or THE Theological Seminnry, NCETON. N. J. BR 145 .G93 1870 v. 2 Guericke, Heinrich Ernst 1 Ferdinand, 1803-1878. A manual of church history 1 DONATION ^^rX. '-^^ Koccivcd ..^*.^^^. C*^ h C^^^ ^J/j? MANUAL OF CHURCH HISTORY. BY HENRY E. F. GUERICKE, DOCTOK AND PROFESSOR OP THEOLOGY IN HALLE. S^ranslateb from t^z ^ttmnn BY WILLIAM G. T. SHEDD, BALDWIN PEOFESSOK IN UNION THEOLOOICAI, SEMINAET. MEDIAEVAL CHURCH HISTORY, A.D. 590 — A.D. 1073. WAEREN F. DRAPER, PUBLISHER. MAIN STREET. 1870. Entered aeoording to Act of Conpres.«, in the year 1870, by WAKUKX V. DKAl'ER, In the Clerk's Ofllce of the District Court of the District of Maasacbosetts. ASDOTBB: nuarsD bt wabuoi v. dbatbu , BAUD, AVCHY * niYK. NOTE. BY THE TRANSLATOR. This portion of Guericke's Church History continues the account down to A. D. 1073, when Hildebrand ascended the Papal chair as Gregory VII. It includes, among other topics, the spread of Chriytianity among the Gothic, Scan- dinavian, and Sclavic races ; the distracting controversies respecting the two Wills in Christ, Image Worship, and the Sacrament of the Supper ; and the great schism between the East and West. With the previous volume, published in 1857, this addition comprises the History of the Church during the first Ten Centuries. CONTENTS. MEDIAEVAL CHURCH HISTORY. Page Characteristics of the Romano-Germanic Age of the Church . 1 THIRD PERIOD: A.D. 590-814. SECTION FIRST. THE SPEEAD AND LIMITATION OF CHRISTIANITY. CHAPTER FIRST. OPPOSITIOX TO CHRISTIANITY. § 95. Persian and Mohammedan Persecution .... 3 CHAPTER SECOND. THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY. § 96. Christianity in England 9 97. Christianity in Germany 12 98. Christianity in Asia 23 SECTION SECOND. CHURCH' POLITY. § 99. Relation between Church and State .... 25 100. Monachism and the Clergy 28 101. Formation of the Papacy 31 SECTION THIRD. CHRISTIAN LIFE AND WORSHIP. § 102. Christian Life and Culture 39 103. Christian Worship 42 V VI CONTENTS. SECTION FOURTH. HISTOKY OF DOCTRINE. CHAPTER FIRST. THEOLOGY AND CONTROVERSIES. § 104. Theology in the West 105. Theology in the East 106. Monothelite Controversy . 107. Adoption Controversy 108. Luape Controvei-sy . 109. Image Controvci-sy (continued) 110. Dogmatico-IIislorical Survey . CHAPTER SECOND. SECTS. 47 51 53 60 63 65 §111. Paulicians. 76 FOURTH PERIOD: A. D. 814-1073. SECTION FIRST. THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY. §112. Christian Missions in Northern Europe 113. Christian Missions amou" the Selaves 81 91 SECTION SECOND. CHURCH POLITY. §114. Tlie Papal Constitution 99 115. The Popes 102 IKI. Church and State 112 117. The Clergy and Monachisin 115 SECTION THIRD. CHRISTIAN LIFE AND WuKSlIU". §118. Christian Life . 119 119. Christian Worship 121 120. Opposition to Superstition li'l CONTENTS. Vii SECTION FOURTH HISTORY OF DOCTRINE. CHAPTER FIRST. THEOLOGY AND CONTROVERSIES. Page § 121. Separation between the Eastern and Western Churches . 530 122. Theology in the West 537 1 23. Predestination Controversy ' 543 124. Sacramentarian Controversy 550 125. Dogmatico-Historical Survey 152 126. Sects 153 MEDMVAL CHDECH HISTORY. THE ROMANO-GERMANIC AGE OF THE CHURCH FROM GREGORY THE GREAT TO THE REFORMATION. A.D. 590-1517. The dominant Characteristic of Mediaeval Church History, in its four periods, consists in the fact that the Church no longer receives its form and impress from the ancient Graeco- Roman empire, but from the Germanic races and the new modern Rome. Hence, the third period in the general his- tory of the Church (590-814) describes the conversion of the German populations to Christianity ; the fourth period (814- 1073) shows how Rome took occasion, from the formation of the German Church, to build up its hierarchy, and how the contest between the Italian and German Churches became the central point of the history ; the fifth period (1073-1294) exhibits the Romish hierarchy at its height of power and influence ; and the sixth period (1294-1517) pre- sents it in its decline, preparatory to the Reformation and prophetic of it. Meanwhile, the Greek Church, forced into narrower limits by Mohammedanism, internally corrupted by the Image Controversy, and petrified into formalism by its connection with the Byzantine court, loses more and more its importance in Ecclesiastical History. Although the Middle Age in Church History properly begins with the seventh century, yet it does not acquire, until the ninth cen- 'J INTRODUCTION. tury, tin* distinct character of a |xriod of transition, fron:i tht' Ancient Cliri>tianily ^liapi-d by tin* culture of llie classic world, to the Mediaeval Christianity moulded by the traits of those new Gothic races. which were brought upon the theatre of action by the migration of nations. The sub- stance of Mediaeval Church History, consequently, consists in the conflict of an old and finished with a new and form- ing civilization, as it is seen, through all the mediaeval cen- turies, in mighty waves of action and reaction, in ferment- ing and turbid elements, until, in the sixteenth century, the reformatory spirit and tendency penetrates and pervades the entire mass, and the Middle Ages are at an end. THIRD PERIOD : A. D. 590-814. SECTION FIRST. The Spread and Limitation of Christianity. CHAPTER FIRST. OPPOSITION TO CHRISTIANITY. §95. PERSIAN AND MOHAMMEDAN PERSECUTION. Abulfeda De vita et rebus gestis Mohammcdis (Mohammedan). Pri- deaux La vie de Mahomet. Gagnier La vie de Mohammed. Giger "Was hat Mohammed aus dcm Judenthum aufgenommen ? Von Hammer- Purgstall Mohammed der Prophet. Dollinger Muhammed's Religion. Weil Mohammed der prophet. F o r s t e r Mohammedanism Unveiled. Bush Life of Mohammed. Irving Life of Mohammed. Gibbon Decline and Fall, Chap. L. Arnold Natural History of Islamism. Severe persecution . of the Church marked the opening of the Mediaeval Centuries. Great distress, though only- temporary and local, befell the Christians of the East, at the beginning of the seventh century, through the enmity of Chosroes II., King of Persia; but a far more lasting and widely extended persecution arose, soon after, from a new and false religious system. When the Persian king, Chosroes II., took the city of Jerusalem, in June, 614, and soon after wrested from the Roman empire several other provinces, the Christian institu- tions of these countries were broken up, and the Christians themselves met with bloody persecution, or, in some few 3 4 A. D. 590—814. spread and limitation. instances, were forced to adopt the Nestorian heresy. Many thousands in Jerusalem, particularly clergymen, monks, and consecrated virgins, were slain at the capture of the city, the splendid church edifices were thrown down, and the patri- arch Zacharias with others was carried away to Persia. But this was only a transient persecution. The emperor Herac- lius, in several successful battles between the years 622 and 628, wholly overcame Chosroes, and the Church was restored to its old position. The Christian prisoners were freed ; and Heraclius carried back into Jerusalem, upon his own shoul- ders, the " true cross," which had been captured with the patriarch Zacharias. But soon after these events a much more terrible enemy arose against the Church. It was an evident token, not only for particular portions of the Church but for all Christendom, of the punitive jus- tice and the chastising love of God, that Christianity for a time lost its sway, and a new and false religion was estab- lished throughout a large part of its dominions. The spirit of the world had found entrance into the Church ; the pro- fessors of Christianity, occupied with idle musings or friv- olous dialectical disputes, had lost sight of the true nature of their religion ; Christian societies had ceased to be the salt of the earth ; and the originally simple worship of the church had become sensuous and idolatrous. This declension was greatest at the East, and in this part of Christendom now arose the Mohammedan Religion., claiming to be the primitive patriarchal monotheism, the only genuine theism, purified from the foreign elements that had come into it from Judaism and Christianity ; ^ but which, in fact was, at best, nothing 1 What particular positive jturpose in the Divine plan, Islamism is to subserve, l)esi(lcs its nej^ativc funetion as a jiunitivc jud^mient upon the degenerate Eastern Church, is a difiicult ]>roi)lcni in the i>hilosoi)hy of history. Perhaps, by means of its ri>,Hd and fanatical monotheism, and its local position midway between the fetichism and cannibalism of Africa and the pantheism of Asia, it is destined to ]jre])arc the way for Christianity. [The features in Mohammedanism most hos- tile to the Christian relijrion, arc, its exclusion of the doctfine of the trinity, by its unitarian idea of the Deity ; of the doctinne of Christ's divinity, by its ele- vation of Mohammed ; of the doctrine of sin, by its doctrine of faith ; and of the doctrine of redeniptiou, by its doctrine of paradise. — Tkanslator]. § 95. PERSIAN AND MOHAMMEDAN PERSECUTION. 5 but Judaism, or Judaistic Christianity, degraded to the level of natural religion, and emptied of all its distinctive charac- teristics as a revealed system.^ Abul Kasem Mohammed was born in 569, or 570, at Mecca in Arabia, of the race of Ishmael, of the tribe of Koreishites, and of the family of Hashem, to which belonged by inher- itance the care of the Kaaba, the common Arabic sanctuary at Mecca. Stirred, in the midst of Sabaeism and other forms of idolatry, by the reminisce.nces and relics of the old primi- tive monotheism, he became acquainted with the scriptures of the Old and New Testaments, and, at first, his passion- ate mind and nature seem to have been somewhat influenced by them. He was content, in the beginning of his career, with being regarded as the teacher and prophet of the poly- theistic Arabic tribes, whose idol-worship he opposed. Elated by his success, and the enthusiasm he had awakened, he soon enlarged his pretensions, and commenced a violent opposition to both Jews and Christians. Denuding the truths which he had borrowed from both Judaism and Chris- tianity, of their distinguii^hing characteristics, and aided, perhaps, by demoniacal arts,^ in convincing his followers of his supernatural office and mission, he shrank not from adopting the great idea of Christianity, that all nations are to become one flock, under one shepherd. And since spirit- ual weapons were wanting for the realization of his plan, he substituted those of the flesh, and became the founder of the only religion in the world that has been extended by such instrumentalities. In the year 611 he began, at first secretly, and then pub- licly, to promulgate his new religion, at Mecca. On July 15th, 622, he was forced to flee before the sword of his ene- 1 Mohammedanism conceded to Judaism and Cliristianity a historical signifi- cance, as earlier but falsified revelations from God, preparatory to itself. Abra- ham, Moses, and Chi'ist, were worthy of honor, but greater honor was due to Mohammed. Jerusalem and its temple were sacred, but yet more sacred were Mecca and Medina. 2 Respecting the miracles of Mohammed, see T h o 1 u c k Die Wunder Mo- hammeds. Vermischte Schriften Thl. I. 1* 6 A. D. 590 — 814. spread and limitation. miop.^ He gained over the city of Medina to his cause ; the number of his adherents continually increased. In 630 he captured Mecca; and as prince and prophet consecrated the Kaaba as the chief temple of Islamism;'^ leaving at his death, in 1632,^ to his successors, the caliphs, (i.e. vicegerents), the whole of Arabia subject to his sway and. obedient to his religion. The first caliph, Abuhekr, Moham- med's father-in-law,'* collected, in 604, the revelations which Mohammed professed to have received, at different times, and for special cases, tlirough the angel Gabriel. This work, entitled the Kordn^ (divided into 114 suras or sec- tions), is the sacred book of the Mohammedans. It is com- posed of disconnected sentences, of a commonplace, bombas- tic, and declamatory character, and in many parts is a wretched imitation of portions of the Old and New Testa- ments. With the Koran are also associated two other works, that are authoritative sources of Mohammedan doc- trine. The first, entitled the Hadith or Sunna, is a collection of the oral teachings of the "prophet;" and the second, called Idschma el-Umme, is the concensus of doctrine accord- ins to the more immediate heads of Islamism. Before his death, Mohammed had sent ambassadors to emperors and kings, demanding that they should acknowl- edge himself to be the messenger of God, and had made a successful begiiuiing in compelling faith in his religion by 1 The date of this fli{,'ht (Ilegira, or Ilctlschra) is the Mohammedan epoch. 2 Islam sifj;nifies submission to God, resignation ; Iman means faith. Ilenoe the I^Iohanimedans are called cither Muslimin or MQminrn. " His death was caused by eating the flesh of a poisoned sheep, which a Jewess had set before him after the storming of the Jewish city Chaibar. According to the story, Mohammed took a picte of the flesh, chewed it, but spat it out, saying, ' This sheep tells me that it is poisoned.' But the poison was left in his system, and he ever after complained that the meat of Chaibar troubled him. In hia last hours, just before his death, he said to his favorite wife Aisha : " The meat of Chaibar is bursting all my veins." * Mohammed left no sons, and only one daughter, Fatima, who became the wife of Ali. ' Edited in Arabic, with a Latin translation, by MarracCius, Patav, 1698; Arabic text edited by Red slob, and pulilishcd by Tauchnitz, 1837 ; translated into English by Sale, London, IT.'U ; into German by L. Ullmann ; and into French by Savary, 1782, and Pauthier, 1844. § 95. PERSIAN AND MOHAMMEDAN PERSECUTION. 7 the sword. -Animating his successors by the assurance that God had given the world into their hands, they followed up his designs by his method. They were favored by the weak condition of the Roman Empire, and the dissensions of the Oriental Church. Under the leadership of Omar, the second and greatest of the caliphs, and his successors,^ the Moham- medans conquered Syria and Palestine ^ (639), Egypt (640), Persia (651), North Africa (807), and Spain (711).3 They pushed forward even into France, with the design of connecting the East with the West by a line of conquests, and building a firm bridge for the passage of their religion from the Asiatic to the European world. But this design was frustrate'd by the victory of the French king, Charles Martel, at the battle of Poictiers, in 732, which forever broke the Arabic power north of the Pyrenees. Though repulsed in the West, the Mohammedans afterwards twice laid seige to Constantinople, — once in 669-670, and again in 717-718. Islamism threw down all the walls of separa- tion between the nations which it overran, but was itself, in the midst of its victories, split into two great parties, by the dispute respecting the succession to Mohamm^ed's office and power, and the differences relating to the Mohammedan theology that were connected with it. The two parties were headed by Omar, and Ali, Mohammed's son-in-law, who became the fourth caliph (654—660). The great division of the SMites (to which the Persians belong) held that the civil and religious offices of caliph and imam belonged to the line of Ali alone, and rejected the first three caliphs, together with the entire body of traditions, from Abubekr downward. In opposition to them, the orthodox moslems, who called themselves the Simnites (Ahl es-Sunna, the people of the 1 Histoires des Arabes sous le gouvernment ties Califes, par De Marigny, Paris, 1750; Von Hammer Gemaldesaal moslimischer Herrscher. 2 Jerusalem was captured in 637 by the Saracens under the Caliph Omar, who, by stipulation with the patriarch Sophronius, granted to the inhabitants their Jives, property, and churches ; only converting the national temple into a mosque. Jerusalem, with its patriarchs, remained under the Mohammedan yoke until it was temporarily delivered from it by the Crusaders. 3 Murphy History of the Mahometan Empire in Spain, London, 1816. 8 A. D. 590 — 814. spread and limitation. tradition), " rospectetl the memory of Abubekr, Omar, Oth- man, and All, as the holy and legitimate successors of the prophet, but assigned the humblest place to the last." This division of the Mohammedans was dominant at the Otto- man court, and throughout the Ottoman Empire. Mohammedanism granted toleration to the Christians- upon the payment of a poll-tax; but many Christians in the coiujuered countries, especially in the East, from fear or hope of earthly advantage, followed the fortunes of the vic- tors, and adopted their religion, so that the Christian Church in these regions lost almost entirely its visible form. The Catholic patriarchates of Antioch, Jerusalem, and Alexandria were henceforth only nominal and titular. The Saracenic persecution in Spain was the only instance in which the Mohammedans spilt Christian blood. The Saracen laws had allowed the Christians the free practice of their religion, and they had, in fact, been but little molested, until, about the year 850, Saracen arrogance enkindled the martyr zeal. This soon passed the bounds of Christian sobriety and pru- dence, in a fanatical party of Christians, who were urged on by the presbyter Eulogius of Cordova, afterwards bishop of Toledo, and his friend Paul Alvarus, notwithstanding the endeavor of the council of Cordova in 852 to restrain their enthusiasm. A somi'what long and bloody persecution was the consequence. But in the mountains of northern Spain a prolonged and chivalrous contest for national inde- pendence and Christianity, in opposition to the Arabic dominion, was even now beginning, and Christianity con- quered in the end. CHAPTER SECOND. THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY. § 96. CHKISTIANITY IN ENGLAND. Gale Historiae Britannicae, Saxonicae, Anglo-Danicae Scriptores, in Gal- landi Bibliotheca XII. 189, sq. L i n g a r d The Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church. Turner History of the Anglo-Saxons. S c h r o d 1 Das erste Jahr- hundert der Englischen Kirche. B e d e Ecclesiastical History. W i 1 k i n s Concilia Magnae Britannicae et Hiberniae. Usher Britannicae Ecclesiae An- tiquitates. L a n i g a a Ecclesiastical History of Ireland. Hume History of England. Christianity had become firmly established in Ireland and Scotland during the preceding period (§ 68) ; but in the meanwhile the Anglo-Saxons^ by their invasion, had to a great degree broken up the ancient British churches and Christian institutions in England, and introduced paganism again. The conversion of the Saxons and the re-Christian- izing of England proceeded from Rome. Gregory the Great, while yet a Roman abbot, had been deeply moved to go as a missionary to England, by the sight of young pagan Anglo-Saxon slaves, and was prevented only by the pressing entreaties of the Roman Church (Bede's Ecclesiastical history, b. 11. c. 1). After being appointed bishop of Rome, in 590, he was purposing to buy Anglo- Saxon slaves, in order to instruct them in Christianity, that they might disseminate it in their native land, when a favor- able circumstance afforded him a more speedy opportunity of carrying out his design. Ethelbert, king of Kent, the most powerful prince in the English heptarchy, had married 9 10 A. D. 590 — 814. spread and limitation. Bertha^ a Christian princess, the daughter of a French king. Emboldened by this fact, Gregory ordained, in 596, a Ro- man abbot Aug-usfine together with a presbyter Laurentius (St. Lawrence) and a monk Peter ^ and some thirty other monks, as missionaries to England. While on their jour- ney the company were frightened by reports of the savage wildness of the Anglo-Saxons, but were reassured and strengthened in their purpose by Gregory's Christian exhor- tations (Grcgorii Epp. vi. 51) and Augustine!s courage, and in 597 landed upon the little island of Thanet, east of Kent. At first, the king, from whom after announcing their arrival they reverently withdrew and kept themselves solemnly aloof, took them to be magicians. But soon he gave them his confidence, granted them permission to preach the gos- pel, even in his chief city Durovern (Canterbury), and in 597 received baptism himself, without, however, compelling his people to follow his example, as Augustine had taught him that the service of Christ is a voluntary one. After laboring for some time with great success,' Augustine, in con- formity with instructions from Rome, went to Aries to receive episcopal prdination from archbishop Etherick, in order that he might discharge the office of a bishop in the new church. He then sent Laurentius and Peter to Rome, to give an ac- count to Gregory of what had been accomplished, and to ask advice in reference to the future. To his inquiries Gregory gave very wise and discreet replies. He dissuaded him from all narrow and stiff adherence to the usages of the Roman church, recommended moderation in the suppression of idol-worship, and bade him estimate the miracles by which he supposed his missionary work was accompanied, by their practical effects upon the hearts of the heathen (Grcgorii Epp. xi. 28). At the same time he sent copies of the Bible, and a new corps of assistants with the abbot Mellitua at their head, and appointed Augustine archbishop of London, with the commission to found a second arcli- • Upon one Christmas festival, ten thousand were baptized (Gregorii Epp. Vm. 30). § 96. CHRISTIANITY IN ENGLAND. 11 bishopric at Eboracum (York). But as London belonged to Essex and not to Kent,- Augustine chose Durovern for his archiepiscopal seat, and thus Canterbury became the principal metropolitan church for England. It was now a leading aim of Augustine to bring about a union between the old British and the new English churches. Several peculiar usages, such for example, as the adoption of the Oriental time of celebrating Easter, together with an unwillingness to subject themselves to the Roman church, separated the ancient Britons in England from the Roman and Anglo-Saxon churches, and these differences were aggra- vated by the national hatred of the Britons toward the Anglo-Saxons. A conference was held between the parties but without results. The British bishops desired the advice of a national council; a synod was held at Wigom (Wor- cester) in 601, but owing to the mistrust of the Britons towards Augustine, who did not appear to them to be suffi- ciently humble and unaspiring, no union of the two churches was effected.i Augustine was succeded, in 605, by Laurentius, who had the pain of seeing Ethelbert's son and successor, Eadhald (616), fall away from Christianity, from dislike of the strict morality that interfered with his sensual habits. He expe- rienced a still gi-eater grief, when the three pagan sons of the first Christian king of Essex banished Mellitus and all his clergy from London. They first took refuge with Lau- rentius, and then went over into Gaul. Laurentius himself was on the point of following them, but was held back by a terrible vision, in which the apostle Peter appeared to him and rebuked him for his weakness. The recital of this vision brought the young king Eadbald to reflection and 1 The intercourse between the English and British churches was brought about at a later day, by the residence of English monks in Irish cloisters. Carrying the Irish culture and hooks with them into England, the differences between the two parlies were first removed internally, and this prepared for the external uni- on which was effected at a synod held near York in 664. Oswin, the king of Northumberland, declared for the Romish church, and Theodore, the archbishop of Canterbury (669-690), introduced the Romish order and ritual. 12 A. D. 590 — 814. spread and limitation. repentance, so that he again restored the Christian church in Kent. Christianity, from this time forward, was constantly acquiring strength in England, by the founding of cloisters, churches, and schools. In the course of the seventh century it spread, with some fluctuations, from Kent into the other Anglo-Saxon states. Northumberland now became the principal point from which its further extension proceeded. The first Christian king of Northumberland was Edwin, the husband of Ethelberga, Eadbald's sister, who had brought with her from Kent, as her spiritual guide, Paulinus, after- wards bishop of York. Edwin died in 633, and, after a brief success on the part of the old paganism, was succeeded by Oswald (1642), who with Aidan, a monk from lona, labored earnestly and with true Christian zeal for the spread of Christianity. Finally, in 668, Sussex received the Chris- tian faith. § 97. CHRISTIANITY IN GERMANY. Rettbcrp Kirchcngeschiclito Dcutschhmds. Ilefelo Gcschichte der Einfiihrunj;; des Christcnthums im sOdwostlirhen Dcutschlnnd. Popp Anfiing und Verhrtitunp des Christcnthums im siidlifhin Doutschland. Von Raumcr Die Einwirliinp des Cliristenthiims niif dio ahhorhdcutsche Sprache. S p i e k c r Gcschichte der Kcformniion in Deiitsclilaiid. In France, Christianity had become the dominant religion, in the preceding period, through the baptism of Clovis (§68. 2), and was gradually strengthened by the establish- ment of rich churches and cloisters. But the rapacity of the French nobles in seizing upon the property of the church, and the ensuing distractions of the French kingdom, wrought disastrously upon the French church, so that instead of France being the source from whence Christ i;inity passed into Germany, the French church itself in the eighth century needed to be restored by the Germanic Christianity. § 97. CHRISTIANITY IN GERMANY. 13 Many portions of Germania Cisrhenana had been Chris- tianized, during the preceding periods, from their connection with the Roman empire. The castra stativa gradually grew into cities, and as early as the third and fourth centuries, mention is made of bishops of Cologne, Treves, Liege, Mayence, Worms, Strasburg, and Basle. But all, as yet, was the product of individual efforts, and not calculated for permanency. The migrations of the pagan populations unsettled and deranged maiiy things, which were re-estab- lished to some extent by the connection of these regions with France. Thus about the year 600, the French ancho- rite Goar labored along the Rhine, and preached the gospel to the neighboring tribes, afterwards giving his name to the city of St. Goar. But of far more importance for the spread of Christianity among the German people than this connection with Rome and France, was the influence of monks from Britain; first Irish, and afterwards English. About the year 590, Columban, who had been educated in the renowned monastery of Bangor, a man of remarkable energy and faith, together with no inconsiderable scientific culture, crossed over into France, and established himself in Burgundy. Accompanied by several young men, some of whom were of noble families, among them Gallus, he settled down in the wild region of the Vosg-es, cultivating the soil, and founding the cloisters Anegrey, Luxeuil, and Fontenay. By his plainness of speech and strictness in discipline, he drew upon himself the hatred of the nobles, and especially of the powerful princess Brunhild. At the same time, by his persistence in some usages of the Irish church that were contrary to those of Rome, — particularly in following the Asia Minor custom respecting the observance of Easter, — he involved himself in many disputes with the French bishops. The consequence was his banishment by the French king Thierry, in 610. He went to Switzerland, and began missionary labors in the region of Zurich. By reason of the destruction of an idol temple, he and his associates were driven from thence to Bregentz, where they obtained the good-will of the pagan population by distributing the 14 A. D. 590 — 814. spread and limitation. products of their gardening and fishing. After three years' labor here, Columban was forced to flee once more from the violence of a pagan prince. He betook himself to a valley in Liguria, among the Pennine Alps, and founded the mon- astery of Bobbio, near Pavia, where he died in 615. Tn ihe. meanwhile Gallus, who had been left behind in Swit/ceikmd, on account of sickness, in believing trust laid the founda- tion, in 613 or 614, of the monastery of St. Gall, in a wild region, and upon the banks of the river Steinach. The uni- versal confidence which he acquired by his benevolent labors, led to his appointment to the bishopric of Costnitz in 615 ; but he refused it, and a native deacon Johannes was elected, at whose consecration Gallus preached a Latin discourse, which the newly appointed bishop interpreted to the congre- gation. Gallus died at the castle of Arbon in 640, whither he had gone to meet his old friend the priest Wilmer, — accord- ing to a doubtful tradition being in his ninety-fifth year. In the region now known as Franconia, where, perhaps, a feeble germ of Christianity may have been previously planted after the conquest of the Thuringians by the Franks in 527, the Irish monk CijUena or Cylian labored after the year 650. At Wiirzburg, he baptized a certain duke Gozbert, but was murdered in 689 by Geilane, the wife of the duke, whose marriage with the brother of her deceased husband" Cylian had condemned and sought to annul. In Bavaria^ a part of Germany that felt less of the influ- ence of British missionaries and more of that of French, there were vestiges still remaining of that Christianity which had probably gone there in the preceding period through the instrumentality of the abbot Severinus. This remark- able man, though a native of the West, came into Noricum, (Austria and Bavaria) from the distant East, about the year 453, and labored there for twenty or thirty years amidst the dreadful convulsions of the period succeeding the death of Attila, dispensing far and wide the temporal and spiritual blessings of the gospel, in the exercise of a deep ascetic self-denial, and a self-sacrificing love.^ At a later day, the > Sue liis life by his pupil, the nW.ot Eupppi"S in Acta Snuctorum Mens Jan. T. I. p. 483 ; also Ne under Dcnkwurdigkciten III. I. § 97. CHRISTIANITY IN GERMANY. 15 abbot Eustasius of Luxeuil and the monk Ag-il, having been sent upon a missionary tour by a French synod in 613, are said to have travelled as far as Bavaria, and to have found occasion for opposing a heresy prevailing there respecting the divinity of Christ. About 651 Emmeran, a bishop from Aquitania, as he was passing through Bavaria with the intention of commencing missionary work in Hungary, was induced to remain by the Bavarian duke Theodo I. He labored three years in Bavaria, when he was savagely mur- dered near Regensburg, while upon a journey, by a son of the duke. Subsequently, about 700, Rvdbert or Ruprecht bishop of Worms, descended from a royal Frank family, having been invited to Bavaria by Theodo 11, whom he baptized, founded a monastery and church on the site of the old Roman city Juvavia. This afterwards expanded into the bishopric of Salzburg. A short time afterward, the Frank- ish hermit Corbinian (1730) planted a church at Freisingen. The spread of Christianity encountered most hinderance amongst the savage Saxons and Erie slanders. The first attempts to evangelize the Frieslanders, on the Frankish borders, were made by some Frankish bishops. Amandus, appointed in 626 an itinerant bishop without any jfixed dio- cese (episcopus regionarius), labored in the districts of the Schelde, finally becoming bishop of Mastricht (1679). The excellent Elig-ius (St. Eloy),^ first a goldsmith, and afterwards bishop of Noyon (1659), toiled with indefatigable zeal for eighteen years, to Christianize his extensive diocese, which bordered upon the pagan tribes. The efforts of these mis- sionaries were furthered by the subjugation of a portion of Friesland by Pipin, the Frankish mayor of the palace. En- couraged by an English monk Egbert, vv'ho had purposed, in conformity with a vow made in sickness, to go upon a mis- sion to the Frieslanders, but had been prevented, the English monk and presbyter Willibrord,^ commenced his missionary labors among them (about 680). He had been prepared for 1 His interesting biography, by his disciple Audoen, is found in D'Achery Spicilegium, T. II. 2 See A 1 c u i n's life of Willibrord. 16 A. D. 590 — 814. spread and limitation:. the work by a residence of twelve years in Ireland. Accom- panied by twelve associates, he made his appearance at the court of Pipin, who assigned him a field of labor in the northern portion of the Frankish kingdom, among the con- quered Frieslanders. During the visit which he made to Rome, in 692, at the outset of his enterprise, in order to place himself in harmoniousrelations with the Roman bishop, his associates caused Suidbert (1713), one of their number, to be ordained as bishop. Suidbert labored in "Westphalia until an irruption of the Saxons compelled him to flee, when he received from Pipin the island of Kaiserworth, in the Rhine, for the purpose of founding a monastery. After his return from Rome, Willibrord labored with much success'in Frank- ish Friesland, established the archbishopric of Utrecht as a centre for missions among the Frieslanders, and in 696 was consecrated as archbishop under the name of Clement. His attempts to diffuse Christianity among that portion of the Frieslanders who were not under Frankish rule, but were the subjects of the savage Radbod, were for a long time fruitless, although he travelled as far as Denmark upon his benevolent errand. It was only during the latter years of his life, that any bright prospects opened before him in these regions. After the death of Pipin, in 714, Radbod extended his dominion ; but he was conquered in 717 by the Frankish mayor of the palace, Charles Martel, and soon after died, in 719. The ascendancy which this energetic prince now obtained over the subdued populations was favorable to the spread of Christianity amongst them. Willibrord at length f(mnd one of his most zealons supporters in Wursinsr^ a dis- tinguished Frieslander, and after a long and fruitful life of service died in 739, in his eighty-first year. Much as had been accomplished for the spread of Chris- tianity in single regions of Germany, yet there had been no systematic plan of operations, and there were no established institutions for Christian education, by means of which the new religion could be perpetuated free from pagan admix- tures, and a common German church be formed. The task of strengthening the existing missionary churches, of found- § 97. CHRISTIANITY IN GERMANY. 17 ing new ones in every part of Germany, and of organizing them all into a national unity, was devolved upon Boniface, the apostle to the Germans, — a spiritual hero, to whom Germany owes both its Christianity and its nationality. Boniface, or more properly Winifred, was born about 683, in Kirton in Wessex (Devonshire). He had been destined by his parents, who were of the higher rank in life, to a civil profession, but the influence of his early religious training inclined him to a monastic Hfe. He received a scientific and biblical education in two of the most noted of the Eng- lish cloisters, Exeter and Nutescelle ; and acquired an early distinction for mental ability and administrative talent. Stirred by the example of the English missionaries of the day, he undertook his first missionary journey in 715 to the Frieslanders. He failed to accomplish anything among them ; but the unfavorable result .of his first attempt in the missionary work, did not discourage him. On the contrary, after his return to his convent, he felt it to be his vocation to carry the gospel and its blessings to the Germans, a people kindred to his own. For this reason, he declined an abbey that was offered him, and sharing the feeling of his age respecting the importance of a connection with the strong and central Roman Church, journeyed to Rome, in 718, to obtain the patronage and authority of the Roman bishop, Gregory 11. He carried letters of recommendation from his friend Daniel, bishop of Winchester, and received a commission from Gregory. After making a preliminary missionary journey into Thuringia, in order to inform him- self respecting the nature of his future field, he assisted the archbishop Willibrord, at Utrecht, among the Frieslanders, for the space of three years. Wilhbrord desired him for his successor, and the archbishporic was offered to him ; but feeling that he was called to another work, he declined it, and in 722 went to Thuringia and Hessia, which from this time were the principal seat of his labors, and where he laid the first foundations of the church in the heart of Germany. At Amoeneburg, in Upper Hessia, he baptized two pagan princes, founded the first monastery of the region, and con- 3 18 A. D. 590 — 814. spread and limitation. tinued to labor, amidst many dangers and difficulties, upon the borders between Hessia and Saxony. At the invitation of Gregory II. he went again to Rome, in 723, and was conse- crated, under the name of Boniface, as bishop without dioce- san limits (episcopus regionarius) for the new German church. He took the oath of a bishop of the Italian Church, at the tomb of the Apostle Peter, whereby he bound himself " by God's help, to continue in the unity of the Catholic faith," and in every way to keep his doctrine and practice pure before Gregory, " the representative of the Apostle Peter," and the Roman Church, " upon which Christ had bestowed the power to bind and loose." The conviction had already been formed in his mind, that a connection with the ruler of the Franks would be advantageous to his missionary plans, and he accordingly took letters of recommendation from Rome to Charles Martel, and secured his cooperation. His object was not to substitute force for the operation of Christian truth in the heart, — for the conversion of the soul was his principal aim, in furtherance of which he imported many copies of the Scriptures and expository works from England, — but to obtain the necessary protection for the institutions which he should found, and to secure Christian- ity from the remnant of idolatry which threatened its purity. He now went again through Hessia and Thuritigia, preach- ing the word. To give a shock to the superstition of the natives, he boldly cut down an ancient oak sacred to Thor, the god of thunder, which stood near the town of Geismar, and upon the spot constructed, out of the timber, a church consecrated to St. Peter. Deeming the monastery to be of the highest importance, as a seminary for the education of youth and the training of a ministry, as well as a sup- porting centre for missionary operations amongst a pagan population, he established a cloister at Fritzlar, and at Alten- berg in Thuringia planted the first church in this part of Germany, and afterwards founded a monastery together with a church at Orthorp in the modern Gotha. In the year 732, the Roman bishop Gregory III, consecrated him to the office of archbishop and apostolical vicar, with the power § 97. CHRISTIANITY IN GERMANY. 19 to ordain as many suffragan bishops as he should think necessary. After making a third journey to Rome in 738, Boniface began to arrange and organize the ecclesiastical affairs of Germany. First, in 739, he established, at the invitation of duke Odilo of Bavaria, four bishoprics for the Bavarian Church; VIZ. Salzburg, Freisingen, Regensburg, and Passau. His succeeding labors in christianizing Germany were facilitated by the death of Charles Martel, in 741, and the accession to the throne, of his sons Pipin and Carloman. Charles Martel, though generally favoring the plans of Bon- iface, frequently counteracted them, by inducing the clergy to engage in his warlike expeditions, and bestowing churches and cloisters upon his favorites among them ; but his sons entered into his missionary aims with a much more intelligent sympathy, — Carloman himself finally becoming a monk. "With this support, he was enabled to carry out two measures that were of great importance in the organization and establishment of the German Church. The first was the foundation, in 742, of three new bishoprics for the church in East France, Ilessia, and Tliuringia, — viz. at Wiirzburg, Biiraburg near Fritzlar, and Erfurt, to which was soon added a fourth at Eichstadt. The second measure was the introduction, in 742, of regular provincial synods. These German synods, held under the presidency of Boni- face as the papal legate, were principally engaged with ordi- nances relating to the conduct and duties of the clergy, with the suppression of pagan superstition and superstitious prac- tices, with the promotion of Christian education amongst the people, with the removal of divisions which were liable to become exceedingly dangerous in a new and growing church among a rude population, and with the suppression of rising doctrinal errors. As these synods were sometimes held in the towns of the Frankish kingdom, and Franldsh bishops took part in them, one natural consequence was the introduction of the synodal system into the disordered Frankish Church, and its reformation and strengthening thereby. 20 A. D. 590 — 814, spread and LnriTATioN. In order to the complete consolidation of the new church, one thing was still wanting. This was a centre, to be the permanent and recognized seat of the archbishop; for Bon- iface, hitherto, had not been circumscribed by any limits in his missionary operations. At first he was inclined to choose Cologne for his archepiscopal seat, because of its proximity to the Frieslanders ; but when, in 745, Gebilieb, bishop of Mentz, was deposed by a synod, for transgressing the laws of the church in sending a challenge and killing his opponent, Boniface was appointed archbishop of Mentz. Desiring, however, to devote himself constantly to his mis- sionary journeys among the new churches, he soon sought to be released from the office, and asked leave of the Roman pope to appoint and ordain his own successor. For a long time the pope opposed his wishes. At length he gave his permission, and Boniface devolved his archbishopric upon his tried pupil and friend, the Anglo-Saxon presbyter Lullus, who was consecrated archbishop of jNIentz in 755, Pi pin and the pope both giving their consent. The venerable man now devoted his last days to preaching the gospel, amidst difficulties and dangers. He went agriin to the Friesland- ers^ and met with great success among them. Having bap- tised a large number, he set a time for them to present them- selves for confirmation. On the morning of the appointed day, a great multitude, not of converted Christians, but of savage and enraged pagans, made their appearance. Boni- face exhorted his companions to shed no blood, pillowed his head upon a volume of the gospels, and died a martyr's death at Docetum on the fiffh of June, 755, in the seventy- fifth year of his age. Fifty-two of his companions died the same death. His body was buried, according to his wishes, in his favorite cloister Ft/ldaJ 1 The writings of Boniface liavo lu-cn edited l>y Wiirdtwein, MotruDt, 1789; and truiishited into Gcniuui hy Wlsz, Fulda 1842. For his biography gee: Willihivld (A. D. TOO), Vita IJoiiif;i( ii \a Caiiisii Lcetiones and I'ertz Momnnetita ; U t h I o Vita llonifaeii ( A. I). 1()50) in Canisii Leeiiones and Acta Sanetonnn Jim. T. I. p. 4.')2 ; G u d e n i i Disrscrtatio dc Bonifac. ; G c i 8 z I e r Bonifaz dor Tcutschcn A|)Ostel ; Nt-ander I)enkwiirdi;:keiten, and Church History III. 46 sq. ; So iter (Catholic) Bonifaiius der Ajiostel der Deutseheu ; R e 1 1 b c r g Kirchcngeschichtc Dcutschlands. § 97. CHRISTIANITY IN GERMANY. 21 The pupils of Boniface continued the work in his spirit. Among them, the following were the most distinguished. Greg-ori/, abbot of Utrecht,^ was the grandson of Adela, a daughter of Dagobert 1 1., who had become the abbess of a cloister in Treves. At the age of fourteen, he was so deeply impressed by the exposition by Boniface of a pas- sage of scripture which he himself had read aloud at the table of his grandmother, that he insisted upon accompany- ing him in all his dangerous journeys. He was with Boni- face during his last journey into Friesland, and afterwards was intrusted, both by the pope Stephen, and king Pipin, with the sole care of the. Friesland mission. Declining the archbishopric of Utrecht, he took charge of the monastery which was established there, for the purpose of training English, French, and German youth for the missionary work. He died a peaceful and triumphant death, after three years of helpless paralysis, in 781. Sturmi, abbot of 'Ftdda, of a noble Bavarian family, received his training partly from Boniface himself, and partly in the monastery at Fritzlar. During the first three years of his priesthood, he assisted Boniface in his missionary labors, but was afterwards en- gaged in important enterprises for christianizing the Ger- man nation. In 736, he laid, with prayer and psalms of praise, the foundations of the monastery of Hersfeld, in the vast beechen forest (Buchonia) which covered the greater portion of Hessia ; and, in 744, after a long search for a more suitable and safer location th;ai that of Hersfeld, he founded the important monastery of Fulda, which became the favorite foundation of Boniface, and received orent privileges from the pope. Here, for many years, S.uiiui directed the energies of four thousand m.onks in subduing the wilderness, and reducing it to cultivation. He died on the 17th of June in 799, his last days being harassed by the inroads of the Saxons.^ 1 See his biography hy his pupil L u i d e: e r ; and compare N e a n d e r Church History III. 72 sq., and Denkwiirdiiikeiten III. 2 See his biography bv liis pupil and successor E i gi 1, in Pertz Monumcnta T. IT ; and compareN e a n d e r Church History III. 7i, sq., and Denkwurdig- keiten III. 22 A. D. 590 — 814. spread and limitation. The race of Saxons in Northern Germany still remained unconverted. Two English missionaries, brothers by the name of Ewald, had suffered martyrdom among them, in the first half of the eighth century. The Saxons were especially averse to Christianity, because it conflicted with their savage, warlike nature, and because it came to thejn through the feared and hated Franks. Charlemagne,'^ who felt strongly impelled to bring all the races which he con- quered under the influence of Christianity, had made special efforts, since the year 768, to subdue and convert the Saxons. But he proceeded too nmch in accordance with the princi- ples of a victorious conqueror, and the nature of his proud and passionate spirit, and paid too little regard to the wise counsel of Alctdn, who would attain the desired object only by the method of instruction and conviction ; so that Chris- tianity, for the Saxons, must necessarily be an almost wholly external affair, to be received only because the great king of the Franks thus willed. As often, consequently, as they sujcceded in throwing off the Frankish yoke, they broke up the existing Christian institutions, and it was only after a thirty years' conflict (773-803), which ended with the peace concluded at Seltz in 804, that Charlemagne could reckon upon a permanent establishment of his rule, and of the Christian church among them. The founding of charitable in- stitutions, churches, monasteries, and bishoprics,^ which now began, at least prepared for the spiritual conversion of the coming generations, and was a guaranty of a permanent result at some future day. At the same time, the Saxons were not without some excellent Christian teachers. Lmlger, a Friesland monk, and pupil of Gregory and Alcuin, labored for seven years among the Frieslanders, until the revolt of the Saxon chief Wittekind, in 782, compelled him to leave. He went first to Rome, and then to the abbey of Monte ^ For his l)iotrraphy see E;Iav(>< within tlui cliunli should ho Ii'^'nlly valid, nnd not ii few Christiim'? freed their Hlnvos in consequence. C//r//>«>7'>m. Isidore of Pilnsinm, (Hrrf/ori/ the GrrnI, John Elermnminnnnx, piitriarch of Alexandria CnO-Otfi (see Acta Snnctonim, .Ian. T. II. p. .MO). Mf>2), Thrfxlin' Stiulihs the head of a monastery in Constantinople (tS2r.), and others, declared (HstiiKtly that slavery is in its nature incomjmtihle with the spirit of Christianity. Compare Noandcr Church Ili.story, I. 2G7 ; III. 98, sq. § 100. MONACHISM AND THE CLERGY. 29 the Frankish empire, the clergy had lapsed into a very bar- barized condition by participation in war, hunting, and the like, and by reason of their lack of education, and their unre'strained ^yorldly life. Hence the thought occurred to some of the more excellent of the bishops, of a reformation of the clergy by some approximation to the flourishing monastic system ; and a pious bishop, Chrodeg-ang; of Mentz (f 766), attempted, about the year 760, to accomplish what Augustine had sought to do in Africa, and many Italian and Gallic bishops in the sixth and 7th centuries. He sketched, for the rnost part after the model of the Bene- dictine regulations (Ancient Church, § 74), a" code of rules ( Canon, hence those who followed it were Canonici) for his clergy, which obligated them to live in a common edifice (monasterium), under the immediate oversight of a common head ; to partake of a common meal; to engage at certain hours (horae canonicae) in common prayer and worship prolonged far into the night ; and to meet, at stated times, for a common examination of a portion of scripture (capi- tulum, hence the meetings were called capitula), and for the administration of exhortation or rebuke, as the case might require. This rule of Chrodegang,' having been authorized as a whole by Charlemagne, received some alterations, and was made ecclesiastically valid for the Frankish empire, at the Council of Aix in 816, and was then known under the name of the regula Aquisgr an crisis. The district of a bishop in these newly Christianized re- gions, was too extensive to allow of the entire prevention of ecclesiastical abuses. Considering the wide reach of his diocese, and the rude, untutored character of his church members, the official oversight of the bishop needed to be very watchful and earnest in every place ; and yet the fact was not seldom far otherwise. Besides this, there were some abuses which greatly endangered the good order of the church, and required an energetic opposition on the part of the bishops. The old ecclesiastical law, that every cler- 1 Found in M a n s i T. XIV. p. 313. 30 A. D 590—814. church polity gyman should be ordained over a particular local church, and that no ordinationes ahsolutae should take place, was of necessity oftentimes transgressed in the ordination of mis- sionaries. Taking advantage of this departure from the common rule, unworthy persons were frequently ordained by selfish and designing bishops, without reference to any particular charge. They then wandered about the country {clerici vciffi), notwithstanding ecclesiastical prohibition, per- forming clerical functions from house to house. Oftentimes they constituted a species of inferior court-clergy to the Prankish kings, who, partly in imitation of the Byzantine emperors and partly by reason of their migratory camp-court, maintained their own separate ecclesiastical establishment, at the head of which stood the arch-chaplain (archicapellanus). This example of the sovereign was imitated by the nobles and knights, who built private chapels in their castles, and appointed their own priests. The consequence of all this was, that a body of irresponsible clergymen came into exist- ence, who sought to make themselves entirely free from the oversight of the bishops, and whose labors tended to empty the parish churches. For these and other reasons, the cus- tom of episcopal visitation, which had previously prevailed as an optional matter, was made obligatory upon the bishop, by the Spanish council of Brag-a, in 572, and by the synod of Cloveshove in 747 it was decreed that the visitation should be an annual one. In furtherance of the same ob- ject, the peculiar arrangement of Sends (Send, sy nodus) arose in the Prankish church. These were ecclesiastical courts, which the bishops held annually in every town in their diocese, for the purpose of inqiiiring into the moral and religious condition of the churches, and to administer punishment, which was to some extent corporal, upon those who were found worthy of it. In this examination, the bish- ops were assisted by seven Deans (Decani) from each com- munity, whom they appointed and put under oath for this purpose. In order to ligiiten the burden of such supervision, many bishops now divided their dioceses into smaller dis- tricts, which were placed under the care of an Archprcsbi/tcr, § 99. FORMATION OF THE PAPACY. 31 whose influence, however, was far from equalling that of the the Archdeacon. Only the purely episcopal constitution obtained a general influence and validity among these newly Christianized nations. It is true that the Metro2)olitan constitution had passed over into the new churches so far as the theory of polity was concerned. But not only particular political circumstances, — as, for example, when a bishop fell under a different political ruler from that of his metropolitan, or under a ruler at enmity with that of the metropolitan, — but the difficulty of adapting the Old-Roman polity to the state of things in the new Frankish and German empires, in which there were no properly metropolitan centres, con- tributed to the dissolution in many countries of the ■ metro- politan constitution. In this manner the authority and influence of the bishop depended very much upon his personal characteristics; and it was not without success that the independent Frankish bishops resisted the endeav- ors of Boniface to restore again the power of the metropol- itan, while at the same time his power would naturally diminish, in proportion as the authority of one universal Primate was gradually rising in the Western church. § 101. FORMATION OF THE PAPACY. Liber Diurnus Romanornm Pontificum (the legal precedents of the Ro- man See, collected about 715) ed. Holstein Rom. 1658. Liber Pontificalis ss. vitae Romanorum Pontiticum a Petro apostolo usque ad Nicol. I. ed. Blanch- mi, Rom. 1718-35, also published in Muratori Rerum Ital. scriptt. T. III. Platina De vitis pontificum Romanorum, Col. 1479, Lugd. 1645. Blonde 1 Traite' historique de la primaute en I'eglise, Geneve 1641. Salmasius De pnmatu papae, Lugd. 1645. Cyprian Uberzeugende Belehnmg vom Un- sprung und Wachsthum des Pabsthnms, Frkf. 1735. Walch Entwurf einer vollstandiger Historic der romischen Pahste, G5tt. 1758. Neh r Geschichte des Pabstthums, Leipzic 1801. Bower History of the Popes, Lond. 1750-54 32 A. D. 590 — 814. church polity. Maimbourg (Papal) Trait<5 historique dc 1' etablissement de 1' eglisse de Rome, 1685. Pagi (Papal) Broviarium illustriora pontiticum gesta complec- tens, Luce. 1 724. Katcrkamji ( i'apal ) Ueber den Primal des Apost. Petrus, Miinst. 1820. Hussey Tlic Ivi»e of the Papal power, Oxford 1851. We have already seen (Ancient Church § 71) that in the preceding period the Roman bishops were succeeding, more ' and more, in establishing the primacy of their church over all others, upon the ground of the divine right of the Apostle Peter and of a supposed succession to his authority, rather than upon any decrees of councils or imperial statutes. They were still more successful, in this period, in employing the favorable circumstances of the time, particularly their own influence upon the newly converted German races, for the increase of their power, and were aided by the insight and sagacity of both secular and ecclesiastical advocates of their claims. Moreover, it seemed as if the struggle for the independence of the church, in opposition to the abuses of the civil power, could be successful only in case the bishops, who were so dependent upon the princes, ceased to work in a separate and individual capacity, and some one of their number, standing as the head of the entire ecclesiastical body, and prosecuting his own preconceived plan indepen- dently of the princes, should engage in the contest with them. Besides this, it did not escape even a careless ob- server, how very much was frequently accomplished, in times of general political and ecclesiastical confusion, to- wards the maintenance and restoration of order, by the well-known energy and wisdom of a Roman bishop, — such an one, for example, as Gregory the Great, who stands at the entrance of the ]\Iiddle Ages : a man as mild and gentle towards the weak, as lie was earnest and severe to- wards the delinquent; defending with glowing zeal, and with full conviction, the rights of the Ro:nan church as the Cathedra Petri, and yet not disposed to infringe in the least upon the rights of other churches; sincerely--believing that the final guidance of the whole church was coniniittcd to him, and yet very far, in the temper of his mind, from vain ambition and worldly avarice. This energy and eiliciency § 101. FORMATION OF THE PAPACY. 33 of the Roman bishops, coupled with the ancient reputation of Rome for orthodoxy in doctrine, which, in general, was still maintained during this period, could not fail to enhance everywhere the authority of the Roman church. Still, the estabhshment of- a decided supremacy of the Romish bishops was contradictory to the theory and constitution of ,the church, as held up to this time, and it was only gradu- ally and mostly after the eighth century, that the actual victory of the former over the latter took place, and a new ecclesiastical system, that of the Papacy,"" came into exist- ence, which was from this time onward clothed with the not inconsiderable secular power of the Romish see. The relations of the Papacy to the churches and govern- ments of different countries were quite various. With the Greek emperors, who since 554 had regained dominion over Italy ,2 the Roman bishops at first stood in very close relations ; but the feeble hold which their power had upon Italy, compelled them to concede many important privileges to the latter, as the richest and most powerful proprietors, and those who possessed the greatest influence over the people. On the other hand, the Roman bishops regarded themselves as vassals of the Greek emperors, who confirmed their election, to whom, upon entering upon of- fice, they sent their deputies (Apocrisiarios), and from whom they had to endure great external humiliation, even as late as the seventh century, during the Monothelite controversy. It was not until the close of this period that the Roman bishops, partly upon occasion of the Image controversy, but chiefly by means of their closer connection with the Prank- ish empire, succeeded in emancipating themselves from the supremacy of the Greek emperors. The jealousy between the patriarchs of Rome, and those 1 The name papa (TrdTras), which previously had been given to all bishops, was more and more confined to the Eoman patriarchs, after the second half of the sixth century. 2 After the dissolution of the West-Roman empire in 476, Italy became a kmgdom of the Heruli under Odoacer until 493, and then of the Ostrogoths until 554. * 5 34 A. D. 500— Rl \. cwvucu polity. of Consfnntinojjle, gradually increased, until, at length, the j)oint3 of contact and collision were removed, by tlio total separation of the Eastern from the Western church. The relation of the Roman bishops to the Greek emperors had, from the very first, conditioned their relation to the Con- stantinopolitan patriarchs. In proportion as the bishops of Rome were dependent upon the Greek emperors, the patri- archs of Constantinople were the more unwilling to concede to them a supreme authority ; and, at a later day, owing to the altered stiate of political relations, the East and the West were too far separated to allow any inclination upon the part of the patriarchs of Constantinople to regard the Roman see with much veneration. At the beginning of this ))criod, a controversy arose respecting the authority of each church. John Jejunal )r, the patriarch of Constantino- ple (585-595), at a council in 587, had assumed to himself the title of eV/cr/coTro? oIkovucviko^;, a name which previously had been only occasionally adopted by the Constantinopal- itan and other patriarchs. In this, the Roman bishop Pelag-ius 11. (578-590) thought he saw an intention upon the part of the patriarch of Constantinople to make himself supreme bishop of the church universal. Pelagius's protest against this was continued still more earnestly by Gre^i^ory the Grcat^ before the Greek emperor 3I(iuricins, as well as the patriarch of Constantinople himself; nevertheless the title was not given up, but on the contrary was constantly used by the see of Constantinople, after the reign of the the usurper and murderer P/tocas (002-610), who had fa- favored the claims of the Roman see from political and personal considerations. Gregory, on the other hand, called himself " Servus servorum Dei," though the popes who succeeded soon associated with this appellation, the other and more ingenuous title of universal bishoj), A decision of the council Qninscxtiun at Constantinople, in ()9'-2 (see § lOG), that the patriarchs of Constantinople were equal in ' droj^or)' claimed the supremacy for the Roman church over that of Constan- tinople. " Do Constantiiiopulitnna ccclcsia ijuis cnm duhitet apostolicoo sedi esse suhjoctam" ? Epp. IX. 12. § 101. FORMATION OF THE PAPACY. 35 authority with those of Rome, though recognized as author- itative by the Oriental church, was too late to have any effect in diminishing the authority of the Roman popes in the West. The Roman bishops stood in unpleasant relations to the Lombards, who had invaded Italy in 568, partly because they were Arians, and partly because their progress in Italy was disadvantageous to the East-Roman empire, with which the Roman see was now so closely connected. Still, the Arian Lombards were inclined to a certain reverence for the Roman bishops as the successors of Peter, and after the transition of Queen Theodelind, in 587, and her son King Adehuald {Q)\Q)-Q'2Q)^ to the Catholic church, and particularly after the reign of King Grimoald (f671), the intensity of their opposition to Rome diminished, although it never entirely disappeared, and at last broke forth again in a most violent manner. Of the other Italian churches, only that of Ravenna was able to assert its independence, for some time longer. With the Spanish Church, the Roman see had already come into connection in the preceding period. After the settlement of the Arian Goths in Spain, this connection was weakened so far as extent of country was concerned ; but the oppressed party of Old-Spanish Catholics were so much the more intent upon keeping up the connection, and after the transition of the Gothic- Spanish King Reccared to the Catholic church, in 589, they strengthened and extended it once more to its original limits. Greg;ory the Great granted the pallium, as the symbol of primacy, to Leander, bishop of Seville, and successfully interposed his judicial authority, in behalf of two Spanish bishops who had been deposed from office by a Spanish noble. Afterwards, in- deed, upon a special occasion, King Witiza (701-710) for- bade any appeal to the bishop of Rome ; but the discussion thus commenced between Spain and Rome was only mo- mentary, owing to the incursion of the Saracens which soon followed in 711, and which the pope could easily represent as a judgment of God seat to punish an invasion of eccle- siastical order. 36 A. D. 590 — 814. chircu polity. The English Church, which hnd owed its origin to Rome, from the very first entered into friendly relations with the Romish see. Frequent pilgrimages of English nobles to Rome, to visit the graves of saints, drew the tie still closer, and in 726 In a king of Wes?cx and Sussex, and afterwards in 79 1 Offa king of Mercia and East Anglia, levied a yearly tax upon the people for the support of an English founda- tion at Rome. This afterwards became a universal tax throughout England, — the so-called Denarius Sancti Petri or Peter's pence, — from which the later popes deduced their claim to spiritual and temporal supremacy over the kingdom. The connection between the Roman church and the Frankish empire eventually became a very close and impor- tant one. In the sixth century, the metropolitan bishop of Aries obtained the honor of being made a vicar of St. Peter, at the instance of the Frankish kings ; the relation- ship between the two parties was still more strengthened by Gregory the Great, who frequently animadverted by let- ters upon Frankish abuses ; and lastly, after an interruption for a long time of the intercourse, it was completely restored again by the German Boniface, who had, as we have seen, established the supremacy of the pope in Germany. The connection between Frnnee and Rome now became so close and firm tiiat Pepin, the Frankish mayor of the palace, jus- tified, before the people and his own conscience, his assump- tion of the royal title, and the deposition in 722 of Child- eric III., the last of the Mcrovinn kings, by the warranty of pope Zachnrias (741-752). After the pontificate of Zacha- rias, the connection became still more close and intimate, so that it took the place of the old relation between Rome and the Romano-Grecian empire. The pope now acquired a domain at the exjiciise of the Lombard and Greek rulers, and the Frankish kings were esta])lished upon their thrtMie through his inllurnct* ; but the cotmection thus formed was destined to be the cause of much collision and conflict ])e- tween both church and state in the future. Sliphcn II. (752-757), the successor of Zacharias, was more and more § 101. FORMATION OF THE PAPACY. 37 oppressed by the Lombard king Aistulph, who had already conquered the Exarchate of Ravenna belonging to the Greek empire. Since the East-Roman empire afforded him no assistance, he applied, in person, to Pepin, in 754, for aid. Pepin, who on this occasion received unction from the pope, forced the Lombards, after two campaigns in 754, 755, to surrender all the provmces they had conquered, and, declaring that he had not fought for the Greeks but for the Apostle Peter, through his court-chaplain laid down upon the tomb of the apostle a document wherein he gave over to the Roman church the territories he had conquered from the Lombards. This was the commencement of the temporal power of the Papacy.^ New incursions of the Lombards under Besi'lerius, led Pope Hadrian I. (772-795) to ask assistance from Charlemagne. This powerful prince de- stroyed the Lombard kingdom in 744, and through the firmer establishment of the Prankish rule in Italy, the con- nection between the Roman see and the Frankish empire assumed a permanent and well-defined form. Charlemagne confirmed and enlarged the donation of Pepin, and in return received from the hands of Leo III (795-816), on Christmas day, 809, in St. Peter's church at Rome, the crown of the Western Roman Empire. — From this time the last remains of the sovereignty of the Greek emperors over the Roman see disappeared. — But although the Roman bishops now possessed an acknowledged sovereignty within their own territory, they stood unmistakably in a sort of dependent relation to the Frankish empire. Charlemagne administered justice within the papal domains as well as within his own, and through his commissioners (Missi), who often did not hesitate to set the imperial interests in open conflict with the papal, exercised all his imperial rights in the city of Rome. Only in purely ecclesiastical matters did the empe- ^ r s i Delia origine del dominio e delta sovranitJ* degli Rom. Pont. Rom. 1754. Sabbathier Sur 1' origine de la puissance temporelle des Rapes, a la Haye, 1765. Becker Ueber den Zeitpunkt der Veranderungen in der Oberh. uber Rom. Ltib. 1769. For the documents, see Codex Carolinus in Cenni Monumenta dominationis pontificiae, Rom. 1760. 38 A. D. 590 — 814. church polity. ror bow to the pope. Yet, with all his reverence for the church of St. Peter, and all his acknowledgment of the need of a visible unity of the church, and of the many excellences of the Roman ecclesiastical constitution, Charlemagne was far from yielding unconditional obedience to the spiritual power of the pope. He often followed the counsel of his more immediate spiritual advisers, in open contradiction to papal principles and claims; he did not send the ecclesiasti- cal decisions of the general assembly of the empire to the pope, until he had first examined and approved them ; and in one instance convened an ecclesiastical tribunal in refer- ence to pope Leo III., which however rendered no decision, because the bishops refused to pass judgment upon their judge (Comp. Alcuini Epist. 92). SECTION THIRD. Christian Life and Worship. § 102. CHRISTIAN LIFE AND CULTURE. The great masses of population who now bore the Chris- tian name, v/ere by no means all animated by the Christian spirit. On the contrary, many of the new converts still clung to their old pagan vices and practices, against which the system of ecclesiastical discipline, external in its charac- ter and containing the germ of dangerous doctrinal errors, could effect but little. The ecclesiastical statutes relating to penance had passed over into the Western churches,^ along with the ancient system of polity and government ; and many bishops and synods, — like Theodulph of Orleans about the year 800, and th,e synod of Cloveshove in 747 under the presidency of Cudbert archbishop of Canterbury and the influence of Boniface, and that of Chalons in 813, — did not fail to direct attention to the inward nature of real penitence, and to discriminate between absolution by the priest and forgiveness before God. But the majority of the clergy, on the contrary, imparted to the penitential discipline more and more of an outward character, while, at the same time, the new relations that were forming among the recently 1 Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury, a Greek by birth (t690), made them known at the West by collecting them in his Poenitentiale (lib. poeuitentialis). Compare Wasserschleben Die Buszordnungen der abeudlsindischen Kirche. Halle, 1851. 40 A. D. 590 — 814. christian life and wouship. Christianized nations operated injuriously upon the sliaping of the theory of penance. As fines were very common among these populations, a jiecuniary mulct was introduced into the discipline of the church, sometimes taking the place of other species of penance, and sometimes connected with them. This, at first, had for its object the ransom of cap- tives, or the support of the poor, and was not intended to minister to self-indulgence, or to the notion that the forgive- ness of sins could be obtained by money. But the rude condition of the people, or the unfitness of many of the clergy for their office, occasioned misconceptions, from which sprang the theory of indulgence, afterwards so demor- alizing; so that the synod of Clovesliove, as early as the year 749, were called upon to combat the blasphemous notion that rich men could compound for their sins with money. A merely outward profession of Christianity, under such circumstances, could contribute little towards the promotion of Christian educaiion. Boniface only required of godchil- dren, that they should commit to memory tlie Apostles' Creed and the Lord's Prayer ; and the misuse of the Scriptures, in opening them at random, particularly at the tombs of saints, and selecting a passage to be taken as an oracle, was not adapted to check the growing religious ignorance. This custom, Cliarlcmd^nc^ after the example of previous synods, felt bound to forbid.' It soon became a pressing necessity of the church to provide the means of a general Christian education. The attempt was made to meet this necessity by some single enterprising synods, and excellent bishops, — as, for example, the English synod of Clovesliove in 747, the syn- ods of Maj/eucc, Aries, and C/tnlon in 813, the canonical rule of ClirodcganiT (§ 100), the pastoral letter of Tlieoduljih bishop of Orleans (1821), and the efforts of Alcuin and others at the court of Charlemagne. The first-mentioned synod enjoined upon bishops to preach the word in their diocesan visitation ; and upon both bishops and abbots to provide'fpr the instruc- tion of children at school in the Scriptures. The synod of ' lie ordered in the third rnpitulary of the ycnr 789, " ut imllus in psaltcrio, vel in evnngelio, vel in nliis rebus sortir.' iir:i.-,mii.it." § 102. CHRISTIAN LIFE AND CULTURE. 41 Mayence ordered that upon Sundays and festival days there should be preaching in the vernacular language, in a plain manner intelligible to all. The synod of Aries made preaching obligatory upon all priests ; and that of Chalons urged the founding of Christian schools, together with bib- lical exposition and preaching. Theodulph, in his pastoral letter, insisted upon frequent and careful discourse from the Scriptures ; and in case this were not possible, upon some plain point in practical morality. Chrodegang's rule re- quired preaching from a text of scripture, at least as often as twice in each month, in case it could not be done upon every Sunday and festival day ; and Alcuin, in a letter to Charlemange (Ep. 124), urges that not the bishops only, but the priests and deacons also, should preach. Yet, too many of the clergy were wanting in the right spirit, and intelli- gence, for the discharge of these duties i ; and even the enlightened zeal and energy of Charlemagne (§ 97) met with only a partial success in removing the evil. Following Alcuin's counsel (Epist. 9, 59, 124, 193), the emperor made special efforts to promote the study of the Bible among the clergy, and devoted much attention to the revision of the Latin translations of the Scriptures, which had become very corrupt owing to the barbarism of the time. Under his direction, also, Paul Warnefried (Paulus Diaconns-^ f 799), a learned ecclesiastic of his court, trained in the abbey of Monte Cassino, made a collection of sermons for every Sunday and festival . day in the year, from the writings of the Fathers — chiefly Augustine and Gregory the Great.^ 1 The Cloveshovc synod was content with requiring from the ordinary clergy, that th.ey should translate and explain in the vernacular, the Apostles' Creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Liturgy ; and Boniface himself was satisfied with their putting the formula of renunciation at baptism and of confession of sins, in the vernacular tongue. 2 The author of a work in six books, Dc gpstis Lonjobardorum, extending to 744. ^ This Homilarium, published under Charlemagne's authority, contributed to the general diffusion of that arrangement of biblical texts and lessons which prevailed in the Koman church 42 A. D. 090 — 814. christian life and mousiiip. § 103. CHRISTIAN WORSHIP. No object was regarded of more importance by Cliarle- mag-nc, than the transformation of the rude worship of \hc church, in all its parts, and prirticularly of church nuisic.^ Gregory tlie Great had alrt'ady j):ived the way for this lat- ter. The beautiful Ambrosian psalmody, with its melodious movement, rythmical intonation, and anti phonies, had been carried to an extreme, and become secularized. Gregory the Great substituted, in the place of it, the so-called can- tus Romanus, or cantus firmns, which did not permit of the Ambrosian clearness and animation, nor the responses of the congregation ; but, without rythm or beat, moved along with a slow, simple, solemn, and uniform monotony, like monkish recitative, only with richer modulations, and a more elabo- rate art. At the same time, he took it from the congrega- tion, and gave it over, in priestly exclusiveness, to a well- trained choir of clerical singers (hence cantus choralis, choral), for whose training he founded the first school for ecclesiastical music at Rome. Gregory's inllnence had given currency to this species of psalmody, in one part of the West; and now the zeal of Charlemagne caused it to be introduced throughout nearly all western Christendom. The emperor brought singers from Rome, and founded mu- sical schools first at Mentz and Soissons, and afterwards at Orleans, Lyons, and Paris, which were devoted exclusively to th<' teaching and cultivation of the Gregorian chant. He adoi)teil stringent measures to preserve this music in its purity, and punished every deviation and corruption with imprisonment and exile.a Nevertheless, all this strictness did not prcvrnt tlu; cantus finnus, tlumgh supported by the ' 'I'lii' sin;,'in;; iii iiic »nTMinn rhuri'lioH, iii iniriiciilar, n'seiiil>li-faM« ; nnil in Fmncc it wiw not niiu h U'ltcr. * At Milan, ho causi-il ull the rumuining <-o|titts of tlio Atnhrosiiui chant to Ihj bought up and dentroycd. A. D. 590 — 814. CHRISTIAN life and worship. 43 organ,^ which had recently been invented, from falling into disuse. Charlemagne's zeal for nmsic, although against his inten- tion and wish, brought an element with it that was preju- dicial to culture. The Latin language had already been introduced into the public worship of most of the Western Churches; because, first, in many of the great tow^ns it was better understood than the .native language ; secondly, it was the language of the missionaries, and, lastly, the lan- guage of the recently converted races was thought to be too rude to be employed in the service of Christ. Charlemagne endeavored, in various ways, to promote the employment of the native tongue in public worship ; ^ but the establish- ment of schools for singing, by Roman teachers, contrib- uted to render the use of the Latin language more and more indispensable in public worship. The Latin liturgy necessarily hindered a spiritual v\^orship in the people who did not understand it, and thus superstition could more easily take root. 1 The use of the organ in church music, began about the middle of the eighth century. It was introduced into the French church from the East, though it was never used in the preek church. In 757, the emperor Constan- tinus Copronymus made a present of one to Pipin ; and again in 787, Con- stantine Michael sent a second to Charlemagne. The organ was better adapted to the Gregorian music, than to the Ambrosian. Its invention was attributed to a holy monk, who, according to the legend, was permitted to hear the song of the angels. From France, the use of the organ spread generally through the Western church. Lev»is the Pious introduced it at Aix laChapeile in 822. The invention of the organ cannot, however, be regarded as dating from the Sth century, or as having originated in the Greek church. Tcrtullian (De Anima, c. 14) attributes the invention of the water-organ {hydraulus) to Archimedes (t B.C. 212). Vitruvius and Pliny attribute it to Ctesebus of Al- exandria, about 120 B.C.; and according to Suetonius (Vit. Neronis, c. 41), Nero amused himself with such music. The wind-organ was in existence in the time of Augustine (In Psal. 5G) ; and, according to Cassiodorus (In Psal. 1.50), the organ was in his day constructed wiih rows of pipes, tier al)ove tier. Muller: Sendsehr. von Orgeln. 1718; Ciietsandek : Historiche Nachricht. 1755. 2 In a capitulary issued at Frankfort, he ordered " ut nullus credad, quod nonnisi in tribus Unguis deus orandus sit, quia in omni lingua deus adoratur, et homo exauditur, si justa petierit." 44 A. D. 590 — S14. chiustian life and wo:?ship. This superstitious tendency appeared specially in the administration of the sacraniuiit of the LorcVs Supper. In the j)reccding period, the notion had been forming niore and more that this sacrament is a sacrificial act of the priest, and an oblatio pro mortuis. This view now became still more general ; and Gregory the Great, in particular, who definitely fixed the ductrine of a sacrifice in the supper, gave practical currency to it, by imaginative and fanciful descrip- tions of its nature and eiiicacy.' From this time onward, a power was ascribed to the sacrament of the supper 1o deliver the souls of those who had died in an imperfect condition, from the purifying punishment of the ignis purgatorius '- ; and in the eighth century, private masses (missae privatae sc. solitariae) came into use, offered by the officiating priest alone by himself, and with a prevalent reference to the doe- trine of purgatorial fire. Nevertheless, as late as the ninth century, bishops like Tlieodvlpfi, and synods like that of Mayence in 813, declared against the latter practice, and exhorted the laity to a more frequent participation in the communion. The veneration of saints, and of their reliques, in this period, when so much of heathenism was concealed under a Christian garb, assumed more and more the character of extreme superstition. Gregory bishop of Tours (f 595), ' The present Roman Catholic liturgy for the sacrament, the mass service, takes its ori;xin from hira. 2 The doctrine of a puri^atorial fire took the place of the doctrine, previously held, of a Hades or intermciliate place of unhappiness, in which souls that hud not tnily Inlieved in Christ, were believed to be kept till the day of jud^nnent. Cyril of Jerusalem (Catecheses XV. 21) defends the doctrine of a pur;,'atorial fire ; and Auj^ustine (l)e Civitatc Dei XX. 2.")) finds it in the desciipiion of tho last judi;ment by tho projdiet Malachi (Mai. iii. 1-6). Rut he confinrs it to the riffhteotis : the purjjation beinp intcndfd to complete the work of (jracc, and cleanse nway the liu^t remain-* of indwcl!in;j cornjption. In tin; thirteenth chap- ter of tho tA*'enty-first book of the l)c Civitate, Au;:ustinc combats the ihxtrine of those "qui pulant, crimino.-iis supplicin po^t mortem causa purpationis adhilieri." Grcj,'6ry the Great (Dial. IV. 49) describes the j)ur>:atorial stJitc «s the place of those who have l)ecome, while npon cnrth, ca|)able of the heavenly blessedness, but who have deceased with imperfection cleavinjj to them. — Compare the ac- count frivcn of the intermediate state, and of n prcpanitorj' cleansinj;, in the " Vision of one from the dead " related by IJede, Eccl. History V. 12. Tbaks. § 103. CHRISTIAN WORSHIP. 45 nearly two centuries after the death of his predecessor Mar- tin (Ancient Church § 68), testified to wonderful cures still performed at his tomb ; and the belief of the church in the continuance of miraculous agencies, steadily became more credulous, and undiscriminating. Nevertheless, Charle- magne, in the year 794, published a capitulary, in opposi- tion to an immoderate multiplication of the number of saints, and their miracle-chapels ; and also, in opposition to an excessive estimate of pilgrimages to holy places, many enlightened voices were raised, like those of Alcuin, Theo- dulph, and the Council of Chalons in 813. In the Greek church, the Sunday succeeding Pentecost had long been observed as the Feast of All Blartijrs ; in the Western church, .the gift, by the Greek emperor Phocas to* the Ro- man bishop Boniface IV., of the Roman Pantheon, to be the church of Mary and All Saints, now gave occasion for establishing the Feast of All Saints, which was observed on Nov. 1. In harmony with this tendency to saint worship, the churches now vied with each other in lauding the Virgin Mary. In the fifth century, the Feast of the Annunciation (Lady Day'), commemorative of the angelic gi-eeting (Luke i. 26, 19) began to be observed ; at first at different times, and afterwards uniformly upon the 25 :h of March, in order to bring it into natural connection with Chri^^tmas, which was now observed on the 25 ih of December. In the sixth century, the Feast of the Purifxation (Candlemas, Feb, 2) was established in the West, with allusion to Luke ii. 22. This festival corresponded to one already in exist- ence in the Eastern church, — the festum occursus, eoprr) Triecn published by Bohn, London, 1849. Opera Bedae Bas. 1563; Cologne, 1681. • Alcuin accepted the invitation to the court of Charlemagne in 782 ; in 790 he returned to England and spent two years there ; R'tuming in 792, he became abbot of Tours in 796, which office he resigned in 801, and si)ent the remaining three years of his life in private study and meditation. Besides gnunmntical, rhetorical, and philosojiliical writings, Alcuin has left some dogmatic writings respecting the Trinity (l)e fide sanctae ct imlividuae trinitatis), and against the Adoption theory, togetlier with others of an e.xegetical and biographical nature ; and also two hundred and thirtA'-two Letters. OfxTa ed. Quercefanus, Par. 161 7 ; Frol)enius Hatisb. 1777. For his l)iography sec Openi ; Acta Sanctorum ; and Lorcnz Alkuins Ia-Ik-mi. Halle, 1829. ' The most imjM)rtaiit of the many writings of Isidore, are : A liturgicjil work, l)e ecclesiiu-iticis ofliciis libb. II. ; an extensive ctymolofical and encyclo- piiedical work, Originuin sivc Etymologiarum cmlex libb. XX. ; a manual in dogmatics and ethics, lil)b. III. sententiarum (chiefly a fselct'tion from the Fathers, particularly Augustine and Gregory the Great) ; a continuation of the Catalogue of ecclesiastical writers by Jerome and Gennadius ; and a Ilistoria Gothorum, Vandalonim, Suevorum. 0|K«m, Home. 1797. ' L a u n o j i Do echolis a Curolo Magno instauraiis, Pur. IG72 ; Van He r- § 105. THEOLOGY IN THE EAST. 51 theologians whom he drew to his court for this purpose, from Ireland, England, Spain, and Italy, the most distin- gushed was Alcuin, his principal adviser and minister of public instruction. Under the superintendence of Alcuin, the Vulgate version of the Scriptures was corrected and revised for popular use, a school for the higher ranks was established at the court (schola Palatina), and cathedral or cloister schools were founded throughout the kingdom in which the seven liberal sciences — the trivium (grammar, logic, rhetoric), and quadrivium (music, arithmetic, geom- etry, astronomy) — were taught. Of three schools, the most celebrated were those of Troyes, Ferrieres, and partic- ularly Tours. Alcuin retired from public life in 801, and his plans were carried out by his pupils, E^inhard (f 844) and Paul Warnefrid (see § 102). § 105. THEOLOGY IN THE EAST. More learning had come down from the preceding periods, and been preserved, in the Greek church, than in the West- ern ; but the animating life, and free developem'ent of truth, had been interrupted by political and ecclesiastical despot- ism during the long and tedious controversy, and only a dry pedantry remained. In Exegesis, little more was done than to collect and arrange the expositions of the preceding Greek Fathers, — the basis of the subsequent Catenae^ well called so, as they were chains in which a fettered exegesis of Scripture walked about. In Dogmatic Theology, the Monophysite controversy, even more subtile in this period than in the preceding, had werden Comm. de iis quae a Car. Mag. ad propag. etc. L. B. 1825 ; Lo- rentz De Car. Mag. literar. fiiutore, Hal. 1828. 1 Compare Noesselt De catenis patrum Graecorum in N. T. Hal. 1762. 52 A. D. 590 — 814. history of doctrine. elicited a dialectic tendency which was strengthened by the study of the Aristotfliaii philosophy. Its reprL'seiitative was the distinguished monk John Damascene (f 760), a jiresbyter at Jerusalem, who, according to one account, had been a treasurer at the court of the Caliph AI Mansur. His work, entitled, "E/cSocrt? uKpi^t]^ t?}? op^oho^ov 7rt'crTe(utoruni Areop. 1822 ; I) a 1 1 a c u « Dc 8cri|)tis (piiie sub Dion. Ar. et IfHiatii nominibus cinunifcruntur, Gencv. IfiCG; Ba u nn; arten -Crus i u 9 Dc Dion. Ar. Jena. 1H2.T ; M e i e i* Dionysii Aa-op. ct mystii-orum saiviili XIV doctrinac inter »c coni|)anintur, Hal. 1845 ; B a u r J)reieinj:keiuslchre II. 207-2f>3. ' Upon the pronmld of the Mnl silence of the ancient church in reference to them, and the mention in them of usages that did not arise until tlxrco hundretl years after the A|>o«tulic age. § 106. MONOTHELITE CONTROVERSY. 53 authority and influence. A third tendency, the dialectic- mystical, combining the two tendencies above mentioned, was represented by the acute and cultivated Maximus the Confessor, first a Byzantine imperial secretary, afterward a monk and abbot, who in 662 suffered martyrdom, in his eighty-second year, after horrible tortures and mutilations, for his steadfast adherence to the dyothelite doctrine. The opinions of Maximus had beenjformed by the study of the writings of Gregory of Nyssa and the Pseudo Dionysius ; nevertheless they are characterized by an invincible adher- ence to logical orthodoxy, in opposition to the modifications commanded by the emperor for purposes of ecclesiastical union (see § 106), as well as by zeal for a living> practical Christianity, in opposition to a dead faith and a mechanical virtue. A kind of commentary (scholia) upon the Diony- sian treatises, which he composed, contributed much towards their spread and influence.' — These three tendencies of the- Greek theology were sufficient, indeed, to preserve it from a stiff uniformity, but they could not breathe into it the warm breath of life. Controversies relating to the Person of Christ. § 106. MONOTHELITE CONTROVERSY. Smodal Acts and documents in M a n s i Tom. X. XI. Anastatii Biblio- thecari Collectanea de iis quae spoctant ad historiam Monotheliticam. N i c e p h- ori Brcviarium historiae. Combefisii Ilistoria haeresis Monothelitarum. Baur Dreieinigkeitslehre II. 96-128. Dorner Person Christi II. 193-305. N e a u d e r Church History HI. 1 75-1 97. W a 1 c h Ketzerhistorie IX. 3. The Monophysitism slumbering within the catholic church was once more' preparing the materials for a new strife, in which the now mainly formal difference between the Cath- ^Neander Church History III. 171 sq. 54 A. D. 590 — 814. history of doctrine. olic and IMonophysite doctrine was to be refined in the most subtile manner conceivable, and in which the dogmatic interest was to be combined with imperial desj)otism, with all of Justinian's zeal (§90), but not with Justinian's oth- odoxy. The attempt had been made in vain, during the preceding period, to unite the Catholic and Monophysite parties by doctrinal modifications of various kinds. The emperor Ilcruclius, engaged in war with the Persians (§ 95), had a strong motive to bring about this union between Christian parties, and the failure of previous endeavors neither warned nor instructed him. The representation of some Monophy- site bishops whom he met about the year 622 in one of his campaigns against the Persians, that the two divisions could certainly be united, if, entirely avoiding the question whether there are one or two natures in Christ, it should be affirmed that there is only one will or mode of working in him, — an expression, they thought, whith both parties could agree to, inasmuch as the church had been entirely silent respecting the relation of Christ's human will to his divine, — found a ready entrance into his mind ; and the patriarch Cyrus of Alexandria, who had probably obtained his office because of his willingness to effect the union, was the first to enter into the emperor's plan. In C33, Cyrus announced the dogmatic formula, that Christ, as God and man in one person, had preformed all his divine and human actions by one theanthropic mode of working (/xta ^eavSpiKrj evefryein), or one theanthropic will. But an acute dialec- tician then residing at Alexandria, the Palestine monk S(jj)/tronius, saw through the Monophysite device. Perceiv- ing and asserting that the hypothesis of only one will was of necessity a denial of two natures, that two distinct and jiroper natures could not be conceived of in the person of Christ, unless there were two wills or modes of elliciency corresponding to them, viz., a divine and a human, and that Dyophysitism logically implied Dyothelitism, he openly re- jected the formula of Cyrus as necessarily conducting to Moiiopli v>itl>ia. Cyrus now liet(»i»k himsrlf fi»r advice, to § 106. MONOTHELITE CONTROVERSY. 55 Sergius bishop of Constantinople. Sergius advised him to let the whole matter rest, since he had not attained his end by his formula ; saying that any statement was exposed to misapprehension, — the doctrine of one will would be re- garded as involving Monophysitism, the doctrine of two wills as implying an antagonism in Christ between the divine and human wills. Meanwhile, Sophronius had become patriarch of Constantinople in 634, and a yet more violent outbreak of the controversy was to be expected. Sergius, under these circumstances, thought it important to have an understanding with Honorius bishop of Rome (625-638). Honorius in his Epistola ad Sergium ^ sided with him in doctrinal respects, as well as in regard to his advice to Cyrus. The whole dispute, it seemed to him, was an idle speculation ; at the same time, the doctrine of two wills, he thought, was an erroneous one, because of the antagonism in Christ's person that would result. "What had been an- ticipated, now took place. Sophronius, upon taking the patriarchate, issued the usual inaugural letter, in which he combated Monothelitism in the most decided terms, and unfolded the opposite doctrine in a clear and acute manner. The hypothesis of two wills in Christ, he said, by no means implied an antagonism between the divine and the human in him ; by means of the union of the two natures, neither one could work without the other participating in the efficiency ; one and the same Christ, therefore, performs the divine and the human action, although each is wrought in accordance with the distinguishing quality of the nature that corresponds with it.2 Soon after this, Palestine was violently severed from its connection with Christendom, by the Mohammedan conquest of the Caliph Omar ; neverthe- less, the impression of the letter of Sophronius was not thereby obliterated. On the contrary, the strife increased only the more, and Heraclius in 638 attempted to suppress it by a dogmatic edict, "EK^rjaa t?}'? 7ri(TTe&)?.3 In this, he 1 Tn Mansi Tom. XI. p. 537. 2 Sophronii Synortica in Mansi Coll. Concill. Tom. XI. 461. 3 Mansi Tom. p. 992. 56 A. D. 590 — 814. history of doctrine. reaffirms the doctrine of two natures, but forbade the asser- tion of either one wiU^ or two luills, — the latter with special emphasis. But such an imperial edict of union could not harmonize the contending parties. It was re- garded as designed to favor Monothelitism ; and from this time onward the Roman see rallied its force, and energeti- cally opposed the theory of one will. The two immediate successors of Honorius, Scverinus (638-644) and John IV. (640-642), declared for the doctrine of two wills ; and their successor Thcodorus (642-649) went so far as to pronounce the ban of excommunication, in 646, against the Monothelite Paidns patriarch of Constantinople. In the East, moreover, there was by no means a general assent to the imperial decision. On the contrary, the monk Maximus (§105) stood forth, with great success, as the acute and immoveable defender of Dyothelitism.^ The dispute ran so high, that the emperor Chnslans 11. (642-668) issued a new dogmatic edict (Tutto? t/}? Tricrreoj'i)^ in 648, in which he commanded all parties, under threat of severe penalties, to abide by the ancient doctrine of the church, and that nei- ther party should hereticate the other. But the ojiponents of Monothelitism saw in this edict, also, either a concealed Monosophytism and Monothelitism, or else a censurable indifference to all truth ; and they found a strong champion in the Roman bishop Murtin I. who, lilce Maximus, resisted the emperor by bolh an acute speculation and an energetic ' Arpuinp nfrninst the Amhifin bishop Throdore of Pharan, the prinripal ilcfcnder of Monothelitism, Maximus maintained tliat the fjrouiihop of Urgellis in Catalonia, a man much superior to Elipandus in learning and acuteness, brought forward a theory respecting the mutual relation of the two natures in Christ, which strictly separated the divine from the human predicates in his Person, and which was the development of the Christology first broached by the Anti- ochian school, and afterwards expanded by Nestorius and his adherents. They had perhaps been led to this dogmatic position by the study of the writings of Theodore of Mop- suestia, which had become known to the West through the Controversy of the Three Chapters (Ancient Church, §90) : or perhaps from an endeavor to defend and make intelligible, the deity of Christ, in opposition to the crude objections of the Anti-Trinitarian Mohammedans. In constructing their theory, they make special use of a clause in the Gothic-Spanish liturgy,* in which the assumption of hu- manity by the Son of (Jod was denominated *' adoptio," — ^ ThcOfficinm Mostarabiciim wa.s tlio liturfry of the Spanish Christians in an iVrabian distriit — a mixed Arabic document. § 107. ADOPTIAN CONTROVERSY. 61 the term very often employed as synonomous with " as- sumptio." Founding upon this, they maintained that Christ, as to his divine nature, is properly and strictly the Son of God (filius Dei genere, natura) ; but as to his human nature, is adoptively the Son of God (filius Dei adoptione, filius Dei gratia, beneficio, voluntate, assumptione, elec- tione). Hence the party were called Adoptians. As many of the Adoptian speculations either logically involved a denial of the true deity and theanthropy of Christ, or else paved the way for it,i and as the whole system bore so decidedly the character of Nestorianism, Felix, whose episcopal see was still under Frankish rule, and his doctrine spreading in the Frankish kingdom, soon met with earnest opponents. Beatus,"^ a Spanish priest, and Etheriiis bishop of Othma first stood forth in opposition to Adoptianism. Elipandus took the ground that his opponents were heretics and servants of Anti- Christ, and must be extirpated. His opponents, on the other hand, maintained that they were contending for the very foundations of faith in the one Christ, the God-man. Soon the controversy broke out into a flame, both in Spain and France. An ecclesiastical and civil assembly at Regensburg, in 792, convened under the authority of Charlemagne, at which Felix was present, inves- tigated the subject, Charlemagne being influenced not only by the desire to settle the dispute in the church, but also by the wish to gain the orthodox bishops of Spain to his interest, because he was meditating the design of wresting Spain from the rule of the Saracens. The convention condemned Adoptianism ; and Felix recanted, and sent a copy of his recantation to the pope at Rome. Nevertheless, on his return to his bishopric he persisted in holding his former 1 As when, e. g. Felix said that the Son of God, as to his humanity, was raised to communion Avith God by divine grace, like his disciples, although " multo excellentius," and that hence he was Deus nuncupatione ; when he com- pared the baptism of Christ in Jordan with the regeneration of believers j when, in reference to Christ, he inquired : " Quid potuit ex ancilla nasci nisi servus?" Such positions seemed to imply that the connection of Christ's humanity with deity, differed from that of ordinary men only in degree, and not in kind. 2 A fragment of his is extant in Canisii Lectioues antiqu. Tom. II. 310. 62 A. D. 590 — 814. history of doctrine. doctrine, and betook himself to a region under Saracen rule. Alcuin, at Charlemagne's request, sent Felix an affec- tionate letter, — warning him against an obstinate and disputatious spirit, and another letter to the clergy and monks of the Spanish provinces bordering on France, re- futing Adoptianism (Alcunii libelliis adversus haeresin Fe- licis). But without effect. The Saracen-Spanish bishops now asked Charlemagne for another investigation of their views ; but the council of Frankfort-on-the-Blaine, convened at their request, in 794, decided against Adoptianism. Meanwhile Felix had defended his doctrine against Alcuin in a special treatise, and hence Alcuin, at the request of Charlemagne, in conjunction with three distinguished Frankish bishops, — Paulinna of Aquileia (f 804), Thcodnlph of Orleans, and Richbon of Treves, — composed new works against Adoptianism, of which, after that of Alcuin (Ad- versus Felicin libb. VII.), the treatise of Paulinus is the most imprortant. The emperor, in order to prevent the spread of Adoptianism, also sent some theologians, namely Leidrad archbishop of Lyons, Benedict an abbot of Aniana, and Nefrid bishop of Narbonne, to the Spanish border. Leidrad now persuaded Felix to appear before an ecclesi- astical tribunal that should candidly examine the whole subject. He came before the synod of Aix, in 799, and after a discussion of several days with Alcuin declared him- self to be convinced, and renounced his Adoptianism in a written document (Confessio fidei Felicis). He then spent the remainder of his days at Lyons, under the oversight of the archbishop In the year 800, the same three deputies were sent again to the Spanish border, and, influenced by a letter of Alcuin (Ep. 92), some ten thousand persons re- nounced Adoptianism. Elipandus, on the other hand, secure behind his Moorish protection, steadily and vehemently repelled all the endeavors which Alcuin made by letters to convert him. Nevertheless, in the ninth century Adop- tianism fell into entire oblivion. Felix died in 816, and a paper of his, found after his death, written over with Adop- tionizing theses and questions, elicited a rcjily by Ai^obard, archbishop of Lyons (Adversus dogma Felicis lib.). § 108. IMAGE CONTROVERSIES. 63 Image Controversies. The Byzantine historians, viz. : Nicephorus Breviarium Historiae, and Theophanes Chronographia. Imperialia decreta de cultu imaginum a Haiminsfeldio Goldasto. Dallaeus De iraaginibus. Spanheim Historia imaginum restitut. Maimbourg Histoire de 1' heresie des Icono- clastes. Marx Der Bilderstreit der byzantin. Kaiser. Schlosser Ge- schichte der bilderstiirmenden Kaiser. Fl a t h e Gesdiichtc der Vorlaiifcr der Eeformation. Gibbon Decline and Fall, chap. XLIX. N can der Cliurch History III. 197-243. Mi] m a n Latin Christianity, Book IV, chap, vii. viii. § 108. OBJECT AND CHARACTER OF THE CONTROVERSY. A controversy of an entirely new and different kind arose in this period respecting Image Worship, in v^hich we dis- cover three different tendencies and theories. One party would make an idolatrous use of images and pictures ; another party would forbid all use of them under pains and penalties ; a third party, supported by the authority of Gregory the Great and under the auspices of Charlemagne, sought a middle ground, and would employ them only as an aid to devotion. In. the image, said the first party, we know the divine object, or the sacred thing, represented by it. Said the sec- ond party : all use of images in religion is contrary to the spiritual nature of Christianity, and to represent divine things under sensible images, is to dishonor and degrade them. A third party, which engaged in the controversy only from a distance and indirectly, distinguished between an allowable and even praiseworthy use of religious images and a misuse of them, maintaining that art, like every other province of human activity, may be sanctified and made subservient to Christianity. The second theory, though founded also in the nature of Christianity, had naturally sprung up originally in opposition to heathenism, and was the most generally adopted in the ancient church,— sup- porting itself particularly by the letter of the Old Testa- 64 A. D. 590 — 814. history of doctrine ment The third theory had formed itself by degrees out of the second, with some show of reason interpreting the Old Testament teachings as allowing a use of sensible representations, from the fact that God himself, in his revealed word, had communicated so much truth under symbols of various sorts, nay, in the Old Economy had even set forth man as an image of himself (Gen. i. 26), and especially, in the New Economy, had manifested himself in the person of Christ. This was the view taken by Gregory the Great when, at the request of a certain eremite, he sent him an image of Christ, with the explanation (EpistoU. IX. 52) that it is a need of human nature to possess some visible representation of an absent or invisible friend, and also witii the warning that he must regard the image simply as an instrument of conducting him to the Saviour himself. The same view of the subject also led Gregory to express his approbation of the pious zeal with which Scrcnus, bishop of INIarseilles, had opposed the superstitious regard for images that was springing up in his diocese, and at the sajTie time to censure him for indiscriminately des- troying all images, instead of instructing the rude Franks respecting the right use of them. This, he said, did not consist in the worship of the images themselves, but in regarding them as a means of awakening devotion and imparting knowledge, especially among rude and uncul- tivated men. The first view, that, namely, of the image-worshippers, owing to the fervid fancy and enthusiastic love of art characteristic of the Greeks, had gained currency earliest in the Greek church ; so that by the beginning ot the seventh century the Greek apologists were compelled to defend Christianity from the charge of idolatry, made by the Jews and Mohiunincdans npcn this ground; and from this date onward, this view of images became more and more general as the tendeiu-y of the whole church to super- stition became more and more total. To (Jod alone is adoration due, they said; but in the image one does not worship the mere image itself, but the Christ represented § 109. IMAGE CONTROVERSIES. 65 therein ; even as in the saint, not the man, but the grace of God, is venerated. And since they could not appeal to Scripture in support of their theory, they appealed all the more to the authority of a particular tradition decked out with legendary tales relating to the wonderful virtues of images. One principal argument which the image-wor- shippers relied upon in their controversy was, that he who did not acknowledge Christ in the image, could not acknowledge the reality of his incarnation. The final victory of the opponents of image-worship was less bene- ficial to the church than it would otherwise have been, from the fact that, instead of proceeding moderately, and in the way of instruction and persuasion, they employed the strong arm of the civil power to put down the super- stition of fanatical monks, and uneducated people, by sheer force. § 109. The controversy commenced first in the Greek Church, in which the worship of images first obtained a general currency. The emperor Leo III., the Isaurian (717-741), had dis- covered that the Jews and Mohammedans, whom he desired to Christianize, were scandalized by the idolatrous venera- tion of images by the Christians. His attention having been directed by some ecclesiastics to the fact that the veneration of images was forbidden by God in the Old Testament, he first sought, but in vain, the concurrence of the ecclesiastical conclave at Constantinople, and then in 726, with the advice of his privy council, issued an edict against the custom of prostration and kneeling before im- ages, though not against all use of images in devotion, — under this concealing his ulterior designs. Upon this, several zealous defenders of image-worship appeared, par- ticularly Germanus i the patriarch of Constantinople, and ^ Germanus maintained that no image should be made of the invisible God ; 9 66 * A. D. 590 — 814. history of doctrine. John Damascene^ and the inhabitants of the Cycladic islands rose in insurrection. The success of his attempt to destroy the fleet Of the rebels, by the Greek fire, the em- peror regarded as a token that God favored his designs ; and in 730 he issued a second edict forbidding, under jienalty, any use of any images of saints, martyrs, angels, or Christ. Germanus now resigned his ofTice, and his secretary, the pliant courtier Anastasiits, was appointed patriarch in his place ; and notwithstanding the violent popular commotion that attended the removal of celebrated images, the emperor continued to enforce his edict until his death. His son and successor Constantinus Cbproni/mus (741-775) pursued the same course, with yet greater consistency and energy. After his victory in 744 over his brother-in-law Arfabasdus, who with the assistance of the advocates of image worship among the masses had risen in rebellion, the emperor worked upon a carefully formed iconoclastic ])lan to destroy images utterly and forever. In 754 he convened the council of Constantinople, composed of three hundred bishops, which he ordered should be called the seventh oecumenical, thoiigh nt)t a single one of the pa- triarchs was present.2 This counciP pronounced the anath- and tliat this was the meaning of the OM Testament prohihition. Rut God had since appeared in n human fonn ; and of this form it was projier to make a rv|>- resentiition. To deny this, was virtually to deny that the Uoil-nuin had a real 1 crsonnl appeamncc, and involved Doeetism. ' .Fohn Damascene composed tha-c treatises in defence of imnpos. "The Lord," ho said, '• had pronounced liis disciples blessed for what their eyes had .-een. Tlicy had seen him with the liodily eye ; wc sec him through the image. Aslicingsofncomjilex sensuous and spiritual nature, wc attain to a spiritual in- tuition only through a sensuous one For this reason, Christ assumed Itoth soul and l)oily Everything in worship, baptism, the sacraments, etc., is a coml>inH- tion of the sensible and the spirilunl. As for the emperor's edict, it did not l>elon'.' to eanldy princes to prt'scriln; laws for llie church of God. Not emiKTors, but apostles, pasioi-s, and teachers are mentioned in Scripture as llio.se who are to have the guidance of the church." -• The sei- of Con-^tantinople was vacant ; Rome Imd excommunicated the Icon- oclasts, and n-fu.sed to sen(l to tlie council ; Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem wen- now umler Saracen domination. ' Fraymenu of Uie Acta arc given in Mansi Toiu. XIII. p. 205 sq. § 109. IMAGE CONTROVERSIES. 67 ema upon all image-makers, as being chargeable with either the Nestorian or the Eutychian heresy,' designated the sacrament of the supper as the only trap representation of Christ, and condemned all use of religious images in the most unmeasured terms. In order to counteract a danger- ous rumor respecting their orthodoxy, the council uttered an anathema against those who opposed the veneration of Mary and the saints, — a measure not at all in accordance with the spirit and other acts of the body. The emperor executed the decrees of the council in the most unsparing manner,^ and as the monks, who were some of them paint- ers, made an earnest resistance, he gave them over to the most shameful punishment and indignities,^ By such means and methods, the party of Iconoclasts {elKovo/u,a)(oc as opposed to eoKovokdrpai) now became dorninant. Constantine was succeeded by his son Leo IV. Chazarus (775-780), of the same views with his father, but not of equal ability, whose cunning consort Irene, as superstitious as she was immoral, was a zealous image-worshipper. After the early death of the emperor, and during the mi- nority of his son Constantine (780-802), she had 'ample opportunity for carrying out her wishes. Favorite monks were appointed to the most important ecclesiastical offices, the weak-minded Paid, patriarch of Constantinople, pen- itent for having permitted the distruction of the images. 1 The argument for this charge was as follows : It is oonfcssedly impossible to make a sensible image of the divine nature of Christ ; the image-worshipper must either assume, then, that the humanity of Christ separate from his divinity can he represented, and this is Nestorianism, or that from the mixture of the deity and liumanity a third substance arises that is rcpresentable, and this is Eutycli- ianism. 2 All representations of sacred objects upon the walls of the churches were washed over with paint ; in the place of paintings representing the life of Christ from his birth to his ascension, pictures of animals, fruit-trees, hunting-scenes, etc., were substituted ; and even pictures upon the books used in the churches were ordered to be obliterated. In the city of Phocaca more than three hundred books were burned in obedience to this order. ^ Such as scourging, cutting off the nose, ears, hands, boring out the eyes, etc. Monks, led about arm in arm with females, were compelled to submit to the jeers of the populace. 68 A. D. 590 — 814. history of doctrine. resigned his office, and the zealous image-worshipper, a courtier Tarasius, was appointed in his place. The new patriarch resumed connection with the Roman church, which through the whole controversy had declared in favor of the image-worshippers ; and as the last council could not be regarded as oecumenical, the patriarch not having been present, a new general council was convened in 786 at Con- stantinople. But the imperial body-guard, still adhering to the views of their favorite emperor Constantine Coprony- mus, at the opening of the council excited violent commo- tions, and hence Irene dismissed the council for the present, — and this the more willingly, inasmuch as many of the bishops did not agree with her. By means of various machinations of courtiers and court-bishops, Irene first made herself more sure of a successful result, and then convened the council again at Nice, the place where the first oecumenical council was held. This seventh oecumeu- ical council, at Nice, in 787,i composed of about three hundred and fifty bishops, unanimously declared that the acts of the iconoclastic council of Constantinople, in 754, were null and void, and formally authorized the worship of images, — yet not as divine adoration (Xarpeia), but only as a reverential homage {7rpoaKvvrjai<; Tt/jLrjriKri), a distinction upon which a refined polytheism could have been justified, and which the mass of the people did not make.^ 3 The conclusions of the seventh oecumencial council did not, however, permanently settle the controversy in the Byzantine empire. The iconoclastic party revived again, and acquired power once more. After two emperors who favored image-worship, the Iconoclasts at Constantinople, who had still maintained themselves there as a party, and who believed that the political misfortunes of these two 1 The Acta arc in Mansi Tom. XII. O.-il — XIII. 820. 2 The council made the distinction in the following language : "H y^ ttjs (Mvos TifXT) M rh irpwrdrvvov Siafialvti' Kol 6 irpoaKVvwv rijv dndfa irpocrKvvii iv avrfj Tov iyypatpojxivov ri)v virdaTaaiv. 3 This part of the hi.story of tlie Image controversy clironologioally falls into the next period ; hut the historical connection is hetter pix'served hy giving this phort remainder of the suhject here. Compare Neandcr III. 530-551. § 109. IMAGE CONTROVERSIES. 69 emperors were at once a judgment upon their opponents, and a proof of the correctness of their own cause, found upon the throne an emperor of their own way of thinking. Leo V. the Armenian (813-820), confirmed in his opinion by a selection, which he had asked from John Grammaticus, from the writings of the older church-fathers respecting image-worship, proposed, at first, to diminish the number of images, in accordance with the desire of many Icono- clasts in his native country, Armenia. But the remon- strances of the patriarch Nicejjhorns of Constantinople, and the still more vigorous opposition of the highly respected abbot Theodorus Sludita ' of Constantinople, and his monks, checked the emperor, until the representations of the Icono- clasts, that the words in Isaiah xl. 18 : ' To whom will ye liken God,' read in public worship upon a certain occasion, were a voice from heaven calling upon him to destroy the worship of idols, induced him, in 814, to take more active measures. In 815 Nicephorus was deposed on account of his persistent opposition to the emperor, and a new patri- arch, Theodotus Cassiteras, a descendant of Constantine Copronymus, was appointed, and a synod convened in the same year at Constantinople forbade image-worship. But the monks persisted in its defence. No means whatever could silence Theodore Studita, in particular. Theodore renounced church fellowship with the Iconoclasts, even broke off all intercourse with them, and neither scourging, nor chains, nor repeated exile, could overcome his fixed opposition to the emperor. Leo at last fell a victim to a political conspiracy, and was succeeded by Michael II. the Stammerer (820-829), an enemy to Leo, and who had been cast into prison by him. Machael was also an enemy of image-worship, and hardl^" less so than Leo, and probably a rejector of some essentials of the Christian system (for example, the doctrine of a resurrection, and of the devil). Yet upon political grounds 1 Born 759 ; died, after a four years' exile, in 826. He was the head of the celebrated cloister of Studites at Constantinople, and has left letters, sermons, and dogmatical and ascetical writings. 70 A. D. 590 — 814. history of doctrine. he sought to reconcile the opposing parties, and allowed the private worship of images. But this did not satisfy the image-worshippers, who disseminated exagger^-ted reports concerning the emperor's heretical opinions, which attracted so much notice, particularly in the Romish church where image-worship was still protected, that the emperor thou'ght it necessary to send a justification of himself to the Roman pope Paschalis L, and, in order to obtain a favorable recep- tion for it, to send an embassy to Louis the Pious. The consequence of this was, that image-worship now assumed a most superstitious and absurd form,' so that the successor of Michael, Theophiliis (829-842), felt constrained by his genuine religious feeling to pursue an unsparing course; and an imperial edict in 830 strictly forbade any use of images, either in public or private worship. But this triumph of the Iconoclasts was of short duration. The emperor died in 842, leaving the government in the hands of his queen Theodora, a zealous image-worshipper, and her son Michael a minor, whose two guardians Theoctiscus and Manuel were also image-worshippers. A new patriarch, Methodius, was appointed, a synod of Constantinople re- affirmed the decisions of the seventh oecumenical council, and upon Feb. 19, the first Sunday of Lent in 842, the images were carried in splendid procession and restored to the cathedral church in Constantinople. Ever since, the Greek church, at first in memory of the restoration of image- worship, and afterwards in memory also of all the patriarchs and emperors that had been zealous for orthodoxy, has ob- served the first Sunday of Lent as the Feast of Orthodoxy (fj KvpiaKt] tt}? o/3^oSo^/a9, r) 7rav7]yvpt,'i tt}? op^o^o^ias). The Western Church was also involved in the Image controversy. In the Roman church, after the time of Gregory the Great, a revolution took place in the mode of thinking and ' Hymns were chanted luforc imn^es ; they were taken as god-fatliers in baptism ; the paint upon tliem was mixed with the sacramental wine ; tlic sacramental bread was placed in t!ie band of an inuigc, to make it a communi- cant, etc. § 109. IMAGE CONTROVERSIES. 71 feeling; and one token of this was a superstitious rever- ence for images. Leo the Isaurian engaged in a spirited correspondence upon the subject with Pope Gregory II. (715-731). This pope, and his successor Gregory III. •(731-741), declared the Iconoclasts to be heretics ; and the Greek emperors, though ready enough to do so, could not chastise them for this. The seventh oecumenical council found a supporter in pope Hadrian I. (772-795). In the Frankish church, on" the other hand, the views of Gregory the Great were generally prevalent. The subject of images was discussed at an assembly at Gentilly in 767, occasioned by an embassy from Constantine Copronymus to king Pepin, but nothing is known of the decision there made. The first reliable accounts proceed from the time of Charlemagne. This emperor, upon receiving the decrees of the seventh oecumenical council, caused a special work to be prepared for the refutation of them, which was sent forth in 790, in his name, and by his authority. This work — the so-called Zrf6n CaroUni ^ took the position that no kind of worship should be offered to images, but that the Greek Iconoclasts erred in excluding them altogether from the churches. On the contrary they should be permitted to remain, as the remembrancers of sacred objects, as the means of awakening religious feeling and imparting instruc- tion particularly to rude minds, and lastly as appropriate ornaments of the sacred edifice.' The synod of Frankfort- on-the- Maine in 794, at which a papal legate presided, made a decision in conformity with these positions. Charle- magne sent the decision, and the Libri Carolini, to pope Hadrian II. for his approval ; but the pope composed a refutation of the " Caroline Books" which, however, was too feeble to make an impression upon the Frankish church. 1 The Libri Carolini were composed chiefly hy Alcuin, and arc characterized by pure Christian feeling, with strong opposition to superstition, and to the Byzantine adulation of the emperors. They also exhibit a noteworthy historical criticism in reference to the legend concerning the picture of Christ sent to king Abgarus. While, however, they oppose the worship of images, they strongly advocate the use of the sign of tlie cross, and of saint-relics. Edited by Du Tillet, 1549, and Heumann, Hanov. 1731. 72 A. D. 590 — 814. history of doctrine. The embassy of Michael the Stammerer to Lewis the Pious occasioned new discussions respecting image-worship. In order to mediate between the two contending parties in the Greek church, and, if possible, to draw off the Roman church from a superstitious worship of images, the emperor Lewis urged the pope Eugenius II. (824-827) to authorize another investigation of the subject, and with the pope's assent the matter was devolved upon a synod at Paris in 825. The synod drew up its decrees ' entirely in accord- ance with the views of the Prankish church as enunciated in the time of Charlemagne, and appointed two bishops {Jeremiah archbishop of Sens, and Jonas bishop of Or- leans) to lay them before the pope, with the particular charge not to irritate the " pertinacia Romana." Respect- ing the result of these discussions -^^e know nothing, except that the Roman and Prankish churches continued to adhere each to its previous position. Through the whole of the ninth century, and after, the German church adhered to the same position with the Prankish ; but the popes found it expedient to pass a milder judgment upon this deviation from Roman orthodoxy, in this instance, than in that of the Greek church. § 110. DOGMATICO-mSTORICAL SURVEY. As the system of Christian doctrine had been formed, as to its essentials, in the first three centuries, and had been put into an authorized creed-statement during the contro- versies that arose from the fourth to the sixth century, it only remained for the theologians of this period to investi- gate particular points. As a consequence, the dogmatic thinking of this period, and also of the next succeeding, — both of which constitute the period of transition to the 1 In Mansi Tom. XIV. 415 sq. § 110. DOGMATICO-HISTORICAL SURVEY. ' 73 later and full-formed Scholasticism, — exhibits a fragmen- tary character and aspect. Only three points of doctrine came up for consideration. 1. In the preceding period, the Occidental doctrine of the procession of the Holy Spirit from Father and Son had been distinctly enunciated at the council of Toledo, in 589. This , was still the received doctrine at the West, but was becom- ing a standing subject of dispute between the Eastern and Western churches. There had been, indeed, some attempts to harmonize the dogmatic differences between the Latin and Greek churches by middle positions. Greek writers had spoken of a procession of the Spirit from the Father though the Son, and of the Spirit as sent by the Son, etc., and Augustine had represented the procession of the Spirit as principaliter a patre. John of Damascus, the principal theologian of the Greek church, though handling the sub- ject of the procession of the Spirit in accordance with the Greek theory, did so in a moderate form and manner. The Father, he taught, is the causa efficiens in the triad, and the being of the Spirit, as well as of the Son, is grounded in him ; although the Father has imparted all to the Son, and the Father has wrought all through the Son ('EKSoai<;, Lib. I. c. 7, 8, 12). Under these circumstances, therefore, it was natural that the formal addition, by the Western church, of filioque to the venerated oecumenical symbol of Nice and Constantinople, should look like a suspicious innovation, and should occasion much offence and collision. Notwith- standing the Greek opposition, the Western doctrine was reaffirmed at the synod of Gentilhj in 767, and especially at the council of Friaul (Forum Juleii) in 796. At this latter council, Paulinns of Aquileia maintained, in opposition to the Greek objection that no addition should be made to an ancient and oecumenical symbol, that the examination and completion of an original document, in accordance with the needs of a particular age and with reference to new errors that are rising, was allowable, and that the sup- plementing of the creed in the present instance was as justifiable as the additions that were made to the Nicene 7 74 A. D. 590 — 814. history of doctrine. symbol by the council of Constantinople. Finally, Charle- magne caused the ancient creed, with the addition of ihe Occidental clause, to be solemnly adopted at the council of Aix la Chapelle in 809, and sent the decision to pope Leo III. The pope declared the added clause (filioque) to be doctrinally correct, though he would confine the use of it to the province of theological polemics, and presumed that the council of Constantinople liad not omitted it without the guidance of the Holy Spirit.^ At the request of Charle- magne, Alcuin and TJieodulph of Orleans defended the Oc- cidental statement upon dogmatic and historico-dogmatic grounds. 2. Respecting the doctrine of the Person of Christ, the results that had been reached in the preceding periods were reaffirmed, in opposition to the new forms which the old errors had assumed, — INIonothelitism (§ lOG) being a revival of Monophysitism, and Adoptianism (§ 107) of Nestori- anism. 3. The doctrine of the Loi'cTs Supper had been maintained in its essential features in the preceding centuries, without, however, being presented in a technical form. During this period, within the Greek Church two views of this s:Krament came into conflict with each other, — the one, that of the Constantinopolitan council of Iconoclasts, held in 754 in the reign of Constantine Copronymus, and the other, that advocated by the council of Image-worshippers, held at Nice in 787, and also by John of Damascus. In order to show that no other sensuous representation should be made of Christ, than that which he himself had offered in the Eucharist, the Iconoclastic council of 754 declared that Christ upon the eve of his passion had given this sacrament as the most vivid image and memorial of his person (xyTro? Kol iimiJ.uT](Ti<;), calling the body of Christ in the consecrated bread a represented body (Secret aw/^a), distinguishable from the natural body (/cara (})V(tiv), at the same time denomina- ting the bread after its consecration a ^hov (jo)/ia. To this • Mansi Tom. XIV. 17 sq. § 110. DOGMATICO-HI^TORICAL SURVEY. 75 view, the later council of Image-worshippers, at Nice in 787, objected that it was incorrect to denominate the eucharis- tic emblem an image, after its consecration. Previous to consecration it was indeed an emblem ; but after consecra- tion it was in the strictest sense the body of Christ. This view was maintained still more elaborately by John Damas- cene. Bread and wine, he said {^'EKBoaa IV. 13, and Oratio III. De imaginibus), are not merely symbols of the body and blood of Christ. God comes down to the weak- ness of mortal men, and through the natural imparts the supernatural itself; the body of Christ in the Eucharist is the real body that was united with deity, not in the sense that the body of Christ descends from heaven, whenever the sacrament is celebrated, but the bread and wine are changed {fieTairoiovvraL) into the body and blood of Christ.' 1 The M'ord /xeTa-n-oiowTai was purposely employed to denote a change that was less than transubstantiation. The bread, according to Damascene, is united with deity, but in such a manner that two natures still remain. CHAPTER SECOND. SECTS. § 111. PAULICIANS. Photius; Adversus Paulinistas sc. recentiorcs Manichacos lib. IV. (in Wolf's Anccdota Gracca Tom. I. II., and in Gallandi Bibliothcca Tom. XIII.) ; Pctrus Siculus (about 870) Ilistoria Manidiacorum (Ed. Radcr. Injrolst. 1604, and Greselcr Getting. 1845; Winerund E ntre Ih ard t's Journal Bd. VII.; Schmidt Historia Paulicianorum orientalium ; Gieseler, Unter- suchung. etc., in Studien und Kritikcn, 1829. This period produced a new and remarkable sect, out of old elements from a preceding time. From the remnants of the Gno.-^tico-Manirhacan parties in Syria and Armenia (Ancient Church, § 9o), which had survived all the varied persecutions, the sect of Paulicians sprang in the seventh century. The Gnostic and Manichaean basis of Paulicianism is sufiicently apparent Their doctrine of two eternal princi- jiles and of a Demiurge, and their theory of redemj)tion,' evinced their connection with the earlier Gnostico-Mani- chaean sects. With these general elements and ideas ' The distinction l)Ctwct'n a Dcmiurpc. the author of the sensible cn-afion and of Judaism, and the perfect Gotl, from whom only the spiritual world and Cliris- tianity proceed, they reganled n.s the characteristic doctrine of their sect. In onler to deliver man from the dominion of the nemiiirp.>, and raise him to per- fect freedom, the Kcdecmer appeared, and in a bwly of a higher and more ethe- real substance than tliat of matter. § 111. PAULICIANS. 77 borrowed from the dualistic theories of Gnosticism and Manichaeism, which by the aid of an allegorizing exegesis and under the influence of their dogmatic idealism, they carried over into that portion of the Scriptures which they accepted,' the Paulicians united a professedly biblical mys- ticism, that opposed itself to the ceremonies and worship of the dominant church,^ and to the historical Christianity as embodied in the ancient symbols ; while, at the same time, they endeavored to introduce the actual, or supposed in- stitutions of the apostolic churches; and particularly of the Marcionizing, or early Pauline (in the sense of Anti- Petrine) churches. In the practical working of their system, however, they were less anxious to establish the validity of their Gnostico-Manichaean dogmatics, than to oppose the many errors and superstitions of the existing catholic church, and to restore a church purified in accordance with the Biblical teachings. Their name they derived, probably not from any particu- lar one of their leaders, but from the Apostle Paul himself, — whose name might, however, naturally be a favorite one with their leaders generally. They claimed to be the true Pauline Xpia-roiroXlTai,, in distinction from the 'Pco/jbaioi, the dominant church, or adherents of the Petrine state-religion. This supposition respecting the origin of their name is borne out by the fact that their leaders assumed the name of Paul's companions, — as Sylvanus, Titus, Timothy ^ etc., and that their principal settlements were called after the places that are mentioned in Paul's journeys, — as Mananalis Achaia, Eibossa Macedonia, Mopsuestia Ephesus, etc. According to the somewhat mythically sounding account of Photius, the sect owed its origin, and its name also, to 1 They rejected the Old Testament entirely ; made appeal to the New Testa- ment alone, especially to the teachings of Christ, accepting, however, only the gospels of Luke and John, and rejected the epistles of Peter as the writings of a false apostle. 2 They rejected the worship of images, of the cross, of saints and relics, de- nounced fasts, monachaism, and the doctrine of the perpetual virginity of Mary, and also abolished the priesthood and the outward observance of the two sacra- ments. 78 A. D. 590 — 814. history of doctrine. two brothers Paul and John of Samosata, who lived about the year 350, the sons of a Gnostic or Manichaean woman named Callinice. It is historically certain that, sometime after the middle of the seventh century, the Paulicians had for a leader an able man named Constantine, who lived not far from Samosata, in a Syrian village called Mananalis. This person having received a copy of the gospels and of the Pauline Epistles from a catholic deacon, was led by the study of them to purify his Manichaean theories, and to enliven them with a more practical spirit. Then assuming the name of Si/lvanus, he labored with great zeal for twenty- seven years (perhaps from 657-684) as the head of the sect at Eibossa in Armenia. He was at length stoned to death by Simeon, an officer who had been sent to persecute the Paulicians by the emperor Constantine Pogonatus ; but the officer himself, after a few years, was converted to Pauli- cianism, and became the head of the sect under the name of Titus. A new persecution under the emperor Justinian II. brought Simeon and many others to the stake. One of the principal members of the sect, Paulus by name, escaped, and labored with such zeal and success that, according to one statement, the sect first received its name from him. The emperor Leo the Isorian (717 f) showed favor to the Paulicians, because of their opposition to image-worship, and superstitious observances generally. He summoned to Constantinople, more for show than from earnest purpose, Gcg-naesius named Timothy, the elder son of Paulus and the head of the sect, in order that he might make a defence of Paulieianism. By equivocal declarations and explanations, — the sect itself not being distinguished for strict truthful- ness, but on the contrary inclined to blend illusory theories with deception in practice, — he was able to satisfy the pa- triarch respecting his own orthodoxy and that of his party, and was s nt back under the safe conduct of the emperor. After the time of Gegnaesius, the Panlician sect was dis- organized in various ways, by internal dissension and cor- ruption, and particularly by the innuenee of many teachers of degenerate character, who carried to the last extreme the § 111. PAULICIANS 79 Paulician opposition to the Old Testament law and the Mosaic ordinances respecting marriage. About the year, 801 the Paulicians found a very able and energetic leader in Serg-ius of Galatia, a man who had probably been educa- ted in the catholic church, and whose attention had been directed to the Scriptures by the remark of a Paulician wo- man, that the Bible was not intended for the priests alone. He became deeply interested in what he read, received the Pauline doctrine, and, taking the name of Tychicus, devoted himself with glowing zeal to the diffusion of practical Chris- tian truth and to the promotion of a simple Christian moral- ity, — yet not without a mixture of self-exaltation in claim- ing to be the Paraclete,^ and being so regarded by his sect. The Paulicians spread rapidly at this time, the sect having been transplanted in 752, by the command of Constantine Copronymus, into Asia Minor and as far as Thrace. But even during the lifetime of Sergius, the persecutions of the Paulicians in the Greek empire, which, since the time of Leo the Isaurian had been less violent, were earnestly re- newed by the emperor Michael Rhang-abe (811-813), and Leo the Armenian (813-820) ; and, after his murder by a catholic in 835, the empress Theodora resolved in 844 to ex- terminate the Paulician name by a general persecution,^ which was to close the series of enormities which the sect had been enduring for nearly two hundred years. Driven by this persecution, which was carried out with the direst cruelty, from the East Roman Ejnpire, the Paulicians wan- dered into the domains of the Saracens, were welcomed by them as the natural enemies of the Greeks, and there, awaiting a happier future, founded amongst other places the strong city Tephrica. From this point, under the leader- ship of Carbeas, who had once been a general in the Greek 1 Not the Paraclete in the sense of the Holy Ghost, hoTvevcr, but of an enlight- ened teacher promised by Christ to reform the corrupted Christianity. Neander III. 253. 2 The number of Paulicians who were put to death by hanging, beheading, drowning, etc., is stated at one hundred thousand (Constantin Porphyrog. COQ- tinuat. IV. 16, p. 103, Ed. Par.). 80 A. D. 590 — 814. history of doctrine. emperor's service, and of others after him, the Paulicians waged an unrelenting warfare, in conjunction with the Sar- acens against the bordering Greeks. Their doctrine struck root as a fruitful seed that was to germinate in succeeding centuries (§ 125). FOURTH PERIOD : A. D. 814-1073. SECTION FIRST. The Spread of Christianity. § 112. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS IN NORTHERN EUROPE. Adarai Bremensis Hist, eccles. praesertim Bremensis libb. IV. ; and De situ Daniae et reliquarum, quae trans Daniam sunt, regionum natura, moribus et religione. Ed. Fabricius Hamb. 1706. The earlier attempts by missionaries among the Fries- landers and Saxons to convert the Scandinavian races, particularly the Danes, and also the endeavors in the time of Charlemagne of a Jutland noble by the name of Gorm to acquire a more accurate knowledge of Christianity, had been without much effect ; and the occasional efforts to diffuse the gospel from the Frankish empire had been hin- dered by war. It was not until the reign of Lewis the Pious (914 f ), that the political relations between the Franks and Danes became more friendly, and at an imperial diet at At- tigny, in 822, the archbishop of Ebbo of Rheims was chosen as a missionary for Denmark and northern Europe, and con- firmed to this office by pope Paschalis I. But his labors, too, were without important results, and it was only in con- sequence of special endeavors of the emperor Charlemagne, that a Danish king Harald K/ag- received baptism in 826 at the imperial castle of Ingelheim near Mayence. The emperor 82 A. D. 814 — 1073. the spread of Christianity. persuaded him to take back a missionary with him to Den- mark. The abbot Wala of Corvey, on the Weser, proposed- for this work Anschar, or Ansgar, a pious monk and head- master of the cloister school, who joyfully declared, himself ready to undertake the dangerous service. Born in 801, ed- ucated until his fifth year by a pious mother, after a period of religious indiiference awakened to the importance of in- visible and eternal realities, first by. celestial voices sounding in his ears in dreams and visions,' and then by the start- ling intelligence of the death of the great emperor Charle- magne, inwardly pointed to the missionary work by new and still more remarkable visions, — Anschar had already in the cloister given proofs of persevering diligence, earnestness in prayer, and meek and enduring charity, and he now made special preparation by prayer and study of the Scriptures for the new work assigned him. In the year 826, after en- during many hardships, he arrived in Denmark, accompanied by a monk Aitbcrt, who had been stimulated by his example. But shut in on all sides by obstacles, he could not do much more than give instruction to native boys, whom he pur- chased and held for the purpose, in order to train them up as teachers. His first Christian school was founded in 827, at Hadeby or Schleswig. Even in these labors he was in- terrupted in 829 by the expulsion of ^arald from his king- dom, and the return of Aubert to Germany on account of sickness ; and hence, in 729, he gladly seized the opportu- nity that was offered to carry the gospel into Sweden. The care of the Danish mission was devolved for the present upon the monk Gislrmar. Sif:eden had already obtained some knowledge of Chris- tianity, through Christian merchants and captives. Lewis the Pic>us had heard of the desire for Christian teachers ex- pressed by many Swedes, and at his suggestion Anschar went to Sweden, accompanied by the monk Witniar of Cor- ' He tJiouplit, c. p., that he was sunk in n marshy fen ; companies of tlic saints 7)asscil hy him, and he spread out liis arms lonpinply after them ; hut tliey pointed to tlio vanity and sin in him which rendered him unworthy of their lii'avi!ily society. § 112. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS IN NORTHRRN EUROPE. 83 bie a monastery in France. While on their way, they were plundered of everything by pirates. Anschar lost all his books, thirty in number. His fellow-travellers wished to abandon the journey ; but Anschar was not to be deterred. He landed at Birka, and met with a friendly reception from king Berno, and a fraternal one from Christian captives there. A provincial governor, named Herigar^ became a convert, and upon his own estate laid the foundations of the first Swedish church. In the year 830, Anschar returned to Germany, for the purpose of putting the Swedish mission upon a firmer basis, and the emperor Lewis now carried out the design which his father had formed before him, and estab- lished in 831, under the authority of pope Gregory IV., the archbishopric of Hamburg as the centre of northern missions. Anschar was appointed archbishop, and, together with Ebbo, was formally entrusted with the Christianization of the races of northern Europe. Ebbo deputed in his place his nephew Ganzbert, who was consecrated a bishop under the name of Simon, and sent to Sweden, while Anschar reserved for him- self the more difficult work in Denmark. In Denmark, the powerful king Horick for a long time showed great enmity towards Christianity. At the same time, the Normans devastated, first, the diocese, and after- wards (in 845) the city of Hamburgh ; and Anschar, to whom, owing to the poverty of his diocese the cloister of Thorault in Flanders had also been assigned for his support, but which in the division of the empire amongst the sons of Lewis had fallen to Charles the Bald, and by him was given to another person, took refuge on the estate of a noble lady of Holstein, from whence he visited his wasted diocese. By uniting the bishopric of Bremen, on its becoming vacant, with that of Hamburg, Leiuis the German at length bettered the pecuniary condition of Anschar, who now devoted him- self with greater zeal than ever to his missionary pro- jects in northern Europe. By means of presents, and fre- quently by conducting negotiations for him, he acquired the entire confidence of Horick, and although the king did not himself accept Christianity, he yet allowed Anschar to 84 A. D. 814 — 1073. spread of Christianity. found a church in Schleswig, the influence of which was of great importance for the further spread of Christianity. In Sweden, meanwhile, Gauzbert, after a season of suc- cessful labor, had been driven out in 845 by an uprising of the pagan population. Ardgar^ who had previously been an eremite, was sent thither in 851 by Anschar, and labored with some results, but left the country after the death of his patron Herigar. As Gauzbert refused to undertake the Swedish mission again, Anschar took charge of it himself, ac- companied by Erimbert, the nephew of Gauzbert. Though earnestly recommended by Horick to the Swedish king Olaf,^ Anschar was, nevertheless, received inimicably upon arriving in Sweden. A pagan fanatic had instigated the people against the enemies of their ancient gods, so that they set themselves in violent opposition to the foreign deity of the Christians, and were for choosing another new divinity from among their deceased kings. But Anschar was unwearied in labor and prayer, and at length a popu- lar assembly summoned by the king for the decision of the question, at which some Swedes acknowledged that they had been saved at sea by the god of the Christians, con- ceded the liberty of preaching Christianity, and of founding a church. Anschar now left Erimbert in charge of the mis- sionary work in Sweden, and dedicated the rest of his life, after the year 854, to the conversion of the Danes, — still retaining his bishopric of Hamburg and Bremen. Horick 11. of Denmark, owing to the influence exerted upon him by a stadt-holder, Havi, who was inimical to the Christians, did not inherit the friendly sentiments of his father. The church at Schleswig was closed, and the Chris- tian clergy were compelled to flee. A fortunate change in the stadt-holdership restored the previous feeling on the part of the king and government, and Anschar again carried on his labors with courage and energy. While he did not for- get wants that were near by, but, notwithstanding his pov- 1 Ilorick wrote sn)-inK : " I have never in ray wliolo life seen so good a man, and huve never in any one found such truthfulness." § 112. CHIRSTIAN MISSIONS IN NORTHERN EUROPE. 85 erty, ransomed captives, built cloisters, and founded hospi- tals for the poor and sick, still less did he neglect the necessities of those that were more distant. He sent mis- sionaries into all parts of Denmark, training up native- born Danes for this purpose in preference to all others, and teaching them to support themselves by the labor of their own hands, — himself setting the example by weaving nets. Going about in clothing of hair-cloth, and living upon bread and water, by his abstemiousness he provided the means of support for his messengers to the heathen, and of making presents to the pagan nobles. Shortly before his death, — which occurred after being confined to his bed for four months, — he commended with paternal love the Northern mission to the German king Lewis, and to the German bishops ; and with fervent prayer, and utterances of love toward the poor who stood around, and unmeasured faith in the divine word, and strengthened by the sacrament of the Supper, he departed silently and gently on the 3d of February, 865.^ The work which Anschar left behind him could not, like that of Boniface, — to whom he was not equal in the power of producing external results, — defy, like a splendid for- tress, the storms of the future ; yet in conflict with great obstacles, in the midst of great toils, and with humble pa- 1 His earnest desire, cherished from boyhood, to die a martyrs death, was not granted him. His death occurred on the day of the feast of the purification of the Virgin Mary, when he had prepared for all the priests and the poor an enter- tainment. The day and night previous he had spent mostly in conversation with his friends, respecting missions among the heathen. On the approach of death, he joined in the liturgy and penitential psalms, and in chanting the Te deum laudamus and the Athanasian symbol, and then partook of the emblems of the body and blood of the Lord. His last words were : " Lord, remember me according to thy loving kindness ! Lord be merciful to me ! Into thy hands I commit my spirit ; thou hast redeemed me, O thou faithful God ! " Of Anschar's writings there are extant only a letter, and the life of Willehad (§97). For his biography see: Vita Anscharii (in Acta Sanctorum Febr. Tom. I. p. 559, and Pertz Monument. Tom. II. p. 698) by Rembert his successor; Miinter Kirchengeschichte von Dauem. u. Norw. ; Ncander Denkwurdigkeiten ; Reuterdahl Ansgarius; Kraft Narratio de Ansgario ; Daniel Ansgar das Ideal eines Glaubensboten ; K 1 i p p e 1 Lebensbeschreibung des Erzbischofs Ansjrar. 86 A. D. 814 — 1073. the spread of Christianity. tience and self-denying love when the results. seemed to be small and discouraging, he consecrated his whole life to the service of the Lord/ in laying the first foundations of what was finally a grand structure, and his work was abiding. The inferior force and activity of the immediate succes- sors of Anschar, the unpropitious circumstances under which they labored, and the incursions of the Normans into the diocese of Hamburg-Bremen, prevented a rapid growth of the Scandinavian Church. Nevertheless, in the course of this period, it came to be firmly and generally established. In Denmark^ J^ing Gurm the Elder violently persecuted the Christians until the emperor Henry /., about 934, com- pelled him to Jtolerate Christianity. Schleswig became a dependency of the German empire, and a Christian colony was sent to it. The excellent Unni^ archbishop of Ham- burg and Bremen, when upon a visit to Denmark, endeav- ored unsuccessfully to render king Gorm more favorable to Christianity; but he succeeded in winning over to his cause Harald Blaatand, the son and successor of Gorm (941-991). After an unsuccessful war with the emperor Otto /., followed by a treaty of peace, in 972, very favorable to the Christian church, Harald received baptism, and henceforth labored — in connection with the energetic Adaldng-, archbishop of Hamburg and Bremen, who now consecrated several bishops for Denmark, among w^hom was the zealous Liafdiig of Ripen — for the Christian education of his people with so much zeal, that the heathen party, and his own son Siveno their favorite, exasperate d by his course, drove him from the ihrone. Sweno (991-1014) now proceeded to destroy ail Christian institutions, and the earnest remonstrances of the archbishop Libcatius of Hamburg were of no avail. It was not until towards the close of his reign, that, owing to political considerations, he became more moderate, and even favorable to Christianity. This attitude of the Danish gov- ' Compare Snxo Grammntiru8(t ulioiit 1204) Ifist. Danicac liMi. XVI. Ed. Steiihaniu,s Sov. 1644, also Ed. Klotz. IIiil. 1771 ; Pontoppidan An- nules ccHcsiao Daiiicae diplomatici IIuvii 17 11 ; M ii n t c r Kirchcngcschichtu vou Daucm. u. Norw. §112. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS IN NORTHERN EUROPE. 87 ernment was made permanent by Sweno's son Canute the Great (1014-1035), who had been educated in the Christian kingdom of England conquered by the Danes, and who had married Emma, a Christian princess, the widow of the Eng- lish king Ethelred. Canute's favorable feeling towards Christianity was still further strengthened by a pilgrimage to Rome, which he took in 1027, by which he was brought into closer connection with the great centre of western Christendom. In Sweden,! after the death of Anschar, the number of Christians quietly increased, without much external change in the church. The archbishop Unni of Hamburg, recom- mended by Harald the son of the Danish king Gorm, labored in Sweden with success, but died there about 940. His successors sent missionaries, who followed in his footsteps. King Olaf Skautconnung received baptism about 1008, the first Christian king of Sweden, and founded the first Swed- ish bishopric at Skara, in a part of the country which his heathen subjects surrendered to him by stipulation, for the establishment of Christian institutions, — all the rest of the country being left open to the practice of any religion. The king^carried out his missionary plans chiefly by the aid of English clergymen from Norway. Nevertheless, pagan- ism continued to exist for a long time, the influence of an ancient renowned temple at Upsala contributing greatly to its support ; and, besides, many of the preachers of Chris- tianity, to whom the natural reverence of the Swedes for everything of a religious nature afforded the opportunity of proclaiming the truth at popular assemblies, were wanting in fidelity and zeal (See Adam. Brem. Hist. Eccl. Lib. ii. c. 229). Only a few were like that priest of the above- mentioned temple, who, directed in a dream to the God of the Christian, and by him healed of mental blindness, went through the land unweariedly proclaiming the nothingness of idols, and the omnipotence of the Christian deity, — an 1 Ericixs Olai (a clergyman of Upsala in the fifteenth century) Historia Suecorum ;ClaudiiOernhjalm Hist. Sueon. Gothorumque eccl. ; G e i j e r Schwcdens Urgeschichte. 88 814 1073. THE SPREAD OF CHRISTIANITY. example which the Christian zeal of the Swedish bishop Adalward, who had been sent from Bremen, made good use of. At length, king Inire in 1075 prohibited all idol- worship, and enforced the prohibition. The inhabitants of Norway,^ had acquired some knowl- edge of Christianity while engaged in their predatory wars, and in the 10th century many of their leaders attempted its introduction among them. The first Christian king of Nor- way was Hacon the Good,the son of Harald Haarfa^er the first sole king of Norway. Hacon had been educated in England, and had received baptism there, but ventured to observe Christian worship only in secret and under the con- cealment of artifice. After the year 945, he proposed to his people that they should adopt Christianity, but they refused, and even compelled the king himself to participate in one of their heathen festivals. The king now conceived the purpose of introducing Christianity by force ; but he lost his life, about the year 969, in a battle with foreign enemies, dying in deep contrition for his momentary denial of Christ, and reconciled with his people. The love which his people cherished towards him now began to operate favorably for Christianity; Soon afterwards, Norway was subjugated by the Danish king Harald (in 967), who formally introduced the Christian religion in 975 ; but the valiant Norwegian chief Hacon., whom Harald had appointed as his viceroy, in his wrath shattered in pieces all Christian institutions, and broke up the Danish rule. The Norwegian king Olaf Tri/gg-- weson (995-1000) again put an end to the confusion and disorder of heathenism. In one of his earlier warlike expe- ditions, Olaf had been presented by Thanffbrand, a Bremen ecclesiastic, with a shield upon which the figure of Christ was embossed. To this he attributed his deliverance in many dangers ; and, having succeeded in overcoming and slaying Hacon, attended by Thangbrand, he proceeded with ' Snorrc Stiirlcson (of Irolnnfl, t 1241) Hcimskrinpla Ed. Schoning Iliifri. 1777 sq. 5 Vols. fol. ; triuislatcd into German liy Molinikc, and also by Waclitcr. This is a collection of the traditions (Sagas, Eddai)' respecting the Norwegian kings. § 112. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS IN NORTHERN EUROPE. 89 great zeal to establish Christianity throughout the kingdom. He travelled in person through his realm, exhorting his nobles to the only obedience worthy of freemen, and urging them to become the knights of the Almighty, whose Servant he was himself proud to be, and who had made them, in- stead of bondmen, to be the brethren of his Son. But, by employing force and cruelty against the pagan priests, he weakened the impression which his zeal had made upon the people, and paved the way for the invasion of his kingdom by the kings of Sweden and Denmark. He perished in bat- tle in the year 1000. The new rulers labored neither for the suppression nor the extension of the Church in Norway. In 1017, Norway received again a native-born ruler in Olaf Haraldson, and he completed the establishment of Christian- ity in Norway, by founding churches and schools, with the assistance and advice of bishops and priests brought from England, — although by his unchristian violence and des- potic severity, which were the natural effects of his vehement energy, he often embittered the pagans against the new religion. He organized and arranged an ecclesiastical system for the natives, with the cooperation of bishop Grimkild. Nevertheless, the opposition of the pagan portion of the pop- ulation resulted in getting the kingdom into the hands of Canute the Great. Olaf, already on his way to Jerusalem, was summoned back by a dream, and led his army, their* shields and helmets emblazoned with the sign of the cross, against the Danes. He fell in battle, in 1033. But after his death, with hatred against the Danes, new love for Olaf arose in the hearts of the Norwegians. They now wor- shipped hirh as a martyr, and of their own accord insisted upon the wider spread of Christiany, and its permanent establishment. This previously piratical people now learned to love peace, and to be content with its poverty ('Adam. Brem. de situ Danorum c. 96). During this period, Christianity penetrated also into a country still further north. The island of Iceland^ though ^Kristnisaga Historia religionis Christianae in Isl. introd. (written in the fourteenth century); Finni Johannaei Hist. eccl. Islandiae ; Miinter Geschichte der Einfiihrung des Christenthums in Danemark and Norwegen. 90 A. D. 814 — 1073. spread of Christianity. perhaps it had been visited stiU earlier by Irish monks, had been discovered about the year 862 by Norwegians, and soon after was occupied by a Norwegian colony. In 981 a native of the island, Thonvald, who in one of his adven- turous expeditions into Saxony had been baptized by bishop Frederick, made some attempts to introduc-e the Christian religion into his native land, being accompanied thither by the bishop. Afterward the Norwegian king Olaf TrT/g-g-iceson, about the year 996, assisted by an Icelander named Stefne?; endeavored, though without permanent re- sults owing to his violent methods, to Christianize the nation. About the year 1000, two enlightened Icelanders, named Gis- sur and Hialti, having been previously banished from their country, came back as missionaries from Norway into their native land, and soon a general assembly of the nation-, com- posed of representatives of both the pagan and the Christian parties, adopted Christianity as the national religion, for the sake of peace. After this, Christianity continued to spread more and more, although with a remarkable mixture of pagan- ism in it, under the influence of zealous bishops ; and Ice- landic ecclesiastics, betaking themselves to foreign regions for theological education, brought back with them the rudi- ments of theological science. During this period, about the year 1000, Christianity also passed from the north of Europe into Greenland. Gumb- jorn^ a Norwegian sea-captain, had discovered at a distance the mountainous coast of Greenland, in 877 ; next Eric the Red, an Icelandic freebooter, made a full discovery of the region in 982; and his son Leif, through the inducement of the Norwegian king Olaf Tryggweson having received bap- tism wilh his whole ship's company, founded a Christian church, at Leif, in 999. Under king Olaf Ike Saint (f 1033), the church at Leif was greatly strengthened, and Christianity was extended inio the southerly districts of Greenland, Markkuuly Ilclluland, and Vinland. In 1055, the Green- landers received a bishop Albert from Hamburg- Bremen. i ' Tlic connection of Grcculand with tlic Cliristian world continued without § 113. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS AMONG THE SCLAVES. 91 k 113. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS AMONG THE SCLAVES.^ The Christian church was founded during this period, among many important Sclavonic, or Tartar- Sclavonic races, and missionary undertakings among several of these met with great success in the very outset. Two monks of Constantinople, Ci/ril (previously named Constantine) and Methodius his brother,- in the ninth century, did more than any others towards the evangelization of the Sclavonic popula- tion, both of them preaching the gospel in the vernacular tongue, Cyril inventing an alphabet, and translating the Bible into the Sclavonic language. The Chazars, originating in the region north of the Cau- casus, and from the ninth century onward inhabiting the Crimea and the adjacent country, had, through their wars with the Greeks, and in other ways, obtained some knowl- edge of Cliristianity, and being disturbed by Jewish and Mohammedan proselytes, asked the Greek emperor to send them a missionary. The emperor Michael III., then under the guardianship of Theodora, sent Cyril to them, probably about the year 848, by whose preaching a considerable por- tion of the people were led to receive Christianity, although interruption until the fifteenth century. In the middle of the fourteenth century, the black death desolated the whole country, and unusual amounts of ice rendered communication with Norway exceedingly difficult, so that after the year 1410 all autiicntic accounts of the colony in Greenland ceased. In the beginning of the sixteenth century, attempts were made re-discover the ancient Greenland, — first by the bishop of Frondheim under the patronage of Christian II. of Denmark ; next at the close of the sixteenth century by Frederick 11. ; then again in the beginning of the seventeenth century by Christian IV., and still later by Fred^ erick III. and Christian V. It was not however until the eighteenth century, that Christianity was revived in Greenland by the Moravian brethren. ^ Ignatijevie deTkalecDe religione Christiana in Slavis introducta, 2 Vita Constantini, by a contemporary, in Acta Sanctorum Mart. T. II. p. 1 9 sqq. Compare D o b r o w s k i Cyrill und Method der Slawen Apostel ; and Mahr Legende von Cyrill and Method; Philaret Cyrill und Metho- dius die Apostel der Slawen (translated from the Russian). 92 A. D. 814 — 1073. spread of cHnisTiANiTv. in the tenth century we find that many of the Chazars were Jews, Mohammedans, or Pagans. The Bulg-arians in Thrace, on the western borders of the Black Sea, originally a Tartar people from the region between the Caspian and Black seas, had been made ac- quainted with Christianity by Greek captives, and particu- larly by the bishop Manuel, who died a martyr in the first half of the ninth century. Many of them professed Christian-. ity, but were compelled to seal their profession with mar- tyrdom. After the year 860, the condition of the Christian Bulgarians became more favorable. The sister of the Bul- garian king Bogoris, having been converted to Christ during her long captivity at Constantinople, on her return from captivity endeavored, with the assistance of Methodius, to make an impression upon her brother in behalf of the truth. A pinching famine in his realm, and then a repre- sentation of the last judgment, which Methodius, who was a painter, had painted for the king, instead of the wild hunting scene he had desired, inclined Bogoris to listen to the preaching of the gospel. He received baptism in 863, under the name of Michael, and, after a bloody but successful conflict with a portion of his heathen subjects, succeeded in bringing his nation over to Christianity. But the arrival of missionaries of Various nationalities and characters, — Arme- nian, German, Greek, and Roman, — began to divide and unsettle the people, and the king hesitated whether to join himself to Constantinople or to Rome. The greater sim- plicity of the Roman worship, together with political con- siderations, determined him to the Western Christianity. In 865 he entered into correspondence with pope Nicholas I., — a step that resulted afterwards in important disputes and quarrels between the Greek and Latin churches, — who gave him wise and Christian advice, approving the course he had pursued, and warning him against overestimating outward ceremonies, and exhorting him to mildness towards his subjects, and forbearance towards his enemies. Nevertheless, in the end, the unwearied efforts of the CJreek emperor Basil the Macciloiiian prevailed, and the Bulgarians received a § 113. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS AMONG THE SCLAVES. 93 Greek archbishop and bishops. Under the reign of Bogo- ris, Clement (f 916), a pupil of Methodius, labored as the archbishop of the Bulgarians, — having been previously driven out from the Moravians (see infra). The Moravians,^ made subject to the Prankish rule by Charlemagne, but afterv/ards an independent and powerful race, dwelling in what is now northern Austria, about the middle of the ninth century, under the lead of the prince Ra- dislaw, or Rastices, joined themselves, from political reasons, to the Greek church ; and this event offered an opportunity for sending, in 853, Cyril and Methodius to them as mission- aries, who gave them preaching, worship, and a version of the Scriptures in their own Sclavonic language. Very soon after this, however, the Moravians seem to have separated from the Greek church and gone over to the Roman ; for, in the year 868 Cyril and Methodius are reported to have made a journey to Rome at the invitation of the pope. Cyril re- mained at Rome until his death, and Methodius returned to the Moravian church as its archbishop. Radislaw's successor, Swatop/uck, or Zwentibold (870), at first showed hostility towards the Christians, but afterwards treated them favora- bly. The neighboring clergy of the German church, who had been brought into connection with the Moravians through the missionary operations of the archbishop of Salzburg, now complained to the pope of Methodius, because he did not use either the Greek or Latin language, but the profane Sclavonic, in the public worship ; and the pope,/o/m XIIL, in a letter to the Moravian church, forbade the use of Scla- vonic in the mass, but allowed it in the sermon. But Me- thodius in 877 justified his course, in person, at Rome, and received from the pope a declaration favoring the entire Sclavonic ritual, — with the exception that the gospel should not only be read in Sclavonic, but should be first recited in Greek or Latin out of respect. On his return in 860, how- ever, Methodius fell into new difficulties with the German bishops and clergy. These latter being jealous of his influ- ^Pilarz et Morawetz Moraviae Hist- eccl. et, pol. 94 A. D. SI I — 1073. the sprkad of Christianity. encc, desired to establish' an independent Moravian arch- bishopric ; and gaining influence with king Swatopiuck, through his close connection with Arnuiph duke of Carna- thia, and afterwards emperor of the Germans, they sowed the seeds of disunion between Methodius and his sovereijrn. This led to a journey of Methodius in 881 to Rome, and from this time he disappears from view. The Moravian kingdom was conquered in 903, and partitioned between Bohemia and Hungary, and under the new dominion the Sclavonic ritual continued only in some individual churches. From the Moravians, Christianity extended to the Bo- hemians,' a people who had stood in friendly connection with the Moravians, but were conquered by them about the year 890. When Borziwoi, their duke, in 894 took the oath of allegiance to the king of the Moravians, he was made acquainted with Christianity by Methodius, and received baptism. Having been compelled to flee to the Moravians by his pagan subjects, he was instructed still more fully by Methodius, and upon returning to his people labored ear- nestly in founding the church among them. Nevertheless, it was a long time before Christianity became dominant in Bohemia. After the death in 952 of Wratishiic, the succes- sor of Borziwoi, a heathen and a Christian party were engaged in violent opposition to each other. At the head of the heathen party stood Wratislaw^s younger son Boles- law, who had been educated as a pagan by his mother Drahomira ; and at the head of the Christian party stood Wcnzcslmo, the elder brother of Boleslaw, who had been educated as a Christian by his grandmother Lndwilla, the widow of Borziwoi. Wenzeslaw fell hy his brother's hiuid- in 938, and the rule of Bukslaw the Cnief restored the su- premacy of heathenism. An unsuccessful war with the German emperor Olto I. compelled Boleslaw to make a 'CosmasPrnp:. (til as ) Cliron. Rnhcmor, in Rrript. ror. Bohom. Tom. I.; Do liner Ham-ki nnnalos Roliotn. iliustniti ; EjukU. Moiiunicntn lii.^l. nohcniiai; ; I'alacky Cfi-sfhichtf von nilhnicn. _ ' Vita Sanct. Ludniillao ct Sand. Wenrchlai, Acta Sanctorum Scjit. T. V. p. 351 ; T. VII. J). 81>5. § 113. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS AMONG THE SCLAVES. 95 peace in 950, one of the conditions of which was the resto- ration of the rights of the Christians. Under the reign of his son Boleslaw II. the Pious, the church became dominant, and in 973 acquired a permanent foundation, by the estab- lishment of the bishopric (afterwards archbishopric) of Prague, — the pope stipulating for the introduction of the Romish liturgy ; yet the complete extirpation of heathenism was only gradual and slow. Fugitives from Moravia, upon the downfall of that king- dom, carried the seeds of Christianity to the Poles.^ A further knowledge of the gospel was afterwards imparted to them from Bohemians. The Polish duke Miceslaiv, influ- enced by his consort Dambrowska, a Christian princess from Bohemia, received baptism in 966. He both recommended and commanded his people to follow his example, and founded at Posen the first Polish bishopric ; to which were added, in the eleventh century, the archbishoprics of Gnesen and Cracow. The Polish church, also, favored connection with Rome. The conversion of the Russians,^ once more proceeded from the Greek empire. From hence they had obtained their first knowledge of Christianity, and soon after the middle of the ninth century they are said to have received a Greek bishop. The Greek emperor Basil the Macedonian (867-886) continued missionary efforts among them ; yet the hostile relations that existed between the Greeks and Rus- sians prevented for a long time any great success. Even the baptism of the grand princess Olga (who took the name of Helena), at Constantinople in 955, and who, towards the close of her life, ventured to employ a Christian priest only secretly, did not determine her people as a whole for Christianity ; but her uncle, the grand prince Vladimir, in his search for the true religion, was induced in 980 to receive baptism (under the name of Basil) and Christianity according to the ^Ditmar (t 1018) Chronicon ; Mar ti ni Gal li (about 1130) Chrouicon Pol. ; F r i e s e Kirchengeschichte von Polcn ; R o p e 1 1 Geschichte von Polen. 2 N e s t o r (about 1 1 1.3) Annales (to 1 1 10) 5 vols. 4to. translated into German by Schlozer. S t r a h 1 Geschichte der russ. Krche. 96 A. D. 814 — 1073. spread of Christianity. Greek ritual, by the reports which his embassy to Constan- tinople brought back respecting the splendor of the Christian worship, to which they had been admitted in all its parts in the church of St. So})hia. Strengthened in his new views and purposes by his consort, the Greek princess Anna, he invited Christian bishops and ecclesiastics into his kingdom, and, besides many bishoprics, founded the archbishoprics of Kieip and Novgorod. His people now presented themselves on the banks of the Dnieper, and received baptism with stolid submission. After the death of Vladimir in lOio, his son Jaroslaw (1019-1054), and his grandson Isaslaw (1054- 1077), completed the work in Russia which he had com- menced. The monastery at Kievv, from the middle of the eleventh century and onward, became the nursery of Russian literature, as well as of Russian bishops. , The Hungariani,y originating from central Asia north of the Caucasus, had become acquainted with Christianity, towards the close of the ninth century and onward, through their wars with the people bordering upon the region which they now inhabit. The first efforts towards their conversion proceeded from the Greek church. Their prince Gyhis received baptism at Constantinople about 950, and the patriarch sent back with him the monk Ilicrothcus as bishop. SaroUa the daughter of Gylas, although her knowledge of the gospel was very imperfect, nevertheless influenced her husband Gci/sa, the duke of Hungary (972-998), in favor of Chris- tianity ; and under his auspices, the active missionary efforts of Pifgrim bishop of Passau, and others, the Christian church made important progress in Hungary. It finally obtained a firm and permanent establishment,in dependence upon Rdine, through the son of Gcysa, Stephen the Saint (997-1038), who con(iuored in battle the large pagan party, invited eccle- siastics and monks into his kingdom from every quarter, and extended Christianity first to Trtinajfliunda and afterwards to Wallachia. During the political convulsions that suc- 'JohanncsdoThwrocz Clironica Ilungarorum ; M a i 1 a t h Geschichto dcr Maj,'}arcn. § 113. CHRISTIAN MISSIONS AMONG THE SCLAVES. 97 ceeded the death of Stephen, from 1045 to 1060, paganism made spasmodic attempts to recover itself, but they were quelled by force. The Sclavonic- German^ or Wendish^, races in Northern Germany, dwelling on the Elbe, Saal, Havel, and Oder, made persevering resistance to all Christian efforts and influences. These races had been forced, as often as Charlemagne had conquered them, to receive Christian institutions ; and thus a steady hatred of Christianity was generated by the compulsory method in which it came before them. After the victory over the people by the emperor Henri/ I., the emperor Otto I established among them, by royal authority, the bishoprics of Havelburg in 946, of Bran- denburg in 949, of Oldenburg, and about 968 the still more important sees of Meissen, Merseburg and Zeitz, together with the archbishopric of Magdeburg. But a general upris- ing of the Wends under Mistiivoi, in 983, once more anni- hilated the hopes of the church ; and, too late to repair the desolations he had wrought, Mistowoi himself returned in deep penitence to the Christian faith, in which he had been educated. Happier times seemed to be coming on, when his uncle Gottschalk, — who had been educated as a Chris- tian at Luneburg, but had left the monastery in 1038 in order to incite his people to rebellion, though afterwards becoming a sincere believer, — ascended the throne of the great Wendish kingdom which he had succeeded in founding in 1047. Gottschalk caused the gospel to be preached to his people by German ecclesiastics, he himself often acting as their interpreter ; and at the same time he increased the number of bishoprics, founding those of Ratzburg and Meck- lenburg. But soon the great prince of the Wends fell a sacrifice to his Christian zeal, being murdered by the pagans at Lentzen on June 9th, 1066. All Christian institutions • D i t m a r Chronicon ; Adam of Bremen Hist. eccl. ; W i 1 1 i c h i n d (11000) Annales de rebus Saxonum gestis; He 1 mo Id Chron, Slavorum ; Giesehrecht Wendische Geschichten aus den Jahren 780-1182 ; Spie ker KiiThentresphichtc dor Mark Brandenburg; "Wiggers Kirchengeschichte Mecklenbur^s. 98 A. D. 814 — 1073. spread of ciiristiamty. were once more ruthless^ly overthrown, and the ancient altars were consecrated anew with the blood of Christian priests.' ' At tlie close of the sketch of missions among the Gothic and Scandanavian races, the followiii}^ resume will be convenient : Augustine's term of missionary service was nine years (596-603); and liis Held of lalwr was Enj^land (Anf;lo- Saxons). Colnmlxin's term of &ervice was fifty years (590-640) ; and his fields of labor were Burgundy, Switzerland, and Northern Italy. Willibronrs term of ser\Mce was nearly sixty years (680-739) ; and his field of labor was Frioland Boniface's term of service was forty years (715-753); and his fields of labor were Frieslaml, Tlmringia, and Ilessia. Anschar's term of service was nearly forty years (820-865); and his fields of labor were Deamaik and Sweden. — Translator. SECTION SECOND. Church Polity. §114. THE PAPAL CONSTITUTION. The idea of the Papacy, which had been formed in the preceding period, came so near to a complete and universal realization during this, period, that the Papal constitution and laws were set forth in a new book of ecclesiastical law. This, on the one hand, maintained the church's independence of the state and the dignity and inviolability of the clerical power ; and upon the other, inculcated the supremacy of the Roman church over all others, while it limited the authority of the metropolitan bishops, by teaching them subjection to the patriarchs and the pope. This supremacy of the Roman church, and of the pope as the universal bishop, was claimed as proceeding immediately from Christ himself, and not from arrangements of a later day, and carried with it the right of ultimate decision in all ecclesiastical affairs, not merely in regard to the laity, but to bishops themselves of every grade. This new book of ecclesiastical law' was published under the venerated name of Isidore of Seville (§ 104) ; and the name was not ill chosen. The collection of Roman decre- tals by Dionysius Exiguus (Ancient Church § 71), which as early as the sixth century had acquired almost universal authority in the West, had naturally undergone some modi- ^ Edited in Epp. decretales ac rescrr. pontt. Rom. 100 A. D. 814—1073. cmlrch polity. . fications, particularly by the addition of the laws and de- cisions of provincial churches. Among the revisions of this collection, the French and Spanish were the most distin- guished. A new revision, which introduced many modifi- cations, was published in Spain betwef^n the year 033 and 636, as the book of ecclesiastical law for the Spanish church, under the name of Isidore of Seville. As this edition had acquired great reputation from the influence of this name, the last collection of all, made in the ninth century, was craftily sent forth under the same authority. But while all the earlier revisions of the Dionysian col- lection bore the marks of their substantial genuineness, the new Isidoroan collection which now appeared carried the proofs of its spuriousncss in both its mutilations and its additions.' The earlier collections contained the decretals of the Roman bishops from the time of Siricius (383) only ; but this one professed to give the official letters of all the Roman bishops up to the time of the apostles, — letters that had never been heard of before, letters in which Roman bishops of the first centuries speak in the Prankish Latin of the eighth and ninth centuries, letters in which they describe ecclesiastical and political aflairs in accordance with the condition of things in mediaeval France, letters in which they quote Scripture in a post Jerome version, letters in which the Roman bishop Victor, who lived about the year 200, writes respecting the Easter controversy to the Alex- andrine bishop Theophilus, who died about the year 400. That this Isidorean collection is Pscudo-hidorcnn there is no doubt. But though it is settled that the work is one of error and deception, the question may still arise whether it is the product of sheer and disguised forgery, or whether the author of it was so involved in the then existing condition of things, as to be unable to view the past with an unbiassed eye, and really supposed that the ecclesiastical constitutio,n of his time had been that of the church from the first. ' It rontnins ninety-six cnfin-ly new docretnls ; viz : sixty-one from Clemens Romnnus to Sylvester I. (.314), nny flic two hrotliLTs BuUtrini, MUhUr, Ilrfde, Ross/iirt.cW. § 115. THE POPES. 103 Gregory IV. was followed by Sergius II. in 844, Leo IV. in 847^ and Benedict III. in 855. Between th. two last, a ' female Y>ope Johanna is said to have filled the papal chair. According to an old tradition she was a German woman of Mayence, who went to Athens . disguised in male attire, studied there with great success, and afterwards acquired so great reputation at Rome- for her learning that she was chosen pope under the name of John. But although this story is related by writers from the middle of the eleventh century till into the thirteenth, at first without much color- ing but afterwards with a suspicious particularity of detail ; and although many memorials of a later day, and some peculiar ceremonies employed in the consecration of the popes might, certainly, remind of such a thing ; it is nevertheless in all probability a pure invention, — because, the first wit- nesses do not testify until two hundred years after the alleged occurrence; because even the embittered Greek polemical writers of the ninth and tenth centuries, in all their attacks upon the Roman church, make no mention of a female pope ; because the peculiarity of the above men- tioned memorials and ceremonies can be otherwise ex- plained, while no break can be shown in the series of popes ; and because, lastly, the origin of the story can be accounted for upon the supposition that it was a satire upon the licentiousness of the popes of the first half of the tenth cen- tury, viz : John X., XL, and XII., and the influence of shame- less women over them.^ The Papacy received a new impulse under the rule of the vigorous pope Nicholas I. (85S-«67), who was not only the first to apply successfully the principles of the Pseudo- Isidorean decretals, but also to do it in a righteous cause. Lothaire II., king of Lothringia, for the sake of the adul- 1 One of the most attractive of the concubines of Tope John XII. received the sobriquet of Popcss Joanna, because of her influence in ecclesiastical attan-s ; and from this the story may have arisen. It was however credited to sucli a degree that Pope John XX., in 1279, called himself Jolm XXI. Among the works upon this subject, the most important are : Blondel Joanna Papissa ; Lieb- nitz Flores sparsi in tumulum Papissac : Spanhcim Dissertat.o do Joanna Papissa. 104 A. D. 814^1073. church polity. tress Waldrade, had repudiated his wife Thietbcrga. The two archbishops, Gunther of Cologne, and Thietg-aud of Treves, together with several bishops, had allowed them- selves to be made the instruments of his lusts, and in a synod at Aix in 862 had pronounced a separation between Lothaire and Thietberga, notwithstanding the protest of Hincmar bishop of Rheims. The injured wife appealed to the pope, who immediately ordered a new investigation of the matter at the council of 3Ietz, in 863, under the guidance of the papal legates. But these latter were probably bribed, and the preceding unrighteous decision was re-aHirmed at Metz. Hereupon Nicholas deposed Gunther and Thietgaud, and declared the decision of the synod to be null and void, and shameful. The deposed prelates succeeded for a while in gaining over to their cause the emperor Lewis II., the brother of Lothaire. But the menacing advances of Lewis with his army towards Rome did not terrify the pope ; and neither did the loud protests of the embittered archbishops, who claimed to be his equals, disturb him. He did not rest until the Lothringian bishop had humbly sought papal absolution, and Lothaire had received again Thietberga as his wife, having sent Waldrade to Rome, under the conduct of the papal legates, that she might perform penance there. And when, soon after this, Thietberga herself, under the re- newed ill-treatment of her husband, applied to the pope for the annulment of the marriage, nothing but his own death prevented Nicholas from proceding to the most extreme measures with the king, in maintaining the inviolability of the marriage tie. Contemporaneously with these occur- rences, Nicholas humbled the powerful and haughty iZ"/w67»ar, archbishop of Rheims, a zealous defender of the freedom of the French national church, who, at a synod at Soissons, in 803, had deposed Rothad bishop of Soissons, with whom he had often been in conflict, and who had made his appeal to the pope. Nicholas ordered, when the French bishops sent an account of their proceedings to him, that Ilincmar should either immediately reinstate Rothad, or- else send to Rome for a regular investigation, upon the ground that the § 115. THR POPES. 105 pope was the only judge in the case of differences between bishops, and that each synod could give a valid decision only under his authority, — principles which were laid down in the Pseudo-Isidorean decretals, and to which he could appeal with the more confidence inasmuch as the French 'bishops had already, in previous instances, cited from these decretals in their own behalf. Rothad was obliged to go to Rome, and was sent back to his bishopric, in 865, with a letter froni the pope. The successor of Nicholas, Hadrian 11. (867-872), was not so successful in carrying out these principles of ecclesi- astical polity. When, after the death of Lothaire II. in 869, Lothaire's uncle Charles the Bald king of France had seized his territories, which of right should have gone to Lothaire's brother the emperor Lewis II., the pope declared earnestly for the claims of Lewis, and made representations to this effect to the French bishops, his right to interfere in the case was contemptuously repelled by Hincmar of Rheims. He was equally unsuccessful in asserting his claims in another contest with Hincmar. At the synod of Douzi, in 871, Hincmar had deposed his nephew, the haughty young bishop Hincmar of Laon. The latter «maintained, in accor- dance with the Pseudo-Isidorean decretals, that the pope alone could be his judge. The pope now made the same demand of Hincmar which his predecessor had made in the case of Rothad, but was again repulsed by the archbishop, in the name of king Charles, in the strongest terms. Hinc- mar, in particular, declared in the most decided and vehe- ment maimer against the validity of the Pseudo-Isidorean decretals, yet without entering into a close examination of them, or attacking them in a way to make a lasting impres- sion. He did not deny their genuineness, but contended that they were not binding upon the Frankish church, because they had not been formally adopted by it. The position of the pope became more favorable under Hadrian's suQcessor John VIII. (872-882), who enjoyed the triumph of seeing king Charles the Bald willing to sacrifice all his royal prerogatives and the rights of the national 14 106 A. D. 814 — 1073. church polity. church, for which he had contended so zealously, in order to obtain the papal vote for his elevation to the imperial throne. Notwithstanding all the opposition of Hincmar and the other bishops, Auscg-isus archbishop of Sens was appointed by the new emperor apostolical vicar and spiritual primate over the whole kingdom of France. Very soon after the pontificate of John VIII., there suc- ceeded a long period of deep corruption, one of the most shameful eras in the history of the Papacy, introduced by the violent conflicts of the various factions of Italian nobles. Among these parties, one in particular, at whose head stood the Margrsiye Adelbert of Tuscany together with two vicious Roman women Theodora and her daughter Marozia, ac- quired gi'eat influence over the election of the pope.' Those most worthless persons, the shameless Sergius III. (904-911), John X. (914-928), John XL (931-936), and others like them, were the mere creatures of this party. Octavianus, a youlh of eighteen years, the grandson of Marozia, who had grown up in vice, succeeded them in 956, under the name of John XII., and during his pontificate enormities reached their height. Female pilgrims, if they would preserve their honor, must not visit the sacred city. The pnpal palace was a harem.2 But the pope's perfidy towards the German king Of fa I., whom he had called into Italy, in 960, to assist him against their common enemy the Italian king Berengar II. and his son Adelbert, and whom he had crowned emperor of Germany in 962, prepared the way for his own downfall. At a synod convened by the emperor at Rome, in 963, the pope was convicted of murder, blasphemy, and all kinds of impurity, was deposed, and pope Leo XV. chosen in his place, whose pontifical authority, in spite of the opposition of John, and afterwards of Benedict V., was made triumphant by Otto. Yet tranquiflity lasted only so long as Otto lived. Immediately after his death in 973, the Tuscan party rose ' L 11 i t p ra n d i Ilistoria ; F 1 o d o a rd i (t OGfi) Chronicon (919-060) ; Frag- iiicnta de pontifT. IJotn. in MaI)illon Acta ss. Compare Liis cti or Historic des nitri irurenre^rimcnts. — '^ L 11 i t )> r a II d 1 Df rtlms im])LTatornin ct rcj,'uni VI. «]. § 115. THE POPES. 107 to power again, and exerted anew its corrupting influence upon the Romish see and its official appointments. The next conflict into which the Papacy entered, after such a century as this, could not fail to disclose how^ deeply, or how superficially, its authority was lodged in the minds of men. Pope John XV. (985-996) was asked, in a very reverential letter, by Hugh Capet, who was endeavoring to establish himself in his newly acquired French throne, to decide whether the archbishop Armdph of Rheims, whom Hugh had craftily made archbishop because he was a brother of Charles of Lothringia his only rival to the French throne, should not be deposed again for having traitorously opened the gates of Rheims to his enemy and rival. The pope, uncertain which of the two French parties would prove superior, delayed his decision so long that Hugh, believing that he could dispense with his assistance, and supported by the energy, learning, and boldness of Gerbert, who was at that time secretary of the chiirch in Rheims, and of his like-minded friend, bishop Arnulph of Orleans, compelled Arnulph of Rheims, at a synod convened at Rheims in 991, to send in his resignation, and appointed Gerbert in his stead. The pope, enraged, declared the synod to be null and void, and suspended from office all the par- ticipants in it. Gerbert, unterrified, in three letters en- couraged the French bishops to resist the lawless authority of the pope. But the papacy, so firmly entrenched in the superstition of the time that it could not be overthrown even by its worthless incumbents, had the voice of the people with it, and even Hugh's successor, Robert king of Nor- mandy (996-1031), was not inclined to carry on the hazard- ous contest against the head of the church. In order to induce pope Gregory V. (996-999) to legitimate his marriage with Bertha, he submitted to the retraction, at a second synod at Rheims in 996, of all that had previously been done in opposition to the pope's authority, to the deposition of Gerbert, and the restoration of Arnulph to the archbish- opric. Gerbert became archbishop of Ravenna in 998, and having been at an earlier period the instructor of the em- 108 A. D. >^l\ — 1073. CHURCH polity. peror O/to III. was made pope through his influence, under the title of Sylvester 11. (999-1003). But Gerbert now had no inclination to carry out his old principles. On the con- trary, he labored craftily to break down the imperial power, in order to strengthen the papal; first, by nourisliing in the youthful emperor the idea of founding at Rome a western empire after the model of the Byzantine, — a plan that alienated all the best of the German prelates, — and secondly, by separating the Polish and Hungarian churches from their connection with the German, and placing them under the rule of papal vicars. lie was also the first pope who broached (in 999) the idea of a crusade of Christendom to recover the holy sepulchre. Soon after Otto's death in 1002, and that of Sylvester II. in 1003, the Italian dissensions broke out afresh, owing to the feebleness of the emperor's power in Italy. In the contest with the Tuscan party, the counts of Tusculi at- tained to so much influence, that from the time of Benedict VIII. (1012-1024), a scion of their house, the papal dignity for a long period became as it were hereditary in their family. Benedict was succeeded by his brother John XIX. (1024- 1033), a layman ; and he was succeeded in 1033 by his kinsman Theophylact, a boy of twelve years, who had grown up in the most shameful vice, who assumed the name of Benedict IX.' llis horrible debaucheries rendered it easy for the opposing party to elect another pope, Sylvester III., who expelled Benedict from Rome ; but wiien Benedict found means to return again, he shared with him the posses- sion of the city and the papacy. Benedict afterwards, being in need of money, sold his share in the papacy to the arch- presbyter Jo/in Gralian, who took the name of Greg-ori/ VI., an upright man who regarded the disgrace of obtaining the papacy in this manner as a necessary sacrifice in order to save the church (torn utter destruction. Nevertheless, Ben- edict did not rcliiKiuish his claims to tin- i)apal dignity, and ' The nlitiot Drsidirius, aflorwanls pope Victor III., in his y his opponent witli lioing a diseijiie of Felix of Urgel- § 120. OPPOSITION TO SUPERSTITION. 125 then sent by the king to Turin, in Italy, the principal seat of superstition, where he proceeded earnestly, and sometimes in a manner that was not always wise, against the use of ima- ges, and insisted upon their entire and immediate banish- ment from the church. He also opposed the use of the sign of the cross, asserting that it owed its origin to an unwilling- ness to bear the cross after Christ; and the worship of saints, saying that nothing but the imitation of the saints in faith and life could be of benefit. His views were combated by Dungal, a monk probably from Scotland or Ireland, and also by his old friend Thcodemir abbot of Nismes ; and when the pope, Paschalis I. (817-824), gave his voice against him, he disputed the papal authority. During his continual contests and manifold persecutions, Claudius was strongly sustained by the inward peace and joy that flowed from his faith in Christ's justifying righteousness, and as he was under the emperor's protection, the pope dared not make any at- tempts upon his person. Yet Louis by no means agreed with the views of Claudius upon the controverted points, and devolved upon Jonas, bishop of Orleans, the task of refuting them. Jonas published soon after the death of Claudius in 840, his work De cultu imaginum, in which he reaffirmed the old mid-way principles of the Libri Carolini (§ 109) respecting the use of images.' About the same time, Walafried Strabo, abbot of Reichenau (f 849), main- tained the same Carolinian views in his liturgical work, De exordiis et incrementis rerum ecclesiasticarura, in which he expressed the opinion that one might as well abolish church edifices and everything else of a visible nature, upon the ground that they might be abused for purposes of su- perstition, as to utterly abolish images for the same reason. This was the last clear defence of the Carolinian principles in the French church. lis, who maintained the Adoptian theory. But there is no trace of Adoptianisin in his commentaries upon the Scriptures, of which considerable is extant. See Bibliotheca Pati-um Lugd. T. XIV. ; Rudelbach Claudii Taurin. ineditorum operum specimina. 1 The writings of Jonas, Theodemir, and Dungal against Claudius are con- tained in Biblioth. Patr. Lugd. T. XIV. SECTION FOUETH. History of Doctrine. CHAPTER FIRST. THEOLOGY AND CONTROVERSIES. § 121. SErARATION OF THE EASTERN FROM THE WESTERN CnURCII. W a 1 c h nistoria controvcrsiae Graccoruni Latinommquc de processione Spir- itus Sancti. Ncandcr Church History III. 553-586. Maimhourg His- toirc du schisme dcs Grecs. Leo Allatius Dc ccdesiac oocidentalis et oricntalis pcrpctua consensione. For the orignal documents sec Ca nisi us Lcctiones antiquac III. 271 sq., and Cotclerius Eccle.siae Graecae monu- menta II. The separation of the Eastern from (he Western church was an event of great importance in respect to the devel- opment of dogmatic theology. The grounds of the differ- ences between the two churclies were partly natural, and partly ecclesia.'^tical. The Greek was excitable and change- able ; the Roman was characterized by firmness and steadiness. The former was inclined to speculation ; the latter was practical in his tendency. The (Jreek cultivated speculative dogmatics ; the Roman became more and more interested in the sacramental aspects of the church. In the West there was sullicient freedom to secure a healthy growth, until the formation of the j^apal despot4sm ; in the East the church was manacled by the imperial pt)\ver. § 121. SEPARATION OF THE CHURCHES. 127 These differences between the two great divisions of Chris- tendom did not, however, result in a schism, until they were heightened and aggravated by other causes. Dogmatic dis- agreement first exerted its influence. After the fourth century, the doctrine of the Holy Spirit assumed a different speculative form in the East from what it did in the West. The oecumenical council of Constantinople, in 381, had de- cided, in opposition to the Macedonian theory that the Holy Spirit is the creature of the Father through the Son, that the third person as well as the second is consubstantial with the first, and is of equal dignity with the second (Ancient Church § 85). The council did not, however, decide whether the procession of the Spirit is from the Father only, or from both the Father and Son. In respect to this question, the Western church, from the desire to maintain the complete equality between the Father and Son, under the influence of the Trinitarian speculations of Augustine inclined more and more to the position that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and Son ; and when the Spanish church had oc- casion to receive into its communion the converted Arian Gothic king Reccared (Ancient Church §68), it added the clause filioque to the Constantinople symbol, by the decision of the Council of Toledo in 589. The Eastern church from the first viewed this addition to a venerable oecumenical symbol with suspicion, and as the action of the council of Toledo had been re-affirmed at GentiUy in 767, at Friaulin 796, and at Aix la Chapelle under the authority of Charlemagne in 809 (See §110), the opening of this period found this particular dogmatic ground of divergence between the East and the West fully established. Again, there were differences between the Greek and the Latin church which had respect to ecclesiastical ordinances and laws. The Western church accepted only fifty Apostolical Canons; the Eastern accepted eighty-five (Ancient Church § 57). The latter permitted all clergymen, excepting bishops, to live in the marriage connection, in case they were already married when ordained ; the former prohibited this. The Greek maintained, and the Latin denied, that the patriarch 128 A. D. 814 — 1073. history of DocxraNE. of Constantinople was equal in rank with the bishop of Rome, — a point which gradually eclipsed all others, in practical importance, as the power of the papacy advanced. The Western church allowed, and the Eastern forbade, fast- ing upon Saturday, the eating of blood and things strangled, and the use of the figure of a lamb to represent Christ These dilferences were distinctly enunciated and established by the Greek church, at the Second Trullan Council in 692 (§ 106). In this manner, the way to an open conflict be- tween the two sections of Christendom was abundantly prepared. Yet these differences did not work out their /inal consequences, in a public and formal schism between the East and the West, until the middle of the ninth century. The venerable patriarch Ignatius of Constantinople, in the middle of the ninth century, felt compelled to set him- self in opposition to the vice and godlessness of the court, which was under the influence of the corrupt Bardas, the uncle, and guardian during his minority, of Michael III. He denied the sacrament to Bardas, and refused to be his servile instrument, and was therefore deposed and banished in 858. The most learned, and perhaps the most vain man in the Greek church, Photius^^ the captain of the emperor's body guard and his private secretary, was made patriarch in his stead. But nothing could induce Ignatius to yield his conviction that his rights had been violated, or to ac- quiesce in the procedure. In order to overcome the party of Ignatius, and at the same time to escape the odium of the horrid barbarities of Bardas (who scourged, imprisoned, 1 The most important work of Pliotius is his Bihiiothcca, — a rollcrtion of ex- tracts from two Imnilrcd and cij:hty works, most of which are not extant, with accounts of tliem ; edited by lloesclielius, IfiOl, and liy Bekker, 1824. Besides this, he has kft a manual of ecclesiastical law, NoMOKovtif, in two parts, — the first part (edited by Beverid^'c) relaiinf,' to the synodal canons, and the second (in Justelii Hiblioth.) to diureli statutes passed by the government. Tiiotius also composed Advcrsus I'aulinastiw sc. receniiores Slaniehaeos lil)b. IV., several tlicolopcal tracts, two hundred and fifty-three letters, unpul)lished commentaries upon Pauls Epistles, and a Cm-ek lexicon of great value in Greek philolot:y, edited by Ileriaanii 1808, and Torson, 1823. § 121. SEPARATION OF THE CHURCHES. 129 and mutilated the adherents of Ignatius), ana the blas- phemies of the emperor (who caused his favorites to play, in buffoonery, the parts of patriarchs and bishops), Photius convened a synod at Constantinople, in 859, which passed sentence of deposition upon the absent Ignatius. Ignatius refused to abdicate, or in any way to recognize the authority of the synod ; whereupon Photius appealed to pope Nich- olas I. for assistance in accomplishing his design. Unbi- assed by the honor which Photius and the emperor had showed him by this appeal, the pope sent two bishops, as his legates, to Constantinoj^le to make further inquiry, and bring back a report. The two ' legates, without obeying their instructions, were induced to take part in a Council at Constantinople^ in 861, which was as subservient as the preceding one to the emperor's will, and re-affirmed the de- position of Ignatius (who was present and was treated with shameful disrespect), and the appointment of Photius. ' Nevertheless, Nicholas soon learned the true state of the case, and at a synod at Rome, in 863, excommunicated his two legates, deposed Photius, excommunicated him in case he would not abdicate, and declared Ignatius to be the patriarch of Constantinople. The angry correspondence which now passed, first between Ignatius and the emperor, and then between him and Photius, was made still more angry by a new question that arose respecting ecclesiastical authority over the Bulgarians (See § 113), which each church sought to gain. The feeling rose so high that, at a Council at Constantinople^ in 867, to which he had invited the Eastern bishops in an encyclical letter violently denun- ciatory of Rome (Photii Ep. 2), Photius deposed and ex- communicated the pope. In this letter, he charges upon the Roman church the heresies of fasting upon Saturday, of corrupting the great fasts, of despising confirmation from the hands of a presbyter, of forbidding regular clerical mar- riage, and particularly of falsifying the Nicaeno-Constanti- nopolitan symbol in respect to the doctrine of the Holy Spirit, — which latter he denominated the sin against the Holy Ghost. Nicholas regarded this attack of Photius 130 A. I). 81 1 — 1073. HISTORY of doctrine. upon himself as an attack upon the whole Latin church, and thus the contest between the two highest ecclesiastics became one between the two sections of Christendom. Nicholas called upon the principal bishops to defend their church against the attacks of the Greeks, and thus the sep- arating wall was built up between them.' The condition of alTairs, nevertheless, seemed to change materially, when the emperor Basil the Macedonian^ — the murderer of Mi- chael, to whom, it is said, Photius refused the communion, — in 867, declared in favor of Ignatius, and sent to pope Ha- drian II. for a new decision. A synod at Rome in 868 declared the proceedings of the last Constantinopolitan synod to be null and void, deposed Photius, and reinstated Ignatius ; and a new Si/nod at Constantinople, in 869 (which the Latin church regards as the eighth oecumenical), publicly ratified these decisions. But soon after this, the Bulgarian controversy broke out anew between the two churches, in the heat of which Ignatius died (in 878), and Photius, who during his adversity had shown more discretion than during his prosperity, and had even lived in friendly relations with Ignatius, was appointed patriarch again. Pope John VIII. now perceived that a controversy with Photius would be productive of no advantage ; and Photius, on the other h;iii(l, made wise by his experience, perceived how imjiortant a connection with the Roman church would be to him, in his contest with his rivals. This he sought, and the pope actually declared himself ready, notwithstanding the course which his j>apal predecessors had pursued, to absolve Pho- tius from all spiritual penalties, and to acknowledge him as patriarch, provided he would ask forgiveness of the Roman church, and would renounce all claims of authority over the Bulgarians. The papal legates came to Constantinople, in 879, to arrange the whole matter. But Photius, at the new Council at Constantinople, in 879 and 880 (which the Greek ' The controvcrsinl tmrts on the Lntin side nrc contnlned in A c n c n e cpiscopi Parisiensis lih adv. Grnccos ; ami in the more iniportnut works of Ratram- n u 8 (Sec § 122) Contra Graccorum op|Misita, lloinanani ertlesiain infaiuantium libb IV. § 121. SEPARATION OF CHURCTIES. 131 Church, excepting the rival party opposed to Photius, recog- nize as the eig:hth oecumenical), appeared by no means ready to concede so much to the pope. Without any further ex- planations, he assumed the position of a legitimate patri- arch of Constantinople, allowed the letter of the pope to be read to the council in a mutilated and weakened version, and amused the papal legates with courtly attentions. For a while the pope still expected that Photius would yield ; but he waited in vain, and at length pronounced an anath- ema upon him, and upon all who should acknowledge him as patriarch. Even the new deposition of Photius by the emperor Leo the Philosopher, in 886, did not lead to a resto- ration of friendly relations with Rom.e, although the rival party to Photius lent all their endeavors to this end ; and even after the death of Photius (in exile in 891), the contest between the two churches continued. The tenth century, witnessed a comparative forgetfulness of the strife, though no restoration of a friendly union be- tween the East and the West ; but in the eleventh century, the contest broke out again with new violence, and for ever burst the bands of communion between the Greek and Latin churches. The patriarch of Constantinople, Michael Cenilarins, a violent enemy of the Latins, caused all their churches and cloisters at Constantinople to be closed, and, m 1053, in conjunction with Leo of Achrida, the metropol' itan of Bulgaria, addressed a letter to John bishop of Trani m Apulia, in which he attacked the Latin doctrine and usa- ges with fanatical and blind zeal. The chief gi-ound upon which he hereticated the Western church was a new one, the use of unleavened bread in the sacrament of the Supper, '— a usage which certainly did not exist in the first eight' cen- turies, common bread being universally employed, but which since the ninth century,^ partly in order to approximate more nearly to the original passover feast which Christ himself kept, and partly in order to distinguish the sacra- iRabanus Maurus De institut. cleric. I. 31. Compare Hermann ±list. concertt. de pane azymo et fermentato. 132 A. D. S14— 1073. history of doctrine. mental bread from that of ordinary meals, had been intro- duced into the Western church, witliout hitherto awakening any scruples on the part of the Greek church. Michael thought he saw in the Latin usage a plain leaning towards Judaism, and gave to its advocates the name of Azy mites. The letter came into the hands of the cardinal bishop Uum- bert, a zealous polemic, who immediately translated it, and sent it to pope Leo IX., who issued a treatise in defence of the Latin church, which was followed by one from Hum- bert in Constantinople. For political reasons, the contro- versy was very inopportune to the emperor Constantine Mo- nomachus. He therefore purposed to bring abcvut peace between the contending parties, and pope Leo, in 10o4, at the emperor's suggestion sent three deputies (cardinal Hum- bert, the archbishop of Amalfi, and the archdeacon of Rome) to Constantinople, for the purpose of settling the dillicul- ties. But these, with Humbert in the midst of them, only made matters worse. The humiliation, by the aid of the emperor, of the Greek Studite monk Nicetas Pectoratus^ a violent opponent of the Latins, who was compelled to burn his polemic treatise before the eyes of the papal deputies, embittered the patriarch Michael in the highest degree. No imperial threats availed to make him yield, and both the clergy and people defended him. On the 16th of July, 1054, the papal deputies laid down upon the altar of the church of St. Sophia, a letter of excommunication against him. The patriarch immediately replied with a similar letter of excommunication against the pope, and the other Oriental patriarchs sided with the patriarch of Constantinople. Peter, the patriarch of Antioch, alone, upon the ground that the j)()int of disjmte was an unessential one, and that the Latin " barbarians" could not be expected to equal the Greeks in dogmatic accuracy, still counselled peace ; but his voice met with no echo, and the schism between the Eastern and Western churches was now transmitted from century to century. This contest nearly extinguished theological science in the Cireek church. With the exceptions of Plwtius in the § 122. THEOLOGY IN THE WEST. 133 ninth century, and Simeon Metaphrastes and Oecumenius in the tenth, the Greek church presents no important names during the whole of this period. Metaphrastes (1977) is the author of 122 Vitae Sanctorum ^ ; and Oecumenius composed a commentary, out of the writings of earlier ex- egetes, upon the Acts of the Apostles and the New Testa- ment Epistles.^ Eutychius Said, the contemporary of both (f 940), patriarch of the Melchites at Alexandria, is the au- thor of a chronicle of secular and sacred history written in Arabic 3 (Ancient Church, §6), — but his ecclsiastical rela- tions were Asiatic rather than European. § 122. THEOLOGY IN THE WEST. LaunoiusDe scholis celehrioribus a Carolo Maximo instauratis ; H i s t o i r e L i t e r a i r e de la France, par des Benedictins. Only in the first third, and last third, of this period, en- closing the dark tenth century between them, are there any signs of active theological life in the Latin church. Theology, in the ninth century, owing to the lingering influence of the Carolingian age transmitted in the monas- teries, took principally a biblico -practical direction, which was strengthened by the zealous study of the scriptures, together with the commentaries of the church Fathers, par- ticularly Augustine. The more distinguished theologians of this school were : Rabanus Maurus,'^ born at Mayence in 776, educated first at the cloister of Fulda and afterwards in Alcuin's seminary at Tours, deacon in 801, priest in 814, iLeo Albatius De variis Simeonibus et Simeonum scriptis. 2EdMorellus. Par. 1631. '^Edited by Pococke Oxon 16.58; Compare Renaudot Historia patri arch. .\lexRndr. Jacobitarum, p. 346 sq. * Opera cd Colvenerius. Compare B u d d a e u s De vita ac doctrina Rabani, and Histoii'c Literairo de la France T. V. p. 151. sq. 134 A. D. 814 — 1073. history of doctrine. appointed in 810 overseer of the cloister school at Fulda, abbot of Fnlda from 822 to 842 (during which time he twice resigned the post and withdrew into solitude), elected archbishop of Mayence in 847, in which post he died in 856, — one of the most learned men of his time, and one of the most active in disseminating Christian knowledge, well known tlirough his commentaries upon nearly the whole Bible, his Introduction to Theological Study for the use of clergymen (De clericorum institutione), his writings upon Morals (De vitiis et virtutibus), upon Church Discipline (De disciplina ecclesiastica), his Martyrology, Horrilies, Poems (De mysterio sancti crucis), Letters, and his Gram- matical and Philosophical Writings (Etymologiae s. de universo) ; secondly, Claudius bishop of Turin (§ 119), the author of many commentaries upon the Bible (of which only that upon Galatians has been printed) ; thirdly, Wala- fried Strabo, born 807, educated at Fulda, abbot of the monastery at Reichenau where he died in 849, who, besides many poems and liturgical compositions, wrote a brief run- ning commentary upon the whole Bible (Glossa ordinaria in Biblia),' which became the general manual of exegesis in the succeeding mediaeval centuries ; fourthly, Hajjmo, born 778, educated at Tours, elected bishop of Halberstadt in 840, and died 853, tiie author of many Biblical commen- taries and of a church history ; 2 and lastly. Christian DrutJi- mar, a monk of Corbie, afterwards a teacher, about 850, in the monasteries of Stavelo and Malmedy, who in liis Com- mentary upon Matthew, in opposition to an arbitrary alle- gorizing, revived again the grammatical method of the Antiochian school. This practical tendency towards the study of the Scrij)- tures was strengthened, moreover, by the rise and cultivation of Sacred Biblical Poeiry. In the ninth century, scriptural poems took the place, among the Germanic races, of the old pagan war songs. The earliest pieces of this kind that 1 Ed. Antwerp. 16.34. * Ed. Mudcrus 1G71. Compare Ancient Church ^ G. ,§ 122. THEOLOGY IN THE WEST. 135 are extant, are the Hildehr and sited, and the Wessohmn Prayer, — Q. metrical supplication. Of a similar character is a poem upon the judgment, fragments of which have been preserved under the title of MuspiUi (Penal fire). But the most important of these productions is a Low German, Old- Saxon work of the ninth century, the so-called Heli- and, (i.e. Heiland or Saviour), — a sacred epic narrating, upon the basis of the four gospels, the life of Christ. It is one of the simplest and grandest specimens of early na- tional poetry, and contributed greatly to popularize the gospel among the German races.' About thirty years later than the Heliand, appeared the poetical paraphrase in High German, of the Gospel Harmony, by Otfried.-^ Contempo- raneously with these metrical paraphrases of the gospels upon the continent, were produced those Anglo-Saxon par- aphrases in England, of portions of the Scriptures, which go under the name of Caedmon. Besides these practico-biblical tendencies, a contemplative mystical theology sprang up in the Western church, in the ninth century. It took its first origin from the Greek church, through the writings of Dionysius the Areopagite (§105), which the emperor Michael Balbus sent in 824 to Lewis the Pious, who commissioned the abbot HUduin (f 840), and afterwards Scotus Erigena, to translate them. The influ- ence of these writings was enhanced, moreover, by a work founded upon them, entitled Areopagitica, by Hilduin, in which the Pseudo-Dionysius is represented as the founder of the church at Paris (Ancient Church, § 18) .3 1 Edited by S c h m e 1 1 e r , and translated into German by G r e i n . 2 It is entitled &ist, and has been critically edited by G r a f f , and contained in Sdiilter's Thesaurus Antiquitatum Teutoniarum. Compare Lechler Otfried's althochdeutsches Evangelium, in Theol. Studien. 1848. See a metrical translation of a fragment of it by C o 1 e r i d g e , Works VII. 301-2. _ Upon the Old German Poe*ry compare Gervinus Geschichte der poet. National^ 3 Contemporaneonslv with this ecclesiastical mysticism, the Jeivish Cabbala poured out upon the Middle. Ages a mass of works of a magical -d t^em^- cast. The first of them appear about 780. They emanate from Palestme and Persia, where Jewish seminaries flourished until the downfall of the Jewi|^h pa- triarchate in 1038. In Europe, the first traces of the doctrines of the C^bbalist. are seen in Italy and Southern France; from whence they puss mto Isorthcni 136 A. D. 814 — 1073. history of doctrjxe. In close connection with this mysticism, and somewhat conditioned by it, some germs of a speculative dialectical tendency in theology made their appearance, particularly i^.* the Irish monasteries. Its representative is John Scutiis Erig-ena, who resided after 84o at the court of Charlemagne, and died about the year 877.i Educated by the study of Augustine, but still more of the Greek theologians Origen, Gregory Nyssa, Maximus, and particularly Dionysius the Areopagite, Scotus attempted, in opposition to a dogmatics based only upon the authority of the Scriptures and the church Fathers, to deduce Christianity and its doctrines phil- osophically, from the principles of reason, in a priori man- ner. Assuming that rational perception precedes faith, and is presupposed by it, he reversed the Augustinian maxim : fides praecedit intellectum ; and maintaining that God, as the object of pure intellectual intuition, is above all concep- tions and predicates, — even the predicates of consciousness, love, and existence itself, — he distinguished a two-fold theology, — first, a negative theology {^eoXoyia cnrocpuTiKij), which evinces that every thing that is attributed, in the way of predicates, to the Divine and Eternal, is inadequate, and does not correspond to their essential nature ; and, secondly, a positive theology {'^eoXoyi'a KaracpariKi}), which adheres to the doctrines of Scripture and the church, as the human and finite symbols of the incomprehensible Infinite.' He un- folded his system nt l>emas liberum arbitrium ad bonam, praeventom et adjatum gratia ; et habemos liberum arbitham ad malum, desertum gratia." § 123. PREDESTINAEIAN CONTROVERSY. 145 of saving grace or of just retribution, — God, in the latter instance, siniply predestinating punishment to those whom he leaves to their merited condemnation, but not predesti- nating them to punishment ' ; and, secondly, that they made prominent the position, that God -wills the salvation of all men, though not all are saved, and that Christ suffered for all, though all are not redeemed by his sufferings : in brief, that the salvation of the saved is a gift of divine grace, and the perdition of the lost is their o-^ti guilt^ But al- though these positions bordered so closely upon the Gotts- chalkian doctrine, they were not sufficiently satisfactory to parevent the party of Gottschalk from desiring to obtain for their own views a counterbalancing ecclesiastical authority. Hence, under the lead of Remigius, the Synod of Valence^ in 855, set forth, in opposition to the four propositions of the second Synod of Chiersy, six propositions enunciating a strict Augustinianism, in which a praedestinatio duplex is asserted, though with the express declaration added, that God has neither predestinated sin nor any man to sin. They also refer redemption to all baptized members of the church, and to such alone ; but, from this number, again, only a portion actually attain eternal life, because through grace they persevere, while the remainder, in the exercise of self-wiU, fan to continue in the faith of which they were once partakers. That betvi'een the statements of these two synods, there was more contradiction in the phraseology than in the ideas, — which upon both sides were founded in the Augustinian and Anti-Semipelagian system, — could not escape the heads of the parties themselves ; and hence Hincmar and Remigius agreed, in 859, to unite in conven- 1 " Dens elegit ex massa perditionls, secundum pmescientiam snam, quos per gratiam praedestinarit ad vitam, et vitam illis praedestmayit aetemam. Cae te- res autem, qnos jnstitiae jadicio in massa perditionis reliquit, perituros praescirit, sed non, ut perirent, praedestinavit. Poenam autem illis. quia Justus est, prae- de^tinarit aetemam. Ac per hoc unam dei predestinationem tantummodo didmus, quae aut ad donum pertinet gratiae aut ad retributionem justitiae." 2 " Deus omnes homines sine exceptione vult salvos fieri, licet non omnes sal- ventur. Quod autem quidem salrantur, salrantis est donum; quod antem quidam pereunt, pereuntium est meritum." 19 146 A. D. 814 — 1073. history of doctrine. Lng a synod that should draw up a common creed. But the synod never was convened, and the controversy closed with a voluminous treatise by Hincmar against Gottschalk,i in which, with diffuse and illogical verbosity, he covered up the Augustinian doctrine of predestination. § 124. SACRAMENTARIAN CONTROVERSY. Among the Fathers of the first six centuries, there were three views of the relation of the symbols in the Lord's Sup- per to the divine fact signified. The first was, that there is an inward union and penetration of the bread and wine with the body and blood of Christ ; the second, that the bread and wine are symbolical signs, with which the body and blood of Christ stand in a supernatural and sanctifying connection ; aiid the third, that there is a complete separa- tion between the signs as mere symbols, and the divine fact represented by them, while yet there is a supernatural and sanctifying influence connected with the administration of the sacrament. The first view was held by Ignatius, Jus- tin Martyr, Irenaeus, Hilary of Poictiers, Gregory of Nyssa, Ambrose, Chrysostom, Cyril of Alexandria, and Theodoret ; the second view was advocated by Tertullian, Cyprian, Athanasius, and Augustine ; and the third theory was adopted by Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Eusebius of Caesarea, and Gregory Nazianzen. Among all these Fath- ers, with perhaps the exception of Gregory Nyssa, no traces can be discovered of the later Papal doctrine of transubstan- tiation. But after the seventh century, and particularly in the eighth and ninth, the tendency of the whole church was 1 De pracdcstinatione dei et libero arbitrio. Opera nincmari Ed. Sirmond, Par. 1645. Roflpcc.ting Ilincmar, compare Fodoard (cauonicns at Rheims t 966) Hist. eccl. Rhem. ; Gobz Leben und Schriften Hinkmars. § 124. SACRAMENTARIAN CONTROVERSY. 147 more and more to the theory of a magical conversion of the bread and wine into the body and blood of Christ, — a change in which the substance is converted, but the acci- dents or external marks (color, taste, etc.) remain, to afford an opportunity for the exercise of faith. This doctrine, which from the twelfth century onward received the name of Transubstantiation, was clearly and definitely enunciated in the ninth century by Paschasius Radbert abbot of Corbie (f 865), in his treatise De corpore et sanguine Domini, composed in the year 831.i In this work he maintained that in the act of consecration, God produces the true body and true blood of Christ, in such a mode that the body of Christ consecretur ex substantia panis et yini, while yet the external marks of the bread and wine remain.^ In confirmation of the doctrine, he refers to the alleged appearance of the blood of Christ, in the place of the bread and wine, after these had been consecrated by the hands of Gregory the Great, — a reference that shows how deeply the doctrine had penetrated the popular belief of the time. But this open and explicit statement of Paschasius awakened decided doubts, and some opposition, in several quarters, particularly from the monk Frudegard who ap- pealed to the views of Augustine,3 and from Rabanus Mau- rus. Upon the issuing of a second edition of the work of Paschasius for popular use, in 844, King Charles the Bald, to whom it was dedicated, asked Ratramnus (see § 122) to give him his opinion of it. Ratramnus, in reply, composed his treatise De corpore et sanguine Domini,^ in which he 1 Contained in Martene et Durand. Vett. scrijjtor. Collectio. T. IX p. 367 sq. Eadbert has also left exegetical writings, a treatise De fide, spe, et caritate, and a work De partu virginis in which he maintains not only the doc- trine of a miraculous conception, but also of a miraculous delivery. 2 " Panis et vinura nihil aliud quam caro Christi et sanguis post consecra- tioneni credenda sunt ; non alia plane (caro) quam quae nata est de Maria et passa in cruce et resurrexit de sepulchro." At the same time he says : " Chris- tum vorari fas dentibus non est ; hoc sane nutriunt (Christi corpus et san- guis) in nobis, quod ex Deo natum est,et non, quod ex came et sanguine." 3 See a valuable note upon the views of Augustine, and of the Early Church generally, respecting the Lord's Supper, in G i e s e 1 e r Church History I. 435 Smith's Ed. * Ed. Boileau, Par. 1712. 148 A. D. 814 — 1073. history of doctrine. opposed the doctrine of Paschasius, without, however, nam- ing him, and affirmed only a spiritual presence of Christ in the sacramental supper, apprehensible by faith and the faith- ful alone.^ But the treatise of Ratramnus availed the less towards a change in the current sentiment of the church, from the fact that there were many expressions in it that savored of transubstantiation,^ and helped to promote this theory. Several other theologians also, — Walafried Strabo, Druthmar, and Florus, — agreed essentially with Ratramnus. Even Scotus Erig-ena, — if the account is to be believed, — at the request of Charles the Bald, gave his opinion about the year 862, in harmony with that of Ratramnus, and in opposition to that of Paschasius Radbert. The theory of transubstantiation, however, continued to be the dominant one in the church, and after this controversy became more and more so. There were advocates of a middle theory dur- ing the tenth century, — namely, Ratho'ins,^ Gerbert (after- wards Pope Sylvester II.), and others, — but their voices were not heard ; and by the eleventh century opposition to transubstantiation was reckoned heresy. Towards the end of the eleventh century Berengariiis stood forth as the decided and intelligent opponent of the reigning sacramental theory. He was born in Tours, about 1000, trained in Fulbert's school at Chartres, since 1030 superintendent of a cathedral school (scholasticus) at Tours, and since 1040 -arch-deacon of Angers. The doubts respect- ing transubstantiation, which he had now and then ex- pressed to his friends, had already excited suspicion of her- esy concerning him, when a letter^ which he wrote to Lan- > N e a n d c r Church History, III. 498. ' " Convcnitur punis in coi-pus Christi, operanto in\-isil>iliter S|)iritu Sancto." ■" lie niaiutainuil, however, the substance of the theory of transubtitantiation, in holding to the miraculous conversion of the elements into the body and blood of Christ. Only the manner in which it was done should not bo inquired into. * In Mansi Tom. XIX. 768. Sec B c r n a 1 d u s C o n s t. Do Bcrcngarii dam- nationc, in Mansi Tom. XIX. 757; Lessinj; Bereogarius Turoncnsis ; S t a ii d 1 i n Beren;j;arius Turonensis ; Sudendorf Bercngariuii Turonensis ; T sc h i r n e r Archiv fur Kircljengeschichto Bd. II. 1-98. § 124. SACRAMENTARIAN CONTROVERSY. 149 franc, abbot of Bee, and which Lanfranc sent to Rome, wherein Berengarius, without expressing a definite opinion respecting the eucharist, decisively condemned the view of Paschasius Radbert, excited Lanfranc and a great portion of the chiirch against him. Without a hearing, he and his doctrine were condemned by pope Leo IX. at a Council of Rome in 1050. A new synod was convened by the pope, to meet at Vercelli, in the same year ; at which Berengarius should be present. But before it assembled, Berengarius was thrown into prison by order of the king of France, prob- ably on the ground that he had already been condemned as heretical by a French council. The synod met at Vercelli, and condemned the doctrine of Berengar, together with that of Scotus, with such fanatical zeal, that two clergymen of Tours who volunteered to defend the absent Berengar could be saved from the violence of the multitude only by being arrested and thrown into prison. Through the influence of his friends, particularly of Eusebius Bruno, bishop of Angers, Berengar was released from prison, and introduced to the acquaintance of Hildebrand, the now powerful papal leg- ate who was making a journey into France. Hildebrand, independent and reflecting, and in all probability not in- clined to the doctrine of transubstantiation, but content with liie simple Scripture statement, that in the sacrament the bread and wine became the body and blood of Christ, with- out inquiry respecting the mode, appeared to be satisfied, first at a private interview, and afterwards at the Synod of Tours, in 1054, with the declaration of Berengar, that he did not deny the presence of Christ in the sacrament of the supper, but held that the bread and wine after consecration were the body and blood of the Lord.^ This statement Berengar confirmed with an oath, to satisfy the doubts of the French bishops respecting his sincerity. The doctrine of Be- renga/rius, which is best stated in his treatise De Sacra Coe- na2 written in reply to Lanfranc, certainly allowed of such an explanation ; for although he not only denied transubtantia- 1 Compare Neander Church History, III. 521 sq. 2 Ed. V i s c h e r Berol. 1 834. 150 A.D. 814 — 1073. history of doctrine. tion, but every kind of corjjoreal substantial presence of Christ in the Supper, in the njost explicit terms, and, interpre- ting the words of institution in a tropical manner, assumed only a spiritual presence of Christ (the whole Christ, his body not excluded) for faith and the believer, he nevertheless asserted that the outward signs were equivalent for the believer, to the actual presence of Christ, to his actual body and blood, inasmuch as by means of his faith he entered into a supernatural communion with Christ,^ and, although he preferred the term consecratio, hesitated not to speak as did Ratramus, of a conversio of the elements. But as Berengar's sworn declaration at Tours was not, perhaps, entirely unequivocal, and might lead to deception respecting his real opinions, so also the result of the examination intro- duced by Hildebrand, disappointed expectations. Pope Leo IX., through whom Hildebrand hoped to accomplish something, died too early. During the pontificates of the two following popes there were no proceedings in reference to Berengar ; so that at length, in 10-39, he boldly resolved to make a journey to Rome, in ordiT, through the influence of Hildebrand, to obtain the favorable influence of pope Nich- olas H., to counteract the power of the opposing party. But this party, led by cardinal Humbert at Rome, was too strong for him. A synod of Rome in 1059, laid before Berengarius a confession of faith, drawn up by Humbert, which expressly taught that, after the act of consecration, the bread and wine are the true body of Christ, and that thi.s is visibly broken by the hands of the priest, and masticated by the teeth of the believer; and Berengar, usually bold and confident, but now fearful and trembling, swore acceptance. He was free now to return to France; and the first thing he did upon his return was, with great bitterness, to withdraw his confession. Without any concealment he proclaimed his old view, > " Vcrnm Christi corpus in ijtsa mcnso proponitur, scd spirituolitcr intcriori homini ut vcrc diri possit, ct ipsum corj)!!!' iios suincro, ct tanicn non ipsuni ; ipsum quiilcm (piantum uU csscntiaiu vcnuNiuc iiaturuu propriL-tatcni aujuc nuturuiu; non ipsum auK-ni, hi sptttcjj pnnis viuiqoc gpcciem." — Ber- cuguriua Du s. cocaa. § 124. SACRAMENTARIAN CONTROVERSY. 151 defended it in writings against Lanfranc, and both spoke and wrote .with the most extreme violence against the Roman church. A friendly letter of pope Alexander II., requesting him to desist from his errors, was replied to by Berengar with a haughty refusal. Nevertheless, nothing was done at Rome to compel him to renounce his views; but in France he was attacked on all sides. Bishop Bruno, participating in Hildebrand's view of the eucharist, sought earnestly, but in vain, to unite bath parties. At length, owing to the increasing importance of the matter, Hilde- brand, now pope Gregory VII., summoned Berengar to Rome in 1078, with the intention, undoubtedly, of bringing in a settlement that would be acceptable to all parties. At the synod of Rome, in 1078, he induced Berengar to swear to a confession of faith which he had himself drawn up, and which it was possible for Berengar to interpret in agreement with his own views.^ Hildebrand, by means of this act of Berengar, sought earnestly to remove the dissension and unite all parties ; and professed to have received through a revered monk a communication from the Virgin Mary, to the effect that Berengar's acceptance of the confession was sufficient. But Berengar's opponents now began to express suspicions concerning the orthodoxy of the pope himself; and desirous as Gregory was to protect Berengar, he was by no means ready to sacrifice for the interest of his client afar more precious interest, — the plan, namely, of estab- lishing a papal theocracy in opposition to the secular power, — for the realization of which, the universal belief in his orthodoxy was indispensable. At the second synod of Rome, in 1079, a second confession of faith was presented to Beren- gar, which expressly declared that the bread and wine are substantialiter converted into the body and blood of Christ. Berengar sought to explain the confession in accordance with 1 " Profiteor panem altaris post consecrationem esse verum coi-pus Christi, quod natum est de Virgine, quod passum est in cruce, quod sedet ad dexteram Patris; et vinum altaris, postquara consccratum est, esse verum sanguinem, qui manavit de latere Christi. Et sicut ore pronuncio, ita me corde habere con- firmo ; sic me adjuvet Deus et haec sacra." 152 A. D. 814 — 1073. history of doctrine. his own views, and finally referred to his last private conver- sations with the pope. The pope then commanded him to fall upon his knees, and abjure his errors; and Berengar, who had not the courage to undergo martyrdom for his convic- tions, did what the pope commanded. Under the papal protection he returned to France, where he lived a solitary penitent, in strict asceticism, to an advanced age, in the island of St Coem, near Tours, — dying in the year 1088. § 125. DOGMATICO-HISTORICAL SURVEY. The general dogmatic character of the preceding period (See § 110) continues in this, so that the results of dogmatic inquiry are comparatively small. 1. In respect to Inspiration., during the first half of the ninth century a controversy arose between Frcdeg-is, a noble- man, and Ag-obard, archbishop of Lyons. The latter con- tended that the language of the New Testament was not entirely faultless in grammatical respects, — a view which Frcdegis opposed as incompatible with the doctrine of ver- bal inspiration. Agobard, in reply, composed a tract in which he attempted to prove that God imparted, not diction, but thoughts and sentiments alone, to the prophets and apostles. 2. The Occidental doctrine of the Procession of the Holy Spirit from Father and Son had begun to be a definite point of dispute between the two divisions of the church, in the preceding period. An open outbreak of the controversy was first occasioned by Pholius, bishop of Constantinople, during his contests with pojMJ Nicholas I. (§ 120), who issuid two circular letters, about 867, in which he accused the Latin church of heresy respecting the doctrine of the Holy Ghost, — citing in behalf of his views John xv. 26, and urging the speculative reasons involved in the position of a monarchy in the Trinity. At the request of the pope, Aeneas of Paris, § 125. SECTS. 153 and Ratra7nmis, each defended the Western theory, — citing John XV. 26, xvi. 14, with other texts, and urging the spec- ulative reasons founded in the consubstantiality of the Fa- ther and Son, and the Augustine trinitarianism generally. Thus the dogmatic differences between the East and West were strengthened. 3. In respect to the doctrine of Grace and Predestination, two parties were formed, owing to the course which the development of these truths had taken in previous periods, — that of strict Augustinianism, and that of Semi-Pelagi- anism which, while professing to follow Augustine, softened the severity, and concealed the logical results of his system. These parties engaged in earnest conflict ; both found theo- logical champions, and both obtained ecclesiastical recogni- tion. 4. At the conclusion of this period, there were in exis- tence three modes of apprehending the Sacrament of the &upper, — the victorious theory of transubstantiation with Lanfranc for its champion ; the defeated theory of Berenga- rius, which denied the real substantial presence of the body and blood of Christ in any form of statement ; and the the- ory of Bruno .and Hildebrand, which retained the essential characteristics of the old patristic scheme, asserting the real presence after consecration, but leaving the manner an unex- plained mystery of faith (§ 123). § 126 SECTS. As a Gnosti CO- Mystic reaction against the formalism and materialisra of the church and its tendencies, the Oriental sect of Panlicians passed over into this period from the pre- ceding one. The Eastern Paulicians remained in Tephrica (§ 111), from fear of the bordering Greeks, until Basil the Macedonian, in 871, destroyed this their chief city. Never- 1"4 A. D. S14 — 1073. history of doctrixe. theless, a considerable party of them still remained in the region, and were urged by their political misfortunes, so much the more earnestly to propagate their faith in other countries, especially in the newly-founded Bulgarian church. The further extension of the sect was promoted by the trans- p . hj John TzimisceSf in 970, of a great portion of t.. the region of Philippopolis in Thrace. From the Paulicians in Bulgaria, and, if such there were, f- ' ■ ' ~ kindred to them, who, like the r g their Gnostico-Manichaean char- acteristics, were marked by many beautiful expressions of a practical and living Christianity, aud in whose communion many members of the catholic church took refuge, failing to find in their own communion the hearty and earnest religion for which they yearned, — from these sources, in all probability, are to be derived all those Occidental Mys- tic Sects who by their contemporaries were grouped under the general name of Manichaean, and who, notwithstanding all their neglect or contempt of the catholic church, yet observed as much as possible the customary forms of Chris- tian worship, and oftentimes were distinguishable from catholic Christians only by a stricter asceiicisra. These various sects, during the distractions of the tenth and elev- enth centuries, scattered themselves through Italy, France, the Netherlands, and Germany. Respecting their doctrinal belief, we have, unfortunately, no very accurate accounts. There are notices of a sect in Aquiiania, about 1010, that rejected the sign of the cross and baptism, — agreeing in this latter respect with the Paulicians, who, like several later sects in the Middle Ages, substituted for baptbm the laying on c>r ' ' ' ' -turn), with which they supposed the i , Ghost was connected. About the year 1017 or 1022, we hear of a sect at Orleans^ to which » ' ' ' len and overseers of the T >ol at Orleans belonged- This sect was probably evangelical in respect to the doc- trine of human nv i'Ctioii of the doctrine of creation de ni ic, and other gnostic § 126. HERETICAL SECTS. 155 errors, concerning Christ's person. Before an assembly of bishops at Orleans, its advocates expressed a firm conviction of its futme wide prevalence, but evaded the questions thai were asked them, by a scornful reference to those who put credit in the " inventions of fleshly men, written upon parch- ment," declaring that they themselves received no doctrine but that which was written by the Holy Spirit in the inner man. Thirteen of their number died courageously at the stake. About the year 1025, a sect arose in the diocese of Arras and Cambray, founded by Gundulf an Italian, whose members were mostly from the lower classes. They pro- fessed before the civil tribunal that " their doctrine was in accordance with the gospel, and consisted in the renuncia- tion of the world, in overcoming sinful desires, living by the labor of the hands, and in the exercise of brotherly love towards all men. Whoever should do these things needed no baptism, and baptism would not benefit any one not doing these things. Baptism, as was evident &om the viciousness of thousands of baptizing priests, and baptized laymen, possessed no efficacy, and in the case of infants certainly could have none, as they were incapable of a con- scious act of faith." Most of this sect, however, though the preaching of archbishop Gerhard^ were induced to return to the catholic church. Still another sect, in Jloiiffort, near Turin, was brought to notice by archbishop Heribert of Milan, during one of his journeys of visitation, about the year 1030. They appear to have held a mystical idealism, — regarding the whole history of Christ's life as an allegorical representation of the inner religious life ; asserting that the true Sou of God is nothing else than each human soul enlishtened by God; and boasting that they followed a pope without the tonsure, who daily visited all their brethren scattered throughout the world, and who imparted to them forgiveness of sins. They were so confident of the truth of their idealizing Christianity, that most of them did not hes- itate, when the alternative was presented either to adore the cross or go to the stake, to choose the laner. Lastly, about the year 1052, a sect appeared at Goslar whose members, 156 A. D.%14— 1073. HISTORY OF DOCTRINE. among other peculiarities, abstained from animal food, and who by imperial orders were put to death, — it having now become a general custom to inflict the death-penalty upon heretics, though Wazo (f 1048), the excellent bishop of Liege, raised his voice, in vain, against it. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 157 Tear. 590—814 590 595 597 600 601 601—610 604 605 606 611—641 613 614 615 622 625—638 630 632 633 634 635 637 638 640 642—649 642—648 646 648 649 650 655 657—684 668—685 669 678—682 680 683 685—695 690 692 696 701 705—711 711 711—713 713 Third Period. Gregory the Great. — Irish Missions : Columbanus, Gallus, and others. Gregory of Tours dies. Columba dies. — The monk Augustine and his co-missionaries iu England. Goar upon the Rhine. Synod of VVigorn. Phocas emperor of the Greeks. Gregory the Great dies. Laurentius, Augustine's successor in England. John Eleemosynarius patriarch of Alexandria. Heraclius emperor. Gallus at St. Gall. Chosroes takes Jerusalem. Columbanus dies. The Hegira. Honorius bishop of Rome. Mohammed takes Mecca. Mohammed dies. — Abubekr first caliph. Isidore of Seville dies. Monothelite controversy kindled. Sophronlus patriarch of Jerusalem. Omar second caliph. The Koran collected. Omar takes Jerusalem. Heraclius's eK^eais. Gallus dies. Theodorus bishop of Rome. Constans II. emperor. Theodore pronounces the ban upon the patriarchs of Con- stantinople. Tviros of the emperor. Martin I. bishop of Rome. First Lateran Synod at Rome. Kilian in France. Council of Toledo. Sylvanus the Paulician. The emperor Constantinus Pogonatus the persecutor of the Paulicians. Theodore archbishop of Canterbury. Agatho Ijishop of Rome. Sixth oecumenical council (First TruUan) at Constantinople, in opposition to Monothelitism. Winifried (Boniface the apostle to the Germans) born. Justinian II. emperor. Theodore of Canterbury died. Second TruUan council (Quinsextum). Willebrord among the Prankish Frieslanders. John Maro died. Justinian 11 emperor again. Spain in possession of the Saracens. Philippicus Bardanes emperor. Suidbert died in Westphalia. 158 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. Yeor. 714 715 715—731 717 717—741 718 722 723 726 730 731—741 732 735 739 741 741—752 741—775 742 744 745 747 752 752—768 752—757 754 755 757—767 7G0 768—814 772—795 772—803 774 775—780 780 782 787 789 790 794 795—816 79G 799 800 801 804 814 PIpin (lied. First missionary tour of Winifried among the Frieslanders. (Jrepory II. pope. Charles Martil conquers Radbod. Emperor Leo III. the Isaurian. Beginning of Image Controversy. Winifried deputed from Rome to the German mission. Winifried inThuringia and Ilessia. Winifried appointed bishop (Boniface) by Gregory 11. of Rome. King I,eo's edict against Image worship. Second edict against Image worship. Grej^ory III. pope. Boniface archbishop and apostolical Vicar. Charles Martel victorious over the Saracens at Poictiers. Bede dies. Willebrord dies. Charles Martel dies. Zacharias pope. Constnntinus Copronymus emperor First German provincial synod. Sturmi founds the cloister of Fulda. Boniface archbishop of INIayence. Carlomann monk. Synod of Cloveshove. Pipin deposes Childerick III. Boniface anoints Pipin. Pipin king of the Franks. Stephen II. pope. Council at Constantinople against Image worship. Boniface suffers martyrdom. Pepin conquers Astulph the Lombard. Paul I. pope. John Damascene dies. Charlemagne. Hadrian I. pope. Charlemagne makes war against the Saxons. Charlemagne overthrows the kingdom of the Lombards. Leo IV. Greek emperor. First Cabalistic writings. Alcuin in France. Seventh oecumenical council at Nice restores Image worship. Willehad dies. Libri Carolini. Council at Frankfort-on-the-^Iaine against Adoptianism. Leo III. pope. Alcuin's school at Tours. Paul Warncfricd dies. Coronation of Charlemagne at Rome. Sergius the Paulician. Alcuin dies. Charlemagne dies. CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 159 Year. 814—1073 814 814 817—824 820—829 824—827 825 828 827—844 829 829—842 830 831 835 840 842 844—847 845 847—855 847 848 850 852 853 855 855—858 856 858 858—867 861 862 863 865 867—886 867 867—872 868 869 871—901 872—882 877 872—880 885—891 891 Fourth Period. Lewis the Pious, emperor. Claudius of Turin. Paschalis I. pope. Michael II. Greek emperor. Eugenius 11. pope. Synod of Paris respecting Image-worship. Theodore Studita dies. Harold king of Denmark baptised. Anschar in Denmark. Gregory IV. pope. Anschar in Sweden. Theophilus Greek emperor. Greek imperial edict against Image worship. First appear- ance of the Pseudo-Isodorean Decretals. * Anschar archbishop of Hamburg. Paschaslus Radbert De corpore et sanguine Dominii. The Paulician Sergius dies. Claudius of Turin dies. Synod of Constantinople declares for Image worship. Sergius II. pope. Hamburg destroyed by the Normans. Leo IV. pope. Rabanus Maurus archbishop of Mainz. Synod of Mainz excommunicates Gottschalk. Beginning of Saracen persecution in Spain. Council of Cordova. Second Synod of Chiersy against Gottschalk. Council of Valence declares for Gottschalk. Pope Joanna.(?) Benedict HI. pope. Rabanus Maurus dies. Photius patriarch of Constantinople ; beginning of the rupture between the Eastern and Western Churches. Nicholas I. pope. Methodius among the Bulgarians. Iceland discovered. Cyril and Methodius among the Moravians. Nicholas of Rome deposes Photius. Anschar and Paschaslus Radbert die. Basil the Macedonian, Greek emperor. Council of Constantinople : Photius deposes the pope. Hadrian H. pope. Ratramanus dies. Council of Constantinople (eighth oecmnenlcal for the Latin Church). Gottschalk dies in prison. Alfred the Great. John Vin. pope. Scotus Erigena dies. Council of Constantinople (eighth oecumenical for the Greek Church). Stephen VI. pope. Photius dies in exile. 160 CHKONOLOGICAL TABLE. Year. 904—911 914—928 927 931—973 934 936—973 955 956—963 960 963 966 982 983—1002 985—996 993 996—999 999—1003 1000 1002—1024 1008 1012—1024 1014—1035 1024—1039 1024—1033 1031 1032 1033 1033— 104G 1039—1050 1044 1046 1046—1047 1047 1048 1049—1054 1050 1054 1055 1055—1057 1056—1106 1057— 105H 1058 1059 1061—1073 1066 1070 1072 1073—1085 Serglus III. pope. John X. pope. Odo of Clufjny. John XI. pope. Henry I. compels the Danes to receive Christianity. Otto I. emperor. Olga (Helena) baptized at Constantinople. John XII. pope. Hacon first Christian king of Norway. John XII. deposeil ; Leo VHI. pope. Meicislaw of Poland baptized. Greenland discovered. Otto III. emperor. John XV. pope. First papal canonization (Ulrich of Augsburg). Gregory V. pope. Pope Sylvester II. Iceland receives Christianity. Henry II. emperor. Olaf of Sweden baptized. Benedict VIII. pope. Canute the Great. Conrad II. emperor. .John XIX. pope. First interdict. First " Truce of God." Anselm born. Benedict IX. pope. Henry III. emperor. Sylvester III. (second pope). Sjnod of Sutri under Henry HI. deposes three popes, and elects Clement II. Clement II. pope. Henry III. dies. Damasus II. pope. Leo IX. pope. Berengarius condemned at the SjTiod of Rome. Complete separation between the Eastern and Western churches. Albert bishop of Greenland. Vict(jr II. pope. Henry IV emperor. Stephen IX. pope. Benedict X. pope. College of Canlinals. Papal prohibition of priestly functions to married clergy. Alexantler II. pope. Gottsclialk murdered. Lanfranc arehl)ishop of Canterbury. Peter Damiani dies. ♦ Gregory VII. (Ilildebrand) pope. CATALOGUE OF BOOKS PUBLISHED BT WARREN F. DRAPER, ANDOVER, MASS. These Books >trill be sent post-paid to any Address on Receipt of the price named. Angel over the Might Shoulder, The; or the Beginning of a New Year. By the Author of " Sunnyside." 40 cents. " It is as provokingly short as it is exquisitely beautiful." — Boston Recorder. " What a blessed thing is a siinny spirit, ever cheerful and happy, and ever dif- fusing joy over all around it. Such a spirit is the Author of " Sunny Side." She comes to us again as a living angel — in good omen over the right shoulder. We commend it to all mothers, and especially to aU Mrs. Jellabys." — Independent. Appleton. Works of Jesse Appleton, D.D., with a Memoir of his Life and Character. 2 vols. 8vo. $3.00 ' " They will ever form standard volumes in American theological literature." — Biblical Repository, 1837, p. 249. Augustine's Confessions. See Shedd. Augustinism and Pelagianism. By G. F. Wiggers, D.D. Translated from the German, with Notes and Additions, by Prof. E. Emerson, D.D. pp. 383. 8vo. $1.50 " The two theories of these distinguished men are thoroughly presented in this work, and are valuable to the theologian." — Religious Union. Bascom. Political Economy. Designed as a Text-Book for Col- leges. By John Bascom, A.M., Professor in Williams College. r2mo. pp. 366. . $1.50 " It goes over the whole ground in a logical order. The matter is perspicuously arranged under distinct chapters and sections ; it is a compendious exhibition of the principles of the science without prolonged disquisitions on particular points, and it is printed in the style for which the Andover Press has long been deservedly celebrated." — Princeton Review. " This is a valuable work upon a subject of much interest. Professor Bascom writes well, and his book makes an excellent manual. His stand-point in the mid- dle of the nineteenth century gives it a character quite unlike that of the older works upon the subject." — Boston Recm-der. " This work is one of value to the student. It treats of the relations and char- acter of political economy, its advantages as a study, and its history. Almost every subject in the range of the science is here touched upon and examined in a manner calculated to interest and instruct the reader." — Amherst Express. " The book is worthy a careful study, both for the \news it contains and as a mental training. The author understands himself, and has evidently studied his subject well. — Evening Express. A Books PuUishcd by JV. F. Draper. Ellicott. Commentaries^ Critical and Grammatical, of C. J. Ellicott, Bishop of Gloucester ami Bristol, viz. : on Galatians, Ephesians, Ttiessalonians, The Pastoral Epistles, Philippians, Colossians, and Philemon. THE ' SET in two volumes, black cloth, bevelled edges, $8.00 THE SET in two volumes, tinted paper, cloth extra, bevelled edges, gilt tops, lO'.OO THE SET in five volumes, same style, 12.00 These Commentaries may also be had separately, in black cloth. The Commentaries of Prof. Ellicott supply an urgent vrant in their sphere of criticism. Prof. Stowe says of them, in his Notice to the Commentary on the Galatians : " It is the crowning excellence of these Commentaries that they are ex- actly what they profess to be — critical and grammatical, and therefore in the best sense of the term, cjref/etical His results are worthy of all confidence. lie is more careful than Tischcndorf, slower and more steadily deliberate than Alford, and more patiently laborious than any other living New Testament critic, with the exception, perhaps, of Tregelles." "They [Ellicott's Commentaries] have set the first example in this country [England] of a thorough and fearless examination of the grammatical and philo- logical requirements of every word of tlie sacred text. I do not know of anything superior to them in their own particular line in Germany ; and tliey add, what, alas ! is so seldom found in this country, profound reverence for tlie matter and subjects on which the author is lat)oring ; nor is their value lessened by Mr. Elli- cott's having confined himself for the most part to one dejjartmcnt of a commenta- tor's work, — the grammatical and philojogiciil." — Dean Alfurd. " His Commentaries are among tlie best, if not the very best, helps a student can have." — American Presbyterian and Theolexjical Revieio. " Ellicott is one of the best commentators of this class [grammatical interpreta tion]*' — Princeton Rrr-ino. "They fill a scholar with genuine admiration. Their patient examination of the text bringing out the most delicate shades of meaning, and develojiing the log- ical sctiuenee of thought by grammatical criticism ; their insight into spiritual truth ; their candor and honesty and thoroughness in dealing with controverted passages ; their reverence for the inspired record ; tlieir modesty and charity united with a firmness in adhering to truth ; their brevity and condensed fulness make them just the guide a Christian scholar loves in studying the sacred page." — Watchman ami Ri Jhclor. " The Commentaries of Prof. Ellicott belong to the first class of critical writings of the New Testament. The author is an able, independent, and candid critic, liia learning is full and accurate, and his judgment sound and discriminating." — Bon tan Recorder. " We would recommend all scholars of the original scriptures who seek direct- ness, luminous brevitv, the absence of everything irrelevant to strict grammatical in(juiry, with n concise and yet very coniidete view of the oninions of others, to possess themselves of Ellicott's Ct>niinentarics." — Amirlcan Prishi/tirian. "A scholarly and religious earnestness, a thoroughness, candor, and mi)dcration, in connection with their convenient shajie and coni|)eiidious comprehensiveness, give them a character elevated and unique among works of their class." — The Lutfirran and ^fi.•i!iiunary. " To Bishop Ellic(jtt must be assigned the first rank, if not the first place in the first rank, of Knulish biblical scholarship. The scries of Commentaries on tho I'liuHne Epistles are in the highest stvle of critical exegesis." — Muhodist Quarterly. " The best Kn-lish work of this diaractcr." — Stw KnijlamhT. " .Strictlv gniiiiinatical and critical, thorough and feurluss, concise yet complete, worthy of all conlidunce." — Evanndical Ririew. b Boohs Published by W. F. Draper. Shedd. Works of William G. T. Shedd, recently Professor of Ecclesiastical History in Andover Theological Seminary, viz. : Discourses and Essays. 12mo. pp. 271. $1.50 " The striking sincerity, vigor, and learning of this volume will be admired even by those readers who cannot go with the author in all his opinions." — New Englander. " These elaborate articles are written in a lucid and racy style, and invest with a rare interest the themes of which they treat." — Bibliotheca Sacra. " These Discourses are all marked by profound thought, and perspicuity of sen- timent." — Princeton Revieio. " Few clearer and more penetrating minds can be found in our country than that of Prof. Shedd. If the mind gets dull, or dry, or ungovernable, put it to grappling with these masterly productions." — Congrfgationcd Herald, Chicar/o "Each of these Discourses is profoundly and ingeniousl}' elaborated, and the volume as a whole is a testimony to highly intellectual and consistent views of evangelical truth." — Boston Recorder. " A volume of rare excellence." — Evening Express. "The production of a highly cultivated and well-stored mind." — Christian Guardian. " These Essays are, every one of them, a rich treat for the thinkers, the lovers of deep thought; of thought clothed in a strong, tei'se, stern, clear expression." Methodist Quarterly Review. " Papers like these are worthy the deepest study and the warmest admiration of the best minds ; and indeed the entire volume is a storehouse from which thoughts rich and truthful may be drawn." — Presbyterian Quarterh/. " The themes discussed are weighty. The spirit in which they are treated admirable, and the calm, scholarly fulness and aptness of thought, citation, and illustration, refreshing." — Independent. Lectures upon the Philosophy of History. By William G. T. Shedd. 12mo. pp. 128. 75 cents. " This volume consists of four Lectures, of which the following are the titles : The Abstract Idea of History ; The Nature and Definition of Secular History ; The Nature and Definition of Church History ; The Verifying Test in Church History. It is written in a lucid style, and will interest the students of theology and of history." — Bibliotheca Sacra. " Professor Shedd has already achieved a high reputation for the union of philo- sophic insight with genuine scholarship, of depth and clearness of thought with force and elegance of style, and for profound views of sin and grace, cherished not merely on theoretical, but still more on moral and experimental grounds. — Prince- ton Review. " The style of these Lectures has striking merits. The author chooses his words with rare skill and taste, from an ample vocabulary ; and writes with strength and reft-eshing simplicity. The Philosophy of Realism, in application to history and historical theology, is advocated by vigorons reasoning, and made intelligible by original and felicitous illustrations." — Ne7v Engtnnder. " The ' Lectures iipon the Philosophy of History,' is an extraordinary specimen of the metaphysical treatise, and the charm of its rhetoric is not less noticeable. Prof. Shedd never puts his creed under a bushel ; but there are few students of any sect or class that will not derive great assistance from his labors." — Universalist Quarterly. " It bears the impress of an elegant as well as highly philosophical mind." — Boston Recorder. " It will be found to possess a deep interest to the student of all departments of history." — Southern Presbyte)-ian. " One of those neat little volumes that a thinking man loves to have near him. By a person who is familiar with his theme, and whose thoughts are grand and simple." — Evening Express. S Boohs Puhlished by JV. F. Draper. Guericke's Church History (Ancient Church ; including the First Six Centuries). Translated l)y William G. T. Shedd, Brown Professor in Andover Theological Seminary. 8vo. pp. 442. $3.00 " Guericke's History is characterized by research, devoutness, firm grasp of evangelical truth, and careful exhibition of the practical as well as the intellectual aspects of Christianity." — North British Review. " We regard Professor Shedd's version as a happy specimen of the transfusion rather than a translation, which many of the German treatises should receive. The style of lus version is far superior to that of the original." — Bibliotheca Sacra. '" Among the most faithful, and yet the most indej)endent, of the followers of Neander, may be mentioned Guericke, who carries out Neander's plan in a more compendious form, but with an almost ])igoted attachment to the peculiar doctrines of Luther, in a stjle so crabbed and involved, that we should not have hesitated to pronounce it untranslatable, but for the fact that an eminent teacher and an accomplished writer of our own country has achieved what we regarded as a sheer impossibility. We are glad to have a book made legible in English, which, in s])ite of its original uncouthness, has been eminently useful, as a vehicle, not only of the best historical knowledge, but of sincere piety, and sound religious sentiment in reference to all essentials." — Princeton Review. " In clearness the style of the translation exceeds the original. The natural animation and life-like character, which commonly vanish in the process of trans- lating from the German, have been retained with signal success. We arc disposed to consider it the best of the current text-books for the use of which Prof Shedd designs it." — New Enylander. " Here is a Maimal of Church History which may be confidently recommended, without reserve or qualification, to students belonging to all evangelical churches. Guericke is thoroughly Orthodox. His evangelical belief and feeling give him a lively and apjn-cciative interest in the internal history of the Church ; he devotes special attention to the development of doctrine, and presents the range of thought and substance of opinion distinguishing tlie works of the jirincijjal writers in suc- cessive ages of the Church. Guericke's JIanual is coinjiletc in the particular lines of history he has chosen, and is a most useful and reliable i>o(tk for the theological class-room. Professor Shedd 1ms wisely translated with freedom, and has improved the structure of the work." — Noncomjormist. " We are glad that a Manual of Church History has appeared, which exhibits, at once, undoubted orthodoxy, and that grasp of mind which alone is capable of treating such a subject with a luminous and lively brevity." — Clerical Journal. " The established credit of Guericke's labors in the department of Kcclesiastical History, and the use made of his works by many Engli,--li writers will make this volume acce])table to a very large class of students and readers." — London Journal of Sacred Literature. " With the additions and improvements made in the successive editions, it is now, on the whole, the most readable work on Church History to be found. Wo have used the original for some years, and entirely agree with the translator, that it hits the mean between an ofiensive fulness and a barren epitome." — Central Christian IJi raid. " It is just the work that the student of Church History needs for his companion and guide" — Christian Mirror. " Perhaps it would be difficult in the same space to find so much matter, or so com))lete a history during the jjoriod of which it treats, as is given in this Manual. The volume is one of the mo.st most valuable of its kind, in the department of Ecclesiastical History " — Lvamjelical Ri vitw. Guei'ieke's Chiirch History — Mediceval Church. i>i». 108. $1.75 " This jMjrtion of Guericke's Church History continues the account down to A.D. 1073, when Hildebrand ascended the ]'a]ial chair as (Jregory VII. It includes, amouf: other topics, the spread of Christianity an)ong the (iothic, Scandiniivian, and .Sclavic races; the distracting controversies respecting the t>vi> Wills in Christ, Iinajic Worship, and tin- Sacrament of the Supper ; and the great .schism between the East and West. With the ])ieviotis volume, this addition comprises the History of the Church during the iirst ten centuries." Books Published hy TV. F. Draper. The Confessions of St. Augustine. Edited, with an Introduction, by W. G. T. Shedd. 12mo. Cloth, bevelled edges. $1.50 " This is a beautiful edition of a precious work. The Confessions of Augustine are so honest, that we easily become enthusiastic in their praise. The depth of his piety, the boldness of his imagination, the profoundness of his genius, his extrava- gant conceptions, his veiy straining and stretching of philosophical and biblical statements, have all a certain chai-m which ensures for his works an enduring popularity." — Bihllothcca Sacra. " The best commentary that was ever written on the seventh and eighth chapters of Romans, from an experimental point of view, is contained in this autobiography of one of the most keenly metaphysical,- intensely poetical, and, -withal, sensuously enthralled natures that ever submitted to the power of sovereign grace We scaixely know of a better book for daily devotional perusal, especially by min- isters." — Boston Recicw. " This beautiful edition of a theological classic is desirable, on account of the careful conii)arison of the whole work with the Latin text, and the addition of explanatory notes." — Evarifjciical Quarterly. " In this little work the reno\^^aed tlieologian unbosoms himself without reserve and carries us along the stream, of his spiritual life, through its turbid flow in mazes of error and vice, until it attains to calm under the sunlight of Christian faith. We commend this handsome edition of his work to the attention of our read- ers. It is refreshing to turn from the ' sensation ' preacher of the day to the writings of a man whose depth of thought and strength of emotion are answerable to the ardor and vehemence of liis manner."' — NewEmiJander. " In tills beautiful edition of Augustine's Confessions, published in the antique style, the translation has been carefully revised by Prof. Shedd, of Andover, from a comparison with the Latin text. His Introduction presents a fine analysis of Augustine's religious experience in its bearing upon his theological system. Both the intellect and the heart of the modern preacher may be refreshed and stimulated by the frequent perusal of these Confessions." — Independent. " Prof, yhedd has earned our heartfelt thanks for this elegant edition of Augus- tine's Confessions. The book is profitable for the Christian to study, and we would commend it as a Aa\\y companion in the closet of the intelligent believer who desires to be taught the way to holiness tlu-ough communion of the Spirit. Prof Shedd's Introduction is a masterly essay, which of itself is a volume for attentive reading. It ought to be read before the book is begun. Thorough, searching, and discriminating, beyond the facts it communicates, its instruction and hints are suggestive and invaluable. The book is handsomely issued, and ought to have a large circulation." — Neio York Observer. The basis of this beautiful edition of the greatest, truest, and most sincere of all psychological and religious autobiographies, is a vivid and s}-mpathetie old Eng- glish translation, whose author is unknown. Prof Shedd has carefully compared it with the original, and illustrated it vnth explanatory notes. He has also sup- plied a scholarly Introduction, in which the individuality of Augustine is keenly analyzed, and the leading characteristics of the Confessions lucidly set forth. The publisher has done his part- of the work in such a manner as to deserve the honor of being the first American publisher who has issued this, one of the great religious classics of the world, in a style at all adequate to its value and importance." — Evening Transcript. " We have long wanted to see just stich an edition of Augustine's Confessions. The editor has done a public sen'ice in introducing it ; and its typographical beauty is no small recommendation of it." — Presbyterian. " Augustine was the brightest light in the age of the Christian fathers. After many years of intense inquiry after the tnuii as it is in Jesus, he at last broke away from his doubts and perplexities and reached the object of his struggles. He be- came a decided, devoted Christian, an able minister of the New Testament, a pow- erful defender of evangelical doctrine against the heresies of his day, and an emi- nent bishop of the church. These confessions, as they are called in this book, are on great subjects of Christian experience and biblical truth, and are richly worth purchasing and reading, for he was a profound thinker and a mighty champion in Israel." — Religious Union. U Books Puhlislied hj TV. F. Draper. Guericke's Chvirch History (Ancient Church ; including the First Six Centuries). Translated by "William G. T. Shedd, Brown Professor in Andover Theological Seminary. 8vo. pp. 442. $3.00 " Gnerickc's ffistory is characterized by research, devoutness, firm grasp of evangelical truth, and careful exhibition of the practical as well as the intellectual aspects of Christianity." — North British Review. " We regard Professor Shedd's version as a happy specimen of the transfusion ravber than a translation, which many of the German treatises should receive. The style of his version is far superior to that of the original." — Bihliotheca Sacra. '" Among the most faithful, and yet the most independent, of the followers of Neander, may be mentioned Guericke, who carries out Neander's plan in a mo're com])endious form, but with an almost bigoted attachment to the peculiar doctrines of Luther, in a style so crabbed and involved, that we should not have hesitated to pronounce it untranslatable, but for the fact that an eminent teacher and an accomplished writer of our own country has achieved what we regarded as a eheer impossibility. We are glad to have a book made legible in English, which, in spite of its original uncouthness, has been eminently useful, as a vehicle, not only of the best historical knowledge, but of sincere piety, and sound religious sentiment in reiereuce to all essentials." — Princeton Review. " In clearness the style of the translation exceeds the original. The natural animation and life-like character, which commonly vanish in the jirocess of trans- lating from the German, have been retained with signal success. We are disposed to consider it the best of the current text-books for the use of which Prof. Shedd designs it." — New Englamler. " Here is a Manual of Church History which may be confidently recommended, without reserve or qualification, to students belonging to all evangelical churches. Guericke is thoroughly Orthodox. His evangelical laelicf and feeling give him a lively and appreciative interest in the internal history of the Church ; he devotes special attention to the development of doctrine, and presents the range of thought and substance of opinion distinguishing the works of the jirincijjal writers in suc- cessive ages of the Church. Guericke's Manual is coin]ilete in the particular lines of history he has chosen, and is a most useful and reliable book for the theological class-room. Professor Shedd has wisely translated with freedom, and has improved the structure of the work." — Nouromformist. " We arc glad that a Manual of Church History has appeared, which exhibits, at once, undoubted orthodoxy, and that grasp of mind which alone is capable of treating such a subject with a luminous and lively brevity." — Clerical Journal. " The established credit of Guericke's labors in the department of Ecclesiastical History, and the use made of his works by many Eiigiisb writers will make this volume acceptable to a very large class of students and readers." — London Journal of Sacred Literature. " With the additions and improvements made in the successive editions, it is now, on the whole, the most readable work on Church History to be found. We have used the origiiuil for some years, and entirely agree with the translator, that it hits the mean between an ofiensive fulness and a barren epitome." — Centrai Christian IJrnild. " It is just the work that the student of Church History needs for his companion and guide" — Christian Mirror. "Perhaps it would be difficult in the same space to find so much matter, or so comi)lete a history during the period of which it treats, as is given in this Manual. The volume is one of the most most valuable of its kind, in the department of Ecclesiastical History " — Ecanijelical Ri ri(W. Guericke's Chiirch History — Mediceval Church, pp. 1G8. $1.75 " This portion of Guericke's Church History continues the account down to A.D. 1073, when llildebrand ascended the Papal chair as Gregory VII. It includes, among other topics, the sjtread of Christianity among the Gothic. Scaiidinnvian, and Sclavic races ; the distracting controversies respecting the two Wills in Christ, Image Worship, and tlie Sacrament of the Sui)pcr ; and the great schism between the East and West. With the jjrevious volume, this addition comprises the History of the Church during the iirst ten centuries." Books Published by TV. F. Draper. The Confessions of St. Augustine. Edited, with an Introduction, by W. G. T. Shedd. 12mo. Cloth, bevelled edges. $1.50 " This is a beautiful edition of a precious work. The Confessions of Augustine are so honest, that we easily become enthusiastic in their praise. The depth of his piety, the boldness of his imagination, the profoundness of his genius, his extrava- gant conceptions, his very straining and stretching of philosophical and biblical statements, have all a certain charm which ensures for his works au enduring popularity." — Bibliotheca Sacra. " The best commentary that was overwritten on the seventh and eighth chapters of Romans, from an experimental point of view, is contained in this autobiography of one of the most keenly metaphysical, intensely poetical, and, withal, sensuously enthralled natures that ever submitted to the power of sovereign grace We scarcely know of a better book for daily devotional perusal, especially by min- isters." — Boston Review. " This beautiful edition of a theological classic is desirable, on account of the careful comparison of the whole work with the Latin text, and the addition of explanatory notes." — Evangelical Qtiaiierlij. " In this little work the renowned theologian unbosoms himself without reserve and carries us along the stream, of liis spiritual life, through its turbid flow in mazes of error and vice, imtil it attains to calm under the sunlight of Christian faith. We commend this handsome edition of his work to the attention of our read- ers. It is refreshing to turn from the ' sensation ' preacher of the day to the writings of a man whose depth of thought and strength of emotion are answerable to the ardor and vehemence of his manner." — NewEnglancler. " In this beautiful edition of Augustine's Confessions, published in the antique style, the translation has been carefully revised by Prof Shedd, of Andover, from a comparison with the Latin text. His Introduction presents a fine analysis of Augustine's religious experience in its bearing iipon his theological system. Both the intellect and the heart of the modern preacher may be refreshed and stimulated by the frccjuent jierusal of these Confessions." — Independent. " Prof. Slicdd has earned our heartfelt thanks for this elegant edition of Augus- tine's Confessions. The book is profitable for the Christian to study, and we would commend it as a daily companion in the closet of the intelligent believer who desires to be taught the way to holiness tlu'ough communion of the Spirit. Prof Shedd's Introduction is a masterly essay, which of itself is a volume for attentive reading. It ought to be read before the book is begun. Thorough, searching, and discriminating, beyond the facts it communicates, its instruction and hints are suggestive and invaluable. The book is handsomely issued, and ought to have a large circulation." — New York Observer. The basis of this beautiful edition of the greatest, truest, and most sincere of all psychological and religious autobiographies, is a vivid and sympathetic old Eng- glish translation, whose author is unknown. Prof Shedd has carefully compared it with the original, and illustrated it with explanatory notes. He has also sup- plied a scholarly Introduction, in which the individuality of Augustine is keenly analyzed, and the leading characteristics of the Confessions lucidly set forth. The publisher has done his part' of the work in such a manner as to deserve the honor of being the first American publisher who has issued this, one of the great religious classics of the world, in a style at all adequate to its value and importance." — Evening Transcript. " We have long wanted to see just such an edition of Augustine's Confessions. The editor has done a public service in introducing it ; and its typographical beauty is no small recommendation of it." — Presbyterian. "Augustine was the brightest light in the age of the Christian fathers. After many years of intense inquiry after the truth as it is in Jesus, he at last broke away from his doubts and perplexities and reached the object of his struggles. He be- came a decided, devoted Christian, an able minister of the New Testament, a pow- erful defender of evangelical doctrine against the heresies of his day, and an emi- nent bishop of the church. These confessions, as they are called in this book, are on great subjects of Christian experience and biblical truth, and are richly worth purchasing and reading, for he was a profound thinker and a mighty champion in Israel." — Religious Union. U Boolis Published by W. F. Draper. Outlines of a Systematic Rhetoric. From the German of Dr. Fraxcis Theremin, by Willia3I G. T. Shedd. Third and Revised Edition, with an Introductory Essay by the Translator. 12mo. pp. 216. $1.00 "Advanced students will find it well worthy of perusal. The adoption of its leading ideas would ennoble the art of rhetoric into a science, the practice of speak- ing into a virtue, and would clothe the whole subject in our schools and colleges with a fresh and vital interest. The Introductory Essay which Professor Shedd has prefixed to this valuable Treatise, is elaborate, vigorous, im]>ressive. It excites the mind not only to thouijht, but also to the expression of thought — > to inward and outward activity. The whole volume is characterized by freshness and originality of remark, a purity and earnestness of moral feeling." — Bib. Saa-a. " It is not a work of surface suggestion, but of thorough and philosophic analy- sis, and, as such, is of great value to the student, and especially to him who habitually addresses men on the most important themes." — Conrfregational Quarferli/. " The subject is ably unfolded in this compact yet thorough treatise. What, however, is exhibited by Theremin in a dry light, in the form of naked ])hiloso])hic statement, is displayed by Professor Shedd in his Introductory Essay, with that clow of life, beauty, and force, which distinguishes his writings." — Princeton lievieio. " This is a work of much solid value. It is adapted to advanced students, and can be read and re-read with advantage by professed public sjjcakers, however accomplished they may be in the important art of persuasion. This edition is an improvement upon the other, containing a new Introductory Essay illustrating the leading position of the work, and a series of questions adapting it to the use of the student. ' — Boston Recorder. " A more thorough and suggestive, and, in the main, sensible view of the subject is hardly to be found. The central idea of Theremin's theory is, that Eloquence is a vimie, and he who reads this little Vniok will be sure to receive an imjjulse in the direction of masculine, thoughtful discourse." — Conqrcf/ationul Uerald. " A gooil work, improved in this issue." — Congreqationalist. " This treatise is learned and thorough." — New York Eranrjelist. " The noble treatise of Theremin, in which the art of Eloquence is placed upon a higii moral ground, and Rhetoric is finely exhibited as a philosophical system." Indciii*nfl'nt. "This is a thorough and philosophical treatise on an important subject." — Reliijioiis Union. SmifJi. Select Sermons of Bev. Worth ington Smith, D.D, "With a Memoir of his Life, by Rev. Joseph Torrey, D.D., Professor in Burlington College. 12mo. pp. 380. $1.25 " This is a mcnwrial volume of Dr. Smith, late President of the Vermont Uni- versity, and was ])rej)arcd at the request of many of his friends. An interesting Memoir of his Life, edited i)y Kev. Jose])h Torrey, D.D., Professor of Intellectual and Moral Philosojiliy, introduces the Sermims. ' Dr. Smith was a native of Ilad- lev, Mass., and was (or many years pastor over a reliLMous society in St. Albans, Vermont. P'or six years he othciated as President of the Veriuoiit University at Burlini;t«m, which olliee he resigned in consequence of ill health, and died a few months afterwards. The Memoir is followed by sixteen Sermons on various sub- jects." — Boston Ihillji AdvrtisfT. " This brief Memoir from the j)en of Prof Torrey sets forth his marked pecu- liarities as a man, a C'hristiaii. a preaelier, and as the head of the University in a yirartical, tisefnl, and very readable manner. Valuable hints upon various questions ot Conu're^.'ational ])olity are thrown (uit, in the course of the discussion, and much information of value to ministers is included in the sketch of tliiiprudent and use- ful man. Sixteen Sermons complete the volume, showing Dr. Smith's character- istics as a jiulpit laborer." — 'J'/if Cou'irci/ritioiiiilist. "A beautiful and worthy tribute to a rich character and noble life." — iV. A. Review. V Books PuUished. hy W. F. Draper. Whately. Writings of Archhishop IFIiately. Published under the sanction of the author, from the latest revised editions ; viz. Essays on some of the Difficulties in the Writings of St. Paul. 12mo. pp. 397. Cloth extra, gilt tops. $2.00 " Dr. Whately's writings are characterized by sound thought and solid judgment. Clear and solid sense is his peculiar characteristic. He is often ingenious, generally candid, almost always plain and transparent. He sometimes fails in acuteness, as is seen in the third Essay of the present volume, where, as we think, he fails to apprehend the exact idea of ' election ' ; still, he is more sharp-sighted than the majority of writers on theological topics. " We regard the present volume as, on the whole, the ablest of his theological works. It deserves the faithful study of every clergyman. Dr. Whately is one of those authors who can be as profitably read by those who do not agree with him as by those who do. The religious opinions of a writer who earned so eminent a name in the department of logic and rhetoric, and who had so great skill in the practical affi\irs relating to the state as well as the church, cannot be without peculiar interest to the theologian." — Bibliotheca Sacra. "An excellent work." — Neio York Evangelist. " One of those volumes which make sound learning and thorough biblical scholar- ship so honorable in the sight of all men. A man of exact and extensive learning, a patient and devoted student of the Scriptures, clear as crystal in his thought, and as clear in his language and methods of expressing it, a lover of truth, and not afraid to utter it." — Universalist Quarterhj. " The Archbishop's writings are a part of the sterling theological letters of the age, and ought to be possessed by all the studious and thoughtful." — Journal and Messenger. " Tliis book had passed through at least eight editions in England before its publication in this country. Dr. Whately is always entitled to a hearing. Never profound, he is always clear ; never very original, he is always instructive ; never disgustingly dogmatic, he always seems to feel a serene assurance that he has exhausted the whole subject, and that his verdict is final ; always positive and didactic, he is yet never extreme, but always takes the middle and moderate view." — Watchman and Reflector. Essays on some of the Peculiarities of the Christian Keligion. and Historic Doubts concerning Napoleon. 12mo. pp. 264 and 48. Bound in 1 vol. Cloth extra, gilt tops. $2.00 Historic Doubts concerning Napoleon. 12mo. pp. 48. Paper covers, 25 cents ; cloth, 50 cents. About the year 1821 Whately published this Essay anonymously. _ It was designed as an answer to Hume's objections to the credibility of the Christian mir- acles. Following Hume's method, Whately gravely argued the improbability of the existence of the first Napoleon, and demonstrated that, on Hume's principles, the testimony in relation thereto could not be credited. In the second edition of this Essay, the author humorously assumed the fact of the death of Napoleon, which had then just occurred, as a confirmation of his theory, asserting that "the newspapers," finding that his little tract had called attention to their ' phantom,' had disposed of the tract by killing the phantom. Woods. Works of Leonard Woods, D.D., late Professor in An- dover Theological Seminary, comprising Lectures, Letters, Essays, and Sermons. 5 vols. 8vo. $12.00 " The pulpit here finds a fountain of light that it may continue to reflect with power and etfect throughout the world. Dr. Woods had no superior in scholarship, in industry, and in ability to impress the inquirer after truth." — Religious Union. Z Books Published by TV. F. Draper. Winer. A Grammar of the Idiom of the Xetv Testament: prepared as a Solid Basis for the Interpretation of the New Tes- tament. By Dr. George Benedict Winer. Seventh edition, enlarged and improved. By Dr. Gottlieb Lunemann, Pro- fessor of Theology at the University of Gottingen. Revised and Authorized Translation. 8vo. pp. 744. Cloth, $5.00 ; sheep, $6.00 ; half goat, $6.75 "Prof. Thayer exhibits the most scholarly and pains-taking accuracy in all.his work, especial attention being given to references and indexes on which the value of such a work so much depends. The indexes alone till eighty-six pages. The pivblishers work is handsomely done, and we cannot conceive that a better Winer should be for many years to come accessible to American scholars." — Princeton Review. " Prof. Thayer speaks with great modesty of the work as being ' substantially a revision of Professor Masson's translation.' We have carefully compared many Earagraphs and pages, and find that the lal>or performed by him is by no means inted in his unjjretending preface. The improvement in purity, transparency, and accuracy of style, as well as in fidelity, is very noticeable. This edition has the advantage of being brought down to 18G6, embodying the labors of one of the rijjest scholars of Germany for a life-time, and containing references in cases of textual criticism to the Codex Sinaiticus. There are three elaborate and exhaus- tive indexes The invaluable contents of the volume are thus at once at the command of the scholar We are struck with the appropriateness of an ex- Sression on the title-page: 'prepared as a. solid Uisis i'or the interpretation of the lew Testament.' Clergymen of scholarly habits will finresent work, as the translator informs his readers, is founded, upon and is substantially a revision of, the translation by I'rofessor Kdward Masson, which appeared about ten years ago. Tins translation was nuide from the sixth edition of the original. It was more valuable, on this account, than the translations of previous editions at an earlier date ; but, as is well known, it was so marred by mistakes as to make it an unsatisfactory work. A thorough and careful compari- son of it with the CJerinan work, anil tiie preparation of a new American transla- tions were much to be desired The translator's jireface informs us that after a very consideralile jiortion of the work had been tinished, and three hundred pages or more had been 6tereotyj)ed, the jilans wiiich had been formcfl were largely modified by the jmblication of the seventh edition of the Granmiar in Germany. With a detenniuation to imikc the work as valuable as possible, the translator re- solved to revise the whole in connection with this latest edition. He accordingly retraced his stij)s to a cousideraljle de^Mce, and pnjiaivd his translation in conform- ity with his moditicd jilan. The residt is, that \Ne have bifore us, in our own lan- guage, "a reproductitm of the original work," in its nu)st perfect form, and with it.s author's latest additions and improvcnunts. The wisdom. As well as the apjire- ciation of the interests of students of the New Testament, which Professor Thayer, has dis])layed in adojiting this course at the cost of longdelav and largely increased labor, entitle him to the favorable regard of the public." — Kcw Enjlinder, 25 Princeton Theological Seminary-Speer Library 1 1012 00015 8784