iM-.-' 'i.**'^ _^,.,ix\^^^^''^H^^^^ ^0^ '«% PRINCETON, N. J. *k Shelf Division S^^"^ — ^«>*»» Section . e2fe>^ ^ Number PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS BY THE LATE R. W. CHURCH, M.A., D.C.L. DEAN OF ST. PAUL'S, AND HONORARY FELLOW OF ORIEL COLLEGE, OXFORD Hontion MACMILLAN AND CO. AND NEW YORK 1895 A II rig h is reserved NOTICE Only two of these sermons were preached in St. Paul's : and only two before the period of the Dean's residence in London. The rest have been selected from his occasional sermons preached elsewhere than in the Cathedral during his tenure of the Deanery. Mr. Murray has given leave for the reprinting of the sermon on "The Pensees of Blaise Pascal," originally published in a volume entitled Companions for the D event Life^ and of the lecture on Bishop Andrewes, originally published in a volume entitled Masters in English Theology. By a like permission from Messrs. Parker, the sermon entitled " Adam- the Type of Christ " is reprinted from a volume of Lent Sermons. The sermon on " Foreign Travel " first appeared in a volume entitled The Use and Abuse of the World, and is here reprinted by the permission of the Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge. ♦ CONTENTS SERMON I THE "PENSEES" OF BLAISE PASCAL PAGE *' Out of the deep have I called unto Thee, O Lord : Lord, hear my voice." — Psalm cxxx. i ...... i SERMON II BISHOP BUTLER ......... 25 SERMON III BISHOP ANDREWES - 52 SERMON IV THE PLACE OF THE EPISCOPATE IN CHRISTIAN HISTORY "And wrho is sufificient for these things?" — 2 Corinthians ii. 16 . 97 SERMON V THE GIFT OF THE SPIRIT And as they ministered to the Lord and fasted, the Holy Ghost said. Separate Me Barnabas and Saul for the work where- unto I have called them." — Acts xiii. 2 . . . .116 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS SERMON VI ADAM, THE TYPE OF CHRIST PAGE Who is the figure of Him that was to come." — Romans v. 14 12S SERMON VII THE PROMISE TO ABRAHAM •And in thee shall all families of the earth be blessed." — Genesis xii. 3 . . . . . . . -144 SERMON VIII THE KINGDOM OF GOD ' Thy kingdom is an everlasting kingdom, and Thy dominion endureth throughout all ages." — Psalm cxlv. 13 . -159 SERMON IX THE INCARNATION OF GOD ' Paul, a servant of Jesus Christ, called to be an apostle, separated unto the gospel of God, (which He had promised afore by His prophets in the holy scriptures,) concerning His Son Jesus Christ our Lord, which was made of the seed of David according to the flesh ; and declared to be the Son of God with power, according to the spirit of holiness, by the resurrection from the dead." — Romans i. 1-4 . .175 SERMON X THE LIVING HOPE "Who hath begotten us again unto a lively hope by the resur- rection of Jesus Christ from the dead." — I Peter i. 3 . 1S9 CONTENTS SERMON XI ASCENSION-TIDE PAGE Go to My brethren, and say unto them, I ascend unto My Father, and your Father ; and to My God, and your God." — St. John xx. 17 . . . . . . . 205 SERAION XII EDUCATION " When I was a child, I spake as a child, I understood as a child, I thought as a child ; but when I became a man, I put away childish things." — i Corinthians xiii. 11 . 214 SERMON XIII PAIN AND REMEDY And Jesus went about all Galilee, teaching in their synagogues, and preaching the gospel of the Kingdom, and healing all manner of sickness and all manner of disease among the people." — St. Matthew iv. 23 . . . . . 225 SERMON XIV ♦ the life of intellectual self-sufficiency Thy hands have made me and fashioned me : O give me understanding, that I may learn Thy commandments." — Psalm cxix. 73 . . • • ... . 237 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS SERMON XV STRONG WORDS 'AGE "By thy words thou shall be justified, and by thy words thou shalt be condemned." — St. Matthew xii. 37 . -255 SERMON XVI THE MINISTRY OF WOMEN Having then gifts differing according to the grace that is given to us, whether prophecy, let us prophesy according to the proportion of faith ; or ministry, let us wait on our ministering : or he that teacheth, on teaching." — Romans xii. 6, 7 264 SERMON XVII foreign travel The earth is the Lord's, and all that therein is : the compass of the world, and they that dwell therein." — Psalm xxiv. i 27S SERMON XVIII religious disappointments Art Thou He that should come, or do we look for another ? " — St. Matthew xi. 3 . . . . . . . 29S SERMON XIX a particular providence ■ Lord, what is man, that Thou hast such respect unto him : or the son of man, that Thou so regardest him ? Man is like a thing of nought : his time passeth away like a shadow." — Psalm cxliv. 3, 4 . . . . . . .310 CONTENTS xi SERMON XX THE GREAT RESTORATION PAGE For, behold, I create new heavens and a new earth : and the former shall not be remembered, nor come into mind." — Isaiah Ixv. 17 . . . . . . . . 326 SERMON XXI THE TIMES AND SEASONS OF GOD'S WORKING And He said unto them, It is not for you to know the times or the seasons, which the Father hath put in His own power. But ye shall receive power, after that the Holy Ghost has come upon you : and ye shall be witnesses unto Me both in Jerusalem, and in all Judaea, and in Samaria, and unto the uttermost part of the earth." — Acts i. 7, 8 . 336 THE 'PENSEES' OF BLAISE PASCAL Out of the deep have I called unto Thee, O Lord : Lord, hear my voice." — Psalm cxxx. i. The Psalms, which are the records of the purest and loftiest joy of which the human soul is capable, its joy in God, are also the records of its dreariest and bitterest anguish, of the days when all seems dark between itself and God, of its doubts, of its despair. Their music ranges from the richest notes of triumphant rapture to the saddest minor key. The Psalms are the patterns and precursors of that mass of literature embodying the experience of the spiritual life which has grown up during the Chris- tian centuries, and some examples of which are at this time proposed for our special notice. The Psalms contain the germs of it, and, like the Psalms, it varies widely in its scale and tone. It reflects the many sides, the countless moods, of the soul, in its passage through time, confronted with eternity and its overpowering, possibilities. It tells of quiet- ness and confidence, of strength and victory and ^ Preached at St. James's, Piccadilly, 1875, as one in a course of Sermons on ■" Companions for the Devout Life." C.S.,P. B , PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS peace. It tells, too, of the storm, of the struggle, of the dividing asunder of soul and spirit ; of per- plexities which can be relieved only by the cer- tainties of death ; of hope wrestling, indeed, undis- mayed, unwavering, but wrestling in the dark, and, when beheld for the last time on this side the grave, still obstinate, but still unsolaced. Christian life may be upon the heights and in the sunlight ; the lines fall to it in pleasant places, and " the voices of joy and gladness are in its dwellings." But its lot may be also " in the deeps," where " all God's waves and storms have gone over it " ; where the voices are those of " deep calling unto deep amid the roar of the waterspouts," voices of anxiety and distress, of " majestic pains," of mysterious sorrow. Such in the main is the voice of that book on which I am to speak to you, the Thoughts^ as it is called, of Blaise Pascal. It is, as we know, a book of fragments found among Pascal's papers after his death, mainly relating to a projected apology for religion, and variously pieced together, according to the judgment of different editors. This is not the place to speak of its singular literary history, of the strange fortunes which have attended on it, of the fate which has given it so much interest for the soberest and deepest belief, and for the most mock- ing and most critical unbelief, of France — for Arnauld and Vinet, for Voltaire and Condorcet, for Sainte-Beuve. I shall say nothing of its apologetic value, as an argument in defence of Christianity, nor of its place in French literature ; nor of what it did, with other writings of Pascal, in bringing religious questions from the technical treatment of the schools I THE 'PENSEES' OF BLAISE PASCAL 3 into contact with the ideas and language of common life, to be subjects of keen and serious interest to the educated and intelligent in all grades of society. Nor must I dwell on that exquisite purity of language which in itself makes it one of the most instructive of moral lessons. In no writer since the great Greek masterpieces has the " beauty born " of simplicity and truthfulness " passed " so profusely into style ; a perpetual witness to all who hold a pen against the dishonesty of conventional and affected words, warning them of the first duty of that exact agreement of word and meaning, of that sincerity of the writer with himself as well as with his readers, " ce consentement de vous avec voiis-niemel' out of which, as a principle of composition, Pascal's excellence grew. My business with it is simply as a " Companion for the Devout Life " ; an office which it is not the less qualified to discharge that it makes no formal or direct pretension to do so ; though it is not a book of devotion, nor a guide to the details of -Christian life, nor a body of medita- tions or counsels, nor intentionally a record of the history of a religious mind. Nothing was farther from Pascal's thought than to venture on any such task ; nothing would have shocked him more than the notion of painting himself But in spite of himself he has done , so. And if character is elevated and refined, and our loyalty to the unseen strengthened, by seeing how one of the keenest of human minds pierced into the truth of things, and one of the noblest' of human souls thirsted after holiness, these Remains may profitably go with us into our chamber, when we are alone with ourselves PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS and God. They belong to the last years of Pascal's short life, into which so much was crowded — years of sickness and untimely decay. They are the broken words of a suffering and dying man, to whom truth and reality, always precious, have become imperiously supreme ; whose eye has become preternaturally clear in discerning the greatness of man's destiny and hope, the shows and shadows of his present state ; and who has ceased to live for anything but God, for the endurance of God's will, and the imitation of His love, while here. Pascal's " Apology," if it had been written, would ;'have been, not a treatise of pure argument, or an (' analysis of the grounds of religious belief, bjit thei I passionate expostulation of profound conviction on • the madness and unreason of indifference or loose 1 thinking on a matter of such importance, and such I high claims, as Christianity. | The religion of Pascal is the religion of a converted man — of a man, I mean, who at a definite time of his life had felt himself touched and overcome by the greatness and the reasonableness of things unseen, and had con- sciously turned to God, not from vice, but from bondage to the interests of time, from the fascina- tion of a merely intellectual life, from the frivolity which forgets the other world in this. His eyes had been opened, and he had been brought " into the deeps " — " the deeps " far below the mere surface of custom and transient opinion ; the deeps of truth about man's condition and God's greatness ; the deeps of reality about moral good and moral evil, the relation of eternity to time. And he writes *' out of the deeps," as one absorbed and awe-struck, I THE 'PENS^ES' OF BLAISE PASCAL 5 and with every fibre strung, by his vivid conscious- ness of the strange contrasts, the inevitable alterna- tives, the naighty interests at stake, amid which man's course is to be run. His view of relieion rises out of these solemn and unfathomable depths, the abyss of life and pain and death, the abyss of sin and ignorance and error, the abyss of redemp- tion and of God's love. Even the mind of Pascal was not large enough for everything ; these themes absorb and dominate his imagination and thoughts ; and, steadied and consoled as he certainly was by his religion, and capable of the highest transports of Christian gladness, his book is not one of those which reflect the joy, the quiet order, the peace and exultation of Christian life. The book is a stern one — stern with the severity of the awful vision of truth which had filled the writer's mind, and before which he had . trembled ; and its effort is to be strongly, lucidly, plainly true about the real state of the case — true before the judgment of the common sense of men of the world. Pascal showed to the full that passion for simple, unaffected, solid reality which was the characteristic of the early days of Port Royal, of that mighty but short-lived school, the greatest religious birth of the French Church, before whose heroic and sublime singleness of mind, and thoroughness of purpose, and hatred of pretence and display, even the majesty of Bossuet, and the grace of Fenelon, and the sweet- ness and tenderness of St. Francois de Sales, and the grand erudition of the Benedictines, fall into a second place. Pascal looks upon the world in which he finds himself, and two things meet him. On the PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS one hand, the certainty of the moral law, the certainty to conscience of its supremacy, the certainty of its excellence beyond comparison over everything else known to man ; and, on the other hand, the certain facts of man's actual condition and nature, the anomalies, the disorder, the contradictions, the discords of his present state, the blinding and oppressive mystery which hangs about all that we are, and what we are meant for. The old age of the world, after all its long experience, finds strengthening in it still the invincible consciousness that there is nothing greater, nothing surer, than right and duty, nothing more sacred than justice, nothing more beautiful than love. And yet this divine idea of duty and right, man's distinctive prerogative in nature, seems thrown for no purpose into a world which is for ever contradicting it ; it is reflected only in broken distortion on the troubled surface of human society. Pascal had felt as keenly, perhaps, as men ever felt them, the triumphs of pure intellect, in its clearness, its versatility, and its strength. He felt the immeasurable distance of mind and genius above all the greatness of outward and material things, above the pomp and glories of riches and power, above all physical perfection. Archimedes, he says, needed nothing of the grandeur of " kings and captains and great men according to the flesh " ; he won no victories, he wore no crown ; but he was great in his own great order of intellect ; the mathematician's enthusiasm kindles at his name — " O how glorious was he to the intellectual eye" — " O qu'il a delate aux esprits!' But there is an order of greatness higher than that of intellect. " The I THE 'PENS&ES ' OF BLAISE PASCAL 7 interval, which is infinite," writes Pascal, " between body and mind, represents the infinitely more in- finite distance between intellect and charity. " ^ This superiority in kind of moral goodness is Pascal's fundamental axiom, and he, of all men, had a right to lay it down. The strong and nimble mind which played with difficulties, and to whose force all resistance yielded, the soaring imagination, the am- bition of the explorer on the traces of unthought-of knowledge, all that made and marked the match- less intellect of his time, the great geometer, the great physicist, the great mechanist, master, too, of the keenest satire and the most unapproachable felicity of language — he and all that he is, bows down before the unearthly greatness of charity, and confesses the sovereign and paramount excellence of moral perfections, the supreme claims of the moral law of goodness. And then, with this conviction as to the true law of man's nature, what does he see round him ? He sees a world "out of joint," presenting the most contradictory appearances, distracted by the most opposite tendencies, with no remedy for its disorder, no key to its riddles. He pursues through all its forms the contrast between man's greatness and his littleness. Read man in one way, and he seems made for God and truth. Read him in another, and 1 "La distance infinie des corps aux esprits figure la distance in- finiment plus infinie des esprits ^ la charite, car elle est surnaturelle. Tout I'eclat des grandeurs n'a point de lustre pour les gens qui sont dans les recherches de I'esprit. La grandeur des gens d'esprit est invisible aux Viches, aux rois, aux capitaines, a tous ces grands de chair. La grandeur de la sagesse, qui est nulle part sinon en Dieu, est invisible aux charnels et aux gens d'esprit. Ce sont trois ordres differents en genres." PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS nothing can express the interval which separates him from all that is holy, perfect, eternal ; his blind stumbling through an existence which has come from chance, the unmeaningness, the vanity of his life. How is it that he knows so much and can think so powerfully, and yet, after all, knows so little and so imperfectly ; why should his knowledge, just where it is most important, find an impassable barrier, and truth elude and betray him just where he most wants it ? To look at his great endow- ments, his wonderful achievements, his never-ceas- ing progress, he seems indeed the crown and glory and perfection of God's creation. But look at him again, in comparison with what his very powers enable him to see, the immensity, the inscrutableness of the universe, and he sinks into an insignificance which he has not the imagination to measure or the words to express. Lost in this little corner of creation, in this little breathing-time called life ; lost between the infinities of space, the infinities of time before and after, the infinities of greatness, the infinities of littleness ; lost " in the abyss of that boundless immensity of which he knows nothing," in those " terrible spaces of the universe which encompass him," ^ — what can he think of himself, 1 "En voyant raveuglement et la misere de rhomme, en regardant tout runivers muet, et Thomme sans lumiere, abandonne k lui-mcme, et comme egare dans ce recoin de I'linivers, sans savoir qui I'y a mis, ce qu'il y est venu faire, ce qu'il deviendra en mourant, incapable de toute connaissance, j'entre en effroi comnie un honinie qu'on aurait porte endormi dans une ile deserte et effroyable, et qui s'eveilleiait sans connaitre ou il est, et sans moyen d'en sortir." " Abime dans I'infinie immensite des espaces que j'ignore et que tu ignores." . . . "Je suis dans une ignorance terrible de toutes choses. . . . Je vois ces efiroyables espaces de I'univers qui m'enferment ..." I THE 'PENS^ES ' OF BLAISE PASCAL 9 what can he think that he is worth ? — " What is man that Thou art mindful of him, or the son of man that Thou visitest him ? " Look at the things which he does not know, and his vaunts of knowledge seem childish. Look at the things which enchant him, the prejudices which enslave him, the basenesses to which he. can descend, and is the contempt of the cynic undeserved for so poor a creature ? Look at the inevitable fact of death, of the decay which pre- cedes it, or else the untimeliness of its blow, and is it possible to exaggerate the idle fruitlessness of such a lot, except as a link in an eternal and unfeeling chain of fate ? So aspiring, so defeated, so undis- couraged ; with the strongest impulses to hope, but ever haunted by arguments of despair, he reveals, by fits and starts, his greater and better nature, in the originality of grand deeds and lofty characters ; but practically, and in the long run, he leads a ,life which he might lead without God and conscience, guided by calculation of what is pleasant and prudent, calculating rightly in the main, often miscalculating, miserably and fatally. There he is, this marvellously compounded creature, strong even unto death, and yet unstable as water, crossing and contradicting himself through life ; the slave of nature, which yet bows to the spell of his power ; the slave of habits, yet their creator ; the slave of imagination, of which yet he knows the illusions ; the slave of opinions, for which he is yet responsible, and which he has contributed to accredit ; seeking and finding, and seeking afresh ; so ingenious yet so stupid ; so wise and yet so incredibly foolish ; able to do so right yet constantly doing so wrong ; balancing between good PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS and evil, sin and repentance, till the wavering is cut short by death. And that, multiplied by the numbers of mankind, is the broad aspect of human life. The mass of mankind look at all this under the sway of custom and habit, as a matter of course, familiar as the routine of every day ; and they take it all as it comes, they feel no surprise ; they acquiesce and are content. But when they try to look below the surface, then come the perplexities and the enigmas. Then come the baffling problems, and the contradictions which defy explanation. Our instruments of knowledge fail us or play us false. We are born with the instinct and idea of certainty, and imply it in every act and argument; yet certainty flies from our analysis and our verifying tests. If we venture to search deeply, then come difficulties following difficulties, till reason is giddy. Truth is impossible without freedom of thought ; yet no sooner is thought free than it eats away all certainty, historical, moral, religious, scientific, till at last it turns upon itself, and surrenders its own consciousness of existence and freedom a prey and sacrifice to a theory. We are distracted between rival claims on our allegiance ; ^ between nature and broad common sense and irresistible convictions — irresistible in spite of all objections, and " reasons of the heart superior to those of the intellect " ; " and on the other hand, ^ "Qui demelera cet emhrouillement ? La nature confond les pynhonicns, et la raison confond les dogmatiques. . . . Ilumilicz- vous, raison impuissante : taisez-vous, nature iml)(jcile : apprcnez que riioinme passe infiniment I'homme, et entendcz de votre niaitre votre condition veritable que vous ignorez. Kcoutez Dieu. (iiiion veriiauie que vous ignorez. r.coutez uieu. - •\" Le cfjeur a ses raisons que la raison ne connait pas\ on lesait en le choses. . . . Est-ce par raison ciue vous aiinez ?" ^ niille choses. . . . Est-ce par raison que vous I THE 'FENSAES' OF BLAISE PASCAL ii the keen, subtle, finished conclusions of the reasoning faculty, apparently so faultless and impregnable in form, often so formidable and ghastly in their con- sequences. What account is to be given of all this ? In a well-known passage,^ Pascal puts side by side the high and the low view of human life, apart from Christianity, in the persons of two eminent repre- sentatives respectively of those two views, Epictetus and Montaigne. One set of thinkers, like Epictetus, look only on the lofty side : they insist on man's greatness, and freedom, and moral power ; they see in his moral nature the proof of his kinship with the Divine, the image and likeness of God. An- other set, like Montaigne, can only smile and doubt, and mock at man's efforts after truth, at his preten- sions to rise above the level of mortality ; they catalogue his uncertainties, his mistakes, his failures ; they paint vividly his weakness, his ignorance, his shame. Both are right and both are wrong; right in the truth which they assert, wrong as to the truth which they overlook ; but both want the key which unlocks the puzzle, the central truth which recon- ciles the contradiction. Pascal will explain away nothing, will disguise and ignore nothing. He will put his standard and idea of life as high as Epictetus ; but he sees as clearly as Montaigne, the tricks that custom and imagination play,* the treacheries of self-interest, the inconsistencies of goodness, the strange mixture in real life of the ridiculous and the pathetic, the gaps in our logic, the short-comings of our proofs ; he employs the ^ The conversation with De Sacy. PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS exaggerations of Montaigne for the purpose of startling men from the trance and spell of mere habit, to realise the strangeness of what is most familiar, the precariousness of much that they take for granted. What is the explanation of these anomalies of man's condition, of the perplexities of his life — anomalies and perplexities which to those who see them are certain and crushing ? Why is it that, as has been said, ** Life is such a comedy to those who think, such a tragedy to those who feel ? " ^ Pascal can see but one explanation to it. Man's greatness is greatness fallen ; it is royal great- ness, but the greatness, as he expresses it, of a king dethroned, dispossessed, disinherited, banished.^ A writer of our own time, as subtle and deep as Pascal, has, without thinking of Pascal, expressed Pascal's thought : — " To consider the world in its length and breadth, its various history, the many races of men, their starts, their fortunes, their mutual alienation, their conflicts ; and then their ways, habits, governments, forms of worship ; their enterprises, their aimless courses, their random achievements and acquirements, the impotent conclusion of long-standing facts, the tokens, so faint and broken, of a superintending design, the blind evolution of what turn out to be great powers and truths, the progress of things, as if from unreasoning elements, not towards final 1 Quoted in Greg's Enigmas of Life, p. 192. 2 " La grandeur de I'homme est grande en ce qu'il se connait miserable. Un arhre ne se connait pas miserable. . . . Toules ces .miseres-la meme prouvent sa grandeur. Ce sont miscres de grand seigneur, niiseres d'un roi depossede." " Car qui se trouve malheurelix de n'ctre pas roi, sinon un roi depossede?" THE 'PENSEES' OE BLAISE PASCAL 13 causes, the greatness and littleness ot man, his far- reaching aims, his short duration, the curtain hung over his futurity, the disappointments of life, the defeat of good, the success of evil, physical pain, mental anguish, the prevalence and intensity of sin, the pervading idolatries, the corruptions, the dreary, hopeless irreligion, that condition of the whole race, so fearfully yet so exactly described in the Apostle's words, ' having no hope and without God in the world,' — all this is a vision to dizzy and appal, and inflicts on the mind a sense of a pro- found mystery, which is absolutely beyond human solution. "What shall be said to this heart -piercing, reason-bewildering fact ? I can only answer, that either there is no Creator, or this living society of men is in a true sense discarded from His presence. Did I see a boy of good make and mind, with the tokens upon him of a refined nature, cast upon the world without provision, unable to say whence he came, his birthplace or family connections, I should conclude that there was some mystery connected with his history, or that he was one of whom, from one cause or another, his parents were ashamed. Thus only should I be able to account for the con- trast between the promise and the condition of his being. And so I argue about the world ; if there be a God — since there is a God — the human ♦race is implicated in some terrible aboriginal calamity. It is out of joint with the purposes of its Creator. This is a fact — a fact as true as the fact of its existence ; and thus the doctrine of what is theo- logically called original sin, becomes to me almost 14 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS i as certain as that the world exists, and as the exist- ence of God." ^ If there is a remedy for this tremendous disloca- tion, impossible as it must be to anticipate its nature, it must be one adequate to the greatness of the disaster.^ And this disaster is the fundamental supposition of that religion of which the Bible is the record, and the Christian Church the creation and witness. It rests on two great foundations : a great verity of history, experience, and conscious- ness, man's double nature, his heights and depths, his worth and his worthlessness, the inexplicable fact of sin and all its consequences ; — and a great disclosure which none could make but God, that man's delivery and restoration are dear to his Maker, that for man's sake the Highest was joined to the lowest. Divine Power and Love to earthly degradation and pain ; the Cross of Christ was the Passion and Sacrifice of the Son of God. Chris- tianity satisfies the conditions which it ought to satisfy, if it is a religion for the world, a religion to demand the attention of a serious man. It is not bound to tell us everything ; it need not clear up all difficulties. It must not be a privilege for an aristocracy of thinkers. But it must be a full 1 Newman, Apologia, p. 377. Compare Pascal: " Le nceud de notre condition prend ses retours et ses replis dans cet abime. De sorte que I'homme est plus inconcevable sans ce mystere, que ce mystcre est inconcevable h. I'homme." ^ Faugere, ii. 155. See a passage in Vinet's Nouvcllcs Chides Evangcliqiies^ p. 51: — "Le nombre de nos miseres, leur gravite, leur perpetuel retour n'ont laisse de choix aux esprits mcditatifs qu'entre deux suppositions tenibles : ou le monde est dispute par un bon et un mauvais genie, ou il doit y avoir au fond de notre histoire un cpouvantable mystere." - " L'incarnation montre a I'homme la grandeur de sa niiscre, par la grandeur du rcmcde qu'il a fallu." THE 'FENSEES' OF BLAISE FASCAL 15 counterpart to all those great and grave facts in which all men have a share, which make up our perplexity and our misery, and yet impel us to hope. This to Pascal's mind was the decisive point. He felt that the external appearances of a divine sanction in the case of Christianity were so ample and so strongly proved, relatively to the conditions of all our knowledge, as to satisfy his reason ; and his review of these converging and cumulative proofs, incompletely developed as we have it, shows with what originality and depth he had mastered the argument. But he wanted, and he found, more than this. For him, beyond the satisfaction of his critical reason, the overwhelming certainty of re- ligion arose out of its deep and manifold corre- spondence with what he knew of himself and man; with what conscience told him of the moral law, and the world showed him of degradation and sin. It was not only that its credentials could bear the strain of inquiry ; what brought religion home to his inward sense of reality was that it had the key to the tormenting contradictions of nature, which he knew so well. And so with the difficulties attending it. The facts of experience, as well as the suppositions of religion, make it part of the disorder of the world that moral obstacles to truth are as great as intellectual ones. If religion is what it claims to be, it cannot but be a trial of hearts, a test of character and affections ; it must be the greatest choice that a man can make or refuse, if the choice is offered him ; it must take its place by right, first and foremost among the great things that belong to our moral life. It is 1 6 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS i a gift to the unworthy, a gift from Him whose disproportion to man is infinite, a gift of His m.ercy and remedial loving- kindness to their misery and despair; it is a thing which must be received on its own terms, and with the knowledge that the passions, the worldliness, the indolence of men, are its natural rivals and antagonists. Men complain that the tokens of God are indistinct and equivocal ; what is this but an exaggeration of the warning of the Bible itself that its God is a " God that hidcth Himself" — ''Dcus absconditus'' — "hideth Him- self" from idle curiosity and unwilling hearts ; a warning to remember that the very starting-point of the Gospel is, that man, who was made for God, has lost God, and that the moral separation between God and man accounts for his not finding a God whom he does not care for, whom he does not love, from whom he shrinks. The danger, the plain but terrible certainty, that met Pascal's eye was, that men, while examining the claims of religion and its reasonableness, forgot the tremendous responsi- bilities of its judges. He who knew so well what intellect co^ild do, knew what it could not do ; and he knew that the decision in such a matter as religion lay not merely with the intellect alone, but with the whole complex nature of man. He knew the solemn truth that in the will, the affections, the conscience of man lay that which determined his creed, his character, his fate. To Pascal no religion could mean anything, or be anything, but one such as that described in the earliest hymns which welcomed the Gospel ; one which " visited " men like " the dayspring from on high, through the THE 'PENS Ms ' OF BLAISE PASCAL 17 tender mercy of our God, to give light to them that sit in darkness and in the shadow of death, and to guide our feet into the way of peace" — one which can call forth from man the thanksgiving, "My soul doth magnify the Lord, and my spirit hath rejoiced in God my Saviour . . . For He that is mighty hath done to me great things, and holy is His name." Pascal too, looking at the longings, the agony of creation, looking at the long roll of God's " noble works," has his Magnificat : " There- fore I stretch forth my arms to my Deliverer, who, after having been foretold for four thousand years, hath come at last to suffer and to die for me, at the time and with all the circumstances predicted of Him ; and by His grace I wait for death in peace, in the hope of being united to Him for ever ; and I live meanwhile rejoicing, whether in the good things which it pleaseth Him to give me, ox in the evils which He sends me for my good, and which He has taught me to endure by His example." ^ And now, how does such a book, a book of con- flict, so suggestive of intellectual perplexities and troubles, serve as a " Companion for the Devout Life " ? How does it help devotion, the habits and behaviour of the soul in what it has consciously to do with its God ? I. It does so by deepening the grounds of devo- tion, by elevating the level of religious thought,* and enlarging its horizon. Devotion, to be kept pure, needs ideas as well as feelings. Its life and energy, doubtless, are in the affections ; love, reverence, trust, joy, hope, praise. But, as in a family, love is every- ^ PenseeSy ed. Faugere, ii. 198. c.s.,p. ■ C PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS thing, yet love may run in poor and ill-directed and unworthy channels, and we ought to cultivate worthy and fitting ways for the exercise and training of our family affections, so it is in devotion. God will accept the true devotion of the most slenderly- furnished soul, of the narrowest mind, of the most mistaken sincerity; but affection and thought, feel- ing and truth, ought to have their just proportion to one another. On our knees we need to remember the deep abysses of judgment and mercy in which the foundations of our prayers are laid. We need to keep our mind in with the sense of what is real, and therefore must be so serious, in the familiar things which come before us in every prayer. There are two dangers to which devotion is exposed : it is in danger of becoming formal and uninterested, a sleepy routine ; it is in danger, too, of becoming artificial, fanciful, petty, of wasting itself in the un- chastened flow of feelings and words, of sinking into effeminacies and subtleties and delicate affectations of sentiment and language. This is no fault of Christian devotion ; it is the fault of the weaknesses of our affections, of the impurities and alloys even of our humility, our tenderness, our love. But there is the danger ; and I can imagine nothing better cal- culated to rebuke and correct all these " shadows of religion " than Pascal's clear, downright seriousness, and the startling boldness with which he faces the real facts of life and religion. It is all the more striking, that the book is not a finished work for the public use, but a collection of fragments which he never expected us to see, in which we surprise him, as it were, in private, putting down his thoughts as THE ' PENS^ES' OF BLAISE PASCAL 19 they come, not for others but for himself, to test and clear and ascertain his own ideas. The great themes which we are accustomed to in the consecrated language of the church or the oratory — man's fall and redemption, his needs, his strength, his law, his hope — are here the subject of an appeal to men's common sense and judgment, by a layman speaking to laymen. He wakens us up to see the real import of our sacred oracles, by translating them into the language of modern life, and that in one of its most cultivated and perfect forms. And, again, the great commonplaces of human life, which are the property of the moralist as much as of the preacher, he teaches us to interweave with our prayers. Others besides him have dwelt on the strange contrarieties of human nature. Montaigne has done so with all his subtle observation and irony. Dryden did so with his terrible strength of scorn. Pope, in memorable lines, almost paraphrased Pascal.-^ But it is one thing to make these tremendous antitheses the ornaments of a brilliant work of art, and quite another to contem- plate them before the Cross of Christ. Pascal writes of them with the continuous sense of their practical recoil upon himself ; he writes of them in the face of God and death. A thread of the deepest devotion runs through the book ; the . great reasoner, the accomplished writer, was the humblest and most fervent of worshippers, meditating on the agony of Christ, praying for the right use of pain and sickness, giving rapturous thanks for having found his peace in God. Agree with Pascal or not, you cannot help 1 Cf. Essay on Man, ii. I-34, with the passage, ''Quelle chimere est-ce done que rhomme," etc., ed. Faugere, ii. 103. PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS learning from him zuhat it is to think nobly and adequately of the great questions of religion ; you cannot help feeling with him that there are in them depths hard to sound, disasters and hopes which none can dare to make light of It is difficult not to feel shame, in turning from these pages — so grand in their largeness and precision of thought, their burning and vivid convictions, their simplicity of expression — to our trite and mean conceptions, our contented apathy of prayer, our stilted and empty pomp of phrase, our thin and childish excitement ; to feel the strength with which he has seized the amazing wonders both of our condition and of God's remedy — " Say what you will," he writes, " there is something in the Christian religion which is astonish- ing " ^ — and then to come back to the superficial apprehension of them, with which we are, so many of us, satisfied, even in our attempts to lift soul and life out of the common grooves of custom. 2. I think the book has another use. If ever there were days which needed bracing and sobering lessons, they are ours. They need it all the more, because in that civilisation which affects us all, and which in so many of its results is in such contrast with the ultimate certainties of life as well as with the spirit of religion, there is so much to call forth admiration and gratitude, so much that is beneficent, excellent, noble. But many of us it certainly weakens, it certainly spoils, it certainly blinds. We sweep along in constant smoothness and order ; wc lose our bearings amid the intoxication of new ^ "On a l)cau dire, il faut avoucr que la rclitjion chnjlicnnc a cjiicl- quc chose d'clonnant." I 777^ 'PENSAES' OE BLAISE PASCAL 21 knowledge, and the consciousness of new powers. We see but a portion of the field : out of the range of our sight are the miserable and the hopeless, a great army, who cannot understand the philosophy of optimism or the blessings of progress. And we who do, almost resent such eloquence as Pascal's ; it seems to us overcharged and unnatural ; we accuse him of the perverseness of painting life in colours unjustly and falsely dark. His severity is not all the truth. Many, happily, have found — I ought to say, have been granted — a sweetness, a liberty, an innocence, a tranquillity in living, or else a generous and pure delight in toil, which Pascal could not discover. But his severe view is a great side of the truth. It is a side which has impressed some of the greatest of mankind. It is an echo of his experience who said, " If in this life only we have hope in Christ, we are of all men most miserable." -It is the tradition of the conflicts and temptations which have befallen those who have thought most deeply and felt most keenly, those who have wrestled most stoutly with the evil of their day. If our devotional life is to be the charm with which we may walk safely through so much that is threatening, if our prayers are not to be unmeaning ones, we need in them the tonic of these stern truths. Pascal's austere thoroughness and masculine plainness of speech is very useful to remind us when on our knees *that neither life nor religion are the easy and soft things we sometimes take them to be ; that, be appearances what they may, there are close at hand to us, every day, contingencies too terrible to speak of; there are, at any rate, in the end, dread certainties which PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS nothing can avert. With our cahn days of order and peace, and our eager ones of triumph, amid the joys of companionship and joint effort, the successive achievements of power, the blessings of our homes, it will one day be a happy thing for us to have reminded ourselves of Pascal's solemn and pathetic words, " The last act is always tragedy." ^ "I shall die alone " — " On mourra seuH' 3. Lastly, no professed master of the spiritual life, no book of practical piety, ever laid down more distinctly the true method of seeking religious light. It is implied in every line of Pascal that truth in religion is absolutely, and from the very nature of the case, dependent on moral purity and faithfulness. " Revelation," as has been said, " was not given to satisfy doubts, but to make us better men, and it is as we become better men that it becomes light and peace to our souls, even though to the end of life wc shall find difficulties in it and in the world around us." ^ It is the great warning of Pascal, that if men would find and know God, they must begin by trying to do His will ; they must act according to the greatness of the occasion, and to the laws not of one part only, but of their whole human nature ; they must prepare their souls, habits and tempers and will, as well as intellect. God, the only God worth seeking by man, the God not of scientific demonstra- tion or theory,^ but the living God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, the God of Jesus Christ, is revealed only to the heart, the heart of the sincere, the 1 " Le dernier acte est sanglant, quelque belle que soit la comcdie en tout le restc." 2 Newman, Parochial Sermons, 1. Serm. 18. 3 Pensees, ed. Faugerc, ii. 11 3- 116. I THE ' PENSAES ' OF BLAISE PASCAL 23 modest, the patient, the self- governed, the loving. And as children who cannot walk learn to walk by walking, so we learn to feel the meaning and great- ness of moral truth by acting under the sense of it, by listening in detail to conscience, by being true to what we hear in great things and small. No one ever insisted more earnestly than Pascal that to know we must obey. No one reminds us more impressively of the silent power of habits as they grow up, unwatched and unfelt ; how, when we are trifling with self-discipline and prayer, we are laying the foundations of religious perplexity and trouble, clouding the inward eye, and enfeebling the moral taste, our power of insight and judgment, our power of keeping the sight of truth which once was given us. These are not unfitting lessons to carry with us when we retire to recollect ourselves with God. How great a book that is on which we have been commenting, I need not say. The world is agreed on the marvellous gifts which it discloses. But that clearness and penetration of reason, that easy strength, that height and nobleness of thought which captivate our intelligence, that music of ex- pression which charms our ear, are but foils to what is most essential and characteristic in it. It is a book which none can read, friend or enemy, without having it impressed on him that that which dre^ up this mighty soul to its full height was the ever- present vision of a God of righteousness and love, the reaching after the light of perfect goodness. That is what is shown in these reflections from its thoughts and feelings, broken and imperfect as they 24 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS i are. They show an enthusiasm, which even in its excess is heroic, for all that had the reality of moral excellence. They show one who was ready to count all things but loss for the sake of that Love, that Cross, which had revealed man's true perfection to man — not riches only, and pleasures, and honour and power, but greater things than these, the mag- nificent triumphs of intelligence, the joys of the discoverer, the glory and the delights of the pure reason. They show one alive to all greatness and all beauty, moulded for sympathy and for all delicate and all tender affections, to whom all was forgotten in the blaze of the glory of Christ's compassion ; to whom, above all beauty, was the beauty of charity, above all greatness the greatness of charity — that charity which Jesus Christ first made known among men. Such a book is no unsuitable " Companion for the Devout Life." II BISHOP BUTLER 1 One of the famous books of the EngHsh language is Bishop Butler's Analogy ; according to the full title, which is not always kept in mind — The Analogy of Religion^ Natural and Revealed^ to the Constitution and Course of Nature. This great book, with the sermons which illustrate it, has had perhaps, directly or indirectly, more to do with the shaping of the strongest religious and moral thought in - England, in the generation which is now passing away, than the writings of any one who can be named. " Bishop Butler," wrote a great living statesman, " taught me, forty-five years ago, to suspend my judgment on things I knew I did not understand. Even with his aid I may often have been wrong ; without him I think I should never have been right. And oh ! that this age knew the treasure it possesses in him, and neglects." 2 But the Analogy passes for a hard book to ordinary readers. It passes for iDcing difficult, not merely for the abstruse character of its arguments, but also for its rugged and obscure style. 1 A Lecture delivered in Salisbury Cathedral during Advent i88o. 2 The Rt. Hon. W. E. Gladstone to Mr. James Knovvles, 9th Novem- ber 1873, in a letter printed in the Spectator of 13th December 1873. 26 PASCAL AND OTHER S£A'A/ONS ii The obscurity of its style has, I think, been exagger- ated : the writing may be said to be ungraceful, careless, unattractive ; but it is not often that there can be any doubt what the words mean, and what the writer intends to say, though the thing that he means to say may give some trouble to think about. The difficulty of the argument generally is another matter. He means it to be taken and considered as a whole ; and as a whole it is a long, connected, and carefully jointed piece of work, in which one part depends upon and tells on another, and one part has to be kept in mind while considering another ; and all the parts, and their relations to one another, have to be remembered when judging of the effect as a whole. And this, of course, is difficult. It is the difficulty of keeping together, as in a vice or frame, and in their proper order, all the pieces of an intricate pattern ; it is the difficulty of following out the parts, and play, and working, of a complicated machine like a steam-engine ; it is the difficulty of mastering a mathematical demonstration, or a legal argument ; it is the difficulty of thinking out, and keeping before the mind's eye, the effects of moves of chess, or of cards at whist. It requires close attention, and clear head, and a good memory. Without these, no doubt, the Analogy is a difficult book, though the main difficulty, after all, resolves itself into the necessity of reading with serious purpose and care, which is always, to many persons, a difficult thing. But even if a person cannot thoroughly master the argument, its tone and spirit, and manner of looking at things, is so remarkable, so high, so original, so pure, and calmly earnest, that BISHOP BUTLER 27 great interest may be taken in it, and an infinite amount of good may be learned from the book, even by those who are baffled by difficult argument. I do not intend to go into the argument of the book, into the special reasonings by which Bishop Butler shows how great and how solid a thing religion is, and by which he meets the difficulties and objections which are raised against it. I only wish to try and illustrate the tone and spirit which are characteristic of his writing. Christianity may be written about or may be defended in many different ways, and with very different tempers and even objects. There is as much to be learned from Bishop Butler's tone and manner as there is from the substance of his reasonings. I will only remind you of the main idea on which his whole argument is founded. It is the idea of the unity of religion, and all that we know of the system of the world, and what we call nature ; the idea that in its great features and appearances, in its apparent rules and methods, in its wonderfulness and unexpectedness, its perplexities, its difficulties, its seeming breaks and imperfections, religion, before and after the Gospel, in that side which it presents to us in this world, is all of a piece with what we find in this world — with the wonderful though familiar scene and system of fact, which is the only thing of which we yet have experience, or of which we can* form reasonable conceptions ; that the religion given us in the Bible, alike in what it has done and does, and in what it does not'i^o, follows, often to our surprise, the same lines, which are not matters of conjecture or inference but of certain fact, known and felt of all 28 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS ii men in the experience of life. Religion is not, per- haps, what we might expect, if we were constructing an Utopian system out of our own imagination. Religion is what we might be quite prepared for, if we seriously considered what we see and know of the world into which we are come, and in which we have our lot. We know how easy but how idle a thing it is to imagine a world made without the anomalies, the troubles, the insoluble mysteries, which nothing can here get rid of in nature and human life. If re- ligion comes to us with apparent contradictions, and seeming to do only half its work, giving us light but only to a certain point, relieving our pains and remedying our sin, but not completely, showing us something of the next world, but little in comparison with what it conceals, answering some of our questions and fulfilling some of our longings, but leaving much unsatisfied — this is only what we have been familiar with from our birth, in the world which, for all that, we believe was given us to dwell in by God who is just and wise, and who, in the mercies of grace and redemption, carries on the same system and acts on the same principles as those to which we are accustomed in our daily contact with the laws and realities of nature. This is what Butler means by the Analogy of Religion, Natural and Revealed, to the Constitution and Course of Nature. This is his great idea, the idea which possesses him, and governs all his thoughts. I will not pursue this further, but will go on to notice some of the special features of his way of writing. I. The first thing that I should say is how real he is. Don't think this a matter of course, or an BISHOP BUTLER 29 easy matter for a writer, especially a writer on diffi- cult subjects. A writer is not always able to master his own thoughts, and say what he wants to say ; and he is tempted to say something which comes next to it or looks like it, but is not the thing itself. "Think what you mean to say, and say it,"^ is a very good rule, but an easier one to praise than to follow. But at whatever cost of clumsiness or awkwardness, Butler always says the thing that he means to say — that thing, and not another. " Everything is what it is, and not another thing,"^ is an odd, characteristic axiom of his, which in various forms he is very fond of " Things and actions are what they are, and the consequences of them will be what they will be ; why then should we desire to be deceived?"^ " For after all, that which is true must be ad- mitted, though it should show us the shortness of our faculties." "^ " As we cannot remove from this earth, or change our general business on it, so neither can we alter our real nature. Therefore no exercise of the mind can be recommended, but only the exercise of those faculties you are conscious of"^ And therefore he lays it down as the first law of a writer that he is " not to form or accommodate, but to state things as he finds them."*^ And this honesty and reality of writing is the outward vesture and form of the mind within, severely trained to the strictest truth and honesty of thinking. Open-^eyed, cautious, watchful against the tricks and idols of his own thoughts, the things that come before him he 1 "Look in thine heart, and write": Sir P. Sidney, Lloyd's Life^ p. 105. 2 Butler's Works, Ed. 1836, ii. Pref. xxiii. 3 ii. 100. ** i. 205. ^ ii. 205. " ii. Pref. v. 30 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS ii tries to see as they are — to see them, not as they are talked about, or appraised by temporary or acci- dental opinion, but in their solid, plain simplicity ; to see them, not as they are shaped by the action of the imagination, but according to the exact measure of our knowledge and evidence, whether more or less limited ; to see the truth, not one-sided and ex- aggerated, but balanced and completed by all that bears on it ; not trusting itself to precarious and arbitrary a priori reasonings, but resting on founda- tions, however homely and unambitious, of facts within our reach. We feel in every page and every word the law that writer and thinker has imposed on himself, not only to say nothing for show or effect, but to say nothing that he has not done his best to make clear to himself, nothing that goes a shade beyond what he feels and thinks ; he is never tempted to sacrifice exactness to a flourish or an epigram. A qualm comes over the ordinary writer as he reads Butler, when he thinks how often heat and prejudice, or lazy fear of trouble, or the supposed necessities of a cause, or conscious incapacity for thinking out thoroughly a difficult subject, have led him to say something different from what he felt authorised to say by his own clear perceptions, and to veil his deficiencies by fine words, by slurring over or exaggerating. If only as a lesson in truth — truth in thought and expression — Butler is worth studying. He is a writer who, if there is any reason for it, always understates his case ; and he is a writer, too, from whom we learn the power and force, in an .argument, of understatement, the suggestion which it carries with it both of truthfulness and care, of BISHOP BUTLER 31 strength in reserve. He never wastes a word in fine writing, but he never spares one when it would make him more inteUigible. His writing bears the impress of that severe economy and thriftiness of material which comes from a man having taken great trouble to arrange and prepare his work. With him, with all his abounding wealth of ideas, of penetrating and widely -travelled thought, the question about any particular idea or phrase is, not, as it is with so many of us, whether it is clever, or telling, or brilliant, or a favourite one, but, first and foremost of all, whether it is true, and then, whether it is in place. And so you feel in reading him that he is not writing an essay, or weaving an ingenious and original argu- ment, or constructing a theory on paper, but that he is " in touch," as soldiers call it, in actual contact with the solid realities of our state, our life and our fate. 2. Hence that singular seriousness which is so remarkable a characteristic of his books. ' He is as serious, it has been said, " as a gamester " ; he is as serious as a physician, with life and death hanging on the clearness of his thoughts and the courage of his re- solve; as serious as a general with a terrible and evenly- balanced battle on his hands. Such people are im- patient of talk, and ornament, and literary cleverness ; and so is he. With him the questions which were bandied about among ingenious and witty reasoners, about the truth and evidences of religion, were no questions of words or speculation, no mere interesting philosophical or historical problems, but of far more immediate and more tremendous earnest than any- thing else in the world could be. Coming to him from ordinary, even religious, writing on the argu- 32 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS ii mcnts for Christianity, the objections to it, and the answers to them, is something like the difference when, after having read in books and newspapers of trials in courts of justice, we actually find ourselves present at a real trial, with living men before us in deep earnest, and with great issues, perhaps life and death, depending on the debate. There is a breadth, a quiet business-like plainness about his way of dealing with questions, a recognition of their diffi- culty as well as a sense of their seriousness, which produces an entirely different effect from mere subtlety, eloquence, passion, or even strength of thought. Calm and self-contained as he is, he nevertheless is " the man whose eyes are open," who walks among all these things habitually all day long, as if he were looking at them from " the certainties of death," with all their issues and endless possibilities ; he loses patience, not because men disbelieve, or doubt, or hesitate — he has a strange forbearance for them if they are serious — but because they will not open their eyes to see what is certainly at their doors — because they trifle and play with questions, on the face of them so eventful and so awful, which cannot be put off, and on which men must take their side. Mr. Pitt is reported to have said of the Analogy, that it was a book which opened as many questions and raised as many doubts as it solved. Of course it does. No one can expect to sound the " great deeps" of God's judgments, the mysteries of His Being and Government, without meeting difficulties which defy human understanding. This would be true of any discussion, going deeply and sincerely BISHOP BUTLER 33 into a subject in which our only possible knowledge can be but " in part," seeing " through a glass darkly." But Butler's object is not to remove all doubts and difficulties, which in such a matter as religion, with light and faculties like ours, is obviously impossible ; but to put doubts and difficulties in their proper place and proportion to what we do see and know, in a practical scheme of life and truth, and in a practical choice between God and the rejection of Him. As men are haunted by a permanent sense of the vice of the world, or its disease, or its pain, he was haunted by a sense of the flippant irreligion of his age. The absurdity of a shallowness which affected to see nothing in the claims of Christianity, or to give it up as exploded, was a torment to his love of reasonableness. The insolence which dared to mock at so solid and grave a thing irritated and perplexed him. It weighed on him as if it was a kind of public insanity such as is spoken of in Dean 'Tucker's anecdote of a conversation with him, when he speculated on the question whether whole com- munities might not like individuals go mad.-^ " Reflections of this kind," he says, after showing how terribly, even if unequally, vice is sure to be punished in the natural course of things, " are not with- out their terrors to serious persons, the most free from enthusiasm, and of the greatest strength of mind ; but it is fit things be stated and considered as they really are. And there is in the present age a certain fearlessness with regard to what may be hereafter 1 Bartlett's Memoirs of Bishop Btcfler, p. 93. Cf. "There really should be lunatic asylums for nations as well as for individuals." Sydney Smith, Letters on Afiterican Debts, 1844. C.S.,P. D 34 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS under the government of God, which nothing but an universally acknowledged demonstration on the side of atheism can justify ; and which makes it quite necessary that men be reminded, and, if possible, made to feel, that there is no sort of ground for being thus presumptuous, even upon the most sceptical principles." ^ You notice the continual under-state- ment, and the undercurrent of suppressed irony that runs through the passage. But calm as he is in appearance, you are made aware what a store of keen feelings lies hid under this grave demeanour ; and sometimes it is provoked and bursts forth. " It is indeed a matter of great patience to reason- able men, to find people arguing in this manner ; objecting against the credibility of such particular things revealed in Scripture, that they do not see the necessity or expediency of them. . . . The presump- tion of this kind of objections seems almost lost in the folly of them. And the folly of them is yet greater when they are urged, as usually they are, against things in Christianity analogous or like to those natural dispensations of Providence which are matter of experience. Let reason be kept to ; and if any part of the Scripture account of the redemption of the world by Christ can be shown to be really contrary to it, let the Scripture, in the name of God, be given up ; but let not such poor creatures as wc go on objecting against an infinite scheme, that we do not see the necessity or usefulness of all its parts, and call this reasoning ; and, which still farther heightens the absurdity in the present case, parts which wc are not actively concerned in." ^ ' i. 53- '"^ "• 255. BISHOP BUTLER 35 3. Corresponding to this grasp and feeling of reality, is Butler's ever-present sense of the inexpress- ible greatness of the universe where we are, of its Maker, and Master, and Ruler, of the present reality and awfulness of its government and laws, of the un- explored, unapproachable, unimagined provinces and distant spaces of that infinite empire, of the wonders and mysteries which compass us about, which are in every breath we draw and every word we speak. It is, of course, obvious to any one, the moment he thinks at all, that the most common things are full of what is inexplicable, and far more marvellous than are the marvellous things which modern science has shown us. — " How or why came I here ? What is life ? What is death ? How does life begin ? Why does it end ? How am I made, soul and body, waking and sleeping? What is it that I am really looking at when I look at the stars above, or the flowers below, or at the invisible things which only the microscope reveals ? " — But everybody does not think of these things, or thinks and forgets. But Butler was always and habitually thinking of them. That was the feature of his mind : that he never lost hold on these thoughts, never let custom or other things close his eyes or raise a mist between him and them. It was his power ^ the greatest power perhaps that he had, that what his reason told him was certain and true, he was able continually t9 see, and feel, and imagine, to be true and real. He had the power of faith. And in a measure he makes his readers feel it, \i. they have any serious attention in them. The truth is that when those familiar but most wonderful and most solemn things which 36 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMOiYS u belong to our everyday existence and conduct come to be really seen and felt by an open-eyed observer, who can write them down literally as they literally are, the effect is one of novelty and surprise. There are passages in Butler, when we read between the lines of his words, that at first sight look so dry and commonplace, which seem to open a glimpse of the very foundations of the world and nature. And with this sense of the greatness of God, and the daily wonders of His government; this conscious- ness kept up without effort, or affectation, or break, of His presence and eye ; this vivid apprehension of what must be the thoughts about right and wrong " in a mind which sees things as they really are," ^ — there is joined an equally characteristic and equally permanent sense of how very little we can really know of all the vast world about us, the plan on which it is administered, the meaning of its appear- ances ; how very narrow and confined our knowledge is even of ourselves, and much more of what is outside of us. We hear a great deal in these days of a Philosophy of Ignorance, which says that we know so little, we are so cut off from all knowledge of the unseen world, we get into such puzzles about under- standing even right and wrong, that it is no use to try and know anything but what we can see and handle, and submit to experiment, and therefore we may live without God in the world. Butler, if he had lived, would have flamed into wrath and sarcasm against such affectation or perverseness of ignorance; against men who turn away their eyes from what the world is full of, and then complain that they 1 ii. 226. BISHOP BUTLER 37 cannot see. Any pretence was his abhorrence, and certainly he would not have spared the pretence of blindness, the pretended impossibility of seeing any marks of God. But when we have carried our knowledge as far as we can go, and we can carry it relatively very far, then begins the vast immeasurable domain of what we do not, of what we cminot know, while we are here. Compared with this our knowledge is indeed — not total ignorance, but the knowledge, as he says, of children. Its very imperfection should make it infinitely precious to us ; but it should make us modest, cautious, slow to rash assertion and bold denial. It should make us measure our words when we talk of God and His ways, of what He ought to do, and what He must do. If we only realise how little we can see into His counsels, we shall always feel that we are on very dangerous ground in such talking. " There is, as I may speak, such an expense of power, and wisdom, and goodness in the formation and government of the world, as is too much for us to take in or comprehend. Power, and wisdom, and goodness are manifest to us in all those works of God which come within our view ; but there are likewise infinite stores of each poured forth through- out the immensity of the creation ; no part of which can be thoroughly understood without taking in its reference and respect to the whole ; and this is Vhat we have not faculties for." " This surely should convince us that we are much less competent judges of the very small part which comes under our notice in this world than we are apt to imagine. ' No heart can think on these things worthily: and who is PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS able to conceive His way? It is a tempest which no man can see ; for the most part of His works are hid. Who can declare the works of His justice? for His covenant is afar off, and the trial of ail things is in the end ' ; i.e. the dealings of God with the children of men are not yet completed, and cannot be judged of by that part which is before us." ^ 4. In Butler we find one of the most remarkable instances of what a modern writer "" has called " the enthusiasm which lies under the language of reserve." Reserved he is, as every one knows. But under the mask of that calm, cold, dry reserve of language, ever on guard against show or excess, ever warning us against what he calls the " deluding and forward " faculty of imagination, lies the deep, steadily burning fire of enthusiastic interest in his great subject and cause. His reserve is prosaic ; but his deepest con- viction is that only in the affections, purified and exalted, lies the happiness of man. He will not be carried away by appearances. To the brilliant declamations with which we are so familiar, on the wondrous conquests of science, he coldly says, with a touch of his peculiar irony, " knowledge is not our proper happiness. Whoever will in the least attend to the thing, will see that it is the gaining not the having it which is the entertainment of the mind. Indeed, if the proper happiness of man consisted in knowledge considered as a possession or treasure, men who are possessed of the largest share would have a very ill time of it : as they would be in- finitely more sensible than others of their poverty 1 ii. 226, 227. 2 yjr Henry Taylor. BISHOP BUTLER 39 in this respect. . . . Men of deep research and curious inquiry should just be put in mind not to mistake what they are doing. If their discoveries serve the cause of virtue and rehgion ... or if they tend to render life less unhappy, and promote its satisfactions, then they are most usefully employed : but bringing things to light, alone and of itself, is of no manner of use, any otherwise than as an entertain- ment and diversion. Neither is this at all amiss if it does not take up the time which should be employed in better work." ^ His strict habitual attention to justice and pro- portion is curiously shown in the way in which he urges people who will not be good, to be at least as little bad, to do at least as little evil, as they can. " Since the generality will not part with their vices, it were greatly to be wished they would bethink them- selves, and do what good they are able, so far only as is consistent with them. A vicious rich man cannot pass through life without doing an incredible deal of mischief, were it only by his example and influence. . . . Yet still, the fewer of his obligations he neglects, and the less mischief he does, the less share of the vices and miseries of his inferiors will lie at his door, the less will be his guilt and punishment." ^ Without forgetting the formidable aspect of the doctrine of justice — " if there be at all any measures of pro- portion, any sort of regularity and order in » the administration of things, it is self-evident that ' unto whomsoever much is given of him shall much be required,'"^ — he calmly contemplates justice at the low end of the scale as well as at the high one, and 1 ii. 233. 2 ii. 269. 3 ii_ 270. 40 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS ii exhorts men who are rich to employ their wealth in doing good, that so they " may expect the most favourable judgment which their case will admit of at the last day, upon the general, repeated maxim of the Gospel, that we shall then be treated ourselves as we now treat others." ^ He is deeply impressed with the poorness of everything here : the poorness of human life, the poorness of our knowledge, the poor- ness of our acquaintance even with religion, the poor- ness and unsatisfactoriness of all ways possible to us of examining and proving it. All is " poor " which man has or can do in any sphere. " Indeed, the epithet poor may be applied, I fear, as properly to great part or the whole of human life, as it is to the things mentioned in the objection. Is it not a poor thing for a physician to have so little knowledge in the cure of diseases as even the most eminent have ? to act upon conjecture and guess where the life of man is concerned ? Undoubtedly it is ; but not in comparison of having no skill at all in that useful art, and being obliged to act wholly in the dark." ^ This is the gist of his teaching. Human life is indeed in itself a poor thing, but it is a practical thing, because it is a part of something, the greatness of which no thought can fathom and no words express. In his narrow, limited condition — how narrow, how strange, how limited, it is almost impossible to overstate — he yet is under the govern- ment of God. He is a real part of that infinite, incomprehensible kingdom. Its mystery is reflected on his life and fate. He has part in its hopes. He really touches it at many points though he is utterly 1 ii. 360. '-^ i. 333- BISHOP BUTLER 41 unable to comprehend it. As these points in- cidentally touch Butler's argument, they strike out from its hard texture a flash of feeling. His language takes unconsciously a colour of poetry. Religion is a matter for " awful solicitude," for it is that on which " man's whole interest and being, and the fate of nature depends." ^ Physically, " the earth our habitation has the appearances of being a ruin";^ morally and politically he looks on the " infinite disorders of the world ";^ he sees "a scene of dis- traction." Revelation, when it touches its greatest confines, " cannot be supposed to give any account of this wild scene for its own sake." ^ What a picture, with all its various suggestions, is presented in that idea, to which he reverts more than once, of children, and of the poor, being strangers in a world in the possession of others ; " the poor who are settled here, are in a manner strangers to the people among whom they live " : ^ children find " grown people settled here in a world where they themselves are strangers."*^ These touches of imagination and feeling come in the midst of austere argument or statement ; they come naturally and unforced ; they give us a momentary glimpse, the more interesting because rare, into the depths of a great mind. Butler, intellectually, compared with other dis- tinguished philosophical divines, may be said to have thrown himself systematically, throughout the various parts of his argument, as contrasted with more subtle or learned reasonings, on common sense — on that practical and homely sense of truth 1 i. 268. 2 i. 244. 3 i. 57. M. 311. 5 ii. 344. 6 ii. 304. 42 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS ii and reality, gained by continued and varied dealing with the affairs of Hfe. But then it is the common sense of a man who not only knows, but feels, as he says, " that what is to come will be present ; that things are not less real for their not being the objects of sense." ^ To such common sense the world is very different from what it is to ordinary people. It is only common sense, z/ Christianity is what it claims to be, that a man should bow in awe and adoration, and be thrilled with exulting hope. It is only com- mon sense, if Christ be risen, that St, Paul should count all things but loss for Him, and live and die for Him. And no enthusiasm of love and joy could be too great for the soberest common sense, if all that we believe of God and our interest in Him is indeed real : not words or ideas, but solid fact. And to Butler it is so. If the love of God, he says, " be indeed at all a subject, it is one of the utmost importance.""-^ In that age of cold decorum in the pulpit, himself the example and champion of calm reason, he was deterred by no fashionable sneers at fanatics and enthusiasts from anticipating, before Wesley, all that was deepest and truest in the Methodist appeal to the heart. He threw back a sarcasm on the fashionable preaching of his age, which had its sting in truth. " We are got," he says, " into the contrary extreme to enthusiasm under the notion of a reasonable religion ; so very reasonable as to have nothing to do with the heart and affections, if these words signify anything but the faculty by which we discern speculative truth." ^ When he comes to speak of this side of religion, in ^ i. 274. 2 ii^ jq5^ 3 ii, ig4_ BISHOP BUTLER 43 his sermons on the Love of God, he is not afraid of soaring as high as the loftiest flights of contemplative devotion. Through his restrained and measured diction, restrained and measured both from temper and habit, and from the awfulness of the subject, shines the intense faith of adoring contemplation ; you see a soul to which is present that vision of God's goodness and beauty, which transported St. Theresa, St. Francis, and the poet of the Paradiso. " Consider then : when we shall have put off this mortal body, when we shall be divested of sensual appetites, and those possessions which are now the means of gratification shall be of no avail ; when this restless scene of business and vain plea- sures, which now diverts us from ourselves, shall be all over, — we, our proper self, shall still remain ; we shall still continue the same creatures we are, with wants to be supplied, and capacities of happi- ness. We must have faculties of perception, though not sensitive ones, and pleasure or uneasiness from our perceptions, as now we have. . . . " Recall what was before observed concerning the affection to moral characters : which, in how low a degree soever, yet is plainly natural to man, and the most excellent part of his nature : suppose this improved, as it may be improved, to any degree soever, in the spirits of just men made perfect ; and then suppose that they had a real view of that right- eousness which is an everlasting righteousness ; of the conformity of the Divine Will to the law of truth, in which the moral attributes of God consist ; of that goodness in the Sovereign Mind, which gave birth to the universe ; add, what will be true of all good men 44 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS ii hereafter, a consciousness of having an interest in what they are contemplating ; suppose them able to say, 'this God is our God for ever and ever': would they be any longer to seek for what was their chief happiness, their final good ? Could the utmost stretch of their capacities look further ? Would not infinite, perfect goodness be their very end, the last end and object of their affections, beyond which they could neither have nor desire ; beyond which they could not form a wish or thought ? " Consider wherein that presence of a friend consists, which has often so strong an effect as wholly to possess the mind, and entirely suspend all other affections and regards ; and which itself affords the highest satisfaction and enjoyment. He is within reach of the senses. Now, as our capacities of perception improve, we shall have, perhaps by some faculty entirely new, a perception of God's presence with us in a nearer and stricter way ; since it is certain He is more intimately present with us than anything else can be. . . . What then will be the joy of heart which His presence, and the light of His countenance, who is the Life of the universe, will inspire good men with, when they shall have a sensation that He is the Sustainer of their being, that they exist in Him ; when they shall feel His influence to cheer and enliven and support their frame, in a manner of which we have now no conception? He will be in a literal sense their strength and their portion for ever. " When we speak of things so much above our comprehension as the employment and happiness of a future state, doubtless it behoves us to speak BISHOP BUTLER 45 with all modesty and distrust of ourselves. But the Scripture represents the happiness of that state under the notion of ' seeing God,' ' seeing Him as He is/ * knowing as we are known,' and ' seeing face to face.' These words are not general or un- determined, but express a particular, determinate happiness. And I will be bold to say that nothing can account for, or come up to, these expressions, but only this — that God Himself will be an object to our faculties, that He Himself will be our happi- ness ; as distinguished from the enjoyments of the present state, which seem to arise, not immediately from Him, but from the objects He has adapted to give us delight. Let us then suppose a person tired with care and sorrow, and the repetition of vain delights which fill up the round of life. . . . Suppose him to feel that deficiency of human nature before taken notice of, and to be convinced that God alone was the adequate supply to it. What could be more applicable to a good man in this state of mind, or better express his present wants and distant hopes, his passage through this world as a progress towards a state of perfection, than the following passages in the devotions of the Royal Prophet? They are plainly in a higher and more proper sense applicable to this than they could be to anything else. ' I have seen an end of all perfection.' — ' Whom have I in heaven but Thee, ^nd there is none upon earth that I desire in comparison of Thee. My flesh and my heart faileth, but God is the strength of my heart, and my portion for ever.' — ' Like as the hart desireth the water-brooks, so longeth my soul after Thee, O God. My soul 46 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS ii is athirst for God, yea, even for the living God ; when shall I come to appear before Him ? ' — * How excellent is Thy loving-kindness, O God ; and the children of men shall put their trust under the shadow of Thy wings. They shall be satisfied with the plenteousness of Thy house ; and Thou shalt give them drink of Thy pleasures, as out of the river. For with Thee is the well of life, and in Thy light shall we see light.' . . . ' Blessed is the people, O Lord, that can rejoice in Thee : they shall walk in the light of Thy countenance. . . . For Thou art the glory of their strength, and in Thy loving-kind- ness they shall be exalted.' — ' As for me, I will behold Thy presence in righteousness ; and when I awake up after Thy likeness I shall be satisfied with it' — ' Thou shalt show me the path of life ; in Thy presence is the fulness of joy ; and at Thy right hand there is pleasure for evermore.' " ^ What is there to tell of Bishop Butler's life? Not much. A meagre biographical sketch, a few fragments of letters, perhaps of sermons, a few signatures in parish books in a Berkshire parish, and at Stanhope in Northern Weardale, where he wrote the Analogy, a few faded traditions, a few doubtful anecdotes, a few portraits, a few articles of domestic use, are all that remain, all that the interest of admirers have been able to collect. Born at Wantage, at school among dissenters at Tewkesbury, suddenly leaving them to go into Orders, at college at Oriel, preaching at the Roll's Chapel, buried in retire- ment at Stanhope, discussing metaphysics in Queen Caroline's closet — he at last emerges into public office. ' ii. 216-222. BISHOP BUTLER 47 Bristol, St Paul's, Hampstead, Auckland Castle, Bristol Hot Wells, Bath, connect themselves with his later years. But he left scarcely a trace any- where. They tell at Stanhope that he was an impetuous and fast rider ; they tell at Bristol that he used to walk late into the night in his garden discussing deep matters with his chaplain. At St. Paul's, where he was Dean for ten years, no scrap of his handwriting remains in the cathedral books. They have a silver jug of his at Oriel, and a silver coffee-pot at Auckland Castle. The house and church at Stanhope have been rebuilt. The favourite retreat at Hampstead, once the house of Sir Harry Vane, has been modernised, and the painted glass with which it was ornamented dis- persed. The palace at Bristol where he lived was burnt by the mob in the great riots in 183 1, and remains in ruins. Perhaps a wall, or more doubtfully, some windows and enclosures at Auckland, were his work. When he was dying, he ordered all . his sermons, letters, and papers to be burnt. No one knows what became of most of his books ; yet he must have had a library, for he was a scholar and a reader, as well as a thinker. But he passes across the . scene of history a spiritual, impersonal influence, and like the author of the Imitation of Christ the man is lost in » his mind and writings, and in those deep and solemn thoughts, the clear, calm utterance of which it was given him to unfold to us. The fragments, such as they are, which show him in private intercourse, show him such as we should 48 PASCAL AND OTHER SERJl/OA'S ii expect, very real and measured in his views of life, temperate and serious in his views of duty. They show him a man of " plain living and high thinking." He was one who, as is shown in his remarkable sermons on Self-Deceit and the Character of Balaam, was accustomed to take his own measure. He was a man of business, and clear-headed in affairs, who had meditated with his usual carefulness and breadth of thought on riches and power ; and he was of a princely spirit in the use of them. His first act on going to Durham was to subscribe ;^400 a year to the Newcastle Infirmary. It is said that he refused the Primacy. He certainly refused to take Durham under conditions which would have reduced the ancient splendour of the see. " Increase of fortune," he writes to a friend who congratulated him on his preferment to Durham, " is insignificant to one who thought he had enough before ; and I foresee many difficulties in the station I am coming into, and no advantage worth thinking of, except some greater power of being serviceable to others ; and whether this be an advantage depends on the use one shall make of it ; I pray God it may be a good one. It would be a melancholy thing in the close of life, to have no reflections to entertain oneself with, but that one had spent the revenues of the bishoprick of Durham in a sumptuous course of living, and enriched one's friends with the promotions of it, instead of having really set oneself to do good, and promote worthy men ; yet this right use of fortune and power is more difficult than the generality of even good people think, and requires both a guard upon oneself, and a strength of mind to withstand solicita- BISHOP BUTLER 49 tions greater — I wish I may not find it — than I am master of." ^ There is the same measuring of things as they are, the same undazzled looking forward to the future as it is to be, in a letter in which, after de- scribing the interest and beauty of his new home at Auckland, and his plans for improving it, he goes on : — " I seem to have laid out a very long life for myself; yet, in reality, everything I see puts me in mind of the shortness and uncertainty of it : the arms and inscriptions of my predecessors — what they did and what they neglected, and (from acci- dental circumstances) the very place itself,^ and the rooms I walk through and sit in. And when I consider, in one view, the many things of the kind I have just mentioned, which I have upon my hands, I feel the burlesque of being employed in this manner at my time of life. But in another view, and taking in all circumstances, these things, as trifling as they may appear, no less than things of greater importance, seem to be put upon me to do, or at least to begin ; whether I am to live to complete any or all of them is not my concern." ^ One more glimpse we have of him ; it is in a series of letters, preserved at Lambeth, describing his last days, written by his chaplain to Archbishop Seeker, his schoolfellow and friend. They are really touching, for they tell simply, from day to day, a story of great weakness and depression, in a strong and patient soul, borne with resignation and devout 1 Bartlett's Memoirs of Bishop Butler, p. 116.^ 2 He had, no doubt, been there from Stanhope in Bishop Talbot's time. 2 Fragment of a letter to the Duchess of Somerset (i75i)' C.S.,P. E 50 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS ii composure, and of the deep and anxious affection of his friends. But they show him only silent, lying in hopeless but unmurmuring feebleness of body. They preserve no deathbed sayings, or deathbed traits, except the " emotion and kindness " of his farewells. It was his fate, after his death, to be persistently slandered for gloomy superstition and unfaithfulness, even for final apostasy to Rome, by anonymous writers, who, as it turned out at last, were men who, holding preferment in the English Church, claimed to avow and teach Arianism. Butler's epitaph in Bristol Cathedral has been written by Southey, and it is one of those epitaphs which are worthy of their subject. When applied to, to write it, Southey hesitated. An epitaph, he said, ought to be precise and faultless ; and his own rule in writing had always been to think as much as possible about what he had to say, and as little as possible about the manner of saying it ; however, he would try. He sent it, and it was submitted to the Canon in residence, the great Hebrew scholar of the day, Dr. Samuel Lee, who boldly ventured to criticise and correct Southey's English. Happily there was present on the spot a young Fellow of Butler's College, Mr. C. P. Eden, afterwards a distinguished tutor and preacher at Oxford. He earnestly remon- strated against any attempt to mend what Southey had written. It was a delicate matter for him to interfere, but his interposition was successful ; and we owe it to him that the epitaph was not spoilt. I conclude with that portion of it which speaks of Butler's distinguishing work as a Christian teacher : — BISHOP BUTLER 51 Others had established the Historical and Prophetical grounds of the Christian Religion, And that sure Testimony of its Truth, Which is found in its perfect adaptation to the heart of man. It was reserved for him to develop Its analogy to the constitution and course of nature ; And laying his strong foundations In the depth of that great argument, There to construct another and irrefragable Proof ; Thus rendering Philosophy subservient to Faith ; And finding in outward and visible things The type and evidence of those within the veil. Ill BISHOP ANDREWES^ Bishop Andrewes holds an important place in the line of those English divines who have affected the course of English theology. Only two years younger than Hooker, his life and his influence were prolonged for more than a quarter of a century after Hooker's comparatively early death.^ He had been Hooker's contemporary, a student and labourer in the same field, perhaps his friend, certainly his admirer, in the later years of Elizabeth; and when Elizabeth's world, and Hooker's, closed with the sixteenth century, Andrewes lived on, and won his fame in the new world which opened with the seventeenth. His mind and character were those of a man who had come to middle age, and passed beyond it, under the last of the Tudors.^ With this training and experience, the main work of his life coincided nearly with the reign of the first of the Stuarts.^ Thus, though belonging 1 Delivered at King's College in 1S77, being one in a course of Lectures entitled " Masters in English Theology." 2 Hooker, b. 1553. Andrewes, b. 1555. Hooker, d. 1600. Andrewes, d. 1626. 3 Eliz., d. 1603. * James I., d. 1 625. Andrewes, d. 1626. Ill BISHOP ANDRE WES 53 to Hooker's generation, he lived to see Charles I. on the throne, and Laud in his first bishopric, and to be looked up to and studied by the men of Laud's generation as the greatest living theologian of the English Church. He is the connecting link between Hooker and Laud,^ and after Laud, Cosin and Jeremy Taylor and Hammond, Ken and Bull, Beveridge and Bishop Wilson.^ Of Andrewes' long life there is not much to be said. It was the life, during the first part of it, of a severe and resolute student, unsparing of time and labour. His morning hours of study were to the last jealously guarded ; the rare exceptions to his usual 1 See Hallam, Const. Hist., ii. 62. Literature, ii. 308. 2 The following comparative dates may be convenient : — Hooker. Andrewes. Bacon. Field. Donne. Laud. b. 1553; b. 1555; b. 1 560-1; b. 1561; M.A., 1577; M.A., 1578; Gray's Inn, 1577; b. 1573; b. 1573; Temple, In Parlmt., 1584 ; St. Paul's, 1584; At Line's Boscombe, 15S9; Inn, 1590; 15.91 ;. E.P. i.— iv., Line's Inn, With Essex, 1594; 1594; 1596; E.P v., M.A., 1597 ■> 159S; , d. 1600. Dean of Westmr., 1601 ; Bp. Chiches., 1605; Sol.-Gen., 1607; M. 1603, or 1604 ; Bishop Ely, .. Ordained, President 1609; d. 1616. 1613? St. John's, 1611 ; Bp.Winton., Chancellor^ Dn. Glouc, 1619; 1618-19; i6r§; Sentenced, Dn. St. Bishop St. 1621 ; Paul's, 1621 ; David's, 1621; Bp.B.&W., d. Sept., d. April, .. 1626. 1626. 1626; Bp. Lend., 1628; d. 1631. Ab]i. Cant., 1633- 54 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS in sweetness and gentleness of temper were provoked by those who disturbed these hours. " They were no true scholars," he used to say, "who came to speak with him before noon." He became specially distinguished as a " Catechetical " teacher, both at College and in London, and he was " deeply seen in cases of conscience." At St. Paul's, where he was Canon, he read the Divinity Lecture three times a week in term time ; and he is described as walking about the aisle, ready to give advice and spiritual counsel to any who sought it. At Westminster, where he was Dean, he took the greatest interest in the boys of the school. He would come into school and teach them himself, during the absence of the master. Bishop Hacket, a Westminster scholar under him, records his care about their studies and the books they read, and describes his walks to Chiswick " with a brace of his young fry," and his "dexterity in that wayfaring leisure, to fill these narrow vessels with a funnel."^ When he was called into public employ- ment, he lived, as great Church officers did in those days, through a round of sermons. Court attendances, and judicial or ecclesiastical business, varied by occa- sional controversies and sharp encounters, on paper or face to face, with the numberless foes and detractors of the English Church and State ; — from great Car- dinals, like Bellarmine and Duperron, to obscure sectaries, like Barrow and Mr. Traske, the reviver of a mongrel Judaism.^ It was the life of many men of that period. What is specially to be noticed in 1 Henry Isaacson's Life, with Notes, in Mr. I'.liss's edition of Andrewes, vol. vii. pp. vii., viii., xviii., xxxvi. '^ Bliss's edition, vii. i^p. ix., 8i. Ill BISHOP ANDREWES 55 his case, is the high standard which was recognised both in his learning and his Hfe. " Our oracle of learning " ; " the renowned Bishop of Winchester " ; " the matchless Bishop Andrewes " ; " that oracle of our present times " — these phrases of Bishop Hall express the admiration and reverence of his contem- poraries. He was a man in whom scholars like Grotius and Casaubon acknowledged an erudition and an enthusiasm for wide and thorough knowledge akin to their own. Bacon, remembering in his day of trouble his " ancient and private acquaintance " with Andrewes, who survived him by a few months, submitted his writings to his friend's criticism, and took pleasure in unfolding to him the great plan of the Instauratio} Andrewes was himself an observer and lover of Nature. " He would often profess that to observe the grass, herbs, corn, trees, cattle, earth, waters, heavens, any of the creatures ; and to con- template their natures, orders, qualities, virtues, uses, etc., were ever to him the greatest mirth, content, and recreation that xould be, and this he held till his dying day." ^ And he was not only an observer, but in some departments an experimentalist. He was one of the few to whose sympathetic interest, as an observer of Nature, Bacon felt he could confidently appeal in his physical investigations, and in his daring attempt to put the knowledge of Nature on a new and sound basis. Andrewes had also, in an eminent degree, what was the characteristic virtue of his time. He was always on the watch to seek out the promise of ability and worth in the poor and friendless, and to 1 Letters and Life of Baco7i, Speckling, vii. 371-375. 2 Isaacson, p. vi. ; Speckling, Bacon, iv. 24, 63. 56 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS in encourage by a noble liberality the learning of others. Loaded with preferment, after the custom of his day, he turned his revenues to large and public uses. He selected poor scholars and helped them. He was attentive, in a degree which attracted notice, for it was not common in the bishops of the time, to the claims upon his purse of the churches, institutions, or estates entrusted to his stewardship. He put his houses in good repair. He discharged out of his own income debts which he found hanging over a school or a hospital. He largely increased their permanent endowments, either by his gifts or his good husbandry. Bacon's thoughts turned to him as one likely to help towards the expense of costly researches and experi- ments. " He was single," Bacon writes, " and he was rich." And he was one of those large givers who prefer in their lifetime to incur the suspicion of parsi- mony rather than fall in with the mere conventional fashion of munificence expected from the wealthy.^ In an age of much self-seeking, and many un- scrupulous ways of getting rich, he was acknowledged and honoured as an example of genuine public spirit in his strict and conscientious method of administra- tion, in his patronage, and in an expenditure which, when the occasion called, could be princely. All evidence attests the loveableness of his nature. The lives of scholars, especially of scholars in the days of Andrewes, have not usually had much to attract and interest those who do not share their aims and employments. But in the pictures which have been preserved to us of the relations between ■friends, there are few things more charming than * Isaacson, p. xiv., 7io(e. Ill BISHOP ANDRE WES 57 what is disclosed of the effect produced by Andrewes' character and converse on the illustrious scholar who had sought a refuge in England from the intolerance and persecution, first of Geneva and then of Paris, Casaubon. The graciousness, considcrate- ness, sympathy, with which Andrewes first welcomed Casaubon, growing, as the two men came to know each other better, into an affectionate tenderness, a delight in one another's company, not only among their books but in recreation, in visiting sights, in the enjoyment of the open air, are exhibited in Casaubon's letters. Casaubon's able biographer, Mr. Pattison, no favourable judge of Churchmen, or of those who spend their lives in the pursuits to which Andrewes devoted his, is not insensible to the noble and beautiful friendship between the two men, or to the attractions and sweetness of Andrewes' character. "Of all those whose piety was remarkable in that troubled age," says another discriminating, though not more lenient or friendly, writer, Mr. Gardiner,^ " there was none who could bear comparison for spotlessness and purity of character with the good and gentle Andrewes. Going in and out as he did amongst the frivolous and grasping courtiers who gathered round the King, he seemed to live in a peculiar atmosphere of holiness, which prevented him from seeing the true nature of the evil times in which his lot had fallen." Perhaps in this he wa^ not singular. It may be doubted whether any of us fully understand the true nature of either the good or the evil of the "times in which our lot is cast. We, looking back to the past, can see much evil and 1 History of England, 1603- 161 6, ii. 33. 58 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS ill much good that the men of the past could not distinguish or recognise when it was near them and round them. But it would be well for the men of any age if they loved the good and hated the evil which they do recognise, with the sincerity and single-mindedness of Andrewes. But the best . men are under the prejudices and delusions of their time, and Andrewes was no ex- ception. He was under the prejudices and delu- sions which surrounded the thrones and the persons of the Tudors and the Stuarts, as all were who served them. He is said to have been one of the bishops who sanctioned the burning of the Arian Leggat.^ To us this is rightly and naturally shocking. It was not shocking, but necessary and right, to the whole religious w^orld of the day — to Archbishop Abbot, who pressed it on and canvassed the judges who ordered it ; to the great Puritan party. It was not shocking to the Church historian, Fuller ; it was not shocking to Neal, the historian of the persecutions of the Puritans.^ It is almost a greater surprise and disappointment to find Andrewes one of the majority in pronouncing for a divorce in the shameful Essex case, in which the harsh and narrow- minded Abbot, to his lasting honour, took the side of right and truth, though with the feeblest reasons, against wickedness and folly in high places.^ What blinded the eyes of Andrewes in a case which to us seems so clear, we cannot tell, for his reasons for his opinion are not preserved. Yet he was not one 1 Pattison, Life of Casaubon, 331 ; and (Inrdiner, ii. 43-45. - Hook, Life of A l>l>ot, pp. 267-70. ^ Gardiner, ii. 92-96 ; Hook, Lif: of Ablwt, p. 272. in BISHOP ANDRE WES 59 who feared the face of man, even of the King. But in those troubled days, when men were reaping the penalties of the sin of many generations, and when the rebound from superstitious submission to the Pope had created the superstitious faith in the Divine Right of Kings as the only counterpoise to it, there seemed to be a fate which, in the course of a Church- man's life, exacted, at one time or other, the tribute of some unworthy compliance with the caprice or the passions of power ; and the superstition must have been a strong one which could exact it from such a man as Andrewes to such a man as James. But Andrewes was an important person not so much by what he did — by a policy and an adminis- tration — and not so much even by what he wrote, as by what he was known to be, and by what he was known to think and hold on the questions of his day. Unlike Hooker, who was a writer, and a man little seen in the great world, Andrewes was by calling a preacher, and one who moved much in society, and left his mark on it by the qualities which tell on society — quickness and brightness of parts, a ready and perfect command over large stores of knowledge, the strength of an original and well-furnished mind acting through rapid comprehension, play, and nimble- ness of wit, and with this a sharpness and force of expression which made words remembered. It was this power which gave him his influence* with James ; and it is seen in his Sermons, of which the outward form is in curious contrast with the substance. In matter, no sermons like them had yet been preached in the English Church. If the stupendous facts of the Christian Creeds are true, no attention, 6o PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS iii no thought is too great for them ; and their great- ness, their connections, their harmony, their infinite relations to the system of God's government and discipHne of mankind, and to the hopes and certain- ties of human hfe, are here set forth with a breadth, a subtlety, a firmness of touch, a sense of their reality, a fervour and reverence of conviction, which have made the Sermons worthy and fruitful subjects of study to English theologians. They bear the marks of what we know they had, the most careful medi- tation, the most unsparing pains in arrangement and working out.-^ But to us of this day, it no doubt does surprise us to be told that — as was certainly the case — they were the most popular and admired sermons of the time. We hardly know how far in their present shape they are skeletons, which were filled up and illustrated in actual delivery. But a hearer of our day would be at once overwhelmed by the profusion and rush of ideas, and disconcerted by the sparseness of expansion and development. The majestic and connected eloquence which made Hooker's style so remarkable is absolutely wanting. There is depth of thought and depth of feeling, fertility, energy ; there are passages which disclose the imaginative and poetic side of a rich and beautiful mind ; but the style is like the notes of the unceremonious discourse of a very animated and varied talker rather than the composition of a preacher. In its quaintness, its perpetual and unexpected allusions, its oddly-treated quotations, its abrupt and rapid transitions, its fashion of tossing about single •words, it is of the same kind as the style of much of ^ Isaacson, pp. xxv,, xxxvi. Ill BISHOP AND RE WES 6i Bacon's writings, especially his speeches. It belongs, in point of literary character, to the age before Hooker. It abounds in those quips and puns which are the almost invariable resource of early humour, playful or grave ; in passages, too, of powerful irony, though the form of it sometimes raises a smile. Bacon, indeed, used to send his writings to Andrewes, " to mark whatsoever should seem to him either not current in the style, or harsh to credit and opinion, or inconvenient for the person of the writer." ^ Such a style satisfied and pleased the day, though it does not satisfy or please us ; and we wonder, perhaps, that, after a different standard had been set by Hooker, it could be endured. But students of English thought and literature are not deterred by the harsh fashions of Bacon's writings, and students of English theology will find, under the quaint form of Andrewes' Sermons, enough to justify his reputation as a divine, both in his own day and since. I am glad to recall some comments on Bishop Andrewes' style, made long ago by a writer who has since become famous, and whose remarkable gifts the world learned in their full extent only at the moment when illness has disabled for the time one of the deepest and most original minds of our time. "Andrewes," wrote Dr. Mozley in 1842,- "has peculiarities of style, partly belonging to his age and partly his own, which considerably prejudiee us against him at first, and to which, accustomed as we are to so much more flowing and regular a way of writing, we can never quite reconcile ourselves ; but 1 Spedding, Bacon, iv. 141. 2 British Critic, Jan. 1842, pp. 173-175. 62 PASCAL AND OTHER SERJl/ONS iii with these pecuHarities of his own, he has also fehcities of his own, which are displaying themselves at every step. His theological explanations show the connection of one great doctrine with another, the bearing of one great fact of Christianity upon another, with admirable decision and completeness. He is so quick and varied, so dexterous and rich in his combinations ; he brings facts, types, prophecies, and doctrines together with such rapidity ; groups, arranges, systematises, sets and resets them with such readiness of movement, that he seems to have a kind of ubiquity, and to be everywhere and in every part of the system at the same time. . . . He has everything in his head at once ; not in the sense in which a puzzle-headed person may be said to have, who has every idea confused in his mind be- cause he has no one idea clear, but like a man who is at once clear-headed and manifold — if we may be allowed the word — in his ideas, who can do more than apprehend one point clearly or many dimly — can apprehend, that is to say, many keenly. And this peculiarity has a good deal to do with the peculiarity of his style : it is obviously a natural one, and expresses the working of his own mind. He is never longer in stating a thing than he can possibly help, because his mind being always, as it were, two or three steps ahead of his pen, he lays down the point in passing on his way to some- thing else, and therefore does not apply himself more to it than is necessary in the way of business ; what he is going to say, occupies him ; what he is saying, he only says, and no more. . . . His sermons, in fact, have both the advantages and Ill BISHOP AND REIVES 63 disadvantages, whatever these may be, of being more Hke very copious and connected notes for dis- courses than discourses themselves. They have the terseness, freshness, and condensation of ideas first put together, together with their want of form and poHsh ; though we gather from Andrewes' con- temporaries, that the deHvery made up consider- ably for this deficiency." And the critic notices especially two points: i. Andrewes' method of hammering the same idea into his hearers again and again. " He is never tired of using the same word. The idea, ever thus renewed, and recreated, as it were, gains strength and power by the mere act of repetition, and each successive blow comes down with increased effect." And 2. The animation of his discourse. " Whatever faults he may have, he never sleeps : he is always on the move in one direction or another. Incessant aim and activity is the pervading characteristic of his sermons ; his shortnesses, quaintnesses, his multiplied divisions ; his texts wielded with such dexterity, and ever at hand — ever, as it were, on service — all keep up the stirring and business-like character of the scene ; all are at work fulfilling their various tasks and parts in the construction of the discourse, and occupying themselves like bees in their hive : — Et munire favos et dcedala fingere tecta." 1 Merely, however, as a preacher, as a master, in those early days, of the language and rhetoric of the pulpit, Andrewes would claim less interest than Donne ; for in Donne there is not only the matter, 1 British Critic, ]3.n. 1842, pp. 193, 202. 64 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS in but the not unsuccessful effort after form and art which Andrewes entirely neglected. But Andrevves was primarily a theologian ; and his theology has permanently influenced the range and character of theological thought in the English Church. Andrewes' theological opinions were formed about the same time, and under the same circumstances, as Hooker's. The two men had much in common, both in their strong recoil from the popular traditions and systems which, under Elizabeth, had more and more loudly claimed to interpret and represent exclusively the English Reformation ; and also in the positive ground which each was disposed to take, as the true and authentic basis of the teaching of the English Church. Both, too, had in common that devotional temper, those keen and deep emo- tions of awe, reverence, and delight, which arise when the objects of theological thought and interest are adequately realised, according to their great- ness, by the imagination and the heart. Hooker made the first, at any rate the most conspicuous, venture to cut across the grain of public prejudice. But Hooker, great as he was — and the Englishmen of Shakespeare and Bacon's age could not fail to recognise his greatness — was yet but an obscure country parson, who may be said to have failed in London, and who certainly was not much seen in the houses of the great. Andrewes not only followed for a quarter of a century after Hooker's death in the path which Hooker had opened, but Andrewes was the companion and trusted counsellor of the holders of power. He was one of the greatest and most considered men in England, rising to the high Ill BISHOP ANDRE IVES 65 places, one after another, of the Church ; in the opinion of some of the wisest observers, the only fit man for the highest. In Andrewes, as in Hooker, we come on a wide divergence from the language of the early theolo- gians of Elizabeth, and from the way in which they presented the relative importance and proportion of different parts of the doctrinal system of the Church. Before it is said that this was a departure from the spirit of the Reformation, it ought to be brought to mind what the Reformation was. It was not a thing in all its parts done, finished, completed for good. Part of it was final — the independence of the National Church, the repudiation of superstition and corruption ; part could not be accomplished at once. It started as a progressive and tentative effort to mend things which had been long and deeply injured, to put straight things which the custom of centuries and the ignorance of the day had turned awry ; but it looked on this as a gradual process, which it was too much to hope to see done at a stroke, and which was to exercise the wisdom and patience of years to come. It cannot be sufficiently remembered that in James I.'s time, and in Charles II. 's time in 1662, the Reformation was still going on as truly as it was in the days of Edward VI. and Elizabeth. The English Reformation was, theo- logically speaking, one of the most adventurous, and audacious — bravely audacious— of enterprises. Its object was to revolutionise the practical system of the English Church, without breaking with history and the past ; to give the Crown and the State vast and new powers of correction and control, without C.S.,P. F 66 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS iii trenching on the inherited prerogatives of the spirit- ualty ; and to do this without the advantage of a clear, solid, well-tested, consistent theory, or else, as in Luther's case, of a strong exaggerated cry and watchword. Smarting under the sting of monstrous practical abuses, and quite conscious of the im- possibility of making sudden changes to be deep ones, the English reformers adopted what their enemies might well call a hand-to-mouth policy of experiment in finding what they still hoped might be a growing, improving, yet permanent settlement. The Roman theory of the Church, and of Church reform as pursued at Trent, was compact and complete ; the Calvinist theory of Church reform and Church reconstruction was equally logical and complete ; in each case all was linked together, consistent, impregnable, till you came to the final question of the authority on which all rested, and till you came to square the theory with certain and important facts. With a kind of gallant contempt for the protection of a theory, we in England shaped our measures as well as we could, to suit the emergencies which at the moment most compelled the attention of the steersman at the helm. The English Reformation ventured on its tremendous undertaking — the attempt to make the Church theo- logically, politically, socially different, while keeping it historically and essentially the same — with what seems the most slender outfit of appliances. Prin- ciples it had ; but they were very partially explored, applied, followed out to consequences, harmonised, • limited. It sprung from an idea, a great and solid one, even though dimly comprehended, but not from Ill BISHOP AND RE WES 67 a theory or a system, such as that unfolded in Calvin's InstitiLtes. Its public and avowed purpose — I do not say that of all its promoters — but its public purpose was, taking the actual historical Church of Augustine and Ethelbert, of Becket and Wolsey, of Warham and Pole, the existing historical representative and descendant of that supernatural Society which is traceable through all the ages to Apostolic days, to assert its rights, to release it from usurpation, to purge away the evils which this usurpation had created and fostered ; and accepting the Bible as the Primitive Church had accepted it, and trying to test everything by Scripture and history, to meet the immediate necessities of a crisis which called not only for abolition, but for recon- struction and replacement. What was done bore the marks of a clear and definite purpose ; but it also bore the unmistakable marks of haste and pressure, as well as violence. Laws, — all but the most indispensable ones, — canons, synods, tribunals, the adjustment, of the differing elements of its con- stitution, were adjourned to a more convenient season, which, in fact, has never arrived. It began with arrangements avowedly provisional. On the great dogmatic controversies of the moment it defined cautiously, its critics .said, imperfectly: it hardly had made up its own mind. For the systematic confessions of the Continent, it provided a makeshift in the Thirty-nine Articles, put to a use for which they were not originally designed. But it did four things : — I; It maintained the Episcopate and the Ordinal ; 2. It put the English Bible into the hands of the people ; 3. It gave them the 68 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS English Book of Common Prayer ; and 4. To bind all together with the necessary bond of authority, it substituted boldly and confidently, in place of the rejected authority of the Pope, the authority, equally undefined, of the Crown, presumed to be loyally Christian and profoundly religious, and always acting in concert with the Church and its representatives^ It has been called a via media, a compromise. It is more true to fact to say that what was in the thought of those who guided it under Henry VIII. and Elizabeth was an attempt, genuine though rude and rough and not always successful, to look all round the subject ; to embrace in one compass as many advantages as they could — perhaps incom- patible and inconsistent ones — without much regard to producible and harmonising theories : antiquity and novelty, control and freedom, ecclesiastical and civil authority, the staid order of a Church as old as the nation and the vigour of a modern revolution of the age of the Renaissance, a very strong public govern- ment with an equally strong private fervour and enthusiasm ; to stimulate conscience and the sense of individual responsibility, and yet to keep them from bursting all bounds ; to overthrow a vast ancient power, strong in its very abuses and intrenched behind the prejudices as well as the great deeds of centuries, and yet to save the sensitive, delicate instincts of loyalty, reverence, and obedience ; to make room in the same system of teaching for the venerable language of ancient P\ithcrs, and also for the new learning of famous modern authorities. The task was a difficult one, as it was unique among the various projects opposed to it, or likened Ill BISHOP AND REIVES 69 to it, going on at the same time in Western Cliristen- dom. Abroad, the idea of the EngHsh Reformation appeared, as it still appears abroad, an illogical and incomprehensible attempt to unite incompatible principles and elements. That government should interfere with religion, should change it, should impose it, was perfectly understood both by Protest- ants and Catholics. But that reformers in England, having broken with the Pope, should not make a clear sweep of the whole of the inherited system and begin afresh ; that they should embarrass themselves by maintaining the continuity and identity of the existing Church with the historical Church of the past ; that they should be so bold, yet so guarded and reticent, — this was unintelligible, both at Rome, Paris and Madrid, and at Wittenberg, Jena, Basle and Geneva. It must have seemed to many — not merely to the worshippers of absolute hypotheses, but to cool and practical judges of the probabilities of human affairs — a very unpromising, if not forlorn and desperate venture. So daring a disregard of obvious inconsequence and anomaly ; so delicate a balancing of conflicting tendencies ; so apparently artificial and arbitrary restraints on their natural development; all, too, depending on the chances of a single life, and the personal influence of a character, did not wear the look of permanence. It might have been plausibly foretold that the English refoi*med Church must soon choose its side ; must soon either go backwards or forwards ; backwards to its old allegiance ; forwards* to the clear, definite position of the great Swiss and French reformers. But that it should go on strengthening itself in spite of its 70 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS m double openness to attack, unfolding and developing the energies of life in spite of its logical incomplete- ness ; that it should long escape the dangers from internal quarrels and outward hostility, might well have seemed one of the most unlikely of supposi- tions. The hopes and forecasts of the prophets of evil may be seen in the controversial literature of the Roman advocates, in the pamphlet literature of the Puritan champions of the " Discipline." The experience of three centuries has shown that the apparently loose, ill-jointed, halting polity which they so contemptuously criticised, had both a firmness and an elasticity which more showy systems failed in. It has borne the brunt of time and change. It has never lost its original informing, animating idea. It has shown a wonderful power of obstinate tenacity against jars and shocks, a force of continuous growth, and of vigorous recovery after disaster and stagna- tion. It has certainly vindicated its claim to life and reality. But at starting, the dangers were indeed for- midable. In the first place, the principle of authority had been most rudely shaken ; yet it was necessary to invoke it at every turn. It is not easy for us to realise the effect of the shattering, in an ignorant, yet eager and excited age, of the religious authority of the Pope. It seemed to leave a void in the public control of belief and conscience which every one might fill as he pleased. Yet the world had been accustomed to authority, and the void could not be left unoccupied. The Crown, its ministers and its council ; the Bishops, its trusted advisers ; in those days in a less prominent, but still important, degree, the Parliament and the Synod, slipped into Ill BISHOP AND RE WES 71 the vacant place. But though authority maintained itself, it did not maintain itself easily. The subtle, intangible, yet deep and mighty force of moral authority which had existed of old, and which the Popes had strained till it broke, had not been, could not be, replaced. As a substitute for it, came in an exaggerated idea of the divine and personal rights of the Crown. It was partly a very real and natural idea at the time ; it was partly a factitious and scholastic one ; it partly expressed, vaguely and imperfectly, the claims of public law. But it served to consecrate the force which was judged necessary to maintain what had been settled as the order of the Church ; and the temptation to appeal to it, whenever its countenance could be hoped for, became on all hands irresistible, where, as it seemed, time and patience and argument, and the growth of reasonable and sober opinion, could not ,be waited for or relied upon. The result was the unquestion- able harshness of the Tudor and Stuart ecclesiastical government, and the ever-renewed exasperation and bitterness of its unruly subjects, whom we see to have been self-willed and unreasonable, but who then thought, not unnaturally, that its authority had no claim to their respect nor binding force on their consciences. And with this impaired sense of authority at home the English Reformation had to confrorit the mightiest, the most imperious and exacting authority outside, which ever claimed and bore a universal sway over human 'conscience. It had to confront the Roman authority, now turned into the most im- placable and aggressive of deadly enemies ; and this. 72 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS in not simply on the ground of argument and influence, but in the field of political action. The struggle between England and Rome under Elizabeth, and in the first years of James, was a struggle of life and death. It was a struggle, begun in its desperate and murderous fierceness by the Popes, in which no scruples were felt, no terms kept on either side. Controversy, never silent, and always truculent and unsparing, was but a light matter compared with the terrible hostilities carried on, not by word, but by deed ; war and conspiracy and massacre, the fanaticism of assassination and treason, met by san- guinary legislation, by cold and determined " exe- cution of justice." We may well be aghast at the horrors of that struggle. The deep hatreds and deep injuries of the political conflict gave to the theological controversy — the necessary theological controversy — an unfairness and a virulence from which it has never recovered, and which have been a disgrace to Christendom, and fatal, not merely to unity, but in many ways to truth. But there was something more on the Roman side than the cruel intrigues of Popes and Jesuits and the brutality of pamphleteers. Since the age of Julius II. and Leo X.. and the first sittings of the Council of Trent, Roman controversy had become intellectually much more formidable. The stress of the Reformation had forced it to look narrowly into its own case and its grounds. Against the learning of Erasmus and the genius and thought of Calvin, it felt the necessity of something more than the stock arguments and quotations of its earlier defenders, Eck and Caietan. And the result was remarkable. The order of the Ill BISHOP AND REIVES 73 Jesuits arose to place, not merely enthusiasm and political unscrupulousness at the service of the Pope, but learning, the spirit of research, intellectual activity and literary skill. Vast scientific systems of theo- logy, like the great work of Suarez, unfolded and established with philosophic calmness and strength the Roman doctrine. To match such works as these there was nothing — I do not say in England, but even in Germany and Switzerland. There was nothing to match the subtlety and comprehensiveness of the Cofitroversies of Bellarmine. There was nothing to match the imposing historical picture presented in the annals of Baronius. Rome had much more to say for itself than had appeared to Cranmer or even to Jewell. There was a third danger. The foreign Refor- mation, in its most vigorous and intellectual repre- sentatives, undoubtedly the French and Swiss reformers, started with an imposing breadth and simplicity of principle, absolute and sweeping, to which the English laid no claim. Calvin and Zwingli, both in what they destroyed and what they built up, had no occasion for the qualifications, the hesitations, the revisions and amendments and corrections, which abound in the course pursued in England. But, as is according to the nature of Englishmen, many Englishmen who were brought into close contact with the keen and powerful minds who swayed the Reformation abroad, were deeply impressed and attracted by them. Through them the opinions of the foreigners, recommended by their extreme and uncompromising logic, found a footing in England. Geneva and Zurich became 74 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS iii rival centres of influence to Rome ; and a school was founded, strong from the first, and always, either in the government or in opposition to it, energetic and determined, whose object was to carry change in the English Church, both in doctrine, usages, and discipline, to a point where all likeness was lost, not only to the unreformed but to the ancient Church. It became their steady, persevering policy to impose the Calvinistic theology in its severest form as regards the Divine decrees as well as the doctrines of grace, both as an authoritative and as a popular system of teaching, on the documents and on the organs of the English Church ; and to disparage and intimidate with the note of disloyalty and treason any departure from the definitions and phraseology of the great foreign divines, who in those days were supposed to be in exclusive and certain possession of the interpretation of revealed truth. Calvinism, transplanted into the serious and earnest nature of Englishmen and Scotchmen, flourished with a vigour of life which it rapidly lost in its native seats. How nearly it succeeded in making itself master in the English Church is seen in the history and language of Hooker's books, and in Whitgift's "Lambeth Articles" of 1595. And with the imperious and exclusive demand of the Calvinistic theology had also come other claims. That early fraternisation with the foreign reformers in the first stage of our own Reformation, natural, inevitable, excusable as under the difficulties of the time it may have been — that wholesale acceptance of their authority, and that deference to the judgment of their disciples, which gave even to John Knox a Ill BISHOP AND RE WES 75 part in the theological language of Edward's second Prayer-Book ^ — furnished a ground for claiming that the English Reformed Church should go on to full conformity with the ecclesiastical doctrines of the great foreign masters. The only safeguard for their theology was the full acceptance of their Church " plat- form " : the one was as much of Divine authority as the other. We have no right to wonder that this party aimed high. They aimed at nothing less than what they afterwards carried — not a mere change in this or that point, but a substitution of an entirely new polity and constitution for the existing one — of an entirely new idea of the Church for that on which the Reformation in England had been based. Toleration was then on all sides not merely unacknowledged but condemned. The demand of the Puritan was that nothing should be allowed but Puritanism. Through these trials the English Reformation had to make its way. In Bishop Andrewes, as in Hooker, we see -the pass to which things had come : — the pressure of the hostile forces ; the vulnerable points on which they bore heavily ; the awakening in the Church of wider knowledge, of freedom and independence of thought, of calmer and steadier judgment ; and , the effort of reviving intellectual power, after the haste and hurried confusion of the early practical struggles for reformation, not, indeed, to construct a theory for it, but to put what it had done, and what it aimed at doing, on a reason- able and tenable "ground. The later years of Elizabeth, which, in spite of their troubles, were 1 See Dr. 'Lonxncxs John Knox and the Church of England, chap. iii. 76 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS iii settled and quiet compared with the beginning of the century, cleared up much that had been confused and uncertain. The larger and richer and more powerful minds had time to think, to learn, to balance, to weigh and analyse arguments, to follow out consequences. The English Church, at its Reformation, had taken up its ground on the Scriptures and the Primitive Church. It had avowed its object to be a return, as far as was possible, to what the teaching of the Apostles and their disciples had made the Primitive Church to be. At the outset, all that was much insisted upon was that the Primitive Church was certainly itot like the modern unreformed Latin Church. By the end of Elizabeth's reign, men had found leisure to inquire carefully and honestly, with less prejudice and heat, what that model was like, which the English Church had declared its wish to copy in all things essential. Arms were still needed, as much as ever, against the never-ceasing hostility of Rome : but something more was clearly necessary than the mere negations of earlier controversy and invectives against Roman corruption and pretensions ; some more positive ground on which to rest the claim that England was better and more primitive than Rome. Such a ground it was not easy to find in that narrow Calvinism which the Puritans were trying to force on the Government, and to make the popular religion of the country. Something was wanted broader, more intelligible, and more refined than their mode of presenting the ideas of justification and God's predestinating and electing grace, and their fashion of summing up loyalty to Christ and truth in petty Ill BISHOP AND RE WES 77 scruples about innocent and natural usages and ceremonies. Something was wanted, as fervent, but more true, more noble, more Catholic, than their devotion and self-discipline. The higher spirits of the time wanted to breathe more freely, and in a purer air. They found what they wanted in the language, the ideas, the tone and temper of the best early Christian literature. That turned their thoughts from words to a Person. It raised them from the disputes of local cliques to the ideas which have made the Universal Church. It recalled them from arguments that revolved round a certain number of traditional formulae about justification, free-will, and faith, to a truer and worthier idea both of man and God, to the overwhelming revelation of the Word Incarnate, and the result of it on the moral standard and behaviour of real and living men. It led them from a theology which ^ended in cross-grained and perverse conscientiousness, to a theology which ended in adoration, self-surrender, and blessing, and in the awe and joy of welcoming the Presence of the Eternal Beauty, the Eternal Sanctity, and the Eternal Love, the Sacrifice and Reconciliation of the world. Andrewes, by nature and choice an indefatigable student, a ready and accomplished teacher, a devout and self-disciplined seeker after a life with God, was only by necessity a polemic. There was abundance in the world of his time to disquiet and offend him — to offend his large knowledge, his idea of religion, his convictions of the sacredness of morality, his balanced reason ; to disquiet him, as to the result of the mis- chievous elements working round English religion. 78 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS in But only in one direction did he throw himself avowedly into controversy. He threw himself into it as an Englishman, as a servant of his country and King, as well as a Churchman. The great Roman rally, which dated from the institution of the Com- pany of Jesus, and which had been growing in strength and uncompromising aggression through the sixteenth century, had given a pressing and menacing importance to the Roman controversy in England. For the Roman claims called in question not simply the foundations of the English Church, but the foundations of the English State and society. The prominence given to the revived doctrine of the deposing power had received meaning not only from what had been attempted in England, but by what had been accomplished, avowed, celebrated in France. We sometimes speak as if the crimes of the Roman party culminated in the massacre of St. Bartholomew and the cruelties of Alva. But besides that these, unhappily, had a terrible balance on the other side, they were not the worst. It is in the French wars of the League, in the principles invented by their ecclesiastical leaders, proclaimed in the pulpits of Paris, spread abroad by a thou- sand emissaries, put in practice by the assassins of Henry HI. and Henry IV., that we see the real character of theories put forth by great and popular champions of Rome, and their fatal bearing on the primary conditions of human society. The murder of Henry IV. drove the calm and impartial Casaubon to say, " that he thought it now part of his religion to make public profession of his belief in the Royal Supremacy." The sense of these dangers, indignation Ill BISHOP AND REIVES 79 at the atrocious wickedness and profanations which marked the policy now so highly in favour at Rome, the wrath of a man of learning at the gross abuse of learning for the support of sophistry, which in the cause of reckless ambition ended in perjury and murder, forced Andrewes reluctantly, but very reso- lutely, into this barren and dreary field. James claimed the aid of his learning and keen wit against the foremost leaders of the Roman claims, Bellarmine and Duperron. The gossips of the Court record that controversy was neither to his liking nor according to his supposed aptitudes ; but they also record with what power he accomplished his task.^ He met his opponents on ground new to them. He met them as a man at least as deeply learned in ecclesiastical history and literature as themselves. One of the triumphant devices of the later Roman argument had been to take the English Church at her word, as a Church which avowedly aimed at making the ancient Church her standard, and to contrast this with the dogmas and the "platform" too hastily adopted from Geneva by some of her divines in the reaction against the intolerable abuses of the days of Leo X. Andrewes gave a new turn to the con- troversy. He was not afraid of what was genuine early language and early usage. When Cardinal Duperron drew a detailed comparison between the Church of St. Augustine and of the four ifirst Councils, and the Churches of his day, Roman and Reformed, and asked which of the latter bore the greater resemblance -to the earlier type, Andrewes fearlessly met the challenge, on behalf of the Church 1 Vide Note in Bliss's ed. of Andrewes, vii. pp. ix., x. So PASCAL AND OTHER SERMOXS iii of England. The challenge was, indeed, a fallacious one, from the vast changes which had passed over the world, and from the enormous differences be- tween the fifth and the seventeenth centuries, which one side as much as the other had to take account of Yet there were times, doubtless, in the history of the Reformation when it would have been hazardous to have met such a challenge before those acquainted with history. But Andrewes wrote with the advan- tage which enlarged knowledge and experience had thrown on the aims and language of both sides in the struggle ; and he did not shrink from claiming for his Church as large and essential a conformity with antiquity, even in outward things, as could be pretended by Rome, and a far deeper agreement in spirit. With the Puritans he did not enter so much into direct controversy as Hooker had done. With the exception of some partial and incidental disputes with individuals — such as his correspondence with Du Moulin — or a passing touch of rebuke, protest, or humorous satire in his preaching, his resistance to Puritanism was an indirect one. He looked for producing his effect on the tone and course of reli- gious thought in England, not by arguing, but by presenting uncontroversially the reasonableness and the attractions of a larger, freer, nobler, more gener- ous, may I say, more imaginative, system of teach- ing. His administrative weight as a Bishop was, of course, thrown on the side which resisted the tyrannous narrowness of Puritanism, and aimed at greater cxpansivencss and proportion in doctrine, and dignity and solemnity in worship. But he did Ill BISHOP ANDRE WES 8r not trust to administration and power as Laud did. The weapon by which he attacked Puritanism, the instrument by which he endeavoured to enlarge the sympathies and refine the rehgious ideas of his day, was his Sermons. In those sermons — belonging as they do in style and manner to their time — there is a clear and strong contrast with the way in which Christianity had usually been presented in the preaching of the previous generation. This preaching professed to represent the original creed of Calvinism — stern, hard, positive, but thoroughly earnest and very mighty — and with a gloomy and savage grandeur and nobility, in its passionate loyal assertions of the irresistible Sovereignty of God, against the claims, the w^orthlessness, and the insigni- ficance of man. But this stern creed, for a short moment a living one, had, as was sure to be the case, degenerated into a dry, unreal, stereotyped, scholas- ticism, to which the mediaeval scholasticism was fruitful and interesting. In Andrewes you feel as if he had broken bounds. You see at once a wider horizon, objects of faith and contemplation at once more real, more personal, more august ; you become aware of your relation to a vaster and more diversified world, a world full of mystery, yet touching you on every side. . Doctrine you have, dogmatic teaching as precise and emphatic as any- where : but it is doctrine as wide as the Scripture in its comprehensiveness and variety, reflecting at every turn the unutterable and overwhelming wonders which rise before us when we think of what we mean by the Creeds ; corresponding in its dignity, in its versatile application, to the real history of man, C.S.,P. • G 82 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS iii to the deep and manifold wants of the soul, its aspirations, its terrible sins, its cruel fears, its capaci- ties for hope and delight, the strange fortunes of the race, and of the story of each individual life. He is not a mere moralist, not simply a preacher of high duties and elevated views of human nature and pros- pects.^ He is, first and foremost, a theologian, whose deepest belief is the importance of his theology, and who profoundly reverences its truth. But his theology is very different from that so long in vogue. It approached man on his many sides. It was in- stinct with the awful consciousness of our immense and hopeless ignorance of the ways and counsels of God — with that shrinking from speculation on the secret things of the Most High which he shared with Hooker, and which as a professed law of divinity was something new in the theological world of the day. " For these sixteen years, since I was ordained priest," he says, in his judgment on the " Lambeth Articles," " I have never publicly or privately dis- puted or preached on these mysteries of predestina- 1 " Since the Revolution of 1688 our Church has been cliilled and starved too generally by preachers and reasoners, Stoic or Epicurean : first, a sort of pagan morality was substituted for righteousness by faith ; and latterly prudence, or Paleyanism, has been substituted even for morality. A Christian preacher ought to preach Christ alone, and all things in Him and by Him. If he find a dearth in this, if it seem to him a circumscription, he does not know Christ as the pleroma, the fulness. It is not possible that there should be aught true, or seemly, or beautiful, in thought, will, or deed, speculative or practical, which may not, and which ought not, to be evolved out of Christ and the faith in Christ ; no folly, no error, no evil to be exposed, or warned against, which may not, and should not, be convicted and denounced for its contrariancy and enmity to Christ. To the Christian preacher, Christ should be in all things, and all things in Christ : he should abjure every argument wliich is not a link in the chain, of which Clirist is the staple and staple-ring. " (Coleridge, N^otes on English Divines : Donne ^ i. 86. ) Ill BISHOP AND RE WES 83 tion " — on which every one else was disputing ; " and now I would much rather hear than speak of them." ^ His aim was to give accuracy and breadth to dogma, and to put life in its expression, as St. Augustine, St. Chrysostom, and the great Greek Fathers had done : not to plunge into the abysses of the unknown, and of that which it is impossible to know, but to fix thought on the certainties and realities, passing all w^onder, that we believe are known, and to accompany their contemplation with that encompassing train of Christian affections and graces, without which they have been revealed in vain — faith, and reverence, and high hope, and the desire after holiness, and humble patience, and the joy of God's love. The power of Puritanism was now no longer in its scheme of doctrine, but in its fierce Judaical hatreds, which, natural at one time against intolerable superstitions, had passed into a superstition as intolerable and mischievous. How best to fight against the blind powers of ignorance and prejudice, when they have been unloosened, and aspire to govern churches and direct religion, is always an anxious question. Andrewes conceived that the most hopeful way was to spend his life and gifts in presenting continually in the pulpit the counter-attraction of a purer and nobler pattern of faith : a religion with vaster prospects and wider sympathies ; which claimed kindred with aH that was ancient, and all that was universal in Chris- tianity ; which looked above the controversies and misunderstandings of the hour, to the larger thought, and livelier faith, and sanctified genius of those in 1 Andrewes, Minor Works, 294. 84 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS iii whom the Church of Christ has recognised her most venerated teachers. His efforts failed at the time. Probably they would have failed equally, in spite of Clarendon's opinion the other way, if he had been called to succeed Abbot at Canterbury.^ That unqualified idea of Royal power, the ruin of Spain and France, in which Churchmen of that day put their trust, and to which their opponents would equally have trusted if they could have got it on their side, was a doomed one in England, and must have brought defeat for the time on all who had identified themselves with it. Puritanism failing, first under Elizabeth and then under James, to get hold of the government, as it once hoped to do, had thrown itself into the struggle for English liberty, and for the moment it was to reap the reward of its courage. And it must, I fear, be added that Andrewes or any one else would have been greatly hampered by the bad- ness of his own party. There were sycophants and corrupt trucklers to power among the bishops : there was ignorance and there was sordid greed among the clergy. " Quis custodiet ipsos custodes ? " he asks, in his stern and menacing Latin Sermon at St. Paul's, before the Convocation of 1593. The rulers of the Church did not come with clean hands to repress the extravagances of Puritan prophecy- ings and consistories, and the insolence of Puritan pamphleteers. What Andrewes did was less for his own generation than for those that came after. In the course of a long and active life, he broke the •yoke of prejudice, and unloosed the tongue of 1 Clarendon, Hist, of the Rebellion, i. 157. Ill BISHOP ANDRE IVES 85 English theologians. Without departing from the position or the lines of the original Reformation, he greatly enlarged its field of teaching. In the out- skirts and fringes of its system, where it had been characteristically reticent, he was not afraid to supply from the authorities, to which it had all along ap- pealed, what was wanting to complete the harmony and fulness of its doctrine. Thus with respect to the idea of the Christian Sacrifice in the Eucharist, on which the language of the ancient Church was so clear and strong, and on which, from the superstitions and errors of the Mediaeval Church, the English Prayer Book was so reserved, Andrewes, without hesitation and as of full right, recurred, both in controversy and in teaching, to the language of the Liturgies, familiar to the early writers from Irenaeus to Augustine. So again, in respect of those forms and offices for special occasions not provided for in the general office -book of the Church, he threw himself, as an ancient Bishop would have done, on his inherent episcopal authority to supply the want. It is mainly according to the model used by him that our churches are even to this day consecrated Full of discrimination for what really had the authority of the ancient Church, he was the most fearless of English divines,, when he had that authority. English theology would be in danger of being much less Catholic, much more disconnected with that of the earlier ages, much more arbitrarily limited in all directions, except towards Geneva or else towards simple latitude, but that a man of Andrewes' character and weight had dared to break through the prescription which the Puritans were 86 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS iii trying to establish against the doctrinal language, at once more accurate and more free, of the ancient Church. Without him and his school, we might perhaps have had Hales of Eton, and Chillingworth and Tillotson, great and weighty names ; and on the other hand, John Newton and Toplady and Thomas Scott ; but we could not have had Jeremy Taylor and Bull, and hardly Waterland. But Bishop Andrewes has left behind him some- thing which, even more than his preaching, explains his influence, it is the evidence of that power of character which has so strong, though so indirect and subtle, a hold on men. He is one of those who like St. Augustine have left us, besides their writings, their very secret selves, as they placed themselves in the presence of their God and Saviour. In Bishop Andrewes' case this was certainly without intending it. After his death was found the book in which he had consigned the words selected by him to express the usual attitude of his soul in private, his usual feelings and emotions, his usual desires, when upon his knees. The book has been long familiar as Bishop Andrewes' Gj'eek and Latin Devotions. It has received in our own times one of those rare translations which make an old book new.^ It seems to me that the key to the influence which Andrewes had in his own day, and which recom- mended his theology, is to be found in his Devo- tions. For they show what was the true meaning and reach of his theology, how unspeakably real and deep he felt its language to be, and how naturally it allied itself and was interwoven with the highest ' IJy Dr. Nevvinnii, in i S40. in BISHOP AND RE WES 87 frames of thought and feehng in a mind of wide range, and a soul of the keenest self-knowledge and the strongest sympathies. There are books which go deeper into the struggles, the questionings, the temptations, the discipline, the strange spiritual mysteries of the devout spirit. There are books which perhaps rise higher in the elevations of devotion. But nowhere do we see more, so original and spontaneous a result of a man's habits of devotion ; nowhere, that I know of, does the whole mind of the student, the divine, and the preacher, reflect itself in his prayers so simply and easily and harmoniously as in this book. His knowledge, his tastes, his systematic and methodical theology, the order and articles of his creed, translate themselves into the realities of worship. All his interests, all his customary views of God, of man, of nature, of his relations to his place and time — all that he has been reading about or employed upon, suggest themselves when he places himself in God's pres- ence, and find their natural and fit expression in the beautifully applied words of Psalm or ancient Liturgy. Nothing can be more comprehensive and more complete in their proportions than his devotions for each day ; nothing more tender and solemn ; nothing more compressed and nervous than their language. The full order of prayer and all its parts is always there : the introductory contemplation, to sober, to elevate, to kindle; the confession, the profession of faith, the intercession, the praise and thanksgiving. There is equally there the conscious- ness of individual singleness, and the sense of great and wide corporate relations. His confessions show PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS m severely restrained and precise language the infinite acknowledgment of unworthiness and want, and the infinite hope in God's mercy and love, in one who searched and judged himself with keen and unflinching truth. But he did not stop at himself, his sins and hopes. He also felt himself, even in private prayer, one of the great body of God's creation and God's Church. He reminded himself of it, as he did of the Object of his worship, in the profes- sion of his faith. He acted on it in his detailed and minute intercessions. And then he surrendered him- self to the impulses of exulting wonder and rejoicing at the greatness of his Christian lot. The poetical and imaginative side of his nature shows itself in the vivid pictures which he calls up, with a {^w condensed and powerful touches, of the glories of Nature, and the wonders of God's kingdom, its history, its manifold organisation. Thus, " the connection of every day," says a writer before quoted, Dr. Mozley,^ " with the great works which each day saw in the work of crea- tion, converts the several days of the week into beau- tiful mementos of the fact that we and all that we see are God's creatures, as well as of the sanctity of the week itself as a division of time ; and it evidences that character of mind in the writer which realises the facts of Scripture, sees mysteries in common things, and feels itself still living amid visible traces of a Divine dispensation. It is obvious how such a method gives the beauty of natural objects a place in his religion." The Apostles' Creed is no dry recital, but expands day after day into petitions and desires founded on its awful facts. And so again, ^ British Critic, Jan. 1S45, IT- i5>9-i92. Ill BISHOP AND RE WES 89 " man, human society, his country, as an object of prayer, is not the mere human mass — a number of individuals, but man and man in certain relations to each other, high and low, rich and poor, king and subject, noble and dependant, all living together in the system of God's ordinance " . . . " actual trades and states of life," definitely enumerated, as Homer enumerates names of men and places ; not only " king and queen, parliament and judicature, army and police, commons and their leaders," but " farmers, graziers, fishers, merchants, traders, and mechanics, down to mean workmen and the poor." There is no class of men, no condition, no relation of life, no necessity or emergency of it, which does not at one time or another rise up before his memory, and claim his intercession : none for which he does not see a place in the order of God's world, and find a refuge under the shadow of His wing. Into such devotions I think it would be impossible to translate the Puritan theology of the time. It is too narrow, too suspicious, too much enslaved to technical forms and language. The piercing and rapid energy of Andrewes' devotions, their ordinary severe concise- ness, their nobleness and manliness, their felicitous adaptations, their free and varied range, the way in which they call up before the mind the whole of the living realities of God's creation and God's revelations, and, in the portion devoted to praise, their rhythmical flow and music, incorporating bursts of adoration and Eucharistic triumph from the Liturgies of St. James or St. Chrysostom, recalling the most ancient Greek hymns of the Church, the Gloria in Exrclsis, and the Evening Hymn preserved at the end of the 90 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS in Alexandrian manuscript of the New Testament,^ — all this is in the strongest contrast to anything that I know of in the private devotions of the time. It was the reflection, in private prayer, of the tone and language of the public Book of Common Prayer, its Psalms, and its Offices : it supplemented the public book, and carried on its spirit from the Church to the closet. And this was the counterpart of what Andrewes taught in the pulpit. To us it shows how real and deeply held his theology was ; and it also explains that persuasiveness of conviction, which has as much to do as intellectual force and breadth, in making men listen to their teachers and accept their words. The reformed English Church had had its martyrs, statesmen, doctors, champions ; in Andrewes it had a saint — not called so, not canonised, but one in whom men felt the irresistible charm of real holiness. It had some one in high place not only to admire, but to love. And churches need saints, as much as theologians and statesmen, and even martyrs. In these ways, Andrewes marks a period and a step in the unfolding of the theology of the Reformed Church of England and in the practical course of the Reformation. Hooker had vindicated on its behalf the rights of Christian and religious reason, that reason which is a reflection of the mind of God. Andrewes vindicated on its behalf the rights of Chris- tian history. Hooker had maintained the claims of reason, against a slavish bondage to narrow and arbitrary interpretations of the letter of Scripture. Andrewes claimed for the English Church its full ' 'l>a)s Wapliv ; translated in the Lyra Aposlolica., No. 62. See liint^ham, vol. 'w. p. 411. Ill BISHOP ANDRE WES 9^ interest and membership in the Church universal, from which Puritan and Romanist ahke would cut off the island Church by a gulf as deep as the sea. The spirit of historical investigation had awoke in Eng- land as in the rest of Europe, against the passion for abstract and metaphysical argument which had marked and governed the earlier stages of the Reformation. It had converted Casaubon from Cal- vinism, and at the same time made him the most formidable critic of the magnificent but unhistorical picture presented in the annals of Baronius. Widened knowledge had done as much for Andrewes and the men of his school, Field and Donne and Overall, may I not add, in this matter, Andrewes' close friend, Lord Bacon? History had enlarged their ideas of the Church universal. Its facts and concrete lessons and actual words had overborne the traditions and general assumptions in which the necessities of an age of rehgious war had educated them. They opened their eyes and saw that the prerogatives which the Puritans confined to an invisible Church, and which Rome confined to the obedience of the Pope, belonged to the universal historical Church, lasting on with varied fortunes through all the centuries from the days of Pentecost ; on earth " the habitation of God. through the Spirit." Maintaining jealously and stoutly the inherent and indefeasible rights of the national Church of England, ♦and resisting with uncompromising determination the tyranny which absorbed in a single hand the powers of the Catholic Church, they refused to forget, even in England, what God's Spirit had done in other portions of Christendom, perhaps far removed, per- PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS haps for the time bitterly hostile. They learned to pray, as Andrewes did, " for the Catholic Church, its establishment and increase ; for the Eastern, its deliverance and union ; for the Western, its adjust- ment and peace ; for the British, the supply of what is wanting in it, the strengthening of that which re- mains in it." They recognised the authority of its great and unquestionable decisions. They were will- ing to appeal to its authority, if it could be expressed legitimately. They introduced, even into contro- versy, at least to some extent, the habits of discrim- ination and respect. Their teaching shows how, after the first fever and excitement of the revolt against Roman usurpation had passed, the leaders of the English Church felt that much natural misstate- ment and exaggeration had to be qualified and corrected ; it shows how anxious they were, in accord- ance with the declared policy of the Reformation, to keep hold on the undivided and less corrupted Church of the early centuries as their standard and guide ; it shows how much they found, in their increased ac- quaintance with it, to enrich, to enlarge, to invigorate, to give beauty, proportion, and force to their theology. Still, as I said before, in this unique example of Church polity — unique in its constitution, unique in its strong permanence and its fruitfulness — they hardly attempted a complete, consistent, systematic theory. There was none agreed upon. There was none put forward, as in the vast elaborate systems in fashion on the Continent, where, in folio after folio, every- thing is rigorously deduced from its principles, and "everything is in order and in its place. To the views and positions of Andrewes and his school, Ill BISHOP AND REIVES 93 broadly stated, there were obvious objections which they did not care to probe, and to which an answer might not have been easy. And their appeal to the idea of Church authority grew into shape, and the ecclesiastical administration based on it was carried on and enforced, under the shield of James I.'s inter- pretation of the Royal Supremacy, which meant a right to meddle with everything, and settle every- thing by his personal wisdom. But I suppose the truth was, though they felt it only in a partial way and without putting it into words, that they saw that though the English Church, according to the current theories, was an anomaly, it was only an anomaly among anomalies — amid universal anomaly. The sins, the crimes, the misrule of centuries had brought their inevitable, their irremediable consequences, and made claims and rules inapplicable and impossible which belonged to times when these evils were yet in the future. It was a saying of a wise observer,^ that " whoever enters on the study of Church his- tory must be prepared for many surprises." And certainly the course of Church history has not run, either for good or for evil, in the course which theories would have prescribed to it. Stern and terrible facts stand up in it, not to be disguised by the most pretentious of theories. And, happily, on the other hand, mischiefs which seemed inevitable have found unthought-of compensations or remedies. I doubt whether Andrewes cared much for that intellectual completeness of theory which we make much of He knew that Rome in his day was unprimitive, tyrannical, aggressive, unscrupulous : 1 Charles Marriott of Oriel. 94 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS in he knew that Puritanism was narrow, uncathoHc, cruelly intolerant ; and he would not be cheated out of the facts which he saw, for want of a convenient theory. He fought both Romanist and Puritan with such weapons as he found in his hand. But his governing rule was a noble one — that expressed in the ancient saying, ^irdprav eXa^j^e?, ravrav Koo-fxet, " Sparta is your portion, do your best for Sparta " : — noble, I say, because so honest, and so unpretending ; for in religion, which means man's blindness and weakness as well as his hope, it does not do to be ambitious, or to claim great things for men or for systems. England might have faults, mistakes, shortcomings, inconsistencies ; let him do his best to bear their discredit, or to mend their evils. But England and its Church had lived on before he was born, and would live on after he had done his part and passed away. The feeling with which he laboured in his work of life is, I conceive, expressed in the following passage from Archbishop Bramhall : ^— " No man can justly blame me for honouring my spiritual mother, the Church of England, in whose womb I was conceived, at whose breasts I was nourished, and in whose bosom I hope to die. Bees by the instinct of nature do love their hives, and birds their nests. But God is my witness that I, according to my uttermost talent and poor under- standing, have endeavoured to set down the naked truth impartially, without either favour or prejudice, the two capital enemies of right judgment. . . My desire hath been to have Truth for my chiefest 1 Quoted in Newman's Prophetical Office of the Churchy p. vi. Ill BISHOP ANDRE WES 95 friend, and no enemy but error. If I have had any bias, it hath been desire of peace, which our common Saviour hath left as a legacy to His Church, that I might live to see the reunion of Christendom, for which I shall always bow the knees of my heart to the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ. . . . " Howsoever it be, I submit myself and my poor endeavours, first to the judgment of the Catholic CEcumenical essential Church, which, if some of late days have endeavoured to hiss out of the school, I cannot help it. From the beginning it was not so. And if I should mistake the right Catholic Church out of human frailty, or ignorance (which, for my part, I have no reason in the world to suspect ; yet it is not impossible, when the Romanists themselves are divided into five or six several opinions, what this Catholic Church, or what their Infallible Judge is), I do implicitly, and in the preparation of my mind, submit myself to the True Catholic Church, the Spouse of Christ, the Mother of the Saints, the Pillar of Truth. And seeing my adherence is firmer to the Infallible Rule of Faith, i.e. the Holy Scrip- tures interpreted by the Catholic Church, than to mine own private judgment and opinions, although I should unwittingly fall into an error, yet this cordial submission is an implicit retractation thereof, and I am confident will be so accepted by the Father of Mercies, both from me and from all others who seriously and sincerely do seek after peace and truth. '' Likewise I submit myself to the Representative Church, that is, to a free General Council, or so General as can be procured ; and until then to the 96 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS iii Church of England, wherein I was baptized, or to a National English Synod. To the determination of all which, and of each of them respectively, accord- ing to the distinct degree of their authority, I yield a conformity and compliance^ or at the least, and to the lowest of them, an acquiescence^ For principles and convictions such as these, Andrewes, pre-eminently among our Divines, made a home in the Reformed Church of England. It was these principles and convictions which taught English Churchmen of the next generation, amid the direst ruin that ever fell on an institution, in exile abroad among mocking or pitying strangers, in utter overthrow at home, not to despair of the Church of England. IV THE PLACE OF THE EPISCOPATE IN CHRISTIAN HISTORY^ "And who is sufficient for these things?" — 2 Cor. ii. 16. Kat Trpos ravra ris iKavos. The disproportion between the professed ends of religion, and what we see of its means — between the hopes which it avows, and their HkeHhood, as it appears on the face of things here — is a thought which is famihar to us in the Bible, as it is too obvious for any one to have overlooked who has reflected at all. The disproportion, I mean, not between those ends and hopes, and what we believe to have been provided by Almighty God for their fulfilment, for no one can think that means fall short of ends in a redemption of which the Incarnation and the Cross were the conditions and price, and the gift of the Spirit is the continuing stay ; but the disproportion now, between all that goes on before our eyes, or is done by us directly for the ends of religion, and what those ends are when we really 1 Preached in Westminster Abbey at the Consecration of Dr. Moberly as Bishop of Salisbuiy, St. Simon and St. Jude's Day, 1869. c.s.,p. n ' 98 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS iv think of them. The sense of disproportion arises, when that divine work of saving and restoring — begun so awfully in " the might of signs and wonders, in the might of the Spirit of God " — is continued in the world of every day, as it has fallen back into its old customary paths. The early days felt it as much as we do. They saw a cause, which claimed everything and promised itself boundless victory, start on its career in the utmost obscurity and help- lessness. " The foolishness of preaching " ; " the weakness of God " ; "a treasure in earthen vessels " ; " we walk by faith and not by sight " ; — these are some of the frequent and often startling expressions met with in St. Paul, all telling the same thing, the hourly contrast between what an Apostle had to do and meant to do, and what appeared to be his equipment here for doing it. And it is this thought which, in the text, seems to strike St. Paul with sudden and almost oppressive force, coming home to hinl with that shock of surprise with which familiar truths sometimes startle us, when in an hour of unexpected insight they open upon us with a cer- tainty and vividness which make them seem like new ones. " To the one, the savour of death unto death ; and to the other, the savour of life unto life. And who is sufficient for these things ? " This sense of disproportion, which must be pre- sent to every thinking man in all steps affecting the interests of the kingdom of God, cannot but be one among the crowd of thoughts and feelings which accompany an occasion like the present. A great commission is to be given. The burden of a great trust is to be imposed. A famous chair of Christian IV THE EPISCOPATE IN CHRISTIAN HISTORY 99 teaching and government is again to be occupied. A seat is to be filled which, we may almost say, has never been unfilled while there has been English history. A place is to be supplied in that ancient company of teachers which stretches back without a break through such wonderful changes of time to the first days of the Gospel. It is one of those occasions which bring before us in strange and touch- ing harmony the hopes of the living and the memory of the dead. Who can be insensible to the solemnity of what we are about.? And yet what is all that we are doing, compared with the ends, in order to which it is all done ? What is this high and special ministry, to the mass of evils which it is appointed to keep down and heal ? What is it to those pur- poses of another world, which are the reason why it exists ? What is this great machinery, this great office, great as indeed the ideal of it is, \yhen we think of what it aspires to, and put side by side what we aim at and what is our sufficiency? If such thoughts did not come to us of themselves, there are those who are quite ready to remind us, from their point of view, of that disproportion which so struck St. Paul. Here, all is to us overwhelmingly real and sacred : a man can look forward to no more serious account than for such .a charge as is con- ferred to-day. But outside, we should be met by those who regard it as the transaction of a decent or impressive conventional form, or as the filling up, by the customary process, varied according to the asso- ciations of the office,- of a gap in one of the great establishments of an ancient State ; while to others it is simply an idle nothing, a vain fashion remaining PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS from what once was a social power and meant some- thing ; for men thought so then, and that gives meaning and power ; but their thoughts are changed, and it means nothing now. Why should we be sur- prised ? They do but impress upon us, in their own way, the force of the great contrast — what all that we do must look like, in the eyes of those w^ho judge but from what they see here. What does it mean, but that St. Paul is right : that nothing that we can show, no ministry that man can bear, no function that man discharges, can possibly appear adequate to ends and issues which belong to the next world. And what, after all, can any one now say more than Jewish Rabbis, and Greek thinkers, and Roman statesmen might have said of the chances of a preacher like St. Paul changing the course of belief and life in the Empire, and when the Empire had perished, in a new world after it? Disproportionate every religious service of man must seem to any one who has imagination enough to put it side by side with those things behind the veil, to which it professes to minister ; but dispro- portionate does not mean either unreal or ineffectual. St. Paul's " who is sufficient ? " finds its answer a {^\n verses on, in an experience which left him not in doubt of the power which was at work behind his own insufficiency : " Our sufficiency is of God, who hath made us able ministers of the New Testament." The Apostle's instruments were feeble, but " mighty to God," to the "casting down of strongholds." They were foolish, yet they did what wisdom could • not do ; they were obscure, yet they were felt even then to be moving the w^orld, and beginning the IV THE EPISCOPATE IN CHRISTIAN HISTORY loi greatest of its changes. He looks on and beholds the weak things of the world, which God had chosen, confounding the mighty ; the base and despised things, yea, and things that are not, bringing to nought things that are. We, who hope that we are continuing his work, who in this great function and ministry believe that we hold his Master's pro- mise and gift, have we any corresponding experience to appeal to ? We, like him, are men in the flesh, with an enterprise beyond the grave, and a work which passes on into heaven for its consummation. Earth is very far from heaven, and human life incom- mensurable with what is to come. We cannot know yet, nor imagine what the end shall be ; but have we anything in the working of this great institution, in its known results and proved utilities, to set against the consciousness not only of personal in- sufficiency, but of disproportion, inherent in all things entrusted to human hands, in the office it- self? In what we believe and hold about it, we do not depend on- results, but on the word of Christ ; but His word is not in vain, and cannot be fruitless. We have a promise ; have we an answering history ? We believe that we have. The ideal of our Ordinal has not failed. History is, indeed, but too full of many a grim irony about it. It tells of great errors and great crimes, as well as of great achievements. But there has been ample to justify the obstinate hold which the institution of Episcopacy has kept on the Church. It has been very long in the world, and has worked on a great scale, and under the most varying conditions. It offers itself for a wide and comprehensive estimate, in which we can afford to PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS put aside local or temporary appearances — partial mischiefs, incidental benefits, personal successes — and watch its natural action in its broad results. And we need not be afraid of the review. We do not need the scene to close, in order to know what the Church owes to it. When we are oppressed with what we see too near and too partially, vexed by the comparison of what has to be done with what we can do, we may find, in a severe and honest survey of the past, a countercharm to the disappoint- ments, the continually exaggerated disappointments, of the present, an encouragement to work and hope for what is to come. I will venture to dwell on this for a few moments : the place which the Episcopate has, as a matter of fact, filled in Christian history. I am not speaking of questions which our Services take as settled, as to its origin, authority, and grace ; but only of some more obvious aspects of its influence, as we seem to trace them in the long run. Everywhere we see these lines of consecrated persons descending with the lapse of the centuries, radiating as conversion extends the Church to people after people. They start from times where our keenest inquiries cannot pierce the unknown. They come down, in great Churches of Christendom, in some of the foremost of modern nations, practically without a break, to this day. What is before us is a succession of single persons, singly in themselves the recognised deposi- taries of public authority in things spiritual, the visible representatives in their day of the original commission, keeping up the idea of personal charge and responsi- bility and appointed leadership ; not merged in a IV THE EPISCOPATE IN CHRISTIAN HISTORY 103 body of equal teachers, but standing out singly, chief after chief, to take the consequences, each man of his own administration, for praise or blame, to carry on, or else to debase and turn aside the great office of feeding the flock of God. We see further that these lines are continued, on a definite basis and according to fixed rules, by the transmission of authority and place from hand to hand ; nowhere is the function a new thing, at least it does not allow itself to be such ; nowhere, since the first days, do we see it starting as from a fresh and independent origin. It is always something given, not self-assumed ; passed on, not made for the occasion ; an ancient inheritance taken with all chances of advantage and inconvenience, not a recent change and reform, the growth of experience and necessity, consequent on altered conditions and increasing wants, and greater knowledge of both. In looking back on what on the whole has come of all this in the history of religion, the first thing that strikes us is the part which the Episcopate has had in keeping up the continuity and identity of the Christian society ; the idea in it, and not only the idea, of its perpetuity — that from first to last it is one. I do not think we always sufficiently appre- ciate what to me seems the astonishing fact, merely as a fact, of this, continuous lasting on, through so many ages, and such trying ones, of the Christian body. A shrewd man in the first centuries n^ight well have doubted, according to all experience, whether such a body would be able to keep together for any length of time ; whether the first feeling of unity could continue amid the vicissitudes of time and the activity of the human mind ; he might have 104 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS iv further doubted whether, if it could, an institution Hke Episcopacy was the way to secure it ; he might have thought this but a slender and precarious pro- vision to trust to, for the government of a society like the Church. We have, indeed, nothing to boast of in the matter of unity ; yet what we have, measur- ing by the great and constant forces against it, seems to me remarkable enough ; the article of the Holy Catholic Church has not dropped out of our creeds ; the thrill is a real one which is called forth by the great name of Christendom ; the inextinguishable conviction that after all this unity is greater than it seems — the longing, if it were but possible, to see it come nearer in visible fact to its idea — are what the best men feel, and have always felt, in their best times. And that which has kept on from age to age this sense of the oneness of the continuous Christian body is, I cannot doubt, as far as anything outward has done it, the unfailing presence of the Episcopate. There were other influences, doubtless, out of sight and deeper ; but this one was immediate and direct. If, in spite of all our differences, we all of us feel ourselves one with the first ages, one with the Church Universal of all times, instead of an entirely different body growing out of it and coming into its place, it is along these threads and networks of the Episcopate that the secret agencies have travelled, which have kept alive the sentiment of identity, amid so much that seemed to contradict and defy it. Along these lines the main history of the Church has run ; about them its main organisation has gathered age after age. A chain of men, transmitting the place which they fill — with the memory of many predecessors, IV THE EPISCOPATE IN CHRISTIAN HISTORY 105 and not doubting that they will have successors — definitely connected with places which their presence has made illustrious and filled with great recollections, and which show, in works of grandeur and beauty, the marks of their hands in many different epochs — appeals, as the immemorial and hereditary always do, to the imagination of society ; but here associa- tions, rich in all that makes things venerable and august in this world, are joined A'ith others, full of the majesty of interests beyond this world. The Episcopate has these two things : it has a history inextricably associated with that of Christianity ; and next, it is a public sign of community of origin and purpose, and an assertion, never faltering, of confidence in a continuing future. Other organisa- tions have with more or less success kept up Christianity ; but they date from particular times, and belong to particular places, and are thp growth of special circumstances. Only this has been every- where, where Christianity has been ; only this be- longs peculiarly to Christianity, as a whole. A Bishop is a representative person, and he represents much more than the authority and claims of anything present or local ; his functions and commission are of the most ancient derivation, and of the widest recognition ; he ig an organ of a great movement, the officer of a great kingdom, which has been going on since the beginning of Christianity, and alfcws itself no bounds but the world ; of that power which, as a matter of fact, presented Christian truth to man- kind, and has rooted' it among them. The witness and memorial of a great past, of widely-extended relations, of a great company of others like him, io6 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS iv most remote in time and space, he recalls, even now, the almost obliterated image of a once embodied and visible communion of Christians, still able to be one. His office is a thing of public and common interest, a trust for Christianity as such, which no party or school can venture to claim for its own, in creation or in use. Even to those who do not accept it, his ministration, conspicuous in all Christian history, is a memorial of that in which all Christians are concerned ; it is the sign not only of the appeal, but of the force, the spread, the duration, the rooted hold of their common faith ; he is one who could not be where he is, but for the long preceding efforts and victory of Christianity. The institution has borne the changes and the rough usage of time ; often abused, often disbelieved in, sometimes sunk in desperate scandals, it has the power of recovery, of preserving and returning to its type ; and it is im- possible to imagine it stopping, come what may, as it is impossible to think of Christianity coming to an end. These ancient lines of bishops — representing an authority whose first steps are lost, not springing from the State, though, it may be, in every possible degree affected and controlled by it, not springing from the congregation, not springing from private theories, or reforms, or needs — carry home to the public mind, as a matter of manifest fact, even to those who hang loose to all religious forms, that we are living, and have been for ages, with a great public religious society round us, distinct from all mere associations of men ; as impersonal as the only thing like it on earth, the State ; which may at times reflect an individual mind or the tendencies of a IV THE EPISCOPATE IN CHRISTIAN HISTORY 107 period, but which is on the whole, and in the long- run, too vast, too open, too manifold, to be the reflection, any more than the work, of any man, or any party, or any age. The Episcopate represents the Christianity of history ; it represents, further, the Christianity of the general Church, as distinguished from the special opinions and views of doctrine which assert their claims in it. Its long lines tie together the Christian body in time ; they are scarcely less a bond, con- necting the infinite moral and religious differences which must always be in the body of the Church. The Bishop's office embodies and protects the large public idea of religion, the common belief and under- standing ; that which all more or less respond to, and recognise as neither of this party nor of that, and allow a place to, even if not personally satisfied with it. For here, as in morality, as in politics, there is always, around what is personal and individual, and wider than all special schools and doctrines, a larger atmosphere in which all alike live — a communis sensus of simpler, more elementary, accepted truths, vague, perhaps, homely, apparently commonplace— " those mean despised truths that every one thinks he is sufficiently seen in " ; ^ of inferior interest com- pared to each man'3 favourite views, yet the condition and basis of them all. Within this there is sure to be much divergence ; how can there fail to be, when the soul has free play, and opens into real life, on the tremendous and absorbing objects of religion ? Who, too, can doubt the vast part which belongs to this independent action of individuals ? — the vast 1 Abp. Leighton, in Coleridge's Aids to Reflection, p. 103. io8 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS iv part, in all great things, of personal influence — the incalculable service rendered by individual desire of excellence, and hatred of evil, by the devotion, the charity, the spirit of reform, the love of truth, in private men ; often, no doubt, disturbing and em- barrassing, fruitful of fresh difficulties while remedy- ing old ones, threatening unwelcome change; but, well or ill, with mistakes or with good success, not letting the talent lie buried ; forcing us to remember, if but partially fulfilling, the great but often dreaded law of continually attempted improvement, without which all good would perish. Every one who is himself in earnest, must of course see much to condemn, in what many others are in earnest about. But I don't know why that should keep us from seeing, in great movements of the individual and private spirit, in efforts after reform and perfection, which perhaps we most thoroughly dislike from our several points of view — say, in Monasticism, in the theology of the Schoolmen, in the mendicant orders, in Puritanism, in the many phases of nonconformity, in the Com- pany of Jesus, in the noble but vain revolt of Jansenism — much which the world could ill afford to be without. Certainly, as I read history, it is difficult to say how much we all owe to every one of these many opposite movements, in which men, obstinately and devotedly, counting no cost and reserving no retreat, have given themselves to fulfil some high purpose which their own hearts and thoughts had shown them, and about which no one at first thought and felt like them. But there is one thing these great movements cannot do : they cannot fill the great compass of IV THE EPISCOPATE IN CHRISTIAN HISTORY 109 man's nature, and aims, and needs. They arc one- sided ; they must leave much untouched ; and, further, they would, if they were strong enough, destroy all that they cannot assimilate or subdue. The two greatest uprisings of the private religious spirit and temper against what was common and customary were, I suppose, Monasticism and Puri- tanism ; but Monasticism and Puritanism, outwardly so different, yet with so many deep affinities both in their good and their evil, if they could have had their way unchecked, would have broken up the Church in the attempt to cleanse it. And there was something greater than both of them : there was an ideal of Christian life, a tone of Christian sentiment, a reach of Christian thought, a Christian harmony of gifts and powers, a free and living Christian morality, a great simple Christian faith, which, with all their high efforts and intensity of purpose, they failed to comprehend, they knew not how to reproduce. And of this wider, more generous, and yet humbler and more self-distrusting religion — often, doubtless, im- perfect and inconsistent, yet perhaps not oftener so than these narrower and sterner rules of religion fell short of their standard — the Episcopate was the natural head, and bond, and visible symbol. The Bishop was the mouthpiece of a theology which was not peculiar to an order or a school. The religion of which he was the natural exponent was one which individuals might in various ways think not enough for them, but in which, so far as it went, they could meet on a common ground. Its language was the possession and inheritance of all Christian people, not a dialect moulded by the history of particular PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS opinions. The great Creed, so simple in words, so overwhelming in meaning, of which he was the guardian, was one which belonged at once to cate- chumens and divines, to the child's bedside prayer and to the most solemn worship. Whatever he might be personally, in his office he was not his own ; he belonged to the public : that office was an expression of public thought, public belief, public sentiment, within which private opinions might have their field of debate ; and private opinion, when it became ambitious and aggressive, whether in earlier Monasticism or in later Puritanism, met in his place and authority its natural check. The worship over which he presided was marked by two special features : it was old, and it was for all men. It was venerable with the majesty of long and wide use : it had the power which belongs to that which is a common and public thing, open to all, of no private devising, and of which no one thinks of the origin and beginning. Its piety was expressed in collects and offices and liturgical and sacramental forms, which have been in the Church for ages, and of which, for the most part, no man knows the author. And it had that depth and force which belongs to what all of us can respond to and join in, as men : it could express the devotion of the aspiring and the homely, the reserved and the eager alike ; it could be the comfort and shelter of those who love what is old, and quiet, and unpretending, and it could render thoughts and feelings for those stirring and deep minds in their most solemn moods, under whose activity old things become new. A certain tone and temper of religious feeling has sprung from all this ; IV THE EPISCOPATE IN CHRISTIAN HISTORY in in its seriousness and balance, all, whether with approval or not, see a contrast to the fervour and vehemence of particular phases of the devotional spirit ; and yet it alone has a key of sympathy, to understand even what goes beyond it, and to respond to what is not its own. Again, the Bishop's special functions were ministrations of wide reach and concern, belonging to all, affecting all. To this one man, in his laying on of hands, young and old looked in that solemn time when he committed each generation of children to God's keeping in the world ; from this one man, and from his laying on of hands, a whole body of clergy drew their authority, and learned and unlearned gained or suffered by the pastors whom he commissioned and governed. In all that he was and did, in his administration and official speaking, the idea was ever present of what was of common import to all, of what bound all together, of what belonged not to to-day or yesterday, but was born with man, or was coeval with the Gospel. Others might have newer, perhaps deeper, perhaps more eventful things to say. He was there to remind Christians of that vast, wide, spiritual society which was meant to embrace us all ; of the force and value of what is common, and public, and continuous, and customary. He was there to bind together in each age the old and the new, the weak and the strong ; to witness, amid the vicissitudes, of individual thought and energy, for something which, with less show, wears better and lasts longer ; for a common inheritance -of faith and religion, which needs indeed to be filled up in its outlines by private conviction and activity, but without which everything 112 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS iv private risks becoming one-sided in ideas, and cramped in s}'mpathy, and, at last, poor in heart. Such an institution can bear the test of history. Its broad results are before the world ; the world can see and judge whether it has been in vain, and whether it is not doing still what it was doing cen- turies ago. If only it had done what it has done, in keeping the Church together, and in guarding at once Catholic faith and Christian freedom, it would have justified its place. And yet this alone does not satisfy what the Church conceives of the office. If this were all, we might speak of a successful and salutary organisation ; but there would be no need for an Apostle to cry out, and for those after him to echo his cry, " Who is sufficient for these things ? " The great men of this world do not so shrink under their burden. But men may well say so, if they think as St. Paul thought of what they are charged with, of the risk of going wrong. If it is an institution and organ of Christ's Gospel and Kingdom, it must have aspects which are beyond the domain of history. It is on pain of degrading our conception of it that we lose sight, in the stress we lay on its practical bearings now, of functions which are in order to the unseen and the future. It is a great ministry of religion ; and when we name religion, we name some- thing beside which all experience here is soon at fault, all faculties of thought at last find their term, all creations of imagination are pale and tame. We believe that this office serves the Gospel of Jesus Christ; and the Gospel of Ilim who came to seek the lost, to save sinners, to abolish death, to judge mankind, runs up, by the very force of the terms we IV THE E PISCO PA TE IN CHRIS TIAN HIS TOR V 113 use, into that which utterly leaves behind all that " eye hath seen or ear heard." We cannot grasp it, no, not in its most reduced and attenuated form, without coming upon what is in the sharpest con- trast to all that we have to do with now. Call this mystical, intangible, transcendental : so it is, but Christianity starts with the assumption of the in- comprehensible greatness of what is out of sight, and presupposes a world of mystery ; and so, in reality, view it as we will, does human nature. If St. Paul's ministry had its most matter-of-fact prosaic side, of business and drudgery, of daily trouble and stiff opposition and frequent disappoint- ment, it also took into view another side, which in the incredible vastness of its claims, its responsi- bilities, its stakes, its prospects, must seem to the judgment of mere experience, as it did to Festus, the extravagance of a dream. And if there is a ministry on earth which in any sense inherits from the Apostles of the New Testament, it, too, must not shrink from the thought, that in some of its chief parts it has to work, and trust, and wait, but not to see ; that it belongs to that world above our reach, of which the Psalms are the echo, and which is the unchanging background of St. Paul ; and that while now it binds the Church with society, linking on earth past with present, and preparing the present for what is to come, its highest functions look to things " not seen," its issues reach to that time when all will be over here, the judgment on it has to pass before " no assize of- man," ^ its success and its reward ^ Andrewes' Sermons, v. 117 (translation of i Cor. iv. 3, virb dv- 6p(x}7rip7}S ij/Jiepas). C.S.,P. I J 14 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS iv arc for that unknown hour when the Master and His servants shall meet for their last account, and when the last test shall decide on the secrets and on the ventures of us all. The day that is passing, and that " kingdom where space and time are not,"^ are both our Master's, and to both His servants owe their debt. Here, they have to meet the realities of the moment, to face actual difficulties, to choose their course, to keep their balance, undazzled and undismayed ; here, they need courage, patience, forbearance, soberness. There, they need to live with the thought that they are ministers of something much greater than anything that men can be themselves ; that they are charged wdth words which are not their own ; that powers and blessings of the other world come with them, to help and comfort souls — ^judgments inscrutable, and ways past finding out, and a love which is beyond understanding, the love of Christ. There, they have to believe, and to hope, to pray, to adore, to bless. Their great trust calls, indeed, for the best of that without which no man can do nobly here — public spirit, large-hearted sympathy, manliness, straight- forward wisdom, steady judgment, humbleness of soul ; " plain living, and high thinking," and true work. Man, in his strength and honesty, is sufficient for these things. But there is something further, for which, by himself, he is not sufficient : to take up for his own day the burden borne in theirs by Patriarchs, Prophets, Apostles ; to be the chosen and special servant of a dispensation not of this world, most awful, eternal, infinite ; to have, as the end and ^ Wordsworth, Excursion, p. 1 1 8. IV THE EPISCOPATE IN CHRISTIAN HISTORY 115 business of life, to be a foremost witness of the will of God and the hopes of man, and to bear on high, in a world of sense and time, always passing away, the Everlasting and Most Holy Name ; to be charged, above all other men, with understanding the purposes, guarding the truth, distributing the graces, of the Unseen and the Most High ; to fulfil functions such as are described in the words of Scripture — " over- seers of the Church of God," " stewards of God's mysteries," " ambassadors for Christ," " workers to- gether with God," " to whom He hath committed the ministry of the reconciliation of the world." " For these things, who is sufficient ? " Who, indeed — without that Spirit of counsel and might, that Spirit of power and love and soberness, with which the great Master once strengthened His messengers. May He grant it indeed to all who are in any way responsible for the interests of the kingdom of God. To Him, having done their best, may they be able, with prayer and faith, and deepest humbleness of trust and will, to commit their way. And then they must leave their work in those Strong Hands which uphold the world, which have so wonderfully pre- served His Church, and in whose keeping are the hopes and the life of all things that He has made. V THE GIFT OF THE SPH^rri "And as they ministered to the Lord, and fasted, the Holy Ghost said. Separate Me Barnabas and Saul for the work whereunto I have called them." — Acts xiii. 2. This is the account of the first Ordination in the Church, since the full purpose of God as to the char- acter of the Christian Church had been declared by the conversion of Cornelius. That great surprise — " then hath God also to the Gentiles granted repentance unto life " — had brought home to the minds even of Apostles how imperfectly they had as yet under- stood their high commission. It had reversed their undoubting suppositions as to their field of action, and what they were meant to do. In place of a completed and renewed Judaism, completed by the coming of its King and renewed to fresh life by His Spirit, and drawing by a new attraction throngs of heathen proselytes into the fold of Israel — in place of this great change, magnificent as it might seem in God's own land and city, among the multitude of Jewish communities dispersed throughout the world — in place of this there was substituted as the ^ An Ordination Sermon, preached in Wells Cathedral, iQlh December iSSo. V THE GIFT OF THE SPIRIT 117 destined scene of their labours, with all its diffi- culties, with all its openings, with all its hopes, tlie world itself. All the multitudes of mankind, unre- claimed, astray, godless, " aliens from the common- wealth of Israel and strangers to the covenants of promise," Gentile society, east and west, mighty, organised, deeply corrupted, with all its fringes of surrounding barbarism, " the publicans and sinners " of humanity, despised by Jews, shunned, hated, because so steeped in vice, and so utterly unintelligible and uncongenial — these and not Jews prepared by a Divine discipline of a thousand years, these were the materials out of which the Apostles were, after all, to build up the Church of God. As this great and novel conception of the work before them gradually grew into distinctness, and they became accustomed to it, it naturally took possession of all their thoughts. It pointed to new efforts, a new departure, new functions. The result we read in the text. Apostles of the Gentiles were called to extend and perfect what had been begun and was not given up by the Apostles of the circumcision. As they waited at Antioch, and pondered and prayed, and wondered at what was to be, the call came. " Separate me Barnabas and Saul for the work to which I have called them";, and the building up of the Church Universal began. It was the first Ordination of the Catholic Church, in which there was no Monger " Jew nor Gentile, bond nor free, but all were one in Christ Jesus." It was no hum"an agency which pronounced this call, which sent forth Barnabas and Saul on their eventful mission. If there is anything on which ii8 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS v stress is laid in the New Testament, it is that He who sends forth the ministers of the Gospel of Christ, who calls them, who equips them for their task, who is the promised source to them of light and strength and influence, is God the Holy Ghost. He who sanctified the Baptist from his mother's womb, He from whom the Son Himself received the seal and anointing of His earthly ministry on the banks of Jordan, He who was the special gift from their departing Master to the Twelve, He whose presence with them was the special qualification of the Seven, the first Deacons, " men full of the Holy Ghost and of wisdom " — He, too, again gives the word when Barnabas and Saul are sent forth from Antioch to head " the great company of the preachers " to the end of time. And never from that day to this has the Church forgotten that it is from His co-operation, and sanction, and gracious blessing that all that is real in her Ordinations comes. Forms vary and customs alter, and one language dies and gives place to another, and sacred words are spoken in differing tongues as far from one another as the east is from the west. But the central belief is never lost, is never changed — that from God the Holy Ghost the Church in England receives power and authority to commission the ministers of each genera- tion, that He is with her and her representatives and chief pastors in the exercise of this office ; that from Him comes to each one in Ordination, comes individu- ally and personally, the awful gift of His consecrating presence, to be prized, and cherished, and faithfully served, or to be despised and rejected — but, in any . case, never to be recalled. On whom the Holy V THE GIFT OF THE SPIRIT 119 Ghost has set His seal, the seal must remain either for blessing or for judgment. It will not, I hope, be thought disrespectful to the congregation here assembled, if on an occasion like this, I take leave to address the few words I have to say, exclusively to one part of it. For to some of you a time is come which, to any one seriously believing in the reality of things unseen, is in simple truth inexpressibly solemn. Even in this world's point of view it is a solemn thing to feel ourselves standing on the verge of a new career — to have left and put off the old, to have begun for the future what is new and strange. How much more when that new career is the Christian ministry — the ministry of the Crucified, the ministry of the Holy Ghost. On this occasion, then, the first step in a new, lifelong course, I will venture to ask your leave to try, in the {^\n minutes allotted to me, to refresh in you thoughts which no doubt have been present to all of you. What is the foundation of this new condition of your life which is impending over you ? In what does this change begin ? You are about to pass solemnly from the layman to the clergyman. I am not speaking of all that is implied in this ; but I will ask you to think, What does, this new life before you rest upon ? What niust be at the bottom of it ? What above everything is its root and ♦spring, feeding it, moulding it, giving it its true character and colour? It must be — if it is to be what your Master wants for -you, if it is to be in truth what it claims to be, if it is to answer its purpose and not wander into alien paths and employment for which I20 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS v it was not meant — it must be the work of the Holy Ghost in and with your spirit. From Him it must spring ; by Him it must be sustained. It is with Him you have to do. It is He who sends you on your road. It is with Him that you will have to do your work. It is to Him that you will have to give account. This must be at the bottom of everything ; this must be foremost and paramount, if we are to think and feel truly and fittingly of what we are called to, in being clergymen. There are countless things which press into notice and hide it from our thoughts ; countless things which seem incongruous with it ; countless things which in the name of their immediate importance claim to come first in the interest of practical men. It is easy to forget in this our energetic and exacting society that a clergyman has to do with the silent powers of the world to come, with the secret but real gifts and purposes of God the Holy Ghost. You have forgotten it, perhaps, sometimes, in the labour and effort of your prepara- tion, in the anxiety and trial of your examination. You will forget it, perhaps, in time to come, in the inevitable routine and vicissitudes of necessary business, in the worries, and weariness, and excite- ment, and disappointment of clerical work. You will forget it, perhaps, when you are hard driven by calls, which you find it hard to meet, on your strength, on your resources, on your powers of thought and teaching ; when you are perplexed by questions which you cannot answer, and difficulties out of which you do not see your way. But, behind all Ihc dust and luirry and turmoil of )'our business, THE GIFT OF THE SPIRIT the great truth remains. The clergyman is the minister of Christ, the unseen, the real Christ ; and the clergyman's teacher and appointed guide and strengthener, the giver of His gifts, to whom he must turn for help and light, who alone can enable him to do his duty, is, very really, very specially, that invisible but mighty Comforter of us all, God the Holy Ghost. I. You will have first to do with yourself. You have to know yourself, to learn more about yourself than perhaps you have yet learnt ; to be master over yourself, to govern and direct your purposes so as to suit yourself to your new calling and way of life. And what is the first thing to be ever remembered ? Is it not that, in this your life and profession, it is God the Holy Ghost who in His providence and good pleasure has chosen and called and picked you out from among your brethren for what you have to do? In the immediate forefront of all our lives, the front place of what we see, there are all the human purposes and influences and reasons which have determined a man's line of life ; but, behind all that, the apparent accident, the motives of duty or con- venience or inclination, the secular ties and constraints which have had much — perhaps too much — to do vv^ith his choice, there is the sovereign election of God who finally places us where we are. And He has finally willed to place yow here. He who chose Saul and David for their respective trials, He who destined Prophet and Apostle for their tasks. He who " ordained " Jeremiah to be " a prophet to the nations," and separated Paul from his mother's womb, and called him by His grace, 122 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS v He has led each one of us, each one of you, through all the changes, and what we call the chances of life, to the front where we stand now. In the un- fathomable purposes of His eternal election He knew each one of you, and appointed this to be your business in the world, and ordered your circumstances to meet and suit your own plans and wishes and choice, accepting your offered service — if offered of good will ; if otherwise, taking you at your word. And now the Holy Ghost, who chose you and sealed you at your Baptism, who came to you with His proffered benefits at your Confirmation, who, if you have ever had a good thought or desire, has been speaking in your heart, comes to you the third time, the third solemn time, in Ordination. Can we help recalling the sacred words, the thrice repeated question — the sacred words rise of themselves to our thoughts — " Simon, son of Jonas, lovest thou Me — lovest thou Me — lovest thou Me, more than these ? " He singles you out for a charge which all your brethren have not. He promises you gifts and a commission specially meant for you. He chooses you, not for higher honours, not for higher prerogatives over your brethren, but for more defined and more exacting service, for the alternatives of a severer trial of your whole-heartedness and self- devotion, in which your distant crown of victory may be brighter, but also your failure more disas- trous. Indeed there is nothing to puff you up or exalt you, in the highest estimate we can form f){ the Holy Spirit's calling and gifts in Ordination. They arc the measure of our never-ceasing responsi- bilities. I'hcy are the ground of ho[)e and strength THE GIFT OF THE SPIRIT when human hope fails and human strength sinks. But God save us from our miserable downfall if we build on these the fabric of self-conceit and self- consequence, or ever allow the thought to rest in our minds that we are better men and more faithful than laymen — God's favourites, for being clergymen. 2. And next, you have to do with others ; and it is for others that you are chosen for your place and work. Remember, then, that in what you have to do zvitJi them and for them, your true, your only adequate relation to them is as the steward and minister of the Holy Ghost ; His servant and minister in the work which He carries on in the Church, and in the souls and characters and con- sciences of men. The calls upon a clergyman arc many. The ways in which he may be useful are manifold, even opposite. The work and necessities of ,the Church and society increase in mass and in diversity as time goes on, and in them all the clergyman has his part. But he forgets himself, forgets what he was called to, forgets the reason and purpose of his Ordination, if he ever lets himself forget that he is, first and foremost, the servant of that Divine Person who rules the Church, and commissioned him for his work in it. The fountain and regulating principle of your influence must be a constant recollection of His high service, and true-hearted loyalty to* it. It is not enough for a clergyman to do good and useful work, to be a profound and accomplished scholar. It is not enough' to be a successful parish priest, a great and instructive preacher, a statesmanlike organiser, an active manager of some religious in- 124 PASCAL AND OTHER SEKMONS V stitution, a conscientious teacher, a powerful advocate of truth against gainsayers. He must be more than all these. He must live in the consciousness — a consciousness which rules his heart, and shapes his aims, and inspires his devotion — that he belongs essentially to God's divine and heavenly ministry of grace and reconciliation and restoration ; that his office is, in the last resort, in its truest meaning, a spiritual one ; that be his employment what it may, he is in his heart of hearts the servant of a Power whose mystery none can fathom, and whom no conquest can satisfy but the wills and characters of men won back to His obedience and peace. Think of your calling and work in this way, as having to do nothing merely temporal or earthly, but the work of the Holy Ghost, the Divine hope of light and goodness for men, and you will never be tempted to rest content and self-complacent with some cheap appearance of success, some short cut to popular influence, some temporary and superficial stirring up of interest, or feeling, or zeal. Think of your work in this way, as doing what the Hoi}' Spirit in your Ordination has laid upon you to do, and doing it with Him as the witness of your soul ; and then, come what may, you will have a spring of strength and comfort within you which success alone cannot give. You may seem to fail, as many of God's truest servants have seemed to fail, while men of shallower and more alloyed religion have seemed so useful. You may be baffled by your own disqualifications, by obstacles which are too strong for you. You may spend your labour, and, what is more, your prayers, your tears, j^our heart, V THE GIFT OF THE SPIRIT 125 and not see any good for it. Such things are no uncommon incidents of a clergyman's career. But if you are not working for your own glory and ends, but for that invisible Spirit who gave you your charge, and is with you while you fulfil it ; if you nourish and cherish in your soul the recollection that to work under Him and with Him is now the real end of your life ; if you try to keep before your mind that in His dealings with you your life as a clergyman began, and only by continued communion with Him, and by His help and guidance it can safely end, you will learn to bear discouragement as nothing but faith and sincerity can bear it. You will come to see that there are worse and emptier things in the world than disappointment, where it is disappointment in honest service. A true man, a man who believes in the presence, and wisdom, and guidance of the Holy Ghost, would rather have it than the deceptions and unrealities of a hollow and selfish success. The work is not yours but your Master's. There may be ends to be answered in your failure greater than there could have been gained by your success. So that you have not forgotten in whose hands you are, a chequered, un- popular, or a rejected ministry need not mean to to you the failure of your life. Yes, my brethren, the ministry you seek, if it is a real thing, is a thing of heaven, with all tha>t there must be of mystery and strangeness, when the things of heaven come down to the life of time. It has been said, with some justice I think, that often we do not appreciate in our popular teaching the place which the office of the Holy Ghost fills in the teaching 126 PASCAL AND OTHER SERMONS v of the New Testament. It is difficult, no doubt, to speak of it wisely and well : of so Divine a thing we can but speak with dim ideas and imperfect words. But it certainly does come before us, interwoven with the very texture of the New Testament, not merely in the mysterious sublimities of the Epistles to the Romans and the Ephesians, but in every dogmatic and every practical lesson. And neither our life nor our teaching can be in harmony with the New Testa- ment if we let it drop out of our minds. I doubt not that you are men who will take trouble with yourselves to keep up your thoughts and convictions to the point from which you start at Ordination. Set it then as a definite object in your self-discipline, to keep before you, deep and strong and keen, the remembrance of that awful and gracious Person with whom you will have to work, and who sends you forth. In your continued devotions, without which your service will be worse than vain, make it a definite subject of prayer that you may know Him, as far as man can know Him, more and more ; that you may receive the Divine Blessing in the way and order which Scripture reveals to us, that as you turn to the Father for mercy, and to the Incarnate Son for sympathy, so you may turn to the Spirit for light and strength ; that in the special functions of your ministry, in teaching and counsel and warning and consolation, in the administration of Christ's Sacraments, you may look for help to the special source where Scripture bids you seek it, in the manifold and promised gifts of the Holy Ghost. Pray definitely that you may never forget Him, never lose sight of Him, ever have Him with you. Pray V THE GIFT OF THE SPIRIT 127 definitely that He will ever kindle and purify your affections, as well as guide your thoughts. Pray that He will give you warmth of soul, without which religion withers ; and soberness and seriousness of judgment, without which truth is wrecked and reason lost. Pray to Him, and for His gifts, in the spirit of the Collects of this season : let them become your constant companions. Pray to Him in the spirit of the first preparatory Collect in the Communion Service. Pray to Him in the Ve7ii Creator Hymn ; and may He hear all our prayers for the light and strength and purity we so much need. O God the Holy Ghost, who hast called us to this place in Thy service, as Thou hast begun Thy work, so also continue and finish it in us. Save us from our besetting sins, from pride, and bitterness, and faintness of heart, from sloth and self-deceit, and the curse of an unsubdued will ; and grant us to know and to follow, to do and to suffer Thy will, Who with the Father and the Son livest and reignest one God, for ever. VI ADAM, THE TYPE OF CHRIST ^ " Who is the figure of Him that was to come." — Romans v. 14. 6s i