APR 21 1941 '^ :7 p4-b!3c^^. ////- -ti '/"/^ '^Ik) Q MEMOIRS ^APR 21 2941- ^ SIMON EPISCOPIUS, THE CELEBRATED PUPIL OF ARMINIUS. AND St'BSEQl'ENTI.Y DOCTOR OF TJIVINITY, AND PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OP LEYDEN : \V HO WAS CONDEMNED BY THK SYNOD OF DORT AS A DANGEROUS HERETIC, AND, WITH SEVERAL OTHER MINISTERS, WAS SENTENCED TO PERPETl'AI. BANISHMENT BY THE CIVIL AUTHORITIES OF HOLLAND, FOR HOLDING THE DOCTRINE OF GENERAL REDEMPTION: ro WHICH IS ADUBD, A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE SYNOD OF DORT THE SUFFERINGS TO WHICH THE FOLLOWERS OF ARMINIUS WERE EXPOSED, IN CONSEQUENCE OF THEIR ATTACHMENT TO HIS OPINIONS. BY FREDERICK CALDER. " Simon Episcopius, the disciple of Arniiniiis, was aflmirtd tvtu by his enemies, uii accuiint of the depth of his judgment, the extent of his learnini;, and the force of his eloquence." MUSHEIM. " The Calvinists now punished witli death those dissenters who had only followe. lOo. 126' CHAPTER V, should meet in their presence, for mutual explanation, to which the latter consented. But Geselius avoided it by various subterfuges, as stated by Limborch, which we deem it not necessary to record. The result was, the magistrates deposed him from his office, as a disturber of the public peace ; and he opened a barn, and preached to his adherents, whom he designated, with himself, the persecuted church.^ These separatists, in the following May, issued a paper, proposing the following question to other churches : Whether those that allow the Jive points of the Remonstrants ought to he esteemed as brethren, and suffered to continue in the ministry of the church. This was designed to try the state of feeling amongst the Contra- Remonstrants, who too fatally responded to the opinion it contained, and subsequently ]n'epared the way for its manifestation. About this time the magistrates and consistory of Utrecht, being fully apprized of the learning and extraordinary talents of Episcopius, which had been made so evident at the Ha- gue conference, became very desirous of securing him to preach amongst them; and accordingly, on the thirteenth of September, in the year 1611, they gave him a call to be- come one of their ministers. This invitation was very agree- able to him, and so far as regarded himself, he was disposed to accept of it : but anxious to behave in the most honour- * "One Geselius gave the magistrates of Rotterdam a great deal of trouble. They deposed him. He kept private meetings. U'hey then banish him. He refuses to obey. The magistrates publish a Manifesto to the people in viadication of their conduct. Geselius answers it in his own justification. In short, had Arianism prevailed at that time, there could not have been greater divisions in that church. Circular letters were bandy'd about, to exhort the people to separate from the communion of the Remonstrants. The Contra-Remonstrants called themselves, the church unjustly persecuted. They met privately in a barn at Rotterdam. The magistrates caused them to shut the barn ; but the Contra-Remonstrant party opened it again. Had the question been concerning the most essential points of the Christian Re- ligion, they could not have shown more warmth and zeal." — Le Vassor. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 127 uble manner lo the magistrates of Rotterdam, aud the jjeoi^le of Bleiswick, he agreed to comply with their wishes but only on these terms: — First, that they should secure the concurrence of the former, and afterwards that of the latter. They accordingly made applications to the magistrates, who, in the first instance, peremptorily refused to entertain the proposal. Nevertheless, as the citizens of Utrecht were perseveringly importunate, and would take no denial, they finally consented to their request on the following conditions : — First, that it be shewn that it was perfectly agreeable to Episcopius : secondly, that the consent of the members of his church be obtained and produced before them: thirdly, that in the event of his services being wanted at any time at Rotterdam, the people of Utrecht should, on application, give him up for that purpose : fourthly, that if a conference or disputation be appointed to be held at Rotterdam, similar to the one at the Hague, they should then have the right of appointing him to assist at the same : and, lastly, if at any time he was invited to the professor's chair at Leyden, in that case, the citizens of Utrecht should consider themselves bound to release him, in order that he might be free to ac- cept of it. Matters being thus arranged, the gentlemen from Utrecht, deputed to accomplish this business, hastened to Bleiswick, in company with some of the magistrates of Rotterdam, in order to induce the people of that village to give up Episco- pius to them, in order to his becoming their pastor. But the former were altogether opposed to the proposal, and no entreaties could induce them to comply with the request of the Utrechtians, who, after making many fruitless attempts to induce them to comply with their wishes, were forced to return without effecting their object. But though thus re- pulsed by the inhabitants of Bleiswick, yet as they had gained the concurrence of Episcopius aud the magistrates of Rot- terdam, they were sanguine in tlieir hopes of succeeding, 128 CHArTRR V. and therefore intended to make another effort to effect their purjjose, at a future period. But in the interim, a more im- portant call was made upon Episcopius, which completely cut off all their expectations. This was from the honourable curators of the university of Leyden, that he should discharge the duties of the important office of divinity professor in the college. His appointment to this eminent office, was in consequence of Gomarus, the colleague and violent opponent of his late master Arminius, relinquishing his professorship. And though he may not be considered as actually filling the vacated chair of this man, yet as Gomarus' relinquishment of it left Polyander alone in the university, to discharge the duties of theological teacher, it was deemed necessary to select another, to be his colleague in this important work. The curators having made choice of Episcopius, informed him of their decision, on the fifteenth of February, and on the twenty-third of the same month, he delivered his inaug- ural oration before the honourable curators, de optima regni Chrisii exstrucndi ratione.'^ Although it must be admitted that his appointment to this office, when he was only twenty- nine years of age was highly honourable to his talents and character, nevertheless, it was likewise exposing him to the envy of those, who, while they might be opposed to him on account of his theological views, would have that opposition strengthened, from the circumstance of his being placed in a situation, to which they might consider themselves entitled, either from their age, or acquirements, or other circumstances which they might suppose ought to have given them a claim before him of being selected to hold so eminent a station. Hence the opposite opinions adopted by the two parties who saw him placed in the theological chair. His enemies, it is true, admitted his extraordinary talents ; but that was only with the design of representing him as the more to be dreaded. * On the best means to be adopted fur the extension oC the kingdom of Chiist. See Ojicra Episcopii, vol. ii. p. 586. MKMOIIIS OF EPISCOPIUS. 129 " Hence Frederick Spanheiin, a man of great parts and learning," says Brandt, " and subsequently a professor, said, that Episcopius was a man of an acute genius, and armed with every thing that might serve to defend the worst of causes, and who because he was much esteemed by some of the greatest men in the government, was, for that reason, the more dangerous." The Remonstrants, on the contrary, hailed his appointment to the office under an impression, that, " on account of his being endowed with so much judg- ment and understanding, such learning and eloquence, piety, good temper, and discretion, something very great and good was to be expected from him for the benefit of the Reforma- tion and Christendom, if he did not meet with too much opposition." But this opposition, both as to its character and measures, soon manifested itself, to a degree that must have blighted all their hopes of anticipated good from this appointment. The professor Polyander, who upon the whole, was certainly one of the most amiable and liberal of the high Calvinists of that day, felt himself awkwardly situated with his new colleague. Some say, he objected to him on account of his theological sentiments, and others, that he was jealous of his talents and reputation. Be that as it may, he early showed his dis- approbation of the appointment, for when informed of it by the honourable curators, he said, " that he wished some other person, or at least that John Arnoldi Corvinus had been chosen instead of Episcopius. Nevertheless, since the curators had so determined, he hoped that they would al- ways bear in mind, that the business was begun and com- pleted without his knowledge or consent ; and this he could and always should assert. At the same time, he would ad- vise Episcopius to endeavour to live with him in peace and harmony, as he had heard that he was rather unsociable in his disposition, and fond of disputation and controversy. And this, he said, was dangerous ground, for learned men 130 CHAPTER V. could not easily brook con tempt.''''* How true this statement was, Polyander, at a subsequent period, gave decisive proofs, which we shall shortly have to notice. On the twenty-first of February Episcopius received his release from the church of Bleiswick, through the classis of Rotterdam, who accom- panied the same with the most flattering testimonials of their approbation of his conduct as a brother minister. During the delivery of his inaugural oration, certain noises were made by several of the students, which, though they were not very loud or of long continuance, were designed at once to interrupt and shew their disapprobation of the new professor, which, however, he disregarded, and proceeded to the close of his address, as though he had not heard them. Had these noises been made at any other time, it is most likely that the magistrates of Leyden and the Curators of the University had passed it over, as one of those freaks these young Dutch Boors, who like other young gentlemen, who enter similar seats of learning, for the purpose of acquiring an acquaintance with the higher branches of literature, and mixing with polished and well bred society, are in the habit of shewing off, merely for the purpose of proving, that they are not to be put under those restraints, under which it is necessary to place men who are either of plebeian birth, or limited education. Determined therefore to stop these col- legians in their proceedings, the magistrates in an assembly of the senate of the University, stated that they had been in- formed that some of the students had agreed to interrupt Episcopius, and therefore they gave it as their-opinion, that * In the index of Bayle an article is thus headed, "The Jealousy which reigns between your top preachers is equal to that of Poets," whicli refers to the following statement in the body of the work. " Perhaps there is nothing upon which jealousy can cause a greater alienation in men's minds than eloquence. I know not whether beauty or poetry ought to be excepted. Two famous preachers seldom love one another, and frequently quarrel to the utmost rupture. 'Tis much if they can conceal their jealousy, and keep fair with the teeth outward." MEMOIRS OF EPISCOriLS. 131 an order ought to be published to forbid it. With this pro- posal the academical senate readily concurred. On the twen- ty-eighth of February Episcopius read his first college lecture on Rom, i. 16, in the presence of the Curators, the Rector Magnilicus, and several Professors. On this occasion some slight noise was heard, but it was only of very short conti- nuance, and at the delivery of two other lectures on the same subject, the most profound silence was observed, and he was ever after heard with the utmost attention and respect. Episcopius' situation as Professor of Theology was render- ed difficult from two circumstances, his youth, and the agi- tated state of the church in connexion with the conflicting of party feeling. But that which was wanting to him in years, was more than counterbalanced, says Limborch, by the extent of his learning, the force of his genius, the sound- ness of his judgment, and indefatigable perseverance, which rendered the duties of his station comparatively light and easy to him ; while his prudence and circumspection ena- bled him to avoid the adoption of measures, that would bring upon him the reprehension of any, save those, of whom there were too many, who were constantly upon the watch to seek occasions of charging him with being unsound in his doctrines, and heretical in his instructions. Amongst these persons must be classed Festus Hommius, whom we find, immediately after Episcopius had entered on the duties of his office, waiting upon him, and congratulating him on his elevation, but with what sincerity we shall afterwards see. This man in his feigned congratulations expressed his great pleasure at his appointment to the divinity chair, say- ing, at the same time, that he had much rather see him placed there than any other person, because he knew that both he and his two brothers were men of amiable and peaceable dispositions. The following circumstance, as given by Episcopius' biographer, will shew the state of feeling cherished on the 132 CHAPTER V. part of several of the Calvinist clergy towards tlie Remon- strants and the effect which their violent pulpit harangues produced upon the people. During the week of Easter, Episcopius, in company with Nicholaus Grevinchovius and John Corvinus, paid a visit to Amsterdam. The news of their arrival was soon reported through the city. During their stay, they went to hear both Plancius and Triglandius preach. On both occasions a vast concourse of people crowded round them ; some merely gazed at them, while others w^ere unable to restrain themselves, and both in the streets and the churches behaved to them in the most indecent and scornful manner.* A few days after, they were joined by Uitenbogaerdt ; and the whole were invited by the Heer Brasser to dine with him, who also invited the following city ministers, Plancius, Ja- cob Rolandus, and Le Maire to meet them. Rolandus de- clined accepting the invitation, saying, that he was engaged elsewhere. Plancius and Le Maire in the first instance promised to meet them, but afterwards declined, assigning the following reason for so doing, " that they could not dine with such disturbers of the church, without giving great offence to their congregations." We have no comment to make on such conduct, but leave it to speak for itself; only we ^^^ould just remind the reader of what he has already been made acquainted with, namely, that Episcopius, at this time, was professor of theology, and, that Uitenbogaerdt was chaplain to Prince Maurice, and, as a preacher at the court of the Hague, was constantly exciting, by his sermons, the admiration of one of the most splendid congregations in Europe : and one would, therefore, have supposed, that the eminence of their station, talents, and learning, w^ould have * "The most learned amongst the Arminians were exposed to the impreca- tions of the populace. You may judge if they spared Episcopius, whose abilities were eminently known. He was insulted at Amsterdam, both at church and in the street." — Bayle. MEMOIRS OF KPISCOPIUS. 183 prompted these men at least to show them the marks of common decency and civility ; but, it is probable, that their very eminence was the ground of their offence, while the conduct of these Amsterdam ministers may be ti'aced, with apparent justice, to those feelings of jealousy stated by Bayle in the note on page 130. Another specimen of the violence of party feeling is stated by Limborch, as manifested by the French and Walloon ministers against Episcopius, in the circumstance of its being debated in the synod of the French minister^, whether the young Gallic students, sent to the University of Leyden, should be allowed to attend his theological lectures. It was, however, finally left to the prudent management of Daniel Colonius, regent of the French college, who, it appears, so managed the business, as not to suffer the wishes of the more rigid of these ministers to be acted upon, who proposed withdrawing the yoimg men from hearing the lectures of Episcopius. But whilst these students were allowed to attend his theological instructions, they would evidently see he was suspected of heterodoxy by their elders, and that to select any thing which could bring home the charge of it upon him, would be acceptable to these divines. This state of things naturally led the young men to enter the university in the character of spies, rather than as pupils to hear and receive instruction ; the result of which was soon evident. In proceeding with the duties of his professorship, Epis- copius entered upon an exposition of the second and third chapters of the Book of Revelation, making as the ground of his lectures, the epistles they contain, as sent to the churches of Ephesus, Smynia, Sardis, and Philadelphia. Shortly after he had begun his remarks on the letter to the church of Smyrna, a French student spread a report through the university, that Episcopius had explained the words, / am the first and the last, with other subjects in his lecture. 134 CHAPTER V. according to the mode usually made use of by Socinus; tlie proofs of which he arranged under ten articles, each con- taining points on Avhich he asserted that Episcopius had departed from the orthodox standard of interpretation, and approached towards that which was adopted by Socinus. Episcopius having obtained a copy of these articles, drew up a refutation of each in succession, intending to make it public, if he should deem it necessary. The rumour of this affair found its way to Abraham Schul- tetus, professor in the university of Heidelberg, who, when accompanying the Count Palatine in his journey to England, and staying at the Hague, had an interview with Episcopius and Uitenbogaerdt, when he stated that he had heard the re- port in question. Episcopius expressed himself obliged to him, as he had furnished him with an opportunity of vindi- cating himself from the charge, which he having done, Schul- tetus declared that he was perfectly satisfied with his state- ment of the case, adding, at the same time, " that he the more readily believed it, from the circumstance of the lec- tures being delivered extemporaneously, on which account it was more difficult to escape the suspicion of those who were constantly on the watch to seek occasion of it, as he had proved in his own case about ten years since at Hei- delberg. The conversation then turned upon the painful disputes that existed in the church of the Low Countries. This was continued in the most amicable manner for some time, Schul- tetus recommending them to adopt such measures as would tend to restore peace in the church. Uitenbogaerdt and Episcopius then gave a lengthened account of the means they had adopted to accomplish so desirable an object, ex- pressing, at the same time, their perfect willingness to con- cur in any measure likely to effect it. They produced like- wise facts, to prove the perfect disinclination of the Contra- Reraonstrants to come to any terms of peace with them. MEMOIRS OF EPisropirs. 135 Not long after this, Episcopius had an interview with the French student, who spread the above report concerning liini, and entered fully into a refutation of the articles which he had publicly shown in the university to his injury. The young man on this occasion expressed his concurrence with the remarks of Episcopius, who exhorted him, at the same time, "to conduct himself hereafter more pnidently and peace- fully; adding, that such rash and unfounded suspicions were detrimental to peace, and could not be tolerated ; that it was his duty to have spoken to him in the first instance, before he had so carelessly and unjustly spread abroad his scruples." The student frankly acknowledged his fault, and declaimed his deep regret at the circumstance, admitting that "by his conduct he had rashly disturbed the peace of the university, and that, in the future, he intended to act more prudently, and pi-omised that, wherever he had been the cause of excit- ing suspicion in the mind of any person against Episcopius, he would endeavour, as for as possible, to remove it." The reader must already have been convinced that Episco- pius' situation was a very precarious one. Suspicion, jealousy, and envy were constantly on the alert to bring him into dis- credit among the people, and neither his labours in the uni- versity, nor the quiet of retirement were exempt from the at- tacks of enmity and bigotry, as the following case will prove. During this year, says Limborch, there intruded ujion Episcopius, first two, and then four persons, natives of Flanders, but then residing at Leyden, who unceremoniously and abiTiptly asked him, " whether he had declared that his views were in accordance with those of the New Jesuits, excepting as to the use of ceremonies, and the doctrine of transubstanliation." Episcopius not wishing to appear rude to these persons, by refusing to reply to their questions, answered, " certainly not ; nevertheless, I am free to say, that on the subject of predestination, I accord with some of the Jesuits, but upon all other points relating to Popery, I 136 CHAPTER V. have precisely the same sentiments as the Contra-Remon- strants." Could it have been thought, that a matter like this, so trifling in itself, would ever be noticed as a circum- stance of a very grave and suspicious character ? But so it was ! for after the lapse of four years, it was made the occa- sion of fixing a foul calumny upon Episcopius, which was widely spread in the States of Holland, through the medium of pamphlets and other publications ; yea, Plancius did not scruple to declare from the pulpit at Amsterdam, " that Episcopius had said in the presence of eight witnesses, that he held the same doctrines as the Jesuits, and that while he was at Antwerj), Brussels, and Louvain, he had visited them, and had been upon strict terms of friendship with them;" and other assertions of a similar kind. And when called upon to give proofs of what he had thus publicly advanced, he merely referred to the testimony of the publications al- ready alluded to, in vindication of his statements. Shameful and wanton as was such conduct of this wholesale libeller, whose insults formerly tended to hurry Arminius to an early grave, it was only the prelude to fouler attacks upon the character and opinions of the subject of these memoirs. MEMOIRS OF EPiscorius. 137 CHAPTER VI. In the year 1013, a circumstance occurred to Episcopius, with which we should not be disposed to trouble the reader, were it not, that it may serve to shew the state of party feel- ing in Holland at the time it took place. Being solicited by his brother Egbert, to stand sponsor or wdtncss at the baptism of his first child, but apprehending that, if he con- curred with his request, he might be annoyed by Plancius the minister of Amsterdam, who has before been named as the violent opposer of Arminianism, and of those who had embraced it, he therefore deemed it proper to decline attending at the ceremony. That he had just grounds for believing that this might be the case, a statement of the following fact, as it took place with Uitenbogaerdt, will suflSciently prove. This gentleman, being present as a witness on the occasion of the baptism of his son's child, the minister Plancius, instead of putting the question to the father and Uitenbogaerdt, according to the formulary drawn up for that purpose in the synod of 1586, which asks, " whether they did not acknowledge the doctrine contained in the Old and New Testaments, and in the articles of the Christian faith, and accordingly taught in the Christian church, to be the complete doctrine of salvation r" he artfully changed the question, so as to ask them, " if they did not acknowledge that the doctrine there taught^ and contained in the Old and New Testaments, and in the articles of the Christian faith, was the true and ix'rfect doctrine of salva- tion r" Uitenbogaerdt, not aware of this piece of trickery, K 138 CHAPTER VI. answered, Yes. Scarcely had he got out of the church, be- fore he found out his mistake, in as much as he was laughed at and taunted as he passed through the streets, as being an apostate Remonstrant, by Plancius' friends, who, instead of being checked by the age, the talents, and the station of this distinguished minister, seemed, on the contrary, to enjoy the gross pleasure that this artifice had afforded them of making him the butt of their indecent jokes and mockery. This venerable man complained to this clergyman of liis conduct, as he also did to the magistrates, the latter of whom engaged to prevent any thing of the kind occurring in future. It cannot be matter of surprise, that Episcopius should feel reluctant to place himself in a situation, which would render him liable to similar attempts at deception ; and he could not be persuaded to comply with the request of his brother, till the latter promised him that the baptism should be deferred, till Plancius' turn for preaching had passed, and Heyden's should commence, who was considered a more ami- able man than the former, and had always made use of the for- mulary as it stood in the book, which ought to be used on the occasion. The way appearing tolerably clear, he finally con- sented to be present at the ceremony, and went to the church for that purpose. After the sermon, they approached the font ; and though Hey den must have been aware, that the magistrates had declared that the alteration of the formulary by Plancius, in the case of Uitenbogaerdt, should not be allowed again, yet he could not resist the inclination he felt to tease the young Remonstrant professor, seeing that he had him, as he thought, in his power ; and at once playing the part of Plancius, he asked him, " whether he did not own all that was contained in the Old and New Testaments, and in the articles of the Christian faith, and what was taught there, to be the true and perfect doctrine of salvation?" After all that had been said in favour of Heyden, and of his using the formulary M'ithoul varying it, Episcopius was not so put ofll" MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. • 139 his guard by it, as to be insensible of the change he had made, and therefore, intending to avoid the dilemma into which Uitenbogaerdt had fallen, took care to answer in a loud tone, " Yes ! — but as it is expressed in the formulary, that has the word accordingly inserted in it." So said his brother, and some gentlemen who were standing by, whom they did not know; adding, that they would bear witness, any where and every where, to his answer. This was too much for Heyden, who being defeated in his design, kindled into anger, and began to use the most abusive language, calling him a bold, pre- sumptuous, and impudent fellow. Episcopius merely replied "that if he were not satisfied with the answer he had given, he would withdraw, and not assist at the baptism." The ceremony, however, was completed, and he bowed courte- ously to Heyden and five other ministers who were present on the occasion, but they refused to return the compliment. These gentlemen, it appears, had promised themselves a treat, for such an assembly of them, it is remarked, was quite unusual in the church, but being grievously disap- pointed at Episcopius' answer, they did not know how to suppress their chagrin and mortification. Their conduct, however, acted as a signal to the people, of their disapproba- tion of him, and following the hint, they furiously as- sailed him in the church with the most violent and insulting language ; even the dog-whipper seized hold of him, which was witnessed by these ministers without their interference ; and though he returned to the place where they were stand- ing, for the purpose of justifying himself, they only treated him with scorn. " Tndeed," says he, in writing to Uitenbo- gaerdt, and giving an account of this affair, " when I went to them to vindicate myself, and endeavour to induce them to allay the excitement, I found them in such a temper, that after they had heard me, they treated me as rudely as the people had done, who, if they had known wliat had passed between us, would have used us much worse than they did, 140 CHAPTER VI, but, as it was, they saw enovigli to satisfy them that they had the ministers on their side, in the treatment they shewed to me and my friends, and they fell upon us more furiously than before, and began to prepare to stone us as we got into the streets, and I can only attribute it to the special interfe- rence of the restraining power of God, that we were not se- riously hurt, if not actually murdered by this infuriated people." This circumstance, which happened on the second of April, excited the attention of the magistrates of Amsterdam, who, on the following day, summoned Episcopius before them, not with the most kindly feelings, in order that they might make enquiries into this affair, supposing him to hav^e been the occasion of the late tumult. This was done, in all probabi- lity, at the suggestion of the Amsterdam ministers, who were so much opposed to him, and with the design of bring- ing upon him the displeasure of these gentlemen, who had hitherto been his friends and patrons. When he appeared in their presence, he was charged by them, "as having acted very imprudently in going to the baptism of his brother's child, after he knew what had happened to Uitenbogaerdt in the same circumstances, inasmuch as he might have supposed that something of a similar kind would occur to him, and therefore he ought to have gone to the minister, and reques- ted him to use such a formulary as he could have answered to without any scruples, or when thus interrogated, it had been better if he had been silent, than by replying as he did, be the occasion of so much tumult." To these remarks Episcopius said, that " he certainly thought that there would not have been a recurrence of what took place in the case of Uitenbogaerdt, for the following reasons : — first, because Plancius had been reproved for it, both by the magistrates and the consistory, which must have been known to Hey den ; and secondly, that as Hey den was not considered to be so captious in his temper as Plancius, MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 141 he had therefore waited till it was his turn to officiate at the public service, the mure especially, as, since the affair of Uitenbogaerdt, he had invaiiably used the formu- lary as it stood in the books appointed to be used on the occasion." On the second point, he observed, " suppose I had been silent, how could they have proceeded with the baptism ? Besides, my silence would have been inter- preted into approval. The fact is, gentlemen, I could but do as I did, for had I not spoken, then they would say of me what they do of Uitenbogaerdt, whom they call a dumb dog, and one who dare not speak his sentiments, when an opportunity is offered to him for that purpose. And, indeed, I am not certain that the same tumult had not taken place if I had been silent." " Be it so," it was replied, " but one thing is certain, that the way in which you did answer was the cause of its taking place." " True," said Episcopius, " but that was occasioned by Heyden's not ad- mitting that he meant his question to be in accordance with the printed formulary." " But pray," said a burgomaster, " ought you to expect others to accommodate their senti- ments to yours? or alterations to be made to please you?" " Sir," said Episcopius, " I ask for none, because I want none; I only require that changes and novelties may not be imposed upon me. I do not wish Heyden to do any thing against his conscience, but by the same rule he ought to respect mine, and to have presented the question as it was agreed upon in the synod of 158(5, and printed and placed in the pulpit for general use on such occasions." As several of the burgomasters still insisted that he ought to have been silent, he said, " Gentlemen, since you continue to assert that I ought have been silent, I beg leave to ask your hon- ours, whether you consider the answer I returned to Hey- den's question in the character of a crime, or whether a more reasonable or Christian reply could have been given, than that which admitted the doctrine taught there as a re- 142 CHAPTER VI. formed church, to be true, so far as it was in accordance with the word of God ; and as this was my meaning, why should an answer implying this, be considered as offensive and wTong? And I would further state, that I do admit that doctrines are taught there which, in my judgment, are not in accordance with truth ; nevertheless I do not wish it to be understood that I intended to assert, or insinuate by my answer, that the fundamentals of Christianity are not taught in that church : and answer the question, as it was proposed to me, I could not with satisfaction to my con- science, without such a limitation." " But," said one of the burgomasters," if you had no objection to what was contained in the catechism or doctrine of the church, you would have found no difficulty in giving your answer to the question in the affirmative." To this Episcopius I'eplied, " sir, I have given no man reason to say that I have any ob- jection to the catechism ; my answer did not regard what is contained in it, but what is taught in that church, and surely I may demur at the particular opinions of any man or number of men, without disavowing the catechism or funda- mental doctrines of our holy religion. There is an essential difference between admitting the truth of what is contained in the catechism, and what is taught by those who arrogantly and exclusively wish to be considered as being orthodox."* One of the burgomasters then said, " Hey den declared he did not know that he had not expressed himself according the formulary of 1586; — and moreover, he asserted * The Calvinist clergy at the Synod of Dort, in altering the formulary used at the baptism of infants, took care so to construct it, as to secure an admis- sion from the parents and witnesses, that what was taught in their churches was the true and perfect doctrine of salvation, as will be seen by the manner in which it was worded after the alteration. The second question of the formulary runs thus :—C>f Qf)j) tJf Iffrc "Hit ill 't 0\(iSt sntst iJirutDP SCfS- tamnit, enlir in lie Strtijcfeclrn lirs Cljrisldirlun ©doofs tcgrcpfn i9, entre in Ur . 162 CHAPTER VII. cation with Festus, for the purpose of submitting to his notice, with kindly and patriotic soUcitude, their plans for the promotion of charity, concord, and toleration ; and who left nothing untried in attempting to turn him from strife, and win him to measures of amity and peace ; and whose solicitude to accomplish their object, prompting them to watch his countenance, and mark his designs, were enabled to decipher and interpret the secret workings of his soul, are constrained universally to admit, that his heart, as though encased in oak and brass, was impervious to every attempt to bring him to measures of peace, while the deceptiveness of his character placed him before them, as being not only capable of, but actually versed in all the arts of Grecian fraud and deceit.* Supported by the clamour and passions of the mob, he availed himself of the power his influence w'ith them gave him, and,reckless of the consequences, like a knight armed cap-a-pie, and surrounded by daring spirits, he wantonly trampled on the rights, the privileges, and the happiness of others. Malignant in his passions, and foul in his purposes, he, nevertheless, wished to veil the whole of his proceedings under the mask of religion, (of the genuineness of which it belongs not to us, but God to judge,) yet by his secret and impious plans, he was constantly labouring to frus- trate the peaceful measures and edicts of the government, and in opposition to the prayers and entreaties of every good man, he ceased not till he had succeeded in raising the stan- dard of schism and revolt in Leyden, a city, which from its * " Cui robur et aes triplex Circum pectus erat." " Quique dolis instructus et arte Pelasga." The classical reader will recollect that the former of these passages, is from Horace, Book i. Ode iii. line 9, and the latter from the (E^ieidof Viryil, Book ii. line 132, but are altered by Episcopius, to accommodate them to his representation of the character of Festus Hommius. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOnUS. being the seat of an miivevsity, was looked upon as the North-star of Holland ; nor would he desist till he accom- plished that, which however it yielded pleasure to him, was a source of grief to others, because it operated to bring upon our country the most heavy calamities. Though caressed by the dregs of the populace, whose passions he had ex- cited, and whom he had enlisted on his side for the purpose of executing his base designs, yet, by the virtuous, and those who most loved our country, he was looked upon with aversion and disgust. Subtle, crafty, deceptive, and Pro- teus-like, he could assume a thousand forms to deceive and betray. His words and acts were constantly at variance with each other, and when detected in his proceedings, and charged with deception and falsehood, he would stand re- morseless and without a blush, as though his countenance were covered with the thick hide of an elephant ; while his unabating perseverance in accomplishing his deeds of wrong proved him to be ^i KpaT€^») ^ph<; rje c/S/j^o?, unbending as oak, and impenetrable as iron. With him, fidelity, truth, can- dour, honour, and integrity, were never to be found ; and on this account he became odious to the nobles and governors of our country. The mob was his strength, be- cause he knew how to act on their passions, and which, had he chosen, he could have easily subdued into a calm, but his virtue was not equal to the consequent sacrifice, for in so doing, he would have lost his power, and his designs would have been frustrated. Such was the man whom you compliment, whose character, thus given, all but universal testimony will corroborate.* * The character of Festus, thus given by Episcopius, was occasioned by Camero's appealing to his testimony in proof of his sentiments on the free- dom of the will, being in accordance with those of the synod of Dort. On this occasion Camero chooses to pass a high eukigium on this man, at the expense of the Remonstrants, when Episcopius deemed it due to himself and friends to make the ab<.ve statement. He considered him, and not with- 164 CHAPTER VIJ. Lest the character of this person, as given by Episcopius, should be thought to be the effect of mere passion and pre- judice, we beg leave to state the following facts, in justifica- tion of the representation thus made of the principles and conduct of this man. To his care was committed the pre- paring of the second edition of the posthumous works of the two professors, Trelcatius junior and senior. The trust thus reposed in him, he ought to have felt as binding him faith- fully to give the opinions of these writers, and to state the facts as they were related by them ; but instead of this, he basely altered and misrepresented them, without the slight- est remark or notice, intending thei'eby, of course, to impose upon the unwary reader, his own falsities for the statements of these departed professors. The deceptiveness, however, of this proceeding was soon discovered, when his edition of these writings was compared with the one that had been previously published ; yet, when detected, we do not learn that he made any apology, or evinced the slightest degree of shame on account of this dishonourable transaction. In a similar way, as already stated, he treated Episcopius, by obtaining his private and public disputations, as they were copied down by the divinity students, who attended out reason, the principal cause of their calamities, and he adds, that the Re- monstrants, knowing him to be intent upon their ruin, could not acknow- ledge the synod of Dort as an equitable tribunal, to decide upon their cause, while he was the great promoter and director of all its measures. In adver- ting to the terms of complacency in which Camero speaks of Festus, Episco- pius wittily remarks, " Laudaverat ille te prior ; videri potes vicera ei repen- dere ; et sane rependis non sine usura. Vide, Camero, ne tibi dicatur quod solet. Mutuum mult scabunt." And then adds, " Si enim vir iste non in- terfuit modo, sed poene praefuit synodo, jam certe is, quern capitalissimum hostem eorum fuisse constat, sedit in synodo poene praecipuus judex ipso- rum, quod unum fuit ex praecipuis illis capitibus, de quibus couquerebantur in synodo, et propter quae se synodum caus^ suje judicem agnoscere non pos- se bona conscientia protestabantur : quae certe nemo non debet fateri fuisse justissima, si inter istos poene prjecipuus sedit ac praefuit Festus Hommius. — Epifitojiii Opera, vol. i. p. 221. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 166 them; and although he must have known that these, when taken in this manner, even by young men of the greatest acquirements, would inevitably be inaccurate, yet from such sources as these it was that he ventured to publish them, and from which, thus imperfectly given, the synod of Dort pronounced upon his opinions, and those taught by the Remonstrants, which were considered by the members of that assembly, as not being included in the five points. Nay he went so far in his misrepresentations of Episcopius' theses, that even Bayle admits, that he not only completely altered the sense of some of them, but gave them in so in- correct a manner, as to make them appear as containing the most palpable contradictions. Against this disgraceful mode of proceeding, Episcopius published a vindication of himself and his opinions, in a work entitled Optima Jides Festi Hommii^ in which he gives in one column his theses as com- posed and delivered by himself, and then in the other, those pretended to be his, as they were represented by Hommius. This was done with the design of disabusing the foreign di- vines who had been imposed upon by Festus' tract, which had been published for the purpose of prejudicing them against Episcopius and the Remonstrants, that they might the more readily concur in the condemnation designed to be passed upon them by Hommius and his Dutch Calvanislic clerical breth- ren. Can it therefore be matter of surprise, that our professor when speaking of the Synod of Dort, should be unwilling to allow it to be a proper tribunal, to decide upon his opinions and those of the Remonstrants, while, according to his statement already quoted, inter istos poene prcecipuus sedit ac proefuit Festus Hommius, and thus as a leading member and prime mover of all its proceedings, was seen to be sedu- lously and treacherously endeavouring to effect their ruin. And yet this was the very man to whom our James presen- ted a piece of plate, for the measures he adopted to accom- plish such an object. This conduct was, however, fearfully 166 CHAPTER VII. visited upon his successor, when the spirit that animated such a man as Festus, gave directions to the ruling party in England.* We shall now give a few extracts from the conference alluded to, which, in connexion with other statements to be presented to the reader, while they may dispose him to admit the correctness of the portraiture thus drawn of Hom- mius, will likewise serve to shew on what grounds he, and those who acted with him, charged Arminius, Episcopius, his brother ministers, and through them the Remonstrants at the Synod of Dort with Socinianism. Episcopius being summoned by the magistrates and cu- * Another of these worthies, who played a prominent part at this synod, was Sibrandus, whose name has already made a eonspicuous appearance in these pages, as disputing with and being vanquished by Episcopius. We are aware that an apology is due to the reader for the the introduction of his name here, but it is hoped that the following statement will be received as such. We have recently been indebted to Mr. Nichols, for the loan of several Dutch publications, presented to him by different Remonstrant ministers, who had obtained copies of his translation of Arminius' Works. Of these we intend to make a liberal use in the following pages. One of them bears the following title, Lofreden op Simon Episcopius, or, A Pane- gyric on the Character of Simon Episcopius. This was delivered in Latin by John Konijnenburgh, in the Remonstrant church at Amsterdam, on the 23rd of November, 1790, on his induction into the office of professor of divinity and ecclesiastical history, at the seminary of the Remonstrants; and subse- quently translated by him and published in Dutch, and which contains the following note, explanatory of the conduct of Sibrandus towards Episcopius, as mentioned in these memoirs at page 77, commencing at the sixth line. Sibrandus, mortified at the success of Episcopius and his own discomfiture, devised the following measures to ruin him. Secretly calling together three or four of the students in whom he could confide, he unfolded his nefarious purpose to them, which was as follows : — they were to invite him, with ap- parent friendship, to sup with them, and, if possible, to make him drunk ; and, in the event of succeeding, were to sally out and break the windows of the neighbouring houses, and by other riotous means create a row. The cap- tain of the night-watch, who was also let into the secret, was requested to seize only upon Episcopius, and conduct him before the magistrates, as a MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 167 rators to appear before them, they informed him, " that it had been stated to them by a most respectable gentleman, that he had recently introduced some novel and singular doctrines into the university, during the discussion of one of his theses ; and that his manner of instruction bore a strik- ing resemblance to that adopted by the Socinians, and that it was easy to be gathered from the mode of his treating the above thesis, that he did not believe in the resurrection of the dead." To these charges the professor replied, " that he was not aware that he had introduced novelties into the college ; and as to his adopting a Socinian mode of teach- ing, he denied it in toto ; while as to the third — that of his drunken student and disturber of the peace of the city. This being done, Sibrandus, as one of the heads of the university, was to propose his expulsion from the college, and in this way disqualify him from entering the ministry. Happily for Episcopius, his apprehensions of these young men having some evil design upon him were soon excited, by the manner in which they showed their solicitude to fill his glass ; and rising from the table as if to retire but for a few minutes, and leaving his cloak behind, to prevent all suspicion of his intention not to return, he escaped, and instantly made his way to his lodgings. In this manner he frustrated the infernal machinations of this professor. Some years after, the captain of the night-watch, who was thus let into the secret, and was called upon to play his part in this infamous transaction, had a son who was a student under Sibrandus, whom the latter treated with great injustice. The father, in the way of retribution, exposed the whole affair, and in this way it was made known even to Episcopius himself some time after. This account, Limborch, for some reasons best known to himself, did not choose to insert in his memoirs of Episcopius, though he had previously stated it in a letter, written in Latin, to a certain learned Englishman, named Oliver Doiley, Slember of King's College, bear- ing date, April the twentieth, 1684, and from which, says Konijnenburgh, we have taken the above statement. In holding up such men as Hommius and Sibrandus to public reproba- tion, as prime actors at the Synod of Dort, we do not intend to identify with them, and their conduct, the whole of the members of that assembly. Many of the foreign divines were amiable, pious men, and merely attended there at the dictate of their sovereigns, who, in assisting by their proxies to procure the condemnation of the Remonstrants, secretly sought to serve some political purpose of their own, while they publicly appeared only to be serving Prince Maurice. 168 CHAPTER vir. not believing in the resurrection of the body — he said it was so gross and foul a calumny, that he thought it could not be believed by any reasonable person, much less by any truly religious man. Nevertheless, he said, as his lectures were open to the public, and were frequently attended by several of the clergy, from whence it is probable these charges have originated, it would at once be the better way to send for the person who dared to make them, in order that he might confront him, and answer them before their honours." The burgomasters and curators seeing Episcopius so solicitous to meet his accuser, thought it due to him that the person should be sent for who had made these statements to the senator Grotenhuis, and knowing the busy and meddling disposition of Hommius, they suspected that the affair originated with him, and immediately agreed to send for him ; and when he arrived, they asked him, " if he had said to the Heer Grotenhuis, that Episcopius, while discussing his thesis on De convenientia et discrimine Veteris ac Novi Testamenti, had made use of terms which shewed that he who adopted them might justly be suspected of Socinianism, and that in a little time the university would be completely socinianized ? " The subject being brought before Hommius in this form, he found it impossible to evade giving some- thing like a direct answer, and said, " that he certainly had made a declaration to that effect," but added, at the same time, in character with himself, " that he had assured that gentleman, that he was perfectly satisfied with the disputa- tion itself" The Curators and Burgomasters, however, declared, " that the above statement was unaccompanied with any such qualifying remarks." But as Festus still protested in asserting this to be the case, these gentlemen, of course, had too much respect for the clerical profession, to say they believed the contrary. He was then introduced into the presence of Episcopius, to whom it was said by Vander Myle, " that Festus Hommius had made certain MEMOIRS OF EPisconus. 169 declarations relative to the instructions he gave in the uni- versity, wliicli, if true, would ])e injurious to his reputation; and they had therefore sent for him to make his own state- ments of the case to Episcopius himself." Festus, thus situated, found there was no way of escape, and accordingly repeated so much, and in the form he thought proper, of the conversation he had had with the senator Grotenhuis ; stating " that he certainly did understand Episcopius to intimate, that no other result was to arise from the resurrection of Christ, beyond that of its furnishing us with motives to for- sake sin and seek holiness : and, moreover, he was inclined to believe, that his mode of teaching was perfectly novel in the university, and dissimilar to that generally used by our doctors, and approached to the method adopted by the So- cinians." To these charges Episcopius replied, " that he wished Festus, when he had noticed any thing in his theses or disputations which he thought to be wrong, had named his objections to him, before he mentioned them to persons who, from the eminence of their station, might, by giving publicity to them, greatly injure his character at Amsterdam, and likewise destroy his ministerial usefulness in other places. " Charity," he said, " demanded that thus he ought to have acted ; while the prudence of such a mode of proceed- ing must be obvious, in as much as it was possible, that in an interview with him he might have explained what appeared objectionable, so as to have removed all his scruples ; but since Festus had not chosen to act so honourable and Chris- tian a part, he should proceed to meet the charges he alleged against him. "As to the ninth thesis, in which he treated of the glorious resurrection of Jesus Christ, he was utterly surprised that any one should infer from it, that he did not believe in the resurrection of the body ; the more especially as he had, during the discussion of it, distinctly stated, that one of the most powerful motives by which we could be ])rompted to M 170 CHArXER VII. live a holy and devoted life, was that which might be de- rived from the fact, that all the members of Christ's body, which is the church, should finally be united to him, and raised through his power, from death to eternal life. And he would put it to Festus himself to say, whether he thought it possible to present a more powerful argument to induce a person to consecrate himself to God and Christian truth, than the one thus deducible from this subject." To this he replied, " he believed there was not ; never- theless," he added, " that he did understand Episcopius as intending to intimate, that no other effect would arise from the resuiTection of Christ, beyond that of its exciting us to forsake sin, and seek holiness." Episcopius here expressed his surprise at this statement, and said " that he did not see how it was possible that his words could be understood as conveying such a meaning, much less that it could be sup- posed that he held such a doctrine."* Festus then said, " Gentlemen, I am satisfied with this declaration of the pro- fessor," adding, just like himself, "that he indeed was not offended with the thesis, but his kinsman Herman Kucklinus." Episcopius then proceeded to the next charge, that of his having introduced novelties into the university ; which he denied, on the ground of his thesis being copied nearly ver- batim from the works of Arminius, who was formerly pro- fessor in this university, and had there taught the sentiments which he had advanced. To this Festus replied, " that it was no proof that his theses were not novel or heterodox, * And yet it appears that such an opinion had been spread amongst the people, since we find that Popius, a Remonstrant minister, says in his pre- face to a work called De Enye Poorte, or, The Straight Gate, which consists of certain sermons published by him, and highly spoken of by Episcopius and Grotius, " that those who will read them will see how the Remonstrants have been unjustly and falsely charged with denying the resurrection of the dead. We, on the contrary," he adds, " preach true holiness, and hope for a resurrection, and life everlasting." — Brandt, vol. ii. p. 26. Historie der Remonstrant en, door Jacohuft llecjonhoor) Ecrste, deel hi. 158. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 171 because they Avere either taken from or founded on the writings of Arminiiis, in as much as there were several things in them, which, in his opinion, were not only questionable, but induced him, as well as others, to sus- pect him of heterodoxy." To which the professor made an- swer, " that he should hesitate, before he admitted that Fcs- tus could point out any thing in the writings of Arminius, that could fairly be charged wdth heterodoxy, and for the following reason, that he and his friends had already spared no pains in examining his works, and more than once had pointed out what they supposed to be heterodox, for the purpose of fixing a stigma upon his memory, and through him assailing the Remonstrants ; and therefore, if any thing more could be detected as erroneous in them, it woukl have been done long since, and made known to the public." This Festus denied, by saying, " that the reason why he and his friends did not proceed further in pointing out what was cen- surable in the works of Arminius , originated with himself, in consequence of his having suggested, that it was neces- sary that one side should show an example of moderation and furbearance, or they could have detected much more that was defective and reprehensible than what had already been pointed out." This self applause was too much for Episcopius to bear, vand he instantly exclaimed, " what, sir, you show moderation and forbearance ! I am astonished to hear you talk thus ; jiray were not you the person, who, in direct opposition to the orders of the States, published the Delft conference, with certain remarks on the sentiments of those who took part in it ; inserting therein, likewise, what you supposed to be the opinions of other jjcrsons, whom you cht)se to suspect as hokling sentiments beyond those ex- pressed in the five points, and in which you especially named Aiininius, Borrhius, and Corvinus?" This was rather an awkward question ; — first, because the statement it contained was true ; and secondly, it adverted, in the pros- 172 CHAPTER vir. cncc of these mngislratcs, to an act which was. done liy him, in direct opposition to the declared commands of his superiors and governors; and to add to his embarrassing situation, the syndic, following out the question of Episco- pius, said to Festus, " Sir, you well know that the publica- tion of that conference was prohibited by the States." This would have confounded any other person than Hommius ; but he was not the man to flounder in such a case, cither through excessive modesty, or a want of resources in devising the means of escape ; and therefore, pretending to under- stand him as alluding to the Enchusan edition, he said " that he did not know how it had been published ;" but Epis- copius, not willing to allow him to escape by this answer, said, "Sir, the syndic does not allude to the Enchusan edition, but to the publishing of the conference itself, which was done in the first instance by you."* To this Festus made no answer, * It may here be necessary (o inform the reader, that the Delft conference, held between three Remonstrant and three Contra-Remonstrant ministers, like that of the Hague, was appointed by the magistrates, with the hope that the opposite parties might, by mutual explanations and concessions, be disposed to treat each other as brethren, and live in peace and ciiarity. But it failed to effect so desirable an object. The Remonstrants lay the blame on their opponents, while the latter, though not charging the former with want of readiness to shew forbearance, yet assert that they discovered that the Remonstrants cherished such dark and awful errors, that to come to terms of amity and toleration with them, while they were unwilling to give them up, was utterly impossible. Hence this conference, instead of helping, injured the Remonstrants. This arose partly from the magistrates pro- hibiting the publication of what might pass on the occasion, which threw a dark and mysterious character over its proceedings, and left the excited imaginations of the people to supply by fiction, that of which their undcr- standinj;s were ignorant. Festus took advantage of this circumstance, and whispered strange things ; intimating that the Remonstrants had secret de- signs, which they were unwilling to disclose ; which so wrought upon the people, that they were excited to a state of feeling almost amounting to maniac frenzy. In Holland, at this period, the word heterodoxy acted like a dark spell, and religious controversy became the all-absorbing theme ; and the very genius of the Dutch nation seemed to be changed for a while ; and this cold phlegmatic ])eoi)le, usually intent upon nothing so much as driving MEMOIRS OF Errsconus. 173 liut like a good tactician, instantly turned the attention of the gentlemen to another subject, by addressing Episcopius and saying, " that in the writings of Arminius, he had dis- covered what to him were several very doubtful points. For though, it is true," he said, " when he heard the orations of Arminius, he was not then struck with them as containing any thing that was reprehensible, yet, since that time, he had seen reason to suspect several of the statements they contained." Episcopius then requested him to point out what he considered erroneous in them, beyond what belonged a hard bargain, actually felt that the clearing up of certain doubtful points in metaphysical theology, was of more importance tlian the every day busi- ness of life. The pulpit and tlie palace, the market and the 'change, the waggons and boats, presented a constant arena of contention; and the prince and peasant, the statesman and soldier, were actually carried away by the mania, and entered the lists as disputants, intent upon settling the ques- tions in debate between the followers of Arminius and Calvin ; while private and domestic associations became one scene of strife and debate, in which all the liercc passions of tlie soul were seen to be in motion. Amidst these comnu)tions, and in his element, lived Festus, as the fostering and ruling spirit of the tempest and the storm. In the commencement of this conference, Festus suggested that nothing should be committed to writing of what passed ; and yet when they were about to separate, he proposed that each party should note down what had been advanced on each side. The Remonstrants thought this strange, but consented, and drew up what they had maintained, csijecially inserting in their document a request they had before urged, for the toleration of the five points, and to which the other party would not consent during the confer- ence. This being done, the Contra-Ilemonstrants, instead of acting upon their own proposal, and presenting in writing the statements tliey had made, produced a paper containing thirty-two questions, which Ihey had artfully prepared, it is thought, before the meeting, as a snare for the Re- monstrants, insisting that they should declare tlieir approval of its contents, 'i'hey well knew that tiiis would not be done ; but it answered their i)urpose by enabling them to throw the blame of the failure of the conference upon them, and likewise gave a colouring to their false statements, in which they charged them with cherishing secret and dark errors, which they dare not (q>enly avow ; alleging in proof of this assertion, that if they had nothing to conceal, they could not rcl'use siguinn such a document. See Brandt. 171 cHArxEii yii. to the five points ; when Festus said, " that in the one which treated of the Ohjcct of Theology^ he disapproved of the state- ment which declared, that the object of theology is God and Christ; which," said he, "is precisely what is asserted by the Socinians. It is true," he added, " I am aware, that some of our theologians have made use of the same mode of stating the subject." To this the professor replied, "that he was utterly surprised to hear Festus demur at this mode of exhibiting the object of theology, and at his daring to infer from thence, that because it was so done by Arminius, it was therefore erroneous, when he not only admitted that it was thus represented by doctors of his own school; but above all, he ought to recollect, that it is so expressed by Jesus Christ himself, in those well known and memorable w^ords, — This is life eternal, that they might know thee, the only true God, and Jesus Christ ivliom thou hast sent. (John xvii. 3.) And if objections are to be made against those who have thus stated this subject, and they are to be suspected of Socinianism, pray who of oiu- doctors Avould be free from the liability to such a charge ? If, indeed, in tluis presenting the subject, it was so expressed, that a distinction w^as made between the Father and the Son, as to imply that Christ w^as not essentially equal with the Fathei-, then there would be ground for suspicion ; but wlion the distinction is thus made, solely in reference to Christ as Mediator between God and man, it is perfectly groundless." "I am quite aware," said Festus, " that such a statement may be under- stood in a sound sense, but it is equally possible for it to veil a double and doubtful meaning ; and in tlie case of Ar- minius it is the more so, when it is considered that in his oration Dc certitndine Tlieoloyicc, all those scripture places, in which our doctors and theologians affirm, that the divine nature of Christ, and his ojMsa-ia, or consuhstantialiiy with the Father are spoken of, are explained by him in a way different from them; as for instance, in the ])assage in MEMOIRS OF EnSCOPIUS. 175 Hebrews i. 3., in which Christ is designated, the brightness of the Faihefs glory, and the express image of his per- son, Arniinius interprets it, as implying that Jesus Christ is called the likeness of God, and the express image of his per- son, in relation to us, in as much as in and through him are expressed and exhibited to us, all the divine attributes, as wisdom, power, goodness, &c."* Episcopius replied by say- ing, " that Festus had stated the subject unfairly, by insin- uating, that because Arminius had interpreted some of those passages generally adduced in proof of the divinity of Christ, in a way different to some of our theologians, he had therefore done so with all the passages supposed to bear on this subject. And why, he would ask, should an individual be suspected of heterodoxy, upon any one article of the Christian faith, on account of his differently interpreting a few obscure passages supposed to refer to it, when it is known that he admits the common and orthodox interpreta- tions of others, the greater number of which are allowed to state the doctrine more distinctly. Besides, he said, Armi- * This interpretation, as given by Arminius, and objected to by Festus, is almost literally the same as that subsequently adopted by John Owen, on this very passage ; and we think it right to present it to the reader, to prove that while the latter is admitted as orthodox on the Trinity, the former had never been supposed to be heterodox on it, had he believed election and rep- robation, as Festus did. " By character two things seem to be intended. 1 . That the Son himself is Ev juog9»i 0£ou, in the likeness of God. Phil. ii. G. 2. That unto us the Son is ;ix«,v Qio-j, the immje of God, representing him unto us. Col. i. 1.5." " In the manifestation of God unto us, lie is said to be j:xtuv tov Qtvj tw nooazov, the image of the invisible God, because in him, so partaker of the nature of the Father, do the power, goodness, holiness, grace, and all other glorious properties of God shine forth, being in him represented unto us, 2 Cor. iv. 6. And both these seem to be comprised in this word y^a.^axr^c, both that the whole nature of God is in him, as also that by him God is de- clared and expressed unto us." " The words, as was shewed before, denote the divine nature of Christ, yet not absolutely, but as God the Father in him doth manifest himself unto us." 176 CHAPTER VII. nius liad iully declared his opinions on this subject, in his thesis on the Falher and the So)i,i and in justice to him, a reference should be made to that for his opinions, and not to his inter])retation of isolated or obscure passages, in which he had chosen to claim and act upon the right of private judgment, a right always recognized in the church, and of which none had made a more liberal use than Cal- vin himself, who had taken the liberty of expressing his opinion on a very large number of passages, some of which relate to the doctrine of the Trinity, and the divinity of the Son, in a way very different from those of the fathers, and what is more in point, he has actually interpreted the above passage in the same way that Arrainius has done. Now with this fact before your honours, I shall leave you to determine, with what justice Festus \^'ill allow Calvin to be sound in his views on this text, and Arminius to be consi- f This thesis may be found in Mr. Nicliols' Translation of Arminius' Works, vol. ii. yi. 137, where the roartcr will meet with the following pas- sages. Speaking of the Father, he says, " He is the First Person in the Saered Trinity, who from all eternity of himself begat his Word, whieh is his Son, by communicating to Him his own Divinity." " We attiibute to Him ' active generation,' whieh is likewise comjirised nnder the word * Father, ' but of its mode and ratio we willingly confess ourselves to be ignorant." " We have hitherto treated of the Father. — The Son is the Second Person in the Holy Trinity, the Word of the Father, begotten of the Father from all eternity, and [cf/nssus'] proceeding from Him by the communication of the same Deity which the Father possesses without origination." " From these positions we perceive, that an agreement and a distinction subsist between the Father and the Son. (l) An Agreement in reference to one and the same nature and essence, according to which the Son is said to be *in the form of God,' and ' equal with the Father.' (Phil. ii. 6.) and, according to the decree of the Niccne Council, to be O|wo»o-io;, (' of the same substance,') ' consubstantial with the Father,' not ojuoiso-io; 'of like sub- stance ;' because the comparison of things in essence must be referred not to tiimilitude or dissimilifudc, but to eqvality or iNEyi ai.itv, according to the very nature of things and of truth itself." MEMOIRS OF Eriscorius. 177 (Icrcd as a Socinian, or why the same interpretation is to be xmdcrstood as being ortJiodo.v in the former, but heterodox in the latter ? " The curators felt the force of this remark, and instantly expressed their assent to the correctness of the sentiments it conveyed. Festus then addressing himself to Episcopius, said, " but sir, you will not attempt to affirm, that in your lectures in the college, you do not interpret almost all the passages of scripture you discuss, according to the mode adopted by the Socinians ?" Fired by this question, Episcopius said, " Sir, I am utterly surprised to hear this accusation from you, seeing that you have but once honoured me with your presence at my lectures, since I have been in the professor's chair." " But I have heard your disputations," replied Festus. " Well sir, — and on these occasions, did you ever hear me advance any thing which was in direct opposition to the received opinions of the church .? And have you not, on the contrary, heard me directly oppose those who maintain the opinions of Socinus .? Nay, and I understand, that you yourself, after attending one of my disputations, said to Borrhius, that I had bravely and learnedly defended the divinity of Christ, in opposition to those who denied it." "Not so," replied Festus, "it was not in relation to the divinity of Christ that I said this, but of your views of the Trinity I said, I did not expect you thus so nobly and openly to declare your mind upon it as you then did." " Well, sir," it was replied, " and in thus defending the doctrine of the Trinity, did I not, at the same time, de- fend that of the divinity of the Son .? for in maintaining the doctrine of the Trinity, I by consequence maintained that of the godhead of Christ, these being correlative." Here Festus saw himself overtaken, and to attempt an escape by denying the inference from his own admission, was out of the ques- tion ; and therefore, he was determined to make his retreat by the uisc uf a faculty which usually served him mure sue- 178 CHAPTER VII. cessfully than his reasonhig powers, — that is, his capabiUty of duplicity ; and turning round to the curators, with a sig- nificant smile, designed to produce its full effect, he said, "Gentlemen, I assent; and by this you see how honest and sincere I am ; for when satisfaction is given to rae, I am most willing and ready to acknowledge it." Driven from his point of substantiating his charge of Socinianism against Episcopius, in relation to the doctrine of the Trinity, and yet wishing to avoid the appearance of being a common slanderer, in wantonly and unwarrantably charging him with it and that without evidence, he shifted his ground, by saying, " that his suspicions of the professor being disposed to the opinions of Socinus, were principally excited by what he had advanced when attempting to shew the harmony and disagreement of the Old and New Testaments, he having asserted that under the New Testament, the promises were different from those under the old." " True sir," said Episcopius, " but this relates to the manner, not the matter of these promises." " But did you not say that the gospel is supported by better promises." " I did, sir, and I say so now, for two reasons ; first, because this is the language of the New Testament, and secondly, because such is the fact : but they are better, not because they are different as to the subjects of promise, but because, they are more clear and distinct in their exhibition of those subjects, and amongst others, the promise of eternal life may be instanced. Under the Old Testament, the promises were veiled and cloathed in shadows, and expressed in general terms ; under the New Testament, they are open, clear, and distinct, and the whole of my remarks went simply to establish this point." " I grant," said Festus, " as the subject is now stated, it is orthodox ; nevertheless, the very language of your thesis is suspicious, for in it you say, ' that the types and shadows were not understood by all believers under the Old Testament, but, that only some few of the prophets knew them to be MEMOIRS OF EPisconus, 179 types of things which have been since revealed in the New Testament." To convince Festus of his mistake on this point, the professor, without making any reply, instantly read tlie thesis itself, which stated just the contrary, and ran thus. — " That all the faithful who were under the Old Testament, had indeed some knowledge of the types and shadows, but that it was obscure and limited, arising from the obscurity of their dispensation ; but that the prophets, and some of the fathers, had clear and distinct perceptions of them."* He then asked Festus whether he would ventiue to assert, that all the faithful of the Old Testament had clear notions of the types and shadows. " Not clear," he replied, " in comparison with ours." " That is," said Episcopius, " to admit that they have a dark and we a clear knowledge of them." In this statement the curators concurred, and were determined to close the business, and therefore said that the parties were of the same opinion. Here Festus wished to fly off to matters foreign to the subject before them, but they forbad his so doing, saying they had heard sufficient to satisfy them on the affair, and it was their judgment that Festus should acquaint the Fleer Grotenhuis himself, if he were in town, that the Professor Episcopius had given him perfect satisfaction, in relation to certain objections, that had existed in his mind, in reference to the late thesis ; and if this gentleman had left the town, he should then state the same in a letter to him. Festus seemed very reluctant to comply with this request, and by various subterfuges wished to evade compliance with the expressed wish of the curators, saying among other things, " gentlemen, it is really quite imnecessary, as I have done so already." Episcopius, how- ever, knowing what all these declarations were worth, con- curred in the wish expressed by the curators, that Festus * " Such was the poverty of the tyi)es, that no one of them could so much as shadow out, or represent all that advantage which we really enjoy." — Oicvii OH the Hebrews, vol. iii. p. 535. Our Calvinistic friends must admit that Episcopius is litre iu very good company. 180 CHAPTEK VIT. should make the above statement to the Ilccr Grotcnhuis, which the curators urging upon him, he promised to do. But though he had so done, Episcopius knew him too well to confide in what he said ; and aware that there was neither truth nor honour about him, and that his engagement, if actually fiilfilled, would be no security to him, against his disposition to slander and misrepresent him, he therefore, for his own defence against the scurrilous tongue of Festus, asked the curators and burgomasters to grant him a written certificate of what had passed, that he might produce it, when circumstances rendered it necessary for him so to do. These gentlemen complied with his wishes and presented him with the following testimonial : — " The curators of the university and the burgomasters of the city of Leyden, having understood that Festus Hom- raius, a minister of this city, had stated to the Heer Jan ten Grotenhuis, Schepen of the city of Amsterdam, that in the thesis, De convenieutld et discrimine veteris et novi testa- menti, at which Dr. Simon Episcopius, Professor of theo- logy in the aforesaid university, presided on the seventh of May last, there were some phrases used, and a mode of ex- pression adopted, which had induced some to believe, that the authors and defenders of them leaned towards Socinian- ism ; and the curators believing that they were bound, as well for the vindication of the honour and reputation of the university as that of their own, to investigate the ground of these charges, in order that the aforesaid university might remain free from blame, deemed it right to summon the said Episcopius and Festus Homraius to appear before them, that they might ascertain from them the particulars of this matter i and after some discourse and conference upon the subject, Festus declared that he had conceived some suspi- cion in relation to the above thesis, but in the disputation at which Episcopius presided, he had given him satisfaction, which he declared he had stated to the Heer Jau ten Gro- MEMOIRS OF EPisconrs. 181 Icnhuis, and that since then he had become more fully satis- fied. The said curators and burgomasters, having heard Festus aver the same in their presence, desired the said Festus, that since he was satisfied with the declarations of Episcopius, he would write to the said Heer Grotenhuis, and entreat him also to dismiss any suspicions that he might have cherished on the subject. With this request Festus promised compliance, and Episcopius having asked for a certificate of the same, the curators and burgomasters have ordered these presents to be delivered to him for his use, as the necessity of circumstances may require. Signed by the aforesaid curators and burgomasters this lOlh day of May, 1616. By order of the curators and burgomasters, Nicholas Van Zeyst." How far the professor was correct in his conjectures of Festus giving a wrong statement of the termination of this interview, and the wisdom of his requesting the above docu- ment in the way of self-defence, facts soon proved. For not many days had elapsed, before it was rumoured abroad, to his great injury, that in his conference with Festus, in the presence of the curators and burgomasters, he had been clearly convicted of Socinianism, and treated very roughly : and that he was especially cautioned not to intro- duce into the university, doctrines calculated to seduce the students into error, otherwise, he must be prepared to take the consequences. These reports, which were traced up to Festus, were not only believed by some of the members of the church at Leyden, but were likewise spread through the country by Flemings and \Valloons, as they travelled in boats or waggons, to the very great injury of the professor's character, and produced no small excitement amongst the people. Now though Episcopius was fully aware, that all he could do or say, ^\■ould not prevent this man from defam- ing his character, and misrepresenting his opinions, never- 182 CHAPTER vir. Iheless, he deemed it proper to shew his readiness to gainsay these reports, and appealed to the curators of the university and the magistrates of the city, to be heard in his defence against these further charges. These gentlemen having com- plied with his request, he accordingly waited upon them, on the eighth of August, for that purpose ; when Festus being again sent for, was informed by the pensionary of the city, of the object for which he had been summoned before them. Episcopius and Festus then entered into a long conference upon the above charges, the recital of which, we, with Lim- borcli, think would be uninteresting to the reader, and for that reason shall omit it, as he has done in the Dutch copy of the memoirs, with the exception of some of the more prom- inent parts of it. The Latin editor, however, deemed it proper to give a lengthened account of it, assigning as his reason for so doing, that Triglandius, a Contra-Remonstrant, had pretended to give this conference in his Ecclesiastical History, but instead of which he had most grossly misrepre- sented the whole affair ; and did not scruple to assert, that Festus had convicted Episcopius, on the occasion, of Soci- nianism ; a fact which, he affirmed, the curators themselves had fully admitted. Although we thus deem it proper not to insert this confer- ence in our pages, which amounted almost to a dispute about words and terms, used by Episcopius in his thesis, which Festus thought to be erroneous, and capable of receiving a double meaning; yet we think it right to say, that the cura- tors sent for Festus the next day, and in a friendly manner said to him, that they had understood, from what he had inti- mated yesterday, that he certainly could make it appear in writing, that Episcopius was in the practice of teaching Socin- ian doctrines; and as they did not wish to prevent him from so doing, they would certainly examine any production that he might present to them to that effect. But when pressed to engage in such a task, he hesitated, saying, that the con- MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPILS. 183 tinued illness of his wife, with other affairs, had, and would prevent it, otherwise, he was fully persuaded that he could do it. The curators understanding these excuses as mere subterfuges to escape from his vain threat, then had recourse to the most conciliatory means, in order to dispose him to measures of peace and amity, using every argument they thought likely to act upon him ; and by appealing to him as a patriot, a citizen, a Christian, and a minister, endea- voured to induce him to live in concord with his brother min- isters who differed from him in religious opinions, and thus strive to promote the well-being of the state and the church. But all efforts of this kind were lost upon Festus. Discord and strife were the scenes in which he took pleasure; and to cherish the elements of them seemed most congenial to his spirit, and therefore, despite of all entreaties, he soon ru- moured it abroad, that he had fully made it out before the curators, that Episcopius was secretly and at heart a Socini- an. He also had the temerity to insinuate, in opposition to all truth, that he believed the Pensionary Zeyst was of the same opinion. In forming an estimate of the character of this man, whose proceedings were attended with such fatal results, occasioned by his exciting jealousy and alarm in the minds of the Dutch ministers and magistrates, relative to the growth of en-or in the principal seat of learning, we were at first stunned and confounded, and felt it difficult, while following him through all his dark and tortuous proceedings, to allow any thing like justice, truth, or goodness to be found in him ; and were instinctively led to view him with unmixed displeasure and reprobation, as a person, whose actings seemed only to exhi- bit the vices of a depraved heart in their darkest forms. Reluctant, however, to allow these impressions to have a permanent hold on our minds, we are anxious, if possible, to contemplate his conduct in connexion with certain circumstances which may present his character in a some- 184 CHAPTF.R VII. what less disreputable point of light, and therefore suppose him to have adopted a class of opinions generally received, and usually identified by his party with certain terms, which led him to conclude, that when a different mode of expres- sion in exhibiting them was employed by others, it veiled a latent heresy, which being undefined, because un- expressed, a wider scope was allowed to his imagination to invest it with all the forms which jealousy and bigotry could suggest. That Festus acted under the influence of this disingenuous mode of judging, in his second confer- ence with Episcopius fully appears ; in as much as he constantly laboured to make it appear, that the words and Ihoiights of the professor were at perfect variance, and cai'- ried this dishonourable practice to such an extent, that liis conduct so disgusted one of the curators that he exclaimed, " Sir, you are determined to understand the man otherwise than he understands himself:" when it was also added by the Hecr Dyke, burgomaster of Lcyden, " If the words of here- tics were twisted and distorted after this manner in ancient times, one should begin to doubt whether all was true which has been said of them." And yet, we are disposed to believe, that in consequence of his viewing the statements of the professor as capable of a double signification, he woimd himself up to the belief that his unexpressed opinion was heretical, and jumped to the conclusion that it was Socinian, and consequently, that he was warranted in pub- licly and unblushingly denouncing him as such. Unjustifi- able as such a mode of proceeding was, we choose to admit something like this to have been the case with Festus, rather than charge him with willingly and wittingly uttering what he believed at the time to be a gross falsehood.* * It ought, however, here to be remarked, that some of the Contra-Rc- monslrant writers of that clay speak of Festus in very strong terms of ap- proval, asserting, that by his prudence and constancy, he made a noble stand for the truth, against the terrible attacks of the llemonstrants in these dif- MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 1R5 How far we are justified in believing such to have been his mode of reasoning and conchiding with respect to Epis- copius, we think the conduct of other Contra-Remonstrant ministers at the time, will show, who did not scruple to say, when judging of the declared sentiments of the Re- monstrants, " Post slngnlas controversias, jirceruptos er- rores ct Jucreses nefandas ahscondi ; sub phrasihus singulis^ veluti sub saxis, serpentes latere.* Once let such a dis- ingenuous mode of construing the words of an opponent, be adopted by polemics, and then the most trivial departures from their own modes of expression, even on minor points, will assume a character in their thinkings all important, from their supposed connexion with what is momentous; and, in such a case, jealousy being awake, will become identified with holy zeal for religious truth, while the excited and perturbated feelings of the heart, will render their subject incapable of distinguishing between legitimate excitement and irascible passion, and the latter veiled under the shade of zeal for orthodoxy, will prepare the way for vice to change place with virtue, and passion with piety. The subject, contemplated in this light, will bring the character of Festus Hommius before us, with mitigating circumstances, which would, otherwise, stand out to our view, shaded with the deepest and darkest colouring ; and liciilt and troublesome times. And certainly, if prudence is to be understood as synonymous with craft, and constancy with obstinacy in accomplishing its purpose, without a reference to the character of the means, and the nature of the results, he well deserved the encomiums tliey passed ujjon liim. J5ut with all his prudence and cunning, his dcceptiveness was freijucntly detected and exhibited to public view by tlie opposite party, and censured in no mea- sured terms of reprobation ; on which Brandt remarks, that however just their condemnation of his conduct might be, it is thought it only served the more to goad him on in his designs of attempting to accomplish their ruin. * Oratio habita ab Episcopio in Synodo Nationali Dordracena. Episcopti Opera, vol. ii. part 2. p. 21, N 186 CHAPTER VII, may equally explain the conduct of his coadjutors, in their relentless proceedings, which ended in the banishment or imprisonment of their brother-ministers, whose fathers, in common with their own, had cheerfiUly and courageously laid down their lives, in resisting papal and Spanish dom- ination, to secure to their children that which was denied to themselves, liberty of conscience. But so it was, and the suspending of the eloquent Uiten- bogaerdt from his office as a minister — the banishment of the talented Episcopius from his country — the immuring the learned Grotius in a dungeon — and the beheading of the virtuous patriot and statesman, Barneveldt, under the charge oi presuming to disturb the state of religion., are events, which, while they stand the reproach of the Dutch people of the seventeenth century, alike prove, that no subject can furnish equal occasion of keen resentment to the spirit with that of religious controversy: and, that under such circumstances, there is a readiness in the mind to give to that which is trivial, all the weight of what is substantial ; and that it imparts a vehemence to the feelings, while mind is contending with mind, of which no other species of strife furnishes a parallel'; and, according to the statement of a popular modern writer*, "common hatred rises into an im- mortal abhorrence, and wrath swells to execration, and every wish breaks out in anathemas." * See " Fanaticism," by the author of Natural History of Enthusiasm. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 187 CHAPTER VIII. One of the circumstances which gives a painful interest to the religious controversies of the Low Countries, is the evidence they afford of the blighting effects of theological strife, upon the kind and social feelings of men, who other- wise were capable of living in the cultivation of the amity and friendship of private life. In no instance does this ap- pear more evident, than in the case of Polyander, the col- league of Episcopius. Whatever asperity was found in his conduct towards him, we think it must be attributed to the influence of circumstances, rather than to any thing natu- rally malevolent and bitter in his constitution. Fully ap- prized of the talents and scholarship of Episcopius, he could but feel, in the fu'st instance, that when he was named as a suitable person to rank with himself as Divinity Profes- sor, before he was thirty years of age, it was either paying extraordinary homage to his talents, or else it was indicative of the strength of the party to which he was opposed. In either case he saw himself, by such a selection, thrown into the shade ; and, when informed that Episcopius was to be appointed to this high office, he exhibited signs of deep mortification, which subsequently, in moments of excite- ment, he manifested in the greatest degree. Apprehending the situation of his colleague, Episcopius evinced great solicitude to meet his feelings, and as his junior, stated to him in a conversation that Limborch gives, his most perfect readiness to adopt any measure that might tend to promote the welfare of the university, and 188 CHAPTER VIII. secure to it the high consideration it had acquired. And when Polyander, in return, suggested that they should not introduce the disputed points, Episcopius perfectly com- plied with the proposal, saying, at the same time, that he should be most happy to take his counsel upon any matter of importance, that they might not only apparently, but really, act together, with the most perfect cordiality and friendship. Polyander pleased with this frankness, inti- mated, that it was the more necessary they should do so, lest if any thing should be known to the contrary, their col- lege might suffer from that of Groningen, in consequence of Gomarus residing there. On this occasion, Polyander likewise said to Episcopius, that he had always spoken of him to the curators of the uni- versity, and to other persons, in the most respectful manner. This circumstance, however, though designed to show his friendship towards him, nevertheless, indicates that it was not very ardent or evident, when he found it necessary, in order to prove it, to have recourse to such a statement. Genuine and cordial friendship needs not adopt such means, in order to evince its reality, in as much as occasions will constantly occur, in the interchange of kindly and reciprocal feeling, to place the proofs of its existence on higher ground, than that to which he here adverted. The most, then, that can be said, in favour of his friendship towards Episcopius, is, that it merely went so far as to induce him to attend to the courtesies of polite and gentlemanly behaviour, which, as a person of education, he would be prompted to show towards another of similar rank and profession. The correctness of this statement will appear from the fact, related by Lim- borch, that, amidst all his pretensions to kindly feeling towards him, he so far forgot himself as to speak of him, when absent, in a disrespectful manner. And on one occa- sion, when invited with Episcopius, Heinsius, Jaccheus, and some other gentlemen, to sup at the house of a friend, MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 189 he behaved towards him in an extremely rude manner. The circumstance which occasioned his thus treating him, was as follows. It being Whitsuntide, the company were speaking of the unity existing amongst the disciples of our Lord, as stated in the Acts of the Apostles, when the spirit descended upon them ; which further led to a conversation, between Heinsius and Episcopius, on the Reformation as effected by Luther, with the probable causes tending to promote it, and to give so extended a spread to his doctrines. Episcopius said, "that he thought the inflexible deter- mination of the Pope and his adherents, not to bend or give way in the most trifling point, together with the out- rageous conduct of those who were interested to procure the condemnation of his theses, might be considered as greatly contributing to it." On hearing this, Polyander expressed his disapprobation, first in an under tone, and afterwards, more than once, said aloud, " They who here wish changes, are rascals and villains.'''' Episcopius suffered this to pass un- heeded ; and was proceeding with his remarks to Heinsius,* when Polyander, with greater vehemence, uttered the same » Heinsius here introduced as associated with the Remonstrants, was at this time Professor of History in the university of Leyden. While the tide went in their favour, he identified himself with them, and at the death of Arrainius, he wrote some beautiful Latin verses on the mournful event, founded on a comparison of the deeds of one Hermann, a brave German, who had nobly resisted Imperial Rome, and Arminius who had attacked Papal Rome. Anton in his History of Germany, speaking of the former, says, (irtn fUlft tapfcr jjjiingling ptjrrrmann ^icgfmrrs rtnsrs, (fff)crusfets- rficn jFurstrn ^ofjn, toarti tirr iSrttcr 8f tnrs VatnlanDcs. These verses, which may be seen in Nichols' Life of Arminius, Heinsius thought it right to omit from every published edition of his works, the reason of which the reader will see, when he is informed, that so soon as he discovered tliat the Contra-Remonstrants were gaining the ascendancy, he attached himself to them, and, in consequence, was made secretary to the Lay Commissioners at tlie Synod of Dort, and fell under the temptation as is usual with apostates, of violently assailing his former friends, for the purpose of shewing his new ones, us Luther says, lliut he had got rid i>f the smell «f the old tub. 190 CHAPTER VIII. offensive language. Still he remained undisturbed, and con- tinued his conversation with Heinsius. At this moment, Jaccheus interrupted them by saying to Heinsius, " I wish you would answer me this question. Whether is it better to have peace in the state with falsehood, or excitement with truth?" " That is another matter," said Heinsius: when Polyander immediately added, " What has that to do with the subject ? I say that those who seek to change the prin- ciples of the Reformation, are a set of rogues and thieves!''' Episcopius could restrain himself no longer, and said, " Well, mister colleague, you have uttered language several times, which I conceive to be very offensive and injurious, both to me and others. To say that persons have erred, or that they are pursuing a wrong course, would be bearable ; but to assert, that they are rogues and thieves is intolerable, and certainly most unjustifiable." " What I have said," re- plied Polyander, " I am determined to maintain." At this moment, the whole of the company interfered, and said, "that Polyander was greatly to blame, and that he had totally misunderstood Episcopius, who certainly had given him no reason for treating him thus." This rebuke seemed to bring him to a sense of shame, and endeavouring to make the best of his situation, he said, " O Gentlemen, we know each other very well:" and then addressing Episcopius with as- sumed playfulness, he said, " At a more convenient time, I will tell you, sir, what you have done both publicly and pri- vately, to effect changes." To this he replied, " When you please, sir, I shall be ready to hear you." To which, Poly- ander answered in a very rude manner ; and, continuing to treat Episcopius in a disrespectful way, the company again interposed, and said, " that he certainly had mistaken the purport of his colleague's remarks." This declaration was accompanied with certain encomiums on the conduct and behaviour of the latter, indicating, tliough in an indirect way, their preference of him, which so stung Polyander, MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 191 that he exclaimed, " Gentlemen, / can hear nothing so ill as contempt.''''* At length the dispute terminated, and they parted in a tolerably friendly manner. From this circumstance, how- ever, our professor discovered how his colleague was affected towards him, and that it required the utmost prudence on his part to live in amity and peace with him. Nevertheless, he succeeded so far in accomplishing this, that he sub- sequently had no painful collision with him of a similar kind. But while he had the satisfaction of generally living with Polyander on terms of courteous regard and friendly civility, and beheld the increasing prosperity of the university under their joint labours, yet the pleasure arising from these circumstances must have been greatly diminish- ed from the fact of his witnessing the bigotry of the Contra- Remonstrant clergy, driving the disagreement between them- selves and the Remonstrants to a crisis. In many places individuals had refused to acknowledge them as brethren, and would not take the sacrament with them; but it belonged to the ministers of Amsterdam as a body, in a meeting assembled for the purpose, to denounce them pub- licly ; and declare to the world, that. They could not own the Remonstrants as brethren, without considering them- selves guilty of wrong, or acknoicledge them to be persons tcith whom they could hold Christian fellowship, seeing that they had a different doctrine from that of Christ, his apostles, and the reformed church; and until they openly dis- avowed and abandoned their opinions, they must separate frotn them, as from those who were seeking to lay another * "At first," saysLeVassor, "the professors seemed to live toprether in good understanding. But that did not last long. Whether Polyander was jea- lous of Episcopius' reputation, he being a man of uneommon learning, and a fine subtle penetrating wit, or whether zeal in defenee of the doctrine of predestination urged him to oppose him, whatever it was, there was a rup- ture between them." Part ii. p. 18. 192 CHAPTER VIII. foundatioH.'^^ And not satisfied with publishing this bigoted manifesto, they deputed certain persons of their party, to proceed to different consistories in the Netherlands, to induce them to adopt similar measures, and proclaim the Remon- strants as unworthy of being received and treated as Christian brethren. Long before these proceedings, one or two min- isters, as stated above, had seceded from them, and attempted to form distinct congregations ; but their conduct was pro- nounced illegal, which therefore prevented its being imitated to any great extent; but the conduct of the Amsterdam clergy, not only seemed to give legality to such secessions, but, from their influence and number, they warranted others to tread in their steps. As a consequence, all was tumult and confusion, and rents and discord prevailed on every side. The Contra-Remonstrants deposed the Remonstrants, and seized on their churches ; while in other places, where the Remonstrants were the most numerous, something like re- taliation was adopted. But with the Contra-Remonstrants these tumults not only originated, but their sanction of them was the cause of their more widely spreading. In support of the correctness of this statement, we may advert to the patronage given to one of their ministers, Rosseus, at the Hague, who refused to hold communion with Uitenbogaerdt, and wdio, with his adherents, violently seized one of the churches for the purpose of effecting an entire separation from the Remonstrants, on the alleged ground, that their doctrines were such as were not to be tolerated. * Grotiiis remarks concerning this declaration, that it must appear very strange, that the Contra-Remonstrants, wlio denounce the Remonstrants as heretics, with wliom they cannot with a good conscience hold church fellow- ship, yet admit that they can hold communion with the Lutherans, who dis- agree with them on the same points as the Remonstrants ; which makes people doubt whether this was ever a matter of conscience with them, but rather a covering to effect their design of revolutionizing the government. Events proved the correctness of this opinion. Brandt, vol. ii. p. 273. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 193 Since the Amsterdam clergy assigned as the reason of their denouncing the Remonstrants, as not worthy of being treated as brethren, the circumstance of their holding doctrines differ- ent to those of Christ, his apostles, and the reformed church, we beg leave to lay before the reader a narrative of facts, respect- ing the suspension of a minister, by them, for preaching what they called false doctrine, which will indirectly show, what these worthies thought to be the doctrine of Christ, his apos- tles, and the reformed church, from which they considered him to have departed, and therefore proceeded to suspend him from his office as a false teacher. This person was named Simon Goulart. He had been a minister of the Walloon church at Amsterdam, for thirteen years, and had for his col- league, a clergyman by the name of Maurois. This gentle- man, though he had been always inclined to the doctrines of the Contra- Remonstrants, yet, up to this period he had been tolerably moderate in his sentiments 3 and by the more bigoted of their party had been treated unkindly for not avowing himself more decidedly on what are strangely term- ed the Doctrines of Grace. Galled by the treatment he met with, and seeing the ministers of the Dutch church thus denounce the Remonstrants, he was induced, on the thir- teenth of September in the year, 1615, to preach a sermon on the unconditional election of some, and the absolute re- probation and damnation of others ; in which he appears to have gone so far, as to include infants amongst the number of those who were created for the purpose of being reprobated to everlasting misery. The sermon greatly disgusted Gou- lart, who thought himself bound immediately to counteract its effects, and in the afternoon of the same day, while ex- pounding the section of the French Catechism for the ninth Sunday, which treats of Christ's crucifixion and death, he concluded his remarks upon it in the following words : — " Christ delivered us from the curse of law, by becoming a curse for us; for it is written. Cursed is he that liangeth on 194 CHAPTER VIII. a tree; so that instead of our being doomed to perdition under that curse which Adam brought upon himself and all his posterity, the blessing of Christ* securing the possibility of salvation, comes in its place, he having obtained it for all mankind. But none can partake of so great a benefit but only believers, who lay hold on it by faith. As for unbelievers, who by their infidelity and ingratitude, reject this benefit, they are excluded from it, and continue under the curse, according to the declaration of St. John, iii. 36, He that believeth on the Son, hath everlasting life, and he that he- lieveth not on the Son, shall not see life, hiit the ivrath of God abideth on him. He, therefore, that believes in the Son, shall obtain the blessing, and as believing he is chosen to the blessing; but he that believes not the Son is prepared for the curse, and the cui'se remains upon him, as the apos- tle witnesses in his Epistle to the Galatians, iii. 9, 10, say- ing, that they which be of faith are blessed with faithful Abraham. And that, as many as are of the works of the law, are under the curse. We must not imagine that the gracious God has appointed by an absolute and unavoidable decree, any infants, especially of believing parents, from their mother's womb to the everlasting torments of hell. This rash and foolish notion is incompatible with the words of God, who will have all men to be saved, 1 Timothy, ii. 3. And, who is the Saviour of all men, esjyecially of them that believe, 1 Timothy, iv. 10. And, IVJio has no pleasure in the death of him that dieth, Ezekiel, xviii, 32. The door of his mercy and blessing, which our Saviour, Christ, hath * In an edition of this work, now before us, printed in IGGO, the first ques- tion and answer run thus : — DIMANCHE IX. M. Ce qu'il a este crucifie, emporte-il quelque chose plustost que si on I'eust autroment fait mourir ? E. Oui, comme I'Apostre le remonstre, disant, qu'il a estc pendu au hois pour transporter nostre malediction sur soy-mcsuie, pour nous en dcsthargcr. Car cc genre de niort estoit maudit de Dieu. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 195 opened, is shut against none. Are there any that remain under the curse ? It is their own fault, so far as they, by their unbeUef and unthankfulness, reject the blessing that is offered to them, and choose the curse; as it is said in the cixth Psalm, 17. As he loved cursing, so let it come unto him ; as he delighted not in blessing, so let it be far from him. Let not, therefore, the mothers who now hear me, nor any other believing women that have children, ever fan- cy that any of them are thus appointed to the curse before their birth, in order to be cast into eternal fire. But much rather assure yourselves, ye believing parents, as often as you think of your children, or see them before your eyes, that Christ died for them, and that by his bitter sufferings and death upon the cross, he has done away the curse. And when they attain to years of discretion, instruct them in the same assurance, to the end that, by laying hold of Christ and his blessing through faith, you and they may be made joint partakers of everlasting life." These remarks, — probably delivered with a degree of warmth not usual with Goulart, for all parties admit that he was of a bland and amiable temper, — excited the disappro- bation of his brother ministers, and he was accordingly summoned to appear before the consistory. Here it was asserted, that in the aforesaid sermon there was a foundation laid for Ai'minian Pelagianism. And the consistory, after examining the subject at various sittings, finally decreed, that he should be suspended from preaching, and adminis- tering the sacrament, and not be admitted again to officiate at either, unless he recanted the sentiments advanced in his sermon, and asked pardon for his violent preaching against the established doctrine, and should, likewise, on all occa- sions, assist in confuting the innovations of the Remon- strants. " He endeavoured," say the historians who state the particulars of this affair, "to quiet the clergy by offering to do three things : — first, to beg pardon of the church on 196 CHAPTER VIII. account of the warmth he was accused of, and so far to sub- mit to their judgment: secondly, not to speak against the opinions of the Contra- Remonstrants for the time to come : and thirdly, to confine himself entirely within the bounds of Melancthon's opinions." They, however, insisted that he should defend the doctrine he had opposed; which he declared he could not do, without displeasing God, and wounding his own conscience. This being the case, he was suspended from the exercise of his ministry, and forbidden to sit with the ministers, and was ordered to take his seat in the body of the church with the congregation as a layman. Attempts were made by Uitenbogaerdt to induce the magis- trates of Amsterdam to interfere and entreat the ministers to relax in their rigorous proceedings against him, but whether this was done we have no means of knowing, only that it is certain he was not restored, but, on the contrary, attached himself to the Remonstrants, and four years afterwards with many others of them was banished from Holland on account of his opinions. Immediately after his suspension, and be- fore his case came under the notice of the Walloon synod, he published, in French and Dutch, that part of his sermon which was so offensive to the consistory, that the public might judge whether he deserved the treatment he had met with. He afterwards also published a vindication of his conduct, under the following title : — " An answer to the accusations di*awn out of the journal of the Walloon consis- tory, to the prejudice of Simon Goulart." We deem it right to give a few of these charges, which amounted to twenty- two, with Goulart's reply to them. The second, with which we shall commence, immediately relates to the prin- cij^al charge, that of his opposing the doctrine of his col- league, and is thus expressed : — That he had opposed the ndnislnj of Maiirois. Answer. — This is not true ; for I only opposed the false and rash opinion of those who assert, that certain infants MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 197 bom of believing parents, are, by an absolute decree of God, passed by, and abandoned to perdition. And Maurois and Barsecourt* assert, that some children of believing parents are hated and rejected by God from their infancy. But I maintain, that no infants bom of believing parents, are hated with such a hatred as God shows towards the devil and the damned. And I feel myself obliged to oppose those who do maintain such doctrines, as persons who are teaching things contrary to God's word. That for these last Jive or six years, lie has maintained the opinions ojthe Remonstrants. Answer. — I confess that I have approved the opinions of the Remonstrants ever since I understood them. I am not ashamed to own it ; for their doctrines are conformable to the word of God ; but those of others contradictory to it, and therefore false. Tliat he had said, the door of mercy is open, and all men may he saved that please ; seeing that it only depends on the uill of men. Answer. — These last words are equivocal, neither did I use them. I said, indeed, " that the door of mercy was open to all men, and that if they went not in, it was their own fault, and not God's, and this I affirm to be trae, and agreeable to the word of God, in which we are taught, that He ivill have all men to he saved, and to come to the knoiv- ledge of the truth, 1 Timothy, ii. 4: that Christ Jesus came into the world to save all, since he is the propitiation for our sins, and not for ours only, but for the sins of the whole world, 1 Timothy, ii. 22 : and Christ, in his address to the Jews, said, Biit these things I say that ye might he saved: and again, And ye tvill not come to me, that ye might be saved, John, v. 34, 40. * It appears that they quoted the eases of Ishmael and Esau, in proof of this horrible oi^inion. 198 CHAPTER viir. That he owns he lias not taught our doctrine these four- teen years. Answer. — These words are equivocal; for if they mean the doctrine of the reformed churches, I have always taught it; but if by our, they mean that of the Contra-Remon- strants, — who teach that Christ did not come into the world to save all men, but only some, and the like points, — I have been so far from teaching those doctrines, that, on the con- trary, I have frequently refuted them. T/iat he had owned he had concealed, for the space of thirteen years, which side he held with. Answer. — This is a mistake ; for those doctrines which I looked upon to be false, from the beginning of my ministry, I have always opposed; especially the erroneous notions about the absolute rejection of any infant children bom of believing parents. It is true, I never attacked that doctrine so publicly and formally as in the sermon I preached on the thirteenth of September, 1615: but because I never set my face against this error so positively and explicitly before, does it from thence follow, that I never should or might do it. That he cannot condemn the Remonstrants. Answer. — When I was obliged to give an account of my sermon, there was no occasion for me to pronounce an opinion on the Remonstrants ; when, therefore, I was asked by those of the consistory, whether I approved of the doctrine of the Remonstrants or not, I looked upon it to be an unseasonable question, and told them, that what I was properly to ac- count for, was my sermon, and not the doctrine of the Re- monstrants. That he associated himself with the Remonstrants and with the magistrates. Answer. — Why should I not keep company with men of virtue and honour ? Tliat he never espoused the opiniotis of the Contra-Re- monstr ants, from the very beginning of his studies. MEMOIRS OF EnSCOPIUS. 199 Answer. — The opinions of the Contra- Remonstrants arc contradictory to the Word of God, and the doctrine of the reformed churches, and involved in various ambiguities and contrarieties ; and, therefore, it is not strange that I could not espouse them, especially since from my first studies, I have given into that pure and orthodox opinion, "that Christ came into the world, and suffered death for all, and not for some only." That for thirteen years together he was a settled Remon- strant. Answer. — I do not remember that I ever said so; nor is it likely that I should have said that I was a Remonstrant above thirteen years ago, there having been no mention of any such name, till after the conference of the Hague, in the year, 1611; from whence, likewise, appears the absurdity of the following accusation. TJiat during the space of thirteen years, he had resolved to adhere to the Remonstrants' opinion. Answer. — And suppose it were so ; then had I resolved to adhere to a good opinion, and one more consistent with the doctrine of the Reformed Churches than that of the Con- tra-Remonstrants ; as I declared not long since to one of the deputies of Geneva. This somewhat lengthened account we have thought it right to present to the reader, as it will show what were the thinkings of a certain class of the Dutch divines, and what the elements of that agency, which, distinguished by bigotry and persecution, denounced so many holy and devoted men, with their friends and followers, as being, unsound in Christian doctrine and opinion. And whilst it is believed, that the horrible doctrine, opposed by Gou- lart, which maintains the reprobation of the greater part of the human family, as being created for that very pur- pose, infants included in the number, was not approved by all the Contra-Remonstrant ministers, yet it is evident that 200 CHAPTER VIII. it was either publicly avowed or silently admitted by a great many of them, as well as by several of the laity, who adopted it from them.* In comparing the state of opinion amongst those persons who now bear the name of Calvinists, with those who were so denominated in Holland, in the year 1615, and who maintained the above sentiments, we cannot but rejoice to know that if they are not completely discarded by the * To prove that this horrihle doctrine was espoused by many Calvinist di- vines of that day, we shall give a few extracts from their writings, as copied by the Remonstrants, and presented to the synod on the fourteenth of Janu- ary, 1619, In this paper, they first give a lengthened statement of their own sentiments on the subject of predestination, and then proceed to object to the opinions of those who ranged themselves under the name of Calvin, many of whom were the writers of these jjassages, and were to be their judges. The section containing these quotations may be found in the Acta Rcmon- strantium, at page 44, part 2. That the reader may see that we deal fairly with these passages, we shall present the original in opposite columns to our translation : — Membrum secundum quod rejiciraus, est : Etiam infantes aliquot fidelium in infanlia sua ante ulluni peccatum actuale in j)ropria persona commissum, in hac vita decedentes, reprohis accenscri. "Infantum qui in Christo moriun- The condition of those infants, who tur, antequam operari aliquid pot- die in Christ before that they have uerunt, diversa est ratio. Hi enim been able to perform any act, is dif- simpliciter aut servabuntur secundum ferent ; for they will, as others, either gratiam, aut damnabuntur secundum be saved merely as the result of grace, naturam filii irce, ut et reliqui." — or damned according to nature, as Parjeus in Rom. 2. dub. 9. p. 2. 32. children of wrath. " QucB tamen promissin, cum non sit For, since this promise is not so ita generalis, ut omnes comprchendat , general as to comprehend all, tliere- ideo nemini sic Isine baptismo'] deccden- fore I dare not positively say that ti ausim pectdiariter promittere certam any, so dying [without baptism] will salutem. Sunt enim aliqui sanctorum obtain eternal salvation. For there filii, qui ad pradestinationemnonper- are some children of holy people, fiwenf." — Martyr Locis Comm. Class, who do not belong to those who are 2 cap. 1. n. 32. p. 137. predestinated to eternal life. MEMOIRS OF EnSCOPIUS. 201 former, yet the admission of them is only by the few, and even these rarely dare to utter them either in public discourses or in print: and when done, though in an in- direct manner, yet even such an announcement of them, rouses the just indignation of the more numerous and more benevolent of those, who are designated Calvinists, and who have imbibed much of the charity and weeping sympathy of our holy and philanthropic religion. Into the cause of this mighty and beneficial change we need scarcely attempt to enquire, only we would just remark, that as in Natural Philosophy, the extension of discovery and the quickened state of human intellect drive into the shade gross and palpable errors, which once had tenacious hold upon the thinkings of mankind, so the amended state of moral feeling, under the expansive influence of Christian benevolence, expels from the church of God, what is cruel, harsh, unjust, and contracted, in the opinions of its members. " Multi sunt piorum infanU's, ante There are many infants of pious ullum rationis usum inorientes, tamen parents, who, dying before tliey have originalis ilia peceati lubes honiinibus the use of their reason, nevertheless, damnandis suffecerit." — Perkins. Ar- on account of original sin, will be mil. cap. 52. p. 281 . damned. " Jn reprobis infantibus executio The execution of the decree of Decreti Dei sic est : Ubi primurn nati God, against reprobate infants, is snnt, ob primarii et natiui peceati rca- this j — as soon as they are born, they turn sibi relicti inorientes, reprobantur are reprobated to eternal death : being in atemum." — Idem ibidem, cap. 53. left to themselves when dying, on p. 219. account of the guilt of native and original sin. Many more passages, to the same effect, might be selected from this ma- lign THEOLOGY,* but wc judgc the above will satisfy the reader. * We borrow this designation from the work entitled, Fanaticism : the writer of which, we perceive, from his Introductory Essay to Edwards'' Freedom of the Will, wishes to be considered a Calvinist. This circumstance, it is probable, may induce him not to approve of our thus using it; but we shall leave the unprejudiced reader to judge, whether it is not here appropriately in- troduced. O 202 CHAPTER vrii. Two circumstances, gi'ovving out of this state of things, must be hailed by every benevolent mind. The first is, that of a wider expansion being given to the charities of its min- isters, accompanied with a more enlarged and unfettered address to the consciences of sinners, of which the happy effects are seen in the crowded congregations and converted merafcers of churches under the pastoral care of those who now bear the designation of Calvinists ', while the spirit of persecution, founded on the supposed right of cursing and hating those whom God had before cursed and hated, has given way with the horrible doctrine itself. In support of these positions, we shall present the reader with extracts from two modern Calvinistic writers, which deserve atten- tion from the force and eloquence of the sentiments they contain, independently of their being so appropriate to the positions we have advanced. The first is from " Discourses on some important Theological Subjects, doctrinal and prac- tical ; by the Rev. William Hull : " which were published at the unanimous request of the students of the Weymond- ly Theological Institution, and therefore must have been approved of by these gentlemen there preparing for the pub- lic ministry. The one, from which we select the following passage, is the first, " the object of which is to oppose the tenet, that the death of Christ had an exclusive reference to" what is designated "the salvation of the elect," and is designed to show that the more expansive and benevo- lent views of Baxter are superior to those of President Edwards : — " Of the happy effects produced on the Christian ministry by the more enlarged interpretation of the extent of the death of Christ, as implying a probationary state, a striking illus- tration occurs in the preaching and writings of Richard Baxter, compared with those of Jonathan Edwards. Both were men of prodigious intellect, and of piety not less dis- tinguished, so that it would be difficult to select their equals MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 203 from amongst the greatest and best of the human race. It is therefore extremely interesting to observe Uie different effects produced upon the minds of such men by their dif- ferent views of divine truth. Something, no doubt, may be put to the account of original character and temperament, which led to the adoption, by each, of their several views of the divine administration. But again, their principles would tend to fix that character, and foster that temperament. Baxter, proceeding on the broad ground of the Scriptures, and making his metaphysics subservient to a scheme of doctrine accordant with the unsophisticated moral sense, is remarkable for the fervour and energy of his appeals, the tenderness of his expostulations, the glow of expansive feel- ing with which he pourtrays the love of God to a revolted world, and the noble freedom with which he applies the various topics which suggest themselves to his mighty ge- nius, to the hopes, the fears, the trembling passions, the awakened reason, the consciousness of responsibility, which no guilt of apostacy has expelled fi-om the human breast. He takes his stand upon the unassailable principle — ' No man in the world doth perish for Adam's sin alone.' The theology of Edwards, more systematic, and apparently more consistent, because its doctrines were squared to a meta- physical theory, was founded upon absolute predestination, not to be distinguished from the philosophical necessity of Hartley, Hume, and Priestley, but by the attempt to engraft upon it the great doctrines of Christianity, and to reconcile with it a moral administration, terminating in eternal re- wards and punishments. His preaching and his practical writings, accord precisely with what might be expected from such a system, embraced by a man of transcendent ability and devotion. In his hortatory addresses to the un- godly, while he aims to awaken his own sensibilities, with a view to the sympathy of others, it is evident that his na- tive intensity of feeling is oppressed by some deadening 201 CHArXER VIII. power, some dark spell which sits with leaden and icy influence upon his soul. His address has the awfulness, together with the cold and dreary majesty, of fate; and when he discourses on his favourite topics, — ' The wicked useful in their destruction only,' — ' Sinners in the hands of an an- gry God,' — 'The justice of God in the damnation of sinners,' — it is with a calmness that is terrible — the unperturbed tranquillity of a man who has reasoned out his point, and then pronounces his stern conclusion with the oracular voice of destiny. When Baxter, as in the Saints' Rest, describes the misery of those who lose it, he makes us feel that he was a man of like passions with others, that his own spirit flinches and recoils from the contemplation of scenes, which duty compels him to exhibit to a regardless world. Like the Redeemer, he weeps over lost souls. But when Edwards suspends the reprobate sinner, as by a hair, over the flaming abyss of perdition, we feel as if in the presence of one of the ministers of divine wrath, who has himself no compunctious visitings of nature, but with complacent firmness executes the judgments of Heaven. Nor are we surprised, after wit- nessing his own self-possession while indulging in the most appalling imaginations, to be told by him, that to behold the miseries of the lost, will be a capital ingredient in the cup of immortal fruition. ' The wicked,' he says, ' will be destroyed and tormented in the view of the saints and other inhabitants of heaven ; when the saints in heaven shall look upon the damned in hell, it will prove to them a greater sense of their own happiness; the misery of the damned will give them a greater sense of the distinguishing grace and love of God to them, that he should from all eternity set his love on them, and make so great a difference between them and others, who are of the same species, and have deserved no worse of God than they. When they shall look upon the damned, and see their misery, how will heaven ring ^\\lh the praises of God's justice towards the wicked, and his MEMOIRS OF ETISCOPIUS. 205 grace towards the saints ! ' While we revere the memory of each of these illustrious servants of God, it does not seem difficult to determine which of the two breathed most of the spirit of Christ ; and the presumption is in favour of that class ofpi'incipleSy whose tendency was to produce the near- est resemblance to the apostolic ministry."* * Of those persons who could thus contemplate with " unperturbed tranquil- lity, and a calmness that is terrible," the anticipated misery of the reprobate, we must consider, if not the editors of a Calvinistic periodical, entitled " The Spiritual fliagazine, or Saints' Treasury," yet at least their corres- pondent, (E. M.) This man, who not only seems to be without any "com- punctious feelings," but also capable of despising those who have any, in an article in their Supplement of 1833, headed " God^s will, not creature^s af- fection, the ground of spiritual prayer, answers P., an enquirer, who asks, " Is it, or is it not, the privilege and duty of the believer, to pray for those with whom he is connected by the ties of nature ? " — " I assert it is not, be- cause it is contrary to the revealed will of God, who has destined a certain number to people the heavens. This is enough for faith to plead, and not for feeling, or the fleshly will, which blunders on in the dark. What right have we to ask the Lord ta alter his mind, when he has said, / ivilt have mercy on whom I will have mercy, and whom / will I harden." He then adds, " If P. prefers to worship so, I choose to worship in the light." P., it appears, in a former communication had quoted the following statement of St. Paul, in justification of a father feeling that affection and religious anxiety for his children's salvation, which would prompt him to pray for them, J have great heaviness and sorrow in my heart, for I could wish that myself 7vere accursed from Christ, fur my brethren, my kinstnen according to the flesh. " Here," he says, " P. and Paul are agreed, but I will not join them. That Paul here spoke the truth of his mind, I do believe, but that he spoke the truth of God, I do question." To say nothing of the impiety of such a statement, in relation to an inspired apostle, we can but remark, that although this writer adds, " We follow Paul no further than he followed Christ," yet how could Christ, ac- cording^to E. M., be considered as exempt from the intimated charge of fol- lowing " fleshly feeling " more than Paul, seeing that Luke says, that When he came near the city, and beheld it, he wept over it, sailing, 0 Jerusalem, Jeru- salem, horn often would I have gathered thy children together, even as a hen gathereth her brood under her wings, and ye would not. — Ch. xix. 41. and xiii. 34. To us it appears that E. M., to be consistent, ought to view the Redeemer, with pious scorn and holy indignation, when weeping over Ihe prospective ruin of those, (f whom concerning the flesh Christ came, and as 206 CHAPTER VIII. Our second extract, designed to show the tendency of the doctrine opposed by Goulart to cherish a spirit of persecu- tion, is from the author of the Natural History of Enthu- siasm, who, in his fanaticism, says, that "The conceptions we form of the Divine Being, and our feelings towards our fellow men, are always dependent one upon the other. And the imputation of malevolence in any form to the Supreme Being, brings with it the supposition, that certain portions acting " under feeling and fleshly will, which blunders in the dark." We do not wish to charge such writers with wantonly committing impiety, but we may apply to them the following description, which will probably account for the adoption of such sentiments. — " These are stern natures. They are not cold as water, but cold as marble : not solid as ice, but solid as iron. They shed no tears, and have no power of relenting, because there are no humours or lymph at all in their constitutions. Every nerve is a chord stretched till it vibrates, and which will sooner snap than relax. There are bom a few men, (men, for they have bones and muscles, senses and bodily organs,) and especially do such make their appearance under the wing of gloomy superstitions, who, themselves quite exempt from social affections, and unconscious of the soft alternations of hope and fear, grief and joy, look with grim contempt upon humanity ; — even as a man may look upon the most ignoble of the brutal orders." — Fanaticism. But while this statement may be explanatory of the cause which originates such sentiments as the above, with some persons, yet, with others, the pure love of creed alone has led to their adoption. We shall never forget the case of a lady, the mother — and naturally a ten- der, affectionate mother — of a fine family, to whom it was intimated, when advocating the doctrine of absolute election and reprobation, that, if the opinion she maintained was true, it might bear with an awful aspect on her own children. Winding herself uj) to meet the statement, she answered, with a calm front, a glassy eye, an unblanched cheek, and an air of assumed indifference, " I can't help that; neither indeed have I any right to allow my feelings as a mother to be excited in opposition to the divine purposes." E. M. would undoubtedly approve of the feigned sternness of such a person, as being one of those whom he calls spiritual, in ojjijosition to P., whom, by implication, he intimates to h&a. mongrel C ulvinist, io\\ov;m^ "fleshly will and fleshly feeling." Nay, what is more, he insinuates that the solicitude he shews for the salvation of his children is Arminian feeling, a statement which the writer takes as a compliment to the benevolent creed of the Dutch Professor. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 207 of mankind are the objects and the victims of Divine male- diction, and therefore may be, or ought to be contemned, tormented, destroyed. Is it theory only, or is it matter of history, that malign theology has invariably been followed at hand by intolerance, execrations, cruelties ? Thus it is, that, as the belief or imputation of malevolence, (under any disguise of abstract terms,) to the Supreme Being, contra- dicts or distorts the genuine notion of sovereign or impartial JUSTICE, to the tribunal of which nothing is amenable but crime, so the correspondent feeling towards mankind, which such a belief engenders, is not that of righteous disapproba- tion on the score of moral offences ; but that of detestation and abhorrence, on the mysterious ground of ecclesiastical impurity. It is not as the transgressors of a holy law, but as the reprobate of heaven, that men and classes of people are shut out from the circle of our charities. Here such are spurned as abominable, much more than as guilty. And when once so grievous a perversion of feeling has taken place, then the whole of the force which belongs to our in- stinctive notions of retribution, or to our acquired belief of future judgment, is thrown into the channel of our sectarian aversions ; and, therefore, like a mountain torrent, in so pas- sing from an open to a narrow bed, gains new impetuosity. Ingenuous disapproval becomes covert rancour; virtuous in- dignation slides into implacable revenge ; and scorn com- pletely excludes, not only all indulgence towards the frailty of men, but all compassion for their sorrows,"* * Perhaps the application of these sentiments to theologians, who hold the doctrine of reprobation, may be deemed unfair and uncandid, by moderate Calvinists. Nevertheless, as they would not scruple to admit this doctrine to be a species of MALIGN theology, as it was held by some doctors of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, who bore the name of the Geneva Re- former, so they must be equally aware, that the men who advocated it, were persecutors. The account given by Chandler of Servetus' death, awfully proves Calvin to have been a dark persecutor. Beza wrote a tract in favour 208 CHAPTER VIII. Never was the truth of any sentiment more fully verified by the history of facts, than was the latter in the treatment of the magistrates and ministers towards Goulart and the other Remonstrant clergy, after they were condemned by the Synod oTDort. There was not only the absence of all " compassion for their sorrows," but an actual mockery of their sufferings, manifested in a course of jeering and taunting towards them, which, thank God, bad as human nature is, of persecution, vvhieli Bogerman, the President of the Synod of Dort, trans- lated; the Dutch divines recommended it; and the Synod of Dart acted upon it. It may be said, as a set off to these facts, that many of these were pious men, and are to be forgiven on that account. Let this be granted, and it only proves, " that gloomy doctrines are to be execrated, because even witli- out them, or where every influence is the most favourable, human nature scarcely avoids abusing the profound excitements of religion, as the incen- tives or the pretexts of its malignant passions." — Fanaticism. Were proof wanting of the correctness of this sentiment, we might adduce the conduct of Diodati, himself an Italian protestant refugee, who, when sheltered from persecution by the Calvinistic magistrates of Geneva, not merely turned persecutor, but, when Barneveldt was murdered for vex- ing the church of God, that is, opposing Calvinism, he could sportingly say, that the Canons of Dort had shot off the Lord Advocates head;* and to keep up his impious jesting, he might have added, that as one of the canon- ists,f he had assisted in furnishing the powder and the match to accom- plish this dark deed. When it is known, that this Italian stands eminent with some for his professed piety, is it inapijropriate after this recital, to quote, in connection with it, the following sentiments? — "Of all the pre- parations for atrocious crime, none is more ominous or complete than a pre- sumption of possessing superhuman virtue. Sanctity, of this heroic and immortal order, may dip its hands in blood and fear no stain ! Illusions such as these, egregious as they may seem, are not foreign to the human mind. The holy arrogance of the soul, so long as it can be held entire, is a warrant that will cover all extents of guilt. There is no murder in murder, no falseness in perjury, no sin in any sin, if but the perpetrator is inflated with the persuasion of himself being a demigod in goodness." — Idem. * Diodati avoit ete depute au fameux synod de Dordrecht, en 1G18 ; et lorsqiril apprit la mal. heiuse fin de Barneveldt, avocat-general de Hollande, il dit que les canons rfu synode de Dordrecht avoient emporte la tete de Z' Avocat de Ilolhmd ; et ce jeu de mots renfermoit une verite. — Dic- liunaire Historiqne, Tome Qnatrieme, \rtic\e Diodati. T lie was one ot those appointed to draw uj) the canons ef tlit synod. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 209 it is only capable of showing under the dictate of religious bigotry and persecution. The facts in proof of this state- ment, we shall have to notice when we come to that portion of their history which treats of their condemnation and ban- ishment. We must now return to that part of our narrative, in which we stated the circumstance of Goulart being discharged from exercising his ministry, and ordered henceforth to take his place in the chiurch as a layman. The event excited great disgust in the minds of many of those who were accus- tomed to sit under his sermons with great pleasure. For, besides being most amiable in his temper, and pleasing in his manner, he was very pious and a superior preacher. The offended party, after having first earnestly memorialized the synod of the Walloon churches, and subsequently the magistrates of Amsterdam, to obtain his restoration to the ministry, and being repulsed, or disregarded, were at length determined to provide a separate place for public preach- ing; which being done, they obtained the assistance of a French student, by the name of Jacobus Batelier, who had adopted the sentiments of the Remonstrants, to preach to them. They accordingly met about three times without the least intemiption ; most probably, because their number was very small: but when others who had espoused similar sentiments, joined with them and swelled their number, the attention of the public was attracted, and the more bigoted clergy and magistrates took the alarm, and opposition soon began to manifest itself The first instance was in the case of several of the zealous Contra- Remonstrants, who attended these meetings to mark what might pass amongst them. Of these was the blacksmith, who formerly ran after Episcopius with a piece of hot ii*on: and who when the preacher quoted the following words of our Lord in his sermon. Ye will not come unto me that ye might have life, exclaimed, Yo2i lie. This created a momentary excitement, which was, however, 210 CHAPTER VIII. soon allayed by some person rising and saying, " that if any individual present had any thing to object to the doctrine of the minister, he would be perfectly willing to see him after the service when he would reply to his objections." The place that was procured for preaching being found too small, the Remonstants hired a large warehouse that would hold fifteen hundred persons, which they fitted up in a hasty manner, for the accommodation of the people, who flocked to hear the doctrines adopted by them. Amongst the persons who had taken a conspicuous part in these measures, were some of the most respectable citizens ; such as Rem Bisschop, a merchant, and Lawrence Real, Secretary to the Admiralty, with several others of the same class of people. But their condition and respectability as citizens were no defence for them against the bigotry of some, and the rude attacks of others. Under pretences of zeal for the true faith, in opposition to the Remonstrants, who were said to be laying a new foundation, in supporting the five points, seve- ral bigots very jiiousli/ went to protest against the doctrines thei'e to be delivered : and amongst them we are mortified to have to record the deeds of an English fanatic, by the name of Bromley. This man sat near the pulpit, and at the close of the sermon, stood up, and with a stentorian voice, ex- claimed, " Men and brethren ! I know that I am a sinner, and that there are persons here much better than I, but is there nobody moved with the Spirit of the Lord to speak ? " and no one answering to his call, he roared out, " Do they not preach differently from Plancius, Triglandius, and Hillius?" when some of his party answered, " Yes, yes." He then shouted, in a way worthy of David George himself, " O Amsterdam, Amsterdam ! how art thou fallen \ " This was enough, and his friends piously cried out, " Down with the preacher ! down with the schismatical fellow ! " which, in their zeal, they soon attempted, but were prevented by the courage of the women, who actually surrounded the pulpit, MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 211 and prevented them from accomplishing their orthodox deed. The mob without, however, broke open the doors, rushed in, and all was confusion. The minister fortunately escaped, or they had intended to have taken away his life, by throwing him over one of the bridges. Being disappointed in the accomplishment of their dark purpose, they manifested their revenge in demolishing the pulpit where he had preached false doctrine, and the seats where the congregation had sat to hear it. The Remonstrants made an appeal to the magistrates for redress, who, instead of assisting them, in- sisted that they should give up the warehouse to the owner, and cease to hold any more public meetings, which was accordingly done. But the furious spirit that had been kindled in the peo- ple, by the bigoted addresses from the pulpit of the Calvin- istic clergy, was attended with still more violent effects. During the whole of the week after this disgraceful scene, notices and placards were issued through the city, expres- sive of the designs of certain persons on the property of the Remonstrants. And, as a pretext for the accomplishment of their purposes, Sunday was fixed upon, as it was intended to ground an attack on Rem Bisschop's house, on the al- leged crime of his holding a private meeting of the Remon- strants there. Nothing could be more false; for being aware of the excitement produced against them, the latter gave up the design of holding any more meetings for the present. It was, however, made the pretext of attacking this respect- able citizen, who had his house broken open, and plundered in the middle of the day, by a furious mob ; and that, too, with the perfect knowledge and connivance of some of the magistrates, who were violent Contra- Remonstrants. This was especially the case with the burgomaster. Paw, who has before been named as the great enemy of Grotius and the Remonstrants. This man, when it was proposed in an assembly of the council, held the day before, that one of 212 CHAPTEE VIII. the four burgomasters should stay at home, for the purpose of ordering the city militia to keep quietness, offered to take that duty upon himself; but when the expected riot took place, which was near his dwelling, and the mob proceeded to attack and plunder Rem Bisschop's house, he never once made his appearance, or ordered the soldiers to disperse them ; and when he was applied to, to prevent the plunder- ing, he refused to do it, saying, that he could not act with- out his brother magistrates ; though he had offered, and was actually the person appointed by them, to keep the city in peace, and had soldiers placed at his disposal for that purpose. He, therefore, suffered the plundering to go for- ward, almost under his own eyes ; and not till the greater part of the property was destroyed, or carried away, did he interfere, which was toward the evening of the day. This conduct on the part of Paw, and a few others of the magistrates, who were the intimate friends of Plancius and others, whom the fanatic Englishman, Bromley, held up as preaching the truth in opposition to the Remonstrants, greatly offended some of the most respectable and liberal of the citizens. They felt that the first city of the United Provinces was disgraced by such proceedings, and a gentle- man, a magistrate of high character, who had himself several times filled the office of burgomaster, and who, as a neigh- bour of Rem Bisschop, had witnessed the whole, makes the following remarks on the subject. After intimating that the officers of the militia walked before Paw's house for some length of time, and that, too, within sight of the plundering, but received no orders from him to prevent it, he says, " What apology can there be made, that in a city, w^here there are four Sellouts and their officers, and, besides the usual watch and patrol, there are eighteen companies of soldiers, a riot of some hundred boys and a few men was not opposed, I say, that such things should be acted in the sight of heaven, and in the presence of burghers and inhabitants MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 213 of all sorts, (for there were, as near as I could judge, a hun- dred spectators to one rioter,) in the midst of the day, and in the chief part of the city, and not only against a citizen born here, but a gentleman, who, at the request of the bur- gomasters, has for many years, with great zeal and not without danger, taken upon himself the government of the city, is indeed strange." Some few of the rioters were afterwards seized, but scarcely rebuked ; and one of the most rigid of the Contra- Remonstrant magistrates had the effrontery and bigotry to say, that these j)eople acted out of zeal for religion, and actions done on account of religion ought to be treated ten- derly ; and yet, adds Limborch, that the reader may know what was the degree of religious knowledge these people had, who were to be dealt with so tenderly, after stealing their neighbours' goods, I shall state the following fact: — A sawyer, who when charged with carrying away linen, which he denied, though he was seen letting a part of it fall as he was taking it away, was then asked, " Why he went into the house at all?" He answered, "From zeal against those Arminians." " And why have you such en- mity against the Arminians ? " He replied, " Because he thought such fellows should not be suffered to preach, who asserted, that one man was appointed to damnation, and the other to salvation.'" This was an awkward reply, as containing a statement of the very doctrine advocated by the magistrates, but opposed by the Arminians ; and to sup- port which the former were very piously winking at the conduct of such a fellow, and throwing the shield of their protection over him, for having, through zeal for religion, robbed the house of a pious and respectable citizen, under an impression that the man whom he was injuring, held the opinion thus stated, and which he thought the magistrates opposed, but which proved to be just the contrary. These worthy orthodox burgomasters got out of this scrape, by 214 CHAPTER VIII. dismissing this helpmate of theirs, lest he might blab some- thing more that might be equally disagreeable. But now comes the more painful view of the business, that of the conduct of the Calvinist clergy of the city. These gentlemen had always been violent, and in the time of Arminius, as will be seen by referring to his letter at page 60, and other documents, had been the occasion of all the uproar and dissensions in the church of Holland, and were, it is to be feared, if not the originators of these scandalous transactions, yet, by their silence, the indirect patrons of them. And hence it is to be remarked, that while all the other ministers belonging to the other bodies of Christians, publicly denounced these outrageous proceed- ings in their various congregations, and admonished their hearers not to take part in such measures ; yet when the minister, Ursinus, was asked by a person, "Why the people belonging to their congregations could not dissuade their sons from taking part in the riot at Rem Bisschop's house, as well AS the Lutherans and MeniwJiUes?^'' he answered, IVe have our reasons for not doing it ; when the other re- joined, And so hare I my reasons for not approving of your conduct. To the fact of the perfect silence of the Con- tra-Remonstrant clergy on this disgraceful affair, the above writer bears testimony, when he asks, " Have we ever heard any of our ministers condemn these proceedings from the pulpit before the congregation ? I could never learn that they did, and I am sure I myself never heard them. Does not this afford cause of suspicion, that what has happened is agreeable to our clergy, and if not to all, yet, at least, to some of them ? But let the parties who patronize the mob beware ; for if they be allowed to proceed, they will soon make no distinction between such as they nickname Arminians and others; and all those who have any thing to be robbed of will be declared Arminians, and they will proceed to their work, adopting the language of the famous pirate, Michiels, MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 215 who stiled himself, God^s friend^ hut the enemy of all man- kind.^'' The correctness of these sentiments the Contra- Remonstrants soon learned ; and though as it is asserted by credible writers, that in the first instance they actually dis- tributed money to the rioters to encourage them in their vil- lany, yet they soon found that they were incapable of being restrained from threatening their property, by any sense of obligation on account of what they had received from them. Hence it is stated of one of their patrons, who was looking with approbation upon their acts of plunder and demolition, that she said to a person standing near her. See how zealous these people are : when immediately after, one of the plunderers passing by, pointed to her residence, and said to his comrade. This ivill make a fine Arminian house : which led the person to whom she had made the above re- mark, wittily to retort. Do you hear hoiv zealous these people are ? She felt the justice of this retort, and retired with fear and shame. The rioters likewise began to look with a very wistful eye towards the bank, and gave broad hints of their desires to be put in possession of its treasures, which coming to the ears of the Contra-Remonstrant magistrates, they put an end to their outrages, though they so far shielded them for the good deeds they had already done, as only to inflict a punishment on some iew of the ringleaders, which amounted to a mere mockery of justice. "This calamity," says Limborch, "Rem Bisschop bore with the greatest patience, and the day after he had suffered the destruction and robbery of his prof>erty to the amount of five thousand florins* he sat down to write an account of the w^hole affair to send to his brother Episcopius." The letter containing it, was retained in the family, and was in the possession of Limborch at the time he was writing the memoirs of Episcopius, and according to the statement of this gentleman, it exhibited all the marks of perfect composure * The Dutch floriu is two shillings in English money. 216 CHAPTER VIII. and equanimity, so that the narrative appeared as if written by a person who was relating what had happened to another, rather than to himself. The information it conv eyed was of course very distressing to Episcopius, nevertheless all the letters he sent to his brother on the business and which are still extant, abound, says his biographer, with exhortations to patience, without the slightest expression that could look like any thing that would foster a revengeful or unforgiving spirit. The Thursday after the plundering of his house, Rem Bisschop was waited upon by two elders, in the name of the consistory^ to forbid him and his wife being present at the Sacrament, which was to be administered on the next Sun- day. Bisschop enquired for what reason, adding, " Pray is it on account of my having behaved in any way unbecoming a Christian, while witnessing the storming of my house, and the plundering of my goods, and that too with danger to the life of myself and wife, that I am thus to be excluded from the Lord's table ?" They said, "By no means; on the con- trary, you have behaved yourself in a very becoming and Christian manner, but since you are now in trouble, it is not thought proper by the consistory, to state their reasons for thus prohibiting you from attending the sacrament : and for the present we have nothing more to say to you." The fact is, they intended to excommunicate him with John Law- rence Real, Secretaiy to the Admiralty, and son to the late Lawrence Jacob Real, with several others, as will be noticed in a subsequent part of these memoirs. This latter gentleman, whose name is thus introduced from Brandt's account of this transaction, was a distinguished individual in Dutch History, and therefore the treatment of his son, by a bigoted party who were gaining the ascendan- cy by their factious measures, was considered by this writer as deserving the greater reprobation. This person was not only eminent in his day, from the rank he hold in life as a MEMOIRS OF EPISCOriLS. 217 schepen or alderman of the City of Amsterdam, and one of the admiralty directors of Zealand, but an early defender of and suiferer for religious liberty. In 1566, he was instrumental in introducing the protestant ministry into Holland. Under his protection, the first sermon was delivei'ed in a field near Horn, on July the fourteenth, 1566 : and in 1567, he was forced to leave Holland and retire to Emden, to escape the fangs of that monster, the Duke of Alva. In his perilous voyage his daughter Elizabeth Real accompanied him, then about fourteen years of age, who afterwards became the wife of the celebrated Arminius. It was deeply mortifying to the Remonstrants to see themselves persecuted by a race of bigoted upstarts, who had done nothing to secure the liber- ties of their country. Of this the venerable Hooft bitterly and justly complained, saying, "it is true, the old Gueuxes* * The origin of the application of this term to those of the reformed reli- gion, as used by Hooft, was as follows. A remonstrance was presented against the establishment of the inquisition in the Netherlands by the Dutch people, confederated for that purpose. The confederates were some of the most eminent of the Belgian nobles. They entered Brussels, where the court of the Duchess of Parma, the governante of the Low Countries, was held, on the fifth of April, 1 o(3G, and on the following day, walked in solemn procession to the palace.* Their demeanour was highly imposing, from their mingled air of forbearance and determination. All Brussels thronged out to gaze and sympathize with this extraordinary spectacle, of men whose reso- lute step shewed they were no common suppliants, but whose modest bearing had none of the seditious air of faction. The governante was greatly agitated by their presence, when one of her ministers to encourage her said, Madam, why are you afraid of such a tas dc Gueux, a band of beggars? The fact was that though the confederates were generally of noble families, yet several, from mismanagement in their afifairs, or from some other causes, were reduced to such a state of poverty, as in some measure to justify the sarcasm. At an entertainment given in the evening to three hundred of them by a leading nobleman, they were debating as to the name they should take, when in- stantly the title of Giuu.v was proposed, and received with acclamation. * " They maiched in goodly order," says Grimestone, " five in rank, towards the court, being about four hundred noblemen and gentlemen." See pp. 25 j, 6, and 7, where a full account of this affair will be found. 218 CHAPTER VIII. are to he driven away, by gentlemen who concealed them- selves in the shade during the heat of the day, and who now take the lead in public affairs, and that too, to persecute and oppress those who were obliged to wander about, and seek refuge in foreign countries. I am one of thoce, who from the twenty-second year of my age till past thirty, was forced to absent myself from this city. But in the time of the good old Gueuxes, people durst not attempt such things as are now on the anvil, for they would have been far from suffering them." The reproach it was originally intended to convey became neutralized, as its general application lo men of all ranks and fortunes concealed its effect as a stigma on many to whom it might seriously be applied. To give effect to the appropriation of this designation to the confederates, Brederode, the nobleman who entertained them, procured a wallet, such as is worn by beggars, and slung it across his shoulders, as the sign of union and fidelity amongst them ; and the more effectually to stamp the proceedings with so- lemnity, he took a cup or porringer and drank the health of all present, and then swore fidelity to their cause. The cup and wallet next went round the company, when each drank, and solemnly swore to be equally faithful to the compact, Jusqu a la hesace, even to the wallet or beggary. The wallet was next hung upon a nail, driven into the wall for that purpose, and gazed upon with enthusiastic admiration. What had been resolved upon in a scene of revelry, was subsequently acted upon in their more serious and calm moments ; and the excitement produced by this ceremony, so ridi- culous in itself, ended in sublime results. Rallying signs and watch-words were adopted and soon displayed. It was thought that nothing better suited the occasion, than the immediate adoption of the costume as well as the title of beggary. In a very few days the city streets were filled with men in grey cloaks, fashioned on the model of those used by mendicants and pilgrims. Each confederate caused this uniform to be worn by every member of his family, and replaced with it the livery of his servants. Several fastened to their girdles, or their sword hilts, small wooden drinking cups, clasp knives, and other symbols of the begging fraternity. Thus arose the use of the term Gueuxes, a designation afterwards applied to all the inhabit- ants of the Netherlands, who embraced the cause of the Reformation. — Brandt, Crowe, Groiitis, and Grimestonv. MEMOIRS OF F.PISCOPIUS. 219 CHAPTER IX. Periods of religious excitement and strife are those which of all others furnish the least correct data, on which to form an opinion of the character and sentiments of those who have been designated and treated as heretics. This chiefly arises from the \^'atchful jealousy of the spirit of religious controversy, rendering men at once more sensitive and quick-sighted to the appearance of error, and dogmatical in the denunciation of those who are supposed to depart from opinions generally received as orthodox. Terms and phra- ses used in relation to certain abstruse points of theology, which, at other times, would pass unheeded, are at these periods pronounced as erroneous and dangerous, by the suspicious fears of parties, who claim the right of acting as the guardians of truth. This is done, not from its being asserted that they absolutely assume the form of heresy, but from their supposed bearing as such, though remotely, upon some article to be held inviolable, because deemed vital and important, and therefore the hand of ecclesiastical power is stretched forth, to suppress the incipient errors they involve, and crush the heresiarch who has dared to broach them. In cases of this kind, he who takes upon himself the high ofiice of defender of the orthodoxy of a church, is too much in danger of attempting to prove that he can justly support his claims to this assumed preeminence, by erecting certain new and critical rules, for judging of its genuine features. And while framing a fine theory that may satisfy himself in accomplishing this object, it not 220 - CHAPTER IX. unfrequently happens, that, when produced, it becomes a snare to others, by furnishing occasions of perplexity and doubt on orthodox points, where none had existed, but for these new and refined rules by which they were to be determined. Unfavourable as such a mode of proceeding is to the uni- ty of a church, the more dangerous consequences are to be seen in its arming this defender of the truth with that secta- rian bigotry, which, in its manifestations, exhibits a strange anomaly in the actings of the mind, that feels unruffled in contemplating him whose errors are wide from what is deemed the standard of orthodoxy, while it evinces its strong- est marks of displeasure towards the individual whose senti- ments are but a shade below the standard of this self-cre- ated judge of correct thinking. This fact was noticed by Hume, who adverted to it in sarcastic language, and pointed to it as the reproach of Christians. Nothing can be more fatal to the peace and stability of a church, than that of its legislating upon certain difficult questions, and making vuii- formity of opinion on them necessary to church-fellowship. Such proceedings are not only injurious by giving rise to a scrupulous and disputatious spirit upon points on which, it is probable, the Sacred Scriptures, if not silent, yet state them as matters belonging to the mysteries of our holy religion, to be admitted and not defined, while he who chooses to become their expounder, and makes his exposi- tion the rule of faith, feels his superiority assailed, by the man who dares to dispute his interpretations, and he is prompted at once to anathematize and condemn him, with ecclesiastical arrogance. On this ground the most trifling departures from what are supposed to be points of ortho- doxy, are condemned as heretical, and the party adopting them is made to suffer consequent pains and penalties. That the history of the Dutch Church at this period, furnished evidence of the correctness of these sentiments, is known to every person conversant with the ecclesiastical MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 221 affairs of the Low Countries. We might give many instances in proof of this statement, but we select the following, in preference to others, on account of its being connected with the subject of these memoirs. The case was that of a clergyman by the name of Venator, minister of Alkmaer. This person, the reader will recollect, was one of those who waited upon Episcopius, with certain lay-gentlemen, to induce him to accept the invitation of the magistrates and people of that place, to become one of their ministers. He appears to have imbibed liberal principles, and though not exactly identified with the Remonstrants, yet he had refused to sign some of the articles drawn up by the bigoted Cal- vinist clergy of his consistorj', and therefore came under their displeasure, and was suspected of heterodoxy. In the year 1616, he published a work entitled, " Theolo- gia vera et mera infantium et lactantium in Christo^ — True and pure theology for infants and babes in Christ ; " which gave his enemies a handle to charge him with heresy ; and they were enabled so far to carry their measures against him, as to ruin him in his affairs, by obtaining his banish- ment from Alkmaer. The evidence by which this charge was supported, was not drawn so much from what he had said, as from what he had not said. He was convicted of heterodoxy more by implication, than from its being proved that his publication contained any thing heretical. It is true, the Contra-Remonstrants complained to the States of Holland, that he had made certain statements respecting the Godhead of Christ and other fundamental points, which were at variance with the formulary, and injurious to the Christian Religion; and the states, after receiving this complaint, sent the document containing it to the Divinity Professors at Leyden, on the fourth of March, in order that they might examine the work, and make their report of it to them. This was done in writing, on the tenth of the same month, and was as follows: — 'S^S CHAPTER IX, " That unless the writer more fully and distinctly explain Jiimself, he must be considered as giving great occasion for suspicion of his cherishing sentiments opposed to the doc- trine of the Godhead of Christ, as well as some articles of the Christian Religion as they are inserted in the formulary. Moreover he has stated others in the way of question and answer, calculated to excite suspicion of his being hetero- dox on certain other points contained in the said formulary. And, finally, that he has in his treatise laid down such gen- eral principles as terms of acceptance with God, as to set aside, it is believed, the absolute necessity of the reception of Christianity, in order to salvation, and in this way opened a wide door to all persons, of whatever sect of religion or persuasion they may be, provided that they fear God and keep his commandments; thereby intimating that Jews, Turks, or Heathens, as well as all sorts of Christians, may be admitted to eternal life, which is contrary to Scripture." Of the justice of this report we can say nothing; neverthe- less, we can but regret to see Episcopius placed in circum- stances in which his strong attachment to, and vigorous advocacy of, " the liberty of prophesying," was for this once broken down, and it will be seen that before he had done with this affair, he evinced, we think, a sense of compunction and shame, at his concuiTcnce in those measures which pre- pared the way for this man to be consigned to beggary and disgrace. Such statements as these let the reader under- stand, are not made either by Limborch, or the Latin editor of the memoirs of Episcopius ; but, according to our views of the business, we should think that we were adopting an unfair mode of proceeding, if we allowed ourselves to be so far blinded or prejudiced by our admiration of the splendid talents of Episcopius, as not to make the above statement. Uitenbogaerdt, who was no incompetent judge, to his honour be it named, seems to have been the only person who spoke in favour of the book, and condemned the proceed- MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 223 ings of the professors. He said that he thought they had yielded too much to the evil surmises of certain persons, and concealed the good things contained in the work, in as much as it was understood to comprise the principal points of religion, and with fine and strong arguments urged the duties of repentance and of a devout and holy life. On the report of the professors, the states ordered the copies to be secured, as far as possible, and to be destroyed. They also summoned Venator to the Hague, to be examined before Polyander and Episcopius, on the seventeenth of March, in the presence of two persons deputed by them- selves. These were the Heers Hugo Muis van Holy, Schout of Dort, and Hugo Grotius, Pensionary of Rotterdam. After a long examination of him, in relation to the contents of his book, the examiners professed to say that he had not given them satisfaction, and when he learnt that they in- tended to make such a report to the states, he begged it as a favour, that they would present to their High Mightines- ses the following statement of his sentiments on the chief point on which he had been charged with heterodoxy, that is, the Divinity of Christ ; — first, that he believed the Lord Jesus Christ is very God : secondly, that he is God from all eternity : and thirdly, that he existed before he was con- ceived and born of his virgin mother. This was promised to him, though Episcopius says that it was done in a very imperfect manner by Polyander, which induced Grotius, who felt that the representation of the professor had wronged Venator, afterwards to present it more distinctly. Polyan- der, it appears, was determined to be the reporter of these proceedings, and acted an unfair part, for which he was sub- sequently charged with injustice and enmity towards Vena- tor. The sequel was the banishment of this clergyman. In this business, Episcopius certainly felt the awkward- ness of his situation, as is manifest from his ^attempts at one time to shield the man, and then subsequently allow- 2-24 CHAPTER IX. ing himself to go with the stream of prejudice against him. Hence, when Venator, the clay following, presented a memorial to the states, containing a confession of his faith, which certainly must be deemed orthodox on the subject of Christ's Divinity,* Episcopius stated in relation to it, " that if Venator had spoken so yesterday, or even had sooner delivered his opinion about the three before-mention- ed points, he would have given better, nay, indeed, entire satisfaction ; for, in his opinion, nothing more was wanting." However honourable this statement might be to Episcopius, in thus attempting to vindicate a man whom party feeling had condemned, yet we think he ought to have taken a more bold and decided part in his favour; the more especially, as he could but perceive by the conduct of his colleague, what were his feelings towards those who made any approach to the liberal opinions of Arminius; and that the man, who was so eager to urge on the ruin of this minister, to please his party, on account of the liberality of his views, would, when opportunity offered, which soon occurred, tender his vote in support of measures, that would bring upon him a calamity similar to Venator's, that of being banished from his friends and his country. In looking at the whole of this affair, we may perhaps have so far misunderstood the conduct of Episcopius in it, as unjustly to have censured him. Be it so. One thing however will appear to the reader from the above remarks, that is, that we are not wilfully blind to the possibility of the subject of these memoirs being capable of defective con- duct ; and therefore assert that in what appears to us his truckling to the clamours of the High Calvinist party, he was weakly striving to please men, whom nothing could please but the banishment of those who could not go all their lengths in supporting the narrow and bigoted views which they had adopted. Of the truth of these sentiments, * The 1 catler will find this lucmoiial in Brandt, vol. ii. p. 316. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 225 Episcopius' subsequent experience furnished him with am- ple and painful evidence. During the stay of the two professors at the Hague, they were summoned to the chamber of the states, for the pur- pose of giving their opinion on a certain edict, which was being prepared, relative to ecclesiastical affairs. When they appeared in the chamber they found some gentlemen wait- ing for them, who were deputed on the part of the states, first to read the edict to them, and then receive their judg- ment upon it. When Polyander, as senior professor, was asked for his opinion on the edict, he declined giving it, alleging, that if he acted otherwise he might be doing injury to the rights of the church, and subject himself to the dis- pleasure of certain persons, whom he did not wish to offend. At least, he said, it was certain that by doing it he should displease one party, and therefoi*e he wished to be excused complying with the request of the states. The true ground of Polyander's demur was this : — The states claimed a right to legislate on certain ecclesiastical mat- ters, which was a source of great annoyance to the Calvin- ist clergy, in as much as they were fully aware, that by their acting upon it, all their hopes of excluding the Remonstrants and their opinions from the pulpit, would be unavailing. For the states were, as is usually the case with lay-legis- lative assemblies, more tolerant and less bigoted than the clergy. His refusal was therefore a manoeuvre to get rid of acknowledging the right of the states, separate from the church, to interfere in her affairs ; and the more covertly to carry his point, he proposed that Uitenbogaerdt, who was in favour with the government, and Festus should be asso- ciated, as representatives of the church in this business. Grotius, who was present, demurred at this proposal, — no such oflBce having been created by the civil authorities. Episcopius then stepped forward and said, " that as to himself he felt no difficulty in giving his opinion, for he 226 CHAPTER IX. considered that he was not only obliged so to do as a sub- ject, but was likewise bound to do it from the fact of his being in the service of their High Mightinesses, who were his sovereigns, and had the right to demand his counsel, at any time they thought proper to require it ; and in giving it he believed he was not prejudicing the interests of the church, much less infringing on its rights and privileges." Poly- ander still refused to comply with the request of the States, when Episcopius said, " Gentlemen, I have no difficulty in the case, and shall be glad to give my opinion upon it." The edict, it appears, related to the subject of joreaching on the points in debate between the Remonstrants and the Contra-Remonstrants, and was designed to induce the min- isters of both parties not to introduce them, or, at least, to discuss them with moderation, in their public ministrations. Vain was the attempt ; as, indeed, are all such restrictive measures, when men are excited by religious controversy. The fact is, this edict made things worse than before, and proved the folly of legislating upon such subjects. Episcopius, in giving his opinion in favour of the intend- ed resolution, accompanied it with a request that it was to be understood that its recommended restrictions should not extend to the professors, in as much as in debating pro- positions in the universities, a greater latitude ought to be allowed there, than was requisite in the pulpit. The facts just alluded to, will show the reader the two points on which all the debates and strife of the church of Holland hinged.* The one related to certain theological distinctions on the subject of predestination and its cognate * In their political character, Arminianism aud Calvinism at this period, took opposite ground, in Holland and in England. In Holland, Arminian- ism was on the side of freedom, and Barneveldt and Grotius resisted the despotic designs of Maurice, while the Calvinists supported him. In Eng- land, the latter were opposed to despotism, aud the Arminians were in favour of it. Of course the opposite efl'ects followed to each party. In Holland MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 227 doctrines. The other referred to church policy; — the Calvin- ist party claiming the right of adjusting all ecclesiastical af- fairs, and especially the liberty of deposing what they called heretical preachers, without the interference and check of the magistrate. To gain this, they were prepared to go to any lengths. Prince Maurice saw this, and, like a good diplo- matist, knew how to seize hold of the current of affairs to effect his own purpose. Before this period, the Calvinist clergy and he were opponents, because, like his good father, he checked them in their bigotry and persecuting proceed- ings. Now they became friends ; and if there was not a declared compact between them, yet they worked together under that silent and unexpressed sympathy, which prompts persons engaged in kindred pursuits instinctively and re- ciprocally to help each other in the accomplishment of their purposes. He was to receive help from the Contra-Remon- strants in seizing hold of the reins of government, for which he was to sacrifice his former friends, and give them over into the hands of these their bigoted enemies ; while they were to enjoy the right of setting up their standard of ortho- doxy, and of deposing from their ministry and banishing those clergymen, who could not concur with them in every point of doctrine. In this way they intended to clear the church of heresy, and firmly establish, in all her borders, what they denominated the truth, that is to say, Calvinism. The period of which we are now writing, Maurice, it appears, thought was not the most suitable for the accom- plishment of his purpose, and therefore with the policy of the statesman and courtier, we find him endeavouring to amuse the Remonstrants ; and when Episcopius, in the fol- the Calvinists were protected, and the Arminians oppressed ; in England the Calvinists were oppressed, and the Arminians protected ; which led Bishop Morley, when asked by a grave gentleman, what the Arminians held, pleasantly to reply, " They hold all the best bishopricks and deaneries in England." — Sec John Hamjxlcn's Life by Lord Nugent. 228 CHAPTER IX. lowing August, was invited by the magistrates and consist- ory of the Hague to preach there, he took care to let it be known that he was anxious to see him, and show his esteem for so distinguished a man and celebrated a scholar. The latter, during his stay at the Hague, was invited with Ui- tenbogaerdt to dine with the Heer Vander Myle, son in law to the Lord Advocate, Barneveldt. This gentleman, who was in the secret, stated, while Episcopius was seated at his table, that he had heard from his Excellency, Prince Henry, that his brother. Prince Maurice had said to him, he had been informed of Episco- pius having preached at the Hague, a circumstance, he de- clared, with which he was highly pleased, and added, that he understood him to be a very amiable and peaceable man, and not to have written on the controversy. Besides, he said, it has been told me, that he is a man of extraordinary powers and of a highly cultivated mind, and it would afford me great pleasure to have an interview with him, seeing that it is possible he may be able to suggest some means that will tend, if not to put an end to, yet at least to allay, the present dissensions, an event greatly desired by me, in as much as they prevent me from the enjoyment of rest and peace both night and day. Prince Henry, it was also stated, had said to this same gentleman, that his brother would be happy to send for Episcopius, but that he was apprehensive that by so doing he should excite the displeasure of the more bigoted of the Contra-Remonstrant party. As difficulties, therefore, arose in the way, it was proposed to take the advice of Barne- veldt, who gave it as his decided opinion, that Episcopius should endeavour to obtain an audience of Prince Mau- rice. He was then asked in what way it could be done. He answered, " in the way of paying his respects to the prince, and on which occasion he should say, that he was anxious not to return to Lcydcn without showing his pro- MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 229 found respect to his Excellency, and especially recommend- ing the University of Leyden to his notice and gracious regard." Still there appeared to be insuperable obstacles in the way ; and it was finally determined that Prince Henry should be consulted personally, as to the propriety of Epis- copius attempting to be introduced to his brother; and Ui- tenbogaerdt with Episcopius, at the suggestion of Vander Myle, waited upon him for that purpose. When they ai*- rived at the residence of the prince, he was not within. They then waited upon the Princess Dowager, his mother, and made her acquainted with the object of their visit. This lady, pleased with the proposal, for she was warmly attached to the cause of the Remonstrants,* said that she * This princess was the daughter of the celebrated Coligny, the great admi- ral of France, whose fatal end, at the massacre on Bartholomew's eve, every reader well knows. Her commanding talents, which she inherited from her gifted father, she used in favour of the Remonstrants, and adopted every means within her power to allay the religious dissensions of Holland. Amongst others, she joined with several distinguished men of the Netherlands, in entreating the celebrated Du Plessis, a French Protestant nobleman, who at that period was as renowned for his prudence as a statesman, as for his courage as a soldier, and his piety as a Christian, to visit the United Prov- inces, that by his influence and talents he would endeavour to compose the dissensions of the Belgians. In her letter to him from the Hague, dated December 28th, 1617, she says, "It is certain, Sir, that we stand in the utmost need of your wise and prudent counsels, and I verily believe that the one party, as well as the other, will hearken more to yours, than to those of any other person. Sir, it is not only about religion that our quarrels are, our country is likewise at stake, if some care be not speedily taken. You are one of those who assisted my lord and husband to lay the foundations of this state : come now to the help of his children, and keep them from burying themselves in its ruins. If the dead had any knowledge of what passes upon the earth, I am sure he would conjure you to it in his own name and by his ashes. Sir, I beg it of you most heartily; for God's sake, do not stand upon punctilios." But while Du Plessis would have readily concurred with the entreaties of this lady and other distinguished persons, had there been any hope of success attending such a proposed measure, yet he clearly saw that all his eflbrts 230 CHAPTER IX. had herself heard Prince Maurice speak of Episcopius in the strongest terras of approbation, and she stated that immediately after mid-day, she should be able to inform them when her son Prince Henry would be within, that they might wait upon him for the purpose of speaking to him. At three o'clock she sent her page to say, that the Prince was prepared to see them. This amiable gentleman re- ceived them in the most friendly manner, and when made acquainted with their intention, he gave it as his decided opinion that Episcopius should wait upon his brother, asser- ting, "that he had no doubt but that his Excellency, Prince would be useless, saying in reply, " that the disease was violent, and that it was too late to apply any remedy." Of the descendants of this distinguished man, after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes by the tyranny of Louis 14th, nothing is heard in the history of France. The reason for this is, the fact of their being amongst those who with several other French families, emigrated in 1685 and 1686 to the Cape of Good Hope, where their descendants continue. In proof of this the following fact is stated in a work published at the Cape of Good Hope in the year 1827, with the following title, A Fragment of Church History at the Cape of Good Hope. " When General Janssens was Governor of the Cape, a dispatch arrived from France, containing a request of an extraordinary nature : — it was to find out the family of Du Plessis, and to request a senior member of it to pro- ceed to France, in order to take possession of family estates and a dukedom, for some time extinct for want of a lineal descendant. The Governor of the Cape instantly forwarded the communication to Mr, van der Riet, the Land- drost of Stellenbosch, who waited on Mr. Du Plessis, a farmer in the district. The old gentleman heard the proposition unmoved, rejected it, and avowed his attachment to Africa, and rural life. " There is every reason to believe, that Buonaparte had some sinister pur- poses to serve, in thus endeavouring to bring Du Plessis to France. Buo- naparte was j>ist then created consul for life, and might probably wish to gratify the protestant interest, and show his abhorrence of persecution. "The Du Plesses of this colony are descendants of Mornay Du Plessis, a jiro- testant nobleman, who united in his character the best qualities of the soldier, the statesman, the scholar, and the Christian. He is celebrated for being the friend and correspondent of Andrew Melville, the illustrious Scottish Reformer." MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 231 Maurice, would not only be pleased, but was really desirous of seeing him." They then asked him, what should be the assigned reason for soliciting an audience of the prince. He answered, as the Heer Vander Myle had done before, "to pay his respects to him," adding, at the same time, "that he believed his brother was anxious to ascertain, whether he could devise any means to put an end to the present dissensions of the church, or present in writing to him some plan by which it might be effected." They replied, " that they had already used on their part, every possible method to effect an accomodation with the opposite party, and that nothing more could be thought of by them, than that of mutual forbearance and toleration." " I know that," answered the prince, "nevertheless, an interview with his Excellency can do no harm." Still Episcopius hesitated, and again he and Uitenbogaerdt waited upon Barneveldt, to have his further judgment upon the business. This gentleman urged them by all means to follow the counsel of Prince Henry, informing Episcopius, that his Excellency had imagined, and was strongly impressed with the idea, that the Remon- strants designed to supplant, and indeed if possible, to overthrow the Contra-Remonstrants. Barneveldt undoubt- edly meant by this to intimate to Episcopius, that he should, if a favourable opportunity occurred, seize hold of it for the purpose of removing such an impression. The following day, Episcopius waited upon his Excel- lency, who received him in the most friendly way, giving him his hand, and in a kind and affable manner said, " that it afforded him great pleasure to see him, and that he had long wished to have an interview with him." Episcopius in reply said, " that he felt it to be his duty not to return till he had kissed the hand of his Excellency," who thanked him. Episcopius, while thus addressing him, was uncover- ed ; the prince bade him put on his hat, saying, " that he was not accustomed to speak with persons uncovered," and 232 CHAPTER IX. added further, " that he was anxious to speak with him on those unhappy dissensions in religion, and to learn from him what were his views concerning them, and to ascertain whether he knew of any mode that could be adopted by which the calamities resulting from them could be removed. Some people," said he, " suspect me of having some other design, and that I take one side, and am labouring to sup- press the other. This, I assure you, is far from me, but, on the contrary, I am anxious equally to defend both parties ; nevertheless, I deem it right to say, that I have a preference for those who adhere to the old religion." Thus fai*, says Limborch, I have found an account of this interview, given in the notes of Episcopius ; the subse- quent matters introduced on the occasion he has not stated, I therefore am unable to give any further account of his conference with Prince Maurice. It may perhaps be deemed illiberal to doubt * the sincer- ity of Maurice's statements, as to his intentions of equally protecting both parties, and we should concur with the sentiment, did not his subsequent conduct contradict his statements to Episcopius. He certainly had fixed his pur- pose of accomplishing " some other design," as soon as he saw affairs ripe for it, and as the Arminian party, at the head of which were Barneveldt and Grotius, had opposed * How far we are correct in our doubts as to Maurice's sincerity, in his declared intention of equally protecting both parties, will be seen from the fact of his having asserted in the latter end of this year, " that the disputes could not be settled but by the force of arms:" and in the following year, when Barneveldt, Grotius, and other gentlemen in the assembly of the states, openly advocated mutual toleration, he would strike his hand upon his sword and say, "It is not by many splendid orations and embellished speeches that these matters are to be settled, but with this will I defend the religion which my noble father planted and fostered in this land, without suffering any change therein, and let him who dares, attempt to oppose me in this work. — UiUnhog. Kirkl. Hist. h\. 8li, as quoted in Rcgcnbvoi/'s His- toric ikr Rcmoiislnmtvii crsle dcd. bl. 2t)l. MEMOIRS OF EnSCOPIl'S. 233 his "design," he determined upon their ruin, the particulars of which will be stated in the following pages. In the fall of these great men, it was not to be expected that those immediately connected with them could escape ; and Uitenbogaerdt, the intimate friend of the Lord Advo- cate, was of course not to pass without feeling the effects of the convulsion that was just at hand. It is true, Uitenbo- gaerdt was INIaurice's chaplain, and had been admitted to his confidence and friendship, but all the claims of friend- ship give way before those of ambition and the dictates of political rancour ; and therefore amongst the victims doomed to suffer, this venerable clergyman was marked out as one. This he clearly foresaw ; and having long been weary of the dissensions that agitated the church, and disgusted with the bigotry of the opposite party, especially when his comparatively juvenile colleague was patronized even by Maurice himself, in separating from him as a hei'etic, with whom communion could not be held with safety, he peti- tioned the magistrates and consistory of Leyden to release him from his obligation to act as pastor of the Walloon Church. In the first instance they strenuously opposed his request, and, at length, complied with it, only on this condition, that he should occasionally preach amongst them. Immediately after, matters grew still more gloomy, and the Contra-Rcmonstrants were violent beyond all bounds. The government had lost all authority, because Maurice showed himself in favour of those who opposed the States, forbidding the soldiers, who were at his beck, to suppress the riotous proceedings of the Calvinist party ; and to com- plete his purpose, he proceeded by violence to change the magistrates in several cities; and finally, to accomplish his "some other design," he decoyed Barneveldt into his power, whom he ordered, in opposition to all law or justice, to be im- prisoned with Hoogerbeets, Pensionary of Leyden, and Gro- tius, Pensionary of Rotterdam. Uitenbogaerdt, as noticed Q 234 CHAPTER IX. above, was to have been the next victim, but he happily saw the gathering storm, and retired to Brabant, out of the reach of the wicked grasp of this successful and aspiring soldier.* So highly esteemed was this venerable clergyman, by the Princess Dowager of Orange, and her amiable son Prince Frederick Henry, that they caused it to be intimated to him not to return to Holland, though his safety shoidd be guaranteed by a government document. This lady, it ap- pears, too well knew the designs of Maurice and his crea- tures upon this distinguished minister, to allow him to be lured into their toils by any stratagem they might devise for that purpose.f The loss of Uitenbogaerdt's labours in the pulpit was severely felt by those who were attached to his ministry ; and the magistrates and consistory of the Hague, wishing to supply the lack of his services, requested several ministers to officiate successively in the pulpit he had formerly occu- pied. Amongst these Episcopius was earnestly solicited occasionally to preach amongst them. To this he readily consented, and on the 17th of September delivered a sermon in the great church, from the following words. Blessed are they which do hunger and thirst after righteousness, for they shall he Jilled, Matthew, v. 6. This discourse, it appears, gave great offence to some of the bigoted Contra-Remon- strant party, who carried their animosity so far against the preacher, as formally to complain of him to the States of Holland. This circumstance induced the States to send the following letter to the consistory at the Hague : — " Learned, pious, beloved, and eminent. — In consequence * Maurice, the eldest protestant son of William, surpassed his father in military genius, but fell short of him in that moderation of temper and prin- ciple, which is a most indispensable virtue in the leader of a free state. 1 he blood of Barneveldt and the dungeon of Grotius have left an indelible stain on his memory. History of tlie Revolution of England in 1688, by the late Sir James AIackintosh. f See Brandt, vol. ii. p. Sol. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 235 of its having been stated to us, that on Sunday last the Professor and minister Episcopius, when preaching in the great church at the Hague, did in his sermon introduce certain matters, more calculated to excite sedition, than to promote the edification of the congregation, which was an occasion of offence to many of the pious hearers ; we have therefore judged it right to send these presents to you, and hereby to request that you will at the earliest opportunity make enquiry, and inform us of this affair as speedily as pos- sible, which we shall accordingly expect of you, and we commend you to the care of God. Written at the Hague, September the eighteenth, 1618. By order of the States. Undersigned — A Duyck." The answer of the consistory to the states, says Limborch, I have never been able to procure, but the testimony its members gave to Episcopius, in relation to this sermon, is as follows. " Since Dr. Episcopius, Professor of Theology in the University of Leyden, did at the earnest request of the consistory and some other members of the congregation of the Hague, preach on the sixteenth of September last ; and as it appears that some persons of the said congregation have complained of his sermon delivered on that occasion, to certain distinguished and illustrious persons, stating that the said Episcopius had therein made use of certain improper and unjustifiable statements, tending more to generate sedition, than to promote the edification and instruction of the con- gregation, and that in consequence of such a representation to their High Mightinesses, the States of Holland and West Friesland, they have been induced to write to the consistory of the said church, to the end, that it might inform their High Mightinesses, of the real state and truth of the matter; and because this circumstance has come to the knowledge of the aforesaid professor, who has requested our judgment on the sermon, we therefore, the undersigned ministers, elders, 236 CHAPTER IX. and deacons representing the said consistory, have declared, and do declare unanimously, as well as several members of the church who heard the aforesaid sermon, our most perfect and entire approbation of the same ; and not only so, but like- wise of the prayers that preceded and followed the sermon; and do aver that not one word was uttered, that was objec- tionable or capable of giving offence, but on the contrary, we do declare concerning the said prayers and sermon, and especially the latter, that they contained doctrines, ex- hortations, and reproofs, which were very pious and highly calculated to promote the instruction of those who heard them, and most worthy to be received as tending to promote their holiness and salvation. Given in the consistory of the Hague twentieth of September, 1618. Signed, Bernar- dus la Faille and John Taurenus ministers of the Hague, Quirin van Stryen, J. van Duynen, Francis Criep, John Janson Cocq, N. van Sorgen, elders."* We must now resume that part of our narrative which especially relates to the conduct of Maurice, in his attempts to secure the absolute sovereignty of the Netherlands. In accomplishing his purpose, he knew that his success wholly depended on the consent of Barneveldt. To induce him to comply with his design, he had recourse to the Dowager Princess of Orange, his mother in law. Aware that the gentle character and exemplary conduct of this lady had procured her universal esteem, Maurice cal- culated upon her influence with Barneveldt; and to succeed the more effectually, he told her that he had positively de- * This discourse is to be found in the folio edition of Episcopius' sermons, at page 331. To prove tliat tlie charges advanced by these bigots were unfound- ed, we have only to state that it was not composed for the occasion, but is one of a course of sermons he was preacliing on the Beatitudes. The fact is, that the complainants, by their clamour having hunted down Uitenbogaerdt, were deeply mortified that his place was not supplied by a Contra-Remonstrant minister, and therefore vented their spleen in the manner as shown above. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 237 termiued to remain unmarried, and in this way would pre- pare the way for her own son, Prince Henr}^, to succeed him in his intended sovereignty. The princess,* not insen- sible to this appeal, followed the instructions of Maurice, and broached the affair to Barneveldt, but he was inexora- ble. He clearly explained to her the perilous career on which the prince proposed to enter. He showed how great, how independent, yea how almost absolute he might con- tinue, without shocking the principles of the Dutch states, by grasping at an empty dignity, which could not virtually increase his authority. The princess, convinced by his rea- soning, repaired to Maurice ; but, instead of finding him as ready a convert as she herself had been, she received as cold an answer as was compatible with a passionate temper, wounded pride, and disappointed ambition.f The conduct of Barneveldt in this affair sealed his doom in the mind of Maurice. He now threw off all disguise, at- tached himself openly to the Calvinist party, and made use of the name of religion to accomplish his designs. In doing this, it seemed absolutely necessary to crush Arminianism ; and all his minor measures were subservient to this grand object, in as much as its abettors stood identified with the patriot party.:}; A national synod was now loudly called for by the Gom- arists, and in spite of the constitutional opposition offered to it, was formally proclaimed. This the nobles of Holland and Utrecht complained of, saying, that it was unlawful for a few of the minor states to appoint any thing in these * " Louisa de Coligny was a woman singular in her character, as well as in her destiny, who having seen h.er father and the husband of her youth mur- dered, was doomed to witness the fall of a more illustrious husband by the hand of an assassin of the same faction, and who, in her last widowhood, earned the affection of William's children, so as to ensure their i)rotection to a son whom she inspired with her own \\riues.'" —MacJdntosh's History of the Reviihdion in Eiujland, iti 1(588. p. 307. f See Gkatt.vn's Netlwr lands, t Idem. 238 CHAPTER IX. matters, without the consent of the principal states. This exasperated the Calvinist party, the violence of whose proceedings knew no bounds. The Latin editor of Episcopius' memoirs very justly re- marks,— The States of Holland, which had foreseen the results of calling a National Synod, had long resisted such a measure, but had proposed the appointment of a provin- cial one, to which deputies from neighbouring states were to be invited. That they had the right of making such a proposal, must be admitted from the principles of the con- federacy of Utrecht, formed in 1579, which guaranteed a species of separate sovereignty to each of the seven pro- vinces, which in truth were seven distinct communities, each having the right of regulating its own local affairs, especially those relating to religion. The comparative im- portance of Holland may be estimated from the consideration, that in general assessments of money, that province raised much more than half of the sum levied on the whole confed- eracy.* Not being able, however, to succeed in securing the appointment of such a provincial synod, they declared on the tenth of February, 1618, that they were willing that the mat- ters relating to these contentions, should be debated in coun- cil by men of peace, and that some rule of interpretation of the formularies of the church, should be contrived for the purpose of preventing an incorrect exposition of them, and regulating their use as a standard of address to the people, and which might be so expressed as not to be burdensome to the persons who could not entirely concur with it in all its parts. In a subsequent resolution of the states, published in the month of August of the same year, the same declara- tion was made, in which the subject of calling a synod of Holland was considered, for devising means to restore peace, and it was further added, that if after its sittings any points should be found which required to be decided upon, the de- • Lectures on the Philosophy of Modern History by Dr. Miller, vol v. p 486. MEMOIKS OF EPISCOPIUS. 239 cision of them should be put off by this provincial synod to a national synod, which might take cognizance of the same, and decide according to the Word of God, not only upon their truth, but also their importance. And the States of Holland declared that they were ready to contribute what might be found necessary for the execution of the same. In the mean time, Maurice was intent upon his object, and pretended that the diversity of opinion in the states was a wan-ant for him to disregard their decrees, and there- fore, in despite of the states, forbade the soldiers as be- fore stated, to attend to their commands. But the lords, knowing that the soldiers owed obedience to them, and seeing that Maurice thus unconstitutionally forbade them receiving the commands of their sovereigns, gave the guar- dianship of the towns and places of defence to the national militia, called Waardegelders. In this juncture of affairs, the magistrates, likewise, of various towns, where there were either no regular soldiers, or where they were suspected, did, with the permission of the States of Holland, organize and increase the city militia at their own expense, according to a right which they possessed, and which they had before used, of arming for the protection of the public peace ; the lawfulness of which had never been questioned by the states. This, however, Maurice asserted was prejudicial to his au- thority, and pretended to take huge offence at it. Certainly it was the way to thwart his designs, and that he knew, and therefore while the Calvinistic party were violent in their clamours for a national synod,he was determined to use this circumstance for the accomplishment of his purpose. How far he might depend on the assistance of this party, will be seen from the fact of the consistory of Brille, who, though according to their profession as ministers of the gospel, were bound not to use any weapons in their warfare that were car- nal, had, nevertheless, in a public document they presented to the magistrates, against whom they were in a state of rebel- 240 CHAPTER IX. lion, gone so far as to say, that they would try icho&e Jists were the hardest. This induced the latter, while witnes- sing the irregularities occasioned by the proceedings of the clergy, to embody the Waardegelders, in order to secure the public peace. Maurice, who was alive to these measures, was fully aware that if this were allowed, it would prevent the execution of his designs, and knowing that he should be supported by the consistory, set out suddenly by night from the Hague, and arrived at the Brille, and in direct opposi- tion to the entreaties and remonstrances of the magisti"ates, and in violation of the rights of the town, placed some of the soldiers devoted to his person, in that important place which was the key of Holland ; and in this way, this ambi- tious soldier, already in the enjoyment of all but absolute power, proclaimed himself Supreme Master of the States. Nothing could now withstand the accomplishment of the object of his wishes, and that of the party to which he had attached himself. At Utrecht he disbanded the Waardegel- ders, a minute ^aMoiint of which is given by Brandt, who states, that he is thus particular in his narrative, because of the great consequences arising out of these proceedings, to the civil and ecclesiastical affairs of Holland. The fact was, it prepared the way for Maurice to change the magis- tracy, and to summon his creatures to his aid, who be- came his instruments in accomplishing his dark designs upon Barneveldt, and proscribing the Arminian party, of which he was the principal lay-leader. In this state of ani- mosity against the Remonstrants, the Calvinistic party, with Maurice at their head, carried their measures in obtaining the appointment of a national synod. The reader will concur with the statement of the Latin editor of Limborch's me- moirs of Episcopius, that it was not difficult to see to which side the victory would be awarded. The thirteenth of November, 1618, was the day on which the first session of this celebrated synod was held. During MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 241 its sittings, which continued for near six months, its members procured the condemnation of Arrainianism, and prepared the way for the deposition of those ministers who espoused it, and the imprisonment of their persons, with the banishment of hundreds of pious, industrious, respectable, and peaceable families, who formed the body of their congregations and flocks : nevertheless the president could say to its members, at the opening of its hundred and fifty-fourth sitting, when reviewing these and similar acts, " that the miraculous la- bours of the synod had made hell to tremble." Before, how- ever, we proceed to the particular history of this famous assembly, whose proceedings were so alarming to the rulers of the nether regions, we must follow the statements of Lim- borch, in his details of what passed before its sittings com- menced. Provincial synods, he says, were convoked through all the provinces, where all things were to be arranged for the national synod, and letters of citation were issued to the parties concerned. The Remonstrants, who were present at the conference of the Hague, about this time presented to the States of Hol- land a memorial, in which they showed the conditions under which a national synod should be appointed. On the twen- tieth of September the states sent a letter to the above Re- monstrants, the contents of which were as follow: — " Learned, beloved, and particular. — After the memorial presented by you to our assembly had been examined, and the contents and request of the same duly weighed, it has been deemed proper that the said memorial should be taken by our deputies to the Synods of North and South Holland, in order that it may be there presented, and carefully exam- ined in the fear of the Lord, and that a decision be pro- nounced upon it without prejudice or partiality, in accord- ance with the well-being of the church, the prosperity of the state, and, as far as possible, to your satisfaction ; and this our letter is to be held by you as a notice of the same. 242 CHAPTER IX. Moreover we advise, admonish, and command you, to send your deputies according to the decisions of the synodical classis, to the synods of North and South Holland, respec- tively to be held at Delft and Enchusa, on the eighth and tenth of October next. And because it is fit and proper that those who shall appear in your name at these synods, should be free and safe, we, by these presents, assure them of the same. Do not therefore omit attending to this order; and expecting you to comply with the same, we commend you to the protection of Almighty God. Written at the Hague, September 20th, 1618. Signed by order of the States, — A. Duyck." About the same time, letters of invitation for holding a national synod at Dort, were sent from the lords the states- general, to the princes and magistrates of the reformed provinces requesting them to send learned theologians to the synod to be held on the first of November. The Professors also of the Universities belonging to their High Mightinesses were invited. The letter sent to Episcopius runs thus : — " The States of Holland and West Friesland. — " Most learned, beloved, and particular. — Since the High and Mighty Lords the states-general of the United Nether- lands, in order to remove the sorrowful religious dissensions of their country, have judged it proper to summon in the United Netherland provinces, a national synod, to be held in the city of Dort about the first day of November next, in the presence of some pious, learned, peaceable, and mo- derate persons, who may be assembled from the neighbouring kingdoms, provinces, and states, by their High Mightinesses, which we have no doubt but you have already understood ; so these presents are designed to notify to you, and thereby to remind, require, and command you, suitably to prepare to appear without fail at the city of Dort, on the first of November, in order to be present and assist at the aforesaid MEMOIRS OK EPISCOPIUS. 243 national synod with good counsel and advice. Depending therefore upon your compliance with these directions, we commend you to the protection of Almighty God. Written at the Hague, 20th of Semptember 1618. By order of the States. Signed, — A Duyck." In the mean time provincial synods were held in various parts of the Netherlands, but the arrangements there made were greatly detrimental to the Remonstrants, and they clearly foresaw what would be the effects of them in the approaching national synod. In order that the Contra- Remonstrants might have the largest number of votes in the provincial synods, those classes in which they were in the minority they, by force or art, divided, and each division sent its deputies to the synod. But in those classes in which they were the larger number, they would not suffer any such division. From this it must necessarily follow, that the Remonstrants would have the smallest number of votes in the synod. In the letters of citation the Remon- strants were not addressed as brethren.* The Contra- Remon- strants also disputed the authority of the letters by which the Remonstrants were authorised to attend these provincial synods, for the purpose of excluding them, and under various pretexts and subterfuges disqualified others from attending them; and by this nefarious mode of proceeding they prepar- ed the way to choose such deputies for the national synod as they desired, taking care that they should all be Contra-Re- * Much must be allowed for the excitement of the moment, when judging of the conduct and spirit of the Contra-Remonstrant clergy at this period. Nevertheless, it will be admitted that they were not very impartial and un- prejudiced judges on the questions in debate between them and the oppo- site party, when it is known, that at several of the provincial synods, w hen they were about to enter on the business for which they were assem- bled, the most violent of these ministers declared, in several instances, in the name of their respective classes, that they could not own the Remonstrants asbrethren in Christ, but on the contrary held them for heathens and pub- licans. 244 CHAPTER IX, monslrants, and thereby exclude the Remonstrants. In seve- ral instances where the latter had been deputed from their classes, they without any just cause and without waiting the judgment of the national synod, suspended them from their office, and under various pretences, deposed several others of their most eminent ministers, for the purpose of preventing the Remonstrants from having the benefit of their influence and talents in the approaching national synod. As the rea- der may suppose, the celebrated and amiable Uitenbogaerdt would not be allowed to appear in that assembly ; they therefore, under certain pretexts excluded him from the ministry, as also Nicholas Grevinchovius preacher of Rot- terdam, another of the most eminent of the Remonstrant clergy. In the whole province of Utrecht there were only five Contra-Remonstrant ministers, nevertheless the party to which they belonged so managed their affairs, as actually to secure to them the power of forming themselves into a special synod distinct from the Remonstrants ; that they might thus be able to depute two from their number to the national synod, one of whom, hov\ever, was not a Hollander, but a stranger who was officiating for the time being among them. The synod of the Remonstrants of this province, also, deputed two persons to the national synod, but when it came to treat of the subjects relating to the Remonstrants, even they were excluded from it, as will be noticed hereafter. About this time it was, that Festus published his book en- titled, ^^ Specimen Belgicarum controversiarum; — A speci- men of the controversies of the Low Countries." This book, which was composed with the special design of injuring the cause of the Remonstrants, by prejudicing the foreign divines against them, abounded with misrepresentations, and dealt largely in the dishonourable practice, of first creating false opinions, and then attributing them to the Remonstrants. Not satisfied with thus endeavouring to prejudice the foreign members of the synod, it was likewise translated into Dutch MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 245 under this offensive title, ^'^ Monster der Nederlandsche yes- chillen ; — The monster of the Low Country differences." This was designed to act upon the mob, whom Festus knew so well how to manage, and to win them over to the Contra- Remonstrant cause. Of these nefarious proceedings, the Remonstrants complained most bitterly, and to show that they had just grounds for these complaints, Episcopius published a small tract, to which we alluded at page 165, entitled Optima Fides Festi Hommii, in which he showed that Festus had misrepresented his theses in the most pal- pable manner. To vindicate himself against this charge, Festus pretended to give the private disputations of Epis- copius. These he had obtained in the dishonourable man- ner mentioned at page 164. He prefixed to this publication a preface, in which he endeavoured to defend himself from the charges alleged against him by Episcopius. But this work pretending to give a representation of our professor's senti- ments, was so faulty, stupid, and gross, that Episcopius in a second pamphlet clearly demonstrated that if Festus had not acted with gi'eat duplicity and bad faith, yet, at least, he had shown that degree of carelessness, which could not be reconciled with honourable principles and the sanctity of the ministerial office. I have, says Limborch, the identical copy of Episcopius' theses, written in his own hand, and presented by him to some of his students, for the purpose of its being collated with those published by Festus, and pre- tending to be his. On the margin of this manuscript, are written the misstatements and false quotations of Festus, which, even from the beginning to the end, are so many, and so gross, that it cannot be read without surprise and disgust. Whoever would take the trouble to compare those contained in Festus' publication, with those of Episcopius, printed in the second volume of his works, will be con- vinced for himself of the justice of these remarks. The period now rapidly approached for the assembling of 246 CHAPTER IX. the Synod of Dort, and the necessary preHminary arrange- ments were made to facilitate the business for which it had been convoked. The foreign theologians daily arrived, who presented the letters with which they were furnished, authorizing them to appear in the synod. In the mean time, however, and before the foreign divines had all ar- rived, the officers for the synod were elected by the pro- vincial members. The president was John Bogerman, min- ister of Leowarden; the assessors were James Roelandus and Herman Faukelius, ministers of Amsterdam and Mid- dleburg; and the secretaries, Festus Hommius and Sebastian Damman, ministers of Leyden and Zutphen. From such an election, says Limborch, the Remonstrants at once saw what was to be their fate; as these men who were thus chosen to be the great agents and instruments in managing the business of the synod, were their most bitter, unrelent- ing, and bigoted enemies and persecutors. The time being now arrived for Episcopius to hasten to the Synod of Dort, according to the summons of their High Mightinesses the States of Holland, in which he was direct- ed to repair to Dort, in his character of Professor of Theo- logy, to assist with his counsel in that venerable assembly, he deemed it right, on the thirteenth of November, to ad- dress the students under his care, and, as he evidently foresaw it would be for the last time, instead of pursuing the course he had marked out for himself in his usual college lectures, he delivered to them a brief oration in the form of a farewell address, containing a summary account of his proceedings, his mode of instruction, and the motives by which he was prompted in so doing. Fully aware that his attachment to the opinions he had espoused was about to be tried, he herein declares his readiness to suffer for the same ; the cor- rectness of which declaration, the subsequent parts of these memoirs will place beyond the shadow of a doubt. This oration is singularly marked by its pointed sentiments, ele- MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPITJS. 247 vated piety, and courageous bearing, as well as with the statement of errors in doctrine which prevailed in the Dutch church, and the defective mode of teaching in the public seats of learning, which render it worthy of notice; and therefore, we deem it right to give it a place in these memoirs. — AN ORATION DELIVERED BY SIMON EriSCOPIUS, WHEN HE WAS ABOUT TO LEAVE THE UNIVERSITY OF LEYDEN, TO ATTEND THE SYNOD OF DORT, TO WHICH HE HAD BEEN SUMMONED. "In our lecture of yesterday, we brought to a close our observations on the signs, which our Holy Redeemer de- clared should precede his last and glorious advent. It now remains, that we should proceed to a description of this grand and awfully sublime, but ardently desired scene it- self. And, indeed, had I been permitted to have accom- plished my purpose, I had designed, before I ended my re- marks, to have gone through this subject in all its parts. For there is nothing, the consideration and recollection of which can or ought to be more agreeable and accep- table to a devout mind, than the anticipation of that most glorious and eventful day. But because I am constrained to be occupied by other cares and engagements, I have deemed it proper not to commence an exposition, which I should not be able to bring to a close ; and therefore my lectures, which have been continued to the twenty-sixth chapter,* must for the present terminate. The consideration of this sub- * This refers to his comment on St. Matthew's Gospel, which is to be found in the second volume of his works. 248 CHAPTER IX. ject, however, may probably be midertaken at a subsequent period. And now, my very dear hearers, since I am com- pelled to desist from continuing my readings to you, on the great and dreadful day, when the Son of Man shall appear in the clouds of heaven, with the glory of his Father, and shall pronounce an irrevocable sentence upon the thoughts, the words, and the deeds of all the human family ; and as I am about to be absent from you for a short time, to defend myself and the cause of Jesus Christ, I can but take this op- portunity of addressing you from this place. Bear with me, then, while for a little, and perhaps the last time 1 may ad- dress you, — you, I say, who have known all my ways in the Lord. " Since I have sustained the office of public professor in this university, I solemnly declare that it has been my sole business, not to endeavour to please men, for if I had, I should not have been the servant of Jesus Christ, but, on the contrary, so to conduct myself that I might be found guiltless before the Son of Man, and receive from my Lord Jesus Christ his approving testimony, that I have uprightly discharged the duties of my office, and been faithful in my ministry. And, in order that I might, also, excite and stimulate you, by my instructions and example, to run the same course, and attain the same end, I have, as far as was in my power, laboured to prompt you to endeavour to become fellow-partakers of the same glorious prize; and, at least, if I failed in this at- tempt, I might be clear of the guilt of your souls, and that your blood might not be required at my hands. This was the object of all my studies, counsels, and cares, and the proposed end of my professional duties and labours. What I have done in order to the accomplishment of my purposes, suffer me now briefly to relate to you. " In the sickly-constituted body of our church, I saw that its diseased functions required no slight remedies to produce an effectual cure. But to attempt this, was seen to be a MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 549 perilous experiment, in as much as it was to be apprehended that the application of these remedies might tend powerfully to excite all the latent distempered humours of the system, and occasion certain fearful paroxysms, and fatal indications of approaching dissolution. It was necessary, therefore, to adopt one of these alternatives : — either to abandon the dis- eased body, and suffer its maladies to become more and more aggravated, or to administer the necessary remedies, and at- tempt its restoration, rather than silently witness its inevita- ble dissolution. Arguments and reasons were not wanting in favour of either of these measures. These I deliberately ex- amined, and carefully weighed ; and finally judged that I was bound to take the latter course, though involving the greatest risk, and to attempt the application of a remedy, should it expose me to the opposition and displeasure of the whole world. And in order that I might be able to effect my purpose, I judged that three very important and salu- tary measures must be adopted. " The first was, that I should present the truths and sub- jects contained in the Scripture, as plainly, clearly, and in- genuously, as T possibly could ; not arrayed in false orna- ments, bon-owed colourings, and artificial representations. For I judged it of importance, that he who wishes to learn the truth in order to teach it to others, should be able to follow its track, as though he bore the sun itself in his hand to illuminate his path. This I deemed the more necessary, because I saw that the import of many subjects, — and these the most weighty of the Scripture itself, — was represented in such a manner, through the inventive arts of some — the Jaboiu'ed and artificially wrought phrases of others — and the fanciful and formal arrangements of the loci-co?)imunes, or com- mon-place divinity, that the meaning of the same is rendered so complicated, intricate, and perplexed, as to require the assistance of an Qj^dipus to solve and unfold some of these K 250 CHAPTER IX. dark theological enigmas.* But so it is, my beloved audi- tors; and here was to me the first occasion of grief and in- quietude. This barbarous and far-fetched phraseology ren- ders obscure and unintelligible any art or science, otherwise not difficult to be apprehended. And it has happened, that those who have been forced to adopt and use such phrases, although they have been anxious and wholly intent upon acquiring a knowledge of some particular art or science, yet immediately, on making the attempt, they have been disgusted, and retraced their steps, though they would other- wise have been won to the pursuit of it, had it been allowed to appear in all its native simplicity and beauty. This I have also thought to be one of the greatest evils in theolo- gy. And it has been a source of great grief and pain to me, when I have witnessed an ardent, docile, and highly-gifted youth, capable of attaining great eminence, wasting his time and talents upon studies, that end only in the acquisi- tion of an unintelligible and fruitless jargon of words, which perpetually increasing like a swelling torrent, bears him away, as within the attraction of some mighty whirlpool, till he is in danger of being completely engulphed, while the result of all this labour is the mere acquisition of terms, * In confirmation of these statements we shall give the authority of Dr. Mosheini,\vho when speaking of the loci -communes of many writers of that day, says, "that instead of following the simple and elegant style of Calvin in his Institutes, they made the science of Divinity intricate, by the introduc- tion of the jargon of the schools into them. The philosophy of Aristotle," he adds, " which was taught in almost all the seminaries of learning, and suffered much from falling into bad hands, insinuated itself into the regions of theology, and rendered them barren, thorny, intricate and gloomy, by the enormous multitude of barbarous terms, captious questions, minute distinc- tions, and useless subtleties, that followed in the train." He then adds, "this method of teaching theology must have been in use with all the re- formed doctors before the Synod of Dort, in as much as Episcopius' avoid- ance of it, was the principal cause that had drawn on him the vehement hatred and opjjosition of all the other professors and teachers of theology." MEMOIRS OF Enscopius. 251 phrases, or opinions, instead of real knowledge.* And when I perceived that those who pursued such a course were found to have grasped at the illusive shadow of Juno,t in- stead of her person ; I therefore judged that I ought to at- tempt to restore the simple phraseology of the apostles, which is so easy to be understood by every one, and to avoid the use of all philosophical speculations and logical terms, invented by the schools, and adopted as peculiarly belonging to academies and universities. An oration will produce more effect when delivered in unadorned and sim- ple language, than when arrayed in the ornaments of a false and pompous stile. This has been the reason of my never leading any one of you, requested or unrequested, to any other than the Fountains of Sacred Truth, and never hav- ing counselled any one to read the loci-communes, until he had first very carefully consulted the Scriptures, in order * We can hardly form any notion of this " unintelligible jargon of words," which was made the medium of conveying pretended instruction, but we find in the writings of Mr. Hickman, a rigid Calvinist of 1659, the following sentiment, as quoted by Bishop Womack, in his Calvinist's Cabinet Unlocked, intended to prove that his doctrines did not make God the author of sin. " Because it belongs to the universality of the first cause, to produce not only every real being, but also the real positive modifications of beings ; therefore we say, that in good works, both the works themselves, and their rectitude are positive, and are from God ; in evil works there are also two things con- siderable, the works themselves, and their pravity; the works themselves, we doubt not, are positive, and from God, as all other positive things ; but their pravities add no new entities to them, but consist in a mere privation." And further to get rid of the same charge of making God the author of sin, especially on the question of the sinner hating God, he says, " This is complex- urn quid, and must not be spoken of, as if it were one ; the vital action or ha- tred is a thing positive, and consequently that is from God ; but the undue referring or terminating of that act to such an object, which is altogether lovely; that is the sinfulness of the action. This is derived only from man's corruption and the devil's temptation ; and where the cause itself is vicious, its vitiosity is not the cause of the vitiosity of the effect, for vitiosity of itself neither can eflect nor be effected." This sublimity is, we confess, beyond our reach. f See Classical Dictionary. — Article Ixion. 252 CHAPTER IX. that he might be made acquainted with their truths, and be furnished with sound and correct views of the same; lest bringing a prejudiced mind to the reading of the Holy Records, he should, as is commonly the case, interpret them according to the notions which he had previously heard and imbibed in the schools. Nevertheless, because the import of many subjects, contained here and there in Divine Reve- lation, is veiled under metaphors and figures, and the mean- ing of others is hidden under representations and predic- tions, which can only be dug up and drawn out, as from the deep well of Democritus ; and since all truths are not to be considered of equal importance, so I have deemed it necessary to produce, and direct your attention chiefly to those which ai*e the most essential. In the mean time, however, I have, as far as was within my power, attempted to illustrate other pas- sages of Holy Writ, the interpretation of which might contribute to the better understanding of the moi-e weighty and important truths of theology. And because I judged that the introduction of all subjects purely speculative ought to be avoided, except when it was understood that it would lead to the study of those of a practical character, I have abstained from bringing forward any thing which had no connexion with, or did not more or less lead to an acquain- tance with, or tend to practical subjects. I have purposely and carefully avoided any reference to those superficial and vain disputes and questions, which by some are fre- quently debated with great earnestness and zeal, but which I have always considered as the nurseries of contention — the incentives and bellows of discord — the torments of genius — the lurking places of impiety — and the fire-brands and fuel of schisms and dissensions : believing, as is really the case, that in the race of holiness we are called to run, in order to attain the prize of eternal life, nothing but what is serious, necessary, and conducive to the attainment of such an object, ought to be proposed, and MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 253 engage the attention of those who have entered upon it. Therefore have I never endeavoured to lead you into the secret recesses — the windings, the labyrinths, and intrica- cies of disputation ; because I was fully persuaded that they could not profit the intelligent, though they might injure the ignorant. And whilst judging it to be the business of a prudent man, studiously to avoid those things which do not essentially contribute to his salvation, 1 have especially believed it to be the business of the devout and pious man, not only to despise these frivolous matters of debate, but actually to reject them with scora and disgust. " In my researches after truth, I have never deemed it right to confine myself to one commentator. For although I am fully conscious of my own weakness, yet have I never been able to bring myself to that state, in which I could implicitly submit my belief and conscience to any one author, whatever might be the claims or pretensions with which he should appear before me. Indeed, I have considered, that it did not accord with the character of a religious and devout person, to be guided by the deci- sions of any man, but that his judgment should be in- clined to that side which seemed to be most in unison with the dictates of Truth and Reason. Yea, I have always thought that those who invariably adhere to the interpre- tations of particular commentators or expositors, and, re- main as closely attached to them as leeches to a wound, without being willing to depart a straw's breadth from their opinions, are like slaves or oxen which are easily led hither and thither by the nose, or turned like the stone in a hand- mill, by the power and will of another. But on the con- trary, those who examine the opinions and claims of others and then judge for themselves, and who are not ashamed to learn even from an enemy, yea, and are willing to acquire real knowledge and solid truth from any one, without regard to his person, whether he be Greek or Trojan, they act the 254 CHAPTER IX. part of those who do not reject a costly stone, though found in the head of a toad ;* nor despise an odoriferous perfume, though extracted from the excrescences of an animal. " My chief care, therefore, has been to recall you from the vain, juggling, and sophisticated theology of the schools, back to the simplicity of the apostles, as to a starting post ; and my attempts to accomplish this object were deemed by me of such importance, that I considered that he who had attained to this point of instruction, was actually within reach of every other. For believe me, whoever has once allowed his mind to be directed from this simplicity, and turned to the empty sophisms of the schools, will inevitably be drawn into interminable labyrinths, and entangled in nets and gins, from which he cannot extricate himself; while every such attempt will only bind him firmer in these toils, just as the bird is more securely ensnared by its endeavours to escape the net of the fowler. For we must not suppose, that any person by the use of mere subtle distinctions, will be able to extricate himself from them. For it is of the na- ture of these distinctions, that when they have been adopted for the purposes of sophistry, in opposition to the signs of truth, they are like the spider's web, which usually entan- gles and retains the smaller species of flies and other in- sects, however easily broken by those of the larger kind. These distinctions, though of a very fruitful nature, are nevertheless like reeds, empty, rank, and frail, on which account it is found necessary that they should be supported by others, as props to their weakness ; and as these again become weak and insufficient, a new train is originated to sustain them, till the whole like bursted bladders or empty leathern bottles fail and decay through their own emptiness and fragility. He, therefore, who would rightly and pro- fitably philosophise and QeoXoyav, that is, study and learn theology, must avoid these frivolous distinctions, as he * Shakespeare alludes to this fiction in his play of " As you Like it," Act 2. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 255 would shun the presence of so many harpies. And for this reason, that the language of truth is plain and simple. "Another object which I have always proposed, was that of leading you to holiness of life, a course of conduct so rare, as to be almost banished from the reformed world. To this state of things we ourselves have perhaps also cul- pably contributed, by not commending practical religion, as we ought to have done, in all its loveliness and excellency. I therefore determined to attempt through you the restora- tion of Christian holiness in our churches ; and I was the more especially urged to these measures, from the convic- tion, that without this, the mere knowledge of theological truth would be of no avail, nor leave any hope of peace and unity to the Christian world, which are so important to the prosperity of religion. And because I saw that this general defect in religious character could not be remedied without exposing certain errors, which are incentives to, and apolo- gies for impiety, I, therefore, in connexion with others, have been wholly intent upon removing the veil with which these pernicious dogmas are covered, and thus enabling you and other Christians to contemplate divine truth and holiness in all their native loveliness and purity. " I have always been of opinion, that there are three capital errors, which are blots and stains on our Reformation. The first is, that by which men are taught to believe that there are some particular persons destined, as if by name, by an ir- revocable decree to eternal salvation ; and in such a manner, that their sins cannot provoke the wrath of God against them, but that all their offences, however heinous they may be, are accounted as venial, and which God will not charge against them, or render them subject to painful consequences on account of them. The second is, that which maintains, that in order to our justification before God, it is only neces- sary to have a mere intellectual faith which believes that the guilt of all our sins is removed, not only of those committed 256 CHAPTER IX. before we believed, but likewise those we may commit after believing, even ad injinihim. The third is, that which posi- tively affirms, that true holiness consists in a mere affection of the mind, and in a cold, fruitless desire, or rather a bare and powerless attempt to do good, unaccompanied with any effect ; and that those in whom this mere desire is found, may nevertheless be justly deemed regenerated persons, although they live in the commission of the most aggravated vices and sins. I have always been fully persuaded that these three dogmas have been the great supports, and the props of that impiety and profligacy, which are so awfully prevalent amongst us. And it cannot possibly be other- wise, than that the citadel of profanity must inevitably re- main firm and unshaken, so long as these bulwarks and but- tresses, with which it is defended and its strength main- tained, are allowed to continue unassailed by the force of a battering-ram, or otherwise unattempted to be carried by storm. We have for this reason been induced in various ways and at different times to attack these errors, and with what degree of zeal and earnestness God knows, and you can but remember. And let this be no matter of surprise; for, in the Holy Scriptures, not only are reasons to be found for attacking them, but arms are every where furnished with which to assail and overthrow them. And this they do by contending for holiness as for a Palladium ; * which although it may not be discerned and acknowledged by those who are not decidedly devoted to religion, but, on the contrary, are prompted by the reception of error to deride its claims ; nevertheless, by that person whose mind is deeply imbued with its hallowing influence, this will not only be seen as every where standing out on its pages, but as readily ad- mitted, and devoutly acted upon. This arises out of the character of the affections of a religious mind, which in- stinctively tends to objects that are holy, and is as delicately * See Classical Dhtionanj. — Article PallaOIusi. MEMOIRS OF EPisconus. 257 sensitive of the touch of those which can injure its piety, as the foot can be of the thorn which wounds, and the eye of the particle of dust that pains it. "The third subject of solicitude with me, was that of prompting you to promote peace and unity, which are the fruits of a gentle and amiable spirit ; for I have always con- sidered, that amidst the diversity of men's capacities, with the obscurity attending a great variety of theological sub- jects, and the perplexing questions arising out of the same, it is inevitably certain that a difference of sentiment and judg- ment will exist on several points, which may and ought to be left undecided as to their exact import by any fixed stan- dard of interpretation ; and which, under the law of chari- ty, may be contemplated as occasions of that forbearance, which is due to the limited state of human intellect and the frailties of our nature. I have therefore endeavoured, as far as I was able, to prevent you from falling into the three fol- lowing evils : — The first is, that of cultivating a taste and passionate inclination for disputation and debate, especially upon matters which ai'e of little or no value, through which it often happens, that truth and charity are frequently lost; while all attempts to convey instructions in the way of dis- putation, are usually found to be abortive. And this might be expected; for an obstinate mind will not easily yield even to the force of argument, and a docile one is rarely won amidst the clamour of disputation and contention; and though the pious mind may be readily disposed to receive those in- structions and directions, which are given in the spirit of gentleness and meekness, yet, on the contrary, it will reject and despise those which are presented by a person of a cap- tious and disputatious disposition, though they carry with them the evidences of truth itself. When, therefore, we wish to discomfit and chase away error, we must use friend- ly persuasion, — a persuasion as unaccompanied with the excitement of passion, as the coldness of indifference. We 258 CHAPTER IX. ought indeed to be warm and fervid, but such a state should be the offspring of a special unction, which may be seen power- fully to act and move upon ourselves. lu the second place, avoid rashness and precipitancy in condemning the errors of others, lest, indeed, like Minos and Rhadamanthus, you hastily and unjustly pass sentence upon all persons supposed to err, and with a magisterial tone arrogantly pronounce what you judge to be true and essential upon all doctrinal questions. For if ever there is a necessity that men should suspend their judgment, and practice fTrox^jv moderation, most certainly it should be in so weighty and important an aflkir, which is admitted to involve the final salvation or perdition of many thousands, and not rashly pass judgment in a case allowed to be pregnant with such awful conse- quences. This is especially necessary on the part of youths and students, who have not yet attained that maturity of judgment and experience, as to be enabled always to decide correctly between truth and error, and who from their juve- nile state must be the subjects of limited knowledge and un- derstanding ; and consequently are incapable of duly ex- amining and deciding upon any important and weighty point of doctrine with accuracy and precision. Finally, avoid creating dissensions and schisms, which like claws and teeth rend and tear the body of our Lord Jesus Christ, as though it were a contemptible worthless garment. I have painfully witnessed that a wound when inflicted is not easi- ly healed, and that when rents are created, they commonly bring in their train hatred and continued strifes, so that the Apostle has not without just reason placed schisms and con- tentions among the works of the flesh, which arc to be con- demned. I have always been persuaded, that so long as the great principles of salvation and piety are secure, all de- bates and controversies relating to mere matters of opinion, ought not to prevent the intercourse of Christian friendship, or break the bonds of brotherly fellowship. Wherever we MEMOIRS OF EPiscorius, 259 find mistake originating with ignorance or incapacity, so long as it is mere mistake, it ought to be commiserated in the spirit of kindness and piety, corrected by council and instruction, or tolerated with patience and forbearance ; but with such persons who think otherwise, and deem it to be their duty to separate from others, however pious and devout, merely because they differ from them on some unim- portant points of doctrine, I say, that you ought to stand at the utmost distance from such persons, as the enemies of Christian liberty and peace. "This is a succinct statement of the scope and the end of all my professional labours and wishes. And although I have hitherto endeavoured, in the discharge of my duties, diligently and conscientiously to accomplish these objects, nevertheless I have not been able to avoid the hatred of those who judge nothing to be done aright which is not done by themselves, and who know nothing and will know nothing beyond the opinions and dictum of their own doctors and commentators, and who, therefore, fearing to appear to be iSioyvKjuovei,-, having an opinion of their own, are like automa- tons, who suffer themselves to be moved and directed by the agency of others. Such persons are generally accustomed to indulge themselves freely in cherishing suspicions against those who differ from them on any points of doctrine ; and always view every new word adopted by others, as a stone that conceals a viper, and every unusual species of phrase- ology as the means of conveying poison amongst those who hear them. Hence, it has been reported and believed amongst the people, that we have revived, and clothed un- der new appearances, all the ancient heresies ; and that, in this manner, we have formed a strange religious medley, by resuscitating errors that had long been condemned and obsolete. These calumnies, with many other of the same kind, have been invented with the design of injuring our reputation. Against all these accusations and slanders, I 260 CHAPTER IX. have no other means of vindication, than that of my own innocence, and the testimony of your consciences, believ- ing that it is utterly impossible to silence the tongue of malevolence, reproach, and calumny; neither is it necessary, as Augustine says, to attempt it, when conscience itself ut- ters no rebuke. The opinion which I wish you to entertain of me is, that I have endeavoured, so far as I was able, to restrain you my disciples and myself within the bounds of modesty and moderation, whenever any difference of opin- ion should arise, relative to any of the secrets and mysteries of our Holy Religion. This I have done, from a persuasion that it is not safe curiously to pry into, presumptuously to advance, and pertinaciously to defend other opinions and mat- ters, than those which our gracious master has taught and revealed.* And verily, if we are not thus disposed, but on the contrary allow an unchecked license to our curiosity and our propensities to pry and speculate, it will at length happen that we shall find no limits to their excitements, or boundary line to our enquiries, and should be like those who are ever learning^ and never able to come to the knowledge of the truth. Of the correctness of this statement we could give abundant proof, if the evidences of fact at the present day did not render it unnecessary. For there are some persons, who, when they have not known how to occupy their leisure time, have found relief in converting their studies into mere curious and vain speculations on theological subjects, and, as we are accustomed to say, rashly touching with unhal- lowed hands the most sacred and profound mysteries of our Holy Religion. And every man knows how such persons and their measures have tended to increase the swelling tide * The importance of this caution can be hardly understood at the present day, and in order fully to see it, the reader should go back to the time of Episcopius, when the fierce debates then carried on by the Calvinistic di- vines, on the distinction between the secret and the revealed will of God, gave rise to the most awful and revolting statements. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 261 of disputation, which has already burst in upon the Chris- tian world, spreading into a deep and boundless sea, and which has broken down all embankments, and torn away every flood-gate that modesty and prudence could erect, and completely overflowed and inundated this Christian repub- lic. I was really often ashamed and disgusted, when I was forced to pass these scholastic gulphs, and considered such an occupation as only producing an awful wreck of time, which tended to bear me forward to shoals and rocks, upon which even now I see some miserable men spend the whole of their lives. These scholastic queries are such mis- erable, weak, insipid, and contemptible things, that he who pores over them is likely to become a consumptive, feverish creature, or, if marked by lengthened years, he will evince the weakness and imbecility of age, only reaping as the fruit of his labours, the madness of insanity, or the weakness of dotage. " And in order that you might not be subject to the same imbecile condition, I deemed it proper to exhort you not to cherish a strong and irregular propensity to speculate ; and have endeavoured, as far as I could, to keep you within the bounds of prudence, and dissuade you from every attempt to be wise above what is written. I have not repented of the efforts I adopted to attain this object ; for I full well know how easily and how grievously men frequently err on those dogmas which are held to be the a^^o^ivia, chief points in theology, except limits be placed as to the mode and manner in which they and their dependent subjects are to be examined. The cautious manner of teaching on such topics which I have adopted in private, I have also rigidly regarded in public, for 1 am not one of those, who, from the more extended hberty of teaching allowed in the private instructions of professors, would advance any thing in the college, that I should blush to avow in the temple. And while there are many subjects of a mysterious nature, which may, if prudently, be occasionally investigated, yet even then 262 CHAPTER IX. I should recommend tliat sucli investigations be accompanied with caution, and that they be conducted in the most humble and reverential manner, — the very character of them almost prohibiting the intrusions of human enquiry. And, indeed, I have always thought, that without bringing these matters at all into discussion, there would remain sufficient to us as means of instruction and rules of conduct, were these received as matters of pure belief, and as fixed axioms of theology, which are not to be debated, much less called into question. It is certainly far better to leave untouched certain points, espe- cially if mysterious, for the sake of preserving unity and peace, than to adopt an opposite course at the risk of bring- ing discord and contention, since greater evil may arise from the interruption of unity, than profit and advantage can result from a supposed correct standard of judgment being attained on these difficult and undefinable subjects. " If there are any who believe, judge, and write of me, as having any other object than that of promoting peace and unity by these instructions, they do my character and repu- tation great injury, and show that they are more influenced by passion and hatred, than by a correct and well-informed judgment. And because I do not wish further to rebuke, or more severely to refer to such persons, I shall therefore turn to you, my beloved hearers. You have already heard me state the end and object that I proposed to myself from the beginning of my professional duties ; if I have attained my wishes, at least in relation to any of you, so have I reason to rejoice, but if not, I have cause to grieve, although my conscience bears me undeviating witness, that if you have not attained the end which I proposed, this is not to be laid to ray charge. Mine was the duty to put you in the w^ay of arriving at the end proposed, and yours to endeavour to ac- quire it ; and the testimony of my own heart that I aimed at this, has been to me a shield and a brazen wall, with which I defend myself against the malignant and unjust suspicions MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 263 with which I am assailed. For I know before whom I must shortly appear, and what will be required of me by the great ^§a^evTfi<; and ayw^o^erv)?, the judge and awarder of eternal glory, Jesus, the Lord of life and death, and that he will not only demand from me this body, this life, this soul, this spirit, which I have, but also will require the souls and blood of you all at my hands, and also of all those who through you might, by my guiltiness, be led into the devious and danger- ous paths of destruction. " It is to me, indeed, a matter of very little importance to be judged by the men of this day, but, on the contrary, I esteem it an honour to be the object of the hatred of some of the high, and the envy of the low. And I deem it an occasion of satisfaction to be assailed and covered with slander and falsehood, provided that I retain a conscience undefiled, and present it unstained with your blood before him, who alone is the just judge of men, and who shall reveal the hidden things of the heart, tcJien lie shall come to be glorijied in his saiii/s, and admired in all them that believe. Nevertheless, I am not so vain as to suppose that I am incapable of committing an error, or, that I am exempt from the failings and imperfections incident to human nature ; yet I hope and trust that the gracious Lord will forgive me in that which has been wrong. And now let me intreat you who have devoted yourselves to God, if there has been any affection in your hearts towards me, that you aim with me at this one thing, namely, to preserve year conscience pure until the coming of the Son of Man ; for this being neglected, some have made shipwreck of faith, — a loss to which nothing is equal, or indeed can be compared. Hold, therefore, in reverence the truth which you have received, and form not a judgment of any matter or of me, to secure the favour of any persons, contrary to the dictates of reason and conscience. " It is the business of worldly politicians to accommodate their sentiments to the cuiTcnt of public opinion, just as the 264 CHAPTER IX, vessel shifts her sails to catch a favourable gale. Divines, on the contrary, ought to preserve constancy under all cir- cumstances, and to stand at the utmost distance from every thing like that wavering and indecision, which mark the character of others, amidst the eventful times and changes in which we live. Emulate, therefore, the conduct of the holy and devout. Let your light so shine before men, that they may see your good works, and glorify your Father which is in heaven. Follow after meekness and longsuffer- ing ; and as much as lieth in you, live peaceably with all men. Let your moderation be known unto all men. Finally, show yourselves to be governed by the Spirit of the Lord, who hath the power of life and death over you and me. " If I have succeeded in contributing to form in you that state of mind I have just been describing, nothing can hap- pen to me, however painful, which I shall not willingly en- dure. Then it will be my glory to reflect, that instead of contributing to make you contentious, irreligious, or schis- matical, you have become meek, gentle, peaceable, devout, and holy Christians ; and thus I shall look forward to that great day, when I shall present you as a grateful and accepta- ble odour to my Lord and Redeemer. Sustained with this hope and this assurance, I could even brave the terrors of death, in their most appalling forms. In the mean time, while I am absent from you, being called away to defend the cause and truth of Jesus Christ, do this one thing for my sake, — and as a parting token of your esteem, — promise me that you will, day and night, besiege the throne of divine grace, that God would be propitious to me and the cause I am about to defend. If he hear you, vow with me to pre- sent him with devout acknowledgments; but if not, pledge yourselves to be patient under suffering and reproach. "And thou, O Lord Jesus, who beholdest the very secrets of our hearts, undertake our cause, and be gracious to our university, our church, and our country. — Amen." MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 265 CHAPTER. X. The history of the Synod of Dort derives particular inter- est from the fact of its assuming the character of a council of the Non-Lutheran churches of Europe, assembled for the purpose of fixing the bounds of religious opinion to the greater part of the reformed churches. In the early periods of their formation, Dr. Mosheim says, no standard was erected by them as the rule of correct thinking in these mat- ters, and even while Calvin was expounding his system in Geneva, there was not any public law or confession of faith, that obliged the reformed churches in any part of the world to conform their sentiments to the theological doctrines that were taught in that seminary. This circumstance left the parties listening to them, at liberty to reject or adopt them. And accordingly, by some they were disavowed, while, by others, they were not only received, but canied out beyond the views of this reformer. Those who embraced his sentiments were divided into two classes, denominated Supra-Lapsarians and Sub-Lapsarians. The latter considered Adam's fall merely as being permitted, and that his descen- dants, thereby being made sinful, might justly be reprobated. The former asserted, that God, in order to exercise his aw- ful justice and free mercy, had decreed from all eternity the transgression of Adam, and so ordered the course of events, that he must necessarily sin. Prior to the time of Ar- minius divulging his sentiments, which, to a great extent, were similar to those held by Ambrose in the fourth cen- s 266 CHAPTER X. tuiy,* the principal debates amongst the reformed theologians were between the Supra-Lapsarians and Sub-Lapsarians ; but so soon as certain divines felt it to be their duty to re- present the Deity as extending his goodness and mercy to all mankind, these two classes of theologians gave up their debates, and forgetting their differences as matters of little importance, united their forces to crush Avhat was deemed an awful and dangerous error, which maintained that God is loving to every man, and hateth nothing that his hands have made. And to carry out their abhorrence of this state- ment, the Synod of Dort was assembled to excommunicate and banish those who advocated it. This union of the Su- pra and Sub-Lapsarians, though it arrayed a mighty host against the benevolence of Christianity, as it was exhibited by the fathers of the Christian church during the first three centuries, was, however, ultimately an advantage to Chris- tendom. For prior to a check being given to the darings of some of the Supra-Lapsarians by those writers who present- * Dr. Miller, in his Philosophy of Modern History, says, Arminius proposed in the year 1604, a modification of the doctrine of predestination which had already in the fourth century been held by Ambrose, that the decrees of God, by which he determined the future condition of every individual, were not absolute and irrespective, but were formed in reference to that foreknow- ledge, by which the conduct of each individual was foreseen, so that each should be eternally happy or miserable, not according to an arbitrary deter- mination of the Almighty, but according to his own conduct in the present life, foreseen, yet not controlled.* In support of this opinion, this writer gives the following passage in the form of a note : — "As it is unreasonable to refer the foreknowledge of God to his present consciousness of his own purposes, such an application involving a direct contradiction, it must relate to the future conduct of men, foreseen as the ground of the divine determinations ; and therefore these determina- tions cannot be, as the Calvinists represent them, irrespective, or void of re- ference to the actions of men." * In commenting on the following passage, Whom he did foreknow, he also did predestinate, Ambrose remarks, "He did not predestinate before he foreknew, but he predestinated the rewards of those whose obedience he foreknew."— See Tomlineon Cahinism. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 267 ed the image of Divine Goodness to the reformed world, as it is exhibited by our philanthropic and holy religion, the former had proceeded to such lengths in their description of God, in creating men for, and adapting means to secure their misery and damnation, so as to present him, who in the language of scripture is said to be Love, as a being of whom, in point of malignity, the prince of the lower regions is but a faint image and expression. Let not the modem Calvinist who cannot or will not read the immense mass of quotations from the writings of the leading men of that school, as they were collected by the Remonstrants, in proof of the horrible sentiments maintained by their opponents, attempt to deny this statement. These men, to show that they had dealt fairly with the writers whose sentiments they quoted, appended to each passage the name of its respective author, and the faithfulness of these quotations has never yet been questioned. " Not only would the minds of all sober Christians in these days be shocked, when perusing the monstrous sentiments propounded in these extracts, but even the Calvinists of Cromwell's time, rigid as they were, felt themselves scandalized by any allusion to them, and would not admit that their opinions had the least affinity to such desecrating dogmas."* That the excitement consequent upon religious contro- rersy and debate may carry men to make certain statements which they would not adopt in their more sober moments, will be readily admitted. And it is hoped that this was the case with many of those writers whose declarations are so awfully revolting and injurious to the character of the Di- vine Being, and his attributes of goodness, wisdom, and mercy, as exhibited in the Scriptures ; and who, while pre- senting a system of fate which never had a precedent, save in the teachings of the Koran, accompanied it with other opinions connected with this subject, far more odious than * See Watson's Dictiunari/, — Article Calvinism. 268 CHAPTER X. any thing ever dictated by the prophet of Mecca. So much were the members of this synod aware of this fact, that they seemed alarmed at any allusion to them, and when Episco- pius, who, according to Mosheim, " was admired even by his enemies on account of the depth of his judgment, the extent of his learning, and the force of his eloquence," did, in connexion with his brethren, wish to begin the defence of their cause by refuting the opinions of the Calvinists, they peremptorily forbad his making any such attempt. The design of the Arminians, says this writer, in this proposal, was probably to get the people on their side, by such an unfavourable representation of the Calvinistic system, as it had been exhibited by many of these very synodists; and in this way to excite disgust in the minds of those that were present against its patrons and abettors.* " And it is more than probable, that one of the principal reasons, which en- gaged the members of this synod to reject this proposal, was a consideration of the genius and eloquence of Episcopius, and an apprehension of the effects they might produce upon the multitude,"! when employed in attacking their opinions. * Mr. Nichols says, in his Arminianism and Calvinism Compared, that ahout four years before the syuod of Dort, the predestinarian controversy was con- ducted on both sides with much spirit and ability. Some of the Calvinistic Professors, who had been accustomed to utter the wildest and most revolting opinions that ever escaped from human lips, were compelled to observe greater reserve and caution, lest their adversaries should expose the irrever- ence and blasphemy of all such expressions. The whole Calvinistic brother- hood throughout France, Germany, and the Low Countries, had received warning letters to be guarded in the delivery of their opinions. But Mac- chovius, professor at Franeker, who disregarded this caution, continued to speak in the same fearless and unguarded manner as he had always done, and the Arminians, as might have been expected, quoted several of his ex- pressions in proof of the demoralizing tendency of such an exhibition of Calvin's doctrines. This incensed the presbyterian class at Franeker, who prepared a charge against him, which finally came before the synod of Dort for adjudication, but he was saved from condemnation by the craft of Festus Hommius. — Part J. p. 199. f JVIosheim, vol. v. p. 452. MEMOIRS OF EriSCOPIUS. 269 Allowing Dr. Mosheim to be correct, and we see no rea- son to question the accuracy of his opinion, then the mea- sures of the synod, in not allowing the Arminians to attack Calvinism, and especially some of the sentiments of those who were its advocates, were not only paying homage to the splendid talents of Episcopius, the leader of the Remon- strants at this synod, as just intimated, but were indicative of their consciousness of the rash and awfully irreverent statements which had been made by many of those who were then sitting to be the judges of the Arminians. This venerable synod, it is true, met to adjust the varied and jarring sentiments of Calvinistic divines, and if possible, to draw out a scheme that should not outrage the feelings of those who were of the milder cast. In accomplishing this object it had much difficulty, whilst such a man as Gomarus, the great opponent of Arminius, and a number of his friends who had espoused his views, were for carry- ing their Supra-Lapsarian sentiments to the height of their wishes. And it was only in consequence of the more mod- erate counsels of the British divines, that a milder system of predestination passed the synod, to the sore displeasure of the more rigid fatalists. This circumstance gave to the Calvinism of this assembly, an aspect which was the very image of mildness and beneficence, when compared with that which was advocated prior to this period by the gen- erality of the Dutch divines.* * Though the system of Calvinism, thus modelled by the Synod of Dort, assumed a milder form than it did as presented by the writers quoted in the Acta Remonstrantium, nevertheless the reader should not forget the statement of Dr. Mosheim, as quoted at page 33, " that the peculiar doctrines to which the victory was assigned by the Synod of Dort, were absolutely unknown in the first three centuries of the Christian church." This fact, Calvin and the older divines of this school in a certain way admitted ; and " they tell us plainly, that they found all the Christian fathers, both of the Greek and the Latin church down to the age of St. Augustine, quite unmanageable for their purpose; and therefore occasionally bestow upon them and their pro- 270 CHAPTER X. As to the doctrine of Arminius, which maintained, with that of the Lutherans, the universal benevolence of God, and asserted according to the primitive church, that God had excluded none from salvation, this synod met for the purpose of denouncing this sentiment, and, at the same time, ruining the Remonstrants, who defended it. Their condem- nation was determined before the national synod met, and it w^as "assembled, not so much to examine the doctrines of the Arminians, in order to see whether they were worthy of toleration and indulgence, as to publish and execute with a ductions^epithets not the most courteous. Yet some modern writers, not possessing half the sjilendid qualifications of those veterans in learning, make a gorgeous ^display of the little that they know concerning antiquity ; and wish to lead their readers to suppose, that the whole stream of early Christianity has flowed down only in their channel. Every one must have remarked how much like Calvin all those fathers speak whose works are quoted by Toplady in his ' Historic Defence.' Nor can the two Milners, in their 'History of the Church,' entirely escape censure on this account, — though both were excellent men, and better scholars than Toplady. But from the manner in which they 'show up' only those ancient Christian au- thors some of whose sentiments seem to be nearly in unison with their own, they induce the unlearned or half-informed to draw the erroneous conclu- sion,— that the peculiarities of Calvinism are not the inventions of a com- paratively recent era, and that they have always formed a prominent part of the profession of faith of every Christian community since the days of the apostles." — JVatsoiVs Bib. and Theo. Diet. Article Calvinism. This unjustifiable mode of proceeding, as thus adopted by Milner in his Church History, has recently been noticed by Professor Rose, in a divinity lecture, in which he says, " Mr. Milner was bigotedly attached to certain opinions, [that is, of the Calvinist school,] and quite resolved to find, or make them every where, and to give the history — not of Christianity, but — of certain opinions, which he deemed to be the whole of it." And for making this statement, the correctness of which no unprejudiced person can question, the late Mr. Scott, of Hull, threatened to visit him with summary chastisement. But this boasting threatening ended in his producing a mere array of names to show that Mr. Joseph Milner was not wanting in scholar- ship, while he has left untouched Mr. Rose's principal charge against Milner, that he wrote " under party views, and that his book was obviously a party book," and not a representation of the truths of Christianity. — See Christian Observer, Oct. 18.34. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 271 certain solemnity, with an air of justice, and with the suf- frage and consent of foreign divines, whose authority was respectable, a sentence already drawn up, and agreed upon by those who had the principal direction of affairs."* In this respect the Synod of Dort bore a striking resem- blance in its proceedings to the Council of Trent,t which had met in the preceding century to regulate the tenets and observances of the Roman Catholics ; and while there was this professed difference between the two assemblies, that the Council of Trent acknowledged the authority of tradi- tion, in conjunction with the canonical Scriptures, the Sy- nod, on the contrary, admitted no other standard of religious opinion than the Sacred Writings. But though in confor- mity with the spirit of the religion of protestants, the Bible was acknowledged to possess exclusive authority, the actual proceedings of this synod were sufficiently similar to those of the council. " The cause of the Arminians :j: was in effect decided before it was examined, as that of the protestants was prejudged in the Council of Trent." Of this fact the Arminians were fully awai'e. It is true, they might not be apprehensive that they should be subject to such cruel and iniquitous treatment as banishment from their countiy, their homes, their flocks, and their friends; neither had they any reason to suppose it, in as much as the States of Holland had, by their deputies, again and again, at least verbally, promised that no bodily harm should result to them, from the circumstance of the synod being assembled to examine the points in dispute, and their being cited there on account of them. But in this they violated their faith, as the Catho- lic princes did with John Huss. For, though they made the above promise, yet they would not allow them to quit Dort, or visit their homes, even when the most pressing family afflictions, or the death of their relations occurred ; and they finally bore them out of the country as felons, * Mosheim, vol. v. p. 454. f Kerroux, tome ii. p. 500, ^ Idem. 272 CHAPTER X. without permission to see their friends, settle their affairs, or provide for the future support of their families. This severity manifested towards the Remonstrants, might probably arise from their courageous bearing, especially as in the case of Episcopius, who was the inspiring soul of all their proceedings. The synod had supposed that they should awe them, but they were not easily to be depressed or borne down. They had espoused their doctrines from conviction, and were prepared to defend and suffer for them ; and ac- cordingly before the synod had assembled, they met in large numbers at Leyden, to deliberate upon the most suitable means to be adopted for the defence of their cause, and to select those persons who should be deputed on the part of the whole body to appear in the synod. At the same time, they unanimously passed the following resolution : — " That their cause, which was good and holy, was on no account to be abandoned; but, on the contrary, in the same degree that their adversaries attempted to destroy it, they were bound to defend it ; and that it behoved them conscientiously and fearlessly to appear in its defence, as before God, their churches, and the religious world ; and to acquit themselves in its behalf to the utmost of their capabilities, and then leave the issue with God." That the Remonstrants acted up to the spirit and letter of this resolution, the history of the proceedings of this famous synod, given in the following pages, will decidedly prove. Their conduct in this respect was matter of deep mortifica- tion and chagrin to the Dutch divines, and Maurice's packed* * Dr. Maclaine, the translator of Mosheim, who, as a Calvinist, takes every opportunity of venting his spleen against the Arminiaus, ehooses to rebut the statement of Mosheim, when he asserts that " the synod of Dort was con- voked by the authority of Maurice," and says that it was appointed by the order of the States General. True, he adds, the states were not indeed, unanimous, three of the seven provinces protesting against the holding of this^synod, namely, Holland, Utrecht, and Overyssel. But whilst he admits MEMOIRS OF EPisconus. 273 assembly of the states, whose delegates evinced the utmost want of propriety in their treatment of the cited clergymen, to whose condemnation, as before hinted, they added cruel- ty, insult, mockery, and reproach. At the above-named assembly, the Remonstrants selected the three following this, he has not the frankness to state, that Holland was not only the chief of the seven provinces, and paid more of the public taxes, than the whole of the remaining six, and therefore was entitled to the greatest consideration, and consequently that it was a manifest act of injustice to convoke this synod, in opposition to its remonstrances, the more especially as " each of the pro- vinces, by the treaty of Utrecht, was left at liberty to regulate the affairs of religion in the manner most conducive to its interest." This he must have known, and yet he represents Barneveldt's urging this, as though it were a mere opinion of this celebrated and upright statesman.* Not less disingenuously does he hide the fact, that it was by eight of his creatures assuming the name of the states, that Maurice ventured to change the magistracy of different cities, and imprison Barneveldt, Hoogerbeets, and Grotius, and thus prepare the way for the formation of a States-Gene- ral, who should answer to his bidding, and by which this famous synod was convoked and all its proceedings ratified. This gentleman, in a note at page 450, vol. v. throws out some dark inuendos of certain guiltiness on the part of the leading men of the Arminians, and intimates, that if it were not a warrant for the severity of the treatment of their persecutors towards them, yet it may be adduced as an apology for them. He grounds these inuendos, he says, on some anecdotes contained in certain Letters, memoirs, and neyociations, of Sir Dudley Carlton, which the Earl of Hardwick published. " These," however, he is forced to admit, " are not free from party spirit." The haughty diplomatist here alluded to, who was the great enemy of Barneveldt, and materially contributed to the convocation of this synod had, however, the frankness to say, " that a long time before judg- ment was pronounced on the doctrines of the Arminians, the punishment of exile with some other marks of infamy had been determined against the principal divines of the Armiuian party."— See Grattan, Nichols, ModeniUn. Hist. vol. xxxi. p. 222. » So completely wai-ped is this writer by his attachment to Calvinism, that his jealousy takes fire the moment he supposes that Mosheim is not sufficiently laudatory on certain advocates of this creed, who were esteemed by him as household gods, and intimates that he has t.-iken the liberty of being a little more profuse in his praises of them in his translation than his author; and tlien, in a way perfectly in character with this conduct, when Mosheim speaks of the distinguished writers of his own communion, as for instance INIelancthon, he instantly cautions the reader "not to forget that the author of tliis liistory is a Lutheran." 274 CHAPTER X. ministers, John Arnoldi Corvinus, Pliilip Pynacker, and Assuerus Matthisius, who should, in the name of all the Remonstrants, present the following request either before the synod or the Lay-Commissioners appointed by their High Mightinesses the States, namely: — "That a competent num- ber of them should be allowed under safe protection to appear in the synod, to state and vindicate their Christian cause ; and that for this purpose they might be permitted to choose from amongst themselves, those persons whom they deemed the most eligible for this object, whom they would send in due time to the synod," Episcopius who had been sum- moned by the states to appear at Dort, to take his seat as professor in the synod, accompanied these gentlemen, who arrived in Dort on the sixteenth of November, when he im- mediately waited upon the deputies from Holland, to inform them that he had appeared pursuant to the summons of the states, for the purpose of taking his place in the synod, and to make, also, an apology for his late arrival, informing them, at the same time, of the coming of the persons who had accompanied him, with the object of their visit to Dort. The deputies sent for these ministers, and having learnt their wishes, acquainted them with the resolution adopted by the synod on the preceding day : namely, — " that it had resolved to select and cite some of the Remonstrants from amongst the whole body to appear before the synod, and that the persons so to be cited had already been fixed upon, and that the letters of citation from the synod and lay-depu- ties were either preparing, or were already prepared." Having made this statement, they then showed them the names of those persons who were to be cited. When these ministers received information of these pro- ceedings, which originated under the directions of Boger- man and those of his friends, the rigid Calvinistic party, who had placed him in that situation, they saw that they had just grounds for bitter complaint, and said to these lay- MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 275 gentlemen, that it was most unreasonable that persons who were perfectly willing to appear in the synod, must never- theless be brought there in the character of cited persons ; and that it was manifestly unjust to place Episcopius amongst this number, who had been invited by the States of Holland to take his place amongst the other professors in the synod, and had actually come for that very purpose. Therefore, if the synod was determined thus to act, it would give occasion not only to them, but to all good men, to view their proceedings with distrust and dissatisfaction. The deputies in reply informed them that all attempts to gain a revision of the resolution of the synod, would be perfectly useless. On hearing this statement, the minis- ters said, "that if the synod would not allow the Remon- strants to vindicate their cause in any other character than that of cited persons, they prayed that, at least, the citations might be sent to the Remonstrants as a body, and not to particular persons ; that they might thereby be allowed to select such persons to send to the synod, as they might con- sider the most capable of vindicating their doctrine in par- ticular, and their whole cause in general. The justice of this," they said, " must appear, in as much as they were better capable of judging who were the best qualified to defend them, rather than their enemies." The deputies peremptorily replied, that their request would not be com- plied with; but these ministers being urgent upon this point, the others counselled them to present their request in the form of a petition to a full assembly of the lay-commissioners from the various provinces. The Remonstrants accordingly prepared and presented their petition the following day, which was to this effect : — " WORSHIPFUL AND HONOURABLE GENTLEMEN. " Forasmuch as your honours have thought that it might be of use to this nation and the church, that some of the Remonstrants should be cited before the national synod as- 276 CHAPTER X. sembled in this town of Doit, that there might be set on foot in the fear of the Lord, a conference for the examination of the truth according to the word of God, wherein the reasons on both sides might be examined and tried by the Holy Scripture, the only rule and judge of controversy : and hav- ing heard that your honours have already prepared letters for that purpose to such Remonstrants whom you had before thought fit to call to the synod ; we therefore, the under- written ministers, who arrived here yesterday, on the part, and by the order of our brethren the Remonstrants, ( with the renowned Dr. Simon Episcopius, Professor of Divinity in the University of Leyden, invited to the synod some time since, by letters from their Lordships the States of Holland and West Friesland, together with other Professors of Divi- nity) in order jointly and submissively to desire that the Remonstrants may be allowed to appear in a competent number at the synod, for the defence of their cause, and for declaring the reasons of their opinions about the controver- ted points, (which is what the Remonstrants have always greatly desired, and still do desire) do most humbly and du- tifully beseech, intreat, and supplicate your Honours, that the said Remonstrants themselves may be allowed the liber- ty of choosing, appointing, and deputing to the synod from their assembly, such as they shall judge the best qualified for advocates and defenders of their cause, without except- ing even those, who, about a week before the opening of the synod, and some of them after it was actually opened, were deprived of their ministry ; that so it may not appear that the Contra-Remonstrants have designedly disarmed us of the defence of those from whom we expect the most assist- ance, and which, it seems as if they themselves thought, would not a little retard their affairs ; and we pray particu- larly that all those Remonstrants who were at the Confer- ence of the Hague, may appear at the same time with the rest of their brethren before the synod; it being but just that >IEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 277 those who have hitherto jointly promoted the interests of our body to the best of their power, should from hencefor- wards defend and justify the same cause with their united laboui's, when it shall be brought before the very learned assembly of foreign divines ; and to that end should each of them, \^'ithout exception, be allowed a safe conduct for going to and returning from the synod : which equitable and well grounded request of ours, in case your Honours will vouch- safe to grant us, we solemnly promise, that within a fort- night, to be counted from next Tuesday, we will appear before the Synod at Dort, by the grace of God, in such numbers as your Honours shall direct; and we entirely hope that the whole church and nation will reap much bene- fit from this conference, and enquiry into the truth of things. Which God Almighty grant, through his dear Son. Amen." This was signed by the above thi'ee ministers; and a little lower was written, " I likewise earnestly pray the same, by order, and on behalf of the brethren. "Simon Episcopius, Professor of Divinity." To this the Commissioners returned a verbal answer, from which we extract the following particulars. " That they adhered to the last resolution of the synod, not thinking fit to allow that the Remonstrants should pass for a distinct body, or make any deputation of persons in their common name, to treat of their affairs at the synod ; nor could they suffer every one of the Remonstrant minis- ters to appear at the synod, who were present at the Hague, particularly Uitenbogaerdt and Grevinchovius. — As to the safe conduct which they desired," the Commissioners ad- ded, "they might rest satisfied it should not be denied them. None should be detained or molested by the synod for an ecclesiastical matter. And that the cited should have liber- ty to make any statement without molestation or danger ; or otherwise to act as the nature of their affairs might seem to require." 278 CHAPTER X. Our countrymau, Hales, seems to have been strongly im- pressed with the injustice of these proceedings against the Remonstrants, and says, that the business was arranged principally between the lay- commissioners, the President Bogerman, and Festus, with his fellow-secretaries. The lay-gentlemen belonging to the Remonstrants in various parts of Holland loudly complained of this conduct, and said, that they were of opinion, that their ministers had the same right as the Contra-Remonstrants to depute persons to this synod, and sit there as members of it, being lawfully called to the ministry, and their doctrines recognized by the government in a resolution of the states in support of mu- tual toleration. And they further said, that it was the height of injustice to cite them as criminals and private per- sons, before a synod which consisted chiefly of their adver- saries. They justified their claim to this privilege for their ministers, by appealing to the conduct of Maurice, Elector of Saxony, who at a diet of the empire had protested against the Council of Trent, declaring that he would not own its legality, unless the Protestant divines were allowed to de- bate and vote as other members of the council; and this li- berty, they contended, ought to have been conceded to the Remonstrants. The Contra-Remonstrants, however, in reply said, that they could not allow the validity of this appeal, "as they did not recognize the Remonstrant ministers as or- thodox pastors in the reformed church, their opinions being different from that of the reformed religion." The deputies of the Remonstrants seeing it was utterly impossible to accomplish their wish to obtain a repeal of the resolution of the synod, promised to appear before it as cited persons at the appointed time, Episcopius also agreeing to be joined with them as such, although he was invited by a letter firom their Lordships the States of Holland, to take his seat as a member of the synod, in virtue of his office as professor. On the eighteenth of November they departed from Dort, MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 279 and just as they were preparing to enter the boat, the letters of citation were presented to them, one of which was from the lay-deputies, and directed to them collectively; the others from the synod were addressed to each in particular. And at the same time, there were given to them similar let- ters to be delivered to the other cited Remonstrant ministers, whom they might see as they passed through the places where they resided. The letter from the lay-commissioners asserts, that the Remonstrants "may freely propose, declare, and defend their doctrines relating to the five points, as far as they can, or as they judge it necessary." The one addressed by the sy- nod to the Remonstrants, after giving the names of the cited persons, declares, that they were to appear in the synod, " to the end that they may freely propose, explain, and de- fend, as far as they can, or shall think necessary, the afore- said articles or points, before the synod." How far they abided by these declarations, will be seen from the state- ments presented in the subsequent parts of this work. The fourteen days allowed to the cited Remonstrants to prepare to appear at Dort, drawing to a close, they with several other ministers assembled at Rotterdam, on which occasion it was resolved that the conditions proposed for the holding of a synod, by the six Remonstrant ministers at the Conference of the Hague, of which we have previously spoken, should at a suitable time be presented to the synod, supported by extracts from the writings of the most eminent of the reformed doctors, and accompanied with the most powerful arguments in favour of such a plan. This petition they designed to be presented to the synod, earnestly re- questing that the conditions it contained might be adopted as a suitable rule for amicably treating of the various sub- jects about to be brought under their consideration. They also drew up an account of the state of the controversy be- tween the Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants, arising 280 CHAPTER X. out of the five disputed points, for the purpose of exonera- ting themselves from the imputation of attempting to delay the proceedings of the synod. Having thus made the necessary arrangements, the cited ministers hastened to Dort, vsdiere they arrived late in the evening on the fifth of December. On the same day in a full assembly of the synod the president had stated that the fourteen days allowed to the cited Remonstrants had elapsed, and therefore he called upon them individually, by their Christian and surnames, summoning them to appear. The following day the Remonstrants sent four of their party first to the president of the lay-deputies, and afterwards to Bogerman, the president of the ecclesiastics to inform them of their arrival, requesting that as the trunks containing their papers had not yet arrived, a day or two might be allowed them to arrange their affairs before they entered the synod. The president replied that he himself could not grant their request, and that they must present it to the synod in per- son. They accordingly appeared before the synod for that purpose, when the president immediately informed them that the time appointed for their appearance in that assem- bly had expired the day before, and that he had laid their re- quest before the synod, which had resolved that they should present it personally. Episcopius then, in the name of all the cited, wished grace, peace, and the fellowship of the Holy Spirit, to the synod: after which he said, that in pursuance of the orders of their superiors he and his brethren had appeared within the appointed time, in as much as fourteen days had not yet elapsed since the receipt by some of them of the last letters. He then stated the wish of himself and his brother ministers that a little time should be allowed them to arrange their papers, in order that they might be prepa- red to justify what they deemed their good cause, and which they had hitherto under the dictate of conscience before God solemnly maintained. Nevertheless, in this matter they MEMOIBS OF EPISCOPIUS. 281 did not wish to dictate to the synod, but should leave it with the lay-deputies to determine the reasonableness of this request. And if it could not be granted, they would at once prepare to proceed to the conference about the five points. They were then ordered to retire, and after a short time were again summoned before the synod, when the president informed them, "that the synod had come to the conclusion to allow them till the morrow, to prepare to appear before it, adding, at the same time, that this venerable assembly had judged it proper to admonish them as to the word collaiio, conference, which might be understood to imply a colloquy between equal parties, such as had been held formerly in Holland ; but the cited were to understand that they were summoned there, merely to propose, explain, and defend their opinions, and then to submit them to the decision of the synod." In fact they were told that the synod was met to judge, and not to confer. Episcopius answered, " that as to the word conference, it was not necessary to criticise it with such nicety. They had come with no other intention than that of treating upon the points of doctrine, on account of which they had been cited to appear before the synod ; the mode in which this should be done might be determined at the time of entering on the discussion of tliem." Having made this statement, he then earnestly repeated the request formerly made to the lay-commissioners, that they would permit them to send for Grevinchovius and Goulart, to assist them in defending their cause ; and, he added, that by this request, he and his brother-ministers did not seek to delay the proceedings of the synod, since they were ready to enter upon the business for which they were cited, before their arrival. They were informed that an answer to this request would be gi\ en at nine o'clock the next morning. On the same day the Remonstrants waited upon the foreign divines, greeting as many as they could meet with at their lodgings, commending their good cause to them; T 282 CHAPTER X. beseeching them, also, impartially to hear the vindication of themselves and their cause, and use their influence to miti- gate the bitterness and asperity of the Contra-Remonstrants; and endeavour to promote moderation amongst the mem- bers of the synod. They also entreated them to interpose their good offices with the lay deputies, in order to put a stop to the unjust proceedings of certain synods, particu- larly in South Holland, which were sending persons through the provinces from church to church, who under various pretexts were deposing their brethren from the ministry, and strive to prevent such cruel measiu'es being pursued, espe- cially as the national synod was engaged in matters that so deeply affected them. They urged them likewise to assist them in obtaining the help of Grevinchovius and G oulart. They were generally received with much kindness and courtesy by the foreign divines. Many of these gentlemen manifested much displeasure, on hearing that the Remon- strants had almost every where been deposed from their min- istry, and thrust out of their churches, while as yet their cause was pending, nay, even before it was brought before the sy- nod. Some of these clergymen, however, they found very much prejudiced against them; amongst these was Diodatus, of Geneva, who upbraided them with having reviled the name of Calvin, taunting them, also, by saying, that had they the power, they would take those measures against the opposite party, which were likely to be pursued against themselves. But others of the foreign divines, in the way of kind intimation, gave them to understand that they must be prepared for painful results. The Remonstrants thought it proper to make these gentlemen acquainted with the true state of their affairs, and for this purpose they put into their hands two documents, the one printed, and the other written, in which were given an account of them, with their proceedings, as also the treatment they had met with up to that moment. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 283 The synodists having heard that the Remonstrants had waited upon the foreign divines, were greatly mortified, and intimated that they had attempted to prejudice these gen- tlemen in favour of their cause before it was heard ; and in- formed them that if they had any thing to communicate to these divines, it must be done publicly in the synod. The Remonstrants justified their conduct on the principle of self- defence, seeing that persons, as before stated, had gone through the land, whose track resembled that of the angel of destruction, in being marked by anguish, mourning, and desolation ; and to attempt to win over the foreign divines to the side of mercy and pity, on behalf of their afflicted brother ministers and desolate families, was, they said, an act they owed to them on the common principles of bro- therhood and charity. On the following day, being the 7th of December, the Remonstrants were summoned into the presence of the synod, when the resolution of the lay-commissioners was read to them, containing a refusal of their request for Grevinchovius and Goulart to be allowed to appear in the synod to assist them ; nevertheless, as a special favour, it was said they might come to Dort, and privately aid them. After hearing this resolution, Episcopius stood up, and asked permission to speak a few words, and no objection being offered to this request, he proceeded to address the venerable assembly in the following oration. In presenting this we are aware that we may tax the pa- tience of the reader ; nevertheless, in justice to the subject of these memoirs and the Remonstrants, we deem it right to insert it in these pages, from the fact of its being to a great extent historical in its statements, giving an account of their conduct, the motives by which they were governed, the objects they proposed, and the treatment they met with prior to their being summoned before the synod of Dort. Our deep regret is, that it will necessarily appear in so 284 CHAPTER X. feeble a form, when compared with the nervous and ener- getic character in which it is found in the original. The Latinity of Ejiiscopius is singularly chaste and copious, and according to Father Mabillon, " his style is fine, and the manner of treating his subjects is answerable to the style."* AN ORATION DELIVERED BY SIMON EPISCOPIUS IN THE NATIONAL SYNOD OF DORT. " Illustrious and most Potent Lords, Reverend, Famous, and Learned Men and Brethren, — *' Before entering upon the remarks we wish to present to you, we deem it right, as being in accordance with the dictate of Christianity and the example of the apostles, most devoutly to pray to the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, for all of you in general, and each of you in particular, that he w^ould grant unto you his grace and peace, with the assistance of his Holy Spirit, to inspire and suggest imto you those wholesome counsels and salutary directions, by which you may be enabled to allay the troubles, which, alas ! so awful- ly agitate our country, and distract our afflicted churches and people. Amen. " Having uttered these our wishes and prayers, as expres- sive of the feelings of our hearts, we would beg leave of this assembly to say a few words, in order that we and our af- fairs may not be avev ir^-oot/^fou, without an introduction on ap- pearing before it ; and therefore we most earnestly entreat you for a short period to listen to the few words we may have to say on this most memorable occasion. " Of all the varied and numerous subjects of enquiry * Baijle^s Dictionary. — Article Episcopii's. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 285 which have interested the attention of man, from the most re- mote ages to the present period, there is not one which ought to be deemed by the Christian, as equally momentous with that which can contribute to his obtaining correct views of true religion, and enable him to avail himself of those means necessary to the diffusion of its saving and hallowing influ- ence. For all other subjects of solicitude, when compared with this, are infinitely inferior to, and below the dignity of man, and ought to be considered, especially by a devout and holy person, as only designed to meet those wants he has in common with the brute, to which, as it has been sig- nificantly said, instincts are given as necessary to keep their bodies from corruption. "The objects, therefore, which ought chiefly to occupy the enquiries of man, are indicated, not so much by the fact of his being endowed with reason, for of this the brute has in common with himself certain features and lineaments, as by the possession of those higher endowments which render him capable of receiving religious instruction, and being made the subject of religious enjoyment. These, when directed and governed by divine truth, point him to the pathway that leads to ineffable blessedness, and prepare him for the partici- pation of its immortal enjoyments. And whilst it belongs to private individuals to be deeply anxious for their own imme- diate religious welfare, yet it is the imperative duty of princes, rulers, magistrates, patrons of churches, and ministers, to whom belong especially the affairs of spiritual government, and the preservation of their flocks, not only to be solicitous for their personal salvation, but likewise to pursue those measures which will secure the present and future well- being of those entrusted to their care ; in order that they may, as far as possible, bring them into a state of religious subjection, and establish them in the great doctrines and truths of the Gospel, that they at last may stand with them accepted by God, in the presence of his Son Jesus Christ. 286 CHAPTER X. And though other duties may require only a limited portion of our attention, these demand the undivided and assiduous exercise of all the powers and energies of the mind. " For this very reason it is, Most Reverend, Illustrious, and Learned Gentlemen, that we, also, to whom is commit- ted not only the care of our own souls, but the welfare and instruction of those churches and flocks, over which we have been appointed pastors by the Lord Jesus Christ, be- lieve that the office we have thus received, and which we wish to adorn, requires us to guard with the utmost care and diligence the purity of the religion of our Divine Redeemer; lest by any neglect of ours any thing should be allowed to be appended to it, which would tend to deface its beauty, and stamp its loveliness with deformity. And therefore we have endeavoured to prevent our congregations from having their minds imbued with those doctrines, the tendency of which is to weaken, and by degrees to destroy, a just veneration and esteem for the sanctity and purity of our Holy Religion. "By religion we mean the existence of correct views of God, and Jesus Christ as Mediator, associated with sincere devotion and genuine obedience, founded upon this know- ledge. And as the latter prepares the mind for devotion, so it is the duty of the minister to endeavour to promote it; al- though it is not absolutely of equal importance with the other. For though ignorance may be inimical to the growth of true religion, yet it is possible that mere ignorance may not de- stroy the sincerity of obedience and devotion ; but where there is the absence of devotion, such a state is marked by the want of that holiness, to which is annexed the pro- mise of eternal life. For indeed there are some errors, the offspring of ignorance, which may not be injurious to the spirit of devotion, in as much as they are uninfluential on the feelings and character of their subject. It follows, therefore, that he who is determined to be offended with, and condemn simple ignorance and unintentional error, not only assails MEMOIKS OF EPISCOPIUS. 287 that which is not absolutely evil, but verily attacks human nature itself. For where is the person who, in his investiga- tions of sacred and divine subjects, will pretend to be exempt from all liability to err. Nay, indeed, that man has not yet been boin, who has always been so invariably guided by the dictate of reason and truth, as never to have overstepped the boundaries of the one, or passed beyond the limits of the other. True it is, there are certain important doctrines whicli must ever be acknowledged as fundamentals in religion, on which the whole superstructure of piety is founded. These, it is granted, must be held inviolably sacred, in as much as they contribute in no small degree to give validity to its claims and requirements ; and consequently the undermining or loosening of these cannot be viewed with indifference by him, to whom the character and claims of Divine Truth are dear and interesting. Concerning the safety of these, his conscience is tender and sensitive, prompting him to exer- cise holy jealousy, and instinctively to resist and repel any invasion upon them, just as the eye, when wounded by the intrusion of the slightest particle of dust, instantly en- deavours to free itself from the consequent pain, by making efforts to discharge and expel it. " And that you may distinctly understand the reason of our making these assertions. Most Illustrious and Learned Gentlemen, we beg leave to state, that we have witnessed the introduction of certain opinions amongst us, which, though supported by the names of persons otherwise justly honoured for their endowments and attainments, and whose erudition has deservedly exalted them to the highest sta- tions, are, nevertheless, we believe, false in their principles, and injurious in their tendency; and have been as un- justly introduced into, as they have been violently sup- ported in our churches. The truth of this assertion we think it is easy to demonstrate, from the fact of these doctrines being incompatible with the honour of Divine 288 CHAPTER X. Wisdom, — the justice, the benevolence, and (ptKccvd^uTtio.^ philanthropy of our Saviour, — the satisfaction and merit of his death, — the declarations of God's Holy Word, — the sanc- tity of the Christian ministry, — the use of the holy sacra- ments,— and the obligations of the Christian. And, more- over, they are an occasion of offence to the truly devout; an indelible stain on the Reformation ; and powerfully operate to prevent the diffusion of vital and practical godliness. Fi- nally, they furnish our adversaries with w^eapons to assail us on every side, and thereby hold up to contempt and reproach that Reformation so gloriously commenced, and carried on under such singularly favourable auspices. "But that which has most directly affected us, is the cii*- cumstance that these doctrines which appear on the other- wise fair countenance of our church as unsightly blemishes and offensive spots, have been pointed at by our enemies with the finger of scorn, and scoffed at by the tongue of reproach, as though they were the inherent and natural defects of her constitution. And while these unjust, because ill-founded reproaches, were keenly felt by us, we judged it right to attempt, to the utmost of our ability, to remove the occasion of them. To effect this, we determined that the highly objectionable private opinions of such doctors should not be allowed to pass as the acknowledged doctrines of our churches, or, at least, of those under our own immediate care and instruction.* These our laudable designs and efforts we had judged would merit well of the church ; but, alas ! they have opera- ted to produce just the contrary result. For while endea- vouring thus to remedy evils and effect a cure by the ap- plication of salutary means, we found that we had only ' So early as the year lo94, at a Convention of States at Ratisbone, the divines of the palatinate were accused by the Lutherans, of holding opinions neither consonant with the Scriptures, the Augustine Confession, nor with their own Catechism." — Clark's Marrow of Ecclcs. Hist. p. 916. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIIJS. 289 attacked the symploras of the distemper on the surface of the body, and, in this way, had driven the malignant hu- mours upon the vital parts, which spreading inflammatory disease through the whole system, had excited an uni- versally morbid state of action, which threatened its speedy and inevitable dissolution. "These results we neither designed, foresaw, nor ap- proved, and therefore are not justly blaraeable for them. On the contrary, though we failed in our benevolent pur- pose, yet the very attempt to preserve the reputation of the church uninjured, and free from all those charges of defect which have been so frequently brought against it, demands the homage of every lover of our Divine Religion. And we put it to this venerable assembly, to say whether it should be a matter of crimination against a person, and especially a faithful minister of Jesus Christ, who when he learns with pain that some few persons are endeavouring to force their own peculiar and obnoxious opinions on the church, should manfully come forward to prevent it. To your calm and sober examination. Honourable and Reverend Gentlemen, we leave this appeal with all its force of evidence and truth, for your judgment and decision. And we beg leave to say, that while the circumstance it states has met with violence and opposition, we can only attribute such conduct to the prejudiced and perverted spirit of the age. But though our motives have been misunderstood, and our benevolent purpose has failed, yet we do not repent that we made the effort ; but, on the contrary, we esteem it our highest glory to bear the reproach and enmity of our cotemporaries, while striving to accomplish so glorious an object. This state of mind is the result of a conviction that we were bound to adopt the measures we pursued; unless, indeed, we had been willing to be ranked by our Heavenly Master as cowards and traitors in his great and blessed cause. And though we admitted the possibility of not b^ing able to eifect our pur- 290 CHAPTER X. pose, yet we saw that there was something honourable and dignified even in a faikire, where an attempt was made to achieve an object so noble in itself, and which, as we con- ceived, would be attended with beneficial and lasting results. Let then our counsels be finally rejected, and our plans dis- carded, still shall we retire sustained by this sentiment, that to him who intends well, especially as regards the prosperity of the church, is due the praise of forming a benevolent de- sign, though he should be subject to scorn as a pestilent innovator. If indeed it should be thought by any of this venerable assembly, that our proceedings appear indicative of a spirit of innovation, let it be understood, that the evils we intended to remedy were of too great magnitude to allow us either to sit and silently witness their destructive effects, or touch them with a slight and delicate hand. Neither ought you. Illustrious and Learned Gentlemen, to receive as true the reports which have been so industriously spread amongst the common people, to the great injury of our character and prejudice of our cause, by which it has been stated, that we have attacked the celebrated persons alluded to, merely on account of trifles, thereby manifesting a disputatious and contentious spirit, and have directed all our efforts to the accomplishment of objects which are insig- nificant, trifling, and unimportant. Nay, rather, God forbid! that God whom we serve in spirit and in truth ! that we should ever be prompted by the mere caprice of our own will, to enter into controversy with any one on unimpor- tant matters in religion ; and so be led to treat that which is in itself insignificant, as of the greatest moment ; or that we should have pleasure in seeking to split hairs, and bran- dish the weapons of contention for the mere purposes of disputation and strife. For it is the peculiar feature of a truly Christian mind to be affected only by those things which are deeply momentous and serious ; neither will the mere prudent man allow himself to be easily drawn into MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 291 a contest for a vain and empty shadow; while on the part of the devout and pious, there will be the avoidance, as far as possible, of all occasion of contention and discord ; while to dispute about points that are unessential to our salvation, only belongs to a mind governed by rashness and folly. " Deeply impressed with these sentiments, we think the treatment we have met with, in being held up to receive the brand of public odium and reproach, as unjust in those who have manifested it, as it has been unmerited in us who have been subject to it. But all this proves to us the difficulty and danger of endeavouring to remove existing evils, or to expose eiToneous opinions, the more especially when they have received the sanction of authority, and the support of distinguished names. " Did we need proof of this, we have only to refer to the result of our efforts. For from the moment we made the attempt, there have raged against us, if I may use so harsh a phrase, the most violent passions; and we have been treat- ed as the avowed enemies of the Reformation, opponents of the truth, disturbers of the ]3ublic tranquillity, traitors to our country, and the patrons and advocates of every species of hei'esy ; whilst the most malignant calumnies and foulest reproaches have been made use of, for the purpose of in- volving us in infamy and disgrace. Hence our character and reputation have alike been assailed both from the pulpit and the press, and by base and false reports we have been represented as the most vile and unworthy persons, so that we may adopt the language of the apostle, and say, that we have become Tie^itprji^a y.ui y.'xBa.^iAa Tov K.o(riA.ov, the Jilth and off- scouring of the world. To attempt to prove the correctness of this statement is unnecessary, since the measures adopted against us, during the last ten years, in the face of heaven and in the sight of the whole United Provinces, place its truth beyond a doubt. The facts thus alluded to are so notorious, that it is utterly impossible for any person to be 292 ' CHAPTER X. ignorant of them : — nay, the very walls of onr churches, — the pews, the pulpits, and the aisles, — the public places of resort, the markets, the streets, and private assemblies, — not only declare, but proclaim them aloud, as every mechanic and vagabond of the canaille can testify. " In the first instance, suspicions were secretly excited against us through the medium of dark insinuations and inuendos, which acted like hidden poison, secretly generat- ing mistrust and jealousy in the minds of those who had been accustomed to regard us only with confidence and esteem. For so true is it, that suspicion is the first poisoner of friendship. These measures eventually prepared the way to alienate from us the affections of those who formerly loved us as their own souls. Afterwards we were more openly and publicly attacked, and though the charges alleged against us were false and frivolous, yet they served to ex- cite the minds of men so violently, that they seemed to be acted upon as by inflammable matter, till they were v^rought up to a high degree of rage and frenzy. And while in this state of irritation, the flames of hatred and animosity were fanned to a still higher degree by public discourses, princi- pally composed of combustible materials, tending to spread the fire of dissension and strife, we were in consequence vilified, slandered, taunted, scoffed, and abused with every species of reproach ; till, the bounds of courtesy, decency, and civility being past, every one was left to utter, without the least restraint or hindrance, that which the dictates of his depraved feelings suggested, as on persons who had justly merited to be treated as the victims of public hatred and insult. And Thou, Most Blessed Jesus ! what things hast Thou not heard and seen from Thy throne, which have either been done to us, or laid to our charge, though we have neither merited the one, nor been guilty of the other ! How often have our sighs and groans ascended to Thee in the heavens, yea, and how frequently and ardently have we MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 293 poured forth our souls unto Thee, to whom we are assured our innocency is fully known ! We call Thee to witness, Thou Divine Redeemer, and Searcher of the heart, who shalt judge the living and the dead, whether we ever gave to any one just cause thus to load us with calumny, charge us with crime, and treat us with contumely, insult, and injury ! " Not that we make these statements, Most Heverend and Learned Sirs, with the design of its being understood, that, amidst the general excitement which has prevailed, all we have done or written has been perfectly faultless. For al- though we are fully persuaded of the justice, goodness, and truth of our cause, nevertheless, we know how difficult it is, when the mind is agitated by storms and tempests, so to govern it, that all its pui'poses and actings may be such as to be free from defect and blame. Gentlemen, we are men, and therefore we pretend not to be exempt from the imper- fections incident to our common nature. But this much we boldly assert, that nothing was designed, desired, hoped, or attempted by us, as justly meriting the public odium with which we have been treated. " To prevent, therefore, the permanent abidance of these revolting opinions in our churches, and their consequent effects in operating to produce disunion amongst us, has been the great object of all our solicitudes, counsels, and de- signs. In this, it is true, we have been opposed by many. Nevertheless, let it be understood, that in all we have written, said, or done, the great object we proposed was no other than that of defending our most flourishing church, part of the body of Jesus Christ, our Holy and Blessed Redeemer, from the principles of dissension and disunion, — a church which was planted and nurtured at the expense of so much toil, suffering, and labour, and which flourished amidst the con- tentions and struggles of war, — the agitations of the republic, — and the slaughter and butchery of so many innocent per- sons ; and was cemented by the blood of its most venerable 294 CHAPTER X. and devoted martyrs. Endeared to us as it is by so many interesting events, we endeavoured to prevent its being dis- figured by any new schisms, or painfully rent and destroyed, while yet in a state of comparative infancy. We therefore repeat it, that the attainment of this object has been the subject of all our prayers and sighs before Almighty God, and the end to which all our anxieties have for a long time been directed ; and to prevent any deep and painful wound from being inflicted upon it, we have, in conjunction with the most heroic of our countrymen, contributed our utmost efforts. This we did under a persuasion that, if in- flicted, it might not be in the power of Hippocrates himself to heal it, much less any of his most favoured followers. For the history of events, whether relating to past or modern times, teaches us, that a wound, though produced by a trifling cause, and only slight in its character, may nevertheless be extremely difficult to cure ; while the greater delay in the application of the remedy renders the case more dangerous, and, if cured at all, it leaves behind an indelible and un- sightly scar. " Therefore, to prevent this evil, we frequently petitioned our governors, entreating their High Mightinesses to con- descend to adopt one of the three following measures : namely, — that a synod should be convoked according to the provisions appointed by the states ; but if this did not ap- pear eligible, on account of the recent and greatly agitated state of the public mind, by which its judgment was warped, and its decisions vitiated, in that case we proposed that mutual toleration should be established, and that each person should be allowed undisturbed to maintain his own senti- ments on the disputed points; it being distinctly understood, that when stating his views upon them, he should not over- step the bounds of sobriety, modesty, and piety ; and that matters should be suffered to remain in this state until some other means was appointed to meet the exigency of the times; MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 295 and, finally, if neither of the above measures was found prac- ticable, and the peace and safety of our country could not be preserved but by our ceasing to be considered as author- ised pastors of the state, we declared our willingness to submit to an edict that might require us to relinquish the functions of our offices, and the churches where we had min- istered, and to provide for ourselves in the best way we could. For we had much rather seciu'e the peace and welfare of our country by being personally subject to sacrifices and suffei*- ings, than injure its interests and prosperity, by maintaining our riglit to officiate in its pulpits and sanctuaries. And we appeal to you. Most Honourable Gentlemen, Reverend and Learned Brethren, whether any thing, in our circumstances, could have been proposed more equitable, honourable, and disinterested. That we should abandon our sentiments, or disavow the profession of them, our consciences would not permit. To desist from the discharge of our public ministry, unbidden by our superiors, would be to merit the brand of being deserters and mercenary hirelings. "The calling of a synod was opposed by those who reject- ed the clause of the resolution of the States, directing the examination and revision of the Confession and Catechism. What then could be done, but that we should advise the appointment of mutual toleration ? As to the assertions of those who maintain that a synod might long since have been assembled but for our opposition, we aver that they slander us, and do us great injustice. On the contrary, we not only cheerfully concurred with, but recommended the decree of the States of Holland and West Friesland, and also that of the States General on this subject ; and nothing would have been more agi'eeable to our views and wishes, than the convocation of a synod according to the letter of these resolutions ; while the period chosen for its assembling was of all others the most opportune, in as much as the minds of men were not then excited by contentions and 296 CHAPTER X. disputes, nor their judgments influenced, beyond that of contemplating the points in debate as mere matters of private opinion. Neither had any secession taken place on account of them. No alienation of aSection existed in one person against another, on account of their differing in opin- ion on these subjects. But at this period there were, indi- viduals who, according to our judgments, without any justi- fiable reasons, objected and threw impediments in the way of the meeting of this synod. Nothing was left to us, then, but to urge the adoption of a plan for mutual toleration, which we think ought to have been conceded, not in the least doubting that when the feverish excitement of men's minds occasioned by contentions had begun to subside, and the attendant angry feeling was allayed by the meliorating in- fluence of time, that then peace and amity would be restored. Of the possibility of attaining so desirable an object we were fully convinced, not only from the example of distin- guished persons, but also of whole churches, who preserved unimpaired the bonds of fellowship and Christian brother- hood, although they allowed a diversity of opinion not mere- ly on the points now in dispute, but likewise on various others. And instead of such forbearance and toleration being injurious to these churches, they were found greatly to contribute to their peace and prosperity. In proof of the con'ectness of this statement, v\e may refer not only to the conduct of Theodore Beza towards James Andrew, but also to that of our own churches, which have held out the i'Yooi of the correctness of this statement we shall subsequently notice. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 448 " God be praised that this rogue is taken ! had I known it an hour sooner, I should have sent information of it to my wife, who would have esteemed it as the most in- teresting news she ever heard in her life. If none of these fellows [Arminian ministers] have yet worked in the bride- well, I'll take care that this Welsing shall. Come," said he, " fill the glasses, such news is worth rejoicing over." He then drank off a bumper of wine to show his joy at the event, in which he was followed by the rest of the company. In connexion with this statement, we deem it right to re- mind the reader of the fact, that this man took upon himself the oflfice of historian of the ecclesiastical transactions of this period in the Low-Countries. This we are afraid he did with the design of giving his own colouring to the affairs of the Remonstrants, and we apprehend that the principal part of the misrepresentations which have been advanced against them in this country, are to be traced to his misstatements. In remarking on the proceedings of these men, we shall ad- vert less to their names than to the principles by which they were governed, in order that we may be enabled to foi*m a correct estimate of their feelings, as the source of that con- duct which justly warrants us in designating them complete bigots and finished persecutors. In cases of this kind, a cultivated state of mind seems to form no banier against individuals acting so foul a part ; for many of these were men of learning. This we conceive may arise from the circumstance of the persecutor, while he is engaged in his dark work, being actuated more by the dictate of feeling than of the understanding; and although the latter, viewed in the abstract, might be considered as a guarantee against such measures, yet the fact of a person of educated intellect being a persecutor, only goes to prove, that if his judgment per- forms its functions in denouncing such conduct, yet his passions gaining the ascendancy shows that the intellect 444 CHAPTER XV. and feelings of the man form two distinct departments, and act^as antagonist principles. In most instances we should conceive, that the violent calumniator or persecutor of an- other acts from self-love and wounded pride, associated with a secret dread that the impugner of his thinkings and opinions may at length overthrow and lay him prostrate in the dust. That facts bear out this statement, as being applic- able to the vindictive feelings manifested on the part of the Contra-Remonstrant clergy against their Arminian brethren, appears evident to us. For having shown that they were conscious that they had not the force of argument within their power to silence their opponents,* the transition from a dreaded attempt at reasoning with, to that of denounc- ing them, was very easy; and as they had the privilege of calling in the aid of the civil authority, to do by the power of the sword, what they dare not attempt by the power of argument, they availed themselves of it, and their triumph became complete. One circumstance we wish the reader to bear in mind, that moral character in its most spotless forms, which, in other cases, comes to the advantage of the alleged culprit, in this instance is found to render his fall more certain and violent, while he is under the hand of a [priestly perse- cutor. This originates with the necessity the latter is under, to give the colour of justice to the proceedings instituted against his victim, in order to make it appear that the man who is thus to suffer, is a malefactor of the darkest shade. And this ghostly malignant finds it to be the most summary mode of accomplishing his purpose to brand him with infamy, by holding him forth as a foul rebel spirit against the truth of God. Having thus wrought himself up to the capability of exhibiting his victim in this light, he is prepared to denounce even holiness of character and acting in him a dangerous features in his condition, tending to give to the heresy * Sec page 33.3 of this work. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 445 of his opinions a more imposing, extended, and, therefore, destructive influence. Hence we find in the case of one of the Remonstrants who was charged with heterodoxy, in a provincial synod, and a vindication of him being set up by some of its members on the ground of his pious and holy conduct, that a minister said, " Behold, brethren, the pernicious effects of piety !" when he was followed by another, who added, " that he was indeed of an unblamable life, but that no heretics could do so much mischief to the church, as those who led good and holy lives, because it enabled them to insinuate themselves more easily into the affections of the people, and in this way they could success- fully diffuse their errors." Thus we invariably find, that the history of persecution furnishes us with proofs, that the most pure, devout, and lofty spirits have been the first selected to gratify the rage of the persecutor and the bigot. Witness the case of Lord Cobham in our own country, by the Catho- lics, and the devout and holy Poppius in Holland, by the Calvinists, who finished his days in a dungeon, to satiate their malignity and cruelty. To us it would appear, that a person more easily becomes a persecutor, when he acts in concert with others, than when alone. This arises, we ajipre- hend, from the influence of sympathy he has with the members of a community thus acting, being intent upon the safety of its privileges, while the wickedness of such a deed, or course of deeds, seems to lose much of its guiltiness, as applicable to himself, by its being divided or shared by a larger number of persons. Thus it is, that the persecuting measures of a community are more violent and cruel than those of individuals. In looking at the case of these Dutch ministers, it may appear a startling circumstance, that men who made sound- ing professions of superior attainments of truth and piety, should be capable of the acts thus attributed to them. But the reader has only to recollect that sacred truths existing 446 CHAPTER XV. in the mind may be neutralized as to their sanctifying effect, by being associated with certain pernicious errors. Hence an intolerant person, who is prepared to look upon a man as the reprobate of heaven, and sees in the dogmas that he maintains the very signs of that reprobation, may consider himself called upon to crush the influence of such an individual; and as no method is so effectual to accom- plish this, as that of destroying him, it seems natural that he should have recourse to it. And if this person is led to suppose that a state of acceptance with the Divine Being is to be found in his admission of certain dogmas, though unaccompanied with any hallowing feeling, such a man, we conceive, is prepared to go the most awful lengths, when his opinions are attacked, in as much as such a measure tends to throw doubt upon his safety, and he necessarily • becomes a fierce and cruel persecutor. Thus, unchecked in his intolerant designs by any thing like the sanctifying power of religion, this defender of mere creed will at once show, in the fury of his zeal, the malevolence of his passions, and the vindictiveness of his feelings, that pity is extirpated from his bosom, conscience is silenced in her court, mercy is ■ banished from his heart, fellows-feeling towards his brethren is extmguished, the sacred name of religion is used for the manifestation of the foulest bigotry, and the sense of justice, which might exist with this person in other cases, assumes the form of barbarous revenge. And when once he has given way to a taste for cruelty, he is prepared for the most ruthless acts, and if he can but see his victim " pale with the paleness which a dungeon sheds on his face ; if he can but catch the clanking of a chain about his neck, which a Barabbas yesterday wore ; yes, and if he hear him groaning under torments that are the necessary schooling of obdurate wickedness ; then he can fill up with ease what was before wanting to tranquillize a just revenge." In proof that this picture of the persecutor's heart is no MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 447 caricature, let the reader take the statement of a Calvinistic counsellor, who said, " I wish I were to sit in judgment upon Uitenbogaerdt and Episcopius, who, while sending Arminian ministers into Holland to preach, keep out of the way themselves. I would certainly condemn them to be hanged, and take care myself to see the sentence put into execution." We shall close these remarks on the conduct of the Dutch Calvinists of the early part of the seventeenth century, in the language of a writer to whom we have more than once referred in these pages. " If churches and com- munities, as well as individuals, have a future retribution to fear — if a day is to come when the Righteous Adminis- trator of human affairs and the Head of the Church is to make manifest his detestation of ecclesiastical bloodshed and torments, shall the Church of Rome stand alone at the bar, or have no companion in punishment ? Ought we not to think more worthily of the justice of heaven than to suppose it?" * * Fanaticism, 448 CHAPTER XVI. CHAPTER XVI. The prominent part which Episcopius took at the Synod of Dort, spread his fame as a theologian and scholar beyond the Netherlands, and his residence at Antwerp attracted the attention of many distinguished and learned indi- viduals. Amongst these vs^ere some members of the Romish community, who paid him very great respect. It was supposed by these, that the usage which the Remonstrant clergy had met with from the bigotry of the Calvinist ministers of their own country, would dispose them to listen to insinuating invitations to enter the Catholic Church. Indirect attempts were, therefore, made upon them for this purpose at Antwerp, and afterwards in France, wdien these banished ministers had taken up their residence in that country, after the termination of the truce between the Spani- ards and the Dutch. In the latter instance the French Catho- lics calculated upon success, grounded upon the refusal of the Reformed of that kingdom to allow Grotius to enter their communion, unless he first promised to abandon Armini- anism. But though the Remonstrants had been persecuted and expelled from their country by the Calvinistic clergy of the Netherlands, and not suffered to hold communion with those of France, yet having adopted their opinions as the fruit of patient investigation and a conviction of their truth, they were not to be moved from a firm attachment to them, though suffering banishment on account of it. They there- MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 449 fore not only resisted all such insinuating offers, but actually turned upon the parties who had thus dared to tempt them, with powerful arguments in defence of Protestantism. For though they knew how to esteem acts of favour shown to them as strangers and exiles, yet when any great point of truth was assailed, they then deemed it not right to carrj- their courtesy so far, as not to stand up and defend it. An instance of this will be seen in the case of Episcopius, who during his residence at Antwerp, was visited by Peter Waddingus, professor of theology amongst the Jesuits. This gentleman introduced himself by saying, that he waited upon him at the wish and direction of the Dean of the Nunnery- church, merely to pay his respects to him as a stranger and a scholar. On this occasion they had a long conversation on the certainty of faith, and the authority of the writings of the Fathers. This interview took place on the seven- teenth of February, in the year 1620 ; and on the thirteenth of the following June, they had a second meeting, when they had a friendly disputation on the subject of justification. On the tenth of October, Episcopius was invited with Uitenbogaerdt to the residence of some gentleman, to meet the pensionary of Antwerp. During this visit Waddingus made his appearance in company with his colleague, who, it was afterwards understood, was expressly invited for the purpose of having an opportunity of conversing with Epis- copius on certain subjects in theology. They accordingly entered into a discourse, when the following points were discussed, the Church, the Scriptures, the worship of images, and the authority and infallibility of the pope. This last interview was the occasion of Waddingus pro- ducing two letters, the one on The rule of faith, the other on The worship of images. These letters Episcopius deter- mined to answer, but could not accomplish his purpose, until he had settled in France, when he executed his design in a most masterly way, and refuted, in this publication, the 450 CHAPTER XVI. positions of this Jesuit in favour of the doctrines and worship of the Church of Rome, and sent a copy of the work to Antwerp to him. In thus finishing our account of Episcopius' letters to Waddingus, we have necessarily been carried to a period beyond the regular course of our nar- rative, and, therefore, must now return to notice the circum- stances attending the departure of the Remonstrants from Antwerp. Here it may be proper to remark, that as the period ap- proached for the termination of the truce between the Spaniards and the Dutch, the exiled ministers deemed it right to prepare to leave Brabant, before the war recommenced. Accordingly, Uitenbogaerdt, in company with Borrhius, went to Paris ; Episcopius, Grevinchovius, and Cupus, to Cologne, where Episcopius made himself known to Leonar- dus Marius, regent of the Catholic college of Cologne, of whom he made enquiries as to the possibility of their being permitted to reside there. This gentleman received him very courteously, but gave him to understand that they would not be allowed to have an asylum there, which inti- mation was soon confirmed by a declaration to the same effect from the public authorities. On their return to Antwerp, they found there Uitenbo- gaerdt, who had brought information from Paris, which de- termined them to take up their residence in France. When the people of Brabant learned that they intended to quit Antwerp, measures were adopted to induce them to stay. This was done with the hope of making use of them to effect their objects upon the Netherlands, by exciting the persons attached to them, to act in concert with the Spaniards against their country. To induce them to do this they promised to grant them the establishment of their religion in certain towns which might be made subject to Spanish authority. But these men, though persecuted by their countrymen, had not lost their love of their Fatherland, and received MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 451 these offers with the strongest marks of displeasure, and in- dignantly exclaimed, " that there was not a single man of their party who would stir a finger in aid of the Spaniards, for all the liberty they might promise them." The pen- sionaiy of the city of Antwerp met with no better reception, when making a similar communication to Uitenbogaerdt, who replied, "that he must not suppose that the people whom he called Arminians, would give any opportunity to their com- mon enemy to invade their native country to the injury of its inhabitants." The answer Uitenbogaei'dt made on this subject to the Marquis of Queva, the Spanish minister in Flanders, will show alike the patriotism and high Christian principle of the Remonstrants. This gentleman sent for this clergyman to Brussels, for the purpose of trying to induce him to stay in Brabant, making him large promises if he would comply with his proposal. After several remarks had passed between them on the subject of the renewal of hostilities, on which occasion the marquis could not forbear admiring the talent, the candour, and freedom displayed by this clergyman, the former stood amazed, says an historian, when he heard this Dutch divine, who had imbibed all the love of liberty that distinguished the Hollanders during the time of William, the great Prince of Orange, make the following statement to him. " Now let me say one word to your excellency freely ; that is, that I am not ignorant that your excellency and other great men, and even the clergy themselves, en- deavour to keep me and my brethren in this country, not out of any kindness to us and our cause. For though I be- lieve you look upon us to be a peaceable sort of men, and obedient inhabitants, and by no means inclined to raise riots and tumults under the cloak of religion, which though former experience may have taught you to apprehend from the Calvinists, yet nothing of this kind is dreaded by you from us. Nevertheless, we are persuaded that you wish 452 CHAPTER XVI. and hope, some time or other, to avail yourselves of our influence with the people of our persuasion, who arc very numerous, to raise a rebellion or insurrection by them in the cities of om* native country against the government, and thereby strengthen your hands, in the event of hostilities con- tinuing for some time. This I firmly believe is expected from us ; as also that we, who have the management of the affairs of the Remonstrants, should from hence make some such attempts. I think it, therefore, my duty to acquaint your excellency in the plainest terms, but with all due re- spect, and for the information of the king, that these expect- ations are vain, and that the people of our persuasion in the United Provinces will never be brought so far as to attempt to shake off" that yoke which their new lords, by depriving them of their pastors, and consequently of the free exercise of their religion, have put about their neck ; and to ex- change it for a yoke which they judge to be so much worse. None of us will advise them to do it, and I am sure they would not take such advice, if it were never so much in their power ; for all of them have too much love for liberty, and too great an aversion to your nation, ever to be per- suaded to attempt it. For though both they and we have been greatly wronged, yet are we not therefore obliged to em- brace another religion, which we cannot in our conscience approve." " I am amazed at your conduct," said the marquis, " other exiles and people driven out of their native country have been used to try all means to get in again, and to promote whatever methods had a tendency to that end." To this Uitenbogaerdt replied, " Those persons had nothing in view but their own interest or revenge ; but we aim at neither, choosing rather to live upon bread and water, and in the utmost distress in foreign countries, than to en- deavour to return into our own by unlawful means. For we are Christians, and our hopes are raised to a better life ; and, therefore, we dare not do what God has forbidden. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 453 Could ^vc be restored to our country by means of a good peace, by which our religion and privileges might be pre- served, we should then be pleased ; but if not, we must have patience." " You speak very plain," cried the mar- quis. " Yes, Sir," said the other, " I speak the thing as it is, to the end that his majesty may not count upon any in- surrection or revolution to be brought about by our people, which will never happen." After courteously thanking the authorities of Antwerp for the favours shown to them, the Remonstrants left the country, and first went to Rouen, where they staid a little time, and then departed for Paris. Some of them subsequently returned to the former place. On this occasion the king of France published an edict, in which he declared that he allowed the Remonstrants the same privileges as to other subjects of the States-General who resided in his kingdom, but refused to permit them publicly to celebrate divine worship amongst themselves, it being said, that his majesty was not willing to allow a third religion to be established in France. Nevertheless, Episcopius was accustomed to preach in the house of Grotius, it being winked at by the authorities. This circumstance will account for the fact of the name of this distinguished individual being so frequently connected with that of the subject of these memoirs, and for the close intimacy which subsisted between them; Grotius himself frequently giving his judgment as to the best mode in which Episcopius should use his powerful pen on behalf of the Remonstrants, and the cause of Arminianism in general. After publishing his reply to Waddingus's letters, Epis- copius wrote a treatise for the instruction and guidance of some amongst the Remonstrants, in which he showed that it was lawful for a Christian to sustain the office of a magis- trate. This treatise was sent into Holland, and read with great avidity. Daniel de Breen, a man of learnmg and 454 CHAPTER XVI. high character, and strongly attached to the Remonstrants, maintained an opposite opinion to Episcopins on this sub- ject, and wrote an answer to his work, which he sent to him in France. The latter replied to this pamphlet merely in the way of appending notes to it in the margin of the copy sent to him, and then returned it to the author. Shortly after he was earnestly solicited by Grotius* to publish some remarks upon the closing part of the eighth, the whole of the ninth, tenth, and eleventh chapters of St. Paul's Epistle to the Romans, which he accordingly did. f He then en- gaged in another work, being a refutation of a book written by a Jesuit, named Lessius, under the following title, Advice as io ivJiat Religion and Faith ought to he adopted. As soon as Grotius heard of his design, he expressed very great satis- faction at the circumstance, and immediately wrote to him, saying, " that it was his judgment that he ought, while preparing this writing, to refute the sentiments of those who maintained the principles of Cassander,| who asserts, and en- deavours to prove, ' that those who reject the greater part of the errors of the Church of Rome, are, nevertheless, not bound from that circumstance to quit its communion.' In doing this," says Grotius, " it is my judgment that you should bring under consideration the two following points ; * Epistolffi Ecclesiasticae et Tlieologicae, p. 681. f See Episcopii Ojjera, vol. i. part ii. X This gentleman, who was born in 1515, in the island of Cadsand, was a Catliolic divine, and endeavoured to unite the Papists and Protestants, or rather to bring over the latter to the Church of Rome. He was very learned, modest, and amiable. As is usual with the person who undertakes to arbitrate between contending parties, he offended both. The positions he advanced, in order to prove that the Protestants might lawfully enter the bosom of the Papist Church, offended them, as will be seen by Grotius wishing Episcopius to attack those stated in the text ; Avhile the concessions he made to the Protestants to reconcile them, offended the Catholics, and some of his works were censured, and others condemned by the Council of Trent. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 455 first', ' whether an act in itself justifiable, namely, to exhibit a visible form of worship in the holy sacrament, becomes unlawful on account of the interpretation given to it by the heads of a church, who say, that such an action has Christ for its object, as really present under the consecrated bread, as well as being also the visible sign itself The second is, ' whether any person can lawfully attach himself lo a community, whose rulers declare that the admission of certain doctrines, which he disapproves, is necessary to a communion with them, though they do not require from individual members an open and unequivocal avowal of the same.'" Episcopius drew out a draft of this intended work, which, however, he never completed, being prevented, un- doubtedly, by the multiplicity of his engagements. In the year 1623, prior to the meeting of a provincial synod of the Calvinist ministers, to be held at Charenton ; Uitenbogaerdt, Episcopius, and some other Remonstrants purposed to apply for leave to appear in it, in order to give an explanation of their affairs, on which occasion they intended stating their doctrines, and giving an account of the treatment they had met with from the Synod of Dort. This circumstance arose from the fact of Stephen Curcellajus, * who subsequently became an eminent professor amongst the Remonstrants, and was then minister at Amiens, having been ejected from his office, the March preceding, by the synod held at Charenton, because he could not conscien- tiously subscribe to the canons of the Synod of Dort, which the French National Synod at Alez had ordered should be done by all the ministers throughout their churches. This * Curcellffius, who was thus ejected from his office by the French Calvinists, in consequence of his attachment to the doctrines of Arminius, was a distinguished scholar. Tlie editors of the Nouveaii Dictionaire Histo- rique say of him, " Ayant ete dt pose, il passa en Hollande, et se iit un grand nom parmi les Protestans Arminiens. II professa la theologie dans leurs ecoles, apri-s le cekbre Simon Episcopius." 456 CHAPTER XVI. gentleman applied to Uitenbogaerdt and Episcopius for assistance and direction, who, together with Corvinus, Goulart, and Francis d'Or,* met at the house of Daniel Tilenus, formerly professor of theology in Sedan, and after deliberating on the subject, finally determined upon drawing * Francis d'Or, here named, was a minister of the Reformed Church in Sedan, but had embraced the doctrines of the Remonstrants. After the Synod of Dort, he was expounding the first chapter of St. James in the presence of some of his brother ministers of the French Church ; and when he came to the thirteenth verse, he attempted to prove that God was not the author of sin. His colleagues were offended at him, and on the following day he was summoned before a tribunal of clergy and laity, deposed from his pulpit, and finally compelled to leave the town. Tilenus, who had been a rigid Calvinist, was brought over to the doctrines of Arminius by reading the works of Corvinus. He also was deposed from his professorship by the same gentlemen, and subsequently settled in Paris, and lived on his private fortune. He became a powerful defender of the senti- ments of Arminius. Our king James, who had concurred in the condemna- tion of the doctrines of the Remonstrants at the Synod of Dort, sent for Tilenus to England, and offered him a pension if he would stay in this country J and in a conversation with him, strongly reprobated the decrees of the synod passed in favour of Calvinism. Tilenus published a work in de- fence of the Remonstrants, against the members of the Synod of Alez, on the ground of their falsely and calumniously charging the Remonstrants with Pelagianism, " whereas," he said, " they believed and taught just the oppo- site doctrines, preaching against Manicheism, without so much as maintain- ing one single point of the doctrine of Pelagius. They believed and taught, ' That election depended upon God, and not on man ; that men ought to ascribe to the grace of God, the beginning, the middle, and the end of every good action ; that even regenerated persons could neither think, will, nor do any good thing, nor resist any temptation to evil, without a previous and exciting, a consequent and co-operating grace.' The Remonstrants were also ready to assert," he said, " and prove four things upon this head. 1 . That in this controversy their doctrine entirely agreed with that of the primitive fathers, who wrote before Pelagius was born. 2. That they did not main- tain one single point of those articles which the councils had condemned in Pelagius. 3. That the chief adversaries of Pelagius, such as St. Austin, Jerome, and others, in their writings against Pelagius did not attack one opinion maintained by Arminius or his followers. 4. That the synodicul gentlemen of Dort and Alez ojtenly opposed several jioints, which both the fathers and councils maintained in relation to Pelagianism." Brandt. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIl'S. 457 up a document to be presented to the synod, containing a com- plaint against the Synod of Alez, and showing how unsound were the premises on which the decisions of the Synod of Dort were founded, and the falsehood of those statements by which the character and doctrines of the Remonstrants were defamed ; stating, at the same time, that they wished to have a conference with the members of the synod, on which occasion they would more fully demonstrate the truth of their assertions. Tn this document it was declared, ", that if these ministers consented to the holding of such a conference, the Remonstrants would go into a full statement of their affairs and doctrines, but if they rejected the proposal, they should then consider such conduct as an evidence that the members of the synod wished to avoid enquiry, and thereby showed that they admitted, that neither their cause nor their doc- trines would stand the test of examination." Such an in- tended measure on the part of the Remonstrants, while it displayed their courage, and the conviction they had that they were capable of discomfiting the members of this assembly, was not, however, carried into effect, as that body at that time came to terms with Curcella^us. In the same winter, Episcopius composed a work de- signated. An Exan^ination of the Theses of James Capellus,* Professor of Sedan, in which the latter professed to enter upon an enquiry into the disputes tvhich had agitated the Low-Countries, for the purpose of ascertaining whether it had been better to tolerate or suppress the opinions of Arminius. * In this work the writer declares, that the Arminiaus detract from the Divine Power, by asserting that man can oppose, and effectually resist, the Divine Omnipotence. " To this false representation," says Mr. Nichols, " the eloquent Episcopius returned the following ansvfcr, which is worthy of attentive consideration : " These expressions are unappropriate ; because nothing can be detracted from Divine Power, where that Divine Power is not exerted. In the conversion of man, Capellus supposes God to employ ' his ordinary power, which at all times, and by its own force, produces its effect.' Those persons against whom he disputes, deny this assertion by 2 G 458 CHAPTER xvr. This writing of Episcopius was sent into Holland, and pub- lished there immediately. Scarcely was this work out of his hands, when he was called upon to defend the common cause of the Arminians, against a renegade of the name of Nicholas Bodecherus. This man, when he saw all the good things transferred from the Remonstrants to the Calvinists, by the condemnation passed upon the former at the Synod of Dort, united himself to the latter party, and playing the part of a true apostate, began to abuse and de- fame his former friends. This he did in a pamphlet bearing the following title, Socinian-Remonstrantism ; or, A Clear Demonstration, that the Remonstrants in many parts of their Confession, either in deed, word, or method, agree with the Socinians. It appears that Episcopius had no very great respect for this man's mental powers, for he im- mediately replied to this work in a pamphlet in Latin, entitled, Bodecherus the Simple; or, A Clear Demonstra- tion, that Nicholas Bodecherus has displayed more than ordi. nary flattering servility, for the purpose of gaining the favour of the Contra-Remonstrants, and has lately very foolishly and weakly attempted to charge the Confession of the Remon- strants with Socinianism. About this time Episcopius felt inclined to take a tour through the southern parts of France, merely for the purpose of becoming better acquainted with the country. the subjoined argument : ' Wherever that power is employed, which, at alt times, and by its onm force, produces its effect, there is no place left either for precepts, promises, or threatenings, and therefore none either for obedience or disobedience, for reward or iiunishment. It is the will of Him who commands any thing, that his commands should be performed by him to whom he issues those commands. But when he performs that thing himself, it is not his will that it should be performed by another; otherwise, he would, at the same time, be both willing and unwilliny for it to be performed by another. — But wherever no place is left to precepts, there is none left to obedience or disobedience, and consequently none to promises or threaten- ings, to rewards or punishment.' " MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 459 He accordingly left Paris on the sixteenth of May, and returned in the commencement of July. Immediately after, he deemed it proper to turn his attention to the subject of the freedom of the will. He was led to this, from a persuasion that this question stood intimately connected with the doctrine of Predestination, and that the one could not be rightly understood, without correct views of the other. He therefore immediately commenced a work on this subject, in which he refuted the common opinion, which maintains, that in the mind of man there are two powers or faculties, really distinct from each other; namely, the understanding and the will. That the understanding simply comprehends, without being able to desire or will ; and that the will only desires and wills, without being able to comprehend; and that the mind, through these two faculties or powers, performs all its operations. Episco- pius most ably refuted this theory, upon the following grounds ; viz., that, according to it, one of these two posi- tions must be admitted ; either that the will inevitably follows that which the understanding comprehends, and as all the operations of the understanding are necessary, con- sequently, all the actions of men are necessary : or that the determinations of the will are in all cases the result of blind instinctive impulse ; and, therefore, that all the actions of men are the result of mere chance and accident; both which positions are equally absurd. To show the fallacy of this system, Episcopius maintained, that the mind itself imme- diately both comprehends and wills, so that the understand- ing and will are not really two faculties and powers of the mind, distinct from each other, but two operations which the mind itself originates. Upon this postulate he shows how both the above absurdities may be avoided, and in what manner a man may freely regulate his conduct, either in accordance with, or in opposition to the dictate of reason. This work was not published till after his death, neverthe- 460 CHAPTER XVX. less, its argument was brought before the public the same year, in consequence of Episcopius having entered into an examination of the sentiments of John Cameron, who had been professor of theology for some years at Saumur, and whose sentiments on the human will some thought to be less objectionable, and involving fewer absurdities, than the opinion commonly maintained on the irresistibility of Divine influence. Basing his theory on the common opinion that the understanding and the will were two powers of the mind, really distinct from each other, Cameron asserted, " that the will necessarily followed the apprehensions and decisions of the understanding; and that the will was de- praved only as a consequence of the absence of an enlightened judgment, to direct and impel it to the performance of that which ought to be done ; while, to produce a right inclina- tion in the will, it was only necessary that there should be an enlightened judgment, which was to be produced by the removal of those obstacles that prevented the understanding from forming a correct apprehension of things. For in the latter case, the will would be so powerfully aflfected by such an apprehension, that it could not fail to be influenced thereby to choose that wliich is right and good ; and, therefore, to secure the regeneration of man, it is only ne- cessary that the understanding be enlightened ; and in pro- portion as this is more or less effected, in the same degree the conversion of man is more or less complete." This theory Episcopius closely examined, and animadverted upon in a small pamphlet, proving most convincingly, that it was chargeable with all the absurdities to which the commonly received opinion was subject, on the irresistibility of Divine influence in the conversion of man; and clearly demon- strated, that this system made the whole of man's acting the result of necessity, seeing that all the operations of the understanding were necessary; and that a man must un- avoidably comprehend clearly a matter disHnctly placed MKMOIltS OF KlMSCOPllS. 461 before liini, and could not understand clearly that which was ohscurehj presented to him, but he must inevitably compre- hend it as it came before him. Since then the will, accord- ing to these positions, necessarily follows the apprehension and judgment of the understanding, consequently all the actions of men are necessary. * This work contained many other powerful arguments in refutation of the sentiments of Cameron, It was sent in the form of an epistle to a celebrated scholar residing in Paris, by the name of Edmund Mercer. This gentleman had been educated in the Catholic religion, to which his parents, who were very opulent persons, were rigidly attached, and in consequence of his embracing the doctrines of the re- formed church, he had forfeited their favour. Ou his subse- quently examining the writings of the Remonstrants, he adopted their sentiments, was persecuted by the Reformed, or Calvinists, and was actually reduced to great poverty. Never- theless, neither the sufferings he endured, the scorn he was subject to from the Reformed, nor the entreaties of his parents, accompanied with splendid promises made by them, to induce him to forsake those doctrines which he believed to be of God, could cause him to abandon them ; but, on the contrary, he preferred to live in poverty, with an open avow^al of his attachment to Armiuianism, and a good con- science, than obtain the enjoyment of riches and the favour of the world, at the expense of principle and peace of mind. This person published Episcopius' Letter, without his knowledge, under the following title; A Leiler of a learned man to his friend, containing an enquiry into the sentiments of John Cameron, on the grace of God, and the freedom of the human will. Cameron replied to this, and * The above passage, which is literally translated from the Latin copy of Limborch's Life of Episcopius, collated with the one iu Dutch, is here given to retain the order of the narrative, and \\c leave the reader to form his judgment of the theories thus stated. 462 CHAPTER XVI. ungenerously charged Episcopius with vanity, in conse- quence of the title of Learned man being prefixed to this letter, as though he had so designated himself, when he must have known that it was the act of another person. About this period Uitenbogaerdt and Episcopius designed paying a visit to Holstein ; and for this purpose they agreed with a merchant of Rouen to carry them to Quillebouef in a Hamburgh vessel ; and they accordingly arrived in that place on the first of September. They staid there one night, where they were recognised by the captain of a ship from Amsterdam. They then sailed for Havre de Grace, where being detained by contrary winds, their captain went on shore, where he met the one from Amsterdam, who asked him " if he knew the persons whom he had on board his vessel?" " No," he said, " only they appeared to be two re- spectable persons, and he supposed them to be father and son, having a servant with them." " You are mistaken," said the other, " the one is Uitenbogaerdt, the other Epis- copius, and if you will detain them, but especially the old man, and bring them into Holland, I can assure you of being rewarded with a new vessel, or what is equal to its value." The captain heard this statement with great sur- prise, and immediately left the inn, and hastened on board, when he politely asked his passengers who they were, adding, " that he had a special reason for making the en- quiry." Uitenbogaerdt then frankly told him their names and circumstances. The captain proceeded immediately to relate what had taken place at the inn, presenting his hand to Uitenbogaerdt, and promising at the same time, to act towards them with honour and fidelity ; adding, " that the treacherous measures he had been counselled to take by the captain from Amsterdam, he would scorn to adopt, were the value of two vessels offered him, to betray them." They then asked him what measures they should adopt, in the event of a Dutch man-of-war coming into the port, as it was MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 403 probable they might be boarded. He said they need be under no fear of this taking place, as he came from a free port, and was mider a neutral flag; neither would it be suffered by the French authorities, while they were lying on the coast of France. But Episcopius and Uitenbogaerdt judged that the Amsterdam captain would give information of them, and that the commander of a Dutch man-of-war would be disposed to risk all consequences, for the purpose of securing them, and obtaining the reward which he knew would be given for conducting them into Holland. They therefore requested the master to watch the approach of any ship of war. On the following day, one hove in sight, and they instantly prepared to leave the vessel, and landed on the French coast. Scarcely had they got safely on shore, before a Dutch officer boarded the vessel which they had left, and having searched it, expressed great mortification at not finding them. Uitenbogaerdt and Episcopius now gave up their intended journey, and hastened back to Rouen, giving thanks to God, who had thus enabled them to escape the hands of their enemies. * Episcopius now prepared to reply to Cameron's letter. This work, on which he appeal's to have bestowed much labour, and have put forth the full strength of his powers, he sent in manuscript to Grotius and Tilenus, for their judgment upon it. Grotius, in a letter to his brother, ex- pressed his opinion of this work in the following words : ** Episcopius has learnedly replied to Cameron. I have read the manuscript, and I must say, that I am astonished at * That the venerable Uitenbogaerdt had sufficient reason to dread falling into the hands of Maurice, will appear from the fact of the latter having, at the time this minister made his escape, sent soldiers to search his house, who drove their swords through the beds where they thought he might be concealed. He also despatched others to seize him on the road by which it was supposed he might escape. And when a report was made to the prince that he could not be found, he exclaimed with signs of deep morti- Pcation ; " Now I shall never catch the bird.'' 464 CHAPTER XVI. the diligence and power of intellect manifested by the writer." In a letter to the author himself, he says, " I have read with great pleasure and profit that which you have written in repl}^ to Cameron. I judge your arguments and answers to be very solid and forcible." Tilenus gave his opinion of the work thus. " Certainly the arguments you have advanced are sufficient to satisfy and confound your opponent ; and if they do not cure him, it will only be because he is incurable. The work must be published, if no other end were to be accomplished by it, than that of convincing this vain man,* and exposing those foolish and conceited notions that he has of his own importance and capability." Episcopius encouraged by the judgment of these two learned men, sent his manuscript into Holland, to my father, says Ijimborch, who had married the daughter of his brother, Rem Bisschop, requesting him to superin- tend the printing of it. But on his heai'ing shortly after, that Cameron had departed this life, he immediately wrote to Holland, forbidding the publication of it, assigning as his reason, '' that it would be ungenerous to attack the writings of a person who was now no longer capable of defending himself." To this his friends replied, " that though Cameron was dead, his sentiments remained, and that there were many who advocated his doctrines, and it * This statement of Tilenus, certainly not very honourable to the memory of Cameron, might have sprung, fiom mortified feelings. He had had an argumentative encounter with Cameron, on the concurrence of grace with the human will, in the calling of men to salvation. The conference was held at L'lslc, at the country seat of M. Groslot, near Orleans. It com- menced on the twentieth, and concluded on the twenty-eighth of April, 1620. Two of Cameron's desciples, Lewis Capellus and De la Milletiere, took notes, and gave their version of the disputation, to the disadvantage of Tilenus, who was not favoured like his antagonist with the help of friends to make minutes on the occasion. This may account for the above severe reniaks on this learned Scotchman, for such he certainly was, having de- livered lectures on the (iicck language when he was twenty years of age. MEMOIRS OF Kl'ISCoriL.S. 465 was necessary to print the work to undeceive them." But he refused to listen to the above and similar statements. On his return into Holland, he was again and again pressed not to withhold so learned and masterly a perform- ance, the more especially as the disciples of Cameron had asserted that Episcopius was incompetent to overturn the positions laid down by him in his letter addressed to Epis- copius. The friends of the latter were deeply mortified at this circumstance, well knowing that the work in question was a triumphant refutation of the Scotchman's sentiments. But he remained unmoved, his independence and dignity of mind not allowing him to attack the name of a man who could not stand upon his own defence. How different was this manly conduct from that of the Calvinistic antagonists of Episcopius at the Synod of Dort, who not only refused to allow him to attempt to refute their sentiments, but also to state his own ; while, on the contrary, Festus Hommius drew up certain propositions, saying they contained the opinions of Episcopius on certain points, and though dis- avowed and proved to be false by the latter, nevertheless the synod proceeded to condemn him on this surreptitious docu- ment and others, which, if not similar, were not acknowledged as standard publications by which to judge of the doctrines of the Remonstrants. This writing of Episcopius was published after his decease, and it is to be found in the second volume of his works. During the time that Episcopius was preparing this pub- lication, he suffered the painful loss of his brother, Rem Biss- chop, who has so frequently been named in these memoirs. We are not surprised that he should acutely feel this stroke, in as much as he was indebted to the paternal care of this gentleman for the education he had received. He was much older than the subject of these memoirs, and when his father was removed by the plague of 1602, he watched over our Episcopius with peculiar affection, and for all his 466 cHArTER XVI. solicitude was amply rewarded in marking the early develop- ment of his extraordinary talents, and the fame that he soon acquired ; and not more could a father rejoice in the elevation of a son, than Rem Bisschop did in seeing him raised to the highest office which as a theologian he could attain in his own country. And when he was suffering banishment for the maintenance of his opinions, we are inclined to believe he contributed in no small measure to his support and comfort. This gentleman died on the tenth of April, 1622, an event which Episcopius recorded with deep sorrow, and the strongest marks of affection, stating, " that he had lost in him not only a brother, but a father." Grotius hearing of the circumstance, instantly wrote to his friend, bearing the following testimony in favour of this distinguished and pious Dutchman. " I have heard of the death of your brother, which has occasioned me as much grief as though he had been my owm brother; and while I am fully sensible that his loss will be lamented by every good man who knew him, yet it will be more especi- ally felt by you, the calamities of whose exile were light- ened by nothing so much as by his affectionate and tender kindness towards you." In the same month, his excellency Prince Maurice died, and was immediately succeeded in the Stadtholdership by his amiable brother Prince Henry. This gentleman, M'hom we have before mentioned, was the son of the celebrated Louisa de Coligny, a lady who had embraced the senti- ments of the Remonstrants, and had showed particular friendship to Uitenbogaerdt, and even wept in his pre- sence, when she found that it w^as expedient for him to escape, in order to save his life. Her esteem for this venerable minister led her to appoint him to be the pre- ceptor of her son, requesting him to instruct him in the principles of religion, while he initiated him in the classics. This office Uitenbogaerdt held for some time, and therefore MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 467 it is no matter of surprise that the prince embraced the religious sentiments of this clergyman, and greatly venerated him. This he especially manifested on two separate oc- casions, when Uitenbogaerdt, while in banishment, waited upon him as he passed through Antwerp, and received from him decisive marks of friendship, favour, and com- passion. The elevation of this gentleman to the first office in the States of Holland, induced Episcopius and Uitenbogaerdt to think of returning to their native land. For although they were aware that the prince would be beset by bigots, who w^ould endeavour to persuade him to persecute them, yet they had confidence in his clemency and kindness, and be- lieved he would shield them ; and, therefore, they determined to return home. Twelve months, however, elapsed before they put their purpose into execution. Episcopius first left France for Holland. This was on the twelfth of July, 1626, when he bad farewell to Uitenbogaerdt in the following words. " This is a sorrowful adieu to you, my most faithful friend ; may God preserve you in peace, till I see you again in your Fatherland." They each repeated their affectionate farewell by letters, and Uitenbogaerdt in one of his, which met Episcopius at a certain place on his journey, thus ex- pressed himself. " How much I feel your absence it is utterly impossible for me to describe; God alone knows what I feel on the occasion. We must, however, bear this separation with resignation, since a man of Macedonia says, Come over J and help us ; and God designs that you should attend the call and go, and that I should remain behind, and be willing to give you up, that you may devote to his service the many weighty and splendid gifts, which he has bestowed upon you for that purpose ; while I who am worn out, and henceforth incapable of active service, must wait in loneliness and sorrow his last coming. Go then, in the name of the Lord, animce dimidium me(e. And the Lord, 468 CHAPiKR xvr. who has called you, will watch over you, and give you success in your journey." On the twenty- fifth of July, Episcopius arrived at Havre de Grace, and on the twenty-ninth of the same month, landed at Rotterdam. His return was soon known amongst his friends, who flew to welcome him with the strongest signs of satisfaction and joy. The venerable Uitenbogaerdt, lonely in his situation, could not tarry long behind the man who had been his constant companion in exile, and whom he had significantly and affectionately designated the half of himself, and therefore followed him after the lapse of two months, and arrived at Rotterdam on the twenty-sixth of September. These two great champions of the Arminian cause, says Limborch, having arrived in their own country, instantly prepared to further its interests. Uitenbogaerdt thought it would not be well for him to appear in public for some time, while Episcopius attended the meetings of the Remonstrants, and soon began to preach amongst them. After Episcopius' return to Holland, he prepared to ex- ecute a work on which he had been intent for some time, but had hitherto been prevented from commencing, that is, A Defence of the Confession of the Hemonstranfs, against the attacks which had been made upon it hy the professors of the University of Leyden. These gentlemen, the reader will recollect, had succeeded Episcopius and other Remon- strants in their offices, and of course found it expedient to prove themselves to be more orthodox than their predeces- sors, by showing that the latter were heretics, and to justify their being elected to these eminent stations. Nevertheless, these professors allowed five years to elapse, before they pre- pared their attack upon the Confession of the Remonstrants, At the time Their Censure made its appearance, Episco- pius M'as at Rouen, and from all sides he was pressed by his friends to reply to it. Not being able to enter upon the MEMOIRS OF Enscopius. 469 work immediatel}^, he drew up the excellent address to the Remonstrant ministers, which now stands as a preface to his apology for the Confession. While he was proceeding with this work, Wallaeus published a Dutch edition of the Censure in 1627, and in a preface to it addressed to the States-General, advanced certain charges against the Remon- strants, which prompted Episcopius more speedily to exe- cute his extended, masterly, and certainly, in some places, caustic reply. It was, however, not completed till 16-28, and then its publication was delayed two years. This arose from the fact of Episcopius considering that, as this work was to be a vindication of the doctrines of the Remonstrant body, he ought not to publish it, till he had first sub- mitted it to the leading members of the community for their approval. It was, therefore, first sent to the Louvestein, to be examined by seven of the ministers who had been condemned to perpetual imprisonment. These gentlemen instantly copied it, and subsequently sent their remarks upon it to its author; those of Niellius were numerous. It was also sent to several other persons, who expressed their ap- proval of it. Uitenbogaerdt having examined it, gave his judgment upon it in a letter to Episcopius, written on the nineteenth of February, 1620, in the following words. " I have read your apology with great satisfaction and admira- tion. It is such, indeed, that I do not know how its senti- ments can be refuted. That our adversaries will endeavour to do this, is most probable; but he who will make the attempt, will be convinced by his own efforts of the folly of such an undertaking. I confess that it contains sevei'al things above my comprehension, for I am not sufficiently versed in many of the topics of which it treats to pronounce a judg- ment upon them ; and, therefore, my being unqualified at pre- sent to decide accurately upon them renders me very anxious see it published, that I may the more closely examine, and become better acquainted with them." After receiving 470 CHAPTER XVL various remarks upon this work, and testimonies in its favour, Episcopius at length published it. When WallaBUS found that the misrepresentations of the Contra-Remonstrants, to the States-General, did not bring the displeasure of the latter upon the Remonstrants, he took a more insidious method of injuring them, by introducing certain propositions into the University of Leyden for discussion, on four of the disputed points of the Arminians, in which he endeavoured to show the terras on which the Dutch Church would receive them again into its bosom ; attempting at the same time to prove the practicability of their complying with them ; and asserted that their rejection of them would be the result of haughty contumacy, and not of the dictate of a righteous conscience. Episcopius instantly attacked and exposed the sophistry and dictatorial requirements of his successor. Though much occupied at this time with these publications, he, nevertheless, found time to write a small pamphlet on the ordinary means of man's conversion, which was occasioned by certain disputes which had existed amongst the Anabap- tists of Waterland on that subject. As the proceedings just alluded to on the part of these bigoted spirits, to bring down the arm of power upon the Remonstrant ministers who had returned into Holland, w^ere in vain, they beheld them preaching and attending to the duties of their pastoral office, and collecting and building up their scattered flocks with deep mortification. This feeling betrayed them into conduct that tore away the mask of hypocrisy under which they had acted ; for when the clergy and consistories of the Church were charged with being the authors of the sufferings of the Remonstrants, they had always attempted to justify themselves, by asserting that they were not parties to the measures adopted against them, and that the whole proceeded from the free and un- sought acts of the States-General. Now the hollowness MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 471 and hypocrisy, says Limborch, of this statement appeared to all, for as the latter were now seen to throw the shield of protection over the Arminians, they again and again peti- tioned the States to enforce their proclamations, forbidding their religious assemblies ; and thus they appeared in their true character, as relentless persecutors. Not satisfied with petitioning the States, a deputation from the consistories was appointed to appear before them to request the sup- pression of public worship among the Remonstrants. The persons sent on this eiTand were particularly charged to wait privately upon the members of that assembly, to induce them to comply with the wishes of the consistories. The ministers of Amsterdam formed a part of this deputation, and as Triglandius was one, we will put it to the reader to judge, when he recollects the conduct of this man named at page 443, on the arrest of Welsing, the Arminian clergy- man, whether such a charge in his case was not quite super- fluous. This reviler of the Arminians needed no stimulus, beyond his own bitter enmity to them, to prompt him to endeavour to effect their ruin. Episcopius, aware of the embassy of these meek ministers, wrote a pamphlet on their mission, entitled, The Edict-hunting Religion of the Contra- Remonstrants, and especially of some of the ministers at Amsterdam. But a work on the same subject being published by Uitenbogaerdt, rendered that of Episcopius unnecessary. He, however, wrote another pamphlet, and published it under the following title. The Freedom of Religious Wor- ship; being a Dialogue between a Remonstrant and Contra- Remonstrant, on the subject of tolerating the religious worship of the Remonstrants. This production was occa- sioned by the Calvinist ministers declaring from their pulpits, that the celebration of public worship by the Arminians ought to be prevented. The efforts of these gentlemen, to induce the civil autho- rities to prohibit these religious assemblies, being unavailing, ^7-2 CHAt'TEH XVI. the Plemonstrants now began to build churches, or appro- priate other places for public worship, in various parts of the Provinces; and desiring to have uniformity of service in the administration of Baptism and the Lord's Supper throughout all their congregations, Episcopius was requested to draw up a formulary, to be used for the celebration of these two ordinances. This was printed and subsequently abridged, and appended to the Catechism used in the Arminian churches. The Remonstrant ministers, says Limborch, now began to appear in the public streets, and we read only of one instance of an attempt being made to seize any of them. This happened to Episcopius and Uitenbogaerdt, while they were upon a journey, which, in all probability, was the act of an officious and unauthorised sheriff of a town through which they were passing. * The affairs of the Ilemonstrants now assuming so inter- esting an aspect, Episcopius began to think of entering the * Grotius, learning that these ministers were thus unmolested, endeavoured also to obtain a residence in Holland, and went and abode there for some time. But though he had many friends, yet he found it impossible to con- tinue, as an order was issued for the seizing of his person. He therefore returned to Paris, and subsequently went to Stockholm. Still feeling the mal du pais, he determined once more to hazard a return to his native country. Setting sail for Lubeck, a storm arose, and the vessel was driven upon the coast of Pomerania. During the passage, he fell sick, aid after being landed, was conveyed, by a tedious journey of eight days, to Rostock. Feeling his end approach, he sent for a Lutheran minister, who exhorted him to look to Jesus Christ for salvation. He replied, " I place my hopes on Jesus Christ alone," and then with his hands joined, in the attitude of supplication, he repeated after the minister a prayer used by the Lutherans, commencing thus, " Heer Jesu, wahr mcnsch und Gott, &c. ;" that is, Lord Jesus, true man and God ; and shortly after expired. But, though while dying, Grotius confessed himself to be as the publican, and admitted the divinity of Christ, and expressed himself as depending wholly on his merit for acceptance with God, yet the bitter spirit of some of the Calvinists did not scruple to publish that he died a Socinian, a Papist, nay, even an Atheist. EnJiehVs History of Philosophrj, Burigm/s Grotius, and Bayle, Article, Grotius. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 473 marriage state, and chose Maria, the daughter of Jaus Pesser, and the widow of Henry Nielhus, to be his wife. She was of an honourable family, resided at Rotterdam, and was very pious, amiable, and intelligent. That he might meet with no opposition ^to the celebration of his nuptials from any bigoted Contra-Remonstrant zealot, who might take fire when he heard the name of Episcopius announced, he deemed it proper to have himself registered by that of Egbert, his mother's maiden name. On the eighth of September, 1630, when he appeared in the council-house of Rotterdam, where the maii'iage was celebrated, the secretary of the court, after reading his name as Simon Egbert, looked at him, and recognising him, turned to the schepens or aldermen present, and said, " Gentlemen, is not this Epis- copius, who was banished the country ?" They not attend- ing to his question, he repeated it, but their designed inattention to his repetition of it showed him that his conduct was displeasing to them, and he was silent; and the marriage was celebrated without further interruption. Amongst those who congratulated Episcopius on this occa- sion, was his friend Grotius, who wrote to him from Paris, saying, " that the place which gave birth to the distinguished Erasmus, was worthy to witness such an event." The Apology for the Confession of the Remonstrants published by Episcopius, had by this time been extensively read, and obtained them many friends amongst the more tolerant of the Dutch people, as well as in other countries. This was deeply mortifying to the bigoted Contra-Reraon- strants, and they now more violently than ever charged them with being Sociuians. Of the character of the evidences by which these accusations were attempted to be supported, the reader may judge, when he is informed that the prin- cipal one was, the fact of the Remonstrants not haying openly denounced those who had adopted the doctrines of Socinus, and avowed their belief of the utter impossibility of their 2 H 474 CHAPTER XVI. salvation. They also endeavoured the more speciously to fasten this charge upon them, by attributing to Episcopius the publication of an anonymous work, of whose author he was perfectly ignorant. It appeared imder the following title. The Peace and Unity of the Church, and contained a de- fence of Socinianism. It was subsequently discovered to be the production of a Polish nobleman, by the name of Samuel Pripkovius. Not being able to bring odium upon the Remonstrants by these charges of heresy, the deputies from the provincial Calvinistic synods memorialized the States-General, pray- ing that the religious assemblies of the Remonstrants might be prohibited. To give effect to this application, they appended to the memorial certain extracts from the Apology for the Confession, which they supposed would further their object, by rendering the Arminians offensive to the civil authorities. This document was at first thought to be the joint production of the Leyden Professors, but it was afterwards discovered to have originated with Episcopius' old enemy, Festus Hommius. These gentlemen, however, soon showed themselves to be woi'thy compeers of this personage in his measures of bigotry and slander, for they shoi'tly after published a work entitled, A Specimen of the calumnies and heterodox opinions of the Remonstrants, as extracted from their Apology, and published as a forerunner, designed to act as a warning to all true Christians. This was pub- lished in Latin and Dutch, but the more complete refuta- tion, of which this was said to be the forerunner, never made its appearance. Uitenbogaerdt published an answer to this work in Dutch ; Episcopius also wrote one in the same language, which, however, never appeared in print; but he subsequently composed a more extended reply to this SrECiMEN of the Leyden Professors, in which every thing ^vhich was laid to the charge of the Remonstrants was refuted, article by article, and many arguments ad- MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPirS. 475 vanced, by way of showing why the Remonstrauts scrupled to condemn and openly denounce others, when they were not authorised so to do by the Scriptures. We are not surprised that these men, who had themselves been de- nounced by the Calvinists, and whose denunciation was the preliminary to confiscation of property, banishment, a dun- geon, or death, should hesitate to show their orthodoxy, by asserting of any persons, that the dogmas they held were the signs of their being the enemies of God, and the reprobates of heaven, and, therefore, might justly be hunted down by men. Independently of the remembrance of what they had suffered, tending to guard them against such measures, we say that their piety and their creed alike forbade their doing it. The Arminian clergy had boldly attacked and triumphantly re- futed the doctrines of the Socinians, and yet because they hesitated to add to their refutations anathemas and denun- ciations, leaving the work of condemning a weak and erring fellow-creature to final perdition, to him, whose alone is the righteous prerogative of fixing the everlasting destiny of men, they were thus charged with being Socinians and here- tics by their Calvinistic opponents. How far the reader will think this was justifiable ground for thus criminating them, we cannot say; only we would here remark, that for any person to indulge in the supposed right to denounce others in vindication of the truth, and thereby to prove his orthodoxy, is a dangerous course for a weak and excitable creature like man to pursue. For in so acting, he is liable to lose the charities of our holy religion, and confound hatred to certain persons with zeal for religion ; and while cherishing a vindictive forethought of the destiny of an heretic, he may not only acquire the malignity of misan- thropy, but form his views of the Divine Being under such excitements, and thereby be led to contemplate him as the patron of a sect, instead of the tender Father of all those who love and fear him. 476 CHArTER XVII, CHAPTER XVII. The reader will recollect, that we have more than once referred to the fact of certain Arminian clergymen being confined in the Louvestein, under sentence of imprisonment for life. They were eight in number, before Poppius, who for his holy and devoted spirit might be considered the Fletcher of the Remonstrants, was removed from his prison by death, " to range at large," according to his own words, " in the delightful paradise of God." The names of the remaining seven were, Carolus Niellius, Peter Cupus, Ber- nerus Vesekius, Simon Lucas Bysterus, Theodore Bomius, Paul Lyndenius, and Arnoldus Geesteranus. Some of these had been confined for seven years, others eight, and Byste- rus even ten. Since the elevation of Prince Frederic to the Stadtholdership, measures had been again and again adopted by their friends, to procure their release ; but all in vain. Had this amiable gentleman, who was the grand- father of our William the Third, been allowed to follow the dictate of his own feelings, he would, from his esteem for the Remonstrant ministers, and love of religious liberty, have immediately released them. But though he succeeded to his brother's oiBce, he did not succeed to his power, for the persons whom Maurice had elevated to authority during the revolution he created, were opposed to Prince Frederic, on the ground of his attachment to the Remonstrants; and one of these, a leading personage amongst them, had gone MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 477 SO far as to tell the Princess Dowager, " that if her son did not take other counsels," that is, show himself opposed to the Arminians, " he should not be invested with the government at his brother's decease." And this lady, being attended by Curcellaius during her last illness, declared to this minister, says Brandt, that she apprehended that her son was in danger of his life, on account of his affection for the Remonstrants. This circumstance will account for his not openly interfering in behalf of the imprisoned mini- sters, lest he should bring upon himself the wrath of the bigots by whom he was surrounded. These clergymen, therefore, finding that all attempts to obtain their release, by the intervention of their friends, proved abortive, seriously began to think of making their escape, which they finally effected. A train of circum- stances marked this event worthy of notice, of which the following is not the least interesting. A soldier, performing duty at the Louvestein, had on several occasions behaved very rudely to these prisoners, on the ground of his sup- posing that they were the advocates of certain sentiments which he abhorred, amongst which was the doctrine of reprobation. His wife, who, it appears, was allowed to have a residence with him within the walls of the castle, had been recently confined, and the child being supposed to be near death, the necessity of the case overcame the soldier's dis- like to these ministers, and he applied to Niellius to baptize it. On this occasion Niellius and he entered into conversation, when, to the utter surprise of the man, he found that the incarcerated ministers were suffering imprisonment, on ac- count of the doctrines that he himself cordially believed. From this time he became as courteous and civil, as he had before been rude and insulting, and gave them hints in a way that they understood, of his willingness to serve them. The plan determined upon for their escape was, that of letting themselves down by a rope from the wall of the 478 CHAPTER XVII. castle, on that side where the river Waal or Rhine washes its foundations, it having no other defence there. Here they were to be received by a boat manned by expert rowers. When it was proposed that they should escape from the wall, Niellius demurred at this plan. His objection arose from the following circumstance. The governor of the castle had frequently permitted them to walk on the walls, as a means of contributing to their health and enjoyment, a promise being exacted from them, that they would not attempt to escape on such occasions. Niellius, therefore, judged himself bound to continue in the prison, till he was either dismissed by the authorities of the land, or could make his escape some other way. The other six maintained that they were only bound by their promise during those times, and so long as they were permitted by the governor to walk upon the walls ; and that their promise could by no means be considered as binding them not to attempt to escape at other seasons, when they were not allowed this indulgence. For a long time Niellius resisted the plan, merely as a matter of conscience, judging that his pledge to the governor ought to prevent him from making an at- tempt to escape according to this arrangement. He at length, however, consented, and the night was fixed upon for carrying their plan into execution, when the soldier alluded to was to be stationed nearest to that part of the wall whence they intended to make their escape. Two difficulties, however, still stood in the way, and their early removal was viewed by these ministers as a special interference of Providence. Near to the place where they intended to let themselves down, reeds had grown to a very great height, and to so great a breadth in the water, as completely to prevent the boat coming close up to the Avail. But these had also formed a hiding place for some Spanish robbers, who, when passengers came down the river, rushed upon them in a small boat, plundered them MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 479 of their property, and bore them away to the Spanish tem- tory, from whence they were not liberated without paying a ransom. This occasioned remonstrances to be sent to the governor of the castle, who cleared the whole of the reeds away ; and thus a passage was opened up to the wall, by which the boat could come and receive them. The second impediment was from a very large dog kept by the governor, and placed in that part of the castle from which these ministers intended to make their escape to the wall; and they apprehended that his barking would excite the suspicions of some of the keepers, as they attempted to sally forth. The governor, however, had at this time in- vited a large party of friends to dine with him. Just as the dinner was about to be served up, and the guests to take their places at the table, the cook happened to go out of th^ kitchen, and leave the door open, when the dog entered and actually eat all the bread which had been cut and prepared for the table. And as a fresh supply could not be obtained but by sending to Gorcum, which was four miles distance, this occasioned a delay of two hours, before the company could sit down to dine. During this period the governor became so enraged at the dog, that he took down a pistol, and went and shot him. Thus these two obstacles were removed, and they effected their escape on the twenty-ninth of July, 1630, being a period when there was no moon, and amidst the darkness of a rainy night. The boatmen, after receiving their prisoners, moved so silently, and with such celerity, that the sound of their oars was not heard ; and they bore them away, unnoticed by the inmates of the castle, with the utmost rapidity.* * Silence here contributed to the escape of these ministers. Clamour was instrumental to it in the case of Grevius and Prins, who, some years before, had escaped from Amsterdam. Their design being discovered by a poor idiot who was kept there, he vociferously shouted, " The Arminians are getting out! the Arminians arc getting out!" But he had done this at all times, 480 CHArTER XVII. The intended escape of these gentlemen seems to have been known to several persons at Rotterdam ; and long be- fore their airival there, it was rumoured that they were advancing. This place was the stronghold of the Remon- strants, and nearly all the citizens were attached to the doctrines of Arminius. About the middle of the day, the streets began to be thronged, the bridges were crowded, and thousands were waiting to welcome them with shouts of joy, when they were finally landed amidst loud demonstra- tions of satisfaction from the people, in front of the house of Episcopius, who gave them a hearty and joyful re- ception. The fact of no measures being adopted to apprehend these ministers after their escape, proves that the persons who were in the government saw that Prince Frederic showed no signs of dissatisfaction at the event, and, therefore, however bigotedly opposed to the Arminians, they judged it proper not to attempt to recommit them to a dungeon, and they were left at large to preach amongst the Remonstrants. But though this people had thus obtained an increase of labourers amongst them, yet they had lost many of their ministers by death, and they saw the rest drooping under the weight of years, and the afflictions consequent upon the persecutions to which they had been subject, having been almost always excluded from the air and the joyous light of day, and fearing, as Sapma said, to stir a foot, nay, even to cough or breathe, lest the attention of some spy should be excited by the sound. And apprehending that ten or twelve years more would bear the greater part and so frequently, when there was no appearance of any thing of the kind, that, in this instance, he was not taken notice of, having cried, " The wolf! the wolf !" so often before; and his noise served as a cover to that which was made in scaling the walls by ladders brought to the assistance of the prisoners by Sajima, who himself having got out of prison by the stratagem of his wife, courageously determined to assist in releasing these ministers, in which he finally succeeded, to the great astonisliment of many. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 481 of them to the grave, they accordingly determined upon establishing an institution, for the education of pious young men to be trained up for the ministry, lest the doctrines which they had conscientiously embraced, and for the maintenance of which they had suffered so much, might cease to be publicly ministered amongst them. By simul- taneous and universal consent, the members of the com- munity said ; " Episcopius must De theological professor of the intended institution," Amsterdam was chosen as the place for establishing it, because Barlaeus * and Vossius acted there as professors in a private seminary, the former in * Barlaeus, though not connected with the Remonstrants, yet assisted them at the Synod of Dort. During the sittings of that assembly he addressed it on the persecuting counsels many of its members advanced, intimating that God would chastise those who acted upon them. Facts soon proved the correctness of his statement, for in the following year the Pro- vinces of Germany, which had deputed their divines to Dort, were actually visited with the scourge of war, aud forbidden to exercise religious worship according to the forms of Protestantism. The manner in which the ad- vocates of persecution at the Synod of Dort felt the eflfects of this visitation, will be seen by the statement given by Barlaeus in his Address to the States- General, designated, Firfe* /rn6eZ?is ,• or," Unresisting Faith." "Those foreign divines who were present at the Synod of Dort, aud who contributed by their advice and labour towards the oppression of the Remonstrants, had them- selves scarcely returned to their several habitations, before they were over- taken by Divine Justice, which is the avenger of insolence and pride. — The divines of the Palatinate are banished from their country, and, among the rest, that leader of the synodical band, that slave in the ecclesiastical farce, Abraham Schultetus. The divines from the Correspondence of Wetteraw are afflicted ; those of Hesse are in mourning ; the Swiss divines tremble ; and the divine of Charenton [Peter du Moulin], who in his recent Anatomt, poured forth the torrents of his rage against the banished Remonstrants, is himself compelled to consult the safety of his own life in flight. God for- bid, that the public enemies of our country should hereafter repay in equal measure, to the Contra Remonstrants, the same injurious treatmeu which the Remonstrants have experienced from those domestic foes, and which they continue daily to experience ! It is a proverb among the fol- lowers of Pythagoras, He who endures the sauie deyree of pain as he has pre- viously injlictcd on another, is treated with equitable retribution,^' 482 CHAPTER XVll. philosophy, the other in history. For though they were not directly connected with the Remonstrants, yet being disposed to the doctrines of Arminius, it was thought that the students could receive instruction from them in history and philosophy, and hear in the interim theological lectures from Episcopius. Some years, however, elapsed before this plan was carried into execution. This arose from the opposition made on the part of the Church of Rotterdam, who had chosen Episcopius to be their minister, and were unwilling to give him up. He accordingly continued in that city till 1634. During this period he composed a course of sermons on the fifth chapter of St. Matthew's Gospel. These were published, and are to be found in the collection of his Sermons, printed after his death. About this time, also, he was again called upon to defend the doctrines of Arminius, against a person by the name of Nicholas Vedelius, who, having recently come from Geneva, thought he must prove his orthodoxy by attacking the Remonstrants; and therefore published a work entitled. Arcana Arminianismi. Episco- pius commenced an answer to this work, but its publication was delayed till 1633, for reasons we shall subsequently state. This reply bore the following title, Vedelius Rhap- sodus. By this designation Episcopius intended to mark the character of Vedelius' work, which was a selection of passages from the writings of the Remonstrants, without a reference to what preceded or followed them; and by stringing or tacking these together, he designed to exhibit the Remonstrants in a ridiculous and heretical light. It was in allusion to this, that Episcopius designated him Rhapsodus, that is, the patcher, or cobbler. But before he had finished this work, his attention was dii-ected to a publication of Triglandius. This man, aware of the influ- ence of Poppius' name, published some sermons under the title of T/te Power of Religioft, for the purpose of destroying MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 483 the effect of an important work written by the latter, and entitled, De Eiuje Porte ; or. The Strait Gate. In these sermons, he called in question the evangelical character of Poppius' book. Episcopius, anxious to assert, and prove the orthodoxy of this departed holy man, instantly replied to Triglandius' work, in a publication bearing the following title; The weakness of the religion or piety of James Triglandius^ as presented in his Sermons against TJte Strait Gate of Edward Poppius, The combat was kept up be- tween these polemics for some time, in which they each wrote three other pamphlets on the subject, when the con- troversy ended. Episcopius' admitted talents, scholarship, and profound researches as a theologian, induced individuals who were not of his communion to consult him upon important and difficult points of theology. Hence we find, even in Dort, where he had some years before been condemned as a heretic, that a celebrated and learned physician, by the name of Beverwick, who was also one of the senators of the city, addressed a long and learned letter to him, request- ing his opinion upon the following question, Whether human life, as to the period of its termination, is the result of pre- ordination or contingency ? To this question Episcopius, in the year 1632, replied in a very elaborate epistle. Before taking his departure from Rotterdam, he published a work against Popery, which he designated, TJie True Antiquity of Seven Propositions or Articles. To this he prefixed, as a preface, a small writing which he had before published under the following title. The Labyrinth, or Popish Circle.* Having finished this work, he felt an inclination to attack our countryman Dr. Twisse, who was eminent amongst the Calvinists of his day, and prolocutor of the Westminster * The late distinguished Richard Watson translated this tract, whicli de • serves a more extended circulation than it has obtained. 484 CHAPTER XVII. assembly of divines. Episcopius was anxious to engage in this task from his love to the memory of his late amiable master, Arminiiis. This he stated in a letter to Uitenbo- gaerdt, saying, " I feel a strong desire to refute the subtleties of Twisse,* and diminish the credit of that man in England, and vindicate, at the same time, the fair fame of our Ar- minius." Uitenbogaerdt was delighted with this proposal, and instantly wrote a reply to Episcopius' letter, in which he not merely expressed his approval of his design, but urged him instantly to execute it, if his various occupations would permit. But, according to Limborch, however intent upon it, his numerous engagements prevented him from accomplishing his purpose. Matters being now arranged for the establishment of the Theological Institution} amongst the Remonstrants, Episco- pius left Rotterdam in 1634, to act as divinity professor in that seminary. Here he delivered a course of lectures to the students, which were published after his death, under the title of Theological Institutes, f In this work he not * Dr. Twisse was undotibtedly a man of powerful intellect, which he used in defence of Calvinism in its most rigid forms, and inveighed against his sub- lapsarian brethren, who wished to soften down the dccretum horribile. With him, every thing in the divine government was resolved into the absolute will of God, and he did not scruple to say, according to his biographer, " that God by his absolute power, had he not appointed otherwise, could have forgiven sin without satisfaction." Many divines of the Synod of Dort adopted similar sentiments. " What a horrid outcry would have been raised," says Mr. Nichols, " had any famous Arminian divine at that junc- ture propounded such a sentiment !" And yet these are the men who designated the Remonstrants, Socinians. The reader will judge which of the two parties approached nearest the sentiments of Socinus on this point. But with the Calvinists of that day the whole of the Gospel was found in the decretum horribile, and he that did not advocate it was a Socinian, a Liber- tine, an Atheist. f Here, perhaps, it will be necessary that we should say, that these Theo- logical Institutes so justly lauded by Limborch, have been animadverted upon by Bishop Bull. The parts he has freely censured are those in which the author treats of the liliation of the Son of God. Episcopius desiring MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 485 only proposed to investigate the truth of every Christian doctrine, but also to ascertain its impoi'tance. This he did with the design of preparing the way for exhibiting the common ground, on which the peace and unity of the Christian Church might be founded. Theologians in general are accustomed to hold it to be sufficient, to demon- strate the truth of their doctrines, and prove the falsehood or heterodoxy of others, merely for the purpose of show- ing why they ought to separate from the parties whose opinions do not accord with their own. Episcopius thought differently, and asserted that it was possible for divines and Christians to have diversity of opinion, and yet hold church fellowship, or, at least, to cultivate friendly intercourse with each other. This he attempted to prove, by showing that the points debated amongst orthodox Christians were not such as to place the party who maintained an opinion op- posite to the other, in a situation that might endanger his safety ; but, on the contrary, holding and publicly confessing all the great points of truth necessary to salvation, they were bound by the dictates of Christianity to cherish prin- ciples of concord and brotherly affection. So intent was Episcopius upon promoting the spirit of to narrow the grounds of disunion amongst Christians, while avowing him- self a believer in the doctrine of the eternal generation of the Son of God, * nevertheless asserts that those who maintain the divinity of Jesus Christ, yet declare that neither the mode of his filiation, nor the requirement of a belief in that mode are so distinctly revealed in Scripture, as to demand a decided avowal of them, do not thereby forfeit their claim to church com- munion. Whether Episcopius was right or wrong in such a statement, we are not now discussing; but while he declared his belief in the doctrine of the eternal generation of the Son of God, we feel it right to say, that we think great injustice was done to him by Bishop Bull, in charging him with Soci- nianism, for having said that those who did not believe that the mode of filiation and the required belief of it are revealed in Scripture, were worthy of being members of a Christian community. The subject referred to, is to be found in his Institutes, book iv. sec. 2. chap. 34. ♦This will be seen by turning to the third chapter of the Confession, which treats of the Holy Trinity. 486 CHAPTER xvir. friendship and union amongst Christians, that in composing this work he never lost sight of this object. In endeavom*- ing to effect this, he first examined a doctrinal point, to determine its character. This prepared the way for him to show how far there must be an agreement of opinion upon it, in order to maintain unity and fellowship ; and, by conse- quence, to what extent diversity of sentiment might be allow- ed before the great bonds of unity should be broken down, and a person pronounced unsuitable for Christian communion. It was his design to bring to this trial every doctrinal sub- ject, in order to show, that all those who separated from the Church of Rome, and maintained orthodox principles, might agree upon the great and weighty doctrines of our common Christianity. It is greatly to be wished, says Limborch, that this valu- able and useful work, the like of which the Church of Christ had never seen before, had been completed accord- ing to the original design of the author. But it pleased the Lord, before this his faithful and devoted servant had exe- cuted one half of the task he had thus assigned to himself, and whilst he was yet treating of the prophetical office of Christ, to remove him to the eternal blessedness of heaven. He also pursued the same subject, but in a more comprehen- sive way, in a course of sermons on these words of our Lord, This is life eternal, that they might know Thee the only true God, andJesus Christ whom thou hast sent. This work also closed with his remarks on the prophetical office of Christ. Besides the generally adopted mode of convey- ing instruction to the students by lectures, he allowed them by turn to propose certain questions to him on the most important topics of religion, or on passages of Scripture which to them appeared difficult to be understood, when he gave his interpretation of them. His answers to these ques- tions amounted to sixty-four. Though thus publicly occupied by the duties of his pro- MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIES. 487 fessorship, he was frequently called upon to write in de- fence of the cause of Arminianism. A small publication was issued from the press at this time, designated, A Remon- strant Theologian. The picture of this supposed character was taken from the writings of Vedelius, whom we have just named as defaming the Remonstrants by misquoting and misstating their writings. To this work Episcopius wrote an answer, which he called, The True Remonstrant Theologian. The Arminian Church at Rotterdam feeling the loss of Episcopius' pulpit labours by his removal to Amsterdam, now made a strong effort to enjoy his ministry again ; and it was only by the persuasions of the leading persons of their community, both clergy and laity, who proved that it was for the interest of the whole body that he should reside at Amsterdam, that they were induced to give up all claim upon him. In the month of August, 1640, Episcopius and his lady paid a visit to Rotterdam. On their way thither he was attacked with fever. A storm of thunder and lightning likewise came on, which prevented their reaching Rotter- dam before the gates of the city were shut. Having to wait some length of time before they could gain admittance, the fever was aggravated, in consequence of which he was confined to his bed for four months, and his life was de- spaired of By the special kindness of God, however, says Limborch, he was restored, and went back to Amsterdam. But in the February following the fever returned, and though he recovered, yet he felt the effects of these attacks to the latest hour of his life. The same year, two nephews of Episcopius' wife, who resided in Rotterdam, showed some inclination to go over to the Romish Church. These gentlemen were supposed to be influenced by motives of personal interest, arising from the precarious tenure by which they held some property, and 488 CHAPTER XVII. they judged that they might secure it more effectually by embracing Popery. To justify a secession from Protes- tantism, they presented Episcopius with ten questions, which were designated, The Ten Horns of Popery. These contained certain propositions after the manner of the di- lemma or cornuted argument. Episcopius directly answered them, and then on his own replies formed similar proposi- tions, which he designated Retorsiones, in defence of Pro- testantism, to be answered by the Papist. This work was afterwards published, and is a masterly performance. The same year, 1641, Episcopius had the misfortune to lose his beloved wife, Maria Jans Pesser, after a painful illness of a few days. The loss of this amiable and pious lady, with whom he had lived in the bonds of sweetest affection, was acutely felt by him. Nevertheless, by devout resignation to the Divine will, he was enabled to bear up under it, and shortly after resumed the various duties of his office with unabated zeal and diligence. He had now in hand his last work, being. An Answer to the Examination of Abraham Heidanin, of the Institutions of the Christian Religion, according to the Confession of the Remonstrants. This writing was sent to the press in September, 1642. But before it was printed, he was attacked by a dangerous illness, which rendered him incapable of composing a pre- face, intended as an answer to Heidanus' Address to the Remonstrants. This, however, was supplied by Uitenbo- gaerdt, and prefixed to Episcopius' publication. Just as it come before the public, he was attacked by a detention of urine, which was attended with most alarming symptoms ; and though he twice obtained partial relief, yet it finally terminated in his death. The progress of the disease is minutely given by I^imborch, in his memoirs ; but we deem it necessary only to say, that he fell into a state of stupor, and was for some time totally deprived of sight. Of this heavy affliction, however, he seemed generally to be uucon- MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS, 489 scious, in consequence of the stupor to which he was subject; but though he was thus prevented from feeling this calamity to the full extent which he otherwise would have done, yet when he was in any measure relieved from this insensibility, and his understanding was more active, then he adverted to his blindness to his friends, saying, that in the future he should not be able, as heretofore, to labour for the benefit of the Church, and for the Loi'd Jesus Christ, his heavenly Master. During this painful and distressing affliction, the whole of the words and sentiments he uttered were marked by deep piety and unshaken confidence in Jesus Christ, his Divine Saviour and Redeemer. At length his disease assumed an aspect which took away all hope of his recovery, and the signs of dissolution became more and more evident, until on the fourth of April, 1643, he piously and calmly fell asleep in Jesus, having attained the age of sixty years and three months. At the period of his decease the moon was under an eclipse, which led some of his friends to remark, that the event then taking place in the natural world, was a just picture of that which had transpired in the literary and moral world, in as much as death had thus partially obscured the brightness of a luminary, whose light, borrowed from Christ the Sun of Righteousness, would remain shaded till the morning of the resurrection ; never- theless, that the other part still continued illumined, since his works remained to shine forth in all their brightness, dis- pelling darkness and exhibiting a pathway to the enquirer after truth and holiness. It was determined that Episcopius' remains should be interred on the fourth day after his decease ; and he was accordingly buried in the Western church beside his wife. Uitenbogaerdt, though in his eighty- seventh year, and at some distance from Amsterdam, yet impelled by his affec- tionate remembrance of the man who had been his bosom friend and inseparable companion in exile, now hastened to 2 I 490 CHAPTER XVII, be present on the mournful occasion of his funeral. Arriv- ing there the day before, and being conducted to the room where the body was laid, he approached the coffin, and placing his hand upon the head of the corpse, he exclaimed with great emotion, " O head ! head ! how much of wisdom was once contained in thee !" Of all the persons who fol- lowed Episcopius to the tomb, and these were very numerous, none more sincerely and affectionately mourned his loss, than this distinguished and aged minister. Grotius, as soon as he heard of the death of his friend, immediately wrote from Paris to his brother who resided at the Hague, saying amongst other things, in relation to the deceased; " I am deeply distressed by the news of the death of Epis- copius : it is an event that will be severely felt by the Re- monstrants. He was alike distinguished for his extraordinary intellect, his powerful eloquence, and the spotless purity of his life." To commemorate the worth of this distinguished man, his relations had a medal struck. On the one side of it was the image of Truth, on the reverse, that of Liberty. By these emblems they intended to show that he had been the powerful and eloquent defender of both. His manuscripts, says Limborch, he assigned to my father, Francis van Limborch, and named at the same time, Peter Cupus, Bartholomew Praevostius, and John Polyander, Remonstrant ministers, to act in conjunction with him, in inspecting and preparing them for publication. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS, 491 CHAPTER XVI II. Hitherto we have made use of Limbovch's memoirs of Episcopius only as a book of reference. This chapter, how- ever, which exhibits a portrait of his character, both as to his intellectual eminence and moral worth, wo beg leave to inform the reader, is a free translation from the above writer. In commencing his description of this great man, he says, — Having thus given a brief account of the course of Episcopius' life, and the ceaseless and imwearied labours in which he was engaged to the very close of his career, in the discharge of those duties which devolved upon him, as a minister of the church, and a faithful servant of our Lord Jesus Christ, it now remains that we enter a little closer into an examination of his character, in order that we may, as far as possible, present the reader with an exhibition of the extraordinary powers of his understanding, and the other rare endowments with which he was distinguished. And although it is possible to form a tolerably correct estimate of them from what has already been stated, and more espe- cially from a careful perusal of his writings, in which they shine forth in a most splendid manner, nevertheless, it may be worth an effort, to attempt to pourtray a more distinct representation of them. In doing this, it may be fearlessly stated, that he was a man of clear and vigorous understanding, sagacious and 492 CHArTER XVIII. accurate judgment, indefatigable diligence, extraordinary learning, powerful eloquence, exemplary piety, undaunted courage, unimpeachable fidelity, and unflinching constancy under suffering. This rare combination of natural and ac- quired capabilities appeared in him to the greatest advan- tage, chiefly from his possessing a frank and cheerful tem- per, accompanied with modesty, courtesy, and affability of manners. He knew how to accommodate himself to the dispositions and circumstances of others, but especially to meet the condition of those who were lower in the scale of mind and learning than himself, so as to excite their con- fidence and esteem. Were we disposed to attempt to demonstrate the truth of this statement in any, or all its parts, we think that the history of his life and the character of his writings would furnish ample means for effecting such an object. But we deem it not necessary to attempt any thing like an extended or elaborate vindication of the portrait we have just given. Indeed, the strength of his understanding, and the extent of his learning, were so eminently extraordinary, and so general- ly admitted, as to render any attempt to prove them perfectly superfluous. The Remonstrants considered him to be, and held him up to public notice as the principal champion and defender of their doctrines ; and especially rejoiced in him as the great advocate of toleration, of which they account themselves not merely the avowed supporters, but leaderg in such a holy cause. The venerable Uitenbogaerdt, whose extraordinary powers are known to every one, has frequently declared to the relations of Episcopius, " that he had during his protracted life conversed with very many learned men, but that he had never met with any theologian who was to be compared with Episcopius for his knowledge of the Holy Scriptures and divine subjects;" and he was accustomed to add, " that he did not make such a statement for the purpose of gratifying his relatives, but as the result of a MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 493 deep conviction of the truth of his assertion, and as being- due to the memory of such a man." In what esteem his works are held in England at this day, is well known to all the world, seeing that the writings of the most eminent and learned men of that country show how much their authors have been indebted to him. Even his greatest enemies have been constrained to acknowledge the superioi'ity and splendour of his talents. Heidanus, in his Causa Dei, admits "that the following accomplishments were conspicuous in him ; viz., great learning, penetration, eloquence, and skill;" and these he possessed in such a high degree, that had he used them in defence of the doctrines maintained by Heidanus, in the same manner as he had wielded them against them, " he would have acquired a high reputation, and have been esteemed and honoured as one of the most distinguished doctors of the age." Francis Burman, formerly Professor in Utrecht, in the second part of his Synopsis of Theology, gives the following testimony in his favour. " Amongst the Remonstrants Epis- copius must be placed before all others, as being their great chief and leader, who laudably refuted the errors both of the Jews and Papists. His other works, it is true, must be read with judgment and discretion." The editors of the works of the celebrated Andrew Rivet affixed no other pre- face to them, than an encomium which Episcopius passed upon them in a letter to the Heer Beverwick, who subse- quently showed it to Rivet ; proving most decidedly the estimation in which they held the judgment and learning of this extraordinary man. By many members of the Romish Church his learning and talents were held in such high regard, that although he had attacked the doctrines of Popery in the most powerful manner, they have, neverthe- less, spoken of his writings in the strongest terms of ap- proval. This has been especially the case with Father Mabillon, who at this time, says Limborch, enjoys in France, 494 CHAPTER XVIII. in consequence of his writings, a high degree of esteem and consideration. In speaking of Episcopius' Institutes, he bears the following favourable testimony to them. " I cannot forbear saying in this place, that if some parts of the Theological Institutes of Episcopius were expunged, they might be used with great advantage in the study of divinity. The work is divided into four books, the order of which is totally different from that of similar works which are at this day in common use. His style is elegant, the mode of treating his subjects justly corresponds with his style, and the time would not be ill-spent by any one in perusing the work, if certain parts of it were omitted, in which he speaks against the Catholics in defence of his own sect. Grotius so highly valued these Institutes, that he constantly carried them about with him." In this statement, says Limborch, Mabillon is under a great mistake, for not only is this work too large to be carried about, but it was actually not published till five years after the death of Grotius. In support of the correctness of these encomiums, we may venture to assert, that he who is in the least degree acquainted with the works of this learned divine must have discovered, and be forced to admit, that on opening to any part of his writings, on whatever subject he may happen to fix his eye, there he will at once perceive, that all those powers which have been attributed to him, shine forth with the brightest lustre. If the reader, for instance, will turn to any of his treatises on any bi'anch of theology, and carefully and impartially examine it, he will find that he has not only accui'ately distinguished all the parts of the subject, and given a clear and luminous exhibition of the point imme- diately inider consideration, but has so completely and fully investigated it, that he will be constrained to acknowledge, that justice has been done to the subject, and actually nothing is left to be said upon it. In vindicating his own sentiments, and refuting those to MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 495 which he was opposed, he did not use his arguments with- out discrimination ; a practice too common among theolo- gians. But he first maturely examined the force of those usually adopted by others on any particular topic, or such as originated in his own mind, and then availed himself of the most weighty and conclusive, judging that the solidity of any proof does not consist in the number, but in the strength of the arguments adduced in its support ; and that it is not unfrequently the case, that truth itself is injured by the in- sufficient attempts by which some persons endeavour to overthrow an adversary, in as much as when the latter can readily refute the imbecile reasoning brought againt him, he is the more fully confirmed in his attachment to his errors, and becomes more self-confident, from the apparent victory he has gained, and arrives at the conclusion that no more solid proofs can be adduced in favour of the theory he has opposed, otherwise they would have been advanced by his antagonist. In judging of his capabilities as a commentator, let but the impartial student turn to any of his expositions of Scripture, but especially his illustrations of somd of those parts of holy writ considered to be very obscure and difficult to be understood, and he must acknowledge that in his at- tempts to throw light upon them, he has not only displayed the energies of a great mind, but has done whatever could be required of a sound and faithful interpreter. For in- stance, he most diligently and above all things laboured to ascertain what was the particular design of the sacred writer himself. In accomplishing this, he critically and closely ex- amined the style of the author, determined the strict import of a passage in the original, and then adopted that interpre- tation the least forced, and which seemed most naturally to accord with the whole current of the subject. Moreover, he was accustomed to support his explanations by various weighty arguments, and in this manner either won over 496 CHAPTER XVIII. to his sentiments the attentive and unbiassed reader, or, at least, convinced him that his exposition bore upon it the strongest marks of truth. Here I may say, without fearing contradiction, that he has done more than most theologians in establishing certain principles of interpretation, which if adopted by the sincere enquirer after truth, will be found to assist him greatly in his attempts to investigate and elu- cidate the Sacred Scriptures. Some persons have attempted to call in question the high claims of Episcopius to scholarship, oh the alleged ground of his not being deeply read in ecclesiastical history, and that class of writers usually denominated the Fathers of the Chui'ch. * I am free to acknowledge, that he certainly did not pay so much deference, either to the writings of ancient ecclesiastical historians, or the Fathers of the Church, as some do, who think that a perfect knowledge of their works is sufficient to enable us to adjust and settle all disputes in matters of religion, and who maintain, that if perfect unanimity can be made to appear upon any point by quotations from their writings, in that case they may be appealed to as a sufficient rule of judgment upon any de- bated question in the Church of Christ. Episcopius cer- tainly saw not this pretended utility and authority in the writings of the Fathers, and thought that an attempt to seek that unanimity amongst them, in order to make their judg- ment bear upon the disputes of the present day, would certainly be an endless task, and, if accomplished, of little * Bishop Bull, though he does not question Episcopius' claims to scholarship on the ground of his not being deeply read in the writings of these Fathers, but, on the contrary, designates him " the very learned and ingenious Episco- pius," nevertheless strongly censures him for saying to Waddingus, " You shall never engage me in the drudgery of wading through these writings. Nor do I envy those persons who vaunt themselves on their extensive ac- quaintance with them and the histories of the proceedings of councils." Bishop BuWs IVorks, vol, ii. p. 10.5. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 497 service, because they all were not ouly capable of erring, but also that no one of them had been exempt from mistake; and that nothing is to be met with in their writings in the way of enabling us correctly to interpret the Scriptures, that is not to be found in the works of other writers who have lived in a later period. Besides he was accustomed to say of the Fathers, " He observed that in them there was so much that was obscure and ambiguous; that their words were frequently capable of a twofold meaning, and were often so strained, and used in such a perverted sense, and to convey such op- posite ideas, that it would be endless labour to discriminate and ascertain their true intent and meaning." He then adds, " Moreover, I candidly confess, that I am conscious that I have not bestowed so much time and labour in read- ing the early ecclesiastical historians, as is required in those who deem it right to make an appeal to them, in sup- port of any opinion they may adopt and publish to the world. Whether this has originated with the circumstance of my being naturally disinclined to such reading, or through inattention to them, I really am unable to determine. This I know, that I have never been strongly disposed towards them, or, at least, 1 have no very great esteem for these ancient ecclesiastical historians." As to the claims of these historians, the reasons of his not holding them in the high estimation that some persons have done, he has fully stated in the commencement of his second letter to the Jesuit Waddingus, on the worship of images, in which he declares, that he should not be willing to enter into a dispute with any person, if the question at issue was to be decided by an appeal to the authority and testimony of ecclesiastical historians. " My want of confidence," he says, " in the fidelity of these writers, partly arises from the conduct of some who bear that name in the present day. Let me go to our own history as a people. Although the proceedings adopted against us, and the character of 498 CHAPTER XVIII. the persons who have so injured our reputation, and oc- casioned our present exile and sufferings, are well known ; yet what has not been said and written, to vindicate them and defame us, by persons who are called modern historians ? Take, for instance, the case of Baudartius, whose pages are foully stained with malevolence, and who may be justly designated any thing but an historian. And what has not that foolish Hessian, Daniel Angelocratoi', written, respecting the events that have taken place in Holland, in his book concerning the Synod of Dort? Never- theless the reader should not forget that this man was one of the Fathers who was summoned to assist at the Synod; and, consequently, had been an eye-witness of all its trans- actions, and therefore capable, it might be said, of accu- rately examining and faithfully recording all its proceedings. With these circumstances before him, it would, at first sight, be deemed the highest presumption and scepticism in any one to dare to call in question the credibility of a theologian, who had thus been summoned to attend the Synod, and had remained some months in Holland, favoured with the company and conversation both of the divines of that country and the deputies of the States. And although his work abounds with most absurd and foolish statements, and his assertions are so grossly false, that it may, with the strictest justice, be considered as only entitled to be ranked with Grecian fable ; yet with the above facts, and the advantage of the course of time, a person might take these as the ground of confidence in the veracity of this writer. And I am bold to say, that after the lapse of a certain period, such will be the arguments set up in its favour, and thus its fictitious statements will be quoted, as exhibit- ing matters of real history. " When I consider the above case, and others of a similar kind, I am inevitably led to this conclusion, that I have a right to doubt whether the facts and events said to have MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 499 taken place in ancient times did exist, and especially in the manner in which they are represented, in relation to those to whom they have been attributed. My mind thus being held in doubt as to the testimony of these writers, I can never, therefore, bring myself to that degree of ac- quiescence in their statements, as to allow myself to be convicted of their truth, or appeal to them for the purpose of convincing another, especially when the historian is a party concerned. For it is almost impossible for such a person not to be carried away, or mix his feelings with his narrative; and, as a consequence, he will too highly colour or deeply shade the facts he has to state. Indeed, all history may be justly suspected, unless the historian be a neutral person, and altogether uninterested and unaffected by the subject of which he writes, it being with him a matter of perfect indifference, whether he has to state a certain case, or directly the opposite." In our portrait of Episcopius, we should not do justice to him, if we did not exhibit his love of peace as a prominent feature in his character. This disposition, in fact, is evident throughout the whole of his writings. Claiming, it is true, the privilege of forming his own opinion on any subject, he freely granted the same right unto others, never wishing to compel a person to adopt his sentiments ; and when un- able by the force of argument to win an individual to his views, he was ever ready to evince a brotherly spirit of forbearance, in tolerating in him what he deemed to be an erroneous sentiment. With him this toleration was based upon those principles which ought to be cultivated by all Protestants ; namely, that all that was necessary to be be- lieved and performed, in order to the salvation of any person, is fully revealed in the Sacred Scriptures, as being the only infallible rule of faith and conduct, delivered to us by God, and Jesus Christ, the only supreme legislator. Any points, therefore, not fully and expressly declared in the Scriptiu^es, 500 CHAPTER XVIII. as being absolutely necessary to be believed, in order to any one living in holiness and dying in safely, he never at- tempted at any time to impose upon a man as an article of faith absolutely necessary to be believed and adopted. On the other hand, that which the Scripture distinctly and ex- pressly condemned as erroneous, he never for a moment allowed that it ought to be tolerated, or admitted that those who maintained such doctrines, should be received into the bosom of the Church, or share in the privilege of Christian brotherhood. Nevertheless, having gone thus far in rela- tion to such persons, he believed he was not warranted either to take upon himself, or vindicate in others, any severer line of conduct against them. So judging, he main- tained that he acted in accordance with the instructions of Jesus Christ, his Lord and Master, to whom alone, he said it belonged, as supreme teacher and lawgiver in his Church, to institute penalties and exercise the right of adjudging men to eternal life or eternal death ; and that he who took upon himself to impose upon others more than the Divine Saviour had stated in his holy word as necessary to salva- tion, aiTogantly assumed his authority, and presumptuously mounted his judgment-seat. This point was deemed by him of such moment, that he considered the maintenance of it of more importance than his own views on any particular subject connected with the doctrine of Predestination, in vindication of which he wrote so many learned treatises. This he most expressly states in a letter to Hugo Grotius : " My affection for the holy cause of our society," he says, " is greater than my ability to serve it. For I am fully persuaded that there is no religious body which advocates and applies remedies, so calculated to heal the dissensions and schisms which rend and tear the Chris- tian world, as does our community. I should not esteem the dispute on the five articles of that degree of importance that I do, were it not connected with the discrimination MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 501 between essential and unessential points of doctrine, and of the mutual toleration of Christians. I know that there are persons who think otherwise, and regard them only for their own sake, and therefore believe that they must rigidly and otiToro^us strictly confine themselves withinj the five articles. But I cannot bring myself in this matter to their judgment. Not that I think that any thing ought to be agitated which the Christian world has hitherto wished should remain un- touched— by no means. On the contrar}^, I so love Chris- tian peace and unity, that I would rather conceal my views on any unimportant truth, than seek to obtain a species of vain glory from an exhibition of them, though they might appear to me to be a discovery. And I do this because T think that little will be effected in the way of securing this unity, until all disputes upon minor points be in a similar manner avoided, and whatever would contribute to their attendants, — dissensions, separations, schisms, and persecu- tions. And this I judge will never be accomplished, until an accurate discrimination be made between necessary and unnecessary truths. To contend earnestly for an unneces- sary truth, as though it were an important point of doctrine, is a line of conduct I shall never adopt. For, in my judg- ment, it is better to err concerning a truth which is not essential, than so to misuse our correct views of it, as to make it an occasion of dissension and odium. Error is not the work of the flesh, but schism is the mother and nurse of hatred and faction, and consequently of persecution. I believe, therefore, that to draw a line of distinction between essential and unessential truths, and promote unity and peace amongst Christians, should be the end and object of all our labours and writings, and that to which every thing else ought to be subservient. And I am fully convinced that this design is so well-pleasing to the Most High God, that on account of it he will accompany our society with his blessing, though the whole world should rise to oppose it." 502 CHAPTER XVIII. In consequence of his moderation and love of peace, he was charged with Socinianism, and it was publicly reported that he was attached to that heresy. This grew out of the pre- vailing notion, that for a person soundly to embrace doc- trines opposite to those of Socinus, it was necessary for him to prove his orthodoxy by condemning and denouncing the followers of this man to everlasting perdition. The incor- rectness and injustice of such a mode of judging, Abraham Calovius, formerly Professor of Wurtemburg, clearly saw and stated. For although he was as great an enemy to the toleration advocated by the Arminians, as any amongst the Calvinists, yet, when adverting to the character of Episco- pius, he thus writes ; " Voetius intimates that he has no doubt that Episcopius ought to be declared guilty of the Socinian errors. But Vedelius,* not satisfied with this, openly asserts, that amongst the Arminians Episcopius must be considered not only a Socinian, but as having been wholly nourished and cherished by the milk of Socinianism, and that he has it even in the marrow of his bones. But," says Calovius, " in the writings of Episcopius the contrary appears most evidently and distinctly. For in them, he not only defends the doctrine of the Trinity in a most masterly way, but also the pre-existence of the Son of God before his assumption of humanity, and clearly demonstrates his divine nature against SocinuS, and ably refutes at the same time, his subtle reasonings and cavillings. This may be seen in his Theological Institutes, book iv. chap. 32. And although all that he there teaches concerning the Trinity may not be deemed strictly in accordance with the Catholic faith, as we shall show in its proper place, nevertheless, what he there states, most distinctly proves him not to have been a Socinian, but demonstrates, on the contrary, that he was decidedly opposed to the doctrines of that school. On this account, therefore, it is not safe to give credit to * The reader will recollect that this was Rhapsodus, thepatchcr. See page 482. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 503 the charges of the Calvinists alone, unless the opposite party, that is, the Remonstrants, be heard, and their opinion fairly and honestly taken out of their ^vritings." To the above statement Limborch adds, that so far from his being a Socinian, I dare assert that Episcopius, both by his moderation and powerful arguments, has won more persons from Socinianism, than the whole of the Calvinistic writers. This arises from their generally attacking this system with weak arguments, and thereby rendering the parties whom they assail the more confirmed in their errors. In vindication of this statement, I shall relate the following fact. While Episcopius was professor at Leyden, Jonas Slich- tingius and Martin Ruarus spent some time at this uni- versity. During their stay there, Episcopius had several conversations with them on different doctrines of religion, and more especially on the efficacy of the death of Christ. In one of these he stated the sentiments of the Remon- strants on this subject, which may be considered as a medium between those of the Calvinists and the Socinians. The Contra-Remonstrants assert, that Christ has taken upon himself all the sins of the elect, and has suffered for them all the punishment that their offences had merited, and therefore, was literally and strictly punished in their stead, and thus satisfied the punitive justice of God. Socinus, on the contrary, believed, that Christ's death merely sealed and confirmed his doctrine, and that he having risen from the dead and ascended into heaven, was exalted to be king over all men, and received all might in heaven and earth, and through this power sends his word into all the world, by the influence of which he converts men, and as the king of all pardons the sins of those who are converted by it, and thus reconciles them unto God the Father. The sentiments of the Remonstrants may be thus stated, that Christ through his painful and ignominious death, which he 504 CHAPTER XVIII. innocently suffered, satisfied the will of God, which was at once just and merciful ; that is, that he readily obeyed God, and suffered all that God would he should suffer to atone for the sins of the whole human race ; and also that his death was a real and efficient sin-offering and propitiatory sacrifice for the sins of men, on which account the wrath of God against sinners is appeased. Therefore, God has in- stituted a new covenant with men, in which he declares that he will graciously and freely forgiv^e them all actual sins and guilt, and bestow upon them eternal life, on the condition that they believe on his Son Jesus Christ, and obey his holy Gospel. And while the gracious overtures of this Gospel are being preached, God mercifully restrains his auger, and patiently waits their conversion. * This sen- timent, which stands midway between the other two, was communicated from Episcopius to Grotius through Vossius, when the latter asked him his opinion of Grotius' book on the satisfaction of Christ. The above statement of his senti- ments Episcopius so powerfully sujjported by testimonies drawn from Scripture, that Slichtingius and Ruarus, being fully convinced of its truth, adopted his views on this point, * Although the Holy Spirit is not here adverted to as accompanying the preaching of the Gospel, to give efficiency to it in the conversion of a sin- ner, yet this was fully believed and publicly maintained by Episcopius in his writings and sermons. Many quotations might be produced in favour of this statement. We, however, shall give but one, which is to be found in his answer to Cameron's defence ; it is as follows. " Si actionem intelligas per quam mens capax redditur ad percipiendum dogmata ChristianEe reli- gionis, eaque certo credendura, non potes sane ignorari, quin Remonstrantes ejusmodi actionem Sancti Spiritus in mentem semper admiserint, et poten- tiam ad credendam necessariam semper concesserint." In the folio edition of his sermons published in Dutch, he has a course of sermons on the agency of the Spirit, in which he speaks of its varied operations in the awakening and conversion of a sinner, and its attesting pardon and adoption to the believer's heart, with the necessity of its influence in order to his sanctification and perseverance in holiness to the end of his life. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 505 and in various parts of their writings, showed that they were the advocates of the doctrines of the Remonstrants.* His love of peace was accompanied with a modest and inoffensive freedom, which was especially evident when he stated his sentiments to others, which he proposed for their edification, as well as to receive their candid strictures upon them. The liberty he required for himself, he readily conceded to others, and what he considered too much for another to claim from him, he never exacted for himself. In him was seen the love of independence with the exercise of forbearance, and he embodied in his conduct, more than is usual with most persons, that maxim, whicii required him to do unto others, that which he wished them to do unto him; consequently, what he desired them not to do unto him, he guarded against doing to them. Such a temper of mind, and mode of acting, prepared him to allow another to differ from him, and prevented his treating the party who did so, otherwise than with the utmost kindness and courtsey. We have already hinted at his disposition to * Whether these two Gentlemen were orthodox or not, at the time alluded to by Limborch, vre shall not undertake to say. That Slichtingius wished to be considered free from hetrodoxy is evident, from his declaring to the Synods of South and North Holland, that he was a believer in the Trinity, the Divinity of Christ, and the Doctrine of satisfaction by the Atonement, Nevertheless, it is too well known, that he subsequently adopted Socinianism. That they were charged by the Calvinists at that period ^\ith having embraced it, is most probable, but this is no proof, that it really was so, in as much, as it was a common practice with them, when a man demurred at the absolute de- crees of election and reprobation, to brand him with being an heretic, as MouUn charged Amyraut with being an Arian, in consequence of his advocating his milder views of Calvinism, to which we shall subsequently advert. The above statement on the atonement, said to exhibit the opinions of Espiscopius on this subject, we beg leave to remind the reader, is only a second-hand representation of his sentiments, and, indeed, may be considered rather as giving those of Limborch than of Episcopius, and we prefer directing the reader to the chapter on the Work of Redemption in the Confession of the Remonstrants, as drawn up by the latter, for his opinions on this important subject. 506 CHAPTER XVIII. accommodate himself to persons of limited mind and educa- tion. This, we conceive, principally originated with that solicitude which prompted him to adopt the most suitable means to give them distinct views upon any doctrine, and thereby bring them to a knowledge of the truth. Of the correctness of this statement, all those who were acquainted with him, and were favoured with his friendship, were ready to testify. It is true I am quite aware, that some persons have said, that Episcopius did not show much amiableness of temper in his writings, but, on the contrary, displayed a great share of keenness and asperity of feeling towards those against whom he wrote. I must, however, take the liberty of saying, that they are made by those individuals, who above all others, ought to be the last to give utterance to such complaints, and from whose lips they come without the least shadow of justice or propriety. For instance, the Apology he wrote against the Leyden censurers of the Con- fession, and his writings against Heidanus and Vedelius, have been complained of by these gentlemen. But suppose it be granted that Episcopius might have replied to them in milder terms than he did, yet are these the persons who have a right to murmur because he did not ? That Episco- pius, when he was attacked, certainly rose in all the might of his energies, to defend himself and the good cause of the Remonstrants against an adversary, is readily admitted ; nevertheless, it is to be understood that he was never, or rarely, the assailant; and when engaged in repelling the charges of an opponent, let any person only compare the writings penned against him, and his answers to them, and then, candidly and without prejudice, give a decision in the case ; and we know who, he will be constrained to say, exhibited the greatest share of bitterness and severity in his writings. These men have shown in their publications, that it was not their object to instruct, but to occasion the MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 507 Arminians to be hated and suspected of heresy, and in this manner excite a spirit of opposition and persecution against them. They not only condemned all their doctrines as pernicious errors, but likewise evinced unabating hos- tility to them in all their measures and proceedings. One odious and leading feature in all their works Episco- pius strongly censured, that is, their presumption in daring to condemn others, and showed how repugnant their mode of judging and acting was to the gentle temper of Jesus Christ and his holy Gospel. Such conduct, be it understood, is not a mere error of the understanding, but a sin worthy of punishment, and that too of the heaviest kind, because of its being clothed with a specious appearance of zeal for the truth of God. In order, therefore, to act the part of an upright defender of Christian peace and liberty, he could not do otherwise than vividly paint and exhibit such a sin in all its deception and deformity, and pronounce upon it its justly merited condemnation. We may here be permitted to remind the reader, that while contemplating the conduct of Episcopius in reproving his antagonists, he ought always to remember not merely the severity that was adopted against him and his brethren, but the sheer malignity with which they were pursued, manifested by their enemies in branding them with odious epithets, and attributing to them the most revolting heresies, which was done evidently with a design of bringing persecution upon them, in as much as such representations were followed with an appeal to the civil authorities, to punish them as being heterodox in their sentiments. And we further challenge the reader to point out a single instance of retaliation on his part, in the same abusive language and foul reproaches with which he was assailed. That he used strong rebukes, will be admitted, but never without showing that his enemies had furnished him with just occasion for them. And we defy any one to find in his writings an instance in which he designates his opponents 508 CHAPTER XVIII, Jieretics and covenant-breakers, or that he has ever been known to pass a rash and uncharitable judgment upon their motives, and the purposes and feelings of their hearts. Neither, indeed, did he ever act the part of the Contra- Remonstrants, who constantly and positively asserted that when the Arminians came forth, in the first instance, to announce certain doctrines, they did so, not from a convic- tion of their truth, but from a desire of the vain glory attendant on the publication of that which is novel. And thus they insinuated that they wrote and defended opinions, which in their consciences they admitted to be false, till at length they were brought by the necessity of their cir- cumstances, to contend for their verity, and at last were led to believe them to be true as a consequence of judicial blindness. This presumption, which claimed the right of judging of the feelings and motives of the heart of another, and mounting the judgment-seat of God, never once entered the gentle and unassuming mind of Episco- pius. Those who are prepared to esteem and vindicate the publications to which he so ably replied, I cannot see ■with what degree of justice they can complain of the severity which may have been occasionally used by him. Every person knows how ready the Contra-Remonstrant doctors are to apologize for the bitterness Calvin and Beza have exhibited in their wu'itings, but especially for the severity and cruelly-persecuting conduct of the former. Hence, the Professor Heidanus, in adopting this line of conduct, says: " Few persons were made subject to the effects of Calvin's anger, but those who merited it. Irrita- bility seems natural to great minds which are intent upon the accomplishment of their designs, and it is by no means proper in us, to reproach or ridicule them on account of it. We can indeed be angry and sin not. Anger excited on account of God's glory, in vindication of the truth, is be- coming to great minds." Let, says Limborch, but a small MEMOIUS OF EPISCOl'IUS. oOO portion of the inrlulgence which is thus shown to the name and violent temper of Calvin,* be exercised towards Epis- copius, and then such persons will not only find no occasion of reproach against him, but be compelled to pronounce an eulogy upon his lenity and gentleness. Some charge him with treating sacred subjects with levity. I aver, that this allegation is perfectly unfounded, and dare challenge any person to produce an instance in which he treats sacred subjects or religious truths in an unbecoming manner. He may, perhaps, have freely rebuked or treated with pleasantry the foolish claims of some writers, who have assumed the right of lording over other men's con- sciences, and with an air of self-consequence intimated that they were qualified to set up a standard of faith, and dog- matically condemned those who dared to question their competency for such a work, while they evinced at the time, all but the most perfect ignorance of theology. And if men will call the administering of just, though cutting rebukes, jesting, then, indeed, it may be said that he mani- fested it in the highest degree against the presumption and audacity of such individuals. But I maintain that he was far from treating with levity any subjects really appertaining to religion; but, on the contrary, he was accustomed to speak and write of them in the most serious and reverential manner. The reasons which induced Episcopius occasion- * We are by no means disposed to insert in the pages of this work proofs of the violent temper of Calvin, as given by Chandler in his History of Persecution, when speaking of his treatment towards Castalio, but certainly the terms that he makes use of, as indicative of his anger and wrath, are tremendously fierce. " Castalio's reply to all these flowers," says Chandler, " is worthy the patience of a Christian, and from his slanderer he appeals to the righteous judgment of God." We think it right that Castalio's conduct should be imitated by other Christians on this subject, and leave Him who will do righteously to judge of such men as Calvin, who, with all their defects, have been eminently distinguished in their day, and to whom the world and the church owe so much. 510 CHAPTER XVI 1 1. ally to adopt a severe style, he stated in a letter to Caspar Barlaeus, in w^hich he said; " Most of the brethren were of opinion that the Apology for the Confession should have a degree of mustard and caustic in it, and at length I was brought to the same opinion, although, as you well know, such a mode of writing is in direct opposition to my temper and feelings. Censendi ilia impetigo defricanda videhatur salis alicujiis aspersione. And since it is every where apparent in this work of these censurers, that they did not intend to inform or instruct us better in the truth ; but, on the contrary, that they might render us odious and sus- pected by misrepresentations, in order that we might become the victims of general hatred, it was therefore thought that we should use our liberty of speech, and not spare men who had manifested so little of the spirit of Christianity, but should hold up to public ridicule their ignorance in disput- ing, as well as their rashness in censuring." In a letter to the learned Beverwick, he complains of the malignity of a certain preacher, and makes the following remarks; " I wish him to be of a better mind, and console myself with the testimony of my conscience under his calumnies. Never- theless, I am grieved that through these reproaches the hatred of the common people is fostered and sharpened against the innocent, to the great injury both of the Church and the State. Had I not seen this, I should long since have despised all the evil-speaking of the many bigoted persons who are perpetually endeavouring to injure us. On this account it is, that I have been so frequently in- duced to attack with severity the ignorance of such male- volent and slandering persons. Not that I have pleasiu'e in such a species of employment, but that I might take away the mask by which they impose upon and mislead weak people by their violent sermons and writings, and drive them almost to furj^ and madness. These gentlemen cannot allow any one to question their opinion, without subjecting MEMOlliS OF EPISCOPILS. 511 him to their hatred ; nay, if a person does not immediately receive at their nod every thing which has lately been adopted and taught in their schools, as authoritatively bind- ing upon him, and that loo without the least demur, they instantly require that he should be shunned with aversion, and treated as the reprobate of heaven, and as one who is smitten by the wrath of God. Instead, however, of these things moving me to write sharply, had I followed my inclination, I should not have written at all, but remained in silence, especially when I saw that argument and reason would be lost upon those against whom I wrote." Episcopius had the unhappiness to live in difficult and troublesome times, in which the Church was greatly agitated, and he was not only called upon to contend with error, but also against ignorance, bitterness, bigotry, tyranny, and the domineering spirit of many. Hence, he was necessitated repeatedly to write upon the same subject; and it was matter of frequent and great complaint with him, that he was com- pelled to spend the flower of his days in controversy and debate, and that when he was anxious to engage in the study of any subject, or bend his mind to the illustration of the Holy Scriptures, he was instantly called away from the execution of his purpose, to assume the character of the polemic, in vindication of some important, but debated doctrine. We know, says Limborch, how painful it is for a man of a peaceful disposition to be drawn away, in opposi- tion to his feelings, from the more pleasing and useful oc- cupations which he has marked out for himself, in order to enter upon a course of disputation. But irksome as it is thus to be compelled to engage in conflict with error, it is still more so to be forced to contend against the propensi- ties and conduct of men who are intent upon creating rents and schisms in the Church, and who display all the haugh- tiness of ecclesiastical tyranny; but that which is still more disagreeable than either is to be constrained to write again 512 CHATTER XVIII. and again in reply to such persons. Under these circum- stances, where is the mind that can retain perfect equanimity, or does not show on certain occasions how oftensive and palHng to it, is the necessity it is under of repeatedly pursuing the same course of thinking and the same class of objects. And suppose Episcopius had used a little pleasantry with the absurd and incongruous dogmas that some defended, which, however, he never did, would he be more to blame on that account than the Heer Philip de Marnix,* who, in his Alvearium, so openly sports and jests with the doctrines of the Papists, or than Peter du Moulin, concerning whose jestings the Papists so complained, that they called him a second Rabelais? And, pray, to whom of the Reformed are the jokes of these writers offensive. To none — but, on the contrary, to whom of them are they not highly pleasing ? while many do not scruple publicly to express great satis- faction in perusing them. With what reason, then, have certain persons shown themselves so indignant at Episco- pius, who never thus trifled and sported with the sentiments of any individual, though he justly chastised the presumption of some, and pointed out the gross views of others on sacred subjects ? All that such persons can, with justice, allege against him, is, that he vigorously attacked error, ignorance, and folly. Had he written on the other side of the question* then he had been reputed an incomparable man. Nay, had he only opposed the Remonstrants, or the doctrines of any people which were in opposition to those of these com- plainers, then his conduct would have offended none of them, although in so doing his pen had been dipt in as much gall and bitterness as was that of many of the writers amongst them. Yet, it should be remembered, that we have no right to prescribe rules for another, to which we ourselves refuse to submit, when in similar circumstances ; and that * This nobleman is more generally known by the name of Du Plessis. See page 229. MEMOIRS OF ElMSCOPIUS. 513 we should be willing to give to a man that which we ex- pect he should concede to vis. If we act thus, we shall not blame in other doctors and writers that which we praise in those of our own creed, but be ready duly to estimate that which is good, from whomsoever it may proceed. But on this subject we have said sufficient. To all the rare endowments of Episcopius was added ex- emplary piety, his Christian conduct being a striking model of pui'ity to all around him. His spirit was especially marked with deep reverence foi-, and ardent devotedness to God. His zealous and unbending attachment to truth and the requirements of conscience was unassailable. This will appear from the circumstance, that while he was yet in the flower of his age, not being more than thirty-six years old, he willingly suffered the deprivation of his office as Professor of Theology in the University of Leyden, the duties of which he had discharged with such great credit to himself, and preferred going into banishment, suffering the want of all the comforts of this life, and wandering as an exile in a strange and unknown land, without any apparent hope of ever returning to his Fatherland, rather than do any thing that would stain his conscience, or be injurious to the glory of God. And what more might I not say of his courage and steadfastness, of his generosity and modesty, his aflable and bland temper, of which were I to adduce examples by an appeal to his general conduct and actions, I should enter upon a wide and immeasurable field. In a word, he lived as becomes a true Christian, who proves his faith by a holy and devoted life, and who by the grace of God has persevered in piety to the end of his days; and then with holy confidence in Jesus Christ his Saviour, calmly and undismayed contemplates death, supported by the testimony of a good conscience, while relying upon the efficacy of the atonement and intercession of Jesus Christ his Redeemer, until finally, full of hope, and with unshaken 514 CHAPTER XVIII, trust, he commends his soul into the hands of God his faithful Creator, being assured that he in whom he hath believed, and to whom he has committed his spirit as a precious pledge, is able to keep it unto that day. May God grant to all of us, that we may always thankfully ac- knowledge, and praise him for, the abundant grace bestowed upon his servant, whom he had distinguished with the same hope and experience; that, supported with a good conscience, we also may with him be made partakers of the resurrection of the JUST. The character of Episcopius, in its moral excellency, as thus given by Limborch, is admitted by universal testimony to be correct, and has never been assailed by any writer, excepting Monsieur Jurieu, whose warmth and impetuosity in religious controversy, says Mosheim, are well known. This violent calumniator, fifty years after Episcopius' death, attempted to attack him on the score of heresy, saying that he was a Socinian, and an enemy to the Christian religion, and, therefore, a bad man. This foul calumny the principal Remonstrants so far resented, as to request M. Le Clerc, Pro- fessor in their college at Amsterdam, and one of the most learned men of his age, publicly to refute it, and accuse Jurieu as a slanderer. In complying with the request of the superiors of this communion, M. Le Clerc says he does not do it to undeceive the public, but to bring Jurieu, if possible, to ask pardon of God, for the sin he has committed in calumniating his neigh- bour in so odious a manner. And then addressing him, says, " your blind zeal has distracted you, may the Lord, therefore, forgive you, for you know not what you do." To this rebuke, says Bayle, Jurieu was silent. This writer, though no lover of Episcopius, or his opinions, nevertheless declares he could not let the defamatory conduct of Jurieu, towards Simon Episco- pius, pass unnoticed, and thought it right also to state, to the honour of M. Jurieu, that when thus charged with defamation, he repaired, by his silence, the injury he had done to the memory of this learned man. He might, he says, have invented a hundred quirks, tricks, and equivocations, to maintain his accusation, and have been sure that abundance of people would have believed what he chose to say against the Arminian minister. And then adds, I own it would still have been more creditable to him to have confessed his error, but men rarely arrive at such a pitch of heroic virtue. MEMOIRS OF ETISCOPIUS. 515 CHAPTER XIX. Having thus closed the memoirs of Episcopius, we shall take the liberty of offering a few remarks ou that conflict of opinion which existed between the abettors of the senti- ments of Calvin and those of Arminius, as it had been carried on some time before the Synod of Dort, for the purpose of noticing the causes of the latter failing to efiect the designs of the Dutch Calvinist divines, who had been so clamorously anxious to obtain its appointment. Zealous advocates for the doctrines of the Geneva school, the Coutra-Remonstrants had hoped, by the presence of so many eminent theologians from most of the Reformed Churches of Europe, and by the sanction of those princes who had deputed them, to accomplish two objects which lay near their hearts. The one was to frame, upon Calvinistic principles, something like a faultless creed ; the other was that of securing its universal adoption by the Reformed Church, and in the dream of hope, they had anticipated its being unhesitatingly uttered by the lips of the hundreds of thousands of its members. To effect their designs, two measures were to be carried ; namely, to deprive the Remonstrant clergy of their office as ministers, and the use of the press in Holland ; and, secondly, to induce the princes of different states to enforce by their authority the decisions of the synod upon their churches. The former they easily eflfected, but in the latter they totally failed. 516 CHAPTER XIX, This of course was to be expected. For the pnnces who had deputed theological professors or other divines, to take part in the proceedings of this assembly, had so done from political motives to serve Prince Maurice ; and when the temporary occasion which led to the adoption of such a measure ceased, their veneration for the authority of the decrees of the synod terminated. And hence, Neal, when speaking of our James, who was a principal agent in pro- moting the calling of this synod, and sanctioned its proceed- ings while it was sitting, says that he not only afterwards disregarded its decisions, but prohibited the very dogmas it had established from being preached in the English churches. Besides, as the members of this assembly, unlike the popish clergy, belonged to separate and independent churches, each having its own jurisdiction without any commonly-admitted head, to whose dictum they were bound to submit, so we find that the decisions of this body of divines had nothing of that commanding, authoritative character that marked those of the Council of Trent, which had sat some years before. Hence it is, that while the latter gave a more systematic form to Popery than it had previously possessed, so its de- crees were made binding throughout the whole of that community, and they were therefore attended with perma- nent results.* But though the members of the Synod of Dort might be the advocates of ecclesiastical authority, and put forth their claims to it as largely as did Gomarus, who, as before stated, supported the old papal doctrine of the church being inde- pendent "of the state, not indeed by a papal supremacy, but by a collateral power, nevertheless the Reformed Churches had nothing existing with them as a substitute for that authority which was concentrated in the pope, by which he enforced the decrees of councils, and demanded assent to what were called the doctrines of the church. On this ac- * See Millar's Philosophy of History. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 517 count we find, immediately after the breaking up of the conclave of Protestant divines at Dort, that the inefBcacy of its decisions to secure respect for them from those for whom they had really been framed, soon appeared, in as much as even in some parts of the Netherland Churches they were not received, as in Friesland, Zealand, Utrecht, Gelder- land, and Groningen, while those of Bremen and Brande- burg, which made a considerable figure among the Reformed Churches of Germany, would not suffer their doctors to be tied down by the tenets of the Dutch divines as maintained in the synod. Besides, the Remonstrants, though prohibited from pub- lishing their sentiments in Holland, either by their ministers or through the Dutch press, nevertheless, as has already been shown, were enabled to get their writings printed in other countries, and they were rapidly circulated through various parts of the continent of Europe. Some of these persons were men of extraordinary powers, such as Episco- pius, Grotius, Uitenbogaerdt, Grevinchovius, Corvinus, with Vossius and Barlaius, who were incessant in their attacks upon the sentiments of the opposite party, many of whom in the hour of debate had presented to public notice the doctrines of Calvin and Beza, with certain appendages of their own in a revolting manner. This was especially the case with Maccovius,* who, on account of his rash assertions, was charged by some of the members of the synod with heresy, but who escaped its condemnation through the arts of Festus Hommius ; nevertheless his sentiments had found their way into the world, and it was seen from what he and others, equally bold, had said of God being the author of sin and reprobating men, that they had shown themselves to * Coccius says, he foua;ht valiantly for the faith, and that it fared with him, as with a good dog, who gets himself into trouble in guarding his master's house, for barking at the best friends of the family, as well as at strangers. See a full account of him in Nichol's " Arminianism, &c." 518 CHAPTER XIX. be persons of stern natures, who were as cold as marble, and as hard as iron, and who, exempt from all the kindly feelings of humanity, could look on the greater part of mankind with unfeeling disregard and heartless indiffer- ence, " even as a man may look upon the most ignoble of the brutal orders." It was not likely that such individuals should be able to rule the thinkings of others, so far as to bring them into a state of acquiescence with their revolt- ing views of the Divine Being ; and we consider that the complaints uttered against him, and the warning notices sent out about the time of the Synod of Dort to other theologians, to be moi-e guarded in their statements, with the milder form of Calvinism itself which obtained in the Synod of Dort, in direct opposition to Gomarus and most of the Dutch Calvinistic clergy, was significant of the ascend- ing, though unacknowledged, influence of the milder views of Arminius upon the members of this assembly. And had his followers from that period been scattered, and never allowed to assume the form of a public and separate com- munity, to prevent which, the Dutch Calvinists adopted against them all the various modes of persecution we have stated; yet they would command the veneration and grati- tude of every lover of our common Christianity, for the successful efforts they made to keep back the gathering cloud which was covering the face of the Reformed Churches, and under which bold metaphysical speculations on the mysterious subjects of foreknowledge, predestination, &c., were made the topics of the public ministry in the churches, instead of the saving doctrines of the Gospel; while the reception of the former was too frequently identi- fied with safety, and religion itself was contemplated as being something that was independent of a renewed heart, an obe- dient will to the authority of Christ, and a sanctified nature produced by the agency of the Holy Spirit. We cannot go into the history of the probable effects of such public teaching MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 519 upon the mass of the people, but it appears to us that they must have been pernicious, in as much as the injunc- tions of the Gospel, designed to issue in habits of practical piety, were held in abeyance to doctrinal statements, and a prominence was so far given to the knowledge and reception of creed, as to make them the ultimate object of all instruction instead of the recovery of the soul from the effects of the fall by the renovating power of divine grace. In forming our estimate of the moral effects of any system of theology, we are not to judge of it by its acknow- ledgment of a single or even some few doctrines, which are generally received by the Christian Church, but from the character of its influence in the production of a class of motives and feelings as springs of action ; and contemplat- ing the sentiments of a large portion of the Dutch divines prior to the Synod of Dort, we say that whatever was sound in their opinions, there was much associated with them cal- culated to generate an awful disregard to piety, and to relax those obligations which it is absolutely neccessary to recog- nize, in order to the formation of religious character, and to allow the sanctifying power of Christianity to have its due effect in the formation and maintenance of the same. In arriving at something like distinct views of the senti- ments that were received by the Dutch Calvinist divines, we think it is not departing from historic fidelity, if we distinguish their opinions into the esoteric and exoteric. The latter might be said to be exhibited in those doctrines which were adopted by the Synod of Dort, while the esoteric generally prevailed in the provincial synods and classes, and formed a sort of unwritten standard, by which they tested the doctrines of those whom they wished cordially to recognize as being sound and orthodox divines. In proof of this, we have only to turn to the case of Goulart, who on account of his preaching against the reprobation of the infants of be- lieving Christians, and subsequently reftising to recant his 520 CHAPTF.R XIX. sentiments, was deposed from his ministry ; while the pastor d'Or suffered the same fate for denying that God was the author of sin.* Let the reader compai'e the im- plied opinions of the parties who pursued these measures against these clergymen, with Calvinism as it was softened dow^n in the Synod of Dort by the efforts of several of the foreign, and especially the English divines, and he will admit with us, that the published opinions of that assembly by no means reflected those which were embraced and taught by the Dutch Calvinist ministers, in their private circles or public congregations. Hence, the total depravity of man was admitted, only to maintain that it was not remediable, or at least to any great extent, even by the resources of the Gospel ; the doctrine of his inability was allied to others that exhibited him as a passive machine under the means instituted to secure his salvation ; and the atonement of Christ was regarded as a method of escaping the punish- ment due to sin, unconnected with any thing like moral restoration, while the spotless holiness of the Redeemer was accounted to the believer for righteousness, his sufferings and death as answering to the law of God for moral trans- gressions, and his personal obedience the substitute for the absence of it in the conduct of the believer. These dogmas were designated The Gospel, by way of eminence, and zeal for them identified with holy jealousy for the sole and undivided honour of Christ, in effecting the great work of redemption. Now we put it to the reader who admits human nature to be corrupt, as it is represented in Scripture, and fearfully shown to be so by the evidence of fact, whether the above sentiments, viewed in con- nexion with that in which it was maintained, " that a man could not do more good, or less evil than he did," w^ere not calculated to relax all earnest and zealous efforts to advance in the ways of piety, and divest him who adopted them of * See pages 193 .and 456 of this work. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 521 a sensitive apprehensiou of evil as it assailed him, or destroy all tendencies to compunction, after he had fallen the victim of its seductive power. And when it is known that these very divines, in order to prevent the people from being shocked at the doctrine of reprobation, publicly de- clared that every man ought to consider himself as being of the elect,* can it be matter of surprise that the Remonstrants, in combating these doctrines, asserted that they did it from witnessing the depravity of manners amongst the people, as a consequence, they said, of such teaching ? And, indeed, we think it must be admitted, that, under such circum- stances, according to the sentiment of a modem author, the parties so instructed might be tempted to believe that the divine favour was bestowed, not merely in disregard of virtue, but in contempt of it ; and then religion with all its power would be seen to contribute to swell the torrent of impurity, cupidity, and vice ; and that, under the patronage of a belief like this, virtue and vice would change sides in the court of conscience, and the latter claim sacred honours. We may here say, to the credit of some of the Calvinistic divines, that, even before the Synod of Dort, several of them rose to counteract the pernicious tendency of the inferences boldly deduced from the system of the Geneva Reformer, by some persons who carried out his theological sentiments much further, we believe, than was designed by Calvin himself. This was especially the case with relation to the doctrines just named, that is to say, human depravity, and the redemption effected by Jesus Christ, and other subjects connected with them, in which it appeared from such deductions, that truth and error are often so closely allied, that the one is but the excess of the other. Amongst the persons who may be named as adopting measures to oppose the perversion of this system, in some of its parts, was Piscator, who became the opponent of the * See Brandt. 2 L 522 CHAPTER XIX. doctrine of the imputation of the active righteousness of Christ, from the fact of his being aware, that those who espoused it were in danger of considering themselves to be under no obligation to attend to injunctions or moral pre- cepts, while they pretended to see themselves released from them by their interest in the Gospel, and by Christ's obe- dience being imputed to them, which supplied the want of it in themselves. But whatever resistance was manifested to the excesses of Calvinism amongst the Churches of the Re- formed before the Synod of Dort, it was after the breaking up of that assembly that they were more especially opposed. Besides those churches already named in Holland and Germany, which refused to receive the canons of the Synod of Dort, we must now proceed to notice the opposition that set in against them in the Gallic Protestant Churches. The reader will recollect that we named the case of some of the French divines demurring, when required to receive them according to the appointment of the Synod of Alez; and subsequently of Curcellaeus at the Synod of Charenton. But the man who gave full strength to the rising opposition which was about to break forth against the more rigid forms of Calvin's and Beza's doctrines, was the celebrated Scotchman, Cameron, whom we have frequently mentioned in these pages, as being the opponent of Episcopius on the subject of the freedom of the will. The two dogmas which he principally opposed were, the imputation of the active righteousness of Christ, and the non-concurrence of the human will with the influence of the grace of God in man's conversion. For he, too, like Piscator and others, saw that where men were taught to believe in imputed, there would be no attempt made to gain actual holiness ; and when obedience was performed by Christ for and instead of them, then to attempt it on their part would be viewed as an act of supererogation, while the cognate opinion that denied the concurrence of the human will with the influence of MEMOIRS OF KPISCOPIUS. 523 divine grace to effect conversion, neutralized all efforts to obtain the enjoyment of experimental religion, in as much as such efforts were bi'anded as being legal and pharisaical. While opposing these sentiments, he adopted from the creed of Arminius the doctrine of universal redemption, ^od that of the necessity of presenting without restriction the offers of grace to all men. But though he espoused these opinions so accordant with those of the Remonstrants, yet seeing them deprived of religious freedom and subject to confiscation of property, exile, or imprisonment, it was not to be supposed, that unless he had gone all the lengths of their system, he woidd be disposed to avow himself the patron of their doctrines. To be designated an Ar- minian, even now, is offensive to some who nearly approach to the Dutch divine in doctrinal sentiments, but it was much more so at that period. Even to this day, we understand that in Holland this name is a badge of reproach to the followers of this great man, more than is the term of Methodist in this country. We are not intending to say that Cameron was prepared to adopt the benevolent system of Arminius in all its parts, but the stand he made against the contracted and exclusive doctrines of Calvinism, by his avowal of the above sentiments, gave a might}' check to them, as they had prevailed at the close of the sixteenth and early part of the seventeenth centuries. After the death of Cameron, his disciple Amyraut, or Amyraldus, who had studied under him, supported his system. This man, says Mosheim, was a person of un- common sagacity and erudition, and though he was strongly opposed in his attempts to spread the opinions of his master, nevertheless he applied himself, from the year 1634, with unparalleled zeal to the arduous work, and dis- played in it extraordinary exertions of capacity and genius; and so ardently was he bent on bringing it into execution, that he made for this purpose no small changes in the 624 CHAPTER XIX. doctrine commonly received among the Reformed in France. His leading position was, " that God desires the happiness of all men, and that no mortal is excluded by a divine decree from the benefits that are procured by the death, sufferings, and Gospel of Christ." A cry was raised in several French synods against the doctrine of Amyraut, but after it had been carefully examined by them, and defended by him at their public meetings, with his usual eloquence and erudition, he was honourably acquitted ; and his senti- ments won their way, and were adopted by some of the most eminent among the Reformed ministers, such as Daille, Blondel, Mestrezat, and Claude, so that they were not only received in all the universities of the Hugonots in France, and embraced by divines of the highest note in that nation, but likewise spread themselves as far as Geneva, and after the revoca^tion of the Edict of Nantes, were disseminated by the French refugees throughout all the Reformed Churches of Europe, so that even in Holland they insinuated them- selves amongst the people, to the great mortification of some of the rigid Dutch Calvinists, who openly complained that these refugees had imported into the country a species of refined Arminianism. Such was the progress of this milder form of Calvinism, during the life of Amyraut, which, after his decease, ap- proached still nearer to the expansive system of Arminius, and spread more widely amongst the Reformed Churches of Europe. This approximation to the opinions of the Dutch Professor, it is true, was unacknowledged by those who re- tained the name of Calvinists; yet, while the latter adopted this milder system, and became universalists, that is, main- tained that Jesus Christ hy the grace of God., tasted death for every man and offered salvation to all on the principle that God will have all men to he saved, and come to the knowledge of the truth; it will be seen, that whatever saving clauses the parties who embraced this theory might have in favour MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS, 525 of Calvinism, in its more rigid forms, nevertheless, vs^hile they acted upon that of Arayraut, as just stated, they un- dermined the decisions and dogmas of the Synod of Dort; and thus, in less than fifty years after the sittings of that assembly, it may be said, that the end proposed by the rigid Dutch Calvinists in that conclave was completely discom- fited ; and to the great grief of some of their successors, instead of the narrow and bigoted supralapsarian system of Gomarus being universally received amongst the Reformed, according to the intention of the Dutch divines in calling the synod, there now came forth a more benevolent and godlike system, that looked with benign aspect upon the whole of mankind. Having given this sketch of the progress of religious opinion amongst the Reformed of the Continent, especially in relation to the sentiments of Arminius, w'e may now turn to our own country. Amongst the persons who contributed to neutralize the efiect of the decisions of the Synod of Dort in this kingdom, was the celebrated Richard Baxter, who, while the avowed advocate of its doctrines, adopted, at the same time, the opinions of Amyraut; and in speaking of his own system, calls it, the middle way of Cameron and Amyraldus. Like the two persons just named, he main- tained, that Christ made a satisfaction by his death, equally for the sins of every man ; and that the blessings of salva- tion were to be freely and indiscriminately offered to all. In his anxiety to unite the Calvinists and Arminians, it was said that he conceded so much to both, that he sometimes showed himself to be more Calvinistic than Calvin, and at other times more Arminian than Arminius. With what may be deemed the contradictory parts of his theory, we have nothing to do, but we rejoice in the circumstance of its presenting to those who became its advocates, ground on which to stand, from whence they could offer salvation to man in general. And thus, under the influence of this more 526 CHArxER XIX. expansive system, an extended scope was allowed to the benevolent feelings of the Christian minister, to come np to the spirit of the philanthropy of our divine and beneficent religion, and meet the injunction of its Gracious Founder, who commanded his disciples to Go into all the tcorld, and preach the Gospel to every creature. How far Baxter's liberal system acted upon his own conduct and feelings, in moving his heart to weep over perishing sinners, and how greatly superior it is to the rigid one adopted by President Edwards, has been shown in the eloquent passage quoted from the Rev. William Hull, at page 20-2, to which the reader's attention is especially directed. The measures of Baxter, however, in thus marking out a middle way, for the purpose of inducing the Calvinists and Arminians unitedly to walk in it, were soon found to be in- efficient for the accomplishment of his design. To say nothing of the impracticability of such an union being effected at any time, yet, at the period alluded to, we conceive that the failure of his attempts partly arose out of the fact of the two opposite systems in this country, being shortly after carried by their advocates far beyond the sentiments of their founders. In the one case, Arminianism deteriorated into a cold, heartless, legal system; while Calvinism luxuriously ripened into a bold and daring species of Antinomianism. And though at the time of which we are writing, there were several, who, bearing the name of Calvinists, were distinguished with much of the strength of that piety which marked the puritan age ; while many of the Arminian school retained, in full force, all the evangelical features of the sentiments of the Dutch Professor; nevertheless it was too generally the case that the abettors of the latter sunk into Pelagianism, while the former either went into Antino- mianism or passed over to Arianism, and from thence en- tered the downward road to Socinianism. But a memorable epoch was at hand, for Wesley and Whitfield were about to MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 527 come forth, to give a check to the cold legality of the one, and the reckless disregard of obligation in the other. And whilst these two distinguished men were directed to labour in opposite tracks, and some diversity of sentiment existed between tbem, on what might be called the five points, yet the might of their energies and their stirring appeals were directed to the same object, the salvation of immortal souls. And in spreading abroad the savour of the knowledge of Christ in every place, they showed how evangelical Armin- ianism and practical Calvinism could contribute to the same result, that of awakening men to the great concerns of religion, in order to prepare the way for the elevation of the character of their hearers to a state of moral excellency and purity. The nature of the addresses of these two extraordinary men, so general and apostolic, and attended with such wonderful effects, might be supposed to command many im- itators of their liberal views, which for a time was the case. But the circumstance of Whitfield's adopting Calvinistic opinions tended greatly to revive and diffuse the system of the Geneva Reformer through the land. This can be no matter of surprise; for while the religious excitement of that period gave activity to theological enquiries, it was natural to minds inclined to speculation, and especially those which had some taste for metaphysical discussion, to be entangled in the questions of predestination, prescience, necessity, and human freedom ; and while the dogmas of Calvin were held by several ministers in conjunction with vital and saving truths, and their labours were honoured with great usefulness, never- theless, with others, an incautiousness in their statements of the doctrines of grace and fate prepared the way for the most mischievous consequences, and Antinomianism, grafted on the Calvinistic system, as espoused by many of them, tended to produce a withering effect upon the more evan- gelical theory that was embraced by the devout and pious of that creed. 528 CHAPTER XIX. This tendency of Calvinism to verge towards the licen- tiousness of Antinomianism may here be named, also, as one of those causes which operated to hold in check and abate the influence of this system in its more rigid forms, as received and held by some persons. Hence, the alarm that was excited at different times in the minds of the more pious ministers of the Geneva creed, as to the pernicious character of Antinomianism, which awfully operates to subvert religion, by freeing the conscience from the re- quirements of piety, while asserting that he who is in- , terested in the Gospel is released from all obligation to the law, or submission to the injunctions and preceptive parts of Christianity, prompted them, without referring to Arrainianism, to adopt its cautions and conditions, in order to prevent their ow-n system from issuing in such results among their hearers. To prove the correctness of this statement, we shall come near to our own day, for the purpose of marking an extreme state of Calvinistic religious opinion, as contributing to give to the conditions found in the creed of the Dutch Professor, an important claim to the notice of the moderate school of Calvinism. We allude, says an eloquent writer,* when treating on this subject, " to the late bold and frontless exhibition of the Antinomian heresy, as advocated by certain preachers of more than ordinary name, who have recently eflTected a schism in the Church of England. These persons, after being first inducted into the principles of the Calvinistic system, were afterwards enticed upwards to its highest and most dangerous pinnacles. From thence they fearlessly launched into a profound too vast for them to explore, and where they still find no resting place. Like Satan toiling in chaos, they ' As in a cloudy chair ascending, ride Audacious ; but that seat soon failing, meet A vast vacuity.' • The late Richard Watson. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 529 And if they, at any time, succeed in reaching a world of light, it is only, like him, to infest some paradise, and to poison the mind of some unwary soul by their Jilt Iiy dreams.''^ Many divines of the more moderate Calvinistic school, both in the Church, and amongst the Dissenters, felt them- selves called upon to guard their flocks against what was significantly called, " not a religious error, but an attempt to substitute a system of subtle and specious impiety in the room of Christianity ;" * and individuals, who before had given striking prominence to the peculiarities of the Cal- vinistic creed, designating them the doctrmes of grace, were led to see, that by surrounding these with a certain degree of importance, as though they constituted the essence of the Gospel, they had prepared the way for fearful results, and were determined not to give them the same conspicuous place in their ministrations, as heretofore. In proof of this we cannot forbear giving the following incident from Mr. Jackson's Life of the late Rev. Richard Watson. And although, from the extended circulation of that work, it must be well known, nevertheless, its appropriateness to our subject will warrant its insertion here. We allude to the case of the late venerable Rowland Hill, who, in addressing Mr. Watson, amongst a company of ministers of the indepen- dent denomination, and supposing him to be one of them, said, " ' Whatever shall we do, Sir, to prevent the spread of Antinomianism, which is making such dreadful havoc of many of our country churches? Don't you think, Sir, there is really something in our Calvinistic doctrines, which is calculated to produce this terrible evil ?' Mr. Watson, who was taken by surprise, and felt himself placed in a some- what peculiar situation, assented to Mr. Hill's suggestions ; and the aged apostle of Calvinian theology added, in his own emphatic manner, ' I spent my younger days in fighting the Arminian devil ; but I will spend the rest of my life in * The late Robert Hall. flSO CHAPTER XIX. fighting the devil of Antinomianism.' This pledge that excellent man fully redeemed, and though it is not pre- tended that he renounced the peculiarities of his creed, yet they were less prominent in his ministrations than they had formerly been." Amongst the persons who saw the propriety of adopting measures similar to those of this patriarch, was the late Robert Hall, who, in his preface to Chases " Antinomianism Unmasked," admitted that the paucity of practical instruc- tion, and the custom of almost exclusively dwelling on doctrinal topics, paved the way for Antinomianism; and that ministers, while dwelling wholly upon doctrinal sub- jects, were astonished at perceiving the eager impetuosity with which a part of their hearers rushed into Antinomian excesses, when a thorough investigation might have con- vinced them, that though they had inculcated the truth, it had not been altogether as it is in Jesus ; and then pro- ceeds to say, " that the prevailing practice of representing the promises of the Gospel as unconditional, tends to such a result. The idea of meritorious conditions is, indeed, in- compatible with the Gospel, considered as a system of grace ; but if there be no conditions of salvation, how is it possible to confute the pretensions and confound the con- fidence of the most licentious professor. [Besides,] all promises must either be made to individuals by name, or, indefinitely, to persons of a specific character. A moment's attention will be sufficient to satisfy us, that the promise of pardon is of the latter description. In no one instance is it addressed to the individual by name, but to the penitent, the believing, the obedient, or to some similar specification of character. — Before any person, therefore, can justly ap- propriate the promise to himself, he must ascertain his possession of that character, or which is precisely the same, he must perceive that he comes within the prescribed con- ditions.— This absurd notion of unconditional promises, by MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 531 severing the assurance of salvation from all the fruits of the Spirit, from every trace and feature of a renovated nature and a regenerate state, opens the widest possible door to licentiousness." On this passage, Mr. Watson says,; " If this be Calvin- ism, it leaves but little to be disputed amongst those who feel the force of the principle laid down by the apostle; For circumcision is nofliinff, neither tincircnmcision, hut a new creature.* Its peculiarities are reduced to the rank and con- * Although, according to Mr. Jackson, " Mr. Watson had many serious objections to the tenets of Calvinism, when considered in detail, and he was conscientiously opposed to the system, as a whole ; and he was ac- customed to observe, that its essential principles are not deduced from the Word of God, interpreted according to its general popular import, but from metaphysical speculation concerning the divine nature ;" nevertheless, no man cherished more of the spirit of liberality towards those who maintained the system of Calvin, than he. This will be seen from the following state- ment. We are not at all wishful to see our own peculiar views adopted by pious Calvinists, nor do we ieel any disposition to force upon the atten- tion of such persons, their peculiar notions against their own wills, nor persist to charge their creed with consequences which they disavow, merely because such consequences appear to us to be the logical conclusions of their premises, and may, by the rules of strict reasoning, be very legitimate. And although in proportion as we believe those sentiments ■which distinguish the Calvinistic creed from evangelical Arminianism to be contrary to the Scriptures, and injurious to the practice of the Christian temper and conduct, we rejoice that they are sinking in the estimation of wise and pious men. — Nevertheless, we had rather see errors of this kind gradually fade away, than suddenly pushed out of sight. One of the greatest dangers of the human mind arises from sudden revulsions of opinion. Truth and error are so linked together, one being often the mere shadow or the excess of the other, that he who abandons error itself too hastily, may renounce some important and essential truth, around which it has spread parasitical branches, or diffused a deceptive halo. From Calvinism, through a cold and legal Arminianism, there has been too often a sudden transition to Socinianism ; and he greatly injures Calvinism in its strongest forms, if he would not prefer its existence, with all its dangers and occasional excesses, to a system which has in it no human hope, because it recognizes no one principle of human recovery from the guilt and penalty of sin, as stated in the Holy Scriptures. 532 CHAPTER XIX. sequence of mere abstract speculations, thrown constantly into the distance, and never suffered to intrude into any question of religious experience, or religious duty." * And we shall leave it with the reader who is the least acquainted with the Calvinism with which the Remonstrants had to contend, and the mitigated form of it, as generally adopted at the present day, to judge whether the latter has not approached to the views of the Remonstrants, who were branded as heretics, and some of them expelled their country; while others were exposed to imprisonment and death, for maintaining views similar to the above, by men, w^hose successors in name, though not in creed, now as much as ourselves rejoice, that a system so expansive, though not ac- knowledged to be Arminian, has very extensively won its way, especially amongst the British Churches. As to ourselves we certainly believe that a movement has been made from Calvinism to Arminianism, a fact, we state not with vain triumph, but thankfulness, as being for the world's benefit ; and, therefore, concur with the sentiment of a modern writer of the moderate school of Calvinism, when he says, " that as there is no difference in guilt, so there is none either in the conditions of pardon or in the eligibility of men to the divine favour, and, that God puts no difference between man and man ; — is no respecter of persons ; and that in EVERY NATION he that feareth God, and tvorketh righteous- * If the above writer could say this, in relation to the passage thus given in the text, with how much more justice might it be said of the following statement of Mr. Hall. " I believe firmly in general redemption ; I often preach it ; and I consider the fact that Christ died for all, as the only basis that can sup])ort the universal offer of the Gospel.— I consider the sacrifice of Christ as a remedy, not only adapted, but intended for all, and as placing all in a salvable state, and removing all barriers to their salvation, except such as arise from their own perversity and depravity. "f Some modern Calvinists assert that their offers of salvation to men are as general as those of the Arminians ; — Be it so, we are glad to hear it. + Life of the late Robert Hall, by Dr. Gregory, p. 118. MEMOIRS OF EPISCOriLS. 533 ness, is accepted of him. — Bright expansion of heavenly glovy ! Welcome news from on high ! with emphasis may we say, in hearing this canon of grace — The true light now shinethr Another circumstance growing out of the mitigated cha- racter of Calvinism, as introduced by Amyraut, must not be omitted on this occasion, that is, the cultivation of a more tolerant spirit amongst the divines of the Calvinistic school. The Remonstrants, who had imbibed the opinions, and copied the conduct of the amiable Arminius, were the first amongst the Protestants of Europe, * to lift up their voice on this subject, and assert it to be possible for a friendly union to exist amongst individuals, though differing in minor shades of doctrine ; and thus anticipated the church by two hundred years, in anxiously wishing to see the extinction of intolerance and bigotry amongst Christians, and the cultivation of the spirit of amity, as it is witnessed, at least to a great extent, at the present day, in this country.f • Barneveldt, who was the principal lay-leader of the Remonstrants, " was perhaps the first statesman," says Evans Crowe, " that made religious toleration one of his maxims." Lardiier^s Cyclopcedia vol. xlvi. \>. 210. f Amongst the persons who seem incapable of coming up to the spirit of the times, and ridding themselves of the bigotry of former days, is Dr. Bennett. This man, it is known, several years since, published, in con- junction with the late Dr. Bogue, A History of the Dissenters, in which Arminianism, and the names of Wesley and Fletcher were assailed with a degree of virulence worthy of Toplady, of bitter notoriety. Of the amiable Fletcher it is said in this work, that in his writings he showed that he was " often very devoutly wicked, and almost blasphemed from a sense of duty." After the lapse of near thirty years, Bennett sent forth a second edition of this work, with very little abatement of the temper and bigotry manifested in the first, a fact from which we gather, that he intends the sun to go down upon his wrath. We think we have discovered the cause of the asperity of this man against Arminianism, or Wesleyan Methodism. In his early days, he was apprenticed at Bath, to a person of the name of Bowin, a cabinet-maker and upholsterer, " who was a good man and a Methodist class-leader. 1 am not sure," says our informant, " that he [Bennett] met in class at the time he was with Mr. Bowin, but, to the best 534 CHAPTER XIX. Some English writers, to their honour be it stated, have done these liberal men the justice to admit this fact, though others have claimed it for persons of our own country, of the independent denomination of Cromwell's day. But the parties who have so done, have shown that they were not acquainted with the history of the Dutch Arminians; other- wise they would not have put forth such pretensions. In the march of liberal feeling, as before stated, Episcopius, next to Arminius, stands the great leader, a circumstance which, amongst many others, was put to his account to prove that he was a heretic and a sinner. Hence it was said, " II pro- fesse publiquement la tolerance de toutes les sectes qui re- connoissoient I'autorite de I'Ecriture-Sainte, de quelque maniere qu'elles I'expliquent. C'etoit ouvir la porte a toutes les erreurs. Cette opinion I'avoit fait soupconner de Socinian- isme." * Such were the notions that prevailed some time after his death, that is, for a person to be tolerant was to be a bad man, and to be liberal, was to be an heretic. That the system of Amyraut would prepare the way for the cultivation of the spirit of tolerance and forbearance amongst the Calvinists of the continent, CurcelUeus had distinctly predicted. His anticipations of such a result were founded upon the fact of many of the pastors amongst the Reformed having embraced the views of this divine, while others as of my recollection, that was the case." If it could he made out satis- factorily, that this man, while an apprentice to the above person, was a member of the Methodist Society, the difficulty of accounting for his unabated malifjnity towards that communion would cease, because it would then be seen to be the malignity of a Renegade. It is said, that the two doctors were in the habit of declining the merit of the authorship of some parts of this work. It is impossible for us to say which portion of it was written by Dr. Bennett; but certainly, if we may judge of his talents for writing, by his Lectures on the History of Jesus Christ, the baldness and meagerness of which are confessed even by his own party, we should not be disposed to attribute to him what may be deemed the more intellectual part of the above history. * Nouvcau Dictionaire Historique, Article Episcopius. MEMOIKS OF EPISCOPIUS, 535 violently opposed tliein; and he saw that unless they culti- vated a spirit of forbearance towards each other, their churches must inevitably be rent in pieces. He therefore concluded that the French Calvinists would be impelled by the apprehension of common danger to cherish a better stale of feeling amongst themselves, and that, as a consequence, the Arminians would reap the advantage of it, as it would necessarily manifest itself to others. The event, which he thus foresaw, actually took place. And though, for a time, the Reformed maintained an hostile front to the followers of Arrainius ; and Amyraut himself, when Curcellajus, in one of his publications, praised him for some of his expansive views, flung back the compliment with disdain, being un- willing to accept it from such a quarter, lest it should bring him into bad odour with his Calvinistic friends, who, at that time, were eager to obtain proofs by which they might, with apparent truth, fix upon him the designation of Arminian, an epithet that was the scarecrow of the Calvin- ists of that age ; nevertheless, the working of this system was precisely such as Curcella^us had foretold, and its patrons, in spite of themselves, schooled by circumstances, were taught to imbibe a spirit of tolerance, cherish milder views, and pursue a more liberal course of conduct towards their fellow-Christians. This will appear from the fact, that the more moderate of the Reformed ministers, whose brethren had previously scrupled to allow Grotius to have communion with them, directly after he went to that country, now, under the influence of the more generous principles of Amyraut, and with him at their head, waited upon this distinguished Dutch scholar, and entreated him to unite with them in church fellowship, saying, that they admitted the Confession of the Remonstrants to be orthodox and sound. And when he intimated his attachment to the doctrines of Chrysostom and Melancthon, it was answered, that this would be no ground of objection to his admission amongst them. 636 CHAPTER XIX. The spirit of tolerance and kindly feeling which came in the train of Amyraut's system, and manifested itself on the occasion just alluded to, became more apparent year after year, in so much that those who fifty years before had furiously debated upon the five points, soon began to tolerate the different opinions of each other upon these articles. Hence, Mosheim, in allusion to the state of feeling existing in relation to these points in the eighteenth centmy, says, " The Reformed Church as a community comprehends in its bosom Arminians, Calviuists, and Universalists, who live together in charity and friendship, and unite their efforts in healing the breach, and diminishing the weight and importance of those controversies which separate them fi^om each other." The Dutch Calvinistic Churches seem to have been the last to concur with this amended state of feeling, and while several of its members lamented in the most sorrowful strains, what they deemed the laxity of the church's discipline, in not excluding from its bosom those who cultivated more liberal opinions ; nevertheless, as the latter, even at that lime, were superior in point of number, power, and influence, the mournful and bigoted wailings of the former were heard with indifTerence. " Whoever, therefore, considers all these things with due attention, will be obliged to acknowledge, that neither the Lutherans nor the Arminians have at this day any further subject of controversy or debate with the E-eformed Church, considered in a general point of view, but only with individuals, who are members of this great community. For the Church, regarded in its collective and general character, allows now to all its members the full liberty of entertaining the sentiments they think most rea- sonable, in relation to those points of doctrine that formerly excluded the Lutherans and Arminians from its communion ; and looks upon the essence of Christianity and its funda- mental truths as in no wise affected by them, however MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 537 variously ihey may be explained by the contending parties."* In our own country, that famous Arminian, John Goodwin, was the first to lift up his voice in favour of toleration; and whilst the presbyterians breathed out anathemas against him and those who imitated his conduct, and branded them * The liberality of the present day, it appears, however, is not sufficient to obtain an admission from some of the disciples of the Geneva Reformer, that those who embrace Arminianism are to be deemed orthodox. Hence, when application was made to the University of Aberdeen, by Dr. H , for the degree of D.D. for the late Rev. Joseph Benson, it was refused, on the alleged ground that a compliance with it " might be construed into an ap- proval of his theological sentiments." This man, who has been prononnced " eminent for learning, and remarkable for eloquence," f and confessed by^ the liberal of all sects, to have been one of the ablest divines of modem days, and whose ministry was the means of spreading vital religion through an extended circle, was, nevertheless, considered, by these Scotch Academi- cians, unfit to be recognized as a sound divine. It was proposed, however, to Dr. H , to bestow a literary degree on this venerable minister, instead of a theological one, on account, of course, of his not being sound in the faith. The offer, under such circumstances, was properly rejected. Mr. Benson never knew of this application of his friends to secure for him this intended honour. Wlien these gentlemen, according to a document before us, judged that giving a degree of D.D. to Mr. Benson, might be " construed into an ap- proval of his theological sentiments;" perhaps they thought, with old Hussey, X that to be an Arminian, was to be a sinner of no ordinary character, in as much, he says, as he breaks the ten commandments. This he proves in the following manner. " Arminians make a divinity of meii's porter, and so are guilty of idolatry. The second command is broke hy bowing doivn to this idol. The third is broke by speaking of ineffectual grace, for to do this is to take God's name in vain. Arminians break the seventh by committing adultery with their idol, the work of their own hands. And they break the tenth, by coveting their ncighbour\s interest in God and Christ." Now certainly, if men are not to be partakers of other people's sins, these Northern Lights shewed their wisdom in taking care that they did not do any thing to approve of theological sentiments marked by such wicked practices. One would, however, like to know how many Socinians, both on this and the other side of the Tweed, have received from the Scotch universities the degree of D.D. + British Critir, July, 1834. % Hussey's Glory of Christ, p. 520. 2 M 538 CHAPTER XIX. with the most opprobrious names, Goodwin undauntedly advocated its necessity, * and thus Arminianisra boldly led the way for its introduction amongst ourselves. Passing from this period, to that of the Hills and Toplady, in which the spirit of bigotry broke forth in the most violent manner against the Wesleys and the amiable John Fletcher, y^e can but rejoice in knowing that the meek spirit of the latter, by transfusing so much of catholic feeling into his writings, showed how possible it was to oppose an anta- gonist with all that was kindly, Christian, and holy; and thereby proved that brethren might dwell together in unity of feeling, though differing on minor points of doctrine. To all the illiberal things said to this saintly man on ac- count of , his Checks to Antinomianism, and the bigotry of the high Calvinists of his day, his reply was, " I wanted more love when I wrote, and I want more now ;" that is, towards those who abused and slandered him. It was im- possible, after the subsiding of the feeling excited in the hour of debate, that the spirit in which such a man's writings were dictated, should not produce a plastic effect, in moulding others to a temper similar to his own ; and that subsequent controversies on the disputed points should not be conducted with amity and kindness. This would the more readily follow from these controversies contributing to effect what the subject of these memoirs saw to be ne- cessary, in order to the extinction of bitterness and asperity amongst those who differed on minor points of doctrine, that is, a distinction between essentials and non-essentials, and a recognition of those leading views on both sides, by * " It is also highly honourable to him, though the fact is but little known, that he was the first of our countrymen who excited general attention by writing distinctly and explicitly in defence of universal liberty of conscience, as one of the most sacred rights of human nature. He had published several admirable tracts against all coercive interference in matters purely religious, before either Locke, or Milton, or even Dr. Owen, wrote a single line on the subject." Preface to Jaclisori's Life of John Goodwin. MEMOIES OF EPISCOPIUS. 539 which the great ends of Christianity are secured, after which, there might be allowed, not only a disparity oi opinion on minor points, but it would further be seen, that while certain subjects present different degrees of difficulty to different minds, controversies upon them may not only be made to afford improvement to the intellectual powers, but also be an occasion for the trial of mutual charity amongst Christians. * Hailing every sign of such an amended state o£ feeling, we take this opportunity of recording it to the honour of * " The differences amongst fierce and fiery controvertists appeal in vain for sanction to the wisdom and will of God ; but the differences which exist amongst pious and moderate men, honest in their enquiries after truth, are the powers which balance and regulate the religious world in this state of infirmity, as the difl'erent attractions of the solar system preserve every planet in its orbit, and regulate the due measure of its lieat and cold. From the period of the controversy conducted by the founders of Methodism in this country, a moderated Calvinism has arisen; the Antinomian errors have been greatly checked ; and spiritual and practical religion rendered less liable to abatement from the operation of the peculiarities of the Calvinistic system amongst evangelical professors." Watson. Whether the following particulars will be considered as a proof of " a moderated Calvinism having arisen," we shall leave the reader to judge for himself. Mr. Thomason, late missionary in India, when examined by Messrs. Foster and Cecil, on behalf of the Elland Society, after being interrogated as to his reasons, for preferring the Church to Mr. Wesley's Connexion, was then asked by Mr, Cecil, " whether he adopted the opinions of Calvin or Arminius i" " Indeed, Sir," said he, " I have never read a book on the subject, except the Bible, in my life. I have always made it a point to leave those things, as I think it productive of evil to dive into intricacies which can never be perfectly cleared." " You think very rightly," said Mr* Cecil, who must be considered Calvinistic in his opinions ; I have acted in the same manner myself. I make it a point never to handle these things in public. But you say you have read the Bible ; What views do you gather from the Bible ?" " Sir," said he, " my views as gathered from the Bible, are simply these, ' God so loved the world, that he gave his only be- gotten Son, that wliosoevcr believeth in him, should not perish, but have everlasting life.' " i^ _.., 540 CHAPTER XIX. the late Robert Hall, whose character and talents were calculated to exercise a powerful influence upon .^others, that when writing to a friend, and adverting to the asperity displayed by Toplady, he says, " I have just been reading Dr. Whitehead's Life of Wesley. It has given me a much more enlarged idea of the virtues and laboiu's of that ex- traordinary man, than I ever had before. I would not incur the guilt of that virulent abuse which Toplady cast upon him, for points merely speculative, and of very little importance, for ten thousand worlds. When will the Chris- tian world cease disputing about religion, and begin to enter into its spirit, and practise its precepts ?" This day we hope is approaching, and the existence of events by which good men are called to meet together on occasions which concern the common Christianity, and dissolve the frigid contractions of suspicion in the glowing ardour of the same element of love and zeal, is rapidly bringing it near. The spirit of unity and co-operation found to exist amongst missionaries of different bodies * in distant lands, not only * It is pleasing to know that a very diflfereut state of feeling exists now amongst Missionaries to tliat which existed with those sent out in the ship Dufl', in 1797, to the islands of the South Seas. Amongst the persons who accompanied them, was a Methodist, by the name of Jefleries, a blacksmith by trade. This man, zealous to assist in spreading Christianity amongst the heathen, offered to accompany the Missionaries. In doing this, he avowed his sentiments to be Arminian. His manly frankness, and evident piety, won upon the directors, while his being a blacksmith, it was rightly judged by them, would render him a valuable acquisition to the mission; and they accordingly acted up to the principles upon which this institution was pro- fessed to be founded, that of uniting with, and receiving aid from Christians of any and every section of the Church. Not so, however, the Missionaries; for after they had embarked, they drew up a creed highly Calvinistic, and insisted upon his subscribing it, threatening to have no further intercourse %vith him, if he did not comply. His conscience would not jjermit him to do it, and they acted up to their threat. After landing, he was disregarded, nay deserted by them. Eleven of them, however, it is known, MEMOIRS OF EPISCOPIUS. 541 realizes, so far as regards themselves, the event ardently wished for by Mr. Hall, but the report of it tends to promote a similar state of feeling at home : and, while the mitigated Calvinism of the present day, and the spirit of tolerance that prevails, throw into the shade the rigid- ness of the Geneva doctrines of the Synod of Dort, and the exclusive spirit that governed many, especially its Dutch members ; and the ascendancy obtained by the doc- trines of the Remonstrants, with the toleration and unity amongst Christians, is a realization of events for which they so seriously laboured, so the present state of things may be considered indicative of still better days. And though we do not expect to behold the prcBclarum diem, when men shall see eye to eye, yet we rejoice to believe that that period will ere long arrive, when eveiy section of the Christian Church will have as the grand object of all its labours, the preparing the way for the coming of that day when the earth shall be full of the knoivledge of the Lord, as the waters cover the sea ; — and there shall he one fold, and one shepherd, and Christ be all, and in all. soon quitted the island, and went to New South Wales ; the rest were dis- countenanced by the natives ; but Jefleries, on account of his trade, was deemed so important a personage by them as to be treated with the utmost consideration. At this time, he acted the part of blacksmith and preacher of the Gospel amongst them ; and, by his labours chiefly, under the blessing of God, that work was for some time carried on, which has now so amazingly extended in that part of the globe. His amiable conduct prepared the way for three of these Missionaries to be allowed to join him in his efforts to establish Christianity amongst the natives, before the arrival of others sent out to them in the year 1800, in the Royal Admiral. This information is from the nephew of Captain Wilson, who commanded the ship Duff, and from a missionary who has laboured in the South Sea Islands. APPENDIX. T. On predestination. 1. God never decreed to elect any man to eternal life or to reprobate him from it, by his mere will and pleasure, without any regard to his foreseen obedience or disobedience, in order to demonstrate the glory of his mercy and justice, or of his power or absolute dominion. 2. As the decree of God concerning both the salvation and the destruction of every man is not the decree of an end absolutely fixed, it follows that neither are such means subordinated to that decree as through them both the elect and the reprobate may efficaciously and inevitably be brought to the destined end. 3. Wherefore, neither did God with this design in one man, Adam, create all men in an upright condition, nor did he ordain the fall or even its per- mission, nor did he withdraw from Adam necessary and sufficient grace, nor does he now cause the Gospel to be preached and men to be outwardly called, nor does he confer on them the gifts of the Holy Spirit, — [he has done none of these things with the design] that they should be means by which he might bring some of mankind to life everlasting, and leave others of tbem destitute of eternal life. Christ the Mediator is not only the ex- ecutor of election, but also the foundation of the very decree of election itself. The reason why some men are efficaciously called, justified, persevere in faith, and are glorified, is not because they are absolutely elected to life eternal : nor is the reason why others are deserted and left in the fall, have not Christ bestowed upon them, or, further, why they are inefficaciously called, are hardened and damned, because these men are absolutely re- probated from eternal life. 4. God has not decreed, without the intervening of actual sins, to leave by far the greater part of mankind in the fall, and excluded from all hope of salvation. 5. God has ordained that Christ shall be the Propitiation for the sins of the whole world ; and, in virtue of this decree, he has determined to justify and save those who believe in him, and to administer to men the means which are necessary and sufficient for faith, in such a manner as he knows to be befitting his wisdom and justice. But he has not in any wise deter- mined, in virtue of an absolute decree, to give Christ as a Mediator for the 544 APPENDIX. elect only, and to endow them alone with faith through an effectual call, to justify them, to preserve them in the faith, and to glorify them. 6. Neither is any man by some absolute antecedent decree rejected from life eternal, nor from means sufficient to attain it : so that the merits of Christ, calling, and all the gifts of the Si)irit, are capable of profiting all men for their salvation, and are in reality profitable to all men, unless by an abuse of these blessings they pervert them to their own destruction. But no man whatever is destined to unbelief, impiety, or the commission of sin, as the means and causes of his damnation. 7. The election of particular persons is absolute, from consideration of their faitli in Jesus Christ and their perseverance, but not without con- sideration of their faith and of their perseverance in true faith as a pre- requisite condition in electing them. 8. Reprobation from eternal life is made according to the consideration of preceding unbelief and perseverance in the same, but not without con- sideration of preceding.; unbelief or perseverance in it. 9. All the children tf believers are sanctified in Christ; so that not one of them perishes who departs out of this life prior to the use of reason. But no children of believers who depart out of this life in their infancy, and before they have in their own persons committed any sin, are on any account to be reckoned in the number of the reprobate: so as that neither the sacred laver of baptism is, nor are the prayers of the church, by any means capable of profiting them to salvation. 10. No children of believers who have been baptized in the name of the Father, of the Son, of the Holy Ghost, and while in a the state of infancy, are by an absolute decree numbered among the reprobate. 11. On the universality of the merit of Christ. 1. The price of redemption which Christ offered to his Father is in and of itself not only sufficient for the redemption of the whole human race, but it is also, through the decree, the will, and the grace of God the Father, been paid for all men and every man ; and therefore no one is by an absolute and antecedent decree of God positively excluded from all participation in the fruits of the death of Christ. 2. Christ, by the merit of his death, has thus far reconciled God the Father to the whole of mankind,— that he can and will, without injury to his justice and truth, enter into and establish a new covenant of grace with sinners and men obnoxious to damnation. 3. Though Christ has merited for all men and for every man reconcilia- tion with God and forgiveness of sins, yet, according to the tenor or terms of the new and gracious covenant, no man is in reality made a partaker of the benefits procured by the death of Christ in any other way than through faith ; neither are the trespasses and offences of sinful men forgiven prior APPENDIX. 545 to their actually and truly believing in Christ. 4. Those only for whom Christ has died are obliged to believe that Clirist has died for them. But those whom they call reprobates, and for whom Christ has not died, can neither be obliged so to believe, nor can they be justly condemned for the contrary unbelief; but if such persons were re- probates, they would be obliged to believe that Christ has not died for them. III. and IV. Oh the operation of grace in the conversion of man. 1. Man has not saving faith from and of himself, nor has he it from the powers of his ov/n free-will ; because in a state of sin he is able from and of himself to think, will or do nothing that is good, nothing that is indeed saving good ; of which description, in the first place, is saving faith. But it is necessary that, by God in Christ through his Holy Spirit, he should be regenerated and renewed in his understanding, affections, will, and in all his powers, that he may be capable of rightly understanding, meditating, willing, and performing such things as are savingly good. 2. We propound the grace of God to be the beginning, the progress, and the completion of every good thing ; so that even the man who is horn again is not able without this preceding and prevenient, this exciting and following, this accompanying and co-operating grace, to think, to will, or to perform any good, or to resist any temptations to evil: so that good works, and the good actions which any one is able to find out by thinking, are to be ascribed to the grace of God in Christ. 3. Yet we do not believe that all the zeal, care, study, and pains, which are employed to obtain salvation, before faith and the Spirit of renovation, are vain and useless; much less do we believe that they are more hurtful to man than profitable. But, on the contrary, we consider that to hear the word of God, to mourn on account of the commission of sin, and earnestly to seek and desire saving grace and the Spirit of renovation, (none of which is any man capable of doing without divine grace,) are not only not hurtful and useless, but that they are rather most useful and exceedingly necessary for obtaining faith and the Spirit of renovation. 4. The will of man in a lapsed or fallen state, and before the call of God, has not the capability and liberty of willing any good that is of a saving nature, and therefore we deny that the liberty of willing as well what is a saving good, as what is an evil, is present to the human will in every state or condition. 5. Efficacious grace, by which any man is converted, is not irresistible : and though God so affects the will of man by his word and the inward operation of his Spirit, as to confer upon him a capability of believing, or supernatural power, and actually causes man to believe ; yet man is of him- 2 N 546 APPENDIX, self capable to spurn and reject this grace, and not believe, and therel'ore, also, to perish through his own culpability. 6. Although, according to the most free and unrestrained will of God, there is very great disparity or inequality of divine grace, yet the Holy Spirit either bestows, or is ready to bestow, upon all and upon every one to whom the word of faith is preached, as much grace as is sufficient to promote in its gradations the conversion of men ; and therefore grace suf- ficient for faith and conversion is conceded not only to those whom God is said to be willing to save according to his decree of absolute election, but likewise to those who are in reality not converted. 7. Man i- able, by the grace of the Holy Spirit, to do more good than he actually does, and to omit more evil than he actually omits Neither do we believe that God absolutely wills that man should do no more good than that which he does, and to omit no more evil than that which he omits ; nor do we believe it to have been determinately decreed from all eternity that each of such acts should be so done or omitted. 8. Whomsoever God calls, he calls them seriously, that is, with a sincere and not with a dissembled intention and will of saving them. Neither do we subscribe to the opinion of those persons who assert that God outwardly calls certain men whom he does not will to call inwardly, that is, whom he is unwilling to be truly converted, even prior to their rejection of the grace of calling. 9. There is not in God a secret will of that kind which is so opposed to his will revealed in his word, that according to this same secret will he does not will the conversion and salvation of the greatest part of those whom, by the word of his Gospel, and by his revealed will, he seriously calls and in- vites to faith and salvation. 10. Neither on this point do we admit of a holy dissimulation, as it is the manner of some men to speak, or of a twofold person in the Deity. 11. It is not true, that, through the force and efficacy of the secret will of God or of the divine decree, not only are all good things necessarily done, but likewise all evil things; so that whosoever commit sin, they are not able, in respect of the divine decree, to do otherwise than commit sin : and that God wills, decrees, and is the manager of men's sins, and of their insane, foolish, and cruel actions, also of the sacrilegious blasphemy of his own name ; that he moves the tongues of men to blaspheme, &c. 12. We also consider it to be a false and horrible dogma, that God by secret means impels men to the commission of those sins which he openly pro- hibits ; that those who sin do not act in opposition to the true will of God and that which is properly so called; that what is unjust, that is, what is contrary to God's command, is agreeable to his will ; nay, further, that it is a real and capital fault to do the will of God. APPENDIX. 547 V. On the perseverance of true believers in faith. 1. The perseverance of believers in faith is not the effect of that absolute decree of God by which he is said to have elected or chosen particular persons circumscribed with no condition of their obedience. 2. God furnishes true believers with supernatural powers or strength of grace, as much as according to his infinite wisdom he judges to suffice for their perseverance, and for their overcoming the temptations of the devil, the flesh, and the world ; and on the part of God stands nothing; to hinder tiiem from persevering. 3. It is possible for true believers to fall away from true faith, and to fall into sins of such a description as cannot consist with a true and justifying faith ; nor is it only possible for them thus to fall, but such lapses not un- frequently occur. 4. True believers are capable by their own fault of falling into flagrant crimes and atrocious wickedness, to persevere and die in them, and thLie- fore finally to fall away and to perish. .5. Yet though true believers sometimes fall into grievous sins, and such as destroy the conscience, we do not believe that they immediately fall away from all hope of repentance ; but we acknowledge this to be an event not impossible to occur, — that God, according to the multitude of his mercies may again call them by his grace to repentance,- nay, we are of opinion that such a recalling has often occurred, although such fallen believers cannot be " most fully persuaded" about this matter that it will certainly and un- doubtedly take place. 6. Therefore do we with our whole heart and soul reject the following dogmas, which are daily afiirmed in various publications extensively circu- lated among the people: namely, (1.) " True believers cannot possibly sin with deliberate counsel and design, but only through ignorance and in- firmity." (2.) " It is impossible for true believers, through any sins of theirs, to fall away from the grace of God." (3.) "A thousand sins, nay, all the sins of the whole world, are not capable of rendering election vain and void." If to this be added, " Men of every description are bound to believe that they are elected to salvation, and therefore are incapable of falling from that election," we leave men to think what a wide window such a dogma opens to carnal security. (4.) " No sins, however great and grievous they may be, are imputed to believers ; nay, further, all sins, both present and future, are remitted to them." (.5.) " Though true believere fall into destructive heresies, into dreadful and most atrocious sins, such as adultery and murder, on account of which the Church, according to the institution of Christ, is compelled to testify that it cannot tolerate them in its outward communion, and that unless such persons be converted, they will have no part in the kingdom of Christ ; yet it is impossible for them totally and finally to fall away frpm faith." 548 APPENDIX. 7. As a true believer is capable at the present time of being assured con- cerning the integrity of his faith and conscience, so he is able and ought to be at this time assured of his own salvation and of the saving good-will of God towards him. On this point we highly disapprove of the opinion of the papists. 8. A true believer, respecting the time to come, can and ought, indeed, to be assured that he is able, by means of watching, prayer, and other holy exercises, to persevere in the true faith ; and that divine grace will never fail to assist him in persevering. But we cannot see how it is possible for him to be assured that he will never afterwards be deiicicnt in his duty, but that he will persevere, in this school of Christian -warfare, in the perform- ance of acts of faith, piety, and charity, as becomes believers ; neither do we consider it to be a matter of necessity that a believer should be assured of such perseverance. ON THE HOLY TRINITY. 1 . God is moreover to be considered distinctly in three persons or sub- stances, as he has exhibited himself in the word of God, and as such to be known and contemplated by us. This Trinity of persons is known to us as Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. One of these divine persons or hypostases in the Godhead is ocvocinos, that is, unoriginated or unbegotten ; the other begotten or generated by the Father, or the Father's only-begotten ; and the other proceeding alike and emanating from the Father by the Son. 2. The Father alone is underived or unbegotten, but lialh from all eternity communicated his own divinity to his only-begotten Son, made a Son, not indeed by creation, as angels were made the sons of God ; not by adoption, as we, who are believers are constituted sons of God ; nor merely !)y a gracious communication of Divine might or glory as being mediator, but by a real, though mysterious and ineffable, generation ; and also to the Holy Spirit, who hath, from all eternity, proceeded from both, I)y an incomprehensible emanation or spirationcm. Therefore the Father is justly held to be the fountain or origin of the whole Deity. 3. The Son, therefore, and Holy Spirit, as to their real being or sub- stance, are truly distinct from the Father; nevertheless, they are really par- takers of the same Godhead and absolutely distinguished by the same divine essence with the Father, which appears most evident from the Holy Scrip- ture giving them the same titles, and attributing to them the same properties as to the Father. Hence the Apostle's Creed on this subject, which we cordially believe, and whose declarations we adopt ; that is, we " believe in God the Father Almighty maker of heaven and earth, and in Jesus Christ his only Son, &.c. And in the Holy Ghost, &c." APPENDIX. 549 4. The above declarations are sufficient in relation to this holy mystery, a subject which we think, it is expedient and becoming always to treat with modesty, prudence, and religious reverence ; and we hold it to be the safest course, when speaking of this profoud subject, to express ourselves, as much as possible, in the very words, and according to the mode and phrases in which it is presented to us by the Holy Ghost himself, seeing that the Spirit of God himself must best know himself, and is the most capable of stating and exhibiting his own nature and being ; and so far as it was necessary to be declared and revealed, it has pleased him to reveal it to us. It is there- fore especially becoming of us, that with reverence, humility, and devout feeling, we follow the mode thus presented to us of speaking on this sub- ject, until we be permitted to see God face to face, when in the glory of that bright and celestial world, lie will perfectly make known himself to us, amidst the unclouded visions and manifestations of his being and will. FINIS. Printed by J. Coultas and Co., York. Date Due iiiiiiiiiiiiiinini 1 1012 01039 2704 imm ' V i H &» '■f'fiia '.v.))'{f ^'XiUr^-m^^