of August, and about the same time when the Eomans, on their conquest of Egypt, ordered this reformation, this induced them that they fixed the beginning of the new year where they found the beginning of the old ; and the 29th of August ever after continued to bo the first day of the Egyptian year, as long as the empire of the Eomans con- tinued in that country, and from thence also — that is, from the 29th of August of this year — the new Egyptian era of the Actiac victory, as well as their new reformed year, for the same reason, had its commencement. But against this it is objected that in this year the 1st of Thoth did not fall on the 29th of August, but on the 31st of that month, and therefore this cannot be the reason why the beginning of the Egyptian era of the Actiac victory, or the beginning of the year thenceforth used in that country, was fixed to that day. And it must thus far be 40 EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY. acknowledged that, according to the exact calculation of the time, this objection is true. For, according to that, the 1st of Thoth fell this year in the Roman calendar on the 31st, and not on the 29th of August ; but the Romans then used the form- of the Julian year erroneously, whereby it came to pass that the same day which was the 31st of August in their true calendar was the 29th in their erroneous calendar, which error proceeded from hence, that, after the death of Julius Csesar, the pontifices at Rome (as hath been above mentioned), mistaking the time of the intercalation, made every third year to be the leap-year, instead of every fourth ; by which error six hours were added every third year more than should be, which in the sixteen years that intervened from the first use of that form to this year, amounting to a day and a quarter, this erroneous addition had then protruded the 29th of August in the erroneous calendar into the place of the 31st of August in the true calendar, and according to this erroneous calendar the Romans then computed, and so continued to do for thirty-six years after the first forming of this year by Julius Csesar, till at length Augustus, on the dis- covery of this error, took care that, by making no leap-year for twelve years together, all the time that was erroneously added was again left out, whereby the protruded days in the erroneous calendar were all brought back again to their proper places, where they ought to have been according to the true calendar. But the protrusion of the day making no alteration in its number or name, hence it came to be said that it was the 29th of August, whereas, truly, it was the 31st of that month, from whence this Egyptian era of the Actiac victory, and all the years by which it computed, had their beginning. This era truly had its begin- ning from the conquest of Egypt, and therefore ought to have been called the era of the Alexandrian victory, whereby that country was reduced under the Roman yoke. But the Egyptians, to avoid the disgrace of thus owning this conquest, rather chose to call it the era of the Actiac victory, though that was gained one whole year before; and since this era was only used in Egypt, they had there it in their full power to call it by what name they pleased.”* *Prideaux’s “ Connection,” An. 30. ADJUSTMENT OF THE EGYPTIAN YEAR TO THE JULIAN. 41 Dean Prideaux has utterly failed to explain the corresponding dates between the Julian and the Egyptian year at this time. Ho, in accounting for the 1st of Thoth falling on the 29th of August, b.c. 30, erred in the method of his calculation. He cal- culated the intercalations as at six hours every year. The intercalations he well knew were added only one day at a time, yet ho says the error of the erroneous intercalations in sixteen years was one day and a quarter, and this was the reason August 29 occupied the place of August 31. The correct reason was that, as the period is sixteen years, and the first year b.c. 45 was intercalated, and every third year thereafter, the sixteenth year being one of these, six days had been added in this way against the four days required by the correct intercalations, and thereby August 29 had been advanced two days to the place of August 31. But his most unfortunate mistake is the explanation of the corresponding dates of the 1st of Thoth and the 29th of August. If, at the time of the subjugation of Egypt, Augustus reformed the Egyptian year and established its beginning to be the 1st of Thoth, corresponding to the 29th of August, what explanation is to be given of the correspondence between the two for the next twenty years, and also after the three intercalary days, which were left out of the twelve years, were omitted? For if the 1st of Thoth was at the 29th of August, b.c. 30, and also the Egyp- tian year at that time began to receive an intercalary day every four years, while the Eoman was receiving one every three years, then in the twenty years following b.c. 30 the erroneous inter- calations of the Eoman year will exceed the correct ones of the Egyptian year by one day, and at the end when they ceased the 1st of Thoth will have fallen back one day to August 28. From this place, by the omission of the next three intercalary days from the Eoman year, the 1st of Thoth will advance to the 31st of August, its correct place, according to Prideaux, at b.c. 30. Following the explanation given by Prideaux, it was absolutely impossible for the 1st of Thoth to fall on August 29 after the erroneous intercalations had been corrected. It was an actual fact, and not an assumed one, that the 1st of Thoth fell on the 29th of August during the Eoman dominion. If we were tied down to a particular of this view by any his- torical fact, such as, that in the year b.c. 30, Augustus reformed 4* 42 EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY. the Egyptian year, it would be set down as a blunder on his part if he had expected to accomplish the result he aimed at by the method which Dean Prideaux describes. But there is no such historical fact. Other writers place the reformation of the Egyptian year in b.c. 24, connecting that event with the twentieth year of Augustus, when, according to what would have been the correct intercalation of the Julian, the 1st of Thoth would fall on the 29th of August. These reckon Augustus’s first year from b.c. 43. This view, while it retains the era of Actium, begins that ei*a with a correspondence between the Roman and the Egyptian year which ought to have come about some six years later, but which did not because of the irregular inter- calations. Again, the Augustan era, which by some is held to be the same as that of Actium, is by others made to begin in B.c. 27, as the year in which he first received the name of Augustus. This will give for the twentieth year of the em- peror b.c. 9, which was the last year incorrectly intercalated. Augustus, like Julius Csesar, did not attempt to reform the Roman year until he became Pontifex Maximus, the supervision of the calendar belonging to his office as chief priest. It is reasonable to suppose the reformation of the Egyptian year took place at about the same time. Augustus became Pontifex Maximus, according to chronologers, in b.c. 14 or b.c. 13. The usual chronology requires the 1st of Thoth to be on the 3d of September, b.c. 45. It is upon this adjustment of the vague year to the Julian that Dean Prideaux and other chronologers base their explanations of the legal date of the 1st of Thoth in the Julian year. Not one of these accounts for the historical facts connected with the two years, because it is impossible to do so on the basis that in b.c. 45 the 1st of Thoth corresponded with September 3. I propose to do this by making the con- current dates of b.c. 45 the 1st of Thoth and the 7th of Sep- tember. To obtain this arrangement I begin the Julian year on the 25th of December of b.c. 46, and bring down to this point the adjustment of the Julian and vague year produced by the observation of Timocharis in b.c. 272. In b.c. 272, as already explained, the 17th of Mesori fell on the 8th of October. This will cause the 1st of Thoth in this year to equal the 27th of October. But if the beginning of the ADJUSTMENT OF THE EGYPTIAN YEAR TO THE JULIAN. 43 1st of January, b.c. 45, is put back seven days to December 25, the correspondence in b.c. 272 must, as to the date of Julian, be put forward seven days to November 3. The precession of the Julian in the vague from b.c. 272 to any date in the vague year corresponding to a date in the Julian following the 1st of March, b.c. 45, is fifty-seven days, which will throw back the 1st of Thoth that many days, so that in this year its corre- sponding date will be September 7. I have already gone over the first step in this argument, — that is, the effect the observa- tion of Timocharis has upon the concurrent dates of the Julian and the Egyptian years. It now remains to discover if there are any grounds for this correction of the beginning of the Julian year by putting it back seven days, and then to apply the effect of the new arrangement to the concurrent dates under consideration. The article “ Calendar (Roman)” in Smith’s “ Greek and Roman Antiquities” contains the following: “It was probably the original intention of Caesar to commence the year with the shortest day. The winter solstice at Rome, in the year b.c. 46, occurred on the 24th of December of tbe Julian calendar. His motive for delaying the commencement for seven days longer, instead of taking the following day, was probably the desire to gratify the superstition of the Romans, by causing the first year of the reformed calendar to fall on the day of the new moon. Accordingly, it is found that the mean new moon occurred at Rome on the 1st of January, b.c. 45, at 6h. 16' p.m. In this Avay alone can be explained the phrase used by Macrobius, 1 Annum civilem Ccesar , habitis ad lunam dimensionibus constitutum, edicto palam proposito publicavit.’ This edict is also mentioned by Plutarch where he gives the anecdote of Cicero, who, on being told by some one that the constellation Lyra would rise the next morning, observed, ‘ Yes, no doubt, in obedience to the edict.’ ” Macrobius does not say that the 1st of January began on the day of the new moon, but he means that the epoch of the year established by Julius Caesar began adjusted to the moon. This is not necessarily the new moon. The Roman civil day began at midnight. In beginning the epoch adjusted to the moon, the civil day should begin with the moon in some relation to its beginning. The Jews, for instance, as will be more fully 44 EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY. set forth in the second part of this work, began their epoch and day with the full moon, — that is, at sunset. In the case of the Romans, as the moon is to be visible to have any clearly-marked relation to midnight, the beginning of the civil day, it should be either rising or setting or on the meridian at that time. Now, if it is known by a calculation that the new moon was a little after six o’clock p.m. on the 1st of January, it follows that on December 25 the moon was at her third quarter and rose at midnight, the beginning of the civil day. We have here just what Macrobius describes, and which is wanting if the epoch began with the new moon, at 6h. 16' p.m. on the 1st of January. In ordinary dates it is sufficient for the moon to fall at any time in the same day, but an era should have the astronom- ical phenomena — which are possible under the system of time- measurement employed — at the beginning. As to the beginning on the day of the new moon to gratify the superstitious notions of the Romans, if this was not done, then the prevalence of such a superstition may perhaps explain why the priests misunder- stood the rules laid down by Caesar for the future regulation of the year, their neglect being wilful and not through ignorance. Nobody can understand why Cicero should speak in so sarcastic a manner about beginning the year with the day of the new moon, if Julius Caesar made that commencement to gratify the superstitious notions of the Romans. That only means they were accustomed, when they employed lunar months, to begin them with the new moon, and, after the abandonment of a year strictly lunar, to commence their technical epoch in the same way; any change in this respect would be unpopular. But if we understand the edict referred to the beginning of the year on the 25th of December, we may be able to comprehend Cicero as if he mistook the language of the edict in exactly the same way as the words of Macrobius have been misunderstood. The effect of beginning the 1st ot' January on the 25th of December would be, as I have shown, to cause the 1st of Thoth to correspond with the 7th of September, b.c. 45. In the following table I have set forth and contrasted the two places of the 1st of Thoth in the Julian year. It shows the incorrect intercalations, and what should be the correct ones. The table extends from b.c. 45 to a.d. 8, inclusive. In b.c. 9 I ADJUSTMENT OF THE EGYPTIAN YEAR TO THE JULIAN. 45 have begun the legal 1st of Thoth corresponding by the incorrect intercalation to August 26, but by the correct, to what should have been the 29th of August. Dates of 1st of Thoth in the Julian between B.C. J/j and A.D. 8. According to thf. Adjustment that in b.c. 45 the 1st of Thoth of the Vague Year CONCURRED WITH THE 3d OF SErTEMREU. 45 44 43 42 41 40 39 38 37 36 35 34 33 32 31 30 29 28 27 26 25 24 23 22 21 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 9 H etf © s which fell in with them were omitted. In this way the integrity of the eponyms is preserved, and they and the period down to the re- bellion of Jeroboam I. are confirmed by other data, which will be furnished when this portion of the history comes under con- sideration. THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 133 CHAPTER XI 1. THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. The historical chronology is divided into two parts. The first extends from the exodus to the reign of Rehoboam ; the second part completes the history. PART I. From the Exodus to Rehoboam. Chronological Data. I. Wanderings in the Wilderness. — This period is given in Numbers xiv. 33 as forty years. It is a question whether these are years of twelve or ten months. In the latter case they equal thirty-three and one-third years of twelve months. II. Division of Lands. — No years for the period between the crossing of the Jordan and the judgeship of Othniel are given in the Bible except the eight years of the captivity to Mesopo- tamia, which came to an end when Othniel became judge. Some find a longer period than the eight implied in the book of Joshua. They are derived from Caleb’s statement of his own age at the time of the division of lands (Joshua xiv. 7, 10). He was forty years old when ho and his companions set out from Kadesh-barnea to spy out the land, and he is now eighty- five years old, a period of forty-five years having elapsed. This places the division of lands in the forty-seventh year of the ex- odus. The two schemes affect this item, for by one the years are of twelve months, and by the other of ten months. III. Judgeship of Joshua. — Josephus gives Joshua a judgeship of twenty-five years. The figures seem to be derived from Caleb’s statement, because they make Joshua eighty-five years old at the crossing of the Jordan, which was the age of Caleb at the division of lands. The two schemes are so arranged that the death of Joshua, according to Scheme I., is fifteen years (twelve months) after the death of Moses, Scheme II. 12 134 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. The items are as follows: 1. In the wilderness ... 40 years. N umbers xiv. 33 2. Captivity to Mesopotamia . . . . ... 8 ti Judges iii. 8 3. Othniel, judge ... 40 n ll iii. 11 4. Captivity to Moab ... 18 it ll iii. 14 5. Eliud, judge ... 80 a It iii. 30 6. Shamgar, judge ... 0 It ll iii. 31 7. Captivity to Jabin ... 20 ti ll iv. 3 8. Deborah and Barak ... 40 it ll v. 31 9. Captivity to Midian ... 7 it ll vi. 1 10. Gideon ... 40 It ll viii. 28 11. Abimeleeh ... 3 ll ll ix. 22 12. Tola ... 23 ll ll x. 2 13. Jair ... 22 ll 1 1 x. 3 14. Captivitv to Philistia ... 18 a ll X. 8 15. Jephtliah ... 6 a ll xii. 7 16. Ibzan u ll xii. 9 17. Elon ... 10 u It xii. 11 1 8. Abdon ... 8 ii It xii. 14 19. Captivity to Philistia ... 40 it It xiii. 1 The years Samson judged Israel are included in the forty years’ servi- tude to Philistia. “And he judged Israel twenty years” (Judges xvi. 31). “ He judged Israel in the days of the Philistines twenty years” (Judges xv. 20). 20. Eli, judge 40 years. I. Samuel iv. 18 21. Saul, king 40 “ The years of Saul are inferred from several statements in the Bible. The description of Saul in I. Samuel ix. 2 is “ A choice young man, and a goodly.” On the authority of those best able to decide a ques- tion of this kind this meant a young man of age, but unmarried. “ Ish-bosheth, Saul’s son, was forty years old when he began to reign over Israel, and reigned two years” (II. Samuel ii. 10). 22. David, king 40 years. I. Kings ii. 11 “ Seven years reigned he in Hebron, and thirty and three years reigned he in Jerusalem.” 23. Solomon 40 years. I. Kings xi. 42 24. In the four hundred and eightieth year after the children of Israel were come out of Egypt, in the fourth year of his reign, in the second month Zif, Solomon began to build the house of the Lord (I. Kings vi. i). In the Septuagint version this period is put at four hundred and forty years. “ In II. Chronicles iii. 2 (the parallel passage) there is no date. Josephus, Theophilus, and others who have left systems of chronology seem to be ignorant of this computation, which is first mentioned in the fourth century by Eusebius, and he does not THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 135 adopt it.”* In the older books, such as Exodus, Deuteronomy, Numbers, Judges, and I. Samuel, a space of more than five hundred years may be counted for the same period. No effort is made in the Bible to explain or remove the difficulty. The consequence is, two opposing views are held. One class of critics, insisting on the long chronology, claims the statement of four hundred and eighty years in I. Kings to be an instance of corrupted text. Another, advocating the short chronology, insists upon the retention of the four hundred and eighty years, and endeavors to harmonize everything by sup- posing certain terms of years, especially some of those mentioned in the Book of Judges, to be contemporaneous. 1 do not propose to discuss this matter. The purpose is to show that the numbers as they stand in the older books are in agreement with the period of four hundred and eighty years, and if this number of years was inserted into the text at a later date than the composition of the Books of Kings, it was a result derived from a computation and interpretation of those numbers. Chronological Table. EXODUS TO THE KEIONS OE RICHOBOAM AND JEROBOAM I. B.C. Era of Taber- nacle. Decimes- TRIAL Years. Chronological Arrangement. Scheme I. Scheme II. 1397 1- 2 Exodus to crossing 1 Exodus to cross- 1- 2 1396 1 2- 3 of the Jordan. 2 ing of tlie Jor- 2- 3 1395 2 3- 4 3 dan. 3- 4 1394 3 4- 5 4 4- 5 1393 4 5- 6 5 5- 6 1392 5 7- 8 6 7- 8 1391 6 8- 9 7 8- 9 1390 7 9-10 8 9-10 1389 8 10-11 9 10-11 1388 9 11-12 10 11-12 1387 10 13-14 11 13-14 1386 11 14-15 12 14-15 1385 12 15-16 13 15-16 1384 13 16-17 14 16-17 1383 14 17-18 15 17-18 1382 15 19-20 16 19-20 1381 16 20-21 17 20-21 1380 17 21-22 18 21-22 1379 18 22-23 19 22-23 1378 19 23-24 20 23-24 1377 20 25-26 21 25-26 1376 21 26-27 22 26-27 1375 22 27-28 23 27-28 * “ The Bible Hand-Book” (Angus), p. 214. 136 JEWISH CM RONOLOGY. Chronological Table (Continued). B.C. Bra op Taber- nacle. Decimes- TRIAL Years. Chronological Arrangement. Scheme I. Scheme II. 1374 23 28-29 24 28-29 1373 24 29-30 25 29-30 1372 25 31-32 26 31-32 1371 26 32-33 27 32-33 1370 27 33-34 28 33-34 1369 28 34-35 29 34-35 1368 29 35-36 30 35-36 1367 30 37-38 31 37-38 1366 31 38-39 32 38-39 1365 32 39-40 33 Death of Moses. 39-40 1364 33 40- 1 34 Crossing of 40- 1 1363 34 1- 2 35 the Jordan. 1- 2 1362 35 3- 4 36 3- 4 1361 36 4- 5 37 4- 5 1360 37 5- 6 38 5- 6 1359 38 6- 7 39 6- 7 1358 39 7- 8 Death of Moses. 40 Division of 7- 8 1357 40 9-10 Crossing of the 1 lands. Death 1 1356 41 10-11 Jordan. 2 of Joshua. 2 1355 42 11-12 3 Captivity to 3 1354 43 12-13 4 Mesopotamia. 4 1353 44 13-14 5 5 1352 45 15-16 6 6 1351 46 16-17 Division of lands. 7 7 1350 47 17-18 Death of Joshua. 1 Othniel. 1- 8 1349 48 18-19 Captivity to Mes- 2 1 1348 49 19-20 opotamia. 3 2- 3 1347 50 21-22 4 4 1346 51 22-23 5 5 1345 52 23-24 6 6 1344 53 24-25 7 7 1343 54 25-26 Othniel. 1- 8 8- 9 1342 55 27-28 2 10 1341 66 28-29 3 11 1340 57 29-30 4 12 1339 58 30-31 5 13 1338 59 31-32 6- 7 14-15 1337 60 33-34 8 16 1336 61 34-35 9 17 1335 62 35-36 10 18 1334 63 36-37 11 19 1333 64 37-38 12-13 20-21 1332 65 39-40 14 22 1331 66 40- 1 15 23 1330 67 1- 2 16 24 1329 68 2- 3 17 25 1328 69 3- 4 18-19 26-27 1327 70 5- 6 20 28 1326 71 6- 7 21 29 THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS, 137 Chronological Table (Continued). B.C. Era of Taber- nacle. Cycles of Forty 1)kci- ME8TRIAL Years. Chronological Arrangement. Scheme I. Scheme II. 1325 72 7- 8 22 30 1324 73 8- 9 23 31 1323 74 9-10 24-25 32-33 1322 75 11-12 26 34 1321 76 12-13 27 35 1320 77 13-14 28 36 1319 78 14-15 29 37 1318 79 15 16 30—3 1 38-39 1317 80 17-18 32 40- 1 Captivity to 1316 81 18-19 33 2 Moab. 1315 82 19-20 34 3 1314 83 20-21 35 4 1313 84 21-22 36-37 5 1312 85 23-24 38 6 1311 86 24-25 39 7 1310 87 25-26 Captivity lo 40- 1 8 1309 88 26-27 Moab. 2 9 1308 89 27-28 3 10 1307 90 29-30 4 11 1306 91 30-31 5 12 1305 92 31-32 6 13 1304 93 32-33 7 14 1303 94 33-34 H 15 1302 95 35-36 9 16 1301 96 36-37 10 17 1300 97 37-38 11 18- 1 Ehud. 1299 98 38-39 12 2 1298 99 39-40 13 3 1297 100 1- 2 14 4 1296 101 2- 3 15 5 1295 102 3- 4 16 6 1294 103 4- 5 17 7 1293 104 5- 6 Ehud. 1-18 8- 9 1292 105 7- 8 2 10 1291 106 8- 9 3 11 1290 107 9-10 4 12 1289 108 10-11 5 13 1288 109 11-12 6- 7 14-15 1287 110 13-14 8 16 1286 111 14-15 9 17 1285 112 15-16 10 18 1284 113 16-17 11 19 1283 114 17-18 12-13 20-21 1282 115 19-20 14 22 1281 116 20-21 15 23 1280 117 21-22 16 24 1279 118 22-23 17 25 138 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. Chronological Table (Continued). B.C. Era of Taber- nacle. Cycles of Forty Deci- MESTRIAL Years. Chronological Arrangement. Scheme I. Scheme II. 1278 119 23-24 18-19 26-27 1277 120 25-26 20 28 1276 121 26-27 21 29 1276 122 27-28 22 30 1274 123 28-29 23 31 1273 124 29-30 24-25 32-33 1272 125 31-32 26 34 1271 126 32-33 27 35 1270 127 33-34 28 36 1269 128 34-35 29 37 1208 129 35 36 30-31 38-39 1267 130 37-38 32 40 1266 131 38-39 33 41 1265 132 39-40 34 42 1264 133 40- 1 35 43 1263 134 1- 2 36-37 44-45 1262 135 3- 4 38 46 1201 136 4- 5 39 47 1260 137 5- 6 40 48 1269 138 6- 7 41 49 1258 139 7- 8 42-43 50-51 1257 140 9-10 44 52 1256 141 10-11 45 53 1255 142 11-12 46 54 1254 143 12-13 47 55 1253 144 13-14 48-49 56-57 1252 145 15-16 50 58 1251 146 16-17 51 59 1250 147 17-18 52 60 1249 148 18-19 53 61 1248 149 19-20 54-55 62-63 1247 150 21-22 56 64 1246 151 22-23 57 65 1245 152 23-24 58 66 1244 153 24-25 59 67 1243 154 25-26 60-61 68-69 1242 155 27-28 62 70 1241 156 28-29 63 71 1240 157 29-30 64 72 1239 158 30-31 65 73 1238 159 31-32 66-67 74-75 1237 160 33-34 68 76 1236 161 34-35 69 77 1235 162 35-36 70 78 1234 163 36-37 71 79 1233 164 37-38 72-73 80- 1 Captivity to 1232 165 39-40 74 2 Jabin. THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 139 Chronological Table (Continued). B.C. Era of Taber- nacle. Cycles of Forty Deci- MESTRIAL Years. Chronological Arrangement. Scheme I. Scheme II. 1231 166 40- 1 75 3 1230 167 1- 2 76 4 1229 168 2- 3 77 5 1228 169 3- 4 78-79 6 1227 170 5- 6 Captivity to 80- 1 7 1220 171 6- 7 Jabin. 2 8 1225 172 7- 8 3 9 1224 173 8- 9 4 10 1223 174 9 10 5 11 1222 175 11-12 6 12 1221 176 12-13 7 13 1220 177 13-14 8 14 1219 178 14-15 9 15 1218 179 15-16 10 16 1217 180 17-18 11 17 1216 181 18-19 12 18 1215 182 19-20 13 19 1214 183 20-21 14 20- 1 Deborah and 1213 184 21-22 15 1- 2 Barak. 1212 185 23-24 16 3 1211 186 24-25 17 4 1210 187 25-26 18 5 1209 188 26-27 19 6 1208 189 27-28 1-20 7- 8 1207 190 29-30 Deborah and Ba- 2 9 1206 191 30-31 rak. 3 10 1205 192 31-32 4 11 1204 193 32-33 5 12 1203 194 33 34 6- 7 13-14 1202 195 35-36 8 15 1201 196 36-37 9 16 1200 197 37-38 10 17 1199 198 38-39 11 18 1198 199 39-40 12-13 19-20 1197 200 1- 2 14 21 1196 201 2- 3 15 22 1195 202 3- 4 16 23 1194 203 4- 5 17 24 1193 204 5- 6 18-19 25-26 1192 205 7- 8 20 27 1191 200 8- 9 21 28 1190 207 9-10 22 29 1189 208 10-11 23 30 1188 209 11-12 24-25 31-32 1187 210 13-14 26 33 1186 211 14-15 27 34 1185 212 15-16 28 35 140 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY, Chronological Table (Continued). B.C. Era of Taber- nacle. Cycles of Forty Deci- MESTRIAL Years. Chronological Arrangement. Scheme I. Sclierao II. 1184 213 16-17 29 36 1183 214 17-18 30-31 37-38 1182 215 19-20 32 39 1181 216 20-21 33 49- 1 Captivity to 1180 217 21-22 34 2 Midian. 1179 218 22-23 35 3 1178 219 23-24 36-37 4 1177 220 25-26 38 5 1176 221 26-27 39 0 1175 222 27-28 40- 1 7- 1 Gideon. 1174 223 28-29 Captivity to 2 1 1173 224 29-30 Midian. 3 2- 3 1172 225 31-32 4 4 1171 226 32-33 5 5 1170 227 33-34 6 6 1169 228 34-35 1- 7 7 1168 229 35-36 Gideon. 1- 2 8- 9 1167 230 37-38 3 10 1166 231 38-39 4 11 1165 232 39-40 5 12 1164 233 40- 1 6 13 1163 234 1- 2 7- 8 14-15 1162 235 3- 4 9 16 1161 236 4- 5 10 17 1160 237 5- 6 11 18 1159 238 6- 7 12 19 1158 239 7- 8 13-14 20-21 1157 240 9-10 15 22 1156 241 10-11 16 23 1155 242 11-12 17 24 1154 243 12-13 18 25 1153 244 13-14 19-20 26-27 1152 245 15-16 21 28 1151 248 16-17 22 29 1150 247 17-18 23 30 1149 248 18-19 24 31 1148 249 19-20 25-26 32-33 1147 250 21-22 27 34 1146 251 22-23 28 35 1145 252 23-24 29 36 1144 253 24-25 30 37 1143 254 25-26 31-32 38-39 1142 255 27-28 33 40- 1 Abimelech. 1141 256 28-29 34 2 1140 257 29-30 35 1- 3 Tola. 1139 258 30-31 36 2 1138 259 31-32 37-38 3 THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 141 Chronological Table (Continued). B.C. Era of Taber- nacle. Cycles of Forty Deci- MESTRIAI. Years. Chronological Arrangement. Scheme I. Scheme II. 1137 260 33-34 39 4 1136 261 34-35 40- 1 5 1135 262 35-36 Abimelech. 2 6 1134 263 36-37 1- 3 7 1133 264 37-38 Tola. 1- 2 8 1132 265 39-40 3 9 1131 266 40- 1 4 10 1130 267 1- 2 5 11 1129 268 2- 3 6 12 1128 269 3- 4 7- 8 13 1127 270 5- 6 9 14 1126 271 6- 7 10 15 1125 272 7- 8 11 16 1124 273 8- 9 12 17 1123 274 9-10 13-14 18 1122 275 11-12 15 19 1121 276 12-13 16 20 1120 277 13-14 17 21 1119 278 14-15 18 22 1118 279 15-16 19-20 23- 1 Jair. 1117 280 17-18 21 2 1116 281 18-19 22 3 1115 282 19-20 23- 1 4 1114 283 20-21 Jair. 1- 2 5 1113 284 2122 2- 3 6 1112 285 23-24 4 7 1111 286 24-25 5 8 1110 287 25-26 6 9 1109 288 26-27 7 10 1108 289 27-28 8- 9 11 1107 290 29-30 10 12 1106 291 30-31 11 13 1105 292 31-32 12 14 1104 293 32-33 13 15 1103 294 33-34 14-15 16 1102 295 35-36 16 17 1101 296 36-37 17 18 1100 297 37-38 18 19 1099 298 38-39 19 20 1098 299 39-40 20-21 21 1097 300 1- 2 Captivity to 22 22- 1 Captivity to 1096 301 2- 3 Philistia. 2 Philistia. 1095 302 3- 4 3 1094 303 4- 5 4 1093 304 5- 6 5 1092 305 7- 8 6 1091 306 8- 9 7 142 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. Chronological Table (Continued). B.C. Era of Taber- nacle. Cyci.es of Forty 1)E0I- HF.STKIAL Years. Chronological Arrangement. Scheme I. Scheme II. 1090 307 9-10 8 1089 308 10-11 9 1088 309 11-12 10 1087 310 13-14 11 1086 311 14-15 12 1083 312 15-16 13 1084 313 16-17 14 1083 314 17-18 15 1082 315 19-20 16 1081 316 20-21 17 1080 317 21-22 1-18 Jepbthah. 1079 318 22-23 2 1078 319 23-24 3 1077 320 25-26 4 1076 321 26-27 5 1075 322 27-28 6- 1 Ibzan. 1074 323 28-29 2 1073 324 29-30 3 1072 325 31-32 4 1071 326 32-33 5 1070 327 33-34 6 1069 328 34-35 1- 7 Elon. 1068 329 35-36 2 1067 330 37-38 3 1066 331 38-39 4 1065 332 39-40 5 1064 333 40- 1 6 1063 334 1- 2 7 1062 335 3- 4 8 1061 336 4- 5 9 1060 337 5- 6 10- 1 Abdon. 1059 338 6- 7 2 1058 339 7- 8 3 1057 340 9-10 4 1056 341 10-11 5 1055 342 11-12 6 1054 343 12-13 7 1053 344 13-14 Samson. 1- 8 Captivity to 1052 345 15-16 2 Philistia. 1051 346 16-17 3 1050 347 17-18 4 1049 348 18-19 5 1048 349 19-20 6- 7 1047 350 21-22 8 1046 351 22-23 9 1045 352 23-24 10 1044 353 24-25 11 THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 143 Chronological Table (Continued). B.C. ErtA of Taber- nacle. Cycles of Forty Deci- M E-TRIAL Years. Chronological Arrangement. Scheme I. Scheme II. 1043 354 25 26 12-13 1042 355 27-28 14 1041 356 28-29 15 1040 357 29-30 10 1039 358 30-31 17 1038 359 31 32 18-19 1037 300 33-34 20 1030 301 34-36 21 1035 362 35-30 22 1034 303 30-37 23 1033 364 37-38 21-25 1032 365 39-40 20 1031 360 40- 1 27 1030 367 1- 2 28 1029 308 2- 3 29 1028 309 3- 4 30-31 1027 370 5- 6 82 1026 371 6- 7 33 10251 372 7- 8 34 1025/ 373 8- 9 35 1024 374 9 10 36-37 1023 375 11-12 38 1022 370 12-13 39 1021 377 13-14 10- 1 Eli. 1020 378 14-15 1 1019 379 15-16 2- 3 1018 380 17-18 4 1017 381 18-19 5 1010 382 19-20 0 1015 383 20-21 7 1014 384 21-22 8- 9 1013 385 23-24 10 1012 386 24-25 11 1011 387 25-20 12 1010 388 20-27 13 1009 389 27-28 14-15 1008 390 29-30 10 1007 391 30-31 17 1000 392 31-32 18 1005 393 32-33 19 1004 394 33-34 20-21 1003 395 35-30 22 1002 396 30-37 23 1001 397 37-38 24 1000 398 38-39 25 999 399 39-40 20-27 998 400 1- 2 28 144 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. Chronological Table (Continued). B.C. Era of Taber- nacle. Cycles of Forty Deci- MESTRIAL Years. Chronological Arrangement. Scheme X. Scheme II. 997 401 2- 3 29 996 402 3- 4 30 995 403 4- 5 31 994 404 5- 6 32-33 993 405 7- 8 34 992 406 8- 9 35 991 407 9-10 36 990 408 10-11 37 989 409 11-12 38-39 988 410 13-14 40- 1 Saul. 987 411 14-15 1 986 412 15-16 2 985 413 16-17 3 984 414 17-18 4- 5 983 415 19-20 6 982 416 20-21 7 981 417 21-22 8 980 418 22-23 9 979 419 23-24 10-11 978 420 25-26 12 977 421 26-27 13 976 422 27-28 14 975 423 28-29 15 974 424 29 30 16-17 973 425 31-32 18 972 426 32-33 19 971 427 33-34 20 970 428 34-35 21 969 429 35-36 22-23 968 430 37-38 24 967 431 38-39 25 966 432 39-40 26 965 433 40- 1 27 964 434 1- 2 28-29 963 435 3- 4 30 962 436 4- 5 31 961 437 5- 6 32 960 438 6- 7 33 959 439 7- 8 34-35 958 440 9-10 36 957 441 10-11 37 956 442 11-12 38 955 443 12-13 39 954 444 13-14 40- 1 David. 953 445 15-16 2 952 446 16-17 3 951 447 17-18 4 TIIE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 145 Chronological Table (Continued). B.C. Era of Taber- nacle. Cycles of Forty Deci- M I- STRIA L Years. Chronological Arrangement. Scheme I. Scheme TT. 950 448 18-19 5 949 449 19-20 6- 7 948 450 21-22 8 947 451 22-23 9 940 452 23-24 10 945 453 24-25 11 944 454 25-26 12-13 943 455 27-28 14 942 450 28-29 15 941 457 29-30 16 940 458 30-31 17 939 459 31-32 18-19 938 460 33-34 20 937 401 34-35 21 930 402 35-36 22 935 403 36-37 23 934 404 37 38 24-25 933 405 39-40 26 932 400 40- 1 27 931 407 1- 2 28 930 408 2- 3 29 929 409 3- 4 30-31 928 470 5- 6 32 927 471 0- 7 33 920 472 7- 8 34 925 473 8- 9 35 924 474 9-10 36-37 923 475 11-12 38 922 470 12-13 39 921 477 13-14 40- 1 Solomon. 920 478 14-15 1 919 479 15-16 2- 3 918 480 17-18 Foundation of the 4 917 481 18-19 temple. 5 910 482 19-20 6 915 483 20-21 7 914 484 21-22 8- 9 913 485 23-24 10 912 480 24-25 11 911 487 25-26 12 910 488 26-27 13 909 489 27-28 14-15 908 490 29-30 10 907 491 30-31 17 900 492 31-32 18 905 493 32-33 19 904 494 33-34 20-21 13 146 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. Chronological Table (Continued). B.C. Era of Taber- nacle. Cycles of Forty Dkci- MF.STRIAL Years. Chronological Arrangement. Scheme I. Scheme II. 903 495 35-36 22 902 496 36-37 23 901 497 37-38 24 900 498 38-39 25 899 499 39 40 26-27 898 500 1- 2 28 897 501 2- 3 29 896 502 3- 4 30 895 503 4- 5 31 894 504 5- 6 32-33 893 505 7- 8 34 892 506 8- 9 35 891 507 9-10 36 890 508 10-11 37 889 509 11-12 38-39 888 510 13 40 A few explanations may make clear this table. It displays two schemes of the chronology from the exodus down to the captivity to Philistia, b.c. 1097, where the two coincide. Scheme I. reckons the wanderings in the wilderness as in years of twelve months. Scheme II. reckons these as in years of ten months. Scheme I. places the division of lands in the forty-seventh year of the exodus (twelve months). Scheme II. places the division of lands in the forty-seventh year of the exodus (ten months). Scheme I. places the captivity to Mesopotamia in b.c. 1350, and Scheme II. terminates that captivity in that year. Scheme I. reckons all the items of forty years beginning with that of the judgeship of Othniel as of years of ten months, also the judge- ships of Tola, twenty-three years, and Jair, twenty-two years, are so reckoned. It is believed that the three items beginning with Tola and ending with the captivity to Philistia, eighteen years, may denote so many cycles of the return of the same eclipses ; that is, fifty-four years, the first two of which are in decimestrial years. Scheme II. reckons the period down to the captivity of Mesopotamia in decimestrial years ; also all items of forty years as ten-month years. All other items in both THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 147 schemes are in years of twelve months. The decimestrial year is in cycles of six years, equal to five of twelve months. For every five years counted from the era they fall as in the following table : Years of Twelve . „ .. Months Decimestrial Years in Months. 1 (Year 1) 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, (Year 2) 11, 12, 2 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, (Year 3) 9, 10, 11, 12, 3 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, (Year 4) 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 4 1, 2, 3, 4, (Year 5) 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 5 1, 2, (Year 6) 3, 4, 5, 0, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12. The chronological table gives every year of each ruler, and captivity, which causes the last year of a preceding item to overlap the first year of a succeeding one. The decimestrial years follow the Jewish vague year, which in n.c. 1397 began on April 2, the day of the vernal equinox. Only nine months and five days of the Jewish vague year fell in b.c. 1397, hence the first decimestrial year fell partly in b.c. 1396. The table does not show this, but simply designates the decimestrial years corre- sponding to the vague years as found in the column headed Era of Tabernacle. The Julian epochs in the first column are only for the beginning of the vague year. The astronomical knowledge of the Jews fully equalled that of the same class in the surrounding nations. I am aware the opposite of this opinion is held. Special mention of astronomi- cal matters are absent from the Bible. There are found only a few allusions to this subject, made in a more or less obscure way ; but these, when given the consideration due them, point to a not inferior knowledge of these matters. The Jews possessed truer knowledge of the length of the solar year than that usu- ally ascribed to the ancients, and it is proposed to be made evi- dent, in the course of this work, that they were not only acquainted with the sidereal cycle, the knowledge of which is generally accredited to the Egyptians, but also that their knowledge of eclipses and their chronological use was fully up to that of the world-famed Chaldean. In the review just made of the ordinances establishing the great historical festivals, thei’e was found in connection with them no direct intimation of the time of the year at which the exodus took place, or any allusion to the place of the moon at the time of that event. That the event took place about the 148 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. time of the vernal equinox is agreeable to tradition. This is also implied in the Bible. In I. Chronicles xii. 15 occurs, “ These are they that went over Jordan in the first month, when it had overflown all its banks ; and they put to flight all them of the valleys, both toward the east, and toward the west.” In Judea the former rains fall in October and November; the latter rains in March and April. “It is owing to these latter rains that Jordan in the first month annually overflows its banks at the season of barley harvest; and the reason why it overflows them only once in the year is, that when the former rains fell the ground was so parched by the summer’s drought that they scarcely quenched its thirst, but having been satu- rated at times with plentiful showers during the winter, those surplus portions of the latter rain which fall in the spring naturally empty themselves into the river, and carry it along at full flood.”* The passage of the Jordan alluded to in I. Chroni- cles was on the tenth day of the first month. This implies the Lord’s passover was about at the time of the vernal equinox. I have been led by many considerations, which from time to time will be unfolded in the course of this inquiry, to regard the vague year as the chronological year of the Jews. While holding this view, I do not intend thereby to advocate the exclusion of other forms of years for other purposes, or for the same purpose at other times. According to my reckoning, from the exodus to the end of the Babylonian captivity was a period of nine hundred years. This many tropical years are exactly seven days shorter than the same number of Julian years, and two hundred and eighteen days longer than a like number of vague years. So it is a matter of no great moment whether the chronological year be a vague, a tropical, or a Julian year. The tables will not differ more than one year if any of these years are used. But if it can be shown that, by the use of the vague year for this purpose, certain events connected with astronomi- cal phenomena, widely separated by years, are brought to the month, and even the day of the month, in which they may be believed to have happened, it is certainly in favor of the vague year. This I propose to do. *“ Antiquities of the Jews” (William Brown), vol. ii. pp. 432, 433. THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 149 The epoch of the exodus was the beginning of the Jewish nation. It had the essential political elements, but the old chronological systems required, in addition, that there should be in connection with the method of measuring time a proper astronomical beginning. The epoch was often marked by the erection of a monument or temple of stone with a suitable in- scription as a memorial. This was not always done, circum- stances and emergencies preventing or producing some other way of accomplishing the same result. In the case of the Jews the feasts of unleavened bread and tabernacles are ordered to be observed as memorials of their coming out of Egypt. If the political epoch was unaccompanied with phenomena proper to a new beginning, the chronologer would, while reckoning from the political epoch, conform the year to the condition of things existing at another time, because, as they governed the meas- urement of time by observation of the celestial bodies, these must have their influence upon the year. In this way there will be tAVO or more epochs: one kind political, by which will be reckoned the number of years, and the other astronomi- cal, by which the years will bo begun. A case in point, to illus- trate two epochs in connection with one reckoning of years, is the celebrated era of the battle of Actium. This era began with the 1st of Thoth ; the battle was fought on the 2d of Sep- tember, but the legal 1st of Thoth in connection with the era fell on the 29th of August. The epoch of the exodus is in dispute. There are those Avho affirm that the older Jews never had a chronological epoch. The only recognized instance of such a thing, they claim, is found in connection with the foundation of Solomon’s temple in the four hundred and eightieth year after the exodus. But this statement in I. Kings is not universally admitted to have be- longed to the original record, some claiming it to be the compu- tation of a redacteur. The expression “Exodus of the Jews” properly covers all the period of their journeying previous to their settlement upon their lands. But it is not always synon- ymous Avith other expressions used ; that is, it does not have the same limitations. Indeed, it is a question Avhat time is meant by the phrase in I. Kings vi. 1, “ the four hundred and eightieth year after the children of Israel were come out of the 13* 150 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. land of Egypt.” The Samaritan version of the Bible differs from the Hebrew in the year of the foundation of Solomon’s temple, giving for that year 440 instead of 480. This would seem to imply that whoever inserted 440 into that text counted the time from the crossing of Jordan, regarding all previous to that as still passed in Egypt. In favor of such a view, we might well inquire upon what grounds are based our notions of the boundaries of ancient Egypt. At the close of the twelfth dynasty, “The domination of the Egyptian sceptre was vigor- ously maintained in the peninsula of Sinai. Officials of the king, supported by a large military force, maintained the Pha- raonic sovereignty in the mountains of the land of Maf kat.”* In the time of Eameses III. we find that “ distinguished officials went thither on the king’s commission, to bring to the treasuries of Pharaoh the much-prized greenish-blue copper-stone [Mafka turquoises ?].”f It is from the gloomy recesses of Sinai, and in the vast wilderness of Paran that the children of Israel disap- pear from view to emerge in the fortieth 3’ear, and cross the brook Zered thirty-eight years after their departure from Ka- desh-barnea. Further, the writer of the number 480, having in mind the foundation of Solomon’s temple, may have reckoned from the epoch of the raising of the tabernacle, to take the place of which Solomon’s temple was built. I propose to con- sider this year, the four hundred and eightieth, to be counted from the era of the tabernacle. The tabernacle was reared up “ in the first month in the second year, on the first day of the month.” The era begins with the second year of the Lord’s passover in Egypt, and the years reckoned from it will be one less than those counted from the era of the passover. The jTear of the foundation of Solomon’s temple is the four hundred and eightieth of the era of the tabernacle, the four hundred and eighty-first of the era of the passover, and the four hundred and eightieth after the children of Israel were come out of Egjrpt, for “on the twentieth day of the second month, in the second year, that the cloud was taken up from off the tabernacle of the testimony. And the children of Israel took their jour- *“ Egypt under the Pharaohs” (Brugsch), vol. i. chap. ix. p. 174. Eng. trans. f Ibid., vol. ii. chap. xv. p. 143. Eng. trans. THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OP THE JEWS. 151 neys out of the wilderness of Sinai ; and the cloud rested in the wilderness of Paran.” There are several times in the first forty-eight years of the history suitable for eras. The following will be noticed: The eras of the passover and the tabernacle ; the epochs of tbe de- parture from Sinai, of Othniel, and the foundation of Solomon’s temple. In choosing eras connected with the exodus, the fixed dates of the Jewish festivals should fall naturally in their places. The holy days of these feasts were the 10th, 15th, and 21st of the month, which were to be observed as me- morials of their coming out of Egypt. If the practice was to erect monuments of stone to commemorate an important event, giving also some indication of the time, in order to establish such as memorials of epochs, then, in the case of the Jews, who followed a different way of accomplishing the same end, the dates of these feasts refer to epochs or eras. The distinction which has been made between the political and technical or as- tronomical epoch applies also here, and it is the object to dis- cover which of these dates refers particularly to some technical epoch, or whether the Jewish political and technical epochs were in any case identical. If the numbers refer to dates of the ver- nal equinox and autumnal equinox, and places of the moon, the historical epochs should be such as to allow the phenomena to fall on the dates to which they refer. EPOCH OF THE PASSOVER. In the year b.c. 1397 the vernal equinox was on the 2d of April ; this was also the 2d of the Egyptian month Pachons. If Abib, the first month, in this year is made to begin at the vernal equinox, then the Jewish year is placed in relation to the Julian, which permits, on the assumption that the year was a vague one, the discovery of the astronomical character of the great historical dates. It must be kept in mind that the Roman and Egyptian day began at midnight, and the Jewish day at sunset. The following will be the condition of the three years in b.c. 1397 : b.c. 1397, Julian year, vernal equinox April 2, full moon April 21. “ Egyptian “ “ Pachons 2, “ Pachons 21. “ Jewish “ “ Abib 1, “ Abib 20. At even of tbe 20th day the moon was full. 152 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. EPOCH OP THE TABERNACLE. b.c. 1396, Julian year, vernal equinox April 2, full moon April 11. “ Egyptian “ “ Pachons 2, “ Pachons 11. “ Jewish “ “ Abib 1, “ Abib 10. The tabernacle was set up on the first day of the first month of the second year, which was the day of the vernal equinox, and the full moon was on the 10th of Abib, the date of the day of the selection of the paschal lamb. Two schemes for the epochs of the crossing of the Jordan and the judgeship of Othniel: Scheme I. Scheme II. Crossing of Jordan, b.c. 1357. Crossing of Jordan, b.c. 1364. Epoch of Othniel, “ 1343. Epoch of Othniel, “ 1350. Scheme I.— Crossing of the Jordan , B.C. 1357. b.c. 1357, Julian year, vernal equinox April 2, new moon April 14. “ Egyptian “ “ Pachons 12, “ Pachons 24. “ Jewish “ “ Abib 11, “ Abib 23. EPOCH OP OTHNIEL, B.C. 1343. b.c. 1343, Julian year, autumnal equinox October 6. “ Egyptian “ “ “ Athyr 17. “ Jewish “ “ “ Ethanim 16. Scheme II. — This reckons the forty years from the era of the passover in decimestrial years. EPOCH OF THE CROSSING OP THE JORDAN, B.C. 1364. b.c. 1364, vernal equinox April 2, visible new moon April 3. “ “ Pachons 10, “ “ Pachons 11. “ “ Abib 9 “ “ Abib 10. The Jordan was crossed on the day of the visible new moon, Abib 10, the day following the vernal equinox.* EPOCH OP OTHNIEL, B.C. 1350. b.c. 1350, autumnal equinox October 7, full moon October 7. “ “ “ Athyr 16, “ Athyr 16. “ “ “ Ethanim 15, “ Ethanim 15. The year of Othniel began with the seventh month of the forty-eighth year of the exodus, which in b.c. 1350 had the full moon on the 15th of Ethanim, the day of the autumnal equinox. * See Joshua iv. 19, for date of the passage of the Jordan. THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 153 The following sets forth in one view the results so far obtained : Epoch of Exodus B.C. 1397, vernal equinox Abib 1, full moon Abib 21. “ Tabernacle “ 1396, “ “ 1, “ “ 10. Scheme I. Epoch of Crossing of Jordan b.c. 1357, vernal equinox Abib 11, new moon Abib 23. “ Othniel “ 1343, autumnal equinox Ethanim 1G. Scheme II. Epoch of Crossing of Jordan b.c. 1364, vernal equinox Abib 9, visible new moon Abib 10. “ Othniel “ 1350, autumnal equinox Ethanim 15, full moon Ethanim 15. In all of these cases, except those of Scheme I. for the cross- ing of the Jordan and the epoch of Othniel, dates connected with the two great historical festivals of the Jews are found for the epochs taken to have specific astronomical phenomena of the solar and lunar years. It is probable that the Jews at this time had a lunar month with the visible new moon on the 1st of the month. It is possible the vague and the lunar months boro the same names, the lunar Abib commencing with the visible new moon of the vague Abib. This would intercalate the lunar year with an additional month of the same name whenever there were two visible new moons in any one vague month. Hebrew scholars have explained the names Abib, first month ; Zif, second month ; Ethanim, seventh month ; Bui, eighth month, as referring to seasons or fixed times of the year. Contrary to the received opinion, it has been proposed to derive Abib from the Egyptian month Epiplii, but there is no ground for this un- less the exodus is to be put at a much later period ; that is, about b.c. 1157, or later, if the vernal equinox is to fall in the month Epiphi. The same objection does not apply to a common derivation of the corresponding months Athyr and Ethanim. Not only do they resemble each other in their formation, but, independently of this, they are connected with the same things. “ The third Egyptian month was called after Athor, in which the death of Osiris was fabled to have happened ; and it was at this season that the shrines of the goddess (Ceres or Isis) were car- ried in procession, ‘ the common time,’ says Plutarch, ‘ for the solemnization of the feasts in her honor falling within the 154 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. months in which the Pleiades appear, and the husbandmen be- gin to sow their corn, called by the Egyptians Athyr.’ ” * Eth- anim is also the month in which ploughing and sowing begin. The following table will be of use to find corresponding dates of the Egyptian and Jewish vague years. It conforms to the preceding calculations. The Jewish day begins at sunset, and Jewish dates concur in part with two dates of the Egyptian year. The intercalary days are added to the sixth month of the Jewish year, while they follow the twelfth month of the Egyptian year. The table gives the dates corresponding to the 1st of each month of the Jewish year. In applying this table I have followed only the concurrence of the last Egyptian date, — that is, 1st of Abib = 2d Pachons. Jewish Dates. Egyptian Dates. 1st of first month = lst-2d Pachons. U second ii ll Payni. it third a == ll Epiphi. ll fourth ii = ll Mesori. u fifth a ll Intercalary days. it sixth ii — 26th-27fh Thoth. ll seventh ii = lst-2d Athyr. ll eighth ii = ii Khoiakh. ll ninth ii = ii Tybi. It tenth ii = ii Meehir. ll eleventh u = ii Phamenoth. ll twelfth it — ii Pharmuthi. It was shown that by bringing the 1st of Abib to the vernal equinox, hi b.c. 1397, the fixed dates of the great festivals of the Jewish religion found suitable astronomical phenomena in the several years taken as Jewish epochs. These epochs may be used as eras in the technical sense. By inspection of the chro- nological table, it will be seen there is not an unbroken series of eponymous cycles from Othniel to Solomon. The series is scarcely begun when it ceases with the captivity of Moab. Ehud begins another series, and this lasts for only two cycles, when the captivity of Jabin puts it to an end. Deborah and Barak begin another, which is also broken by a captivity. Gideon begins another, but it is not continued. The system is abandoned, and does not appear again until perhaps Samson * “ The Ancient Egyptians” (Wilkinson), vol. iii. p. 116. THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 155 became eponym, for he judged Israel twenty years in the time of the Philistines. This last captivity was for forty years. But with Eli a series begins which is continued unbroken down to Rehoboam. Prom the character of these cycles, for they imply an autonomy at their institution, the result is what must have happened. They would naturally be tei’minated when the nation was subjugated and deprived of its legitimate rulers. But this is not the only cause of their suppression. During this portion of Jewish history, and Secondary to the cause just mentioned, the civil and l-eligious polity of the nation was in a disturbed state. By contact with other peoples they became contaminated with religions other than the pure worship of Jehovah. These affected their methods of measuring time. The ritual of a religion conforms to tho time-measurement in use. This is true of the Jews as well as of all other nations. This may explain why the judges, beginning with Abimelech and ending with Abdon, had abandoned the former form of the year by tho cycle, and taken up with one of twelve months. Othniel begins his cycle with the seventh month, and the full moon on the fifteenth day, which was also the day of the autumnal equinox. Eli also begins his cycle with the seventh month. In b.c. 1021 tho full moon was on July 2, the day of the summer solstice ; this date concurred with Athyr 2 and Ethanim 1. The new moon was on July 17, Athyr 17, and Ethanim 16. July 17 was tho date of the heliacal rising of Sirius on the day of the new moon following the summer solstice. The series of eponymous cycles beginning with that of Eli have suitable astronomical phenomena at the beginning. It would seem that a lunar vague year, rather than the common year, was used. But it is not necessary to suppose the practice was confined to this form. The cycles in this and the subsequent table of Part II. are all in connection with the vague year, using months of thirty days, with five intercalary days; and as both forms were used, a slight variation, not amounting to a year, may more correctly show the true state of the case than the one followed. EPOCH OP THE FOUNDATION OP SOLOMON’S TEMPLE. The era of the tabernacle was placed in b.c. 1396. The tab- ernacle was set up in the first day of the first month. The 156 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. children of Israel took their journey out of the wilderness of Sinai in the 20th of the second month. This date, the 20th of the second month, was the coming out of Egypt alluded to in the statement of I. Kings vi. 1. In the four hundred and eightieth year after the children of Israel were come out of Egypt, in the fourth year of his reign, in the second month Zif, Solomon began to build the house of the Lord. In the table the fourth year of Solomon and the four hundi’ed and eightieth year of the tabernacle began in b.c. 918. If the foundation of Solomon’s temple was on the 20th of the second month, the date of the departure from Sinai, it is brought exactly to the beginning of the four hundred and eightieth year of the coming out of the children of Israel. Further, if the foundation of the temple was on the day of the new moon, the new moon will be on this date. If the chronological arrangement is correct, such might be expected to be the case, because this practice was cus- tomary among the ancients, and there is no reason to suppose the Jews exceptional in this instance, when they had so many customs of this kind in common with other nations. In b.c. 918 the new moon was on the 22d of January, concurrent with the 21st of Payni. In this year the 20th of the second month, Zif, concurred with the 21st of Payni. This brings the new moon to that date. Following the fashion of giving these dates with the day of the week, it may be fairly concluded that Solo- mon’s temple was founded on Saturday, the 22d of January, b.c. 918. CHAPTER XIII. THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OP THE JEWS (CONTINUED). PABT II. From the First Years of the Reigns of Rehoboam and Jeroboam I. The problem connected with the synchronous histories of Judah and Israel may be described as follows : Let a list of the kings of Judah be arranged in a column parallel with another of the kings of Israel, the reigns of each being numbered year THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 157 by year, and make the first years of the kings of Judah to fall on the same line with the years of the kings of Israel, in which they are said to have begun to reign, and do the same for the kings of Israel in the line of Judah. The two lines run paral- lel from the first of Jeroboam I. to the final year of Hoshea, the last king of the ten tribes, which synchronizes with the sixth year of Hezekiah, king of Judah. It will be observed, the line of Israel is shorter than the line of Judah for the same period ; in each line there are many cases of overlappings of one or more years of the last part of a king’s reign with the first of his successor, this being true of Israel, although its lino is apparently too short. In Judah between Amaziah and Aza- riah there is an interval of eleven years, which is not occupied by the reign of any king, and in Israel there arc three such gaps, one of twenty-two years between Jeroboam II. and Zaeh- ariab, one of ono year between Menahcm and Pekahiah, and one of seven years between Pekah and Hoshea. The overlaps are explained by commentators in two ways. First, in the old chronological lists, the custom was to count the years of a king’s reign by the number of years in which he held authority. This practice is admissible when the exact date of the begin- ning and end of a reign bas not been retained. This will ac- count for the overlapping in many instances of the first year of a reign with the last year of its predecessor, such years being common to both, and are only counted once in the chronological tables. Second, in the case where the overlaps are for several years, these are explained to be joint reigns; the son or succes- sor of a king being joined in authority with his predecessor for that much time. Unless there is something in the historical account to clearly countenance the hypothesis of a double reign, such an explanation has no other merit than that it may serve for want of a better. The gaps in the line of Judah and Israel are explained to be in- terregna. This is done, although the histoi-ical account makes no mention of them, and the impression left after its perusal is, these kings succeeded each other without any separation at all. The existence of these is only discovered when a chronological table of the reigns of the kings of Judah and Israel is at- tempted. 14 158 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. Chronological Data of the Reigns of the Kings of Judah and Israel. Rehoboam reigned seventeen years Jeroboam I. reigned twenty-two years Abijam, king of Judah, began in the eighteenth year of Jeroboam I., and reigned three years . . Asa, king of Judah, began in the twentieth year of Jeroboam I., and reigned forty-one years . . . Nadab, king of Israel, began in the second year of Asa, and reigned two years Baasha, king of Israel, began in the third year of Asa. He reigned twenty-four years Elah began in the twenty-sixth year of Asa. He reigned over Israel two years Zimri began in the twenth-seventh year of Asa. He reigned over Israel seven days Omri began in the thirty-first year of Asa to reign over Israel. He reigned in Tirzah six years. He reigned twelve years Ahab began to reign over Israel in the thirty- eighth year of Asa. He reigned twenty-two years Jehoshapliat began to reign over Judah in the fourth year of Ahab. Ho reigned twenty-five years Ahaziah began to reign over Israel in the seven- teenth year of Jehosliaphat. He reigned two years Jehoram began to reign over Israel in the eigh- teenth year of Jehoshapbat. He reigned twelve years Jehoram, the son of Jehoshaphat, his father being then king, began to reign over Judah. He reigned eight years Ahaziah began to reign over Judah in the twelfth year of Joram of Israel. He reigned one year . Ahaziah began to reign over Judah in the eleventh year of Joram Jehu reigned twenty-eight years Athaliah reigned over Judah six years Jehoash began in the seventh year of Jehu. He reigned forty years over Judah Jehoahaz began to reign over Israel in the twenty- third year of Jehoash. He reigned seventeen years I. Kings xiv. 21. “ xiv. 20. “ xv. 1, 2. “ xv. 9, 10. “ xv. 25. “ xv. 33. “ xvi. 8. “ xvi. 15. “ xvi. 23. “ xvi. 29. “ xxii. 41, 42. “ xxii. 51. II. Kings iii. 1. “ viii. 16, 17. “ viii. 25, 26. “ ix. 29. “ x. 36. “ xi. 3. “ xii. 1. “ xiii. 1. THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 159 Jehoash began to reign over Israel in the thirty- seventh year of Jehoash of Judah. He reigned sixteen years Amaziah began to reign over Judah in the second year of Jehoash of Israel. He reigned twenty- nine years Jeroboam II. began to reign over Israel in the fif- teenth year of Amaziah. He reigned forty-one years Azariah began to reign over Judah in the twenty- seventh year of Jeroboam II. Ho reigned fifty- two years Zachariah began to reign over Israel in the thirty- eighth year of Azariah. Ho reigned six months . Shallum began in the thirty-ninth year of Azariah. He reigned over Israel one month Menahem began in the thirty-ninth year of Aza- riah. Ho reigned over Israel ten years .... Pekahiah began to reign over Israel in the fiftieth year of Azariah. He reigned two years . . . . Pekah began to reign over Israel in the fifty -second year of Azariah. He reigned twenty years . . Jotham began to reign over Judah in the second year of Pekah. He reigned sixteen years . . . Ahaz began to reign over Judah in the seventeenth year of Pekah. He reigned sixteen years . . . Hoshea began to reign over Israel in the twelfth year of Ahaz. He reigned nine years Hezekiah began to reign over Judah in the third year of Hoshea. He reigned twenty-nine years The fourth of Hezekiah is the seventh of Hoshea . At the end of three years, in the sixth of Hezekiah and the ninth of Hoshea, Samaria was taken . Manasseh reigned over Judah fifty-five years . Amon J osiah Jehoahaz Jehoiakim Jehoiachin Zedekiah two years . . . thirty-one years three months . eleven years . . three months . . eleven years . . II. Kings xiii. 10. xiv. 1, 2. xiv. 23. xv. 1, 2. xv. 8. xv. 13. xv. 17. xv. 23. xv. 27. xv. 32, 33. xvi. 1, 2. xvii. 1. xviii. 1, 2. xviii. 9. xviii. 10. xxi. 1. xxi. 19. xxii. 1. xxiii. 31. xxiii. 36. xxiv. 8. xxiv. 18. The remaining data upon which the chronology is founded are considered in the synchronous histories of Babylon and Persia, and matters connected therewith. 1G0 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. Chronological Table FROM THE FIRST YEARS OF REHOBOAM AND JEROBOAM DOWN TO THE COM- PLETION OF THE SECOND TEMPLE IN THE SIXTH YEAR OF DARIUS NOTHUS, B.C. 419. B.C. Era of Tabernacle. Years of Iniquity of Israel. Cycles of Decimes- trial Years. Kings of Judah, j Kings of Iseael. Cycles of Eclipses. 888 510 0 13 W 1 '■— < 1 887 511 1 14 g- 1 g 1 886 512 2 15 o 2 o' 2 885 513 3 16 Z 3 g 3 «H I Institution of the Apis-ivorsliip 884 514 4 17-18 g 4-5 B 4-5-6 ►-i 2 by Jeroboam. 883 515 5 19 P 6 _ 6 §- 3 882 516 6 20 7 ‘ 7 g 4 881 517 7 21 8 8 B 5 880 518 8 22 9 9 c 879 519 9 23-24 10-11 10-11-12 • 7 878 520 10 25 12 12 8 877 521 11 26 13 13 9 876 522 12 27 14 14 10 875 523 13 28 15 15 11 874 524 14 29-30 16-17 16-17-18 12 Abijam. 873 525 15 31 1 18 13 872 526 16 32 2-3 19 14 Asa. 871 527 17 33 1 20 15 Nadab. 870 528 18 34 2 21-1-2 16 Baasha. 869 529 19 35-36 3-4 2-1-2-3 17 868 530 20 37 5 3 18 867 531 21 38 6 4 19 866 532 22 39 7 5 20 865 533 23 40 8 6 21 864 534 24 1-2 9-10 7-8-9 22 863 535 25 3 11 9 23 862 536 26 4 12 10 24 861 537 27 5 13 11 25 860 538 28 6 14 12 26 859 539 29 7-8 15-16 13-14-15 27 858 540 30 9 17 15 28 857 541 31 10 18 16 29 856 542 32 11 19 17 30 855 543 33 12 20 18 31 854 544 34 13-14 21-22 19-20-21 32 853 545 35 15 23 21 33 852 546 36 16 24 22 34 851 547 37 17 25 23 35 Elah. 850 548 38 18 26 24-1-2 36 Zimri 1. Omri. '849 549 39 19-20 27-28 2-1-2-3 1 THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OP THE JEWS. 161 Chronological Table (Continued). B.C. w In U w « H Years of Iniquity of Israel. w 2 CO o,h pH p ^ O (-1 co < 3 2 C- O Kings of Judah. Kings of Israel. Ctcles of Eclipses. Kings of Assyria, j 848 550 40 21 29 O 3 2 847 551 41 22 30 B 4 3 840 552 42 23 31 a 5 4 845 553 43 24 32 6 5 844 554 44 25-20 33-34 7-8-9 6 843 555 45 27 35 9 7 842 550 40 28 36 10 8 841 557 47 29 37 11 9 840 558 48 30 38 12-1 10 <2 1 830 559 49 31-32 30-40 1-2-3 11 p 2 838 500 50 33 41-1 t> 3-4 12 g 3 837 501 51 34 1 tJ* 4 13 1 4 830 562 52 35 V 2 § 5 14 g 5 835 563 53 36 S 3 ' 6 15 1 o 834 564 54 37-38 g 4-5 7-8-9 10 M 7 833 565 55 39 •d 6 9 17 M 3 832 566 56 40 V 7 10 18 • 9 831 567 57 1 8 11 19 10 830 568 58 2 9 12 20 11 820 560 59 3-4 10-11 13-14-15 21 12 828 570 00 5 12 15 22 13 827 571 61 0 13 10 23 14 820 572 02 7 14 17 24 15 825 573 03 8 15 18 25 16 Ahaziah 1. 824 574 64 9-10 16-17 19-20-21 20 17 823 575 65 11 18 % 2-1 27 18 822 576 06 12 19 cr 1 28 19 821 577 07 13 20 8 2 29 20 820 578 68 14 21 g 3 30 21 819 570 69 15-10 1-22-23 P 4-5-0 31 22 818 580 70 17 £ 2-24 6 32 23 817 581 71 18 e 3-25 7 33 24 816 582 72 19 8 4 8 34 25 815 583 73 20 g 5 9 35 20 814 584 74 21-22 P 6-7 10-11-12 36 27 Kings of Israel. N 0* 3 ◄ 3 OT w Old Series. Now Series. o Cm O O 10 mos. 12 mos. 10 mos. o B M 813 585 75 23 > 8-1 £ 1-12 =-( 1 «H 1 £ i “28 812 580 76 24 £ > 2 & 1 & 2 er 1 cr 2 £29 811 587 77 25 g-S 3 F 2 F 3 F 2 F 3 B30 810 588 78 26 as, 4 3 4 3 4 g 31 809 589 79 27-28 • £' 5 4-5-6 5 4-5-6 5 §32 808 590 80 29 P 1-6 6-7 6 6 6 SS33 807 591 81 30 9 7 7 7 7 134 806 592 82 31 ti" 3 8 8 8 8 i— '35 805 593 83 32 g 4 9 9 9 9 1 804 594 84 33-34 g, 5-6 10-11-12 10 10-11-12 10 d B 2 803 595 85 35 • 7 12 11 12 11 r-S 3 i 14* 162 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY Chronological Table (Continued). B.C. w r p fc o O 790 608 98 10 22 27-28 24 27 24 3 3 789 609 99 11-12 23-24 1-2-3 25 28-29-30 25 S3' 4 788 610 100 13 25 C-4 9 26 30 26 £ 5 787 611 101 14 26 V 4 27 31 27 6 786 612 102 15 27 g 5 28 32 28 7 785 613 103 16 28 g" 6 «-< 1 33- 1 29 8 784 614 104 17-18 29-30 £ 7-8-9 V 2 f? 1-2-3 30 9 783 615 105 19 31 9 g 3 c- 3 31 10 782 616 106 20 32 10 g" 4 g 4 32 11 781 617 107 21 33 11 N 5 S 5 33 12 780 618 108 22 34 12 6 N 6 34 13 779 619 109 23-24 35-36 13-14-15 7 7-8-9 35 14 778 620 110 25 37 15 8 9 36 15 777 621 111 26 38 =-16-17-1 9 10 1 16 776 622 112 27 39-40 3- i 10 11 2 17 775 623 113 28 > 1 g 2 11 12 g- 3 18 774 624 114 29-30 B 2 | 3-4-5 12 13-14-15 ° 4 19 773 625 115 31 g 3 F 5 13 15 ® 5 20 772 626 116 32 p *4 6 14 16 3 6 21 771 627 117 33 F 5 7 15 17 7 22 770 628 118 34 6 8 16 18 8 23 769 629 119 35-36 7- 8 9-10-11 17 19-20 9 24 768 630 120 37 9 11 =-« 1 1 10 25 767 631 121 38 10 12 S' 2 2 11 26 766 632 122 39 11 13 g 3 S' 3 12 27 765 633 123 40 12 14 r{L 4 g 4 13 28 764 634 124 1- 2 13-14 15-16 • 5 a 5-6-7 14 29 763 635 125 3 15 £ 1 6 - 7 15 1 762 636 126 4 16 n 2 7 8 16 2 761 637 127 5 17 g- 3 8 9 17 2 3 760 638 128 6 18 o 4 9 10 18 p 4 759 639 129 7- 8 19-20 § 5-6-7 10 11-12-13 19 3 5 758 640 130 9 21 ^ 7 11 13 20 p 6 757 641 131 10 22 .-1 8 12 14 21 3 7 756 642 132 11 23 9 13 15 22 1 8 755 643 133 12 24 10 14 16 23 754 644 134 13-14 25-26 11-1 2-13 15 17-18-19 24 « 10 753 645 135 15 27 13 16 19 25 !- 1 752 646 136 16 28 14 1 C_, 20- 1 26 2 751 647 137 17 29- 1 15 C-H O £5 l 27 > 3 750 648 138 18 > 1 16 5 3 g. 2 28 £ 4 749 649 139 19-20 g 2- 3 17-18-19 cr 4 o 3-4-5 29 ® 5 748 650 140 21 2. 4 19 g 5 S 5 30 Qi 6 747 651 141 22 g- 5 20 3 6 3 6 31 p 7 746 652 142 23 6 21 7 H 7 32 3 8 745 653 143 24 7 22 8 ' 8 33 9 744 654 144 2.5-26 8- 9 23-24-25 9 9-10-11 34 10 743 655 145 27 10 25 10 11 35 11 the historical chronology of the jews. 163 Chronological Table (Continued). 15. C. Era of Tabernacle. •J w < C3 a ° 3 £ l—i w Ih Ek O J w < w £ 5 H 6 Kings of Judah. Kinqs of Isuael. Cycles of Eclipses. Kings of Assyria. Kings of Babylon. I Old Series. New Series. 10 mos. 12 mos. 10 mos. 742 656 140 28 11 26 11 12 36 12 741 657 147 29 12 27 12 13 > 1 13 740 058 148 30 13 28 13 14 p 2 14 739 659 149 31-32 14-15 29-30-31 14 15-10-17 2. 3 15 738 060 150 33 10 32 15 17 e. 4 16 737 601 151 34 17 33 16 18 • 5 17 730 062 152 35 18 34 17 19 6 18 735 663 153 36 19 35 18 20 7 > 1 734 664 154 37-38 20-21 30-37-38 19 21-22-23 8 m 2 733 665 155 39 22 38 20 23 9 5 3 732 060 156 40 23 39 21 24 10 a 4 731 067 157 1 24 40 22 25 11 3* 5 730 608 158 2 25 41 23 26 12 -1 u 729 609 159 3- 4 26-27 24 27-28-29 13 a- 7 728 670 100 5 28 25 29 14 8 1 727 671 101 6 29 26 30 15 9 ftj 2 720 072 102 7 30 27 31 16 !-? 1 & 3 725 673 163 8 31 28 32 17 qo^ 2 a t 724 074 104 9-10 32-33 29 33-34-35 18 p 3 p 5 723 675 165 11 34 30 35 19 4 $ 6 722 676 160 12 35 31 36 20 ►a 5 g 7 721 077 107 13 36 32 37 21 r 6 8 720 678 168 14 37 33 38 22 7 9 719 679 109 15-16 38-39 SI 39-40 23 8 10 718 680 170 17 40 Zacha- 24 9 11 717 081 171 18 41 S »3 riali 1. 25 10 12 710 682 172 19 42 P 4 Shal- 26 11 13 715 683 173 20 43 5 lum 1. 27 12 14 Kings of J UDA1I. Kings of Israel. 10 mos. 12 mos. 10 mos. 12 mos. 714 684 174 21-22 44-45 sag f co a> o 28 13 4 713 685 175 23 46 3 5 7 29 14 8 • 2 712 686 176 24 47 ? 8 30 15 711 687 177 25 48 "0 9 31 16 5'tr 2 710 688 178 26 49-50 =■& 1-10 32 17 8 S' 3 709 689 179 27-28 50-51 p.P 2 33 18 708 690 180 29 52- 1 1 1-2 M 1 34 19 go 2 707 691 181 30 o 1 o 2 hj 2 T! 2 35 m i • ' 1 700 692 182 31 1 3 3 36 « p - b-i 2 705 693 183 32 p 3 p 4 & 4 p 4 1 rig" 3 704 694 184 33-34 3 4-5 B 5 ^ 5-6-7 5 2 4 S'? 4 703 695 185 35 ' 0 6 7 6 3 •3 5 5° 5 702 096 186 36 7 7 8 7 4 ? i g i 701 097 187 37 8 8 9 8 5 g> 2 p 2 700 098 188 38 9 9 10 9 6 S 3 a 3 099 099 189 39-40 10-11 10 11-12-13 10 7 •S 4 g. 4 098 700 190 1 12 11 13 11 8 ? 5 2 5 697 701 191 2 13 12 14 12 9 0 3 6 696 702 192 3 14 13 15 13 10 7 1 7 095 703 193 4 15 14 16 14 11 8 g* 8 694 704 194 5- G 16-17 15 17-18-19 15 12 9 OT 9 693 705 195 7 18 16 19 16 13 10 10 164 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY, Chronological Table (Continued). W W fa < X w at O g Kings oi Judah. Kings or Israel. fa s fa fa fa 9 O hi « 5 B.C. O < < g CO fa P fa fa 5fa w < W w fa -< fa E- 3 o CO W o CO o o o c o of g 5 10 mos. 12 mos. 10 mos. 12 mos. o Sir, X ►fa o fa O a w a 092 706 196 8 19-20-1 (16) 20 17 14 ii 11 691 707 197 9 2 (18) 15 12 12 690 708 198 10 ^ 3 (19) 16 13 1 689 709 199 11-12 sf 4-5 5* (20) 17 14 P >• 2 68S 710 200 13 n 6 CD fa 18 15 S & 3 087 711 201 14 7 19 16 CD 4 680 712 202 15 8 CD 20 17 ^ 5 P Senna- p clierib. 685 713 203 16 9 s 21 GO 1 1 684 714 204 17-18 10-11 22 3 2 2 683 715 205 19 12 a i 23 3 3 g W 1 682 716 206 20 13 ° 2 24 o 4 H 1 681 717 207 21 14 S' 3 25 13* r. * 3 a 2 p fa Apara- P O' nailius. 5*7* S' 3 680 718 20S 22 1-15-10 a i (3)— 4 26 6 1 079 719 209 23-24 W 2 CD 2 5 27 7 2 • 4 678 720 210 25 K a CD 3 6 28 8 3 5 677 721 211 26 CD 4 g 4 7 29 9 4 6 676 722 212 27 £•5-6-7 8 30 10 5 7 075 723 213 28 & 7 • 6 9 31 11 6 8 Rege- belos. G74 724 214 29-30 8 7 32 12 1 9 | < x o < a at e fa fa P O •S W < « fa fa fa o o o o ° o fa o o 5« se y, s? W fa o ►fa M ►> 673 725 215 31 a 9 33 a?}? 314 g l ►310 072 720 216 32 g 10 34 w 2 an 671 727 217 33 % 11 £12-13-11 35 H15 S 3 p 12 670 728 218 34 36 §16 B 1 £18 669 729 219 35-36 g- 14 1 ffl7 §•14 668 730 220 37 15 a 2 ais *1 C/3 9 • 15 667 731 9*21 38 16 g 3 F19 3 3 16 666 732 222 39 17 CD 4 E 5 20 P P t W o 5 17 665 733 223 40-1 18 21 18 604 734 224 1-2 19-20-21 & 6 22 ^ 6 19 663 735 225 3 21 • 7 23 2. 7 20 662 736 226 4 22 8 24 F 8 21 601 737 227 5 23 9 M 1 1 22 660 738 228 6 24 10 a 2 > 2 23 659 739 229 7-8 25 11 & 3 p 3 24 658 740 230 9 26-27-28 12 §, i 3. 4 25 657 741 231 10 ^ 28 13 a 5 a 5 26 650 742 232 11 ? 29-1 14 3 6 o 6 27 055 743 233 12 3 2 15 •p 7 P 7 28 654 744 234 13-14 g 3-4 16 8 8 29 653 745 235 15 17 9 9 30 652 746 236 16 F 6 18 10 10 1 THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OE THE JEWS. 1G5 Chronological Table (Continued). D.C. Era. of Tabernacle. Years of Iniquity of Israel. Cycles of Decimes* trial Years. i H < ft P Pm O p M Kings of Assyeia. Kings of Babylon. Kings of Egypt. G51 747 237 17 7 11 11 ►U 2 650 748 238 18 8 12 12 P 3 619 749 239 19-20 9-10 t> 1 GO 1 B 4 648 750 240 21 11 CO 2 o 2 B 5 647 751 241 22 12 S 3 a 3 5- 6 646 752 242 23 13 g 4 £ 4 o' 7 645 753 243 24 14 O 5 S’ ,r) 5" 8 644 754 244 25-26 15-16 ►S’ ^ o 6 w 9 643 755 245 27 17 a 7 co 7 f 10 64'2 756 246 28 18 ' 8 8 11 641 757 247 29 19 9 9 12 640 758 248 30 20 10 10 13 639 759 249 31-32 21-22 11 11 14 638 760 250 33 23 12 12 15 637 761 251 34 24 13 13 16 636 762 252 35 25 14 14 17 635 763 253 36 26 15 15 18 634 764 254 37-38 27-28 16 16 19 633 765 255 39 29 17 17 20 632 766 256 40- 1 30 18 18 21 631 767 257 1 31 19 19 22 630 768 258 2 32 20 20 23 629 769 259 3- 4 33-34 * 1 24 628 770 260 5 35 B 2 25 627 771 261 6 36 & 3 26 626 772 262 7 37 g 4 27 625 773 263 8 38 & 5 28 624 774 264 9-10 39-40 o 6 29 623 775 265 11 41 CO 7 30 622 776 266 12 42 8 31 621 777 267 13 43 9 32 620 778 268 14 44 10 33 619 779 269 15-16 45-46 11 34 618 780 270 17 47 12 35 617 781 271 18 48 13 36 616 782 272 19 49 14 37 615 783 273 20 50 15 38 614 784 274 21-22 51-52 16 39 613 785 275 23 53 17 40 G12 786 276 24 t 54-55 18 41 611 787 277 25 B 1-2 19 42 610 788 278 26 Do 1 20 43 609 789 279 27-28 • §. 2- 3 21 44 608 790 280 29 P 4 p 22 45 Kings of Babylon. 607 791 281 30 5 tz! 1 46 606 792 282 31 6 g. 2 47 605 793 283 32 7 j> 3 48 604 794 284 33-34 8- 9 1 4 49 603 795 285 35 10 p' 5 50 602 796 286 36 11 g 6 51 601 797 287 37 12 S 7 52 GOO 798 288 38 13 ' 8 53 599 799 289 39-40 14-15 9 54 598 800 290 1 16 10 1 166 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY, Chronological Table (Continued). li.C. Era of Tabernacle. Years of Iniquity of Israel. Cycles of Decimes- TRIAL YEAr.S. Kings of Jodah. Kings of Babylon. Kings of Egypt. Kings of Tyre. 597 801 291 2 17 ii 2 596 802 292 3 18 12 8 3 595 803 293 4 19 13 5t 1 g- 4 594 804 294 5-6 20-21 14 g- 2 593 805 295 7 22 15 e 3 6 592 806 296 8 23 16 & l 7 591 807 297 9 24 17 g, 5 8 590 808 298 10 25 18 B 6 9 589 809 299 11-12 26-27 19 7 10 & 1 588 810 300 13 28 20 1 8 11 o 2 587 811 301 14 29 21 8 y 12 g- 3 5SG 812 302 15 30 (22) 10 13 £ 4 Captivities. P W « s EH P O P o 3d of 18 th o o 55 J’kirn. Nob. W M 585 813 303 16 £ 31-1 (23) 11 Z 14 5 584 814 304 17-18 & 1-2 (24) 12 o g 15 6 583 815 305 19 o c_| o (25) 1 13 8 0 ►d P 16 7 582 816 306 20 o'er 4 1 14 ►§ 1 hJ? 1 8 581 817 307 21 P O c 3 2 15 a 2 -d 1 2 9 580 818 308 22 g. 3 16 3. 3 % B 3 10 579 819 309 23-24 S’ 7-8 £ 4-5 17 ^ 4 O B 4 11 578 820 310 25 B 9 & 6 18 o 5 g. 5 12 577 821 311 26 10 p 7 19 2 6 CO EW 1 13 576 822 312 27 5? li-i & 8 20 CL 7 S 2 W 1 575 823 313 28 b-n 1 S 9 21 V! 8 VI B* 3 P 2 574 824 314 29-30 S.g, 2-3 1 10-11 22 g 9 p 3 4 £ 3 573 825 315 31 gg. 4 n 12 23 4 10 •-J • 5 M 4 572 826 316 32 1 13 24 2, ii 6 • 5 571 827 317 33 3 S- 6 m 14 25 e-< 12 7 6 570 828 318 34 ' ’ 7 ST 15 26 g- 13 o 8 7 569 829 319 35-36 8-9 Z 16-17 27 o 14 9 8 568 830 320 37 10 (2. 18 28 £ 15 & 0 10 9 567 831 321 38 11 1 I- g 1 557 841 331 31 39 26 11 3 7 B 2 a 40 3 13 9 518 880 370 65 50 46 13 24 3 41 4 14 10 517 881 371 66 51 47 14 25 ? 42 5 15 11 516 882 372 67 52 48 15 26 37 43 6 16 12 515 883 373 68 53 49 16 27 44 7 17 13 514 88-1 374 69 54 50 17 28 63 1 8 18 14 513 885 375 70 55 51 1 29 P 9 1 15 512 886 376 e 1 50 52 O 2 30 3 10 o 2 16 511 887 377 ■g 2 57 53 P Q 3 11 C 3 17 510 888 378 31 3 58 54 1 4 CD 12 5- 4 18 § 509 889 379 S 4 59 55 5 13 5 1 508 890 380 1 5 60 56 1 f> 14 2 6 S’2 507 891 381 3 (i 61 57 ” 7 O 15 • 7 3 2 CO 506 892 382 P 7 62 58 8 w 16 8 c* 4 505 893 383 ~ 8 63 59 9 17 9 •< c 504 894 381 (6 9 64 60 10 18 10 S 6 503 895 385 2 10 65 61 e i O 1 11 ' 7 502 896 386 ? 11 66 62 r-P C, P -i - s? 2 12 8 501 897 387 12 67 63 13 9 500 898 388 13 68 64 rt> w 4 a> “ 4 14 10 499 899 389 14 69 65 " B 5 5 15 11 498 900 390 15 70 66 a 6 a 6 16 12 Captivities. Kings of Persia. Cycles of Eclipses. 3d of J’kim. 23d of Neb. B.C. 557. B.C. 585. B.C. 527. 497 16 67 O 7 o 7 17 13 496 17 68 2 8 2 8 18 14 495 18 69 S' 9 S' 9 O 1 15 Second capture of Babylon 494 19 70 “ 10 “ 10 3 2 16 following the insurrection 493 20 1 E 11 K 11 S' 3 17 ofAracust?). Behistun in- 492 21 ’ £5 2 12 H 12 “ 4 18 scription. 491 o' 3 S' 13 p 13 W 6 1 490 & 4 *3 14 •3 14 S, 6 2 489 2, 5 S 15 g 15 S 7 3 488 to 6 • 16 • 16 4 487 W V 17 17 g 9 5 486 8 18 18 • 10 6 485 9 19 1 11 7 484 20 2 12 8 483 rp 11 21 3 13 9 482 2 12 22 4 14 10 481 £ 13 23 S 15 11 4S0 - 14 24 6 16 12 479 o 15 25 7 17 13 478 2 !6 26 8 18 14 477 2 17 27 9 1 15 476 2, 18 28 10 2 16 1 * 1 THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 169 Chronological Table (Continued). B.C. r CJ © w N K*a b • O < W 1 9 1 14 458 15 & | 10 2 15 457 o 16 11 3 16 456 Z 17 2 4 12 4 17 455 to 18 M 5 13 5 18-1 454 'g 19 2 6 14 6 2 453 S 20 1-1 7 15 7 3 452 S 21 8 16 8 4 451 22 9 17 9 5 450 23 10 18 10 6 449 24 11 X 1 11 7 448 25 12 3 2 12 8 447 26 13 P Q 13 9 446 27 14 2 4 14 10 445 28 15 M 5 15 11 444 29 16 fD /; 16 12 443 30 17 rH 7 17 13 442 31 18 8 18 14 441 32 19 9 1 15 440 33 20 10 2 16 439 34 21 11 3 17 438 35 22 12 4 18 437 36 23 13 5 1 436 37 24 14 6 2 435 38 25 15 7 3 434 39 26 16 8 4 433 40 27 17 9 5 432 41 28 18 10 6 431 42 29 1 11 7 430 43 30 2 12 8 429 44 31 3 13 9 428 45 32 4 14 10 427 46 33 5 15 11 426 47 34 6 16 12 425 48 35 7 17 13 424 49 O 1 8 18 14 423 8 2 9 b l 15 “Then ceased the work of the 422 2 3 10 § 2 16 house of God which is at Jerusalem. 421 4 11 C 3 17 So it ceased unto the second year of 420 g- 5 12 X” 4 18 the reign of Darius king of Persia.” 419 418 417 416 415 414 413 g" 6 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 1 8- 5 CJ* 0 m 1 —Ezra iv. 24. “And this house was finished on the third day of the month Adar, which was in the sixth year of the reign of Darius the king.” — Ezra vi. 15. 15 170 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. THE SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES OF JUDAH AND ISRAEL. The chronology is peculiar. There was more than one reck- oning of the years of each king. A king’s years were counfed by the decimestrial year, either from his real accession or from the beginning of the cycle of forty years immediately following that event. Besides these two, there was a reckoning by years of twelve months, and another by a cycle of two periods for the return of an eclipse, or thirty-six plus years. As a rule, the years are reckoned from the accession, and the cycle of eclipses confirms the accuracy of the regal years so counted. With a chronology made of such mixed elements there would be end- less confusion were it not that the Bible has preserved certain synchronisms between the two lines. To reproduce these in the table, the above-described reckonings of years are employed, for they are found in one or the other of them. The table as arranged has one disadvantage. In order to avoid a cumbrous length, the decimestrial years are arranged as they fell in the vague year of twelve months. The method adopted in the Bible of giving every year in which a king reigned causes, as already noticed, the first and last years of two successive kings to overlap. For example, Nadab began to reign in the second year of Asa, and reigned two years, and his successor Baasha began in the third year of Asa. This may mean either between the second and third of Asa a year came to an end, which was reckoned as year one of Nadab, and a second year began which was his second, year, he not reigning even one full year, or Nadab completed one full year reckoned from a date in the second of Asa to the same in the third year of that king, and continued to reign after that for a portion of a second year, and that Baasha, who began in the third of Asa, also had a portion of this third year for his first. This causes these years to crowd each other on the same line, which would not be the case if each decimestrial year had a line to itself. This is further compli- cated by the fact that the line of Israel has a different arrange- ment "of the decimestrial years from that of Judah, and once in every cycle of five years three decimestrial of the line of Israel fall in the same vague year to two of the line of Judah. THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 171 Fox* tlie line of Judah the order of decimestrial yeai'S followed in the first chi-onological table is continued. It began in b.c. 1397, the era of the exodus. For the line of Isi-ael a new series of ten-month yeai'S is begun. The cycles connected with them have for their ei-a the fourth year of Jeroboam I., b.c. 885, and, counting back, his first year begins with the tenth month. The two cycles of five yeai'S use the same months, but they are divided differently into decimesti-ial years. This is shown in the following compax’ative table : Months divided into Decimestrial Months divided into Decimestrial Years for the Line of Judaii. Years for the Line of Israel. B.C. Months. Years. Months. Years. 888 10- 2 1-2 9- 3 1-2 887 1 GO 2-8 7- 5 2-3 886 6- 6 3-4 5- 7 3-4 885 CO 1 4^5 3- 9 4-5 884 2-10 5-6 1-10-1 5-6-1 Each of the minor cycles throughout the table correspond in the manner of the foregoing table. The cycles of the decimes- trial years of the lino of Israel are not in the table. They may at any time bo obtained from the following epochs: Cycle I. begins with fourth month, B.C. 885 “ II. it it eighth a it 852 “ III. tt tl tenth u tt 818 “ IV. tt tt fourth it a 785 “ V. tt It eighth tt it 752 “ VI. tt a tenth tt it 718 “ VII. it tt fourth tt tt 685 I have adopted this an*angement of the decimestrial years for two l’easons, — its convenience in l’egulating the regal years of the table, and becaxxse the cycle of which Jeroboam II. is the eponym begins with the eighth month. This eighth month is epochal, and pei’haps the fii’st cycle, which began in 885, should begin with this month rather than the fourth, in which case that of Jei’oboam II. will commence with the tenth month. Whichever is followed, it will not materially affect the table. 172 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. JEROBOAM I. Jeroboam fled to Egypt during the reign of Solomon, and it appears be there became Egyptianized. When ho became king be resolved to institute certain forms of the Egyptian l’eligion among his people. The introduction of this worship raised a barrier between Isi'acl and Judah, and it was by this and other means the separation was to be made permanent. lie made two golden calves, and set one up in Bethel, and the other in Dan, “ and this thing became a sin.” He also ordained a feast on the fifteenth day of the eighth month, and at this time he offered on the altar at Bethel, and burned incense to the golden calf. He appointed priests of the very lowest of the people, who were not of the sons of Levi. “So he offered upon the altar which he had made in Bethel the fifteenth day of the eighth month, even in the month which he had devised in his own heart; and ordained a feast unto the children of Israel: and he offered upon the altar, and burnt incense.” Jeroboam, when he instituted this worship, had deprived the Levites of their priestly office. They left Israel and came to Kehoboam and strengthened his hands thi'ee years. In the fifth year of Rehoboam, Shishak, king of Egypt, came against Jerusalem and took that city. The presumption is the three years just mentioned came to an end at this time, they corresponding to the third, fourth, and fifth years of Rehoboam, which places the departure of the Le- vites from Israel, and the institution of the new worship, in b.c. 885. The Egyptians, according to Latin and Greek writers, worshipped three deities emblematized by the bull, — Apis, whose seat was at Memphis, the bull Mnevis of Heliopolis, and the Pacis of Hermonthis. The accounts are not harmonious. Apis was sacred to the moon, and Mnevis and Pacis sacred to the sun, and again the three were all sacred to Apollo or the sun. It is held by some that the worship instituted by Jeroboam was not that of Apis, but of Mnevis, the white bull worshipped at Heliopolis. Josephus credits Manetho with a story which makes Moses a priest of Heliopolis, thus connecting that city with the sojourning of the Jews in Egypt. It is said Jeroboam “ ordained a feast in the eighth month, on the fifteenth day of the month, like unto the feast that is in Judah, and he offered THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 173 upon the altar. So did he in Bethel, sacrificing unto the calves that he had made.” The feast in Judah in the seventh month was from the fifteenth day for seven days, special mention being made of the first and eighth days of the festival. One explana- tion of this maybe that as the Jewish days began at sunset, the seven days were counted from the even of the fifteenth day, and wore the 16th, 17th, 18th, 19th, 20th, 21st, and 22d days of the month, but the 15th was also a day of the festival, thus accounting for the statement that the festival was for seven days, while mentioning the first and eighth days as sabbaths. In this sense the festival of the fifteenth day was that of the eve of the feast of tabernacles. The likeness between the fes- tival established by Jeroboam and that observed in Judah was probably confined to some of the outward forms and ceremonies, and the beginning of it upon the fifteenth day points to the fol- lowing of the same order of the days. Without hazarding an opinion whether the worship of the golden calves was that of Apis or Mnevis, or of both, it may be noticed that, according to the accounts, the Egyptian festival in honor of Apis lasted seven days. There was also a superstition that during the progress of the festival there was no danger from the crocodiles while bathing in the Nile, but that this immunity ceased after the sixth hour of the eighth day. It is also related that the festival connected with the inauguration of Apis was at the time of new moon. By applying the same rules that have been used to determine the other dates, the following result is obtained for the dates 15th and 16th of the eighth month, b.c. 885. b.c. 885, new moon on July 13. “ “ “ Khoiakh 17. “ “ “ eighth month, sixteenth day. On the fifteenth day, the eve of the feast, the moon was rising and setting in conjunction with the sun. The true conjunction was on the sixteenth day. The star Sirius rose heliacally on the 13th of July in this year; it did so on the 16th of the eighth month. The date July 13, b.c. 885, was also that of a solar eclipse, which is noticed on the Assyrian monuments. 15* 174 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. The epoch of Jeroboam I., b.c. 888, the 1st of the tenth month, is an assumed epoch. The chronology of the line of Israel ig- nores entirely the time intervening between the death of Solo- mon and the accession of Jeroboam to the throne of Israel, which belonged to the reign of Rehoboam, the lawful sovereign up to the time the revolution became an accomplished fact. The first year of Rehoboam follows immediately the fortieth year of Solomon. This is not inconsistent with the probable fact that he began to reign before this. The previous chronol- ogy has been shown to consist of eponymous cycles of forty decimestrial years, and a number of terms of office, and captivi- ties in years of twelve months. The hyjiothesis in explanation of the use of the periods of forty years Avas that they denoted cycles of Avhich certain persons were the eponyms, and not necessarily the limits of their actual terms of office. Rehoboam is given seventeen years; that is, he reigned seventeen years after the forty years, Avhich came to an end in b.c. 888. The twenty-second year of Jeroboam has been omitted from the table. The synchronisms require Asa to begin his reign in the twentieth year of Jeroboam, and Nadab, the successor of Jero- boam, to begin in the second of Asa, Avhich leaves a narrow margin for the tAventy-second of Jeroboam; for Asa’s second year must begin in the twenty-first of Jeroboam, and Nadab’s first year in the second of Asa. I am of the opinion that the tAventy-two years of Jeroboam denoted a period for the return of an eclipse, and that they Avere cyclic in character ; the tAvo hun- dred and tAventy -three lunar months of such a period being di- vided into twenty -tAvo decimestrial years, with three intercalary months. Such a period corresponds to tAventy-one decimestrial years, with six intercalary months by the Egyptian year, or tAventy-oue years Avith nine intercalary months by the Babylo- nian year. This in the table will reduce the years of Jeroboam one year, Avhile accounting for the presence of the statements concerning his twenty-second year. The use of such a cycle connects Jeroboam with an eclipse as its eponym at about the time he became king, not necessarily one in the year b.c. 888, because his actual epoch may not have been in this year, although the one he assumed was. With this view his twenty-one or twenty-tAvo years were got by counting back to the year 510, THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 175 era of the tabernacle. It may be thought singular that by doing so he gets for the length of his reign a period of decimes- trial years for the return of an eclipse when possibly the proper period had not terminated at his death, but more extraordinary things than this may happen. The twenty-two years of Ahab will bear a similar construction and so far support the hypoth- esis. The cycles of eclipses in the table which begin in b.c. 885, as they commence almost uniformly in the first years of certain kings of Israel, confirm the chronology. Jeroboam I. is the eponym of the first one. OMRI. Omri bogins to reign in b.c. 849. In this year the second cycle of eclipses begins. The record does not state the year in the lino of Judah corresponding to the first year of Omri. The account is peculiar. It says Omri began to reign over Israel in the thirty-fii'st year of Asa, and ho reigned six years in Tirzah. The next item is Ahab begins in the thirty-eighth year of Asa; that is, seven years after the thirty-first year of that king ; so the count of the twelve years of Omri must end in the thirty- eighth year of Asa and begin with his twenty-seventh year, the year in which fell the seven days of his predecessor, Zimri. Zimri had conspired against Elah and slain him and all the house of Baasha. After a reign in Tirzah of seven days, Omri, the captain of the host, who had been made king by tbe Israel- ites, when they heard of the act of Zimri, came against him and besieged Tirzah. When Zimri perceived the city was taken, he set on fire the king’s palace and perished in the flames. After this there was a struggle between Tibni, the son of Gi- nath, and Omri, because half of the people followed Tibni to make him king. This was finally terminated by tbe triumph of the party of Omri and the death of Tibni. It may be con- cluded that the thii’ty-first of Asa was the year in which Omri became the undisputed master of the kingdom of Israel. The fifth and sixth years of Omri are for a part current in the thirty -first year of Asa. JEHU. Jehu is the eponym of the cycle of eclipses which began in b.c. 813. This fell in his first year. From this point on down 176 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. to the reign of Menahem is found the most difficult portion of the chronology. The table contains three columns of years for the line of Israel. The first is a continuation of that followed for the line of Israel to this point; the second contains the reigns of Jehu, Jehoahaz, Jehoash, and Jeroboam II. in years of twelvemonths; and the third column has the decimestrial years corresponding to the twelve-month years of the second column. The reason for this double reckoning for the line of Israel — for there are only two; the second and third columns are only variants of one reckoning — is found in the effect pro- duced upon the reign of Jeroboam II. JEHOAHAZ AND JEHOASH OE ISRAEL. Jehoahaz reigns seventeen years and Jehoash sixteen years. Jehoahaz begins in the twenty-third year of Jehoash of Judah, and Jehoash in the thirty-seventh year of this king of Judah. The difficulty is to bring the seventeen years of Jehoahaz of Israel within the fifteen years between the twenty-third and thirty-seventh jTear of Jehoash of Judah. In the first column of the line of Israel, Jehoahaz follows Jehu, and his first year falls rightly in the twenty-third year of Jehoash of Judah. In the second column of the line of Judah, Jehoash of Israel begins in the thirty-seventh year of the cycle of forty years, of which we may conclude Jehoash of Judah became the eponym in b.c. 798. Jehoash of Israel became the eponym of the cycle of an eclipse in b.c. 777. This is the fourth cycle of the series. This is the portion of the history in which the gaps in the lines of Judah and Israel occur, and this condition of things may explain in part their occurrence. The statement of the thirty-seventh year of Jehoash of Judah is derived from the reckoning of the second column of the line of Israel. Amaziah begins in the second year of Jehoash of the reckon- ing of the first column for the line of Israel. JEROBOAM II. Jeroboam II., in the first column of the line of Israel, begins, in accordance with the Bible statement, in the fifteenth year of Amaziah. Zachariah, the successor of Jeroboam II., begins to reign in the thirty-eighth year of Azariak. In this year also THE HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 177 terminated the forty-first and last year of Jeroboam II. by the reckoning of the third column of the line of Israel. This cycle of forty-one decimestrial years is the fifth of the series reckoned from b.c. 885 ; it began in b.c. 752 with the eighth month. The forty-one years are taken to be lunar years, and represent forty years, using months of thirty days, and are put in the table rendered into that form. At the thirty-eighth year of Azariah the reckoning of the second column touches and harmonizes with the line of Judah. It thus appears that the placing of Zachariah at the thirty-eighth jmar of Azariah was brought about by counting the reigns of Jehu, Jehoahaz, and Jehoash as full years of twelve months, and the reign of Jeroboam by the cycle of forty decimestrial years. AZARIAH. The statement that Azariah began to reign in the twenty- seventh year of Jeroboam II. is to be explained to mean that he became the eponym of a cycle of an eclipse in that year. This was a first year in that respect, at least. MENAIIEM. The years of Mcnahem are those of twelve months. PEKAHIAH, PEKAII, JOTHAM, AHAZ, AND IIOSHEA. The following historical statements are to be followed for these kings : Pekahiah succeeded Menahem and reigned two years (II. Kings xv. 23). Pekah slew Pekahiah and reigned in his stead in the fifty- second year of Azariah (II. Kings xv. 25, 27). Jotham began to reign in the second year of Pekah and reigned sixteen years (II. Kings xv. 32, 33). Hoshca slew Pekah in the twentieth year of Jotham (II. Kings xv. 30). Ahaz succeeded Jotham and began to reign in the seventeenth year of Pekah and reigned sixteen years (II. Kings xvi. 1, 2). Pekah and Rezin were confederate against Ahaz of Judah (II. Kings xv. 37). 178 JEWISH CHRONOLOGY. Hoshea began to l’eign in the twelfth year of Ahaz (II. Kings xvii. 1). Some of these are apparently conflicting statements, but by inspection of the table it will be found that they are all carried out. If there is no other argument to favor the use of the deci- mestrial year to explain Jewish chronology, this portion of the history will furnish one. In no other way may the twentieth year of Jotham, the sixteenth year of Jotham, the twentieth year of Pekah, the seventeenth year of Pekah, and the first of Ahaz be brought upon the same chronological line, which must he done to conform to statements of the Bible. Pekah and Rezin were confederate against Ahaz of Judah. By the table the last year of Pekah concurred in part with the first year of Ahaz. This gives, perhaps, a too narrow margin for the confederation, but it is required by the statement of the death of Pekah in the twentieth year of Jotham. If this last statement must be abandoned, the reign of Pekah may be ex- tended three years, giving him twenty years of twelve months instead of twenty years of ten months. Another explanation is suggested by the similarity between the names Jotham and Ahaz. According to Assyrian inscrip- tion, Jehoahaz was reigning at this time. Jehoahaz has been identified as Ahaz, but the name resembles Jotham as much as Ahaz. It is possible that both Jotham and Ahaz had the same name, — Jehoahaz, — and the Jewish chronicler, in order to dis- tinguish between the two, gave Jotham that poi'tion of Jehoa- haz which contained the element Jehovah, and the remainder of the name to Ahaz. Jehoahaz means “whom Jehovah pos- sesses,” and Jotham, “Jehovah is upright,” and Ahaz, “Posses- sor.” Ancient chronologers distinguish between kings of the same name in a way similar to this. The three Psametiks of the twenty-sixth dynasty are known from each other by only a slight change in the spelling. These kings are named by Afri- canus, Psammeticus, who answers to Psametik I. ; Psammu- this, who is Psametik II.; and Psammechites, who is Psame- tik III. The confederation was between Rezin of Syria and Pekah against Jehoahaz (Jotham). In the twentieth year of Jotham (Jehoahaz), Pekah was slain by Hoshea. This was fol- lowed by a civil war or an interregnum lasting about nine years, THE HISTORICAL, CHRONOLOGY OF THE JEWS. 179 which was finally put to an end by the Assyrians, who established Hoshea upon the throne in the twelfth year of Ahaz (Jehoaliaz). The objection to this is that, although the Assyrians might have confused Jotham with Ahaz, it would be out of the ordinary for the Jewish historian to do so. IIEZEKIAH. The regal years of this king are found in the table in the form of the sabbatical week of years. This arrangement has been followed for ITezekiah for reasons connected with the syn- chronous history of Judah and Assyria, which are explained in the chapter on that subject. The last of the series of eclipses found in the table begins in B.c. GG9, in which year fell the four- teenth year of ITezekiah. The epochs of other kings in the table have eclipses. For example, Jeroboam II. begins his reign in b.c. 763, in which year there was observed a total eclipse of the sun in Central Asia on .Tune 15, which concurred with the 18th of the eighth month of the Jewish year as laid down in the work. The reck- oning by the cycles of eclipses does not necessarily imply that an eclipse was always observed for each cycle. Thirty-six years, fifteen houi's, and twenty-five minutes, plus, was known as a period for the return of the same eclipse. Applying the method of prediction by the cycle, the eclipses of these cycles will be visible or invisible in the same locality as follows : b.c. 885, July 13, visible in the aftornoon. “ 849, August 4, visible in the morning. “ 813, August 25, invisible. “ 777, September 16, visible in the afternoon. “ 741, October 8, visible about sunrise. “ 705, October 29, invisible. “ G69, November 20, visible about one o’clock p.m. The remainder of the chronology is treated in the chapters upon the synchronous histories of Assyria, Babylonia, and Persia. PART III. JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. % 10 CHAPTEK XI Y. THE REDUCTION OF THE ERA OF NABONASSAR. The number by which it is proposed to reduce the year of the era of Nabonassar is obtained from a variety of sources. While the effect upon the era is to bring it down nineteen years, as the changes to produce this are made at several places in the canon, the differences between the new and old epochs are not the same for all. The alterations are principally made in the Persian portion of the canon. No corrections are made below the reign of Artaxerxes Longimanus. The regal years of Ar- taxerxes are reduced six years, from forty-one to thirty-five ; those of Xerxes from twenty-one to eight years; and those of Cambyses are increased two years, from eight to ten. Eight years are added to the regal years of Cyrus, which gives him seventeen instead of nine. The years of Nabopolassar are in- creased four years, giving him a total of twenty-five instead of twenty-one. Those of Nebuchadnezzar are made to overlap the last thirteen years of Nabopolassar as previously raised, and Esarhaddon receives twelve years instead of thirteen. The total of the reductions is thirty-three years, and of the addi- tions fourteen years, and the difference between these constitutes the reduction of nineteen years for the era. It is asserted that the present condition of the canon is cor- rect, because it is fixed by the eclipses, which are recorded as having been observed on dates mentioned in connection with the regal years of certain kings. In the present condition of the canon the 1st of Thoth, b.c. 747, is made to fall on the 26th of February. This is a wrong date for the Egyptian year. In Part I. of this work the correct adjustment between the Egyp- tian and the Julian year was made. It was proven true in many instances, some later and some earlier than the year b.c. 747, the correct adjustment between the two being February 23, concurrent with the 1st of Thoth. If the Egyptian dates 183 184 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. in the canon are wrong, there is no objection arising fronPthem to the proposed redaction on the ground that by so doing the dates of certain eclipses will be changed. On the other hand, if the months and days of the dates of the eclipses are correct, then their epochs in the canon must have been changed, account- ing, in this way, for the wrong adjustment between the Julian and the Egyptian year ; and if the epochs were changed, what becomes of the correctness of the canon ? The argument might be rested here, were it not important to extend it to the length of restoring or amending the list of Ptolemy to conform to his- torical truth. As to the method of making the proposed changes there are several guiding facts. First, the years of the canon are said to be astronomically fixed ; that is, certain years of certain reigns are checked by the eclipses which are said to have fallen in them. This implies a series of cycles of eclipses, and if they can be traced in the canon they will render important aid in de- termining the truth of the matter. Second, there are some Egyptian inscriptions which bear upon the reigns of Catnbyses, Darius, Xerxes, and Artaxerxes, and which require a certain ar- rangement of the years of these kings. Third, one of the Egibi tablets mentions the eleventh year of Cambyses. The proposed changes are taken up in their order, beginning with that affecting the earliest reign. ESARHADDON. The reduction of the regal years of Esarhaddon one year is made on the authority of the Babylonian chronicle,* a document which is dated of the twenty-second year of Darius Hystaspes. NABOPOLASSAR AND NEBUCHADNEZZAR. The changes connected with these two reigns are suggested by the chronology found in Josephus’s “Antiquities of the Jews,” and their bearing upon certain statements made by Herodotus, and synchronisms mentioned in the Bible. To avoid repetition these will be found considered in the chapter upon the synchro- * “ Records of the Past,” New Series, vol. i. THE REDUCTION OF THE ERA OF NABONASSAR. 185 nisms between Jewish, Babylonian, and Persian histories. It may be noticed here that the temporary effect upon the canon is to lower epochs nine years, Nebuchadnezzar overlapping the twenty-one years of Nabopolassar in the canon nine years; the four years added to Nabopolassar only affect the length of the joint reigns of the two. This nine years more than counteracts the eight years added to the reign of Cyrus. CYRUS. The addition of eight years to the reign of this king is made in order to give to Cyrus the twenty-nine years which, upon the authority of Herodotus, he is said to have reigned.* According to Tyrian annals furnished by Josephus, f Cyrus began to reign in the sixth year of Nabonadius. This will leave for the interval between the fifth year of Nabonadius and the first year of Cam- byses twelve years of Nabonadius plus nine years of Cyrus, or twenty-one years, which, increased by eight years, complete the twenty-nine years mentioned. The effect of the other changes to be made in the canon upon the epoch of Cyrus will be to bring it to b.c. 530, which is the epoch of the first year of Cam- byses in the present state of the canon, or without the changes being made. CAMBYSES. Mr. Pinches furnishes two facts from the Egibi tablets. J One of these mentions “ the first year of Cambyses, King of Babylon, and in this day also Cyrus, his father, King of Countries.” The other records the eleventh year of Cambyses. These eleven years are placed so that the first of them overlaps an eighteenth or last year of Cyrus, and the eleventh year falls on a line with the first of Darius Hystaspes. This leaves Cambyses ten years in the table. XERXES AND ARTAXERXES. The Egyptian inscriptions affecting these reigns are those of two Persians in the employ of Darius, Xerxes, and Artaxerxes. * Book I. 214. f “ Against Apion,” Book I. 21. J Transactions Soc. Bib. Archeology, vol. vi. p. 485. 16* 186 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. One of these memorializes the service of Ataiuhi during six years of Cambyses, thirty-six years of Darius, and twelve years of Xerxes.* Another inscription of the same person declares he had lived thirty-six years of Dai’ius and in thirteen years of his son Xerxes. I A third inscription records the life of Aliurta, a Persian, for five years of Artaxerxes and for sixteen years of Artaxerxes. J If there were two methods of counting the years of these kings, one by regal yeai*s and the other by cyclic, this may explain why the years of Artaxerxes are mentioned in the peculiar manner of the inscription of Aliurta. The thirteen years of Xerxes, if the reduction of that king’s reign from twenty-one years to eight is to stand, may be explained to cover his sole reign of eight years, and five years of a joint reign either with Darius or Artaxerxes. To determine the series of eclipses belonging to the Persian poi’tion of the canon, attention is directed to those of B.c. 557, b.c. 585, and b.c. 527. The solar eclipse, B.c. 557, May 19, is sup- posed by modern astronomers to be the one mentioned by Xen- ophon as having been observed at the time of the capture of Larissa by the Persians. The solar eclipse of b.c. 585, May 28, is supposed by astronomers to be the one predicted by Thales, and to have been observed in Asia Minor at the time of the battle between Cyaxares and Alyattes. The series of b.c. 527 contains tho lunar eclipse of b.c. 491, which chronologers usually identify as the eclipse of Darius Hystaspes’s thirty-first year. These eclipses are connected with important events in Persian history, and majT be chosen for eras. The following table displays cycles reckoned from each of these supposed eras. It also contains the proposed changes for the regal years of the canon and the Julian epochs: * “ Egypt under the Pharaohs” (Brugsch), vol. ii. chap. xix. p. 303. Eng. trans. f Ibid., p. 304. t Ibid. THE REDUCTION OF THE ERA OF NABONASSAR. 187 Table of Eel ipse- Cycles, B.C. 527-^13. B.C. Canon with the Proposed Changes. Cycles of Eclipses. 557. 585. 52 7. 527 o 4 1 520 3 5 2 525 5° 6 3 524 7 4 523 8 5 522 9 6 521 10 1 7 520 11 2 8 519 12 3 9 518 13 4 10 517 14 5 11 516 15 6 12 515 16 7 13 514 17 8 14 513 (18) 1 9 1 15 512 2 10 o 2 16 511 £ 3 11 3 17 510 E 4 12 4 18 509 5 13 to 5 1 508 CD to 6 14 6 o 2 507 7 15 7 E 3 506 8 16 8 4 505 9 17 9 CO 5 504 10 18 10 6 503 (11) 1 1 11 7 502 u p 2 P 2 12 8 501 »-le 3 •-I. 3 13 9 500 £ CO 4 to 4 14 10 499 w 5 w 5 15 11 498 n 6 CO 6 16 12 497 in 7 7 17 13 496 CD in 8 CD 8 18 14 495 9 9 1 15 494 10 10 2 16 493 11 11 3 17 492 12 12 4 18 491 13 13 5 1 490 14 14 6 2 489 15 15 7 3 488 16 16 8 4 487 17 17 9 5 486 18 18 10 6 485 19 1 11 7 188 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. Table of Eclipse- Cycles, B.C. 527-J/.13 (Continued). B.C. Canon with the Proposed ClIANUES. Cycles of Eclipses. 557. 585. 527. 484 20 « 2 12 8 483 21 2. 3 13 9 482 22 So 4 14 10 481 23 a 5 15 11 480 24 2. 6 16 12 479 25 1 7 17 13 478 26 g> 8 18 14 477 27 9 1 15 476 28 10 2 16 475 29 11 3 17 474 30 12 4 18 473 31 13 5 g o 472 32 14 6 3 i 471 33 15 7 73 2 470 34 16 8 3 469 35 17 9 4 468 06 18 10 5 467 i 1 11 6 466 X 2 X 2 12 7 465 a 3 a 3 13 8 464 8 4 4 14 9 463 5 5 15 10 462 6 6 16 11 461 7 7 17 12 460 8 8 18 13 459 1 9 1 14 458 2 10 > 2 15 457 & 3 11 p 3 16 456 a> 4 12 o 4 17 455 i 5 13 * 5 18-1 454 M 6 14 'P 6 2 453 7 15 7 3 452 8 16 8 4 451 9 17 9 5 450 10 18 10 6 449 11 1 11 7 448 12 2 12 8 447 13 3 13 9 446 14 4 14 10 445 15 5 15 11 444 16 6 16 12 443 17 7 17 13 442 18 8 18 14 441 19 9 1 15 440 20 10 3ET 2 16 439 21 11 Pa 3 17 438 22 12 4 18 THE REDUCTION OF THE ERA OF NABONASSAR. 189 Table of Eclipse- Cycles, B.C. 527-4.13 (Continued). B.C. Canon with the Proposed Changes. Cycles op Eclipses. 557. 585. 527. 437 23 13 5 1 436 24 14 6 2 435 25 15 7 3 434 26 16 8 4 433 27 17 9 5 432 28 18 10 6 431 29 1 11 7 430 30 2 12 8 429 31 3 13 9 428 32 4 14 10 427 33 5 15 11 426 34 6 16 12 425 35 7 17 13 424 1 8 18 14 423 £ 3 9 1 15 422 3. 3 10 16 421 C A in 4 11 17 420 g 5 12 18 419 & 6 13 1 418 g 7 14 417 8 15 416 9 16 415 10 2$ 17 414 11 & 3. 18 413 12 gg 1 CYCLES OF THE SERIES OF B.C. 557. The first cycle of this series to be noticed is the one begin- ning in b.c. 503, in the first year of Darius Hystaspes. Darius reigned thirty-six years ; he therefore completed two cycles of this series. The next cycle began with the first year of Xerxes, his successor. The last cycle of this series noted in the table is the one which began in b.c. 413, the twelfth year of Darius Nothus. The recorded eclipse of this year was a lunar eclipse on the 27th of August. CYCLES OF THE SERIES OF B.C. 585. The first of this series to be noticed is that of B.c. 513. In this year began the cycle of Cambyses’s first year, the first year of the eleven years of the Babylonian inscription, and the one in 190 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. which he reigned jointly with Cyrus; the record is “the first year of Cambyses, King of Babylon, and in this year also Cyrus, King of Countries.” The next one to be noticed is connected with the first year of Artaxerxes. The last one to be noticed began in b.c. 423, the second year of Darius Nothus. This was the year following the expiration of the seven weeks of years of Daniel, which denoted the time at which the persecutions of the Jews ceased. CYCLES OF THE SERIES OF B.C. 527. The first cycle of this series to be noticed is the one beginning in b.c. 509, by which a seventh year for Cambyses begins in b.c. 503, which was also the year in which he died. The second is the one beginning in b.c. 473, in the thirty-first year of Darius Hystaspes. It marks the beginning of the joint reign of Darius and Xerxes, and it ended in the fifth year of Artaxerxes. This, with the one of Artaxerxes beginning in b.c. 459, explain the meaning of the inscription of Aliurta. To illustrate this point, the mode of denoting the years of this cycle are changed. All the others of the three series are arranged to show the epochs in which each year began ; this cycle displays the years in which each came to an end. The five years’ joint cyclic reign of Xerxes and Artaxerxes are the last five years of the same cycle. A recorded eclipse in b.c. 491 was of the moon, April 25. This was in the thirty-first of Darius by the canon of Ptolemy, as that list now stands, which is exactly one cycle, or eighteen years, earlier than the epoch of his thirty -first year as brought about by the pi’oposed changes. Whether Xerxes died at the end of his sole reign, and the five years mentioned by Aliurta were only cyclic joint years, or whether he reigned jointly with Artaxerxes five years longer, is not determined by these cycles. The third to be noticed, and the last in this series, is the one beginning in 419 b.c., and the sixth year of Darius Nothus. This is the year in which the Jews completed their temple at Jerusalem. If there is a reason to be given for the number twenty-one as connected with the years of Xerxes, it may be that it was obtained from his cycle of eighteen years, which may have been on record in the terms of decimestrial years. The same applies to the forty-one years of Artaxerxes. THE REDUCTION OF THE ERA OF NABONASSAR. 191 This king’s first year began with the cycle of b.c. 459. His sec- ond cycle began in b.c. 441, and his thirty-fifth year corresponds to the seventeenth year of that cycle. The eighteen years of the first cycle equal twenty-one decimestrial years, and the seven- teen years of the second equal nineteen years of ten months plus five months. The two items in decimestrial years equal forty years plus five months, therefore the thirty-fifth year of twelve months came to an end in the forty-first year of ten months. In this calculation the nine intercalary months are placed at the beginning of the cycle, and are not counted, but leaped over. They throw the decimestrial years all nine months later in a comparison between them and a parallel series of twelve months. By this table it is shown that the proposed changes cause the first years of Cambyses, Darius Hystaspes, Xerxes, and Artaxerxes to have the first years of cycles reck- oned from the eras of two great historical events which lie at the beginning of Persian history, one of which is connected with the birth of that empire. It is not claimed that each of these cycles was commenced by a visible solar eclipse, but that they wore reckoned from eras connected with such. The region in which they might have been observed was as extensive as the Persian empire. THE ECLIPSE OF THE SEVENTH YEAR OP CAMBYSES. The statements in the Almagest in respect to the eclipse in the seventh year of Cambyses do not agree with the canon. This eclipse is recorded as being in the two hundred and twenty-third year of the era of Nabonassar, in the seventh year of Cambyses, and on the 17th-16th of Pbamenoth.* According to the received canon, with the adjustment of February 26 the seventh year of Cambyses was the two hundred and twenty-fifth year of the era. This year of Cambyses began in b.c. 523, with 1st of Tlioth con- current with 1st of January, and chronologers have found the eclipse of this seventh year to be the one on July 16. The Almagest requires the eclipse to have been on the 17th-16th of Pbamenoth, — that is, about midnight on the 17th at Babylon and on the 16th at Alexandria. By the wrong adjustment between * Transactions Soc. Bib. Archeology, vol. i. p. 269. 192 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. the Egyptian and Julian years, July 16, b.c. 523, will concur with Phamenoth 17 ; but by the correct adjustment, that of February 23, b.c. 747, the concurrent date for July 16 is Phamenoth 20. Since the Julian year was not in exist- ence at this time, the only particular of the statement found in the Almagest which is adhered to by the identification of the eclipse as the one of July 16 is the seventh year of Cambyses. By the proposed changes in the canon, the seventh of Cambyses had for its epoch b.c. 507. The 17th Phamenoth, by the correct adjustment, concurred in this regnal year with July 9, b.c. 506. This was also in the two hundred and twenty-third year of the era reckoned from b.c. 728; it began in b.c. 507, on the 25th of December, adjust- ment of February 23. The full moon was on the 17th of Pha- menoth. Whoever is responsible for the present condition of the canon had in view an eclipse for the seventh year of Cam- byses, and the canon is arranged so that the seventh year of Cambyses may fall in b.c. 523, in which year there was a lunar eclipse at Babylon, about midnight on the 16th of July. If Sosigenes, who was employed by Julius Caesar to regulate the Roman year, began that year with the 1st of January at the third quarter of the moon, the 25th of December of the common Julian year b.c. 46, which is proven to be the case in Part I., the Julian dates will be seven days earlier, and July 16 by the correct Julian will correspond to July 9 of the incorrect Julian. In b.c. 506, July 16 of the correct Julian concurred with Pha- menoth 17 by tbe correct adjustment. It is sufficient to state the facts to demonstrate, that if the status of the Julian year and the Egyptian year are in any way dependent upon a lunar eclipse in b.c. 523 on July 16 concurrent with Phamenoth 17, that that alone may determine the character of these years as recognized by cbronologists. And if the concurrence of July 16 with 17th Phamenoth properly belongs to b.c. 506, it will confirm the position I have taken, that the present status of the Julian is wrong, and as the adjustment of its dates to the Egyp- tian year is also wrong, the combined error is an outcome of an effort to place a lunar eclipse in the seventh year of Cambyses on July 16 concurrent with Phamenoth 17, b.c. 523. One of the three particulars of the eclipse is probably cor- THE REDUCTION OF THE ERA OF NABONASSAR. 193 rect: the 17th of Phamcnoth, or the year of the era, or the seventh year of Cambyses. There was a lunar eclipse on the 15th of July concurrent with the 14th of Phamcnoth, adjustment of February 26 in b.c. 531. This was the eighth year of Cyrus by the canon in its received form, counting his regnal years from the 1st of Thoth, but reckoning from a supposed accession after Phame- noth 14, this will be in a seventh year. This was also the 17th of Phamenoth by the adjustment of February 23, also in his eighth regnal year, reckoning by the 1st of Thoth, and a possible seventh year, counting from an aceessional beginning. An argument derived from the conflict between the statements of Herodotus and Xenophon in reference to the Persian king who invaded Egypt, may be brought to support it as the one originally intended by the Almagest, upon the assumption that Ptolemy’s statements have been tampered with to render plaus- ible the present condition of the canon. There is another which may be connected with the seventh year of Cambyses. By ref- erence to the table of eclipse cycles it may be seen a cycle be- gan in b.c. 509, Cambyses’s fifth year, the seventh year of which fell in b.c. 503. There was in this year a lunar eclipse on the 6th of July concurrent Avith the 15th of Phamenoth. This was Cambyses’s last year. There are reasons for the opinion that the death of Cambyses Avas connected with an eclipse; his death, possibly either fifteen or one hundred and seventy-six days after the wounding of the bull, and the manner of it had reference to that of the Apis bull slain by him. The story given by Herodotus has been doubted, because Cambyses has been found represented upon the monuments Avorship- ping the Apis bull. Dr. Brugsch’s comment on this is “ in other words, that the Greek story of the slaughter of the Apis by the mad Persian king is a mere fiction invented for the purpose of setting in a striking light the Avickedness and op- pression of the foreign tyrant.”* But a different complexion is put upon the story if the “ mere fiction” of it is confined to the animus of Cambyses. The Apis bulls were not permitted * “ Egypt under the Pharaohs” (Brugsch), vol. ii. chap. xix. p. 291. Eng. trans. 17 194 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. to live beyond a fixed period, when they were put to death. The act of Cambyses, if contrary to the prescribed rule of the Apis ritual, must be looked upon as a presumptuous innovation, and in that sense simply sacrilegious ; but if it was not, he is ig- norantly supposed, by slaying the bull, to have displayed an en- mity towards the worship, which could not rightfully be charged against him even if his act was without sanction of law. TIIE ASSYRIAN CANON COMPARED WITH THE CANON OF PTOLEMY. Mr. George Smith adjusts the epochs of the Assyrian canon by those of Ptolemy. There is a close correspondence between the two, which in several instances fixes the epochs of certain eponyms in the Assyrian list. One of these is found in the As- syrian tablet, which mentions the first year of Sargon as king of Babylon equivalent to his thirteenth year as king of Assyria.* * * § This in the tablet is assigned to the eponym of Mannu-Ki-assur- liha. Arkeanus in Ptolemy is Sargon. This is confirmed by the Babylonian chronicle and the second Dynastic tablet from Babylon.f By giving the eponym of Mannu-Ki-assur-liha the epoch of b.c. 709, which is that of Arkeanus in Ptolemy, all the other eponyms in a continuous series above and below this year are furnished with their epochs. It is by such a process that the eponym of Bsdu-sa-rabe falls in b.c. 763. \ There is nothing wrong in the method ; but if the epoch of Arkeanus is to be lowered nineteen years in accordance with the lowering of the era of Nabonassar, his epoch will be b.c. 690, which will bring down Esdu-sa-rabe to b.c. 744. The epoch of b.c. 763 for Esdu- sa-rabe is one advanced by Mr. Smith and others in favor of the correctness of the epochs given to the eponyms of the canon. The Assyrian Canons IY. and VII. declare the sun was eclipsed in the eponym of Esdu-sa-rabe in the month Sivan.§ A total eclipse of the sun across Central Asia has been found by mod- ern astronomers to have been observed in b.c. 763, on the 15th of June of the Julian year, || which will correspond to the 30th of Sivan in an ordinary luni-solar year beginning with a month * “Assyrian Canon” (G. Smith), p. 86. f “ Records of the Past,” New Series, vol. i. J “ Assyrian Canon” (Gr. Smith), p. 83. § Ibid., pp. 46, 47. || Ibid., p. 83. THE REDUCTION OP THE ERA OP NABONASSAR. 195 Nisan, which has its full moon following the vernal equinox, that point of the sun’s course coming between the new moon at the beginning of Nisan and the full moon. It is possible that another eclipse of the sun was observed in b.c. 744 on the 15th of June. The presumption is enough in its favor as to require a demon- stration of the contrary to be made by an exact calculation. Mr. Smith claims that the regal years in Ptolemy are all one year too low in their epochs.* Of the Assyrian practice he affirms the regal years were in most instances reckoned from the New- Year’s day following the accession. He admits the custom was not uniform, and cites a number of reigns which reckoned the year of the accession as being the first year.f Professor Oppert, on the contrary, holds that the Assyrian practice was like that of all other countries in ancient and modern times, to calculate the reigns from the date of the accession. J In the canon of Ptol- emy, for the reason that the regal years are given as complete years, and reckoned from the 1st of Thoth, the real accession must lie either before the 1st of Thoth of a first year or after it. The view that it fell before is advocated by Mr. Smith. The most reasonable view of the rule followed by Ptolemy is that he reckoned the years from the 1st of Thoth preceding the accession, and when there was an interregnum following the death of a king, which was not noticed in the list, still to count the years of the next succeeding king from the 1st of Thoth preceding his accession, and so much of the time of the inter- regnum as went before this 1st of Thoth was given to the pre- vious reign. This is confirmed by the Babylonian chronicle in the case of the accession of Esarhaddon. Sennacherib, his father, was slain on the 20th of Tebet. The chronicle declares that a period of insurrection lasted from the 20th of Tebet to the 2d of Adar, and that Esarhaddon sat on the throne on the 8th of Sivan. In b.c. 661, which is Esarhaddon’s epoch in Ptol- emy reduced nineteen years, the vernal equinox was on the 28th of March; the full moon was on the 14th of April, about seven- teen days after the vernal equinox. The preceding luni-solar year was intercalated with the additional lunar month Ye Adar. * “Assyrian Canon” (G. Smith), p. 102. f Ibid., p. 21. 1 Transactions Soc. Bib. Archaeology, vol. vi. p. 2G1. 196 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. The 1st of Nisan, b.c. 661, began on the 31st of March. From the 20th of Tebet to the 2d of Adar was a period of insurrec- tion which terminated with the supremacy of Esarhaddon on the 2d of Adar. Between the 2d of Adar and the 1st of Nisan is a period of fifty-eight days, or two lunar months, Adar and Ye Adar, minus one day. In b.c. 661 the 1st of March fell on the 29th of Thoth, and as the 1st of Nisan concurred with March 31, the 1st of Thoth fell before the 1st of Nisan 28 -f- 30 days, or fifty-eight days, which is the same number of days found to have intervened between the 2d of Adar and the 1st of Nisan ; therefore the 1st of Thoth concurred with the 2d of Adar and the end of the insurrection. The accession of Esar- haddon was on the 8th of Sivan, and his regal years are reck- oned from the 1st of Thoth preceding that event. This 1st of Thoth is by the adjustment of February 23, b.c. 747, the cor- rectness of which is again confirmed. If the list of the regnal years of Ptolemy beginning in b.c. 747 be placed side by side with one of Assyrian kings, with their epochs as determined by Mr. Smith, the twelfth year of Esarhaddon in Ptolemy falls on a line with the thirteenth and last year of Esarhaddon in the Assyrian list. According to the Babylonian chronicle, Esarhaddon reigned only twelve years. Ptolemy gives Esarhaddon thirteen years, the same number as found for him by Mr. Smith. The Babylonian chronicle bears every mark of being a carefully-prepared document, and, as far as it goes, confirms Ptolemy in every particular except for the number of years given to Esarhaddon. Ptolemy has for the third item in his list Khinzeros and Poros with a reign of five years. The Babylonian chronicle particularizes the reigns of these: Ykin-zira (Khinzeros) reigned three years and in his third year was captured by Tiglath Pileser, king of Assyria. Tiglath Pileser (Poros) succeeded to the throne of Babylon and reigned two years, dying in the month Tebet, in his second year. The chronicle assigns the two interregna in Ptolemy to the reign in Babylon of Sennacherib. If the Babylonian chron- icle is right, it is a most credible witness ; the reign of Esarhad- don came to an end in exactly the same year as that assigned to the last year of that king in the Assyrian canon by Mr. Smith. The thirteen years are obtained by calculating the reign one CONTACT BETWEEN JEWISH AND EGYPTIAN HISTORY. 197 whole year back either to the 1st of Thoth or Misan pi’evious to the death of Sennacherib. Mr. Smith, while adjusting the epo- nyms of the Assyrian canon by the epochs furnished by Ptol- emy, calculates the regal years one year higher. He places Sargon’s first year in b.c. 722, which will cause his fourteenth in Assyria to fall on a line with the first year of Arkeanus, and not the thirteenth year, as required by the inscription of Sargon already noticed, by means of which the Assyrian canon and the canon of Ptolemy are adjusted to each other. Epochs of Assyrian Kings followed in this Booh. b.c. 840. Shalmaneser, reign 35 years “ 805. Samsi-vul, 1C 13 Cl “ 792. Vul-nirari, Cl 29 Cl “ 7G3. Shalmaneser, it 10 Cl “ 753. Assur-daan, Cl 18 Cl “ 735. Assur-nirari, Cl 9 n “ 726. Tugulti-paleser, Cl 19 tc “ 707. Shalmaneser, ic 5 Cl “ 702. Sargon, Cl 17 Cl “ G85. Sennacherib, u 24 Cl “ 661. Esarhaddon, Cl 12 Cl “ 649. Assurbanipal, Cl 20 Cl “ 629. Ki-neladinos, Cl 22 It CHAPTER XV. POINTS OF CONTACT BETWEEN JEWISH AND EGYPTIAN HISTORY. The first point of contact we have to do with is the departure of the Jews from Egypt. This event is placed in b.c. 1397. The epoch of Aahmes, the Amos of Africanus, is estimated to be at b.c. 1396 by means of the age of the warrior, Pen Nukheb, who served under Aahmes, and finished his career under Thut- mes III. This epoch is not too low. The events of Egyptian history preceding the reign of Aahmes are such as mai’k a period of disorganization and civil strife. An interregnum of disorder prevailed in Egypt. This is described in the Sallier 17* 198 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. Papyrus,* which relates events believed to have been the beginning of the change brought about by the victorious arms of Aahmes. The opening words of the Papyrus are, “ It came to pass that the land of Egypt belonged to enemies. And nobody was lord in the day when that happened.” The much-mooted question, Who was the Pharaoh “ which knew not Joseph” ? is probably unanswerable. If Egypt at this time was divided into petty principalities, or if the dominant power or powers in the Delta were different from that reigning in the upper parts of Egypt, the title of Pharaoh may have been claimed and borne simultaneously by more than one prince. Aahmes appears as the representative of the dynasty of Thebes. He conquers Avaris, subdues every opposing power, and assumes the sovereignty over the whole land of Egypt. Immediately before this consummation, and probably an im- portant aid to it, the Jews depart from Egypt, and the army of Pharaoh is overthrown in the Red Sea. The history, as far as known, requires an enmity to exist between the reigning power at Thebes and those who ruled over that part of Egypt which was assigned to the Jews for their home. All the conditions of the story of the exodus are found in this part of the history. Writers have claimed that the Bible statement, that Pharaoh and his army perished in the Red Sea, means not that Pharaoh himself died at this time, but that it was his army alone which came to a disastrous end. But it seems more in consonance with the Bible to place the exodus before the reign of Aahmes, because the persecution began some eighty years before the event of the exodus, and this view does not interfere with a strict construction of the account. The next point of contact between the Egyptians and the Jews takes place in the time of Thutmes III. This is explained in the recent controversy between W. Rob- ertson Smith and Reginald Stuart Poole. Mr. Poole writes the following for a recent number of the Contemporary Review :f “ More than five-and-twenty years ago M. de Rouge published * “ Egypt under the Pharaohs” (Brugsch), vol. i. p. 239. Eng. trans. f September, 1887. CONTACT BETWEEN JEWISH AND EGYPTIAN HISTOKY. 199 an essay on the then newly-discovered record of the campaign in which the Egyptian king, Thutmes III., defeated the great Syrian confederacy, near Megiddo, about b.c. 1600. The story is accompanied by a list of the conquered, consisting of the nations who surrendered at Megiddo, perhaps partly of towns actually taken, partly of nations or tribes subdued, but mainly of the nationality of contingents in the hostile army defeated in the first battle of Megiddo, and which afterwards surren- dered. The names comprise such well-known ones as Megiddo, Damascus, Shunem, and others; it being noticeable that some names occur in a correct geographical connection, as indicating a line of march, while others do not. Among the names M. de Rouge detected Iaakab-ara, the name of Jacob, written with the subject; this is precisely like Nathan, ‘he gave,’ and Nathaniel, ‘ God gave.’ An Egyptologist of the French school, M. Groff, has recently developed this argument, and also traced the name of Joseph in the list in the parallel form of Yeshep- ara. From this it would appear that about one hundred and fifty years after the rule of Joseph began, the tribes of Jacob and Joseph — the eminence of Joseph’s descendants being already established — took military service out of Egypt, and with the enemies of the Egyptians. Nothing would seem more revolu- tionizing to Hebrew history, but nothing suffers save our ideas of what that history was.” Mr. Smith replies to this in the next number of the Review :* “ Now, even as Mr. Poole inter- prets the thing, it is surely a very strong argument against the antiquity of the Pentateuch that it knows nothing of so impor- tant an incident. If the Hebrews were in arms against Egypt two hundred years before the exodus, it is evident that the whole story in Exodus i. rests on extremely defective informa- tion, and has little historical value. But Mr. Poole forgets to mention that the names which he takes to be those of Jacob and Joseph occur in a ‘list of the districts of Palestine which his Majesty conquered at Megiddo, and whose children he carried to Thebes.’ Therefore, if there is anything in the proposed identification, there were tribes of Jacob and Joseph settled in Palestine two hundred yeai-s before the exodus. If these are, * October, 1887. 200 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. as Mr. Poole supposes, the same Jacob and Joseph as we read of in the Bible, it will hardly be possible to resist the conclusion which is drawn by E. Meyer (in Stade’s ‘ Zeitschrift’ for 1886), that the sons of Jacob never were in Egypt, and that the name of Jacob originally belonged to a Palestinian tribe, one of many out of which the later nation of Israel was formed. It is right to say that Meyer is by no means confident about the identifi- cation of Yshp’r with Joseph, which in fact is open to grave philological objections, — far too grave to allow a sober historian to build on it. The other identification deserves more consid- eration ; but to leap at once to the conclusion that the biblical Jacob is meant is, on the part of an apologetical writer, a step that shows much more courage than prudence.” In Part I. of this work it has been shown that the battle of Makitha (Megiddo) was fought on the 21st of Pachons, concur- rent with April 1, b.c. 1315. This was over eighty years after the exodus of b.c. 1397. Further comment upon this supposed conflict between the Pentateuch and Egyptian monuments is unnecessary. INVASION OF JUDAH BY SHISHAK. In Part I. the epoch of Shishak is put at B.c. 894-886. This is obtained from the reign of Takelath II., a king of this dynasty, whose epoch is about at b.c. 846. The epoch of the first year of Shishak, calculated back from this, using data fur- nished by the monuments, and an average derived from the statements of Africanus and Eusebius, was about b.c. 894-886. The fifth year of Rehoboam, in which the invasion of Judah took place, is in the chronology of this work at b.c. 884. TIRHAKAH. Tirhakah is mentioned in the Bible in connection with the invasion of Judah by the Assyrian king Sennacherib during the reign of Hezekiah. Tirhakah begins to reign, according to the chronology, founded in part upon the Apis tablets, in b.c. 682 or 678. Hezekiah, in the chronology of this work, also begins to reign in b.c. 682. The twenty-six or more years which Tirhakah reigned place him upon the throne of Egypt at the time of the attack of Sennacherib upon Judah. CONTACT BETWEEN ASSYRIAN AND JEWISH HISTORY. 201 NECHO. King Josiah endeavored to stop the march of Necho against Carchemish. Necho began to reign, according to the chro- nology followed, in b.c. 598, and his reign came to an end in b.c. 582. The first epoch, b.c. 598, is that of the sixteenth and sev- enteenth years of Josiah, and the last, b.c. 582, is that of the fourth and fifth years of Jehoiakim. His reign covers the time of the battle at Megiddo with Josiah, and it ends at the time where the Bible places Necho’s defeat by Nebuchadnezzar, and the loss of “from the river of Egypt unto the river Euphrates all that pertained to the king of Egypt.” HOPHRA. Hophra began to reign in b.c. 577, and his reign terminated in b.c. 559-560. His reign covers the events in Jewish history with which he is connected in the Bible, the year of the fall of Jerusalem concurring with his eleventh year. CHAPTER XVI. POINTS OF CONTACT BETWEEN ASSYRIAN AND JEWISH HISTORY. SHALMANESER II. The first year of Saliman-uzur (Shalmaneser II.) is placed by Mr. George Smith at b.c. 860.* By the Assyrian canon he was eponym in the year b.c. 858. Exactly the thirty-first year after this (b.c. 828), Shalmaneser is again the eponym. This is con- firmed by his inscription, which relates that he celebrated a second time a cyclical feast in his thirty-first year.f The two eponyms are separated by thirty years. The epoch b.c. 858 is the epoch assumed by Mr. Smith for the third year of Shal- maneser. As Shalmaneser probably ascended the throne in the * “ Assyrian Canon” (G-. Smith), p. 199. f “Records of the Past” (Black Obelisk), vol. v. 202 JEWISH AND SYNCHKONOUS HISTORIES. year previous to that of which he was the eponym, the epoch of his first year will be b.c. 859. This allows his real first year, reckoned from his accession, to be still current when he became eponym. An inscription relates that in his sixth year he was engaged in a war with Ben-hadar, of Syria, and other confed- erate kings. Another recounting this war informs us that the expedition was in the eponym of Dayan-assur.* The eponym of Dayan-assur is, according to the epochs given to the canon by Mr. Smith, in b.c. 854. This is the sixth year reckoned from b.c. 859. These epochs are to be reduced nineteen years to agree with the canon of Ptolemy when lowered that many. The epoch of the first year becomes B.c. 840, that of Shalmane- ser’s first eponym b.c. 839, that of his second b.c. 809, and that of his sixth year b.c. 835. In the Jewish chronology of this work Ahab begins to reign over Israel in b.c. 840, the same year in which Shalmaneser began. Ahaziah, the successor of Ahab, has for his epoch b.c. 824, which is that of the seventeenth of Shalmaneser. Jehoram, the successor of Ahaziah, begins in b.c. 823, which is the epoch of the eighteenth year of Shal- maneser. Jehu, who followed Jehoram on the throne of Israel, began to reign in b.c. 813 ; this was the epoch of the twenty- eighth year of Shalmaneser. There are inscriptions which relate of campaigns carried on by Shalmaneser against Ben-hadar and confederate kings in his sixth, tenth, eleventh, and fourteenth years. Ahab is men- tioned f in the campaign of his sixth year, which was also the sixth year of Ahab by the chronology of this work. An inscription J of the eighteenth year of Shalmaneser relates that in that year he was engaged in a war with Hazael, of Damascus, the son and successor of Ben-hadar, and concludes the description with, “ In those days the Tribute of Tyre, and Zidon, and of Jehu, son of Omri, I received.” The difficulty about this campaign is, the eighteenth year of Shalmaneser concurred with the first year of Jehoram, of Israel, ten years earlier than the first of Jehu. Some have doubted that the Jehu, son of Omri, of the inscription, was the same as the bib- * “ Assyrian Canon” (G. Smith), p. 106. f Ibid. | Ibid., p. 114. CONTACT BETWEEN ASSYRIAN AND JEWISH HISTORY. 203 lical Jehu, son of Nimshi. But they may have been the same person. The expression, “ In those days the Tribute of Tyre, and Zidon, and of Jehu, son of Omri, I received,” points to the fact that the inscription was written some time after the event of the war with Ilazael, and the tribute spoken of belongs to a period of years during which it was paid by the house of Omri, and may extend into the reign of Jehu. It is only necessary that the time when the inscription was made should be placed after the beginning of the reign of Jehu. The scribe who prepares the insci'iption is acquainted with the fact that Jehu is on the throne of Israel, and also with the circumstances connecting the house of Omri with payment of tribute, and he joins the two in the inscription. Again, it may be doubted that Jehu, the son of Nimshi, ever paid any tribute to Shalmaneser; at least, if the scribe was no better acquainted with Jewish his- tory than the one who prepared the inscription of Sennacherib’s third campaign, where Menahem, of Samaria, is mentioned as paying tribute to Sennacherib. Instead of accusing Senna- cherib of being the most mendacious of all the Ass}7rian kings, an excuso of ignorance might be tolerated for this kind of mis- take. Further, the tribute of Menahem might have been assumed to be the customary tribute ; the amount of one thousand talents of silver exacted from Menahem by Tiglath Pileser being submitted to not only for himself but his suc- cessors upon the throne, and known under the descriptive title of “ Tribute of Menahem of Samaria.” The difference between the two names Jehoram and Jehu, meaning “exalted of Je- hovah” and “Jehovah is he,” may be nothing more than the method adopted by the chronicler to distinguish between two successive kings of the same kingdom ; somewhat similar to the practice followed in the case of Jehoiakim and Jehoiachin. If it is assumed that the Assyrians were ignorant enough to suppose Jehu, the son of Nimshi, to be the son of Omri, is it any more of an assumption to suppose they were not so ignorant, but rendered the name of Jehoram as Jehu? This question is affected by the change in a name so common when translated or rendered by another tongue. These names are alike, and if there is any real distinction between them, it goes in with the story of Jehu’s mission as the appointed instrument of the God 204 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. of Israel to punish the house of Omri ; but the question is, Was there enough difference between the two to prevent a common rendering in a foreign tongue? The eighteenth of Shalmaneser has the same epoch as the first year of Jehoram. It may have been the price of his throne, or the tribute immedi- ately levied upon him at his accession by the king of Assyria, who at that time was warring in Palestine against Hazael. It meant at that time peace and safety, things most desirable to a new sovereign, who probably did not feel strong enough to resist the demand at that time. This arrangement of the chro- nology is an improvement upon that required by the usual bib- lical chronology. By that Ahab reigned from b.c. 918 to 897, and taking b.c. 860, Mr. Smith’s epoch for the first year of Shalmaneser, Ahab had ceased to reign thirty-seven years before the accession of Shalmaneser. Professor Oppert, in order to bring Shalmaneser within the possibilities of the inscriptions, supposes there was a break in the Assyrian canon at the year in which Tiglath Pileser ascends the throne, and inserts forty-seven years, thereby raising Shalmaneser’s epochs that many years.* TIGLATH PILESER. Azariah, king of Judah, and the tribute of Menahem of Sa- maria are mentioned in an inscription! of Tiglath Pileser. Probable date, according to Mr. Smith, b.c. 738; this reduced nineteen years is b.c. 719, in which year fell the eighth year of Tiglath Pileser. b.c. 719 is the epoch of the 38-39 years of Azariah and also of the first year of Menahem. The Bible \ in the case of Menahem describes exactly the condition of things I have supposed to exist at the accession of Jehoram and his payment of tribute to Shalmaneser. “And Pul, king of As- syria, came against the land: and Menahem gave Pul a thou- sand talents of silver, that his hand might be with him to con- firm the kingdom in his hand.” Another inscription of Tiglath Pileser mentions Rezin of Syria, who is associated in the Bible with Pekah in a war upon Judah. § Another mentions Jehoahaz * “Assyrian Canon” (G. Smith), pp. 5, 75. f Ibid., p. 117. 1 II. Kings xv. 19. I “Assyrian Canon” (G. Smith), p. 11G. CONTACT BETWEEN ASSYRIAN AND JEWISH HISTORY. 205 of Judah.* No king of exactly this name was on the throne of Judah at this time. By the chronology of this book, Azariah and Jotham were the kings reigning in Judah during the reign of Tiglath Pileser. Ahaz, who succeeds Jotham, has for his name the last portion of that of Jehoahaz, and Assyrian schol- ars have identified Jehoahaz as Ahaz. The name Yahu-Khazi, which is translated Jehoahaz, and understood to mean Ahaz, contains as its first element Yahu ; this is almost identical, if the variation is of any account, with Yahua, which is translated Jehu in the inscription of Shalmaneser II. It has been noticed that the Hebrew chronicler distinguishes two successive kings who bore the same name by a change which affected the form rather than the meaning of the name. Jehoahaz means “ Whom Je- hovah holds or possesses,” and Ahaz means “ Possessor,” and Jotham, “Jehovah is upright.” In the two names, Jotham and Ahaz, there is all that there is in Jehoahaz, and they may he modified forms of Jehoahaz, and purposely so, in order to dis- tinguish the two kings, one from the other, the real name of each being Jehoahaz. Another inscription of Tiglath Pileser has the following reference to Pekah and Hoshea. “ Pekah their king . . . and Hoshea to the kingdom over them I ap- pointed . . . their tribute I received and ... to Assyria I sent.” f This would, at first sight, seem to imply, as Hoshea began to reign in the twelfth year of Ahaz, that the Jehoahaz of the inscription was the Ahaz of the Bible. This would ex- tend the bounds of the reign of Tiglath Pileser beyond those laid down in the Assyrian canon. To bring Hoshea within the limits, and to uphold the Bible statements and to confirm the inscription, a different construction must be put upon the history than that hitherto given to it. The death of Tiglath Pileser is placed by the Babylonian chronicle in the last year of his reign as king of Babylon, which corresponds to that of Poros in the canon of Ptolemy, b.c. 727, which, reduced nine- teen years, becomes b.c. 708. This is the year, according to the chronology of this book, in which Pekahiah ceased and Pekah began to reign ; this was also the epoch of the first year of Jotham. It is not clear always whether Tiglath Pileser refers * “ Assyrian Canon” (G. Smith), p. 124. f Ibid., pp. 123, 124. 18 206 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. toPekahiah or Pekah in ike inscriptions, or whether both are mentioned. Pekaha is the Assyrian form for the names of these kings. Pekahiah succeeded his father Menahem upon the throne of Israel, and after a reign of over one year he was slain by Pekah, a captain of his, who seized the throne. In the days of Pekah, Tiglath Pileser, king of Assyria, took Ijon and other cities, and all the land of Naphtali, and carried them cap- tive to Assyria.* Hoshea, the son of Elah, conspired against Pekah and slew him in the twentieth year of Jotham, and reigned in his stead. | Pekah reigned twenty years. This state- ment of the death of Pekah is based upon the twenty years given to Pekah in the Bible. As Jotham began to reign in the second year of Pekah, his twentieth year will overlap the first year of his successor, Ahaz. The inference without a contrary statement would bo that Iloshca obtained the throne of Israel at this time, but the Bible states that Iloshea began to reign over Israel in the twelfth year of Ahaz, and we must conclude that between the first and twelfth years of Ahaz there was an interregnum in Israel. During this interregnum Hoshea was probably struggling to obtain the throne. It appears that from the first year of Pekah, b.c. 708, unto the twelfth year of Ahaz, 15. c. 683, a period of twenty-five years, Hoshea had been con- tending for the throne of Isi'ael. Tiglath Pileser, in the extract given of the much-mutilated inscription, mentions Pekah and the appointment of Hoshea to the throne. Tiglath Pileser dies in this year. Under a temporary reverse of fortune Pekah loses his throne, and Hoshea is appointed to the same by the king of Assyria. The account leaves us in ignorance of the history of Pekah during this temporary elevation of Hoshea. Of Hoshea we learn that Shalmaneser, the successor of Tiglath Pileser, came against him, and Hoshea became his servant, and gave him presents, which is an euphemism for the payment of tribute. After this the king of Assyria detected Hoshea in a conspiracy with So, king of Egypt, and because the king of Israel brought no presents, as he had done year by year, he put him in prison. J Shalmaneser reigned five years and was over- * II. Kings xv. 29. J Ibid., xvii. 3, 4, 5. f Ibid., xv. 30. CONTACT BETWEEN ASSYRIAN AND JEWISH HISTORY. 207 thrown by Sargon, a general of’ liis, who seized the throne of Assyria. Sargon captured Samaria in the beginning of his reign.* The capture of Samaria, the usurpation of Sargon, and the imprisonment of Hoshea are events which possibly lie to- gether. The overthrow of Iloshea, at this time, was the oppor- tunity for Pekah to regain his throne. The Bible, while relating events concerning Hoshea which happened before the twelfth year of Ahaz, does not chronologically recognize his reign until that time. Sargon begins his reign in b.c. 702, and in this year we may suppose Pekah regained his throne. Hoshea in some way obtains his liberty, and slays Pekah in the twentieth year of Jotham, b.c. G92. From this point down to the twelfth year of Ahaz was an interregnum. What the political condition was at this time may be learned from the Book of Ilosea.f “ When Ephraim saw his sickness, and Judah saw his wound, then went Ephraim to the Assyrian, and sent to king Jareb: yet could he not heal you, nor cure you of your wound.” Understanding this to refer to the attacks of Israel upon Judah, and to the civil war prevailing in Israel, it is in further illustration of the history at this time, by allusion to Sennacherib, king of Assyria. The Assyrian name of Sennacherib was Sin-ahi-iriba. This is abbreviated, and only the last element, Iriba, is retained, which is rendered in Hosea as Iareb. By the help of the Assyrians, Hoshea is at last established upon the throne of Israel in the twelfth year of Ahaz. But this brought no cure to the wound of Ephraim. The taint of disloyalty and faithlessness was greater than the physician’s art of healing. It is not known how many sieges Samaria suffered during this period. The effect of the Assyrian arms in the conquest of Palestine was not permanent towards submissiveness. Expedi- tion follows expedition, and conquests have to be made over and over again. The deportation of the inhabitants of the land may have served a double purpose, the not least one being the removal of an incorrigibly rebellious people. The fall of Samaria, connected with the last year of Hoshea, is placed in this work in b.c. 675. * “ Assyrian Canon” (G. Smith), p. 215. f Hosea v. 13. 208 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. SENNACHERIB AND HEZEKIAH. The history of the reign of Hezekiah is found in separate paragraphs, the natural result of summing up in a page or two the principal facts of a long and eventful reign. On this ac- count their natural continuity is destroyed. Between some of these there is no connection other than that they are placed in juxtaposition in the story. The inference is the events so hap- pened, for it is customary to relate such in their due order of time. The account reads as if there was but one expedition made by Sennacherib against Hezekiah, but unless the king of Assyria made two different attacks upon Hezekiah the story is inconsistent in one important detail. In II. Kings xviii. we are told Sennacherib invaded Judah in the fourteenth year of Hez- ekiah, and the king of Judah made submission and handed over to the Assyrian king all the treasures of his house, and the Lord’s house, even to the stripping from the doors and pillars of the temple the gold with which they were overlaid. This is next followed by the account of the messengers from the king of Assyria, their outrageous and insulting language, and their efforts to intimidate the people. Hezekiah resorts to prayer and the intercession of Isaiah to save him and the city. Nothing is said of Sennacherib’s broken faith in renewing his demands after he had received the entire contents of the royal and tem- ple treasuries. This is followed by the miraculous destruction of Sennacherib’s army. Then comes the sickness of Hezekiah. This is connected with the attack of Sennacherib, because Isaiah, when he cures Hezekiah, assures him of the safety of the city from the attack of Sennacherib and promises him he shall live fifteen years more. These fifteen, counting both extremes, fol- low the fourteenth year of Hezekiah ; they with the fourteen make up the twenty-nine years Hezekiah reigned. Following this comes the account of the letters and presents from Bero- dach-baladan, son of Baladan, king of Babylon, which were sent, we are told, “ for he had heard that Hezekiah had been sick.” Hezekiah displays before the ambassadors from Babylon “ the house of his precious things, the silver, and the gold,” etc. The inconsistency here is, if Hezekiah had given to Sennacherib all his treasure in his fourteenth year, there was nothing left CONTACT BETWEEN ASSYRIAN AND JEWISH HISTORY. 209 worthy of the name, or for a vainglorious display to excite the wondering admiration of the strangers from afar, or to give oc- casion for Isaiah to utter the prophecy of the evil results to flow therefrom. There is no doubt of the fact by itself, but taken as related and in its juxtaposition it was impossible. The account in II. Chronicles, although in most particulars like that in II. Kings, differs from it in the omission of all account of the tribute, and in the spirit which is made to actuate Hezekiah. In IT. Kings he is timid, in II. Chronicles he is courageous ; in 11. Kings he submits and pays the tribute, in 11. Chronicles he sets about fortifying the city and encourages the people. The account of the messengers from Babylon is different. They are not sent by Berodaeh-baladan, but by the princes of Babylon, and no mention of Hezekiah’s sickness is made in that connec- tion ; it is said they came to inquire of the wonder done in the land. If Sennacherib made two expeditions into Judea, which is the view held by critics and Biblical scholars, these inconsisten- cies, so far as they are material, are removed, and those which are immaterial, arising as they do from a misapprehension of the sequence of the events, are to be explained in that way. The inscription of Sennacherib, which gives an account of his third and fourth campaigns, confirms the matter of the tribute. Sennacherib declares “He himself (Hezekiah), like a bird in a cage, inside Jerusalem, his royal citjq I shut him up : siege-tow- ers against him I constructed (for he had given commands to renew the bulwarks of the great gate of his citj").” . . . “ He himself, Hezekiah, the fearful splendour of my majesty had over- whelmed him. The workmen, soldiers, and builders, whom for the fortifications of Jerusalem his royal city he had collected within it, now carried tribute, and with thirty talents of gold, eight hundred talents of silver” . . . “after me he sent; and to pay tribute, and do homage he sent his envoy.”* This from the Assyrian inscription confirms the account in II. Chronicles as to the courage with which Hezekiah first met the attack of Sennacherib. It even goes to confirm a particular detail of the new fortifications made by Hezekiah. The inscription says, “ for * “Assyrian Canon” (G. Smith), p. 135. “ Records of the Past,” vol. i. 18* 210 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. he had given commands to renew the bulwarks of the great gate of his city,” and in II. Chronicles we are told that Hezekiah built up .the broken-down walls and raised the towers higher. The matter of the tribute related in II. Kings is confirmed to the exact amount of the gold, and the difference in the silver be- tween the three hundred talents of II. Kings and the eight hundred talents of the inscription may be explained, until more is known of the matter, by tbe various values put upon the de- nominations of silver. The account in II. Kings, which is connected with the de- struction of Sennacherib’s army, declares, in answer to Heze- kiah’s prayer, “the king of Assyria, He shall not come into this city, nor shoot an arrow there, nor come before it with shield, nor cast a bank against it.”* This is repeated word for word in the narrative found in Isaiah. If this is understood to refer to the attack upon Jerusalem, mentioned by Sennacherib in his inscription, it is in direct conti'adiction of it, for that as quoted re- lates that Sennacherib shut up Hezekiah in his royal city ; that is, laid siege to it, and siege-towers were constructed. It is possible to reform tbe history so as to allow of two attacks by Senna- cherib upon Hezekiah from its own internal evidence. The first attack was that connected with the tribute. The second invasion of Judah was when Sennacherib sent Tartan, Kabsaris, and Kab-shakeh to intimidate him, and to demand pledges and more tribute money. At this time Sennacherib did not come near the city of Jerusalem, but hearing that Tirhakah had come out of Egypt against him, he turns his attention to his new enemy. The Egyptians stated to Herodotus, as he has recorded in his history, f that when the Assyrian army was encamped opposite their own, in the night a multitude of field-mice in- vaded the Assyrian camp and devoured the quivers and bow- strings and tbe thongs of the shields of the Assyrians, and maybe included in this all things of their equipment made of leather. The Assyrian army in this predicament was practi- cally what a modern army would be without gunpowder. Such an invasion of rodents was nothing extraordinary, as those who have made themselves familiar with the habits of * II. Kings xix. 32. f Book II. 141. CONTACT BETWEEN ASSYRIAN AND JEWISH HISTORY. 211 these animals testify. The means by which the defeat of Sennacherib was brought about were those known as natural or second causes ; but the deliverance was none the less one of those usually described as miraculous. In the morning, when the Assyrians discovered the condition they were in, they took to flight, and great multitudes of them were slain. In II. Kings the manner of the destruction is described: “And it came to pass that night, that the angel of the Lord went out, and smote in the camp of the Assyrians a hundred fourscore and five thousand : and when they arose early in the morning, behold, they were all dead corpses.”* This is an additional fact, and not inconsistent with the Egyptian narrative. Prom the narrative of this last attack upon Judah by Sennacherib, it is learned that this event was connected with a sabbatical year. I am aware it has been argued that the words spoken by Isaiah to Hezekiah, “And this shall be a sign unto thee, Ye shall eat this year such things as grow of themselves, and in tho second year that which springeth of the same; and in the third year sow ye, and reap, and plant vineyards, and eat tho fruits thereof, ”f could not mean this was a regular sabbatical year, or why would it be a sign more than any other sabbatical year? It appears the sabbatical years instituted by Moses were not regularly observed by the Jews, and it may have been one of the reforms of Ilezekiah to have them observed. The words of Isaiah describe something more than a sabbatical year. Ac- cording to the command of Moses they were to refrain from all servile work during the sabbatical year. This necessitated the year preceding the sabbatical year should bear fruit for three years ; that is, for the incomplete part of itself that followed one of the two principal harvests of the year, for the sabbatical year, and for the year following the sabbatical, until they reaped the harvests planted in that year. Isaiah describes something different. There were to be two successive years having all the characteristics of a sabbatical year, and the former year, if famine is to be avoided, would have to bear fruit to last four years, unless Ilezekiah had provided in advance storehouses in which was kept the overplus produce of pre- * II. Kings xix. 35. f Ibid., xix. 29. 2 12 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. vious years. This is what Hezekiah is said to have done.* If Sennacherib invaded Judah in the year preceding a sab- batical year, of necessity, the land being overrun by his army, and those who cultivate the soil having taken refuge in the walled cities, the year would be a failure in an agricultural sense. The following year being sabbatical, no agricultural pursuits would be followed. This describes the condition of things which Isaiah said was to be a sign. Of what was it a sign? Not of the defeat of Sennacherib ; but what follows in explanation is meant, “And the remnant that is escaped of the house of Judah shall yet again take root downward, and bear fruit upward.” The metaphor is borrowed from the circum- stances attending the two years in which no planting of the earth was to be done, followed by one in which a renewal of the processes of agriculture should take place. It is well known that the enemies of the Jews took occasion on the sabbath to gain certain advantages, which a strict observance of that day on the part of the Jews permitted them to take. Josephusf writes, that although the Jews were allowed to defend themselves when attacked on the sabbath day, yet they were forbidden to interfere with any other proceeding of the enemy which did not amount to a personal collision. He writes, this was discov- ered by the soldiers of Pompey in their attack upon the fortifi- cations of the temple, so that on the sabbath day they refrained from attacking the Jews, but used the time in preparing, unmo- lested, the engines of war, and placing them in position ready for the attack on the next day. Thus they were enabled to prepare the means by which the walls were beaten down and the citadel taken. Similar facts are related of the capture of Jerusalem by Ptolemy J and Herod. § The prohibition applies with the same force to the sabbatical year, and all days in which servile work was forbidden. The succession of sabbatical years, it is reasonable to suppose, was reckoned from some epoch. The era of the tabernacle was in b.c. 1396, and reckoning from * II. Chron. xxxi. 11. f “Antiquities of the Jews” (Josephus), Book XII. vi. 2. J Ibid., Book XIV. iv. 2. g Ibid., xvi. 2. CONTACT BETWEEN ASSYRIAN AND JEWISH HISTORY. 213 this down to b.c. 676 is a period of seven hundred and twenty years, which contains one hundred and twenty sabbatical weeks of years, each of six years of twelve months, or seven mixed years (one of twelve months and six of ten months). These years in Hezekiah’s reign will bo those of his seventh year, b.c. 676-675; his fourteenth year, 670-669; his twenty-first year, 664-663 ; his twenty-eighth year, 658-657. The epoch of tho first year of Sennacherib is obtained as following the last year of Sargon, determined by his last year as king of Babylon, Sargon being the same as Arkeanus in Ptolemy’s canon. This is Ptolemy’s eftoch of the first year of the first interregnum reduced nineteen years. The first attack may be placed in the first year of Ilezekiah. This was the third campaign of Sennacherib described in the inscription, when he shut up Hezekiah in Jerusalem like a bird in a cage. Sennacherib in his next campaign, which is a continuation of that into Judea,* sets up Assur-nardin-suma, his son, as king in Babylon. This was in b.c. 680, and in the first year of Heze- kiah. This is an important confirmation of the chronology, be- cause b.c. 680 is the epoch of Aparanadius, who is Assur-nardin- suma, in the canon of Ptolemy when it is reduced nineteen years, from b.c. 699 to 680. At this time Hezekiah paid the tribute to Sennacherib. The messengers from the king of Babylon may have visited Hezekiah just before the attack of Sennacherib, when it would be possible for Hezekiah to show them his treasures. But this need not be insisted upon : the interval of thirteen years between the first attack and the second in the fourteenth year of Hezekiah is long enough, with a very prosperous reign, to accumulate much treasure. Were it not for the statement of tho Assyrian inscription of the eleva- tion to the throne of Babylon of Assur-nardin-suma as following the attack upon Hezekiah, the first attack might be placed in the seventh year of Hezekiah, the first sabbatical year of his reign. This might be the case if there is liberty to suppose Assur-nardin-suma, who had been put on the throne of Babylon in b.c. 680, was in the seventh year of Hezekiah temporarily * “ Records of the Past,” vol. i. 214 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. without a throne, and the fourth expedition had for one of its ends the restoration of Assur-nardin-suma to the throne of Babylon. This is so far borne out by the Babylonian chronicle, which informs us that Assur-nardin-suma was in his sixth year captured by Kallasu, king of Elam, and carried to Elam. The sixth year of Assur-nardin-suma falls in with the seventh year of Hezekiah, b.c. 675. The supposition that Sennacherib re- stored him to his throne by the campaign of the following year may be tenable, for the king of Elam placed Nergel-Zusezib upon the throne of Babylon, and he answers to Kegebelos in Ptolemy’s canon, and Sennacherib mentions this prince as Suzub in the inscription of this campaign as he who had stirred up the revolt in Babylonia. It stands in with this, that this was only a temporary success of Sennacherib, because for the next four years the Babylonians have on the throne one of their own princes, Musezib-Merodach (Babylonian chronicle), the Mesesimordakus of the canon. This will allow Hezekiah a sufficient time in his sixth year to undertake to fortify the city. This also finds Sennacherib in Palestine at this time, for the foil of Samaria was in the sixth year of Hezekiah. The visit of the messengers from the king or princes of Babylon was before these events. Nevertheless the first view follows more closely the biblical account, and there will be time enough to begin the fortifications, and to have some of them finished, be- fore Sennacherib began the siege in the first year of Hezekiah. The second attack was in the thirteenth and fourteenth years of Hezekiah and the sixteenth and seventeenth years of Sen- nacherib. The Assyrian king enters Judea in the year preceding a sabbatical year. Hezekiah is prevented by this circumstance from making a proper defence. Now, if ever, is to be tested the wisdom of the law against offensive warfare in the sabbatical year. Those who deny the miraculous in the Bible admit the historical facts, and claim the miracle is superimposed upon them. In the case of Hezekiah at this time the very facts themselves demand a miracle. Jerusalem is saved and the army of Sennacherib destroyed by the angel of the Lord. In the following year Hezekiah is sick and near to die. This is also the year of the eclipse of b.o. 669. After this messengers come from the princes of Babylon to inquire of the wonder IN CONNECTION WITH BABYLON AND PERSIA. 215 done in the land. Hezekiah shows them his riches, and the story of them is carried back to Babylon, and is not forgotten. The prophetic words of Isaiah are to be fulfilled by Nebuchad- nezzar. Some have supposed the death of Sennacherib followed closely upon the destruction of his army in the thirteenth-four- teenth year of Hezekiah. The Bible states that he went and dwelt in Nineveh, where ho was slain by two of his sons.* The Assyrian canon mentions no expeditions of Sennacherib in his later years, and the inference of his death earlier than required by the canon is simply gratuitous. CHAPTER XVII. JEWISH HISTORY IN CONNECTION WITH THE HISTORIES OP BABY- LON AND PERSIA. Josiaii, king of Judah, died after a reign of thirty-one years. His death was caused by a wound received in the battle of Me- giddo, fought with Necho, king of Egypt, who was at that time engaged in a campaign against Charchcmish, by the river Eu- phrates. Jehoahaz succeeded his father, Josiah, and reigned three months. Necho, after the capture of Charchcmish, marched to Jerusalem, deposed Jehoahaz, and elevated Jehoiakim to the throne, who reigned eleven years. About the time of the accession of Jehoiakim, Nebuchadnez- zar, king of Babjlon, commanded an expedition to recover Charchemish and the provinces of Syria and Palestine. Ac- cording to Berosus, Nabopolassar sent his son Nebuchadnezzar against Necho. Nebuchadnezzar is called king of Babylon be- fore tbe death of his father, who, in II. Kings xxiii. 29, is styled the king of Assyria. The giving Nebuchadnezzar the title king of Babylon before the death of his father has been ex- plained to be “a prolepsis common to most writers of history.” j- * II. Kings xix. 7, 37. f “Historical Illustrations of the Old Testament” (Rawlinson), p. 169. 216 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. But it would not be out of the ordinary if the two titles, king of Assyria and king of Babylon,* were still fashionable, and the lesser one, king of Babylon, bestowed on Nebuchadnezzar, the heir of the throne. It is probable, as the Bible declares the ex- pedition of Necho against Charchemish to be against the king of Assyria, f the empire was still called Assyrian. During the subsequent reign of Nebuchadnezzar, Babylon grew in power and surpassed the glories of Assyria, which were now beginning to be forgotten in the splendor of the new kingdom. We hear no more of the king of Assyria; it is now Nebuchadnezzar, king of Babylon, the great king. The following historical statements are connected with the reign of Nebuchadnezzar in the Bible: The capture of Jerusalem in the third year of Jehoiakim. J The first year of Nebuchadnezzar was the fourth year of Je- hoiakim. § Nebuchadnezzar carried captives from Jerusalem in his seventh, eighteenth, and twenty -third years. || The temple at Jerusalem was destroyed in the nineteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar.^ The thirty-seventh year of the captivity of Jehoiachin was the first year of Evil Merodach. * * § ** All these statements are carried out in the chronological table except that of the captivity of the seventh year of Neb- uchadnezzar, which is omitted, and one of the third year of Je- hoiakim is inserted in its place. The years of Nebuchadnezzar’s sole reign are reckoned in years of ten months from the fourth year of Jehoiakim, which causes a thirty-seventh year to fall in with the first year of Evil Merodach, and if the captivity of Jehoiachin began from tbe siege of Jerusalem in the third year of Jehoiakim, ff the thirty- seventh year thereof, by the year of ten months, will concur with the first year of Evil Merodach. This is not the usual explanation of this statement in the Bible. Daniel, in the be- *“ The Ancient Empires of the East” (Sayce), pp. 134, 139. f II. Kings xxiii. 29. X Daniel i. 1. § Jeremiah xxv. 1. || Ibid., lii. 28, 29, 30. f Ibid., lii. 12. ** Ibid., lii. 31. ff Daniel i. 1. IN CONNECTION WITH BABYLON AND PERSIA. 217 ginning of the book bearing bis name, states that “the king spake unto Ashpenaz the master of bis eunuchs, that be should bring certain of the children of Israel, and of the king’s seed, and of the princes.” The presence in Babylon of Jehoiachin, the son of Jehoiakim, is predicated upon this statement. Je- hoiachin is not mentioned in this connection, but his presence in Babylon at this time as a hostage for the fealty of Jehoiakim, his father, and also to be brought up under Chaldean influence and moulded to the will of Nebuchadnezzar, is a matter of such plain policy and common practice that it requires no apology. When Nebuchadnezzar is forced to remove Jehoiakim from the throne he elevates Jehoiachin in his father’s place, but becom- ing dissatisfied, he removes Jehoiachin after a reign of three months, and places his uncle, Zedekiah, upon the throne. This second captivity of Jehoiachin, if we may be allowed to dis- tinguish between the two only separated by a few months, is the one usually followed, and it is the one during which he suf- fered the rigors of imprisonment. This allows of two reckon- ings of the captivity, one of the first year of Nebuchadnezzar’s sole reign and the other of the eighth year. For reasons con- nected with the chronological scheme as a whole, the captivity of Jehoiachin in connection with the first year of Nebuchad- nezzar’s sole reign is followed. The statements of Josephus, though believed to be full of er- rors, suggest what appears to be the correct chronology down to the proclamation of Cyrus. In “ Antiquities of the Jews” he writes, “In the fii’st year of Cyrus, which was the seventieth from the day that our people were removed out of their own land into Babylon.” * In his dissertation against Apion occurs : “These accounts agree with true history in our books: for in them it is written that Nebuchadnezzar in the nineteenth year of his reign laid our temple desolate, and so it lay in that state of obscurity for fifty years; but that in the second year of Cy- rus its foundations were laid, and it wras finished again in the second year of Darius.” f At another place in the same he states, “ When it so happened that our city was desolate during * “ Antiquities of the Jews” (Josephus), Book XI. i. 1. j- “ Against Apion” (Josephus), Book I. 21. 19 218 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. the interval of seventy years until the days of Cyrus, king of Persia.”* Ptolemy’s canon gives forty-nine years from the de- struction of the temple in the nineteenth year of Nebuchadnez- zar to the second year of Cyrus. Josephus counts both extremes and calls the interval fifty years. To complete the period of seventy years ho first mentions, he must count it from the cap- tivity of the third year of Jehoiakim, and beginning Nebu- chadnezzar’s first year with the fourth year of Jehoiakim, he ob- tains 1 4- 19 -f- 50 for the seventy years from the day his people were removed out of their land unto the first year of Cyrus. The number 19 should be 18, and the seventy years counted to the second year of Cyrus, as in the second quotation. In the third quotation from Josephus his words are, “ Our city was des- olate during the interval of seventy years, until the days of Cyrus, king of Persia.” If this period is the same as the first quotation’s, it is strange he uses language which applies more truthfully to the destruction of Jerusalem, which he states was only fifty years before the second of Cyrus. Josephus’s chro- nology of this period differs from the canon of Ptolemy. He gives Nebuchadnezzar forty-three years ; Evil Merodach, eigh- teen years ; Neglessar, forty years ; Labosordacus, nine months ; Baltasar, called Naboandelus, seventeen years. Against this latter, he says, came Cyrus, king of Persia, and Darius, the Mede.f Counting from the first of Nebuchadnezzar to the end of Bal- tasar are one hundred and eighteen plus years. I have emended the canon of Ptolemy in a way which brings the first of Neb- uchadnezzar to b.c. 595. His sole reign begins in b.c. 583, in part current with his thirteenth year of twelve months, reckoned from b.c. 595. If the figures furnished by Josephus are from the time Nebuchadnezzar became king of Babylon, then twelve years ai’e to be deducted from ono hundred and eighteen to get the term from the fourth of Jehoiakim or Nebuchadnezzar’s sole reign ; this will leave one hundred and six years, and this, less seventy years for the captivity, leaves a remainder of thirty-six years, nine months, which is the term of Darius Hystaspes’s reign. With this view Josephus places the capture of Babylon * “ Against Apion” (Josephus), Book I. 19. f “ Antiquities of the Jews” (Josephus), Book X. xi. 2. IN CONNECTION WITH BABYLON AND PERSIA. 219 and the death of Baltasar at the end of Darius Hystaspes’s reign, and the end of the seventy years’ captivity at the beginning of Darius’s reign. The account of the death of Baltasar (Belshaz- zar) closes Book X. of the “ Antiquities of the Jews.” The next book, the eleventh, opens with an account of the proclamation of Cyrus, similar to that in the Book of Ezra, for the return of the Jews to Jerusalem and the rebuilding of the temple. Men- tion is made in this proclamation of the restoration of the ves- sels of the Lord removed by Nebuchadnezzar from the temple, and which had been brought to Belshazzar during his revels on the night the city was taken. The successor of Darius Hystas- pes was Xerxes, therefore Xerxes was the Cyrus who made the proclamation. This is a conclusion not intended by Josephus, but one compelled by his figures, one object of which was prob- ably to account for the age of Darius Hystaspcs at the capture of Babylon, which is said to have been sixty-two years.* Herod- otus mentions in connection with a narrative of a dream of Cyrus concerning Darius, that the latter was twenty years old and too young to go to war.f This time is placed by the death of Cyrus as falling in his last year. By the canon, Cambyses reigns eight years and Darius Hystaspes thirty-six years, conse- quently Darius Hystaspes was 20 + 8 -{- 36 years old at the time of his death, or sixty-four years old. This places the death of Baltasar in the thirty-fourth year of Darius, when he was sixt}r- two years old. This again suggests Xerxes as the Cyrus who issued the proclamation. In the explanation of the cycles of eclipses, which are to be found in the Persian portion of the canon as amended, a cycle, of which Xerxes is supposed to be the eponym, is begun with the thirty-first year of Darius, and for six years it overlaps the reign of Darius, and covers the eight years’ sole reign of Xerxes and extends for five years into the reign of Artaxerxes. This accounts for the association of Cyrus, the Persian (Xerxes), with Darius Hystaspes in the capture of the city. If this person had been Cyrus the Great, he would not have been a subordinate of Darius, as the narrative implies. We must explain Josephus’s account, as well as that of the Bible, by giving * Daniel v. 31. f Herodotus, Book I. 209. 220 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. to the name of Cyrus a more general application. This name was that of the founder of the Persian monarchy, and it was also bestowed upon Xerxes. The name Xerxes is said to mean king, and the name Cyrus may bear a similar meaning and one in origin like that of Pharaoh, “the great house.”* Although Cyrus, the founder *of the Persian monarchy, was a real person, many of the stories about him are of a legendary character. A comparison between the legend of Perseus, whose son Perses was the patronymic of the Persians, might lead to the impres- sion that a name for Cyrus was Perseus ( per — aa — curia). In this legend the circumstances attending the birth and infancy of Perseus are so like those told of Cyrus that the coincidence cannot escape attention. When to this is added the similarity of the names of the personages connected with the two stories, but one conclusion is reached, that under the guise of the legend of Pei’seus the Greeks preserved some of the incidents of the life of Cyrus. Perseus, when he reaches man’s estate, is sent by Polydectes, his preserver, who now wishes to be rid of him, to slay the gorgon Medusa. On his return from that expe- dition, he rescues Andromeda from a sea-monster, by whom he became the father of Perses. From the dead body of Medusa sprang the winged horse Pegasus, from the imprint of whose hoofs welled up the springs of Helicon. Perseus finally returns with his mother to Argos. His grandfather, Acrisius, flies to Larissa. Thither Perseus follows to persuade the king to return home, and while there accidentally killed him with a discus during the progress of certain games celebrated in honor of Acrisius by the king of that country. Comparing these names with those found in the story of Cyrus we have — Astyages. Acrisius. Mandane. Danae. Cyrus. Perseus. Medes. Medusa, Andromeda. Persians. Perses. Harpagus. Pegasus. But the most noticeable verification of the connection between * “ Dictionnaire d’ Archeologie Egyptienne” (Pierret), Pharaon. IN CONNECTION WITH BABYLON AND PERSIA. 221 the two stories is the total solar eclipse at Larissa, where Acrisius was slain with a discus by Perseus. This eclipse is placed by Xenophon about at the time of the conquest of the Modes by the Persians. Two conclusions may be drawn from the circumstances found in Josephus and Herodotus. First, in Josephus, two distinct and opposing chronologies are found, one of which is similar to that found in the canon of Ptolemy, and tho other confirms the reformation of the canon, as proposed in this work, in so far as Nebuchadnezzar’s forty-three years should begin at an epoch twelve years before the fourth year of Jehoiakim. Second, the namo Cyrus was one also applied to Xerxes. The Book of Ezra opens with the proclamation of Cyrus. It is proposed to show from the list of Persian kings therein found that by Cyrus was meant Xerxes. The order of these kings, as gathered from this book, is Cyrus,* Ahasuerus,f Artaxerxes, J Darius, § Artaxerxes. || There are two ways of comparing this list of Persian kings with that portion of Ptolemy’s canon in which they are found: one, to begin by comparing Cyrus of tho Book of Ezra with the Cyrus of the canon ; the other, to begin by comparing the last of the four kings of Ezra with a corresponding king in the canon and to let Cyrus fall where ho may. By the first plan it is necessary to insert the Magian impostor under the name of Smerdis or Bardis,^[ who only reigned a few months, and whose time is included in the canon in the reigns of Cambyses and Darius Hystaspes. The list from the canon, amended by the insertion of Smerdis and compared with the kings in Ezra, is as follows: Canon. Cyrus. Cambyses. (Smerdis.) Darius Hystaspes. Xerxes. Artaxerxes. Ezra. Cyrus. Ahasuerus. Artaxerxes. Darius. Artaxerxes. * Ezra iv. 5. f Ibid., iv. 6. J Ibid., iv. 7. g Ibid., iv. 5; vi. 15. || Ibid., vii. 1. f “ Historical Illustrations of the Old Testament” (ltawlinson), pp. 192, 193. 222 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. This identification requires the hypothesis that Cambyses was called Ahasuerus (that is, Xerxes) and Smerdis Artaxerxes, while no explanation is known for the omission of Xerxes in his proper place. To favor this arrangement there is no other argument than that it is done to make the Cyrus of Ezra to be the same as the Cyrus of the canon. On the other hand, notice how perfectly the last four kings agree with four from the canon : Canon. Darius Hystaspes. Xerxes. Artaxerxes. Darius Nothus. Artaxerxes Mnemon. Ezra. Cyrus ( Xerxes). Ahasuerus (Xerxes). Artaxerxes. Darius. Artaxerxes. Cyrus is brought on a line with Darius Ifystaspes, but this is duo to a wrong apprehension of Ezra. In the fourth chapter of Ezra it is said counsellors were hired to frustrate the pur- pose of the Jews in the rebuilding of their city and temple “ all the days of Cyrus, king of Persia, even until the reign of Darius, king of Persia. And in the reign of Ahasuerus, in the beginning of his reign.” . . . “And in the days of Artaxerxes.” If it is understood that the circumstances first mentioned referred to the whole time delays were thrown in the way of the Jews, then from the first year of Cyrus (Xerxes) covers the reigns of Ahasuerus (Xerxes) and Artaxerxes (Longimanus), the Darius mentioned being Darius Nothus, the successor of Longimanus, and not Darius Hystaspes. The historian, after mentioning the time of the whole duration of the persecution as beginning with the reign of Cyrus (Xerxes) and terminating with that of Darius, begins a more detailed account. Of these events he was not a personal witness, but derives his knowledge from the Jews who had gone before him to Jerusalem. Xerxes was called by them Ahasuerus, and according to the view now set forth he was known to the Persians under the name of Cyrus. This king is mentioned first after the general description of the persecution, his part in it is the first detail, and his place is the same as that of Cyrus (Xerxes). The last sentence of the fourth chapter of Ezra tells us the work ceased unto the second year of Darius, king of Persia, and in the sixth chapter we are IN CONNECTION WITH BABYLON AND PERSIA. 223 informed the house was finished in the sixth year of this king. Ezra goes to Jerusalem in the seventh year of the reign of Artaxerxes, who was the Persian king who was called Mnemon ; this was in the year b.c. 399. In the twentieth year of this same king, b.c. 386, Nehemiah obtains permission to go to Jerusalem to rebuild the city. A period of four hundred and twenty years from this time will end a.l>. 33. The list of high- priests agrees perfectly with this arrangement. Jeshua holds this office at the time of the proclamation of Cyrus (Xerxes). The three mentioned in this portion of the history are Jeshua, Joa- kim, and Eliashib. The notice of Joakim is confined to his name simply, but Eliashib was high-priest in the twentieth year of Artaxerxes. This will come about whether wo give to their terms of office the number of years usually found in chronologies or average them at thirty or thirty-three and one-third years each. In the chronological table I have given the years of only three of the terms of captivity, reckoning seventy years to each. This is necessary in order to identify the points from which these terms begin. The first has for its epoch b.c. 583 ; it begins with the captivity of the third year of Jehoiakim, when Daniel and certain of the children of Israel and of the king’s seed were carried to Babylon. The second begins with the destruction of Jerusalem, and the third with the last deportation of the Jews by Nebuchadnezzar in the twenty-third year of his reign. It is a question which of these terms was intended to be the one alluded to by Jeremiah. In the table there are exactly twenty years between the seventieth year of the captivity of the third year of Jehoiakim and the one which began in the twenty-third year of Nebuchadnezzar. We learn from Jere- miah that Babylon was to be destroyed after the accomplish- ment of the seventy years’ service of Judah.* If the destruc- tion of Babylon is placed in b.c. 472, in which year fell the thirty-second year of Darius Hystaspes and the sixty-second year of his age, this will be the twenty-first year after the ex- piration of the seventy years’ captivity reckoned from the twenty-third year of Nebuchadnezzar, b.c. 564. This calcula- tion for the ago of Darius only differs from that heretofore * Jeremiah xiv. 12. 224 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. given, derived from the canon, in that it follows the canon as amended in this work. The time at which “ Daniel understood by books the number of the years, whereof the word of the Lord came to Jeremiah the prophet, that he would accomplish seventy }Tears in the desolations of Jerusalem”* is placed in the first year of Darius, the son of Ahasuerus. This is intended for Darius, the son of Hystaspes. This was probably in b.c. 495 or 494, in the ninth or tenth years of Darius, or the first year of the cycle, which began in b.c. 494, of which he was the eponym. It is possible the first year of Darius in Babylon is what is meant. Darius, in the inscription of Behistun, places Aracus, who had caused a revolt at Babylon, claiming to be Nabochodrossar, the son of Nabonidus, as the ninth king taken in battle. Usually one year may be allowed for each cam- paign, and if they are continuous, as they appear to have been in this case, each king taken in battle may denote a j’ear of his reign. This also brings the capture of Babylon about to the ninth year of Darius. But this need not be insisted upon. The first year of Darius may be that of his accession in b.c. 503 ; but the year b.c. 495 suits exactly the circumstances related, for in b.c. 494, the following year, terminates the seventy years’ captivity, reckoned from the twenty-third year of Nebuchad- nezzar. We may suppose that Daniel understood the words of Jeremiah were fulfilled by the capture of Babylon. The cir- cumstances were such as to lead to that impression, enforced as they were by his strong desire for the reproach of his people to be removed. A period of twenty-one years appears to have been understood and recognized, for we find it made the occa- sion of further delays upon the part of the Persians. Daniel at this time utters his prophecy of the coming of Messiah. “ Seventy weeks are determined upon thy people and upon thy holy city, to finish the transgression, and to make an end of sins,” . . . “ and to anoint the Most Holy. Know therefore and understand, that from the going forth of the command- ment to restore and to build Jerusalem, unto the Messiah the Prince, shall be seven weeks, and threescore and two weeks: the street shall be built again, and the wall, even in troublous * Daniel ix. 2. IN CONNECTION WITH BABYLON AND PERSIA. 225 times.” * The seventy weeks denote four hundred and ninety years, and these are subdivided into three periods: seven weeks, sixty- two weeks, and one week, the last implied. In the next chapter it is learned that the prince of the kingdom of Persia had withstood twenty-one days the answer to Daniel’s prayer, f These are to be taken as years, just as the seventy weeks stand for four hundred and ninety years. Twenty-one years added to forty-nine years, the seven weeks of the first subdivision, give seventy years for tho time which was to elapse during which the city was to be built in troublous times. This is the case as laid down in the chronology. From the termination of the cap- tivity of the twenty-third year of Nebuchadnezzar, b.c. 494, unto the first year of Darius Notlius, b.c. 424, are exactly seventy years. The scheino of tho chronology connected with the sabbatical years is based upon the period of nine hundred years. By reference to the chronological table a period of nine hundred years, reckoned from the exodus, b.c. 1397, terminated in b.c. 498, and in this year also came to an end the seventy years of the captivity, reckoned from the eighteenth year of Nebuchad- nezzar. It has been shown in treating of Hezekiah’s reign that lie observed the sabbatical years during his reign. King Josiah also instituted a reform in his reign, and followed the example of Hezekiah. The series of sabbatical years, reckoned from b.c. 1396-1395, which is followed, causes these years to fall as follows : b.c. 610-9 sabbatical year “ 604-3 “ “ “ 598-7 “ “ “ 592-1 “ “ “ 586-5 “ “ 1- 2 years of Josiah. 8- 9 11 “ 16-17 “ “ 23-24 “ “ 30-31 “ The sabbatical year of the 8-9 years of Josiah may be no- ticed. We are told in II. Chronicles xxxiv. 3, “ For in the eighth year of his reign, while he was yet young, he began to seek after the God of David his father.” The sabbatical year of Josiah’s 30-31 years furnishes a comment upon the policy of Necho in making his expedition against Charchemish in that year, he believing he could not be interfered with, knowing the * Daniel ix. 24, 25. f Ibid., x. 13. 226 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. character of this year and the prohibition against offensive war- fare it laid upon the Jews. The disaster which befell Josiah, with this view, will be in consequence of his violation of the law of this year. Four sabbatical years fell in the reign of Hezekiah and four in the reign of Josiah, making eight in these two reigns. These, with, perhaps, two others observed in the early part of their history, will make ten sabbatical years ob- served by the Jews previous to the Babylonian captivity. In nine hundred years there should bo one hundred and fifty sab- batical years, and deducting from these the ten, which are sup- posed, leaves one hundred and forty sabbatical years. This is the term of one hundred and forty years reckoned from the beginning of the captivity of the twenty-third year of Nebuchad- nezzar down to the second year of Darius Nothus, which was covered by the seventy years of that captivity, the twenty-one supplemental years, and the seven weeks of years of Daniel. In Ezekiel iv. 5 occurs, the days of the iniquity of Israel are three hundred and ninety, and in verse 6, the days of the iniquity of Judah are forty. There may be two ways of under- standing these statements. The numbers either refer to pei'iods of years or some form of iniquity connected with them. The periods to which they may i*efer ai’e either three hundred and ninety and forty years of twelve months or the same in yeai-s of ten months. In the latter sense the three hundred and ninety years equal thi’ee hundred and twenty-five years of twelve months. The forty yeai’s equal thirty -three and one-third years of twelve months. The three hundred and ninety years of twelve months, counted from the first year of Jeroboam I., end with the cap- tivity of the eighteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar, b.c. 498. The three hundred and ninety years of ten months, or the three hundred and twenty-five years of twelve months which repre- sent them, end in b.c. 563, where falls the twenty-third year of Nebuchadnezzar and the year in which the last company of the Jews was carried into captivity. The other view of these num- bers is that they point to an evil existing both in Judah and the kingdom of Israel. It is that in Judah they used a cycle of forty decimestrial years instead of the jubilee cycle of forty-two years. By the use of the cycle of forty years they neglected the sabbatical and jubilee years. It is said in verse 21 of the IN CONNECTION WITH BABYLON AND PERSIA. 227 last chapter of II. Chronicles, that the Jews were carried captive “To fulfil the word of the Lord by the mouth of Jeremiah, until the land had enjoyed her sabbaths : for as long as she lay deso- late she kept sabbath, to fulfil threescore and ten years.” The number three hundred and ninety may denote thirteen cycles each of thirty years of ten months, each equal to twenty- five years of twelve months. This is the Apis cycle which may be supposed to be the one introduced by Jeroboam I. with the Apis worship. It came to an end with the captivity of the twenty- third year of Nebuchadnezzar, when the land had rest. There remained after the three hundred and twenty-five years of twelve months accomplished in b.c. 5G3, sixty-five years, in which the land was to have rest, to complete the three hundred and ninety years of twelve months, there being sixty-five sab- batical years in that many years. The reader must not confuse the four hundred and ninety years of Daniel’s prophecy with the years of the jubilee cycle. This mistake may be made because this number equals ten jubilee cycles of forty-nine years each, which contain four hun- dred and ninety mixed years or four hundred and twenty trojucal years. The basal number of Daniel’s prophecy is seventy. This number occurs in various ways in technical chronology. It is found in the Egyptian myth of the five intercalary days. It is said Mercury played at dice with the moon and won from her the seventieth part of her light, out of which the five epa- gomenrn were made. In explaining this myth, it is said Ideler supposes the myth contemplated a lunar year of three hundred and fifty days, one seventieth of which is five days, and that Scaliger supposes the myth wrongly reported, because five days is not one-seventieth of the moon’s light. These writers over- look the general rule for assigning the numbers of days to cycles, years, and months, that in no case is the poi’tion of a day allowed; all periods are reckoned in full days, and when neces- sary a day or days are afterwards added or subtracted. One- seventieth of the moon’s light is five days and a small part of a day over. The myth means only that portion of the moon’s light which, according to the rule, could be used to lengthen the year of three hundred and sixty days. Seventy years as the term of the life of man is mentioned in the Book of Psalms and 228 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. by Herodotus in his History. Herodotus endeavors to describe the cycle connected with this year, and appears to confuse the year of three hundred and sixty days and an intercalary month every six years, with a cyclic period of seventy years with an intercalary month of thirty four days every other period, or after one hundred and forty years, and the omission of one day in seven hundred and seventy years. Seventy years is a sub- division of the cycle of seven hundred and seventy yeai-s, in which time the tropical year advances one hundred and eighty- six days, twelve hours pZus, in the vague year, which is the time between the vernal and autumual equinoxes. If a cycle is com- menced with the autumnal equinox on the first day of a vague year, then after seven hundred and seventy years the vernal equinox will be on the first day of the vague year, and if the year is to be made tropical it may be done by passing over the interval between the two equinoxes as intercalary, and recom- mencing the year at the autumnal equinox. Jewish chronology has so far been treated upon the basis of a vague year. The Jewish vague year was made to begin at the vernal equinox in b.c. 1397. At that time a concurrence between the Julian, the Egyptian, and the Jewish year was established to be April 2, Pachons 2, and Abib 1. Applying the doctrine of the cycle of seven hundred and seventy j’ears to the Jewish year, we obtain the year b.c. 627 (1397-770) for the renewal of the date 1st of Abib at the vernal equinox. With the 1st of Abib at the vernal equinox, the concurrence in b.c. 627 will be March 27, Athyr 3, and Abib 1. The new table for the corre- sponding dates between the Jewish and Egyptian years will be : Jewish Year. Egyptian Year. 1st of the first month concurs with Athyr 3. second It tl Khoiakh 3. third tl a Tybi 3. fourth tl tt Mechir 3. fifth tt tt Pliamenoth 3. sixth It tt Pharmuthi 3. seventh tl it Pachons 8. eighth It tt Payni 8. ninth It a Epiphi 8. tenth It a Mesori 8. eleventh it tt Thoth 3. twelfth tl tt Phaophi 3. IN CONNECTION WITH BABYLON AND PERSIA. 229 In II. Kings xxv. 8 the date of the destruction of the temple in the nineteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar by Nebuzar-adan, captain of the guard, is placed on the 7th of the fifth month. The 7th of the fifth month by the new table corresponds to the 9th of Phamenoth, and the 9th of Phamenoth in b.c. 567, in which year falls the nineteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar ac- cording to the chronology I have followed, concurs with the 16th of July. This is another instance of this famous date. Further, by the lunar year with the full moon of the first month following the vernal equinox, this will also be the date of the 7th of the fifth month. The lunar dates of the 1st of the first five months of the lunar year in b.c. 567 will be as follows: 1st of first “ second “ third “ fourth “ fifth month concurs with 13th of March. “ “ “ 11th of April. “ “ “ 11th of May. “ “ “ 9th of June. “ “ “ 9th of July. These are dates of the visible new moon. Corresponding days for the first seven days of the fifth month for a Jewish vague year (era of b.c. 627), and the luni-solar year of b.c. 567 (reckoned from vernal equinox), and the Julian and Egyptian years are : July Jewish Vague Year. Jewish Lunar Year. 9 = Phamenoth 2 = 1st of fifth month. 10= « 3 = 1st of fifth month = lst-2d “ tl 11= “ T3 II U It __ 2d-3d “ It 12= “ 6 = 3d It tl __ 3d-4th “ it 13= “ 6 = 4th tt tl _ 4th-5th “ It 14= “ 7 = 5th tt a _ 5th-6th “ tl 15= “ 8 = 6th it “ = 6th -7 th “ It 16= “ 9 = 7th it a __ 7th-8th « It In b.c. 567, July 16 fell on Thursday. The concurrence of the 7th of the fifth month by the vague year of the era b.c. 1397 will be one hundred and eighty- six days earlier, January 11 and Thoth 3. A luni-solar year reckoned from the preceding autumnal equinox will be as fol- lows : b.c. 568. — Full moon on the day of the autumnal equinox, 20 230 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. September 30. The lunar year began with the new moon of September, visible on the 17th day of the month. 1st of first month, “ second “ “ third “ “ fourth “ “ fifth “ b.c. 568, concurs with September 17, visible new moon. “ “ “ October 16, “ “ “ “ “ November 15, “ “ “ “ “ December 14, “ “ b.c. 567, “ “ January 13, “ “ Corresponding dates for the Julian, Egyptian, Jewish vague (era b.c. 1397), Jewish luni-solar (reckoned from autumnal equi- nox), for the 7th of fifth month are: Julian. Egyptian. Jewish Vague Year. Jewish Lunar Year. January 5 = Intercalary 2 = 1st of fifth month. ll 6= “ 3= 2d It ll ll 7= “ 4= 3d << ll u 8= “ 5= 4th It ll it 9 = Thoth 1= 5th It ll It 10= “ 2= 6th It It it 11= “ 3= 7th ll ll It 12= “ 4= 8th It ll ll 13= “ 5= 9th ll It = 1st of fifth month. ll 14= “ 6 = 10th It ll = lst-2d “ “ It 15= “ 7 = 11th ll tl = 2d-3d “ “ ll 16= “ 8 = 12th ll ll = 3d-4th “ “ ll 17= “ 9= 13th U It = 4th-6th “ “ ll 18= “ 10= 14th ll ll = 5th-6th “ “ ll 19= “ 11 = 15th ll ll = 6th-7th “ “ il 20= “ 12 = 16th ll It = 7th-8th “ “ In b.c. 567, January 20 fell on Friday. I have shown in a former chapter that the temple of Solomon was founded upon the 22d of January, b.c. 918, and now that its destruction was on the 20th of January, b.c. 567. According to this the temple stood three hundred and fifty-one tropical years. Both of these dates are twenty-two days after the winter solstice. The date of b.c. 918 was the 20th of the second month of the Jewish vague year, and that of b.c. 567, the 7th of the fifth month, is of the Jewish luni-solar year, reckoned from the autumnal equinox. THE GENERATIONS OF JESUS CHRIST. 231 CHAPTER XVIII. THE GENERATIONS OF JESUS CHRIST. St. Matthew opens his Gospel with the sentence: “The book of the generation of Jesus Christ, the son of David, the son of Abraham.” He gives two schemes : in one are forty names in succession from Abraham to Christ, each for a generation ; in the other, he states, there are fourteen generations from Abraham to David; “from David until the carrying away into Babylon are fourteen generations ; and from the carrying away into Babylon unto Christ are fourteen generations.” In the list of names before mentioned David’s is the fourteenth, and the twenty- eighth name is Jechonias, begotten by Josias “about the time they were carried away to Babylon,” showing that the list, although containing only forty names, is similar for the first two periods with the scheme of fourteen generations for each. I have disregarded the Jewish custom, which would make Phares the grandson of Judah, and the two to stand for three genera- tions. The list of Matthew is a selected list; the corresponding list in Luke iii. gives fifty-five names from Abraham to Christ, and forty-two names from David to Christ. The two numbers, forty and forty-two, so characteristic of the Old and New Tes- tament, naturally suggest themselves as bases in case of selected lists of names. It is evident forty generations cannot be divided into three periods each of fourteen generations, but it can be into three periods, one of twelve and the other two of fourteen generations. If the periods for both schemes are substantially the same, twelve generations of one will correspond with four- teen generations of the other, and each must use for generations different terms of years. Furthei', the three periods are of dif- ferent lengths, — this we know from the chronologies of both pro- fane and sacred history, — and to give them a real basis of fact they must be explained to be composed of generations of different lengths. First, as to the periods, these are not taken arbitrarily, but because some notable event falls at their begin- 232 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. nings, and this is one usually found in chronological systems as an epoch to and from which years are reckoned. The first period ends with David ; this is to all intents the same as the epoch of the foundation of the temple of Solomon. The second period ends with Jechonias, and this is practically the same as the epoch of the destruction of the temple, in the nineteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar, and there was a carrying away into Babylon in the eighteenth year of this king. St. Paul, in Acts xiii. 18-22, appears to make the event of the foundation of the temple of Solomon the basis of his calculation of the time of the judges. He gives forty years for the wilderness; for the judges about the space of four hundred and fifty years ; Saul, forty years, who was followed by King David. The term of four hundred and fifty years has been a puzzle to chronologers, because if the detail of numbers, as given in the Book of Judges, is examined, it is wide of the mark. I have shown that the four hundred and eighty years of I. Kings vi. 1 is a term of years of twelve months, reaching from the coming out of Egypt, and covering the year of the foundation of the temple of Solomon. St. Paul appears to have been acquainted with this number, or rather its equivalent expressed in years of ten months. Four hundred and seventy-nine years of twelve months equal five hundred and seventy-four years and eight months in decimestrial years; and the period, when extended to a date in the second month of the four hundred and eightieth year, is only a few days short of five hundred and seventy-five years. From this amount are to be subtracted one hundred and twenty-three years plus, which represent the items of the wanderings in the wilderness, the reigns of Saul and David, and three years plus of Solomon, and the remainder of four hundred and fifty-two years minus comes within the force of the words of St. Paul. Second, the word generation as used in chronological systems does not always signify the same term of years. In its origin the word, in the first instance, was applied to the length of human life, and the average age of a parent at the birth of his first child. These terms in a second stage were adapted to astronomical periods, or their subdivisions. Various refinements on this system were in vogue. The Roman sseculum was of the length of one hundred and ten years. This was derived from THE GENERATIONS OF JESUS CHRIST. 233 the natural sseculum, which is described to be the length of life of the person who lived longest of all those who were born on the date of the foundation of a town. Other terras are given for the sseculum, one of which is one hundred years. According to Niebuhr, one hundred years was the heroic age. In the Psalms of David and in Herodotus threescore years and ten are spoken of as the length of human life. In the Bible both Joseph and Joshua are said to have lived one hundred and ten years. Moses lived one hundred and twenty years, and if these were years of ten months, he died aged one hundred years of twelve months. One hundred years contain four cycles or gen- erations of twenty-five years, and in connection with dates ot the vague year these are lunar periods. Cycles are also used for generations. The cycle of eighty-four years employed by the Jews after the return from the Babylonian captivity may be cited. It is particularly of interest because it also is subdivided into four minor cycles, each of twenty-one years, which number of years is so common as the legal age. Eighty-four years contain twelve periods of seven years, a number also of common use in connection with age. Seventy years is an astronomical period, being a mean of the precession of the equinoxes of one degree in seventy years. Forty years is also used for the term of a generation, and, according to Herodotus, the Egyptians made use of thirty-three and one-third years for a generation, three of which made up a century. Of these generations the follow- ing are indicated in the Bible : generations of one hundred, one hundred and ten, seventy, eighty-four, and forty yeai’s. A gen- eration of forty years of twelve months is found; there are twelve such between the exodus and the foundation of Solomon’s temple ; also, a generation of forty decimestrial years which equalled the Herodotan generation of thirty -three and one-third years. Further, we may include in the generation of one hun- dred years its four subdivisions of twenty-five years each. If the length of each of the three periods can be established from statements and details of years found in the Bible and from other sources which are not contradictory, and if the total of years for each of these periods may be divided into fourteen generations, using any one of the binds just described ; or if the division of one period into twelve generations and the other 20* 234 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. two into fourteen generations, each in a similar manner, is pos- sible, the conclusion is reached that the chronology which permits this is in accordance with the system indicated by Matthew, provided, however, it is fairly done, and no perversion of any biblical statement is attempted. THE FIRST PERIOD FROM ABRAHAM TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE TEMPLE OF SOLOMON. In Genesis xvii. 1-14 it is said God made a covenant with Abram when he was ninety and nine years old. Its purport was that Abraham was to be the father of many nations, and the blessings of the covenant were to be extended to Abraham’s seed after him. “I will establish my covenant between me and thee and thy seed after thee in their generations, for an ever- lasting covenant, to be a God unto thee and to thy seed after thee.” God further covenants to give to Abraham and his seed after him the land wherein he is a stranger, all the land of Canaan, for an everlasting possession. In a previous chapter (xv. 18-21) this covenant is also spoken of, and the verses which immediately precede it contain the prophecy that the seed of Abraham “ shall be a stranger in a land that is not theirs, and shall serve them; and they shall afflict them four hundred years. . . . But in the fourth generation they shall come hither again.” This, interpreted by the light of subsequent events, refers principally to the sojourn of the children of Israel in Egypt. In Exodus xii. 40,41 it is said: “Now the sojourn- ing of the children of Israel, who dwelt in Egypt, was four hundred and thirty years. And it came to pass at the end of the four hundred and thirty years, even the selfsame day it came to pass, that all the hosts of the Lord went out from the land of Egypt.” Although this rendering of the text does not expressly state that the children of Israel dwelt in Egypt four hundred and thirty years, it has been supposed to have that meaning. The affliction for four hundred years, the return in the fourth generation, and the sojourn in Egypt of four hundred and thirty years have been supposed to be conflicting. But there is a scheme by which they may be harmonized. The affliction was not coterminous with their sojourn in Egypt. We are expressly told of the kind treatment Jacob and his family THE GENERATIONS OF JESUS CHRIST. 235 received when they entered Egypt; but how long did this last? We may assume that while Joseph was alive his influence was powerful enough to protect his brethren. Joseph was thirty years old when he stood before Pharaoh at the beginning of the seven years of plenty, and when he reveals himself to his brethren he tells them that the famine had been two years in the land. From this it appears he was forty years old when Jacob, his father, entered Egypt. If the sojourn of the chil- dren of Israel is calculated from the entrance of Jacob, and as Joseph died one hundred and ten years old, his death was seventy years after the beginning of the sojourn in Egypt. If the fourth generation and the four hundred years are synonymous, they all are harmonized in the following way : From entrance of Jacob to death of Joseph 70 years. From death of Joseph to exodus 360 “ Sojourn in Egypt 430 “ The affliction began seventy years after the entrance of Jacob, and ended when the Jordan was crossed and they returned to Canaan. From death of Joseph to exodus 360 years. From exodus to crossing of Jordan 40 “ 400 “ They were to return to Canaan in the fourth generation. Jacob was one hundred and thirty years old when he entered Egypt, and the death of Joseph was seventy years afterwards, or two hundred years from the birth of Jacob. This represents two generations, each of one hundred years, one for Jacob and one for Joseph, or Jacob’s immediate descendants. The first generation of one hundred years in Egypt began at the death of Joseph, when we now suppose began the afflictions of the children of Israel ; it was the seventy-first year after the entrance of Jacob ; the second century began the one hundred and seventy- first year afterwards, the third century began with the two hundred and seventy -first year, and the fourth century began with the three hundred and seventy-first year after the descent of Jacob ; and as the crossing of the Jordan was four hundred and 236 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. seventy years after the descent of Jacob, it just falls within the fourth century, if the reckoning of years in the case of the fifth generation was from the autumnal equinox, or some date follow- ing the crossing of the Jordan. In this way the three state- ments we have been considering may be carried out. I. Scheme of Twelve Generations from Abraham to the Foundation of the Temple of Solomon. Abraham to Isaac (Genesis xxi. 5) 100 years. Isaac to Jacob (Genesis xxv. 26) 60 “ Age of Jacob, entering Egypt (Genesis xlvii. 9) . . . 130 “ Sojourn in Egypt (Exodus xii. 40) 430 “ 720 years. Exodus to foundation of temple (I. Kings vi. 1) . . . 480 “ 1200 “ According to this scheme there are twelve hundred years from Abraham to the temple, or twelve generations of one hun- dred j^ears each. II. Scheme of Fourteen Generations. In Genesis xxxvii. is related the events connected with the bondage of Joseph. The account commences with the state- ment that Joseph was seventeen years old. If Joseph went into Egypt when he was seventeen years old, and if from this point is calculated the sojourn of the seed of Abraham in Egypt, the time from Abraham to the exodus will be shortened twenty- three years, the difference between the ages seventeen and forty years of Joseph. The items will then be : Abraham to Isaac 100 years. Isaac to Jacob 60 “ Jacob to captivity of Joseph 107 “ Sojourn in Egypt 430 “ Exodus to temple 479 “ 1176 “ This equals exactly fourteen generations of eighty-four years. Eighty-four years was a cycle used by the Jews after the return from the captivity to Babylon. The difference of one year between the two items, four hun- THE GENERATIONS OF JESUS CHRIST. 237 dred and eighty and four hundred and seventy-nine, for the time between the exodus and the temple arises from the fact that in one case the term is calculated from the era of the tabernacle, which was the second year of the exodus, so that the four hun- dred and seventy-ninth year from that will be the four hundred and eightieth year of the exodus. In the other case the calcu- lation is from the exodus, and there are four hundred and seventy-nine years plus down to the foundation of the temple in the four hundred and eightieth year. Neither of the schemes just described is the favored one by chronologers. They incline to that which reckons the four hundred and thirty years of Exodus xii. 40, from the call of Abraham to the exodus. The calculation is begun from the time Abraham was seventy-five years old. It is as follows : From call of Abraham to birth of Isaac 25 years. From Isaac to birth of Jacob 60 “ Age of Jacob, entering Egypt 130 “ Israelites in Egypt 215 “ Total 430 “ This scheme has for its foundation a different reading of the passage in Exodus xii. 40, 41, found in the Alexandrian MS. of the LXX. “The sojourning of the children of Israel, and their fathers, which they sojourned in the land of Canaan, and in the land of Egypt, was four hundred and thirty years.” Also, an inference from tbe genealogy of Moses and Aaron, found in Exodus vi. 18-20 and Numbers xxvi. 59. The genealogy of the descendants of Judah also shows that Hezron, the son of Pharez, and Ram, the son of the former, and Amminadab, the son of Ram, are the three generations which were born in Egypt, because Nahshon, the son of Amminadab, was the prince of Judah at the time of the exodus. These have led to a confirmatory interpretation of a passage in the writings of St. Paul (Galatians iii. 15-17). But the passage is sufficiently vague for it to apply to this and the opposing scheme already discussed. The Epistle to the Galatians was written by St. Paul to resist a Judaizing tendency among the believers. Certain among them were teaching that the observance of the ceremonial require- ments of the law of Moses was essential to salvation. St. Paul 238 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. tells them : “ But that no man is justified by the law in the sight of God, it is evident : for, The just shall live by faith.” He tells them, Abraham was justified by faith, and alludes to the promise made to Abraham in the following language : “ Brethren, I speak after the manner of men ; Though it be but a man’s covenant, yet if it be confirmed, no man disannulled, or addeth thereto. Now to Abraham and his seed were the promises made. He saith not, And to seeds, as of many; but as of one, And to thy seed, which is Christ. And this I say, that the covenant, that was confirmed before of God in Christ, the law, which was four hundred and thirty years after, cannot disannul, that it should make the promise of none effect.” Some have claimed that the last clause virtually asserts that between the covenant with Abraham and the exodus there elapsed only four hundred and thirty years ; but in opposition to this St. Paul’s argument may be put in this way: the children of Israel were saved and brought out of Egypt by the covenant which was confirmed by God, and not by obedience to the law of Moses, which was not promulgated until four hundred and thirty years after the be- ginning of their sojourn in Egypt. All this time they were without the law of Moses, yet they were preserved, so the same covenant, which was confirmed in Christ, cannot be disannulled by the law. Without any pretence being made to decide between these schemes, I wish to show how the statement in the Septuagint conforms to that of Matthew. To do this I make the sojourn in Egypt to last two hundred and ten years, instead of two hundred and fifteen. This is done because seventy years is the generation adapted to this scheme, and the genealogies of Judah and Levi show that three generations were born and had died in Egypt, and three generations of seventy years equal two hundred and ten years. It begins seventy years after the birth of Abraham. We are told, in Genesis xi. 31, that Terah took Abram, his son, and Lot, his grandson, and went forth from Ur of the Chaldees, to go to the land of Canaan, and they came to Haran and dwelt there. In Genesis xii. 1 we learn that Abram was commanded by God, “ Get thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and from thy father’s house, unto a land that I will shew thee.” At this time Abram was in Haran, and in THE GENERATIONS OF JESUS CHRIST. 239 xii. 4 we are told he was seventy-five years old. Allowing five years for residence in Haran, Abraham was seventy years old when he departed from Ur of the Chaldees, or his native country. Abraham, when he departed from Ur, began to dwell in a land which was not his; the pi’ophecy is retrospective. The basis of this scheme is substantially the same as the one just described, only in the first case the calculation is from the de- parture from Haran, and in the last it is counted from the going away from Ur of the Chaldees. III. Scheme of Seventy Years to a Generation. Age of Abraham, departing from Ur To the birth of Isaac To the birth of Jacob To descent into Egypt Sojourn in Egypt 430 years 400 years Exodus to temple 70 years 30 “ 60 It 130 It 210 it 500 It 480 a 980 tt Nine hundred and eighty years are equal to fourteen genera- tions of seventy years each. The four hundred and thirty years of the sojourn in a strange land begin with the departure of Abraham from Ur, and the four hundred years during which the seed of Abraham were to be afflicted begin with the birth of Isaac, the first representative of his seed, and end at the exodus from Egypt. SECOND PERIOD OP FOURTEEN GENERATIONS. If the period between David and the carrying away to Baby- lon be divided into fourteen generations, a different term of years must be employed for a generation. The detail of the years of the reigns of the kings of Judah, from Eehoboam to Zedekiah, inclusive of both, makes a total of three hundred and ninety-three years and six months ; and if to these are added eighty years for Solomon’s and David’s reigns, the period is only four hundred and seventy-three years plus. Ho allowance is made for overlapping years of reigns, yet the period is numerically less than the time from the exodus to the foundation of the temple, eighty-three years after the accession 240 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. of David. But if the period is counted from the foundation of the temple, in the beginning of the fourth year of Solomon, we have for the reign of Solomon, after that event, thirty-seven years, plus the time from Rehoboam to a date in the first year of Zedekiah, three hundred and eighty-three years, which make a total of four hundred and twenty years, or fourteen genera- tions of thirty years each. This, upon examination, is not with- out objections, because no allowance is made for overlapping of reigns. Still, the calculation of four hundred and twenty years ends with a carrying into Babylon in the seventh year of Nebu- chadnezzar (Jeremiah lii. 28), which may have concurred in part with the first year of Zedekiah. The chronology, as followed in this book, treats these years as decimestrial years. Overlappings of reigns are allowed, the joint reign of Jehoram and Jehoshaphat for four years is taken into account, synchronisms between the lines of Judah and Israel are adhered to, and a system is followed which closes all gaps in the two lines not otherwise accounted for, with the result that, between the foundation of the temple in b.c. 918 to the captivity of the eighteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar (Jeremiah lii. 29) in b.c. 568, there are three hundred and fifty years, or fourteen generations of twenty-five years each, which are equal to four hundred and twenty decimestrial years, or fourteen gen- erations each of thirty decimestrial years. It may also be noticed that the difference between four hundred and twenty years of twelve months and the same number of years of ten months is seventy years of twelve months, which was the term of the Babylonian captivity. THIRD PERIOD OF FOURTEEN GENERATIONS. This period is not of the length of either of the two preceding. In the usual chronology the fourth year of Jehoiakim, from which is reckoned the first Babylonian captivity, has about the epoch of b.c. 605. The captivity of the seventh year of Nebu- chadnezzar is about B.c. 598, and that of his eighteenth year is b.c. 585. The era of the birth of Christ is in dispute. Chro- nologers have placed it in all the years from b.c. 7 to a.d. 3, inclusive, of the vulgar era. We have, following any of the above epochs, b.c. 605, b.c. 598, b.c. 585, for the beginning of the THE GENERATIONS OF JESUS CHRIST. 241 third period, a term of years to the birth of Christ which is reduced or lengthened by assuming the latter event to have been anywhere between seven years before and three years after the vulgar era. Since fourteen generations of forty-two years each equal five hundred and eighty-eight years, the epoch b.c. 585, for the eighteenth year of Nebuchadnezzar, is the only one that comes at all near the amount of any of the possible gener- ations used to make up the fourteen. It may be said for the generation of forty-two years that it is thoroughly a Jewish number. I have endeavored to show in previous chapters that this was the length of the Jewish jubilee cycle. It also occurs as the total of the generations from Abraham to Christ (14 X 3). The chronology of this book places the captivity of the eighteenth of Nebuchadnezzar in b.c. 568. Since fourteen gener- ations, each of forty years, equal five hundred and sixty years, this chronology also conforms to the required number of gener- ations, allowing for an error in the vulgar era of the birth of Christ. Forty is a well-known number applied to a genera- tion, and it is also found associated with the periods of fourteen generations, because Matthew, in his list, only gives the names for forty generations. We may notice here one of those con- fusing interchanges between years of twelve and ten months. Fourteen generations of forty-two years equal five hundred and eighty-eight. Taking this number without any reference to the term of forty -two years, which implies a year of twelve months, and regarding them as years of ten months, they equal four hundred and ninety years of twelve months, which is the period predicted by Daniel for the coming of the Messiah. The twenty- one years of Daniel in connection with the captivity of the twenty-third year of Nebuchadnezzar, following the chronology of this book, came to an end in b.c. 493, and the seven genera- tions of seventy years (four hundred and ninety years) end at b.c. 3, the most approved epoch of the birth of Christ. 21 242 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. CHAPTER XIX. MANETHO AND THE EXODUS OF THE CHILDREN OF ISRAEL FROM EGYPT. Josephus’s history, “The Antiquities of the Jews,” compiled principally from the Hebrew Scriptures, was attacked by certain Egypto-Greek writers, who charged him with giving his nation too great antiquity; they claimed that the Jews were of a late date. To defend his history and controvert these charges he wrote the books which are known as “ Against Apion,” one of these critics. In refutation, Josephus brings the testimony of the Egyptians themselves, as contained in the history compiled by Manetho for the king, Ptolemy Philadelphus. While using Manetho in this way, he does not hesitate to charge him with giving two different accounts of the same event, the departure of the children of Israel from Egypt. The two stories are given in the above-mentioned dissertation against Apion.* The first story is as follows : “ There was a king of ours whose name was Timaus. Under him it came to pass, I know not how, that God was averse to us, and there came, after a surprising manner, men of ignoble birth out of the eastern parts, and had boldness enough to make an expedition into our country, and with ease subdued it by force, yet without our hazarding a battle with them. So when they had gotten those that governed us under their power they after- wards burnt down our cities, and demolished the temples of the gods, and used all the inhabitants after a most barbarous man- ner : nay, some they slew, and led their children and their wives into slavery. At length they made one of themselves king, whose name was Salatis ; he also lived at Memphis, and made both the upper and lower regions pay tribute, and left garrisons in places that were the most proper for them.” We are further told that this Salatis, in order to protect his * “ Against Apion” (Josephus), 14, 15, 26, 27, 28. EXODUS OF THE CHILDREN OF ISRAEL FROM EGYPT. 243 power from incursions from the east, rebuilt the city of Avaris, which lay on the Bubastic channel of the Nile, and placed in it a garrison of two hundred and forty thousand armed men. “ ‘ This whole nation was styled Hycsos, that is, Shepherd Kings, for the first syllable Hyc, according to the sacred dialect, denotes a king, as is Sos a shepherd, but this according to the ordinary dialect; and of these is compounded Hycsos : but some say that these people were Arabians.’ Now, in another copy it is said that this word does not denote kings, but, on the contrary, denotes captive shepherds, and this on account of the particle Hyc; for that Hyc, with the aspiration, in the Egyptian tongue again de- notes shepherds, and that expressly also ; and this to me seems the more probable opinion, and more agreeable to ancient his- tory.” These and their descendants “ ‘ kept possession of Egypt five hundred and eleven years.’ ” After this the kings of Thebes and other parts of Egypt made an insurrection against them, and a long war ensued. “ ‘ Under a king whose name was Alis- phragmuthosis the shepherds were subdued by him, and were indeed driven out of other parts of Egypt, but were shut up in a place that contained ten thousand acres : this place was named Avaris.’ Thummosis, the son of Alisphragmuthosis, besieged them for a long time, and being unable to take the place by force, ho agreed to allow them to leave Egypt with their fami- lies and effects. These then left Egypt and went into Syria, where they built a city and named it Jerusalem.” Josephus, after giving this account, goes on to say : “ But now I shall produce the Egyptians as witnesses to the antiquity of our nation. I shall therefore here bring in Manetho again, and what he writes as to the order of the times in this case, and thus he speaks : ‘ When this people or shepherds were gone out of Egypt to Jerusalem, Tethmosis, the king of Egypt who drove them out, reigned afterward twenty -five years and four months,’ ” etc. This, and the following kings given in this connection by Josephus, belong to the eighteenth dynasty. Josephus under- stands Thummosis, the son of Alisphragmuthosis, to be the same as Tethmosis, and by Tethmosis he means one of the kings who bore the name of Thothmes or Thutmes, and who reigned in this dynasty. The first king of this dynasty was not Tethmo- 244 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. sis, but by the table of Abydos he was Aabmes, thereby confirm- ing the copies of Africanus and Eusebius, who place as the first king Amos, or Amosis. But there is a seeming encouragement to the statement of Josephus, for Africanus says Moses went out of Egypt in the time of Amos. The Second Story. — Josephus prefaces the second story by declaring it to be an invention of Manetho, who, after giving the first story, had done this “in order to appear to have written what rumors and reports passed abroad about the Jews, and introduces incredible narrations, as if he would have the Egyp- tian multitude, that had the leprosy and other distempers, to have been mixed with us, as he says they were, and that they were condemned to fly out of Egypt together, for he mentions Amenophis, a fictitious king’s name, though on that account he durst not set the number of years of his reign, which yet he had accurately done as to the other kings mentioned ; he then ascribes certain fabulous stories to this king, as having in a manner forgotten how he had already related that the de- parture of the shepherds for Jerusalem had been five hundred and eighteen years before; for Tethmosis was king when they went away.” The story, in substance, is as follows : A certain king, Amen- ophis, desired to behold the gods. He consulted one who had the same name, Amenophis, the son of Papis, who advised him to gain the favor of the gods by expelling from Egypt all lep- rous and unclean persons. But instead of this he sent them to the stone-quarries. Afterwards the king granted a request they made to permit them to occupy the city of Avaris, which had remained desolate since the departure of the shepherds. Among the ostracized ones were several learned priests afflicted with the same malady, and one of them, named Osarsiph, a priest of Heliopolis, they made their leader. Having fortified the city, Osarsiph excited an insurrection against Amenophis, and sent to Jerusalem to the formerly-expelled shepherds for aid. They responded with alacrity, and came to the assistance of Osarsiph, whose name was afterwards changed to Moses. Amenophis and his army were compelled to fly into Ethiopia, where they remained thirteen years. During these thirteen years the Egyptians were treated by their oppressors with EXODUS OF THE CHILDREN OF ISRAEL FROM EGYPT. 245 great barbarity, “for they did not only set the cities and vil- lages on fire, but were not satisfied until they had been guilty of sacrilege, and destroyed the images of the gods, and used them in roasting those sacred animals that used to be wor- shipped, and forced the priests and prophets to be the execu- tioners and murderers of those animals, and then ejected them naked out of the country.” After the expiration of thirteen years Amenophis returned to Egypt with a great army, and drove these leprous and unclean people and their allies out of Egypt to the bounds of Syria. Comparing these two stories, there is nothing in the one con- tradictory of the other. It is only as we adopt the view of Jo- sephus, that the facts related in the first story refer to the Jews, that such a charge can be made. The only truly Jewish allu- sion made in it is that to the city of Jerusalem, but this, when examined, fails; for the Bible in no place asserts that the Jews founded that city, but, on the contrary, that it was a city of the Jebusites, smitten and set on fire by Judah.* The Sallier papyrus f is believed by scholars to describe cer- tain events which preceded the era of the eighteenth dynasty. These are similar to some which form a part of the first story. The following from the papyrus-roll is to this point : “ It came to pass that the land of Kemi belonged to enemies. And no- body was lord in the day when that happened. At that time there was, indeed, a king Ra-Sekenen, but he was only a Hak of the town of the south, but the enemies sat in the town of the Amu, and there was a king (Ur) (2) Apopi in the town of Auaris. And the whole world brought him its productions, also the northern land did the same with all the good things of Ta- meri ; and the king Apopi (3) chose the god Set for his divine master, and he did not serve any of the gods which were wor- shipped in the whole land.” “ There had, evidently, before this begun a correspondence between the tyrant in the north and the Hak in the southern land, in which the first named, among other things, required of the last to give up the worship of his gods, and to worship Amon Ra alone as the only divinity of the * Judges i. 8. f “ Egypt under the Pharaohs” (Brugsch), vol. i. p. 239. Eng. trans. 21* 246 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. country. Ra-Sekenen had declared himself prepared for all, but had added a proviso to his letter, in which he expressly declared, to allow him to speak for himself, ‘that he was not able to promise to serve no other of the gods which were worshipped in the whole country but Amon Ra, the king of the gods, alone.’ ” * This papyrus informs us of other matters which show a strained condition of things as existing between the two. Of what the outcome of all this was we are unfortunately left in ignorance by the writer abruptly changing the narration to an entirely different matter. But the monuments here render some assist- ance. There were several kings who bore the name of Ra- Sekenen. The successor of the last of these, named Karnes, was the father of Aahmes, who became the first king of the eighteenth dynasty.f The internecine war raging in Egypt was terminated by the capture of Avaris and other cities by Aahmes, and the whole country was brought under his sole sovereign sway. Dr. Brugsch says, “A strange enigma covers this age of shame, the veil of which we are not yet able to lift. “ For had that hatred been so universal as Manetho’s picture of the conflagrations, sacking of temples, and persecutions of the inhabitants by princes of the foreign hordes gives us to un- derstand, how are we to explain the strange fact that these same Egyptians, not excepting the college of priests of the Theban Amon, in the time of the Hyksos and the following dy- nasties, could prevail upon themselves to give their children pure Semitic names, borrowed from the language of their heredi- tary enemies ? How could they themselves offer their homage to those gods of the strangers who had done their land so much mischief, even to the extirpation of the native divinities ?” | This being the condition of things, and if these so-called for- eigners had controlled Egypt five hundred and eleven years, as Manetho says, they could claim to be Egyptians. To charge them with being foreigners after so long a naturalization would be the same as if one of the descendants of the Saxons who fought with Harold at Hastings should, in the time of Eliza- * “Egypt under the Pharaohs” (Brugsch), vol. i. p. 240. Eng. trans. f Ibid., pp. 245, 246, 252, 253. % Ibid, p. 254. EXODUS OF THE CHILDREN OF ISRAEL FROM EGYPT. 247 beth, call those descended from the Normans a foreign people, for no other reason than that they, the Saxons, had occupied Britain some five hundred or more years before the Normans, who, in the time of Elizabeth, had been masters of the land also for five hundred years. IIow can be explained Manetho’s view ? It seems to me the explanation lies in the peculiar circumstances which mark the history of this people. They, thi-ougbout their history, were subjected to many dynastic changes, and these ai’ising, in part, from a continuous emigration from the east into Egypt. We meet this in the times previous to the eighteenth dynasty. Then the struggle was between independent kings for the supremacy. There is no evidence to show that the line of the eighteenth dj'nasty had any legitimate right to reign over Egypt, other than that its first king, Aahrnes, had married a descendant of the old line of kings, and this, of course, was secondary to the right which his triumphant arms gave him to be the master. The eighteenth dynasty came to an end in a period of confusion of which there are extant no clear historic details. The Ramessids of the nineteenth dynasty are believed to have been of Semitic origin, but, by intermarriage with the old royal race, to have gained the color of legitimacy. Between the nineteenth and twentieth dynasties there is another struggle between rival kings. The twentieth dynasty came to an end with the insurrection of the priestly class at Thebes, who ap- pear to have been of the same race or family as the kings of the eighteenth dynasty. These last, the twenty-first, were over- thrown by the ifival dynasty of Bubastus, by some claimed to be of Semitic origin ; at all events, of a race differing from that of the priestly dynasty. We next find the descendants of the priestly class returning from retirement in Ethiopia, and re- covering Egypt again. These, in their turn, are overthrown by the Assyrians, and the twenty-sixth dynasty uniting by inter- marriage, the two contending factions for the throne continue in power until they are overthrown by the Persians and Egypt reduced to a province of that empire. Looking at the history with these facts prominent, nothing is more apparent than that during the last four hundred years a struggle had been going on between two factions for the supremacy, and without deter- mining which of these more nearly represented the first, or even 248 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. the middle, Egyptian empire, it is clear that one of these, the Ethiopian, was the representative of a distinct and aggressive cult. If we compare the Sallier papyrus with the first story, it is discovered that a common spirit pervades both. Not only is the animus the same, but the side taken between the contend- ing parties by the two narrators is the same. The Sallier pa- pyrus was not written earlier than the reign of Raineses II., because it also narrates events of that king’s reign, and we know not how much older than its author is the story ascribed to Manetho. Tbe monuments do not agree with either, but con- vey a condition of things entirely opposed to both. Is the story of the Sallier papyrus to be removed far back to the beginning of the so-called shepherd rule, and given to the times of that Apophis, mentioned by Josephus as the fourth king of that dynasty of which Salatis was the head? If so, then the monu- ments show the inevitable change which a long occupation of a country will work both on tbe conquerors and on the con- quered, in making them more like one another, and destroying grave differences in religion or civilization. Such an hypothesis further allows, in spite of all softening influence of time, the continuance in a portion of one of the contending parties of a vindictive and intractable enmity towards the memory of the so-called shepherd rulers. Turning to later times than these, a remarkable writing of the time of Rameses III. commands attention. As understood by some, it describes the condition of things existing during the disturbances which preceded the twentieth dynasty. It is found in what is known as the Harris papyrus. A portion is translated as follows : “ The people of Egypt lived in ban- ishment abroad. Of those who lived in the interior of the land, none had any to care for him. So passed away long years, until other times came. The land of Egypt belonged to princes from foreign parts. They slew one another, whether noble or mean. Other times came on afterwards, during years of scarcity. Arisu, a Phoenician, had raised himself among them to be a prince, and he compelled all the people to pay him tribute. Whatever any had gathered together, that his ( i.e the Phoenician’s) companions robbed them of. Thus did they. The gods were treated like the men. They went without the EXODUS OF THE CHILDREN OF ISRAEL FROM EGYPT. 249 appointed sin-offerings in the temples. Then did the gods turn this state of things to prosperity. They restored to the land its even balance, such as its condition properly required.” * Rameses III. continues with an account of the establishment upon the throne of his father, King Setnakht Merer Mianum. Dr. Brugsch regards this Arisu or Alius as the rival of Setnakht in the struggle for the throne. But is this necessarily the case? The writing begins apparently with an account of remote his- torical matter. The omission of the achievements of the great kings of the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties may be due wholly to the spirit of self-glorification which the kings of Egypt indulged to so great an extent. This writing contains statements similar to those of the first story of Manetho. This name Arisu is also written Alius. This forms the chief part of the name of the king who warred against the shepherds, Alisphragmuthosis. A name of similar construction to the last occurs in the eighteenth dynasty, — Mephramutbosis or Misphramuthosis. This name is rendered in the following forms by Sir I. Gardner Wilkinson : Mesphra- Thutmosis, or Misphra-Tummosis, or Thothmosis. In this we find a reference to the name Thummosis given to the son of Alisphragmuthosis by Josephus. There seems to be a confusion between it and the name Thothmes or Thutmes. Thummosis is not the same as Thutmes. In the same papyrus of Rameses III. the name of the god Turn occurs in such passages as, “He puri- fied the exalted royal throne of Egypt, and so he was the ruler of the inhabitants on the throne of the sun-god Turn,” and “thus was I clothed with the robes of state, like Turn.” The name of this god is also written Atum, Tmu, Tethmu. In Greek inscriptions he is called Tomos. “ Though principally worshipped in Lower Egypt, he holds a conspicuous place amongst the contemplar gods of Thebes.” f His principal place of worship was at An, or Heliopolis. It was the practice among the ancients to combine in the names of individuals those of the gods. If the name of Turn or Tethmu be used in this way, we have Tummosis or Thummosis; Tethmuosis or Tethmosis. * “Egypt under the Pharaohs” (Brugsch), vol. ii. p. 137. Eng. trans. f “The Ancient Egyptians” (Wilkinson), vol. iii. p. 178. 250 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. If such is the derivation of the name of this king who drove out the shepherds, it was not the same as Aahmes or Thutmes. Thutmes means “Thut’s child,” but the other appears to have a similar reference to Turn. Since to the Egyptians the sun arose as Horus, and shone in mid-heaven as Ra, and set as Turn; and as we find Egyptian names compounded of Horus and Ra, we may expect a like use to be made of Turn. The suggestion I have made, that possibly the Alius of the Hands papyrus is the Alisphragmuthosis of the first story of Josephus, puts, the Harris papyrus in contrast with the Sallier, and in addition the hypothesis implies that we have in the latter (Sallier) an ac- count written by one who was in sympathy with the side of Alisphragmuthosis, and in the other the statement of him who inherited the interests and animosities of that king’s adver- saries. Neither of these papyri contain reference to anything to be identified with the departure of the Jews, nor do those portions of the first story which may be compared with them. It is said in the Harris papyrus, “ Other times came on afterwards, during years of scarcity. Arisu, a Phoenician, had raised him- self among them to be a prince, and he compelled all the people to pay him tribute. Whatever any had gathered together, that his (be., the Phoenician’s) companions robbed them of.” This resembles the story of the famine in Egypt, and the result of it, which brought into the treasure-house of Pharaoh all the money of Egypt and Canaan, and all the possessions of the Egyptians of horses, cattle, and lands. The lands were relet to the Egyptians, but they had to pay one-fifth part ever afterwards to Pharaoh. But this has no reference to the subject under discussion, — the circumstances attending the departure of the children of Israel from Egypt. THE HYKSOS. Josephus furnishes us with two different interpretations of the word Hyksos. One is that the term designated a race whose kings were called shepherd kings, the other is that the word meant captive shepherds. The adoption of the title shepherd as a royal one is instanced EXODUS OF THE CHILDREN OF ISRAEL FROM EGYPT. 251 in the case of the early Chaldeans. Aloros, of Babylon, an antediluvian king, adopted this mode of designating his kingly office. “ Aloros took the title of 1 shepherd,’ a title which we find assumed by the early Chaldean princes.”* The Hyksos are generally believed to have belonged to the nation of the Menti, or natives of Syria. Dr. Brugsch explains the term by which they were designated by Josephus in the following language: “If the kind reader will now recall to his thoughts what we have said about the Arab Bedouins, who in- habited the desert to the east of Egypt, and were called in Egyptian Shasu (also Shasa, Shaus, Shauas), he will certainly be of the same opinion as ourselves, that those who maintain the Arab origin of the Hyksos must have drawn their informa- tion from a pure Egyptian source, for that word Sos answers completely to the old Egyptian Shasu, in which the sound sh, which did not exist in Greek, according to usage, was replaced by a simple s. Although Manetho, when he talks of the Hyksos, insists upon the meaning of shepherd, he could only do this in consequence of a strange confusion, since he turns to the new and popular language of his own time to explain the second syllable sos, in which, accidentally, sos (or shos, as the same word is still pronounced in Coptic) means a shepherd.” f In another place this writer says, “We will not, however, on the other hand, maintain that the appellation Hale Shaus is the same which the bearers of it, of whatever descent they might boast, either formed of their own accord for themselves or assumed on account of their office. It is far more probable that the Egyptians, when at last they drove away their tyrants of Semitic blood, gave these princes, who for several centuries had considered themselves as the legitimate kings of Egypt, the nickname of Hak Shasu by way of a contemptuous expres- sion.” J The term Cush became in later times interchangeable with that of Ethiopia. It was of very extensive application, and was bestowed upon the homes of black-skinned peoples, whether * “ The Ancient Empires of the East” (Sayce), p. 106. t “ Egypt under the Pharaohs” (Brugsch), vol. i. pp. 229, 230. Eng. trans. J Ibid., p. 232. 252 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. they were negroes or not. It belonged generally to the country between the Oxus and the Ganges, extending to the coast. It also included Arabia, Egypt, and Nubia. In still later times the name Ethiopia is more confined. African Ethiopia was to the south of Egypt proper; Asiatic Ethiopia “the tract intervening between Eastern Persia and the mouth of the Indus.”* Among several of the more important nations or peoples occupying these sections of Asia and Africa there appears to have been a common love and reverence for the horse. It exists to a re- markable degree at this day among the descendants of those whom Dr. Brugsch identifies as the Shasu or Arab Bedouins In the reign of Thutmes I. the horse first appears on the monu- ments under his Semitic name Sus. “ In the tomb of the noble Pahir, the son of the brave ‘ warrior’ Aahmes, at El-Kab, there appears, among numerous representations of common life, a picture of a pair of horses with a chariot. The coachman, designated by the Semitic name Kasan, stands behind the chariot, holds tight the reins of the horses, in expectation of his lord, ‘ who loves the clever horses.’ ” f I propose to interpret the term Hyksos by this word sus. The relationship of the kings of the eighteenth to the priestly dynasty is beyond dispute. These latter, after wresting the power from the Ramessids of the twentieth dynasty, were in their turn subjected to a like treatment at the hands of Shes- hank, of the twenty-second dynasty. “It was during this period of internal dissension,” according to Mr. Sayce,J “that the bodies of Thutmes III., of Rameses II., and of the other great princes of the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties, were transferred from their tombs to the secret cavern near Deir-el- Bahari, at Thebes, where they were interred along with the members of the family of Pinotem,” one of this priestly class. Amenhotep III., of the eighteenth dynasty, had ei’ected at Mount Barkel, in Ethiopia, a temple fortress, or fortified sanct- uary, for the god Amon, of Thebes. § Thither this priestly * “ Herodotus” (Rawlinson), vol. i., Essay xi. and note, p. 529. | “ Egypt under the Pharaohs” (Brugsch), vol. i. p. 295. Eng. trans. J “ The Ancient Empires of the East” (Sayce), p. 50. \ “ Egypt under the Pharaohs” (Brugsch), vol. ii. p. 226. Eng. trans. EXODUS OF THE CHILDREN OF ISRAEL FROM EGYPT. 253 dynasty retired when Sheshank drove them from the throne, and there established the kingdom of Napata, and styled them- selves kings of the land of Cush. With the twenty-fifth dy- nasty the Ethiopians are again in supremacy. Previous to this the king, Piankhi Miamun, had asserted his power over Egypt, but it was short-lived, for his son Miamun Nut’s authority did not extend farther north than Thebes.* In this portion of Egyptian history we are brought face to face with two contend- ing factions. On one side are the Ethiopians, on the other a “mixed multitude” of princes, satraps, and kings, some subor- dinate and some aspiring to become paramount, but with no fixed dynastic permanence. We turn to the inscription of Piankhi and learn in what light he looked upon his opponents. The following extract follows the paragraph which informs of his final triumph : “ When the earth grew light, in the morning, very early, there came the two kings of the South and two kings of the North, with their royal serpent-diadems, to worship before the presence of his Majesty. With them also the kings of Upper Egypt and the princes of Lower Egypt, who came to behold the grace of his Majesty. Their legs were the legs of women. They did not enter the king’s house, because they were unclean, and besides, they ate fish, which is an abomination to the king. But as for King Nimrod, he went into the king’s house, because he was clean and ate no fish. They stood there upon their legs, every one at the entrance of the king’s house.”f The point I wish to make is that the word Ilyksos, whether as a term of reproach or not, must be judged from the stand-point of the enemies of the Ethiopian kings and applied as they would apply it. I turn again to the inscription of Piankhi. It will be remembered that between Nimrod, king of Hermopolis Magna, and Piankhi there was a bond of union. He alone of all the conquered princes enters the king’s house. When Her- mopolis Magna surrendered, Nimrod, after prostrating himself before Piankhi and making his submission, offers his peace-offer- ings of “silver, gold, blue and green stones, iron, and many jewels.” Nimrod himself leads “forward a horse with his right * “ Egypt under the Pharaohs” (Brugsch), vol. ii. p. 248. Eng. trans. f Ibid., p. 247. 254 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. hand; in his left was a sistrum, and the striking-plate was of gold and blue stones.”* Later on, when Piankhi visits the stables of Nimrod, he speaks in the inscription as follows: “When his Majesty visited the stables and the studs of foals he observed that [they had] let them starve. He said : ‘ I swear as surely as the youthful sun-god Ka loves me, as surely as I breathe in life, it is a viler thing to my heart to let the horses starve than all the other faults that thou hast committed. That thou hast laid thy heart bare through this, evidence is furnished me of thy habitual views. Hast thou forgotten that the shadow of a god rests upon me? The proof thereof shall not be wanting to him on my part! Would that another had done such a thing to me, an ignorant man, not a haughty one, as he is I I was born out of my mother’s womb, and created out of the egg of a divine essence. I was begotten by a god. By his name ! I will not forget him in what he has commanded me to do.’ Then he had his (Nimrod’s) possessions assigned to the treasury, and his granaries to the property of the god Amon of Api.” f The evidence that the cult of the horse belonged to the Ethiopian may be derived from a variety of sources. “ Accord- ing to Diodorus and Cephalion, the Trojan war took place during the reign of Teutamus, the successor of Mithras; Priam was a satrap of the Assyrian empire, and sent to Teutamus for assistance after the death of Hector.” “Syncellus states that Babius, otherwise Teutamus, or Tautanes, the second, called by the Greeks Tithonus, a later king, sent his son Memnon to the assistance of Priam.” “ Susa was likewise denominated the Memnonian city, and its acropolis and palace were called after Memnon’s name.” J Most of these names are found in connec- tion with the eighteenth dynasty. As the sitting statue of Amenhotep III. was the vocal Memnon of Grecian story, we may infer that Teutamus, or Tautamus, and Babius are so many variants of Thutmes and Baba, names which are found on the monuments in connection with the eighteenth dynasty. The connection of the eighteenth dynasty with the royal line of * “ Egypt under the Pharaohs” (Brugsch), vol. ii. p. 237. Eng. trans. f Ibid., p. 238. J “ Historical Survey of the Astronomy of the Ancients” (Lewis) ; Herod- otus (Rawlinson), note to c. liv., Book Y. EXODUS OF THE CHILDREN OF ISRAEL FROM EGYPT. 255 Susiana is further suggested by its connection with the priestly dynasty, and through it with the twenty-fifth dynasty, known as the Ethiopian ; the name of a king of the latter, variously written as Tarcus, Tirhakah, Taaharaqa, Tarquu, is found on an inscribed brick at Susa in the form of Tirkhak. “This latter name is identical with that of the Ethiopian king, Tirhakah, mentioned in Scripture (II. Kings xix. 9). It may be further noticed that this title Khak, common to the Susian and Ethio- pian kings, is not improbably the same term, ox or ax, which Josephus states, on the authority of Manetho, to signify “ a king” in the sacred language of Egypt (conti’a Apionem, lib. i.). It can hardly be doubted also that the xayav or Khakan of the Turkish nations is derived from the same root.”* In the same connection I may cite another note from the same work (see Colonel Rawlinson’s “ Notes on the Early History of Babylonia,” p. 30, note 2) : Astyages is Aj-dahak, “ the biting snake Deioccs is Dahak, “the biting.” It may be noticed here that the name Apopi of the Sallier papyrus, which is the name of a king in the so-called shepherd dynasty, according to the copyists of Mane- tbo, Aphobis or Apophis, occurs in the form of Apap, “the great serpent.” In keeping with the expectation, the horse takes prominence. The beads and forelegs of horses form the capi- tals of the pillars of the great palace at Susa. In the legend of Troy the horse plays an important part in the fortunes and des- tiny of that city. Taking the cult of the horse as a postulate, we can understand why the Greeks adopted the peculiar strata- gem by which Troy was taken. Another instance are the sacred horses accompanying the army of Cyrus. Herodotus, describing the different nations composing the army of Xerxes, says, “ The Arabians and Ethiopians who came from the region above Egypt were commanded by Arsames. . . . The Eastern Ethio- pians— for two nations of this name served in the army — were marshalled with the Indians. They differed in nothing from the other Ethiopians save in their language and character of their hair, while they of Lybya are more woolly-haired than any other people in the world. The equipment was in most points like that of the Indians, but they wore upon their heads * Herodotus (Rawlinson), App., Book I., Essay VI., note 5, p. 348. 256 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. the scalps of horses, with the ears and mane attached ; the ears were made to stand upright and the mane served as a crest.” * The joining the Indians with the Ethiopians recalls the place the horse held in the doctrine of metempsychosis as held by them, and, if no better reason can be given, may account for the very strong language Piankhi uses when speaking of the bad treatment Nimrod’s horses had received. Circumstances of this kind may be multiplied ; they are in themselves, separately considered, of no particular importance, but taken together they all have one common drift. The second story of Josephus, in those things which it relates of Amenophis, points in a still more unmistakable manner to Piankhi. We begin with the following: “The king was desir- ous to become a spectator of the gods, as had Orus, one of his predecessors in that kingdon, desired the same before him.” This Josephus ridicules: “What gods, I pray, did he desire to see? Had he not already beheld the ox, the goat, the croco- dile, and the baboon ordained by law to be worshipped, and how could he behold the heavenly gods, and why would he de- sire it?” The inscription of Piankhi throws some light upon this matter. But, before we refer to that, we would like to make a quotation from an inscription of Horemhib, the Horus of Manetho: “In the third year, under the reign of the king of Egypt, Horemhib, his Holiness showed himself comparably to the sun-god Ba, in his own sepulchre, for the purpose of making an offering of bread to his father, Amon. As he came out from the Golden Chamber, cries of joy sounded through the whole region, and the shout rose up heavenward.” f Piankhi Miamun also desired “to become a spectator of the gods.” His inscription relates : “ ^Returning and on his way to the temple of the Sun, he was greeted most warmly by the overseer of the house of the god, and the leader of the prayers pronounced the formula ‘of the keeping away of evil spirits from the king.’ The arrangement of the house of stars was completed, the fillets were put on, he was purified with balsam and holy water, and the flowers were presented to him for the house of the obelisk * Herodotus (Rawlinson), Book VII. 70. f “ Egypt under the Pharaohs” (Brugsch), vol. i. p. 472. Eng. trans. EXODUS OF THE CHILDREN OF ISRAEL FROM EGYPT. 257 (Ha-benben). He took the flowers, ascended the stairs to the great window to look upon the sun-god, Ra, in the house of the obelisk. Thus the king himself stood there. The prince was alone. He drew back the bolt and opened the doors, and beheld his father, Ra, in the exalted house of the obelisk, and the morning bark of Ra and the evening bark of Turn. The doors were (then) shut, the sealing-clay was laid on, and the king himself impressed his seal. He commanded the priests (as follows): ‘I have satisfied myself of the secure closing; none other of all the kings shall enter more.’ As he stood there, they threw themselves prostrate before his Majesty, while they spake thus: ‘May Horus, the friend of the city of On, endure and in- crease and never vanish away!’”* The term Horus is con- tinually applied to Piankhi in this inscription. The people of Hermopolis sing, “ Beautiful is Horus, who abides in his city, the son of the sun Piankhi.” When the prince Paf-tot-bast, of Heracleopolis Magna, makes his submission, he prostrates himself before his Majesty and cries, “ Hail to thee, Horus, mighty king ! Bull that wardest off the Bulls. The abyss has swallowed me up; I am sunk in darkness; give me light for my countenance.” “He (Amenophis) might see the gods if he would clear the whole country of the lepers and other impure people.” This is applied to the Jews with little or no reason to sup- port it. The presence in Egypt of a Canaanitish people will account for the disease of leprosy being there, Avithout making the Jews the particular sufferers from the malady. The Jews at their departure were exposed to contagion from the disease, and some of their number were its victims. The evil was great enough to cause Moses to insert in his code laws to restrain its spread among the people by the rigid exclusion of the unfortunate victims of the dreaded disease. But a gloss is put upon the Avords leprous and impure (unclean), as if they Avere synonymous, — that is, that the unclean were all lepers. Unclean or impure, as used by religious purists, is a stigma put upon things and practices Avhich are forbidden by the sacred law. This characterization of things as clean and unclean was not uncommon among the ancients. Nations * “Egypt under the Pharaohs” (Brugsch), vol. ii. p. 243. Eng. trans. 22* 258 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. which have different laws as to what is clean and unclean are unclean to each othei*, for, according to the law, the eating of an unclean thing makes the eater unclean also. The inscription of Piankhi curiously illustrates this point: “With them also the kings of Upper Egypt and the princes of Lower Egypt, who came to behold the grace of his Majesty. . . . They did not enter the king’s house, because they were unclean, and be- sides, they ate fish, which is an abomination to the king.” If I mistake not, there is an allusion here to the death of Osiris. It will be now seen that most of the events related in the second story of Manetho are not only characteristic of the times of Piankhi, about b.c. 738, but a series of like ones transpire. Other resemblances occur with still later history, but I turn to another story connected with the departure of the children of Israel, which places it at about this time. It is the story of Lysimachus, which Josephus also gives. The same is repeated by Tacitus, but with a few variations.* It is much in the same vein as story number two of Manetho. I notice it because Bocchoris is made the Pharaoh of the exo- dus. The chief opponent of Piankhi was Tafnakhth of Sais, — this prince is called Tnephachthus by Diodorus, who also calls his son Bocchoris. According to the copyists of Manetho, Boc- choris was the sole king of the twenty-fourth dynasty. The name of this King has been identified on the monuments as Bak- en-ran-ef. Notwithstanding this, it is not impossible that the name of Bocchoris is a corruption of two names which are given to Piankhi ; the similarity between the corrupted names and that of Bak-en-ran-ef leading to the ascription to him of deeds which properly belonged to Piankhi, he thereby becoming the Pharaoh of a spurious exodus of the Jews from Egypt. The hypothesis of the transmutation of Piankhi’s names is, this king is continually addressed in the inscription as Horus, as if the appellation fitted him in some especial way. Piankhi is also written Pionkhi. Pionkhi in combination with Horus, also written Oros, becomes Pionkh-orus, and abbreviated with an interchange of P with B and K with C, we obtain Bocchorus. The following table is made to give an exhibition of the dy- * Tacitus, Book Y. c. iii. “ Against Apion” (Josephus), Book I. 34. EXODUS OF THE CHILDREN OF ISRAEL FROM EGYPT. 259 nasties reigning at about the time of the stories of the exodus, according to Josephus and Lysimachus, and from their study we may draw some conclusions detrimental to the present con- dition of Manetho’s numbers. The eighteenth dynasty, for its first nine kings, is compared with the twenty-second, twenty- third, and twenty-fourth dynasties. Twenty-second Dynasty. Eighteenth Dynasty. Africanus. Eusebius. Josephus. Africanus. Eusebius. 1. Sesonchis 21 Sesonchusis 21 2. Osorthou 3. Three 16 Osorthos 15 4. Unnamed > 5. Kings J 26 Omitted. 1. Tethmosis 25.4 Amos 0 Amosis 26 6. Tacelothis 13 Tacellothis 13 2. Chebron 13 Chebros 13 Chebron 13 3. Ameno- 'l Amen- 7. Three ^ 8. Unnamed V 9. Kings J 42 Omitted. phis 20.7 -(42.4) ophtbis 24 Auiophis 21 4. Amesses 21.9 J Amersis 22 Omitted. Twenty-third Dynasty. L. Petoubates 40 Petubastis 25 y 5. Misa- Misa- phris 12.9 phris 13 Miphris 12 -34 6. Misphrag- -(33.7) Misphrag- Misphrag- muthosis matho- mutho- 2. Osorcho 8 Osorthon 9 J 25.10 or sis 26 sis 26 20.10 3. Psammus 10 Psammus 10 7. Tethmosis 9.8 Tuthmo- sis 9 Tutbmosis 9 4. Zet(34 or) 31' 8. Amenophis 30.10 Ameno- Am6n6- pliis 31 phis 31 Twenty-fourth Dynasty. -(37) Omitted. 1. Bocchoris 6 9. Orus 36.5 Horus 37 Orus 37 The coincidences of figures between the twenty-second, twenty-third, and twenty-fourth dynasties and the eighteenth, considered in connection with the subject we have just been discussing, is worthy of attention. When Africanus and Euse- bius differ in the twenty-second dynasty, the omissions of Euse- bius find corresponding omissions in the eighteenth dynasty. Eusebius omits the unnamed kings 3, 4, and 5 in the twenty- second, and Africanus, while placing them, omits twenty-five years in the eighteenth, setting down his first king, Amos, without any years, while Eusebius and Josephus give him 260 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. twenty-five. In the twenty-second next follows Tacelothis with thirteen years; corresponding to him we have Chebron or Chebros with thirteen in the eighteenth. Following Tacelothis are three more unnamed kings, reigning forty-two years; cor- responding to these in the eighteenth, according to Josephus, are Amenophis and Amesses, reigning in all forty-two years and four months. Eusebius omits these three (7, 8, 9) in the twenty- second, and Amesses in the eighteenth, and gives Amenophis (eighteenth) twenty-one years, or one-half of the years Africanus gives to kings 7, 8, 9 in the twenty-second dynasty. The other small differences between Josephus, Africanus, and Eusebius are accounted for by the irregular way in which the excess or de- ficiency, caused by the omission or counting in of the portions of years, was corrected. Misphragmuthosis, the sixth king of the eighteenth dynasty, is put down as reigning twenty-five years and ten months, or twenty years and ten months ; the latter figures are those of The- ophilus. Theophilus makes Misaphris and Misphragmuthosis reign in all thirty-three years and seven months, which closely corresponds with the thirty-four years Petou bates and Osorcho reign in the twenty-third dynasty, according to Eusebius. The other resemblances are so marked that they need no comment. The table brings Bocchoris on a line with Horus. The connection between Piankhi and Horus in the inscription I have so often quoted is so close that were its facts handed down by tradition their separate identity as rulers might be destroyed. It is not proposed to decide between the eighteenth dynasty and the twenty-second, twenty-third, and twenty-fourth dynas- ties as to which belong the regnal years which are in dispute. Some monumental or contemporaneous authority is necessary to decide any questions of this kind. My aim has been to ac- count for the two stories of Manetho by showing how all the principal incidents which compose them may be found scattered through a period of seven centuries. Partisan hate has had a great deal to do with their formation, and tradition has wrought much confusion with its inherent uncertainty. Tradition is like variegated marble. Dissimilar forms and colors enter into its composition, from what distant places brought we may not dis- cover; but we know that it is a beautiful stone that will take a THE CHRONOLOGY OF COINS. 261 very fine polish. Concerning the exodus of the children of Israel as a fact, there can be no doubt. Manetho acknowledges this in his efforts to put it in its historic place. The failure of the moderns to find any express mention of that event upon the monuments is perhaps traceable to the fact that it is too remote to escape destruction, provided it was of a nature the Egyptians would care to preserve in the same manner as they strove to keep green the glorious memories of the achievements of their great kings. CHAPTER XX. THE CHRONOLOGY OP COINS. The chronological value of ancient coins has long been recog- nized. A coin of Antoninus Pius illustrates this. One of his sixth year has “ the remarkable word AION, the age or period, and an ibis with a glory of rays round its head, meant for the bird phoenix.”* The reign of Antoninus, following the techni- cality of the canon, began in b.c. 137, with the 1st of Tboth concurrent with July 17 (adjustment produced by statement of Timocharis). His sixth year began in b.c. 142, and was still current when Sirius rose on the 15th of July, and day of full moon, concurrent with the fifth intercalary day, b.c. 143 ; or, regarding the sixth year as denoting completed years, the date of the coin being the current seventh year, which began the next day, on the 1st of Thoth (July 16). This subject has already been discussed in the chapter on the Sothic cycle. I have at hand no means by which to test the accuracy of the copies of the coins of the Ptolemies which Dr. Sharpe furnishes in his “ History of Egypt.” In all important details I presume they are correct. Nevertheless, the circumstances which I shall endeavor to trace are in no way dependent upon them, but serve only as a means of interpretation. The representations upon these coins are natural, symbolical, and enigmatical. The an- * “History of Egypt” (Samuel Sharpe), xv. (32). 262 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. cients were disposed to present certain subjects in disguise. This is particularly true of the measurement of time. On the coins of the Ptolemies are found as symbols of the year the palm- branch and the circle. The palm-branch and the circle belong to the hieroglyph of the vague year. The circles represent both years and cycles of years. Cycles, or periods of years, were also represented by the cornucopia. In the computations of years Greek letters are used as numerals, both in the ordinary way and in an enigmatical manner. By means of the canon of Ptolemy and the years of eras and the symbols on the coins the epochs of the coins can in some cases be fixed, and by this means are determined the meanings of certain groups of letters which, by analogy, are presumed to denote years. A compari- son of the coins to be examined indicates some rules governing the numerical value of these letters. The rule followed seems to have been that when there were four or a less number of let- ters they had the order of (4) thousands, (3) hundreds, (2) tens, (1) units. The letters chosen to occupy these places are taken from the different orders, and they always keep a unit denomi- nation, and their decimal value is determined by their places. For example, the letters NI denote respectively 50 and 10, their unit denominations are 5 and 1, and, read from right to left, they denote 15. There seems to have been a preference for these numbers to be of the same order, and one not lower than 10, — that is, for 10 to denote 1. This was, perhaps, sometimes subject to a purpose to represent in one combination several things. For example, 4/774 may denote years 33, and the unit mark, I1A (Paphos, Cyprus), where it was coined; 774 may also denote 81 years of an era, and the whole 3381, the years of another era. Generally the letters on the right and base of the coin are read from right to left, and those on the left and top from left to right ; but this is not always followed ; sometimes another direction is indicated by the symbolism of the coin. COINS OF PHILOPATOR AND ARSINOE. I have claimed that the Egyptians, in b.c. 237, began a luni- solar cycle of thirty -three years, which received an intercalary year of twelve lunar months at the end of the cycle. The cycle was to take the place of the lunar cycle of twenty-five years, THE CHRONOLOGY OF COINS. 263 adapted to the vague year, that year at this time losing that character and becoming one like the Julian. The Egyptians, in preferring thirty-three years for the term of the cycle, were possibly moved that way because this number of years equalled exactly three cycles of eleven years. This implies that a cycle of eleven years was also made to begin in b.c. 237. The series of cycles of eleven years described in connection with the rise of Sirius, in the reign of Takelath II., are reckoned from b.c. 1318, when Sirius rose on the 16th of July, and day of full moon. A cycle of this series began in b.c. 240. This cycle was adapted to the vague year, and denoted the advance of the lunar dates one day. The cycle of eleven years required by the Canopic year, and the luni-solar cycle of thirty-three years is one adapted to the solar year as distinguished from the vague year. The number of years is not changed, but the signification, — that is, that as they, with the vague year, denoted the advance of the lunar dates one day, they now, with the solar year, show their falling back one day. Dr. Sharpe gives a copy of a coin of Ar- sinoe, the consort of Philopator. The obverse bears the por- trait of Arsinoe, partly encircling which are thirty-three circles or beads, and on the neck of Arsinoe is a necklace which shows sixteen of these beads or circles. The reverse, among other symbols, bears the letters A/, which, read from right to left, denote singly 10 and 50, and, according to the rule laid down for the reading of these, they represent the number 15. The coin is of a date of the fifteenth year of Philopator, and in that por- tion of it which fell in b.c. 207. The reverse also bears a cornu- copia which holds four circles or beads, which are separated from a large one by an obeliscal figure. Outside of the cornu- copia is the moon’s crescent, and beneath it are eight small cir- 264 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. cles, and above the cornucopia and over the larger circle is a star. This represents the rise of Sirius. The hieroglyphics indi- cating the rise of Sirius contain the two figures, the obelisk and the star. The Egyptians, by the decree of Canopus, proposed to keep the rising of Sirius to the 1st of Payni, and it appears they observed the event especially either upon the day of the full moon, or the new moon next following that date. In b.c. 207, in the fifteenth year of Philopator (reckoned from 1st of Thoth = October 11, b.c. 208), began the first year of the cycle of eleven years of the series of b.c. 1318. The coin of Philopator, evidently of the same year, bears upon the reverse a monogram containing the letters PTE. These letters, read from right to left following the rule given, denote five hundred and forty-one years. The fifteenth year of Philopator was the five hundred and forty-first year of the era of Nahonassar, reckoned from b.c. 747. The recognition of the year of this era in connection with the fifteenth year of Philopator establishes, in effect, the epoch of the era to be b.c. 747. In the chapter on the subject of the de- cree of Canopus, I advanced the hypothesis that it was enforced for forty-two years, but qualified it with the opinion that it might have been for a less time. My puiqiose then was to show that if the decree was ever enforced, the effect of it was afterwards nullified by the reinstatement of the vague year. With this coin before us we may, perhaps, come nearer the truth. If the decree was enforced for nineteen years, counting from the 1st of Payni, the day of the rising of Sirius, then in b.c. 219, a Me- tonic cycle being completed, the 1st of Payni will have the same lunar dates as in b.c. 238 ; and as Sirius will rise on the 1st of Payni, it will also be on the day of the full moon. Nineteen years contain also a luni-sidereal cycle, — that is, a cycle reckoned THE CHRONOLOGY OF COINS. 265 by sidereal months. In nineteen years there are two hundred and fifty-four sidereal months and two hundred and thirty-five lunar months, and after this period the relations between the sun, moon, and star are, to all intents, the same. In a system like the Egyptian, when the advance of the sidereal year, the tropical year, and the return of the lunar dates were made the means by which the lapse of time was calculated from a com- parison of recorded dates of these phenomena upon the monu- ments, the effect of reproducing upon the 1st of Payni, b.c. 219, the same solar, sidereal, and lunar phenomena as characterized that date in b.c. 238, is to destroy the chronological value of the interval between the two years. Supposing the extra interca- lary day was stopped at this time, five of them having been added, and from now on the reckoning was by vague years, the dates of astronomical phenomena will be as if the Egyptian years of b.c. 219, 218, 217, etc., were the same as vague years of b.c. 238, 237, 236, etc. Beckoning downward from an early era, when, for example, the star rose on the 1st of Thoth and day of full moon, b.c. 1318, and following the Sothic cycle as described in this book, the third great season of the Annus Magnus will fall on the 1st of Payni ten hundred and eighty years afterwards, b.c. 238, and if the fourth of Philopator, which had for its epoch b.c. 219, is practically at the beginning of the third season, it is made to appear to have the epoch of b.c. 238 ; and as the fourth of Philopator was the five hundred and eleventh year of the era of Nabonassar (reckoning from b.c. 728), b.c. 238 obtains that number in respect to b.c. 747, because the vague year of b.c. 238 was the five hundred and eleventh, reckoned from b.c. 747. In all this I am looking at the effect of dates of the astronomical phenomena in determining epochs. My hypothesis was that the era of Nabonassar was raised nineteen years, from b.c. 728 to B.c. 747, by increasing the years of the era before the reign of Darius Nothus nineteen years, and now we can discover how the Egyptian’s dates could be conformed to it without disturbing the reigns of Philippic ei’a. We may further suppose this ad- vance of the Egyptian dates of five days to remain when the vague year, at this time, was reinstated, these days not being subtracted until about b.c. 197, when the vague dates were re- stored. 23 266 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. The Eosetta stone mentions the 30th of Mesori as the date of Epiphanes’s birthday. The language is : “ And since the thirtieth of Mesori, when the king’s birthday is celebrated, as also the seventeenth of Mechir, when he received the crown from his father, (the Priests) have recognized them as epony- mous in the temples.” From this we learn that the 30th of Mesori was the eve of some year of which Epiphanes became the epo- nym. If the five days added between b.c. 238 and b.c. 219 were subtracted at this time, the year will end with Mesori 30, the five intercalary days being omitted, and the 1st of Thoth will follow that date, and Epiphanes will be the epouym of the vague year which began in b.c. 197. But Epiphanes was the eponym of something more than this. In b.c. 197, before the subtrac- tion of the five days, the 1st of Thoth concurred with the 13th of October, and the omission of the five intercalary days brought that date back to the 8th of October, the proper con- currence between the 1st of Thoth of the vague year and the Julian. October 8 was the day of the full moon following the autumnal equinox. In the same way the 17th of Mechir, in b.c. 197, concurred with the 28th of March, and, by the omis- sion of the five days, the concurrence in b.c. 196 will be between March 23 and Mechir 17, which was on the day preceding the vernal equinox. Epiphanes was made eponymous on the 30th of Mesori, the eve of the full moon following the autumnal equinox, and on the 17th of Mechir, the eve of the vernal equi- nox. The date 30th of Mesori is the one of the two not affected by the restoration of the vague dates. The presence of the lunar date in the first instance may be accidental, — that is, not a necessary feature of the cycles to which Epiphanes be- came the eponym. The restoration of the vague year permitted the use of a luni-solar cycle of nineteen years simply as a period to mark the advance of the tropical points in the vague year. I have shown in a previous chapter on this subject that this was formerly done by a cycle of twenty-nine years, called the festi- val of the thirtieth year, which was without the lunar dates. Still, the presence of the lunar dates is a temporary improve- ment of the cycle, and goes in with the chronological tendencies of the age. The Egyptians show a willingness to abandon their old usages and to take up with what was to them modern im- THE CHRONOLOGY OF COINS. 267 provements. The beauty of their old system lay in its sim- plicity, its adaptability to long periods of time, and its freedom from any necessity of change. The advantage of the Canopic year was its close following of the tropical year, but this, for any length of time, could only be obtained by an intricate sys- tem of intercalations. This exposed the time-measurement to errors, made either purposely or by carelessness, to which, under the old civilization, it was particularly exposed. They saw this, and abandoned the Canopic year. The presence of the lunar dates in the tropical cycle did not affect the vague year, and whenever they marked the advance of the tropical year they were useful for that purpose. By the old system there were four of these tropical cycles severally reckoned from each of the four cardinal points of the sun’s course. A similar method may be followed now with cycles of nineteen years, which, in the old parlance, were known as cycles of the twentieth year. If the preceding suppositions are correct, in b.c. 207, as the visible new moon was on July 20, its concurrent date in the Egyp- tian year will be the 8th of Payni. This is an advance of the Julian dates three days from b.c. 219, when the 1st of Payni concurred with July 16, the Canopic year ceasing at that time. The full moon was on July 3, concurrent with the 21st of Pachons, eight days after the summer solstice. This is the date of the rising of Sirius indicated upon the coin of Arsinoe. This is learned from the symbolism of the coin. This fact also confirms the hypothesis I have advanced in reference to the re- formation of the Macedonian year in b.c. 237. By the decree of Canopus the 17th of Tybi concurred with the 7th of Apellfeus, and this causes a concurrence between the 1st of Dius and the 11th of Khoiakh. In the next year, b.c. 237, I have claimed the 1st of Dius was made to concur with the 9th of Khoiakh, the day of the visible new moon following the winter solstice, and this will produce a concmrence between the 1st of July and the 10th of Xanthicus. From July 1, b.c. 237, to July 1, b.c. 207, are exactly thirty Julian years, which show a falling back of the dates of the lunar year of nearly three hundred and twenty-six days. In this time the 1st of July will advance from the 10th of Xanthicus, its place in b.c. 237, into the thirty-first lunar year, and concur in part with the 12th of Dystrus, the fifth 268 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. month of the Macedonian year; and the 3d of July, the date of the full moon, will concur in part with the 14th of Dystrus, and the visible new moon will be on the 1st of Xanthicus. Turning to the explanation of the disks and the cornucopia, we have for the four to the left of the obeliscal figure four complete lunar months ; the large disk beneath the star denoting the full moon of the fifth month, — that is, 14th of Dystrus; and the eight disks outside of the cornucopia are eight lunar months, which, with the four first mentioned, comprise the twelve months of the year. The circumstances which led to the chronological episode connected with the decree of Canopus were ephemeral. It is desirable that evidence should be discovered showing a recognition of the true epoch of the era of Nabonassar. The fifteenth year of Philopator was the five hundred and twenty- second year of the true era. This had been increased nineteen years to five hundred and forty-one in the manner, or some way similar to that, already described. COIN OF PTOLEMY PHILOMETOR. The obverse of the coin bears the portrait of Philometor partly encircled by thirty-eight small circles or beads. The re- verse bears an eagle supporting a palm-branch, from which two branches have been removed, leaving a third with its leaves. and before the eagle the words Ptolemlion Philometros, and be- hind the bird the following signs and letters : first of the upper two signs is the Greek letter 0, and the word reads Oeov. Dr. Sharpe remarks, “ The portrait of the king is known from those coins which bear the name of ‘ King Ptolemy , the mother-loving god ’ (see Pig. 257). The eagle on the other side of the coins has a palm-branch on its wing or by its side, THE CHRONOLOGY OF COINS. 269 which may be supposed to mean that they were struck in the island of Cyprus. We have not before met with the title of 1 god' on the coins of the Ptolemies; but, as eveiy one of them had been so named in the hieroglyphical inscriptions, it can scarcely be called new.” Between the legs of the eagle are the letters IAII, and behind the backward leg of the bird, which is walking, is the letter A. I have shown in the discussion of the coins of Arsinoe and Philopator that in b.c. 219 the dates of solar, lunar, and sidereal phenomena were the same in the Canopic year as they were in the vague year of b.c. 238. A series of luni-solar sidereal cycles reckoned from b.c. 219 will have for their epochs b.c. 219, 200, 181. The last, that of b.c. 181, has the same Julian epoch as Philometor’s first year. Taking b.c. 219 as a technical epoch, two cycles of nineteen years, or a period of thirty-eight years, reckoned from the full moon following the summer solstice of that year, will be complete before the 1st of Thoth of Philo- metor’s first year. The thirty-eight small rings on the obverse and the palm-branch on the reverse seem to have a reference to these cycles. Two branches have been removed, which may denote the first two cycles which are completed, the third cycle, represented by the branch bearing the leaves, being current. It is not necessary to suppose that a luni-solar cycle of nineteen years was observed in the ordinary way, but that the period was used instead of the old cycle of twenty-nine years to mark the advance of the tropical year in the vague, with the addi- tional circumstances of lunar and sidereal phenomena. This agrees with the position taken by the authors of the decree of Canopus, that by keeping the rise of Sotbis to the 1st of Payni the seasons would retain their places in the Canopic year, for when this year was abandoned the cycle would mark the ad- vance of these phenomena in the vague year. The advance of the tropical point for nineteen yeai’s is four days, fourteen hours plus, and by the cycle the tropical years will advance alternately five and four days for five cycles, or ninety-five years, when the series will be begun over again, there being for every five cycles an advance of five days for each of three, and of four days for each of two cycles. The letters IAII between the legs of the eagle may denote 23* 270 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. 138. Behind the backward leg is the letter A. As the eagle is walking, the symbolism conveys the idea that this letter, which means one, denotes that one year of Philometor is complete, and that his second year is current; farther, that the second year is the one hundred and thirty-eighth year of some era. The last year of Philip Aridseus, following the canon, began in b.c. 318, and his successor, Alexander iEgus, began to reign in b.c. 317. In b.c. 316, iEgus, in his second year, was made a prisoner by Cassander, who kept him in bondage during the remainder of his life. b.c. 316 is the epoch of Cassander’s first year as king of Macedon, according to Blair, who ignores iEgus entirely in his chronological table ; but Blair reckons the first year of Aridfeus one year lower than the canon ; hence, applying Blair’s idea to the canon epochs, Cassander’s epoch will be b.c. 317. iEgus is given twelve years in the canon, but as the Seleucids began their era in b.c. 312, not waiting until the death of iEgus to throw off their allegiance to the house of Alexander the Great, so Philometor may have followed a reckoning for the dynasty of the Ptolemies from an era following the death of Aridseus, refusing even the color of allegiance to the usurper iEgus. Taking into account the virtual independence of the dynasties of the Ptolemies and the Seleucids, their royal pride, and the severance of every loyal bond by the death of Aridseus, would they for a single moment have subordinated themselves to the usurper? Even if they had, no state policy would in- fluence Philometor to follow in that path, and exclude him from adopting the true era of his dynasty. The fact that Philometor was for a time under the influence of the Seleucid dynasty may encourage this view, which would be further confirmed if he had adopted the same era as the Seleucid. The one hundred and thirty-eighth year of the era of the Ptolemies, reckoned from b.c. 317, began in b.c. 180 with the second year of Philo- metor. The five hundred and sixty-ninth year of the era of Nabonassar, reckoned from b.c. 717, and the five hundred and fiftieth year of the era, reckoned from b.c. 728, began also on October 4, b.c. 180. The group of letters above given, which contains the word dsnv, has an enigmatical character. By the side of the E of 0sov is represented a much larger E, which has before it a circle denoting a year. If to the larger E is given THE CHRONOLOGY OF COINS. 271 the power of Epsilon, with the accent beneath, it normally de- notes 5000, and if the smaller E is made to represent the next lower order, it denotes 500. These added together will rep- resent 5500, which without the final cipher will stand for 550. This is carrying out the rule laid down, that in tbese enigmati- cal numbers 10 denoted 1, and that the value of a letter de- pended upon its place, — that is, Epsilon may denote thousands, hundreds, tens, and units when it occupies the place of any of these orders. The reading of the number 550 is obscured by the fact that part of it forms the word 0sov. If it was so done purposely for disguise it was effectual, because from tbe reading upon tbe coin of Philopator the presumption is in favor of tbe era as reckoned from b.c. 747. Tbe obverse of tbe coin of Arsinoe Philopator and of this one of the coin of Philometor appear to bear the same kind of interpretation. In tbe case of Ai'sinoe, tbe sixteen beads of her necklace may mean that six- teen years of the cycle of thirty-three years are completed, the seventeenth year being current in the first year of Philopator, which is the case. In the same way the thirty-eight rings or beads on tbe obverse of Philometor’s coin may represent thirty- eight completed years from the epoch b.c, 219, tbe thirt}7-ninth year being current in b.c. 180. COIN OF ANTIOCHUS VI. A coin of Antiochus YI., Epiphanes or Dionysius, in the British Museum, renders assistance here. It is mentioned in the “ Guide to the Select Greek and Eoman Coins exhibited in Electrotype,” by Barclaj7 Y. Head, Assistant Keeper of Coins, in the following words: “Antiochus YI. (Dionysius), b.c. 145- 142, Eev. Dioscm’i, wt. 255.1 grs.” The same guide contains a fac-simile of the coin. The obverse has the portrait of Anti- ochus. His head is bound with a fillet, above which pi’oject six horns. What appear to be the two ends of the fillet fall below, one curling on the neck and the other curving backward from the head. From the last mentioned begins a chain similar to that of echinus moulding, which extends over, above, and around the head and ends at the ribbon which is curled upon tbe neck. This chain has exactly nineteen links. The first horn, counting from the back forward, passes between the second and third 272 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. links, and each of the five spaces between the six horns is occu- pied by a link. The reverse of the coin has the name of Anti- ochus, beneath which are two horsemen riding. Under the horses are the letters 0SP, and back of the riders the letters TPT. Following the clew obtained from the coins of Arsinoe and Philometor, the obverse of this coin represents the condi- tion of things preceding either his reign or the era by which he reckoned ; in the latter case the reverse will have the year of the era in which he began to reign, and the two together will furnish another era which may be technical. I have shown upon what grounds it may be believed Philometor reckoned from an era which had for its epoch b.c. 317. Using this era for the interpretation of the obverse of the coin, the following result is obtained : The nineteen links of the chain denote a Metonic or cycle of nineteen years. This cycle was observed by the Greeks from the epoch of its inception, b.c. 432. The six horns of Anti- ochus may denote six cycles of nineteen years, or one hundred and fourteen years, and as the first horn follows the second link of the chain, this may denote that the second year of the seventh cycle is current, — that is, the epoch of the era is the one hundred and sixteenth year of the technical era of the first Metonic cycle, b.c. 432. In b.c. 317 began the one hundred and sixteenth year of the era of b.c. 432, the four hundred and thirty-second year of the era of Nabonassar, reckoned from b.c. 747, and the four hundred and thirteenth year of that era, reck- oned from b.c. 728. On the reverse the Greek letters, TPT , back of the riders, are symbolized as being left behind, and these, read from right to left, denote 400, 100, and 300. These, with- THE CHRONOLOGY OF COINS. 273 out the ciphers, denote 413. We have just shown that in b.c. 317 began the four hundred and thirteenth year of the era of Nabonassar, reckoned from b.c. 728. The Greek letters beneath the horses, 0SP , read from right to left, denote 100, 60, and 9. According to Hales, Antiochus began to reign in the one bun- dled and sixty-ninth year of the Seleucid era. Taking b.c. 317, and the four hundred and thirteenth year of the era of Nabo- nassar, as explained above, for the epoch of the Seleucid era, the one hundred and sixty-ninth year of that era will have for its epoch b.c. 149. Hales reckons the one hundred and sixty-ninth year fi’om b.c. 312, and places Antiochus’s first year in b.c. 144. b.c. 312 is the usual epoch for the Seleucid era, but there is sufficient elasticity in the Seleucid chronology, judging by the variety of epochs which chronologers give to individual reigns, to allow for a collection of five years in that era. A luni-solar year, known as the Syro-Macedonian year, has generally been supposed to be the year adapted to the Seleucid era. This kind of year is found upon the coin, but it belongs to the Greek year. The Syro-Macedonian year began at the autumnal equinox, but as the first Book of Maccabees places an expedition into Judea in the one hundi’ed and forty-ninth year of the era of the Se- leucids, and the second Book of Maccabees places the same in the one hundred and fiftieth year of the era, an opinion has prevailed that there were two reckonings of the beginning of the Syro-Macedonian year, one commencing it at the au- tumnal equinox and the other at the vernal equinox. This is the view of Dean Prideaux, and he places the expedition as taking place near the autumnal equinox. The first six months of the one hundred and fiftieth year of one reckoning will over- lap the last six months of the one hundred and forty-ninth year of the other reckoning, and the event falling within the over- lapping of the years will belong to both. But if the chron- ological year of the Seleucid era was the vague year, as it appears from this coin to have been, it was reckoned from the 1st of Thoth. Following the chronology just laid down, there is an interchange of numbers between the Julian year and the year of the Seleucid era, and the year for the beginning of the expedition. This must be kept in mind to avoid confusion. In b.c. 169 the autumnal equinox was on September 27, and the 1st of Thoth 274 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. concurred with October 1. This was the one hundred and forty-ninth year of the Seleucid era, reckoned from b.c. 317. The expedition, if made about at the time of the autumnal equi- nox in b.c. 168, will lie so near the beginning of the one hundred and fiftieth year that, without any real discrepancy, it may be placed in either of the two years of the era. The beginning of it in the year 149 will allow most of the principal events con- nected with it to fall in the year 150 of the era. COIN OP ARSINOE PHILADELPHUS. The reverse has the double cornucopia, one part containing two disks, separated by a division mark, and the other part one disk, separated from the others in the same way. A coin of Arsinoe in the British Museum has in each part two disks, sepa- rated from the others by division marks. The reverse of the first coin mentioned bears the following letters in a straight line, but the first three are on the left and the last two on the right of the cornucopia, LATIIA. Dr. Sharpe’s description of it is, “ Coin of Arsinoe Philadelphus, dated in year 33 of the king’s reign, and with the mint-mark FIA, for Paphos, in the island of Cyprus, where it was struck.” He reads the first three letters, ( L ) Lukabantos (AT) 33, — that is, year 33. But an additional meaning may be put upon these letters. Reading all the letters as if there were no separation between them, we get the year 3381. If this is a year of the era of Mena, we discover the opinion in the time of Philadelphus, if not that of Manetho, who wrote his history in this reign, of the era of the first Egyptian king. A cycle of eleven years of the series of b.c. 1318 began in b.c. 284, in the first year of Philadelphus. The circumstances of his accession are peculiar. His father, THE CHRONOLOGY OF COINS. 275 Ptolemy Lagus, resigned the kingdom into the hands of his son, giving him the precedence as king, while reserving for himself the subordinate office of satrap. His purpose was to share the power with his son as a sort of minister of state, in order to tide over the difficulties and dangers in the way of a new ruler. Soter celebrated the accession of Philadelphus with a pageantry of surpassing splendor. It was made in imitation of similar ones in ancient times. In the procession, which began before daybreak and continued after sunset, were emblems and emblem- atical figures of the year. Hr. Sharpe gives this part of the description of the procession as follows: “An altar was carried next, covered with golden ivy-leaves, with a garland of golden vine-leaves tied with white ribands ; and this was followed by a hundred and twenty boys in scarlet frocks, carrying bowls of crocus, myrrh, and frankincense, which made the air fragrant with the scent. Then came forty dancing satyrs crowned with golden ivy-leaves, with their naked bodies stained with gay colors, each carrying a crown of vine-leaves and gold ; then two Sileni in scarlet cloaks' and white boots, one having the hat and wand of Mercury and the other a trumpet ; and between them walked a man, six feet high, in tragic dress and mask, meant for the year, carrying a golden cornucopia. He was fol- lowed by a tall and beautiful woman, meant for the Lustrum of five years, carrying in one hand a crown and in the other a palm-branch.” The date of this celebration may be inferred from some of the circumstances just recited. The ceremonies began before daybreak, and we are reminded of the inscription of Eameses II. relating the rise of Sirius on the 23d of Athyr (b.c. 999). “He raised his hand, which bore the incense-vessel, upwards to the heavenly orb of light of the living god. The sacrificial gifts were splendid, they were received with satisfac- tion in all his ...(?) The king (now) returned from the capi- tal of the land of the South. [As soon as] the sun [had risen], the journey was commenced.” The rising of Sirius, b.c. 284, was the first in the reign of Philadelphus, the second (follow- ing the cycle) was in b.c. 273, the third in b.c. 262, and the fourth in b.c. 251. Taking the one in b.c. 251 as the one for the date of the coin, we have b.c. 251 plus 3381 equals 3632 minus 3 equals b.c. 3629 for the Julian epoch of Mena, the 276 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES. first Egyptian king. The epoch of the three thousand three hundredth year of the era will be b.c. 333 (3629 — 3300 -f 4) ; this is the epoch of the last year of the last Dai’ius, who was con- quered by Alexander the Great. The epoch of Alexander was the three thousand three hundred and first year of the era. With this, the thirty-fourth year of Philadelphus, was the eighty-first year of the era of Alexander, and the three thousand three hundred and eighty-first year of the era of Mena. The reading “year 33” is carried out, but with a different sense. Philadelphus’s first year was the thirty-third year of the era of the Ptolemies, reckoned from b.c. 317. The time of the duration of the Egyptian monarchy is one which has been much discussed. Dr. Lepsius lays great stress upon the number 3555, which, he says, is derived from Manetho. This number of Egyptian years, or three thousand five hundred and fifty-three Julian years (it should be three thousand five hundred and fifty-two years and two hundred and twelve days), he ends in b.c. 340 ; this epoch being that of the twentieth year of Ochus, who at that time terminated the Egyptian em- pire, and from this he calculates the era of Mena to be b.c. 3893 (should be b.c. 3892). The difference between 3892 and 3629 is two hundred and sixty-three years. The period of three thou- sand five hundred and fifty-five years seems to have an artificial character, and this is what might be expected; but in this aspect it refers more to the lunar year than to the vague, and manifests no development of the technical numbers of the Egyptian system. On the other hand, 3300 has for its basis the number of days in the Egyptian month, and the period contains thirty periods of one hundred and ten years, “ the perfect age” of the monuments (ten cycles of eleven years). I am of opinion that the use of numbers in a technical sense, or one dif- ferent from the ordinary, may explain some of the statements of Herodotus. In Book II. 100, he says the priests read him the names of three hundred and thirty sovereigns who succeeded Menes, the last of which was Mceris. This probably means that this number stopped at about the time of Moeris. If instead of three hundred and thirty kings the number really meant was thirty-three kings, the statement being technical, like some of the numbers we have been treating, it is borne out very closely THE CHKONOLOGY OF COINS. 277 by the table of Abydos. The fifth dynasty ended with Unas, the thirty-third king of the list of Abydos. Dr. Brugsch writes, “ It is with this king that the fifth dynasty of the Manethonian list ends, in accordance with the historical canon of Turin, which after the name of Unas terminates the first section of the series of the Pharaohs, by giving the total of the years of the reigns and the number of the kings which preceded. . . . The observation is of great importance for a classification of the kings of the Egyptian canon, because it proves to us that they formed one entire group, probably belonging to the same family. These were the most famous kings of Memphis, the most an- cient sovereigns of the history of the world.”* The third king of the next dynasty (the sixth) was Merira Pepi, the thirty- sixth of the table of Abydos. Pepi is the most important king of this dynasty ; he is possibly the Moeris of Herodotus. The first Egyptian empire on this basis had a duration of eleven hundred years, following the Herodotan reckoning of three gen- erations to a century. * “ Egypt under the Pharaohs” (Brugsch), vol. i. pp. 94, 95. Eng. trans. 24 278 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES, Chronological Table ADAPTED TO THE PRECEDING EXPLANATION OF THE COINS. 1 B.C. Era Nai NASS B. 747 OF SO- AR, 728 1 CO « < C£ W o E ft, 3 £ 1 a EH a 04 CO fi CO z . <5 O X Pft a . a e- < < o ^ 2“ cs W | Era of the Ptolemies and | the Seleucids, b.o. 317. Regnal Years from THE Canon. | Cycles of Eleven Years, 1 Epoch of Series b.c. 1318. The concurrent dates between the 1st of Thoth and the Julian year in this column are for the vague 1st of Thoth ' established from the observation of Timocharis. B. 285 464 445 40 48 33 hj l H 1st Thoth = 30th October. 284 465 446 41 49 34 1-2 i b.c. 284, June 30 = Pachons 4. Celebration 283 466 447 42 50 35 p 3 2 of the accession of Philadelphus in the 282 467 448 43 51 36 Qj 4 3 thirty-third year of the era of the Ptol- B. 281 468 449 44 52 37 5 4 emies and on the day of the heliacal 280 469 450 45 53 38 6 5 rising of Sirius in connection with the 279 470 AS! 46 54 39 s 7 6 visible new moon following the sum- 278 471 452 47 55 40 8 7 mer solstice. B. 277 472 453 48 56 41 9 8 1st Thoth = October 28. 276 473 454 49 57 42 10 9 275 474 455 50 58 43 11 10 274 475 456 51 59 44 12 11 B. 273 476 457 52 60 45 13 1 1st Thoth = October 27. 272 477 458 53 61 46 14 2 271 478 459 54 62 47 15 3 270 479 460 55 63 48 16 4 B. 269 480 461 56 64 49 17 5 1st Thoth = October 26. 268 481 462 57 65 50 18 6 267 482 463 58 66 51 19 7 266 483 464 59 67 52 20 8 B. 265 484 465 60 68 53 21 9 1st Thoth = October 25. 264 485 466 61 69 54 22 10 263 486 467 62 70 55 23 11 262 487 468 63 71 56 24 1 B. 261 488 469 64 72 57 25 2 1st Thoth = October 24. 260 489 470 65 73 58 26 3 259 490 471 66 74 59 27 4 258 491 472 67 75 60 28 5 B. 257 492 473 68 76 61 29 6 1st Thoth = October 23. 256 493 474 69 77 62 30 7 255 494 475 70 78 63 31 8 254 495 476 71 79 64 32 9 B. 253 496 477 72 80 65 33 10 1st Thoth = October 22. 252 497 478 73 81 66 34 11 251 498 479 74 82 67 35 1 Date of coin of Arsinoe Philadelphus, 250 499 480 75 83 68 36 2 b.c. 251. July 9 = Pachons 21, the date B. 249 500 481 76 84 69 37 3 of the heliacal rising of Sirius in connec- 248 501 482 77 85 70 38 4 tion with the full moon following the 247 502 483 78 86 71 w 1 5 summer solstice, and in the eighty-first 246 503 484 79 87 72 P 2 6 year of the era of Alexander the Great. B. 245 504 485 80 88 73 3 7 1st Thoth = October 20. 244 505 486 81 89 74 CD 4 8 243 506 487 82 90 75 S" 5 9 242 507 488 83 91 76 • 6 10 B. 241 508 489 84 92 77 7 11 1st Thoth = October 19. 240 509 490 85 93 78 8 1 THE CHRONOLOGY OF COINS, 279 Chronological Table (Continued). B.C. Eras of Nabo- nassar, B.O. Philippic Era, b.c. 324. j ! ERA OF ALEXANDER THE Great, b.c. 332. 3 s • < p f) CO 4 . -* O 3 w j H S ° w < x Si Regnal Years from THE Canon. o co S rH < 00 4 «-< H 5 « 4 rr w 2 J ec ° s H P o 9 ft Lunar Cycle of thirty- three Years, Epoch b.c.237. Tropical period of jnine- | teen Years, Epoch b.c. 219. 747 728 239 510 491 86 94 79 9 2 238 511 492 87 95 80 10 3 Rise of Sirius on 1st Payni = July 16, b.c. 238. B. 237 512 493 88 96 81 11 4 i 1st Thoth = October 18. 236 513 494 89 97 82 12 5 2 235 514 495 90 98 83 13 6 3-4 234 515 496 91 99 84 14 7 5 B. 233 516 497 92 100 85 15 8 6 1st Thoth = October 17. (Cano- 232 517 498 93 101 86 16 9 7 pic year, October 18.) 231 518 499 94 102 87 17 10 8 230 519 500 95 103 88 18 11 9 B. 229 520 501 96 104 89 19 1 10 1st Thoth = October 16. (Cano- 228 521 502 97 105 90 20 2 11 pic year, October 18.) 227 522 503 98 106 91 21 3 12 226 523 504 99 107 92 22 4 13 B. 225 524 505 100 108 93 23 5 14 1st Thoth = October 15. (Cano- 224 525 506 101 109 94 24 6 15 pic year, October 18.) 223 526 507 102 110 95 25 7 16 222 527 508 103 111 96 1 8 17 'P Accession of Philopator in the B. 221 528 509 104 112 97 E 2 9 18 seventeenth year of the lunar 220 529 510 105 113 98 O 3 10 19 cycle of thirty-three years. 1st g-T* Thoth = October 14. (Canopic o CL O' year, October 18.) b 219 530 511 106 114 99 4 11 20 i 218 531 512 107 115 100 5 1 21 2 B. 217 532 513 108 116 101 6 2 22 3 1st Thoth = October 13. (Oc- 216 533 514 109 117 102 7 3 23 4 tober 17.) 215 534 515 110 118 103 8 4 24 5 214 535 516 111 119 104 9 5 25 6 B. 213 536 517 112 120 105 10 6 26 7 1st Thoth = October 12. (Oc- 212 537 518 113 121 106 11 7 27 8 tober 16.) 211 538 519 114 122 107 12 8 28 9 210 539 520 115 123 108 13 9 29 10 B. 209 540 521 116 124 109 14 10 30 11 1st Thoth = October 11. (Oc- 208 541 522 117 125 110 15 11 31 12 tober 15.) 207 542 523 118 126 111 16 1 32 13 Date of coins of Philopator and 206 543 524 119 127 112 17 2 33 14 Arsinoe, b.c. 207, July 3, concur- B. 205 544 525 120 128 113 tel l 3 (34) 15 rent with 14th Dystrus = 21st Paehons in the five hundred and forty-first year of the era 2 of Nabonassar and the fifteenth year of Philopator. 201 545 526 121 129 114 2 4 1 16 1st Thoth = October 10. (Oc- 203 546 527 122 130 115 3 5 2 17 tober 14.) 202 547 528 123 131 116 4 6 3-4 18 B 201 548 529 124 132 117 5 7 5 19 1st Thoth = October 9. (Oc- 200 549 530 125 133 118 6 8 6 1 tober 13.) 280 JEWISH AND SYNCHRONOUS HISTORIES, Chronological Table (Continued). B.C. Era Na NAS B 747 S OF BO- SAB, C. 728 Philippic Era, b.c. 324. 1 Era of Alexander the Great, b.c. 332. 1 Era of the Ptolemies and 1 THE SELEUCIDS, B.C. 317. Regnal Years FROM THE Canon. Cycles of Eleven Years, [ Epoch of Series b.c. 1318. Lunar Cycle of Thirty- | three Years, Epoch b.c. 237. Tl Pei Ni 1 B.C. 219 OPIC UODS NETE fEAR B.C. 197 AL OF EN 3. B.C. 196 199 550 531 126 134 119 7 9 7 2 198 551 532 127 135 120 8 10 8 3 B. 197 552 533 128 136 121 9 11 9 4 1 1st Thoth = October 8. 196 553 534 129 137 122 10 1 5 2 i 195 554 535 130 138 123 11 2 6 3 2 194 555 536 131 139 124 12 3 7 4 3 B. 193 556 537 132 140 125 13 4 8 5 4 1st Thoth = October 7. 192 557 538 133 141 126 14 5 9 6 5 191 558 539 134 142 127 15 6 10 7 6 190 559 540 135 143 128 16 7 11 8 7 B. 189 560 541 136 144 129 17 8 12 9 8 1st Thoth = October 6. 188 561 542 137 145 130 18 9 13 10 9 187 562 543 138 146 131 19 10 14 11 10 186 563 544 139 147 132 20 11 15 12 11 B. 185 564 545 140 148 133 21 1 16 13 12 1st Thoth •= October 5. 184 565 546 141 149 134 22 2 17 14 13 183 566 547 142 150 135 23 3 18 15 14 182 567 548 143 151 136 24 4 19 16 15 B. 181 568 549 144 152 137 1 5 1 17 16 1st Thoth = October 4 180 569 550 145 153 138 2 6 2 18 17 Bate of coin of Philo- 179 570 551 146 154 139 o 3 7 3 19 18 metor, B.c. 180, 550th 178 571 552 147 155 140 3 4 8 4 1 19 year of the era of Na- bonassar of b.c. 728. B. 177 572 553 148 156 141 5 9 5 2 1 1st Thoth = October 3. APPENDIX. I. A METHOD TO CALCULATE THE DATES OF NEW AND FULL MOONS. Investigations of the kind made in this work require an easy and quick method to calculate new and full moons. Often the historical data is so limited that the Avork must be largely hypo- thetical. More than one hypothesis may suggest itself, and these must be tested with facility. The method is accurate enough to encourage or discourage, as the case may be, a more scientific calculation. More than this, — with other sufficient facts confirming it, no other calculation is necessary to deter- mine with reasonable certainty the dates of new and full moons. The following cycle of seventy-six Julian years is constructed for synodical months of twenty-nine days, forty-four minutes, and three seconds, nearly. It is a modification of the cycle of Callippus. It commences Avith the neAv moon on the 1st of Janu- ary, 0 hours, 0 minutes, 0 seconds, — that is, at the beginning of the first day of the civil year. The times placed opposite the years of the cycle denote the age of the month of January at the time of neAv moon. In this it differs from the ordinary Metonic, Avhich gives the age of the moon. When the neAv moon is on the 1st of January, 0 hours, 0 minutes, 0 seconds, it will return again after twenty- nine days, tAvelve hours, forty-four minutes, and three seconds, Avhich Avill be on the 30th of January. 24* 281 282 APPENDIX. Table of Cycle of Seventy-six Years. Years. Abe of January. Years. Age of January. Years. Age of January. Years. Age of January. D. H. M. S. D. H. M. S. D. H. M. s. D. H. M. S. 1 0 0 0 0 20 0 16 31 11 39 0 9 2 22 58 0 1 33 33 2 18 21 32 27 21 18 14 3 48 40 19 6 35 29 59 18 23 6 10 3 8 6 21 11 22 7 22 52 22 41 7 15 23 33 60 8 7 54 44 4 27 3 53 48 23 26 20 24 59 42 26 12 56 10 61 26 5 27 21 5 15 12 42 22 24 16 5 13 33 I 43 15 21 44 44 62 15 14 15 55 6 4 21 30 56 25 4 14 2 7 1 44 5 6 33 18 63 4 23 4 29 7 23 19 3 33 26 23 11 34 44 45 23 4 6 55 64 23 20 37 6 8 13 3 52 7 27 12 20 23 18 46 12 12 54 29 65 12 5 25 40 9 1 12 40 41 28 2 5 11 52 47 1 21 43 3 66 1 14 14 14 10 20 in 13 20 29 20 2 44 31 48 20 19 15 42 67 20 11 46 53 11 9 19 1 54 30 9 11 33 5 49 9 4 4 16 68 9 20 35 27 12 28 16 34 31 31 28 9 5 42 50 28 1 36 53 69 27 18 8 4 13 17 1 23 5 32 17 17 54 16 51 17 10 25 27 70 17 2 56 38 14 6 10 11 39 33 6 2 44 50 52 6 19 14 1 71 6 11 45 12 15 25 7 44 16 34 25 0 15 27 53 24 16 46 38 72 25 9 17 49 16 14 16 32 50 35 14 9 4 1 54 14 1 35 12 73 13 18 6 23 17 3 1 21 34 36 3 17 52 35 55 3 10 23 46 74 3 2 54 57 18 21 22 54 1 37 21 15 25 12 56 22 7 56 23 75 22 0 27 34 19 11 7 42 35 38 11 0 13 46 57 10 16 44 57 76 11 9 16 8 CORRECTIONS AND EPOCH. At the end of seventy-six years, the lunar period being shorter by about five hours, fifty-five minutes, and sixteen seconds than the Julian, the next or following cycle of seventy-six years will have new moon five hours, fifty-five minutes, and sixteen seconds before its beginning, and each succeeding cycle will have new moon for January in each year five hours, fifty-five minutes, and sixteen seconds earlier than the previous one. The following table of corrections shows these excesses of the Julian year for the given number of cycles : Cycles. 1 76 Table of Corrections. D. H. M. s. Julian years minus 5 55 16 = 940 months. 2 152 It It 11 50 32 = 1,880 tt 3 228 It tt 17 45 48 2,820 tt 4 304 It It 23 41 4 3,760 tt 5 380 it It 1 5 36 20 = 4,700 tt 6 456 ti It 1 11 31 36 = 5,640 a 8 608 tt It 1 23 22 8 = 7,520 it 12 912 It tt 2 23 3 12 = 11,280 it 24 1824 It It 5 22 6 24 = 22,560 tt 48 3648 tt tt 11 20 12 48 = 45,120 tt The epoch of the first cycle is estimated to be b.c. 2924, with a correction of six hours, the new moon being taken to be six APPENDIX. 283 hours before the 1st of January in that year. This will be an additional general correction of six hours, which must always be added to the other corrections. TABLE OF MONTHS. The table is for the common year of three hundred and sixty- five days. For leap-years the amounts in the table must be in- creased one day for all months after February 29. They all have minus signs except March, which has a plus sign. These denote that the amounts with which they are connected are to be subtracted, if minus , or added, if plus , to the time of new moon in January to give the new moons of the months to which they belong. In the case of March, which has a plus sign, this in leap-years becomes minus twenty -two hours, thirty-one minutes, and fifty-four seconds, which is the exjiression for -f one hour, twenty-eight minutes, and six seconds — twenty-four hours. Full moon is obtained by subtracting fourteen days, eighteen hours, twenty-two minutes, and one second from the time of now moon. When the time of new moon is less than the time to be taken from it, it must be increased one lunation. Table of Months. February, Days. 1 Hours. 11 Minutes. 15 Seconds. 57 March, + 0 1 28 6 April, — 1 9 47 51 May, — 1 21 3 48 June, — 3 8 19 45 July, — 3 19 35 42 August, — 5 6 51 39 September, — 6 18 7 36 October, — 7 5 23 33 November, — 8 16 39 30 December, — 9 3 55 27 LEAP-YEARS. Every year b.c. which is divisible by four with one for a re- mainder, is a leap-year, and every year a.d. which when divided by four leaves no remainder, is of the same character. 284 APPENDIX. GREGORIAN YEARS. To obtain from the Julian Gregorian dates: Between a.d. 1582, October 4, and a.d. 1700, March 1, add 10 days. “ “ 1700, March 1, “ “ 1800, “ “ 11 “ “ “ 1800, “ “ “ 1900, “ “ 12 “ ENGLISH YEARS. Up to the reformation of the English year it began on the 25th of March. By an enactment of the British Parliament the year 1751, which should have come to an end with March 24, was made to cease with December 31, this year being deprived of eighty-three days. This circumstance gave rise to a double denomination of the time from the 1st of January to March 24, inclusive : the dates for this period are sometimes written with the year in the form, At this time eleven days were struck out of the Julian year. For the English year: Between a.d. 1752, September 2, and a.d. 1800, March 1, add 11 days. From a.d. 1800, March 1, the year is the same as the Gregorian. DIFFERENCES OF TIME. The epoch b.c. 2924 is adapted to the local time of Philadel- phia, U.S.A. To find differences of times for other places, the following table may be employed for the localities mentioned : Hours. HinuteB. Seconds. Greenwich 5 0 43 Eome 5 50 43 Athens 6 35 43 Alexandria, Egypt . . 6 56 43 Thebes, “ . . 7 12 43 Jerusalem 7 21 43 Babylon 7 58 3 These must be added to time at Philadelphia to obtain cor- responding local time for the given place. APPENDIX. 285 APPLICATION. To show the use of this cycle, five new moons connected with eclipses are calculated. 1. b.c. 903, July 3, solar eclipse, which has been identified with that found on the Assyrian monument of Assurnazirpal. 2. b.c. 885, July 13, eclipse of the sun. This eclipse is sepa- rated from the former by a saros. It has been identified with that of Shamas Phul. 3. b.c. 603, May 18, eclipse of the sun. 4. b.c. 585, May 28, eclipse of the sun. This eclipse is identi- fied by Mr. Airy, the astronomer royal, and others to be the one predicted by Thales. 5. a.d. 1836, May 15, solar eclipse. Mean time of new moon, common reckoning, May 15, nine hours, four minutes, and twenty- seven seconds. The eclipse commenced seven hours and six minutes, morning, and ended nine hours and thirty-seven min- utes, morning, lasting two hours and thirty-one minutes. The time is for Philadelphia. 1. Find for the given year the year of the cycle corre- sponding to it, and the amount of corrections which ai’e to be deducted from the age of the month of January for that year. If the time is b.c., take one year from the number of the year for which the calculation is to be made, and subtract the re- mainder from the epoch b.c. 2924. If the time is a.d., add the number of the year taken to the year of the epoch. Next ob- tain from the table of corrections the largest number of Julian years there found which can be taken from the result of the first process, and set opposite it the correction in the table designated. Subtract the years, and if the result is still greater than seventy-six, take from it the largest possible number of Julian years in the table with its correction. Continue this pro- cess until the remainder is less than seventy-six years, when it will denote the year of the cycle. Next add up all the correc- tions, including the general correction of six hours, and subtract the sum from the amount found in the table of seventy-six years opposite the year of the cycle already obtained. The result will give the time of new moon for January of the required year. 286 APPENDIX. For new moon of the other months of this year subtract or add, as designated by the table of months, the amount set oppo- site the required month. Notice whether the year is a leap- year or not, and follow the rules given in these cases. If the amount to be subtracted is greater than the minuend, increase the latter by twenty-nine days, twelve hours, forty-four minutes, and three seconds, and then make the reduction. The times in the table of seventy-six years are all reckoned from midnight. As the age of the month is given, to find the common date the days must be increased one, and the hours, if more than twelve, must have twelve taken from them. For example, if the final result is January five days, twenty hours, and ten minutes, this means the 6tli of January, eight hours and ten minutes p.m. 1. New moon of the eclipse of b.c. 903, July 3 : Epoch b.c Year of cycle Deduct corrections .... Add difference of time, about 8 hours D. H. M. S. 2924 — 0 6 0 0 902 2022 1824 — 5 22 6 21 198 152 — 0 11 50 32 46 6 15 56 53 D. H. M. S. 46 = 12 12 54 29 6 15 56 53 5 20 57 36 0 8 0 0 6 4 57 36 Subtract time for July new moon 3 19 35 42 2 9 21 54 (+ 1) 3 9 21 64 January new moon for Cen- tral Asia. The result is: new moon on July 3, nine hours, twenty-one minutes, and fifty-four seconds, b.c. 903, in the morning. APPENDIX, 287 2. New moon of the eclipse of b.c. 885, July 13 : Epoch b.c, Year of cycle . Corrections D. H. M. S. 2924 — 0 6 0 0 884 2040 1824 — 5 22 6 21 216 152 — 0 11 50 32 64 6 15 56 53 D H. M. S. 64 = 23 20 37 6 6 15 56 53 17 4 40 13 January new moon, Phila- phia. D. H. M. s. 17 4 40 13 0 8 0 0 17 12 40 13 New moon for Central Asia. 4 19 35 42 12 17 4 31 New moon, July. (+ DC -12) 13 5 4 31 New moon July 13, five hours, four minutes, and thirty-one seconds in the afternoon. 3. Eclipse of the sun b.c. 603, May 18 : D. H. M. s. Epoch b.c . . . 2924 0 6 0 0 602 2322 1824 — 5 22 6 24 498 456 — i 11 31 36 Year of cycle . . . , 7 15 38 0 288 APPENDIX, D. H. M. S. 42 = 26 12 56 10 Corrections . . . .... 7 15 38 0 18 21 18 10 Difference of time .... 0 8 0 0 19 5 18 10 Time for May . . .... 1 21 3 48- 17 8 14 22 (+ 1) 18 8 14 22 New moon on the 18th of May, eight hours, fc and twenty-two seconds in the morning, 4. Eclipse of : b.c. 585, May 28 : D. H. M. S. Epoch b.c. . . . . . . . 2924 — 0 6 0 0 584 2340 1824 — 5 22 6 24 516 456 — 1 11 31 36 Year of cycle . . .... 60 7 15 38 0 D. H. M. s. 60= 8 7 54 44 Corrections . . . .... 7 15 38 0 0 16 16 44 Difference of time .... 0 8 0 0 1 0 16 44 29 12 44 3 30 13 0 47 2 21 3 48 27 15 56 59 (+ 1)( -12) 28 3 56 59 tral Asia, for January. May. New moon, Jan- uary, Central Asia. APPENDIX. 289 New moon on the 28th of May, three hours, fifty-six minutes, and fifty-nine seconds in the afternoon, b.c. 585. The eclipse of b.c. G03 and that of b.c. 585 are separated by a sai'os. The saros is the time for the return of the same eclipse, which will fall as to its date ten days, seven hours, and forty- two minutes later in the month than the previous one if there are five intercalary days in the Julian year during the period, and eleven days plus if there are only four intercalary days. Days. Hours. Minutes. Eclipse of b.c. 585 was 27 15 56 -f- “ “ 603 “ 17 8 14 + 10 7 42 + The same difference will be found to exist between the eclipses of b.c. 903 and b.c. 885. I have not at -hand the calculation of the eclipse of b.c. 585 made by Mr. Airy, but it is gathered from his criticism upon Oltmanns’s calculation for the eclipse of Thales that whatever difference there is, it is limited by the circumstance that Mr. Airy places the eclipse of b.c. 603 in the morning and that of b.c. 585 in the afternoon, which is the same result reached by the calcu- lation just made. The following is from the “Monthly Notices of the Eoyal Astronomical Society,” vol. xviii., February 12, 1858 : “ I think it not at all impossible that the eclipse was so predicted ; and there is one easy way, and only one, of pre- dicting it, — namely, by the saros, or period of eighteen years, ten days, and eight hours, nearly. By the use of this period an evening eclipse may be predicted from a morning eclipse ; but a morning eclipse can be rarely predicted from an evening eclipse (as the interval of eight hours after an evening eclipse will generally throw the eclipse at the end of the saros into the hours of the night). The evening eclipse, therefore, of b.c. 584, May 28, which I adopted as being most certainly the eclipse of Thales, might be predicted from the morning eclipse of b.c. 602, May 17 ; and a man of astronomical and geometrical knowledge might, from the circumstances of one, form a shrewd guess on the circumstances of the other, provided the hours of day were such as to make both eclipses visible. Now, the hours were 25 290 APPENDIX. such as to make both eclipses visible ; and, moreover, the eclipse of b.c. 602 was a large eclipse in Asia Minor and the Levant. It is, therefore, very probable that the eclipse of b.c. 584 was pre- dicted as it is asserted. No other of the eclipses discussed by Baily or Oltmanns presents the same facility for prediction.” The years and dates of the quotation from Mr. Airy are those used by astronomers, b.c. 1, according to chronologers, is reck- oned as B.c. 0 by astronomers, and the latter mean by b.c. 602 and b.c. 584 the years in common understanding, b.c. 603 and b.c. 585. The astronomers also reckon the days from noon, and the time seventeenth day in the morning means the eighteenth day, that by the civil reckoning beginning at midnight. The circumstances cited by Mr. Airy are applicable to the eclipses of b.c. 903 and b.c. 885 ; they have the same relation to each other, that of b.c. 903 being in the morning and that of b.c. 885 in the afternoon. The results obtained by the crude method I have explained are quite satisfactory. I conclude with a calculation of a new moon of comparatively recent date, and the result happens in this case to be very near the truth. 5. a.d. 1836, May 15, eclipse of the sun at Philadelphia. Mean time of new moon, common reckoning, was May 15, nine hours, four minutes, and twenty-seven seconds. The eclipse commenced in the morning seven hours and six minutes and ended nine hours and thirty-seven minutes, lasting two hours and thirty-one minutes. D. H. M. S. 2924 — 0 6 0 0 1836 4760 3648 — 11 20 12 48 1112 912 -- 2 23 3 12 200 152 — 0 11 50 32 48 15 13 6 32 T ear of cycle APPENDIX. 291 D. H. M. s. 00 II to o 19 15 42 Corrections .... 15 13 6 32 5 6 9 10 Add 12 days for Gregorian year 12 17 6 9 10 Time for May. Leap-year . . 2 21 3 48 li 9 5 22 (+1) 15 9 5 22 New moon, Janu- ary, Philadel- phia, Julian year. New moon, Janu- ary, Gregorian year. New moon, May. H. M. S. New moon, May 15, 9 5 22 Correct time for mean new moon, May 15, 9 4 27 Difference, 55 From the foregoing calculations it will be seen that the method employed is sufficiently correct for many purposes. II. TABLES FOR DETERMINING CORRESPONDING DATES BETWEEN THE JULIAN AND THE EGYPTIAN VAGUE YEAR. The adjustment between the two is made upon a statement of an ancient astronomer, Timocharis. He has left on record an observation of the place of Venus on the 17th of Mechir, in the thirteenth year of Philadelphus, which year, by the canon, began in b.c. $73 ; but the month Mechir fell in b.c. $72. By a modern calculation this has been found to correspond to October 8, b.c. ^72. Table I. gives the Egyptian dates corresponding to the 1st of March for the bissextile years. The horizontal column at the top contains the hundreds for each bissextile, and the two per- pendicular colums headed b.c. and a.d. contain the remaining numbers of these years. The other columns have the Egyptian dates concurring with March 1. Tables II. and III. are re- spectively tables of days of the Egyptian vague year and the common Julian year of three hundred and sixty-five days. *7 DATES OF MARCH 292 APPENDIX P s H H 5 Ph r* O H . . H H a * H S a s : Ht) CO N 03 (7l O Cl Cl N 00 05 o N CO tO CO £*» 00 05 O Payni. to CO I> 00 05 o Pachons. H W CO Pharmuthi. tO CO l'- CO 05 o Pachons. tO CO t-— 00 05 o r-i rH r-l rH i-H 0005 Intercalary. Thoth. O H Cl CO Tl< LO ThothT ^ ^ ^ CO l'- CO 05 O to O 00 05 o Phaophi. Phaoplii. H d CO ^ lO Athyr. CO l> 00 05 o Cl CO iQ co Athyr. H Cl CO ^ Khoiakh. tO CO I> 00 05 o Cl CO Tji o o O T— I CM CO Tje m Cl d Cl Cl Cl Cl Khoiakh. HdCOrlliOCONCOOO Tybi. to CO 00 05 © (NCOdiiOCODCOO! Tybi. Mechir. O rH (M CO Mechir. to CO I> 00 05 Phamenoth. to CO N CO O! O Phamenoth. Cl CO T# to to I— I (M (M (M a0O5 d d d d Cl CO Epiphi. O H Cl CO *11 to Epiphi. to D 00 05 Mesori. lO to D 00 O) O . tH Mesori. d CO TC to to tO to D CO 05 H d CO *1- o Intercalary. rl Cl CO Thoth. Ol CO *H tO CO •o co i'* co 05 © •' d d d Cl CO dw*3ii0t0> 00 05 0 Phaophi. tO tO D CO 05 O Phaophi. Cl d d d tOtODCOOSOHdCOTltiOtO^COOS Cl d d d d CO Athyr. to to D a) o Athvr. ©— tCICOTftOT0 1'-00 05 ©^H(MCOT3e Cl Cl d Cl d d Cl d d Cl CO Khoiakh. to co CO 05 O Khoiakh. C! CO 1< iO tO d d Cl d Cl d d d d ©tH00 05O Tybi. Tybi. H d CO Tje Mechir. iOc£>I>G0050t— ItNCO-^iOcOr^COOS O H d CO T)t to d ci d d ci d Mechir. H d CO O tO t> CO 05 O Phamenoth. APPENDIX, 293 Table II. TABLE OF DAYS OF EGYPTIAN YEAE. Dates. w Eh O w H Phaophi. Athyb. Khoiakh, Tybi. Mechir. Phamenoth. Phakmcthi. 1 Pachons. H Hi Ph 3 Oh £ w Mesori. 1. . . i 31 61 91 121 151 181 211 241 271 301 331 2. . . 2 32 62 92 122 152 182 212 242 272 302 332 3. . . 3 33 63 93 123 153 183 213 243 273 303 333 4. . . 4 34 64 94 124 154 184 214 244 274 304 334 5 . . . 5 35 65 95 125 155 185 215 245 275 305 335 6 . . . 6 36 66 96 126 156 186 216 246 276 306 336 7. . . 7 37 67 97 127 157 187 217 247 277 307 337 8 . . . 8 38 68 98 128 158 188 218 248 278 308 338 9. . . 9 39 69 99 129 159 189 219 249 279 309 339 10 . . . 10 40 70 100 130 160 190 220 250 280 310 340 11. . . 11 41 71 101 131 161 191 221 251 281 311 341 12. . . 12 42 72 102 132 162 192 222 252 282 312 342 13 . . . 13 43 73 103 133 163 193 223 253 283 313 343 14. . . 14 44 74 104 134 164 194 224 254 284 314 344 15. . . 15 45 75 105 135 165 195 225 255 285 315 345 1<> . . . 16 46 76 106 136 166 196 226 256 286 316 346 17 . . . 17 47 77 107 137 167 197 227 257 287 317 347 18. . . 18 48 78 108 138 168 198 228 258 288 318 348 19. . . 19 49 79 109 139 169 199 229 259 289 319 349 20. . . 20 50 80 110 140 170 200 230 260 290 320 350 21 . . . 21 51 81 111 141 171 201 231 261 291 321 351 22. . . 22 52 82 112 142 172 202 232 262 292 322 352 23. . . 23 53 83 113 143 173 203 233 263 293 323 353 24. . . 24 54 84 114 144 174 204 234 264 294 324 354 25 . . . 25 55 85 115 145 175 205 235 265 295 325 355 26 . . . 26 56 86 116 146 176 206 236 266 296 326 356 27. . . 27 57 87 117 147 177 207 237 267 297 327 357 28. . . 28 58 88 118 148 178 208 238 268 298 328 358 29 . . . 29 59 89 119 149 179 209 239 269 299 329 359 30. . . 30 60 90 120 150 ISO 210 240 270 300 330 360 11 361 2 362 3 !- Intercalary days 363 4 364 5 J 365 25* 294 APPENDIX, Table III. TABLE OF DATS OF THE COMMON TEAR, THREE HUNDRED AND SIXTT-FITE DATS. Dates. January. February. March. April. May. June. .J P •“5 H M P o D < September. October. November. | 1 December. 1 . . . 1 32 60 91 121 152 182 213 244 274 305 335 2. . . 2 33 61 92 122 153 183 214 245 275 306 336 1 3. . . 3 34 62 93 123 154 184 215 246 276 307 337 4. . . 4 35 63 94 121 155 185 216 247 277 308 338 5. . 5 36 04 95 125 156 186 217 248 278 309 339 6 . . . 6 37 65 96 126 157 187 218 249 279 310 340 7 . . . 7 38 66 97 127 158 188 219 250 280 311 341 8 . . . 8 39 67 98 128 159 189 220 251 281 312 342 9. . . 9 40 68 99 129 160 190 221 252 282 313 343 10. . . 10 41 69 100 130 161 191 222 253 283 314 344 11 . . . 11 42 70 101 131 162 192 223 254 284 315 345 12. . . 12 43 71 102 132 163 193 224 255 285 316 346 13 . . . 13 44 72 103 133 164 194 225 256 286 317 347 14. . . .14 45 73 104 134 165 195 226 257 287 318 348 15 . . . 15 46 74 105 135 166 196 227 258 288 319 349 16. . . 16 47 75 106 136 167 197 228 259 289 320 350 17 . . . 17 48 76 107 137 168 198 229 260 290 321 351 18. . . 18 49 77 108 138 169 199 230 261 291 322 352 19 . . . 19 50 78 109 139 170 200 231 262 292 323 353 20 . . . 20 51 79 110 140 171 201 232 263 293 324 354 21 . . . 21 52 80 111 141 172 202 233 264 294 325 355 22. . . 22 53 81 112 142 173 203 234 265 295 326 356 23 . . . 23 54 82 113 143 174 204 235 266 296 327 357 24. . . 24 55 83 114 144 175 205 236 267 297 328 358 25. . . 25 56 84 115 145 176 206 237 268 298 329 359 26 . . . 26 57 85 116 146 177 207 238 269 299 330 360 27 . . . 27 58 86 117 147 178 208 239 270 300 331 361 28. . . 28 59 87 118 148 179 209 240 271 301 332 362 29. . . 29 88 119 149 180 210 241 272 302 333 363 30. . . 30 89 120 150 181 211 242 273 303 334 364 31. . . 3! 90 1 ’ ’ 151 1 ' ‘ 212 243 304 365 APPENDIX. 295 RULES GOVERNING THE USE OP THE STABLE. 1. Find the concurrent date of the 1st of March in the given year. For example, let the given year be b.c. 747. Eun down the column 700 of Table I. until opposite b.c. 49; this denotes the year 749, which is the bissextile year previous to b.c. 747. The concurrences established in this year (749) after March 1 will continue down to March 1, b.c. 745, the next bissextile year. The finger stops in column 700 opposite b.c. 49, where is found Thoth 7 for the concurrent date of March 1 in b.c. 747. 2. The concurrences for all the other dates are calculated from March 1 and its corresponding Egyptian date, using the two tables of days. March 1 is the 60th day of the year in the table of days for all dates following it in the bissextile year, and for all the dates of the three following years. March 1 is the 61st day of the year for all dates before it in the bissextile year. APPLICATION. The 7th of Thoth has been found to concur with the 1st of March in b.c. 749. To find the concurrent date of the 1st of Thoth in this year, take the difference betwmen the 1st of Thoth and the 7th of Thoth, which is 6 days, and subtract it from 61, because b.c. 749 is a bissextile year; the result gives 55, which in the table of days denotes February 24. To find the concurrence for b.c. 747, the same number of days is to be sub- tracted from 60, because b.c. 747 is not a leap-year ; the result, 54, denotes February 23 as the concurrent date. To find the concur- rent date for the 12th of Pachons in 749, 748, 747, 746, find from Table II. the number for 12th of Pachons, which is 252, then find how many days this is after the 7th of Thoth by subtract- ing from it 7 days, and add the result, 245 days, to 60 (March 1), and we obtain the 305th day of the Julian year, which in the table of days is found to be November 1, the concurrent date for 12th of Pachons. To find the concurrence of November 1 the process is reversed : 60 is subtracted from 305, and the re- mainder, 245, is added to 7, giving 252, the 12th of Pachons. In the foregoing the 7th of Thoth is also the seventh day of the 296 APPENDIX. year ; the calculations are made from the numbers of the dates in the tables of days. Table I. has for the years from b.c. 237 to b.c. 197, inclusive, the concurrences in brackets. This is done to conform to the hypothesis advanced, that during this period the Egyptian year was substantially like the Julian, and consequently there was no advance of the dates of the latter in the former, and that at the end of this period the vague dates were restored by increasing the dates of the Egyptian year ten days ; hence b.c. 196 has a concurrence with the Julian the same as if no change had been made in the Egyptian year between b.c. 237 and b.c. 197. In discussing the coins of the Ptolemies this view was quali- fied by the hypothesis that the decree of Canopus was only en- forced down to b.c. 219, at which time five days had been added to the Egyptian year, and from this time on down to b.c. 197 the vague year was in force, but with the concurrence produced by the addition of five days in the Canopic year, and in b.c. 197 the proper vague dates were restored by subtracting the five intercalary days. With this view the concurrent dates for 1st of March will be : B.C. 237, March 1 = Tybi 14 (15). u 233, U = “ “ (16). 1 1 229, U =3 “ “ (17). u 225, LL = “ “ (18). Li 221, LL = “ “ (19). l ( 217, LL = “ 15 (20). l L 213, LL = “ 16 (21). LI 209, U = “ 17 (22). 205, ( L = “ 18 (23). a 201, LL = “ 19 (24). LL 197, LL = “ 20 (25). LL 196, U = “ 25. The adjustment between the Julian and the vague year in vogue causes the 1st of Thoth, b.c. 747, to concur with February 26. This is the condition which comes about twelve years earlier by the tables. If the common or usual correspondence is desired, increase the given year by twelve, and find for the year so obtained. APPENDIX. 297 III. HOW TO FIND THE DAY OF THE WEEK FOR ANY DATE. B.C. A.D. 16 13 15 14 14 15 13 16 12 17 11 18 10 19 9 20 8 21 7 22 6 23 5 24 4 25 3 26 2 27 i 28 28 1 27 2 26 3 25 4 24 5 23 6 22 7 21 8 20 9 19 10 18 11 17 12 B. B. B. B. B. B. B. January 1 2 3 4 6 7 1 2 4 5 6 7 2 3 4 5 7 i 2 3 5 6 7 1 3 4 5 6 February 4 5 6 7 2 3 4 5 7 1 2 3 5 G 7 1 3 4 5 6 1 2 3 4 6 7 1 2 March 4 5 6 1 2 3 4 6 7 1 2 4 5 6 7 2 3 4 5 7 1 2 3 5 G 7 1 3 April 7 1 2 4 5 6 7 2 3 4 5 7 1 2 3 5 6 7 1 3 4 5 6 1 2 3 4 6 May 2 3 4 6 7 1 2 4 5 G 7 2 3 4 5 7 1 2 3 5 6 7 1 3 4 5 6 1 June 5 6 7 2 3 4 5 7 1 2 3 5 6 7 1 3 4 5 6 1 2 3 4 6 7 1 2 4 July 7 1 2 4 5 6 7 2 3 4 5 7 1 2 3 5 G 7 1 3 4 5 6 1 2 3 4 G August 3 4 7 1 2 3 5 G 7 1 3 4 5 G 1 2 3 4 G 7 1 2 4 5 6 7 2 September ... 6 7 1 3 4 5 6 i 2 3 4 6 7 i 2 4 5 6 7 2 3 4 5 7 i 2 3 5 October 1 2 3 5 6 7 1 3 4 5 G 1 2 3 4 6 7 1 2 4 5 6 7 2 3 4 5 7 November.... 4 5 6 1 2 3 4 6 7 i 2 4 5 6 7 2 3 4 5 7 1 2 3 5 6 7 1 3 December.... 6 7 1 3 4 5 6 1 2 3 4 6 7 1 2 4 5 6 7 2 3 4 5 7 1 2 3 5 EXPLANATION OF TABLE. The numbers of the years in horizontal columns b.c. and a.d. are those of a cycle of the sun. They are to each other in reverse order because the years b.c. are counted in reverse order to those a.d. The numbers in the columns perpendicular to the columns first mentioned are those of the days of the week which begin the months they are set opposite. The days of the week are represented as follows : 1 = Sunday, 2 = Monday, 3 = Tuesday, 4 == Wednesday, 5 = Thursday, 6 = Friday, 7 = Saturday. To find the day of the week for any date b.c. or a.d. : 1. Divide the number of the year b.c. or a.d., if it is more than 28, by that number, and the remainder, if any, will give the year of the cycle. If there is no remainder the last year of the cycle is the year required. The year of the cycle obtained, if B.c., will be found in the upper of the two horizontal columns ; if A.D., in the lower of the two. 2. Having found the year of the cycle, then find the day which begins the given month. Its number will be found in the column under the year of the cycle already obtained and opposite the required month in the table. 3. If a date other than the first of the month is to be found, take one from the number of the day beginning the month, as previously found, and add to the remainder the number of the 298 APPENDIX. given date, and divide the result, when possible, by 7 ; the remainder will be the number of the day of the week for the date. If there is no remainder, 7 is the number. For Gregorian dates: Between October 4, a.d. 1582, and a.d. 1700, March 1, subtract 3 days. “ March 1, “ 1700, “ “ 1800, “ “ 4 “ “ “ “ 1800, “ “ 1900, “ “ 5 “ For English year, between September 2, a.d. 1752, and a.d. 1800, March 1, subtract 4 days. From b.c. 1800 the English year is the same as the Gregorian. APPLICATION. Required the day of the week for February 26, b.c. 747 : 747 28 = 26, quotient, and 19 remainder. Year b.c. 747 is the 19th year of the solar cycle. Under year 19 of the column b.c., and opposite the month of February, is found 7, consequently February begins with Saturday in b.c. 747. 7 — 1 = 6 -j- 26 = 32 7 = quotient 4, with 4 for remainder. This remainder denotes the fourth day of the week, which is Wednesday. In b.c. 747 the 26th of February was on Wednesday. Required the day of the week for February 23, b.c. 728: 728 -i- 28 = 26, no remainder; therefore year 28 of the cycle cor- responds to b.c. 728. Under 28, upper column (b.c.) and oppo- site February, is 3. Tuesday begins February in b.c. 728. 3 — 1 — 2 -j- 23 = 25 -p 7 = 3, quotient, and 4 remainder. Feb- ruary 23, b.c. 728, was on Wednesday. Required the day of the week for the 25th of December, a.d. 1890: 1890 -p 28 = 67, quotient, 14 remainder. Under 14, col- umn a.d., and opposite December, is found 7. From this sub- tract 5 days for the Gregorian year, and we get 2, Monday. December begins on Monday. 2 — 1 — 1 -j- 25 = 26 -p 7 = 3, quotient, 5 remainder, which denotes Thursday. December 25, a.d. 1890, is on Thursday. Note. — When the number to be subtracted is greater than that from which it is to be taken, increase the latter seven days, or one week, and then proceed. In the previous example, if the Gregorian correction of 5 days had not been subtracted from APPENDIX. 299 the 7, but left for the last operation, the final result Avould be the same, and the foregoing note will apply. 7 — 1 = 6-)- 25 =31 -=-7 = 4, quotient, 3 remainder, 3 — f- 7 = 10 — 5 = 5, Thursday. IV. ADVANCE OF TIIE SIDEREAL YEAR IN THE VAGUE YEAR. Years. Days. Hours. Minutes. Seconds. 1 6 9 9 2 12 18 19 3 18 27 28 4 i 0 36 37 5 l 6 45 47 6 l 12 64 56 7 l 19 4 5 8 2 1 13 15 9 2 7 22 24 10 2 13 31 33 20 5 3 3 7 30 7 16 34 40 40 10 6 6 14 80 20 12 12 28 120 30 18 18 42 160 41 0 24 56 320 82 0 49 52 480 123 1 14 47 510 130 17 49 28 540 138 10 24 8 1460 374 6 47 29 365 9 6 47 29 300 APPENDIX, V. ADVANCE OF THE TROPICAL IN THE VAGUE YEAR FOR FOUR HUNDRED AND FIFTY YEARS. CO CO CO CO Q PS ca ps PS PS PS PS PS PS PS PS P z < P P < P P < P Z w < o w < O « ◄ W < o w o w < w m a P a >* P B 1* p a P a P a a i 5 63 15 6 125 30 6 187 45 7 249 60 7 311 75 7 48 48 2 11 64 15 12 126 30 12 188 45 12 250 60 13 312 75 13 37 36 3 17 65 15 17 127 30 18 189 45 18 251 60 19 313 75 19 26 24 4 23 66 15 23 128 31 0 190 46 0 252 61 0 314 76 1 15 12 5 1 5 67 16 5 129 31 5 191 46 6 253 61 6 315 76 7 4 0 6 1 10 68 16 11 130 31 11 192 46 12 254 61 12 316 76 13 52 48 7 1 16 69 16 17 131 31 17 193 46 17 255 61 18 317 76 18 41 36 8 1 22 70 16 22 132 31 23 194 46 23 256 62 0 318 77 0 30 24 9 2 4 71 17 4 133 32 5 195 47 5 257 62 6 319 77 6 19 12 10 2 10 72 17 10 134 32 10 196 47 11 258 62 11 320 77 12 8 0 11 2 15 73 17 16 135 32 16 197 47 17 259 62 17 321 77 18 56 48 12 2 21 74 17 22 136 32 22 198 47 23 260 62 23 322 78 23 45 36 13 3 3 75 18 4 137 33 4 199 48 4 261 63 5 323 78 5 34 24 14 3 9 76 18 9 138 33 10 200 48 10 262 63 11 324 78 11 23 12 15 3 15 77 18 15 139 33 16 201 48 16 263 63 16 325 78 17 12 0 16 3 21 78 18 21 140 33 21 202 48 22 264 63 22 320 78 23 0 48 17 4 2 79 19 3 141 34 3 203 49 4 265 64 4 327 79 4 49 36 18 4 8 80 19 9 142 34 9 204 49 9 266 64 10 328 79 10 38 24 19 4 14 81 19 14 143 34 15 205 49 15 267 64 16 329 79 16 27 12 20 4 20 82 19 20 144 34 21 206 49 21 268 64 21 330 79 22 16 0 21 5 2 83 20 2 145 35 2 207 50 3 269 65 3 331 80 4 4 48 22 5 7 84 20 8 146 35 8 208 50 8 270 65 9 332 80 10 53 36 23 5 13 85 20 14 147 35 14 209 50 14 271 65 15 333 80 15 42 24 24 5 19 86 20 19 148 35 20 210 50 20 272 65 21 334 80 21 31 12 25 6 1 87 21 1 149 36 2 211 51 2 273 66 3 335 81 3 20 0 26 6 7 88 21 7 150 36 8 212 51 8 274 66 8 336 81 9 8 48 27 6 12 89 21 13 151 36 13 213 51 14 275 60 14 337 81 15 57 36 28 6 18 90 21 19 152 36 19 214 51 20 276 66 20 338 81 20 46 24 29 7 0 91 22 1 153 37 1 215 52 1 277 67 2 339 82 2 35 12 30 7 6 92 22 6 154 37 7 216 52 7 278 67 8 340 82 8 24 0 31 7 12 93 22 12 155 37 13 217 52 13 279 67 13 341 82 14 12 48 32 7 18 94 22 18 156 37 18 218 52 19 280 67 19 342 82 20 1 36 33 7 23 95 23 0 157 38 0 219 53 1 281 68 1 343 83 1 50 24 34 8 5 96 23 6 158 38 6 220 53 6 282 68 7 344 83 7 39 12 35 8 11 97 23 11 159 38 12 221 53 12 283 68 12 345 83 13 28 0 36 8 17 98 23 17 ICO 38 18 222 53 18 284 68 18 346 83 19 16 48 37 8 23 99 23 23 161 38 23 223 54 0 285 69 0 347 84 1 5 36 38 9 4 100 24 5 162 39 5 224 54 6 286 69 6 348 84 7 54 24 39 9 10 101 24 11 163 39 11 225 54 12 287 69 12 349 81 12 43 12 40 9 16 102 24 16 164 39 17 226 54 17 288 69 18 350 81 18 32 0 41 9 22 103 24 22 165 39 23 227 54 23 289 70 0 351 85 0 20 48 42 10 4 104 25 4 166 40 5 228 55 5 290 70 5 352 85 6 9 36 43 10 9 105 25 10 167 40 10 229 55 11 291 70 11 353 85 12 58 24 44 10 15 106 25 16 168 40 16 230 55 17 292 70 17 354 85 17 47 12 45 10 21 107 25 22 169 40 22 231 55 22 293 70 23 355 85 23 36 0 46 11 3 108 26 3 170 41 4 232 56 4 294 71 5 356 86 5 24 48 47 11 9 109 26 9 171 41 10 233 56 10 295 71 10 357 86 11 13 36 48 11 15 110 26 15 172 41 15 234 56 16 296 71 16 358 86 16 2 24 49 11 20 111 26 21 173 41 21 235 56 22 297 71 22 359 86 22 51 12 50 12 2 112 27 3 174 42 3 236 57 3 298 72 4 360 87 4 40 0 51 12 8 113 27 8 175 42 9 237 57 9 299 72 10 361 87 10 28 48 52 12 14 114 27 14 176 42 15 238 57 15 300 72 16 362 87 16 17 36 53 12 20 115 27 20 177 42 20 239 57 21 301 72 21 363 87 22 6 24 54 13 1 116 28 2 178 43 2 240 58 3 302 73 3 364 88 4 55 12 55 13 7 117 28 8 179 43 8 241 58 9 303 73 9 365 88 9 44 0 56 13 13 118 28 13 180 43 14 242 58 14 304 73 15 366 88 15 32 48 57 13 19 119 28 19 181 43 20 243 58 20 305 73 21 367 88 21 21 36 58 14 1 120 29 1 182 44 2 244 59 2 306 74 2 368 89 3 10 24 59 14 6 121 29 7 183 44 7 245 59 8 307 74 8 369 89 9 59 12 60 14 12 122 29 13 184 44 13 246 59 14 308 74 14 370 89 14 48 0 61 14 18 123 29 19 185 44 19 247 59 19 309 74 20 371 89 20 36 48 62 15 0 124 30 0 186 45 1 248 60 1 310 75 2 372 90 2 25 36 APPENDIX 301 ADVANCE OF THE TROPICAL IN THE VAGUE YEAR FOR FOUR HUN- DRED AND FIFTY YEARS (CONTINUED). j | • • • rr, CO 1 rr, CO rr, £ - as C6 « a a CO e: a P P p < < p < y. o C U c o a B a kH p ** P B £ rn 373 90 8 386 93 11 399 96 15 412 99 19 425 102 22 438 106 2 14 24 374 90 14 387 93 17 400 9G 21 413 100 0 426 103 4 439 106 8 3 12 375 90 20 388 93 23 401 97 3 414 100 6 427 103 10 440 106 13 52 0 376 91 1 389 94 5 402 97 8 415 100 12 428 103 16 441 106 19 40 48 377 91 7 390 94 11 403 97 14 416 100 18 429 103 21 442 107 1 29 36 ! 378 91 13 391 94 17 404 97 20 417 101 0 430 104 3 443 107 7 18 24 : 379 91 19 392 94 22 405 98 2 418 101 5 431 104 9 444 107 13 7 12 380 92 1 393 95 4 406 98 8 419 101 11 432 104 15 445 107 18 56 0 381 92 6 394 95 10 407 98 14 420 101 17 433 104 20 446 108 0 41 48 382 92 12 395 95 16 408 98 19 421 101 23 434 105 2 447 108 6 33 36 383 92 18 396 95 22 409 99 1 422 102 5 435 105 8 448 108 12 22 24 384 93 0 397 96 3 410 99 7 423 102 ii 436 105 14 449 108 18 11 12 385 93 6 398 96 9 411 99 13 424 102 1G 437 105 20 450 109 0 0 0 N.B.— The last two columns contain minutes and seconds. They follow the days Printed by J. B. Lippincott Company, Philadelphia. I