s~. & . §rom 1 0e &i6rar£ of (professor ^atnuef Otiffer in (TJlemorfc of 3ubge ^amuef (gXiffer Q0recfitnr%e fljreeenfeb fig ^fornuef (tttiffer QBrecfttimbge &ong fo f0e feifirar? of (princefon Cfteofogicaf ^emtnarj Sec, v. 3 i«HMI MM I .1^ I Mi Hatffl *- t 1 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from Princeton Theological Seminary Library http://www.archive.org/details/historyofgreat03henr THE HISTORY O F GREAT BRITAIN, FROM THE FIRST INVASION OF IT BY THE ROMANS UNDER JULIUS CiESAR. WRITTEN ON A NEW PLAN. By ROBERT HENRY, D.D. ON E 01 THE MINISTERS OP EDINBURGH, MEMBER 0T Till, SOCIETY OF ANTIQUARIANS OF SCOTLAND, AND «ff THE ROYAL SOCIETY OF EDINBURGH. THE SECOND EDITION, VOLUME THE THIRD, DUBLIN: PRINTED FOR P.BYRNE, No. 108, AND J, JONES, NO. Ill, GRAFTON STREET. WDCCLXSXIX. ■m CONTENTS O F T H E THIRD VOLUME, BOOK III, CHAP, I. The Civil and Military Hiftory of Great Britain, from the landing of William duke of Normandy, A. D. 1066, to the death of King John, A. D. 12 16. Sedt. 1. From A, D. 1066, to A. D, 1100 Page t Sec. 2. From the acceffion of Henry I. A. D, 1 100, to the acceflion of Henry II. A. D. 1154 A & $s#- IV CONTENTS. Page Se&. 3. From the acceffion of Henry II. A. D. n 54, to his death, A. D. 1189 79 Setf. 4. From the acceffion of Richard I. A. L>. ii 89, to the death of king John, A. D. 1216 125 CHAP. H. Hiftory of Religion in Great Britain, from the landing of William duke of Normandy, A. D. 1066, to the death of king John, A. D. 1216. Sect. r. From A. D. 1066, to A. D. 1100 179 Sect. 2. From the acceffion of Henry I. A. D. 1 100, to the acceffion of Henry II. A. D. 1 154. 192 Seer. 3. From A. D. 1 1 54, to A. D. 1189 222 Sed. 4. From A. D. 1189, to A. D. 1216 279 CHAP. CONTENTS. CHAP. III. Hiftory of the Conftitution, Government, and Laws of Great Britain, from the landing of William duke of Normandy, A. D. 1066, to the death of king John, A. D. 12 16. Page 304 Seft. 1. Hiftory of the changes in the conftitu- tion, government and laws of England, that were made in the reign of William I. from A. D. 1066, to A. D. 1087 304 Sect. 2. Hiftory of the changes in the conftitu- tion, government and laws of England, in the reigns of "William II. Henry I. Stephen, Hen- ry II. Richard I. and John, from A. D. 1087, to A. D. 12 16 339 CHAP. IV. The Hiftory of Learning in Great Britain, from the landing of William duke of Normandy, A. D. 1066, to the death of king John, A. D. 1216 36^ Sect. 1. An account of the fciences that were cultivated in Great Britain, from A. D. 1066 to A. D. 12 1 6, — of the improvements that were made in them, — and of the reafons of thefe improvements — — 36^ Sect. 2. Hiftory of the moft learned men who flourifhed in Britain, from A. D. »o66, to A.'D. 1216. -— — 388 Sea. vi CONTENTS, Seel. 3. Hiflory of the chief feminaries of learning in Great Britain, from A. D. 1066 to A. D. 12 16 — — Page 41 r CHAP. V. Hiflory of the Arts in Great Britain, from the landing of William duke of Normandy, A. D. 1066, to the death of king John, A. D. 1216 423 Seel;. 1. Hiflory of the necefTary arts in Britain, from A. D. 1066, to A. D. 1216 424 Seel. 2. The hiflory of the fine or pleafing arts of fculpture, painting, poetry, and mufic, in Great Britain, from A. D. 1066, to A. D. 1216 — — 456 CHAP. VI. Hiflory of Commerce, Coin, and Shipping in Great Britain, from the landing of Wil- liam duke of Normandy, A. D. 1066, to the death of king John, A. D. 1216 483 CHAP. CONTENTS, /ii CHAP. VII. The Hiftory of the Manners, Virtues, Vices, remarkable Cuiioms, Language, Drefs, Diet, and Diverfions of the people of Great Britain, from the landing of William duke of Normandy, A. D. 1066, to the death of king John, A. D. 12 16" Page 523 APPENDIX to BOOK III. Number I. Magna Carta Regis Johannis, xv die Junii MCCXV. anno regni xvn. 571 Nu m b e r II. Tranflation of the Great Charter of king John, granted June 15th, A. D. 1215, inthefeven- teenth year of his reign — — 581 Numb pr III. EpiftolaP. Blefenfis ad Petrum amicum medicum — — 591 Number IV. Permiffion of Richard I. for holding tournaments in England — — 593 ♦ THE THE HISTORY O F GREAT BRITAIN, BOOK III. CHAP. I. The civil and military hijlory of Great Britain, from the landing of William duke of Normandy , A. D. 1066, to the death of king John, A. D. 1216. SECTION I. From A. D. 1066, to A. D. 1100. ▼ VILLI AM duke of Normandy having fpent a. D. 1066. about eight months in the mod vigorous preparations * >s~**J for invading England, and dethroning king Harold, William failed from the hajrbour of St. Vallori, at the mouth of J^rm^d the river Somme, with a great fleet and gallant army, lands in on September 28, A. D. 1066, and the day after ar- England rived at Pevenfey in Suflex. At that place he landed his troops, horfes, arms, and baggage of all kinds, without any oppofition; and immediately ereiSted a fort, into which he put a garrifon for the protection of Vol. III. B his HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Harold marches from the north to Haftings A. D. 1066. his fleet(i). From Pevenfeyhe marched to Haftings ; where he remained about fifteen days, fortifying his camp, collecting provifions, refrefhing his men and horfes, and putting every thing in order for the profe- cution of hisdefign (2). Harold was at York with his army, celebrating the victory which he had obtained over his brother Tofti and the king of Norway, when he received the news of this formidable invafion. Roufed, but not intimi- dated, by this intelligence, he put an end to his rejoic- ings, and began nis march towards London (3). When he arrived in that capital, he found his forces much diminifhed, by the lofs which he had fuftained in the battle of Stamford bridge, and by a great defer- tion which had taken place among his troops, through difcontent at being deprived of their fhare of the booty gained in that battle. In thefe circumfrances, he was advifed by the wifeft counfellors, and particularly by his brother Gurth, to remain at London till he had re- freshed and recruited his army, or at leaft not to ven- ture his ownperfon with unequal forces (4). But be- ing flufhed with his late victory, he rejected thefe wife and friendly admonitions with difdain, and hurried towards Haftings ; where he arrived October 13, and pitched his camp near to that of the Normans (5). lattle of The two armies did not continue long in that pofi- HafHngs. tion before they came to action. For early on the morning of the 14th of October, A. D. 1066, Wil- liam duke of Normandy, and Harold king of England, led their forces into the field, and drew them up in order of battle, to determine their important quarrel by the fword. The Englifli, who were all on foot, armed with fwords, fpeais, and battle-axes, were formed into one deep and compact body ; in the centre of which, on a riling ground, the king, with his two brothers Gurth and Leofwin, placed themfelves, near to the royal ftandard. The Norman infantry Were drawn up in two lines, the firfr. compofed of archers and {lingers, and the fecond of the heavy-armed troops ; (l) \V. ri&avin. p. 198, 199. Ordcric. Vital, p. 500. (a) Id. ibid. (3) Hen. Hunt. 1. 7. p. 21 1. Hoveden. Annal. p. 257. (4; Orderic. Vital, p. 500. (5) W. Malmf. 1. 3. p. J 7. Orderic. Vital, p. 500. the Ch. i.§i. CIVIL AND MILITARY, 3 the cavalry, commanded by the duke in 'perfon, being A.D. 1066. ftationed in the rear, and on the two wings (6). No^-—y"-^ (boner was the fignal of battle given by the found of all the inftruments of martial mufic, than the Nor- mans advanced, iinging the famous fcng of Rolland, and began the action by difcharging a prodigious flight of arrows upon the Englifh (7). By degrees the two armies approached nearer and nearer, and the battle raged with uncommon fury en both fides, from morn- ing till towards evening. The duke of Normandy^ who had fought bravely, and had three horfes killed under him, obferving that his troops began to relax in their efforts, and to defpair of breaking the ranks of their enemies, had recourfe to a ffratagem, which was crowned with fuccefs. He gave orders to his forces to retire a little, as if they had been on the point of fly- ing ; which the Englifh miftaking for a real flight, broke their ranks, in order to purfue them, and com- plete their ruin. The Normans, at a certain fignal, faced about, and made a furious affault on their pur- fuers, who were now fcattered in many fmall parties. From this time the battle was changed into many fkir- rnifhes in different parts, with various fuccefs, till about funfet; when king Harold was killed by an ar- row, which entering his eye, penetrated his brain ; his two brothers were alfo {lain, and the royal ftandard taken: upon which the Englifh fled on all fides, and were purfued with great (laughter, till the darknefs of the night put an end to the purfuit(S). In this bat. tie, the molt important in its confequences of any that ever was fought in this ifland, no fewer than fif- teen thoufand Normans fell on one fide: and on the ©ther much greater numbers were (lain; amongft whom were the king, his two brothers, and the flower of the Englifh nobility (9). As the duke of Normandy had difplayed much con- Condu&of duel: and valour in the battle of Haftings, he difcovered William great prudence and humanity after the victory, — by ^i^0TY (6) W. Pi<5t*vin. p. 201. Math. Paris, p. 3. (7) W. Malmf. 1. 3. p. 57. Gefta Willielmi Ducis, p. 202. Hen. Hunt. p. an. (8) Hen. Hunt. p. an. W. Pi&avin. p. 303. R. Hoveden.p. 257. Math. Paris> p. 3. Orderic. Vital, p. 501. (9) W. Gemiticin, c. 36. J3 2 returning 4 HISTOR.Y OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1066. returning folemn thanks to God on the field for the -'-'' fuccefs of Iris arms, — by permitting the Englifh to bury their dead in perfect tranquillity, — by difmiffing with ignominy one of his foldiers for mangling the body of Harold, and — by fending the corpfe of that prince to his mother Githa, without accepting the of- fered ranfom (10). Remains of It is eafier to imagine than defcribe the confternation *^,EnS1!lh of the Englifh after the battle of Haftings. Many of to London! l^e fugitives, and amongft others the two powerful earls Edwin and Morcar, with their remaining fol- lowers, made hade to London, which became a fcene of inexpreffible terror and confufion. He'fe frequent councils were held by Aldred archbimopipf York, the two earls above mentioned, and the other nobility ; who at length refolved to raife Edgar Atheling, the undoubted heir of the Saxon royal family, to the throne ; to collect an army, and make a ftand in de- fence of their country, againft the victorious inva- ders (11). But it required more time than they were allowed to bring thefe defigns to maturity, and carry them into execution. ■William i"ne »«J foon after much increafed by their beholding the flames of Southwark, which was fet on fire and reduced to afhes by the Normans (14). In a word, the confter- nation was fo great and univerfal, that Edwin and Morcar, the earls of Mercia and Northumberland, perceiving that no effectual refiftance could be made, retired with precipitation, and marched off with their numerous followers into the north. Soon after this, the victorious invader having paffed London the Thames at Wallingford with his army, approached fu"77.^lde^• the city on that fide which was not defended by the j°m< river. This greatly increafed the terror of the citizens, and haftened their refolution to furrender. Stigand archbifhop of Canterbury, Aldred archbifhop of York, and two other bifhops, five of the principal citizens of London, feveral noblemen, and even Edgar Atheling himfelf, went out to meet the conqueror, and made their fubmilfions to him at Berkhamftead (15). The example of fo many illuftrious peifons was foon followed by almoft all the furviving nobility of Eng- land, who joined with them in making William an offer of the vacant throne ; which, after fome affected excufes, at the earnell intreaty of his Norman counfel- lors, he accepted (16). "W illiam did not immediately enter London, though William its gates were thrown open, and all the hoftages deli- makes pr«- vered which he had demanded ; but fent a part of his farf.lon* , rr rr r • n r • r ■ . tor his CO- army to take polieflion of it, to erect a fortification in ronatien. it, and to make the neceffary preparations for his co- ronation, which he appointed to be in Weftminfler abbey, on Chriftmas day following. In the mean time, to (hew how much his mind was at eafe, and his affairs in a fettled Hate, he amufed himfelf with the diverfions of hunting and hawking in the neigh- bourhood (17). Early on the morning of Chriftmas day, A. D. William I* io66, duke William, attended by the chief nobility crowned, of England and Normandy, repaired to'Weftminfter (13) Orderic. Vital, p. 503. (14) Id. ibid. (15) R. Hoveden. Annal. ajg. (16) W. Pi&avin, p. 30J. (17) W. Pi&avin. p. 205. . abbey, 6 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A. D. 1066. abbey, where he was crowned king of England with *— ~v ' all the ufual ceremonies, by Aldred archbifhop of York, • affifted by Goisfred bifhop of Conftance. The former of thefe prelates, who was famous for his elo- quence, made an oration to the Englifh in their own language, and concluded with afking them, if they chofe William for their king, and confented to his coronation ; to which they fignified their affent by the loudeft acclamations. The bifhop of Conftance afked the fame queftion of the Normans in their language, and received the fame anfwer in the fame manner. The archbifhop then adminiftered the oath to William that had been adminiftered to the Anglo-Saxon kings at their coronation, feated him in the throne, and placed the crown on his head, amidft the loud re*- peated acclamations of the whole affembly (18). Ttimult at Thefe acclamations were productive of very fatal the corona- COnfequences. For the Norman guards ftationed without the abbey, hearing fuch vehement reiterated fhouts in a language which they did not underftand, began to apprehend that the Englifh were offering violence to their prince, and in a fudden tranfport o* rage fet fire to the neighbouring houfes, which, being of wood, burnt with great violence. This occafioned a prodigious alarm and uproar within the abbey ; men and women rufhing out with impetuofity to fave their lives, which they imagined to be in danger. In a word, the tumult both within and without the abbey was fo great, that it ftruck terror into the new monarch, and was not appealed without much difficulty. This incident, however cafual, increafed the jealoufy and animofity of the two nations, and was confidered, in that luperftitious age, as an omen of a tuibulent ' unhappy reign (19). .-. D. 1067. Wilham, after his coronation, applied with great Fii ■> a much impatience. This foon produced murmurs and complaints ; which being difregarded by the regent?, broke out into open revolts in. feveral places. The Kentifh-men, in conjunction with Euftace earl of Boloo-.ne, who was then at variance with William, made an unfuccefsful attempt on the town and caftle of Dover (24). Edric the Forefter, with the affiftance of two Welfh princes, defended himfelf againft the in- fults of the Norman captains fettled in Herefordfhire, repelling force by force (25). Coxo, a powerful Englifh earl was put to death by his own people, becaufe he obftinately perfifted in his fubmiflion to the new government, and refufed to head them in an in- furrection (26). In a word, the Englifh in all parts of the kingdom were ripe for a revolt; and there wanted not fome fecret confultations about a general maffacre of the Normans (27). William, having received information of the difcon- King WH- tents which prevailed in England, became fenfible ofliam re- the neceffity of his immediate prefence in that king- ^rnf t(\ 1 • • 1 • A /r -i 1 r 1 • 1 1 A England.- dom ; and appointing his queen Matilda, and his eldelr (on Robert, regents of Normandy, he failed from Dieppe on the 6th of December, and on the 7th landed at Winchelfea, from whence he proceeded to London, where he kept his Chriftmas (28). Here he was attended by many of the Englifh prelates and no- bles ; who met with a more favourable reception than they expected, and even obtained redrefs of fome of thofe injuries which had been done to them by the Normans. This produced an appearance of tranquil- lity, which was neither very folid or very lading (29). The unfeafonable expenfive voyage to Normandy a. D. 1068. had not only given occalion to the infurrections alrea- Revolts dy mentioned, but it had alfo exhaufted the royal trea-^PP1 c fury fo much, that William, foon after his return to England, found himfelf under a neceflity of reviving the odious tax of Danegelt. This revived the difcon- tents of the Englifh, and occafioned frefh troubles. (24) Orderic. Vital, p. 508. (25) Hoveden. Annal. p. 2j8. (26) Orderic. Vital, p. 509. (27) Gemiticin, c. 29. (28) Orderic. Vical. p. 5C9. (29) Id. ibid. The io HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1068. The people of Exeter, at the inftigation of Githa, « /- — ' the mother of king Harold, who refided in that city, broke cut into open rebellion, repaired their walls, in- crealed their garrifon, laid in provisions, and made every poffible preparation for a vigorous refinance, Soliciting all the neighbouring country to join in their revolt. The king immediately marched into thofe parts at the head of an army, and after a ficge of eighteen days, obliged them to implore his clemency and fubmit to his authority, Githa having in the mean time made her efcape into Flanders with all her trea- fures (30). After the reduction of Exeter, William marched into Cornwall j and having fupprefied cer- tain commotions which had been raifed in that coun- try, returned to Wincheftcr, where he celebrated the feaft of Eafter. His royal confort Matilda arrived in England about this time, and was crowned at Weft- miniter on Whitfunday by Aldred archbiftiop of York ; and before the end of the year (he was deliver- ed of her fourth fon, who was named Henry (31). Revolt of At this time William feemed to be completely hap- ea- and Py» ^0t^ *n k's fam'Iy and government. But this hap- Morcar. pinefs was of fhort duration ; and he foon found him- felf involved in new toils and dangers. The tvro brothers, Edwin and Morcar, were by far the moil powerful of all the Englifh nobility who furvived the battle of Haftings, having about a third part of England under their own authority and that of their friends. Befides this, they were amiable in their per- fons and manners, beloved by their dependents, the favourites of the clergy, and the idols of the com- mon people (32). The late king Harold had been their brother-in-law, and the ieigning prince of WTales was their nephew. The artful Norman was not ignorant of any of thefe circumflances, and well knew what dangerous enemies they might have been to a new-eftablifhed government, and had therefore courted them with great attention ; and, in particular, had promifed Edwin his daughter in marriage. But when that y'oung nobleman claimed the accomplifh- (30) Orderic. Vital, p. 510. Chron. Saxon. A. D. ic68. (31) J. Erompt. col. 963. (32) Orderic. Vital, p. $11-, J. Brompt. cc-5. 969. * meat Ch. i.§i. CIVIL AND MILITARY. n ment of this promife, he met with a denial : at which A.D. 1068. he was fo much enraged, that he retired with his bro- -—-v— -' ther to the north, where they encouraged the difafFec- tion of their followers, entered into ntgociations with the kings of Scotland and Denmark, and the princes of Wales, and formed a plan for attaking the king and his Normans, by ftrong armies in feveral places at the fame time. William, fenfible that his fafety depended upon his William celerity, flew into the north with an army, and dif- G*pp?eff<* concerted the defigns of his enemies before they could that rtvult- bring them to maturity. The two brothers, with Archil a potent nobleman in thofe parts,-'iinding their fchemes Wafted, threw themfelveson the king's mercy, and obtained a feeming but not a fincere forgivenefs. The people of York, who had engaged keenly in this confpiracy, finding it difcovered, endeavoured to make their peace, by giving hoftages, and fending the keys of their city to William ; who, diftruffing their fide- lity, built a caftle in their city, in which he placed a Norman garrifon. For the further fecurity of his go- vernment he built caftles at Warwick, Nottingham, Lincoln, Huntington, and Cambridge. Malcolm, king of Scotland, feeing the confederacy diflblved, made his peace with William, who having thus difii- pated this threatening ftorm by his activity, returned triumphant into the fouth (33). By this time a great part of the property of En°"- Englifii no- land was, by numerous confifcations, transferred to l]1['':l ,a 'V4U~ the Normans, who alfo engrofTed the favour of the coiwtra. fovereign, and all places of power and profit. The far greater part of the ancient Engliih noble families were extinguished or reduced to poverty ; and thofe who remained, faw themfelves defpifed5 diftrufled and in daily danger of ruin from the fufpicions of the Con- queror, and the rapacity of his Norman favourites. Many of them therefore retired into foreign countries to avoid the dangers with which they were furrounded, and to referve themfelves for better times. In particu- lar, Edgar Atheiing, his two fitters Margaret and Chriftina, with earl Cofpatric, and feveral other 110- (33) Simeon DuBelm. col. 30^. R. Diceto, col. 482. Orderic, Vital, p. jri. blemen, i2 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. ro68. Blemen, retired into Scotland ; where they met with a ^~ v"**-' mod gracious reception from king Malcolm ; who married the princefs Margaret, and bellowed lands on her noble attendants ; from whom feveral great fami- lies in that kingdom derive their defcent (34). A.D. 1609. Though the retreat of fo many noble perfons weak- ^ wo J°ns °* ened the Englifh interefi, and enriched the Normans invade E110-- w'tn tneir fpoils, it did not fecure the tranquillity of LnJ, and the kingdom, which, A. D. 1069, was a fcene of are defeat- great confufion. Two fons of the late king Harold, cd* who had left England after the unfortunate battle of Railings, and taken fhelter in the court of Dermot king of Ireland, having, with the afliilance of that prince, and other friends, collected a fmall army, and a fleet of fixty-fix fhips, refolved to make an attempt to retrieve the ruined fortunes of their family. About the beginning of this year they landed with their troops on the coaft of Devonfhire ; but were fuddenly at- tacked by a party of Normans under the command of Briaux, a fon of the earl of Brittany, who defeated them twice in one day, killed feventeen hundred of their men, and obliged the two unhappy adventurers to fly to their fhips, and return into Ireland (35). ThcFno;- There were rifings of the Englifh about the fame lifh, affifred time, in the counties of Cornwall, Dorfet, Somerfet, ^DanT Sal°P» and the ifle °f % (36)' JSl,t the m°ft forrnU revolt. C ' dable commotions were in the north, where every thino- feemed to confpire to the extirpation of the Normans. Robert Cummin governor of Durham was killed in an infurredlion, with about {even hundred of his followers, on the 2Qth of January (37). A few days after, the people of York furprized and kiljtd Robert Fitz-Richard their governor, with many of his men, and befieged the cafile, which had been built to keep them in fubjedlion. During the continuance of this fiege, a Danifh fleet of three hundred fhips, commanded by Ofberne, brother to Sweyn king of* Denmark, arrived in the Humber, and landed an (154) M. Paris, p. 4. Annal. Waverlien. An. 1068. Chron. Saxon, p. 174. R- Hoveden. Annal. 259. col. 2. (35) Orderic. Vital, p. 513. W. Gemiticen, c. 41. (36) Orderic. Vital, p. 514. (37) R. Hoveden, p. 259. Simeon Dunelm. col. 34. 198. J. Brompt. col. 965. army Ch.-i. §i. CIVIL AND MILITARY. ,3 army, which, after plundering the country joined the A.D. 1069. Englifh at the fiege of York caftle, who were alfo v — v— ~^ joined about the fame time by Edgar Atheling, Cof- patric, Waltheof, Merlefwain, and other exiles from Scotland, with a party of Northumbrians. Many of the Normans in thofe parts had taken (belter in the caftle of York, which they defended with great bra- very, in hopes of being relieved by William, to whom they had fent an account of their danger. On the 19th of September they made a fally, and fet fire to the houfes neareft the caftle ; and the flames fpreading, burnt the cathedral and the greateft part of the city. The befiegers, enraged at this beyond meafure, amidft the confunon occasioned by the fire, took the caftle by affault, and put the whole garrifon, confifting of three thoufand men, to the fword, except the gover- nor, William Malet, with his wife and two children, whofe lives he fpared. After this exploit the Danes returned to their fhips loaded with booty, and the Nor- thumbrians retired to their own homes (38). When William, who had been employed in fup- William preffing the infurre&ions in the fouth, received intel- ^co^ers Jigence of thefe transactions in the north, he was in- flamed with the moft violent rage, and fwore that he would lay the whole country defolate, and extirpate its inhabitants. To execute this threatened venge- ance, he marched his army northward ; and that he might not have two enemies to contend with at the fame time, he entered into a private negociation with Ofberne, the commander of the Daniih army, and prevailed upon him, by a fum of money, and permif- fion to plunder the fea-coafts, to return with his fleet and army into Denmark in the fpring. The king then inverted York with his army, and having taken it, and received Waltheof its governor into favour, he fpent his Chriftmas in that city with the ufual folem- nities (39). In the beginning of the year 1070, William march- A.D.1C70. ed northward with his army, deftroying and burning Deviates the whole country as, he advanced, and putting all ^eE"°r^di (38) Simeon Dunelm. col. 198. J. Brompt. col. 966. (39) Orderic. Vital, p. 515. Chron. Saxon, p. 174. R. Hovcden, M. 258. col. 3. the 14 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1070 Malcolm king of fc Scotland invades Northum- berland. A.D. 1071. Edwin and Morcar revolt and are fup- prcff^d. the inhabitants to the fword without mercy. In this cruel and deftru£live manner he proceeded as far as Hexham, marking his way with blood and defolation. Many of the wretched inhabitants, who efcaped the fword by flying to the woods and mountains, periihed by famine ; in fo much that no fewer than one hun- dred thouiand men, women, and children, are faid to have been cut off by thofe two cruel enemies of man- kind (the fword and famine), in the fpace of a few months. In a word, William executed his threat- ened vengeance with fuch unrelenting feverity, that the whole country between York and Durham was- converted into a dreary defert, without houfes and without inhabitants, and remained in that condition about nine years (40). Edgar Atheling and his at- tendants feeing all loft, and dreading to fall into the hands of the enraged Conqueror, efcaped into Scot- land by fea, ; only Cofpatric threw himfelf on the king's mercy, obtained his pardon, and for a fum of money was conftituted earl of Northumberland (41). From this period, William feems to have been quite alienated from his Englifli fubjechs, and to have re- folved to deprefs and ruin them, that they might not he able to difturb his government. Malcolm king of Scotland, fo nearly connected with Edgar Atheling, intended to fupport his caufe, and aiiilf. the infurgents ; but was too dilatory in his motions. At length, however, he marched out of Cumberland, which was then under his domi^- nion, into Northumberland, which he plundered with great feverity ; and then returned into his own king- dom with much booty, and fo great a number of pri- foners, that (if we may believe an ancient Englifh hiftorian) there was hardly a village, or even a houfe in Scotland, in which you might not meet with an. Englifh flave or flaves(4i). The two brothers, Edwin and Morcar, who had remained quiet during all the violent commotions of the preceding year, now diieovered, very unfeafonr ably, their fear or their difaffection by flying from the court. Morcar took ihelter in the ifle of Ely, wheie (40) R. Hoveden, p. Sj8. col. 2- (41 ) Id. ibid. (42) Id. ibid. p. 455. either Cb.i. §i. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 15 either by force or fraud he was taken, and thrown into A.D. 1071. prifon. Edwin attempting to make his efcape into v v — — ' Scotland, the common afylum of the affli&ed Englifh of thofe times, was betrayed by three brothers his moft familiar friends, into the hands of the Norman?, and after a brave defence, was killed with about twen- ty of his attendants. As this amiable, but unfor- tunate young nobleman, had been much beloved, he was greatly lamented, efpecially by his countrymen the Enghih ; and even the unrelenting William, who had been long inured to blood and fiaughter, could not refrain from tears when he beheld his head prefented to him by the traitors, in hopes of a reward ; inftead of which he condemned them to perpetual exile (43). After the death of Edwin, and imprifonment of Mor- car, all their great effates were confilcated, and either vefted in the crown or granted to the Normans (44). Still further to gratify his own avarice, and that of his followers, having received intelligence, that many of the wretched Englim had concealed their morfey and plate in monafteries, he commanded them to be ftriclly fearched, and thefe effecls to be feized and confilcated wherever they could be found (45). As Malcolm, king of Scotland, had given a kind a.D. 1072. reception to all the Engl J: exiles, and was ever ready William'* to affift them in their attempts againft the Norman fxPe<^°n government, William, having now fupprefled all the iancj. infurre&ions in England, refolved on an expedition into Scotland. In confequence of this refolution he conducted an army into that country, where he was met by Malcolm at the head of an army of equal ftrength. After the two armies had faced each other feveral days, a negociation was fet on foot, which terminated in a peace, by which Malcolm agreed to do homage to Wil- liam for his lands in England, and William agreed to re- ceive Edgar. Atheling again into favour, and grant him an honourable eftablifhment (46). On his return from Scotland, William deprived Cofpatric of the earldom of Northumberland, and bellowed it upon Waltheof, who was now become a great favourite, (43) Orderic. Vital, p. 521. J. Brompt. col. 969. Chrcn. Saxon, p. 181. (44) Orderic. Vital, p. 522. (45) Annal. Waverlien. p. 130. (46) Annal. Wavcrlein. p. 130. Chroii. Saxon, p. 181. and 16 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1072. and to whom he had given his own niece Judith in s v ■B" marriage (47). A.D. 1073. By this peace with Scotland, and the reduction of William England to a ftate of tranquillity, William was now mandy at liberty to make a fecond voyage to the continent, to fupprefs a revolt in the county of Maine, fomented by Fullc earl of Anjou, who had fome pretentions to that county. Willing to allow the Normans fettled in England to enjoy fome repofe after fo many toils and dangers, he compofed the army which he carried with him chiefly of his Engliih fubjecls ; who fighting with great bravery, in order to retrieve their national character for valour, and to gain, if pofiible, the efteem and favour of their fovereign, foon reduced the dif- putcd country to his obedience (48). William fpent the whole of this, and the greateft part of the year 1074, in Normandy, enjoying the company of his fa- mily, and regulating the affairs of his dominions., A.D. 1x4. While the Conqueror was thus employed in his na- Aconfpira- tjve country, a confpiracy was forming againft him Normans m England, by fome of thofe Norman barons on difcovercd whom he had heaped wealth and honours with a liberal and de- hand. Roger earl of Hereford, fon and heir of Wil- feated. Ham's great favourite Fitz-Ofberne, had promifed his lifter in marriage to Ralph (*, Guader earl of Norfolk, and applied to the king for his confent to their nup- tials ; which he, for reafons unknown to us, refufed. The two haughty barons were much enraged at this refufal, and, without regarding it, proceeded to the celebration of the intended marriage, and invited all the chief friends of both families, to the marriage- feaft, amongft others Waltheof earl of Huntington, Northampton and Northumberland, married to Judith the king's niece, the only Englimman who then en- joyed any confiderable degree of power, wealth, or royal favour. When the guefts were heated with liquor at the nuptial banquet, politics were intro- duced ; the twoearlr- gave free vent to their difcontent and refentment againft William, reprcfenting him as an infamous baftard, an infolent imperious tyrant, unworthy to reign over fuch brave men as they were, (47) Orderic. Vital, p. 522. (48) Chron. Saxon, p. 182. and Ch. i. §i. CIVIL AND MILITARY. i7 And at length propofed a confpiracy to deprive him of A-D. 1074. the kingdom, which they fuggefied might be eafily ac-% compliflied in his abfence, by the afiiftance of the Danes and Welfh, and discontented Englifh. Wal- theof at firft hefitated, and objected, but was at laft prevailed upon to enter into the confpiracy, which, to their inflamed imaginations, appeared perfectly jufT, and eafy of execution. When reft, however^ had difpelled the fumes of liquor, it was feen in a very different light by the unhappy Waltheof, who became thoughtful, reftlefs, and apprehenfive. At length, to relieve his loaded heart, be communicated the whole fecret of the confpiracy to his wife, of whofe fidelity he entertained no doubt. But the faithlefs Judith, whofe affections werefecretly fixed on another object, glad of an opportunity of ruinirtg her hufband, fent a trufty meffenger into Normandy to reveal the plot to her uncle, and to aggravate the guilt of Waltheof as much as pofTible. Waltheof; not yet eafy in his mind, revealed the fatal fecret to Lanfranc archbilhop of Canterbury, under the leal of confeflion, profefling repentance, and afking his ad- vice. That prelate advifed him immediately to go to Normandy, and communicate the ivhole affair to the king, as the moft effectual means of meriting and ob- taining his forgivenefs. He complied with this advice; and met with a reception feemingly not unfavourable, though he was detained in cuftody. As foon as the other confpirators heard of the flight of Waltheof into Normandy, they concluded that he had betrayed them, and rafhly flew to arms before the plot was ripe for ex- ecution. The earl of Hereford was defeated, and taken prifoner, by the nobles and prelates of Wor- ccrteiihire. The other great confpirator, Ralph earl of Norfolk, being routed near Cambridge, by Odo bifhop of Bayeux, and regent of the kingdom, took fnelter in his catlle of Norwich ; where he was be- ficged, with his iady and family. The earl, dreading to fall into the hands t*f his enemies, made hiseicape beyond fea ; after which his lady furreniered the caftle, and agreed to go into perpetual exile. Soon after this a Daniih fleet and army arrived on the Engr- lifh coaft to the afimance of the fcbmpirators ; but Vol. III. C hearing iS . HISTORY OF BRITAIN. .Book III. A. D, io74- hearing that they were fupprefTed, returned to Den- v y~~~~J mark without landing (49). William re- William arrived in England in autumn this year, turns to and found the public tranquillity reftored, by the dif- ng dn ' perfion or imprifoninent of the infurgents. Accord- ing to his unjuft and cruel policy, he punifhed the common people with great feverity, hanging fome and mutilating others. The earl of Hereford, though he had been the author of this confpiracy, yet, being a Norman, and the fon of a favourite, was treated with great lenity, and only configned to perpetual con- finement (50). Earl Wal- The unhappy Waltheof did not meet with the fame l,he f11", indulgence, though he had. the ftronveft claims to demnedand n 1 1 1 1 • l r • 1 executed, mercy. He had been drawn into the conlpiracy when he was in a ftate of intoxication j he repented of it as ibon as he recovered the exercife of his reafonj and he prevented its fuccefs by a feafonable difcovery. But being an Englifhman, and pofiefTed of great wealth, he was obnoxious to the Norman courtiers, who co- veted his eftates, and, in conjunction with his un- faithful wife, pufhed on the profecution againft him with great violence. On his trial, he denied that he had ever entered into the confpiracy, but confefled that he had concealed it for a time. His judges were divided in their opinions, and held feveral confulta- tions before they condemned him to death. Even after that haid fentence was pronounced, William he- iitated, and kept him fome months in prifon at Win- chefter. In this interval the, Englifh were full of anxiety for his fafety, and put up inceiTant prayers to Heaven for his deliverance, while Judith and the Norman courtiers eagerly foliated his execution. At length William yielded to their importunity, and granted a warrant for his death ; which was executed, with indecent hafle, and other . circumftances of cru- elty, very early in the morning, April 29, on a riling rround without the gates of Winchefkr. Thus fell, by the intrigues of a wicked woman, and of covetous ambitious courtiers, one of the bed and greatefr, and almoft the laft of the ancient Englifh nobles ! His (49) Orderic. Vital, p. 434, 435. R. jjoveden, p. 161. Cliron. Raxon. p. 18a, i8j. . Orderic Vital, p- 435. death Ch, i. § i. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 19 death was bitterly bewailed by his unhappy country- A.D. 1075. men, who long revered his memory, both as a hero ' v—^-1 and a faint (51). The other chief confpirator, Ralph de Guader, A.D.1076. carl of Norfolk, had great pofTeflions in Britanny, fc» William re- which he retired after his efcape from his caftle of^mandv Norwich. As foon as William had fettled his affairs in England, he purfued him to the continent, and be* fieged him in the city of Dol, in which he had taken refuge, folemnly fwearing not to raife the fiege till he had taken the city and feized his enemy. But he foon. found that it was not in his power to keep his oath. For the king of France and duke of Britany efpoufing the caufe of the belieged, marched with a powerful army to their relief, and obliged William to raife the fiege with great precipitation, leaving teirts and bag- gage behind him to the value of fifteen thoufand pounds. A peace was foon after concluded between all the contending parties, which was cemented by the marriage of the princefs Conftance, a daughter of the king of England, to the duke of Brita- ny (52). William had now reduced all his fubjects, and made War be- peace with all his neighbours, and expected to enjoy tweed Wil-- fome repofe. Thefe expectations proved delufive, and e^"ft j-on ' he foon found himfelf involved in frefh troubles of a Robert. moft difagreeable kind, occafioned by the ambitious and impatient fpirit of Robert his eldeft fon. That, young prince had fome years before been declared heir to all his father's dominions on the continent, and now began to infill with much earneftnefs on the immediate poiieffion of fome of thefe dominions. For fome time William eluded his applications by evafive an- fwers ; but at laft he was obliged to tell him plainly, that he was determined not to refign any of his ter- ritories while he lived (53). This denial increafed the difcontent and anger of Robert, which was blown up into an ungovernable flame by the following inci- dent, trifling in itfelf, but important in its coniequen- ces. The king fpending fome time this year in the • (51) Orderic. Vital, p. 536, 537. (52) Chron. Saxon, p. 183. Orderic. Vital, p. 544. (53) Orderic. Vital, p. ,569. C 2 caftle 20 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Booklll. A.D. 1076. caftle of L'Aigle with his court, his two younger —l*~ fons, William and Henry, in a youthful frolic threw fome water from an upper apartment on their elder brother Robert and his companions, who were walk- ing in the court below. Robert, naturally paflionate, and at that time in a peevifti difcontented ftate of mind, flew into a rage, drew his fword, and ran up flairs, threatening to take a bloody revenge on his brothers, of whofe favour with their father he was not a little jealous. This occafioned a prodigious tumult and uproar in the caftle ; and nothing but the prefence and authority of the king could have prevented fome fatal mitchief. The tumult was quelled; but the wrath of Robert was not appeafed ; for he privately retired from court that very evening, with a number of the youirg nobility attached to his fortunes, with a view to furprife the citadel of Rouen, the capital of Normandy. They were difappointed in this defign by the vigilance of the governor ; and as foon as William heard of this rebellious attempt, he iiTued or- ders to feize his fon and all his companions. A few of them were taken ; but Robert and the others made their efcape, and were received by Hugh de Neuf- Chatel into his caftles. An open war now broke out between the father and the (on ; which raged with great violence, and unfpeakable mifchief to the country, almoft three years ( 54). A.D. 1079. -At length the conduct, valour, and fortune of Xvilliam William prevailed •, and Robert, though he had been reconciled Joined by many of the young nobility of Normandy, » his fon. ^njOU) ancj Maine, fecretly aided by the king of France, and privately fupplied with money by his mother queen Matilda, was driven out of Normandy, and took fhelter with his remaining followers in the caftle of Gerberoy in France. His father purfued him thither, and befieged the caftle; which was defended with great valour, and many vigorous fallies. In one of thefe Robert encountered, wounded, and unhorfed his father; who discovered himfelf, by crying out as he fell to the ground. As foon as the fon heard his parent's voice, he was penetrated with remorfe and horror at what he had done, iprung from his horl'c, (54) Orderic. Vital, p. 545. M. Pari J, p. 7. R. Hovcden, p. 262. fell Ch.i.§i. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 21 fell on his knees, and moft earneftly implored his par- A. D. 1079, don. William, chagrined with the indignity of his "— "v—"— ' fall, the fmart of his wound, and the many vexations which his fon's rebellion had occafioned, did not im- mediately relent; but mounting his horfe, and pro- nouncing a curfe inftead of a pardon, returned to his army (55). There reflecting coolly on his fon's fub- miifive behaviour, his parental affedtions began to ope- rate : he raifed the fiege, returned into Normandy, and by the interceflion of queen Matilda, and other com- mon friends, he was reconciled to Robert and his ad- herents (56). While William refided in Normandy, fome events ^ D I0g0> happened in England which feemed to require his pre- William fence. Malcolm king of Scotland invaded Northum- fends his berland, A. D. 1078, and carried off much booty and fop Robert many prifoners (57). Walcher biftiop of Durham, intolh^ and earl of Northumberland, was killed May 14, north. A. D. 1080, at Gatefhead, with about one hundred of his attendants, by the family and friends of one Leulf, an Englifh nobleman, who had been bafely murdered by Liothwin and Gillebert, two of thebifhop's favou- rite* (58). William, on his return into England, in autumn this year, fent an army into the north, under the command of his fon Robert, who had come with him out of Normandy ; and of his own uterine brother Odo bifhop of Bayeux, and earl of Kent, to chaftife the Northumbrians, and retaliate the injuries which had been done by the king of Scotland. It was in the courie of this expedition that Robert built a caftle, near the place where the bifhop of Durham had been flain, which he called Newcajlle^ from which the flourifhing town of Newcaftle upon Tyne derived its Origin (59). Tranquility being now reftored to William's family A.D. io$t. and dominions, he began about this time, or perhaps |?or>" a little later, the famous furvey of England, which doth more honour to his memory than any of his vic- tories. This furvey was conducted by commiflioners> taking information upon oath in each county, of the (55 ) M. Paris, p. 7. Orderic. Vital, p. $J2, 573. (56) R. Hoveden, p. »6a. (57) Id. ibid. Chron. Saxon, p. 184. (58) Simeon Dunelm. col. 48. (59) R. Hoveden, p. 263. following 22 .HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1080. following particulars ; the name of every town or ^"""'v ' village ; — who held it in king Edward's days; — who now poffeffed it ; — how many freemen, villains, and cottagers were in it; — how many hides of land were in each manor; — how many of thefe were in the de- mefne ; — how much wood-land, meadow, and pas- ture ; — how much it paid in taxes in king Edward's days ; — and how much now ; — how many mills and fim-ponds. -And in fome places they were even more particular, and took an account of the horfes, black cattle, fwine, fheep, and hives of bees (60). All thefe information^ were returned bv the commii- fioners, and formed into the two valuable volumes of Doomfday-book, which are ftill preferved in the ex- • ,'( chequer. By this furvey William acquired an exadl knowledge of the poiic/Iions of the. crown, the church, the nobility, and landowners; and of the number, quality, and wealth, of all his fubjects ; from whence lb wife a prince might derive manifold advantages. A.D. 1082. About this time Odo, bilhop of Bayeux, forfeited William the favour of William his uterine brother, by whom feizes his ^e ha(j been loaded with benefits. That ambitious brother prelate, not contented with all the honours which he odo. enjoyed, had call his eyes upon the papal dignity; and in order to fecure his advancement to it on the nrft va- cancy, had amafied prodigious treafures, and engaged many powerful friends, with whom he propofed to go to Rome. William, unwilling to fee fo great a mafs of money and fo many ufeful fubjects carried out of the kingdom, put a flop to this defign, by feizing Odo in the ifle of Wight, as he was ready to embark, and con-^ fining him in prifon in the caftle of Rouen, where he re- mained till the king's death (61). A.D. 1083. William, made a voyage into Normandy this year to bcadi of villi his queen; Matilda, who had fallen into a lin- tida^ S" ?er'ng illnefs, of which Die died on November 2. That princefs, who is faid to have been amiable in her perfon, virtuous in her manners, and remarkable for her learning, lived in great conjugal harmony with her royal confort thirty-three years, and brought him four fons ; Robert, who l'ucceeded his father in Nor- (60) Chron. Saxon, p. 186. <6i) Orderic. Vital, p. 646. R. Hoveden, p. 263. mandy ; €h. i. §i. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 23 mandy ; Richard, who was accidentally killed as he a.d. 1083. was hunting in the New Foreft ; William and Henry, v— —%—"— J who were ■fucceflively kings of England ; and five daughters, viz. Cecilia, who became a nun ; Con- ftance, who was married to the §x. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 25 ing his dominions on the continent to Robert his A.D. 1087. eldeft fon, the kingdom of England to his fee nd fon v— -v—- »-» William, and a fum of money to his yourfgeft fon Henry. To appeafe the reproaches of his confeience for the cruelties which he had committed, he com- manded all the ftate-prifoners to be releafed, directed great fums of money to be diftributed to the churches and the clergy, and practiced all the other tricks of fu- perftition that were then in vogue. He alfo enter- tained his courtiers with long diicourfes on the vanity of worldly greatnefs ; of which they gave the ftrongeft proof, by every one of them abandoning his remains as foon as he expired (60J. William I. commonly called the Conqueror, wasHisc'nf- ftrong, healthy, and graceful in his perfon, though his rafter, countenance was rather ftern than gracious j and he became corpulent in the latter part of his life. He excelled in riding, mooting with the bow, and in all martial and manly exercifes. His paflion for hunting was exceilive, in gratifying which he was guilty of the moft horrid cruelties. He had ambition and bold- nefs to attempt, and courage and wifdom to execute, the moft arduous enterprifes, of which his conqueft of England is a fuificient proof. He was religious ac- cording to the mode of the times in which he lived, and treated the clergy with great refpedt when they did not oppofe his will. Temperance and chaftity were his greateft virtues ; ambition, avarice, and cruelty, his moft pernicious vices. His government was harfh, arbitrary, and tyrannical, especially to his Englilh fubje&s ; who were reduced fo low, that be- fore the end of his reign there was not fo much as one Engliihman who was either earl, baron, bi(hop, or abbot. In a word, William the Conqueror was one of the greateft generals and politicians, but one of the moft tyrannical and cruel kings that ever fat on the throne of England (70). William, furnamed Rufus, or the Red, from the Succefllos colour of his hair, fecond furviving fon of the Con- and coro- queror, who was prefent with his father on his death- n'f j?" of Wll- (69.) Orderic. Vital, p. 655. (70) Chroa. Saxon, p. 190, 191. W. Malmf. p. 63. Hen. Hunt. 1. 7. p. ail, 113. higulph. p. 70. bed, 26 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III.' A.D. 1087. bed, having obtained his nomination to the crown of s— v — — ' England, with a letter of recommendation to Lan- franc archbifhop of Canterbury, did not flay to pay the laft duties to his expiring parent, but haftened over the fea to take polfeffion of the crown. As foon as he arrived in England, he got pofTeflion of his fa- ther's treafures at Wine heifer, and of the moff. im- portant fortreffes on the coaft ; and his caufe being warmly efpoufed by Lanfranc, by whom he had been educated and knighted in his youth, he was crowned at Weftminfter, September 27, by that prelate, af- fifted by the archbifhop of York, eight other bifhops, and many of the chief nobility ('7 r). After his co- ronation he returned to Winchefter, to take a more particular account of his father's treafures, which he found to amount to fixty thoufand pounds in money, equal in weight of filver to one hundred and eighty thoufand pounds, and in efficacy to nine hundred thoufand pounds of our money ; behdes gold and filver plate, jewels, and other precious effects, to a much greatef value. With fome part of this money he paid the legacies which had been left by his father to the churches, the clergy, and the poor ; by which he gained popularity to himfelf, as well as fhewed a re- gard to the will of a parent, to whole affection he had been fo much indebted (72). A.D. 1088. Though the coronation of Rufus had not been open- ^"ai"PftraCy ty oppofed, it was fecretly difliked by many of the wniiam II. chief nobility, who knew his fierce imperious charac- ter ; and having great eftates in Normandy, as well as in England, were fenfible that it would be impof- iible to preferve them both, if thefe two countries continued under different fovereigns, who would often be at variance. Thefe nobles therefore (of whom Odo bifhop of Bayeux, Robert earl of Mortain, the two maternal brothers of the late king Euftace, earl of Boulogne, and Robert de Belefme, were the chief), being then in Normandy, formed a confpiracy for de- throning William, and raifing his elder brother Robert duke of Normandy to the throne of England. They communicated their deiigns to Robert, who encourag- . I Orcierie. Vital, p. 659. W. Malmf. 1. 4. p. 68. 1 72) Chron. Saxon, p. 19a. Brompt. p. 983. ed Ch. i. §i. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 27 ed them to proceed, and promifed to funport them A.D. 1088. with a powerful army. The confpirators came over ' •""-—' to England in the end of the laft and the beginning of this year, to increafe their party, and prepare for the execution of their plot. In the firft of thefe intenti- ons they were not unfuccefsful, prevailing upon many, and, amongft other?, upon William bifhop of Dur- ham, the Icing's greateft favourite, to enter into their views. The confpirators, thinking themfelves fuffici- ently ftrong, began to give intimations of their de- signs, by colledting their followers, and fortifying their caltles, rather too foon ; which was one great ca ufe of their mifcarriage (73). William, juftly alarmed at this formidable combina- That com" tion againft him, exerted all his vigour to defeat ^,s fPrTrated enemies, and preferve the crown he had obtained. Obferving that the greateft part of the Normans were engaged in the confpiracy, he had recourfe to the Englifh, who ftill conftituted the body of the people ; and by fair promifes, of reviving their anci- ent laws, and of allowing them the liberty of hunting in the royal forefts, he perfuaded thirty thoufand of them to efpoufe his caufe. With thefe, and fuch Norman barons as adhered to him, he took the field, and in one campaign reduced the caftles of Tunbridge, Pevenfey, and Rochefter ; in the laft of which Odo bifhop of Bayeux, Euftace earl of Bou- logne, Robert de Belefme, and other chiefs of the confpiracy, fell into his hands. At firft he refolved to make them feel ,the utmoft rigour of the law ; but was at laft fo much foftened by the earneft entreaties of fome of their friends, who had been faithful to him, that he fpared their lives, allowed them to retire into Normandy, and contented himfelf with confiscating their eftates, which were of great value. Some of thefe eftates he beftowed upon his friends who had af- fifted him in his diftrefs, and others he retained in his own pofTeffion. The duke of Normandy had made a feeble attempt to fupport his partifans, by fending a imall fleet, with fome troops., to their affiitance ; but (73) Orderic. Vital, p. 666. Chron. Saxon, p. iot. W. Malmf. 1.4- p- 68,. they »8 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Boot III. A.D. 1088, A.D. 1089 Expedition into Nor- mandy proposed. A.D. IC90, State of Normandy. they were intercepted and defeated by the Englifh fleet (74). By the fuppreflion of this rebellion Rufus was firm- ly eftablifhed on the throne of England, and foon forgot all his promifes to the unhappy Englifh who had contributed fo much to his eftablifhment. The reftoration of their ancient laws and liberties was no more heard of; and inftead of allowing them to hunt in the royal forefts, to do it was made a capital crime (75). He was not fo apt to forget injuries as benefits; and retaining a lively refentment againft his brother Robert, in whofe behalf the late confpi- racy had been formed, he determined to be revenged, by depriving him of his dominions. To facilitate the execution of this defign, he corrupted the governors of feveral ftrong places in Normandy, particularly of St. Valori and Albemarle, who admitted Englifh gar- rifons into thefe towns (76). He alfo held an aflem- bly of his great barons at Winchefter, to whom he propofed an expedition into Normandy, to revenge the attempt which had been made to deprive him of his crown ; and the propofal was favourably enter- tained (77). Normandy at this time was a fcene of great con- fufion, occalioned by the imprudence and indolence of its fovereign, and the turbulence of its nobility, who made war againft each other, as if they had been independent princes. To complete the miferies of that unhappy country, the province of Maine re- volted, and attempted to fhake off the Norman yoke, which it had always borne with reluctance (78). Robert, confeious of his inability to reduce his own fubjedts to obedience, and refift the threatened inva- sion from England, implored the protection of Philip king of France ; who efpoufed his caufe, and march- ed at the head of an army to his relief. But of this protection he was foon deprived by the intrigues of his brother William, who, by a great bribe, prevailed (74) Chron. Saxon, p. 193, 194, 195. Orderic. Vital, p. 167, 168. W. Malmf. p. 68. (7j) W. Malmf. 1. 4. p. 70. (76) R. Hoveden, p. 265. (77) Orderic. Vital, p. 680. (78) Id. p. 68j. upon Ch.i. §i. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 29 upon Philip to abandon Robert, and return with his A.D. 1091. army into his own dominions (79). — "> ' Rufus, having in the preceding year paved the way Peace made for the conqueft of Normandy, by gaining many of between its nobility to his party, failed into that country with ^Robert an army about Candlemas this year, with a defign to complete the work. At his landing he was met by many Norman barons, who having great eftates in England and in Normandy, were very defirous of fuch an agreement between the two brothers as might fe- cure them in the pofleflion of their fortunes in both countries. At their earned interceffion, a negociation was fet ort foot, and at laft a peace concluded on the following terms : — That the king of England fhould keep the county of Ew, the towns of Fi (champ, Al- bemarle, and all other places of which he had got pof- feflion ; in return for which the barons of Robert's party fhould be reftored to their eftates in England, and William fhould affift Robert to reduce the province of Maine and the reft of Normandy to his obedience. By another article it was declared, that if either of the two brothers died without iflue, the other fhould fuc- ceed to his whole dominions (80). This peace was guaranteed by twelve of the moft powerful barons of each party, who folemnly fwore to fee it faithfully ob- ferved. No perfon had fo much reafon to be difiatisfied with Prince this peace, as prince Henry, the Conqueror's youngeft Henry be- fon ; who, by the firft article, faw himfelf in danger histwo of being ftript of the Cotentin, a country of Nor- brothers. mandy, which he had purchaied from his brother Robert with a part of the money left him by his father ; and by the fecond article, he beheld himfelf deprived of all hopes of fuccecding either to Normandy or Eng- land, on the demife of one of his brothers without heirs. This young prince being brave and refolute, determined to defend his property ; and collecting fome troops who were willing to follow his fortunes, he feized and fortified Mount St. Michael, refolving to defend it to the laft extremity. His two ungenerous and too powerful brothers having reduced all the reft of (79) Annal. Waverlien. p. 137. R. Hoveden, p. 165. (80) Chron. Saxon, p. 197. R. Hoveden, p. 265. the 3o HISTORY OF'BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1091. the Cotentin, came and laid fiege to the place where v*-""v — ' he had taken fhelter. In the courfe of this fiegc the king of England was thrown from his horfe, and on the point of being {lain by a common trooper. The place was defended with great obftinacy ; but the be- fieged, after Suffering great hardihips, from thirft and hunger, were obliged to furrender from a total failure of their provifions, and were allowed to go where they pleafed. After this the unfortunate Henry wandered from place to place for fome time, with a few faithful friends, without any fettled refidence or means of fupport (81). A.D. 1092. After the pacification above mentioned, and the and 1093. reduction of the Cotentin, Robert duke of Normandy between came into England with his brother William, and William a/lifted him in his war with Malcolm king of Scotland; andRobert. which will be more particularly related in the hiftory of that country. This harmony between the two brothers was not of long duration. For Robert, dis- covering that his brother ftill continued his intrigues on the continent, and endeavoured to increafe his party among the Norman barons, left England in difcon- tent about Chriftmas A. D. 1092, and returned into his own dominions. Rufus falling dangeroufly ill at Gloucefter in the following Lent, was feized with great remorfefor his vices, and particularly for his ty- rannical and oppremve government; and made many folemn promifes of amendment •, which were all for- gotten as foon as he recovered (82). A.D. 1094. Duke Robert, after his return into his own coun- Hoftilities try, difcovered fo many machinations of his brother commen- William to debauch his fubjecls and difturb his govern- ment, that he was greatly irritated, and fent him an angry meffage, demanding his immediate appearance in Normandy to fulfil the condition^ of the late treaty. William complied with this requifition, and went over to the continent in the fpring ; but with no good inten- tion. The two brothers had an interview in prefence of the lords of both parties who had lv.orn to fee the late agreement performed by their refpeclive fovereigns. (81) Chron. de Mailrofs, p. 161. T. Radborn, p. 264. W. Malnif. p. 69. Orderic Vital, p. 697. (82, ) Chron. Saxon, p. 198. 199. This Ch.i. §i. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 31 This interview terminated in an open breach; for A. D. 1094. which William was univerfally condemned. That v~*"~ v~>— ' ambitious prince, thinking he had now found an op- portunity of completing the ruin of this unhappy brother, by attacking him when he was at variance with many oi his fubjec~ls, immediately began hoftili- ties, by feizing fome caftles. But Robert was refcued from this imminent danger, by the interpofition of the king of France, who marched an army to his relief; and by news from England which obliged William to abandon his enterprife, and return into that king- dom (83). " A dangerous confpiracy had been formed in his ab- A. D. 1095. fence by Robert de Moubray, earl of Northumber- Confpiracy land, William earl of Ew, Roger de Lacey, and fe- ^°fu veral other great barons, to dethrone him, and to raife prcffcd. his coufin Stephen earl of Aumale to the throne. William, naturally alert and keen, marched an army with great expedition into the north, by which he fur- prifed fome of the chief confpirators in Newcaftle, and took the earl of Northumberland's brother at Tinmouth. The earl himfelf was befieged in his callle of Bamburgh : and attempting, to make bis ef- cape, he was taken and thrown into prifon at Windforj where he lived in confinement no lefs than thirty years, , Some of the other confpirators were hanged, and others mutilated, and all their great eftates con-* filiated (84). Robert duke of Normandy was feiied with the Robert epidemic phrenzy of croifading, which about this mortgage* time broke out in Europe, and, with fe veral other his domi™- princes, refolved to engage in an expedition into the ^^° Wd" Eafr, for refcuing the c;ty of Jerufalem, and the Holy Land, out of the hands of the Turks. To procure money for putting this ram defign in execution, he propofed to mortgage his duchy three (fome fay five) years, to his brother William, for ten thoufand marks. William joyfully accepted the propofal, extorted the money from his fubjecls in England, chiefly from the clergy, carried it over, paid it to his brother, and re- ceived the valuable pledge (85). (83) M. Paris, p. 12. col. 2. Hen. Hunt. I, 7. p. 214. (84) R. Hoveden, p. 267. W. Malmf. 1. 4. p. 70. (85) Eadmir. p. 35. M. Paris, p. 30. col. 2. W. Malmf. p. 76. Orderic. Vital, p. 724. * William, HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. William, having taken pofl'eflion of Normandy, came over into England about Eafter, and made an ?xPe^.tl0eri unfuccef ful expedition into Wales, in which he loft ' a great number of men, as he had done in ibrae former expeditions. Tired with thefe fruitlefs attempts to reduce the Wclfh, he commanded fcveral caftles to be buiit on the borders to check their incurfions into Eng- land, and returned inter Normandy in November, where his presence was wanted (86). A. D. 1098. His poffeffion of Normandy involved William in War with wars with the kings of France, and other neighbour- ranee. jng princes, who had feized certain territories which he pretended belonged to that duchy. Thefe wars he carried on all this year with various fuccefs, but with- out any very decihve event, except the recovery of the province of Maine from the brave Heli de la Fleche, who had defended it with great bravery feveral years ; but being now taken prifoner, was obliged to refign it to regain his liberty (87). A.D. 1099. William after the reduction of Maine, returned into War with England, and kept the feftival of Whitfontide in Flecheela Weftminfter-hall, which he had built, and which, on account of its great dimenlions and magnificence, was an objecSt of univerfal admiration (88). When Helide la Fleehe was fet at liberty, he made an offer of his fervice to the king of England ; which being rejected, he was inflamed with the moft violent re- fentment, and retired, threatening to be revenged for the indignity. William, equally fierce and haughty, inltead of feizmg his perfon before he was out of his reach, commanded him, with a difdainful air, to be gone and do his worft (89). The indignant baron, retired to his eftate, fpent his time in preparing for the execution of his revenge. About the beginning of June, getting together a body of troops, he furprifed the city of Mans, the capital of Maine; but could not take the caftle. The meffenger who was fent to acquaint William with this event, found him hunting in the New Foreft ; and though he was prodigioufly fond of that diverfion, he no iooner heard what had (86) Annal. Waverlien. p. 140,. (87) Orderic. Vital, p. 767, 771. (88) Annal. Waverlien, p. 163. (89) OrJcnc. Vitr.l. p. 773. 1 happened, Ch. i.§r. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 33 happened, than he put fpurs to his horfe, and rode A.D. 1099. full fpeed towards the fea-coaft, inftantly embarked^ ^— ~v***-J though it blew a furious ftorm, and landed next morn- ing at Barfleur. . From thence he proceeded with equal impetuofity to Bonneville, joined his army, and marched towards Mans. Heli hearing of his unex- pected approach, raifed the fiege, and retired to the ftrong cattle of Chateau de Loir (90). The king, after he had defolated the lands of his enemy, difmified his forces, and returned to England. William duke of Guyenne, neither inftru&ed nor A.D.noo. deterred by the calamities which had befallen other .^j11?"1 princes, and their followers, who had abandoned their own country, and gone to the Holy Land, put him- felf at the head of a new army of croifaders, and of- fered to mortgage his duchy to the king of England for a fum of money, to defray the expences of his ex- pedition. Rufus, as ambitious as he was rich, ac- cepted the offer, provided the money, and prepared an army to take pofle/Iion of his new territories, with which he lay near the fea-coaft, waiting for a fair wind to waft him to the continent. On Auguft 2, after dinner, the king, with his brother prince Henry, and a numerous retinue, went to hunt in the New Foreft, where an event happened which put an end to all the projects of this reftiefs and ambitious monarch. Towards evening, when the company were difperfed in purfuit of their game, a buck fuddenly fpringing between the king and one Walter Tyrrel, a French gentleman who excelled in archery, he difcharged an arrow at him, which glancing on a tree, ftruck his royal mailer on the brealt, pierced his heart, and de- prived him of life, almoft without a groan (91). Thus fell William Rufus, in the thirteenth year of .His cha- his reign, and fortieth of his age, when he was in per- ra&er. feci: health, in great profperity, and full of fchemes for the enlargement of his dominions, the increafe of his riches, and the gratification of his pailions. In his perfon he was ftrong and ac"tive, of a fanguine complexion, red hair, a ftern and haughty afpedt, with (90) Orderk. Vital, p. 775. (91) Chron. Saxon.p. 207. R. Hoveden, p. 268. Hen. Hunt. 1. 7. p. 217. M. Parib, p. 37. \V. Malmf. p. 71. Vol. lit. D a ftam- 34- HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D.noo. a' ftammering in his fpeech, efpecially when he was ^-'""v— — ^ angry. Lii his temper he was ambitious, covetous, cruel, proud, and pailionate ; a profane fwearer, and fcotTer at all religion ; addicted to wine and women ; vain in his urefs ; delighting in the ibciety of the loofe and profligate of both fexes. His great activity, bra^ very, and fkill in war, would have been virtues, if they had not been employed in robbing his unhappy brother of his dominions, and in difturbing all his neighbours. To his Englim fubjecls he was ungrate- ful and perfidious, violating all his promifes, and trampling upon ail their laws. To his foldiers, and to thofe who adminiftered to his pleafures, he was pro- fufe of that money which he had extorted from his people by the raoft oppreffive arts. Ralph FJambard, a man of mean birth and moft abandoned character, his greateft favourite, and the chief infrrument of his tyranny, was raifed by him to the higheft honours, be- ing bifhop of Durham and chief jufticiary of the king- dom (92). It is no wonder that a prince of this odious character died unlamented. As he was never married, he left no legitimate children. From A. D. It is now time to take a tranfient view of fuch of the 1066, to cjvjj an(j milicary tranfactions of the other Britifh na- tions as have not been already mentioned. The civil and military hiltory of Wales in that pe- riod which is the fubject of this feition, coniifts en- tirely oi the fucceffions of the petty princes of its fe- veral diftricts, their mutual wars againft each other, or their predatory incurfions into the Englifh territories. A minute detail of thefe unimportant events wouid be tedious ; a general one would be uniatisfa&ory and un- intelligible : it may be better therefore to rerer iuch of our readers as deiire to be more particularly informed, to the work quoted below (93). Malcolm 111. furnamed Canmore, or Great-bead, had been peaceably feated on the throne of Scotland, about nine ye-ars before the landing of William duke of Normandy; and during that time had lived in peac<\ A.D.noo. Hiflory of Wales. Hiflory of Scotland. (92) Chron. Saxon, p. 207, 208. W. MaM. 1. 4. paflim. Ead- merus, p. 14. 47. Hen. Hunt. 1. 7. p. 217. (03) The Hiflory of* Cambria, now called Wales, witter iri the "Britifh language, tranflated by H. Lloyd, and continued by D. PoAivel, D.D.p. 104 — l$T' and Ch. i. § r. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 35 and even in friendfhip, with Edward the Confeflbr, by A. D. 1066, whom he had been affifted in recovering the king- t to*IO°' dom of his anceftors from the ufurper Macbeth. v— *-» Many of the EngHih nobility, who had been engaged in the unfortunate battle of Haftings, or had been con- cerned in unfuccefsful infurre&ions againft the Con- queror, fled into Scotland, and were kindly received by Malcolm; efpecially after his marriage with Mar- garet, fitter of Edgar Atheling, the favourite of the Englifh. nation, and the true heir of the Englifh crown. At the inftigation of thefe noble refugees, and in fupport of the preienfions of his brother in law, he made feveral inroads into England (the moft conhder- able of which have been occaiionally mentioned), which were retaliated by fimilar inroads of the Con- queror and his fucceflor into Scotland. In confe- quence of a pacification made between William Rufus and Malcolm, in one of thefe incurfions, A. D. 1092, the king of Scotland the year after paid a vifit to the Englifh court at Glocefter ; but met with fuch haughty and ungracious treatment, that he returned home in difcontent, and raifed an army, with which he invaded England for the fifth time (94). This was a moft un- fortunate expedition ; for king Malcolm, with hi> eldefr. fon prince Edward, falling into an ambufh, were both killed, November 13, A. D. 1093, by Robert Mowbray earl of Northumberland. Queen Margaret was fo much affected with the melancholy news of the flaughter of her beloved hufband and fa- vourite fon, that fhe died a few days after of grief. Malcolm, v/ho was a brave and good prince, had, by hi* pious and amiable confort, fix fons, viz. Edward, who was flain with his father ; Edmund, who em- braced a religious life; Ethelred, who died in his, in- fancy ; Edgar, Alexander, and David, who were fuc- ceffively kings of Scotland ; and two daughters, viz. Matilda, who was married to Henry I. king of England ; and Mary, who was married to Euftace earl of Boulogne. The furviving fons of Malcolm being young at the ui'urpation time of his death, and the rules of fucceffion to the of Donald Baan, &c, (94) Chron. Saxon, p 198, 199. R. Hoveden, p. 266. D 1 crown 36 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A. D. 1066, crown in Scotland being ftill unfettled, itwasufurped by his brother Donald, furnamed Baan or the White \ and the young princes Edgar, Alexander, and David, retired into England ; where they were kindly enter- tained by their maternal uncle Edgar Atheling. Don- ald is faid to have been raifed to the throne by that party among the Scots, who had been difTatisfied with the late king, for his great liberality to the Englifh exiles. In order to fupport himfelf in his ufurpation, he ceded the weftern ifles to Magnus king of Norway, who engaged to ailift him againft all his enemies. This meafure, with fome feverities exercifed againft thofe who refufed to fwear fubmiflion to his authority, foon raifed many male-contents, who invited Duncan, natural fon of the late king, a brave warrior, in the fervice of William Rufus, to come into Scotland, and attempt to dethrone the ufurper. Duncan complied with the invitation ; and coming, attended by lome Englifh troops, and being joined by all the friends of Malcolm and his family, Donald found himfelf too weak to make a ftand, and retired into the weftern ifles about fix months after his acceffion. The greatnefs of the late conqueror of England had reflected fo much honour on baftardy, in which he feemed to glory, that it was little or no obftrudlion to fucceffions ; and Duncan was crowned king of Scotland, to the exclu- fion of the legitimate fons of king Malcolm. But this prince having fpent his whole life in camps, and being little acquainted with the conducl: of civil government, and delighting moftin the company of the Engliih and Normans, foon became unpopular, and was murdered by Malpeder earl of Mearns, a friend of the late king Donald, in the caftle of Monteith, A. D. 1095. On the news of this event, Donald left his lurking-place in the ifles ; and, by the help of his partilans, and an army of Norwegians, once more took pofltflion of the crown of Scotland. But he did not long enjoy this fecond ufurpation. For Edgar Atheling, being fur- nithed with a body of troops by William Rufus, con- ducted his nephew prince Edgar, the eldelt legitimate fon of the late king Malcolm, into Scotland, about Michaelmas A. D. 1097, defeated the ufurper, took him Ch. i. §2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 37 him prifoner, and feated the young prince on the throne A. D. 1066, ofhisanceftors(95). SECTION II. The civil and military hijlory of Great Britain, from the accejfion of Henry i. A. D. 11 00, to the accejfion cf Henryll. A. D. H54. H ENRY, the youngeft fon of William the Con- A D.uoo. queror, was in another part of the New Fore it Prince purfuing his game, when his brother William was uf|l"pJtjie killed ; and no fooner heard of that event, than he put cnnvn. fpurs to his horfe, and galloped to Wincheffer to feize the royal treafure, in order to u fur p the crown ; a df- fign equally daring and unnatural, as he knew that his eldeft brother Robert, who had a better title, both by primogeniture, and by a folemn compa£t with the lait pofleffor, ratified by the chief nobility, was alive, and on his return from the Holy Land, crowned with lau- rels. William de Breteuil, the keeper of the royal treafure, was alfo in the field, and, lufpe&ing what might happen, rode to Wincheiter with equal (peed. At his arrival he found prince Henry demanding the keys of the treafury, with many threats; and boldly interpofed, declaring, that both the treafure and the crown belonged to Robert his elder brother, to whom both he and the prince had fworn fealty, and that for his ufe he was determined to keep what had been com- mitted to his charge. The prince, fenfible that if he failed in this attempt, he could not hope for fuccefs in his chief defign, drew hisfword, and threatened imme- diate death to any who fhould oppofe him ; and being fupported by fome nobles who efpoufed jhis caufe, he got pofleffion of all the treafure j with which he battened to London, the capital of the kingdom (1). (95) Chron. Saxon, p.199, 206. Buchanan Hift. 1. 7. p. 199. Boeth. Scot. Hift. 1. 12. p. 269. Fordun. Scot. Chron. 1. 5. c. 21 — 24. (1) Orderic.Vital.p. 782. Simeon Dunelm. col. 22j. R. ileDiceto, col. 498. J. Brompt. Gol.997. Hore, 38 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Booklll. A.D. noo. Here, by great gifts, and greater promifes, he made fo ^—•" *y~—— ' many friends, that he was crowned at Wevrminfter by Maurice bimop of London, on Sunday 5th Auguft, in lei- than three days after his brother's death (2). So eager was he to feize the glittering prize, and fo well had he emrJoyed bis time. Popular Though Henry had thus obtained the crown by his of kino- courage and celerity, he was fenfible that he could not Henry °I. keep it without the affections of his people, to gain which he employed every imaginable art of popularity. He recalled Anfelm archbilhop of Canterbury, the idol of the clergy, from his exile : he publifhed a royal charter, full of the moft captivating promifes of re- dreiling all the wrongs of the two preceding reigns, reviving the laws of Edward the Confellbr, and grant- ing all the immunities that the greateft friends of li- berty and of their country could defire : he feized Ralph Flambard bimop of Durham, the detefted in- ftrument of his brother's oppreflions, and threw him into prifon ; effectual ly to engage the hearts of the na- tive Englilb, who were yet a diftinCt people from the Normans, he married the princefs Matilda, daughter of Malcolm Canmore, filter oi Edgar the reigning king of Scotland, and niece of Edgar Atheling. Be- fides all this, he banifhed from court all the profligate companions of his brother's pleafures, let many pri- foners of itate at liberty, and remitted many debts that were owing to the crown (3). By thefe means his government became very agreeable, efpecially to the clergy and the common people, who felt a (enable dif- ference between his mild adminiftration and the tyran- ny of the late reign. A.D. 1101. Henry foon found both the necellitv and advantage England of his popularity. For his injured brother Robert re- 'nvadedby turned from the Holy Land about a month after his ac- dukeof ceffion, was joyfully received by all his' Norman lub- Nor- jecfsj and encouraged to attempt the recovery of the mandy. crown of England. To this he was alio invited by Robert de Belefme earl of Shrewsbury an. I Arundel, and his two brothers Roger and Arnulf, William de (2) Simeon Dunelm. col. 215. R. de Dicetn, col. 498. (3) M. Paris, p. 38, 39. Chron. Saxon, p. zo8, 309. W. Malnif- 1. 5. p. 88. R. Hovedcn, p. 369. Warenne Gh. i. §2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 39 Warenne earl of Surrey, Walter GifTard, Yvo de A.D. noi. Grtntmefnil, and feveral other Engliih barons, who v— v—-~ promifed to join him with all their followers (4). He was further animated to this undertaking by the fa- mous Ralph Flambard, who made his efcape out of the tower of London, got over into Normandy, and became as great a favourite with Robert as he had been with Rufus (5). Spurred on by refentment and am- bition, and encouraged by the probability of fuccefs, Robert fpent the winter and fpring in making prepara- tions for invading England. Henry was it j II moie active in preparing for his defence, in which he was greatly amfted by the clergy, and the common people, efpecially the native Englifh. Anlelm arcibilhop of Canterbury, to whom he paid great court, efpoufed his caufe with much warmth, attended him in all his mo- tions, and confirmed many in his intereft, who were wavering, by threatening them with the wrath of heaven, and the thunders of the church, if they re- volted. He even became furety for Henry, to the barons of his party, that he would never break any of his promiies, or revoke any of the liberties he had granted, and thereby kept them fteady in their attach- ment (6). In the mean time Henry fitted out a fleet ■ to cruife on the coaft of Normandy j but the greatevr. part of the fhips were carried over to his brother by their commanders (7). He alio raifed an army, com- pofed chiefly of the native Englifh, with a few Nor- man barons and their followers, with which he marched to Pevenfey, about A'liufummer, imagining the invafion would have been attempted at that place ; but hearing that Robert had landed at Porti'mouth, July J 9th, and had been joined by his parcifans, lie di- rected his march that way (8). The two armies, at their approach, being nearly Peace be- equal, and (truck with mutual awe, flood facing each tVlU1 other feveral days without coming to action. This ^",nry and gave the archbifhop and fome barons of both parties, who were anxious about the event of a battle, and de- firous of a peace, an opportunity of letting a treaty on (4) Orderic. Vital, p. 785, 786. (3) Id. ibid. (6) Eadmer, Hift. p. 5$. {7) Chron. Saxon, p. 209. (8) Qrderic. Vital, p. 787. Simeon Dunelm. col. 2z6. foot j 40 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BooUII. A.D. nor. foot, which terminated in an accommodation on the following terms. Robert relinquiftied his pretenfions to the crown of England for an annual penfion of three thoufand marks. AD the barons of both parties were reftored to all their eftates and honours in Nor- mandy and England. Henry gave up to Robert all the places which he held in Normandy; and it was ftipulated, that if either of the brothers died without legitimate male iflue, the other ihould fucceed to all his dominions (9). This peace, according to the cuftom of thole times, was guaranteed by twelve of the molt powerful barons of each party (10). After this pacification, both armies were difband- ed ; and Robert having fpent about two months with his brother in great feftivity, returned into Normandy. Though the barons of Robert's party were reftored to their eftates in England by the late treaty, they were not reftored to the favour of their fovereign, who fecretly refolved to embrace the firft opportunity of accomplifhing their deftruction. He began with Robert de Belefmc earl of Shrewfbury and Arundel, who was at once the moft powerful and moil disaf- fected. That nobleman, after the late pacification, retired to his eftates, and applied hirnfelf with great vigour to the fortifying his old caftles, and building new ones j which furnifhed the king with a pretence to commence hoftilities againft him ; in which he was fo fuccefsful, that in a lhort campaign of three weeks, he took all his caftles, and obliged him to retire into Normandy (11). Soon after his two Brothers were alfo banifhed •, and all the other barons who had joined Robert on his invaiion, were, by various means, and under various pretences, either ruined or very much reduced (12.) Thefe feverities exercifed towards his friends ex- cited the moft violent emotions of anger in the boiom of the honeft-hearted but imprudent Robert, who came into England to expoftulate with his too artful brother on his breaches of their late treaty. But he A.D. 1102 Henry ruins the barons of his bro- ther's party. . Robert vifits tneiand (9) Chron. Saxon, p. 209, 210. p. 40. R. Hoverien. p. 269. (il) R. Havedcn, p. 269. Orderic. Vital, p. 788. M. Paris, (10) J. Brompt. ccl. 998. (13) Orderic. Viral, p. 804. 808. foon Ch.i.§2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 41 foon found reafon to repent of this inconfiderate ftep. A.D. 1103. For though he was decently received, he obferved that ' v*— > he was carefully watched in all his motions, which made him dread the lofs of his liberty, for which he had made no previous ftipulations. To extricate him- felf out of this dangerous fituation, he religned his peniion of three thoufand marks to the queen of Eng- land ; on which he was permitted to retire, and re- turned into Normandy covered with (hame, and tor- mented with vexation at his own rafhnefs (13). Normandy, at this time, was a fcene of great con- A. D. 1 104. fufion, through the indolence, imprudence, prodlga- Henry vifi$» lity, and ill government of its fovereign, who had foft No,rmandy' J . ° ° . and returns all authority. The great barons made war againft to England, each other, and defolated the country with fire and fword. This procured an invitation from feveral Norman barons, to king Henry to come over, in order to put a ftop to thefe confufions, and reltore peace to that unhappy country. He joyfully accepted of this invitation, and went into Normandy about Midfummer, attended by a body of troops. At his arrival he was waited upon by feme of the greateft Norman barons, who complained bitterly of the mif- conduct of their own prince, and implored his pro- tection. He received them in the kindeft manner, and, by his promiics and liberalities, gained them to enter into his views of depriving his unhappy brother of his dominions. He had alio an interview with Robert, in which he reproached him, in very ftrong term«, for his errors in government, anJ the rmilries which he had thereby brought upon his country. In this interview he obtained from him the fovereignty of the county of Kvreux, and the homage of its count. Having thus humbled and weakened his bro- ther, it lengthened his own party, and paved the way for the reduction of Normandy, he returned into England ( 14). After fpending the winter in this kingdom, Henry A.D. 1105. raifed an army in the fpring, with which he paiied over and IIO°. Expedition (13) Orderic. Vital, p. 805. Chron. Saxon, p. ail. mandy (14) Orderic. Vital, p. 0I4. to 42 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1105. to "Normandy about the end of Lent, and being ^-s^-V"— ** joined by the Norman barons of his party, he took the field, and proceeded to hoftilities, under the hypo- critical pretence of defending the churches from vio- lence, and correcting the diforders of the govern- ment (15). In this campaign he took the city of Bayeux by ftorm, after a long fiege ; and had the city of Caen furrendered to him by the inhabitants; but meeting with a vigorous refiftance from the garrifon of Falaife, and winter approaching, he raifed the fiege, and returned into England j which was at this time grievoufly harafied with exactions of va- rious kinds, to raife money for executing the king's ambitious projects. (16). A. D.1106. The unhappy duke of Normandy, confcious of his Henry con- inability to defend himfelf againft the king of Eng- land N°r"land> a"~lfted by f° ma»y of nis own difafFeded fub- jecls, paid a vifit to the Englifh court this winter, in hopes of fofteninghis brother's heart by his expos- tulations. But finding that thefe hopes were al- together groundlefs, he returned into Normandy, much dillatisfied with his reception, and determined to prepare for his defence (17). Henry fpent the fpring and part of the fummer of this year in England, regulating the affairs of his kingdom, and making pre- parations for the total reduction of Normandy j into which he failed about the end of July, and inverted the caftle of Tinchebray. The duke of Normandy, with the afliftance of the earl of Mortaigne, Robert de Belefme, and fome other barons, had raifed a con- siderable army, with which he advanced to attempt the relief of that important place. This brought on a battle, September 28th, which was fought with great bravery and doubtful fuccefs for fome time ; but at laft, by his Superiority of numbers, and the valour of the Englifh, Hemy obtained a complete victory, •and took his brother Robert, Edgar Atheling and -many other noble perfons, prifoners (18). This (15) Orderic. Vital, p. 816. Simeon Dunclm. col. 229. J. Brompt. col. 1001. (16) Chron. Saxon, p. 212. (17) Id. p. 213. . (18) Simeon Dunclm. col. 230. J. Brompt, 1 002. Chron. Saxon. p. 214. Orderic. Vital, p. 821. victory Ch.r.§2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 43 victory determined the fate of Normandy, and theA.D. 1106. gates of all its caftles, towns, and cities, were thrown **— — y~— — ' open to the conqueror. In the caftle of Falaife he found William, the infant ion and heir of his brother, and committed him to the cuftody of Helie de St. Saen, who had married a natural daughter of duke Robert. About the middie of October, Henry held an affembly of the prelates, barons, and military tenants of the duchy, at Liiieux, in which he renamed all the lands which had been granted by his brother, and made fome good regulations for preventing robberies, and reftoring order and good govern- meut (19). Henry having completed the conqueft, and regu- A.D.1107. lated the affairs of Normandy, conducted his captive Heniycom- bother, and other noble priloners, into England In t,rotherRo- tht fpring of this year. Determined to keep what hebert, &c. t» had acquired, he committed duke Robert, and his cou- priibn. fin and mo'c powerful friend the -earl of Mortaigne, to priion : nor could anyintreaty ever prevail upon him to fei either of them at liberty. The former, after a tedious confinement of almoft twenty-eight yearsv died in. the caftle of Cardiff in Glamoroanfb ire, A. D. Uj4(;o). The imbecility 'of Edgar Atheling pro- cured him a milder fate ; being. fet at liberty, here- tired into the country : where he funk into fo great obfcurity, that the time and other circumftances of his death are not preferved in hiftory (21). Henry I. w,^ now in the zenith of his profperity, A.D. not. being in the prime of life, the richeff, the moff re- Wifllain, fpected, and molt powerful prince in Europe , and yet t^ T™{on he was far from being happy. At fome feafons he prcferved' was tormented with remorfe for the injuries he had from Hen- done co his unhappy brother, though he was not dif- T- pofed to remove that remorfe by repairing thofe inju- ries, but by building abbeys, which fome of our monkiih hiiiorians iniinuaie w*s the moft effectual way of making peace with conference (22). His chief unealinels, however, was occafioned by Wi'i- (19) Orderic. Vital, p. %%2. [20) Annal. Waverlien. p. 144. 151. W. Mabnf. 1. J. p. 89. M. Paris, p. 43. c. 1. (Zi) W. Malmi. p. 59. eol. I. (22) M. Park, p, 42. col. a. liam. 44 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1107 A. D.1109 Henry's daughter Matilda married. A. IV nil to 1113. Henry fpends two years in Normandy liam, the infant fon of Robert, who, he apprehended, might one day find friends to enable him to aflert his rights, and take vengeance on him for his own and for his father's fufferings. To prevent this, and get the perfon of the prince within his power, he fent Robert de Beauchamp, with a body of horie, to furprife the caftle of St. Saen, and feize the prince in the abfence ©f his guardian. But this plot mifcarried by the vigi- lance and fidelity of the fervants, who fled with their precious charge, and delivered him in fafety to his faithful guardian. Henry was fo ungenerous as to con- fifcate all the eftates of Helie de St. Saen ; which obliged that nobleman to wander from one court to another with his royal pupil, who was every where admired for the beauty of his perfon, and pitied for the feverity of his fate (23). , The fame of Henry's profperity, power, and riches, was fo great, that Henry V. emperor of Ger- many, fent ambaftadors to demand his only daughter Maude, or Matilda, a princefs of eight years of age in marriage. The treaty was foon concluded, the princefs was folemnly affianced, and her marriage portion, raifed by a tax of three fhillings on every hide of land in England, was paid to the am- baffadors; who conducted her the year after into Germany, > to be educated in the Imperial court (24.). The efrec"r. of the intrigues of Helie de St. Saen in favour of his pupil now began to appear ; and feveral of the neighbouring princes difcovered a difpofttion to diveir. Henry of his foreign dominions, which obliged . him to make a voyage to the continent for their pro- tection (25). He continued in Normandy about two years, conirantly engaged in wars or negociations with the king of France and Fulk earl of Anjou, who had cfpoufed the caufe of his opprefTed unhappy nephew prince William. The earl of Anjou had conceived fo great an affection for that unfortunate prince, that he not only entertained him in his court, but promifed to give him his daughter Sibylla in marriage. Henry, (33) Orderic. Vital, p. 83:, 838. Us) Orderic. Vital, p. 838. (34) Chron. Saxon, p. 215, 216. jilarmed Ch. i. §2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 45 alarmed at this, employed various means to prevent A.D.im. the intended match ; and at laft, rinding all others to JII3- would be ineffectual, he propofed a marriage between "^-""V— — ' one of the earl's daughters and his only (on, prince William, the heir of all his dominions. This proved too ftrong a temptation to the earl of Anjou, who broke the contrail between his daughter and William the fon of Robert, on pretence of their confangui- nity; and immediately contracted another of his daughters, named Matilda, to William the fon of Henry, who ftood exactly in the fame relation. This contract produced a peace between Henry and the earl, which was foon after followed by a perfonal interview between the kings of France and England, in which all their difputes were compromifed (26). The faith- ful Helie de St. Saen, feeing his pupil abandoned by his moft powerful protectors, retired with him to the court of Baldwin earl of Flanders, where he was kindly received and entertained. Henry, having difTipated the ftorm thai threatened A-D. iiij. him in his foreign dominions, returned into England *° *" in the month of July A. D. 1113, and enjoyed aiiof^S. uncommon degree of tranquillity for five years, refid-lity. ing fometimes in England and fometimes in Norman- dy, as his affairs required. To fecure the fucceflion of all his dominions to his only legitimate fon prince William, was the great objecf. of his attention in this peaceful period. With this view he went over into Normandy in the end of beptember A. D. 1 1 14, and obliged all the prelates and barons of that country to fwear fealty, and do homage to his fon, as his heir and fucceiior in that duchy (27). He returned again into England in July A. J>. 1115, and in the month of March, tne year after, held a great council of all the prelates, earls, and baron=, of the kingdom, at Salifbury ; in which he acquainted thein, that he was about to make a voyage into his foreign dominions \ and not knowing what might befall him there, he re- quired them to take an oath of fealty to his fon as heir :o tiie crown j with which requisition all the (*6) Orderic. Vital, p. 838. (Z7) Chron. Saxon, p. 218. M. Paris, p. 45 col. 3. Hen. Hum. p. 218. col. i. R. Hoveden, p. 271. members 46 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book lit A.D. 1113, members of that aflembh immediately complied (28). tom8. After Eafter A.D. iii6, be failed into Normandy, ~v where he continued no lef> than four years (29). Henry in ' Notwithstanding all thefe precautions, Henry was vain endea- {till jealous and apprehenfive that his nephew William ^"?1fst°g!t might one day difpute the pofleflion of his dominions fon into his w'tn himfelf, or the fucceflion to them with his fon ; hands. to prevent which, he endeavoured to entice him to his court, by promihng to give him three earldoms in England, and to educate him with as much care and tendernefs as his own fon. But that young prince did not think it fafe or decent to put himfelf into the hands of an uncle who had fupplanted his father in the throne cf England, deprived him of the duchy of Normandy, and ftill detained htm in prifon (30). A.D. 1118, The profperity which Henry had for fome timepaft andino. enjoyed now began to be interrupted, and was fuc- c °a ainft" ceec^ed by a tra'n °* very great calamities. On the Henry. firft of May this year he loil his amiable and virtuous confort queen Matilda, and Robert earl of Mellent, his chief confident and moft faithful friend, died on the 9th of June (31). About the fame time feve.al circumfranees concurred to excite a great number, both of foreign and domeftic enemie , to confpire asainll him, and attempt his ruin. He had fecretly affifred his nephew Theobald earl of Blois, in a revolt againfr. his fovtreign, Louis the Grofs king of France; which fo much irritated that monarch, that he openly eipoufed the caufe of William, the fon of the captive duke Robert, and alfo prevailed upon the two potent prince^, Baldwin earl of Flanders, and Fulk earl of Anjou, to declare in his favour (32). This formida- ble alliance againft Henry was much ftrengthentd by the acceiiion of Mmaure ue Montfo/t, the earls of tw and Aumale, and many other Norman barons ; who having been difoblig- d by him, or obliged by his brothei'^ embraced the party of his nephew Will am (33). In a word, the diiafFection of the Norman noble^ b. came fo general, that he knew not whom to truft. Even Euitace, earl of Breteujl, his own lon-in-law, WOO (28) Eadmer. 1. 5. p. 117. Chron. dp Mailroa, p. 164. ^29; Chron. Saxon, p. 210, 6lc. Orderic. Vital, p. 060. (31 ] Id. p. ^j,2>- ,--, Id. i. 12. p. 842. (33) id. Ibid. 1. 12. p. 843. had Ch.i.§2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 47 had married Juliana, one of his natural daughters, a. D.ing, joined the confederates (34). Befides all thefe open andnia. enemies, he was furrounded by fecret traitors, who * "-v' ' betrayed his fecrets, and formed plots againft his life, on which a defperate attempt was made by his own daughter Juliana countefs of Breteuil, who difcharged an arrow out of a crofs-bow at her father's breaft (35). In the midft of all thefe dangers and difficulties The con- Henry did not lofe his courage or prefence of mind, federacy He prelerved himfelf from his fecret enemies, by fleep- defeated, ing in his armour with his fword and fhield by his fide, and a guard of his moft faithful fervants watch- ing in his apartment (36). At the beginning of the war, feeing himfelf unequal to his enemies in the field, he wifely kept on the defenfive, waiting for fome favourable events, and endeavouring to divide the con- federates by his intrigues. Nor was it long before fome favourable events happened ; and his intrigues began to operate. Baldwin earl of Flanders, who was one of the bravelr, moft powerful, and inveterate of his enemies, received a mortal wound in a fkirmifh, of which he foon after died (37). He detached the earl of Anjou from the confederacy, by folemnizing the marriage between his fon prince William and the earl's daughter, in the month of June A. D. 11 19 ; the delay of which had been the caufe of his discon- tent (38). He gained over almoft all the Norman barons who had revolted, by granting them every thing they defired ; and the king of France faw him- felf deferted by all his allies. The conteft being now more equal, Henry boldly took the field ; and hearing that the French had formed the defign of furprifing the caitle of Noyon, near Andeley, he marched towards that place, at the head of a body of five hundred horfe, and met the king of France on the plain of Brenneville, near the caftle which he intended to fur- prife, at the head of four hundred of the fame kind of troops, 20th Auguft. A fierce encounter immediately enfued, in which prince William, fon of duke Robert, who led the vanguard of the French, difplayed great (34) Orderic. Vital. 1. 12. p. 848. (3$) Id. ibid. p. 846. 848, {36) Segur. in Vit. Lud. Grofii, p. 308. (37) Orderic. Vital, p. 843. (38) Id. p. 851. valour, 48 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book IN. A.D.1118, valour, broke the fir ft ranks, and penetrated to his and 1119. uncle, who received two blows on the head from Wil- liam Crifpin, a valiant knight, and was only faved by the goodnefs of his helmet. The French did not fecond the firft attack with equal bravery. The party who made it were almoft all taken prifoners; and prince William, who commanded it, being unhorfed, made his efcape with much difficulty. The king of France, obferving this difafter, and dreading to fall into the hands of his enemy, fled with great precipi- tation to Andeley, where he arrived under the conduct of a peafant, having loft his way in a wood, and been feparated from all his troops. This battle was more famous for the quality of the combatants (two kings, two princes, and many noblemen of the firft rank being engaged in it), than for the flaughter, as only three knights were killed. This was owing to their being clad in complete armour, and more intent on taking prifoners to enrich themfelves with their raniom, than on fhedding blood (39). Not long after this battle, the pope, Calixtus II. coming into France, mediated a peace between the two monarchs, which was concluded in the beginning of the next year on thefe conditions: — That all the caftles that had been taken on both fides fhould be reftored ; and all prifon- ers fet at liberty (40). A.D. 1120. Henry fpent the greateft part of this year in Nor- Prince mandy, extinguiihing every fpark of dif;i;Fe£tion, and Wilham fecur,n0r fhil further the lucceffion of his beloved ion drowned in » , ,u retumino- (about which he was exceedingly anxious), by making from Nor- the nobility renew their oaths of fealty to him as his mandy. fuccefior (4 ■ ). He invited fuch of the Norman barons as had adhered to him in his late diflrds to accom- pany him into England, to receive the rewards of their fidelity ; whicii greatly iwelied his train, as weil as occationed fome dd.iy. At length all things bein0r in readinefs for the voyage, the king embarked at B::r- fleur, 25th November, towards evening, and faded for the Firgliih coai}, where he arrived the next morn- >t>2T. One of th* fin err vefiels in the fleet, called the White Ship) v.iis allotted for prince William and his (39) Onieric. Vital, p. 853, 8$4, $$$- {40) id. itrJ. ^ i ) W. Malmf. 1. .;. p. 93. retinue, Ch. i. §2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 49 retinue, which was very numerous, confifting of all A.D. 1120. the young nobility. The prince being detained a little after his father, ordered three cafks of wine to be given to his fhip's crew, with which they made too free, and were many of them intoxicated when they failed about the clofe of day. Thomas Fitz-Stephen, the commander, having promifed to the prince to over- take the reft of the fleet, crowded all his fails, as well as plied his oars. But when the fhip was pafling through the water with great velocity, fhe fuddenly ft ruck upon a rock, called the Catte-raze, with fuch. violence, that fhe ftarted feveral planks, and almoft overfet. In a moment all was terror, uproar, and confufion. The boat was immediately let down, the prince and fome of the prime nobility put into it ; and having got clear of the fhip, might have reached the fhore, which was at no great diftance. But the prince was fo much affected with the fhrieks of his natural fifter the countefs of Perche, that he commanded the boat to put back to take her in, and fave her life. As foon as the boat approached the fhip, where defpair had deftroyed all diftinclions of rank, fuch multitudes poured into it, that it inftantly funk, and all on board it perifhed. In a word, of three hundred perfons on board this fhip, of which about fifty were failors, eighteen were ladies of the firft rank, the reft, befides the prince, and his natural brother Richard, were young noblemen and gentlemen and their neceflary at- tendants, only one man efcaped with life, to defcribe this mournful fcene. This was one Bertoud a butcher of Rouen, who being a ftrong man, and warmly cloathed, climbed to the top of the mail, which en- abled him to keep his head above water 3 where he continued all night, and was taken up next morning by fome fifhermen. The report of this deplorable difafter reached England the day after, but was care- fully concealed from Henry for three days, who was all that time in a ftate of the moft tormenting anxiety about the fafety of his darling fon. At length, when the fecret could be no longer kept, and none of the courtiers would confent to be the meflenger of fuch ill news, a boy, properly inftru£ted, came in all in tears, and falling at the king's feet, told him in few words, that the prince^ and all en board the White Ship, Vol. III. E were So HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. mo. were loft. The {lout-hearted Henry was fo thunder- *— -v~-— ' ftruck with this dreadful news, that he ftaggered, funk on the floor, and fainted away ; in which ftate he continued a cenfiderable time. When he recover- ed from his fwoon, he broke out into the bittereft la- mentation;:, describing the good qualities and great actions of his two fons, and of the young nobles who had perifhed with them (42). A.D. 1121. When Henry had given vent to the violence of his Henry's grief, he gradually relumed his ufual fortitude, and marriage applied hinifelf to bufinefs with his wonted ardour. The death of fo many great perfonages, who perifhed with his Ion, put it in his power to reward his fur- viving friends beyond their expectations, by putting fome of them into vacant offices, and marrying others to rich heirefles or wealthy widows (43). But his chief concern was about an heir to his dominions ; as his only legitimate daughter, Maude the emprefs, was in a diftant country ; and the want of an apparent heir might revive the hopes of his nephew William, of whom he was always jealous, and might give oc- cafion to revolts. To prevent thefe inconveniencies, he rcfolved to enter into a fecond marriage, and ex- ecuted that refolution with fo much celerity, that he was married at Windfor, 29th January A. D. 1121, to Adelais, daughter of Godfrey earl of Lovaine, a lady of great beauty, who was folemnly crowned queen the day after in the fame place (44). But this marriage proving unfruitful, did not aniwer his ex- pectations, nor prevent the mifchiefs which he ap- prehended. A.D. uai, Though Henry had reduced his forugn dominions to 1126. to a ftate 0f great tranquillity and fubjec-tion in his rac inft late expedition, they did not continue long in that Henry de- condition. The Norman barons, being freed from fcated. their oaths of fealty to a fucceilbr, by the death of the prince to whom they had been given, began to caft their eyes towards William the ion of Robert (whom they always loved and pitied), and to form plots in his favour. Some of thofe in whom Henry (42) Ordcric. Vital, p. S68, 869, 870. W. Malruf. 1. j. p. 94. col. 1. Hen. Hunt. J. 7. p. 219, col. 1. R. Hoveden, p. 473. (43) Ordcric. Vital, p. 870. (44) Eadmer. 1. 6. p. 136, 137. repofed Ch.i.^2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 51 repofed the greateft confidence, and on whom he had A.D. nzi, beftowed the greateft favours, joined in this confpi- to ria6- racy ; particularly Gualeran earl of Mellent, and his brother Robert, the late earl of Mellent, his greateft favourite. The confpiratcvs were much encouraged by the acceflion of Fulk earl of Anjou, who once more embraced the intereft of the unfortunate Wil- liam, and renewed the contract of marriage between him and his daughter Sybilla. This conspiracy was conducted with great fecrecy for fome time ; but at length it was difcovered by the king of England ; who acted on this occafion with his ufual good for- tune. Having appointed Roger bifhop of Salifbury regent of the kingdom, he failed from Portfmouth on the week after Whitfuntide A. D. 1 123, with a con- siderable fleet and army, arrived fafe in Normandy ; and falling upon the confpirators before their plot was ripe for execution, he took feveral of their caftles, and gained other advantages. On the 25th March A. D. 1 J 24, William de Tancarville, the king's •chamberlain, had the good fortune to furprife the earl of Mellent, Robert his brother, the earl of Evreux, and almoft all the chief confpirators, as they were riding carelefsly between Beaumont and Vatteville, and took them all prifoners. This turned the fcale ,entirely in favour of the king ; and all the other barons who had been concerned in the revolt, haftened to make their peace with him ,on the beft terms they could procure. The earl of Anjou, feeing his confe- derates crulned, was alfo reconciled to him, confent- ing to the diflblution of the contract between prince William and his daughter; who, though they had been twice contracted, were never married. That ever-unfortunate prince, beholding all his expectations blafted, returned again to the court of France; where he was foon after married to the queen's lifter, and received with her the countries of Pontoife, Chau- mont, Mante, and Vexin Francois, which enabled him to make fome feeble attempts upon Normandy, and obliged the king to continue fome time longer abroad for its defence (45). (45) Ordcric. Vital, p. 876 — 884. Chron. Saxes, p. aaj — 239. M. Paris, p. 47, 48. E x While 52 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1126. While Henry refided at Normandy, his fon-in-Iaw, **— — v—— ' the emperor Henry V. died, and his widow (having The em- had no children) returned to her father's court, and P^.efs, . was conducted by him into England, a little before Maude de- ... , , A A , * * i- 1 claredheir Michaelmas A. u. 1120. As there was now little to Henry, probability of his having any children by his prefent queen : the emprefs, of whom he had been always verv fond, became the obje£f. of all his hopes and cares ; and he was ardently defirous of fecuring to her the fucceilion of his dominions. With this view, he held a great council of all the prelates and nobles of the kingdom at Chriftmas, and engaged them to fwear fealty to his daughter, as his fucceflbr, in cafe he fhould happen to die without a legitimate fon, or fans ; and his nephew Stephen, who afterwards ufurped the crown, was the firft of the laity (except the king of Scotland) who fwore on this occafion (46). A.D. 1127. In the fpring of this year the king of England re- Theem- ceived the difagreeable news of the murder of his friend rradeTto Charles the Gopd, earl of Flanders, and of the fuc- the eldefl ceffion of William his elder brother's fon to that great fon of the earldom. Though Henry was a prince of uncom- * . mon fortitude, there were two perfons whom he al- J ways dreaded ; his nephew William, on account of the juftice of his pretenlions to his dominions, and Fulk earl of Anjou, on account of his power, and vicinity to Normandy. He had been at infinite pains to prevent an intimate connexion between thefe two princes; and now that he more than ever dreaded their union, in order to prevent it effectually, he propofed a marriage between his ouly legitimate child, the em- prefs Maude, and Geoffrey the earl's eldefl fon. This advantageous propofal was joyfully embraced both by the earl and his fon : the emprefs was fent over to Normandy, under the conduct of Robert earl of Glo- ceiter, in the fummer of this year, and the king ar- rived in the fame country on 26th Auguft follow- ing (47 )• (46) W. Malmf. Hiftorice Novellas, 1. I. (47) Chron. Saxon. ij>. 330. W. Malmf. Hift. Novel. 1. I. Hen. Hunt. 1. 7. AIL Ch.i. §2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 53 . All preliminaries being fettled, the nuptials of the A.D. 1128. cmprefs with Geoffrey Martel prince of Anjou, were >r— > ~» celebrated with great magnificence at Rouen, on the Death of octaves of Whitfuntide, in the prelence of the king fiam Hen- of England and the earl of Anjou. Henry, among ry's ne- other arts which he had employed to diftrefs his un phew, happy nephew, and put it out of his power to aflert his right to his dominions, had frirred up Thierry landgrave of Alface to lay claim to the earldom of Flanders. this occafioned a war between thefe two princes, in which William was victorious ; but in a trifling fkirmiih, he received a wound in the hand, which brought on a mortification, of which he died in the abbey of St. Benin, July 27th. in his lail moments he wrote a letter to his uncle Henry, Lugging his pardon for all the trouble ht had given him, and earnercly intreating his favour for his faithful guardian Helie de St. Saen, and a few other friends who had adhered to him in all his fortunes (48). The death of this brave and amiable prince, who had ftruggled with adverfity from his cradle to his grave, put an end to all the fears and dangers of his ambitious uncle, who thenceforward enjoyed a profound peace. Henry having fpent the former part of this year in A.D.1129. Normandy, in receiving the fub.rniflions of the barons to 1136. . who had revolted, and reitoring them to their eftates, Henry's came over to England in harveft, and refided here about a year in great tranquillity. The emprcl's Maude being now the great object of his affection, he made a voyage to the continent about Michaelmas A. D. 1130, to pay her a v.ifit ; and that he might enjoy the pleafure of her company, in which he very much delighted, he brought her with him in:o Enajand at Midiummer A. D. .1131, and held a great council of the prelates and nobility in Septembet, at North- ampton, where he engaged them all to renew their oaths of fealty to her as -his fucceflbr in the throne (49). Soon after this, the emprefs returned to her hufband, and Henry remained in England all this and the fucceeding year. The unfruitfulnefs of his daugh- (48) Orderic. Vital, p. 885, 886. M. Paris, p. 49, col. r. W. Ge- miticen, 1. 7. c. 16. (49) Chron. Saxon, p. 235, 236. Axinal. Waverlien. p. I50, 1^1. ter's $4 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. ira?. ter's marriage had for fome time been his chief unea- *°"36- finefs, and this was at laft removed by the agreeable -— v*-^ news of her being delivered of a fon, at Le Mans, in March A. D. 1133. Tranfported with joy at this event, he celebrated his Eafter with great feftivity at Oxford, where all the nobility fwore fealty ortce more to the emprefs, and alfo to her infant fon named Henry (50). Being defirous to embrace his daugh- ter, now more endeared to him than ever, he fet fail for Normandy 7th Auguft ; from whence he never returned into this kingdom, though he furvived three years and fome months. The emprefs was delivered of a fecond fon A. D. 1134, and of a third the year after ; and the aged king became fo doatin^ly fond of his daughter and her children, that he could not leave them, though he was much difpleafed with the impa- tient ambition of his fon-in-law. At laft, having fpent the day, November 25th, in hunting in the foreft of Lyons, and fupped plentifully that evening on lampreys, his favourite difh, he was feized with a fever in the night, of which he died on Sunday, De- cember ift, A. D. 1135, in the fixty-feventh year of his age, and thirty-fixth of his reign (51)* His eharac- Henry I. was in his perfon of middle ftature, ftrong ter. and well made, his hair brown and bu{hy, his eyes ferene, and his countenance agreeable. He had ex- cellent natural parts, improved by a learned education, which procured him the furname of Beauclerc or the Fine fcholar, and made him very famous for his elo- quence. In his humour he was facetious, and in his deportment affable. He was unqueftionably the greateft general and wifeft politician of the age in which he flourished, and to this he was much indebted for his fuccefs and profperity. His moft commend- able qualities were, his tender affecTion for his chil- dren,— his courage, — diligence, — activity, — and ftrict- nefs in the adminiftration of juftice, though this laft degenerated fometimes into cruelty. His greateft vices were his Jewdnefs, avarice, and ambition : which were all cxceiTive ; as appears from the number of his (50) Ypodigna Ncufhia:, p. 444. R. at Diceto, co!. 55. (51) Chron. Saxon, p. 237. Orderic. Vital, p. 901. W. Malmf. Bill. Novel. J. I. M. Paris, p. 50. natural Ch.i.§2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 55 natural children, of which he had fix fons and feven A.D. 1129. daughters ; — from his oppreflive taxes, and great trea- ^J*£/\ fures;— and from his ufurping the kingdom of Eng- land and duchy of Normandy (52). Henry in the laft years of his life, had been at great Stephen pains to fecure the fucceflion of his dominions to his earl of only legitimate daughter Maude the emprcfs, and her Boulogne children. With this view he had engaged all the pre- ^^ C latcs, nobles, and great men, of England and of Normandy, to take folemn and repeated oaths to main- tain that fucceflion ; and they had done this with the greatpft appearance of cheerfulnefs and cordiality, ef- pecially after the death of prince Wdliam, his eldell brother's Ion. But all thefe precautions were in vain. This was the age of fuccefsful ufurpations. No fooner was Henry's death made known, than a bold ufurper darted up, who, to the aftoniihment of all the world, in violation of every right, — of his own moll folemn oaths, — and of the ftrongeft ties of gratitude, mounted the empty throne, and feized the crown. This was Stephen earl of Boulogne, fecond furviving fon of Stephen earl of Blois, and of Adela daughter of William the Conqueror. He was indeed one of the nephews of Henry I. but had no fhadow of right to his fucceffion while his daughter Maude, her three fons, and his own elder brother Theobald eari of Blois, were alive. He had proftfled himfelf fo zeal- ous an aiTerter of the rights of the emprefs Maude, that he had a violent conteft with the king's natural fon Robert earl of Glocefter, for the honour of being the firft of the laity in taking the oath t«> fupport tile fucceflion of that princefs to the throne (53). Being a younger fon of no very opulent family, he had been indebted for all his wealth and power to the munifi- cence of his uncle Henry, who had given him the earldom of Mortaigne in Normandy, the forfeited eftate of Robert Mallet in this kingdom, and at laft procured him the marriage of his niece, the princefs Matilda, the only child of Mary of Scotland, his queen's fifter, and of Euftace earl of Boulogne, in whofe right he enjoyed that earldom, ind all the great (5a) W. Malmf. 1. 5. OrcVrlc. Vital. 1. It, 13. W, Gcmiticen.l. 7. i (53) W. Ma!mf. Hiit. Novel. 1. I. eftates 56 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1129. eftates of the family in England (54). But ambition to 1136. rendered Stephen regardlefs of all obligations, as well as v ' blind to all the dangers and difficulties of gaining and keeping a crown to which he had no title. The im- probability and imprudence of his attempt contributed not a little to its fuccefs (55). Stephen's Stephen was at Boulogne when he heard of his coronation, uncle's death, and from thence he haftened into Eng- land. When he arrived at Dover, the inhabitants, fufpe£ting his intention, fhut their gates againft him, and he met with a fimilar repulfe at. Canterbury. Not difcouraged with thele unfavourable beginnings, he proceeded to London ; where he was received by the lower kind of citizens, among whom he was very po- pular, with the loudeft acclamations (56). There were two perfons in England at this time without whofe content it was hardly poffible for any one to mount the throne. Thefe were, William Corboil archbifhop of Canterbury, and F.oger bifhop of Sa- lifbury, chief judiciary and regent of the kingdom. Though both thefe men had been raifed by Henry to the higheft honours, and had been the mod forward in taking the oaths of fealty to his daughter Maude ; yet Stephen gained them to embrace his intereft, by the affiftance of his brother Henry bifhop of Winchefter, and by artfully adapting his temptations to their tem- pers. William was a conscientious, but a weak and credulous man ; and therefore he made one of his creatures, Hugh Bigod, to take a folemn oath before him, that he had heard the late king, on his death-bed difinherit his daughter Maude, abfolvc his fubjects from their oaths and declare earl Stephen his fuccefibr {57). A moft impudent and fhamelefs perjury ! For Henry, with his laft breath, had appointed his daughter to fuc- ceed him in all his dominions in the hearing of five earls and many other nobles (58). To the biihop of Salifbury, whofe avarice and ambition were infatiable, he promifed every thing he chofe to afk for himielf or (54) W. Gemiticen, 1. 7. c. 34. (55) Annal. Waverlien. p. 15Z. (56) Gefta Regis Stcphani, apud Duchen, p. 928, (57) M. Paris, p. 51 Gefla R. Stephan. p. 929. (58) W. Maltof. Hift. Novell. I. Ma Cb. i. §2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 57 his friends, without any intention to perform what he A.D. 1136. promifed (59). Having by th-fe arts gained thefe two '— ~»~ - great prelates, he was folemnly crowned and anointed king at Weltminfter, by the archbiihop on December 22d. At this ceremony there were only two other bifhops, thofe of Winchefter and Salifbury, not oiie abbot, and but very tew of the fecular barons prefent (60). By the amftance alfo of his brother, Henry of Winchefter, he got poffeiiion of the late Icing's trea- fures in that city, coniifting of one hundred thouland pounds in money, befides piate and jewels to an im- menfe value. With this treafure he bribed iranyof the clergy and nobility to violate their oaths, and come over to his party, and took into his pay an army of foldiers of fortune, with which all the countries of Europe abounded at that time (6 < ). The friends of theemprefc Maude were foaftor.iihed Stephen'* at this unexpected revolution, that they remained *T! j°- p^ filent and motionlefs, being deftitute of a head or leader. For the emprefs, and her hufband Geoffrey Plantagenet, were in Anjou j and Robert earl of Glo- cefter, the late king's natural fon, the molt virtuous, wife, and powerful nobleman of their party, was in Normandy, executing fome parts of his father's laft- will. Thefe circumfrances gave Stephen an opportu- nity of increafing the number of his adherents, which he improved to the bed: advantage. He had fworn at his coronation whatever the prelates and nobles who were prefent pleafed to dictate, and confirmed what he had fworn by a charter, which he ratified and enlarged in a great council held at Oxford in the beginning of this year, which gained him many fiiends (62). He permitted the clergy to annex this condition to their oaths of fealty, *4 That they would keep their oaths " as long as the king fupported the vigour of dif- •* cipline ;" or, in other words, as long as he al- lowed them to rule as they pleafed : and he obtained a confirmation of his election from the pope ; which two things brought over all the clergy to his fide (63). To the fecular nobility he denied nothing that they (59) W. Malmf. Hift. Novel. 1. i. (60) Id. ibid. (61) Id. ibid. p. 101. (6z) W. Hemingford, c. 57. (63) R. Hagidfhui, p. 313,314. pleafed 58 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1136. pleafed to afk ; and, in particular, allowed them all * v — -'to fortify their caftles. A moft pernicious grant, which was productive of infinite mifchief to the country ! With the common people, and with th* lower citizens of London he ingratiated himfelf by his condefcending deportment, and a certain jocular humour, very pleafing to them, and of incredible advantage to him on this occafion (64). But, not- withftanding all thefe arts, this daring ufurpation in- volved the author of it, his friends, his family, and his country, in many great calamities. Stephen David king of Scotland was the firft who appeared makes to fupport the caufe of the emprefs his niece, by en- Da^fdk"*11 term& England with an army, in vindication of her of Scotland. r'gnts* He took Carlifle and Newcaftle, and over- run the counties of Cumberland and Northumber- land ; but being joined by few of the Englifh barons, he entered into a negociation with Stephen, who had arrived in the north at the head of an army in the beginning of Lent. This negotiation terminated in a peace, by which Stephen ceded the county of Cum- berland and city of Carlifle to the king of Scots, granted the earldom of Huntington to prince Henry his eldeft ion, and promifed not to difpofe of the earl- dom of Northumberland till he had examined the pre- tentions of that prince, who claimed it as grandfon and heir of Waltheof, the lail Anglo-Saxon earl (65). Earl of Robert earl of Glocefter fpent the firft part of this Glocefter year in Normandy in a ftate of great perplexity. He ^"?lts to was firmly attached to the intcrefts of his fifter Maude, - eP CD' ky inclination as well as by his oaths ; but he foon became fenfible, that unlefs he fubmitted, in appear- ance at leaft, to Stephen, he muft relinquifh all his great eftates in England, and with them his power of promoting the caufe which he had fo much at heart. After long deliberation, he complied with Stephen's invitation, came over to England at Eafter, and took the oath of fealty ; but with this remarkable condition annexed, " That he ihould be no longer bound to *' keep his oath than the king kept ail his engage- M ments to him, and maintained him in all his rights (64) W. Malmf. Hill. Novel. 1. I. p. 102. col. I. (65) W. Hemingford, c. 58. " and Ch. i. §2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. ft " and liberties (66) :" a condition (fays a contem- A.D. 1136. porary hiftorian) which he well knew the king would v v— ■— -> not long obferve (67). The emprefs and her hufband were as unfortunate A.D. 1137, in Normandy as they had been in England. This Stephen was partly owing to the hereditary hatred which had ™jtams long fubiifted between the Normans and AnjouvineSj and partly to the defire of the Norman barons to be under the fame fovereign with the Englifh, that they might enjoy their eftates in England. As lbon there- fore as triefe barons heard that Stephen had taken pof- feiTion of the throne of tngland, they invited him to Come over, and afiume the fovcreignty of their duchy. After the pacification with the king of Scots, and the fubmifiion of the earl of Glocefter, he found himfelf at liberty to comply with that invitation, and made a voyage into Normandy about the middle of Lent this year (68). Soon after his arrival in that country, he had an interview with Louis le Jeune king of France $ with whom he formed an alliance, by contracting his fon prince Euftace to the princefs Conftantia the fifter of that king, who granted the inveftiture of Normandy to his future brother-in-law. Stephen fpent the reft of this fummer in oppoling the attempts of Geoffrey of Anjou, who had invaded Normandy, and at lalt concluded a truce with that prince for two years, en- gaging to pay him an annuity of five thoufand marks. After this king Stephen employed his forces in re- Stepheu ducing fome caftles, which were the haunts of robbers } mifcames but was much retarded in his progrefs by the violent 'n his *le7 animoiitics that arofe between his Norman forces and ^'3^ the mercenary troops he had brought with him out of Glocefter. England under the command of William d'Ypres, a famous adventurer of thole times ; who alfo engaged him in another affair, in which he acquired no ho- nour (69). Robert earl of Glocefter had remained about a year in England, endeavouring with great art4 and the moft impenetrable fecrecy, to form a party among the nobility in favour of the emprefs ; and then failed into Normandy to proiecute the fame defign. (66) M. Paris, p. 51. (67) W. Malmf. Hift. Novel. 1. i. p. 102. col. I. (68j Hea. Hunt- L 8. p. a»2. (69) Orderic. Vital, p. 909, 91a. William 6o HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1137. William d'Ypres advifed Stephen, who fufpedted that V— — y* -J the earl was engaged in fuch intrigues, to feize his perfon, and formed a plot for that purpofe. But Robert, having received a hint of this plot, kept at a diftance from the court, though often invited, which convinced the king that his defign was difcover- ed. Dreading a rupture with the earl at this time, whofe power and popularity he well knew, with much difficulty he procured an interview, in which he made many apologies for what was pair, and took a folemn oath, in the prefence of the archbifhop of Rouen, " That he would never again form any de- " fign againft the perfon or liberty of the earl." Robert affected to be fatisfied ; but knew Stephen too well to repofe any confidence in his oaths (70). AD. 1138. . King Stephen, without having been able to com- Warwith p0fe the diforders in Normandy, found it abfolutely ^ cot an . neceffary t0 return into England, where all things were falling into confufion. David king of Scots had invaded Northumberland, to which his fon prince Henry had a claim ; but being a pious prince, and much under the influence of the clergy, he was pre- vailed upon, by 7 hurftin archbifhop of York to de- lay the prolecution of his fon's pretenfions till the king's return (71). Stephen rejected the demands of the Scotch ambafiadors ; at which David was fo much offended, that he entered Northumberland in the be- ginning of this year, with an army, which commit- ted the mod cruel ravages, burning all the towns, villages, and churches, and fparing neither men, women, nor children. Thefe cruelties were chiefly perpetrated by the Gallowideans, who were too feroci- ous to fubmit to difcipline. The king of England hearing of thefe devaluations, marched into the north at the head of a great army, and upon the Scots re- tiring, purfued them as far as Roxburgh. While the two armies lay facing each other near that place, Stephen difcovered fuch fymptoms of difaffedtion among his own troops, that he did not think it pru- (70) W. Malmf. Hift. Novel. 1. 2. p. ioz. (71) R. Hagulftad, fub arm. 1137. dent Ch. i. §2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 61 dent to rifle a battle, but returned into the fouth, A. D. 1138. where his affairs had taken an unfavourable turn (72). *- — * * Robert earl of Glocefter had never been fatisfied in Confede- his own mind with the oath of fealty that he had racyagainft taken to Stephen ; and having confulted many clergy- tep en* men, and even the pope himfelf ; and they having all declared, that he was bound to obferve the former oath that he had taken to his filler the emprefs ; he fent a meflage from Normandy to king Stephen, at Whitfuntide this year, recalling his homage, and re- nouncing his allegiance to that king, both on ac- count of his former oath, and on account of Stephen'' s having violated the condition annexed to his oath of fealty (73). This was a fignal to thofe Englifh barons, who, in concert with the earl of Gloucefter, had re- folved to raife the emprefs to the throne ; and many of them retired to their caftles, and prepared for the ex- ecution of that defign. Stephen on this occafion dif- played great activity and courage ; and in the courfe of this year he was fo fortunate as to take feveral of thefe caftles, and either puniflied their owners, or obliged them to return to their obedience (74). While he was thus engaged in the fouth, the Scots Battle of the invaded Northumberland, and penetrated as far as Standani- North Allarton, where the famous battle of the Standard was fought, Auguft 22d, between them, and an army raifed by William earl of Albemarle, Walter Efpec, Roger Mowbray, Robert de Bruce, Bernard de Baliol, William de Percy, Robert de Ferrfcrs, and other northern barons ; in which the Scots were defeated with confiderable lofs (75). Kin;;; David having collected his fcattered forces at Carlifle, returned to the fiege of Werk caftle, which he reduced by famine. Alberic bifhop of Oftia, the pope's legate in England, waited upon the king of Scotland at Carlifle about Michaelmas, and endea- voured to bring about a peace between the two Britifh j> (72) R. Hagulftad, fub ann. 1138. Ailred. Hift. Bell. Standardi, p. 3x8, &c. (73) W. Malmf. Hift. Novel. 1. i. p. 102. (74) Hen. Hunt. 1. 8. p. 222. (pj) This was called The battle of the Standard, from a remarkable ftaitdard erected on a wheel-machine in the centre of the Englifh army. . ■ monarchs -, $2 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D.J138. monarch? ; but without effect. This, however, was « v— -— accomplished a few months after, by the mare power- ful mediation of queen Maude, wife of king Stephen, and niece of king David, whn, in an inten iew with her uncle at Durham, concluded, a peace, on thefe terms : — That the earldom of Northumberland fhould be granted to Henry prince of Scotland; in return for which he and his father fhould live in pt^ace with Stephen, and not affift his enemies (76). After this peace prince Henry accompanied his coufjn queen Maude to the Englilh court. A.D.1130. King Stephen had been fo fuccefsful in the laft Stephen's campaign, that he might perhaps have triumphed over quarrel aU his enemies, and prevented the future calaimities of wjth the jjjs reiun, if he had not quarrelled with the clergy. biinops. it Vi 1 » 1 • ■ 1 • • i-i , . benlibleof his imprudence in granting liberty to his nobles of fortifying their caftles, of which grant the clergy had alfo availed themfelves, he became earneftly defirous of getting fome of the ftrongeft of thef. * caftles into his own poileiiion. Roger biihop of Salifbury, who had long been prime minifterto Henry I. and high justiciary of the kingdom, had built feverail ftrong caftles ; particularly one at the Devizes, that was cf- teemed the raoft beautiful and magnificent :fortrefs then in Europe (77). Alexander bitEop of Lincoln, andNigell biihop of Ely, his two nephews, % nd his natural fon Roger, who was chancellor of England, had alfo fortified their caftles. The king, refolding to begin his operations with this powerful family, \which he fulpeCted of di fa Section, invited them to a great council of the nobility at Oxford, June 24th ; an 3 they with fome doubt and hefitation obeyed the fu mil ions. At their arrival in Oxford a quarrel happened, ur, as fome contemporary hiftorians affirm, wai defigcicdly railed, between the fervants of Alan earl of Britanny, and thofe of bifhop Roger, about their lodgings , in which many perfons were wounded, and one kn ight was killed. The king affec-ted to be highly inclined at this breach of the peace within the verge of his court, and commanded the bifhop, and all his friei ids, to be apprehended. The bifhops of Saliibury and (76) R. H.igulftad, p. 320, &c. Ailred. de Bell. Standard, p. 3J0, (77) Hen. Hunt. 1. 8. p, %%%. x Lirc< In, Ch. i. §2. CIVIL AlSD MILITARY. 63 Lincoln, with the chancellor, were feized; but theA.D. 1139. bifhop of Ely, lodging withcit the town, made his '— —y^ efcape, and fled to his uncle's aftle of the Devizes, which he determined to defend When the bifhops and the chancellor were brougu before the king, they were commanded to furrendj all their caftles, as an atonement for their offence. "4iey profefTed them- felves willing to make any reafonble compenfation ; but refufed to deliver up their hou>s. Upon this the king's great confident, and executiner of all his vio- lent meafures, William d'Ypres, vjs fent with his mercenaries to befiege the caftle of the Devizes, carrying with him the bifhop of Salimry, its owner, a prifoner, and his fon the chancer, in chain?. When he came before the caftle, h Summoned the bifhop of Ely to furrender ; threaten^, that if he did not, he would ftarve his uncle toeath. When this had no effect, he fent a meflage;o Maude of Ramfey, the bifhop's concubine, and th chancellor's mother, who was in the caftle, " that it was not " immediately delivered up, he would ang her fon " before her eyes." Knowing the fan gnary nature of the man, and trembling for the fate7 a beloved fon, flie perfuaded the commander to ffender this impregnable fortrefs ; in which were foun4o lefs than forty thoufand marks of the bifhop's treafe, which were feized by the king. The bifhop of licoln was carried in the fame manner before his caftlof New- ark and Sliford, and prevailed upon their cimandcrs to furrender them, in order to preferve hirTrom be- ing ftarved to death. When the king hi got all their caftles and treafures into his hands, t bifhops and chancellor were fet at liberty; but the j bifhop of Sarum was fo much affected with this Areverfe of fortune, that he died foon after of broken heart (78). Thefe rafh and violent proceedings, again»erfons Stephen of the greateft dignity in church and ftate, at]e a fummoned prodigious noife. The clergy univerfally fc the f°aPPear alarm, and cried out, that the church and jgjon el°^o{ were on the brink of ruirw The king's own ,ther, the clergy. (78) W. Malmf. Hift. Novel. 1. 2. p. 103. Orderlc. Viti, 9I9> 920. Gefta Regis Stephani, p. 944,^9-4,5. Hen. Hunt. 1. ^223. R. Hoveden, ad ann. 11 39. nry *4 HISTORY OFBRITAIN. Book III. A.D.1139. Henry bifhop of Wir~hefter, the pope's legate in ' England, having for fcne time paft been difcontented, embraced this epportu'ity of gratifying hisrefentment. By virtue of his legatee commiftion he called a coun- cil of the clergy to met at Winchefter, Auguft 30th ; and boldly fummonJ the king to appear before them to anfwer for his c eai"l of Lincoln, half-brother to Ralph earl of Chester, though they were both his friends', and the two earls, having got polieflion of it by furprife, lived in it with their families, without discovering the least difpofition to delert their party. The citizens of Lincoln being zealous royalists, ac- quainted the king that their cattle was carelefsly guard- ed, and might be eafily taken, promising him their af- iistance in the attempt. Stephen, too often rafh in his refolves, flew to Lincoln with his army, and in- vented the castle on Christmas day A. D. 1 139. The earl of Chester made his efcape, hastened into Cheshire, and raifed all his followers in thofe parts j but think- ing himfelf llrong enough toraife the fiege, he applied to the earl of Glocester, who was his father-in-law, (83) Chron. Saxon, p. 238, 239. Gefta Regis Stephani, p. 848. Hen. Hunt. 1. 8, p. 224, where lee a Latin poem on. the miieries of this year. for Ch. i. §2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 67 for affiftance ; promifing, that both he and the earl of A.D. 114T. Lincoln would declare for the emprefs. Glocefter, — •"*•—' though he had been much offended with his fon-in-law, for adhering fo long to the adverfe party, being ar- dently defirous of relieving his daughter in her diftrefs, and gaining two fuch powerful barons to his fide, complied with this requeft, and inftantly began his march ; on which he was joined by the earl of Chefter and his forces. The united armies having paffed the Trent, with much difficulty, early in the morning, February 2d, found their enemies drawn up without the walls of Lincoln in order of battle ; the cavalry on the two wings, and the infantry in the centre, with the king on foot at their head. The earl of Glocefter drew up his armyin the fame manner : one of his wings of horfe was commanded by the earl of Chefrer, and the other wing was compofed entirely of noblemen and gentlemen who had loft their eftates in this quarrel. Thefe began the battle ; and being animated with the two mod powerful paffions, revenge and hope, they threw away their fpears, drew their fwords, and ad- vanced with fuch impetuofity, that their antagonists, who expecled to have tilted with their fpears as ufual, were feized with a panic, and fled almoft without fighting- The mercenaries on the other wing, com- manded by William d'Ypres, were alfo put to ilight by the earl of Chefter and his followers. The main body of the king's army were now afTaulted on all fides, and, after a long and valiant ftruggle, was entirely broken. Stephen having performed prodigies of va- lour, was taken prifoncr, with fome of his braveft followers, who fcorned to defert their mafter in dif- trefs. The earl of Glocefter, to whom the king fur- rendered, treated his royal captive with great humani- ty, prefented him to his rival the emprefs in the caftle '' of Glocefter, and then conducted him to the caftle of B'riftol, where he was confined (84). By this great defeat, and the captivity of the king, tjiC cm_ the royalifts were quite difpirited ; and many of them prefsac- made their fubmiflions to the emprefs ; who had an knowledg- interview with the pope's legate, Henry bifhop of ed lluee" (84) Gefta Regis Stephani, p. 952. W. Alalmf. Hift. Novel. 1. 2. p. 106. Chron. Saxon, p. 241. Hen. Hunt. i. 8. p. 224, 225. R, Hbveden, p. 278, 279, 280. F 2 Winchefter, 68 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1141. Winchefter, in a field near that city, March 2d, in s v^- which fhe perfuaded that prelate to abandon his bro- ther in his diftrefs, and acknowledge her title to the crown of England, and all the dominions of her father, by prom i ring to allow him the chief direction of af- faiis. The emprefs made her triumphant entry into Winchefter the day after, and was conducted to the cathedral by the legate, who publicly recognifed her queen of England, and denounced a curfe on all who refufed to fubmit to her authority. A few days after, Theobald archbifhop of Canterbury, and feveral other great men, both of the clergy and laity, having obtain- ed the permiffion of the imprifoned king, made their fubmiflions to her at Wilton: from whence fhe pro- ceeded to Oxford, where fhe kept the feftival of E after with great pomp. The legate, in confequence of his convention with her, convened a great council of the prelates, abbots, and principal clergy, with deputies from the city of London, at Winchefter, April 7th. Having firft confulted privately with the prelates, next with the abbots, and, laffly, v/ith the archdeacons, and obtained their confent to the acknowledgment of the emprefs, he opened the council with a very anfu] fpeech, which is preferved by a contemporary hiitorian, • who was prefent, and heard it with great attention (85). He began with high encomiums on the felici- ties of his uncle Henry's reign j mentioned their hav- ing fworn to fupport the fucceffion of his daughter Maude; but that fhe delaying to come and take pof- feffion of the throne, his brother Stephen had been permitted to reign. He then aggravated the errors of his brother's government, particularly in imprifoning bifhops, and oppreffing the church and clergy. " For " which crimes (faid he) God hath rejected him, and " given him into the hands of his enemies. And K now, that the kingdom may not be without a ruler, 44 we the clergy of England, to whom it chiefly be- " longs to elect and ordain a king, having yeiterday " deliberated on this great cauie in private, and invok- " ed the direction of the Holy Spirit, did and do elr-*} '* the daughter of the pacific, rich, glorious, good, '* and incomparable king Henry, to be our queen, and (8j) W. MaUof. Hift. Novel. 1. %, p. 106. " prcmife Ch. i. § 2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 69 " promife her our loyalty and fupport." To this all A.D.1141. the members of the council gave their confent, by — -v— »-» their acclamations or their filence. On the fecond day of the council the London deputies were intro- duced, and told the council, " That they did not " come to debate, but to petition for the liberty of " their kin°- ; and that the whole community of Lon- " don, with all the barons, lately admitted into it, *' earneftly defired this of the legate, the archbifhop, " and all the clergy." The legate told the deputies what had been done in the council the day before 5 which they promifed to report to their constituents. The council concluded on the third day, with pronounc- ing a fentence of excommunication on feveral perfons who ftill adhered to the king, and particularly on one William Martel, who had plundered the legate's bag- gage (86). The earl of Glocefter was at great pains in foothing the citizens of London, and at length pre- vailed upon them to admit the emprefs ; who entered thecitya few days before Midfummer, and began to make preparations for her coronation. But when her affairs were in this moft profperous train, her own1 mifconducl: threw all things into confufion, and oc- cafioned another fudden and furprifing revolution. Moderation in profperity was a virtue unknown to Haughty the emprefs. Naturally proud and haughty, and elated behaviour beyond meafure by her late fuccefles, the behaved in ° Vee"!f ^ ■ JT 1 v ■ i I • c ■ "ji j prefs,and an ungracious diiobliging manner to her friends, and ksconfe- with great difdain and infolence to thofe who had been quences. her enemies, even when they came to make their moft humble fubmhTions. Conceited of her wifdom, (he flighted the advices of her uncle David king of Scot- land, who had come to pay her a vifit, and of her brother the earl of Glocelter, to whom file was fo much indebted. She conhfcated the eftates of all who did not immediately fubmit to her authority, and thereby fixed them in their oppofition ; recalled all the grants that had been made by Stephen, thofe to the church not excepted, by which many were ruined in their fortunes, and the clergy were difobiiged. Queen Matilda, who was her coufin, and a princels (86) W. Malmf. Hift. Novel. 1. a. p. 106. Gefta Regis Stephani, P- 953- of •jp HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III.. A.D. 1141-of uncommon merit, made earneft fupplications for ^he liberty of her hufband, engaging that he fnould folemnly reiign the crown, and retire into a monaftery. But they were all rejected. The citizens of London petitioned for fome abatement in their taxes, and the reftoration of the laws of Edward the Confeflbr : in anfwer to which fhe upbraided them with their libera- lities to king Stephen, and frowned them from her prefence. Irritated at this affront, and dreading the feverity of her government, they formed a plot to feize her perfon ; which being difcovered by one of the accomplices, flie made her efcape, and retired to Oxford (87). Eiriprefs The behaviour of the legate had for fome time been befieged m equivocal, and on his declining to appear at court, ofNvin-6 the ear* °* Glocefter made him a vifit at Winchefter,, chefter. with a defign to penetrate his intentions, which he plainly difcovered were not friendly. Upon this the emprefs marched fuddenly to Winchefter, attended by the king of Scots, the earl of Glocefter, and feveral other barons, with their followers j and being received into the royal caftle, fent a melTenger to the legate, who was at his houfe in the city, to come to court to give his advice on bufinefs of importance. The crafty prelate told the melTenger, that he would make ready as raft as poiiible : but he meant for refiftance, and not obedience. Accordingly he difpatched couriers to queen Matilda, who was at the head of a body of troops in Kent, to the Londoners, and to all the friends of king Stephen, to come to him immediately, with all their followers; and he was lb well obeyed, that in a few days he found himfelf at the head of a very powerful army, with which he inverted the cattle of Winchefter on Auguft lft. The face of affairs was now greatly changed ; the emprefs herfelf, the king of Scotland, the earl of Glocefter, and all the chief fupporters of her caufe, being fhut up in one caftle, in great danger of peiiming by famine, or of falling into the hands of their enemies (88). The em- In this extremity the earl of Glocefter formed a Prels fcheme for their deliverance. In thofe fuperllitious cfaipes, times, the moft hoftile armies, by tacit content, ful- but the earl * * * ■ * of Glocefter is taken. (87) Gefta Stephani Regis, p. 955. (88) Id. ibid. pended Ch. i.§2. CIVIL AND MILITARY. ff pended their operations, and relaxed their vigilance, A.D. 1141. on the feftivals of the church. The feftival of the"- — v— •»-> Holy Crofs was On the 14th of September ; and very# early 011 the morning of that day, the emprefs, mount- ed on a fwift horfe, attended by a choice body of troops, marched filently out of Winchefter, and made her efcape to the Devizes, where fne arrived, almoft dead with terror and fatigue, and from thence was conveyed in a horfe-litter to Gloce'rer. The king of Scotland alio eluded his purfuerSj and reached his own kingdom. But the earl of Gloceirer, who placed himfelf in the rear, was purfued by a fu per ior force, and taken priioner at Stokebridge, from whence he was conducted to the cattle of Rochefter (89). This was as fatal a blow to the party of the emprefs^ KingSte- as the captivity of king Stephen had been to his ad- phenand * J ° - r . - . . the eurl 01 herents ; and therefore, after that agitation of lpmts ciocefter occafioned by thefe rapid revolutions had a little fub- exchanged. fided, a negotiation was let on foot for an exchange of thefe two illuftrious pri ("oners, which was accomplifhed on November iff. The legate, who had been the chief inftrument of the deliverance of his brother from prifon, convened a council of the clergy at Weft- minfter, December 7th, in which he acted a part di- rectly oppofite to that which he had acted in the coun- cil of Wincheiter eight months before, and concluded with excommunicating all who adhered to the counters of Anjou, which was the highelr. tiile he deigned to give the emprefs, who had fo lately been acknowledged by him queen of England (90). Though the civil war ftill continued, no action of A. D. 1142. importance happened in the former part of this year, ThtfHfcagfe owing to a tit of ficknefs with which king Stephen oftheem- was feized in the fpring, and to the abfence of the oxt'ord. earl of Glocefter, who, at the earneft requeft of all his party, had made a voyage into Normandy, to bring over the hufband of the emprefs, or her fon prince Henry. The emprefs, in the abfence of the earl, took up her residence in Oxford, where (he was guarded by the noblemen of her party, who pledged (89) J. Biompt. col. 1034. (90) W. Malmf. Hift. Novel. 1. 2. p. 106. — 108. Gefta Regis Stepham, p. 954 — 959. Comin. Flor. Worceft. p. 677. Hen. Hunt. 1. 8. p. 225. their 7i A.D. A.D.1143. The civil war con- tinued. HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. 114a. their honour to him that they would protect her till he returned. King Stephen, after his recovery, be- fieged and took the town and caftle of Wareham. From thence he marched with fuch fecrecy and expe- dition, that he furprifed the city of Oxford three days before Michaelmas, the emprefs with her retinue taking fhelter in the caftle; which was immediately inverted by the king, who fwore a folemn oath, that he would not raife the fiege till he had taken his rival prifoner. When the fiegehad continued three months, and the garrifon of the caftle was reduced to the lait extremity by famine, and the incefiant aflaults of the enemy, the emprefs made her efcape from impending ruin, in a manner more furprifing than any of her former efcapes from Arundel, London, or Win- chefter. The river being frozen over, and the ground covered with fnow, ftie drefTed herfelf and three trufty knights in white, and ifluing filently about midnight, at a poftern of the caftle, palled all the enemies centinels unobferved, travelled on foot to Abingdon, and from thence on horfeback to Wailing- ford. Here fhe was foon after joined by an army that was marching to her relief, under the conduct of her brother the earl of Glocefter, with her fon prince Henry in his company, which made her forget all her fatigues and terrors. But the caftle of Oxford hav- ing furrendered the morning after her efcape, and the ieafon being unfit for action, the barons with their followers were permitted to return to their own homes (91 ). This destructive civil war had now raged fo long, and with fo much violence, that the ltrength of both parties was almoft quite exhausted, and their attempts to annoy each other became fo languid, that they hardly merit the attention of poltenty. The earl of Glocefter formed a fcheme for furprifing the king, and his brother the bifliop of Winchdler, at Wilton, July ift, this year ; and they made their efcape with great difficulty, leaving their plate and baggage to their enemy (92). During the thiee. fucceeding years (91) Chron. Gervas, p. 1358. Gefla Regis Stephani, p. VV. Malmf. Hill. Novel. 1. a. p. no. (92) Gervas Chron. p, 1 358* 959- there Ch.i.§2. C'lVIL AND MILITARY. 73 there was no action of importance; but the war was A.D. 1143. carried on between the barons of the oppohte parties, by attacking each others caftle?, and plundering each others lands ; which ferved to ruin and depopulate the country, but contributed nothing to the decifion of this fatal quarrel (93). Prince Henry had now reftded in the caftle of A.D. 1147. Briftol above four years, profecuting his ftudies under Mlfery°f the care of his uncle earl Robert, the moft learned as n£an well as the moft virtuous nobleman of his age, when his father Geoffrey of Anjou fent a deputation to con- duct him into Normandy, which was entirely reduced to his obedience. The earl of Glocefter attended his royal pupil to Wareham, where he embarked for the continent about ten days before Whitfuntide. This proved a final parting between the prince and his ex- cellent preceptor, who died at the caftle of Briftol, October 31ft, this year. The empfefs, after the de- parture of her fon, and the death of her brother, had fo little comfort or authority in England, that (he failed for Normandy before Lent A. D. 1148, leaving the barons of her party for a time to govern and defend themfelves (94). King Stephen, during thefe two years, was fo much embroiled with the clergy, and with the barons of his own party, by treacheroufly feizing their perfons, and obliging them to deliver up their caftles, that he could make no advantage of thefe events. " All " England, in the mean time (to ufe the words of a " contemporary hiftorian), wore a face of miferyand " defolation. Alukitudes abandoned their beloved " country, and went into voluntary exile ; others, for- " faking their own houfes, built wretched huts in the " church-yards, hoping for protection from the facred- " nefs of the place. Whole families, after fuftaining , in which they had not only done much mifchief to the country, but had recovered the poffeilion of feveral extenfive diftricts, of which they had been formerly deprived ; and had fhaken off their dependence upon the Knglifh crown. Henry being now atleiiure, raifed a great army, with which he en- tered Wales about the beginning of Auguft, and ad- vanced to Bafmgwerk in Flintfhire, without meeting with any oppofition. But as he was marching with the van of his army through a narrow defile near that place, he was fuddenly aflaulted by the Welfh, who pouring mowers of arrows, darts, and ftones, from the iurrounding precipices, put his troops into fuch con- fufion, that Henry de EfTex, hereditary ftandard- bearer of England, threw down the royal ftandard, and, flying, cried out, that the king was (lain, and all was loft. This fpread fuch a panick through the army, that it was on the point of difbanding, when the king, by (hewing himfclf, prevented- a total de- feat (12). After this difafter, Henry, changing his route, marched his army along the fea coaft, attended by his fleet, and proceeded with great caution, cutting down the woods, making roads, and building caftles to fecure his conquefts, as he advanced. Owen Guyneth, prince of North Wales, convinced of his inability to defend his country again ft an enemy fo powerful and fo prudent, made his peace, by refigning all his late acquifitions, and doing homage for what he retained (13). A.D.JJ58. Henry, having fpent the firft months of this year in Voyage to a royal progrefs for the adminiftraiion of juftice, had the conu- an interview with Malcolm king of Scotland, at Car- lifle, who came thither in hopes of receiving the ho- nour of knighthood ; but fome mifunderftanding arifing between the two monarchs, Malcolm did not (11) W. Neubrigen. 1. a. c. 4. (ia) W. Neubrigen. 1. a. c. 5. Gervas Cbron. ann. 1157. M. Paris, p. 68. Ghron. Mailros, ann. 1158. • (*3) W. Neubrigen. 1. a. c. 5. receive Ch. i. §3. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 83 receive that honour at this time (14). In his return A.D. 1158, into the fouth, Henry celebrated the feaft of Eafter in ' — -v,-*-J the fuburbs of Lincoln, in compliance with the fuper- ftitious terrors of his fubjedts, who had been taught by a pretended prophecy, that fome great calamity would befall the firft king of England who prefumed to wear his crown within the walls of that city (15). Soon after this he made another voyage to the continent on the following occafion. The people of Nantz in Bri- tanny, having revolted from their rightful fovereign, invited Geoffrey Plantagenet, king Henry's brother, to become their earl ; and that prince being now dead, Henry laid claim to the earldom of Nantz, as heir to his brother. This claim, which doth not feem to have been very well founded, was difputed by Conan duke of Britanny, who, on Geoffrey's death, had taken pofTeflion of Nantz, as belonging to his duke- dom. At Henry's arrival in Normandy, he had an in- terview with the king of France ; and in order to gain his friendfhip, and prevent his efpoufing the caufe of the duke of Britanny, he propofed a marriage be- tween his eldeft furviving fon, prince Henry, and Margaret, the eldeft daughter of that king by his fe- cond queen, Conftantia of Caftile. This propofal was fo agreeable to the French monarch, that it was not only accepted, but Henry was invited to Paris, where he was moft magnificently entertained feveral days, and obtained a commiflion, as earl of Anjou, and fenefchal of France, to determine the important controverfy that had fubfifted for fome time between Eudo earl of Penthievre, and Conan duke of Britanny, about the right to that dukedom. As foon as Conan was in- formed of this commiifion, he waited upon Henry, and voluntarily yielded to him the earldom of Nantz, to procure a fentence in his favour; which was accord- ingly pronounced ( 16). Thus the king of England, by his policy and power, was making continual additi- ons to his dominions. Henry had no fooner made good his claim, fuch as a.D. 11^9 it was, to the earldom of Nantz, than he advanced Return into England, (14) Chron. de Mailros,ad ann. 1158. (15) R. Hovedcn, p. 282. W. Neubrigen. 1. 2. c. 9. (16) Gervaa Chron. ann. 1158. Chron. Nerman. p. 994. G 2 another^ 84 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1 159 another, in right of his queen, to the earldom of «•-— y— -J Thouloufe : which feems to have been better founded. For queen Eleanor was the grand-daughter of Philippa, the only child of William IV. earl of Thoulouie ; but that earl, before his death, conveyed all his domi- nions to his brother Raimond earl of St. Giles, whole grandfon, of the fame name, was now earl of Thou- loufe. When Eleanor was queen of France, her hufband, Louis VII. efteemed her pretenfions to the earldom of Thouloufe fo good, that he befieged that city ; but was prevented from profecuting the fiege, by his expedition into the Holy Land. Henry being now the hufband of Eleanor, determined to aflert her right to that great earldom, which then comprehended Quercy and the greateft part of Languedoc (17). In order to this, he came over into England in the begin- ning of this year, and held a great council of his pre- lates, barons, and military tenants, who willingly agreed to pay a fum of money, rather than ferve in perfon in this diftant expedition. The fum demand- ed, and paid, for each knight's fee, was three pounds ; by which he railed one hundred and eighty thoufand pounds, in England, equal in weight of filver to five hundred and forty thoufand pounds, and in efficacy at leaft to two million feven hundred thoufand pounds of our prefent money (18). Expedition After Eafter he returned into Normandy, where he againft levied a fimilar tax from his military tenants, and with Thouloufe. tin's money he took into his fervice great multitudes of adventurers or foldiers of fortune, with whom all the countries of Europe abounded in thofe times. Abouc Midfummer Henry aflembled his own troops, and thofe of his allies (among whom were Malcolm king of Scotland, who was knighted in this expedition, and Raimond earl of Barcelona, and king of Aragon), in Guienne, and from thence invaded Quercy, where he took the city of Cahors. He then directed his march towards Thouloufe, with a view to invert that city; but received intelligence by the way, that the king of France had thrown himfelf into it, with a body of troops, and declared his resolution to defend it to the (17) Chron. Norman, p. 99,y. (18) Gervas Chron. c. 1381, laft Ch. i. § 3. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 85 lak extremity. The famous Thomas Becket, who a.D. 1159. was then chancellor of England, and Henry's greateft < v^»> favourite, vehemently urged him to proceed, and ieize, without ceremony, the perfon of his fovereign lord, of whom he held all his extenfive territories on the continent", and to whom he had fworn fealty. But this advice was prudently rej> cied, as too bold and dangerous, inconfiftent with his oath of fealty, and with that refpect which he owed to the perfon of his fovereign, which it was the intereft of a prince who had fo many powerful vaflals of his own, to hold facred and inviolable. Henry therefore declared, that out of refpect to the king of France, he would not beiiege Thouloufe ; but he profecuted the war in other places with equal vigour and fuccefs (19). This war continued both in Languedoc, on the frontiers of Normandy, and in other places, from Auguft to December j when a truce was concluded for fix months, and negotiations for a peace were fet on foot. Before the expiration of this truce, the terms of a.D.ii6o. peace were fettled, by which Henry was permitted to Treaty of retain all thofe places in the earldom of Thouloufe that peace, he had conquered. But before the final conclusion of the treaty, ibme mifunderllanding arofe between the two kings, which put off the ratification of it to the month of October, when the prince of England did homage to the king of France for the duchy of. Nor- mandy (20). This peace was of very fhoit duration. By an ar- War with tide in the treaty, the towns of Gifors, Neufle, and France. Newchatel, the marriage portion of the princels Mar- garet (the elder daughter of the king of France by his iecond queen), who had been promifed in marriage to prince Henry about two years before, were to be de- livered up, by the knights-templars, to whom they were then committed, into th his foil's marriage with the French princefs, and to get polTeffion of her fortune, prevailed upon the pope's legate to celebrate the efpoufals between Henry and Margaret (who had been fent into Normandy to be educated), though the prince was only fix, and the princefs only five years of age. As foon as this cere- mony was performed, he demanded and obtained the three towns from the knights-templars, according to the ftipulations of the treaty. The king of France was fo much irritated at this tranfa&ion, that he ba- ni(hed# the three knights who had delivered up the three towns, and commenced hoftilities againft the king of England (21). A.D.1161. The operations of this new war were of fmall im- Treatyof portance. For when the two armies lay near each other peace. jn the month of June, and neither of the kings difco- vered any inclination to attack the other, their com- mon friends interpofed their good offices, and a peace was concluded about Midfummer, on the fame terms with the former (22). This peace gave both kings an opportunity of attending to the affairs of the church, and particularly to the great difpute between the two popes, Alexander III. and Victor IV. ; on which fub- je&each king having held a council of his clergy in July, they both met in a general council at Thouloufe in Auguft, and agreed to acknowledge pope Alexander (23)- Interview Henry fpent this year in great tranquillity on the with the continent, regulating the civil and ecclefiaftical affairs king of 0f hjs fovereign dominions ; and for that purpofe he ranee. j^y feveraj aifemblies of his prelates and nobility (24). In autumn the kings of France and England had an interview with their pope, Alexander III. at I orcy on the Loire, at which thefe two great monarchs con- defcended to hold that pontiff's ftirrups as he mounted his horfe, and to guide the reins of hie bridle as they conducted him into the town (25). Such was the real or political humanity of princes, and the pride of priefts, in thofe fuperftitious times. (3,1) W. Newbrigen. 1. %. c. 34. R. Hoveden, p. 28a. M. Paris, p. 68. Ypodigma Neuftrist, ann. 1160. (zi) Chron. Norman, p. 998. (23) W. Ncubrlgen. 1. a. c. 9. (24) Chron. Norman, p. 998. (25) Id. ibid. After Ch. t.§3- CIVIL AND MILITARY. 87 After an abfence of more than three years, king'A.D.1163. Henry landed at Southampton, January 26th, and ' v— *-> was received with the greateft demonftrations of joy Henryre" by his EngliOi fubjecls of all ranks (26). Malcolm Endand° king of Scotland paid him a vifit this fummer, and renewed the peace between the two kingdoms, giving his youngeit brother David, and the fons of fome of his earls, as hoftages for the performance of the con- ditions of the treaty, particularly for the furrendt: of fome caftles (27). At the fame time, viz. July ift, Owen Guyneth, prince of North Wales, and Rheefe, prince of South Wales, did homage to king Henry, and to prince Henry hiseldeft fon, at Woodftoke, for their re I peel: ive principalities. In the courle of this year, commiffioners appointed by the king took an inquilition of all the knights fees that were in England at the death of Henry I. and at this time, together with the various fervices and prestations due by each to the crown, to ferve as a rule for exacting thofe fer- -vices and prestations (28) t a work {till preferved in the exchequer, and, next to Doomfday-book, of the greateft utility (29}. The moft important tranfa&ions of this and of feve- A.D.1164. ral fucceeding years, confided of the violent difputes Difputes between the king and the famous Thomas Becket, Wltn rh°- o , » nvas Beck- now become archbifhop of Canterbury; and belong et' more properly to the eccleftaltical than to the civil hiftory of England (30). In Lent A. D. 1165, Henry went over into Nor- a.D. 1165. mandy, and had an interview with the king of France Voyage to at Gifors, about Rafter; after which he was viiited at Normandy, Rouen by his coufin Philip earl of Flanders, to whom ^ntoEn_ he had been a very faithful guardian (31). On his gland. return into England, in fummer, he received theam- baffadors of the emperor Frederic, at Weftmi niter, who came to demand his eldeft daughter Maude in marriage for Henry duke of Saxony and Bavaria, fon of the late emperor Conrade ; and they fucceeded in their negotiation (32). In the autumn he marched with a body of troops into Wales, and defeated a con- (26) Chron. Norman, p. 999. (27) Id. ibid. (28) M. Paris, p. 70. col. 2. Dicet. col. 536. (19) Vide Lib. Rub. Scaccarii. (30) See chap. 2. (31) Chron. Norman, p. 1000. (32) Powel, p. 222. i iiderable S8 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D.1166. fiderable army of the enemy, commanded by three of - — s/ — — > their princes. Henry re- Henry having fpent the winter in England, he re- tumsinto turned, in Lent A. D. 1166, to the continent, where Normandy. k;s prefence was become neceffary. Some of the cv°defeated Povver^ul an^ faotious barons of La Maine had formed a confederacy, and difrcgarded the authority of queen Eleanor, who acted as regent of the dominions on the continent, where (he now refided ; and feveral barons of Britanny had alfo entered into this Confederacy. Henry, conducting an army into La Maine, loon re- duced the refracloiy nobility of that country to due fubmiflion, by taking and demoliihing their caftles. Duke of Conan duke of Britanny hud iome time ago betroth- Britanny ed his only child, Conftantia, to Geoffrey, the king refignshis Qf England's third fon ; and now finding himfelf un- to Henry able to keep his turbulent barons in fubjection, he re- &c. ligned his duchy into the hands of that king, to be governed by him, for the benefit of Geoffrey and Con- ffantia during their minority. Henry accepted of this resignation, made a progrefs through Britanny, and received the homage of the barons and military tenants of that country, which was a confiderable acceilion to his power (33). On December 5th, he was vilited, at Mount St. Michael in Normandy, by William, fur- named the Lion^ king of Scotland, who had lately mounted that throne on the death of his brother Mal- colm IV (34.). The affairs of the Christians in the Holy Land being at this time in great diftrefs, Henr\ , with the conientof his prelates and barons, impofed a tax of two- pence in the pound for one year, and one penny in the pound for four years after, on the goods of all his fubjects on the continent, and a fimilar tax, in the fame manner, on his Engliih fubjects, for their relief (35). A.D. 1167. A mifunderiTanding arofe in the beginning of this War with year between the kings of France and England, occa- f;'ance' fioned by feveral matters'of no great importance, in which their views and interefts were incompatible. Both thefe monarchs raifed armies, and took and de- ftroyed towns and caftles j but a itop was put to their (33) Chron. Norman, p. 1000. Chron. Trevel. ann. 1166. (34) Chron. Mailros, ann. 1166. (35) Chron. Trevel. ann. 11 06. deflructivc Ch. i. § 3. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 89 deftructive ravages, by a truce, which was concluded a.D. 1167. in the month of Auguft, to continue till the fucceed- ' v ' ing Eafter (36). The emprefs Maude, who had for- 1 merly ailed a diftinguifhed part in the affairs of Eu- rope, but fince the acceflion of her illuftrious fon to the throne of England had lived in an honourable re- tirement at Rouen, died there on September 10th this year, and was buried in the abbey of Beec j to which (he had been a benefa&refs (37). The barons of Poitou and Guienne, difcontented A.D. 1168. with fome meafures of Henry's government, which ]^fnry(T are not mentioned, having fecretly put themfelves un- re^'ion* der the protection of the king of France, and given ;n Poitou, him hoftages for their fidelity, broke out into open re- &c. bell ion in the fir ft months of this year. But they foon had reafon to repent of their rafhnefs. For Henry, marching with great expedition into their country, took and demolifhed their ftrongeft caftles, and reduced them to the necelfity of profefling their willingnefs to fubmit to his authority, if he could re- cover their hoftages from the king of France. To accomplifh this, he had an interview with that prince between Mante and Pacey, about the end of the Eafter holidays. But Louis abfolutely refufed to give up the hoftages, and only agreed to prolong the truce till Midfummer. In the mean time the barons of Britan- ny, who had fecretly promifcd fu ejection and given hoftages to the French monarch, threw off the mafk, and refufed to obey Henry's commands to join his army. They had no better fuccefs than their neigh- bours of Poitou and Guienne ; their caftles were ieiz- ed, and they were conftrained to offer fubmiffion on the fame terms. This produced a lecond interview between the two monarchs about Midfummer, in which the king of France refufing to give up the hof- tages which he had received from Henry's rebellious barons, the truce was not prolonged, and an open war broke out, which continued feveral months without any memorable action (38). Both kings being at length weary of a war, which A.D. 1169. was very pernicious to their fubjects, without being Peace with either honourable or advantageous to themfelves, a (36) Chron. Trevel.ann. 1166. (37) Chron. Norman. 1101. £38} Chron. Norman, p^ ioox. peace 9« HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1169. peace wzr- concluded between them, January bth, A. •>— -v— -' D. 1169. On this occafion, prince Henry of Eng- land did homage to his father in-law the king of France, for Anjou and Maine, as he had formerly done for Normandy; prince Richard, the king of England's fecond fon, did homage for Aquitaine; and Geoffrey, his third fon, for Britanny (39 j. The reft of this year was fpent in improving the fortifi- cations of the frontier towns of Normandy, and in various negotiations with Thomas Becket archbifhop of Canterbury, which will be related in the fecond chapter of this book. - A.D.1170. The ceremonies of coronation and the royal unc- Hcnry re- tion were efteemed more important and effential in the turns into tjmes we are now delineating than they are at prefent. England, rT , . ' ° n / .r ., crowns his Hence proceeded that extreme nalte that princes with fon prince difputed titles difcovered to have thofe ceremonies per- Htnry, and formed upon them ; and the defire of many of the kings returns to Qf jrrance^ to fee tnejr fons crowned and anointed in their own lifetime, as the moft effectual fecurity of their fucceffion. Henry, prompted by parental affec- tion, and influenced by feveral political reafons, had refolved to have his eldeft fon prince Henry crowned and anointed king of England as foon as poffible. But as he was now at variance with the archbifhop of Canterbury, who claimed an exclufive right to perform thefe ceremonies, the execution of this defign was attended with no fmall difficulty. Being fenfible of this, he conducted it with great- dexterity and art. Having brought all his dominions on the continent to a ftate of perfect tranquillity, he came over into Eng- land, from whence he had been abfent about four years, and, landing at Portfmouth, March 3d, foon after held a parliament or affembly of his great men. In this affembly commiffioners were appointed to vifit each county in the kingdom, and to make ftri& inquiry into the conduct of thefherirFs and other magiftrat.es dunng the king's abfence, and to bring the rcfult of their inquiries to another great council to be held at London, June 4th. At this lad affembly, William king of Scotland, David his brother, the prelates, earls, barons, (heriffs, bailiffs, and aldermen of all England, were prefent, anxious and uncertain (39) Chron. Norman, p. 1002. about Ch. i. § 3. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 91 about the king's defigns, when, to their great furprife, A.IX1170, prince Henry, who had arrived from Normandy only -— v~-— ' the week before, was Solemnly crowned and anointed king, by Roger archbifhop of York ; and, the day after, all the members of this aflfembly fwore fealty to the young king, with a faving of the real y they owed his father (40). About Miofummer king Henry the father returned into Normandy, leaving trie young king regent of England. Ke had an interview with the king of France, July 22d, in which that prince complained, that his daughter Adargaret had not been crowned with her hufband. But on Henry's alluring him that this was owing only to the dilpatch and fe- crecy that were necellary on that occalion, and promis- ing that this defect fhould be fupplied as foon as pof- fible, he feemed to becontented. Soon after this in- terview, the king of England being feized with a Se- vere fit of ficknefs, made his will, and bequeathed to his eldefr fon the kingdom of England, the duchy of Normandy, with the earldoms of Anjou and Maine, requiring him to make fome provifion for his youngeil fon John ; to his fecond fon, Richard, he left the duchy of Aquitaine ; and to his third fon, Geoffrey, the duchy of Britanny (41). After his recovery from this ficknefs, he had a difpute with the king of France, about the archbifhopric of Bourges, which produced one of thofe Short and unimportant wars that were fo frequent in the times we are now confidering (42). Henry II. had entertained thoughts of invading a. D.1171. Ireland, and attempting the conqueft of that iflaud, Henry very foon after his acceilion to the throne of England, takes Der* In the fecond year of his reign, having obtained a "J .; *?"? bull from pope Adrian IV. who was an Englishman, under his authorising and exhorting him to that undertaking, protection. he proceeded So far as to communicate his defign to a great council of his nobility ; but was difl'uaded by his mother the emprefs from proceeding any further at that time (43). An event happened A. D. 1168, which called his attention towards that ifland, and afforded him a fpecious pretence for intermeddling (40) Brompton, col. 1060. Gervas Cant. col. 1410. Benedict Abbas, p. 4, 5. (41) BenedicT;. Abbas, p. 56. (41) R. Hoveden. Annal. p. 298. (43) Chron. Norman, p. 991. Rymer Foedera, 1. 1. p. 15. in 92 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1171. in its affairs. Dermot Macmorroh king of Leinfter v — v ■ (one of the five kingdoms into which Ireland was then divided) having been expelled from his domini- ons by his own fubjects, with the afliftance of the kings of Meath and Connaught, for his tyranny and other vices, implored the protection of the king of England, promiiing to hold his kingdom of him as his fovereign lord, if he was reftored to it by his aid. Though Henry, who was then in Guienne, was much pleafed with this application, he was too much engaged in his difputes with the church and the king of France, to think of an immediate expedition into Ireland in perfon. But that Dermot might not be quite difcouraged, he gave him letters-patent directed to all his fubjects in England, and other countries, declaring that he had taken him under his protection, and giving them licence to aid and affift him in the recovering of his kingdom (44). With thefe letters, and a decent appointment out of the royal treafury for his fupport, the exiled prince returned into Eng- land, and took up his relidence at Brifrol, on ac- count of its vicinity to his own dominions. Expedition Here he entered into a negotiation with Richard of fome de Clare, furnamed btrongbow, earl of Strigul or Englifh ba- Pembroke, to whom he promifed his daughter Eva in ronsmto marrias;e with the fucceflion of his kingdom at his Ireland. e> > o death, on condition that the earl came over into ire- land, next l'pring A. D. 1169, with furHcient forces to reftore him to his throne (45). After the conclu- sion of this treaty, Dermot removed to St. David's, to be ftill nearer Ireland, and engaged two noblemen of thefe parts, Maurice Fitzgerald and Robert Fitz- ftephen, to affift in his reftoration, by the promife of large eftates. Relying on the effect of thefe treaties, he ventured over into Leinfter in the winter ; and being joined by Fitzftephen in the fpring, and after- wards by Fitzgerald, he recovered all his former do- minions in the courfe of the campaign A. D. 1169 (46). Elated, but not contented, with this fuccels, he began to afpire to the fovereignty of all Ireland, and by frequent meflages earneftly folicited earl Strongbow (44) G. Cambrenf. Expug. Hibem. 1. I. c. 1. p. 760. (4j) Id. 1. 1. c. a. p. 761. (46) Id. 1. I. c. 3— 1». to Ch.r.§3- CIVIL AND MILITARY. 93 to fulfil his engagements, by coming to his afliftance A.D. 1171. with a powerful army. '- ~»~"— ' Though that earl had made great preparations for Earl his Irifh expedition, he durft not venture to engage in s»"ong- it without the permiflion of his fovereign, when thedi°^j^" object was not the reftoration of Dermot, but the Ireland, conqueft of Ireland ; and in order to obtain that per- miflion, he went over to the king in Normandy. Henry hefitated much about granting his requeft ; but having at length let fall fome words which feemed to imply a grant of his defire, the earl laid hold upon them, and haftening into England, pufhed his prepa- rations with the greateft vigour. When he had col- lected an army of twelve hundred men, in which were two hundred knights, with a fleet fufficient to tranf- port them into Ireland, he received pofitive orders from the king to defift from his enterprife. This threw him into great perplexity, and occasioned fome delay. But at length, reflecting that he was ruined if he defifted, and had the profpect of a fplendid fortune if he proceeded, he ventured to fail from Milford- haven, and landed near Waterford, Auguft 23d, A. D. 1 1 70, and a few days after took that town by ftorm. Here he was joined by Dermot, and his mar- riage with Eva the eldeft daughter of that prince was celebrated ; after which, the forces of all the Englifh adventurers being united to thofe of the king of Leinfter, they took the city of Dublin, and reduced the whole kingdom of Meath before the end of that campaign (47). On the j ft day of May A. D. 1 17 1, Dermot king; of Leinfter died at Femes ; and was fucceeded in that kingdom by earl Srongbow, his fon-in-law, without any oppofition (48). The news of the fucceftes of thefe adventurers in Henry's Ireland being carried to Henry, who was ftill in Nor- Proclamatl- mandy, he was much offended with their prelumption, theftfex"1- in flighting his orders, and attempting the conqueft ofditions. kingdoms, which he had meditated. To put a ftop to their further progrefs, he iflued a proclamation, prohibiting any of his fubjects from failing into Ire- land, and commanding all thofe who were in that (47) G. Cambrenf. Expug. Hibern. 1. i. c. 13 — 18. W. Neubri- gen. 1. 2. c. 26. (48) Expugnat. Hibern. 1. 1. c. 20. p. 771. ifland 9+ HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1171. ifland to return into England before the feaft of Eafter, *■— "v"-'*- on pain of perpetual baniihment, and the confifcation of their eftates (49). Strongbow was greatly alarmed at this proclamation, as it tended to deprive him of his followers, and indicated the high difpleafure of his fovereign ; to mitigate which he Tent Raymond, one of his greateft confidents, to the king, to make him an offer of all his atquifitions in Ireland, in the moft humble and fubmiffive terms (50). Though this of- fer could not fail to be agreeable to Henry, he received it with a fuilen filence, and Raymond was obliged to return to his mafter without any pofitive aflurance of pardon. Henry's Henry having fettled his affairs on the continent, expedition ancj jeft ^js dominjons there under the government of into Ire- . ° land. t^ie young king his fon, failed for England, and landed at Porcfmouth Auguft 3d. As foon as Strongbow heard of the king's arrival in England, he came over, and threw himfelf at his feet, imploring his pardon, and refignitig all his conquefts to his difpofal. Henry's refentment being overcome by this fubmifiive deport- ment, he received him into favour ; reftorvd him his efrate in England, which had been confifcated ; and even permitted him to retain a great part of the king- dom of Leinfter, to be held of the crown of England ; but took the city of Dublin and all the towns on the coafi: into his own hands (51). All things being now in readinefs for his Iriih expedition, the king embarked his army on board a fleet of two hundred and forty tranfports, at Mil ford -haven, and failing from thence, with a fair wind, landed, October 26th, near Water- ford, one of the towns refigned to him by Strongbow, where he was received with joy. The fame of his arrival foon fpread over all the country, and difpofed the petty princes of thofe parts to make their fub- miffions, and acknowledge him as their fovereign lord. He entertained them with great civility ; and having received their homage, and oaths of fealty, and im- poftd a moderate annual tribute upon each, as an ac- knowledgment of his fovereignty, he difmilTed them (49) G. Cambrenf. Expug. Hibern. 1. I. c. 19. (50) Id. ibid. (Si) W. Neubrigeii. 1. a. c. 26. with Ch. i. § 3. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 95 with valuable prefents (52). From Waterford he A.D. njt. marched at the head of his army to Dublin, which he w ""V— -* entered, November 21ft, without having feen or heard of any enemy. In this city he celebrated the feftival of (Jhriftmas, in a wooden palace erected for that purpofe, in which he not only entertained the great men of his own court and army, but many of the Irifh princes and chieftains, who were much fur- prifed at the great plenty and variety of provifi- ons (53). While he refided in this city, Roderic king of Connaught, the fupreme monarch of Ireland, had an interview, on the banks of the river Shannon, with Roger de Lacy and William Fitzaldelm, com- miffioners appointed to receive his homage, and fettle his tribute, which they did ; and by that tranfaclion the conqueft of the ifland was in a manner com- pleted (54). The king fpent the firft months of this year at A.D.1172. Dublin, in regulating the affairs of his new domini- Heni7.s , . P 9 .. ,. # 1 • 1 return into ons, and in improving their police (which was very EnRiand, imperfect), by introducing the Englifh laws and and voyage cuftoms(55). The Irifh clergy, in the ads of atoNorm:ia- council held at Calhel, 25th March this year, con- y' fefs their obligations to their new fovereign on this ac- count, in very ftrong terms, acknowledging, " That " before his coming into Ireland, many evil cuftoms 44 had prevailed there, which by his power and wif- " dom were now aboliftied (56)." Soon after Can- dlemas, Henry left Dublin, and took up hi^refidence at Wexford, where he impatiently expected news from England. But a fuccefiion of violent ftorms interrupted all navigation between the tw© iflands for feveral weeks. At length about the middle of Lent, he received intelligence, that two legates from the. pope, about the affair of Becker's murder, had waited tor him fome months in Normandy, and threatened to lay all his dominions under an interdict, if he difl not foon appear. Though he ardently defired to fpend the fummer in Ireland, he immediately prepared for his departure j and having put garrifons into all the (5a) Benedict. Abbas, ann. 1171. p. 27. Expugnat. Hibern. I. 1. c 30. 3i- (S3) Expugnat. Hibern. 1. i.e. 32. (54) Id. ibid. (5JJ M. Pari*, p. 88. (56) Expugnat. Hibern. c. 34. p. 777. places 96 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D.H7Z. places of ftrength in his pofTeflion, and appointed 1 v~* ' Hugh de Lacy (a nobleman in whofe courage, wifdom, and fidelity he repofed the greateft confidence) gover- nor of Dublin, and chief jufticiary of the kingdom, he failed from Wexford on Eafter Monday, and in the evening landed at Portfinnan in South Wales (57). Paffing with as much expedition as poflible through Wales and England, he embarked, together with his fon the young king, at Portfmouth, and landed at Barfleur in Normandy, on the 9th of May (58). The king of France was fo much furprifed at the news of his arrival, that he cried out, " This Henry of " England rather flies than either rides or fails (59)." At an interview between thele two monarchs foon after, all their differences were, in appearance at Jeaff, compromifed, and young king Henry, with his queen, Margaret of France, were fent over into England, and were both folemnly crowned at Win- chelrer, Auguft 27th, and immediately returned to the continent. On the arrival of thefe perfonages, a great council was held at Avranches, September 27th, in which the troublefome affair relating to the murder of Thomas Becket was terminated, and king Henry the father received abfolution from the pope's legates ; to procure which he promifed, amongft other things, to take the crofs next Chriftmas, for the recovery of the Holy Land, and in the mean time to give as much money to the knights templars as would maintain two hundred knights a whole year for the defence of Jerufalem (60). The king of France, pretending to have a ftrong defire to fee his daughter the young queen of England, and his fon- in- law, they were fent to his court in November, where they continued till they were remanded by Henry, who began to be fufpicious that Louis, who never was his real friend, might give his fon fome improper ad- vice (61). (57) Expugnat. Hibern. 1. 1. c. 35, 36, 37. Benedict. Abbas, p. jl, 32. R. Hoveden. Annal. p. 303. (58) Benedict. Abbas, p. 33. (59) Ypodigma Neuftriae, p. 448. (60) See Brady's Hift. vol. I, Append, p. 61, 6z. (61) Benedict. Abbas, p. 37. Henry Ch.i.§3. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 97 Henry was in great profperity in the beginning of A.D. 1173,. this year, and his profperity feemed to be built on the "f" — ' moft folid foundations. He was in the prime of life {jJ"lfJ?Bcy — had a numerous family of fons and daughters, of a„ajnft. whom he was remarkably fond, and for whom he had Henry by made the moft munificent provifions — his extenflve do- hls fons> minions were in a ftate of the moft profound tranquil- c' lity, and perfect fubmiffion to his authority — and his friendship was courted by all the princes of Europe. But, notwithstanding all thefe fair appearances, he was really on the very brink of ruin. A mine was ready to be fprung under him, which threatened his deftrudtion. This mine was formed by his own fa- mily, who were the objects of his ftrongeft affection, and of whom he had merited the warmeft returns of «:ra- titude and duty. His eldeft Ion Henry had j'ome good, but many bad qualities. In particular, he was fond of flattery, extravagantly expenfive ; and his vanity and ambition were both unbounded (62). Being crowned at the age of fifteen, he became impatient to reign independent of his father. This impatience was inflamed by his mother queen Eleanor (who was enraged at her hufband on account of his gallantries), by her uncle Ralfe de Faye, by his father-in-law the king of France, and, in a word, by all who were about his perfon, or had any fhare in his favour ("63). By thefe an unnatural confpiracy was formed for de- throning Henry the father, and inverting young Henry with all his authority. This plot was conducted with great fecrecy ; and befides the king of France, feveral foreign princes were engaged in it, by extravagant grants made to them by the young king; — as William the Lion, king of Scotland, to whom were granted the counties of Cumberland and Northumberland ; — Philip earl of Flanders, to whom was granted the earldom of Kent; — his brother iVIatthew earl of Bou- logne, to whom were granted the county of Mortain in Normandy, and fome lands in England ; — and Theo- bald earl of Blois, to whom were granted an annuity, and all Henry's eftates in Touraine (64). Many ot (62) Topographia Hibernix Diftinift. 3. 1. 49, 50. p. 752. (63) W. Neubrigen 1. 2. c. 27. (64) Benedict Abbas, p. ^o, U- Vol. 111. H the 9S HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1173. the moft powerful barons, both in England and in all ' — -v ' the provinces on the continent, were brought to join in this confpiracy, together with the two young princes, Richard and Geoffrey (65). Undutiful The laft hand was put to this plot when young behaviour Henry refidcd in the court of France, in the end of „ ^ngo the preceding year; and on his return from thence, his father, he demanded of his father the immediate and entire pofleflion either of the kingdom of England, or of Normandy, Anjou, and Maine. On leceiving a re- fufal to this demand, he was at no pains to conceal his dif content ; and thenceforward behaved in the moft offenfive manner to his too indulgent father. Of this it will be fufficient to give one example. Hum- bert earl of Maurienne and Savoy, being in the Eng- lish court at Limoges in the beginning of this year, contracted his eldeft daughter Adelais to prince John, king Henry's youngeft fon, February 2d, and in that contradf. granted all his dominions to the prince, if he died without male ifiue, and a very coniiderable part of them, even though he ftyould leave a fon. King Henry being afked by the earl, what eftabliihment he defigned to make for his fon, propofed the three caftles of Loudon, Chinon, and Merebeau. But to this he could not by the moft earneft entreaties procure the confent of the young king, who totally difregarded all his father's felicitations, though in favour of his brother, and for fo fmall a fhare of fo great an inheri- tance (66). On this king Henry removed feveral perfons from Henry flies a'DOUt his fon, who he imagined gave him bad advice, from his and placed others, of whom he had a better opinion, father. jn their room. But this had no other efteel:, than to hallen his flight into France, which he accomplifhed about the middle of Lent. His afflicted father pur- fued him as far as Alencon ; but finding he could not overtake him, and beginning to apprehend what foon after happened, he applied himfelf with great dili- gence to put his frontier towns and caftles in the bcfl pofture of defence (67). (65) Benedict Abbas, p. 51,5a, 53. (66) Id. p. 46. (67) Id. p. 47. Trivet Chron. ann. 1173. The Ch. i. §j. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 99 The flight of the young king was the fignal of re- A.D. 1173. bellion to all who were engaged in this confpiracy. — v ' He was foon after followed by his two brothers, Theconfpi- Kichard and Geoffrey, and by a prodigious number of racy breaks the barons of Normandy, Anjou, Maine, and other countries (68). Even queen Eleanor meditated a flight to the court of her former hufband, from whom fhe had been divorced; but being apprehended in dif- guife, fhe was kept in ftridt confinement (69). The defection from king Henry the father on this occafion became fo great that he knew not whom to truft ; and the world in general gave him up for loft. Though the fpirit of this brave prince was wounded wife con- in the moft tender part by the revolt of his own chil- du<5t of dren, and on many of whom he had beftowed the kmgHenry. greateft benefits, it was fo far from being broken, that he never difplayed greater activity, wildom, and valour, than at this trying juncture. He fent ambaffa- dors to the court of France, to expoftulate with Louis for encouraging and fupporting his fons in their rebellion ; — he wrote accounts of this event to all the princes in Europe ; — he folicited the Pope to launch the thunders of the church againft his undutiful children, and their accomplices ; — he difpatched let- ters to all the governors of his towns and caftles to be upon their guard, and prepare for their defence •,— »-and to all his barons in whom he had any confidence, to be in readinefs with their followers j and he took no fewer than twenty thoufand Brabancons (a kind of foldiers of fortune) into his pay (70). It foon appeared that none of thefe precautions were open war unneceffary. For immediately after Fatter the flames in many of war broke out at once in many different places. places- The king of France, with young Henry, at the head of a prodigious army, entered Normandy on one fide, and invefted Verneuil. The earls of Flanders and Boulogne entered it on the other, and laid fiege to Aumale ; while the rebellious barons of Anjou, Maine, Aquitaine, and Britanny, took the field, and (68) W. Neubrigen 1. a. c. 27. (69) Gervas Chron. p. 1414. (70) R. Hoveden. Annal, p. 306, 307. P.Blefms Epift. 153. Wn Neubrigen. 1. a c. 17. H 2 defolatei 100 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. feooklll. A.D. 1173, defolated the royal demefnes in thefe provinces (71). x— -y ' Nor did England enjoy greater tranquillity. For the king of Scotland invaded Cumberland, befieged Car- lifle, and deftroyed the adjacent country with fire and fword 5 while the vaffals of the rebellious earl of Lei- cefter, and others, appeared in arms in the centre of the kingdom (72). Remarka- In the rnidff. of all thefe dangers Henry continued ble events ferene and cheerful, waiting at Rouen with his Bra- o this war bancons, and a few of his faithful barons, for an op- en the con- * . ' Q . , „ « ■ 1 tinent. portunity to act with emcacy ; fruiting much to the frrength of his fortified places, and to the fidelity and valour of his garrifons. The earls of Flanders and Boulogne appeared at firft the moft formidable of his enemies, having taken in a fhort time the towns of Aumale, Neuchatel, and Driencourt. But at the laft of thefe places the earl of Boulogne received a wound in his knee, of which he died in a few days ; and his brother the earl of Flanders was fo much afFedted with grief at this difafter, and with remorfe for the unna- tural war in which he was engaged, that he retired out of Normandy with his own troops, and thofe of Boulogne (73). Delivered from thofe dangerous ene- mies on that fide, Henry began to think of ailing of- fenfively againft his other foes. With this view he marched from Rouen to attempt the relief of Ver- neuil, which had been bravely defended, but was now re- duced to great diftrefs for want of proviiions. The king of France treated the firft reports of his approach with fcorn, as thinking them incredible. But when he found them real, he raiied the fiege, and retired into his own territories, Auguft 9th, with (uch preci- pitation, that he left his camp a prey to his enemies. The French barons were fo much discouraged with this ill fuccefs, that, the legal time of their fervice being ended, they diibanded (74). The defection of the barons of Britanny had been the moft general, and they had done the greateft mifchief; and therefore Henry, immediately after the diflblutiou of the French (71) W. Neubrigen 1. 2. c. 27. (72) BenedicT:. Abbas, p. 54. (73) R. Hoveden. Annul, p. 306. W. Neubrigen. 1. 2. c. 28. (74) Id. ibid.. army, Ch. i. § 3. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 101 army, detached a great body of his brave and trufty A.D. 1173. Brabancons into that province, who defeated the rebels v- — v— ^ in a pitched battle, Auguft 20th, and fhut up all the chiefs of them in the caftle of Doll, to which they had fled for refuge. As foon as Henry received this agreeable news, he fet out from Rouen, and, travel- ling all night, arrived at Doll next morning, and preffed the fiege with (o much vigour, that the earl of Chefter, the baron de Fougers, and about a hundred other nobles, were obliged to uarrender at difcretion, Auguft 26th, and were fent to different prifons (75). The news of thefe events ftruck. fuch terror into the rebellious barons in the other provinces, that they dif- miiled their followers and retired to their caftles. Thus were all the numerous enemies of Henry on the continent diifipated in a few months, with little lofs or labour. Nor were his adveifaries in Britain more fuccefsful. Events of For Richard de Lucy, chief judiciary, took, the town ^lswann of Leicefter, July 28th, which belonged to Robert de Bellomont, earl of Leicefter, the king's molt invete- rate enemy, who was then with the young king in France. After this, marching northward, with Hum- phry de Bohun high conftable of England, and other loyal baron?, they compelled the king of Scotland, who had committed the moft horrid ravage ^ in the Northern counties, to retire into his own dominions; j.nto which they followed him, and would pro- bably have committed equal ravages, if they had not received intelligence that the earl of Leicefter had landed near Walton caftle in Suffolk, October 17th, with an army of Flemings. Carefully concealing this intelligence from the king of Scots, they conclud- ed a truce with that prince to the feaft of St. Hilary ; and marched into the fouth with great expedition, en- countered and defeated the earl of Leiccfter's army near St. Edmondfbury, November ift, talcing that earl, with his countefs, and feveral noblemen, pri- soners (76) Thus ended this active campaign, in a manner equally glorious and happy to the el- (75) W. Neubrigen. 1. a. c. 29. (76) Benedict. Abbas, p. 69, 70. M. Paris, p. 89. der 102 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1173. der Henry ; who, in December, concluded a truce *— — V"*-* with the kings of France and Scotland, from the feaft of St. Hilary to the end of the Eafter holidays next year (77). A.D.1174. Though the operations of war were fufpended for Plan of the fome months, by the truce and the feafon of the year, confpirators preparations for it were going forward. The confede- campaien rates re^ving to make the moft vigorous efforts, ef- pecially againft England, formed the following plan for the operations of the next campaign. While the king of Scotland invaded the northern countries, the young king Henry, with the earl of Flanders, whofe ambition had conquered his remorfe, were to land in the fouth, at the head of a powerful army of Flem- ings ; and feveral Lnglifh earls, who had been per- verted from their duty, were to rife with their fol- lowers in different counties, to increafe the pubiic confufion. To detain the elder Henry on the conti- nent, the king of France (accompanied by the two young princes, Richard and Geoffrey) was to invade Normandy with all his forces (78). Operations ln confequence of this well-concerted plan, the of the war. king of Scotland, at the expiration of the truce, en- tered England with a great army, and fpread terror and defolation over all the northern counties ; while David earl of Huntington, brother to the king of Scots, Robert earl of Ferrers, Hugh Bigot earl of Norfolk, Roger de Mowbray, and the numerous vaf* fals of the two powerful earls of Leicefter and Chefter, took the field at the head of their followers in their refpective counties. If the young king, with the earl of Flanders, had landed at this time, England muft have fubmitted to their authority. But by their de- lays the whole fcheme was difconcerted. Richard de Lucy, with fome loyal barons, made head againft. the rebels in the centre of the kingdom ; while the well- affected nobility of Lincolnfhire and Yorkfhire, com- manded and animated by Geoffrey, bifhop-elecl: of Lincoln, king Henry's natural fon by the fair Rofa- mond, defeated Roger de Mowbray, and put a if op to (77) Benedict. Abba*, p. 74. (78) W. Neubrigen. 1. 2. c. 31, 31. the Ch. i. §3. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 103 the progrefs of the king of Scotland, obliging him to A.D. 1174. retire nearer to his own dominions (79). a ~"7 f When things were in this pofture, king Henry, hav- h™!^ ing put his territories on the continent in the beft ftate England, of defence, embarked at Baifkur, July 8th, and land- andvifit ed that evening at Southampton, bringing with him t°j*e*omk the two queens, Eleanor and Margaret, with the cap- ket# ' tive earls of Chelter and Leicefter. Influenced by motives, about which we can only form uncertain gu Iks, he haftened to Canterbury, to perform his devotions at the fhrine of Thomas Becket, who was now efteemed the guardian of the Englifh nation, and was become the favourice object of their adoration. Having fpent a whole day and night in pioftration, falting, and prayer, before the tomb of Becket, and expofed his naked ihoulders to the flagellations of the monks, he received abfelution, and fet out tor London ; where he arrived, July 13th, — a day diftinguifhed by one of the moft memorable and happy events of his reign — the captivity of the king of Scotland (8o). That prince had inverted Alnwick caftle ; and fan- King of eying himfelf fecure from the approach of any enemv, Scotland had fent out the bulk of his forces in three different ^"pn" bodies, to plunder the adjacent countries, retaining only his houfehold troops about his perfon, to reftrain the excurfions of the garrifon. The famous Ranulph de Glanville, then fherifF of Yorkfhire, afterwards chief judiciary of EngLnd, receiving intelligence of this ftate of things, collected a choice body of about four hundred knights, with which he arrived at New- cartle in the evening of July 12th. Here he halted a few hours to refrefli his men and horfes, and marching about day-break, approached very near the enemy's camp next morning, quite undifcovered, under the cover of a thick fog. When the fog cleared up, Alnwick caftle was ieenata fmall diltance, and the king of Scots, with about feventy knights, engaged in the fafhionable exercife of tilting in a neighbour- ing field. The king was not in the leaft alarmed at the fight of thefe armed troops, believing them to belong to his own fubjedf. Duncan earl of Fife. Even (79) R. Hoveden, p. 307, 308. W. Neubrigen. 1. 2. c. 32. Bene- dict. Abbas, p. 73,74- Anglia Sacra, 1. 2. p. 378, 379. (80) W. Neubrigen. 1. a. c. $$. wheii 104 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1174. when he difcovered that they were enemies, he was fo *-" ""V"-"' far from attempting to fave himfelf by flight, that fhaking his fpear, and crying to his attendants, " it " will now be feen who is a good knight," he boldly advanced to the attack. But his horie being killed in the firft encounter, he was thrown to the ground and taken prifoner ; at which his followers were fo much confounded that they either fled or yielded. Confe- Henry being awakened from his fleep at midnight, quences of Dv the mefienger who brought the news of this event, cent. ieapt from his bed, and wept for joy, commanding all his friends to be called to him immediately, and all the bells of .London to be rung to proclaim the h'appv tidings (8r). Nor was this exceffive joy without foundation. For the captivity of the king of Scots blafted all the lchemes of the confederates, and put an end to the troubles of England almoft in a mo- ment. The Scotch army immediately retired, and the feveral corps of which it was compofed quarrelling amongft themlilves, gave their enemies ample revenge for the injuries ihey had done them. The rebellious barons laboured to anticipate one another in making their fubmilTions, and giving up their catties; and young Henry, with the earl of Flanders, who were ready to fail with a great fleet and army, no fooner heard of thefe events, than they laid afiue ail thoughts of an invahon. Thelci.no- The king of France having fummoned all his no- of France bility to attend him, with their followers, marched at befieges their head and fat down before Rouen, the capital of Normandy, July 21ft, where he was foon after join- ed by young Henry and the earl of Flanders, with all their forces which enabled him to puih the fiege with great vigour, and without intermiffion. But the city was defended with equal vigour, by the inhabitants, and feveral loyal barons, who had thrown themfelves into it with their vaflV.ls, and repelled all the open af- faults of the befiegers, and alio defeated an attempt that they had made to take it by iui prife, on St. Lau- rence's day, Auguifc ioth, when a truce had been pro- claimed (82). (81) W. Neubrigen. 1. *. c. 23. •>. Benedid. Abbas, p. 77, 78. R, Hovcdcn, p. 308, 309. (82) W. Neubrigen. 1. 2. c. 36. Henry, Ch.i.§3- CIVIL AND MILITARY. ,05 Henry, hearing of the danger of his Norman capi- A.D. 1174. tal, and having fettled his affairs in hngland, em- " v — — 1 barked at Portfmouth. Augufr yihy with his Hraban Henry re- cons, and a thoufand Welfh, whom he had taken into ^°rnsto his pay ; carrying with him the king of Scots, and ana raifcsy' the two potent earls of Chefter and Leicefter ; but thefiegeof leaving the two queens behind him. He met with a ^un- favourable paflage, and landed next day at Barfleur, having fpem no more than one month on this molt for- tunate expedition, by which he faved his kingdom from the moil imminent danger. Committed his royal and noble captives to prifon at Falaife, he marched towards Rouen, which he entered by the bridge over the Seine, on Sunday, Auguft nth, and was received with every pofiible demonit ration of joy. Next morn- ing he commanded the gate towards the enemy's camp, which had been walled up, to be opened, and the ditch to be tilled ; and lent his Welih troops into the neigh- bouring woods, who were fo fortunate as to take a large convoy of provifions. The befiegers now def- pairing to take the city, became anxious about their retreat, in order to which the king of France fent ambafladors to propofe a conference to be held at Ma- launy, and a truce for two days; to both which Henry confented. Under the protection of this truce, Louis marched his army through the Green Foreft ; but inftead of halting at Malauny to attend the confe- rence, he purfued.his march with great precipitation into his own territories (83). Through the king of France had efcaped from a Henry dangerous fituation by this difhonourable flratagem, conclude* he was now convinced that all his efforts to ruin Henry an honour- would be in vain, and might end greatly to his own e Peace- difgrace. Ke therefore ftrioufly propofecia conference to be held at a place between Tours and Amboife ; where an end was put to this unnatural war, Septem- ber 29th, by a peace, of which Henry prefcribed the terms. By this peace the formidable confederacy againft him was diliolved, and all who had been en- gaged in it releafed from their oaths. His three re- bellious fons threw themfelves at his feet, implored his pardon, and acknowledged his authority as a father (83) R, de Diceto, col. 579. J. Brompt, col. 1098. and ,06 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Boole III. A.D. 1174. and a king; and he afligned them appointments for ^— v ' their fupport, more fuitable to his own generofity than to their merits. All prifoners were fet at liberty on both fides, and reftored to their eftates, except the king of Scots, and the earls of Leicefter and Chefter, with whom a feparate peace was to be made. A total oblivion of all injuries on both parts was declared, and young Henry agreed to confirm all the grants that had been made by his father during the war (84). Great le- Thus did this great prince, by his wifdom, valour, ™}y of activity, and good fortune, baffle all the attempts of king enry. a p0werfu] combination, which feemed to threaten him with inevitable ruin. Nor was his lenity on this oc- cafion lefs confpicuous than his other virtues. He fet at liberty, without any ranfom, no fewer than nine hundred and iixty-nine noblemen and gentlemen, and even thofe few who were excepted out of this pacifi- cation were not treated with feverity. The kingdom of Scotland, after the captivity of its king, became a fcene of the moft deplorable anarchy and confufion, which made that prince and his nobility willing to fubmit almoft to any terms to procure his liberty ; and Henry very prudently embraced this opportunity of reducing both to a feudal fubje£tion to the crown of England. On this fingle condition a peace was concluded at Falaife, December 8th, and the king of Scots engaged that he and his fucceflbrs, kings of Scotland, together with all their prelates and barons, iliould do homage and fwear fealty to Henry and his fucceflbrs, kings of England ; for the due perform- ance of which, in the firft inftance, certain hoftages were given, and the king was fet at liberty (85). A.D. 117^. Henry, who was a very fond indulgent parent, was Henry's fo much delighted with the recovery of his Ions out kmd treat- 0f *he hands of his enemies, that he treated them, ment of his nct on]y w^ the greatefl. kindnefs, but with the greateft confidence j giving to the young king a com- miiiion in Normandy ; to prince Richard in Poitou ; and to prince Geofifrey in Britanny, to command the forces of thefe provinces, for executing the late (84) Benedict. Abbas, p. 87—92. W. Ncubrigen. 1. a. c. 38. R. Hoveden.p. 309, 310. Rymer Fcedera, p. 37, 38. (85) Rymer Fitdera, I. 1. p. 39, 40. treaty, Cb. i. § 3. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 10; treaty, by difmantling certain catties belonging to A.D. 1175. their own adherents (86)< * **"' When the time approached for their returning into seemingly England, young Henry began to betray fome fears perfect: re- ( which are faid to have been fuggefted by meilages conciliation from the king of France) that his father might treat H time in the company of thofe who had been his greateft confidents in his former revolt. Henry, informed of his fon's fufpicious conduit, endeavoured to guard again!! its confequences, by demolifhing fome of the caftles of thofe barons who had been engaged in the late rebellion, and taking others of them into his pof- feflion (94). Though Henry was under a neceflity of'diminifhing a.D. 1177. the power of fome of his barons who were of doubtful Henry loyalty, he took much greater pleafure in pardoning, Pardons tne when he imagined it would be productive of a good rjhefterand effe£t. Of this he gave the cleared proof, in pardon- Lekefter. ing the two potent earls of Leicester and Chefter, who had been excepted out of the late pacification, and reftoring to them their great eftates, in a par- liament held at Northampton in January this year (95). In another great council held at Marlborough, Greatcoun- about Candlemas, orders were given to all the fheriffs ol at Marl- to make a itricl: inquiry into the number of -knights orou& • fees in their refpeclive counties ; and a proclamation was ifliied to all who held of the king by knights fer- vice, to attend him at London, May ilt, with their horfes and arms, in order to an expedition into Nor- mandy (96,). But the report or thefe preparations feems to have rendered the ufe of them unnecef- i'ary. Henry was no lefs famous over all Europe for his Deputes wifdom and iuftice as a iudo;e, than for his oower ^Y"" , - 1 • 1 - 1 10 * 1 ■ tne kings and greatnels as a king ; which engaged oanchez king 0f caftile of Navarre, and Alphonfo king of Caftile, to make and Na- a reference to him of all their differences, which had varre, de- been the occafion of long wars and much bloodfhed. Henrvlna^ In confequenceof this, both thefe princes lent the moft parliament learned and eloquent advocates to plead their caufe, at London, which was folemnly heard in a great council held at London, March 13th, and determined in a manner (94) R. Hoveden, p. 317. (95) R. Hoveden, p. 320. Benedict. Abbas, p. 166. (96) Id. Benedict Abbas, 170, 171. perfectly no HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1177. perfe&ly agreeable to both parties (97) : a tranfaction I— — y— — * more honourable to Henry than many victories. Tranfacti- Much important bufinefs was tranfatted in another ons of a par- great council held at Oxford, in May, at which the bament at prjnces anu" 1 • r court oi parties, he once more reitored tranquillity to that d if- France. tracked court and kingdom (108). While he was engaged in this beneficent tranfaclion, Henry's fo worthy of a great and good kin?:, he received the kmdnefs to 1 u 1 c i.u > ir r u- c ■ 1 the duke of melancholy news or the expullion or his bn-in-law, SaK his Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony and Bavaria, from f0n-in-law. all his territories, by the united forces of the empire. About the end of July, that unhappy prince, his af- flicted confort, his infant family, and a few faithful friends, who had not abandoned them in their diftrefs, arrived in Normandy ; and were received by Henry with the moft foothing tendernefs. On the duke and his family he fettled a maintenance fuitable to their rank and his affeclion ; and on their faithful attendants he beftowed valuable prefents, and procured them per- miffion to return to their native country ( log). Nor was this his only domeftic uneafinefs at this Henry time. For his eldeft fon Henry, who fpent much ofPrevent8a his time, for feveral years, in frequent tilts and tour- ™£i"^s naments, attended by an expenfive retinue of knights, eldeft fon, importunately demanded the ceffion of Normandy to enable him to reward his followers; and meeting with a refufal, retired into France in violent difcontent. But by frequent melTages, and generous offers of an eilrabliihment of one hundred pounds of Anjouvine money a day for himfelf, ten pounds of the fame mo- ney for his confort, and fuitable rewards for one hun- (107) Benedict. Abbas, p. 365 — 368. Hoveden, p. 351. (108) Benedid. Abbas, p. 373, 3.74. {109) Id. p. 377. Vol. III. I dred ii4 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. the royal family of England. A.D. 1182. dred knights, he prevailed upon hirn tp return, and u— "V— — ^ profefs his fatisfadtion with this appointment (1 10). A.D.1183. Henry was earneflly defirous of increafing and per- Rupturc in petuating the harmony which now fublifted in his family, and ampngfl his fons, by adding the feudal ties, which were then efteemed inviolable-, to thofe of blood. At Angers, in the beginning of this year, he held an affembly of his nobles ; in which he propofed, that his Ions, Richard and Geoffrey, ih,ould do homage to their eldefl brother Henry, for their refpective terri- tories of Aquitaine and Britanny, that they might be engaged to fupport one another by the mutual obliga- tions eftablifhed by that ceremony. Geoffrey com- plied with his father's will, and did homage to his brother of Britanny ; but Richard rejected the propo- fal with fo much haughtinefs, that it occaiioned an immediate and moil violent animofity between him and his eldeft brother. Thefe fiery fpirits immediate- ly flew to arms, and the war was carried on between them with fo much rancour, that no quarter was given on either fide. Their afflic/ted father for fome time did not interpofe. But at laft, obferving that his iecond fon Richard was in danger of being overpow- ered by the united forces of his two brothers, and of fome powerful barons of Aquitaine, who had revolted, he raifed an army, and marched to his relief. This brought on a treaty between the contending parties near Limoges, which was managed with great dupli- city on the part of the two affociated brothers ; and the elder Henry, fufpecVtng no harm when engaged in a negociation with his own children, was twice in dan- ger of being killed (in). During this negotiation, the mind of young Henry young king was agitated — by the moil violent rage againll his. eflry" brother Richard — by the ilrongcft refentment againil his father for interpofing in his behalf — and by the mod tormenting uncertainty, whether to venture a battle or fubmit to peace. At length he was^perfuaded by his brother Geoffrey, and the revolted barons of Aquitaine, to hazard a battle. But the horror at- tending this unnatural refolution, added to his other paflions, threw him into a fever. When his phyfici- Death of (no) Benedict. Abba--, p. 378, 380. I (in) Id. p. 38.?, &c an> Ch.i.§3. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 115 ans acquainted him, that they had no hopes of reco- A.D. 1183. very, his foul was feized with bitter remorfe and an- ' * ' guifh for his repeated rebellions againft his indulgent parent, to whom he fent a meflage, expreffing his re- pentance, and earneftly intreating a vifit. Henry, prevented from complying with this requeft by the re- prefentations of his friends, took a ring from, his finger, and fent it to his fon as a mark of his forgive- nefs. The dying prince received it with much emo- tion, and prefling it to his lips, foon after expired (June nth) on a heap of afhes, where he had com- manded himfelf to be laid, with a halter about his neck, and in fearful agonies of mind (112). When Henry was allured of his fon's death, all his fortitude of mind and ftrength of body failed him. He fainted away thrice ; after which a flood of tears coming to his relief, he broke out into loud lamentations, ex- tolling the beauty, bravery, and other good qualities of the departed prince, and forgetting all his faults ( 1 13). On the death of young Henry, his army difbanded, his confederates haftened to make their fubmiflions, and the public tranquillity was reftored. Henry, after the death of his eldeft fon, became de- A.D. 1184. firous of making fome new arrangements in the dif- Freftl dif- pofal of his territories amon»ft his furvivine fons. putes which unhappily gave rife to new difputes in his fami- Henry and ly. As Richard was now become heir-apparent to the his fons. kingdom of England and the duchy of Normandy, He returns his father propoied that he ihould refien Aquitaine in £ England. r r 1 • /ill t 1 t?- , , Expedition favour of his youngelt brother John. Richard re- into Wales, quired a few days to confider of this propofal ; at the &c. end of which he returned a refufal in the ftron»eft terms, declaring, that no man Ihould ever poflefs Aquitaine while he lived (1 14). Henry, much of- fended at this refufal, placed his favourite fon John, now ieventeen years of age, at the head of an army, in hopes of terrifying Richard into a compliance, and in the mean time went himfelf into England, where he landed June 13th (115). The Welih had committed fome ravages on the Lnglifh borders during the king's (112) Benedict. Abbas, p. 39a, 393. W. Neubrigen. 1. 3. c. 7. R. Hoveden. Annal. p. 354. (113) Benedict. Abbas, p. 394. /n4) Id. p. 404. (11 s) Id. p. 406. I 2 abfence ; n6 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Booklli. *.D. 1184 A.D. 1185, Englifh court in a ftate of tranquil- lity. The patri- arch of Je- rufalem ar- rives in England, and endea- vours to ex- cite Henry to an expe- dition into the Holy Land. abfence ; but as foon as he approached their territories with an army, their prince, Rees up Griffin, waited upon him, and made the molt humble fubmiffions. While he was engaged in this expedition, he received the unwelcome news, that an actual war had broken out between his fons abroad : on which he fent mef- fengers, commanding them to difmifs their forces, and come to him immediately; which none of them dared to difobey. At their arrival, Henry held a great council of his prelates and nobility at London, No- vember 30th, in which his three fons were publicly reconciled. After which Geoffrey was fent back to the continent, and the other two remained in Eng- land (116). Queen Eleanor, who had been feveral years in a ftate of confinement, was let at liberty on the arrival of the duke and due fiefs of Saxony, with their family, in England, in the fummer of the preceding year, and now lived on decent terms with her royal con fort, when the king's ambaffador's brought the emperor's permifhon to the duke of Saxony to return into Ger- many, with hopes of being reftored to fome part of his dominions ; which diitufed the greater! joy over the Englifh court. When Henry was in good hu- mour on account of this agreeable news, he yielded to the folicitations of his fon Kichaid, and permitted him to return into Aquitaine, and then fet out on a progrefs to the north of England (117). When Henry had reached Nottingham, in his way to York, he was overtaken by a meffenger, with the news, that Heracliu?, the patriarch of Jeruialem, was arrived*in England. On which he returned, and received him at Reading. The patriarch, falling at the king's feet, accoited him in this pathecic (train : '* The Lord Jefus Chriit, O king ! calls thee, and " the people of God intreat thee, to come to the de- " fence of the Holy Land ; and in their name I pre- u fent thee with the royal ftandard, with the keys of " the city of Jeruialem, and of the fepulchre of our .;;) Expugnat. Hibern. 1. 2. c. 33-. (124) Benedict. Abbas, p. 444. (125 j Diceto, col. 630. Geoffrey Cb. i. §3. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 119 Geoffrey left only one daughter, an infant, who was A.D. 1186. the innocent occaiion Of a breach between the kings of"— — v1— — ' France and England. For Philip fent ambaffadofs to Bifpute Henry, claiming the guardianfhip of the heirefs of Henry and Britanny, and the government of her dominions during the king her infancy; and threatening to declare war againfr of France, him, if thefe things were not granted. Though this about the 1 • 11 r 1 1 n 1 • ,- • euardnn- claim was ill rounded, Henry, being averie to an im- fti of thc mediate rupture, fent ambailadors to the court of heirefs of France, who procured a truce to the beginning Britanny. of the next year, which was afterwards prolonged to Eafter (126). Henry, defirous of avoiding a war with the king of A.D.1187. France, embarked for Normandy, February 20th, and Waroe- held two conferences with that prince, in the months He and of March and April; but without effect : Philip be- Philip con- ing much irritated, and with good reafon, that the eluded by a marriage of his fitter with prince Richard had not truce« been completed ; and that Henry kept that princefs in a kind of captivity in England (127). War being now unavoidable, both kings took the field at the head of very great armies ; and, after various operations of lefs importance, they were on the point of engaging in a general adtion, June 21ft, when the pope's legates, who were in the king of England's army, ihterpofed their good offices, and brougat about a truce for two years (128). After the conclufion of this truce, prince Richard UndutifW vifited the king of France, in his camp, and from Jj p^T thence accompanied him to Paris, and contracted fo Richard, intimate a friendship with him, that it furprifed the whole world, and greatly alarmed his father, who fent frequent meffages, intreating him to return, and pro- miling to deny him nothing that he could reafonably defire. The prince, after various delays, at length promifed to comply ; but when he was on his way, he i'eized a conffdeiable treafure of his father's at Chinon, with which he went into Poitou, and began to fortify his towns and caltles. Though Henry could not but be much offended at this undutiful behaviour, he ftill (126) Hoveden^p. 361. Benedict. Abbas, p. 455. (127) Gervas Chron. col i486. (ia8) Id. col. 1500. Benedict. Abbas, p. 467, 468. purfued 120 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 118% Birth of Arthur duke of Britanny. Prince Richard takes the crofs. A.D.II88. The kings of Eng- land and France, &c take the crofs. Henry re- turns to England, anr! makes prepara- tion for a croifade. purfued the method of negotiation; and at laft pre- vailed upon Richard to come to him at Angers ; where he repeated his oaths of fealty and allegiance before a great aflembly ( 1 29 ) . In the mean time Conftantia duchefs-dowager of Britanny was delivered of a pofthumous fon, March 29th ; who, at the requeft of the nobles of that duchy, was named Arthur; and his mother was ap- pointed guardian of his perfon and dominions, under the protection and fuperintendency of his grandfather Henry(i3o). Towards the end of this year the melancholy news arrived from the Holy Land, that the Chriftianarmy had been entirely defeated, and the city of Jerufalem taken, by the famous Saladin fultan of Egypt; which filled all Europe with confternation, and excited many princes, and, amongft others, Richard Plantagenet prince of England, to take the crofs (131). Though Henry had often promifed to conclude the marriage of his fon Richard with the princefs Adelais, he {till delayed, on various pretences, the coniumma- tion of that marriage. At this her brother Philip king of France was greatly irritated, and railed an army with a defign to compel him to fulfil his promife, or to deliver up the lady, together with Gifors and its territories. To avert this {form, he had an interview with Philip, near Gifors, January 21ft; at which William archbilhop of Tyre, ambalfador from the Chriftians in the Holy Land, was prefent, and repre- fented their deplorable fituation in fuch affecting {trains, that the two kings, forgetting the original intention of their meeting, took the crofs from ' the hands of the archbifhop ; in which they were imitated by the earl of Flanders, the earl of Champagne, and many other nobles (132). Henry haftencd into England, where he landed January 31ft:, to make preparations for his expedition (129) Benedict. Abbas, p. 471. (130) W. Neubrigen. 1. 3. c. 7. (131) R. Hoveden, p. 362 — 365. Benedict. Abbas, p. 471 — 493. W. Neubrigen. 1. 3. c. 17, 18. (132) Itinerarium Gauf. Vinifauf. 1. 1. c. 17. Benedict. Abbas, p. 495, 496. W. Neubrigen. 1. 3. c. 23. into Ch. i. §3. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 121 into the Eaft, and held a great council of his prelates a^D. 118S. and barons at Gritington in Northampton (hire, Fe- ^ v p bruary nthj in which a t-mth of all rents for one year, and a tenth of all moveable goods, except the books of the clergy and arms of the laity, were granted to defray the expences of the intended croifade. But all who took the crofs were exempted from the pay- ment of thefe taxes. Even with this exemption, one hundred and thirty thou land pounds were railed ; a fum equal in efficacy to two millions of our prelent money (133). Baldwin archbifhop of Canterbury preached, before this aflembly, a very pathetic fermon, on the myftery of the holy crofs, and perfuaded pro- digious numbers of prelates, nobles, knights, and others, to inlift in this holy war. With the fame intention, and no lefs fuccefs, he afterwajds made a progrefs through Wales ( 134). While great preparations were making in England, War breaks for the projected expedition into the Eaif, a war broke out on the out on the continent, between the earl of Tholoufe j° j^' and prince Richard duke of Aquitaine, which was at- Henry en- tended with the mpft fatal confequences, though it gages, proceeded only from a trifling difpute about fome mer- chants. The earl of Tholoufe, feeing many of his towns taken, and his capital threatened with a fiege, implored the protection of his fovereign the king of France ; who warmly efpoufed his caufe, and march- ed, at the head of a great army, into the king of England's territories in Berry, where he took feveral towns. Henry, affonilhed at the news of this unex- pected invafion, fent ambaffadors to expoftulate with t'^t prince, and, if poffible, to prevent a war. But thefe ambaffadors were ill received, and returned with- out any fatisfadtory anfvver ; which obliged Henry to haften to the continent, where he landed July nth, and immediately retaliated the hofti'ities of the king of France (135). This war was very difagreeable to the earl of Flan- Confer- ders, and to feveral ether princes, who were impatient enceoc*" (i33) Koveden, p. 366. Benedict. Abbas, p. 496, 497. Gervas Chrcn. col. 1529. (i34) Vide Itinerarium Cambrise, apud Camden, Anglica Norma- nica, &c. p. 820, &c. (13.5) Benedict. Abbas, p. 503 — 516, to 122 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. ii€8. to proceed on their expedition into the Holy Land ; * v ' and, at their requeft, the two kings held one confe- tween the rence jn October, and another in November. In the England ^ °^ tnefe conferences, a fcene opened that involved and France, the king of England in great perplexity and diftrefs, in which from which he never recovered. At this conference, P"°ce , the king of France (who had made a private agreement forfakes his w'tn Prmce Richard) propofed to put an end to the father, and war, and reftore all his conquefts in Berry, on thefe joins the two conditions, — that the marriage of his filter Adelais king of ancj Richar(i fhould be immediately confummated— —— and that all Henry's fubjects in England and on the continent, fhould do homage to Richard as the heir of all his dominions. The prince declared his entire fatisfaction with thefe propofals, earneftly preffing their acceptance ; and when they were rejected by Henry, Richard, in the prefence of the whole affembly, went over to Philip, and did homage to him for Nor- mandy, Maine, Anjou, Berry, and Aquitaine (136). After this transaction the conference broke up in great confuhon. A.D.1189. As foon as the feafon of the year permitted, king Death of Philip, accompanied by prince Richard, and many Henry 11. barons (,f Normandy and Aquitaine, who had revolted with that prince, invaded Henry's territories with fire and fword(i37). About Eafter hofr ili ties were fuf- pended, and a conference appointed by the influence of the pope's legate, who had been fent into France to attempt the reconciliation of the two kings. In this conference, which was held, at la Ferte Bernard, June 5th, Philip made the fame propofals as formerly ; but prince Richard added another, That his brother John fhould accompany him to the Holy Land, that he might not have an opportunity of fupplanting him in his abfence. All thefe conditions being equally dif- agreeable to Henry, they were rejected by him, and the war was renewed with great fury : but that prof- perity and good fortune which had long attended this great prince, now forfook him, and he was obliged to fly before his enemies (138). In this reverie of fortune, when he was purfued from place to place by (136) Benedict. Abbas, p. 521. (137) Id. p. 534. (138) W. Neubrigeu. 1. 3. c. 25. Hoveden, p. 372. his Ch.i.§3- CIVIL AND MILITARY. 123 his eldeft fon Richard, he was bafely abandoned by his A.D.1171. youngeft and favourite Ton John, who deferted to his -—>/——» enenues. This laft event, added to aii his other caules of chagrin, gave a mortal wound to his affecti- onate heart, and threw him into a fever, of which he died, at Chinon, on Thurfday July 6th, in the thirty- fifth year of his reign, and the fifty-feventh of his age(139)- Thus died Henry II. who was certainly the greateft Hjs ctarac- and moil accomplifhed prince that had filled the ter. throne of England fince the Norman conqueft, and inferior to very few of our princes in any period. In his perfon (which is very minutely defended by feveral contemporary writers) he was of middle ftature, re- markably ftrong and active, but inclining to corpu- lency, which he guarded againft by abftemioufnefs and continual exercife. His countenance was comely, and his eyes had a mild luftre, except when he was an- gry; and then tney were uncommonly fierce and fpark- ling. In the very laft years of his life he mounted a horfe with greater agility, and rode with greater fpirit, than any of his courtiers, either in hunting or on a journey. In his deportment he was exceedingly polite and affable, except to perfons of a haughty fpirit and carriage, whom he delighted to humble. His conver- fation was pleafant and facetious ; his elocution eafy, eloquent, and graceful. His heart was warm, and his paffions ftrong, which rendered him an ardent lover, but not a faithful hufband, — a zealous friend, but formidable enemy ,5-- a kind mailer, and too indul- gent parent. His underftanding, which was naturally good, was improved by an excellent education, under his uncle the earl of Giocefter, by affiduous reading of the be ft books, particularly hiPcory, and by frequent converfation with the wifeft men ; by which means he became the moft learned prince and the greateft po- litician of the age in which he flourifhed. His me- mory was fo tenacious, that he remembered almoft all he read or heard, and never forgot a face he had once feen. He avoided war from principles of prudence and humanity ; but when it became neceifary, he car- (139) Benedict. Abbas, p. 546. W. Neubrigen. 1. 3. c. 25. ried 124 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. ried it on with (o much courage, conduct, and acti- vity, that he conftantly baffled all the fchemes of all his enemies. In the arts of peace he greatly delighted and excelled ; being a ftri£t and vigorous, but not unmer- ciful jufticiary, a munificent patron of learning and learned men, 2nd a great encourager of the arts, ex- pending immenfe fums in fortifying towns and caftles, repairing old and building new palaces, and adorning them with gardens, parks, and fifh-ponds. In a word, one of his greateft enemies acknowledges, " That " he was endowed with fo many excellent qualities, " both natural and acquired, that there was no prince " in the world comparable to him (140)." Hiftory of The internal Hiftory of Wales, in this period, Wales. coniiirs of a prodigious number of battles, fkirmifhes, mutual invafions, depredations, and murders, between the petty princes of its feveral principalities ; a mi- nute relation of which would fwell this work, without affording either entertainment or inftruclion to its readers. (141.) Hiftory of Malcolm IV. furnamed the Maiden^ mounted the Scotland, throne of Scotland about a year before the accef- fion of Henry II. to that of England ; and being a prince of a feeble conftitution and pacific temper, was ill qualified for contending with that powerful and enterpriling neighbour. Accordingly he relinquished the northern counties of Cumberland and Northum- berland, without a ftruggle, to Henry; and in an in- terview with that prince at Chefter, A. D. 1157* he did homage to him for the county of Huntington, with a faving of his royal dignity (142). Malcolm accompanied Henry in his expedition againft Tholoufe A. D. 1 159, and was knighted by him in the city of Tours. But this complaifanee of his to the Englifta monarch was very dif agreeable to many of the Scotch nobility, who gave him a very indifferent re- (140) Epift. S. Thorn. 1. 1. ep. ro.v Epift. Petri Blefenf. ep. 66. Hibern. Expugnat. Girald Cambren. 1. 1. c. 45. J. Saiiiburienf. de Nugis Curialium, 1. 6. c. 18. (141) See Towel's Hid. Wales, p. 205 — 140. (143) Chron. Mailros, aim. 1157. ception Ch. i. §4. CIVIL AND MILITARY, 125 ception on his return to Scotland ; and the few re- A.D. 11S maining years of his reign were diflurbed by frequent infurreStions (143). Malcolm died of a lingering difeafe, at Jedburgh, December 9th, A. D. 1165; and was fucceeded by his brother William, furnamed the Lion> whole wars with England, captivity, and fubmiflion to pay homage, and hold his kingdom of Henry, have been already mentioned. After Wil- liam recovered his liberty, A. D. 1 174, he reduced the people of Galloway, who had revolted in the time of his captivity, and obliged Gilbert, the lord of that country, to do homage to the king of England, and to himfelf (144.). Though the yoke to which this king of Scotland had fubmitted to regain his freedom, was, no doubt, very galling both to himfelf and to his fubje£ts, he made no attempt to throw it off; but lived in conftant peace and amity with the king of England ; and was married to Ermingard, a near rela- tion of that monarch, at Woodftoke, September 5th, A. D. 1 186 (145). As William furvived Henry II. more than twenty-five years, the mofl important and fortunate events of his reign will be related in the next feclion of this chapter. SECTION IV. The civil and military hijlory of Great Britain, from the accejfion of Richard. I. A. D. 1189, to the death of king John, A.D. 1216. TOICHARD, theeldeft furviving fon of Henry II. Acceffion **■ having paid the laft honours to the remains of his and corona- illuftrious father, with marks of contrition for his tion of Richard 1. (143) Chron. Mailros, ann. 1157. Buchan. Hift. p. 134. (144) Benedict. Abbas, ann. 1176. (145) Id. ibid. former 126 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1189. former undutiful behaviour, and having alfo fettled the ^— -v"— — ^ affairs of his foreign dominions, landed at Portfmouth, Auguft 13th, and was crowned at Weftminfter, Sep- tember 3d (1). Slaughter This folemnity occafioned a prodigious concourfe of the Jews, of people from all parts of England. Amongft others, many wealthy Jews came to London, to confult with their brethren in thai city about making a free gift of great value to the king on his acceflion. Richard had iffued a proclamation, that none of that people fhould prefume to enter either the church or Weftminfter- hall on the day of his coronation. Some of them being detected prefiing into the hall, were affaulted at firft with opprobrious language, and afterwards with fticks and ftones. The Jews, perceiving their dan- ger, fled towards the city, purfued by an enraged mob ; amongft whom a cry arofe, that the king had given orders to put all the Jews to death. This cry proved fatal to many of that hated nation ; who were maflacred in the ftreets. Others, who retired to their bouies, were either burnt in them, or flain in attempt- ing to efcape. The tumult gradually increafed, and fpread into all parts of. the city. Hatred, inflamed by avarice and religious zeal, rendered the mob ungo- vernable ; and ail attempts to quell them were in vain, till, wearied with {laughter, and overloaded with booty, they retired to fecure their prey. The king, juftly offended at this outrageous violation of the laws, and contempt of his authority, in the very beginning of his reign, commanded a few of the ringleaders of the mob to be hanged (2) Firfta&sof Some of the firft acts of Richard's government Richard's were gracious and beneficent. He was fo far from dif- adminiftra- covering any refentment againft thofe who had ad- l™";^!? hered to his father, and oppofed himfelf, that he con- tinued them in their places, and honoured them with peculiar marks of his royal favour. He immediately releafed his mother queen Kleanor from her long con- finement, allowed her a confiderable fhare of power, and, in particular, gave her authority to fet all pri- (1) Hoveden,p. 373, 374. W. Neubrigen. 1. 4. c.i. (a) W. Neubrigcu. 1. 4. c. 1. Benedict. Abbas, p. 560. M.Paris, p. 108. foners gracious. Ch.i.§4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. \v\ foners at liberty, who were confined for tranfgrefiions A.D.1189. of the foreft- laws, and feveral other crimes. His bro- ' v— — ' ther prince John he loaded with riches and honours, beftowing upon him at once no fewer than eight caftles, With the eftates annexed to them, and the government or earldoms of feven counties ^3) : favours that made him a formidable enemy, initead of an affectionate brother and obedient iubject. As Richard was the firft prince in Europe who af- Rjchard fumed the crofs, on the news of the victories of Sala- colk<3siuo- din over the Chriftians in the Holy Land; fo his ne7> troops, thoughts were chiefly employed at this time about col- ; a°d lecting money, and making preparations of all kinds his expedi- for his expedition into the Eaft, in conjunction with tionbto the king of France. In his father's coffers at Win- the Holy chefter, he found a prodigious mafs of treafure, a- ana* mounting, according to fome writers, to nine hun- dred thoufand pounds, but, according to others, only to ninety thoufand pounds, in gold and filver, befides plate, jewels, and precious ftones (4). To this he added immenfe fums by the fale of the royal carries, 'manors, parks, woods, and forefts. Nay, fo great was his- rage for money, that the higheft honours, and mod important offices, became venal. He even fold the fuperiority of the crown of England over the kingdom of Scotland, the moft glorious acquifition of his father's reign, for the paltry fum of ten thoufand marks, equivalent to about one hundred thoufand pounds of our prefent money (5). By thefe and va- rious other methods, fome of them very difhonoura- ble and unjuft, Richard amafled a much greater trea- fure than had ever been in the poffeflion of any king of England ; which was all diffipated in this romantic expedition. While he was thus employed, Rotrow, Earl of Perdue, arrived in England in November, and acquainted him, that the king of France with all his barons, had folemnly fworn, in a council held at Paris, that they would appear with their followers at (3) Benedict. Abbas, p. 555. R. Hoveden, p. 374. col. 1. W. Neubrigen, 1. 4. c. 3. (4) Benedict. Abbas, p. 553. M. Paris, p. 107. col. a. R. Hove- den, p. 374. (5) Benedict. Abbas, p. 568. M. Paris, p. 109. Hoveden, Vezilay 128 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D.1189 Vezilav before the clofe of next Eafter ; requiring ^—"~ v- ' ' -' the like fecurityfrom Richard and his barons, that they would appear at the fame time and place ; which was granted (6). Having conftituted William Longchamp biihop of Ely, and Hugh bifhop of Durham, regents of the kingdom in his abfence, he embarked at Dover, December 11th; and landed in the evening near Gravelines ; from whence he marched through Flan- ders into Normandy (7). A.D.1190. The monarchs of England and France, attended by An inter- their principal prelates and nobility, had an interview ™w, .about the middle of January, at Gue St. Reme, to France for fettle all the preliminaries of their intended expedition, fettling the At this interview the two kings took a folemn oath of prehmina- mutual friendship and defence, and agreed that if rieSj-.- "r either of them died on the voyage, the other fhould expedition. , j 0 ' have his money and the command of his forces : and finding that it would not be poiTible to have all things in readinefs againft Eaffer, the general rendezvous at Vezilay was put off to Midfummer (8). Richard held a great council on English affairs, February 2d, in which he obliged prince John, and his natural bro- ther Geoffrey, now archbifhop of York, to fwear, that they would not return into England for three years : but he afterwards imprudently relcafed them from the obligation of that oath. After this council he difmiffed William bifhop of Ely (who had lately been appointed the pope's legate for England, Scot- land, and Ireland), and fent him over to take upon him the government of his kingdom, and haifen the preparation of fhips, men, and horfes, for his expedi- tion (9). Maffacres Many of the Englifh who had affumed the crofs, of the Jews. an(j were preparing for their voyage into the Holy Land, imagined it would be a good beginning of their pious enterprife, to murder as many Jews as poflible, and feize their riches. In confequence of this imagi- nation, many thoufands of that devoted nation were (6) Benedict. Abbas, p. 570. (?) Id- P- 579- (8) Id. p. 583. R. Hoveden, p. 379. (9) Id. ibid. butchered Ch. i. § 4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 129 butchered in cold blood, at Norwich, Stamford, a. D.uoo. York, and other places, in the months of March and < v^-~J April this year (10). The croifaders who were con- cerned in thefe cruel *naflacres, made hafte to embark in their holy warfare, and thereby efcaped the punifh- ment that they juftly deferved for their injuftice and barbarity. When the time appointed for the general rendezvous The kings approached, the two kings put themfelves at the head of England of their refpedtive armies, and marched towards the an pies, where they arrived over land in February this arrive at year, efcorted by the earl of Flanders ; and it being from ' improper on feveral accounts to bring them toMeflina, whence the they took up their reiidence at Brindifi, till after theki»g°f departure of the king of France, who failed towards ^ance ha<* the Holy Land, March 30th. On the day after^ queen Eleanor, with the princefs Berengaria, landed at Mef- iina ; where the former ftaid only four days, and then embarked for England j but the latter was committed to the care of the queen-dowager of Sicily, who had refolved to accompany her brother into the Holy Land Richard, impatient to reach the feat of war, where Richard he expected to gather many laurels, would not flay at fails froni Meflina to celebrate his marriage, but failed from Meffin»* thence, April 10th, with a gallant army, on board a, fleet of about two hundred fhips and galleys ; which was unfortunately overtaken, two days after, by a vio- lent ftorm. The king, with the greateft part of the fleet, put into a harbour in Crete ; but miffing three of his largeft fhips, in one of which his royal bride and his After queen Jane had embarked, he fent in queft of them ■> and was foon informed, that two of thefe fhips had been ftranded on the coaft of Cyprus, and all their ere w either drowned, or imprifoned by the fovereign of the country ; and that the other, with the princefles on board, was riding before Limiffo, the capital of the ifland, having been refufed admittance into the har- bour (18). Richard immediately failed to Cyprus ; and having Richard received a haughty refufal to a refpec~tful requeft for conquers leave to enter the harbour of Limiiib, from Ifaac, a Cyprus, vain-glorious tyrant, who then reigned in Cyprus, ^es°i^f" and had affumed the pompous title of emperor, he marriage landed his army, defeated the tyrant in two battles, withBeren- and at length obliged him to furrender his perfon, his Saria* country, and a beautiful princefs, his only child, to the conqueror. This important conqueft detained (17) R. Hoveden, p. 39a. (18) R. Hoveden, f>. 393. R. de Diceto, col. 6,57. J. Brompt. col. 1197. K 1 him *32 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Richard fails from Cyprus, and arrives at Aeon. Siege and furrender of Aeon. A.D. 1191. him fome time in Cyprus; where he folemnized his marriage with the princefs Berengaria, May 12th, who was the fame day crowned queen of England (19)- While he was engaged in receiving the homage of the nobility of Cyprus, who made him a free gift of great value, he fent away the two queens, and the Cyprian princefs (who is faid to have made a conqueft of her conqueror), with a part of his fleet and army, to join the Chriftian army at the ficge of Ptolemais or Aeon; where they landed, June iff. Having fettled all the affairs of Cyprus, and appointed Richard de Camville, and Roger de Turnham, governors of that ifland, he failed with the reft of his fleet and army, taking a great Saracen fhip in his pafTage, and arrived at Aeon June 8th, to the great joy of the befiegers and difmay of the befieged (20). The city of Aeon had been inverted about two years by the Chriftian army, compofed of warriors from every nation in Europe, who had performed many glorious actions, and fuffered many grievous calamities under its walls, which had been bravely defended by a very numerous garrifon ; while Saladin, with a pow- erful army, befieged the befiegers, and haraffed them with continual combats (21). On the arrival of the Englifh army with their gallant leader, thefiege, that had languifhed for fome time, was pufhed with the greateft ardour ; the walls were battered night and day with various machines, the artillery of thofe times ; frequent furious affaults were given ; and the befieged, defpairing of relief, agreed to furrender the city, juiy 1 2th, on the following conditions : — " That the gar- " riibn fhou Id be allowed to march out only in their '? fhirts, leaving all their arms and baggage behind ** them : — That Saladin fhould reftore the true crofs, " with two thoufand five hundred of his Chriftian " piifoners of the greateft note: — That he fhould pay '* to the two kings two hundred thoufand pieces of " gold, called byfantines, for his men which they had " pri loners : — and, That the whole garrifon fhould be " detained as hoftages till thefe conditions were per- (19) R. Hoveden, p. 193, 194. Benedict. Abbas, p. 645 — 653. G. Vinifauf. 1. %. c. 35. (sc) G. Vinifauf. 1. 3. c. 2. (it) Id. 1. %. c. 35 — 4»- formed. Ch.i.§4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 133 *c formed (22)." Thus ended this famous fiege, A.D. 1191. after it had engaged the attention of all Europe and ' vr-*-' Afia for two years, and had coft the lives of fix arch- bifhops, twelve bifhops, forty earls, five hundred ba- rons, and three hundred thoufand other men (23). While Richard was making unprofitable conquefts Tyranny in the Eaft, at a great expence of blood and treafure, of Long- his fubjedts in England were fullering great inconve- cr?^?'«. niencies from his abfence, and the intolerable infolonce c;an, of of William Longchamp bifhop of Ely, to whom England, chiefly he had delegated his authority.— That haughty prelate, who had arifen from the very dregs of the people, was fo much tranfported with his unmerited elevation, that he could endure no rival. He impri- foned Hugh de Pufey bifhop of Durham, who had been appointed chief justiciary beyond the Humber, and obiiged him to refign his carries and his commif- fion to obtain his liberty (24). Pofieired of all autho- rity, civil and ecclefiaitical, as chancellor, chief juf- ticiary, and papal legate, he acled in the moft arbi- trary manner, beftowing all preferments in church and ftate on his relations and creatures, and uiing the re- venues of the crown as if they had been his own (25). In his manner of living he exceeded the pomp of kings, never appearing in public without a retinue of fifteen hundred horfemen. Richard, informed, of theie enor- mities, while he refided at Mefiina, gave a commif- fion to Walter archbifhop of Rouen, William earl of Strigul, Geoffrey Fitz-Peter, William Briewere, and Hugh Bardolf, to be privy counfellors to the high jufticiary, without whofe advice he was to tranfacl: nothing of importance. But fo terrible was Long- champ now become, that thefe noblemen had noc the courage to (hew him their commiflion (26). The imperious regent had alfo a quarrel with prince Leng- John, the king's brother, which was terminated by his champ agreeing to take an oath, which was alfo taken by all 1ua"eIs. l l 1 > 1 i e 1 1 • 1 1 -i- WItn prince the other prelates and nobles ot the kingdom, that n j0hn, and the king mould die beyond feas without iii'ue, all the Geoffrey archbifhop (2a) Benedict. Abbas, p. 653—663. Vinifauf. 1. 3. c. 17. ol York- (23) Vinifauf. 1. 4. c. 6. (34) R. Hoveden, p. 379, (25) Benedict. Abbas, p. 701. '■%(>) R. Hoveden, p. 391. col. 1. Diceto, col. 659. I royal i34 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III, A-D.rryr.royal caftles (hould be delivered to the prince (27.) ,w— "v- ' But his animofity againft Geoffrey, the king's natural brother, and archbifhop of York, prompted him to fuch acts of violence againft the immunities of the church and clergy, as proved fatal to his power and greatnefs. Geoffrey had been at Rome to procure the pope's confirmation of his election to the fee of York ; and on his landing at Dover, September 14th, was feiied by the governor of the caftle ; but making his efcape, took refuge in St. Martin's church ; from whence he was violent dragged by Longchamp's orders, and imprifoned in Dover caftle (28). Confede- This outrageous infult on an archbifhop, the fon and racy againft brother of a king, together with the violation of the Long- rights of fanctuary, excited univerfal indignation ch/*mP'by againft the high judiciary, and gave his enemies a is expelled, greater advantage than all his former acts of tyranny. Several bifhops excommunicated all who had been con- cerned in the horrid deed. Prince John and the chief nobility had a meeting at Reading, October 5th, in which the king's commiffion to the archbifhop of Rouen, and others, to be coadjutors to Longchamp, was produced ; and he was fummoned to attend ano- ther meeting at Lodbridge, three days after ; but, in- ftead of complying with thatfummons, he fhut himfelf up in the tower of London. As this lform was unex- pected, he had not laid in a fufficient ftock of provifi- fions to ftand a fiege ; which obliged him to fubmit, and appear before the prelates and nobility; by whom he was deprived of his two great offices of chancellor and judiciary : and not being able to bear his fall with fortitude, he made his efcape out of the kingdom, October 29th, in difguife (29). Walter archbilhop of Rouen, a prelate of great wifdom and virtue, acted as chief jufticiary, with the advice of his colleagues, by virtue of the former commiffion ; and the cultody of the great feal was given to Benedict abbot of Peterbo- rough, the hiftorian (30. (17) Benedict. Abbas, p. 694. (28) Anglia Sacra, 1. 2. p. 390, 391. (29) Benedict. Abbas, p. 707. Hovedcn, p. 400. (30) W. Neubrigen. 1. 4. c. i3. Benedict. Abbas, p. 714. He- mingford, 1. 2. c. j8. Soon Ch. i. §4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 135 Soon after the two kings of France and England A.D. 1191. had taken pofleffion of Aeon, the former began to in- ' >/~— -* timate his intention of returning into Europe, pretend- Jfhpr^"c* ing that the climate of Paleftine did not agree with his rctt,ras conftitution, and that his life would be endangered by a from the longer flay. This however was not the real, or at H°ly Land, leaf? not the chief, reafon of his forming this refolution —Many difputes had arifen between the two mpnarchs at M^fiina and in the Holy Land, which made their union neither cordial nor agreeable-^-He beheld his own glory eclipfed by the fuperior fplendour of Richard's atchievements, which gave him great difgufb — »-The earl of Flanders had died before Aeon with- out ifTue, and he expected, by his prefence in France, to fecure a part, if not the whole, of his fucceffion, — to fay nothing of his intention to feize fome of Richard's dominions in his abience. Great efforts were made to perfuade him to flay longer ; but they were ineffectual. Having renewed his engagements not to invade any of the territories of the king of Eng- land, while that prince continued in the Holy Land, or within forty days after his return home ; and hav- ing left a confiderable body of his troops under the command of the duke of Burgundy, he failed from the port of Aeon, with the reft of his fleet and army, Au- guft ift, and landed in France a few days before the feftival of Chriftmas, which he folemnized at his palace of Fountainbleau (31). Richard, after the departure of the king of France, Operations having repaired the walls of Aeon, marched from ?fthe war thence, Auguft 25th, with the Chriftian army, to re- ^^ Holy duce the other cities on the fea-coaft. The famous Saladin, at the head of a very numerous army, at- tended all their motions, and harafled them with per- petual combat*, in which aftonifhing a£ts of valour were performed on both lides-(32). At length thefe two great armies, animated by the mo.ft implacable hatred, inflamed by religious zeal, and conducted by the two braveft leaders in the world, came to a general action, September 6th, which continued from morn- (31) Benedict. Abbas, p. 667 — 670. W. Neubrigcn. 1. 4. c. ti. Hemingford, 1. 2. c. 57. (32) G. Vinifauf. 1. 4. c. 10 — 16 ins 136 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1191. ing to night ; when the Turkifh army was put to flight *— "-V—J with great flaughter (33). Saladin, after this defeat, defpairing to be able to keep the field, and to defend fo great a number of towns,, difmantled Caefarea, Afcalon, Joppa, and feveral others, and with their garrifons reinforced his army, and ftrengthened the garrifons of Jerufalem, and of the other towns he refolved to de- fend (34). After this victory, the Chriftian army proceeded on their march with little moleftaticn ; and reaching Joppa, found it deferted, and almoft quite de- molifhed ; and received intelligence that the enemy were acting the fame part at Afcalon. A council of war was held, in which king Richard propofed to march to Afcalon with all poffible expedition, and re- fcue it out of the hands of the Turks before it was demolifhed ; but the duke of Burgundy, and the other French generals (who had been fecretly inftructed by their fovereign to thwart the king of England in all his defigns), obftinately infifted on rebuilding Joppa; to which Richard reluctantly confented, and (even weeks were fpent in that work (35). In the begin- ning of November the Chriftian army marched from Joppa towards Jerufalem, rebuilding the ruined caftles, as they advanced, and being alfo much retarded in their progrefs by heavy rains and frequent aflaults of the enemy. But when they had overcome all thefc difficulties, and had reached the neighbourhood of the holy city, in the laft week of this year, the Templars, Hofpitallers, and Pifans, joining with the French, op- pofed the beiiegingof it, at that time, with many fpe- cious arguments ; and obliged Richard to return with his army towards Afcalon, to his own unfpeakablc mortification, and the great grief of many of the croi- faders (36). A. D.i 192. The king of France, in his pafTage from the Holy Conduiitof Land, had vifited Rome, and made bitter complaints thekingof to t^e pQpe Qf manv affronts and injuries which he xTHflCC 111* " terhisre- pretended to have received from the king of England ; turn from earneftly intreating his holinefs to releafe him from his the Holy oaths, that he might take vengeance on his enemy, liis" ' ^ by invading his dominions. But with this moft fhame- (33) G. Vinifauf. 1. 4. c. 18. 21. (34) Id. ibid. c. 23. liS) Id. ibid. I.4. c. 27— 30. (36) Id. 1. 5. c. J, 2. ful Ch. i. §4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 137 ful requeft the pope would not comply (37). Not A.D. 119*. difcouraged with this repulfe, on his arrival in France, ~ — "*"" — ' he made no fecret of his refolution to violate all his tri&*e9 . oaths, in order to gratify his revenge, or rather his j0hn.PnneC ambition. In a conference with the fenefchal of Nor- mandy, January 20th, he made a demand of Gifors, and its territories, threatening immediate war on re- ceiving a refufal(38). He engaged in dark intrigues with prince John, to whofe profligate character he was no ftranger, tempting him with an offer of all Richard's dominions on the continent, to join with him in the war againft his abfent brother ; to which he would have consented, if he had not been diffuaded by his mother queen Eleanor, and deterred by the threats of the jufticiaries of England to confifcate his eftates. Though difappointed in thefe intrigues, Philip would have invaded Normandy, if he had not been prevented by his barons, who abfolutely refufed to follow him in fo unjuft an enterprife (39). The government of England was alfo much dif- Attempts quieted at this time, by the violent efforts of William of Long- Longchamp, the expelled jufticiary ; who having recov£ *?} gained the pope to efpoufe his caufe, and renew his le- power de- gantine commiffion, threatened to lay the kingdom feated. under an interdict, if he was not reftored to all his former power. But by the prudence and firmnefs of the archbifhop of Rouen, aflifted by queen Eleanor, all his efforts were baffled (40). While Richard's dominions in Europe were torn by Proceed- facliions and threatened with invafions, that prince was ingsof involved in the greateft difficulties and dangers in the ^ Chrif- HolyLand. No march was ever attended with more jntlwtM afflictive circumftances than that of the chriftian army, Land. in the beginning of this year, from Jerufalem to Afca- lon, where they arrived, January 20th, much dimi- nished and difpirited by ftorms, fatigue, and fa- mine (41). To complete their misfortunes, they found that place fo completely ruined and deferted, that it afforded them neither food, lodging, nor pro- tection. The reparation of it coft them three months (37) BenediS. Abbas, p. 710. (38) Id. 27, 28. (39) Id. p. 728. (40) Id. p. 731. (41) G. Vinifauf. I.5. c. 3. inceffant «3* A.D. 1191, King Ri- chard pre- pares for his return to England, His gene- rous beha- viour. Conrade king of Tvrufalem killed, of which Richard is unjufcly accufed. HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. inceiTant toil ; from which the king himfelf was not exempted, who wrought with greater ardour than any common labourer ^42). Before this work was com- pleted, the duke of Burgundy, with the French, Ge- noese, and all whom he could entice to follow him, feparated from the army, and marched, firft to Aeon, and afterwards to Tyre (43. About the middle of April, the prior of Hereford arrived at Afcalon, with letters to the kino- from William Longchamp, acquainting him with the trou- bles in England, with his own expulfion, and with the machinations of prince John, and earneftly in- treating him to return immediately, if he defued to prelerve his crown (44 ). Aftonifhed at this intelli- gence, Richard called a council of all the princes an4 nobles in the Chriftian army, and communicated to them the news he had received, and the neceflity of his return to England; to which they contented, on condition that he terminated the difpute between the two pretenders to the crown of Jerufalem, Guy de Louzignan and Conrade marquis of Montferrat, that they might know whom to follow, after his departure. On this occafion, Richard acted a very noble part, leaving the decifion of that queftion to the members of the council ; and when they declared in favour of Conrade, who had long been his open enemy, he confirmed their choice, and facrificed his private re- fentment to the public peace (45^. Still further to fecure the tranquillity of the army and the country in his abfence, he gcneroufly beftowed the kingdom of Cyprus on Guy de Louzignan, the other com- petitor for the crown of Jerufalem : a valuable gift, which he and his pofierity enjoyed almoft three cen- turies. Conrade was tranfported with joy when he received the news of his election, and haftened to Afcalon to be crowned. But he was unhappily murdered, April 28th, in the ftreets of Tyre, by two defperadoes, who had been lent for that purpofe, by the prince of the A (felines ; or, as he was commonly caded, The {42) G. Vinifauf. 1. 5. c. 6. (44) Id. ibid 1. J. c. 22 (4.l) Id. ibid. c. 10. (45) Id. ibid. c. 2,3, 24. Old Ch. i. § 4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 139 Old Man of the Mountain (46). The murderers were A. D. 1191. both apprehended ; and were fo far Irom denying, v"" "~v ' that they gloried in what they had done, declaring, that it was in obedience to the commands of their lord, the Old Man of the Mountain, to revenge an injury he had received from Conrade. Yet fo male- volent and fhamelefs was the king of France, that he calumniated Richard as the author of that afTaiTina- tion, and pretended to dread a like attempt upon his own per Ion (47). On the death of Conrade, Henry earl of Cham- Further paigne married his widow and was declared king of proceed- Jerufalem ; who, being nephew to Richard, brought '"j^JJan back the French and their confederates to join the arinyin the Chriflian army at Afcalon, under that prince ; who Holy Land, had lately taken the ftrong fortrefs of Darum from the Turks (48). The Chriftian army being affemblcd, a refolution was taken to make another attempt on the city of Jerufalem ; and they began their march from Afcalon, June 6th, and in five days reached Belinople (within about four miles of that city), where they en« camped a month, waiting for the troops they expected to join them from Aeon. In this interval king Richard furprifed and took a Turkifh caravan, with immenfe wealth in gold, filver, filk, fpices, fugars, and other precious commodities (49). When all the forces were collected, a council of war was held, in which, after long deliberation, and many angry difputes, it Was concluded not to attempt the fiege of Jerufalem at that time ; and the French with their confederates again feparating from the army, Richard conducted his own troops, and all who chofe to follow him, to Aeon, where they arrived July 26th (50). From thence he propofed to embark for England j but be- fore all things were ready, he received the melancholy news that Saladin had inverted Joppa with a prodigi- ous army, and that the garrifon muft fall a facriflce if he did not come to their relief. Deeply affected with their diftrefs, he gave orders to the army to march to Joppa by land, while he with a chofen body of (46) G. Vinrfauf. c. 26. (47) Rymer Feed. 1. 1. p. 7J. W. Neubrigen. 1. 4- c. *4» *5< (48) G. Vinifauf. 1. 5. c. 39. (49) Id. 1. 6. c. 4. (.50) Id. ibid. c. 8, 9, 10, 11. knights, 140 A.D. rrpa King Richard embarks for Eng- land, is fhipwreck- ed, and taken pri- foner. A.D. 1195. Richard delivered to the em- peror. Confpiracy of the king of Prance and prince John de- feated. HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. .knights, went by fea ; and by performing prodigies of valour, raifed the fiege of Joppa, and defeated the enemy in two actions (51). But Richard foon after falling fick, and finding it impoflible to perfuade the French to return to the army, concluded a truce with Saladin for three years, three months, three weeks, three days, and three hours ; confenting to the demo- lition of Afcalon ; but ftipulating, that the Chriftians fhould retain all the other towns they pofTefTed in Pa- leftine, and be permitted to vifit the holy places at Jerufalem (52). Richard recovered flowly from his indifpofition ; and having fent away the queens of England and Sicily, with their attendants, he went, with a fmall number of fele£t friends, on board a fwift- failing {hip in the port of Aeon, October 9th, followed by the tears, prayers, and benedictions of an infinite multi- tude of people, who had tafted his bounty and be- held his valour (53). His voyage was moft unfor- tunate ; for after toffing feveral weeks at fea, he was fhipwrecked near Aquileia ; and attempting to pafs through Germany in difguife, he was difcovered in a village near Vienna, December 20th, and thrown into prifon by Leopold duke of Auftria j who, prompted by avarice or malice, refpected neither his rank, nor the caufe in which he had been engaged (54). As foon as the emperor Henry VI. heard of the de- tention of the king of England, to whom he was an enemy, he claimed and obtained the royal captive, promifing to pay Leopold fixty thoufand pounds out of the expected ranfom (55). In this ignominious man- ner was this illuftrious prince, and great champion of Chriftianity, bought and fold, by thofe who could hardly invent a pretence for offering him any vi- olence. The king of France, tranfported with joy at the news of Richard's captivity, and forgetting all his (51) G. Vinifauf. I. 6. e. 22, 33. (52) Id. ibid. c. 27. Hemingford, 1. 2. c. 61. (53) Vinifauf. 1. 6. c. 37. (54) W. Neubrigen. 1. 4. c. 31. Hoveden, p. 409. Heming- ford, 1. 2. c. 62. M. Paris, p. 121. (55) W. Neubrigen. I, 4. c. 33. M. Paris, p. X2I. oaths, Ch. i. §4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 141 oaths, haftened to make the utmoft advantage of it, A. D. 1193 by invading his dominions, — by inviting prince John to v—— v*—'* join with him in fharing the plunder of his unhappy brother, — and by negotiating with the emperor to de- liver up his royal prifoner to him, or to detain him in perpetual durance (56). His negotiations with the emperor were unfuccefsful. But prince John, re- gardlefs of all the ties of nature, of gratitude, and of the moft folemn oaths, entered with cagernefs into all the fchemes of Philip, for the deftruclion of his bro- ther and the divifion of his fpoils. On his return from Normandy, where he had an interview with the king of France to fettle their plan of operations, he befieged and took the caftles of Wallingford and Windfor (57). Coming to London, he gave out that his brother was dead, and required Walter archbimop of Rouen, chief judiciary, and his colleagues, to fwear fealty to him, and perform the ceremony of his coronation. But his aflertions being difcredited, and his requifitions defpifed, the judiciaries raifed an army, and profecuted the war againft him with fo much vi- gour, that they compelled him to beg a truce ; which was granted, and he returned to his ally the king of France (58). That prince had been more fuccefsful in his invafion of Normandy, where he met with little oppofition till he inverted Rouen ; which was fo bravely defended by the valiant earl of Leicefter, who had lately returned from the Holy Land, that Philip was obliged to raife the fiege, and retire with precipi- tation. This repulfe, together with the threats of the pope to lay his dominions under an interdict, engaged him to liften to propofals for a fufpenfi- on of hoftilities ; and a truce was concluded July 9th (59). King Richard loft none of his ufual courage, or Richard's even cheerfulnefs, by his captivity. Though he was undaunted at firft treated with great indignity, thrown into a dun- deP°rtment geon from whence no man had ever efcaped with life, t;vit,. loaded with irons, and furrounded day and night with (56) W. Neubrigen, 1. 4. c. 34. Hoveden, p. 41a. (57) Hoveden, p. 41a. Rymer Feed. 1. 1. p. 85. (58) Chron. Gervas, col. 1,581. R. Hoveden, p. 413. col. 1. Hemingford, 1. a. c. 64. (59) Rymer Fed. t. i.p. 81. armed ,42 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1193. armed men, his countenance was ferene, and his con- *—— v — - verfation pleafant and facetious (60). Negotiate ^s foon as queen Eleanor and the judiciaries of deTiv°rance Eng^anc^ heard of his misfortune, they fent the abbots of Broxley and Pont-Robert to attend him; who, meeting him with his guards on the road to Worms, where a diet of the empire was foon to be held, were received by him in a manner equally cheerful and af- fectionate. He afked them the itate of his friends, his fubjecls, and his dominions ; and particularly inquired after the health of the king of Scotland, on whofe honour he faid he entirely relied. On hearing of the bafe behaviour of his brother John, he was fhocked, and looked grave ; but prefently recovering his good humour, he faid with a fmile, My brother John is not made for conquering kingdoms (61). Many of the king's perfonal friends, as William bifhop of Ely, Hubert bifhop of Salifbury, &c. on hearing of his difafter, flew to his relief, and aflifted in negotiating his deliverance. Queen Eleanor addreffed feveral molt mournful and pathetic letters to the pope, intreating and conjuring him to launch the thunders of the church againif. thofe impious princes who detained her heroic ion, and who ravaged his domini- ons (62). Richard's The emperor, to wipe off fome part of the odium noble be- he had brought upon himfelf by his conduct towards haviour Richard, prefented him before all the prelates and beiorethe V , • • j- l 11 iir diet of the princes ot the empire, in a diet held at Worms empire. July 13th; and accufed him, — of having protected Tancred, who had ufurped the crown of Sicily, — of having made war on the emperor of Cyprus, a Chriftian prince, when he fhould have been fighting againft the infidels, — of having driven the king of France out of the Holy Land by many injuries, — of hav- ing affronted the duke of Auftria, — of having hired af- iaiiins to murder the marquis of Montferrat, — and hav- ing concluded a truce with Saladin on too eafy terms. But Richard being permitted to fpeak for himfelf, an- (60) M. Paris, p. 121. (61) R. Hoveden, p. 411. col. 3. (6j) P.ymer Feed. 1. 1. p. 7* — 7 2. fwered Ch.i. §4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 143 fwered all thofe accufations in fo clear and full, and A.D.1193. at the fame time in fo elegant and affecting a manner, * — v-**j that he not only convinced the whole afiembly of his innocence, but drew tears from many of his noble hearers (63). After this the emperor treated him with greater de- Treaty for cency ; and by the mediation of feveral princes, the his deliver- negotiation for his freedom was concluded, July 31ft, ance con" on the following terms : — that as foon as the king of n,on!>y'fox England had delivered to the emperor one hundred his runiora thoufand marks, Cologne weight, of pure fjlver, and colledwi. had given hoftages for other fifty thoufand marks of the fame weight and finenefs, he fhould be fet at li- berty, and have a fafe conduct to the port where he was to embark (64). As foon as the king of France heard of the conclufion of this agreement, he lent a mefTage to his confederate prince John, to take care of himfelf, for the devil was unchained (65). ThejufH- ciaries of England raifed the money for the king's ranfom in a fhort time, by a fcutage of twenty (hil- lings on every knight's fee, a tallage on the boroughs and the royal demefnes, and by feveral other me- thods (66). The money being collected, queen Eleanor, and the archbifhop, of Rouen, fet out with, it for Germany, a little before Chriftmas, leaving the chief direction of affairs in England in the hands of Hubert formerly bifhop of Salifbury, lately conftituted archbifhop of Canterbury and chief juf- ticiary. The terrors of the king of France and of his friend A. D. 1194. prince John, redoubled as the time of Richard's re- En"°rtsor" leafe drew near, which engaged them to make a great prauc^nd effort to prevent what they fo much dreaded. With prince John this view they fent letters to the emperor, engaging to to prevent pay him one hundred and fifty thoufand marks of pure1" iilver, if ^ he would detain Richard only one year longer (67). With this magnificent offer the em- peror, the moft fordid and moft mercenary of men, was not a little daggered, and began to make excufes and delays ; but many of the princes of the empire, ance. (63) M. Paris, p. 121, 142. (64) Rymer Feed. t. 1. p. (65) R. Hoveden, p. 41,5. col, t. (66) Id. p. 417. *J. 1. (67) Id. p. 418. who i44 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A-D.1194.who had been guarantees of the agreement between N— " v— — ' him and Richard, infilling that it fhould be fulfilled, he found himfelf under a necefiity of giving that prince his liberty, on February 4th, at Mentz, to the great joy of his mother queen Eleanor, and feveral of his nobles who were prefent to re- ceive him (68). King Having fpent fome days with his great friend the Richard bifhop of Cologne, he proceeded on his journey to- England™ war(^s tne Port °f ^wine, at the mouth of the Scheld, *nd takes where he embarked on board an Englifh fleet, and the caftle landed at Sandwich, March 20th, after an abfence of of Not- four years, three months, and nine days, in which • ' he had experienced great variety of fortunes (69). He was received at London with great demonftrations of joy, and fuch an oftentatious difplay of wealth, as aftonifhed the German nobility in his train, and made one of them fay, — " If our emperor had known " the riches of England, your ranfom, O king, " would have been much greater (70)". Having fpent only three days at London, he hailened to put himfelf at the head of his army, befieging the caftle of Nottingham, belonging to prince John j which fur- rendered at difcretion, March 28th (71). Greatcoun- Here the king held a great council of his prelates cil at Not- and nobility, which began March 30th, and ended tmgham. /\pril 2d. On the fecond day of the council it was decreed, that if prince John did not appear before the king and his court within forty days, to anfwer for his conduct, allhiseftates in England fhould be forfeit- ed (72). On the third day a tax of two (hillings on every hide of land was granted \ and on the laft feve- ral criminal procefTes were determined (73). Richard At this council it was rcfolved, that the ceremony crowned at of the king's coronation fhould be repeated, to wipe Wlnchfefler' off the ftain of his captivity, and the 17th of April to admit" was aPP°inted f°r tne day or tne folemnity, at Win- the claim chefter ; where it was accoidingly performed with great of the king pomp (74). William the Lion, king of Scotland, of Scotland prefent at the council of Nottingham, attended to the r ° ' (68) R. Hoveden, p. 418. (69) W. Neubrigen 1. 4. c. 41. (70) Hemingford, 1. 2. c. 69. (71; R Hoveden, p. 419. (72) Id. ibid. [73) Id. ibid. (74) W. Neubrigen 1. 4= c. 42. The Ch. i. §4, CIVIL AND MILITARY. 145 the king from thence to Wincheirer, and aflifted at A. D.1194. his coronation, earncftly foliciting a grant of thecoiin- — * — — ' ties of Northumberland, Cumberland, and Weftmor- nort|iern land ; which was refufed, but in the fofteft terms (75). cont,nent* After his feconci coronation, Richard refumed many Richard of the honours and eftates which he had alienated be- collect* fore his departure for the Holy Land, alleging that they money, *nd were abfolutely neceflary for the fupport of the crown, ** es an. , and that the purchafers of them had already indemni- wkjcn he tied themlelves (76). He prevailed upon the monks fails to the of the Cifterrian order, by flattery and fair promife?,00'"1"*111' to make him a pre fen t of a year's wool, and by va- rious other arts replenished his empty coffers (77). Receiving intelligence of the hoftile intentions and preparations of the king of France, he collected his forces with all poffib'e expedition, and embarked them at Portsmouth, on board a fleet of one hundred fail, he landed with them at Barfleur May 12th (78). Next morning his brother prince John fuddenly en- Richard tered his apartment, threw himitlf at his feetr and pardons with many tears confefled his crimes, and implored Pnnce forgivenefs ; with which Richard was fo much affect- ^° ed, that he raifed him from the ground, embracedhim in the moft affectionate manner, and granted him a pardon ; but did not immediately reftore him to his pofleflions (79). Taking the field with his army, he raifed the flege Operations of Verneuil May 29th, took the caftle of Lochis June of the war 13th, and gained a ftill greater advantage over his with France enemies July cth, at Fretteval, where all the baseag-e ,u pe" j r 7 r l 1 • c t^ 1 ■ &r \b- °Y d truce. and trealure of the king of r ranee, together with his chancery, containing many valuable papers, fell into his hands (80). From thence Richard marched his army into Guienne, which had revolted, and in the fpace of fixteen days reduced it to its former Hate of obedience and fubjeclion (81). But a flop. was put to thefe military operations by a truce, which was con- cluded for one year by the plenipotentiaries of the kings of France and England, July 23d (82). {75) R. Hoveden, p. 420. (76) W. Neubrigen. 1. 5. c. 1. (77) Id. ibid. (78) R. Hoveden, p. 421. (79) M. Paris, p. 123. col. 2. Diceto, col. 673. (80) R. Hoveden. p. 421. W. Neubrigen. 1. 5. c. 2. (81) Id. ibid. (82) Id.ibid.c.3. R. Hoveden, p. 422. Vol. III. L Richard 146 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1194. Richard employed this interval of tranquillity in **7"*~v~^ making a very ftricl: enquiry into the ftate of all the Richards branches of the royal revenues. For this purpofe he crtrDloY*" ment dur- ^ent commtiTioners into every county of the kingdom, ing the to make the neceiTary enquiries, and to levy the fums truce. that fhould be found due to the crown on any account (83). One objeel: of this enquiry was, to raife the money that was ftill due to the duke of Auftria for the king's ranibm, that his hoftages might be redeem- ed j but he was unexpectedly relieved from the necef- fity of paying that money by the following event. Cuke of As the duke of Auitria was tilting with his courtiers Auftria fets on St. Stephen's day, December 26th, his horfe fell Richard's Up0n njm) anfJ crufhed his foot in fuch a manner, liberty *^at '' tnrew n'm mto a fever, and brought on a gan- grene. When his phylicians acquainted him that there were no hopes of his recovery, he was feized with remorfe for the cruelty and injuftice of which he had been guilty towards the king of England; and gave orders to fet his hoftages at liberty (84). A.D. 1195. The late truce between the kings of France and War with England was not very well obferved ; and as foon as France re- jt gxpjre^ tne war was rcnewed by Phil ip, who made andter'mi- an incurfion into Normandy, plundering the country, nated by a and demolifhing fuch caftles as fell into his hands, peace. Richard, having collected his forces, marched to meet his enemies, and came up with them near Vaudreuil, where a negotiation was propofed by Philip, who dur- ing the continuance of it, fecretly employed his troops in undermining the walls of that fortrefs. One day as the two kings were engaged in a conference, they were interrupted by a dreadful noife, occafioned by the fall of the greateft part of the cattle of Vaudreuil, which at once difcovered to Richard the artifice of his adverfary, and inflamed him with the mod violent lefentment. He haftened to put himlelf at the head of his army, and to prepare for taking his revenge in a general engagement ; but the French, who had all things in readmefs for their march, retired with fo much precipitation, that he couid not overtake them (85). The war was profecuted for lone months after (83) R. Hoveden, p. 423,414. (84) W. Neulnigen. 1. 5. 0 8. (05) Id. Ibid. c. ij. Chron. J. Brompt. col. 1267. this Ch. i. §4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 147 this with various fuccefs, but without producing any A.D. 1195. general action or important event ; and was at length v— v—— > terminated by a treaty of" peace concluded by the two monarchs in a perfonal interview on December 5th (86). While Richard was detained in his foreign domi- A.D. 1196. nions, the capital of England became a fcene of the Tumults moft violent factions, and of great confufion. This !-n °"ff°iI was owing to the unlimited influence which one Wil- and the Ham Fitz-Ofbert, commonly called Longbeard, had author obtained among the common people and inferior citi- Longbeard zens of that metropolis ; by declaiming, with great vehemence, on all occafions, againft the tyranny of the king's minifters, and their oppreiRons of the poor. Though William was known to be a man of an aban- doned character and ruined fortunes, yet by his learn- ing, eloquence, and fair pretences, he gained fuch an afcendant over the minds of his followers, that they called him the faviour of the people, attended him with loud acclamations whenever he appeared in public, and bound themfelves by the moft folemn oaths to ex- ecute all his orders. The ftreets were infefted day and night by numerous mobs, who committed many diforders, infulted the richer citizens, and threatened them with deftruclion. Hubert archbifhop of Canter- bury, and chief jufticiary, fummoned Longbeard to appear before the council ; but he came, attended by fuch a prodigious multitude, that they were afraid to afk him any queftions, and he returned in triumph into the city. After this the archbifhop very pru- dently remained quiet, until the political enthufiafm of Longbeard's followers began to languifh for want of oppolition, when he fent a party of men into the city to feize his perfon. William made a brave de- fence, killed one of the party fent to apprehend him, and efcaped, with his concubine and a tew of his ac- complices, into the neighbouring church of St. Mary le Bow. But no regard was paid to the rights of fan£t.uary on this occalion. William was dragged out of the church, tried, condemned, and executed, be- fore his partifans recovered from their furprife, or had time to form any fcheme for his deliverance. After (86) W. Neubrigen. 1. 5. c. 17. Rymer Feed. t. I. p. 91, L z his 148 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1196. his death, however, they flocked in great crowds to ^— ■■"V--^ the place of execution, took down the gailows on which he had been hanged, divided it into a thou (and pieces, preferved and adored thefe pieces as the moft precious relics, pretended that they wrought many mi- racles. But as thefe pretended miracles were not countenanced by the clergy, to whom William had been no friend, they were foon forgotten (87). A.D. 1197. The animofity between the kings of France and War with iingland was fo violent, that it could not be reftrain- Francebe" ed within the bounds of peace by the moft: lblemn euded1 treaties. Some difputes having arifen in Britanny about the guardianihip of the young duke of that country, who was now about nine years of age ; Richard fent an army to fupport his title to that office ; which was dilputcd by many of the nobility, who put themfelves, their fovereign, and their coun- try, under the protection of the king of France. Philip warmly efpoufed their caufe, and another war broke out between him and Richard, w^ich continued from Midfummer A. D. 1 196, to September 17th, this year, when it was terminated by a tiuce, without having produced any events worthy of a place in nif- tory (88). " A.D.1198. While Richard found it neceflary to continue on Famine the continent to defend his dominions againit his mod andplague inveterate enemy the king of France, hngland was no'an governed with great wifdom, and preferved in perfeit tranquillity, by Hubert archbiihop of Canterbury, who being both papal legate and chief judiciary, had great influence in all affairs civil and ecclefiaftical (89). But though this kingdom enjoyed the bieiling of peace, it was grievoufiy afiiidred with famine, occaiioned by a fucceiiion of cold and rainy feafons ; and this famine at length brought on a plague, that raged with fo rm*ch violence for fix months, that there were hardly fo many perfons in perfrcSi health as were lufrkient to uttend the rick and bury the dead, who were thrown into great pits as foon as they expired (90). A con- temporary writer, who gives a ve ry affecting account (87) W. Neubri^en. 1. 5. c. so, 21. Cl.ron. Gervafii, col. IJ9I. (88) (Jhron. Brompt. col. ii'2, &c. W. Neubrigen. 1. 5. c. 33. (89) Cervas Acta Puntiiic. Cai;tuarienf. col. 1679, &c- (gcj Chron. Biorr.pt. col. iij'i. Of Ch. i. §4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 149 of this peftilence, obferves, that the monafteries were AD- 1x98. the only places exempted from its ravages (91): a yr^~ ' fufficient proof that the monks of thofe times enjoyed much better accommodations, and greater abundance of all things, than the reft of their countrymen. A truce for five years had lately been concluded be- a.D. 1199. tween the kings of France and England, under the King Rich- mediation of the pope : and a negotiation was fet on ardrece»ve* r . . , .r f ' - , . ° . \_ r a wouna or root in the beginning of tnis year, under the lame wnich he mediation, for eftablilhing a lafting peace between dies, thefe monarch that they might be at liberty to un- dertake a fecond expedition into the Holy Land, when an event happened that put an end to all thefe projects. A confiderable treafure, contorting of ancient coins and medals, had been -accidentally found in the lands of Vidomar vifcount of Limoges, and was demanded from that nobleman by king Richard, who claimed a right to it as fovereign of the country. Vidomar confented to give up a part of the treafure ; which Richard rejecting, marched at the head of a body of Brabancons, and inverted the caftle of Chalus near Limoges, where the treafure was fuppofed to be con- cealed, with a defign to feize the whole, and to punifh his refractory vaffal. The garrifon offered to furren- der the caftle, and all things in it, on condition that they fhould be allowed to march out with their arms. But Richard wantonly rejected this offer, declaring that he was determined to take the caftle by force, and put them all to death. On the fourth day of the iiege (IVlarch 28th), as the king^ and Marcadee, commander of the Brabancons, were viewing the caftle, in order to difcover the moft proper place for making an afiault, Richard was wounded in the left fhouJder with an arrow, difcharged from a crofs-bow by Bertrame de Gourdon, one of the garrifon. Arter remaining fome time in the fame place, he mounted his horfe, returned to his head-quarrers, and gave directions for the afiault. The caftle was taken, and all its defenders, according to orders, were hanged, except Bertrame de Gourdon, who was probably referved for fome more cruel death. In pulling the arrow from the king's ihoulder the iron (91) W. Neubrigen. 1. 5. c. 16. * remained i5o HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1199. remained behind, which obliged the furgeon who ' feems not to have been expert in his profeffton, to make feveial deep incifions, in order to extract it. After fome days the fymptoms of a gangrene appear- ed ; and a wound which at firft was not thought dan- gerous, was. now efteemed mortal. As foon as he became apprehenfive of his death, he commanded Gourdon to be brought into his prefence, and afked him, " What harm have I done to you that hath pro- W voked you to attempt my death ?.*' — " You have tC killed," replied Gourdon, ** both my father and " brother with your own hand, and defigned to put " me to an ignominious death. I am therefore ready H to fuffer the greateft torments you can invent, with " joy, fince I have been fo happy as to kill one who u hath been the author of fo many miferies to man- " kind (92)." The king, confcious of the truth of this bold reply, bore it with patience; and com- manded Gourdon to be fet at liberty. But this com- mand was not obeyed. For Marcadee kept him in prifon, and as foon as the king expired, put him to a painful death (93). Though Richard, at his departure for the Holy Land, had declared his nephew Arthur duke of Britanny his heir, he made a different difpo- fition on his death-bed, by bequeathing all his domi- nions and three-fourths of his treafure, to his brother prince John (94.). No reafons are given for this im- portant change by contemporary hiftorians; and our conje&ures concerning the motives to it can be but uncertain. Having exprefled great penitence for his vices, and undergone a very fevere difcipline from the hands of the clergy who attended him in his laft mo- ment*, he died on the tenth day after he was wounded, April 6th, in the forty-iecond year of his age, and the tenth of his reign (95). Thus fell Richard!, in the prime of life, when en- gaged in an enterprifc unworthy of his power, and not very honourable to his character. In his perfon he is (92) Hoveden, p. 450. col. 1. (93) Id. ibid. (94; Rymer Faeder. 1. 1. p. 66. 68. Hoveden, p. 450. <9j) Chron. Btompt, col, H79. described Ch. i. §4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 151 defcribed by one who was intimately acquainted with A.D. 1199. him, to have been tall, ftrong, and handfome ; his ^— "v — > countenance fair and comely ; his eyes blue and fparkling ; his hair yellow ; and his air ftately and majeftic (96). The natural endowments of his mind were not inferior to the perfection of his body. His underftanding was excellent, his memory reten- tive, his imagination lively, and his courage fo un- daunted, that it procured him the fur name of Caeur de Lion, or the Lion-hearted (97). In confluence of thefe endowments, he is celebrated by contemporary writers, as a wife politician, an eloquent orator, an admired poet, and the moft illuftrious warrior of the age in which he flourished. One of thefe writers, who attended him in his expedition into the Holy Land, compares him to Ulyfles for policy; to Neflor for eloquence ; to Hector, Achilles, Alexander, and Rolland, for military talents (98). In his converfa- tion he was pleafant and facetious ; and his pleafantry did not forfake him even at the approach of death. When the archbilhop of Rouen told him, in his lait illnefs, that it was now high time to part with his three favourite daughters, his pride, avarice, and luxury ; I am refolved, replied he, to difpofe of them in marriage without delay ; the firft to the templars, the fecond to the monks, and the third to the prelates, becaufe I know they love them dearly, and will treat tnem kindly (99). This prince was not fo eminent for his virtues as for his accomplilhments. On the contrary, though on lb me occafions he acted in a no- ble manner, efpecially to his proftrate enemies, he was in general haughty, cruel, covetous, paflionate, and feniual, an undutirul ion, an unfaithful huiband, and a moft pernicious king, having by his long ab- sence and continued wars, drained his Engliih domi- nions both of men and money. John earl of Mortain, youngeft fon of Henry II. KingJoWs fucceeded his brother Richard in the throne of Eng- acceffiop and corona- (96) Gaufred. Vinifauf. 1. a. c. 5. (97J Chron. Brompt. col. 1278. Girald Cambrenf. Topograph. Hibern. Diftinct. 3. c. 50. (98 ) Gaufred. Vinifauf. I. %. c. 5. (09) Chron. Brompt. col. 1279. land, i5i history of Britain; Book hi. A.D. 1199. land, as well as in his foreign dominions, to the ex- v" * cluuon of Arthur duke of Britanny, the only fon of Geoffrey his elder brother (ico). The regular courfe of fuccefiion to the crown of this kingdom, in the reprefentative of the eldeft branch of the royal family, was, in this period, fo imperfeclly eftablifhed, and had been fo often violated, that this deviation from it occasioned little or no difturbance. John being i,n Normandy at the time of his brother's death, im- mediatel) f(ew to Chinon, where his treafures were de- pouted, and had them delivered to him, by Robert de Turnham, to whofe cutlody they had been committed.; after which he difpatched Hubert archbifhop qf Can- terbury, and William Marechal earl of Strigul, into England, to fecure the fucceilion and prelerve the pence of that kingdom (ior). The influence of thefe commiflloners was fo great, that, with theafliftance of Jeffrey Fitz- peers, the chief jufticiary, they prevailed upon the body of the clergy, nobility, and people of all ranks to fwear fealty to John ; and having had a meeting at Northampton, with a few of the barons, who diicovered fome reluctance, they perfuaded them aifo by many fair promifes, to take the fame oath (102). John's fuccefiion met with greater oppofition on the continent, many of the barons of Anjou and Maine having declared in favour of Arthur ,duke of Britanny. This young prince, who was now about twelve years of age, was, by his mother Conftantia, put into the hands of the king of France, to whom he did homage for all the dominions of his family on the continent, which engaged Philip to efpoufe his caufe (103). This did not prevent John's being ac- knowledged and folemnly inaugurated duke of Nor- mandy at Rouen, April 25th, by the archbifhop of that city ; after which he prepared for his paflage into England ; where he arrived, May 25th, and was crowned at Weftminfter, by the archbifhop of Can- terbury, on the 27th of that month (104). On the (100) Hoveden, p. 4JI. col. I. (101) Id. ibid. (102) Id. ibid. ( 103) M, Paris, col. T.~S. (104) Id. ibid. Hoveden, p. 451. vorv Ch.i.§4- CIVIL AND MILITARY. 153 very day of this folemnity, John (hewed his gratitude A.D. 1199. to the three perfons who had contributed moft to his *>——*— —J peaceable accefllon, by appointing the archbifhop chan- cellor of England, and creating William Marefchal earl of Pembroke, and Jeffrey Fitz-Peers earl of Effex (105). , John perceiving that a profound tranquillity pre- War with vailed in England embarked for Normandy, and France, landed at Dieppe, June 18th, and foon after conclu- ded a truce with the king of France, till Auguft 16th, when the two monarchs were to have a perfonal inter- view, in order to adjuft all their differences. At this interview, which was held near Gaillon, Philip be- haved with fo much haughtinefs, and his demands both for himfelf and for prince Arthur appeared to John fo exorbitant, that he rejected them (106). On this the war was renewed; and Philip having made himfelf mafter of feveral places in Le Maine, in the months of September and October, demoliflied fome, and re- tained others of them in his own poffeflion. This circumftance raifed -ftrong fufpicions of his Prince Ar- felfim views in the mind of William de Roches, thethurdcii" general of prince Arthur's forces ; who, by a ftra- ZeT^ to d tagem, conveyed that young prince from Paris to Le afterwards Mans, of which he was governor. Here he concluded refcued a treaty with king John, into whofe hands he put^0"1^15* prince Arthur, and his mother Conftantia, expecting greater favour to them from fo near a relation, than from the king of France. But he foon had realbn to repent of this tranfa&ion. For on the very next day he received intelligence, that the cruel uncle had % ■ formed defigns againft the life of his unhappy nephew; from which danger he was refcued by that faithful fer- vant, who efcaped with the prince and his mother from Le Mans to Angers (107). In the beginning of this year a peace was concluded A.D. iaoo. between the kings of France and England, under the P^ce with mediation of the cardinal of Capua, the pope's le- France'an(i gate, and cemented by a contract of marriage between Ene-lancf prince Louis, Philip's eldeft fon, and Blanche of (105) M. Paris, p. 138. Hoveden, p. 451. (106) M. Paris, p. 138. Hoveden, p. 45-4, (107) Hoveden, p. 45a. Caflile, '54 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. John'* marriage A.D. iaoo. Caftile, king's John's niece (108). Being now at ^— -v--- liberty, John pafled over into England, to collecl: the f um of twenty thoufand marks, which by an article of the peace he was to pay to the king of France, and to have an interview with the king of Scotland, who was become very importunate in his demands of the northern counties. He fucceeded in the firft of thefe defigns ; but failed in the fecond, the king of Scot- land declining the interview in difcontent; on which John returned into Normandy (109). In a progrefs which he made into Guienne, in the fummer of this year, to receive the homage of the barons of that province, he was captivated with the charms of Ifabel, the young and fair daughter of Aymar, earl of Engoulefme, and the betrothed wife of Hugh le Brun, earl of La Marche, to whom (he had been delivered. Aymar, dazzled with the Juftre of a crown, decoyed his daughter from her betrothed huf- band ; and John having obtained a divorce from his wife, to whom he had been married ten years, and with whom he had received the earldom of Glocefter, and many great eftates, was married to Ifabel by the archbifhop of Bourdeaux (110). This marriage, equally criminal and imprudent, created him many enemies ; amongft whom the injured hufband was the moft violent and implacable. '1 he king conducted his young queen into England, and they were both fo- lemnly crowned at Wetrminfter, October 8th, by the archbifhop of Canterbury ( 1 11). William king of Scotland, conducted by the bi- fhop of Durham and three Englifh earls, arrived at Lincoln November 2 lit, and the day after did ho- mage to king John, for the territories that he held of the crown of England, on a hill without that city, in prefence of a great concourfe of the nobility of both kingdoms; infifting, at the fame time, with much earneffnefs, on the immediate reftitution of the north- ern counties. But the final decihon of that claim was put off to the next Whitfuntide (112). King of Scotland does ho- mage to John. (10S) Rymer Feed. I. 1. p. 117, 118. Annul. Burton, p. 260. (109) M. Paris, p. 139. (no) Hoveden, p. 457. M. Palis, p. 140. (u j ) R. Haveden, p. 461. (U)j R. Hoveden, p. 462. iflg Cb. i.§ 4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 155 King John, with his young queen, and a very A.D. hoi. fplendid court, fpent the firft months of this year in a *» — * » continued courfe of feafting, in which he much de- John's ex- lighted ; and celebrating the feftival of Eafter at Can- jjjjj; terbury, he and his queen wore their crowns and royal enne, &c. robes, in imitation of the ancient kings and queens of England (113). But he was foon awakened from this dream of pleafure, by receiving intelligence from the continent that the enraged earl of La Marche, his brother the earl of Eu, and feveral other barons, had raifed a rebellion in Guienne : on which he fummoned all his Englifh vafTals and military tenants, to meet him with their horfes and arms at Portfmouth, on Whitfunday, in order to attend him to the continent. Many of the Englim barons began on this occafion to difcover their diicontent; and, thinking the war too trifling for fuch an expenfive expedition, declined to obey the fummons j which obliged him to embark with a fmaller army than he intended (114). Soon after his arrival on the continent, he had an interview with the king of France, who invited him to Paris, where he was lodged with his queen and court in the royal palace, and nobly entertained (115). Depart- ing from Paris, he put himfelf at the head of his army, and marched to the borders of Guienne. Butinftead of profecuting the war with vigour, he entered into a negotiation with the rebellious barons; and having pacified them a little, by promifing to remove all the caufes of their complaints, he returned to Rouen, to enjoy the fociety of his queen and the pleafures of his court (116). In the mean time, Conftantia duchefs of Britanny Prince dying at Nantes, Auguft 31ft, her only fon Arthur Arthur be- took pofTeflion of that duchy, and foon after began c°™e.s dukc to enter into engagements with the difcontented barons ° of Guienne, and to lay claim to all the dominions of his family on the continent, to which he had an un- doubted right (117). Philip, king of France, had for fome time paft A.D.iaoi. been greatly embroiled with the pope, who had laid KinSof his kingdom under an interdict ; and, on that ac- p^^ t}^ (113) Diceto, col. 709. (114) R. Hoveden, p. 466. col. i. (115) Id. ibid. (116) Gul. Breto. Philip, 1. 6. (117) Annal. Burton, p. z6?. count, 156 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A..D. isG2. count, he had thought it prudent to cultivate peace *-— ~y i with all his neighbours, and particularly with king cattfeof John ( I j 8). But being in the beginning .of this year prince reconciled to the court of Rome, he found himfelf at liberty to purfue different meafures. He openly de- clared himfelf the protector of the difcontented barons of Guienne, and of the young duke of Britanny, and threatened John with an immediate war, if he did not do them juftice. John, to divert this ftorm, if pollible, propofed a perlonal interview. But at this interview, which was held, March 25th, near Andely, Philip's demands were fo high, that they were reject- ed, and a war immediately commenced (119). Prince Ar- In the beginning of this war the king of France thur taken made himfelf mafter of feveial towns in Normandy, pn oner iy ,£ut a vefy unfortunate event foon after happened that put a flop to his further progrefs. The youthful Arthur duke of Britanny, being now about fixteen years of age, full of fpirit, and ani mated with the moft violent refentment againft a cruel ambitious uncle, who had robbed him of fo fair a fucceflion, took the field at the head of two hundred knights, and was foon after joined by many of the difaffecled barons of Poitou and Guienne. As he was marching with his little army near the caftle of Mirabel in Poitou, he received intelligence that his grandmother queen Eleanor, who had warmly efpoufed the caufe of her fon againft her grandfon, refided in that caftle. At the earneft intreaty of his barons, to whom the queen was very obnoxious, he invefted it. The bafs-court of the caftle was taken; and the queen with the gar- rifon driven into the tower or keep, when John, in- formed of his mother's danger, flew to her relief with an army of Englifh and Brabancons. At the ap- proach of this army the befiegers marched out to meet them, Auguft ift ; but being overpowered by f'uperior numbers, they fled back into the caftle, where they were all either killed or taken prifoners. Among the latter was the unfortunate duke of Britanny and the earl of La Marche (John's two grea^eir. enemies), with many barons, and above two hundred knights, who were all loaded with irons, and lent to different (118) Hoveden, p. 456. (119) M. Paris, p. 144- col. a. prifons Ch. i. §4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 157 prifons in Normandy and England (120). The king A. D. 1202. of France was fo much affected with the news of this ^— -v-^-J difafter that had befalien his friends, that he raifed the £ege of Arques, in which he was engaged, and retired to Paris (121). If king John had known how to ufe the advantage A. D. 1203. he had sained with moderation and prudence, it pJlrce Ar- •11° -ij i-i u 1 t"111' mur" might have contributed not a hale to the peace ano dcred profperity of his future reign. But by purfuing a contrary conduct, it involved him in guilt, difgrace and mifery. Prince Arthur was at firft confined in the caftle of Falaife; where feveral perfons were fo- licited to difpatch him, but rejected the bafe propofal. On this he was conducted to the caftle of Routrn, where king John refided. Here the unhappy prince was murdered, April 3d, in a manner not certainly known, and differently reported by hiftoriam, though they all agree, that the horrid deed was perpetrated at the inftigation, if not by the hand, of his mo ft cruel uncle (1 22). Immediately after this execrable act, John haftened King John into England, carrying with him the princefs Eleanora, having commonly called The Maid of Britanny, the filter ofjjjjsj* the late prince Arthur ; and having committed her to may 0f prifon, under keepers, on whom he could depend, he Britanny, returned to Normandy (123). Many of the other rctinrs t0 pnfoners were fo crucily treated, that they periihed in Normanc:>' their confinement, and no fewer than twenty-two of the nobleft and braveft of them were ftarved to death in Corf caftle (124). No iboner were thefe cruel tranfaclions publifh- John's fe- ed to the world, than John became the object of rejg? do- general execration (12s). The barons of Bri- ?"monj tanny accufed him of the murder of their prince the hint o* before the king of France, of whom he held ail his Eraace. continental territories j and on his not appearing to anfwer to that charge, he was found guilty of treaibn (120} M. Paris, p. 144, 145. Annul. Wavcrlicn. p. 167. Ypodigma Neuftriys, p. 4j8. (121) M. Paris, p. 145. col. 1. (122) Annal. Margan, p. 13.. Chron. T. Wikes, p. 36. Chron, W. Hemingford, I. 2. c. 94. M. Paris, p. 145. col. I. Hen. Knighton, col 2414. (123) Chron. T. Wikes, p. 36. (124) Id. ibid. (I2j) M. Paris, p. 145. col. 2. and 15S HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D.H03. and felony, and all his dominions were forfeited (126). — ~ ' ~ — To execute this fentence Philip put himfelf at the head of his army ; and being joined by feveral barons of Poitou, Anjou, and Maine, he made great pro- grefs in the conqueft of Normandy in the courfe of this campaign, while his infatuated rival fpent his time at Rouen in a fucceffion of fleeping and rioting ; and at length, December 6th, he abandoned the conti- nent, and embarked for England (127). A.D. 1204. After this fhameful retreat of king John, Philip John hav- redoiibled his efforts to complete the reduction of cd^Ene- Normandy, which he accomplifhed before the end land, Philip of this fummer (128). At the fame time, and reduces al- with equal facility, he got poffeffion of the pro- moft all his yjnces 0f Anjou, Poitou, and Maine, except a few minions. °" P^CeS ( I 2oJ. John's op- To alleviate in fome meafure the intolerable igno- prefllve go- miny of lofing fo many fair provinces, the inheritance vernment. 0f nis anceftors, without fo much as attempting to preferve them, John endeavoured to throw fome part of the blame upon his Englifh barons, who, he pre- tended, had forfaken him, and thereby put it out of his power to defend his territories ; for which he fined fome, and conflfcated the eftates of others (130). In thefe oppreffive meafures he was fupported by the great influence and authority of Hubert archbifhop of Canterbury in the church, and of Geoffrey Fitz- Peters, the chief judiciary, in the ftate(i3i). He alio prevailed upon a parliament, held at Oxford, to grant him a fcutage of two marks and a half upon every knight's fee, for raifing an army to be fent to Normandy (132)- But no army was either raifed or fent. A.D. 1105. In the fpring of this year, king John, feigning to John's fur- have formed a refolution to attempt the recovery of ther op- njs foreign territories, fummoned all his barons, and pre ions. otner military tenants, to meet him at Portfmouth on (126) Annal. de Marfan, p. 13. (127) Id. ibid. M. Paris, p. 146. col. I. Chron. Trerite, ann. 1203. (128) Annal. Waverlien. p. 168. Chron. Hemingford, 1. a. c. loo. (129) Ypodigma Neuftriae, p. 459. (130) M. Paris, p. 146. col. I. ('3l) Id. ibid. (13a) Mat. Wcftmonaftericnf. ann. 1204. Whitfunday, €h. i. §4, CIVIL AND MILITARY. 159 Whitfunday, in order to attend him in an expedition A. D. 1205. to the continent. But when the army was ailembled, v— v— -~* and all things in readinefs, he fuffered himfelf to be perfuaded by the archbiftiop of Canterbury to change his mind, and difmifs his troops. In a few weeks, however, changing, or pretending to change, his mind a fecond time, he embarked at Portfmouth with a fmall retinue, and put to fea, July 15th ; but two days after returned to Stodland near Wareham, where he landed, making this ridiculous excurlion a pretence for exacting money from his military tenants ror their non-attendance ( 133). By this conduit., equally ca- pricious and tyrannical, he incurred ftill more and more the contempt of his enemies and the hatred of his fubjects. John, being importuned by feme of the nobles of A. D. 1106. Poitou, who ftill adhered to the £nglifh intereft, toJohn'sun- come to their afliftance : and being alio encouiawed to cce,?.u d o expedition that undertaking by Guy de Thouars, who governed to thecon- Britanny, and became jealous of the increafing power tinent, and of France, feemed at laft to be roufed from his igno- h,s return minious indolence, and raifed an army, with which he ° Dgan * embarked at Portfmouth, June 25th, and landed at Rochelle, July 9th (134). But he did not conduct this enterprife in fuch a manner as to retrieve his honour, or recover any part of his dominions. For though he was joined by many barons of Poitou and Britanny, he did little more than plunder the open country ; and as foon as the king of France approach- ed with an army, he began to think of making his re- treat. In order to accomplifti this, he propofed a per- fonal interview with Philip to treat of an accommo- dation ; to which that prince agreeed. But John, inftead of appearing at the time and place appointed for the interview, made ufe of that opportunity of retiring with his army to Rochelle. By the mediation of the pope, and at the earned: intreaty of certain ecclefiaftical negotiators, a truce for two years was concluded at 1 houars, October 27th ; not long after which John embarked with his army for England, and landed at Portfmouth, December I2ih (135). (133) M. Paris, p. 148. (134) Id. p. 149. (135) Id. ibid. Rymcr Feed. t. I. p. 141. The i6a HISTORY OF BRITAIN. -Book HI. A. D. rzo; aud 1208. John's quarrel with the pope. A.D. 1209 John's ex- pedition a^ainft Scotland, and peace niade. John's- un- popular govern- ment. The famous quarrel between king John and the pope about the choice of an archbifhop of Canter- bury was now commenced, and had come to fo great a height, that the kingdom of England was laid un- der an interdict:, March 24th, and the king was threatened with excommunication (136). To guard againft the effects of thefe papal thunders, which in thofe days of darknefs and fu perdition made the greateft monarchs tremble, John demanded and ob- tained hoftages from his chief nobility, as a further fe- curitv for his obedience and fidelity ( 1 37 )• William kino- of Scotland had Ion?- been difcon- tented, becauie the confideration of his claim to the northern counties had been put off from time to time. John, on the other hand, was no lefs diffatisfied with that prince — for having demoliftied a fort near Ber- wick— for having entertained fugitives from England — and for other caufes (138). To put an end to thefe difputes, John marched into the north in the fpring of this year, at the head of a very powerful army, and was met by William at the head of his forces, on the borders of Scotland. When the two armies lay facing each other near the caftle of Norham, a treaty was propofed and concluded. By this treaty, which was ratified at Northampton, Auguft 7th, William agreed to pay to John fifteen thoufand marks at four different times, in confideration of certain concellions made to him in another charter, which is not preserv- ed ; and alio to Tend his two daughters to be educated in the court of England, but not to be confidered as hoftages (139). After his return from this northern expedition, John iffued a proclamation, commanding all freeholders and tenants of the crown to repeat their homage, and re- new their oaths of fealty ; which prevented any com- motions arifinp; when the long-dreaded fentence of ex- communication was pronounced againft him in the month of November (140). But though the affeclion of his fubjecls was at this time fo neceffary to the fup- port of his government, this imprudent prince could (136) See chap. II. cent. 13. (I.i7y M. Paris, p. 158. (138) Chron. Kemingford, 1. 2. c. ICI. M. Paris, p. 15 1, col. %. (139) Rymer Fotd. t. 1. p. 155. (140) M. Paris, p. 159. i not Ch.i.§4- CIVIL AND MILITARY. ,6. not refrain from an unpopular and tyrannical exercife A. D. 1209. of his authority. He forbid the two admired diver- * /—**-' lions of hunting and hawking, under the fevered pe- nalties, and commanded all the fences about the royal forefts to be thrown down, that his deer might have free accefs to the corn-fields (141). In the firft four months of this year, king John was A.D. 1210. keenly engaged in extorting money from his fubje&s, John's ex- both clergy and laity, and particularly from the Jews, ?e lt|on_ in order, as he pretended, to raife an army for an ex- land, pedition into Normandy ( 142). But when the army was raifed, inftead of directing his march towards Normandy, he pafled through Wales, and landed in Ireland, June 6th. At his arrival in Dublin, more than twenty of the chieftains and petty princes of that country waited upon him, did homage, and fwore fealty tohim as their fovereign (143). During his ftay in Ireland, which was about three months, he reduced the province of Connaught ; drove Hugh de Lacy earl of Ulfter, and his brother Walter de Lacy earl of Meath, againft whom he had a quarrel, out of the country ; and having thus overcome all oppofition to his authority, he eftablifhed the Engl i fa laws in that ifland, and coined money of the fame denominations, weight, and finenefs, with that of England (144). After his return from his Irifh expedition, which Johnex- was the mod fuccefsful tranfa&ion of his unhappy tortsmo_ reign, he held an aflembly of all the abbots, abbefles, "h^morA, priors, and fuperiors of religious houfes, at London ; and nuns, and forced them to pay him no lefs than one hundred thoufand pounds before he would allow them to de- part ( 145) ; a fufEcient proof of their wealth, as well as of bis tyranny. The honour that John had acquired by his expedi- A.D. 1211. tion into Ireland, encouraged him to undertake one John!s ex* this year, againft Llewellyn prince of North Wales, fntcTwales though he was his own fon-in-law, by having married his natural daughter, named Jane. In his firit attempt his army was reduced to great diftrefs for want of pro- vifions, which obliged him to return to England. Ir- (141) M. Paris, p. 159. (142) Annal. Waverlien. p. 174. M. Paris, p. 160. (143) Id. ibid. (144) Id. ibid. (145) Id. ibid. Vol. III. M mated i62 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. AD. mi. ritated at this disappointment, he collected fufRcient ' V**—' quantities of victuals of all kinds, and marched back into Wales, with fo great an army, that Llewellyn, defpairing of being able to defend his country, fent his contort to her father to implore a peace j which fhe obtained, on thefe conditions, that Llewellyn fhould do homage to John for his principality, — pay twenty thoufand head of cattle, and forty horfes, for th when recovering a little !rom his firft furprife, he marched forward to Chcfter. But here, receiving ac- counts from feveral quarters, that the plots againffc him were ripe for execution, and that if he proceeded any further he would either be afTaiiinated or delivered to the enemy, he difmiffed his army, and haftened back to London, to take meafures for his prefervation. Some of the confpirators, as Luftace de Vefci, and Robert Fitz-Walter, fled out of the kingdom ; others were imprifoned on fufpicion ; and the reft gave their fons and neareft relations as hofbges for their fidelity (151). Still further to guard agaihft the dreaded dan- ger, he feldom appeared in public, and kept certain companies of foreign mercenaries cenftantly about his perfon (152). Conferences were held towards the end of this year with Pandulph and Durand, the pope's agents, in order to an accommodation with the court •)f Rome; but John being not yet fufriciently hum- bled to fubmit to the ignominious yoke they intended to wreath about his neck, thefe conferences broke off without effecl: (153). The effects of the fentence of depofition that hadA.D.1213. been pronounced by the pope againft the king of Eng- Preparati- land, now began to appear in- a very formidable p"s in f light. The king of France had fpent the greateft pat invading of laft year in preparing a fleet and army for execut- England, ing that fentence, by invading England, dethroning John, and feating himfelf in his room". All things being in readinefs, the French army was appointed to ( 150) M. Paris, p. 161. (iji) M.Paris, p. 161. Chron. Triveti, ann. 1212. (153) Annal. Waverlien. p. 173. (153) Id.p.174, 175. M 2 rendezvous 164 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A. D. i2r3. rendezvous at Rouen, April 21ft, and from thence v— — v^— > to march to Boulogne, where a fleet of feventeen hun- dred (hips was prepared for their reception (154). John'spre^ J°hn was not wanting to himfeJf on this occafion ; parations but made every pofhble preparation for a brave defence, foroppo- Qn March 3d, he fent precepts to the bailiffs of all invaders ^e ^ea-ports °* England, commanding them to take an exa£t lift of all the (hips in thofe ports capable of carrying fix borfes or upwards, and to order the maf- ters of thefe fhips to have them at Portfmouth on or before the 24th of that month (155). About the lame time he fent fimilar precepts to the fheriffs, com- manding them to fummon all the earls, barons, knights, military tenants, or others who had or ought to have arms, in their refpedtive counties, to appear at Dover, April 2iff, for the defence of the kingdom, of the king's life, and of their own lives (156). In obedi- ence to this fummons, fuch prodigious multitudes crowded to the rendezvous, that a fcarcity of provi- fions followed, and obliged the king to difmifs all who were imperfectly armed ; after which no fewer than fixty thoufand brave and well-appointed troops re- mained (157). John real- When the kings of France and England were thus cdto the flationed on the oppofite mores, at the head of all their pope, and forces ready to determine the fate of this mighty kin?- becomes his . t» j i i_ l » i r .. i • l •affah dom, Pandulph, the pope s legate, lent two knights templars to John to propofe a private conference. The propofal was accepted ; and the legate, in an in- terview with John at Dover, painted the power of Philip in fuch lrrong colours, and gave him fuch con- vincing evidence of the general difafFection of his own nobility, that he was overwhelmed with difmay, and declared himfelf ready to fubmit to any terms for his prefervation from impending ruin. The artful agent of Rome having brought the wretched prince to this .point, produced the conditions 011 which the pope was willing to relax him from the cenfures, and receive him into the protection, of the church ; which were immediately fubferibjed, May 13th, by him and his greatelt barons. By this agreement John engaged to (154) M.Parit, p. 16s. (155) Id. ibid. » (( 5 ■••■ Id. p. i6j. {tsj) Id. ibid. receive Ch. i. §4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 165 receive Stephen Langton, the archbifhop appointed by A. D. 1213; the pope, with all the bifhops and clergy who had ad- v * hered to him, into favour, and to repair all the dama- ges they had fuftained, in the courfe of this long and violent quarrel, on the performance of which the in- terdict was to be taken off (158). To give a more effectual check to the king of France (of whofe power the pope began to be afraid), and to bring the thun- ders of the church to point directly upon him if he prefumed to proceed in his enterprife againft England, it was contrived, moft probably by Pandulph, that John fhould refign his kingdoms of England and Ire- land into the hands of his holinefs, and agree to hold them of him; paying a tribute of feven hundred marks a-year for the former, and three hundred marks for the latter : and rfcis ignominious ceremony was actually performed at Dover, May 15th (159). Pandulph having thus effectually accomplifhed his The papal defigns in England, and acquired the fovereignty of leSate 1 • j Ii_ l i_ e rt 1 commands two kingdoms to the church or Rome, returned totjlekin f France, and commanded Philip, in the pope's name, France to to defift from attempting any thing againif. the king of defift from England, who was become the vaffal of the holy fee. his i]:tendcd Tl • . /■ 1 11- 1 r- J r invahon ot o this lnlolent command that monarch, after fome England. angry but vain expoftulations, thought it prudent to yield obedience (160). In this manner, in thofe days of darknefs and iuperftition, did an old infirm prieft, fitting in his chamber at Rome, regulate all the mo- tions of the moft powerful princes as he pleafed ! The king of France being thus obliged to abandon Engage- his intended invafion of England, turned his arms ment be" againft Ferrand earl of Flanders, who, with fome other ?fe?1n.thej • u ■ iii. ,.• Enghln and princes on the continent, had entered into an alliance French with king John, to form a balance againft the increa-f- fleets, ing power of Philip (161}. The French army being very great, took feveral of the ftrongeft towns of Flanders in a little time, and threatened the conqueft of the whole country. In this extremity, Ferrand implored the aftiftance of all his allies, and particular- (158) Chron. N. Triveti, ann. 1213. Annal. Waverlien. p. 177. JJ.I. Paris, p. 164. ( 59) M. Paris, p. 165. Knighton, I. 1 1. c. j 5. col. 2419. (160) M. Paris, p. 165. ^i$i) Rjmer Toed. 1. i. p. 157.- 160, 161. 1 66 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. .^.D.1213. ly of the king of England who commanded his fleet confiftingof five hundred ihip<, which had been col- lected for the defence of the fci igdom againft the ex- pected invaflon, to fail from Portfmojuith, and attack the French fleet en the coaft of Flanders. Thcfe two great fleets (that of France being ftill more numerous than the other) met off the port of Dam, where they immediately engaged, and the Englifh obtained a com- plete victory, taking three hundred veffels loaded with provifions, Sic. deitroying one hundred, and difperhng all the reft (162). Philip was fo much confounded at the news of this great difafter by which he and his no- bility had loft their moft valuable effects, that he re- tired with his army into his own dominions, and gave orders lo burn fuch of his fhips as were in danger of falling into the hands of the Englifh. John, as much elated as his rival was dejected by this event, formed the fcheme of an expedition to the comment for the recovery of his foreign territories; which, if it had been executed with fpirit, could hardly John's in- tended ex- pedition into Nor- mandy pre vented this have failed of fuccefs. But vwhen this defign was corn- year, municated to the nobility, who were in general difaf- fected, they refufed to engage in it, alleging that the time of their fervice was expired, and that their pro- vifions were exhaufted (163). Though John was much enraged at thir. refufal, not having it in his power to compel them by force, he retired to bring them by a ftratagem to engage in this expedition. With this view he embarked with his houfehold tioops, and failed from Portfmouth to Jerfey, hoping that his barons would follow him with their forces. But, inftead of this, they feparated, and retired to their refpective countries : of which John being informed, he return- ed to England more enraged than ever. Having col- lected a conftderable army, chiefly of mercenaries, he directed his march towards the north, with a refolu- tion to chaftife fome of the barons in thofe parts, who were the chief objects of his refentment. But when he had proceeded as far as Nottingham, he was over- taken by aichbifhop Langton, who threatened him and all his followers with the terrible fentence of excom- (162) M. Paris, p. 166. (163) M. Paris, p. 166. Mczeray, vol. 2. p. 622.' munication, *\ Ch. i.§4- CIVIL AND MILITARY. i6> munication, if he profecuted his revenge any further ; A.D.1213. which obliged him to defift (164). * v —* Though John had been thus conffrained to delay a.d. 1214. his expedition to the continent, he had by no means John's un- abandoned the defign ; in which he was encouraged by fuc«-kful his allies, the earls of Flanders, Boulogne, Tholoufe, ^heVon- and Auvergne. All thefe princes came over to Eng- tinent. land in January this year, and formed a plan for invad- ing France on both fides at the fame time ; on the fide of Flanders, by Otho emperor of Germany, the earls of Flanders and Boulogne, aflifted by fome Englifh troops ; and on the other fide by king John, in con- junction with the earls of Tholoufe, Auvergne, and his other confederates in thofe parts (165). To exe- cute his part of this plan, king John embarked with an army at Portfmouth February 2d, landed at Ro- chelle February 15th; and being joined by his allies, took feveral towns in Poitou and Anjou (166). His other allies invaded France on the other fide, at the fame time, with an army of one hundred and fifty thoufand men. But this great army was defeated at Bovines, July 27th : the earls of Flanders, Holland, Boulogne, and Salifbury, with about one hundred and forty other earls and barons, were taken prifoners; and the emperor Otho made his efcape with much difficulty (167). On receiving the news of this difafter, and of the approach of Louis prince of France with an army, John retired with great precipitation, abandon- ed all his conquefts, and returned to England, Octo^ ber 19th, having concluded a five years truce with king Philip (168). The fchemes that had been forming for fome time A.D.1215. paft among the Enpjifh barons, for recovering- and fe- pivi1 war • . ^ - between curing their liberties, being now become ripe for exe- k- joli:i cution, a great number of thefe barons, attended by and his their followers in arms, waited upon the king, at Lon- barons. don, January 6th, and de/nanded a confirmation of the liberties that had been granted to their anceftors by Henry I. in his charter, a copy of which they pro- (164) M. Paris, p. 167. ('65) Id. p. 172. (166) Id. p. 17a, 173. Rymer Feed. t. 1. p. 189. (167) Chron. Mailros, p. 187. M- Paris, p. 174, 175. t.168) Rymer Fad. p. 1 92. duced ,i68 , HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1215, duced (169). After fome al ercation, the king pro- mifed to return an anfwer to this demand at the end of Eafter next ; and the archbifhop of Canterbury, with the bifhop of Ely and the earl of Pembroke, be- coming fureties for his performing this promife, the barons were fatisfied, and retired, John refolving in his own mind not to grant the demands of his barons, employed various arts to fecure himfelf from the effects of their refentment. With this view he commanded all his fubjects to renew their oaths of fealty ; — granted to all cathedrals, monafteries, and conventual focieties, the right of electing their luperiors ; — took the crofs for the recovery of the Holy Land ; — and fent ambaf- fadors to his fovereign lord the pope, to accufe his barons of rebellion, and folicit the thunders of the church againft them (170). By thefe fleps, the barons being convinced that nothing could be obtained with- out a fufficient power to enforce their demands, afiem- bled at Stamford in Eafter week, with all their follow- ers, v/ho constituted a formidable army, and marched, April 27th, to Bracley, about fifteen miles from Ox- ford, where the king then refided (171). On the ap- proach of the barons, John fent the archbifhop of Canterbury and the earl of Pembroke, to afk what were the liberties and privileges that they defired. To thefe ambaffadors the barons delivered a fchedule, contain- ing the heads of their demands ; which being prefent- ed to the king, he rejected them with indignation, declaring, that he never would grant fuch liberties to his fubjecls as would make himfelf a flave (172). On receiving this anfwer, the barons, without paying any regard to the pope's letters, threatening them with ex- communication, broke out into open war, and inverted the caftle of Northampton, which they could not take, for want of battering engines (173). But they were more fuccefsful in their next attempts. For after they had taken the caftle of Bedford, having received an invitation from the chief citizens of London, they marched thither, and took pofleflion of that capital, May 24-th (j74). (169) M.Paris, p. 176. ('7°) Id. ibid. Rymcr Fad. p. 197, (171) M.. Paris. (17a) Id. ibid. (173) Rymer Feed. t. 1. p. 169, 1 79. M. Paris, p. 177. 174) Id. ibid. The Ch. i. §4- CIVIL AND MILITARY. 169 The king, who had retired from Oxford to Ode- A.D.1215. ham, finding himfelf abandoned almoft by all the - — v — — » world, fent the earl of Pembroke to the infurgents at Kin? John London, to propofe a conference, in order to an ac- freatchar5- commodation. This conference was accordingly held ter. in a large meadow between Windfor and Stanes, where, on Friday, June 19th, the famous charter, called Magna Cbarta, or, The Great Charter^ was granted by king John ( 1 75 )- To fecure the pofl'effion of thole ineftimable privileges granted by this charter, the pal- ladium of EnglihS liberty, many precautions were taken by the barons, and, in particular, twenty-five of their own number were appointed to be conferva- tors of the charter, and inverted with the moft exten- five powers for that purpofe (176). After king John had granted this charter, he became John's dif- fullen, melancholy, and dejected; and retiring with fon^ent at a few confidents to the Ifle of Wight, he began to -m„ °^c form fchemes for recovering the prerogatives which he great char- had relinquifhed. With this view he difpatched ter,andhis orders to all the commanders of his caftles, to repair PreParatl- ^ ons tor rC" their fortifications, and furnifh them with provifions. caiwit. He fent agents to the continent, to collect: an army of Brabantines and other mercenaries, and bring them into England; — and, by ambafladors, he again applied tothe pope for his protection and afiiftance (177). While thefe emifiaries were executing their commiffi- ons, John lived for three months in the greateft ob- fcurity in the Ifle of Wight, converfing only with the ' failors of the Cinque ports, whofe affections he there- by gained. The king's ambafladors met with a moft favour- The pope able reception at the court of Rome ; and having read condemns fome of the moft ofFenfive articles of the great charter ^^"and to the pope, his holinefs knit his brows, and fwore by excommu- St. Peter, " that he would not fufFer a king who bore nicates the " the fign of the crofs, and was a vaflal of the Holy baron*. " See, to be treated in that manner with impunity ** (178)." To execute thefe threats, he iflued one (175) See Judge Elackftone's Law-tracts, vol. 4. introduc. Sec chap. 3. (176) M.Paris, p. i8f. (177) Id. p. 183, 184. (178) M. Paris, p. 148. bull, i7o HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1215. bull, Augufl 24th, annulling the great charter, as <*""~"v ' extorted by force ; and another, not Jong after, de- nouncing excommunication againSt the barons and all their favourers (ijq). John takes About the time th.it thefe balls were brought to RocheAer England, John received a more efFe£tual Succour,, by caftk. the ianding of a great army of Brabantines, and other mercenaries, at l/over; which encouraged him to emerge from his obfcurity, and invert the caftk of Rochefter. This was a dreadful blow upon the barons, who had been lulled afleep by the king's retirement, and the contempt in which they held him. The caf- tle, however, was bravely defended by a garrifon of one hundred and forty knights, with their followers, under the command of William de Albeney. But at the end of two months, their proviftons being exhaust- ed, they were obliged to furrender at difcretion, No- vember 30th (180). A.D. 1216. In the beginning of this year, king John's affairs Operations were in a very flourishing Situation. Having divided *f the war. [j;s forces, which were very numerous, into two ar- mies, he left one of them under the command of the earl of Saiifbury near London, and marched with the other into the north. The firit of thefe armies greatly Straitened the metropolis, and took Several towns and caftles in its neighbourhood ; and the Second Struck fuch terror as it advanced northward, that the confederated barons of Yorkshire and Northumberland abandoned their country and fled into Scotland (181). John, as ufual, made a cruel ufe of his Superiority, de- i'olatino; the open country with Hie and Sword, and burning all the towns that fell into his hands, parti- cularly Morpeth, Alnwick, Berwick, Roxburgh Dun- bar, and Haddington, which were all reduced to afhes, \,-i the month of January this year (182). About the fjme time, the pope's bull excommunicating all the • onfederated barons by name, and laying their lands r an interdict, was publifhed in all parts of Eng- land, except London (183. (,79) Rynu-r. FceJ. t. I. p. 204, 205. 208. (.80) M. Paris p. 187. (18;) Chron. Mailtos, p. 190. M. Paris p 190. (182) li.p. 191. Chron. Mailroa, p. 170. .;ii..! ,\l. Paris, p. 19a. The Ch. i. §4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. 171 The barons being thus reduced to the very brink A.D. 1216. of ruin, and knowing too well the cruel unrelenting - — ^" — ' difpofition of their prince to think of making their TI?e barons fubmiffion, fent their general, Robert Fitz-Waker, "rownof and Saker earl of Winton, to Philip king of France, England to to make an offer of the throne of England to prince Louis Louis, his eldeft fon. A dangerous ftep ! to which g^f nothing could have driven them but defpair; which, a contemporary hiftorian tells us, was fo great, that they curfed both the king and the pope, in the bitter- nefs of their fouls (184). Their (plendid offer was joyfully accepted by Philip and his fon, who fent them an immediate reinforcement of feven thoufand men, and prepared to bring them in perfon a more effectual relief (185). Thefe preparations were carried on with fo much Prince vigour, that prince Louis arrived with a fleet of fix Louis land* hundred {hips,- at the ill e of Thanet, and landed his Wlt , .-> 1 - 1 iv 1 1 -i r ■ army, takes army at bandwicn, May 23d, without oppofition R0Cheiler, (186). Having taken the caltle of Rochefter in his and eaters march, May 30th, he entered London, June 2d, in London. a kind of triumph, amidff. the loudeft acclamations of the citizens, the barons, and their followers, who did homage to him as their fovereign, and received his promife, upon oath, that he would reftore them to all their poiTemons, and protecl them in all their pri- vileges (187). The ftate of things was now entirely changed, and King John king John, who a few months before was on the point in great of overwhelming all his enemies, was obliged to re- dlftrels- tire from place to place, being abandoned by feveral of his barons, and many of his mercenaries. The pope was flill his fteady friend, and by frhe hands of Gualo, his legate in England, difcharged all the artillery of the church againft his adveifaries. But thefe, being unfupported by a military force, did little exe- cution. After prince Louis had received the homage of the Prince Londoners and the barons of his party, he took the Louis be- field, and in a few months reduced all the fouth of ie£es °" * vei caltle in vain. (184) M. Paris, p. 193. {185) Radulf. Niger, p. 144. (186) M. Paris, p. 195. (187) Id. ibid. England, i72 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. 1116. England to his obedience, except the caftle of Dover. *•— ■ —Y"—— 'It was before this caftle, which he inverted July 22d, that the prince met with an obftacle, that put a ftop to the current of his profperity. The brave Hubert 1 de Burgh, at the head of one hundred and forty knights, bffides a great number of gentlemen and common foldiers, defended it with fo much fkill and valour, that many of the beficgers were flain, and all their attacks repulfed, though they employed againft it the moft famous battering engine then in the world, called Evil-neighbour (188). This obftinate refiftance fo irritated prince Louis, that he iwore a folemn oath, That he would not raife the fiege till he had taken the caftle, and hanged all the garrifon (189). An oath which he was never able to perform, and which proba- bly loft: him the crown of England. Operations While prince Louis was wafting his time and of the war, ftrength to no purpofe before the caftle of Dover, *nd death of king John, having recruited his army, broke into S J° • the counties of buffblk and Norfolk, and committed dreadful devaluations on the eftates of the revolted ba- rons. Some of thofe barons alio began to dilcover their error in inviting one to be their prote£lor, who might become their conqueror ; and Louis had given fuch plain indications of his partiality to his own coun- trymen, and averfion to the Englifh, that the earl of Salifbury, William Marefchal, Walter Beauchamp, and feveral others, abandoned his party. But king John did not live to enjoy this returning dawn of good fortune. For having marched from Lyne- Regis in Norfolk, over the fands into Lincoln/hire, at an im- proper time, the rear of his army was overtaken by the flowing tide, and fell into certain quickfands in which he loft all his carriages, containing his regalia, money, proviiions and baggage of all kinds. This difafter added to many other caufes of chagrin, threw him into a fever, which increafed fo fait, that it was with great difficulty he reached Newark upon Trent ; wi.tre he died, October iqth, in the forty- ninth year of his age, and the ftventeenth of his reign. In his Lit: moments he is faid to have received letters from ;>v : :, ftucis,p. 198. (189) Id. ibid. forty Ch. i. §4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. i73 forty of his revolted barons, declaring their refolu- A. D. 1216. tion to return to his obedience, which (though they ' v — ' came too late to afford him any comfort) produced a revolution favourable to his family, which will be related in the beginning of the fourth book of this work (190). The odious character that hath been given of king Chara&er John by all our ancient hiftorians, is but too well (up- of kinS ported by the particulars of his hiftory. From thence •'0 ' it appears, — that he was an unnatural fon, having confpired againft a moft indulgent father ; — an un- kind brother, having attempted the ruin of king Richard, who had loaded him with favours; — a cruel uncle, having murdered his nephew prince Arthur, and kept his niece the princefs Eleanora in perpetual imprifonment; — a jealous and unfaithful hufband, having repudiated one wife, and imprifoned another, and violated his faith to both by innumerable adulte- ries. He difcovered his contempt of religion, — by his wanton violation of the moft folemn oaths, — his horrid habitual fwearing, — and his inlipid farcafms on facred things. The public character of this prince was, if pofTible, more deteftable than his private ; and if he was a bad man, he was a worfe king ; having fuffered himfelfto be ftript of his foreign dominions without a ftruggle, and fubje&ed his kingdom to the ignominious yoke of Rome. In his adminiftration he paid no regard tojuftice, law, or mercy,; but a£ted the part of a luftful, rapacious, and bloody tyrant, fporting with the honours, the fortunes, and lives of his unhappy fubjects. His tyranny was productive of many miferies, to himfelf, his family, and his people ; and yet, fuch is the wifdom and goodnefs of divine providence ! it became the occafion of many bleflinps to pofterity. For his intolerable oppreflions drove his barons into the field, and procured them the Great Charter, which perhaps they would not have afked from a better, nor obtained from a braver prince. King John, befides many natural children, left two „ ■# legitimate fons, and three daughters; viz. Henry,* (190) M. Paris, p. 198, 199. Chron. Triveti, aim. 1216. Hen. Knyghton, col. 3425. A&nal. YYaverlien. p. 182. born i74 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. A.D. xai6. born October ifr, A. D. 120'; Richard, born ^-— ""V-— J January 6th, A. D. 1209; Jane married to Alex- ander king of Scotland; Eleanor, married firft to the earl of Pembroke, and afterwards to the famous earl of Leicefter : and Ifabella married to the em- peror Frederic II. Hiftory of David ap Owen fucceeded his father Owen Wales. Gwyneth in the government of North Wales, A. D.- 1169, to the exclufion of Lbewelyn, his eldeft bro- ther's fon, and kept pofTeffion of it to A. D. 1194. He was then difpofleiTed by prince Lhewelyn, and be- ing defeated in feverr.l attempts be made to recover what he had loft, he died, it is faid, of a broken heart A. D. 1204. From that time Lhewelyn de- fended his dominions with fo much valour, and go- verned them with lb much wifdom, to his death, A. D. 1240, that he was much honoured and loved by the Welfh, who gave him the pompous title of The Great (191). To relate the almoin innumerable quarrels of the Welih among themfelves, and with the Englifh upon their borders, in this period, would take up much room, and could aftbrd little inftruclion or en- tertainment. It is fufHcient to fay, that they were the fame brave and warlike people they had ever been ; and, as they were under the direction of many petty chieftains, and had a moil invincible antipathy to their neareft neighbours, they were almoft constantly en- gaged in war againft one another, oragainft the Eng- iifb. Hiftory of William the Lion, king of Scotland, reigned al- Scotland in moft hall a century, and was the contemporary of the,y.eig three kin^s of England. In the former part of his William • 1 r r . i 1 • /■ the Lion. i"e'gn he was lo unfortunate as to be taken pruoner (as hath been already related), and obliged to facrifice the independency of his kingdom to recover the free- dom of his perfon. In the prefent period he was more prolperou*. For Richard 1. before his departure for the Holy Land, in order to gain the friendfhip of the k:ng and people of Scotland, that they might not dif- turb the peace of his dominions in his abience, and in order to procure a fum of money, of which he ftood (191) Powel' s Hiftory of Wales, p. 237 — 299. in Ch. i. §4. CIVIL AND MILITARY. i7S in need, agreed to refrore William and his kingdom a.D. isi6. to their former independency. This was accordingly done at Canterbury, 5th December, A. D. ii8g, by a charter, in which he restores the caftles of Ber- wick and Roxburgh, relinquifhes all obligations that his father Henry had extorted fern William in his captivity ; releafes the people of Scotland from the oaths of homage they had taken to Henry, and gives up all charters containing thefe obligations and oaths (192). For this valuable charter William paid to Richard ten thoufand marks, equal in quantity of fiiver to about twenty thoufand pounds of our money at prefent, and in efficacy to one hundred thoufand pounds at leaft (193). This generous conceffion of Richard feems to have gained the hearts of the king and people of Scotland, who could not be prevailed upon to join with the king of France and prince John in their ichemes againfi that unfortunate prince in his diftrefs, but, on the contrary, contributed a confider- able fum of money towards his ranfom (194). Wil- liam vifited Richaid on his return to England after his captivity, affifted at his fecond coronation, obtained a charter, regulating the entertainment of the kings of Scotland in their journies to and from the court of England ; but could not obtain the reititution of the northern counties (195). The internal tranquillity of Scotland was difiurbed in the year 119b and 1197, by fome infurrections in Caithnefs and Sutherland ; but they were foon fup- prefled, and their authors punifhed (196). Several ichemes had been propefed for fettling the fuccefiir.n of the crown in cafe the king, who was now old, fhoulj happen to die without male ifiue ; but queen Frman- gard was delivered of a fon, who was named Alex- ander, A. D. 1198, which put an end to all thefe fchemes, to the great joy both of the king and ins iubjects (197). (19a) Rymer Fcedera, vol. 1. p. 64. (193) Benedi6t. Abbas, p. 576. (194) Chron. de Mailros, adann. 1193. (195) Hoveden. Ar.nal. p. 420, &c. Rymer Foedera, torn. 1. p. S7. (196) Chron. Mailros, p. 1 80, 1 S i . . (197) Id. ibid. After i76 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. a.d. iai6. After the accemon of king John to the crown of England, William did homage to him at Lincoln, 22d November, A. D. 1200, for his lands in England, with a faving of the rights of his crown (198). He then demanded, as he had often dona before, the refti- tution of the counties of Cumberland, Northumber- land, and Weftmorland ; but, at John's earned re- queft, allowed him till Whitfunday after to give his anfwer to this demand; which he delayed ftill longer to give, on various pretences (199). John's repeated delays to return a direct anfwer to the demand of the northern counties, and his erecting a caftle oppofite to Berwick, in which he was interrupted by William, increafed the mifunderftanding between the two mo- narchs, and threatened a war. To prevent this, John and William held a conference at Norham, A. D. 1204 ; but feparated without any pofitive agreement (200). When things had continued fome years in this un fettled ftate, an open rupture took place, and both kings appeared at the head of their armies on the borders, A. D. 1209, feemingly refolved to determine all their difputes by the fword, which they had long laboured in vain to fettle by negotiation. But a battle was prevented by the interpofition of the nobles of both nations, the armies were difbanded, and a conference appointed to be held between the two kings at NewcafHe. The king of Scotland being fuddenly taken ill at the beginning of the conference, nothing was concluded but a (hort truce ; at the expi- ration of which both kings collected their forces, and (marched again to the borders (201). The nobles interpofed a fecond time, and procured a meeting be- tween their fovereigns at Norham; in which a treaty of peace was concluded on conditions that are not very well known, becaufe the charter in which they were contained hath never been published, and is probably defrroyed. All we know with certainty is, — that the king of Scotland bound himfelf to pay to John 15,000 marks in two years, by four equal pay- ments, to gain his good will, and to fulfil the con- ventions contained in a charter confirmed by both (198) R. Hoveden, ad ann. 1200, p. 461. col. a. (199) U- 'l»id. (200) Fordun, 1. 8. c. 66, (*°l) Id. ibid. c. 6y. kings ; ■Ch.i.§4- CIVIL AND MILITARY. 177 kings; — that he gave hoftages to fecure the payment A.D. 1216. of that money ; — and that he put his two daughters v — ** into the hands of the king of England(202). The only queftion is, What were the conditions contained in that charte-, for which fo great a fum of money was paid, and the princefles were delivered ? An Englifh parliament, about thirty years after this, de- clared, that the conditions were, — That the two prin- cefles fhould be married to king John's two fons ; and that the money, together with a renunciation of his claim to the northern counties, was given by William as their marriage-portion (203). This is further confirmed by the claim to the northern counties being renewed by king Alexander, the fon and fucceffor of William, and the repayment of the 15,000 marks de- manded, becaufe the ftipulations contained in that charter had not been performed (204). William the Lion, after a lingering illneis, died at Stirling, 6th December, A. D. 121 4, in the feventy- fecond year of his age, and forty-ninth of his reign (205). Alexander II the only legitimate fon of William, Alexander fucceeded his father in the throne of Scotland, and u- was crowned at Scone, 20th December, A. D. 121 4, being then in the feventeenth year of his age (206). This young prince efpoufed the caufe of the Engliih barons againft king John, becaufe thefe barons en- gaged to furrender to him the northern counties, which had long been the great object of the ambition of the kings of Scotland. To fulfil his engagements with his allies, he raifed an army, marched into Northum- berland, and received the homage of the barons of that county, at Felton, 1 8th October A.D. 1 2 1 5 (207). King John, being now at the head of a powerful army of mercenaries, directed his march northward, deftroying the eftates of the confederated barons of Yorkshire ; who retired into Scotland, and did homage to Alexander at the abbey of Melrofs, 15th January A. D. 1216 (208). But nothing could ftop the pro- (202) Rymer Foedera, t. I. c. 155. (203) Additamenta M. Parifienfis, p. 99. col. I. (204) Rymer Feed. t. 1. p. 375. col. I. (205) Chron. Mailros, p. 186. (206) Id. ibid. (207) Id. p. 189. (208) Id. p. 190. Vol. III. N grefs i78 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Booklll. A.D. iai6. grefs of John and his mercenaries, who^ in their march, burnt the towns of Morpeth, Alnwick, Wark; and Bokeiborough, and having taken Berwick, perpetrated the moft horrid cruelties on the inhabitants. Advancing into Scotland, they burnt the towns of Dunbar and Haddington, and in their return the abbey of Coldingham and the town of Berwick ; John de- claring, that he was determined to fmoke the little Red Fox (fo he called Alexander) out of his hole (209). King John being obliged to return into the fouth, to oppofe an expected invafion from France, under prince Louis, Alexander invaded Cumberland in the month cf February ; and fome of the Scots in his army, by whom the hifrorians of thofe times mean the people of the highlands, robbed the abbey of Holmcultram ; but in their way home with their booty, about two thoufand of them were drowned in the river Eden (210). Alexander invaded Cumberland a fecond time, in the month of July, with all his armyj except the Scots, i. e. the highlanders, and, in Auguft, he took the city, but not the caftle of Carlifle (21 1). Prom thence he marched with his army quite through Eng- land, plundering the eftates of thofe barons who adhered to John ; and arriving at Dover, where Louis was befieging the caftle, he did homage to that prince for all his lands in England, and particularly lor the counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, and Wcft- morland, which were granted to him by charter (212). On his return home he met with fome obftruction in pafling the Trent, from the army of king John ; from which he was relieved by the death of that prince at Newark, 19th October 1216. (9.09) Chron. Mailros. M. Pari$ ad ann. 1215, Ili6. p. 191. (210) Chron. Mailros, p. 190. (211) Id. p. 19F. (812) Rymcr Fad. torn. a. p. 117. THE THE HISTORY O F GREAT BRITAIN. BOOK III. CHAP. II. Hi/lory of Religion in Great Britain, from the landing of William duke of Normandy, A. D. io66} to the death of king John , A . D . 1 2 1 6 . SECTION I. Hijiory of Religion, from A. D. 1066, to A. D. 1100. T 1 HE religious opinions and pra&ices-of the an- Cent. XI. cient Britons, in the firft period of this work, and ' * — — ' thofe of the Anglo-Saxons in the beginning of the ^V1 t^e-°' fecond, were fo little known, that it was thought tain ;n th;g proper to begin the hiftory of religion in each of thefe period were periods, with a delineation of — its objects — its princi- Chriftians. pies — its rites — its minifters — its temples, and other circumftances (1). But as the Normans, Englifh, and all the other nations of Britain, had embraced the Chriftian religion long before the beginning of this (I) See b. l. ch. a. fed. i. b. ». ch. a. fed. 1. N 2 period, i8o HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XI. period, nothing of that kind is necefTary in the pre- ' •—"»"' lent chapter ; in which it will be fufficient to give a very brief detail of the mo'l important ecclefiaftical tranfactions, in the order of time in which they hap- pened. Anglo- Soon after William the Conqueror was feated in the Saxon pre- throne of England, he feems to have formed the deftgn prived "a d °^ ^ePr'ving tne moft eminent of the Englifh clergy of Normans their dignities in the church, in order to beftow them put in their on his countrymen, or on others on whofe attachment fsesw he could depend. To accomplifh this defign with the greater eafe, he engaged the pope to fend legates into England, for regulating the affairs of that church, which he pretended were in great diforder(2). The papal legates, John and Peter, two cardinal priefts, and Hermanfrede bifhop of Sion, held a great council of the Englifh clergy, in the prefence of the king, at Winchefter, on the octaves of Eafter, A. D. 1070; in which Stigand. archbifhop of Canterbury, Agilmare bifhop of Norwich, and feveral Englifh abbots, were depofed, on various pretences (3). In another council, convened at Wind for on Whitfunday that fame year, Agilric bifhop of Chichefler, and fome more Englifh abbots, were depofed: with which fe- verities the bifhops of Lincoln and Durham were fo much alarmed, that they left their fees, and retired into Scotland (4). By thefe depolltions and religna- tions, as well as by the death of feveral Englifh pre- lates, many of the chief dignities of the church were now vacant, which were all filled with the king's fo- reign favourites and countrymen. Lan franc abbot of Caen, and Thomas canon of Bay.eux, were made archbifhops of Canterbury and York, while Walkelin, Walkerine, HerefaCt, Stigand, Peter, Herman, and Remigius, all Normans, were placed in the fees of Winchefter, Durham, Norwich, Chichelter, Lichfield, Salifbury, and Lincoln (5). (2) Lanfhmci Opera, p. 7. Orderic. Vital, p. 516. (3) Wilkins Concilia, torn. I. p. 322. W. Malmf. de Geftis Pontific. p. 117. (4) Simeon Dunclm. col. 202. Wilkin. Concil. t. 1. p. 323. (\-) Inett's Church Hiftory, vol. a. p. 14, ij. Thefe Ch. 2. § i. RELIGION. 181 Thefe fortunate foreigners, exalted by the fall, and Cent. xi. enriched by the fpoils of the unhappy Englifh, did not ' v — ' long continue in a ftate of harmony amongft them- Difpute felves, but a moft violent quarrel broke out between _„;„," * * priiiitiv, y • the two archbifhops about the primacy. When Thomas, elect of York, came to Canterbury to be confecrated, Lanfranc, on the day appointed for that ceremony, demanded of him an oath and written pro- feffion of canonical obedience to himfelf and fuccef- fors, as primates of all England ; which the other abfolutely refufing, departed in great anger, without being confecrated. But Lanfranc having convinced the king and his council of thejuflice of his claim, Thomas was commanded to return, and take the oath, and make a profeffion of obedience to Lanfranc, without mentioning his fuccefibrs ; and with this com- mand he thought proper to comply (6). This year the two new archbifhops of England 'A.D.1071, made a journey to Rome to receive their palls; anc^Thtdif- when they were there, Thomas complained to the pute deter- pope of the fubmiffion he had been conftrained by mined in royal authority to make at his confecration ; affirming, favour oi that the fees of York and Canterbury were of equal • J' ' dignity. On the other hand, Lanfranc produced various evidences of the fuperiority of his fee. But the holy father, unwilling to offend either of the pre- lates, or difoblige the king of Hn gland, declined to judge in that matter, and declared, that it ought to be determined by an Englifh fynod (7). Accordingly two great councils were held, one at Eafter, and the other at Whitfuntide, A. D. 1072, in which this im- portant quell ion of the primacy was debated with great warmth, in the prefence of the king, queen, and all the court; and at length determined in favour of Canterbury, to the great mortification of the cle- rical pride of the one prelate, and exultation of the other (8). After this difpute was determined, Lanfranc pre- 107;, &c. fided in feveral councils of the clergy of both pro-Se^"*1 vinces, in which many ecclefiaftical canons were h0^"* made, though few of them are intitled to the atten- (6) W. Malmf. p. if% (7) Id. ibid. (Sj !d. ibid. .LaniVan. Opera, p. 301. Wilkin. Concil. i- p- tion i82 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XL tion of pofterity. By one of thefe councils very fevere v-^v — J penances were prefcribed to thofe who had killed or wounded any perfon in the battle of Haftings, com- monly caHed the great battle, where they had fought for or againft the duke of Normandy. The archers who could not know how many men they had killed or wounded, were to do penance for three lents. All thefe penances might be redeemed by money, or by building and endowing churches ; to promote which was probably the intention of the council in thefe tyrannical impoiitions (9). By the eighth canon of a council held at London, A. D. 1075, it is decreed, " That the bones of dead animals " (hall not be hung up, to drive away the pefti- " le nee from cattle; and that forcery, footh-fayings, " divinations, and fuch works of the devil (hall not " be pradtifed (10)." The celibacy of the clergy had been enjointd by a thoufand canons, but as yet without a full effe£f. So difficult is it for the laws of men to overcome the laws of nature ! By one of the canons of an Englifh council, held at Winchefter A. D. 1076, the fecular clergy who had wives, are allowed to keep them ; which is a lufficient proof that they formed a very powerful party : but thofe who had not wives, are forbidden to marry ; and bifhops are prohibited for the future to ordain any man who had a wife (ri). Extrava- Pope Alexander II. having died, April 20th, A.D. gant claims io-73, he was immediately fucceeded by the famous of pope Hiluebrand, archdeacon of Rome, who affirmed the VirfrejeA- name °f Gregory VII. and became the rnoft turbulent cd. and afpiring pontiff that had ever filled St. Peter's chair. So boundlefs was the ambition of this haughty prielf, that be claimed the fupreme dominion of the whole world, and attempted to bring all emperors, kings, and princes, under fubjection to his autho- ritv(j2). In profecution of thoie infolent pretentions, he difpatched his Iepate Hubert into England, to af- fert his title to that iiingdom, and demand an oath of fealty from king William, together with the immedi- ( he had always profeffed great veneration for the bi- fhops of Rome, by whom he had been countenanced in his attempt on England) rejected the demand of homage with becoming indignation, and only promifed to fend Peter-pence as a free gift, in imitation of hi-s predeceffors (13). Still further to mortify the pride and renft the pretenfions of the pope, he would not permit Lanfranc to leave the kingdom, though that pontiff had fent him federal letters commanding him to come to Rome (14). Thefe affronts wrought up the rage of Gregory to fo high a pitch, that, in a letter to his legate Hubert, A. D. 1078, he gave William the moft opprobrious names, and threatened to make him feel the refentmen't of St. Peter (15). But St. Peter was either not fo vindictive as his fuccellor Gregory, or king William was without the reach of his refentment. A confiderable change was introduced into the creed change in of the church of England under the primacy, and chief- the Creed ly by the means, of archbifhop Lanfranc. The prefent °* t^ dodtrine of the church of Rome concerning the cor- England poral prefence of Chrift in the facrament, called tran- fubjlantidtiori) was little known, and lefs regarded, in this illand before the Norman conqueft. But Lan- franc was one of the moft zealous champions for that dodtrine, of the age in which he flounihed, and dif- puttd, wrote and preached in its defence, both before and after his elevation to the fee of Canterbury (17). This elevation, however, it is highly probable, gave additional weight to his arguments, and enabled him to make many profelytes. William the Lonqueror exercifed his fupremacy Changes in over the church of England with a high hand, and the 'polity of made fome important changes both in the ftate of its the church j c i- t^- i- Li in ot England. revenues and of its polity. rinding the Enghfh clergy and monafteries pofielled of far too great a pro- portion of the riches of the kingdom, he flript them of many of their eftates by various means^ and fub- jedled thole they (till retained to military fervices and (13) Epift. Wilhelm. Opera Lanfran. p. 304. (14) Greg. Epift; I. 9. Ep. aq, Condi. 1. ro. col. 491. (15) Id. ibid. (]';; Du Pin Ecclef- Hift. cent. u. c. 3. p. 3. ether 184 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XI. other feudal preftations fi8) : a reafonable regulation ^-—v J that thofe who enjoyed fo large a {hare of the wealth, fhould contribute in the fame proportion with others to the defence and fupport, of the ftate. So ftric't an eye did he keep over the clergy in the exercife of dif- cipline, and government of the church, that he did not allow any of them — to go out of the kingdom without his leave, — to acknowledge any pope without his direction, — to publifh any letters from Rome, till he had feen and approved them, — to hold any councils, or to pronounce a fentence of excommunication on any of his nobles, without his permifiion (19). But the moft conhderable change that this prince made in the conftitution of the church of England, was towards the concluiion of his reign, when he feparated the ecclefiaftical from the civil courts, which in the Anglo Saxon times had been united (20): a change that was attended with very important confequences both to church and ftate. 1089. Lanfranc archbifhop of Canterbury died May 28th, Death and A. D. 1089, having furvived his royal friend and C ^Vfl6™ Patron> William the Conqueror, about one year and Iwnfranc. eight months (21). This prelate is celebrated by our ancient hiilorians for his wifdemj learning, munifi- cence, and other virtues. His charity in particular is faid to have been fo great, that he beftowed in that way no lefs than five hundr d pounds a year (22) : a prodigious fum in thofe times ! equal in weight toons thoufand five hundred pounds of our money, and in value to at leaft feven thoufand five hundred pounds. This is a funic i en t proof of the great revenues of the fee of Canterbury in that period, as well as of the great generofity of that prelate. 1093. After the death of Lanfranc, William Rufus, then Afte ong jdrig of England, was in no bafte to give him a luc- Anfelm is ceffor, but kept all the poffeffions of the archbifhopric made arch- in his own hands, almofi five years (23). In this m- bifhop of terval the bifhops and clergy tried various methods to Canter- D7 *" (18) M. Paris, p. 4. Hifloria Ingulphi, p. 70, 71. (19) Eadmer. Hilt. p. 6. Seld^ni Specilegium, p. 164. (ao) Seldeni Specilegium, p. 167. (»i) J. Brompt. col. y<,(>. («) Gervas, A&. Pontific. col. 1655. W. Malmf. p. 118. (23) Eadoicr, Hilt, p 14. prevail Ch.2.§i. RELIGION, iSs prevail upon the king to appoint a primate j but in Cent. XI. vain. At one time when they prefented a petition, ' v — -> that he would give them leave to fend a form of prayer to be ufed in all the churches of England, — " That " God would move the heart of the king to chufe an M archbifhop ;" he returned this carelefs anfwer, — " You may pray as you pleafe ; I will do as I " pleafe (24)." At length, however, being feized with a fevere ficknefs, which threatened his life, he was prevailed upon to fill up the vacant fees of Lin- coln and Canterbury, by nominating Robert Bloet, his chancellor to the firft, and Anfelm, abbot of Beck in Normandy (who was then at court), to the laft. Anfelm at firft difcovered great reluctance to accept of this high dignity, dreading the fierce rapacious temper of the king, to which he was no ftranger. *l The " plough (laid he) of the church of England fhould *' be drawn by two oxen, of equal ftrength, the king, tc and the archbifhop of Canterbury ; but if you u yoke me, who am a weak old iheep, with this king, " who is a mad young bull, the plough will not go " ftraight(25)." But as men's refufals of places of power and wealth are feldom very obftinate, thofe of Anfelm were overcome at laft, and he condefcended to mount the archiepifcopal throne, December 4th, A. D. 1093, having done homage to the king for the temporalities, and received inveftiture by the paftoral ftaffand ring, September 25th (26). Anfelm's apprehenfions of having quarrels with the 1095. king were not ill founded; but tbefe quarrels were Breach bc- owing to his own obftinate and prefumptuous bigotry. ^veen t^e In a few weeks after his confecration he waited on the theprimate. king at Haftings ; but paid his court fo ill, by declin- ing to make him fuch a prefent as was expected, — by prefling him too earneftly to call a council of the cler- gy, and to fill up the vacant abbeys — and by reprov- ing him and his courtiers too freely for their long hair, their gaudy drefs, and effeminate manners, that Wil- liam could not refrain from exprefling hisdifTatisfaiti- on in very ftrong terms (27). At their next meeting, (24) W. Malmf. p. 124. col. 1. (25) Id. Ibid. (26) Id. p. 125. col. 1. Eadmer, p. 16, 17, 18. (37) Eaduier, p. 23, 2.4. Anglia Sacra, 1. 1. p. 164. after ,g6 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XI. after the king's return from Normandy, A. D. 1094, * v the breach between them became ftill wider. The Chriftian world had long heen divided between the two contending popes, Urban and Clement ; but the kingdom of England had not as yet acknowledged either the one or the other. Anfelm had fubmiited to Urban before his promotion to the primacy, and now petitioned the king for leave to go to Rome and re- ceive his pail from that pontiff. William was enraged beyond meafure at this petition, which he declared was directly contrary to that obedience which the archbilhop had (worn in his oath of fealty, as well as to the laws of England. At length, after much angry altercati- on, this difpute was referred to a great council of the nobility and prelates, which met at Rockingham, March nth, A. D. 1095(28). To this council, on the fi.ft day of their meeting, Anfelm made a long harangue, in which, amongft other things, the good prelate told them, M That he would much rather ** have been burnt alive than have been made an arch- " bifhop ;" and concluded with propoiing this quef- tion as the fubject of their deliberation, — *f Whether " his going to Rome to receive his pall from pope u Urban, was contrary to his oath of fealty, and the " laws of England r" The council then adjourned, becaufe it was Sunday; and having met again on Monday, after long deliberation, fent this anfwer to thearchbiihop by thebifhops, " that unlefs he yielded " obedience to the king, and retracled his iubmiilion " to pope Urban, they would not acknowledge or " obey him as their primate." On hearing this fen- tence the archbilhop lifted up his eyes and hands to heaven, and with great folemnity appealed to St. Peter, whole vicar he declared he was determined to obey, rather than the king ; and, upon the bifhops declin- ing to report his words, he went boldly into the coun- cil, and pronounced them before the king and his no- bility. The debates were then renewed with greater warmth than ever, and lailed all day ; but towards evening the former fentence was confirmed, and inti- mated to the primate ; who begged to be allowed till next morning to deliberate upon his anfwer. The (28) Eadmcr, p. 46. kiii£r Ch. a.§i. RELIGION. ^ king and council were now in hopes that the archbi- Cent. XL (hop would reiign his fee, which was what they moft ardently defired, as the only means of reftoring the peace of the kingdom, which had been much dif- turbed by this difpute. But if Anfelm had an averfi- on to accept of the archbifhopric, he discovered a much greater averfion to refign it. For next morning he both adhered to his former anfwer, and declared his refolution never to refign his fee. When things were brought to this extremity, fomeof the nobility, who refpec"ted the facerdotai character, and dreaded that the paflionate fpirit of William would prompt him to fome a£t of violence, propofed a truce till the octaves of Eafter; which was accepted by both parties (29). In this interval, William, defpairing to overcome The king the obftinacy of the archbifhop by violence, had re- deceived courfe to artifice, and privately fent two of his chap- J,thcP0Pc- lains to Rome, to make an offer to Urban, to ac- knowledge him as pope, if he would confent to the depofition of Anfelm, and fend a pall to the king, to be beftowed on whom he pleafed. Urban, tranfported with joy at the acceflion of fo powerful a prince and fo great a kingdom to his party, promifed every thing, and fent Walter bifhop of Alba his legate into England with a pall. The legate pafied through Canterbury, without feeing the archbifhop ; and arriving at court, prevailed upon the king to iffue a proclamation, com- manding all his fubjects to acknowledge Urban II. as lawful pope (30). But when the king having per- formed all his promifes, began to fpeak of proceeding to the depofition of the archbifhop, and demanded the pall, that he might give it to the prelate who mould be chofen in his room, the legate changed his tone, and plainly declared, that the pope would not confent to the depofition of fo great a faint, and fo dutiful a fon of the church of Rome ; and that he had received orders to deliver the pall to Anfelm ; which he accord- ingly performed with great pomp in the cathedral of Canterbury (31). It is eafy to imagine how much 2 prince of William's haughty and paflionate temper was enraged at this perfidious conduct of the court of (29) Eadmer, p. 31. (30) W. Malmf.de Geft. Pontific. p. 125. (31) W. M^lmf. de Geft. Fontifk. p. 126. col. 1. Rome; i88 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XI 1097. Anfelm leaves England. T098. Anlelm's reception at Rome, juid his tranfac- tions. ther, Rome; but as he was engaged in an expedition into Normandy, he had not leifure to give vent to his re- fentment. . Soon after the king's return from Normandy, the quarrel between him and the archbifhop was revived, by that prelate's frequent and importunate applications for the royal permiffion to vifit Rome, for the good of his foul, and the benefit of the church. At length the king (wearied out with thefe incefiant folicitations, ;md having in vain tried every method to difluade the pri- mate from perfifting in his defign), at the meeting of the great council in Oitober A. D. 1097, command- ed him to leave the kingdom in eleven days, without carrying any of his effects with him; and declared, at the fame time, that he fhould never be permitted to return (32J. Anfelm had no iooner extorted this paf- fionate permiffion to depart the kingdom, than he haf- tened to Canterbury; where having divefted himfelf of his archiepifcopal robes, and aflumed the garb of a pilgrim, he let out on his journey. After he had wait- ed for a favourable wind about fifteen days at Dover, where his baggage was ftridtly fearched by the king's officers), he failed for Whitfande, and proceeded from thence to Lyons before he made any conliderable ftop (33). Here he wrote a letter to the pope, giving an account of his grievances in England, and of his de- parture from it, and deiiring the affiftance and direc- tion of his holinefs ; hinting, that fince he had little profpect of doing any good in a country where jultice and rel'gion were fo much defpifed by perfons of all ranks, it would be right to allow him to reiign his fee (34) The king of England had, in the mean time, feized all the eftates and and revenues of Canterbury into his own hands, and declared all the adts of Anfelm to be null and void (35). As foon as the archbifhop received an anfwer to his letter, with an invitation from the pope to come to Rome, he fet forward on his journey, on the Tuefday before Palm- Sunday, A. D. 1098, attended only by two faithful friends, Baldwin his {reward, and Ead'mer ;• the hiltorian, his fecretary. TlK-y were obliged to (32) Eadmer, p, 37, 38, 39., 40. Diceto apud X. Script, col. 495. C»3) Id- ibid. (34) Id. p. 43- (35) ty/P"*1- tr-vel Ch.2.§i. RELIGION. i89 travel in difguife, and under borrowed names, to avoid Cent. XI. the ambufcades that were laid for them by Clement-' the antipope, and by feveral companies of banditti, who, having heard that the archbifhop of Canterbury was on his way to Rome with great treafures, were on •the watch to intercept him (36). At length, after going through much fatigue, and no little danger, they arrived at Rome ; and met with the kindeft reception from the pope, who lodged them in his own palace. Our monlcifh hiftorians give the moft pompous ac- counts of the extraordinary honours that were paid to Anfelm by the pope, the duke of Apulia, the nobility, clergy, and people of Rome, on this occafion. His holinefs made a long fpeech to him before his whole court, in which he loaded him with praifes, called him the pope of another world, and commanded all the Englifh who mould come to Rome to kifs his toe (37). He further promifed to fupport him with all his power in his difputes with the king of England; and wrote a letter to that prince, commanding him to reftore all that he had taken from the archbifhop (38). Such was the high tone affumed by the popes of thofe times in their letters to the greateft kings. Anfelm aflifted at the council held by the pope at Bari, in the third week after Eafter, and acquired great honour by a fpeech he made in it, againft the herefy of the Greek church about the proceflion of the Holy Ghoft. The holy father, in particular (who had been much puzzled in the courfe of the debate), was fo much charmed with this fpeech, that at the conclusion of it he cried out, ** Bieifed be thy heart and thy fenfes, O Anfelm ! "■ bleffed be thy mouth, and the fpeeches of thy mouth " (39)"" ^ ne archbifhop was pre ent in another pa- pal council held at Rome towards the end of this year, in which it was declared, that the king of England defer vfed excommunication for his treatment of An- felm; but at the requeft of that prelate, the execution of that fentence was poftponed (40). At this council the famous canon againft lay-inveltitures was con- (36) Eadmer, p 44. (37) J- Sarilburieuf. Vita Anfelmi, in Anglia Sacra, t. 2. p. 166. W. MaJmf.p. 127. (38) Eadmer.p. 45. (39) Eadmer, p. 49, (40) Id. p. jo. firmed, i9o HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Booklll. Cent. XI. firmed, denouncing excommunication againft all lay - *^-v— —> men who prefumed to grant inveftitures of any eccle- fiaftical benefices, and againft all clergymen who ac- cepted of fuch inveftitures or did homage to temporal princes (41) : a canon that Anfelm remembered too well for his owrt peace, and for the peace of England. The reafon afligned for this canon by the pope, as related by one who was jjrefent in the council, and heard his fpeech, is horrid and impious in the higheft degree. u It is execrable," faid his holinefs, " to fee " thofe hands which create God, the creator of all " things (a power never granted to angels), and offer " him in facrifice to the Father for the redemption of " the whole world, put between the hands of a prince, " ftained with blood, and polluted day and night with *• obfeene contains. To which all the fathers of the he was very unwilling to refign fo bright a jewel of his crown, as the right of beftowing ecclefiaftical be- nefices, and of receiving the homage of his prelates ; and, on the other hand, he dreaded the departure of the primate, who would join the party of his brother Robert, now returned to Normandy, and preparing to after t his right to the throne of England. In this diitrefs the king propofed, cr rather begged a truce, till both parties could fend ambafl'adois to the pope, to know his final determination ; to which Anfelm, at the earneft intreaty of the nobilitv, at lait agreed (+)• In the time of this truce, Anfelm performed feveral Anfelm important fervices for king Henry. He prelided in a perform* council of the Englifh clergy, in which, after a very meim»" folemn investigation, it was declared that the princels ^jces t0 th<; Matilda (daughter of Malcolm Canmore king of Scot- king, land), who had been educated in a nunnery, and had fometimes worn a veil, was at liberty to marry : and he foon after celebrated the king's marriage with that princefs, and placed the crown on her head (5). When the kingdom was invaded by Robert duke of Nor- mandy, in July A. I>. 1101, Anfelm contributed IIOI more than any man, by his example, his exhortations, and his authority, to keep the nobility fteady in their attachment to king Henry, and thereby pre ferved him upon the throne (6). To engage the primate to per- form thefe fervices, we are allured by Eadmerus, his friend and fecretarv, that the king folemrily promiied tn govern his kingdom by his advice, and fubmit in all things to the will of the pope (7). If the king made fuch promifes in the time of dan- Extrava- ger, which is not improbable, he did not think fit to ?ant lettcr keep them when that danger was at an end. Soon *? . ■ £ after the pacification with his brother Robert, which veftitur** fecured him in the pefieiiion of the crown of England, (3) Eadmer, p. 56. (4) Id. ibid. (5) Id.p.57, 58. (6) See chap. J. p. 39. (7) Eadmer., p. < fen ambafladors to carry this unwelcome mefTage, and manage this difficult negotiation. Anfelm, by per- miffion, fent alfo two of his friends, Baldwin and Alexander, to take care of his concerns (13). When thefe ambafladors arrived at Rome, the holy ri02. father was thrown into no fmall perplexity. • On the Duplkityof one hand, he was unwilling to provoke the king and ™eP°Pe- people of England too far ; and, on the other, he was baffadors" ftill more unwilling to relinquifh his own pretentions, fentto or abandon fo good a friend as Anfelm. But he de- Rome, livered himfelf from this difficulty by his cunning, at the expence of his veracity. To the king's ambaf- fadors he made the mod folemn promifes in private, that he would wink at their mailer's, giving invefti- tures and receiving homage ; and that though he might threaten, he would never inflict any cenfures upon him on that account ; but that he could not in prudence make fuch promifes in public,, or in writing, left other princes fhould claim the fame indulgence. To the primate's meflengers he fpoke a .very different language ; and gave them a letter to their mafter, exhorting him to adhere fieadily to the canons againft inveifitme and homage, and promifing to fupporthim with all his power. When the ambafladors of both parties returned to England a great council was called at London, A. D. 1102, to receive their report. But how great was the furprife of the king and council, when the ambafladors gave contradictory reports f the three prelates affirming in the flrongeft terms, that the pope had promifed to difpenfe with the execution of the canons againft lay-inveftitures and homage ; and the two monks affirming the direct contrary, and producing his holinefs's letters in confirmation of their teftimony. This occafioned very violent debates, and involved the matter in much uncertainty ; the kingj the bifhops, and nobility, giving moft credit to the report of the prelates, and Anfelm and his friends to that of his meflengers ; while both parties fufpect- cd the duplicity of the pope (14). In the end, the (13) Eadmer, p. 62. (14) Id. 63—66. O 2 primate 196 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Council at Weftmin- fter. Cent. XII. primate propofed to fend other ambafladors to Rome to di /"cover the fentiments of the pope, and in the mean time promifed to keep communion with thofe prelates who had received inveftiture from the king by the paltoral ftafF and ring ; and his propofal was ac- cepted (15). While the controverfy about inveftitures was at a ftand, Anfelm, with the king's confent, held a great council of the clergy at Weftminfter; in which feveral abbots were depofed for fimony, and many canons were made. By one of thefe canons the married clergy were commanded to put away their wives ; which was proceeding a ftep further than Lanfranc had done. By another canon it is decreed, that the fons of priefts fhould not be heirs to their fathers churches. By a third, marriage is prohibited to thofe who are within the feventh degree of kindred : — a vex- atious law, that brought great power and wealth to the church, and great inconveniencies on the ftate. The other canons of this council have nothing in them very remarkable, except the twenty-fixth, which for- bids the worfhip of fountains ; which feems to have been a reliiSt of Druidical fuperflition (16). The king had an interview with the archbifhop at Canteibury about Mid-Lent, A. D. 1103, in which he laboured, both by threats and promifes, to bring him to do homage for the temporalities of his fee. But all in vain. That prelate replied, that his meiTengers were now returned from Rome, and had brought let- ters from the pope, which he had not yet opened, but declared that he was willing to be governed entirely by their contents. The king, knowing, or fufp^ctiiK, what thefe were, anfwered in a violent paliion, — *' What have I to do with the pope, or his letters ? oothin°- The king's agent remained at Rome a few days after letter from the departure of Anfelm, in hopts of gaining fome the pope to advantage in his abfence : but all he could obtain was the king (ax) Eadmer, p. 72, 73. (22) Id. ibid a foothinz Ch. 2. §2. RELIGION. 199 a foothing letter from the pope to Henry, in which he Cent. XII. congratulated him on his fuccefs in Normandy, and V* "~v~— ' on the birth of his fon ; and aflured him, that it was out of pure love to his perfon that he had taken the dangerous right of inveftitures from him, which would certainly have brought the vengeance of heaven upon his head. He further promifed, that if he would be a very dutiful fon of the church, and very kind and obedient to the archbifhop, he would grant him, and his glorious queen, a full pardon of all their fins, and beftow many graces on the young prince their fon (23). With this curious letter Warelwaft left Rome, and Anfelm vifited the archbifhop of Canterbury at Lyons ; to remain* whom he intimated in the king's name, — " That if he a roa " would behave to him as former aichbiihops of Can- *' terbury had behaved to his predt ceflors, he might " return to England." In anfwer to this intimation, Anfelm fent mellengers of his own, with a very blunt letter to the king ; in which he told him plainly, that he would not do homage to him as former archbifhops had done to his predeceflbrs ; and that he would not keep communion with any of thofe prelates who had received the paftoral ftafF and ring from his hands ; nor would he come into England on any other terms ; protefting, that all the fouls that (hould be loft by his abfence, mould be laid to the king's charge (24). As foon as the king received this letter, he feized all the revenues of the fee of Canterbury ; and Anfelm con- tinued at Lyons a year and four months in a Mate of exile. Though Anfelm was very hofpitably entertained at 1105. Lyons by Hugh archbifhop of that city, he neglected Meeting nothing that might contribute to his reftoration to his , y!en o o tilt? kin0, own fee, on his own terms. Having prevailed with an(j Ai'* the pope to iffue a fentence of excommunication felm, againft the earl of Mdlent, king Henry's great favou- rite, and to promife to iffue a like fentence againft the king himfelf in a little time, he left Lyons in May A. D. 1 105, and paid a vifit to Adela countefs of Blois, the king's fifter, who was a princefs of great piety, and one of his greateft admirers. In the courfe (Z3) Eadmer,p. 74, 75, (24) Id. p. 76. Of 20Q HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XII. Ambas- sadors fcnt by both to Rome. Invitation of the Englifti bifhops to Ani'cini. of their converfation, the countefs having afked him, what was his principal defign in coming into thole parts ? he frankly told her, that it was to publifh a ientence of excommunication (which he daily ex- pected from Rome) againft her brother the king of England. The devout Adela was fo grieved at her brother's damnation (as Eadmer exprefles it), that {he never refted till (he had negotiated a meeting between him and the primate, in order to an accom- modation (25). When all preliminaries were fettled, the countefs conducted Anfelm to the caftle of L'Aigle in Nor- mandy, and introduced him to the king, July 22d, A. D. 1 105 ; who received him with the ftrongeft ex- preflions of efteem and friendfhip. After a little con- vcifation, Henry reftored to the archbifhop the reve- nues of his fee, and alfo gave him leave to return to England, on this fingle condition, — That he did/not refufe to keen communion with thofe prelates who had received royal inveftitures. But with this condition Anfelm declared he could not comply, until he had received directions from the pope, to whom he was determined in all things to yield obedience. It was therefore agreed, that both the king and the primate fhould fend ambafladors to Rome, to receive the di- rections of the fovereign pontiff, on all fubjedts in dis- pute between them ; and that all things fhould remain quiet till thefe ambafladors returned (26). After this interview the archbifhop retired to the abbey of Becc, and Henry embarked for England. The king having thus warded off the blow of ex- communication, which he really dreaded, was in no hafte in lending his ambaffador to Rome ; which greatly offended Anfelm, and his friends in England. One of thefe wrote him a letter at this time, in which he acquainted him, that religion was quite ruined by his abience, that fodomy and wearing long hair (which that good man feems to have regarded as equal crimes) wer?> become very common, and no body had the courage to reprove them (27). At length, about Chrrttmas A. D. 1105, the king lent over his former (25) Eadmer, p. 79, 80. (27) Id. p7. 81. (a6) Id. ibid. ambaflador Ch. 2. § 2. RELIGION. 201 ambaffador William Warelwaft, now bifhop-ele& ofCent.Xil. Exeter ; who proceeded on his journey to Rome, in ' v ' company with Baldwin de Torney, ambaffador from the archbilliop. While thefe meffengers were ne- gotiating at the court of Rome, the Engliih bi- fhops, foreseeing the approaching return of their primate, thought fit to fend him a letter of invita- tion, containing fome expreflions of fubmifiion and refpea(28). The king's agent at Rome acted his part fo well, no6. that he fucceeded better in his negotiation than could Fayou(raW« have been expected. For, on March 23d, A. D. the pope to 1 106, he obtained letters from the pope, directed to«thc king. Anfelm, permitting and requiring him to grant ab- folution to all the Engliih bifhops and abbots who had received inveftiture from, and had done homage to, the king, on their making fuch fatisfaction as William and Baldwin would tell him by word of mouth ; and then either to confecrate them himfelf, or by com- miflion. In future, he directed him not to refuie con- fecration to fuch bifhops and abbots as had done ho- mage to the king, provided they had not received inveftiture from him. He even commands him to receive into his communion thofe three prelates who had brought a falfe report from Rome, and to abfolve the king, queen, and nobility of England, from all their fins. And finally, he advifes him to behave with great prudence, gentlenefs, and meeknefs to the king and the nobles in time to come (29). By what means thefe conceffions were obtained we are not informed. The pope feems to have been fenfible that they were greater than Anfelm expected ; for which he made a kind of apology, by telling him, that in order to raife people from the ground, it was neceflary to ftoop a little. King Henry was fo heartily tired of his difputes Anfelna with the pope and the primate, that he accepted of ^ai'nsttl this compromife with pleafure, and font an invitation ng an * to Anfelm to return to England. But when that pre- late was preparing for his journey, he was feized with a lingering illnefs that detained him feveral months longer on the continent. At length, however, he ar- (28) Eadmer., p. 84. (29) Id. p. 87. rived W2 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XII. rived at Dover, in Auguft A. D. 1106 ; and was re- ^— — v— — ' ceived with the higheft teftimonies of refpedt and joy by perfons of all ranks (30). j The abfence of the king, who was then in Nor- Difpute mandy, completing the conqueft of that country, pre- about ho- vented the full fettlement of ecclefiaftical affairs in that mage and vear . ancj even after ^[s return jt was put Qff fr0m compro- nme to t,me5 tnI Auguft lit, A. D. 1107; when a mifed. great council of the bifhops, abbots, and nobles, was held in the king's' palace at London. In this council the right of the king and of other lay-patrons to give inveftitures, by the delivery of the paftoral ftaff and ring, was debated with great warmth for three days ; many of the nobility pleading boldly in defence of their own rights, and of the rights of their fovereign. But, on the fourth day, the king put an end to this debate, by declaring, that he was determined to adhere to the late compromife, and to relinquifh the ceremony of giving inveftiture, in order to fecure the more impor- tant right of receiving the homage of the clergy ; and a folemn act. was made, agreeable to this declaration, viz. " That, for the future, none {hall be inverted xi by the king, or any lay- patron, in any bifhopric or ** abbey, by delivering of a paftoral ftaff and ring; ** and none who is elecled to any prelacy, (hall be " denied confecration on account of the homage that " he does to the king (31)*" s«*tsalbi» Immediately after the determination of this great fhops omfe- controverfy about inveftitures, Anfelm confecrated no eeated. fewer than five bifhops in one day (Auguft nth), with the afTiftance of feven of his fuffragans (32). About the fame time he received a letter from pope Pafcal II. permitting him to difpenfe with that canon of the church, which prohibited the ordination or promotion of the Ions of priefts, " Becaufe (fays the u pope) the execution of it would be very inconve- lC nient in England, where the beft and greateft part 44 of the clergy are of that kind (33)." So long did the Englifh ecclefiaftics adhere to the laws of nature, in oppoiition to the barbarous policy of Rome. L (30) Eadmer, p. 89. (31) Spelman Concil. t. J. p. 27. Eadmer, p. 91. £32) Eadmer, p. 92. fj3) Id. p. yt. In Ch. 2. § 2. RELIGION. 203 In the end of this, or the beginning of the next Cent.xii. year, a new bimopric was erected in tht monaftery of " * Ely, with the confent of the king, the pope, the pri- See°f E17 mate, and all parties concerned ; and Hervey, who had been expelled by the Welih from the fee of Ban- gor, was appointed the firft bifhopof that fee (34). Anieltn was a violent enemy to the marriage of the 1,08. clergy, and it was by his influence that the fevere ca- Canons of nons had been made againlt it in the council of Lon- ^ counal don, A. D. 1102. But thefe canons had been ill oh- a out the knowledge and direction of the pope ; it alfo contains the ltrongeft expretfions of refentment againft the king and prelates of England for their late neglect of the holy fee, with threats of excommunication, if they did not behave in a more dutiful manner in time to come (39). Henry was much offended with the infolent (train of this epiftle ; and fent William bifhop of Exeter to Rome, to expoftulate with the pope on that and fome other fubjecls. The people of Wales were about this time fo much Henry no- humbled by the fuperior power of Henry, that the"1!!™1"* clergy of the church of St. David's applied to that s* David's prince to nominate a fit perfon to be bifhop of that fee ; in Wak». and he named Bernard, chaplain to the queen. That this was a novelty, appears from this circumstance, that a very violent difpute arofe between the king and the archbifhop of Canterbury, about the place where the bifhop-elecT: of St. David's ought to be confecrated, in which the policy of the prince at laft yielded to the pertinacity of the prelate (40). The difpute about the obligation of the archbifhops IIr6- of York to make a profeflion of canonical obedience ab0ut the to the archbifhops of Canterbury at their confecration, primacy which had fo often difturbed the peace of the church revived, of England, was revived at this time by Thurftan, cleft of York, who refufed to make that profeflion. After this difpute had fubfifted almoft a year, it was brought before a great council at Salifbury, 18th March A. D. 1 1 16; and fuch was the pride and obftinacy of Thurftan, that when the king and council declared againft him, he chofe to relinquifh his fee rather than to fubmit (41). It was not long, however, before he repented of this ra(h ftep ; and, following the king into Normandy, earneftly folicited to be reftored to the dignity he had too haftily refigned. Meeting with little encouragement from the king, Thurftan had re- courfe to Rome ; and, employing thofe modes of foli- citation which he knew to be moft fuccefsful, he at length obtnincd a bull from the pope A. D, 1118, (j9) Eadmer, p. 115. (40) Id. l$i} Wilkin, Concilia, t. I. p. 393. reftoring 2o6 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. xn. reftoring him to his fee; and declaring, that his holi- **■— v ' rids would hear both parties in the difpute between Canterbury and York in his own prefence, and deter- mine it according tojufticc (42). But this bull did not put an end to this controverfy. For the primate {till refufed to confecrate the elect of York, without a profeffion of canonical obedience; which he obftinately refufed to make (43). Prevarica- On this Thurftan petitioned the king for leave to tion of the go into France to vifit the pope, who had indi£ted a pope. general council to meet at Rheims in October A. D. iiiq. But Henry, fufpecting his intention, obliged him to give a folemn promife on oath, that he would neither a(k nor accept of confecration from the pope; and, for the great fecurity, he alfo obtained a folemn promife from the pope, that he would not grant con- iecration to Thurftan. But all thefe oaths and pro- mifes were moft fhamefully violated. For, as foon as the elecl: of York arrived at Rheims, he was confe- crated by his holinefs in the cathedral church of that city. The king of England was fo much provoked at this bafe tranfaftion, that he folemnly fwore he would not fufter Thurftan to enter any of his dominions (^4). In an interview that he had with the pope forne time after, at Gifors, his holinefs importuned him to permit his friend Thurftan to return to his fee, and offered to abfolve him from his oath. The king, after re- flecting a little on this propofal, anfwered, that he could not accept of his abfolution, becaufe fuch a trifling with oaths and promifes would deftroy all faith and confidence among mankind (45). 1120. At this interview the king obtained a promife from The pope the pope, that he would not fend any legates into breaks his England or Normandy wirhout his requifition ; which promife. was no Detter obferved than other papal promifes (46). For Calixtus, who made this promife, having defeated his rival Michael Burdinus the antipope, and taken, him prifoner, fent his legates, under the iriecious pre- tence of communicating this joyful news, into all the different nations of Europe, and amongit others into (42) Eadmer, p. 121. (43) W. Malmf. p. 157. (44) Eadmer, p. 125. \V. Malmf. p. 157. (45) Eadmer, p. 126. (46) Id. p. 125. England, Ch. 2. § 2. RELIGION. 207 England, without the leaft regard to his late engage- Cent. XII. mcnt. But king Henry was not fo inattentive to that — \/-—— ' engagement : for though he received the legate with *}[**'.» no little ceremony, and treated him with much refpedt, chTradler of he told him plainly, that he could not acknowledge Radulphu*. him as legate, nor fuffer him to perform any one act in confequence of that commiflion (47). Radulphus, archbifhop of Canterbury, died the 20th October A. D. 11 22, in the ninth year of his patriarchate. He is faid by a contemporary hif- torian, who was well acquainted with him, to have been a man of eminent piety and learning, of a ge- nerous difpofition and affable deportment, but a little too much addicted to jocularity for the dignity of his ftation (48). The death of the primate gave rife, as ufual, to William a warm conteft between the monks of Canterbury Corb°yI * made nrcl^ and the bifhops of the province, about the choice ofbiijlop a fucceftbr ; in which, the bifhops, being fecretly fa- voured by the king, at length prevailed, and William Corboyl, prior of Chiche, was elected at Gloucefter on the feaft of the purification of the Virgin Mary, A. D. 1 123 (49)- Being confecrated at Canterbury by the bifhops of London and Winchefter, aflifted by the other Englifh prelates, on the 20th of February, he made a journey to Rome for his pall ; which he obtained (50). In this journey he had alfo in view to obtain a decifion in favour of his fee, in the famous difpute with the archbifhop of York, which was frill depending. But in this he did not fucceed. For his holinefs was in no hafte to determine a queftion which gave him fo much authority over the church of Eng- land (51). One of the moft fpecious and fuccefsful arts em- 1125. ployed by the court of Rome to fubje£f, the feveral A PaPal'e- churches of Europe to her dominion, was that of fend- gate °.,V - 1 • 11 • • u -rr 1 ,, a council at ing legates into all countries, with communons to hold weftmin- •riational councils in the name and by the authority of fter. (47) Eadmer, p. 137. (48) W. Malmf. p. 134. (49) Anglia Sacra, t. i.p. 7. (50) Gcrvas apud X Script, col. 1662. (jt> Anglia Sacra, t. 1. p. 71 the 2o8 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XII. the pope. Though every attempt to procure the ad- miilion of fuch papal legates into England had hitherto proved abortive, the policy of Rome was fiill upon the watch to feize the firft favourable opportunity for renewing thefe attempts. Such an opportunity pre- fented itfelf at this time, when the kins of Ena- land was engaged in a dangerous war on the continent, and flood in need of the favour of the court of Rome; and it was not neglected. For pope Honorius II. granted a commiflion, 13th of April, to John de Crema, a cardinal prieft, to be his legate in Eng- land and Scotland (52). The legate, having waited on king Henry in Normandy, at length, and with much difficulty, obtained his permiifton to pafs over into England ; where he gratified his pride and avarice without much regard to decency. Amonft other things, he preiided in a national council at Weftminfter, 9th September A. D. 1 126, in which both the archbilhops, twenty bifhops, forty abbots, and an innumerable multitude, both of the clergy and people, were pre- fent (53). In this council, which was the firft in which a Roman legate had prefided in England, no fewer than feventcen canons were made, or rather promulgated, in the name and by the authority of the pope alone. In thefe canons there is little new or remarkable, except that the celibacy of the clergy is extended to thofe in the loweft orders ; and they are forbidden to have any women in their houfes, befides their lifters, aunts, or thofe of whom there could be no fufpicion (54). At the conclufion of the council, the legate fummoned both the archbifhops to repair immediately to Rome, to plead the prerogatives of their refpe£tive fees, which was depending befoje the pope. To fuch a height had the ufurpations of Rome, and the infolence of the papal legates, arrived at this time. In the night after the conclufion of this council, an incident happened which made a jDrodigious noile, and brought no little fcandal on the Roman clergy. John de Crema, the pope's legate, who had declaimed with (52) Spelman Concil. t. «. p. 32, 3$. (53) Id. p. 33. (54) Spelman Concil, t. 2. p. 34. great Ch. 2. § 2. RELIGION. 209 great warmth, in the council the day before, in ho- Cent. XII. nour of immaculate chaftity, and inveighed with no ' * -* lefs vehemence againft the horrid impurity of the mar- ried clergy, was catched in bed with a harlot. The detection was fo undeniable, and foon became fo pub- lic, that the legate dared net to fhew his face ; but fneaked out of England with thegreateft fecrecy and precipitation (55). This incident gave much fatis- faction to the married clergy (who had probably been the detectors), and rendered the canon of the late council againft them abortive and contemptible. . The two archbifhops in obedience to the citation ii27. of the legate, repaired to Rome j where Thurftan, be- Tranfa&i- ing the greateft favourite, obtained a bull exempting onsott^® him and his fucceflbrs from all fubjecYion to the fee of bifhopsat Canterbury, and placing the two prelates of Canter- Rome, and bury and York on an exact footing of equality {56). a council at This was not the only difafter that befell the arch- Weftmin- biihop of Canterbury when he was at Rome. For he was by fome means or other prevailed upon to de- grade and enflave himfelf and his fucceflbrs, by ac- cepting a commiflion to be the pope's legate in Eng- land ; hoping perhaps by this commiflion to recover that authority over his rival Thurftan, that he had loft by the late bull. Proud of his chains, he convened a national fynod immediately on his return, to meet at Weftminfter, 17th May, and prefided in it as the pope's legate. Thurftan, unwilling to give any marks of fubjection to William even in this new cha- racter, did not attend this council ; and his fuffra- gan, th^ biihop of Durham, alfo fent an excufe. The canons of this council feem to have been brought from Rome, as well as the authority by which they were promulgated. In them the marriage of the cler- gy is ftyled the plague of the church, and all digni- taries are commanded to exert their moft zealous efforts to root it out. The wives of priefts and canons were not only to be feparated from them, but to bebanifhed out of the parifli ; and if they ever after converfed with their hufbands, they were to be feizedby the mi- (55) Hen. Hunt. I. 7. p. 219. R. Hoveden, p. 274. J. Brompt. col. ioij. H. Knyghton, col. 2382. Chron. Hemingford, 1. 1. c. 48. (56) Wilkin. Concil. 1. 1, p. 407. Vol. III. P nifters. 210 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BoolcIII. London. Cent. XII. nifters of the church (57), and fubjecled to ecclefta- *— — v"—- ' itical1 difciplme, or reduced to fervitude, at the dif- cretion of the bilhop : arid if any perfons, great or fmal!, attempted to deliver thefe unhappy victims out '• of the hands of the minifters of the church, they were: to be excommunicated (58). Thefe canons afford a fufficient proof of the power and tyranny of the court of Rome, from whence they came ; and alfo of the. great difficulty of eftablifhing celibacy among the in- ferior clergy of the church of England; which was " far from being accomplithed by thefe canons. 1129. For this real'on the archbifhop of Canterbury con- Council at venecj another council, which met at London, on Monday, September 29th, A. D. 1 129, and conti- nued to fit till Friday, October 3d. The fole defign of this council was, to contrive fome more effectual means than had yet been ufed to compel the inferior clergy to put away their wives. To accorhplifh this end, it was decreed, that all priefts who were married {hould put away their wives on or before the feaft of St. Andrew (November 30th) next; and that thofe who did not obey this decree, mould be immediately turned out of their churches and houfes, and declared incapable of ever holding any office or benefice in the church (59). To render this decree ilill more ef- fectual, the council committed the execution of it to the king. But this turned out to be very ill policy, and difappointed the whole defign. For the king, in- ftead of compiling the clergy to put away their wives, thought it moie for his advantage to impofe a tax oh thofe who chofe to retain them; which, it is fr.id, brought a great fum into the royal coffers (60 }. The legantinc commiinon, which had been lb im- prudently accepted by the archbifhop of Canterbury, the papacy. eXpired with' pope -lienor ius II. who had granted it, CaHifie^ February 14th, A. D. u 30. On the very day of founded. his death, two popes were chofen, one of which af- ' (^7) Thefe miiiiiV:;5" irf -he church wereJaymen, and a kind of ecclefiaftical flierirTs, v. ho executed the fentencesof ecclefiafticai courts, at the fccular ihepiffc <.;••.■<:■.. ^-d rhofe oi' the fecular courts: ij8) Wilkin. Coiicil.-t. I. p. 410. Spdman Concil. t. 2. p. 35, 36. f jo) Wilkin. Conci!. t. I. p. 411. (60) Hen. Hunt. 1. 7 p. ViO. turned 1 1 130. Schifm in Ch..2.§2. RELIGION. 211 fumed the name of Innocent II. and the other of Cent. XII. Anacletus. This fchifm continued about nine years, ,— v^— ' but at length terminated in favour of Innocent, who had been acknowledged by the emperor, and the kings of France and England (61). Though the frequent fchifms in the papacy in the middle ages were very fatal to the profperity and pretenfions of the church of Rome, they were very friendly to the rights of other churches. For while the rival popes were employed in curfing and deftroying one another, they had no leifure to difturb the peace or invade the rights of the reft of mankind. During this fchifm in particu- lar, the church of England was governed by her own prelates, and enjoyed great tranquillity to the death of Henry I. December ift, A. D. 1135- The moft re- markable ecclefiaftical nranfa£t.ion that happened in this period was the founding of the bifhopric of Car- lifle A. D. 1 1 32, of which Adelwald, the king's confeflor, was thefirft bifliop (62). It was no fmall reproach to the bifhop of Canter- 1136. bury, and the other Englifh prelates, that they fo The clergy fhamefully violated their moft folemn oaths to fupport £ubmi' to the fucceffion of the emprefs Maud, and fo tamely ["^ fubmrtted to the ufurper Stephen (63). To this they were induced by the pompous promifes made by Stephen to the church at his coronation, and foon after con- firmed in a royal charter (64). For in thofe times the advancement of the good of the church, /. e. of its power and riches, was efteemed a fufficient excufe tor the moft immoral actions. Nor was pope Innocent II. (the pope acknowledged by England) more fcrupulous on th'is occafion, than the Englifh prelates. For he fent Stephen a bull, confirming his election to, or rather his ufurpation of, the crown (65). William Corboyl, archbifhop of Canterbury, did 1137. not live to fee many of the fatal effedts of his impru- Death and dent compliance with the court of Rome in accepting c ara e* (61) Du Pin. Ecclef. Hift. cent. 12. ch. 3. (62) Godwin de Preful. Careolenf. (63) Heu. Hunt. 1. 8. p. 22a. col. I. (64) W". Malmf. p. 102. col. I. (65) Id. ibid. P2 the 212 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XII. the legantine commiffion, nor of the countenance he v- — v had given to the ufurpation of king Stephen. For he of arch- died in the fifteenth year of his pontificate, Decern- Coiboyl ber 12th, A. D. 1127 C00)* He feems to have been a weak man, too eafily prevailed upon to forget the dignity of his ftation and the obligation of his oaths. The archbiihopric continued vacant for two years and one month, contrary to the folemn promifes that had been made by Stephen at his coronation, and in his charter. This prince, after the primate's death, was io mean and imprudent as to folic it the pope to grant a legantine commiffion to his brother Henry bifhop of Winchefter ; which he obtained. But he was foon convinced that he had no reafon to rejoice in this fuccefs. 1138. The fchifm in the papacy being healed by the death The papal of Anacletus, and the refignation of Victor his fuc- legate holds cefl-or a. D. 1 1 -28, Innocent II. began to meddle a council at j- n.1 j • '/l • 1 Weftmin- more directly, and in a more maguterial manner, in fter. the affairs of the church of England. For though he Theobald had granted the legantine commiffion to Henry bifhop chofen pri- Qf VVinchefler, the king's brother, he now fufpended that commiffion, and lent a creature of his own, Albericus biihop of Oftea, as his legate, into Eng- land. This bold ftep was equally difagreeable to the king and his brother. But they had proceeded too far in their fub millions to the fee of Rome, to ftop fhort ; and therefore, after a little hefitation, Albericus was permitted to execute his commiffion (67). Inconfe- quenceof this, he prefided in a national fynod, which he had fummoned to meet, December 13th, A. D. 1138, at Weftminfter. In this fynod fixteen canons weue promulgated by the fole authority of the holy fee, without lb much as mentioning the confent of the council, though there were feventeen bifhops, thirty abbots, and a great multitude of the inferior clergy prefent(68). At the conclufion of this council, ■— v—- ' bifhops ; and meeting with a denial, as he expected, he called a national council to meet at Winchefter, Auguft 28th, and fummoned the king to appear before it to anfwer for his conduct. This daring infult on the royal dignity would have been properly refented by Stephen at another time; but, in his prefent cir- cumftances, he was obliged to temporife. He firft ient certain earls to the council, to demand why he had been fummoned ; who received this haughty an- fwer from the legate : fc That as the king pretended to " be a Chriftian, he ought not to be furprifed that he " was commanded by the minifters of Chrift to give " them fatisfaction ; efpecially as he was confcious of " the horrid crime of imprifoning bimops, and ftrip- *' ping them of their pofleffions ; a crime which " had never been heard of before in any Chriftian " age (70)." The legate added, That if the king was not a fool, he would come immediately, and fub- mit to the judgment of the clergy* to whom he owed his crown. Though Stephen was. greatly irritated at the report of his commiflioners, he fupprefied his re- fentment, and fent them back to the council, with Alberic de Vere, the moft eloquent pleader of that age, to defend his caufe ; which was agitated three days fuc- ceflively, with incredible warmth on both fides ; and the council broke up at laft in confufion, without having come to any decifion (71). 1141. The civil war between king Stephen and the em- Difputes prefs Maud broke out immediately after the conclufion about the Qf ^ above COuncil : and during its continuance election 01 , . r 1 r n- 1 Qr <->•■ r- anarch- there were but tew eccleiialtical tramaCtions or lmpor- hifhop of tance. Thurftan archbifhop of York having -died, York. February 5th, A. D. 1 141, the canons of that cathe- dral proceeded immediately to the choice of a fuccef- for, without Co much as confulting either of the two rivals who were then contending for the crown of England. But thefe canons were, unhappily divided in their fentiments on this occahon ; and while one part of them declared for William, treafurer of the church of York, and nephew to king Stephen, being the fon (70) W. Malmf. Hift. Novel. I. a. p. 103. (71) Id. ibid. of Ch. 2. § 2. RELIGION. 215 of his fitter Emma, the other made choice of Henry Cent. XII. Murdak, abbot of Fountains, in Yorkshire. This ' — "v~»- ' difpute, inftead of being carried to the court of Eng- land, was immediately carried to the court of Rome, where it continue^ depending no lefs than five years, at an immenfe expence and trouble ; and was at lair, determined in favour of the abbot, by the influence of his friend St. Bernard (7^.). So much had the in- fluence of the crown iuir, and chat of the papacy gained, by the civil wars, which then raged with un» common fury. An event which happened in thefe wars, on Fe^ The clergy bruary jd, A. D. 1141, gave the Ugfitc, Henry bifhop , in the of Wmchefter, an opportunity of gratifying his re^>"Vnc' ° fentment againfl: his brother king Stephen, in its ui> declare for molt extent. That prince having the u been taken pri- theemprefs. foner at the battle of Lincoln, the legate openly joined the party of his rival, and by his ie^antine authority fummoned a council to me.-t at Wincnefter, the week qfter Eaiter, in order to bring over all the reft of the clergy to embrace the fame party. The legate fpent the nrft day of the council in private confutations with the fevera.1 different orders of the clergy feparately, in order to dilcover their inclinations. On the fecond. day he made a long harangue to the council, in which he loaded his unhappy brother with reproaches, and greatly magnified all the misfortunes and errors of his government. After which he concluded in this man- ner : " That the kingdom might not be ruin, d for " want of a head, I, by v;nue of my legantine au- " thority, ha,ve fum,tnQned you all to this council. '.' Yefterdsy this great queition, Which of the two " claimants hath the beff. right to the crown ? was, 8 HISTDR.Y OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XH. ttgl. Appeals to Rome. "54- Death of king Ste- phen. Encroach- ments of the papacy on the crown and church. If ever Theobald received a commiflion, as fome au- thors affirm, of being legatus natus, as it was called, it was probably at this time(7g). On his return to England, he was fo ill received by Stephen, that he* thought proper to retire again to France, till a kind of reconciliation was patched up, that was never cordial on either fide (80). Theobald archbifliop of Canterbury being now re- ftored to his fee, and alfo inverted with the legantine authority, held a general council of the Englifh clergy, at London, about the middle of Lent, A. D. 1151. We hear of no canons that were made in this council ; and though king Stephen, his eldeft fon prince Euftace, and the chief nobility of England, were prefenr, its peace was very much difturbed, and its authority diminifljed, by appeals to Rome from its decrees, of which no fewer than three were taken (81). This practice of appealing to Rome from an Englifh council, had only been introduced a few years before, by the legate, Henry bifhop of Winchefter ; and fo great progrefs had.it already made, that all ecclefiaftical caufes of importance were finally determined in the. court of Rome. England, in the three laft years of king Stephen's reign, was a fcene of fo great confufion, that no ec- clefiaftical councils were held ; and the difputes which then began to arife between feveral rich abbeys and the bifhops of thofe diocefes in which they lay, about their exemption from epifcopal jurifdi&ion, will fall more properly to be related in the next fe£tion. Death put an end to the unhappy reign of this prince, 1 154. in the period we have been now delineating, the papacy made great encroachments, both on the pre- rogatives of the crown and the privileges of the church of England. On the prerogatives of the crown, by depriving the king of the right of granting inveilituie to his prelates, and diminishing his influence in their election ; on the privileges of the church and clergy, unfortunate life and October 25th, A. D. (79) Antiquit. Britan. p. 117. (80) Gci«Msapud X Script, col. 1666. (81) Hen. Hunt. 1. 8. p. izy. by Ch.i. §2. RELIGION. 119 by eftablifhing the legantine authority,: — by enforcing Cent. XII. celibacy on the inferior clergy, — and by drawing all *— "~ Y—-' ecclefiaftical Caufes of importance to Rome, by ap- peals. Authentic materials for a church-hiftory ofEcclefiaf- Scotland are frill very fcanty in this period, and are tical hif- chiefly to be found in the Engliih hiltorians. After s^iand. the fee of St. Andrew's had continued a confiderable-j^j-gotbi. time vacant, Turgot prior of Durham was recom- fhop of St. mended to Alexander I. king of Scotland by Henry J. Andrew'*. and elected to fupply that vacancy, A. D. 1 107. But a difpute having arifen between king Alexander and Thurftan archbilhop of York, about the independency of the .church of Scotland, the confecration of Tur- got did not immediately take place. When this dif- pute had fubiifted above a year, Henry I. interpofed, and prevailed upon Thurftan to confecrate the elecS of St. Andrew's, without exacting a profefiion of cano- nical obedience, leaving the rights of all parties entire, to- be determined on fome future occafion (82). Turgot was accordingly confecrated at York, Auguft I ft, A. D. 1 109 ; from whence he went into Scotland, and governed that church for fome years with pru- dence, and in peace (83). At length, fome differ; nee breaking out between the king and him, he obtained leave to pay a vifit to his friends in England ; where he died, at Durham, March 30th, A. D. 1115(84). One William, a monk of St. Edmundfbury, feems ^.0. 1130. to have fucceeded Turgot in the fee of St. Andrew's ; Difputes but he either refigned or was deprived before his Con- between fecration : after which there was a vacancy of conli- c^Li.1!!! ' . ncotland derable duration (85). At length king Alexander lent and £ad- a letter to Ralph archbifhop of Canterbury, A. £)L merus bi- 1.120, defiring him to fend Eadmerus, one of the>, °P ° , ' monks of his cathedral, of whom he had heard a . high character, into Scotland, to be railed to the pri- macy; of his kingdom. With this delire the archbi- fhop, having alio obtained the con fen t of king Henry, joyfully, complied ; and Ladrnerus was diipatchtd (83.) Sim, Bvnelrn. apud X Script, col. 307. (83) Chron. Melroi's, ad ann. 1109. (84) SibffeDunehn. col. ao8. (8j) Eadrner. p. 133. with 220 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XII. with a very ftrong letter of recommendation. He * — v-~»-' was kindly received by the king; and, on the third day after his arrival, he was elected bifhop of St. Andrew's, with much unanimity. But on the very day after his election, an unhappy difpute arofe between the king and him, in a private conference about his confecration. Eadmerus having been a con- ftant companion of the late and of the prefent arch- bifhop of Canterbury, was a violent ftickler for the prerogatives of that fee. He therefore told the king, that he was determined to be confecrated by none but the archbiiliop of Canterbury, who he believed to be the primate of all Britain. Alexander, who was a fierce prince, and fupported the independency of his crown and kingdom with great fpirit, was fo much offended, that he broke off the conference in a violent paffion, declaring that the fee of Canterbury had no pre-eminency over that of St. Andrew's (86). This breach between the king and the bifhop-eledt became daily wider, till at length Eadmerus, defpair- ing of recovering the royal favour, lent his paftoral ring to the king, and laid his paftoral ftaff on the high altar, from whence he had taken it, and abandoning his bifhopric, returned to England. He was kindly received by the archbiihop anJ clergy of Canterbury, though they difapproved of his ftiffnefs, and thought him too hafty in forfaking the honourable {ration to which he had been called. Nor was it long before Eadmerus became fenfible of his error, and defirous of correcting it. With this view he wrote a long fubmiflive letter to the king of Scotland, intreating his leave to return to his bifhopric, promifing com- pliance with his royal pleafure in every thing refpect- mg his confecration, which was accompanied by an epiflle to the fame purpofe from the archbifhop (87). But thefe letters, which were written A. D. 1122, did not produce the defired effecT:. A.D. 1124. Kmg Alexander I. had fucceeded fo ill in his ap- Robert bi- plications to England, that he determined to raifeone /hop of St. Qf his own fubje£ts to the primacy of his kingdom; and Robert, prior of Scone, was elected bifhop of St. (86) Eadmer, p 13a. (87) Id. p. 139, 140. Andrew's Ch. 2. § 2. RELIGION. 221 Andrew's in January A. D. 1124(88). But the Cent. xii. fame difficulties occurring about his confecration, it' v-— - ' did not take place till long after the death of king Alexander, which happened April 26th this year. This prince was a confiderable benefactor to the church, founded the abbeys of Scone and St. Columbe, was at much expence in collecting relics and clerical ornaments ; and though naturally haughty in his de- portment, behaved with much condefcenfion to the clergy (89). The reign of St. David, who fucceeded his brother A. D. 1126. Alexander, was the golden age of the church and St- Dav'd churchmen in Scotland. The famous John de Crema ^J^dor V arrived in Scotland, A. D. 1126, as legate from the the church. pope, and held a council at Rokefborough, in which the king was prefent. But the decrees of this, as well as of many other Scotch councils, are lofr, though it is probable they were much the fame with thofe of the council which was celebrated foon after at London, and chiefly intended to enforce the celibacy of the clergy (90). In the courfc of his reign, king David eredted the four bifhoprics of Roffe, Brechin, Dunkeld, and Dumblane ; founded and endowed the abbeys of Jedburgh, Kelfo, Melrofe, Newbottle, Holyroodhoufe, KinlofTe, Cambufkenneth, Dundren- nan, and Holmcuttram in Cumberland ; befides feveral religious houfes in Newcaftle, Carlifle, Berwick, and other places (91). The performance of all this in twenty- nine year?, by the fovereign of fo firall a ftate as Scotland, was certainly too great an exertion, and muff, have greatly diminifhed the lands and reve- nues of the crown. This pious prince died at Carlifle, May 25th, A. D. 1154, exactly five months before the death of king Stephen (92). (88) Sim. Dunelm.apud X Script, col. 251. (89) Ethelred, apud X. Script, col. 368. (90) Simeon Dunelm. col. 25a, 253, (91) Chron. de Mailros, p. 1.65, 166, 167. Simeon Dunelm. col. 281. Ailred apud X. Script, col. 348. (91) Simeon Dunelm. col 281. »ECT- 222 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. SECTION III. The eccleftajlical hlftory of Great Britain , from A. D. 1 154, to A. D. 1189. Cent. XII "55- Abbeys exempted from epif- copal ju- Tifdiciion. X HOUGH the court of Rome had made great encroachments both on the independency of the church, and the prerogatives of the crown, of England, in the preceding period, that court was far from being fatisfied with its acquifitions, but conti- nued to profecute its ambitious fchemes with unwearied ardour and confummate policy. This occahoned fuch violent collifions between the crown and mitre, in the reign of Henry II. as very much difturbed the government, and even fhook the throne, of that great prince. One of the firft ecclefiaftical affairs that gave Henry II. any trouble, was the claim which fome of the richeft abbeys began about this time to advance, to an exemption from the jurifdiction of their bifhops. ; A difpute on this fubject between Walter abbot of Battle abbey, and his diocefan Hilary bifhop of Chichefter, was agitated in feveral councils in this and the two jfucceeding years ; and at length was determined in favour of the abbot, who pleaded a charter of exemp- tion granted to his abbey by its founder William the Conqueror ( 1 ). The luccefs of this abbot encou- raged the hopes and inflamed the ambition of his brethren, fome of whom did net fcruple to forge char- ters of exemption. But thele forgeries were fo ill (1) Spelman Condi, t. %. p. 53 — 58. executed, Ch.2.§3- RELIGION. 22; executed, that they were generally detected (2). This Cent. XU. engaged others to apply to Rome for bulls, iubje&ing v~ v themfelves immediately to the pope, and exempting ' them from the jurifdi&ion of their ordinaries. Robert, abbot of St. Albans, was the firft who obtained fuch a buil from pope Adrian IV. an Englifhman who had fpent fome years of his youth in the abbey of St. Albans (3). Abbot Robert did not owe his fuccefs entirely to this circumftance : for his hiftorian ac- quaints us, that he prefented his holinefs with three mitres and a pair of fandals of exquifite workmanfhip, and divided two hundred marks among the1 blood- fuckers of the court. This abbot foon after obtained, by the fame means, two other bulls ; the one granting him and his fucceflbrs permiffion to wear the epifcopal ornaments, and the other appointing the parochial proceflions and offerings of Hen ford {hire, at Whit- funtide, to be made to the church of St. Albans, and not to the cathedral of Lincoln (4). Thefe bulls, which diminished both the power and revenues of the bifhop of Lincoln, gave rife to violent difputes with that prelate ; which, by the mere force of bribery, terminated in favour of the abbey (5). Many other abbots, in different parts of England, made fimilar applications to the court of Rome ; and, by employ- ing the fame means, obtained the fame exemptions, and became mitred abbots. This innovation very much difturbed the ancient order of church-govern- ment, by diminifhing the epifcopal and encreafing the papal power. But none felt the fatal effects of thefe exemptions fo fenlibly as thofe who had obtained them. For the exempted abbots were fo much harraffed by expenfive journeys to Rome, and by the various exactions of that infatiable court, that they had great reafon to lament the iuccefs of their ambi- tion. Henry II. in the fecond year of his reign, inad- 1156. vertently contributed to exalt the power and pretenfi- Henry 11 ons of the pope (under which he and his fucceffors °°tAias* fo feverely fmarted), by accepting a grant of the king- f^nd dom of Ireland from Adrian IV. For the foltciting from the pope, (a) Petr. Blefenf. Epift. 68. p. 102. (3) M. Paris, Vit. Abbat. 46. (4) Id. p. 47. (5) Id. p. 48-- 53- 224 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. \.Cent. XII. or even accepting of this grant, was a plain acknow- v-""-v *- ledgment, that the pope had a right to deprive the irifh princes of their dominions, and to beftow them upon another : and in the body of the grant his holi- nefs takes care to mention this acknowledgment. " For it is undeniable (fays he), and your majefty u acknowledges it, that all iflands on which Chriff, 44 the fun of righfeoufnefc, hath mined, and which *' have received the Chriftian faith, belong of right to " St. Peter and the mod holy Roman church (6)." A dangerous proportion, to which a king of England ought never to have given any countenance. But the wifeft princes are fo blinded by their ambition, as not to fee the moft obvious conlequences of their conduct. "59- A company of about thirty men and women, who Some per- {p0^e tjle German language, appeared in England at donned tms t'me'» and foon attracted the attention of go- and punifli- vernment by the fingulanty of their religious practices cd for and opinions. It is indeed very difficult to difcover emy- With certainty what their opinions were, becaufe they are recorded only by our monkim hiftorians, who fpeak of them with, much afperity. They were appre- hended, and brought before a council of the elergy at Oxford. Being interrogated about their religion, their teacher, named Gerard, a man of learning, an- fwered, in their name, that they were Chriftians, and believed the doctrines of the apoftlts. Upon a more particular enquiry, it was found, that they denied leveral of the received doctrines of the church, as purgatory, prayers for the, dead, and the invocation of faints ; and, refufmg to abandon th«ife damnable here-- lies, as they were called, they were condemned as in- corrigible heretics, and delivered to the U cular arm to be punifhed. The king, at the inftigation of the clergy, commanded them to be branded with a red hot iron on the forehead, to be whipped through the Itreets of Oxford, and having their clothes cut iliort by their girdles, to be turned out into the open fields, all perfons being forbid to affoid them any fhelter or relief under the fevereff penalties. " i his cruel ftn- tence was executed in its utn.olc rigour ; and it being (6) M. Paris, Hift. p. 67. the Ch. 2. §3. RELIGION. 225 the depth of winter, all thefe unhappy perfons perifhed Cent. XII. with cold and hunger (7). Thefe feem to have been *-— — v— —> the firft who fuffered death in Britain, for the vague and variable crime of herefy ; and it would have been much to the honour of our country if they had been, the laft. On the death of Adrian IV. September ift, A. D. u6o. 1159, there happened another fchifm in the papacy ; Schifm in Octavian, who aflumed the name of Fitter l\l. being the PaPacy- chofen by one part of the cardinals ; and Rolland, who took the name of Alexander III. by another. The firit of thefe was received as pope by the em- peror Frederic ; while the Icings of France and England, after fome deliberation, acknowledged the latter (8). This fchifm continued about fifteen years, and was the occafion of much confufion in the church. Theobald archbifhop of Canterbury died, April 1161. 18th. A. D. 1 161, in the twentyvfecond year of his Archbifhop pontificate ; and, after a vacancy of more than a vear, T eo a , . r 111 1 1 n r } dies' and ls was lucceeded by one who makes a moit confpicuous fucceeded figure in the ecclefiaftical annals of England. This by Thomas was the famous Thomas Becket, who was the occafion Eecket- of much political contention during his life, and the object of much fuperltitious veneration after his death. He was born in London, A. D. 1119 ; and ftudied in the univerfities of Oxford, Paris, and Bononia, the moll celebrated feats of learning in thofe times (o). Having got into the family and favour of archbifhop Theobald, he was made archdeacon of Canterbury and provoft of Beverly j and, by the earneft recom- mendation of that prelate to Henry II. he was ap- pointed chancellor of England, A. D. 1158(10). In this ftation he paid his court *fo fuccefsfully to his royal mafter, not only by his dexterity in bufinefs, but alfo by his fplendid manner of living, and agree- able converfation, that he became his favourite, and his chief companion in his amufements. The kino- (7) W. Neubrig. 1. 4. c. 13. Idem, p. 631. J. Erompt. col. 1050. (8; Du Pin, cent. ia. p. 116. (9) J. Erompt. apud X Script, col. 105 a. Gervas, ibid. col. 1668. (10) J. Brompt, col. 1057, 1058. Vol. III. d was 226 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XH. was in Normandy when he heard of Theobald's death, v~"~ *v~— «-' and immediately refolved to raife his chancellor to the primacy, in hopes of governing the church of Eng- land by his means in perfect tranquillity. The em- prefs Maud, the king's mother, endeavoured to dif- fuade her fon from this defign, and the clergy and bi- fhops of England oppofed the promotion of Becket, which retarded it above a year(n). But fuch was Henry's fondnefs for his favourite, that he was deaf to all advice, and overcame all oppofition, and the chancellor was elected archbifhop at Weftminfter, June 6th, A. D. 1162(12). 1161. As foon as Becket found himfelf firmly feated in the B"tet ^~ archiepifcopal chair of Canterbury, he fuddenly chang- kinif6*1 C ec^ ms whole deportment and manner of life, and from the gayeft and moft luxurious courtier, became the moft auftere and folemn monk (13). One of his firft aclions after his promotion,- equally irritated and furpriied the king. This was his refignation of the chancellor's office, without having confulted the in- clination of his beneficent mafter, by whom he had been loaded with wealth and honours (14). Before Henry returned to England, in January A. D. 1163, he had received i'o many complaints of the feverities of the new primate, that he became fenfible, when it was too late, that he had made a wrong choice. When Becket therefore waited upon him at Southampton, it w^s obferved by the whole court, that though he was treated with refpett, he was not received with the fame marks of friendihip as on former occafions (15). The king at the fame time gave a ftill plainer proof of his dillati> faction with the primate, by obliging him to refign the archdeaconry of Canteibury, which he did with great reluctance (16). 1163. Alexander 111. the pope acknowledged by the kings Breach be- of France and England, held a general council of the t»»Len the pre}ates of his party at Tours, in April A.D. 1162 (17). kmo and ?,.. Lt-n f r^ L r J K 1 - Becket. * ne ?-rcnbiihop ot Canterbury was pielent at this council j and was treated with every poiiible mark of (11) Epift. Divi Thorns, 1. i. Epift. i;6. p. IOO. (12) Gerv&n, co!. 1669. (13) Id. ibid. (14) Quadrilog. 1. 1. c. 22. (15) Dugto apud XSaipt. col. 534. (16) Id. ibid. (17) Du Pin, cent. u.p. 213. refpeft Ch. 2. § 3. RELIGION. 227 refpect and honour by the pope and cardinals, who Cent. XII. were not ignorant that vanity and the love of admi- "— -v**»> ration were his predominant paffions ( 18). It is highly probable, that at this interview Becket was animated by the pope in his defign of becoming the champion for the liberties of the church and the immunities of the clergy. This much at leaft is cer- tain, that, foon after his return, he began to pro- fecute this defign with lefs referve than formerly, which produced an open breach between him and his fovereign (19). Nothing could be more oppofite than the fentiments Oppofite and views of the king and primate, concerning the views ;of immunities and independency which began to be ^.V,111 ? claimed by the clergy about this time. The former was determined to be the fovereign of all his fubjecls, clergy as well as laiety ; to oblige them to obey his laws, or to anfwer for their difobedience in his courts of jufiice : the latter maintained, that the clergy were fubjecc only to the laws of the church, were to be judged only in fpiritual courts, and to be punifhed only by ecclefralrical cenfures (20). The diflolute lives of the clergy at this time, and Councilor the atrocious crimes committed by fome of thern, Weftmm- made it neceflary to bring this queftion to a fpeedy er* ifllie (21). In order to this, the king called a coun- cil of the clergy and nobility at VVeltminfter ; which he opened with an excellent fpeech, in which he com- plained of the mi (chiefs occalioned by the thefts, rob- beries, and murders, committed by the clergy, with impunity ; and concluded with requiring, that the archbiihop and the other bifhops would confent, that when a clerk was degraded for any crime, he fhould be immediately delivered to the king's officers, that he might be puniihed for the fame crime, according to the laws of the land (22). The primate, dreading the compliance of the other biihops with fo reafonable a demand, earneftly intreated that they might' be al- lowed to held a private conference amongft themfelves (1 3) Vita 8. T. Becket, -;. 14. p. i8. (19.) Inett's Church Hift. b. a. c. 12. p. 238. (20) Gervas apud X Script, col. 1670. Vita S. Thomse, p. 33, R. Koveden, pars pofterior, p. 282. col. 2. (21) W. Neubrigenf. i. 2. c. 16. p. 158. (2,2) Stephauides, Vita S. Thomx, p. 39, Q^2 ' before 228 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XII. before they returned an anfwer ; which was granted. *"— -v— — ^ In this conference, the other bifhops acknowledged, that the king's demand appeared to them to be agree- able to reafon, law and fcripture. But the primate J infifted with fa much warmth and obftinacy on the immunities granted to the clergy by the canons of the church, that he filenced all his brethren, and per- fuaded them to return this anfwer to the king, — That they could not comply with his demand. On this the council broke up in confufion (23). 1164. Though Henry had not been fuccefsful in his firft at- Becket tempt to perfuade the clergy to relinquiih the pernicious obey the immunities to which they laid claim, he determined to conftituti- carry his point, if poflible, and had frequent conferences otis of Cla- wjth the primate and other prelates, in which he en- ren on. ployed every art to prevail upon them to comply with his defire. At length, by the earneft intreaties of his friends, Becket began to yield a little , and waiting upon the king at Oxford, he confented to promife obedience to the laws of the land, without annexing to this promife, as he had always done before, a faving of the privileges of his order (24). The king, highly pieafed with this fuccefs, and refolving to have this conient of the prelates, to obey the laws of the land without referve, ratified in the moil folemn manner, called a parliament or great council of the clergy and barons to meet at Clarendon, on the feftival of St. Hilary, A. D. 1 164 (25). But before the meeting of this affembly, Becket had again changed his mind, and when he appeared before the council, he obfli- nately refufed to promife obedience to the laws in the terms to which he had agreed at Oxford. At this the king was equally difappointed and enraged, the moll violent debates between the bifhops and the barons en- i'ued, which continued three days, in which time every poflible mean was ufed to overcome the obftinacy of the primate, and even threats of immediate violence were not fpared. At laft, by the tears and intreaties of two knights-templars, Richard of Haftings and Hofteus of Bolonia, for whom he had a great eitcem, (23) Stephanides, Vita S. Thomae, p. 31. (24} Vita S. Thomas, c. 20. p. 37. (2.5) Gervaaapud X Script, col. 1385. he Ch.2. §3. RELIGIO N. 229 he was again foftened, and appearing before the coun- Cent. xrt. cil, he, with all the other bifhops, folemnly pro- v""*—' mi fed and fwore, in the words of truth, and with- out any referve, to obey all the royal laws and cuf- toms which had been eftablifhed in England in the reign of his majefty's grandfather Henry I. (26). Thefe laws and cuftoms, commonly called the Conjli- tutions of Clarendon, were put in writing, read in the council, and one copy of them delivered to the pri- mate, another to the archbifhop of York, and a third depofited among the records of the kingdom (27). Thefe famous conftitutions, which were fixteen in number, reduced ecclefiaftics of all denominations to a due fubjection to the laws of their country, li- mited the jurildiition of fpi ritual courts, guarded againft appeals to Rome, and the pronouncing of in- terdicts and excommunications, without the confent of the king or his judiciary (28). In a word, they were in all refpects wife and juft ; but at the fame time fo evidently calculated to put a flop to the en- croachments of the court of Rome, and to fet bounds to the extravagant immunities of the clergy, that they were equally odious to both ; who never fpeak of them but in the harfheft terms (29). Henry made fome attempts to prevail upon the pope, who was under great obligations to him, to give his fanc- tion to the conftitutions of Clarendon ; but in vain (30). As it was with vifible reluclance that Becket had Becket at- fworn to obey thofe hated conftitutions i fo he foontemPt8to began to give indications of his repentance, by extra- Jea^e f"f~ ordinary a£ts of mortification, and by refraining from putback. performing the facred offices of his function (31). He alio difpatched a fpecial mefTenger, with an ac- count of what had happened, to the pope ; who lent him a bull, releafing him from the obligation of his oath, and enjoining him to refume the duties of his facred office (32). But though this bull reconciled his (26) Vita S. Thomx, I. i. c. 21. p. 39. (27) Gervasapud X Script, col. 1386. 1388. (28) Id. ibid. M. Paris, p. 71. Spelman. Con. t. 2. p. 63, 64. (19) M, Paris, p. 71. (30) Epiftolas Tho. Cantuar. 1. I. Ep. 4. p. 12. (31) Vita S. Thorns, c. %%. p, 40. (32) M. Paris, p. 71, 72. conscience 230 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XII. conference to the violation of his oath, it did not difpel V"— V*~J his fears of the royal indignation ; to avoid which he determined to retire privately out of the kingdom. With this intention he went to the port of Romney, accompanied only by two faithful friends, and there embarked for France ; but being twice put back by contrary winds, he landed, and returned to Canter- bury. About the fame time the king's officers came to that city, with orders to feize his goods and revenues ; but, on his appearing, they defilted from executing thefe orders (33.) Confcious that he had tranfgref- fed thofe laws which he had fworn to obilrve, by at- tempting to leave the kingdom without permiiTion, he waited upon the king at Woodftock ; who received him without any other exprefiion of difpleafure, than afking him, if he had left England becaufe he thought it too little to contain them both (34) ? Tranfa&i- Soon after this interview, frefh mifunderftandings ohsof the arofe between the king and the primate, who publicly parliament protected the clergy from thofe punishments which their crimes deferved, and flatly refufed to obey aium- mons to attend the king's court. Henry was lb much enraged at thofe daring infults on the laws and the royal authority, that he determined to call him to an account for them before his peers, in a parliament which he fummoned to meet at Northampton, October 17th, A. D. 1164 (35). This parliament, was uncom- monly full, as the whole nation was deeply interefled in the iiTue of this conteft between the crown and the mitre (36). On the firft day, the king in perfon ac- cufed the archbifhop of contumacy, in refuling to at- tend his court when he was fummoned : againft which accufation having made only a very weak defence, he v/as unanimoufly found guilty, by the bilhops, as well as by the temporal barons, and all his goods and chat- tels were declared to be forfeited (37). To this fen- tc;nce Becket, with much reluctance, fubmitted; and the king agreeing to accept of five hundred pounds for (33) M.Paris, p. 71, 72. Vita S. Thomx, c. 21. p. 22. Diceto tpud X Script, coi. 537. (34) Vita S. Thomae, p. 43, {35) M. Paris, p. 72. (36) See Appendix to Lord Lyttleton's Hiitory of Henry il. vol. 4. ©£f.vo, p. 4- 8. (37) Vita S. Thomi, 1. 1. c. 25. p. 47. the at North- ampton Ch. 2. §3. RELIGION. 231 the forfeiture, the bilhops became fureties for their Cent. XII. primate. On the fecond day of the parliament, the king made a demand of five hundred pounds which he had lent to Becket when he was chancellor ; who al- leged, in his own defence, that this fum had been given to him, and not lent. But not being able to produce any evidence of this grant, he was adjudged to repay the money. To this fentence he alfo fubmitted ; and prevailed upon five of his vaflals to become his fureties, the bifhops declining to be any further bound (38). But, on the third day, being Saturday, a much hea- vier demand was made on the archbifhop by the king, who gave in a charge of no lefsafum than two hun- dred and fifty thoufand marks, which he affirmed that prelate had received from vacant benefices, while he was chancellor, and required the parliament to oblige him to account for that fum. Becket, aftonifhed at this demand, begged leave to confult with his brethren the bilhops apart, before he returned an anfwer; which was granted. When thefe prelates had retired into a feparate room, and their primate had demanded their advice, they differed very widely in their opinions; fome (who were in the intereft of the court) advifing him to refign his fee, as the only means of appeafing the king's wrath, and preferving himfelf from ruin i while others oppofed this as a dangerous precedent, and too great an a£f. of fubmiffion to the civil power. When they could not come to any unanimous refolu- tion, Becket fent meflengers to the king and barons, to crave a fhort delay ; which was granted till Mon- day (39). The proceedings of this day ftruck terror into i'o many of Becket's retainers, that when he re- turned to his lodgings, he was attended by very few. On Monday he was feized with a violent colic, which put it out of his power to appear in parliament ; but he fent a folemn promife that he would appear on the next day, though he fliould be carried in his bed. Early on Tuefday morning many of the bilhops waited upon him in his chamber, and earneftly intreated him to refign his office j alluring him, that if he did not, he would be tried for perjury and high tteafon. But (38) Vita S. Thomse, Luc. j6. p. 48. (39) Id. ibid. c. 47. p. 48, 49» JO. fit 232 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XII. he reproached them bitterly for deferring him in this conteft ; charged them not to prefume to fit in judg- ment upon their primate ; and affured them, that though he fhould be burnt alive, he would not aban- don' his ftation, nor forfake his flock. Having cele- brated mafs, he fet out from his houfe, drefled in his pontifical robes, with a confecrated holt in one hand ; and when he approached the hall where the king and parliament fat, he took the crofs from the bearer, and carried it in the other hand (40). When the king was informed of the pofture in which the primate was advancing, he retired haftily into an inner room, com- manding all the bi(hops and barons to follow him. Here he complained in very fevere terms of the into- lerable audacity of Becket ; and was anfwered by the barons, " That he had- always been a vain and obfti- •* nate man, and ought never to have been raifed to W fo high a ftation : that he had been guilty of high " treafon, both againft the king and kingdom ; and •' they demanded that he fhould be immediately pu- " nifhed as a traitor (41)." The clamours of the barons againft Becket became foloud and vehement, that Roger archbifhop of York, apprehending that rhey would proceed to acls of violence, retired haftily, that he might not be a witnefs of the bloody fcene. The bifhop of Exeter went into the great hall, where the primate fat almoft alone, and, falling at his feet, conjured him to take pity on himfelf and on his bre- thren, and preferve them all from deftruclion, by com- plying with the king's will. But, withaftern coun- tenance, he commanded him to be gone. The bifhops, apprehenlive of incurring the indignation of the pope, if they proceeded to fit in judgment on their primate, and of the king and barons if they refufed, begged that they might be allowed to hold a private confuta- tion j which was granted. After deliberating fome time, they agreed to renounce all fubjeclion to Becket as their primate ; to profecute him for perjury before the pope ; and, if poffible, to procure his dcpofition. This refolution they reported to the king and barons ; who, not knowing that Becket had already obtained a bull from the pope, abfolving him from his oath, too (40} Vita S. Thomx, 1. i.e. 30. (41) Id. ibid. c. 31. rafhly Ch. 2. § 3- RELIGION. 233 rafhly gave their confent; and the bifhops went into Cent. xil. the hall in a body, and intimated their refolution to the — v-~— ' archbifhop ; who, not deigning to give them any an- swer, except, " I hear," a profound filence enfued (42). In the mean time, the king and barons carne to a refolution, that if the archbifhop did not imme- diately give in his accounts, they would declare h.m guilty of perjury and treafon ; and ient out certain barons to communicate this refolution. Robert earl of Leicefter, who was at the head of thefe barons, addreiling himielf to Becket, faid, 4t The king com- " mands you to come immediately, and give in your *' accounts; or elfe hear your fentence." " My (cn~ " tence !" cried he, flatting tohis feet, u No ! my fon, " hear me firft. I was given to the church free, and " difchhiged from all claims, when I was elected arch- " bifhop of Canterbury, and therefore I never will give " any account. Befides, my fon, neither law nor " reafon permits fons to judge their father. I decline " the jurifdiction of the king and barons, and appeal 6). . . . „, The kin^s of France and England had an interview Interview -on ° 1 ^ between at Lrizors, in Lafter week, A. D. 1165, in which Henry and the affair of Bucket was the chief fubject of their the king oi negotiations. But as Henry infilled on the fubmiflion of the archbifhop to the conftitutions of Ciaraidon, and Louis refufed to withdraw his protection from him, nothing was concluded (57). An interview was propofed about the fame time between king Henry and the pope ; which did not take place; becaufe the king propofed that the archbifhop mould not be prefent: (54) Vita S. Thomre, c. 12. p. 79,80. (55) Epiitola; Divi Thomae, 1. I. cp. 13, 14, 15. Hoveden Annal. p. 285, col. 1. (56) Stephanid. in Vita S. Thorns, p, 5%. Vita S. Tkomx, 1. 3. c. 14. p. 82. (57) J- Sarifbur. Epift. -,i. to Ch. 2. § 3. RELIGION. 239 to which his holinefs rerurned this haughty anfwer : Cent. XIL " That no man had a right to exclude any perfon from *— — V"--^ ng *W*h great eagernefs at the court of of Rome. 'Rome; and thofe of the archbiihop, O&ober 22d, A. D. 1166, obtained for their mafter a legantine (71) SeoLord Lyttelton's Hift. Henry Il.oftavo, vol. 4. p. 473. (7a) Epift. S. Thomse, I l . Ep. 140- (73) v»« S. Thomae, 1. 2. commiflion Ch. 2. § 3. RELIGION. 243 commiffion over the province of Canterbury (74). Cent. xil. This was not only a mark of the pope's favour, but * v~ — J a great addition of power to the archbifhop, which he was preparing to ufe with vigour, when the ba- lance fuddenly turned againft him at the court of Rome. This change in the papal politics was owing to feveral circumftances which are but imperfectly known. The emperor had gained fome advantages in Italy, which made his holinefs fet a greater value on the favour of the king of England : and the marquis of Montferrat, who was one of the pope's mod pow- erful allies, had afked one of Henry's daughters in marriage for his fon, and warmly feconded the folici- tations of the royal agents ; who were alfo better pro- vided with money than thofe of the archbifhop (75). Thefe agents obtained a very foothing letter from the pope to their mafter the king of England, dated December 20th, A. D. 1166; in which he acquaints him, that he had given a commiflion to two cardinals to determine all controverfies between him and the archbifhop of Canterbury, and between that prelate and the bifhops of England ; and that thefe legates would fet out on their journey in January ; — that he had given his legates authority to ablblve all the king's fervants and fubjecls who had been excommunicated ; — and that he had inhibited the archbifhop from ifTuing any cenfures againft him, or any of his fubjects, while this caufe was depending (76). Nothing could exceed the confirmation of Becket 1167. when he heard of this bull : efpeeially as he was in- Qonftema- formed at the fame time, that the king's agents, John S^Vl of Oxford, John Cumin, and Ralph Tamiwurde, had obtained copies of all the letters that he and his friends had written to the pope againft the king (77). Unwilling to believe fo much ill news, he wrote to John of Poitou, his agent at the court of Rome, earneftly intreating him to difcover the truth, and ac- quaint him with it ; adding, " If thefe things which " are reported be true, my lord the pope hath luffo- (74) Epift. S. Thorns, 1. 1. Ep. 118. (75) Id. Ep. 130. (76) See Lord Lyttelton'sHift. Henry II. vol 4. »r7~~~ interview to the king and the Englifh bifhops, who The king were w[m hjm in Normandy, that prince and thefe Rome.8 ° prelates protefted, that they had performed their part, in offering to fubmit to them either as judges or me- diators, and that the archbifhop had not performed his part, as he had not made a flmilar fubmiffion ; and further, in order to fcreen themfelves from the fevere cenfures which they dreaded from that enraged pre- late, they appealed to the pope, and put themfelves and the kingdom of England under the immediate protec- tion of the holy fee, until the feaft of St. Martin, in the year following. The king and bifhops alfo re- quefted the legates to notify their appeal to the arch- bifhop, and to inhabit him from iffuing any cenfures againft them in the interval. With this requeft the legates complied, and prohibited the archbifhop, in their own, and in the pope's name, from inflicting any cenfures on the king or kingdom of England during the time of the appeal (87). No hungry lion was ever more enraged at having his prey torn from him when he was ready to devour it, than Becket was at this pro- hibition. He complained of it to the pope and car- dinals in the bittereft terms, painting the king of England in the blackeft colours, and accunng the le- gates of having been bribed by that prince (88). 1168. The prohibition of the pope's legates produced a Attempt to fufpenfion of hofHiities for fome time between the thC<*ki k'nS and Becket, who was reftrained, much againft his and Becket wWl, from launching the thunders of the church mifcarries. againft his foverei?-n. The earl of Flanders made an attempt to put an end to this long and violent difpute, and in order to this, he brought Becket with him, about Midfummer A. D. 1168, to the place appointed for a conference between the kings of France and Eng- land. But Henry, fecured from the cenfures of the church by the prohibition of the legates, and ftill further by a bull he had about that time received from the pope, fufpending the archbifhop's fpiritual authority over him and his fubiecls till he had recovered his fa- vour, would make no advances towards a reconcilia- (87) Epift. S.Thomae, 1. 2. Ep. so. (88) Id. 1. a. EP. 46,47- tion* Ch, 2. § 3. RELIGION. 247 tion, nor To much as admit Becket into his pre fence. Cent. XII. That prelate was therefore obliged to return to the * — y ' place of his retirement, tormented with mortified pride and impotent refentment (89). The Icings of France and England had another in- n66. terview, January 6th, A. D. 1169, at which a treaty Another at- ' of peace was concluded. Two abbots, with Bernard temPl t0* de Corillo, a monk, who had acted as a kind of me- ^^ciiiatlon diatnrs between the two monarchs, brought Becket unfuccefs- with them to the place of this interview, in hopes of nil. bringing about a reconciliation between him and his fovereign. To accomplifh this, they were at great pains to perfuade that haughty prelate to behave in the molt humble and refpeclful manner to his much- of- fended prince, in order to appeafe his anger, and fa- cilitate an accommodation ; in which, being fecond- ed by the king of France, and all the princes and prelates who were prefent, thty at length prevailed. Accordingly, when he was introduce*! to Henry, he fell upon his knees, and faid, " I fubmit myielf to the *l mercy of God and the king, to the honour of ** God and the king ;" a form of words that was very artfully contrived, and full of ambiguity. This did not efcape the penetration of Henry, who ex- prefled his diifatisfaclion with this form of fubmif- fion, and infifted that the archbifhop Pnould promife, in plain words, " That he would obey thcielaws and " cuftoms which the holy archbifhops of Canterbury tl had obeyed in the times of former kings, and which u he had folemnly fworn to obey." This Becket re- futed to do; alleging, that his predeceiTors had not been preffed to make fuch a promife. But the king infifting upon it, and many of the nobles and bifhops vehemently urging him to comply, he at laft confented to make the promife required, with a faving of the honour of God and of the rights of his order (90). The king, well knowing what was intended by theie favings, rejected this offer; and, addrefiing himfelf to the king of France, faid, with an affecting air and tone of voice, " My liege lord, I earneftly intreat u your attention. I know, that whatever happens to " difpleafe him, he will fay is contrary to the honour (89) Epift. S. Thoma:, 1. s. c. 32. 58. (90) Id. 1. 4- Ep. 8. " of i4S HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BookHI. Cent. XH. " of God, and the rights of his order. But that it *— " v~>— ' <« may appear to all the world that I do not oppofe *c the honour of God, or the real rights of his order, " I here make this offer. There have been many *c kings of England before me, forne weaker and Ci others greater than I am ; there have been alfo *' many great and holy men, archbifhops of Canter- *' bury before him ; let him behave towards me as the " greateft and moffc holy of his predeceffbrs behaved 11 towards the weakeft of mine, and I am fatisficd ** (91)." This fpeech had no little influence on the audience, who cried out, that the king's conceflions were fufficient ; and the archbifhop remaining iilent, the king of France added, '* My lord archbifhop, " why do you hefitate ? Peace is now in your offer." But Becket, with an invincible firmnefs, that could not be fhaken either by the threats of his enemies, nor the moft earned entreaties of his friends, adhered to his former favings ; and the conference broke off with- out effe& (92). This gave many of the French no- bility unfavourable impreilions of him as a perfon of intolerable pride and obftinacy ; and even his great friend and patron Louis was for a little time difgufted. A third at» At a fecond interview between the two kings, in tempt to the beginning of this year, another attempt was made reconcile to bring about a reconciliation between Henry and and Bucket Becket j and in order to render the former more trac- faih. table, a bull was delivered to him, in which the pope declared, that if he was not reconciled to the archbi- fhop before the beginning of next Lent, he would reftore that prelate to the full exercife of his fpiritual authority over him and his kingdom. Henry, well knowing what ufe would be made of that authority if it was reftored, propofed to the two priors, who were appointed by the pope to be mediators in this negoti- ation, that he would permit the archbifhop to return into England, and enjoy all the emoluments of bis fee, if he would only promife to behave towards him as former archbifhops had behaved towards former kings. When this was reported to Becket, he contented to make thatpromife, with a faving of the rights of his (91) Vita S, Thomre, 1. 2. c. 35. (o») Id. ibid. order j Ch. 2. § 3. RELIGION. 249 order; and as the king obftinately perfifted in reje£t- Cent. XII. ing this faving, and the prelate as obftinately perfifted ' • ' in adhering to it, all the efforts of the mediators to bring about a reconciliation were in vain (93). After this negotiation had terminated without effec~t, Becket ex. both parties became more exafperated than ever, and commum- all hopes of a reconciliation feemed to be at an end. rai^erfon* Becket, in his letters to the pope, at this time, fpeaks 0f high of Henry in the bittereft terms, as a more cruel tyrant rank. and perfecutor than Herod (94). As foon as Lent commenced, he refumed the exercife of his fpiritual authority; and, without confulting the pope, thun- dered out fentences of excommunication againft many of the greateft men, both among the clergy and laity, particularly againft the bifhops of London and Salil- bury, the archdeacon of Canterbury, and his vicar, Hugh earl of Chefter, Richard de Lucy chief judi- ciary, Negilde Sackville, Thomas Fitzbernard, Wil- liam Giffard, &c. &c (95). While Becket was thus employed in launching the Two nun, thunders of the church, Henry was not idle. He gave ciosfrom orders to his ambafladors at Beneventum, where the l e,P°Pe pope then refided, to labour with the greateft earneft- to make nefs to perfuade his holinefs to tranflate Becket from peace, but Canterbury to fome other fee. As this feemed to be in vaia- the only expedient for terminating this fatal difpute, and the king's heart was greatly fet upon it, he gave them authority to offer the pope a prefent of ten thou- fand marks,— to procure him peace with ^he emperor and Roman nobility — and to allow him to fill the fee of Canterbury, and all the other fees that were then vacant in England (96). But thefe tempting offers were rejected, the pope fufpecYing that they were too great to be faithfully performed ; and all that the am- bafladors could obtain was a prornife, that his holinefs would fend two nuncios into Normandy, to negotiate peace between the king and the archbifhop. Accord- ingly Vivian archdeacon of Rome, and Gratian fub- deacon, were nominated; and having received their com million and inftrudtions, they fet out for Norman- (93) Epift. S. Thorns, 1. 4. Ep. 1. 8, 9, 10. (94) Id. Ep. 79. 1. 3. (95) Id. 1. 3. Ep. 58. Wilkin. Concilia, 1. 1, p. 455, 456. (96) Epift. S. Thomas, Ep. 79, 80. I 3. dy, 25o HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XII. dy, and were received with great refpeft by the king, *— -v^*-> at Damfront, Auguft 23d, A. D. 1169 (97). Thefe nuncios had feveral long conferences with Henry, at different places, in the months of Auguft and Sep- tember ; but though they feemed to be fometimes on the very point of making peace, new difficulties ftill arofe, and all their labours proved finally unfuccefsful : on which they left Normandy foon after Michaelmas (98). Terms of After the departure of the nuncios, Henry's ap- reconciha- prehenfions of an excommunication and interdict in- ''crfdbv" creafed fo much, that he fent a meflenger after Vi- Becket are vian, with a letter, earneftly intreating him to return, reje&ed by and refume his negotiations, giving him ftrong af- Henry, and furances that they would be crowned with fuccefs. fedby°" With this requeft Vivian complied, to the great dif- Henry re- fatisfa&ion of Becket, who was impatient to proceed jeaedby to extremities (99). But he did not venture to dif- Becket. obey a letter fent him by the nuncio, requiring him to attend an interview of the kings of France and Eng- land, which was to be at St. Deny's, November 15th, A. D. 1169. Having come to Paris, he fent a petition to the king, containing the conditions on which he was willing to be reconciled to his fove- reign, which amounted to a full reftoration of him- felf, and of all who had followed his fortunes, to all the rights and pofTeffions which they had enjoyed before they left England. He alfo claimed all the churches and prebends belonging to the church of Canterbury that had become vacant fince his retreat, that he might difpofe of them as he pleafed (100). This laft article was very difagreeable to Henry, as it would have produced the expulfion of his own friends from many valuable livings, to make way for thofe of the archbimop i and the whole petition was couched in fuch ambiguous terms, that he declined to grant it : but propoled the following plain and fhort terms, to which he was willing to give his confent: " That the arch- (97) Epift. S. Thomx, Ep. 6. 1. 3. (98) Gervas, apud. X Script, col. 1407, <99~) Epift. S. Thomae, Ep. 9, 10. 1. 3. (ioo) Epift. S. Thomas, I. 3. Ep. 6a. " bifhop Ch.2. §3. RELIGION. 251 " bifhop fhould have his church, and all the pdfTefTi- Cent XIL " ons of it that had been held by his predeceifors, and — ""v- V as they had been held by them (101)." This form, for very obvious reafons, was rejected by thearchbi- ihop j efpecially as the king had declared his refolu- tion not to give him the kifs of peace, which in thofe times was efteemed an eflential ceremony in all reconciliations (102). Vivian having thus failed in his fecond attempt to bring about a peace between thofe two jealous and inflamed opponents, returned to Italy in great difcontent. As Henry now dreaded that a fentence of excom- Precautions munication would be immediately pronounced againft to prevent himfelf, and an interdict laid on his kingdom, bv the ^e fentence archbifhop, he made hafteto take the mod: effectual muniCation meafures to prevent theie fentences from being execu- being pub- ted, or even publifhed in England. With this view liftied in he fent over his royal injunctions, forbidding al.1 in- n£land- tercourfe between his fubjects and the pope or arch- bifhop ; declaring it high treafon to bring any inter- dict from either of them into England, or to pay any obedience to fuch interdict; confiscating all the pof- feflions of all who fhould in any way favour the pope and archbifhop, together with the pofleffions of all their relations, and finally commanded Peter- pence to be paid into the royal treafury, and not to the pope (103). To render thefe injunctions more effectual, an oath was required from all perfons, that they would obferve them ; which was cheerfully given by the laity of all ranks, but generally refuied by the cler- gy. (104). This was not the only means employed by Henry 1170. to prevent or guard againft the cenfures of his adver- Terms °f fary. He ferit directions to his agents at the papal tion fettled court, to fettle the terms of an accommodation between in the court him and Becket, with the pope in perfon, which they of Rome, at length accomplifhed ; and the following form of pacification propofed by them was approved of by his holinefs ; " That for the love of God, of the pope, (101) Epift. S. Thomre, 1. 3. Ep. 6s. (102) Du Cange, Gloff. voc Ofculum Pacis. (103) Gervas Cliron. apud X Script, col. 1409. ( 104) Epift. S. Thorns, I. 3. Ep. 65. I " and 252 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Booklll. Cent. XII. Id. I. 5. Ep. ij. Stephanides Vita S. Thomas, p. 68. injury 254 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XII. injury of permitting his fon to be crowned by the v- — y t archbifhop of York ; and infifting, that he fhould make ample reparation for all thefe injuries, and per- mit thofe who had been concerned in them to be duly cenfured ; to which the king aflented. On this the archbifhop difmounted, in order to throw himfelf at his feet : but in this alfo he was prevented by Henry, who ftooped fo low as to hold his ftirrup, and aflifl him in remounting. After this the terms of the peace and reconciliation, as they had been fettled, were pub- licly read by the archbiihop of Sens, and ratified by the king ; on which the other exiles, who had fol- lowed the fortunes of Becket, were introduced, and gracioufly received. Henry then defired the .arch- bifhop to declare his forgivenefs of all thofe who had incurred his difpleafure in the late difpute, as he had now forgiven all thofe who had incurred his refent- ment. But to this moft reafonable propofal, the art- ful prelate, who meditated revenge againft all his ad- verfaries, returned an evafive anfwer ; pretending, that fome of thefe perfons were more, and fome of them lefs criminal : fome of them were excommuni- cated by the pope, and fome of them by other pre- lates ; and therefore he could only promife in general, that if any of them failed in obtaining forgivenefs in the end, it would be his own fault (i i ; ). Becket's After this long-expected peace was thus concluded, agents ill the archbifhop difpatched tyis agents into England, who received in carrjecj wjtn them letters from Henry to the young king, England. . . ,. , , 'r I ° &* acquainting him with the concluuon or tr^e peace, and commanding, that all their eflates and pollellions ihould be reflored to the archbifhop and the other ex- iles (112). When thefe agents had been fome time in England, they wrote to Becket, that they had met with a very cold reception ; — that every body (h tinned their company, and difbelieved their report of the peace; — that when they prefented the roval mandate to the young king on the Monday after Michaelmas, he appointed them to return ten days after to receive an anfwer, — and concluded with advifing him not to re- turn to England until he had really regained the fa- (III) Epift. S. Thcm:r, L5.jp; 46, 47. (til) Gervasapud X Script. col. r^. vour Ch. 2. § 3. RELIGION. 255 vour of the king (113). The truth is, that Henry's Cent.xii. reconciliation to Becket was far from being cordial, ' v*-— ' and therefore he was not very preffing for the imme- diate execution of the conditions of it ; and few ima- gined it would be of long continuance. That pre- late, however, made bitter complaints to the king of this delay of reftoring the poflemons of his fee, and tranfmitted the letters of his agents to the rtepe, with whom he flood in the very higheft degree of fa- vour, and from whom he obtained authority to inflict the higheft cenfures on his adverfaries, particularly on the archbifhop of York for crowning the young king, and on the bifcops of London, Salifbury, Rochefter, &c. for aflifting at that folemnity (114). This laft favour was very agreeable to his vindictive temper, and he refolved to ufe it in the mod effectual manner ; and he even folicited a power of inflicting the fame cenfures on the king (115). But it doth not appear that this was granted. Becket had two conferences with the king after the Becket, conclufion of the peace-; but as they were fpent in naving fcnt mutual complaints, they contributed nothing; to the *?cfore him reftoration of real fnendfhip (116). At length hav- excommu- jng taken leave of his fteady friend and patron the king nkation of France, and of the prelates and nobles who had and fufPcn- generoufly fupported him and his friends in their exile, ^"^h" he fet out from Sens about the middle of November, (hops, land* under the conduct of John of Oxford, one of his in England. greateft enemies, who was appointed by Henry to at- tend him into England, and arrived at Whitfand, a fea-port in Flanders, towards the end of that month (117). While he waited there for a fair wind, be found means to fend over three bulls, one for fufpend- ing the archbifhop of York, and the other two for excommunicating the bifhops of London and Salisbu- ry, which were actually conveyed to thefe prelates. Nothing could be more inexcufable than this conduct, as it was declaring war at the very moment he pretend- ed to return in peace. Accordingly this action ex- (113) Epift. S. Thomse, 1. 5. Ep. 53. (114) Id. ibid. Ep. 53. 54. 65,66, 6". (115) Id. ibid. Ep. 5a. ;xi6) Stephanides Vita S. Thomse, p. 70. (117) Vita S. Thomae, 1. 3. c. 3. p. 1 10. cited 256 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Troubles about the excommu- nicated bifhops. Cent. xii. cited univerfal indignation againft him, and proved the caufe of his ruin. On the evening of the laft day of November he failed from Whitfand, and landed next day at Sandwich, from which port he had depart- ed fix years and three weeks before; all which time he had fpent in exile (118). John of Oxford, though no real friend, protected him from the infults of fome armed men at his landing, who commanded him in a threatening tone to abfolve the excommunicated bi- fhops (119). The day after, he entered Canterbury in a kind of triumph, attended by a great crowd of the clergy and common people ; and next morning he was waited upon by the agents of the bifhops who had been ex- communicated, demanding their abfolution ; which he refufed (120J. On the return of their agents to Dover with this anfwer, thefe prelates determined to* go over into Normandy, to implore the protection of their fovereign againft the violence of their primate. The young king was no lefs incenfed againft Becker, as the fevere cenfures which he had inflicted on thofe prelates for aflifting at his coronation feemed to call in queftion its validity. He fent fome of the officers of his court to Canterbury to demand the abfolution of the bifhops; but in vain (121). When Becket had refted about eight days at Can- terbury, where he had been vifited by very few per- fons of rank, he fet out with a defign to wait upon the Csn^b0 young king at Woodftock, in order to appeafe his an- swer ury ^^ ^ regajn j^ favour) by valuable prefents, and other means. As he approached London, of which he was a native, prodigious crowds of men, women, and children, came out to meet him, and conducted him through the city to his lodgings in Southwark with ]oud acclamations; in return for which he fcattered amongft them both money and epifcopal benedictions. But this vanity was foon after mortified by a meflage from the young king, foibidding him to proceed any further, or to enter any royal town or caftle ; and commanding him to return immediately to Canterbu- ry, and confine himfclf within the precincts of his (118) Vita S.Thoms,!. 3. c. 4. Stephanides Vita S. Thoma, p. 72. (1 19) Epift. S.Thomae,1.5. Ep. 73. (lao) Id. ibid, (iai) Stephanides Vita S. Thomse, p. 75. church. Bucket's progrtfs from and return to Ch.2. §3. RELIGION. 257 church (122). After hefitating fome time, he refolved to Cent, xil. comply with this mefTage ; and returned to Canterbu- ^— — V—-J ry, efcorted by a company of armed men, to protect him from any fudden affault.. Here he refided about a week in great folitude, receiving daily accounts of frefh infults offered to his friends, and depredations com- mitted on his eftates ; which made him fay to one of his greateft confidents, That he was now convinced this quarrel would not end without blood ; but that he was determined to die for the liberties of the church (123). On Chriftmas day he preached in the cathe- dral j and at the end of his fermon pronounced a fen- tence of excommunication againft Ranulph de Broc (his great enemy), Robert de Broc, and almoft all the king's moft familiar fervants, with vilible marks of the moft violent anger in his voice and countenance (124). When the archbifiiop of York, with the bifhops of Paffiomte London and Salifbury, arrived in Normandy, they exprcffion threw themfelves at the king's feet, and implored his of tneklD£- protection from thatdifgrace and ruin with which they were threatened by the primate, painting the violence of his proceedings againft themfelves, and others, in fuch ftrong colours, that Henry fell into one of thole violent fits of paftion to which he was liable. In the height of his fury he cried out, — " Shall this fellow, *■' who came to court on a lame horfe, with all his ef- ** tate in a wallet behind him, trample upon his king, " the royal family, and the whole kingdom? Will " none of all thofe lazy cowardly knights whom I " maintain, deliver me from this turbulent prieft «' (125)?" This pailionate exclamation made too deep an im- Becket preflion on fome of thofe who heard it, particularly killed- on the four following barons, Reginald Fitz-Uife, William de Tracy, riugh de Morvile, and Richard Breto, who formed a refolution, either to terrify the archbifhop into fubmiflion, or to put him to death. Having laid their plan, they left the court at different times, and took different routes, to prevent fuipicion ; (iaa) Stephanides Vita S. Thomae, P- 7J. (123) Id. p. 78. (124) Vita S. Thorn*, 1. 3. c. 10. p. Jl8. (l»5) Id. ibid. p. 1.1^ Vol. III. S but 258 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XII. but being conducted by the devil, as Come monkifh v~" v -' biftonans tell us, they all arrived at the caftle of Ra- nulph de Broc, about fix miles from Canterburv, on' the lame day, December 2#th,j and almoft at the fame hour (126). Here they fettled the whole fcheme of their proceedings, and next morning early fet out for Canterbury, accompanied by a body of refolute men, with arms concealed under their clothes. Thefe men they placed in different parts of the city to prevent any interruption from the citizens. The four barons above named then went unarmed, with twelve of their com- pany, to thearchiepifcopal palace, about eleven o'clock fo.enoon, and were admitted into the apartment where the archbifhop fat converfing with fome of his clergy. After their admiifion a long iilence enfued, which was at length broken by Reginald Fitz-Urfe, who told the archbifhop, that hey were fent by the king to com- mand him to abfolve the prelates, and others, whom he had excommunicated ; and then to go to Winchef- ter, and make fatis faction to the young king, whom he had endeavoured to dethrone (127). On this a very long and violent altercation followed, in the courfe of which they gave feveral hints, that his life was in danger if he did not comply. But he remained un- daunted in his refufal. At their departure they charged his fervants not to allow him to flee •, on which he cried out with great vehemence, — " Flee ! I will never " flee from any man living. I am not come to flee, but " to defy the rage of impious aflaflins (128)." When they were gone, his friends blamed him for the rough- neis of his anfwers, which had inflamed the fury of his enemies, and earnelily prelled him to make his ef- t-ape ; but he only anfwered, — " I have no need of " your advice. — I know what I ought to do." The barons with their accomplices, rinding their threats were ineffectual, put on their coats of mail; and tak- ing each a fword in his right hand, and an ax in his left, returned to the palace ; but found the gate fhut. When they were preparing to break it open, Robert de Broc conducted *hem up a back ftair, and let them in at a window. A cry then arofe, " they are armed ! " they are armed!" on whicii the clergy hurried the (126) Stephanides Vita S. Thomx, p. ^8, 79. (127) Id. p. 81. (i»8) Vita S. Thom;e, 1. 3. c. 14. archbifliop, Ch.2.§3- RELIGION. 259 archbifhop, almoft by force into the church, hoping Cer*. xil. that the facrednefs of the place would protect him from ' ^-»— / violence. They would alfo have fhut the door, but he cried out, — " Begone ye cowards ! I charge you on " your obedience, do not fhut the door. What! will but if he fufpecled any of the appellants of ill intentions, he might oblige them to give fecurity that they would attempt nothing to the detriment of him or his king- dom. 3. To abolifh fuch evil cuftoms againft the church as had been introduced in his own time. 4. To reitore all the pofleffions of the church of Can- terbury, and all the clergy and laity of both fexes who had been deprived of their eftates on account of the late archbifhop. Both the king and his fon at the fame time fwore, that they would adhere to pope Alexander as long as he treated them as Chriftian and Catholic kings (135). Thus terminated this memo- rable ftruggle between the crown and mitre, lefs to the difadvantage of the former than could have been expected. , ; Duputes The next ecclefiaftical affair that engaged the at- about the tention of the king and kingdom, was the choice of anarch- an archbifhop of Canterbury, and primate of Eng- bifhcp. land, towards which fome {reps were taken immedi- ately after the young king's return from Normandy. Odo prior of Canterbury was called to court to con- fuit about this matter ; but he pretended, that the monks of that' cathedral had the fole right of electing an archbifhop, to the exclusion both of the king and the bifhops of the province. On this he was fent home to deliberate more maturely on this matter, with the monks of his convent, and to report the rcfult of their deliberations. At his return to court, about three weeks after, he reported, that the monks would not relinquifh their claim. He was then commanded to wait upon the old king in Normandy ; with which he complied. On his arrival there, Henry dreading, (•35) Epift. S. Thornac, 1. 5. Ep. 88, 89. Vita S. Thomre, p. 147, I48. Hoveden. Annarl. fol. 303, 304. Gcrvas apud X Script, col. ?4Zi, 143a. that Ch.2. §3. R E L I G I ON. - 263 that if the choice of an archbifhop was left to the Cent. XH. monks, who were profefTed admirers of Becket, it ^—^ -~^*~~— ^ would fall upon fo'me perfon of the fame principles, exerted every art in his power to prevail upon Odo to confent to the election of the bifhop of Baieux. who was a man of a gentle and flexible difpofition. He even defcended to the moft humble and earneff inttea- ties, that he would take pity upon him, and not drive him to commit fome greater crime than he had yet committed. But all his intreaties were in vain : the hard-hearted monk remained inflexible, and returned to England. About the end of this year an afTembly was held at London for the election of an archbifhop j but the monks {fill infiftinl ' day confecrated tne biihops who had been lately elected (140). The civil wars being now happily terminated hy a 1175. pacification between Henry and his Forts, tne ^rch- Tranfadi- biftiop held a council of the Enslifh clergy at Weft- 01,s of ,a minfter, May 28th, in which eighteen canons were weftmin- promulgated, and confirmed by the authority of both fter. kings and of the barons of the kingdom, who were prelent in the council. There was little new or very remarkable in thefe canons. By the firft, the celibacy of all the clergy above the rank of fubdeacons was com* manded, and the fucceifion of ions to their fathers in the fame churches forbidden : a fufficient proof that all the fevere canons that had been made againft the mar- riages of the clergy had been ineffectual. By the fourth, archdeacons were authorifed to crop fuch of the clergy as wore long hair. By the other canons churchmen were forbidden — to frequent public houles, • — to bear civil offices, — to take farms,£— to carry arms, &c. &c (14.1.) The archbifhop of York was not pre- fent at this council; but ' feftt fome of his clergy tci claim a right to carry his crofs erect within the province of Canteibuiy, and to demand the (ubjeibon of the biihops of Hereford, Lincoln, WorceiW, and Chefter, to him as their metropolitan ; and upon thefe claims being rejected, they, in his name, ap- pealed to the pope (142). The clergy of the diocefe of St. Afaph complained to the council againft God- frey their bifhop for non-refidence, and he was obliged to refign his bifhopric (143). After the council was diffolved, the two kings accompanied the archbiffeop to Canterbury, to return their united thanks for the late pacification to St. Thomas Becket, who had been canonized about two years before, and now eel 1 pled all the faints in heaven, by the fame of his miracles and the reputation of his power (144). The iince- rity of Henry's devotion towards this new faint, who ^ (140) Gervas, col. 14a?, J4a8. ('4') Id. col. 1430, &c. (142.) Hoveden Annai. p. 311, (<43) Id. ibid. (144) Gervas, col. 14J3. had 1176. Legate fent into Eng- land. Quarrel between the arch- bifhops of York and Canterbu- ry- HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III* had long been his moft dangerous and detefted enemy, may be juftly doubted. About the end of O&ober A. D. 1 175, cardinal Hugo, who had been appointed by the pope his legate a latere, landed in England ; and, with the king's per- miflion, made a progrefs into many parts of the king- dom, vifiting the richer churches and abbeys. " As " his bufinefs (fays a contemporary hiflorian) was, to " root out and to plant, he performed it very dili- " gently, by rooting out money from the purfes of "■ others, and planting it in his own coffers (145)." The king had folicited this legation from the pope, in order, as it was given out, to determine the difputes between the archbifhops of Canterbury and York; but, in reality (as it was furmifed), to procure a di- vorce from his queen, who had inftigated her fons to their late rebellion. Towards this however he took no public ftep (146). The controverfies of the two prelates were referred to the archbifhop of Rouen, and fome-foreign bifhops, and they were enjoined to fuf- pend all difputes on thefe fubjects for five years (147). But notwithstanding this injunction, their animo- iity broke out wjth the moft indecent violence, at a council fummoned to meet at Weftminfter in the mid- dle of Lent A. D. 1176. For when the legate had taken his feat, a ftruggle enfued between the two -arch- bifhops about the feat next to him on the right hand, in which the followers of the archbifhop of Canter- bury interpofed, threw down his antagonift of York, and trampled upon him with their feet. This occafi- oned fo great a tumult, that the legate retired in a fright, and the council broke up in confufion. Both prelates appealed to the pope, and complained to the king ; who at firft was much incenfedat the archbifhop of Canterbury ; but, upon better information, and cooler thought, he laboured to reconcile the two en- raged prelates ; in which he at laft fucceeded, both of them withdrawing their appeals, and promifing to live in peace. The legate was fo much difgufted, that he haftened out of England (148). (145) Gervas, col. 1433- (146) Id. col. 143- (147) Hoveden. Annal. p. 313. (148) Id. p. 3 • j. col. Gervas, col. 1433. 1434. A fchifm Ch.2.§3- RELIGION. 267 A fchifm which had fubfifted in the church of Rome Cent. XII. almoft eighteen years, was terminated in the courfe ^ — v— *-J of this year, by the degradation of Calextus the anti l-]-77'- pope, and the fubmiffion of Frederic emperor of ^fr.the Japacy many to pope Alexander. At an interview between terminated. the emperor and the pope, in the city of Venice, July 24th, A. D. 1 177, this important tranfaclion was concluded ; and the former paid certain honours to the latter (fuch as giving him the right hand in all proceflions, and holding his ftirrup when he mounted); with which he was highly pleafed, and of which he wrote a pompous account to the two Englifh archbi- shops (149). The ecqlefiaitical events which hap- pened in England in this and the fucceeding year, were neither lingular nor important. The extinction of the late fchifm which had fo long 1179. fubfifted in the church, added not a little to the power General and wealth, as well as to the fatisfaclion, of the victo- £ouncilat rious pontiff, who determined to make the beft ufe of this favourable event. With this view he fent his le- gates into all the countries in communion with the church of Rome, and particularly into Normandy, England, Scotland, and Ireland, to fummon the arch- biihops, biihops, and abbots, to attend a general council at Rome in the time of Lent this year (150). From feveral Scotch and iriih biihops who paffed through England in their way to this council, Henry exacted an oath, that they would attempt nothing againfthim, or his kingdom ; and that they would re- turn the fame way (151). So attentive were princes in thofe times to all the motions of the clergy. Only four English bifhops, thofe of Durham, Oxford, He- reford, and Bath, repaired to this council, as the Englifli prelates claimed a privilege of being repre- fented by four of their number in all general councils But this claim was not fu framed, and the abfent pre- lates were obliged to pay con fide rable fums of money to prevent their being cenfured ; to obtain which mo- ney, is faid by contemporary writers, to have been one great object of calling this council (152). Pope (149) Gervas, col. 1439. Koveden, p. 325. col. 1. (150) Chron. J. Brompt. inter X. Script, col. 1138. (151) Id. ibid. (152) Hovcden, p. 33a. col. a. G. Neubrigenf. I. 3. c. 2. Alexander 268 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XH. Alexander opened the council in the church of St. ^-— v John de Lateran, March 5th, A. D. 1 179, with great pomp, attended by the whole college of cardinals, by the magiftrates and nobles of Rome, by the ambafla- dors of the emperor, and of all the Icings and princes of the Weftern church, by three hundred and ten bi- fhops, beiides a prodigious number of abbots and in- ferior clergy In the third fellion, which was held March 2ilt, thirty-thiee canoni were publifhed, and received the fan<5tioa of the council (153). Thefe canons are too long to be here inferted, and have no particular reference to the church of England. Some of them contain very wife and juit regulations ; while others cairv the ufurpations of the papacy over the pre- rogatives of princes and the rights of confeience, to the moft impious and dearing height. King of The fame of St. Thomas Becket for working mira- Francepays cks, increafed with fo much rapidity, that by this time h.'sdevou- ^e WdS more celebrated on that account than any other jhrine of f'int. This brought prodigious numbers of perfons of Becket. all ranks, and from different countries, to Canterbu- ry, to perform their devotions, and to obtain cures for themfelves or friends. The king of France, his old friend and patron, being in great anxiety about the •life of his only fon Philip, who had fallen into a dan- gerous fickneis, refolved to apply to him for help, and tame into England, attended by the earl of Flanders, and many other nobles. He was received with great refpect by Henry on his landing at Dover, Auguft 2id, A. D. 1179* and conducted to the tomb of Bec*cer, where he performed his devotions, and pre- sented a chalice of gold, with a grant of one hundred cafks of wine annually to the monks of the cathedra! (154). At his return to the continent, he received the agreeable news of his Ion's recovery, which was uni- verlally afciibed to the prayers and merits of St. Tho- mas, and greatly increafed his fame. The church- hiftory or England in the three next years, contains nothing but the fucceffion of prelates, and matters of little moment. ( 153) G. Neubrigenf. 1. 3. c. 3. Diceto, col. 63. J. Brompt. col. 113. (ijf4) Hovejien, Annal. p. 338. J. Brompt. col. H40. An Ch. 2. § 3. RELIGION. 269 An unnatural war having this year broken out be- Cent. xil. tween Henry and his fons, Richard archbifhop of *• v^-J Canterbury, with Waleran bifhop of Rochefter, and ^D- ri83- feveral Norman bifhops and abbots, held a council at d^ol/to Caen in Normandy, by a mandate from the pope ; in reconcile which, on Afcenfion-day, they denounced a fentence Henry and of excommunication againft all who difturbed the peace ni*fons- of the elder Henry, except the young king (155). About the fame time the archbifhop wrote a letter to that prince, expoftulating with him on the folly and iniquity of his conduit, earneftly intreating him to return to his duty, and concluding with an afTurance, that if he did not do this in fifteen days, he, as well as his followers, would be excommunicated ( 1 56). Thefe were fome of the laft tranfactions in which 1184. Richard archbifhop of Canterbury was engaged. For Archbifhop he died, after a fhort illnefs, February 16th, A. D. fk*?td\ •1 c \ • • r , x death ami 1184, ,n the eleventh year or his pontificate (157)- character. He appears to have been a prelate of a mild temper, Succeeded innocent life, and moderate principles, condemning the Dy Baldwin unreafonable immunities of the clergy, for which his ^- °? a t predeceflor had contended with fo much violence, as equally pernicious to church and ftate (158). This made him no great favourite of the monks, who re- prefent him as too indolent, timid, and complying. Henry had been fo much affifted by the late primate, that he was impatient to fee his place fupplied by a perfon of fimilar principles ; and having fixed on Bald- win bifhop of Worcefter, he earneftly laboured to bring about his election. In this he met with great oppofition from the monks of Canterbury ; but at length, after feveral meetings, this oppofition was overcome, and Baldwin was elected (159). About the beginning of this year, Heraclius, pa- "85. triarch of Jerufalem, with the grand mafter of the Henry de- knights-hofpitalers, arrived in England ; and being comply0 introduced to Henry at Reading, and, falling at his with the feet, moft earneftly intreated him to come to the pro- imreatiesof tec~tion of the Holy Land, which was in danger of be- the Pafri" ' ° arch of Je- rufalem (155) Hoveden, p. 354. col. 1, (156) Epiftol. P. Blefenf. Ep. 47. p. 69. (157) Hoveden, p. 355. (158) Epifl. P. Blefenf. Ep. 73. p. 109. (ijo) Hoveden. Annal. p. 356 ing HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. ing loft ; preferring him at the fame time with the keys of Jerufalem and of the holy fepulchre ; together with a molt pathetic letter from the pope, exhorting him to undertake that expedition. He:, y raifed them from the ground, with many expreffions of kindnefs and fympathy, promifmg to give them an anfwer when he had confulted his great council, which was to meet on the firft Sunday of Lent, at London (160). By this affembly, which was very full, the king was advifed not to engage in an expedition into the Holy Land, till he had confulted with the king of France; which was given as an anfwer to the two ambaffadors (161). But that they might not have reafon to complain that their application had been altogether unfuccefsful, Henry promifed them an aid of fifty thoufand marks; and gave a permiffion to fuch of his fubjecTts as pleafed to take the crofs (162). 1186. About this time a quarrel began between Baldwin, Difpute be- archbifhop of Canterbury, and the monks of his tween t e cat-jle(jraj which made a mighty noife, and continued primate ana o J > the monks feveral years. The archbilhop, offended perhaps at of Canter- the keen oppofition that had been made by the monks W- to his election, early difcovered a difpufition to dimi- nifh their wealth and abridge their power. With this view he rcfolved toerecl: a magnificent church and con- vent at Hackington, without the walls of Canterbury, to dedicate it to St. Thomas Becket, and to fill it with fecular canons. For thi^ purpofe he not only obtained the king's confent, but he alfo procured a bull from the pope, Urban III. authorifing his intendtd erec- tion, and granting him a fourth of all the oblations at the tomb of St. Thomas Becket to afTift him in building the church (163). On this the work was immediately begun, and carried on with great rapidi- ty ; at which the monks of Canterbury were very much alarmed. For they not only grudged that fhare of the oblations granted by the pope, but began to lufpecl: that the archbilhop intended to remove the (160) Hoveden. Annnl p. 359. (161) Id. ibid. Diceto, col. 626 (162) Hoveden,p. 3^9 (163) Diccto, col. 63*. feat Ch. 2. §'3. RELIGION. 2yi feat of his fee, and perhaps the precious remains of Cent. xil. their favourite faint, to his new^ church and convent. Excited by thefe fufpicions, they filled the whole king- dom with their clamours, as if the church, and even the Chriftian religion, had been in danger. They complained to the king -3 but met with no redreis. They then appealed to the pope, and notified their appeal to the arch bifhop, December 20th, A. D. 11 86, in hopes that he would have defifted from his works. But he was fo far from doing this, that he fufpended the prior and monks, who had notified the appeal. The king made feveral attempts to perfuade the monks to refer their difputes with the primate to him, or to the bifhops of the province. But all thefe attempts were fruitlefs, and they profecuted their appeal with fo much vigour, that they obtained a bull from the fame pope Urban, commanding the archbifhop to reftore the prior and monks, and to flop his works, which was intimated to him, March 25th, A. D. 1187. This bull was difregarded by Baldwin, who proceeded with greater hafte than ever to finifh his buildings, having fent Peter of Blois, and fome other learned men, to Rome to vindicate his conducl. As a perfect concord at this time fubfifted between the king and the arch- bifhop, the latter was fupported in this conteft by all the power of the crown ; and Ralph de Glanville, chief jufticiary, ifTued two writs, one commanding the prior and monks to defift from proiecuting their ap- peal to the pope, and the other citing them to appear before himfelf at London. Encouraged by this pow- erful patronage, the primate feized ail the poffeffions of the prior and monks ; who fent a deputation of their number to complain to the king, in Normandy, of this violence ; and alfo made another application to the pope. Urban, greatly enraged at the contempt with which his former mandate had been treated, fent a thundering bull to Baldwin (dated October 12th, A. D. 11^7), commanding him to demolifh all his buildings at Hackington, to defecrate the ground on Which they had been erected, and reftore all their pol- feffions to the monks. He fent at the fame time a moil infolent epiflle to the king, commanding him to oblige the 272 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XII. the archbifhop to fubmit to the above bull. When thefe letters were delivered to the king and primate, their countenances fell (fays the monkifh hiftorian), and they began to fpeak to the monks in a kind and foothing ftrain. But this dejection was not of long continuance. For in a few days the news arrived, that Urban was dead, and that cardinal Albert, a par- ticular friend of the archbifhop, was chofen pope, and had alTumed the name of Gregory III. On this the primate refumed courage ; and refolving to bring the refractory monks to fubmiffion, he fhut them up prifoners in their convent, and excommunicated the fub -prior, and fome others. When they were in this confinement, the king and the primate fent feveral agents to prevail upon them, both by threats and pro- mi fes, to withdraw their appeals, and give their con- fent to the new erection at Hackington. But they re- mained undaunted in their oppofition, and fufpended all divine fervice in the cathedral, being encouraged by the citizens of Canterbury, who fupplied them plenti- fully with neceffaries, and even delicacies. When things had continued in this ftate about two months, the news arrived of another change at the court of Rome, by the death of Gregory, and the election of Clement HI. who was as great a friend to the monks as the former had been to the primate. The fcene was now entirely changed. Clement iflued a bull, dated February 26th, A. D. 1188, commanding Baldwin to demolifh all his works at Hackington, and to repair all the damages he had done to the monks of Canterburv. When this bull was difregarded, ano- ther was iffued, dated March 16th, commanding the abbot of i^everfham to excommunicate all perfons who had any of the goods or eftates of the convent in their polleilion ; which that abbot performed. But the excommunicated were fo powerfully (upported by the king and primate, that they treated that higheft cenfure with contempt. Honorius, the prior of Can- terbury, who had long refided at the papal court to profecute his appeals, prevailed upon pope Clement to •appoint the bifhop of Oitea his legate a latere, and lend him into England to fee his bulls executed in their Ch. 2. § 3. RELIGION. 273 their full extent. But when the legate and prior were Cent. Xlh preparing for their journey, they were both feized with, v—*~v ' and died of the plague, which then raged with great violence at Rome. A fecond legate was appointed, who died on his journey at Pavia, in December A. D. 1 1 88 - The partifans of the archbifhop were much elated by thefe events, giving out that heaven had efpoufed his caufe, and that he had wrought feveral miracles. But the imhTtible power of the pope at length prevailed, and the archbifhop after a brave flruggle of more than three year?, was obliged to de- molish all the buildings he had erected at Hackington ; and the pertinacious monks, fighting under the papal banner, obtained a complete victory over their ibve- reign and their primate (164). The hiftory of the church of Scotland in the Ecciefiafti* reign of Malcolm the Maiden and William the Lion, "lhift,or5r., u <- • , Vk r-r IT • r • of Scotia***' who were contemporaries with Henry 11* is lo im- perfectly preferved, that it doth not merit very much attention. Robert bifhop of St. Andrew's died A. D. 1159, and was fucceeded by Arnold abbot of Kelfo j who furvived only one year and ten months. Richard, one of the king's chaplains, was chofen to fucceed him". But Roger, archbifhop of York, claiming a right to perform the ceremony of the confecration, he was not confecrated till about two years after, by the bifhops of Scotland ( 165). 'I he archbifhop complained of this to the court of Rome, and was appointed the pope's legate in Scotland; againft which the Scotch clergy made very ftrong remonftrances, and at length obtained a bull from Alexander III. A. D* 1165, diverting the primate of York of his legantine authority (166). The independency of the church of Scotland, as Archbifhop well as of the kingdom, was endangered by the unfor- # Yorkdw* tunate captivity of William the Lion. In the treaty claredPri~ of peace indeed, A. D. 1174, on which that prince Scotland, obtained his liberty, it was only flipulatedj ii That *' the church of Scotland fhould yield that fubje&ion {164) Gervas, col. 1488— (165) Spottifwoode, p. 36. (t66) Id. ibid. Wilkin. Concil. t. I. p. 46X. Vol. III. T " ts a?4 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book I IK Cent. XII. " to the church of England that it had been accuf- »— -v~— -* " tomed to yield in the reigns of former kings (167)." But though by this article of the treaty, the contro- verfy between the churches of England and Scotland feemed to be left upon its former footing ; yet king William was prevailed upon, by means now unknown, to write a letter to the pope, A. D. 1175, acknow- ledging, that the church of Scotland had in former times been fubjedl to the archbiihops of York, and that the church of York had been deprived of the ex- ercife of its authority by force ; and praying his holi- nefs to reftore that church to the pofleilion of its rights. In confequence of this letter the pope iflued a bull* fubje£f.ing the church of Scotland to the pri- macy of the archbifhop of York (168). The clergy The clergy of Scotland did not tamely acquiefce of Scotland |n this decifion. For at a great council held at "fufet°ac" Northampton, A. D. 1176, by cardinal Huguzon, thTprimfcy tne P°Pe's legate, where the kings of England and ©f York. Scotland, and the chief nobility and clergy of both kingdom?, were prefent ; when the Scotch prelates were required to make their fubmiflion to the arch- bifhop of York as their primate, agreeable to the ar- ticle of the late treaty, to which they had fworn, they denied that the clergy of Scotland had ever been ac- cuftomed to pay fuch fubmiffions to that fee; and af- firmed, that they were not obliged to pay it (169). One Gilbert, a young canon of Glafgow, is faid to have gained great honour on this occafion, by his bold and eloquent defence of the immunities of the church of Scotland ; for which he was foon after made bifhop of Caithnefs and chancellor of the king- dom (170). Roger archbifhop of York fupported his pretennons with much fpirit, and no fmall evi- dence ; but by the influence of his great adverfary Richard archbifhop of Canterbury, the Scotch pre- lates were allowed to depart without making any fub- miffion (171). (167) Bketo. col. 5S4. Bfompt. col. 1104. (168) Wilkin. Concil. t. 1. p. 4S1, 48a. I169; Hovcden. Annal. p. 315. (170! l'ordi"i,p. 714. Boeth. 1. t%. p. 271. Left* us, 1. 6. (171) Hoycden. Anav.l. p. 315. The Gh. 2. § 3- RELIGION. 275 The clergy of Scotland in order to guard againft, Cent.'XIL the encroachments of their neighbour of York, foli- y~"~* cited the pope to fend a legate into their country to S*!?11,011 ^ , -if- » r t _ v -.L l- Edinburgh, determine th)S controverfy. In compliance with this * application, his holinefs difpatched cardinal Vivian, with a legantine commifTion over Scotland, Ireland, and Norway (172). When the legate arrived in Scotland, he held a council of the prelates and clergy of that kingdom in the caftle of Edinburgh, then called the Caftle of Maidens^ Auguft ift, 1 177. The canons of this council are not preferved, though we are told in, general, that it revived fome old and made fome new constitutions (173). Chriftian bifhop of Whithorn was fufpended from the exercife of the epifcopal office by this council, for refufing to come to it, and pretending that he was a fuffragan of the archbifhop of York (174). Immediately after the difmiffion of the council of Edinburgh, Vivian was recalled by the pope, on many complaints of his eva- rice and extortions from the clergy, in the feveral countries of his legation (175). Richard bi'ftiop of St. Andrew's having died A. D. Difpute* 1178, a violent dii'pute arofe about the choice of his about the fucceffor, which continued feveral years. The monks £^po£ made a hafty election, and chofe John Scot, an Eng- st. An* lifhman, their archdeacon, to be their bifhop. The drcw's. king (William the Lion), much offended at their pre- emption, fwore by the arm of St. James, that Scot fliould never enjoy that bifhopric, and commanded them to proceed to a new election, recommending Hugo, one of his chaplains, and fending Joceline bifhop of Glafgow to fuperintend their conduct. In obedience to the royal mandate, a fecond election was made, in prefence of bifhop Joceline, and Hugo was chofen. John Scot, not willing to relinquifh his right, appealed to the pope; who confirmed his election, and fent Alexius, fubdeacon of Rome, as his legate into Scotland, A. D. 1180, to fee him confecrated. Alexius met with much oppofition in the execution of his commiffion ; for which he excommunicated fome cler- (172) Brompt. col. ino. (173) Concil. Wilkin, t. i. p. 486, (174) Brompton, col. till. (17 j ) Id. ibid, Chron. de. Mailrojj p. 17 j. T 2 gymen 276 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book HI. Cent. XII. gymen of the royal party, and laid the whole bifhop- ric of St. Andrew's under an interdict. This legate held a council of the bifhops, abbots, and clergy of Scotland, 18th June A. D. 1 180, in the church of the Holy Crofs, near the caflle of Maidens, or Edinburgh, at which John Scot was confecrated bifhop of St. An- drew's, by Matthew bifhop of Aberdeen, his uncle, with great pomp, and Hugo his competitor was depo- sed (176). But it was not in the power of the papal legate to give the revenues of the fee of St. Andrew's to the new bifhop \ who, finding himfelf with only the name, without the power or poffeffions of a bifhop, and expofed to the indignation of the king and his cour- tiers, left the country, and returned to Rome to re- new his complaints; which were favourably heard (117). For Alexander III. irritated at the oppofition that had been given to his legate, excommunicated Hugo for refufing to refign his pretenfions, and to fur- render the paftoral ftaff and ring {178). The pope alfo appointed Roger archbifhop of York and Hugo bifhop of Durham his legates in Scotland, with autho- rity to excommunioate the king of Scotland, and to lay his whole kingdom under an interdict, if he refufed to admit John Scot to the peaceable enjoyment of his bifhopric. He alfo wrote to the king, acquainting him with the authority he had given to his legates, and threatening to confirm their fentences of excommuni- cation and interdict, if he did not receive bifhop Scot into his favour, within twenty days after he received that letter. William was fo far from complying with thefe papal dictates, that he banifhed bifhop Scot, Matthew bifhep of Aberdeen, ~ who had confecrated him, and all the clergy who acknowledged him for their bifhop, together with all their friends and relati- ons: on which the legates pronounced the dreaded fen- tences of excommunication and interdict ( 179)- When William king of Scotland was in Normandy, A. D. 1181, he Cent ambalfadors to Rome with the follow- ing propofals for an accommodation, — That the bifhop of Aberdeen fhould be reftored to all his pofleflions ; and that bifhop Scot fhould be allowed to return to (176) Hoveden. Annal. p. 34L ' (177) Chron. M.iiLro*, p. 174-, 175. Xl 78) Hoveden. Annal. p. 34a. (r7?) Id. ibid. Scotland, Ch. 2. § 3- R E L I G I O N. 277 Scotland, to enjoy the preferments he had before his Cent. xn. election, with a penfion of forty marks a-year, and (hould have the firft bifhopric that became vacant. But thefe propofals were rejected by the pope ( 180). How- ever, Alexander Hi. the great friend and patron of bifhop Scot, having died September 20th, A. D. 1181* and Roger archbifhop of York, his other chief pro- tector, having alfo died November 21ft, the king was encouraged to renew his negotiations for an accom- modation with the church, andfent Joceline bifhop of Glafgow, with the abbots of Melrofs and Kelfo, his ambaffadors to Rome for that purpofe. Thefe am- bafladors met with a very favourable reception from the new pope, Lucius III. and were fo fuccefsful in their negotiations, that they procured a bull, dated March 18th, A. D. 1182, removing the interdict, and abfolving the king and all his fubjects who had been excommunicated (181 ). Asa further proof of his regard, the pope fent a rofe of gold, with his be- nediction, to the king ; and appointed Rolland bifhop of Dol, and Silvanus abbot of Recval, his legates, to determine the controverfy between the two preten- ders to the fee of St. Andrews (182). The king, by. thefe legates, offered to bifhop Scot the bifhopric of Dunkeld, the chancellorfhip of the kingdom, and a peniion of forty marks, if he would refign his preten- tions to the fee of St. Andrews. Bifhop Scot agreed to accept of thefe terms, on condition that his rival Hugo alfo refigned his pretenfions. But the king be- ing either unable or unwilling to perfuade Hugo to make that resignation, the legates fummoned both the pretenders to appear before the pope (183). They accordingly appeared before his holinefs at Viletrie, A.D. 1 183, and were both commanded to refign the bifhopric of St. Andrews into the pope's hands ; with which they complied. A few days after, the pope, in a full confiftory of all the cardinals, rertored and confirmed the bifhopric of St. Andrews to Hugo, and granted the bifhopric of Dunke'.d, with every thing the king of Scotland had promifed, to bifhop Scot. Both (180) Hoveden. Annal. p. 350. (181) Id. ibid. (182) Chron. de Mailros, p. 175. Hoveden. Annal. p. 35*. Ii8j) Id. p. 253- prelates j78 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III, Cent. XII. prelates returned foon after to Scotland, and took pof- feflion of their refpective fees (184). But this vio- lent and dangerous controverfy, which feemed now to be finally terminated, was renewed not long after, and took a different turn. For bifhop Scot being much diffatisfied with the decifion of pope Lucius, and hoping for more favour from his fuccefTor Urban III. complained, that fome of his goods had not been reftored to him, according to agreement, and therefore renewed his claim to the bifhopric of St. Andrews. Urb.-So HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XII. Bifpiie between the axchbi- Jhop and the monks of Canter- bury ter- minated. Two ecuocils. quillity. With this view he held a great council of his prelates and clergy at the abbey of Pipewell in Northamptonshire, in September A. D. 1 189, in vhich he filled up all the vacant fees, by nominating Geoffrey de Lucy to that of Winchefter, Richard arch- deacon of Ely to Lincoln, William Longcbamp, his chancellor, and great favourite, to Ely, Hubert Fitz- Waiter dean of York to SaLfbury, and his own natu- ral brother Geoffrey to York. On this laU nomina- tion, Baldwin archbimop of Canterbury flood up in the council, and chimed the fole right of confecrat- ing the ehcl cf York, producing a charter of William tiie Conqueror, in fupport of that claim. No deci- fion feems to~ have been given by the council on this claim, and Baldwin appealed to the pope (1). In the month of November this year, John cardinal of Anagnia, the pope's legate, landed at Dover, with a commiificn to terminate the difpute between archbi- fhop Baldwin and the monks of his cathedral, about the buildings at fiackington. But the king, defirous 'of terminating this troublefome and violent conteft by his own authority, fent a mefiage to the legate, to re- main at Dover till he received further orders. In the mean time, Richard, with his mother queen Eleanor, and a great number of bilhoos, abbots, and priors, arrived at Canterbury, and with much difficulty made a compromise between the contending parties, which was put in writing, and Signed by the" king, queen, biihops, and abbots. This accommodation was much in favour of the monks ; for by it the prior of Chrilt's Church, who had been appointed by the archbifhop, was to be turned out, and all the magnificent build- ings at Hackington to be pulled down (2). After the departure of Richard on his expedition into the Holy Land, William Longchamp, bifhop of Ely, who was at once chief jufticiary, chancellor, and papal legate, reigned for fome time in England, with more than regal power, and lived in more than royal pomp. This haughty prelate, by virtue of his legantine commiffion, held two councils in the courfe of this year, one at Gloucester, and the other at Weft- minfter, chiefly with an intention to make an olfen- (1) Hoveden. Annal. p. 376. (a) Id. p. 377. tatious Ch. 2. §4. RELIGION. 281 tatious difplay of his own greatnefs ; for no bufi- Cent. xn. defs of importance was done at either of thefe coun- ' — v-— > nils (3). Baldwin, archbifhop of Canterbury, feized with 1191. the epidemic frenzy of the times, had taken upon him Archbifliop the crofs, at a council held at Gaitington, February Baldwm 15th, A. D. 1 188; and having fpent about three f^y Land years in preaching up the croifade, and preparing for where he his expedition, he embarked at Dover, March 25th, &es- A. D. 1 191, abandoning both the honours and duties of his important ilation (4). After fuffering many hardfhips in his voyage, he arrived in the Chriftian army at the fiege of Ptolemais, where he died, No- vember 20th, the fame year (5). The report of archbifhop Baldwin's death reaching '192. England in the beginning of March A. D. U92, the *?lfput?* difpute between the monks of Canterbury and the eledtionof bifhops of the province, about the right of election, an arch- vvhich had fo often difturbed the tranquillity of the bifliop. church of England, was- a<*ain revived. The bifhop ?:^ma4 •of London, to prevent trie monks from proceeding Bath ;s to an immediate election, went in hafte to Canterbury, elected, accompanied by an officer of the exchequer, and com- and die«« manded them to take no ftep towards fupplying the va- cancy in the archiepifcopal chair, without the confent of the king and of the bifhops of the province ; on which the monks protefted for the fecurity of their right of election, and of all their other rights (6). William Longchamp, who was both chief jufticiary and the papal legate, prefented a letter, May 25th, from the king to the convent, giving a high charac- ter of William archbifhop of Mountreale, in Sicily, and commanding them to receive him as their arch- bifhop. To this demand the monks gave the fol- lowing anfvver, in a great council at Northampton in June — " That they had no certain evidence of the u death of archbifhop Baldwin, who they hoped was *' ftill alive j and therefore they craved a delay, till *s that fact was afcertained." This was at laft granted, (3) Wilkin. Concil. 1. i. p. 493. (4) Gervas Chron. col. 1522. 1564. (5) Id. eel. 1566. (6) Id. col, 1567. Diccto, col. 666. after 282 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Booklll. Cent. XII. after very warm debates (7). In this interval the monks turned out fuch of their number as they fuf* pected of unfteadinefs, particularly their prior, Of- bern, and placed Geoffrey, the fubrprior, in his room (8). The commotions that arofe about this time, occafioned by the imprifonment of Geoffrey archbifhop of York, in the caftle of Dover, by order of William Longchamp, prevented any further pro- ceedings in the affair of Canterbury, till after the public tranquillity was in fome degree reftored by the flight of Longchamp out of the kingdom (9). On this event prince John, and Walter archbifhop of Rouen, who had then the chief direction of affairs, held a council at London about the end of October ; in which the monks of Canterbury, being required to give their confent to the election of the archbifhop of Mountreale, returned this artful anfwer, — *' That ** they could not in confeience give their confent at " prefent to the election of the perfon propofed, until u they were better acquainted with his character, and " until they had afked counfel of the Lord, and felt *c the divine direction upon their minds." The arch- bifhop of Rouen, who fecretly afpired to the primacy of England, was well pleafed with this anfwer, granted a month's delay, and pjoufly exhorted the monks to pray heartily during all that time for the direction of Heaven (10). Another council was accordingly cal- led at Canterbury, November 28th, for the election of an archbifhop. The monks having formed their plan beforehand, as foon as the council met, Geof- frey their prior flood up, and declared, in their name, that they chofe, by the direction of the Holy Trinity, Reginald bifhop of Bath to be their archbifhop ; and at the fame time took that bifhop by the hand, con- ducted him into the cathedral, and placed him in the archiepifcopal throne. On this (fays the contempo- rary hiftorian) the archbifhop of Rouen turned pale, and fell a trembling, feeing all his hopes blafted(n). .But Reginald did not long enjoy his new and unex- (7) Gervas, col. 1159. (8) Id. col. Ii6cv (9) See chap. 1. (10) Gervai , col. CJ78. in) Id. col. ij8o. pected Ch. 2. § 4. RELIGION. 283 pefted dignity : for he fell fick foon after his ele&ion, Cent. XII. and died December 26th, A. D. 1192. "- — y — -' The news of king Richard's captivity reaching 1193. England in the beginning of this year, threw the Hubert whole kingdom into fo much confufion, that no freps ga^p were taken for fome time for fupplying this new va- chofen pri- cancy in the fee of Canterbury. But the king him- mate* felf, being fenfible that an able and zealous friend in that important ftation might contribute not a little to raife his ranfom and procure his liberty, wrote a let- ter from his prifon to his mother queen Eleanor and his minifters, earneftly intreating them to procure the advancement of Hubert Fitz-Walter biftiop of Salif- bury (who had been with him in the Holy Land, and was lately returned into England) to the primacy. Thefe minifters managed this matter with fo much dexterity, that Hubert was unanimoufly elected arch- bifhop by the monks of Canterbury, iVlay 29th, A. D. 1 193, and as unanimoufly approyed by the bifiiops of the province the day after (12). The long and violent contefts of Geoffrey, arch- 1194, &c. bifhop of York, with his brother king Richard, — Archbiftiop with the arehbiihop of Canterbury, — and with the ?*7 ^& clergy of his own cathedral, feem to have been the j?h" pope effects of clerical pride and paffion ; but though they occafioned much difquiet and confufion in thofe times, they are hardly worthy of a place in hiftory (13). It may only be proper to obferve, that the archbilhop of Canterbury, having obtained a legantine commiffion from the pope, dated March 18th, A. D. 1 195, made a progrefs into the north, and held a fynod of the clergy of the province of York in the cathedral of that city, in which he made feveral canons, and eftab- lifhed his own authority, which was the chief objeel of his journey (14). boon after this the enemies of the archhimop of York became fo numerous and pow- erful, that they prevailed againft hirn at the court of Rome ; and he was fufpended from his offices and be- nefices by pope Celeftine. The pretence for this (ia) Gervas, col. 1583. (13) Hoveden. Annal. p. 417. Gervafii Chron. col. 1584. (14) Hoveden. Annal. 430. fevere 2g4 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XII. fevere cenfure was, that he neglected the duties of his *— —v— »J facred function, and fpent his time in hunting and hawking; but the real reafon of it feems to have been, that he was an enemy to vexatious appeals to Rome, and endeavoured to prevent them (15). U96. Both the king and the bifhbps of the province of pifputcs Canterbury had long been very much offended at the between monks of that cathedral, for the exclufive right that £-£arc "a they claimed, and the great influence that they had bilhopand /. .., in- c ■, ^ t -n rJ, ,. the monks obtained, in the ejection or the archbilnops. lodi- of Canter- minifh that influence, the late archbifhop had attempt- bury about e(j to eftablifh a fociety of fecular canons at Hacking* erection of ton near ^antel'bury > and though he had been fhame- a church fully baffled in that attempt, his fucceflbr, the prefent at Lam- archbifhop Hubert, formed the deiign of eftabiifhing beth. a fimilar fociety at Lambeth, near London, hoping that the diftance of the place from Canterbury would prevent any oppofition. But in this he was miflakcn. Nothing could efcape the vigilance of the fufpicious monks, who immediately took the alarm, and com- menced a moft violent oppofition. Both the king and the archbifhop took all poffible pains to allay their fears, and gain their confent. In order to this they propofed, — that every canon of Lambeth, before his admiffion into his office, mould go down to Canter- bury, and take a folemn oath at the high altar of the cathedral ; — that he would never claim a vote in the election of an archbifhop, — that he would never con- fent to the removing of the fee of Canterbury, or the * reliques of St. Thomas, from that city ; — and, in a word, that he would never do any thing to the preju- dice of the ancient rights of the church of Canter^ bury. But nothing would fatisfy the monks, who in- ilantly lent two of their number to Rome ; where they met with a moft favourable reception, and foon returned with a bull from pope Innocent III. dated April 25th, A. D. 1 197, directed to the archbifhop at Canteibury, and commanding that prelate, in the molt imperious ftrain, to demolifh all the buildings he had erected at Lambeth, within thirty days, under the penalty of being fufoended from his office: " For ** it is not fit (fays this infolent pontiff in his bull) {15) Hovtdcn. Armal. p. 433. " that Ch. 2. § 4. RELIGION. 285 " that any man fhould have any authority, who doth Cent. XII. " not revere and obey the apoftolic fee (16). The archbifhop was greatly fhocked and perplexed when he received this bull, and employed every method he could invent to gain the confent of the monks to a £hort delay of its execution. The king was ftill more enraged at the conduct of the monks, in applying to Rome without his knowledge ; and in a letter he threatened them with his higheft indignation, and the confiscation of all their pofleffions, if they infifted on the execution of the papal bull. But the monks were quite inflexible; and knowing themfelves to be fecure under the protection of the Roman pontiff, they de- fpifed all the threats of their fovereign and the perfua- fions of their primate. On this all their pofleffions and treafures were feized by the king's officers. The archbifhop immediately difpatched agents to Rome, farnifhed with large fums of money, and charged with letters in his favour from all his luffragans. Thefe agents were admitted to an audience of the pope and cardinals, October 24th, A. D. 1197; prefented the letters of the archbifhop and of his fuffragans ; and pleaded their caufe with great ability : and, the day after, the monks of Canterbury made their reply. The caufe being thus heard, the pope confirmed his former fentence againft the archbifhop ; which he in- timated to him by a bull, dated November 20th, threatening him with the higheft cenfures of the church, if he did not immediately demolifh the works at Lambeth. At the fame time he directed another bull to the king, commanding him in a magifterial tone to fee the fentence of the apoftolic fee executed ; and telling him, that if he prefumed to oppofe its execu- tion, he would foon convince him, by the feverity of his punifhment, how hard it was to kick againft the pricks. The pope fent alio another bull to the king, written, if poffible, in a ftill higher ftrain, command- ing him immediately to reftore all their pofTeifions to the monks of Canterbury : u for he would not endure " the leaft contempt of himfelf, or of God, whole " place he held on earth ; but would punifh, without " delay, and without refpect of perfons, every one (16) GervasChron. col. 160a, <3cc. " who 286 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. xii. " who prefumed to difobey his commands, in order to v— v— «— ' « convince the whole wOrld, that he Was determined ** to aft in a royal manner (17)." To fuch an into- lerable height of impiety and arrogance had this au- dacious prieft arrived ! When thefe bulls were deli- vered to the king and the archbifhop, they were ter- rified (fays a contemporary hiftorian) at the thunders of the church ; and being convinced of the danger and vanity of refinance, they determined to obey (18). Thus did the pertinacious monks obtain a complete victory over their king and primary and had the fatif- fa£tion of feeing the obnoxious buildings at Lambeth pulled down to the very foundation in the months of January and February A. D. 1199, a little before the death of king Richard. A. D.1200. If pope Innocent III. a&ed in a manner fo imperi- Thepope ous towards the lion-hearted Richard, we need not be beftows the furpr;fetj to £n(j nim domineering with ftill greater in- tftVfeea£° ^°Ience over his indolent pufillanimous fucceflbr, king St. David's John. Of his intention to do this, he gave an early on Giraldus indication, by bellowing, in the very beginning of Cambren- tnjs reign, the revenues of the vacant fee of St. David's, which unqueftionably belonged to the king, on the famous Girald Bary (commonly called Giraldus Cambrenfn (19)- This wanton invaiion of the rights of the crown was the more provoking, that Girald, on whom thefe revenues were beftowed, was one of the king's moft open and inveterate enemies, to which the pope was no it ranger. tnw.~^ Notwithftandino; all the calamities that the Chrif- l he pope . 1 1 • 1 • impofes a tian world in general, and the king and kingdom of tax on all Lngland in particular, had furFered by the late unfor- the clergy tu/iate expedition into the Holy Land, pope Innocent church for was not amamed to ^et another croifade on foot, and acroifade. tnat in a manner fuited to his imperious character and high pretenfions. He iiTued a bull, dated December 27th, A. D. 1 199, directed to all the prelates of the Chriftian church, commanding them, and all their clergy, by the authority of the apoftolic fee, — of al- mighty God, — and of the Holy Ghoft, and under the (17) Gervas Chron. col. 1616 — 1624. (18) Id. ibid. (19) Anglia §acra, t. a. p. $12. penalty Ch. 2. § 4- RELIGION. 287 penalty of eternal damnation, to pay the fortieth part Cent.XH. of all their revenues, for defraying the expence of this *■— — y—"-J expedition, which was to be commanded by two car- dinals named by the pope* The bull contains many directions about the manner of levying this tax upon the clergy, and of collecting the voluntary contribu- tions of the laity, which are all expreffed in the lan- guage of fupreme authority (20). This was the firft attempt to impofe a tax on the clergy of all nations, by the authority of the pope, as fovereign of the church j which ought to have excited univerfal indig- nation. But thofe dark unhappy times were the pro- per feafon for fuch daring ufurpations on the rights of mankind. It was probably to carry this bull into ex- ecution, that Hubert archbifhop of Canterbury held a council of the clergy at Weftminfter, A. D. 1200, in fpite of the prohibition of Geoffrey Fitz-Peter, earl of Eflex, and high judiciary of England (21). This much we know however with certainty, that this pa- pal tax was collected in England, and the money arif- ing from it was carried to Rome by Philip, a notary of that church. " But (fays a contemporary hifto- " rian) it will never be applied to the purpofe for " which it was raifed, unlefs the Romans have* ** changed their nature, and relinquifhed their innate " rapacity (22)." King John was fo far from re- fenting this intolerable infult upon the rights of his crown and independency of his kingdom, by a foreign power impofmg a tax on his fubjects without his con- lent, that he voluntarily granted the fortieth part of his own revenues to the pope, and exhorted his barons to imitate his example (23) : a demonftration that this Weak prince did not underffand the prerogatives of his crown, or that he had not the wifdom and fortitude to defend them. At the fame time that the pope impofed this tax Cent. XIII. on the clergy for defraying the expence of his in- 1*01, to tended crcifade, he fent his emifTaries into all coun- l2°£-'d tries, and particularly into England, to exhort the laity to take thecrofs. The molt remarkable of thefe (20) Hoveden. Annal. p. 455. (zi) Id. p. 457. (aa) Diceto, apud X Script, col. 707. (13) Hoveden, Annal. p. 471. emiifaries 288 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XIII. emtflaries was Euftachius abbot of Flay in Normandy, ^—~v~~^ who pretended to work many miracles, and to have received a letter from heaven, written by the hand of God, in which he threatened to rain flicks and ftones, and boiling water, on all who frequented fairs and markets on Sunday (24). The declamations of this enthufiaft produced great effects. The Sundays fairs and markets were for fome time deferted, and multi- tudes of all ranks crowded to take the crofs, which he warmly recommended. Whan thefe deluded people had leifure to ceflec~r. on what they had done, they re- pented of their rafhnefs, and would gladly have de- clined embarking in fo diftant and dangerous an expe- dition. But they foon found that there was no trifling with the court of Rome. For the pope no fooner heard of this backwardnefs, than he ilTued a thunder- ing bull, dated May 5th, A. D. 1201, directed to the archbifhops and bimops of England, commanding them to excommunicate by name, and with all pof- fible folemnity, every perfon who had taken the crofs,. and refufed or delayed to fulfil his engagements (25). This obliged all who had been fo imprudent as to take the. crofs, to go upon this croifade, or to purchafe a diipenfation, which was not eahly obtained. It may not be improper to take notice, that the great army that was railed on this occalion by the authority of the pope, and conducted by his counfels, was not em- ployed in refcuing the Holy Land from the hands of infidels, but in dethroning the Christian emperor of Confiantinople in order to fubject that empire to the fee of Rome (26). tios. Few events were more to be dreaded by a king of Death of England ir. this period, than a vacancy in the fee of ifa^t op Canterbury, which was commonly productive of a violent conteft at home, and a no lefs violent conflict with the court of Rome. But no vacancy in that fee had ever been attended with fuch fatal coniequences as that which happened at this time on the death of arch- bifhop Hubert, July 18th, A. D. 1205 (27). Thefc (24) Hoveden. Annal. p. 457. (15) Id. p. 466. (26) Bzovii Continuat. B::ron. Annal. aim. 1202, 1203, 1204. Owld&ft. Conflit. Iraper. t. 3. p. 369. (27) Gervas, col. 1683. confequences arc Hubert Ch. 2. §4. RELIGION. 289 confequences were indeed fo lingular and important Cent.xm. that they merit a very diftinct coniideration. v * — > The monks of the cathedral of Canterbury had long Two arch- claimed an exclufive right to elect their archbifhops ; Yl^i but this right had always been difputed by the kings of e e e England and the prelates of the province. On this occafion the monks determined to exclude their com- petitors from any fhare in the election, by making a fecret and fudden choice, before the vacancy could be generally known. As foon therefore as they heard of Hubert, they held a chapter in the night-time, and chofe their own fub-prior Reginald to be archbifhop, and placed him in the archiepifcopal throne. At the fame time they obliged Reginald to take an oath, that he would not publilh the election without the confent of the convent, and fenthim away next morning, with fome of their own number, to Rome, to obtain the approbation of the pope. This fcheme was well con- trived ; and would probably have been crowned with fuccefs, if the vanity of Reginald had not got the better of his prudence, and even of the obligation of his oath. For he nofooner arrived in Flanders, than he afiumed the ftate of the archbifhop elect of Canter- bury, and (hewed the letters of his election to feveral perfons. The news of this foon reached England, and occafioned no little noife. The monks were fo much offended at the mifconduct of their elect, that they determined to abandon him, in order to make their peace with the king, to afk his leave to proceed to the election of an archbifhop, and to obtain it they fecretly agreed to chufe John de Gray bifhop of Nor- wich. As foon as thefe agents returned to Canter- bury with the king's licence, a chapter was held, and John de Gray was unanimoufly chofen archbifhop; and, on his arrival, was folemnly enthroned in the prefence of the king, who immediately put him in pof- feflion of the temporalities of the fee. That nothing might be wanting to render this election valid, fome of the monks were difpatched to Rome to procure the approbation of the pope (28). (28) M. Paris, p. 148, 149. Vol. III. U plexjsd ig0 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book IIL Cent. Xilt. But this affair, which was already fufficientlyembar- v_— . v~^ raffed' by a double election, became now more per- 1106. plexed by the appearance of a third party. The Bifhops of ]ji{hops of the province, who had always claimed a lpp5otonCe Aare in the eleaion ot their metropolitan, had been Rome, and quite neglected in the late elections. They therefore thepopede- fent their agents to Rome to complain of this neglect, tei;n"n" a" and toproteft againft. both elections, as invalid on that gam era*nCCOunt. Nothing could be more agreeable to the couitof Rome, than the appearance of fo many par- ties, and fo many claihing claims. Great fums of money were expended, and a whole year was employed in pleadings, audiences, hearing witnelTes, and ex- amining records. • At length, when one part of this great controverfy was ripe for decifion, the pope if- iued a bull, dated December 2 1 ft, A. D. 1206, de- claring, that from thenceforward the fuffragans of the province of Canterbury fhould not pretend to any fhare in the election of their metropolitan, nor difturb the monks of the cathedral in" the enjoyment of their exclufive right to chufe their archbifhop (29). The pope, after having thus determined the difpute The pope between the bifhops and the monks, proceeded to ex- vacatesboth amine the great controverfy between the two arch- eledhon*. bifhops-eiect. The agents of both parties fupported their refpective claims with great eagernefs and obfti- nacy. When more than a year had been fpent in pleading? and inveftigations on this fubject, his holi- nefs pronounced a definitive fentence, declaring both the election of the fub-prior and of the bifhop of Nor- wich to be irregular and uncanonical, and decreeing that neither of thefe perfons fnould be capable of being chofen archbifhop of Canterbury (30). The Jaft part of this fentence was intended to exclude the bifliop of Norwich, the king's favourite, who, in cafe of a new election, would infallibly have been chofen. 1?°7- The archbifhopric being thus declared vacant, the Lane-ton P°Pe Degan to unfo^ ms fcheme, which it is probable choiui he had formed long before, of filling it with a creature (49) M. Pans, p. 149, 150. (30) Id. 15J. Of Ch.2.§4- RELIGION. 291 of his own, without fo much as confulting the king Cent. XIII. of England. In order to this, he commanded the * -*'——' monks of Canterbury, who were then at Rome, im- "^jjjj,0^ mediately to proceed to the election of an archbifhop, afew and at the fame time commanded them to chufe cardi- monks. nal Stephen Langton. The monks objected, that they could not do this without the confent of their convent ; but the pope haftily replied, that his autho- rity fupplied all defects. The monks, fourteen in number, who had been agents for the biihop of Nor- wich, laboured under another and frill greater difficul- ty. Before they left England, they had folemnly fworn to the king (who dreaded that they might be corrupted at the court of Rome), that they would never acknow- ledge any perfon but the bifhop of Norwich for arch- bifhop of Canterbury. But the plenitude of papal power foon removed this obftacle. His holinefs ab- solved them from the obligation of their oaths, and commanded them immediately to proceed to an elec- tion, under the penalty of the higheft cenfures of the church. With this they all complied, except Elias de Brentfield. Stephen Langton was chofen arch- bifhop of Canterbury by a few monks at Rome, and confecrated by the pope himfelf at Viterbo, June 27th, A. D. 1207 (31). Innocent was not ignorant that this unprecedented John'slctter tranfaction would roufe the indignation of the king of to th«P°Pe» England, and therefore he endeavoured beforehand to pope'san- footh the mind of that prince. With this view he fwer. fent him four rings of gold, fet with four different kinds of precious ftones, accompanied with a flattering letter, which contained an illuftration of the myfteries reprefented by thefe rings. King John, who was equally fond of trinkets and of flattery, expreffed much fatisfaction with this papal prefent. But this fatis- faction was of fhort duration. For a few days after the bull arrived, intimating the election and confecra- tion of cardinal Langton j which threw him into a (31) M. Parii, p, I jr. U 2 meft 292 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. fiooklll. Cent. XIII. moft violent rage, both againft the pope and the V""~"V*~' monks of Canterbury. As thefe laft were moft with- in his reach, they felt the firft effects of his indigna- tion. Two officers, Fulk de Cantalou and Henry de Cornhille, with a company of armed men, were fent to Canterbury, who took poffeilion of the convent of the Holy Trinity, baniflied the monks out of the kingdom, and feized all their eftates. King John then wrote a fpirited and angry letter to the pope, in which he accufed him of injuftice and prefumption, in raifing a ftranger to the higheft dignity in his king- dom, without his knowledge. He reproached the pope and court of Rome with ingratitude, in not re- membering that they derived more riches from Eng- land than from all the kingdoms on this fide the Alps. He allured him that he was determined to facrifice his life in defence of the rights of his crown ; and that if his holinefs did not immediately repair the injury he had done him, he would break off all communica- tion with Rome (32). Though this letter was writ- ten in a {train very becoming a king of England, it was very mocking to the pride of the haughty pontiff, who had been long accuftomed to trample on the ma- jefty of kings. Innocent immediately returned a long anfwer ; in which, after many expreffions of dif- pleafure and refentment, he tells the king plainly, that if he perfifted in this difpute, he would plunge him- felf into inextricable difficulties, and would at length be cruihed by him, before whom every knee muft bow, of things in heaven, and things on earth, and things under the earth (33). ito8. Thefe two letters might be confidered as a formal The pope declaration of war between the pope and the king of iandund'-r England. But the conteft was very unequal. For an inter did. the former had now attained that extravagant height of power which made the greateft monarchs tremble upon their thrones, and the latter had funk very low both in his reputation and authority, having before this time loft his foreign dominions by his indolence, and the efteem and affection of his fubjec"ts at home by (3a) M. Paris, p. 156. (33) Id. p. 157. his Ch.2.§4» RELIGION. 293 his crimes and follies. Innocent was not ignorant of Cent. XIII. the advantage he pofTefled ; and therefore, without v— -v"-— ' delay, he laid all the dominions of king John under an interdict ; and this fentence was publifhed in Eng- land, at the pope's command, March 23d, A. L>. 1208, by the bifhops of London, Ely, and Worcef- ter, though the king endeavoured to deter them from it by the moff, dreadful threats. From that time the churches were fhut up, and the clergy refrained from performing any of the duties of their function, except hearing confeflions, baptizing infants, and adminif- tering the viaticum. The king was fo much enraged againfl the clergy for obeying the interdict, that he commanded his TherifFs to feize all their lands and re- venues in their feveral counties, and withdrew from them the protection of the laws, by which they were expofed to injuries of all kinds. To avoid thefe in- juries fome fled into foreign parts, others confined themfelves within the precincts of their churches, and the whole kingdom was a fcene of confufion and difrnay(34). when this interdict had continued about two years, 1*09- the pope proceeded a ftep further, and pronounced the poPe j 1 , r <• • • •' n 'i • excommu- oreaded fentence or excommunication againlt kingnjcates^;ny John, which he commanded the biihops of London, John Ely, and Worceiter, his molt obfequious tools, to publifh in England. Thefe prelates, who refided on the continent, fent copies of the fentence, and of the pope's commands, to publifh it in their churches, to the bifhops and clergy who remained in England. Butfuch was their dread of the royal indignation, that none of them had the courage to execute thefe com- mands. The fentence however did not remain a fe- cret ; but 'became the fubject of converfation in all companies. Even Geoffrey archdeacon of Norwich, one of the king's judges, when fitting on the bench in the exchequer at Weftminfter, declared to the other judges, that the king was excommunicated, and that he did not think it lawful for him to act any longer in (34) M- Faris, p, ,jg. Hen. Knyghton, spud X Script, col. his 294 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Booklll. Cent. XII. his name. But for this declaration he was thrown into **— -v— — prifon, where he foon after died (35). 1 an. In the mean time the pope was much enraged at the TheEng- loyalty of the Knglifh laity to their prince; and, in lifh laity orc|er to (hake it, he fen t them feveral letters full of 3 cilicrc to king John, threats and promifes (36). But thefe letters produced little or no efFecl: : for the great barons and their fol- lowers adhered with fo much fteadinefs to the king, that while he lay under the fentence of excommuni- cation, he executed the only two fuccefsful expediti- ons of his reign, the one into Wales, and the other into Ireland (37). This gives us reafon to believe, that if John had continued to a£r. with firmnefs, and had fecured the afTeclions of his own fubjecls, by a juft and mild adminiftration, he would have triumphed over all the arts of Rome, and delivered himfelf and his country from their ignominious fubjcdlion to a foreign prieft. infblent In the courfe of this year fome fecret overtures had behaviour been made for an accommodation of this famous con- f * eP^Pa troverfy ; and in confequence of thefe overtures, the pope fent two legates, Pandulph and Durand, into England. Thefe legates were admitted to an audi- ence in a parliament held at Northampton ; when a raoft violent altercation enfued between them and the king. In this altercation Pandulph was not afraid to tell the king, in the face of his parliament, that he was bound to obey the pope in temporals as well as fpiritu- als : and when John refufed to fubmit to the will of his holinefs without referve, the audacious legate pub- limed the fentence of excommunication againfr. him with a loud voice, abfolved all his fubjects from their oaths of allegiance, degraded him from his royal dig- nity, and declared that neither he nor any of his pos- terity ihould ever reign in England (38). This was certainly carrying clerical infolence to the moft extra- vagant height. But in thofe unhappy times the mean- eic agents of the pope infulted the greateft princes with, impunity. x. 1 [35) M. Paris, p. 159. (a6) Innoccn. Epift. lib. 10. Ep. 159, 160. (37) M. Paris, p. 160. (38) Annal. Monait. Burton, apud Rcrum Anglican. Script, p. 165, 166. After Ch. 2. § 4. RELIGION. 295 After the return of the legates to Rome, and their Cent. xij. report of the obftinacy of the king of England, the * — v — J pope proceeded to more violent meafures. He pro- _,12,12* nounced, with great folemnity, a fentence of depofi- depots tion againft king John, and of excommunication king John againft all who mould obey him, or have any con- ?nd excom- nections with him (39). When thefe fen fences were "^^^ known in England, they began to excite the fuperfti- nered lo tious fears of too many of the barons ; who were, at him. the fame time, much diflatisfied with their prince, for his imprudent, illegal, and oppreflive government. Of this fecret disaffection of his barons, John re- ceived intimations from the king of Scotland, from his own natural daughter the princefs of Wales, and from other quarters, which alarmed him not a little, and began to ftagger his refolutions (40). About the fame time one Peter the Hermit, a mad enthufiaft, went up and down preaching with great vehemence againft John for his difobedience to the pope, and prophefying that he would not be king of England on next Afcenfion day : " and his declarations (fays a " contemporary hiftorian) were as firmly believed by " all who heard him, as if it had been a voice from w heaven (41)." The pope, in order to render his fentence of depo- 1313. fition againft king John effectual, appointed the kingTheP.°Pc c r* • • 1 • r 1 1 • commits or r ranee to put it in execution, and promiied him the execu. the pardon of all his fins, and the kingdom of Eng- tion of his land for his reward. This was a temptation which fentence to that prince had neither wifdom nor virtue to refill. thekmSof Blinded by his ambition, he became the tool of the wj10 pre, court of Rome, in deftroying the common rights of pares to princes, which he ought to have fupported with all his invade power. Philip now became the champion of the EnSland* church, raifed a mighty army, and collected a great fleet, in order to invade England, and take polleilion of that kingdom in confequence of the papal grant ; not reflecting that he thereby acknowledged the right of the pope to difpofe of crowns and kingdoms at his pleafure (42). (39) M. Parit, p. 161. (40) Id. ibid. {¥.) Id.p. 161. (42) Id. p. 163. King 2^6 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XIII. King John bad good intelligence of all thefe tranf- ' v ' actions on the continent, and made the moft vigorous King of preparations for his own defence. But all thefe pre- ]• e & tori- parations on both fides ferved only to promote the linquifhhis purpofes of the court of Rome. For as foon as John cnterpr-ife. was fufficiently intimidated by his dread of the French army, and his fufpicions of his own fubjects, to in- duce him to make an ignominious furrender of his crown and kingdom to the pope, Philip was obliged to abandon his enterprife againft England, to avoid the thunders of the church, the dreadful effects of which he had before his eyes. The pope In confequence of the unlimited fubmifllon of king "heinte8 ft J°^n to t^le w'*' oi l^e P°Pe> Stephen Langton, whofe pf his tools, promotion had been the caufe of the late fatal conteft, came over to England, took pofTeflion of his fee, and foon after abfolved the king from the fentence of ex- communication (43). At the fame time the bifhops of London, Ely, Lincoln, and Hereford, with all the other clergy and laity who had been banifhed in the courfe of this quarrel, returned, with high expecta- tions of receiving the moft ample fatisfaction for all the damages they had fuftained, and of having a con- fiderable (hare in the management of affairs. But thefe expectations were not fully anfwered ; and they foon began to complain, that when the pope had gained his own ends, he became unmindful of the in- terefts of his friends. Nor were thefe complaints without foundation. For about Michaelmas this year Nicholas bifhop of Tufculum arrived in England as the pope's legate, and regulated all ecclefiaftical affairs in the moft arbitrary manner, without confulting with the primate or any of the clergy. The archbifhop, and thofe who had been fufferets in the papal caufe in the late quarrel, were fo far from receiving that ample and immediate fatisfaction for their damages, which had been ftipulated, and they expected, that they were put off from time to time, under various pretences, with the confent of the legate. In beftowing vacant benefices, he paid no regard to the pretenfions of the (43) Epifl. Innocent, p. 8:17. M. Paris, p. 166. papal Ch. 2. § 4. RELIGION. 297 papal party, but preferred only his own creatures, or Cent. xni. thofe recommended by the king (44). V — v—— ' The archbifhop of Canterbury, greatly chagrined iai4. at the new councils of the court of Rome, and at the The clergy conduct of its legate, held a provincial fynod of his of England fufFragans and clergy at Dunftable, about the middle thepope of January A. D. 1214. At this fynod the moft loud againft his and vehement complaints were made againft the le- legate. gate, for his partiality to the king, and his discou- ragement of thofe of the clergy who had adhered to the court of Rome in the late conteft. After long debates, it was agreed to fend a deputation of two clergymen to the legate, who was then at Burton upon Trent, to intimate to him, that the archbifhop had appealed to the pope againft his proceedings, and to inhibit him from granting inftitution to any more pre- lates or priefts within the province of Canterbury. To this intimation the legate paid no further regard, than by fending the famous Pandulph to Rome, to defend his conduit againft any who might appear there to ac- cufe him (45). Though king John had been abfolved from the fen- Tkcinter- tence of excommunication foon after his agreement d^ ta5t€* with the pope, the interdict upon the kingdom was ° ' continued, till it fhould be feen how he would adhere to that agreement. But the king having now en- tirely gained the heart of the pope, by renewing his fubmiffion, and by fending him a great furn of mo- ney, his holinefs gave a commiftion to his legate to remove the interdict. This was accordingly taken off, with great folemnity, in the cathedral of St. Paul's London, June 29th, A. D. 1214, after it had continued fix years three months and fourteen days (46). The archbifhop and monks of Canterbury, with the The Me- bifhops of London, Hereford, Ely, Lincoln, and riorclergy, Bath, who had been the greateft fufferers in the late ™j\° hac! a conteft, obtained at different times twenty-feven thou- thehte"* fand pounds in reparation of the damages they had troubles, fuftained. But the reft of the fufferers in that caufe, obtain no redrefs. (44) M. Paris, p. 171, 173, (45) Id. p. 17a. U6) Id. p. 173. confiftine zg$ HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. xiii. confiding of an innumerable multitude of abbots, *— — v~ — ' priors, templars, hofpitallers, abbefles, monks, nuns, fecular clerks, and laymen, when they applied to the legate about the reparation of their damages, were told, that he had received no directions from the pope about that matter : and this feems to have been all the reparation they ever received (47). Simon Langton, brother to the arehbifhop of Canterbury, who appeared at Rome to profecute the appeal of his brother and his clergy againft the legate, had no greater fuccefs. For Pandulph, who was agent for the legate, having painted king John in the moft amiable colours, as a moft pious, juft, and humble prince, and reprefented the primate and his clergy as exceffively rigid and co- vetous in their demands of reftitution, and enemies to the juft prerogatives of the king, they were dif- mifled without any redrefs : a treatment which fliey had merited for efpoufing the caufe of Rome againft their king and country, but which they had no rea- fon to expect from that court wbofe caufe they had efpoufed. A D izii *n tne ^amous conteft tnat raged at this time between The pope king John and his barons about the great charter of their liberties, the pope fupported the party of his new vaflal with great warmth, and was not fparing of his fpiritual thunders againft the barons and their favou- rers. In particular, he was fo much difpleafed with the political conduct of his own creature the areh- bifhop of Canterbury, that he laid him under a fentence of fufpenfion ; and reverfed the election of his brother Simon Lanoton, who had been chofen arehbifhop of York(48). Innocent III. being now in the zenith of his power, aflembled a general council in the church of St. Savi- our de Lateran at Rome, in November this year, at which were prefent no fewer than four hundred and twelve bifhops, befidcs an incredible number of ab- bots, priors, and inferior clergy. His intention in; calling this council doth not feem to have been to talce' the advice of its members in the affairs of the church. fufpends the pii mate. General council a Rome. (47) M. Paris, p. 174. (48) Id. p. i\ but Ch. 2. § 4. RELIGION. 29g but to make an oftentatious difplay of his own great- Cent. xur. nefs and fupreme authority. For the feventy canons '— — 'y— -J decreed in this council had been prepared before, were read in the council, and pafled without any delibera- tion or debate ; though fome things in them appeared very intolerable to many of the members (49). In the confeffion of faith contained in the firft canon, the new doctrine of tranfubftantiation is inferted in thefe ftrong terms : " The body and blood of Chrift are con- " tained really in the facrament of the altar under " the fpecies of bread and wine ; the bread being C{ tranfubftantiated into the body of Jefus Chrift, and " the wine into his blood, by the power of God." For this wonderful tranfubftantiation, the following curious reafon is afligned : — " That we might re- " ceive of Chrift's nature, what he had received of " burs (50)." The third canon commands kings and princes to extirpate all heretics in their territories, under the penalty of being excommunicated, and de- prived of their dominions ; which gave occafion to the moft horrid fcenes of cruelty and bloodfhed. Thefe, and feveral other canons in the fame collec- tion, fufficiently ihew the darknefs of this period, and the great incroachments the court of Rome had made on the civil and religious rights of mankind. The many fatal changes that were made both in the civil and ecclefiaftical polity of England by the in- croachments of that ambitious court, will be men- tioned in their proper places in the third chapter of this book. After the termination of the long and violent dif- EcclefiaftU pute between John Scot and bifliop Hugh about the calhiftojy fee of St. Andrews, the church of Scotland feems to Qi Scoda^ have enjoyed a long period of profound tranquillity, which affords very few materials for hiftory. King William the Lion, to put an end to the pretenfions of the archbimops of York to the primacy of Scotland, which had been the occafion of many contefts, ob- tained a bull from pope Celeftine III. dated March, (49) M. Paris, p. 184. Du Pin, Ecckf, Hilt, cent, 13. c. 6. {So) Id. ibid. 17^ 3oo HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cent. XIII. 17th, A. D. 1192, declaring, That the church of '~—-v~*~> Scotland was immediately fubject to the fee of Rome, without the intervention of any other ; — that none but the pope or his legate a latere had a right to lay that kingdom under an interdict ; — that none but a •Scotch prelate, or one fent directly from Rome, ihould be, capable of the legantine authority in Scotland; — and that all controverfies that could not be finally de- termined within that kingdom, fhould be brought im- mediately before the pope (51). Innocent III. the fucceffor of Celeftine, fent John, cardinal of St. Stephen de Monte Ccelia, as his legate, into Scotland and Ireland ; who held a national council at Perth, A. D. 1 20 1, for making canons, and reforming the manners of the clergy. The canons of this council are all loft, except one, which commanded the Sab- bath to be kept from Saturday at twelve o'clock noon, to Monday morning (52). King William was pre- fect at this council, with all the nobility, as well as the prelates and principal clergy of his kingdom.; who, at the king's defire, took an oath of fealty tp his fon prince Alexander (who was then only three years of age) as his fucceffor (53). . Several ecclefi- aftical con;; verfies were alfo determined at this coun- cil, particularly one between the bifhops of St. Andrews and Glafgow, and the abbot and monks of Kdfo(S4). National Roger bifhop of St. Andrews died at Cambufken- rouncilat neth, A. D.. 1202; and was fucceeded in that fee by Pwtlj, William Malvoiiin, bifhop of Glafgow; who go- v'erned it nolefs than thirty-five years, with great wif- dom and felicity. That prelate, in conjunction with Walter bifliop of Glafgow, received a legantine com- niiffion from Innocent III. and in virtue of that com- miffion, with the confent of the king, they held a na- tional council at Perth A. D. 12.11. The defign of that council was to promote a croifade for the reco- very of the Holy Land ; and by the exhortations of thefe prelates, and of the reft of the clergy, great multitudes of the common people, but very few of the (Si) Wilkin. Council, t.i. p. 495. (5-2) Id. Void. Bocth. Hift. Scot. I. 13. p. 277. \ 3) id. ibid. (54) Wilkin. Council. 1. 1, p. J09. nobility, Ch.2.§4- RELIGIO N. Sor nobility, took the crofs (55). The backwardnefs ofcent. XHT. the Scotch nobility to embark in this croifade, was < v~***J probably owing to the deplorable fate of five hundred of their countrymen, moftly noblemen and gentlemen, who accompanied king Richard in his expedition into the Eaft, under the conduct of earl David, brother to William the Lion, who all perifhed, except their leader, who returned, after having fuffered the moll in- credible hardfhips for the fpace of four years (56). Brice Douglas bifhop of Moray fixed the feat of his Scat of the fee, A. D. 1212 (which before had been unfettled), fee of Mo- at the church of the Holy Trinity of Spyny, which he *ay"£edal declared a cathedral, and in which he conftituted a chapter, confifting of eight canons refidentiary, in imi- tation of the chapter of Lincoln (57). William bifhop of St. Andrews, Walter bifhop of Scotch W- Glafgow, and Brice bifhop of Moray, with Henry ab- fll0Ps a»cnd bot of Kelfo, attended in perfon the general council *o ^y^ held at Rome, in November A. D. 1215, while the Rome, reft of the Scotch prelates contented themfelves with fending reprefentatives (58). (55) Wilkin. Concil. t. I. p. 534. (56) Boeth. 1. r/. [5 7) Wilkin. Concil.«;. j. p. 531. (58)Chron.Maikosinann. 1115. THE HISTORY O F GREAT BRITAIN, BOOK III. CHAP. III. Hijlary of the ConJlitutiony Government, and Laws of Great Britain , from the landing of William duke of Normandy , A. D. 1066, to the death of king John9 A. D. 1216. i HOUGH the Norman conqueft was not near Plan of thU fo fanguinary as the Anglo-Saxon, it cannot be denied cliaPter- that it was productive of very important changes in the {late of England, and particularly in its conftitu- tion, government, and laws, the fubje&s of the pre- fent chapter. To prevent the repetition of the deli- neation that hath been already given in the third chap- ter of the preceding book, of thofe parts of the Anglo- Saxon conftitution that were Hill retained in this pe- riod ; it is propofed to divide this chapter into two fec~tions ; and, in the firft of thefe, to give a very brief account of the mod confiderable changes that were introduced by William I. into the conftitution, government, and laws of England ; and, in the fe- cond, to defcribe, with equal brevity, the fucceflive alterations 304 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. alterations in all thefe, that were made by the other princes who reigned in this period. The laws of hiftory will not admit into thefe fedlions thofe parti- cular details, minute diftin£t,ions, and controversial difquifitions, that would be proper in a work on law and government ; and I am fully determined that they ftiall not be fwelled with unfriendly depreciating flrictures on the labours of other writers. SECTION I. Hijlory of the changes in the Conjlitution, Government^ and Laws $f England, that were introduced in the reign of William I. from A. D. 1066, to A. D. 1087. Thofe in '"JT^HE changes in the ranks and degrees of men in the loweft X fociety, that were introduced into England at rank info- the Norman conquefr, feem to have been rather no- cictv were t * flaves. " minal than real. Thofe who occupied the loweft rank, itill continued in a ftate of ilavery ; and we have good reafon to believe, that their numbers were rather in- creafed than diminiflied by that event. None of the Anglo-Saxon ferrs, who were annexed to the lands which they cultivated, and had been ufually transferred with them from one proprietor to another, could en- tertain the lead hopes of obtaining freedom, or even a mitigation of their Jervitude, when thefe lands were beftowed on the enemies and conquerors of their na- tion (1). On the contrary, many of the Englifh, who had formerly been free, having been taken pri- foners at the battle of Haftings, or in fome of the fub- fequent revolts, were reduced to fiavery j and thought (1) Injulph. Hift. fub. fin. themfelves Ch. 3. § 1. CONSTITUTION, &c. 305 themfelves very happy if they preferved their live?, though they loft their freedom. The Norman con- querors for fome time treated their Englifh flaves with fo much feverity, that a contemporary writer declines giving any defcription of it, '* becaufe its inhuman " cruelty would appear incredible to pofterity (2)" The condition of all thefe unhappy people, in this Different period, was not: equally .ibjecl: and Wretched. There j"nds of were different degrees of lervitude, and different kinds ^"fr-2* of flaves that were called by different names, viz. — I.flavee, Villains in grofs, who were the perfonal property of their maffers, and performed the loweft and moft la- borious offices about their makers houfes (3). This clafs of Haves feems to have been very numerous; for Roger Hoveden tells us, that from the reign of William I. to his own time in the reign of king John, there was hardly a houfe or even cottage in Scotland, in which there was not to be found an Englifh flave 1 (4). It was not to be imagined that their more opu- lent neighbours the Normans and Englifh were worfe provided than the Scots with domeftic flaves. They had indeed fuch great numbers of them, that they ex- ported and fold many of thefe unhappy perfons in fo- reign countries (5). 2. Villains regardant, or predial flaves, who lived Predial in the countrv, and cultivated the lands of their maf- flat- ters, to which they were annexed (6). Thefe were in a better condition than domeftic flaves, and had an im- perfect kind of property in their houfes, and furniture, and in the little gardens and fmall pieces of ground which they were allowed to cultivate, at ieifure times, for their own fubfiftence. But ftill their perfons and properties were fo much in the power of their mafters, that they granted or fold them to whom they pleafed (7). Thefe two formed a very numerous clafs of flaves, by whom the demefnesof all the earls, barons, bifhops, abbots, and great men of England, were cul- tivated. The villains belonging to fome of the richeft abbeys amounted to two thoufand (8). (2) Hifl. Elienf. apud Gale, t. i. p. 116. (3) Sir Thomas Smith's Commonwealth of England, p. 123. (4) R. Hoveden. Annal. p. 260. col. 1. (j) Girald. Cambrenf. Hibernia Epugnat. p. 770. (6) Sir T. Smith, p. 123 (7) Ingulph. Hilt, p. 520. col. I. (8) Walfingham Hift. Ang. p. 258. Vol. ill. X ^. Cottars 306 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Cottars. Borders. Freedmen. 3. Cottars (who in the barbarous Latin of thofe times were called Cottarii, becaufe they dwelt in fmall huts or cottages, near to the manhons of their matters) r< "- "fed another clafs of flaves frequently mentioned in nfday book. They were fu'ch as, by the di- rection of their owners, had been inftrudted in fome handicraft art or trade, as that of fmiths, carpenters, &c. which they pradtifed for the benefit of their maf- ters, and were on the fame footing in all refpedbs with villains or predial flaves (9). 4. Borders, in Latin Bordar'ii, frequently occur in Doomfday-book, as diftinguifhed from villains and cottars; but in what refpe&s they differed from them, is not clearly afcertained. The moll: probable opinion feems to be, that they were a kind of upper domeftic fervants, who waited at table (then called bord), and performed other lefs ignoble offices in their mailers houfes, in which they did not refide, but in fmall huts of their own, to which little gardens and parcels of land were annexed, as the fee or reward of their fervices (10). From this fhort and imperfedr. enume- ration, it is fufricicntly evident, th?t a very great pro- portion of the people of England in this period, were in a frate of fervitude, or rath r in a ftate of flavery. As all the children ef flaves were by their birth in the fame degree of fubjedtion to the fame mafl-ers with their parents, this order of men mutt have increafed exceedingly, if many of them had not from time to time obtained their freedom. This they did by vari- ous means, but chiefly by uncommon fidelity and dili- gence, which excited the gratitude of their mafters, and engaged them to make them free (11). The grant- ing freedom to a certain number of flaves, was fome- times enjoyed by the clergy, and fometimes volunta- rily performed by the penitents, in order to obtain the pardon of their fins, and for the good of their fouls. The ceremony of manumiiuon was commonly per- formed at church, or at the country-court, when the matter, taking his Have by the hand, declared that he made him free; after which he gave him a fword or fpear, the arms of a free man ; and then command- (9) Spelman. Du CaJtge, in voc. (jo) Spelman Clofl". in vor. (H; Glanvill de Confuctudini Anglise, 1. j.c. j. inir Ch. 3. § 1. CONSTITUTION, &c. 307 ing all the doors to be thrown open, allowed him to go where he pleafed (12). Thefe freed-men pofTef- fed the fame place in fociety in this period, that the free-lazen had pofTefTed in the times of the Anglo- Saxons. The middle rank in fociety, that filled up the inter- Defcriptibn val between the freed-men on the one hand, and the °^ t,u!*e ,in noblefle and baronage on the other, was chiefly com- n*ks in * pofed of three different bodies of men, which had been fociety. formerly very diftin<£f., but were now united. r. Thofe Anglo-Saxon ceorls, who had remained neu- ter in the quarrel between William and Harold, and had not joined in any of the fubfequent revolts, and were therefore allowed to retain their ranks as well as their pofTeflions, though, for their own greater fecurity, they generally put themfelves under the protection of fome great Norman baron, and became his focmen. 2. Thofe Anglo-Saxon thanes and noblemen who were degraded from their former rank, and diverted of all power, but permitted to retain a part of their poflef- fions, under the protection of their conquerors. The number of thefe degraded nobles was not inconfide- rable ; for before the end of the reign of William I. there was hardly fo much as one Englifhman who was either earl, baron, bifhop, or abbot (13); and for more than a century after, to be an Englifhman was an effectual exclufion from all preferment (14). 3. Thofe Frenchmen, Normans, and others, who fought under their feveral leaders in the conqueft of England, and afterwards fettled on the demefne lands of thofe leaders, and became their farmers, focmen, and fmal- ler vaffals. All thefe different kinds of people were by degrees blended together, and formed a body, from which the yeomanry and many of the gentry of Eng- land are defcended. The inhabitants of towns and cities were generally of this middle rank. The Norman barons formed the higheft order of Norman the Rate, and occupied the fame place in fociety after nobility. the conqueft, that the Anglo-Saxon thanes had pof- feiTed before that sera, and the nobility and principal gentry of England now poflefs (15). They were a (12) Leges Willit-lmi I. ]. 65. Kenrki I. 1. 7S. &c. (13) Ingulphi Hill. (14) Eadmer, p. 94. 110. (ij) See vol- 3* X 2 numerous, 3o8 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. numerous, opulent, and powerful body of men, and (when taken in the moil extenfive fenfe) comprehended ali the confiderable proprietors of land in England, especially all thofc who held immediately of the king in cap'ite by military fervices. The leffer barons were frequently called vavafors^ and correfponded to the lefler Anglo Saxon thanes, and to the modern Eng- lifh gentlemen of ancient families and large eftates (16.) But barons, in this period, moll: properly were the greater or king's barons, who held immediately of the king an entire barony, confifting of thirteen knights fees, and the third part of a knight's fee, yielding an annual revenue of ^266: 13 : 4, or 400 marks (17) : an ample fortune in the times we are now confidering. Thole who held fuch baronies were the fpiritual and temporal lords of the kingdom, who enjoyed many lingular privileges and immunities, and in their own territories were a kind of petty princes (too often ty- rants), pofiefling both civil and military jurifdiction over their valTals {18). But we mail meet with a more convenient opportunity of confidering the civil authority and military power of the Norman barons. Great Though the acceiiion of William duke of Norman- changes in dy to the throne of England produced no very remar- the arcum- k^g alteration in the ranks and oiders of men in fo- itances oi . . . , . . , . the people ciety; it produced many important changes in their ofEngland. political circumiTances, — in the tenures by which they held their lands, — the fervices and p reflations to which they were fubjedred — the magiirrates by whom they were governed. — the courts in which they were judg- ed,— and the laws they were obliged to obey. Thele changes were chiefly owing to the cftabliihment of the feudal fyftem of police and government in England by William I. in the fame ftate of maturity to which it had then attained in his dominions on the continent. The feudal ^n tne Anglo-Saxon times, all the proprietors of fyftem of Innd (theclergy at lair, excepted) were fubjecled to the govern- three following obligations, commonly called the tri- ment not mfja nccPmtas: — T. To attend the king with their fol- altogcther , ■JJ ... ... r^P .^n . , •,, unknown l°wers *n military expeditions ; — 2. I o ainit in build- (16) Selden's Titles of Honour, p. 51S. (17) Vid. Spelman. Du Car.ge GlolT. in voc. Baro, Baronia. (18) Id ibid inp- Ch. 3. § 1. CONSTITUTION, &c. 309 ing and defending the royal caftles; — 3. To keep the before the highways and bridges in a proper ftate (19). To thefe conqueft three obligations a fourth, called a beriot, was added, by the laws of Canute the Great; which confifted in delivering to the king the horfes and arms of his earls and thanes at their death, with certain fums of money, according to their rank and wealth (20). That thefe may be called feudal prestations, and confidered as a proof that the feudal form of government was not altogether unknown to the Anglo-Saxons, need not be dilputed. But to thefe William I. added fo many others, which (hall be prefentiy defcribed, that he may be juftly faid to have completed, if not to have erected, the fabric of the feudal government in Britain. The fovereign of a feudal Rate was, in idea at leaft, The con- the proprietor oi all the lands in his dominions (21). 1ue^ a **" Part of thefe lands he retained in his own poflehion vourd e. r 1 c u- r -i j /- r l- opportunity for the maintenance or his family, and lupport or his for efta- dignky ; the reft he granted to certain of his fubjecls, blifhir.g the as benefices or fees for Cervices to be performed by ^eudal them, and on fuch other conditions as he thought pro- y cm' per to require, and they to accept. By the numerous forfeitures after the battle of Haftings, and the fubfe- quent revolts, and by the abjedt ftate to which even thofe of the Knglifh who had not forfeited were re- duced, the idea of a feudal fovereign was almoft rea- lized in William I. and he beheld a very great propor- tion of the lands in England at hisdifpofal, which en- abled him to eftablifh the feudal fyftem of government in its full extent, with little or no difficulty. Nor did he neglect this favourable opportunity of introducing into his new dominions that form of government, to which he and his followers had been long accuftomed, and which was fo well adapted to preferve that impor- tant acquifition he had made (22). William I. in the diftribution of the territory of William I England, was not unmindful of the interefts of the made ve!7 crown : but retained in his own poiTeflion no fewer ' eia , l 1 r 1 ■ ,- r n grants of than 1422 manors, beiides a great number or foreits, hmd to his parks, chaces, farms, and houies, in all parts of the barons. (19) Hickefii Differtat. Eptftol. p. 60. Relinquas Spelman. p. 22. (20) Wilkin. Leges Saxon. (21) Somneron Gavelkind, p. 109. Smith de Republic. 1. 3. c. 10. (az) Coke on Lit. p 1, 2. ad Sect. 1. Craig de Feudis, 1. 1. c. 7. kmirdom. 3io HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. kingdom (23). As the hopes of obtaining fplendid tfrablifhments for themfelves and followers had engag- ed many powerful barons, and even fome fovereign princes, to embark with him in his dangerous expedi- tion, he was induced both by the dictates of honour and prudence to gratify their expectations by very li- beral grants of lands. To Hugh de Abrencis, his lifter's fon, he granted the whole county of Chefter ; — to Robert earl of Mortaigne, and Odo bifhop of Bayeux, his two uteiine brothfs, he gave, to the for- mer 973 manors, to the Utter 439 ; — to Allen earl of Brittany 442, — to William de Warrenne 298, — to Geoffrey biihop of Coutance 280, — to Roger Bigod 123, — to Walter GifFard 107, — to Richard de Claie 17 1, — to William de Percy 119, — and to all his other chieftains according: to the different degrees of their power, their fervices, and their favour (24). Obligations None of the grants of land made by William I. annexed to were unconditional, but to all of them a great variety thefe 0f obligations were annexed. .Thefe obligations were gr«n s. of two kinds, viz. I. Services, which contributed to the fplendour of the fovereign, and fecurity of the kingdom ; 2. Preltarions of various kinds, which conftituted a confiderable part of the royal revenue. Military '* The fervices which contributed to the fplendour fervi«s, of the fovereign, and fecurity of the kingdom, to be v^c. performed by the immediate vaffals of the crown, were chiefly thefe three : j. Homage and fealty. 2. Perfonal attendance upon the king in his court at the three great feltivals of Chriftmas, Eafter, and Whit- funtide, and in his parliament, at other times, when regularly called. 3. Military fervices in the held, or in the defence of caftks for a certain time, with a certain number of men, according to the extent of their eftates. By thefe three things the fovereign of a feu- dal kingdom was fecured, as far as human policy could iecure him, — in a fplendid court for his honour, — a numerous council for giving him advice in the arduous affairs of government, — and a powerful army for the defence of his per fon and dominions. (23) Doomfday-book paflim. (34) Id. ibid. Dugduk'o Baronage, vol. I. p. 60. — 269. 2. The Ch. 3. § 1. CONSTITUTION, &c. 311 2. The payments or preftations to which the im- Pecuniary mediate vaffals of the crown were fubjecled, and which preftations. conftituted a considerable part of the royal revenue, were chiefly thefe fix : 1. Referved rents. 2. Ward Chips. 3. On marriages. 4. Reliefs. 5. Scutages. 6. Aids. It is neceliary to give a very brief delinea- tion of each of the above fervices and preftations. 1. The fovereign of a feudal kingdom never appear- Homage, cd in greater glory than when he received the homage of his immediate vaffals in his great court or parlia- ment. Seated upou his throne, in his royal robes, with his crown on his head, and furrounded by his Spiritual and temporal nobles, he beheld his greater!: prelates and moil powerful barons, uncovered and unarmed, on their knees before him. In that humble pofture they put bo'.h their hands between his, and folemnly prorrtifed, ** to be his iie°;e-men of life and " limb and worldly worfhip, to bear faith and troth " to him, to live and die with him againft all man- " ner of men (25) " 2. The courts of the Anglo-Norman kings were Perfonal at all times very fplendid, but more especially at the attendance three great feftivals of Chriftmas, Eafter, and Whit- 'n th,e funtide, whtn all the prelates, earls, and barons of ^^ the kingdom were, by their tenures, obliged to attend their fovereign, to aililt in the celebration of thefe feftivals, — in the adminiftration of juitice, — and in deliberating on the great affairs of the kingdom. On thefe occafions the king wore his crown, and feafted his nobles in the great hall of his palace, and made them prefents of robes, &c. as marks of his royal fa- vour ; after which they proceeded to bufinefs, which confifted partly in determining important caufes, and partly in deliberating on public affairs (26). 3. Military fervice was the greateftand moft impor- Military tant obligation annexed to the grants of lands made fervice. by William I. and other feudal lbvereigns whofe chief intention was, in making thefe grants, to fecure a fuf- ficient body of troops under proper leaders, well arm- (25) Spelman, Du Cange, in voc. Homagium, L'tghim. Littleton, fedt. 85. Bra&on, 1. a. c. 35. Glanville, 1. 9. c. I. Fleta, 1. 3. c. 16. (z6) Du Cange, voc. Curia. Craig de Feudis, 1. a. c. 11. ed 3i2 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. ed, and always ready to take the field, for the defence of the kingdom, and the profecution of fuch wars as were thought neceffary for the honour of the prince and the profperity of the ftate (27). Thefe lands, fo granted, may very well be confidered as the daily pay of a certain number of troops which the perfons to whom they were granted were obliged to keep in con- ftant readinefs for fervice ; and therefore the number of knights fees or ftipends which every eftate compre- hended was carefully afcertained. To add ftill further to the ftrength and fecurity of the kingdom, William I. fubjected the lands of fpiritual barons, as archbi- fhops, bifhops, abbots, and priors, to the fame mili- tary fervices with the lands of temporal barons and knights (28). From the famous furvey of England, made by the direction of this great prince, and re- corded in Doomfday-book, it was found, that the whole kingdom contained 60,215 knights fees, of which no fewer than 28,115 belonged to the church (29). It is now time to take a very fhort view of thofe preftations to which the immediate vafTals of the crown of England were at this time fubjected, and which conitituted a confiderable part of the royal revenue. Rcf»rved 1. Though William I. and other feuda^fovereigns, Kots." made large grants of lands to their nobility, clergy, and other vaffals, they did not relinquifh all connection with and*ntere(r. in thefe lands. On the contrary, they granted only the right of ufing thefe lands on certain conditions, frill retaining the property, or dominium direftwn^ in themfelves : and to put their vallals con- ftantly in mind of this circumftance, they always re- served cei tain annual payments(commonly very trifling), that were collected by the iherifts of the counties where the lands lay (30). W'arditiips. 2. When an earl, baron, or other, vaffal of the crown, died, and left his heir under age, and confe- quently incapable of performing thofe perfonal fervices to his lovereign to which he was bound by his tenure, the king took polTeflion of his eftate ; that he might (27) Coke Inftit. 4. p. 191. ( 2S) M. Paris, p. 5. col. I. ann. 1070. (29) Spelman. Gloif. Voc. Feodum. Diflertat. de Miiiti, p. 184. Craig de Feudis, 1. 2. c. 11. (30) Madox, Hilt, Fxcheq. e. 10. Craig de Ftud. 1. I. c. 9. therewith Ch. 3. §1. CONSTITUTION, &c. 313 therewith fupport the heir, and give him an education fuitable to his quality, and at the fame time might provide another perfon to perform his fervices in nis room. This right of being the guardians of ail mi- nors, male or female, who held their lands of the crown by military fervices, brought confiderable pro- fits into the royal coffers, or enabled the prince to en- rich his favourites, by graining them the guardianship of fome of his moft opulent wards (31). 3. The king's female wards could not marry any Marriage, perfon, however agreeable to themfelves and their re- lations, without the confent of their royal guardian ; that they might not have it in their power to bellow an eftate that had been derived from the crown on one who was difagreeable to the fovereign (32). This was a cruel and ignominious fervitude, by winch hei- refles of the greateft families and moil: opulent foi tunes, were expofed to fale, or obliged to purchafe tiie liberty of difpofing of themfelves in ma:nage by great funis of money, either from the king, or from fome greedy courtier, to whom he had grained or fold their mar- riage (33)* Nolefsa fum than ten thoufand marks, equal in efficacy to one hundred thoufand pounds of our money at pre lent, was paid to the king for the wardfhip and marriage of a fingle heirefs (34,. This cruel fervitude was afterwards extended to male heirs. 4. The king had not only the guardianfhip and Relief, marriage of the heirs of all his immediate vaflals, but he demanded and obtained a furn of money from them when they came of age, and were admitted to the poi- feflion of their ellates ; and alfo from thole heirs who had been of age at the death of their anceftors. This laft was called relief, becaufe it relieved their lands out of the hands of their fovereign, into which they fell at the death of -every pollefior (35). Reliefs weie at ririr. arbitrary and uncertain, and of confequence the oc- cafion of much op predion. They were afterwards fixed at the rate of one hundred (hillings for a knight s (31) Craig de Feud. 1. 1. c. a. Spelman Reliqus, p. 25. Gluff. voc. Warda. Madox, Hill. Excheq. c. 10. fefik. 4. Glanvil, 1. 7. c. 9. (32) Du Cange, voc. Maritagium. Glanvil, 1. 7. c. 9. {^2,) Madcx, Hill;. Excheq c. io.fc the power of inflicting capital punifhments (44). The title of earl before the conqueft, and for fome County time after, was not honorary, but official. There court, was but one earl in every county, who was properly its governor, the general of its forces in times of war, and its chief jufticiary or judge in times of peace. The court in which the earl preiided, was the county- court ; and as a reward or falary for acting in his judi- (43) See vol. 3. c. 3. § 2. (44) Snelman. Du. Cange Glofi". voc. Burones, Baron:a, Furia. — Regiam Majeltatem. Glanvil. Bracion, Flcta. cial 318 Separation of the ec- c"lefiatlical from the ci- vil part of county- courts, which oc- cafioned their de- cline. HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. cial capacity, he received the third penny of all the dues, amerciaments, and profits, arifing in that court (45). This in the Anglo-Saxon times, and even dur- ing fome part of the reign of William I. was a court of great power and dignity, in which the bifhop of the diocefe fat with the earl, and on which all the ab- bots, priors, barons, knights, and freeholders of the county, were obliged to attend. In this little parlia- ment all the controverfies arifing in the county, the moft important not excepted, were determined, though not always finally, becaufe there lay an appeal from its decrees to a higher court, which mall prefently be defcribed. In a county-court of Kent, held in the reign of William I. at Pinendine, there were prefent one a'chbifhop, three bifhops, the earl of the county, the vice-earl or {herifT, a great number of fhe king's barons, befides a ftill greater multitude of knights and freeholders, who in the courfe of three days adjudged feveral manors to belong to the archbifhopric of Can- terbury, which had been pofkiled for fome time by Odo, bifhop of Baieux, the king's uterine brother, and by other powerful barons (46). But the county-courts did not continue long after the conqueft in this ftate of power and fplendour. For William I. about A. D. 1085, feparated the ec- clefiaftical from the civil part of thefe courts, prohi- biting the bifhops to fit as judges, the clergy to attend as fuitors, and the caufes of the church to be tried in them, but in courts of their own (47). By this regu- lation, which is faid to have been made in a common council of the archbifhops, bifhops, abbots, and chief men of the kingdom, the county courts were deprived, at one blow, of their moft venerable judges, their moft refpeclable fuitors, and moft important bu- finefs. Befides this, after the departure of the bi- fhops and clergy, the earls difdained to fit as judges, (45) Selden's Titles of Honour, p. 526, &c. (46) Dugdale Origines Juridiciales, p. 30. Hickcfii Differtat. Epiftol. p. 31, &c. (47) Wilkin. Concilia, 1. 1. p. 368. 369. Hale's Hiftery of the Common Law, p. 102. and Ch. 3. §1. CONSTITUTION, &c. 319 and the great barons to attend as fuitors in the county courts ; which by degrees reduced them to their pre- fent ftate. But this was not the worft effecl of this moft imprudent and pernicious regulation. For by it the kingdom was fplit afunder; the crown and mitfe were let at variance, and the ecclefiaftical courts by putting themfelves under the immediate protection of the pope, formed the clergy into afeparate ftate under a foreign fovereign, which was productive of infinite niifchiefs and diforders (48). The ecclefiaftical courts, that were immediately EcrleGafK- erecled in confequence of this fatal ftatute, were the fe "1 courts, three: 1. The archdeacon's court. For as the arch- deacon was by that ftatute difcharged from fitting as a judge with the hundredary in the hundred court, he was authorised to ere<5f. a court of his own, in which he took cognizance of ecclefiaftical caufes within his archdeaconry. 2. The bifhop's court, or confiftory, which received appeals from the archdeacon's court, and whofe jurifdiiStion extended over the whole dio- cefs. 3. The archbifhop's court, which received ap- peals from the confiftories of the feveral biftiops of the province, and had jurisdiction not only over the parti- cular diocefs of the archbifhop, but over all the dio- celTes in the province. From this higheft ecclefiafti- cal court appeals lay to the pope, which foon became very frequent, vexatious, and expenfive (49). As the king was the chief magiftrate of the king- King's dom, and it was both his duty and prerogative to ad- court, minifter juftice to his fubjetSb, he had a court, which was the chief court of the kingdom, in which he per- formed that duty and exercifed that prerogative (50). This fupreme court was commonly called, curia or aula regis, becaufe it was held in the great hall of the king's palace, wherever he happened to refide (51). In this court the king was prefumed to be always prefent, either in perfon, or by his reprefentative?, the judges of his court, to whom he committed the performance of his duty, and the exercife of his pre- (48) Judge Blackftone,s Comment, b. 3. c.£. (49) Id. ibid. (50) Madox Hift. Excheq. c. 3. p. 58. (51) Bra&on, 1. 3. c. 7. Glanvil de Confuctud Anglis, paifiin. ro2ati»s 320 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. rogative as the fupremc judge in his kingdom. The judges in the king's court, as it was conftituted by William I.andcontiimed till near the end of this period, were, — the great officers of the crown, — the king's juftices, —together with all the great barons of the kingdom both temporal and fpiritual, who were intitled to feats in this court (52). Great offi- The great officers of the crown, who were alfo the cersof the leading members of the king's court, were thefe feven : crown. I# The chief jufticiary, who was an officer of the higheft dignity and greater! power, the prefident of the king's court when the prince was not perfonally prefent, and regent of the kingdom when the fovercign was beyond feas, which in this period very frequently happened. 2. The conflable of England. 3. The marifchal of England, who were both military and civil officers : when acting in their civil capacity, as members of the king's court, their jurifdiction chiefly refpedted matters of honour and of arms, 4. The high fteward of England. 5. The great chamberlain of England, Thefe two great officers had the chief direction of all things in the king's court and palace. The four lad named officers were for the moft part hereditary. 6. The chancellor of England, who had the cuftody of the great leal, and the infpecTon of all grants to which it was appended. 7. The high trea- furcr, who had the chief direction of all things refpe£t- ing the royal revenues (53). Divifion of The king's juftices were perfons learned in the laws, the king's who had feats in this fupreme court, in order to inform the other members what the law of the land was in every cafe. This great court w.is divided into fcvcral chambers, and certain judges fat in each of thefe chambers, at particular times, to take cognizance of thole matters with which they were be ft acquainted, and in which they were mod interefted. Of thefe chambers the exchequer (fo called from a chequered cloth which covered the table) was one, in which the high trealurer and certain barons fat, and regulated all things reipeciing the revenues of the crown (54). (5a) Madox Hift. Excheq. c. j. c. 3. p. 64. Elackft. Comment. b. 3. c. 4. (i3) Madox Hut. Excheq. c. 3. (54) Dialogiu de Scaccario. The Ch. 3. § 1. CONSTITUTION, &c. 321 The jurifdiction of the king's court was univerfal, Jurifdi<5Hon extending to all parts of the kingdom, and over all andfplen- fche fubje&s of it, till the clergy, after long and violent ^\° ftruggles, emancipated themfelves in a great meafure ccurt. from its authority (55). As the Normans were re- markably fond of pomp, fome of the feffions of this RUgjift tribunal, particularly thofe at the feftivals of Chriftmas, Eaffer, and Whitfuntide, were attended with much parade and (how. The king, on thefe oc- cafions, wore his crown and royal robes ; the great officers of ftate appeared with the enfigns of their ref- pective offices ; and all the fpiritual and temporal barons, in their richeft ornaments. At thefe ceremo- nies and magnificent meetings, the ambailadors of foreign princes were introduced, that they might be ilruck with admiration at the opulence and grandeur of the king and kingdom (56). To thefe ftated meetings all the members of the king's court came of Courfe, without any fummons (57)- In this, and in feveral other refpects, they differed from the common councils of the kingdom (58). Though the powers of this fupreme court were Parli'su great and various, they were allminifrerial and execu- ment«-' tive, and did not extend to the making new laws or impofing new taxes. Thefe two nioft important branches of police and government belonged to another aflembly, that was called (comtnwie ccncilinrr.^ or mag- num concilium regn'i) the common council, or great council of the kingdom; and fometimes, though very feldom in this period, (parliamentum) parliament^ from the French word parkr, to fpeak. Who were the constituent members of the great Who v.-erc councils or parliaments cf this period, is a quefficn theconft»- that hath been differently anfwered, and warmly am- _dent, r J / -to members ot tated (59). Though the nature and limits of this the parlia- work will not admit a full difcuifion of this queftion rnentsof (at prefent of no great importance), yet a plain and this £**»*<*. ihort expofition of what appears to be the truth is ne- fcerTary. That all archbiihops, bithops, abbots, priors, earis, and barons, who held each an entire barony {$$) Madox Hift. Exchecj. c. 3. (56) V»r. Malmf. 1. j. p. 63. (57) Eadmer, p. 15. (58) Hen. Hunt. 1. 8. p. 232. (59) Petyt's Rights of the Commons aflerted. Jane Anglcru& Fades nova. Dr. Brady's Tracts, &c. &c. Vol. III. Y immediately 322 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. immediately of" the king in capite, were conftituent members of thefe great councils, hath never been de- nied, and needs not be proved. Befides thefe great fpiritual and temporal barons, there were many others, who held fmaller portions of land, as one, two, three, or four knights fees, immediately of the king, by the fame honourable tenure with the great barons, who werealfo members of the great councils of the king- dom, and were commonly called the letter barons, or free military tenants of the crown. Among many evidences that might eahly be produced of this, the fourteenth article of the great charter of kino; John, is one of the mofr decihve, and feems to be fufficient : " To have a common council of the kingdom, to " a fiefs an aid othei wife than in the three forefaid " cafes, or to affefs a fcutage (60), we will caufe to " be fummoned the archbifhop?, bifhops, earls, and *' greater barons, particularly by our letters; and be- *l iidec, we will caufe to be fummoned in general by 44 our fherifFs and bailiffs, all thofe who hold of us il incapite {61}." The letter barons continued to fit perfonally in the parliaments of Scotland till A. D. J427, when the act was made, exempting them from perfonal attendance in parliament, on condition of fending reprefentatives (62). But befides all thefe great and fmall barons, who by virtue of their tenures were obliged, a= well as untitled, to fit as members In the great councils of the kingdom ; our hiftorians of this period fometimes fpeak of great multitudes of peo- ple, both .of the clergy and laity, who were prefent in i'ome of thefe councils (63). ivadmerus, the friend and fecretary of archbifhop Anfelm, thus defcribes the perions afletfibled in a gre.it council at Rockingham, A. D. 1095, to whom his patron made a fpeech. (60) Thef i cafes were, 1. To make his eldefl foil a knight; 1. To marry his eldeft daughter ; 3. To redeem his owi ..•1. In all which cafes aids were due by tenure, without an ad of ••ici.t. ;<■>: rrune qonfilium regni, de auxilio aflidendo, alitcr quaro ixt tril i predicxis, Yel de fcutagio afiedendo, fuin- moni pos, epifcopos, a'obate.s, comites, et ma- jeures barenes Cgillatim, per Ijjteras nottras : et prseiexea faciemus lurnmoniri in generaii, per vicecomites et balivos uoltros, omnes illoi quide nohis tenent i;: capite. Append, No 1. [h Antiquities, p. 4 j. Sjpelman, Concil i. %. p " Anfelm Ch.3.§2- CONSTITUTION, &di 323 '* Anfelm fpoke in this manner to the bifhops, abbots, " and princes, or principal men, and to a numerous fct multitude of monks, clerks, and laymen (landing " by (64)." By the bifhops, abbots, and princes, we are certainly to underftand the fpiritual and temporal barons. But who are we to underftand by " the nu- *' merous multitude of monks, clerks, and laymen tc {landing by?" Were they members of this aiTem- bly ; or were they only fpeclators and by-ftanders ? If by the multitude of thefe clerks and laymen, the hifto- rian did not mean the lefTer barons, it is highly proba- ble that they were only fpeclators. We are told by feveral contemporary hiftorians, that the great councils of the kingdom in thofe times were very much incom- moded by crowds of fpedtators, who forced their way into their meetings. One of thefe hiftorians thus de- fcribes a great council held by king Stephen : ) Onit-rie. Vital. apud Duchefn. p. 523. <. Hevedeij. Anjjal. p. 437. col. 1. reign Ch.3.§i- CONSTITUTION, &c. 331 reign of William I. It is indeed true, that William at his coronation took a folemn oath, — " To keep and " eftablifh right laws, and to prevent rapine and un- " juft judgment (91)." But he either paid no re- gard to that oath, or did not think himfelf bound by It, to fupport the tews which he found eftablimed. For we have the cleared evidence, that he had a pre- dilection for the laws and cuftoms of his native coun- try, and endeavoured to introduce them into England. This is afferted in the plaineft terms by Eadmerus, a man of learning, virtue, and integrity, who flourifhed in thofe times. " William, having a defire that the ** cuftoms and laws which his ancestors, and he him- " felf, had obferved in Normandy, fhould be obferved w in England, made thofe men bifhops, abbots, and *'* princes (earls and barons), who would efteem it " difhonourable to oppofe his laws in any thing, and *c who dared not to lift up their heads againft him. " The Englifh (fays Ingulphus, who had been fee re - " tary to the conqueror) were fo much abominated, " that, whatever their merit might be, they were de- " prived of all their offices, and Grangers, though of ';* inferior abilities, were put into their places (92)." In confequence of this conduct, in the courfe of a few years, all the archbifhops, bifhops, ab- bots, earls, and barons, together with all the judges and pleaders in all the courts of England, were Normans (93). This naturally produced many changes, and in- troduced many Norman laws and cuftoms, without particular ftatutes for that purpofe. One natural con- fequence of this total change of judges and pleaders in the Englifh courts, was the introduction of the Nor- rnan or French language into thefe courts, becaufe it was the only language the pleaders could fpeak, or the judges underftood (94). The clerks and fcribes alfo, in all thefe courts, were neceffarily Normans ; which occafioned the difufe of the Saxon and the introduction of the French manner of writing. This produced various changes in the forms of legal deeds and char- (91) R.Hoveden. Annal. p. 258. (91) Eadmer Hid. p. 6. (93) Ingulphi Hift. p. 513. col. 1. (94) Id. ibid. ters, 332 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III., ters, particularly in the manner of their confirmation, which, in the Anglo-Saxon times* had been by the i'ubfcriptions of many witneffes, with the fign of the crofs. prefixed to each of their names j but, in the Norman times, by feals imprefled upon them, or ap- pended to them (95). Almoft all the advocates, as well as the clerks, in the courts of England in this period, were clergymen, from which the clergy got the name of clerks ; and the Anglo-Norman clergy were fo generally practitioners in law, that it became a pro- verb,— '.' There is no clergyman who is not a caufe- " pleader (96)." This, however, did not contri- bute much to the impartial adminiftration of juftice j for the beft writers of this period reprefent thofe cle- rical advocates as the moft covetous and venal of all men (97). The iudi- ^'re anc^ water ordeals had been ufed in Normandy, ciakombat. as well as Britain, before the conqueft, and were therefore continued in England after that event (98). But the judicial combat, or duel, though it had been long eftablifhed in France and Normandy, and other countries on the continent, both by laws and cuftom, was firft introduced into England by the Nor- mans (99). This, like other ordeals, was an appeal to the judgment of God for the difcovery of the truth. or falfehood of an accufation that was denied, or a fact that was difputed, founded on this fuppofition, — That heaven would always interpofe^ and give the victory to the champions of truth and innocence. As the judi- cial combat was efteemed the moft honourable, it foon became the moft common method, of determining all difputes among martial knights and barons, both in criminal and civil caufes. When the combatants were immediate vallals of the crown, the combat was per- formed with great pomp and ceremony in prefence of the king, with the conftablc and marfjial of England, (95) Ingulphi Hift. p. 513. col. ?. (96) W*. Malmf. I. 4. p. 70. col. I. (97) J- Sarilburienfis, p. 289, 292. Pctrus Blcicnfis, Epift. 2j. p. 4-. Epift. 26. p. 46. (98) Hoveden. Annal. p. 314. col. 1. Eadmer, p. 48. ,<)<)) Leg. Aienian. tit. 44. Burgund. tit. 45. Bajwar, tit. I- CpuJlumierc " ticiaries, conftables of caftles, fheriffs, or bailiffs, erniae, c. 28. p. 727. (30) Hiftoire JLiteraire de la France, torn. 7. p. 188. (31) J. Sariiburienf. Metalog. apud BuUei Hift. Parif. torn, 2. p. 597- meaning 374. HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. meaning of the words, or to illuftrate the truths that they contained, but in order to extract certain myfti- cal or allegorical fenfes out of them, and to found cer- tain curious queftions upon them for fuhjecte of dif- putation (32). An incredible multitude of fuch com- mentaries were written in thofe times, which have been long ago configned a prey to worms and duft. But the chief delight and buiinefs of the fchoolmen was to write voluminous fyftems of divinity, confifting of a prodigious number of queftions on all fubjec-ts, which they difcuffed with the greateft logical acutenefs. Some of thefc queftions were bold and impious, others trifling and curious, and not*a few obfeene (33). With their obfeenities and impieties, which are truly horrid, thefe pages (hall not be ftaincd ; and their frivolities are fo ridiculous, that they are quite unworthy of a place in hiftory. Their curioiity, though exceflive, and far from being innocent, was neither fo criminal as the former, nor fo ridiculous as the latter, and therefore a tew examples of it may be given. They canvaii'cd, with great ca^ernefs, the following queftions, among a thouiand others of the fame kind: Was Ch rill the fame betwek 1 Lis death and refurrection, that he was before his death and after his refurredlion ? Doth the glorified body of Chrift {rand or lit in heaven? Is the body of Chrift that is eaten in the facrarnent, drelfed or und relied ? Were the clothes in whi« :h Ch rift ap- peared to his difcipies after his redirection real or only apparent ? &c. &c. (34). Canon law. The bi/hepsof Rome had long been engaged in the ambitious project of erecting a fpiritual monarchy, fu- perior to all other?, even in worldly power. With this view they had aflembled many councils, compofed of prelates from all Chriftian countries, in which they had enacted many laws, commonly called canons, for the government of that monarchy. This obliged the biflvps, and their officials, to make the canons of the church their frudy, in order to direct them when (•3$) '.4.hoire Literairede la France, torn. 7. p. 205. (33) Erafini Encomium Morix. Launocus de Fortun. Ariflot.c. 14. F- 273. &c' (34) Bulasi Hift. Univerf. Parifienf. torn. 2. p. 613. Hiftoire Lite- raire de la France, torn. 7. p. 208, 209. they Ch. 4. § 1. LEARNING, &c. 375 they acted as judges in their fpiritual courts. But it was not till after the publication of the decretals of Gratian, about the middle of the twelfth century, that the canon law attained the rank of a fcience, and was taught and ftudied in the fchools (35). It foon be- came the moft fafhionable ftudy among the clergy, as it was found to pave their way to the higheft honours and the richeft benefices. Long before the end of this period, it was taught with gi eat applaufe and profit at Oxford, Paris, Orleans, and many other places (36). But the fubtilties of the Ariftotelian logic gave a tinc- ture to this, as well as to the other fcienccs, which made John of Salifbury complain, — " That the laws W. Malmf. 1. 3. p. 57. (73) Id. 1. 5. p. 90. (74) W. Gemitens, p. 604. edit, a Canideno. Orderic. Vital, p. 656. Of Ch. 4. § 1. LEARNING, &c. 385 of letters. William took great care of the education of his royal offspring, and Henry I. his youngeft fon, became the moft learned prince, and the greater!: promoter of learning, of the age in which he flourished. This procured him the furname of Beauderk^ or the fine fcholar (75). He married his only daughter, the heirefs of all his dominions, to Geoffrey Plantagenet ear.l of Anjou, who is greatly celebrated for his learn- ing (76). The eldeft fon of this marriage, Henry II. received a learned education, under the direction of his excellent uncle Robert earl of Glocefier, who was more illuftrious for his knowledge and virtue th.n his royal birth (77). Henry II. never loft that tafte for letteis he had acquired in his youth, and through his whole life, as we are allured by one v. ho was inti- mately acquainted with him, he fpent his leifure hours, either in reading, or in difcuffing fome literary queftion, in a circle of learned men (78). His three fon?, Henry, Geoffrey, and Richard, had ail a considerable tin£ture of letters, and a tafte for poetry (79). Un- der the patronage of thefe great priljoes, learning could hardly fail to revive, and in Come degree to flou- rifh. The erection of above one hundred monafieries The in- in England, in thecourfecf this period, may be rec- creafe of koned among the caufes of the revival of learning, monaitenea — by increafing the number both of teachers and flu- the- im_ dents, — by multiplying the inducements topurfue, and provements the opportunities to acquire knowledge, — but chiefly by in learpj^gj making books much more common and attainable than they had been in any former period. It will by and by appear, that every convent was a kind of college, in which feveral parts of learning were taught antf ftudied (80). The government of .thefe religious (75) Martin. Ancc. 1. 3. p. 345. J. Brorript. apudX Script, p. 978. H. Knyjjhton. Ibid. p. 2374. (76) D. Achcrii Spicileg. I. 10. p. 508. (77) Gervas Chron. p. 1358. W. Malmf. 1. 5. p. 96. (78) P. Blefenf. Ep. 66. p. 98. (79) Hiftoire Literaircde ia France, torn. 9. p. 1 75. (8c) See Section 3. Vol. III. C c houfss 386 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book HI. houfes was commonly bellowed on men of learning ; and being attended with confiderable degrees of power and dignity, afforded ftrong incentives to ftudy. A library was then efteemed fo eflential to a monaftery, that it became a proverb, " A convent without a li- " brary, is like a caftle without an armory (81)." Some of thefe monaftic libraries were very valuable. Though the abbey of Croyland was burnt only twen- ty-five years after the conqueff, its library then con- fifted of nine hundred volumes, of which three hun- dred were very large (82). To provide books for the ufe of the church, and for furnifhing their libraries, there was in every monaftery a room called the Serip- torium, or writing-chamber, in which feveral of the younger monks were constantly employed in transcrib- ing books : and to which, in fome monasteries, con- iiderable revenues were appropriated (83). A noble Norman, who was a great encourager of learning, left his own library to that of the abbey of St. Albans, A. D. 1086, and granted two thirds of the tithes of Hatfield, and certain tithes in Redburn, to fupport the writers in the fcriptorium of that abbey (84). Where there were no fixed revenues for defraying the expences of procuring books for the library, the abbot, with the confent of the chapter, commonly impofed an annual tax on every member of the community for that purpofe (85). The. monks of fome monafteries, in this period, were bitterly reproached for the extra- vagant fums they expended on their libraries (86). Artofmak- The art of making paper, which was invented in ingpapcr ^g COUrfe of this period, contributed alfo to the revival caufeof °^> ane* more general application to, learning, by thi«. rendering the acquifition of books much lels difficult and expensive than it had formerly been. We have not the Satisfaction of knowing to whom we are indebted for that moft ufeful invention. But it appears that (81) Martin. Ancc. torn. 1. col. 511. (8a) Hiftoria Ingulphi, Oxon. edit. p. 98. (83) Du Cangc GlofT. voc. Scriptorium. (84) M. Paris Vita Abbatum, p. 3a. (8.5) Mabell. Anna!, torn. 6. p. 651, 65a. (86) Martin Col. Script, torn. 1. p 10*0, 1011. ou/ Ch.4.$i- LEARNING, &c. 387 our paper was firft made of cotton j and, on that ac- count, called charta bombycina, or cotton paper; and that towards the end of the eleventh or beginning of the twelth century, it began to be made of linen rags, as it is at prefent (87). H$ Though the learned authors of the literary hiftory Croifadet / of France are of opinion that the Croifades proved another an impediment to the progrefs of learning, I am c™fe °* more inclined to think, with the judicious and elegant hiftorian of Charles V. that they had a contrary ef- fect (88). That the fciences, as well as the arts were in a more flourifhing ftate in the Greek empire, and the Eaft, than in thofe countries which had compofed the weftern empire, is acknowledged on all hands. It feems therefore highly probable, that fome of thofe ingenious and inquifitive men, of which the number was not fmall, who accompanied the Croifaders in their expeditions into the Eaft, acquired fome fciences which they could not have acquired in their own coun- tries, and that they comniunicared their acquifitions to their countrymen on their return home. -^_— J (87) Murator. Antiq. torn. 3. col. 871. (88) Hiftoire Literaire de la France, torn. 9. p. 16. Dr. Robertfon's Hiftory of Charle* V. vol. 1. p. 36. Cc2 SECT- 3S8 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. SECTION II. Hi/lory of the mojl learned men -who flourijhed in Britain from A. D. ic66, to A. D. 1216. Learning A HOUGH the circle of the fciences was enlarged, chiefly a- and learning was cultivated with greater affiduity in mongthe this than in the former period; yet this was chiefly, &y' or rather almoft only, by the clergy. The great bc^dy of the people, and even the far greater! part of the nobility, ftill continued illiterate, or had but very flight acquaintance with letters. Of this, if it were neceffary, many proofs might be produced ; but the following one, it is prefumed, will be lufficient. After the flight of archbifhop Becket out of England, A. D. 1164, Henry II. fent a raoft fplendid embafly to the pope, confiding of one archbifhop, four bi- fhops, three of his own chaplains, the earl of Arun- del, and other tl;:ee of the greateft: barons of the kingdom. When thefe ambafladors were admitted to an audience, and four of the prelates had harangued the pope and cardinals in Latin, the carl of Arundel ftood up, and made a fpeech in Englifh, which he be- # gan'in this manner : " We who are. illiterate laymen 44 do not underftand one word of what the biihops ** have faid to yourholinefs (1)." We may be almoft certain, that if Henry, who was a learned prince, could have found men of learning, amongit his nobi- lity, he would have fent them on this embafly. The (1) Vita S.Thomw, 1. a. c. 9. p. 74. truth Ch. 4. § 2. LEARNING, &c. 389 truth is, that the general ignorance of the laity of all ranks was fo well kndwn, that the hiftorians of this period frequently diftinguimed the clergy from the laity by calling the former literati, and the latter laid (2). Our readers therefore need not be furprifed to find, that all the learned men mentioned in this lection belonged either to the fecular or regular clergy. The laws of general hiftory, and the limits of this work, will admit only of a very brief account of a few who were moll eminent for their learning in every period. Ingulph, abbot of Croyland, and author of the Ingulphus. hiltory of that abbey, was born in London about A. D. 1030. He received the firft part of his edu- cation at Weftminrter ; and when he vihted his father, who belonged to the court of Edward the Confeflbr, he was fo fortunate as to engage the attention of que; n Edgttha. That amiable and learned princefs took a pleafure in examining our young fcholar on his pro- grefs in grammar, and in difputing with him in logic ; nor did (he ever difmifs him without fome prefent as a mark of her approbation (3). From Weftminfler he went to Oxford, where he applied to the ftudy of rhetoric and of the Ariftotelian philofophy, in which he made greater proficiency than many of his contem- poraries (4). When he was about twenty- one years of ace, he was introduced to William duke of Nor- mandy (who vihted the court of England A. D. 1051), and made himfelf fo agreeable to that prince, that he appointed him his fecretary, and carried him with him into his own dominions. In a little time he became the prime favourite of his prince, and the difpenfer of all preferments humbling fome and exalting others at his pleafure; in which difficult ft at ion, he con- feiTeth, he did not behave with a proper degree of mo- defty and prudence (5). This excited the envy and, hatred of many of the courtiers ; to avoid the effects (2) Ingulphi Hill. edit. Oxon. p. 102. (3) Id. l.i.p. 62. Tanner Bibliotbec. p. 429. (4) Ibid. p. 73. {5) Id. ibid. Of 390 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. of which, he obtained leave from the duke to go in pilgrimage to the Holy Land, which was then become faihionable. With a company of thirty horfemen he joined Sigfrid duke of Mentz, who, with many Ger- man nobles, bithops, clergy, and others was prepar- ing for a pilgrimage to Jerufalem. When they were all united they, formed a company of no fewer than feven thousand pilgrims. In their way they fpent fome time at Conftantinople, performing their devotions at the feveral churches. In their pafTage through Lvcia, they were attacked by a tribe of Arabs, who killed and wounded many of them, and plundered them of a prodigious mafs of money. Thofe who ef- caped from this difafter, at length reached Jerufalem, viiited all the holy places, and bedewed the ruins of many churches with their tears, giving money for their reparation. They intended to have bathed in Jordan, but being prevented by the roving Arabs, they embarked on board a Genoefe fleet at Joppa, and landed at Brundufium, from whence they travelled through Apulia to Rome. Having gone through a long courfe of devotions in this city, at the fever a 1 places diftinguifhed for their fan£tity, they fcparated, and every one made the beft of his way into his own country. When Ingulph and his company reached Normandy, they were reduced to twenty half-irarved wretches, without money, clothes, or horfes. A faithful piclure of the foolifh difaitrous journies into the Holy Land, fo common in thofe times. Ingulph was now fo much difgufted with the world, that he reiblved to forfake it, and became a monk in the ab- bey of Fontenelle in Normandy; hi which, after fome years, he was advanced to the office of prior. When his old mafter was preparing for his expedition into England, A. D. 1066, he was fent by his abbot with one hundred marks in money, and twelve young men, nobly mounted and completely armed, as a pre- fent from their abbey. Ingulph having found a fa- vourable opportunity, prefented his men and money to his prince, who received him very gracioufly ; fome part of the former affection for him reviving in his befom. In confequence of this he raifed him to the government Ch. 4. § 2. LEARNING, &c. 391 government of the rich abbey of Croyland in Lincoln- shire, A. D. 1076, in which he fpent the laft thirty- four years of his life, governing that fociety with great prudence, and protecting their pofTeflions from the ra- pacity of the neighbouring barons by the favour of his royal matter. The lovers of Englifh hiftory and antiquities are much indebted to this learned abbot for his excellent hiftory of the abbey of Croyland, from its foundation, A. D. 664, to A. D. 1091, into which he hath introduced much of the general hiftory of the kingdom, with a variety of curious anecdotes that are 00 where elfe to be found (6). Ingulph died of the gout, at his abbey, ift December A. D. nog, in the feventy-ninth year of his age (7). Lanfranc, archbifhop of Canterbury, was born at Lanfranc Pavia A. D. 1005, where he was educated in gram- mar and logic (8). After the death of his father, he fpent fome years in the ftudy of rhetoric and civil law, at Bolognia j from whence he returned to his native city, and commenced an advocate in the courts of law (9). Thinking this too narrow a fphere, he removed into France, and opened afchoolat Avranche, which was foon crowded with ftuJents, of high rank (10). In a journey to Rome, he had the misfortune to be robbed, and left bound in a wood, where he was found next morning by fome peafants, who carried him, almoft dead, to the abbey of Bee. Here he was treated with fo much tendernefs, that when he reco- vered, he became a monk in that abbey, A. D 1041 (11). At the end of three years he was chofen prior of his convent, and opened a fchool, which in a little time became very famous, and was frequented by ftu- dents from all parts of Europe (12). Amongft others, fome of the fcholars of Berenger, archdeacon of An- gers, and mafter of the academy of Tours, left that (6) Vide Hift. Ingulph. a Saviiio edit. London 1594. Oicon. 1684. (7) Continuat. Hift. Croyland, p. 112. (8) Mabil. Act. torn. 9. p. 659. (9) Id. ibid. p. 360. (10) Hiftoire Literaire de la France, torn. 8. p. 261. (11) Du Pin. Ecclef. Hift. cent. 11. c. 3. Gervas apud X Script. col. 165 a. (12) Hiftoire Literaire de la France, torn. 8. p. 262. fchool, 39i HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. fchool, and went to ftudy in the abbey of Bee. This, it is faid, excited the envy of Berenger, and gave rife to that long and violent controverfy between him and Lanfranc, on thefubjeel: of the eucharift, which made a mighty noife in the church (13). When our author refided in the abbey of Bee, his literary fame procured him the favour of his fovereign, William duke of Normandy, who made him one of his counfellors, em- ployed him in an important embalTy to the pope, and appointed him, A. D. 1062, abbot of his newly erected monaftery of St. Stephen's, at Caen (14). Here he eftahlifhed a new academy, which became no lefs fa- mous than his former one at Bee. When the fee of Canterbury became vacant by the depofitiorfof Stigancl, — the Conqueror procured his election to that fee, Auguft 15th, A. D. 107c, and with fome difficulty pre- vailed upon him to accept of that high ftation (15). He proved a great benefactor to the church of Canter- bury, by afTerting its right to the pi imacy of -.England, — by recovering many of its poffeffions, — and by re- building the cathedral (16). He enjoyed a high de- giee of the favour »>f William I. and had the chief direction of all affairs, both in church and ft ate, un- der William II. to the time of his death, which hap- pened May 28th, A. D. 1089. in the eighty-fourth year of his age (17). Several of our ancient hifto- rians who were almoft his contempotaries, fpeak in very advantageous tet ms of the genius and erudition of Lanfranc; and fome of them, who were perfonally acquainted with him, reprefent him as the moft learned man of the age in which he flourished (18). His writings con ft ft of commentaries on St. Paul's epiflles, fermons on various fiibje&s, letters, and his famous treatife on the eucharift again ft Berenger, in which he employed all his abilities in fupport of that (13) Hiftoire Literairc tie la France, torn. 8. p. 263. (14) Id. ibid. p. 266. (15) Eadrrter. Hift. Novel. 1. I. p. 6. (16) Id. ibid. p. 7. Gervas, col. 1653. 1292. J. Brompt. Ibid. . col. 970 — 97 a. (17; J. Brompt. col. 986. Gervas, p. 1655. (18) Angiia Sacra, torn. %. p, 223. Eadmcri. Hift. p. 6. W. Malmf. 1. 3. p. 61. col. 2. opinion, Ch. 4. § 2. LEARNING.&c. 393 opini6n, which had been broached by Pafchafius Rad- bertus, in the gloom of the ninth century, had been gradual1)' gaining ground among the clergy through the tenth- and eleventh, and terminated in tranfub- ftantiation towards the end of the twekh (19). This treatife hath rendered Lanfranc a prodigious favourite with the literary historians of the church of Rome, who load him with the moft extravagant and lavifh praifes (20). Anfelm, archbifhop of Canterbury, the difciple and Anfelm. fucceflbr of Lanfranc, was born at Aoufr in Piedmont, A. D. 1034, ofnobieand pious parents, who were at great pains to give him a good education (21). Hav- ing loft his mother Ermengarda when he was about feventeen years of age, he abandoned his Studies, and indulged his youthful painons to fuch a degree, that his father refufed to fee him, or admit him into his houfe; on which he left his native country and travelled into France. After fome time, attracted by the fame of Lanfrac, he Settled at the abbey of Bcc, and prole- cuted his Studies with fp much ardour under that great mafter, that he excelled all his fellow- Students in learn- ing {22). Having become a monk in tn fome time in the reign of Henry I. After he had received the firft parts of education in his native county, he ftudied the civil and canon law, which were then become the moft fafhionable and lucrative branches of learning (69). He became domeftic chap- lain to Henry II. who employed him to tranfact fe- veral ecclefiaftical affairs ; in which he acquitted him- felf with honour. But his moft meritorious work was, his annals of England, from A. D. 73 r, when Bede's ecclefiaftical hiftory ends, to A. D. 1202 (70). This work, which is one of the moft voluminous of our ancient hiftories, is more valuable for the fincerity with which it is written, and the great variety of fa&s which it contains, than for the beauty of its ftyle, or the regularity of its arrangement. (65) Vide Rerum Angllcarum Scriptores poft Bedam a Hen.Savilco, edit. London, A. D. 1596. p. 169 — 228. (66) Id. p. 169. (67) Id. p. 228. (68) Anglia Sacra, torn. 2. p. 694 — 702. (69) Leland de Script. Brit. 1. 1. p. 229. (70) Vid. Rcrura Anglicar. aSavileo, edit. p. 130— -471. Vol. III. D d William 402 William Little. Gcrvafc of Canterbu- ry- Ralph dc Diceto. Benedict Abbas. HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. William Little, who is better known by his Latin name Gulielmus Neubrigenfis^ was born at Bridling- ton in Yorkflnire, A. D. 1136, and educated in the abbey of Newborough in the Came county, where he became a monk (71). In his advanced years he com- pofed a hiftory of England in five books, from the Norman conqueft, to A. D. 1 197, which, for vera- city, regularity of difpoiition, and purity of language, is one of the molt valuable productions of this period. In his preface to this work, hemadefome very fevere ftriciures on Geoffrey of Monmouth's Britiih hiftory, which have drawn upon him the difpleafure of feveral ancient Britons, though it cannot be denied that his ftriciures were in general well founded, and difcover a degree of critical difcernment that was not very com- mon in thofe limes. Gervafe of Canterbury, a monk of the monastery of Chnft's church in that city, was one of the molt voluminous hiftorians of this period- His chronicle of the kings of England, from A. D. 1122 to A. D. 1200, and his hiiiory of the archbifhops of Canter- bury, from. St. Auguftine to archbifhop Hubert, who died A. D. 1205, are his two molt confiderable per- formances of this kind, and are publifhed, together with his fmaller pieces, in the collection quoted below (72). A ftridt attention to chronology in the difpofi- tion of his materials, is one of the chief excellencies of this hiftorian. Ralph de Diceto, archdeacon of London, was the contemporary of Gervafe, and compofed alio two hi f- torical works, intitled, Abbreviotiones chronicorum, and Imagines hijioriarum^ which are publifhed in the fame collection (73). Benedict, abbot of Peterborough, was educated at Oxford, became a monk in the monaftery of Chrilt's church in Canterbury, and fome time after was chofen prior by the members of that fociety. Though he had been a great admirer of archbifhop Becket, and wrote a life of that prelate, he was fo much elTeemed by (71) Hiftoria G. Neubrip;cn. a T. IL'arne edit. Oxen. 1719, 1. I. c. 15. p. $1. Ibid, in fine Prooemii. ( 72) Hill. Anglican. Script. X. a R. Twifdai edit. London, 1651. col. 1290 — 1683. (73) Id. 1652, col. 4Z)— 710. • Henrv Ch. 4. § 2. LEARNING, &c. 403 Henry II. that by the influence of that prince he was elected abbot of Peterborough, A. D. 1177 (74). He affifted at the coronation of Richard I. A. D. 1 180, and was advanced to be keeper of the great feal A. D. 1191(75). But he did not long enjoy this high dignity, as he died on Michaelmas day A. D. 1193 (76). Befides his life of archbifliop Becket, he com- pofed a hiftory of Henry II. and Richard I. from A. D. ii70toA. D. 1192; which hath been much and juftly efteemed by many of our greateit antiquaries, as containing one of the be ft accounts of the tranfactions of thofe times. A beautiful edition of this work was publifhed at Oxford, in two volumes, by Mr. Hearne, A. D. 1735. My gratitude for the information I have received from the perufal of the Engliln hiftori- ans of the twelfth century, who, in merit, as well as in number, are fuperior to thofe of any other nation of Europe, in that period, is in danger of making me forget the proportion that mult be obferved in the feveral parts of this work, or neglect thofe who were the chief ornaments of their country in other branches of learning. John of Salifbury was born at Old Sarum, fromjchnof which he derived his name, about A. D. 1116. For, Salifbury. according to his own account, after he had gone through a courfe of education in England, he went to the univerfity of Paris, for his further improvement, A. D. 1 136, at which time, it is ptob.ible, he was at leaft twenty years of age (77). In this famous feat of learning he fpent no fewer than twelve years, at- tending the lectures of the moil celebrated profeiTors of the feveral fciences, particularly grammar, rhetoric, the Ariftotelian philofophy, and theology (78). At his return into England heftudied the civil law under Vacarius, who taught with great applaufe at Oxford, A. D 1 149 (79). By this long and ardent applicati- on to ftudy, under the bell mafters, he acquired a pro- (74) Benedl&us Abbas a T. Hearne edit. Oxon. 1735, torn, i.p, 210. (75) Id. ibid. p. 556, 714- (76) Roberti Swapbanii Hilt. Ccenob. Burgca. a Jofepho Sparki edit. London, 1723, p. 103. (77) J. Sarifburien. Matalojr. 1. 2. c. 10. p. 801. (78) Id. ibid. (79) J- Sari urien. Policraticon, 1. 8. c. 22. p. 672. S^Ideni Dif- fertat. in Flet. c. 7. fed. 3. D d 2 digious 4H HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Booklll. digtous fund of knowledge, and became one of the moft learned men of the age in which he flourifhed. Embracing the monaftic life at Canterbury, he was the bofom-friend and chief confident of two fuccefllve archbifhops of that fee, Theobald and Thomas Becket (80). To the laft of thefe, while he was chancellor of England, our author dedicated his famous work, De nugis curialium, et vejligiis philofophorum (of the fop- peries of courtiers, and the footfteps of philosophers) in an elegant Latin poem, containing fome of the politeft compliments to his patron. This work is in- deed the moft curious and valuable monument of the Englifh literature of the twelfth century; and it is impoflible to perufe it without admiring the virtue and good fenfe, as well as the genius and erudition, of its author (81). His connection with archbifhop Becket involved him in many troubles ; and he was the very firft perfon banifhed out of England by Henry II. A. D. 1 164, for his attachment to that prelate (82). He continued almoft feven years in exile, though he had the moft inviting offers made him, not only of leave to return home, but alfo of the royal favour and preferment, if he would abandon the party of the archbifhop. But to this he never would confent, de- claring his refolution to die in exile, rather than for- fake his friend and patron in his adverfity ; though he was far from approving of his conduct in every parti- cular (83). His friendfhip for Becket was as active as it was fteady, and prompted him to undertake no fewer than ten journies into Italy, befides many others into different parts of France, in negotiating his af- fairs (84). At length he obtained permiilion to return into England a little before the archbifhop, A. D. 1171, and was a mournful fpectator of the murder of his beloved friend and patron (85). In the time of his exile our author had gained the favour of many per- fons of the higheft rank, particularly of pope Alex- (80) Bulxi Hift. Univerf. PariGen. torn. a. p. 751. (81) Vid. J. Sarilburien. Policraticon, live de Nugis Curialium et Veftigiis Philofophorum lib. on at Oxford in the reign of that learned prince (6). But this feat of the mufes was taken by (lorm, and reduced to allies, A. D. 1 141, by king Stephen ; which difperfed both teachers and fcholars. In a little time, however, they returned to their favourite refidence ; which, before the end of that reign, became famous for the ftudy of the civil law (7). This univerfity became ftili more flourishing in the reign of Henry II. who was a learned prince, and a great patron of learning ; though a great part of the city, and feveral fchools or halls, were deftroyed by an accidental fire A. D. 1190(8). Before that time the houfes and halls of Oxford had been built of wood, and covered with ft raw ; but after this hre, many of them were built of ftone, and covered with tiles or lead. As Richard I, had been born at Oxford, he ftdl retained an affeclion for it, and granted it fo many privileges, that, in his reign, it became a rival to the univerhty of Paris (9). In the reign of king John, when the univerfity was in a profperous ftate, an un- fortunate event happened, A. D, 1209, which threat- ened it with deftruclion. A fcholar, engaged in his (3) A. Wood, Hift. Univcrf. Oxon. p. 4a — 46. (4) Id. p. 46. col. 2. J. Caiusin Antiq. Cantab, p. 97. (5) A. Wood, Hift. Univcrf. Oxon. p. 49. (6) Id. ibid. (7) Id.p.j2. (8) Id. p. 57. (9) Bu]«ei Hift. Univerf. Parifienf. t«n. %. p. 544, &c. diverfion, Ch. 4. §3. LEARNING, &c. 4rS diverfion, accidentally killed a woman, and made his efcape, for fear of punifhment. A prodigious mob, with the mayor of the city at their head, immediately afiembled, and furrounded the hall to which the un- fortunate fcholar belonged ; and not rinding him, feized and imprifoned other three, who were entirely innocent, and obtained an order from king John, who hated the clergy, to put them to death ; which was executed without delay. The greater! part of the pro- feflbrs and fcholars, enraged at this act of cruelty and injuftice, abandoned Oxford, to the number oi three thoufand, and retired, fome to Cambridge, fome to Reading, and fome to Maidftone in Kent. They complained alfo to the pope, and obtained a bull, lay- ing the city under an interdict, and difcharging ail profeflbrs from teaching in it. Their fuperftitious terrors and fecular lofles foon brought the people of Oxford to repent of the cruelty they had committed ; and they fent a deputation of their moff. refpeclable citizens to Nicolas bifhop of Tufculum, the pope's legate, to make their fubmiiftons, and promife obedi- ence to all his commands. In confequence of this the legate iflued a bull, dated at Ramfey, 26th June A. D. 1 2 14, fufpending thofe profeflbrs who had not left Oxford, from teaching for three years ; prefcribing the mod: humiliating penances to the inhabitants, and ftipulating many advantages for the members of the univerfity; and obliged the mayor, with fifty of the chief citizens, to take a folemn oath, in the name of all the reft, that they would comply with every article in that bull. When all thefe preliminaries were fet- tled, the profeflbrs and fcholars returned in fuch multitudes, and were fo joyfully received by the citizens, that the univerfity became more flou- rifhing than it had ever been ; and at the conclu- fion of this period confifted of about four thoufand members (10). Cambridge fufFered ftill more than Oxford, both Cambridge from the Danes before, and the Normans after the conqueft ; and feems to have been longer and more entirely deferted as a feat of learning (11). This (10) Wood, Hift. Ant. Univerf. Oxon. p. 60, 61. (ii) J. Brompt.Chron. col. 887. 888. Ch'ron. Sayon p. 140. appears 414' HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. appears from the following diftindt. account of its re- vival, given by a writer of undoubted credit : " Joffrid, abbot of Croyland, A. D. 1109, fent to his n manor of Cottenham, hear Cambridge, mafter Giile- " bert, his fellow-monk, and profeilbr of theology, " with three other monks who had followed him into c* England ; who being very well inftrudted in philo- " fophical theorems, and other ancient fciences, went "every day to Cambridge; and having hired a cer- " tain public barn, taught the fciences openly, and in *' a little time collected a great concourfe of fcholars. *' For in the very fecond year after their arrival, the " number of their fcholars from the town and country " increafed fo much, that there was no houi'e, barn, ** nor church, capable of containing them. For this " reafon they feparated into different parts of the town, " and imitating the plan of Orleans, brother Odo, a " famous grammarian and fatirift of thofe times, read " grammar, according to the doctrine of Prifcian, " and Remigius upon him, to the boys and younger Colerc'H, Biabanies. Anglia Sacra, torn. z. p. 391. odious Ch. 5.§i. T H E A R T S. 447 odious colours, as a collection of defperate iawlefs ruffians, who lived by plunder, when they were not employed in war (78). Stephen feems to have been the firft Englifh king who took thefe mifcreants into his pay; and his example was imitated by his three fucceflbrs, Henry II. Richard I. and John (79). But it was only in times of great confuiion, when many of their own fubjecls had revolted, that our princes had recourfe to fuch deftruclive auxiliaries. Thefe troops of banditti, rather than of foldiers, be- came at length fo terrible, efpecially to the clergy, that they were folemnly excommunicated by the third general council of Lateran, A. D. 1179, and a croifaide was fet on foot for their extermination (80). One Durand, a common carpenter, pretending to have received a commiffion from the Virgin Mary in a vifion, A. D. 11 82, put himfelf at the head of this croifade, and formed a military fociety for the deftrudlion of the Brabanzons ; which, after a long and bloody ftruggle, was accomplifhed (81 ). The fovereign of every feudal itate was, by the Military conftitution, generaliffimo or commander in chief of officers, its forces; and all the Britifh princes of this period performed that office in perfon, appearing conftantly at the head of their armies. This was not altogether owing to the martial character of thefe princes, but was abfolutely neceffary to preferve fome degree of difcipline in armies compofed of haughty independent barons and their followers. The conftable, who was the higheft military officer, commanded under the king, and with the affiftance of the marfhal and his officers, fuperintended the mufters, regulated the quar- ters, marches, and incampments ; determined all dif- putes, and appointed the punifhrnent of delinquents, according to martial law (82). Every earl com- manded the troops of his county, and every baron thofe of his barony. All thefe offices or commands (78) Gervafii Chron. col. 146 1. (79) J. Hagulftad. col; 282. W. Neubrigen. 1. a. c. c. 27. Anglia Sacra, torn. 2. p. 391. M. Paris Vita Abbat. p. 77. col. a. (80) Benedict. Abbas, torn. 1. p. 229. adann. 1179. (81) Gervas Chron. col. 1461. (82) Pafquier Recherches, p. 104. Spelman Gloff. voc, Conjlabula- rhcs MariJ'saitus . were 448 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. were hereditary ; which, as John of Salifbury ob- ferves, was a defect in the military fyftem of the mid- dle ages, becaufe by this means many perfons were invefied with offices of very great importance, for which they were naturally unqualified. " In our " time (fays he) military (kill and dicipline have <{ much declined, and are almoft quite deftroyed j uadrillus. (96) G. Vinefauf. Iter Richardi Regis, 1. 1, c. 34. Hoyeden. Annal. col. 394. G g 2 <{ can 452 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. " can only be extinguifhed by vinegar. O how ter- " rible, how cruel, is a fea-engagement! Some are ** tortured by fire, — fome abforbed by the waves, — and " others expire with wounds. One of our galleys was c< fet on fire and boarded by the Turks. The rowers " plunged into the fea, to fave their lives by fwimming; ** but a few knights, who were heavy-armed, fought " in defpair, flew all the Turks, and brought their " galley half-burnt to land. In another of our galleys, " the Turks feized the upper bank of oars, while the ** Chriftians kept pofleflion of the lower, and by their tc pulling different ways, it was toiled in a miferable *' manner. In this engagement the Turks loft one c< galley and one galliot, with their crews, while we u came off triumphant and victorious (97)." Greek-fire. The Greek-fire, mentioned in the above defcription, feems to have been one of the moft terrible inftruments of deftru&ion employed in military operations, before the invention of gun- powder. It was called Greek- fire^ becaufe it was invented by the Greeks of the Eaftern empire, who, for feveral centuries, kept the Compofi- tion of it a profound fecret. In that period, the em- perors of Con ft ant inople u fed to fend quantities of this fire to princes in frlendfhip with them, as the moft va- luable prefent they could give them, and as the greateft mark of their favour (98). But the compofition of this liquid fire, as it is fometimes called, feems to have been no longer a fecret in the twelfth century, as it Was then ufed in very great quantities, not only by the Chriftians of all nations in the Holy Land, but alio by the Turks (99). It is faid to have been a compofition of fulphur, bitumen, and naphtha ( 100). It had a very ftrong and difagreeable fmell, as we may eafily fuppofe from its ingredients; burnt with a livid flame, and fo intenfe a heat, that it confumed not only all foft combuftibie fubftances, but even ftones and metals (101). When it fell, in any confiderable quantity, upon a warrior, it penetrated his armour, and peeled his flefh from his bones, with exquifite pain, which (97) Vinefauf. Iter Richard! Regis, 1. 1. c. 34. (98) Lucthprand, 1. 5. c. 4. Delmar, 1. 3. p. 33. (99) N. Trivet. Cbron. ad ann. 1191. (100) Du Cange. Not. ad Joinvil. p. 71. (I3l) Vinefauf. 1. I. c. 34. 3 made Ch. 5.§ i. THE ARTS. 453 made it an objecT: of great terror (102). This liquid fire was kept in phials and pots, and in thefe was dif- charged from machines upon the enemy (103). One of its moll fingular properties was, that it burnt in water, which did not in the leaft abate its violence; but it yielded to fevcral other things, particularly to fand, urine, and vinegar, according to the monkilh verfes quoted below (104). For this reafon, when an army made an aflault, in which they expected to be oppofed by Greek-fire, they provided themfclves with thefe things for its extinction. '* Greek-fire (fays Geoffrey ** de Vinefauf, in defcribing at) aflault) was difcharged " upon them from the walls of the caftle and city, " like lightning, and ftruck them with great terror j " but they endeavoured to preferve themfelves from it, *l by fand, vinegar, and other extinguifhcrs (105)." As ^Britain abounded, in this period, in fortified Attack and towns, and caftles, much of the art of war confifted defence of in defending and afTaulting places of ftrength. The ftrong manner in which thefe fortifications were conftru&ed p AC"° hath been already defcribed (106). They were de- fended by difcharges of the various kinds of fmall arms and artillery then in ufe, from the ramparts, and by counteracting all the arts and efforts of the befieg- ers. It would be a very tedious work to enumerate all the arts and all the machines that were employed in this period, in afTaulting and defending places. For as the combinations of the mechanic powers in form- ing engines for burfting open gates, undermining, fcaling, and battering walls, throwing ftones, darts, and fire, and for opppfing all thefe efforts, are almoft innumerable, great fcope was given to the genius and invention both of the befiegers and befieged. The confequepce of this was, that there were few fieges (icu) yinefauf. 1. 2. c. 14. (103) Du Cange. voc. Ignis Gnecus. (104) Pcrcat, O utinam, ignis hujus vena ; Non enim extinguitur aqua, fed arena ; Viiquevinum acidum arctat ejusfrapna, Jit urina ftringitur ejus vix habcna. (103) G. Vinefauf. Hiftosia Captionis Daniutffj ch, 9, (106) See p. 434, 435) 95 454 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. of great importance in which fome new machine was not invented. Of thefe machines above twenty dif- ferent kinds are mentioned by the writers of this pe- riod (107). But a plain defcription of a fiege, given by a contemporary writer, will probably be more fa- tisfaclory to the reader, and give him a clearer idea of the means employed in attacking and defending places, than the mod laborious inveftigation of the conftructi- ons and ufes of all thefe machines. For this purpofe I have chofen the relation given by an eye-witnefs of the fiege of the caftle of Exeter by king Stephen, A. D. 1 1 36: " The caftle of Exeter is built on a lofty . 934. (109) Id. ibid. SEC T, 456 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. SECTION II. tention. T))e hi/lory of the fine or pleafing arts of Sculpture, Painting, Poetry, and Mufc in Great Britain, from A. D. 1066, to A. D. 1216, Thepleaf- jLVI A N K I N D, in every ftage of fociety, have mg arts forne tafte and capacity for the imitative and pleafing arts ; and, from the indulgence of that tafte, and ex- ertion of that capacity, they derive many of their moft rational enjoyments. On this account, the ftate of thefe arts is an object worthy of attention in every period of the hiftory of our country. Sculpture. Sculpture, or the art of forming the figures of men, birds, bcafts, &c. in metal, ftone, wood, or other materials, flourishes moft under the patronage of riches and fuperftition, among a wealthy people ad- dicted to idolatry. As Britain was one of the richeft countries of Europe, in the period we are now deline- ating, and its inhabitants were much addicted to a fu- perftitious veneration for the images of their faints, we have good reafon to believe that fculpture was much cultivated and encouraged. Every church had a ftatue of its patron faint, while cathedrals and conven- tual Ch. 5. § 2. THE ARTS. 4S7 tual churches were crowded with fuch ftatues ( 1 ) . We may form fome judgment of the number of thefe fta- tues in conventual churches from the following ac- count given by Matthew Paris, of thofe that were erected in the abbey-church of St. Albans by one abbot : " This abbot William removed the ancient ftatue " of the Virgin Mary, and placed it in another part " of the church, erecting a new and more beautiful " one in its room. He did the fame with refpecf. to " the ancient crucifix, which ftood aloft in the middle " of the church, and another image of the Virgin *' Mary, that ftood over the altar of St. Blafius, . J 097. The archbifhop having received intelligence of their de- fign, efcaped by means of a difguife. That hx might not efcape in the fame manner on his re- turn, the banditti fent an excellent painter to R.ome to draw his picture fo exactly, that they might know him under any difguife. Of this alfo the archbifhop received intelligence ; and was fo much alarmed that he went a great way out of his road, to avoid the danger ( 13). Abouj: the fame time the pope and clergy employed the art of painting in promoting a croifade for the recovery of the Holy Land, by fending certain irritating pictures to the courts of princes, and expofing them to the view of the people. In one of thefe pictures, Chrift was reprefented tied 'ia) Doctor Ducai-el'i Anglo-Norman Antiquities, p. 61. < 13) W. Malmf. dc Geftis Pentific, Angl. p. 127. col. s. tQ Ch.5- $2. THE ARTS, 461 to a ftake, and fcourged by an Arabian, fuppofed to be Mahomet ; and in another an Arabian was painted on horfeback, with his horfe ftaling on the holy fe- pulchre. Thefe pictures, it is faid, excited the indig- nation both of princes and people, in a very high de- gree, and contributed not a little to their taking the crofs (14). Painting, in this periodj was not confined to the Paintings ufe of the church, or to the portraits of great men, °f various but was employed to various other purpofes ; particu- in * larly to ornamenting the apartments, furniture, fhields) &c. of perfons of rank and fortune* In the feven- teenth of Henry III. a precept was directed to the fhe- rifFof Hampfhire, commanding him, " to caufe the *< king's wainfcotted chamber in the caftle of Win- 4< chefter to be painted with the fame hiftories and the ** fame pictures with which it had been painted be- " fore (15)/' This is an authentic proof that wain- fcotting chambers, and painting the vvainfcot with hiftorical paintings, was pra&ifed in England fo long before the feventeenth of Henry III. A. D. 1233, that the paintings were fo much faded or tarniihed that they needed to be renewed. Peter de Blois, archdeacon of Bath, and chaplain to Henry II. acquaints us, in one of his letters, that the great barons and military men of his time, had their fhields and faddles painted with the reprefentations of battles. In that letter he cen- fures the vices, and particularly the oftentatious vani- ty, of thefe barons, with no little feverity; and, amongft other things, fays, " They carry fhields into the field *c fo richly gilded, that they prefent the profpedt of ,c booty rather than of danger to the enemy ; and they " bring them back untouched, and, as I may fay, in *c a virgin ftate. They alio caufe both their fhields *c and faddles to be painted with reprefentations of " battles and equeftrian combats, that they may pleafe " their imaginations with the contemplations of fcenes " in which they do not chufe to engage (16)." The art of painting glafs was known and praclifed Paiotiar in France, and very probably in England, in this peri- s 3- od. Father Montfaucon hath given feveral plates of (14) Abulfcda, 1. I. c. 3. Bohadin. Vit. Salidini, ch. 80. p. 136. ( 15 ) See the Honourable Mr. Walpolc's Anecdotes of Painting, p. 3. (16) Optra Petri Blefenfis, ep. 94. p. 146, 147. the 462 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. the paintings in the windows of the abbey of St. Dennis that were painted in the twelfth century, particularly a reprefentation of the progrefs of the firft croifade, in ten compartments (17). This art, it is believed, was brought into England in the reign of king John (18). Iltaminati- There was a kind of miniature painting much prac- ons of tjfecj jn grjtajn jn tnis period, and of which many cu- rious fpecimens are ftill remaining. This was called illuminating (from which limning is derived) ; and was chiefly ufed, as we now ufe copper- plates, in illuftrat- ing and adorning the Bible and other books. This art was much praclifed by the clergy, and even by fome in the higheft ftations in the church : 'fr The famous cc Ofmund (fays Brompton), who was confecrated " Bifhop of Salifbury A. D. 1076, did not difdain to •' fpend fome part of his time in writing, binding, and " illuminating books (19)-" Mr. Strutt hath given the public an opportunity of forming fome jud&ment of the degree of delicacy and art with which thefe illu- minations were executed, by publiftiing prints of a prodigious number of them, in his two works, quo- ted below (20). In the firft of thefe works, we are prefented with the genuine portraits, in miniature, of all the kings, and feveral of the queens, of England, from Edward the Confeflbr to Henry the VII. moftly in their crowns and' royal robes, together with the por- traits of many other eminent perfons of both fexes. Artef The illuminators and painters of this period preparing feem to have been in poffefllon of a confiderable colours. number of colouring materials, and to have known the arts of preparing and mixing them, fo as to form a great variety of colours. In the fpecimens of their miniature-paintings that are ftill extant, we perceive not only the five primary colours, but alfo various combinations of them. There is even fome appearance that they were not ignorant of the art of painting in oil, from the following precept of Henry III. dated only twenty-three years after the conclufion (17) Montfauron Monumens, &c. torn. 1. p. 384. (18) Mr. Walpolc's Anecdotes of Painting, p. 5. note. £19) J. Brompt. Chrcn. col. 977. (20) The Regal and EcclefiafUcal Antiquities of England, I^ondoa 1773; View of the Cuftoms, &c. of England, 1774- of Ch. 5. § 2. T H E A R T S. 463 of this period : u Pay out of our treafury, to Odo the " goldfmith, and Edward his fori, one hundred and *' feventeen (hillings and ten pence, for oil, varnifh, " and colours bought, and pictures made, in the " chamber of our queen at Weftminfter, between the *l octaves of the Holy Trinity, in the twenty-third ** year of our reign, and the feaft of St. Barnabas the " apoitle, in the fame year, which is fifteen days (21 )." This was a confiderable fum (equal in quantity of filver to feventeen pounds fourteen (hillings of our money, and in efficacy to eighty-eight pounds) to be expended in painting one chamber in fo fhort a time. As the Normans were more learned, and no lefs Poetry, fond of poetry than the Anglo-Saxons, that moft plea- ding and delightful art, efpecially Latin poetry, was cultivated with no lefs ardour, and with greater fuc- cefs, in this than in the former period. On this ac- count it may be proper to pay a little more attention to this than to any of the other arts. The vernacular language of England, in this period imperfect was in fuch an imperfect and unfettled ftate, that it was ftate of the hardly fit for tranfacling the common bufinefs of focie- ^n5llfh ty, and very improper for the fublime and melodious angua£~ (trains of poetry. No fciences were taught, few letters were written, few accounts were kept, few treatifes in profe, on any fubjecl:, were compofed in that language (22). But fo ftrong a propenfity to poetry prevailed, that a prodigious number of poems on different fubjects, and in various kinds of verfe, were written in that crude unformed tongue. Many of our beft poets in- deed in this period, fenfible of the imperfection of their native language, wrote their poems in Latin, and fome in the Romance or Provencal tongue. This makes it necefTary to give a very brief account, 1. of the Eng- lifh; 2. of the Latin; and 3. of the Provencal poetry of this period. As many of the poets of this period were clerks and Engltfk monks, many of their poems were on religious fubje&s. poetry. Of this kind is a tranflation of the Old and New Tef- tament into Englifh verfe, fuppofed to have been made before the year 1200, — a verfion of the pfalms, (ai) Mr. Walpole's Anecdotes of Painting, vol. I. p. 6. (as) See chap. 7. made 464 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. made about the fame time, — and a large volume of the lives of the faints (23). The only fpecimen of thefe poems our limits can admit, is the following verfion ©f the hundredth pfalm : Mirthes to God al erthe that es Serves to Louerd in faints. In go yhe ai in his fiht, In gladnes that is fo briht. "Whites that louerd god is he thus He us made and ourfelf noht us, His folk and fhep of his fode : In gos his yhates that are gode : In fchrift his worches belive, In ympnes to him yhe fchrive. Heryhes his name for Louerde is hende, In all his merci do in ftrende and ftrande (24). Sunday- The minftrels of thofe times had a fet of fongs of a fongs. religious caft, and on religious fubjecls, which they fung to their harps, in the courts of kings, and in the halls of barons, on Sundays, inftead of thofe on love and war, and fuch fubje£b, which they fung on other days. The following lines are the exordium of one of thefe Sunday-fongs : The •vi/ions of Seynte Poul -won he was raft into Paradys. Lufleneth lordynges leof and dere, Ze that wolen of the Sonday here ; The Sonday a day hit is That angels and archangels join i wis, More in that ilke day Then any odur, &c. (25) Hymns. The monks, and other clerical poets of this period, compofed many lhort hymns, in various kinds of verfe. The following ftanzaof one of thefe hymns may ferve as a fpecimen. The fubjeft of it is our Saviour's crucifixion : I fyke when y finge for forewe that yfe When y with wypinge bihold upon the tre, Ant fe Jhefu the fuete Is heit blod for-lete, (13) Mr. Warton's Hiftory of Englifli Poetry, p. 19. S3. (S4) Id. ibid. p. 23. (aj) Id. ibid. p. 19. note. For Gh. 5. § 2. THE ARTS. 465 For the love of me ; Ys woundes waxen wete, Thei wepen, ftill and mete, Marie reweth me (s6). Religion was not the only fubjecT: of the Englifh Love- poetry of this period. Love, the favourite theme of ioait" many poets, produced its (hare of verfes. The fol- lowing little poem, in which the poet compares his miftrefs to a great variety of gems and flowers, may ferve as a fpecimen of this kind of poetry, and of that alliteration which was efteemed a great beauty in this period : Ic hot a burde m an hour, afe beryl fo bryght, Afe faphyr in felver femely on fyght, Afe jafpe the gentil that lemeth with lyghtj Afe gernet in golde and rubye wet ryht, Afe onycle he is on y holden on hyht ; Afe a diamand the dere in day when he is dyht_": He is coral yend with Cayfer and knyght, Afeemeraude a morewen this may haveth myht. The myht of the margaryte haveth this mai mere, Ffor charbocele iche hire chafe bi chyn and bi chere, Hire rede ys as rofe that red ys on ryfe With lilye white leves loffum he ys, The primros he paffeth, the penenke of prys, "With alifaundre thareto ache and anys: Coynteas columbine fuch hire cande ys, Glad under gore in gro and in grys, Heo is blofme upon bleo brighten1 under bis With celydone ant fange as thou thi felf fys, From Weye he is wifift into Wyrhale, Hire nome is in a note of the nyhtigale ; In a note is hire nome nampneth hit non Who fo ryht redeth ronne to Johon (27). Several fatirical poems appear among the remains of Satirical the Englifh poetry of this period. Some of thefe are poems, general fatires againft monks, bifhpos, lawyers, phyfi- cians, and people of other profefuons. That part of a very curious fatire againft monks, in which the au- thor lafhes them for their incontinence, may ferve as (46) Mr. Warton's Hiftory of Englifli Poetry, p. 33. note. (47) Id. p. 33. Vol. Ill Hh an *66 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. an example of this kind of poetry. After the fatirift had defcribed the delightful fituation, magaificent fa- bric, and great provifion of meats and drinks of an ab- bey, with the indolence, gluttony, and druakennefs of its monks, he proceeds thus : An other abbai is ther bi For foth a gret nunnerie ; Up a river of fwet milk Whar is plente grete of filk. When the fummeris dai is hote, The yung nunnes takith a bote, And doth ham forth in that river Both with oris and with ftere : "Whan hi beth fur from the abbei Hi makith him nakid for to plei, And leith dune in to the brimme And doth hfm fleilich for to fwimme ; The yung monkes that hi feeth Hi doth ham ap, and forth he fleeth, And comith to the nunnes anon, And euch monk him takith on, And fnellich berith forth har prei To the mochill grei abbei, Andtechith thenonnes an oreifun With jambleus up and dun. The munke that wol be ftaluu gode, And can fet a riyt his hode, He fcal hab withoute danger xii wives each yer, Al throy riyt and noyt throy grace. For to do himfilf folace. And thilk monke that clepeth beft And doth is likam all to reft, Of him is hope, God hit wote, To be fone vader abbot (28). Banger of writing fatirical poems. It was far from being fafe at this time to write fatiri- cal verfes againft particular perfons, efpecially againft thofe in power. Henry I. A. D. 11 24, condemned one Luke de Barra to have his eyes pulled out, for having written defamatory ballads againft him ; and when the earl of Flanders very warmly interceded for the unhappy poet, the king replied, " This man, being f>8) Hickefii Thefaur. tern. Inglifh Poetry, p. 11. I. p. I32,!l33. Warton's Hiftory of " a wit, Ch. 5. § 2. T H E A R T S. 467 " a wit, a poet, and a minftrel, hath compofcd many " indecent Jongs againft me, and fung them openly, " to the great entertainment and diverfion of my ene- '* mies. Since it hath pleafed God to deliver him into " my hands, he mall be punilhed, to deter others from " the like petulance (29)." Tnis cruel fentence was accordingly executed on the unfortunate fatirift; who died of the wounds he received in ftrugghng with the executioner. But though the kings and great men of thofe times Panegyrics, were thus impatient of fatire, they were fond enough of panegyrics; which produced poems of that kind in great abundance. The famous William Longchamp, bifhop of Ely, chancellor and chief jufticiary of Eng- land, the pope's legate, and the great favourite of Richard I. (if we may believe his brother Hugh Nunant bifhop of Chefter), *' kept a number of poets " in his pay, to make fongs and poems in his praife ; " and allured the belt fingers and minfbrels, by great " gifts, to come over from France, and fing thefe " fongs in the ftreets of the feveral cities of Eng- " land (30)." Matilda, queen of Henry I. was fo generous, or rather fo profufe a patronefs of poets, that they crowded to her court from all parts to prefent her with their panegyrics (31 ). So much were the mufes both courted and dreaded by the great in this period ! Among the remains of the Englifh poetry of the Elegies, twelfth century, are feveral elegiac, paftoral, and de- paftorals, fcriptive poems; but for fpecimens of thefe, 1 muft &c* refer the reader to the very curious work quoted be* low, to which I have been fo much indebted in this article (32). The unsettled ftate of the Engliih language, fluclu- Latin ating between the Norman, fpoken by one part of the poetry, people, and the Saxon, by another, was, no doubt, one reafon why the Latin language was ftudied with fo (29) Orderic. Vital, p. 88o, 88l. (30) Benedict. Abbas, ad ann. 1191. (31) W. Malmf. 1. 5. p. 93. col. 1. (3a) Mr. Wartoo's Hiftery of Engliih Poetry, p. 29, &c. Hh 2 much t»n. 468 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. BoolcIII. much ardour in England in this period ; and that not only all our divines, philofophers, and hiftorians, but alfo many of our poets wrote in that language. Several learned men, whom we have already men- tioned for their other works, were excellent Latin poets, and in that capacity claim a little of our at- tention. Henry of Henry of Huntington, the hiftorian, was alfo a volu- Hunting- mjnous Latin poet, and wrote feveral books of epi- grams and love-verfes, and a poem upon herbs. This we are told by himfelf, in the concluiion of his curious letter on the contempt of the world ; Henricus tibi ferta gerens, epigrammata primum, Pralia mox Veneris gramina deinde tuli (33). His invocation of Apollo, and the goddefles of Tempe, in the exordium of his poem on herbs, may ferve as a fpecimen of his poetry : Vatum nnigne parens, herbarum Phoebe repertor, "Vofque, quibus refonant Tempe jocofa, Deae ! Si niihi ferta prius hedera florente paraftis, Ecce nieos flores, ferta parate, fero (34). Tohn of The famous John of Salifbury was not only well ac- Salifbury. quainted with the belt Roman poets, as appears from the numerous quotations from them in his works, but was himfelf no contemptible Latin poet. His poem prefixed to his book, De nugis curialium^ is equally ele- gant and witty. It is an addrefs to his book, contain- ing many directions for its conduct ; from which the following verfes, alluding to the title of his work, may be given as a fpecimen : (33) Anglia Sacra, torn. a. p. 70a. (34) Lcland. de Script. Britain, torn. %, p. 15 Nufquam Ch. 5. § 2. T H E A R T S. 469 Nufquam divertas ne quis te Ledat euntem„ Nugarum luat garruja lingua notas. Omnia, (i nefcis, loca funt pleniffima nugis ; Quarum tota cohors eft inimica tibi. Ecclefia nugse regnant, et principis aula ; In clauftro regnant, pontificifque domo. In nugis clerus, in nugis militis ufus ; In nugis juvenes, totaque turba fenum. Rufticus in nugis, in nugis fexus uterque ; Servus et ingenuus, dives, egenus, in his (35). Eadmer, William of Malmfbury, Peter of Blois, Eadmer, Girald Barry, and feveral others of whom we have al- &c- ready given fome account, have left proofs of their proficiency in Latin poetry, as well as in other parts of learning ; but extracts from their works would fwel} this feition beyond its due proportion. It will be more proper to take a little notice of a very few of the Latin poets of this period, who addicted them- felves chiefly to poetry, and who have not yet been mentioned. John Hanvill, or Hautvill, a monk of St. Albans, HanviH, flouri/hed towards the end of the twelfth century, and was far from being a contemptible Latin poet. His chief work was a kind of moral heroic poem, in nine books, the hero of which he calls Archhrienias, who travelled over the world, and every where found reafon to lament the follies, vices, and miferies of mankind. He dedicated this work to his great friend and patron Walter de Conftans, who was made bifhop of Lin- coln A. D. 1183. A few lines from the dedication will enable the reader to form fome idea of his ftyle and manner : O cujus ftudio, quo remige navigat asftu, Mundanoque mari tumidis exempta procellis, Lincolnise fedes! O quem non prasterit aequi Calculus ! O cujus morum redolentia caelum Spondet, et effe nequit virtus altilfima major, Indivifa minor : cujus fe nomen et aftris Inferit, et famse lituo circumfonat orbemf36). (35) ]• Sarifturien. ad opus fuura. (36) Bulsei. Hift. Uaiverfuat. Parifien, torn. a. p. 458. Befi and fometimes Roman le Rou, et les vies des (49) Hiftoire Litcraire de la France, torn. 7. Avertiffcmcnt, P- 73- (<;o) Id. ibid. Du Cange Gloff. voc. Romancei, 1. 5, p. I489. (51) Wartoai Hift. Poet. p. 85. Dues Ch. 5. § 2. T H E A R T S. 475 Dues de Normandie (52). Robert de Brunne, in the prologue to his tranfiation of one of thefe metrical hiftorical poems, written by an Anglo-Norman, (ays the language of his original was called Romance : Frankis fpech is cald Romance, So fais clefkes and men of France. Pers of Langtoft, a chanon Schaven in the houfe of Bridlyngton On Frankis ityle this ftorie he wrote Of Inglis kinges, &c(53). Many of thefe poems, which were originally writ- ten in romance, becaufe it was the language of their authors, and of the court and nobility to whom they were addreiTed, were foon after translated into the Englifh of thofe times, for the entertainment of the native Englifh, who were called levued, i. e. ignorant men. This is the motive affigned by Robert de Brunne for his tranflating one of thefe poems : For lewed men I undyrtoke, In Engly(he tonge to make this boke : For many beyn of fuche manere That talys and rymys vvyle bleihty here (53). The Provencal poets were very famous in the Provencal twelfth and thirteenth centuries, not only in their Poetr7- own, but in feveral neighbouring countries. They were called Troubadours, or Finders, from the fertility of their invention ; and were in reality the fathers of modern poetry. No poets were ever more loved, admired, and cherifhed, than thefe Provencal bards. They were invited to the courts of the greateft prin- ces, where they became the delight of the brave, and the favourites of the fair, by celebrating the atchieve- ments of the one, and the charms of the other, in their poems. In a word, the admiration which they acquired was fo flattering, that feveral fovereign prin- ts) Wartoni Hift. Poet. p. 6a, 63, {53) H. p. 66. (54) W. p. 59. 476 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Booklll. ces became Troubadours, and wrote poems in the Provencal language, which was then the moft perfect x>f all the modern languages of Europe (54). Richard I. of England was one of thefe royal fongfters j fome of whofe poems, in the Provencal tongue, are ftill extant; and one of them hath been publifhed in the very curious work quoted below (55)* The firft flanza of that poem, which was compofed in prifon in Germany, with a tranflation, is all the fpecimen of this kind of poetry that our limits will admit : Ja nus hom pris non dira fa raifon, Adreitament fe com hom dolent non : Ma per conort pot il faire chanfon. Pro a d'amis, mas poure fon li don. Onta i auron fe por ma reezon, Sois fait dos yver pris (56). No prifoner his condition can explain, But he will fall into a plaintive (train. Yet to divert his forrows he may fmg. Though he have friends, how poor the gifts they bring! Shame be on them ! my ranfom they deny, And I in prifon two long winters lie. Mufic. In times when poetry was fo much cultivated, we may be certain, that mufick could not be neglected, efpecially when we confider that the union between thefe two arts was much greater in thofe times than it is at prefent. For in the middle ages, almoft all the poets of France and England, like the antient bards of Gaul and Britain, were muficians, and fung their verfes to the mufic of their harps (57). Thefe poetical muficians, commonly called Minjlreh^ were the delight of princes, prelates, and barons, who entertained them in their courts and catties, and (54) Hiftoire Literaire des Troubedours a Paris, 1774. (s 5 ) A Catalogue of the Royal and Noble Authors of England, vol. 1. p. 6. (56) Hiftoire de Traubodours, torn. I. p. 59. (57; See Dr. Percy's curious Preface tt his Relieves of Ancient Ej:^!ifh Poetry. lavifhed Ch. 5. § 2. THE ARTS. 477 laviflied upon them much of their wealth (58). Ma- tilda, queen of Henry I, was fo fond of mufic, and fo profufely generous to muficians and poets, that file expended almoft all Jier revenues upon them, and even opprefled her tenants, in order to procure money to reward them for their fongs (59). John of Salis- bury cenfures the great people of his time, for imi- tating; Nero in his extravagant fondnefs for muficians : and fays, that " they proftituted their favour, by 44 beftowing it on minftrels and buffoons; and that, " by a certain foolifh and fhameful munificence, " they expended immenfe fums of money on their " frivolous exhibitions (60)." " The courts of *' princes (fays another contemporary writer) are " rilled with crowds of minftrels, who extort from " them gold, filver, horfes, and veftments, by their " flattering fongs. I have known fome princes who " have beftowed on thefe minftrels of the devil, at '•' the very firft word, the raoft curious garments, " beautifully embroidered with flowers and pictures, " which had coft them twenty or thirty marks of fil- 11 ver, and which they had not worn above (even " days (61)." An art that was fo highly honoured, and fo liberally rewarded, could not fail to flourifh. Both the vocal and inftrumental mufic of this pe- riod was of three kinds, viz. facred, civil, and mar- tial. Of the laft, enough hath been already faid (62). Of the ftate of the other two it may be pro- per to give a very brief account. Sacred or church mufic was cultivated with great Church- ardour by the Britifh clergy of all ranks in this pe- mu^ic- riod, both becaufeit attracted the people to the church, and becaufe it rendered the performance of the pub- lic fervice more agreeable to themfelves. The Anglo- Norman clergy, in particular, applied with much diligence and fuccefs to this delightful art: of which it may not be improper to give one example, out of many that might be given. Thomas, the firft Nor- (58) M. Paris, p. 114. col. r. (59) w- Malmf. p. 93. col. I. (60) J. Sarifburien. Policrat. 1. I. c. 8. p. 22. (61) Rigordus ad an. Ii8j. (6») Seep. 449. man 478 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. man archbifhop of York, who was advanced to that fee by William the Conqueror, A. D. 10/0, was one of the moft pious and learned prelates of the age in which he flourifhed (63). Having a fine voice, and a great tafte for mufic, he made that art his par- ticular ftudy, and attained to great perfection in it, both in theory and pra&ife (64). He compofed many pieces of mufic for his cathedral, in a grave, folemn, manly ftyle, avoiding all light effeminate airs, as un- fuitable to the nature of religious worfhip. When he heard any of the fecular minftrels fing a tune which pleafed him, he adopted and formed it for the ufe of the church, by fome necefiary variations (65). " There wis nothing (fays one of his hiftorians) " which archbifhop Thomas ftudied fo much as to " have a good and virtuous clergy in his cathedral. " With them he fometimes read, fometimes difputed, u fometime- fung, or played upon the organ: he " even fpent fome of his leifure-hours in making or- " gans, and in teaching h;s clergy to make them, " and to fet hymns both in profe and verfe to mu- " fie (66)." When fo great 'and learned a prelate employed fo much of his time in the ftudy and prac- tice of church mufic, and was fo highly commended for it, we have reafon to think that it was an object of great and general attention among the clergy. The gamut The invention of the new mufical fcale, or mo- invented, dern gamut, by an Italian monk named Guidt Aretine^ a native of Arezzo, about A. D. 1022, contributed not a little to encreafe the ardour of the clergy in their application to mufic, by facilitating the acquisition of mufical knowledge. This invention made a mighty noife in the church at that time. The author of it was fent for thrice to Rome, to explain and teach it to the clergy of that city (67). Aretine, in a letter (63) T. Stubbs dc Pontific. Ebor. col. 1705. (64) W. Malmf. de Geftis Pontine. Angl. p. 155. col. a. \6s) Id. ibid. (66) Stubbs de Pontific. Ebor. col. 1709. (67) See Bayle's Dictionary, article GuUlo Arrtint, to Ch. 5. §2. T H E A R T S. 479 to the pope, affirms, that any perfon, by the help of his invention, may make as great proficiency in mufic in one year, as before he could have made in ten. He infinuates to his Holinefs, that he had been in- fpired by Heaven with this happy thought, which had atoned for all his fins, and fecured the falvation of his foul (68). There is no room to doubt that this invention was well known to archbifhop Thomas, who had fpent fome time at Rome foon after his ele- vation to the fee of York, and that it was by this fcale that he and the other Englifh compofers of this period regulated their compofitions. The church-mufic of Britain did not continue long Corruption in the grave and folemn ftyle. Before the end of the of church- twelfth century it had loft the primitive fimplicity of mufiC- plain fong, and become foft, effeminate, and artifi- cial, in a very high degree. Of this change in the church-mufic of his time, John of Salifbury thus complains : " This foft effeminate kind of mufic « hath even debafed the dignity, and ftained the pu- te rity of religious worfhip. For in the very pre- «c fence of God, and in the centre of his fancluary, w the fingers endeavour to melt the hearts of the ad- " miring multitude with their effeminate notes and tc quavers, and with a certain wanton luxuriancy of tc voice. When you hear the foft and fweet modu- " lations of the choirifters ; fome leading, others fol- " lowing ; fome finging high, others low ; fome fall- *< ing in, others replying; you imagine you hear a " concert of firens, and not of men ; and admire w the wonderful flexibility of their voices, which " cannot be equalled by the nightingale, the parrot, or " any other creature, if there be any more mufical. " Such is their facility in rifing and failing, in qua- " vering, [making, and trilling, in blending and " tempering all the different kinds of founds, that " the ear lofes its capacity of diftinguifhing, and the " mind, overpowered with fo much fweetnefs, can- " not judge of the merit of what it hears. When " they have thus far departed from the bounds of " moderation, they are more apt to excite unhal- (68) Baron. Aunal. ad. ann. ioaz. " lowed 480 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. (t lowed paflions than devout affections in the hearts •* of men (69)." Though this mufic was certainly very much mifplaced wheij it was introduced into the church; yet, if it really anfwered the defcription which is here given of it, we cannot entertain a very contemptible opinion, either of the fkill of the com- pofers, or of the ability of the performers. Civil mafic. By civil mufic is to be underftood that which was in common ufe in civil fociety, for alleviating the cares and labours of the poor, and exhilarating the fcflivities of the rich. The minftrels, a very nume- rous and much-refpedled order of men, were the profeflbrs and practitioners of this pleafing art, from their excellence in which they derived all their ho- nours and advantages. Not being under the fame re- ftraints with the compofers for the church, they in- dulged their imaginations, and invented tunes of many different kinds, from the moft flow and folemn, to the moft quick and joyous. Genius of Jn general, as we are told by Giraldus Cambrenfis, ^Thalf tne gL'n'us °f tne -Englifh mufic was flow and grave, ferent BH- while that of the Scotch, Irifh, and Welfli mufic, tifh nations, was quick and gay (70). The fame writer exprefT- es great furprife at the mafterly execution of thefe three laft nations on the harp : " It is wonderful, " that in fuch quick and rapid motions of the fingers M any mufical proportion is preferved, and that with- " out violating any of the rules of art, the mufic " is rendered harmonious, in the midft of warbling " and intricate modulations, by founds, rapid yet *' fweet, unequal yet proportioned, difcordant yet '* confonant, and the harmony is completed, whe- " ther they play upon fourths or fifths. They always « begin upon B flat, and return upon the fame, which " makes the whole uniformly fweet and fonorous. «' They begin and end their modulations with fo *' much delicacy, and intermix the founds of the c< brifs-ftrings, with the wanton and fportive tink- 44 lings of the treble, in fuch a manner, that by the " excellency of their art, they even conceal their (69) J. Sariduricn. Policrat. 1. 1. c. 6. p. a8, »<}. (70) G. Cambrenf. Topograph. Hibern. 1. 3. c. 1. p. 739. « art. Ch, 5. §2. T H E A R T S. ^ 481 *' art. Hence it Is, thofe who are intimately ac- " quainted with the theory of mufic are penetrated *' and tranfported with delight, while thofe who " are ignorant of the rules of art are apt to be te teafed and wearied with what appears to them a " confufed and noify jumble of difcordant founds From the account which is given by the fame wri- Counter- ter, of the manner in which the people of Wales, Point- and of the north of England* fung their fongs^ it feems to be very evident that they were not unac- quainted with the laws, or at leaft with the practice, of harmony^ or counter-point : " In Wales (fays 11 he) they do not fing in one uniform mufical modu- " lation, as in other places, but in feveral different " tones or modulations, in fo much that in a compa- <£ ny of fingers you hear almoft as many different tc parts as there are voices, all forming one ple^fing " delightful harmony in B flat. The Englifn alfo, ** in the country about York, and beyond the Hum- *' ber, ufe a fimilar fymphonious harmony >n finging, " confifting only of two parts, the one, the deep mur- " muring bafs, the other, the high and fweet found- " ing treble (72). The chief, if not the only inftrument that was Mufical in- ufed in facred rnufic, was the organ. We have al- ftrumcnu. ready heard of a great and learned prelate, and his clergy, who fpent fome part of their time in making thefe inftruments, which indicates that they were efteemed neceifary at leaft in cathedral churches. The figures of two organs, of this period, differing confiderably in their ftru&ure from thofe now in ufe, may be feen in the work quoted below (73). In ci- vil mufic, if we may believe Giraldus Cambrenfis, the Scots, Irifh, and Welfh, ufed but few inftru- ments : " The Irifh (fays that author) ufe only two '* mufical inftruments, the harp and the timbrel ; the " Scots ufe three, the harp, the timbrel, and the (71) J. Sarifburien. Policrat. 1. i. c. 6. p. 28, 29. (72) G. Cambrenf. Defcript. Camb. c. 13. p. 890. (73) Mr. Strutt's View of the Manners, &c. vol. I. plate ^2' %• 12. vol. 2. plate 6. fig. 27. Vol. III. I i " bag-pipe; 482 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. " bag-pipe ; the Welfh alfo ufe three, the harp, the '* pib-corn, and the bag-pipe. The Irifh harps have " brafs firings. It is the opinion of many, that the ** Scotch mufic at prefent not only equals, but even u very much excels the Irifh ; for which reafon they u go to Scotland as to the fountain head of perfec- *« tion in that art (74)." The Englifh feem to have been acquainted with a greater variety of mufical in- ftruments, fome of which, it is probable, were in- troduced by the Normans. The violin is mentioned in books written in this period, and reprefented in il- luminations (75). Some of their violins had five firings. Mr. Strutt hath collected from illumina- tions, the figures of no fewer than fixteen different kinds of mufical inflruments, if fome of the figures do not reprefent different fizes of the fame inflrument (76). The harp, however, feems to have been the favourite and moft admired inflrument of the Eng- lifh, as well as of the other Britifh nations, in this period. That was the inflrument, to the found of which the minflrels, the admired muficians of this period, fung their fongs and poems (77). (74) Girald. Cambren. Topograph. Hibern. 1. 3. c. 11. p. 739. (75) Du Change Gloff. Voc. Vitula. Vita S. Thomse Cant. p. 24. Mr. Strutt's View of the Manners, vol. I. plate 23- fig- 7- v°l- %• plate 1. fig. 9. (76) Mr. Strutt's View of the Manners, vol. ». plate 6. (77) See Dr. Percy's excellent May on the ancient Enjlilh Minftrtk- numtJWJta THE HISTORY O F GREAT BRITAIN. BOOK III. CHAP. VI. Hi/lory of Commerce, Coin, and Shipping, in Great Britain, from the landing of William Duke of Nor- mandy, A. D. 1066, to the death of King John, A. D. 1216. xN O apology is neceflary for introducing the hif- HJftory of tory of commerce into the hiftory of Britain, which commerce hath derived fo many advantages from that fource. im?et^A. But it is much to be regretted, that genuine authentic materials, for executing this part of my plan in this period, to the entire fatisfa&ion of the reader, are very difficult, if not impoflible to be collected. All our ancient hiftorians being monks, they paid little attention to the affairs of trade, and dropped only a few incidental hints on this important fubjecSh Let us attend to the information which thefe hints convey. Ii 2 It 484 Commerce not incon- fiderable at the con- <]ueft. The con- «peft in fome re- fpects un- favourable to com- jiicrcc. HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. It hath been already obferved, — that the foreign trade of Britain was almoft annihilated by the depar- ture of the Romans, — that it continued in a very lan- guid (Tate in the times of the heptarchy, — that it gradually revived after the eftablifhment of the Eng- lilh monarchy, — and that towards the end of the laft period it was not inconfiderable (i). This laft. cir- cumftance is confirmed by the teftimony of a contem- porary hiftorian, William of Poictou, who was chap- lain to the duke of Normandy, and attended him in his expedition into England. " The Englilh mer- " chants add to the opulence of their country, rich in " its own fertility, dill greater riches, and more valu- " able treafures, by importation. Thefe import.. " treafures, which were confiderable both for tUeir " quantity and quality, were either to have been " hoarded up to gratify their avarice, or to have been " diflipated to fatisly their luxurious inclinations. *c But William feized them, and bellowed part of " them on his viiforious army, and part of thqin. on " churches and monafteries. To the pope and church " of Rome he fent an incredible mafs of money in " gold and Giver, and many ornaments that would " have been admired even at Conftantinople (2)." It hath been difputed, whether the Norman con- quefr was an event favourable or unfavourable to the foreign commerce of Britain. The truth feems to be, that in fome refpecls it was, and in others it was not favourable. Every violent revolution muft give a temporary check to commerce, by fixing the atten- tion of all the members of fociety on other objects, and by rendering property precarious. The feudal form of government that was eftablifhed in England foon after the conqueft, had more of a martial than a mercantile fpirit in it ; and was better calculated for defending a kingdom by arms, than for enriching it by commerce. The Conqueror himfclf having ob- tained his crown, and the great Norman barons their princely fortunes, by the fword, arms became the moft honourable and lucrative profeflion ; trade was (1) See vol. 4. chap. 6. (.2) W. PicUven. Geft. Gul. Duds Norman, p. 206. held Ch. 6. COMMERCE, &c. 4S5 held in little cftimation, and thofe who were engaged in it were expofed to many injuries. Many of the chief towns in England, the greateft feats of trade, fuffered much between the con que ft, and the time when Doomfday-book was compoi'ed (3). In all thefe refpe&s the conqueft was unfriendly to commerce, and cb rucled its progrefs for fome time. But, on the other hand, the conqueft contributed to In other increafe the trade of England, in feveral ways, after refpe) See vol 4. and ter. 486 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. and of feveral other towns, not to hold their markets on Sundays (7). But we are informed by one of oar beft hiftorians, that fome of thefe towns foon after returned to their former practices (8). Pl»nof To prevent any degree of obfcurity or confufion in this chap- our delineation of the foreign trade of Britain in this period, it may be proper to confider the following par- ticulars in the order in which they are here mentioned, I. The chief feats of trade; — 1. The moft valuable articles of its exports and imports; — 3. The per- sons by whom it was conducted ; — 4. Laws and re- gulations respecting trade; — 5. Shipping; — 6. Coin; — 7. The comparative value of money, prices of com- modities, and expence of living ; — 8. The balance of trade. Chief feats London was unqueftionably the chief feat of trade of trade. in this, as it had been in the former period. Situated London, on the noble river Thames, at no great diftance from the fea, amidft the moft fertile plains of this ifland, it enjoyed every advantage for importing the commodi- ties of other countries, and exporting thofe of Britain in return. Thefe advantages were not neglected by its citizens, who were much addicted to trade, and acquired fo much wealth and influence by it, that they were called barons^ and refpected in the public af- femblies of the kingdom, as poffefling a kind of no- bility (9). tc London (fays William of Malmfbury) " is but about twenty-five miles diftant from Rochef- " ter. It is a noble city, renowned for the riches of " its citizens, and crowded with merchants, who 4' come from all countries, and particularly from Ger- " many, with their merchandise (10)-" In this city " (fays William Fitz-Stephen, in his defcription of 4t London), merchants from all nations under heaven " refide, for the fake of trade ( 1 0-" The great mul- titude of Jews who relided in London, and pofleiTed feveral encire ftreets, afford a further proof of the ilourifhing ftate of trade in that city, in this period (i?). (7) R. Hoveden, p. 457. col. 1. (%) M. Paris, adann. 1200. (9) W. Malmf. Hift. Novel. 1. a. p. 106. col. I. (10) W. Malmf. de pontine. Angl. 1. 2. p. 133. p. 2. (11) W. btephaned. in VitaT. Cant. Lond. edit. 1723. p. 6. fJ2^ Stow's Survey, b. 3- p. ^4- For Ch. 6. COMMERCE, &r. ^7 For trade was almoft the only occupation of that people ; and they never fettled in great numbers in any place, but where they either found or brought commerce. As Briftol had been a place of confiderable trade in Briftol. the Anglo-Saxon times (13), it continued to be fo in the prefent period. This we learn from William of Malmfbury, in his defcription of the vale of Glou- cefter. '.* In the fame vale, is a very famous town " named Briftow, in which there is a fea-port, a fafe " receptacle for (hips from Ireland, Norway, and " other foreign countries ; that this happy region, " which abounds fo much in its native riches, might " not be deftitute of the commodities procured by " commerce (14)." The trade between England and Ireland, which was for the moft part carried on by the merchants of Briftol, was fo great, and fo eflen- tial to the fupport of the Irifh, that when it was in- terrupted, they were reduced to great diftrefs. " Murcard, monarch of Ireland, behaved a little " haughtily towards Henry I. I know not for what " reafon j but he was foon humbled by a prohibition " of all trade between England and his dominions. " For how wretched would Ireland be if no goods " were imported into it from England (15) ?" The Flemings, who were fettled in the fine coun- Rof,, try of Rofs in Pernbrokefhire by Henry I. were bold adventurous failors, and much addicted to commerce. " They are (fays Giraldus Cambrenfis) a people " much ufed to the woollen manufacture, and to fo- ?c reign trade; and in order to increafe their ftore, " they fpare no pains either by fea or land (16)." The vicinity of the fpacious harbour of Mil ford- haven was probably a great advantage tp thisinduftri- ous colony. The city of Exeter appears to have been a place of Exeter. confiderable trade at the conqueft, and continued to enjoy that adyantage through the whole of this period. When it was befieged by the Conqueror, A. D. 1068, (13) See vol. 4. (14) W. Malmf. dc Pontific. Ar.gl. I. 4. p. %6t. (15) Id. I.5. p. 91. (16) Girald. Cambren. Itjn. Camb. p. 348. the 4gg HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Booklll. the inhabitants compelled a great number of foreign merchants and mariners, who were then in their har- bour, to afTift them in their defence (17). William of Malmihury acquaints us, that, in his time, though the foil about Exeter was fo barren that it hardly produced meagre crop of oats, yet its extenfive trade made it abound in every thing that contributed to the comfort of human life (18), The five towns on the coafts of Kent and Suflex, "^c" commonly called the cinque-ports, were certainly among the moft confiderable feats of foreign com- merce in England, in this period. Their merchants, like thofe of London, enjoyed the honourable appel- lation of barons, which their reprefentatives in parlia^- ment flill enjoy (19). Government depended very much upon them for a fleet on any emergency ; and they were obliged to furnifh no fewer than fifty-feven fhips for the public fervice, at forty days notice, to continue fifteen days in that fervice, with their crews, at their own charges (20). This is a fufficient proof that they abounded in (hipping and failors, which they could not have done' without a flourifhing trade. The five towns which originally formed the cinque-ports, were Haftings in SufTex, Dover, Hythe, Romney, and Sandwich in Kent ; to which were added Winchelfea and Rye as principals, and fome other towns as mem- bers, though they itiil retained the name of the cinque- ports from their original number (21). We may form feme idea of the comparative trade of thefe towns, by obferving the number of fhips which each was obliged to furnifh. HafHngs (with its members) was obliged to furnifh twenty-one fhips j — Romney (with its members) five • — Hythe and Sandwich (with their members) each five ; — and Dover (with its members) twenty-one (22). For this important fervice to the Hate, the people of the cinque-ports had various ho- nours and privileges conferred upon them. Their merchants were not only ftyled barens, but four of (17) Ordcric. Vital, p. jio. (18) W. Malmf. Pontific. Angl. 1. 2. p 145. col. i. (19) Rpelman. Glofl. p. 71. (20) Liber Rub. Scaccarii. (ai) Camden Britan. vol. I. p. 254. (z%) Hakluyt't Voyages, vol. 1. p. 19. thefe Ch. 6. COMMERCE, &c. thefe barons had a title to fupport the canopy over the king on the day of his coronation, and to dine at a table on his right hand. The inhabitants of thefe towns were exempted from the feveral feudal fervi- tudes and prestations, and could be fued only in their own court (23). Thefe honours and privileges af- ford a proof, that the government of England, in this period, was not inattentive to the encouragement of trade and (hipping. When bilhop Herebert, in the reign of William Norwich, Rufus, removed the feat of his fee from Thetford to Yarmouth, Norwich, that town, as we are told by William of Lynn« Malmibury, was famous for the number of its inha- bitants and the greatncfs cf its commerce (24). In the lame county, the town of Yarmouth abounded in ihips, and was a formidable rival in power and com- merce to the cinque-ports, though both its commerce and its (hipping increafed very much in the fucceeding period (25). The town of Lynn feems to have poi- fefled a ftill greater {hare of foreign trade than Yar- mouth, if we may rely on the teftimony of William of Newborough, who refided at no great diftance. That author tells us, that in the reign of Richard I. the town of Lynn was famous for its riche; and com- merce, and was inhabited by many wealthy Jews ; who, being enraged againft one of their, nation who had embraced Chrftianity, attempted to kill him, and ailfaulted a church in which he had taken fhelter. This raifed a tumult. A great multitude of foreign failors who were in the harbour, attacked the Jews, and beat them from the church with fome (laughter. Not contented with this, they plundered and then burnt feveral cf their houfes, and having carried the plunder, which was of great value, on board their (hips, they immediately fet fail, in order to fecure their booty, and efcape pumfhment (26). Several places in Lincolnfhire had a particular (hare Lincoln of trade, in this period, which fome of them have &c fince loir, by the choaking of their harbours, and (23) Camd. Britan. vol. 1. p. 254. (24) W. Malmf. Pontific. Angl. p. 136. (25) Camd. Britain, vol. I. p 379. (.6) Gul. Neubrigcn. 1. 4. c. 7. p. 367. other 49o HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. other accidents. Lincoln, the capital of the county, was a rich and populous city; and, though at a dis- tance from the fea, was not deftitute of foreign trade, which was carried on by the navigable canal between the rivers Trent and Witham, made A. D. 1 121, by order of Henry I. (27) The towns of Grimfby, Saltfleet, Waynfleet, and Bofton, though they had much declined from what they had been in this period, fent fome fhips to the fleet of Edward III. A. D. 1359 (28). Bofton, in particular, was a very rich and flourifhing place before it was plundered and burnt in the reign of Edward I. (29) The great numbers and riches of the Jews who refided at Lin- coln, Stamford, and other towns in this county, plainly indicate that there was then a flourishing trade in thofe towns (30)* York. York, the northern capital of England, and refi- dence of Roman Emperors, made a diftinguifhed figure in the Anglo-Saxon times, but was much re- duced foon after the conqueft (30). It revived how- ever in a little time ; and William of Malmfbury teils us, that in the reign of king Stephen, when he wrote, it was become a place of great trade ; and that fhips from Ireland and Germany failed up the river Oufe into the very heart of the city (31). Great numbers of Jews fettled in York about this time, and acquired immenfe wealth by ufury and commerce, which, together with their magnificent houfes and fplendid way of living, excited the envy and indigna- tion of the people to fuch a degree that they determined to dtftroy them. As foon as the news of the flaugh- ter of that people at the coronat'pn of Richard I. reached York, the mob arofe, afiaulted the Jews, plundered and burnt their houfes, killed many, and drove others in defpair to kill themfelves, after they had difpatched their wives and children with their own ». (27) Simeon Dunelm. col. 243. ( l3) Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. 1. p. 120. ly) Camden Britan. vol. i.p. 423. 1 30) Gul, Neubrigen. 1. 4. c. 8, 9. ,0 Simeon Dunelm. col. 39. J. Brompt. col. 965. Drake'* Hif- tery at York. I 33] W. Miilmf, Pontific. Angi. 1. 3. Prolog, p. 147. hands. Ch. 6. COMMERCE, &c. 49* hands (33). This outrageous tumult, in which fomc hundreds of Jews were killed, and their houfes, fur niture, and riches, reduced to afhes, feems to have been fatal to the trade of York, which declined Co faft, that it was able to fend only one fowl 1 mip, with nine mariners, to the fleet of Edward III. (34). Many other towns fituated on the fea-coafts and na- Many vigable rivers of Britain, had their (hare of foreign other fea* trade in this period. But a more particular enumera- po tion of them is unnecefTary, and would be tedious. One of our ancient Hiftorians, referring to the times we are now delineating, hath the following excla- mation : " O England ! thou waft lately equal to the " ancient Chaldeans in power, profperity, and glory. " The fhips of Tarfhifh could not be compared with " thy mips, which brought thee fpices and every pre- '* cious thing, from the four corners of the world. w The fea was to thee an impregnable wall, and thy " ports on all fides as the well -fortified gates of a «< ftrongcaftle (35)." It is curious, and may be ufeful, to know what were Chief ar- the molt valuable articles of the foreign trade of Britain *lcle.s0* in every period. By this we mail at leaft difcover t°adeg.n wherein the fuperfluities and necefnties of our country confided from time to time, and in what manner the former were difpofed of, and the latter were f up- plied. Slaves ftill continued to be a valuable article, both Slavesex- in the internal and foreign trade of Britain. When ported, an eftate was conveyed from one proprietor to another, all the villains or flaves annexed to that eitate, were conveyed at the fame time, and by the fame deed (36). When any perfon had more children than he could maintain, or more domeitic flaves than he chofe to keep, he fold them to a merchant, who difpofed of them either at home or abroad, as he found would be moft (33) G. Neubrigen. 1. 4. c. 9, 10. (34) Hakluyt's Voyages, vol. I. p. 120. (35) Matth. Weftminft. p. 240, 241. (36) Liber Niger Scaccarii, art. de Danegeldo. Regiam Majeftat. 1. Z. c. 12. § 3. Rymer. Feed. torn. 1. p. 90. profitable. 4<52 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. profitable. " It was a common vice (fays Giraldus " Cambrenfis) of the Engliih, when they were rc- " duced to poverty, that rather thart endure it pati- cc ently, thevexpofed their own children to fale (37)." Many of thefe unhappy perfons, were carried into Ire- land, and no doubt into other countries, and there fold (3^). A ftrong law was made againft this barba- rous kind of commerce, in a great council held at St. Peter's, Weftminfler, A. D. 1102. " Let no man " for the future, prefume to carry on the wicked trade *c of felling men in markets, like brute beafts, which <£ hitherto hath been the common cuftom in England " (39)*" ^ut '^is ^aw °^ not Put an enc^ t0 tm$ trade in flaves. For in the great council held at Ar- mah, A. D. 1171, the whoie clergy of Ireland, after having deliberated long concerning the caufe of the calamities with which they were threatened by the in- vaiion of the Englifh, at length- agreed, that this great judgment had been infii&ed upon them by the difpleafure of God, for the fins of the people, par- ticularly for their having bought fo great a number of Engliih flaves from merchants, robbers, and pirates, and for detaining them frill in bondage. To a^peafe therefore the divine difpleafure, which had been excited againft them on that account, they decreed, — " That *l all the Engliih flaves in the whole ifland of Le " fhould be immediately emancipated, and reftored " to their former liberty (40)." Horfes. Englifh horfes had been long admired and coveted on the continent; and fuch multitudes of them had been exported, that a law was made by king Ath"l- ftan, — '■* That no man mail export any horfes beyond " feas, except fuch as he defigns to give in preients " (41)." But this lav/, it is probable, did not con- tinue long in force, efpecially after the conqueft, when the intercourfe between this ifland and the continent were under no reftrictions, and our great barons had eftates in both countries. The very high price of (37) Girald. Caiubrenf. Hibernix Expugnat. 1. 1, c. 18. p. 770. (38) Id. ibid. (39) Eadmer. Kill. Novor. 1. 3. p. 68. (40) Wilkin. Concil. torn. i. p. 471. fii) Wilkin. Saxon. Leges, p. 5%. horfes, Ch. 6. COMMERCE, &c. 493 horfes, efpecially of thofe which were ufed by the no- bility in war and tournaments, is a prefumption that they were exported. A great baron, named Amfhitil Till, agreed to pay to king John, A. D. 1207, as a part of his ranfom, ten horfes, each worth thirty marks, equivalent to three hundred pounds of our money at prefent (42). Whether any other animals were exported in this period or not, we are not in- formed. Wool was for feveral centuries the moft valuable Wool and article of the Britifh exports. Gervafe de Alderman- leather- bury, in his accounts of the chamberlainfhip of London, A. D. 1199, charges himfelf with twenty- three pounds twelve (hillings, which he had received from feveral merchants, for leave to export wool and leather out of England (43). He alfo accounts for two hundred and twenty-five marks, which had arifen from the fale of forty- five lacks of wool feized from the merchants, for attempting to export them without leave (44). Many other proofs, if it were neceflary, might be produced, of the exportation of wool, wool- felt, and leather, in this period. It is highly probable, if not abfolutely certain, Woollen that woollen yarn, and even woollen cloth, were ex- yarn and ported from England in this period. In the tenth c ' year of Richard i. the chamberlain of London ac- counted for eleven marks, which had arifen from the fale of a parcel of woollen yarn feized from John de Birchamftede, becaufe he had attempted to export it to Flanders, contrary to the liberties of the city of London (45). From this it appears, that woollen yarn was exported, and that the privilege of exporting it had been granted to the merchants of London. That the manufacture of woollen cloth was in a much more flourifhing (rate in England in this than in the fucceeding period, there is the clearer! evidence -t which induced a well-informed writer to fay, — u That in the time of Henry II. and Richard I. this *' kingdom greatly flourifhed in the art of manufac- " turing woollen cloth j but by the troublefome wars " in the time of king John and Henry HI. and alfo (44) Rymeri Feed. torn. I. p. 146. col. 2. (4j) Madox. Hid. Excheq. (44) Id. ibid. (45) Id. ibid. of 494 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. " of Edward I. and Edward II. this manufacture " was wholly loft, and all our trade ran out in wool, €< woolfels, and leather, carried out in fpecie (46)." The Flemings fettled in England feem to have export- ed fome of the woollen cloths which they manufac- tured. For we are told by a contemporary writer, that they applied with equal ardour to the woollen manu- facture and to foreign trade (47). Corn. Although agriculture was far from being in a flou- rifhing ftate in Britain, in this period j yet, in fa- vourable feafons, the natural fertility of the foil, even with imperfect cultivation, made it produce more corn than was neceflary for home confumption, and at thofe times confiderable quantities of it were exported. 44 Then (fays one of our ancient hiftorians) England " might be called the ftore-houfe of Ceres, out of " which the world was fupplied with corn (48)." Many examples are to be found in the records of this period, of fines paid to the king, for licences to ex- port corn ; which is a fufficient proof that it was at fome times an article of exportation. (49). Metals. Metals, particularly lead and tin, constituted one of the moft valuable articles of exportation in the times we are now delineating. Almoft all the cathedral and abbey churches, together with many palaces and caf- tles in France, and other countries on the continent, are faid to have been covered with lead brought frora England (50). We may form fome idea of the great quantities of tin that were exported, from an article in the accounts of Henry de Cafteilun, chamberlain of London, A. D. 11 98, in which he charges him- felf with three hundred and feventy-nine pounds eigh- teen (hillings, which he had received in fines from the merchants of London, for leave to export tin (51). The royal revenues arifing from the tin mines (46) Sir Matt. Hale's primitive Original of Mankind, p. l6l. (47) Girald. Cambrcn. Itin. Camb. p. 484. (48) Gul. Pi&aven. p. aio. (49) Madox Hift. Excheq. p. 313. 530, &c. (50) Hiftoire Literaire de la France, torn. 9. p. 231. (51) Madox. Hift Excbeq. p. 531. of Ch. 6; COMMERCE, &c, 495 of Cornwall and Devonfhire, were valued at two thoufand marks a- year, equivalent to two thoufand pounds of our money ; and were granted at that rate, to queen Berengaria, widow of Richard I. (52). Befides thefe capital articles of exportation, there Other ar- were many other articles of fmaller value, as fait, fal- tides of ex- mon, cheefe, honey, wax, tallow, &c. &c. as appears PortatIon- from the licences granted for exporting them, which are ftill extant in our records (53). But it is not ne- ceflary to make this enumeration more perfect. In return for the goods which they exported, the Imports* Britifh merchants of this period imported not only gold and filver, in coin and bullion, but feveral other commodities, for which they found a demand at home. It is proper to mention fome of the molt valuable of thefe commodities. As the Englifh were not very famous for their fo- Wines. briety in this period, we may be certain that wine was a faleable commodity, and made one of the moft valu- able articles of importation. " The French (fays " William Fitz-Stephcn) import their wines into ** London, which they expofe to fale both in their ** fhips and in their wine-cellars near the river (54)." The duties payable on wines imported, called prifa vinorum (the prize of wines), conftituted no inconsi- derable branch of the royal revenue; and particular officers were appointed for collecting thefe duties (55). The importation of wines increafed very much after the marriage of Henry II. with Eleanor, heirefs of fome of the fineft provinces in the fouth of France, where the beft wines were produced (56). The wine- trade was become a matter of fo much importance in the beginning of king John's reign, that a law was made for regulating the prices of all the different kinds of wine, and twelve men appointed in each city, town, and borough, to fuperintend the execution of that law. " By this means (fays a contempo- (5*) Ryir-er Feed. torn. i.p. 243. (53) Madox Hift. Excheq. p. 530, &c. (54) W. Stcphaned. Defcript. Civitat. London, p. 5, 6. (55) Madox Hift. Excheq. p. 5 75, 516. (56) Anderfon's Hift. Com. vol. I. p. 83. " rary 49& HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Booklll. Spicenes, drugs, &c. Gold and precious Hones.] " rary hiftorian) the land was filled with drink and " drunkards(57)." Spiceries, drugs, and aromatics of various kinds, the productions of the Eaft, were imported in confi- derable quantities in this period} becaufe they were much ufed by perfons of rank aril fortune in their meats and drinks, as we^ll as by phyficians in the com- poiltion of their medicines (58). " The Sabeans .-o- ferving, that a particular exchequer, called the Exche- quer of the Jews) was eitabluhed for tec^ving tne pro- digious fums extorted from them in cuftoms, nnes, forfeitures, tallages, and various other ways (83). To give one example, out of many, of the cruelty of the government towards the Jews, and of the great fums extorted from them, we are told, " That die " king, A. D. 1210, commanded all the Jews ir< (79) W. Stephaned. p. 6. (80) Ang-lia Judaica, p. 4. (81) Id. p. 80. (82) Id. p. 13a. Wilkin. Concil. 1. 1, p. 313. (83) Madox Hiit. Excheq. chap. 7. p. 150, &c. K k 2 " England, 5oo HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. " England, of both fexes, to be imprifoned, in order " to compel them to pay him great fums of money. " Some of them, after they had been grievoufly tor- " tured, furrendered all the money they had, and even " promifed more, to preferve themfelve from further ** tortures. Amongft others, the king demanded ten " thoufand marks (eoxuivalent to one hundred thou- which produced the law of Henry II. prohibiting them from entering into foreign fervice (125). Geofrey of Vinefauf, who accompanied Richard I. in his expe- dition into the Holy Land, afcribes the prefervation of that prince from fhipwreck in a ftorm, to the uncom- mon fkill and courage of his failors, *c who did every " thing that was poffible for human art to do, to re- " fift the fury of the winds (126)." This character, which the Englifh failors fo early acquired, they have long retained, and I hope will never forfeit. it is a little uncertain, whether or not the Englifh Mariner* failors, towards the end of this period, had the ad- compafs. vantage of the mariners compafs to guide them in their voyages. For neither the perfon who invented that molt ufeful inftrument, nor the time when it was in- vented, are very well known. It is however certain, that it had been difcovered about the end of the twelfth, or the beginning of the thirteenth century, that a needle touched with a loadftone, pointed towards the north ; and that endeavours were ufed to apply this difcovery to navigation, though the moft convenient way of doing it was not then invented. For Hugh de Bercy, a French poet, who flourifhed in the for- mer part of the thirteenth century, mentions this property of a needle touched with a loadftone very plainly, and defcribes an inftrument called la mariniere, ufed by the failors or his time, in which the needle was placed upon a board that floated in a veifel of wa- ter (127). If (hips and failors are necelTary to foreign trade, Money-, efpecially in an iiland, money is no lefs necelTary both to foreign and internal commerce. It hath long been the common meafure of all commodities, and the chief inftrument of their circulation, and mult (125) Benedict. Abbas, p. 368. (126) G. Vinefauf. 1. 2. c. 27. p. 317. (127) Pafquier Recherches de la France, 1. 4. c. 25. p. 40 5. therefore 5io Living mo- ney. Changes made by the con- queit. Pound. HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. therefore never be neglected in the hiftory of trade. Living money, which made lb great a figure in the former, is feldom or never mentioned by the writers of the prefent period (128). For when coin became common, the conveniency of it, as a reprefentative of all commodities, appeared fo great, tiiat all others were (bon laid afide. The full account that hath been given of the feve- ral denominations of money, and of the real coins that were ufedin Britain in the preceding period, makes it unneceffary to fay much 011 thefe fubjecls in the prefent; becaufe the changes made in them by the conqueft were but few and inconfiderable. Thefe changes were the following (129). Some denomina- tions of money, as mancufies, oras, and thimfas, that were common in the Anglo-Saxon times, fell into difufc, and are feldom mentioned by the writers after the conqueft. If themancus of gold was a real coin among the Anglo- Saxons, which is not very certain, it ceaied to be coined after the conqueft-, for there is not the lea.fr. veftige of fuch a coin among the Anglo- Normans : nor do we hear any thing of the copper- coin called a jiica after the conqueft. The tower pound, which had been the money pound of the Anglo-Saxons, continued to be the money pound of England for fevcral centuries after the conqueft (120). This pound was three fouiths of an -.ounce lighter than the Troy pound, to which it was in the proportion of fifteen to fix- teen. It was divided into tweive ounce?, each ounce weighing 450 ~^roy grains, which made 5400 fuch grams in the pound (131)- Whenever therefore a pound of money is mentioned by the writers of this period, it fignifies as many filver coins as weighed 54CO Troy grains ; or, in other words, a Tower pound weight of filver coins. The pound was both the iargeft and moft common denomination of money. (128) See vol. 4. (129) Id. (130) Folkes on Coins, p. a. (131) See vol. 4. The Ch. 6. COMMERCE, &c. 511 The mark is another denomination of money, Mark. which is frequently mentioned in the hiftories and records of this period. It weighed exactly two thirds of a Tower pound; and was the fame with the Anglo-Danifh mark, which hath been fully def- cribed already (132). The milling was not a real coin, but only a den o- shilling, mination of money, in this period, whatever it might have been in the former. The Anglo-Norman milling was alfo very different in its weight and value from the Anglo-Saxon. The largeft of the latter weighed only 112I Troy grains, whereas the former reprefented as many filver coins as weighed 270 of the fame grains, or the twentieth part of a Tower pound. The penny was by far the moft common real coin Penny, in the prefent period. Every Tower pound of filver was coined into two hundred and forty of thefe pen- nies, each weighing 22^ Troy grains. Twelve of thefe pennies, weighing 270 grains, were paid for one Ihilling ( 1 33)- In a word, the Anglo-Norman pen- ny was the fame in weight with the Anglo-Saxon. Many of the former, as well as fome of the latter, are ftill preferved, and have been publifhed (134). Though the filver penny of this period was but aHalfpen- fmall coin ; yet it was of confiderable value, and n'es »nd would have purchafed as much provifions, or other nss' goods, as four or five of our millings will do at pre- fent. To have had no fmaller coins than pennies, would have been very inconvenient to the poor in the purchafe of provifions and other necefiaries. We may be certain, therefore, that filver half-pennies and farthings were coined in this, as well as in the former period ; though few or none of thefe fmall coins of ibme of our Norman kings have been preferved. It feems probable however that the fmaller coins were fometimes very fcarce, and that the people had been accuftomedto cut or break filver pennies into halves or quarters, which palled for half- pennies and farthings. (13a) See vol. 4. (133) Folkes on Coins, p. 5. (134) Id. vol. 2. I For 5^ HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. Sterling money, Standard. Money mints in England. For Henry I. A. D. iro8, prohibited this pra&ice ; and commanded, that all half-pennies and farthings, as well as pennies, fliould be entire and round (135). It appears alio, that this law did not put an end to the practice of cutting pennies into halves and quarters, but that it continued through the whole of this pe- riod ; becaufe we meet with a law againft it in the reign of Edward I. A. t). 1279(136). In the courfe of this period, the filver penny is fomctimes called an ejhrling or Jlerling ; and good money in general is fometimes called ejlerling or Jler- ling money (137). It is unnecefTary to mention the various conjectures of antiquaries about the origin and meaning of this appellation. The mod proba- ble opinion feems to be this, that fome artifts from Germany who were called Ejler lings, from the fitua- tion of their country, had been employed in fabricat- ing our money, which confifted chiefly of filver pen- nies ; and that from them the penny was called an ejlerling, and our money ejlerling or Jlerling mo- ney (138). As the filver coins of England, in this and the former period, were of the fame kinds, and of the fame weights, they were alfo of the fame ftandard or degree of finenefs. Both our Anglo-Saxon and An- glo-Norman princes paid great attention to the purity of their coin, and punifhed thofe who attempted to debafe it, with great fe verity (139). Henry II. A. D. 1180, called in all the coin, becaufe fome of it had been debaled ; and iffued new money, which was to be the only current coin of the kingdom (140). Coining money was not confined to one place in England, as it is at prefenr, but was pradlifed in every town of any confiderable trade. The work- men, however, who were employed in coining, did not enjoy the fame liberty with other artitta, of fol- (135) Simeon Dunelm. col. 23L (136) M. Weftminfl. p. 367. ' (137) Spelman. Gloff. voc. EJlcrlingus. (138) Id. ibid. (139) Seevol. 4. Hen. Knyghton, col. 4377. Gervas Chron. col. 1457- (140) Ef&cdicT:. Abbas, ad ann. 1180. lowing Ch. 6. COMMERC E, &c. 513 lowing their own fancies, and making fuch coins as they pleafed ; but they received all their dyes from the exchequer, and they wrought under the infpe&ion of officers, who were called examinatores moneta^ and cujiodes cwieorum, " EfTayers and keepers of the *4 dyes," whofe bufinefs it was, to take care that their coins were of the ftandard weight and hnenefs. All thefe workmen, together with the efTayers and keepers of the dyes, in all the different mints, were tinder the immediate direction of the barons of the exchequer ; who, from time to time, commanded them to appear before them, with their implements of coining. Thus, in the gth of king John, writs were ifTued by the barons of the exchequer, com- manding all the moneyours, efTayers, and keepers of the dyes, in London, Winchefter, Exeter, Chichef- ter, Canterbury, Rochefter, Ipfwichj Norwich, Linn, Lincoln, York, Carlifle, Northampton, Ox- ford^ St. Edmunds, and Durham, to appear before them at Weftminfter, in the quinzieme of St. Denys, and to bring with them all their dyes fealed up with their feals (141). Though it is highly probable that money was Coins of coined in Scotland before the beginning of this pe- Scotland riod : yet as none of that money hath been difcover- the.fa!Tl* 111 • 1 r • 1 1 r 1 - o , ■> With tholC ed, nothing certain can De laid on that lubject (142). 0f £n2. Nor have any coins of Malcolm Canmore, or of land, ■his three fuccefibrs, Donald, Duncan, and Edgar, kings of Scotland, yet appeared ; the moft ancient Scotch coins that are known being thofe of Alexan- der I. who began his reign A. D. 1107 (143)* From that aera the feries is almoft complete (144). It is unneceiTary to fpend one moment in defcribing the money of Scotland, in this period, as it was ex- actly the fame in weight, ftnenefs, and fabrication^ with that of England, already deferibed. (141) Madex Hift. Excheq. ch. 9. p. 198. ( i 42) See vol. 4. (143) Anderibn Diplomata Scotia, Pratfat. p. 57. (144) Id. plate Ij7, &c. Vol. in. l 1 if 5H HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. No gold coined in this period. Proportion of geld to filver. Different ways of paying mo' ney. Increment. If any gold was coined in Britain in the times we are now confidering, it hath difappeared. For no gold coins of any of the kings who reigned in Eng- land in this period, have been yet difcovered, nor are any fuch coins mentioned by the contemporary hif- torians. But foreign gold coins, of the fame kinds which had circulated among the Anglo-Saxons, ftill continued to circulate through the whole of this pe- riod. Thefe were commonly called Byzants, or Byzantines, and have been defcribed in the fixth chap- ter of the fecond book of this work (145). The proportion of gold to filver appears to have been as one to nine. The abbot of Thorney being obliged to pay to king Stephen yearly, for the privi- lege of a market at Jakefley, one mark of gold, paid nine marks of filver, and was difcharged (146). The fame proportion was obferved in the fucceeding reign. For Peter Turk paid fix pounds of filver into the exchequer, for one mark of gold, which he owed to Henry II. (147). The cheapnefs of gold, in this period, feems to be an indication of its abundance in proportion to filver. The molt natural and eafy way of paying any fum of money, is to pay as many real coins of gold or filver as are nominally and legally contained in that fum. This is called paying by tale ; and is almoft the only method now in ufe. But as the real value of coins, in fome periods, may fall confiderably fhort of their nominal value, either by a deficiency in their weight, or fiaenefs, or in both, it becomes necelfary, at thofe times, to contrive fome methods to guard againft this deception. Several methods were ufed for this purpofe, in the times we are now confidering, by thofe who received the royal revenues at the exche- quer, and probably by all who had extenfive dealings in money. When the coins offered to the receivers at the ex- chequer appeared to them fufficiently pure, but a little {145) See vol, 4. (146) Madox Kill, Excheq, (147) Id. ibid. lighter Ch. 6. COMMERCE, &c. 515 lighter than the ftandard, they contented themfelves with demanding and receiving fix filver pennies in every pound, more than was nominally contained in it, to make up the fuppofed deficiency in the weight. For example, they demanded and received two hun- dred and forty-fix filver pennies for one pound, in- ftead of two hundred and forty pennies, which made a nominal pound. The fix filver pennies extraordi- nary were called the increment; and this way of pay- ing was called paying ad fcalam, and was an eafy and amicable method of adjufting the difference be- tween the legal and real weight of coins (148). When the coins prefented in payment at the ex- By weight, chequer appeared to be fo much diminished that the ordinary increment would not make up the deficiency, they were put into the fcales, and taken by weight, without any regard to number. This was called payment ad penfum, and was certainly the moft juft(i49). But as coins might be defective in finenefs, as well Bycomhut as in weight, the receivers at the exchequer fome- tIon* times melted a few of them by way of trial, and cal- culated the value of the whole, according to the if- fue of that trial. This was called payment by com- bujlion ; and when a quantity of coins had under- gone this trial, they were faid to be blanched. To prevent the trouble of melting, a certain allowance, as one (hilling in the pound was fometimes offered, and accepted, to make up the deficiency in finenefs (150). There were proper officers in the exchequer for performing thefe operations, fuch as a pefour for weighing, and a fufor for melting the coins that were to be tried; and thefe officers were furnifhed with proper inftruments and conveniencies for their re- fpe£tive works (150* It will readily occur to every reader, that thefe dif- Manner of ferent modes of payment made a very elTential dif- Paymjnts ference both to the debtor and creditor, especially in (148) Madox Hift. Exchcq. ch. 9. p. 187. (149) Id. ibid. (15°) J"*- ibid, (ijl) Id. ibid. p. 197. L 1 2 large 5i6 Compara- tive value t>f Jhoney. The fame nominal fum con- tained thrice the quantity of filver. HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. large Turns ; becaufe it required a greater number of the fame kind of coins to pay the fame debt in one way than another. For this reafon, in making bar- gains, and fettling the rents of farms, &c. it was ufual to ftipulate in which of thefe ways the money was to be paid, by tale, by fcale, by weight, or by combuftion (152). If the fame nominal fum of money had always contained the fame quantity of the precious metals, of the fame finenefs, we might eafily and certainly have discovered the comparative value of money, and expence of living, at any two periods, only by com- paring the nominal prices of labour and commodities at thefe different times. But this hath not been the cafe. The fame nominal fum of money, as a pound, a mark, a (hilling, &c. hath at fome periods contain- ed a greater, and at others a fmaller quantity of fil- ver, to fay nothing of its degrees of finenefs. In order therefore to difcover the comparative value of money, and expence of living, at any two periods, two things muft be taken into the account: ift, The quanti- ty of filver contained in the fame nominal fum at each of thefe periods ; and, 2dly, the efficacy or power of the fame quantity of filver in purchafing labour and commodities of all kinds at each period. Any nominal fum of money, or number of pounds, marks, or millings, in the period we are now deli- neating, contained nearly thrice as much filver, as the fame nominal fum, or number of pounds, marks, or (hillings, contain at prefent. Whenever therefore we meet with any fum of money, or number of pounds, marks, or (hi)ling«, in the hifrories or re- cords of this period, faid to be the price of any com- modity, we muft multiply it by three to difcover how many of our pounds, marks, or (hillings, it contain- ed. Thus, for example, we are told by lcveral of our ancient hiftorians, that there was fo great a fcarcity of corn in England, A. D. 1126, that a quarter of (152) Madox Hift. Excheq. ch. 9. p. 197. wheat Ch. 6. COMMERCE, &c. 517 wheat fold for fix {hillings, that is, for eighteen fhlU lings of our money (153)' The fame nominal (urn of money not only con- Samequan- tained a much greater quantity of filver than it doth tuyoffilver at prefent, but the fame quantity of filver was alfo !^e va u" much more valuable than it is at prefent. It is diffi- cult, if not impoffible, to difcover the difference in this refpecl with certainty and exactnefs, This dif- ficulty is occafoned by two things : 1. becaufe we are not fufficiently informed of the common prices of the moft neceflary and ufeful commodities, particularly of corn, in this diftant period ; 2. be- caufe the prices of fome commodities, as of books, fiiks, and fpices, bore a much higher proportion than the prices of fome others, as of corn, cattle, and wine, to the prices of the fame commodities in the prefent times. Accordingly we find, that the moft ingenious and beft-informed writers have entertained very different fentiments on this fubjecl ; fome efti- mating the value or efficacy of any given weight of filver coins in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, to the value or efficacy of the fame weight of our filver coins at prefent, to have been in the proportion of ten to one, and fome eftimating it to have been only in the proportion of five to one (154). That is to fay, fome of thefe writers think, that a quantity of filver coins, of an equal weight with one of our crown-pieces, would have purchafed ten times as much labour, meat, drink, and clothing, in the ele- venth and twelfth centuries, as one of our crown- pieces can purchafe at prefent, while others of them think that it would have purchafed only five times as much. If we could difcover the average price of corn in The fame the times we are now examining, we might determine quantity ©f this queftion with 'tolerable certainty ; becaufe the filver five price of corn hath a confiderable influence on the tu?es .th? price of labour, and the expence of living. The at prefcr,t (153) Hen. Hunt. p. 119. R. Hoveden Annal. p. 174. (154) Mr. Hume's Hiftory of England, vol. I. p. l-6o. edit. 176a. tord Lyttelton's Hiftory of Henry II. vol. I, p. 4o6.o&avo edit. 1769, hiftorwns 518 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. hiftorians of this period reprefent it as a great dearth, or rather as a famine, when wheat was fold for fix of their (hillings (containing as much filver as eighteen of our (hillings) the quarter. " This year, A. D. " 1 1 26 (fays Henry of Huntington), was the greateft " dearth in our times, when a quarter of wheat was " fold for fix (hillings (155)." If we fuppofe the fame quantity of filver to have been ten times as valu- able then as it is now, this makes the dearth A. D. 1 126, to have been as great as it would be at prefent, if wheat was fold for nine pounds the quarter, or jfi '.2:6 the bufhel : a dearth that would be quite ruinous and infupportable. But if we fuppofe the va- lue or efficacy of the fame quantity of filver to have been only rive times as great then as it is now, this makes the dearth A. D. 11 26 to have been as great as it would be at prefent if a quarter of wheat was fold for £± ics. or a bufhel for 11 s. %d. a dearth fuffici- ently diftrefsful, and of which we have few examples. We can hardly imagine that our hiftorians would have mentioned this dearth in fuch ftrong terms, if the price of corn had not then been the double of its common or average price. On the other hand, our hiftorians fpeak of it as a proof of uncommon plenty and cheap- nefs, when wheat was fold for two of their millings (containing as much filver as fix of our (hillings) the quarter. " This year, A. D. 1244 (fays Matthew " Paris), was fo fruitful, that a quarter of wheat was " fold for two (hillings (156)." Upon the whole, it feems to be no improbable conjecture, that the moll common price of wheat in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, was about three of their (hillings, or nine of our (hillings the quarter. If we fuppofe the fame, quantity of filver to have been then ten times the value it is now, we muft alfo fuppofe, that the molt com- mon or average price of wheat in our times is ^4. ioj. the quarter : a fuppofition which we know to be very remote from truth. But if we eftimate any given quantity of filver, as nine of our (hillings, the aver- age price of a quarter of wheat in the eleventh and (155) Hen. Hunt. p. 219. (156) M. Paris, ad ann. 1244. twelfth Ch. 6. COMMERCE, &c. 519 twelfth centuries, to have been only five times the value of the fame quantity of filver at prefent ; this correfponds with the fuppofition, that the average price of a quarter of wheat, in modern times, is £2. $s. or 5-r. y^d. the bufhel. This is evidently not far from the truth. The juftnefs of this fup- pofition, that any given quantity or weight of filver coins, in the period we are now delineating, was equal in value and efficacy to five times the fame weight or quantity of our filver coins at prefent, might, if it was neceflary, be confirmed by many other arguments (157). According to this fuppofition, a perfon who had a Rate of nominal income of £10 a-year, in this period, received living, as much filver as one who hath a nominal income at prefent of ^30 a-year; and could have lived as well, purchafed as much labour, meat, drink, and clothing, as one who hath an income of ^150 at prefent. A conftant attention to thefe two things, the different quantity of filver in the fame nominal fum of money, and the different value of the fame quantity of filver, is necefifary to our understanding the meaning of our an- cient hiftorians on many occafions, and particularly to our comprehending the real value of the feveral fums of money that are mentioned by them. The materials of our commercial hiftory, in this Balance e£ period, are not fo perfect as to enable us to form a tradc in judgment, or even a guefs, concerning the balance £ °!ir j of trade between Britain and any one particular coun- try. But we have good reafon to believe, that the balance of trade, upon the whole, was in favour of Britain ; or, in other words, that the Britifh exports were more valuable than the Britifh imports ; and that to make up the deficiency in the imports, Bri- tain received a balance in cafh or bullion. This may be proved in this manner. We had no This proy mines of gold or filver in this ifland, in thofe times, to ?d- fupply the daily diminution of the national frock of the precious metals, by manufactures,— by the wear and lofs of plate and coin, — and by the great fums of (157) See Lord Lyttclton's Hiftory of Henry II. vol. I. p. 404— 410. oftavo. $ money 520 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. • money which were carried out of the kingdom from time to time ; yet this diminution was actually fup- plied, and the national flock was kept up, if not in- creafed ; which muft have been by cafh or bullion brought home by the balance of trade. No mines That no mines of gold or filver were wrought in of gold or Britain in this period, the filence of all our records, filver. hiftorians, and other writers, feems to be a fufficient proof. That the national Hock of the precious metals rnuft have been gradually diminifhed — by the quanti- ties of them that were ufed in illuminating., gilding, and other manufactures,— and by the neceilary wear and lofs of plate and coins, is too evident to need any proof. Much mo- That very great fums of money were carried out of ney carried Britain in the courfe of this period, we have the cleared e" l a evidence. What prodigious fums of money were car- ried to Rome alone by the clergy, in purchafing their palls, profecuting their appeals, and procuring favours of various kinds, to fay nothing of the annual payment of Peter-pence ! Many of our writers in this period complain bitterly of the avarice of the pope and cardi- nals, and of the great fums cf money which, they ex- torted from the Englifh clergy, and others(i58)> Nay, king John, in a letter which he wrote to the pope A. D. 1208, affirmed, that the court of Rome received more money from England, than from all the other kingdoms on this fide of the Alps (159). The long residences of our kings upon the continent, and their frequent wars with the kings of France and other prin- ces, muft have occafioned a great drain of money from England. The unfortunate expedition of Richard I. into the Holy Land, together with his ranfom from his captivity, carried out an incredible mafs ofmoney(i6o). To lay nothing of the great fums which the prelates, nobles, and others, who embarked in that expedition, carried with them, the king not only expended on it all (158) 1\ Blefenf. Epift. 153. p. 143, 144. Epiftolx S. Thorn?1 Cant. 1. I.Ep. 179. p. 306. M. Paris, Vit. Abbat.p. 46, S9, yx. (159) M. Paris Hift. Angl. p. 156. (160) Chron. J, Brompt. col. iidi. Knyghton, eel. 140:. his Cb. 6. CO M M ERCE.&C. 521 his father's treafures, hut all the money which he col- lected from the fale of every thing: belonging to the crown for which he could find a purchafer (161 ). But notwithstanding all thefe drains, and others Much m cefTary. For he was not only to he the delight and ornament of courts by his gallantry and politenefs, but he was bound by oath— to ferve his prince, — to defend the church and clergy, — to protect the perfons and reputations of virtuous ladies, — and to refcue the widow and orphan from oppreffion, with his fword, at the hazard of his life (25). Few, we may pre- fume, pofTefTed all thefe qualifications, and performed all thefe duties in perfection. But Hill an inftitution fo virtuous in its principles, and honourable in its ends, muft have done much g'>od, and prevented ma- ny evils. We have even reafon to believe, that chi- valry, which, under the name of knight-errantry, hath long been an objedl of ridicule, was one of the hap- pieft inventions of the ages in which it flourished. The ufe of family-furnames, defcending from fa- Surnames. ther to fon, feems to have been introduced into Bri- tain by the Normans at the beginning of this period. For among the Anglo-Saxons, perfons who bore the fame Chriftian name, were diftinguiihed from one another by defcriptive epithets, as the black, the white, the long, the ftrong, &c. and thefe epithets were not given to their fons if they did ncrL-poiTefs thefe properties (26). Family-furnames, 2t their iirfr. introduction, like family- arms, were confined to perfons of rank and fortune, who moft commonly took their furnames from the caftles in which they refided, or the eftates which they pofTeiTed (27) This is the true reafon of the furnames of fo many of the noble and honourable families in England, being the fame with the names of certain towns, caflles, and eif.ar.es in Normandy, France, and Flanders. The an- ceftors of thefe families were lords of their eftates and caftles j and being proud of their native country and family-poffeflions, they retained their names after they fettled in England, and tranfmitted them to (25) Memoires fur l'ancienne Chevalerie, par M, do U Curnc it; Sainte Palaye, torn. I. p. yz, &c (26) See vol. 4. ch. 7. Verftigan, ch, 8, (17) Camden's Rt mains, p. 113. (tail 534 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III Coat-ar- mour. Norman magnifi- cence. their pofterity (28). It was not 'till after the con- clufion of this period that furnames were univerfally afTumed by the common people. The ufe of coats of arms, diftinguifhing one great family from another, and defcending from father to fon, appears to have been introduced into Britain about the fame time with family furname?, and by the fame noble Normans. The Anglo-Saxon warriors adorned their fhields and banners with the figures of certain animals, or with other devices; but in doing this every particular perfon followed his own fancy, with- out any regard to the figures or devices that had been borne by his anceftors (29). But about the time of the firfl: croifades, greater attention began to be paid to thefe devices, when it was difcovered that they might be ufeful as well as ornamental. " About this f* time (fays one of our beft antiquaries) the eftima- " tionof arms began in the expeditions to the Holy t{ Land ; and afterwards, by little and little, became " hereditary ; when it was accounted moft honour- " able to carry thofe arms which had been difplayed '* in the Holy Land, in that holy fervice againft the " profefled enemies of Chriftianity (30)." Jufts and tournaments, the favourite diverfions of the great and brave in this period, contributed not a little to render arms hereditary. For a noble fon, proud of the ho- nours that had been gained by an illuftrious father in thofe fields of fame, delighted to appear with the fame devices on his fhield at the like folemnities (31). It was only, however, by flow degrees, and in the courfe of almoft two centuries, that this cuftom became conftant and univerfal even in noble families. The many noble Normans who fettled in England after the conqueft, introduced a more magnificent and fplendid manner of living than had been known among the Anglo-Saxons. This we learn from a wri- (28) Camden's Remains, p. 113. (29) Camden's Remains, p. 206. M. le Gendre, p. 88. (30) Camden's Remains, p. 208. Lcs Mocur6 de Francoife, par (31) Le Gendre, p. 88. Ch. 7. MANNERS, fcc. 535 ter who flourifhed foon after the conqueft, and had the heft opportunities of being well informed ; who tells -11s, that the Englifh nobles were univerfally addicted to excellive drinking, and fpent their ample revenues in a fordid manner, in mean and low houfes ; but that the Norman barons dwelt in ftately and magnifi- cent palaces, kept elegant tables, and w.ere very fplen- did in their drefs and equipage (32). William Long- champ, bifhop of Ely, had no fewer than a thoufand, fome contemporary writers fay fifteen hundred, horfe- men in his retinue : and to furnifh his table, fays a prelate who was his contemporary, all the different kinds of beafts that roam on the land, of fifties that fwim in the waters, and of birds that fly in the air, were collected (33). The Norman kings and nobles difplayed their .tafte for magnificence, in the raoft remarkable manner, at their coronations, their royal feafts of Chriftmas, Eafter, and Whitfuntide, and at their tournaments, which were all celebrated with incredible expence and pomp (34). One thing that contributed very much to fwell the Great reti- retinue of the Norman kings, prelates, and nobles, nues of the was the necefllty they were under of carrying with Norman jthem not only their provifions, but even a great part nobf^n ,of the furniture of their houfes, in their journies. Peter of Blois, who was chaplain to Henry II. in his curious defcription of a court-life, paints the prodigious crowds, confufion, arid buftle, with which the royal progrelfes were attended, in very ftrong colours. iC When the king fets out in the " morning, you fee multitudes of people running up " and down as if they were diftracted; horfes rufhing *c againft horfes ; carriages overturning carriages j " players, whores, gamefters, cooks, confectioners, '* mimics, dancers, barbers, pimps, and parafites, " making fomuch noife, and in a word, fuch an in- " tolerable tumultuous jumble of horfe and foot, that (34) W. Malmf. I. 3. p. 57. col. 2. (33) J- Brompt. p. 1193. Benedict Abbas, p. 701. Anglia Sacra, lom. a: p. 407. (34) M. Paris, p. 108. 53& Some things in their way of living mean and fordid. their attendants, mounted, every had in his train HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. *A you imagine the great abyfs hath opened, and that " hell hath poured out all its inhabitants (35)." William Fitz-Stephen prefents us with a very curi- ous defcription of the retinue and parade with which the famous Thomas Beclcet ufed to travel, when he was chancellor of England. " He was attended " with about two hundred knights, efquires, young " noblemen, pages, clerks, and officers of his " houfehold, who, together with " were well armed, dreffed, and ** one according to his rank. He " eight waggons, each drawn by five of the itrongeft " horfes ; two of thefe waggons contained his ale, " one contained the furniture of his chapel, another " the furniture of his chamber, and another the furni- (68) Fadmeri Hift. I. 3. p. 57. (69) Stow's Survey of London, vol. 2. p. 7. Blount's Fragmenta •Antiquitatis, p. 8. 80. 82. 85. 126, (70) Nefandiflimum Sodomae fcelus (ut illicita confanguineorum tonnubia, et alia multa rerum deteftandarum facinorofa negotia, taceam), fcelus inquam Sodomae, noviter in hac terra divulgatum, jam plurimum pullulavit, multofque fuo immanitate fcedavit. Eadmeri Hijl.l. 1. p. 24. Nefandum egitur illud et enorme nimis Normannorum crimen, quod olim a Francis mutuati, nunc fibi velut proprium vindicant. Anglia. Sacra, torn, a. p. 406. Serf 54g HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Eoofcrfr ~ , That prosperity which plunged the Normans into Tyranny r.r ' r r ° , , . and oppref- thele licentious .couries, prompted them to various acts fion. of tyranny and opprdHon, and emboldened them to invade the rights and injure the perfons of others, ef- pecially of the unhappy Englifh. Some, of the ty- rannical defpotic actions of the fovereigns who reigned in this period, have been occafionally men- tioned, to which many more of the fame kind might eafily be added (71). But the fovereigns were not the only tyrants in the times, we are now delineat- ing. Many earls, baron?, fheriffs, forefters, and judges, were petty defpots in their feverul diftrids. One of our ancient hiftorians defcribes the ftate of England at the death of William the Conqueror, in this manner : u The Normans had now fully ex- " ecuted the wrath of Heaven on the Englilh. For *' there Was hardly one of that nation who poflefled " any power, but they were all involved in Servitude " and furrow, in fo much that to be called an Englilh- u man, Was a reproach. In thofe miferable times, u many oppreillve taxes, and tyrannical cuftoms were ** introduced. The king himfeif, when he had let his ** lands at their full value, if another tenant came " and offered more, and afterwards another, and of- " fered ftiil more, violated all his former pactions, '* and gave them to him who offered moft. The great 4C tc (C Ch. 7. M ANNE R S, &c. 549 the unfortunate peopje who fell into their hands, by the moft cruel methods (73). The woods alfo were haunted by troops of banditti, who were fo terrible to the inhabitants of the furrounding countries, that they had a form of prayer againfl- robbers, which they faid every evening when they {hut their doors and windows (74)- In a .word, theie is the fuller} evi- dence,, that in this period, horb the lives and proper- ties of the people of England were expofed to many injuries and dangers from feveral different quarters. The inhabitants of Wales, and of the far greateft Language, part of Scotland, frill continued to fpeak the language of their anceftors, the ancient Britons and Caledo- nians; an account of which hath been already given , (75). As the people" of England eonfifted of two different nations, the Normans and Anglo-Saxons, they (poke for a considerable time at leajf, two dif- ferent languages, the Norman-French and the Saxon. The obfervations which have been made on the former of thefe languages, commonly called the Romance tongue, in the fourth and iilth chapters of this book, together with the /pecimens which have been given of it in the laft of thefe chapters, wll, it is hoped, be thought fufficient to give a tolerable view of its orgin and ftru&ure, and prevent the necefuty of faying any thing further upon it in this place (76). A It ill more extended defcription of the Saxon tongue hath been given in the feventh chapter of the fourth volume, to which the reader is referred (77). In fpite of all the efforts that were made by all the Norman conquerors to abolifti this language, and introduce their own in rts room, it ftill continued to be the vulgar tongue of the great body of the people of England through this whole period, with fuch flight and gradual changes as time and other circumstances are apt to make in ail living languages. Theie changes appear to have been .(73) See p. 545.546. W. Malmf. 1. 2. p. 105. (74) M. Paris. Vit. Abbat. p. 29. col. 1. (75) See vol. 2. Appendix, Ny. 10. p. 486. (76) See chap. 4. and chap. 5. (77) See vol. 4. very 550 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. very flow, and almoft imperceptible, in the courfe of a whole century after the conqueft. Of this we may be convinced, by comparing the charter of king Harold (78), written a little after the middle of the eleventh century, with the laft paragraphs of the Saxon Chronicle, written a little after the middle of the twelfth century. To enable us to make this com- parifon, that paragraph, with a literal tranflation in- terlined, is here fubjoined : Specimen of An. MCLIV. On this yaer wasrd the king the Saxon A. D. II 54. In this year was the king of thi* pe- Stephen ded ; and bebyried there his wif and Stephen dead, and buried where his wife and his fune waeron bebyried set Tauresfeld. That his Jon were buried at Tonresfield. That minftre hi makiden. Tha the king was ded, minjler he made. When the king was dead, tha was the eorl beionde fx. And ne durfte then was the earl beyond fea And not durjl- nan man don other, bute god for the micel (70J no man do other, but good for the great eie of him. Tha he to Engleland come, tha awe of him. When he to England came, then was he under-fangen mid micel wartfeipe j 9.nd was he received with great wcrjhif ; and to king bletcsed in Lundine, on the to be king confecrated in London, on the (78) Seervol/4. (79) This Word is ftill ufed in Scotland in the fame fenfe. Sunne Ch. 7. MANNERS, &c. 55, Sunncn daei beforen mid-winter-daei. Stinday before mid~ivinter-day. From the above fpecimen it appears, that the chief obfervati- difference between the Saxon that was fpoken inonsonthc England at the conqueft, and that which was fpoken *boife a century after, confided in this, that the latter ap- * proached a little nearer to modern Englifh than the for- mer, and differed from it rather in the difpofition and fpelling of the words, than the words themfelves. For in this fpecimen there are not above three or four words that are absolutely unintelligible to an Englifh reader. This fragment alfo affords a further evidence of a very curious fail, which might be proved by many other arguments, — that the enmity between the Normans and Anglo-Saxons continued very long, and that they mingled as little as poilible in converfation during the firft century after the conqueft. For, in the above fpecimen, there is not fo much as one word derived from the language of the Normans. By flow degrees, how- ever, this enmity abated, and the two nations begarj to converfe more familiarly together; which naturally produced this effect, that the language of the great majority of the people became the prevailing and vulgar tongue of the whole, but mixed with a tincture of the language of the minority. The fteps by which this effect was produced will be traced in the next period of this work. The people of Normandy and Flanders, of which Drefi. great numbers followed the Conqueror into England, were remarkable for the beauty and elegance of their perfons (80). They were alfo very oflentatious and fond of pomp. Thefe two things prompted them to pay great attention to their drefs ; of which it is proper to give a very brief description (Si ). There was hardly any thing againfl which the cler- ijWJg gy in this period declaimed with greater vehemence, curled ^air. than the long curled hair of the laity, especially of the (80) W. Malmf. I. 5. p. 9«. col. 1. (81) Hen. Hunt. p. zii. col, 1, rQurtiers, 5$2 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III. courtiers (82). Deprived of this ornament them- felves, by their clerical tonfure, they endeavoured to deter others from enjoying it, by reprefenting it as one of the greateft crimes, and moft certain marks of re- probation. Anfelm archbifhop of Canterbury even pronounced the then terrible fentence of excommunica- tion againft all who wore long hair, for which pious zeal he is very much commended (83). Serlo, a Nor- man bifhop, acquired great honour by a fermon which he preached before Henry I. A. D. 11O4, againft long and curled hair, with which the king and all his cour- tiers were fo much affe&ed, that they confented to re- fign their flowing ringlets, of which they had been fo vain. The prudent prelate gave them no time to change their minds, but immediately pulled a pair of fhears out of his fleeve, and performed the operation ■with his own hand (84). Another incident happened about twenty-five years after, which gave a temporary check to the prevailing fondnefs for long hair : it is thus related by a contempory hiftorian: " An event " happened, A. D. 1 129, which feemed very won- u derful to our young gallants; who, forgetting that " they were men, had transformed themfeUes into '* women by the length of their hair. A certain '* knight, who was very proud of his long luxuriant *' hair, dreamed that a perfon fuffocated him with its c< curls. As foon as he awoke from his fleep, he cut rt his hair* to a decent length. The report of this *' fpread over all England, and almoft all the knights ** reduced their hair to the proper ftandard. But this *■* reformation was not of long continuance. For in " lefs than a year all who wifhed to appear fafhionable, ' returned to their former v/ickednefs, and contended ,c with the ladies in length of hair. Thoie to whom ** nature had denied that ornament, iupplied the de- " fe£l by art (85)." Shaved The Normans had as great an averfion to beards, as I'etj. they had a fondnefs for long hair. Among them, to allow the beard to grow, was an indication of the (8:) Eadmeri Hift. p. 23. Ordcrk. Vital, p. 682. (83) Eadsiier. p. 8l. (84) Orderic. Vital, p. 816. l$5) W- Malmf. Hift. Novel. 1. I. p. 99. col. 2. deepeft Ch. 7. MANNERS, Sec. 553 deepefr. diftrefs and mifery (86). They not only fhzved their beards themfelves, buc when they had authority, they obliged others to imitate their example. It is mentioned by fome of our ancient hiftorians, as one of the moft wanton a£ls of tyranny in William the Con- queror,— that he compelled the Englifh (who had been accuftomed to allow the hair of their upper lips to grow) to fhave their whole beards (87)* This was fo dif- agreeable to fome of that people, that they chofe ra- ther to abandon their country than refign their whifk- ers (88). The veftments of the Normans at the conqueft, and Veftments. for fome time after, were fimple, convenient, and even graceful ; but before the end of this period they degenerated not a little from their fimplicitv, and be- came fantaftical enough in fome particulars. i hole of "the men were— caps or bonnets for the head,— fhirts, doublets, and cloaks, for the trunk of the body, — and breeches, hofe, and ihoes, for the thi-hs, legs, and feet. It may be proper to take a little notice of what was mod remarkable in each of thefe. The caps or bonnets of the Anglo -Norm,. ns were Their caps made of cloth, or furs. They were of various lhapes andbon- and colours, and differently ornamented, according to neti- the tafte, rank, and circumifances of the wearers. The Jevys were obliged to wear fquare caps of a yellow co- lour, to diftinguifh them from other people (89). The bonnets of kings, earls, and barons, efpecially thofe which they ufed at public folemnities, were of the fineft cloths, or richeft furs, and adorned with pearls and precious ftones (90). The fhirts ofallperfons of rank and fortune, and Their even of the great body of the people, were of linen ; dirts, which was now become fo common, that it war not taken notice of by our writers as a Angularity'. As this (86) Orderic. Vital, p. 847. (87) M. Paris, Vit. Abbat.p. 29. (88) Id. ibid p. 30, (89) Du Cange Gloff. torn. 8. p. 483. (9c) See Mr. Strutt's View of th; Manners. Cuftoms, tie. w>l plates 42, 44, 49. part 554 HISTORY OF BRITAIN. Book III, part of drefs is not much feen, it hath not been much afFe£red by the tyranny of caprice and fafhion. their don- Doublets or circoats were worn next to the fhirt, and blets. made to fit the fhape of the body. This veftment ap- pears to have been ufed (horter or longer, at different times, and even at the fame time, by perfons of dif- ferent ranks. For while the circoats of kings, and perfons of quality, reached almoft to their feet, thofe of the common people reached no lower than the middle of the thigh, that they might not incommode them in labouring (gi). The fleeves of thefe doublets reached to the wafts. They were put on, over the head, like a fhirt, and made faft about the waift with a belt or girdle. The girdles of kings were commonly em- bioidered with gold, and fet with precious (tones (92)* Mamie*. The cloak or mantle was one of the chief veftments of the Anglo-Normans. The mantles worn by kings, and other great perfons, were very valuable, being made of the fineft cloths, embroidered with gold or jilver, and lined with the molt coftly furs. Robert Bloet, the fecond bifhop of Lincoln, made a prefent to Henry I. of a cloak cf exquifitely fine cloth, lined with black fables, with white fpots, which coft £100 of the money of thofe times, equal in efficacy to ^£1500 of our money at prefent (93). The cloak of Richard I. was ftill more fplendid, and probably more expenfive. It is thus defcribed by his hiitorian : " The king wore and ale, are fo well known, that they need no descrip- tion (120). The claret of thofe times was wine, cla- rified, and mixed with fpices ; and hypocras was wine mixed with honey. The curious reader may find di- rections for making both thefe liquors in the work quoted below (121). Diverfions. As the Anglo-Norman nobles were neither men of bufinefs nor men of letters, they had much lei- fure, and fpent much time in their diverfions ; which were either martiai — rural — theatrical — or do- mef'ic. Martial The martial fports of the middle ages, commonly fports. called tournaments, were the favourite diverfions of the princes, barons, and knights of thofe times. They had indeed the moil powerful motives to be fond of thefe diverfions. For it was at tournaments that prin- ces, earls, and wealthy barons, appeared in the greateft pomp and fplendour. Tournaments were the beft fchools for acquiring dexterity and fkill in arms, and the mod public theatres for difplaying thefe ac- compliihments, and thereby gaining the favour of the fair and the admiration of tne world (122). Origin of Tedious investigations of the origin of thefe mar- tial fports, are neither Suited to the nature of general hifrory, nor the limits of this work. It is fufficient to take notice, that they began to be more famous and better regulated in France and Normandy, a lit- tle before the conqueft, than they had been in former times. Geoffrey de Pruilli, who was killed A. D. 1066, contributed fo much to this, that he is repre- sented bv feveral authors as the inventer of tourna- ments (123). That thefe military -fports were intro- duced into Britain by the Normans, is highly proba- ble. But they do not feem to have prevailed very (120) See vol. 4. (121) Du Cange doff. torn. ^. p. 66z. (122) Du Cange Gloff. voc. Torneamentum. Memoires fur Chcva- krie, torn. 1. p. Vf. 88. 100. if2. 21 r. 263- &>»• 2. p. 23. 7J, &c. (123, Chron. Touronen. A. D. 1066- much tourna- ments. Ch. 7. MANNERS, &c. 56i much in England for a confiderable time after the conqueft, having been difcouraged, on account of the great danger and ruinous expence with which they were attended. " After this truce (fays Wil- " liam of Newborough) between the kings of France " and England, A. D. 1194, the military fports " and exercifes which are commonly called tourna- " ments, began to be celebrated in England by the " permiflion of king Richard, who impofed a *' certain tax on all who engaged in thefe diverfions* " But this royal exaction did not in the leaft abate *' the ardour with which the youth of England " crowded to thefe exercifes. Such conflicts, in " which the combatants engaged without any ani- " molity, merely to difplay their dexterity and st ftrength, had not been frequent in England, ex- " cept in the reign of king Stephen, when the reins " of government were much relaxed. For in the " times of former kings, and alfo of Henry II. who u fucceeded Stephen, tournaments were prohibited 5 " and thofe who defired to acquire glory in fuch e< conflicts, were obliged to go into foreign coun- " tries. King Richard, therefore, obferving that " the French were more expert and dextercuj in the " ufe of their arms in battle, becaufe they frequent- " ed tournaments, permitted his own knights to ce- .-.,-'-'. * autem refpedlum habebimus et eodem modo de jufticia exhibenda de foreftis deafforeftandis vel remanfuris foreftis quas Henricus pater nofter vel Ricardus frater nofter afFo- reftaverunt et de cuftodiis terrarum que funt de alieno feodo cujufmodi cuftodias hujufque habuimus occafione feodi quod aliquis de nobis tenuit per fervitium militare et de abbatiis que fundate fuerint in feodo alterius quam noftro in quibus dominus feodi dixerit fe jus habere et cum re- dierimus vel fi remanferimus a peregrinatione noftra fuper hiis conquerentibus plenam jufticiam ftatim exhibebimus Nullus capiatur nee imprifonetur propter appellum femine 54 de morte alterius quam viri fui Omnes fines qui injufte ce et contra legem terre facti funt nobifcum et omnia amer- ciamenta facia injufte et contra legem terre omnino con- Vol. HI. P p donentur 5?8 APPENDIX. No. I. donentur vel fiat inde per judicium viginti quinque ba- *— — -v— ' ronum de quibus fit mentio inferius in fecuritate pacis vel per judicium maji.ris partis eorumdem una cum prediclo Stepfiano Cant' archiepifcopo fi interefTe poterit et aliis quos ftcum ad hoc vocare volueiit et fi interelTe non po- terit nichilominus procedat negothim fine eo ita quod fi acquis vel aliqui de prediclis viginti quinque baronibus fuerint in fimili querela amoveantur quantum ad hoc ju- dicium et alii loco illorum per refiduos de eifdem viginti quinque tantum ad hoc faciendum ele<5H et jurati fubfti- c6 tuantur Si nos difTaifivimus vel elongavimus Walenfes de tern's vel libertatibus vel rebus aliis fine legali judicio parium fuorum in Anglia vel in Wallia eis ftatim red- dantur et fi contentio fuper hoc orta fuerit tunc inde fiat in marchia per judicium parium fuorum de tenementis Anglie fecundum legem Anglie de tenementis Wallie fe- cundum legem Waiiie de tenementis marchie fecundum legem marchie idem facient Walenfes nobis et noftris 57 De omnibus autem :!Iis de quibus aliquis- Walenfium dif- faifitus fuerit vel clongatus fine legali judicio parium fuorum per Henricum regem patrem noftrum vel Ri- cardum regem fratrem noftmra que nos in manu noftra habemus vel que alii tenent que nos oporteat warantizarc refpe&um habebimus ufque ad communem terminum cru- cefignatorum illis exceptus de quibus placitum motum fuit vel inquifitio fafta per preceptum noftrum ante fufcep- tionem crucis noftre cum autem redierimus vel fi forte remanferimus a peregrinatione noftra ftatfm eis inde jslenam jufiiciam exhibebemus fecundum leges Walen- 58 fium et partes predi&as Nos reddemus filium Lewelini ftatim et omnes obfides de Wallia et cartas que nobis 59 liberate fuerunt in fecuritatem pacis Nos faciemus Allex- andro rcgi Scottorum de fororibus fuis et obfidibus red- dendis et libertatibus fuis et jure fuo fecundum formam in qua faciemus aliis baronibus noftris Anglie nifi aliter effe debeat per cartas quas habemus de Willielmo patre ipfius quondum rege Scottorum et hoc erit per judicium parium DO fuorum in curia noftra Omnes autem iftas confuetudines predi&as et libertates quas nos concefliflimus in regno noftro tenendas quantum ad nos pertinet erga noftros omnes de regno noftro tam clerici quam laici obfervent (fl quantum ad fe pertinet erga fuos Cum autem pro Deo et ad emendationem regni noftri et ad melius fopiendum difcordiam inter nos barones noftros ortam hec omnia })redi6ta concefTerimus volentes ea integra et firma ftabi- itate gaudere in perpetuum facimus et concedimus eis fe- curitatem APPENDIX. 579 curitatem fubfcriptam videlicet quod barones eligant vi- No. I. ginti quinque barones de regno quos voluerint qui debeant l— v— *»^ pro totis viribus fuis obfervare tenere et facere obfervari pacem et libertates quas eis conceflimus et hac prefenti carta noftra confirmavimus ita ficilicet quod fi nos vel jufliciariis nofter vel ballivi noftri vel aliquis de miniftris noftris in aliquo erga aliquem deliqnerimus vel aliquem articulorum pads aut fecuritatis tranfgreffi fuerimus et delictum oftenfum fuerit quatuor baronibus de prediclis viginti quinque baronibus illi quatuor barones accedant ad nos vel ad jufticiarium noftrum fi fuerimus extra regnum proponentes nobis excefTum petent ut excefTum ilium fine dilatione faciamus emendari et il nos excefTum non emen- daverimus vel fi fuerimus extra regnum jufticiarius nofter non emandeverit infra tempus quadraginta dierum compu- tandum a tempore quo monftratum fuerit nobis vel jufti- ciario noftro fi extra regnum fuerimus predicli quatuor barones referant caufam illam ad refiduos de viginti quinque baronibus et illi viginti quinque barones cum com- muna tonus terre diftringent et gravabunt nos modis om- nibus quibus poterunt fcilicet per captionem caftrorum terrarum pofleflionum et aliis modis quibus poterunt donee fuerit emendatum fecundum arbitrium eorum falva perfona noftra et regine noftre et liberorum noftrorum et cum fuerit emendatum intendent nobis ficut prius fecerunt Et quicumque voluerit de terra juret quod ad predidta omnia exequenda parebit mandatis prediclorum viginti quinque baronum et quod gravabit nos pro pofTe fuo cum ipfis et nos publice et libere damus licentiam jurandi cuilibet qui jurare voluerit et nulli umquam jurare prohibebimus Omnes autem illos de terra qui per fe et fponte fua no- luerint jurare viginti quinque baronibus de diftringendo et gravando nos cum eis faciemus jurare eofdem de mandato noftro ficut prediftum eft Et i\ aliquis de vi- ginti quinque baronibus deceflerit vel a terra receflerit vel aliquo alio modo impeditus fuerit quo minus ifta predi<5ta poffunt exequi qui refidui fuerint de predicts viginti quin- que baronibus eligant aliurn loco ipfius pro arbitrio fuo qui fimili modo erit juratus quo et ceteri In omnibus autem que iftis viginti quinque baronibus committuntur exequenda fi forte ipfi viginti quinque prefentes fuerint et inter fe fuper re aliqua difcordaverint vel aliqui ex eis fummoniti nolint vel nequeant intereffe ratum habeatur et firmum quod major pars eorum qui prefentes fuerint pro- vident vel preceperit ac fi omnes viginti quinque in hoc confenfifiem et predi-rri viginti quinque jureot quod omnia Ppi afitedifta. 580 APPENDIX. No. I. antedicla fideliter obfervabunt et pro toto poffe fuo facient obfervari Et nos nichil impetrabimus ab aliquo per nos nee per alium per quod aliqua iftarum conceffionum et libertatum revocetur vel minuatur et fi aliquid tale im- petratum fuerit irritum fit et inane et numquam eo utemur 62 Pcr nos nec Per alium Et omnes malas voluntates indigna- tiones et rancores ortos inter nos et homines noftros cle- ricos et laicos et tempore difcordie plene omnibus remi- fimus et condonavimus Preterea omnes tranfgrefiiones fadtas occafione ejufdem difcordie a pafcha anno regni noftri fextodecimo ufque ad pacem reformatum plene re- mifimus omnibus clericis et laicis et quantum ad nos pertinet plene condonavimus Et infuper fecimus eis fieri litteras teftimoniales partentes domini Stephani Cant' ar- chiepifcopi domini Henrici Dublin' archiepifcopi et epif- coporum predictorum et magiftii Pandulfi fuper fecuritate 63 ifta et conceflionibus prefatis Quare volumus et firmiter precipimus quod Anglicana ecclefia libera fit et quod homines in regno noftro habeant et teneant omnes prefatas libertates jura et concefliones bene et in pace libere et quiete plene et integre fibi et heredibus fuis de nobis et heredibus noftris in omnibus rebus et locis in perpetuum ficut predidum eft Juratum eft autem tarn ex parte noftra quam ex parte baronum quod hec omnia fupradicta bona fide et fine malo ingenio obfervabuntur Teftibus fupradiclis et multis aliis Data per manum noftram in prato quod vocatur Runingmed* inter Windeleforum et Stanes quinto decimo die Junii anno regni noftri feptimo decimo. NUMBER APPENDIX. 581 NUMBER II. Tranflation of the Great Charter of King John, granted June 15th, A. D. 12 15, in the fe- venteenth Year of his Reign. JOHN, by the grace of God, king of England lord of No. II. Ireland, duke of Normandy and Aquitaine, and earl of Anjovv, to all his archbifhops, bilhops, abbots, earls, barons, judiciaries, forellers, lherirfs, commanders, of- ficers, and to all his bailiffs and faithful fubje&s, wjfJoeth health. Know ye, that we, from our regard to God, and for the faivation of our own foul, and of the fouls of our anceitors, and of our heirs, to the honour of God, and the exaltation of holy church and amendment of our kingdom, by the advice of our venerable fathers, Stephen archbiihop of Canterbury, primate of all England, and cardinal of the holy Roman church, Henry archbiihop of Dublin, William of London, Peter of Winchefter, Joce- line of Bath and Glaftonbury, Hugh of Lincoln, Walter of Worceiler, William of Coventry, Benedict of Ro- cheller, bifliops, mailer Pandulph, the pope's fubdeacon and familiar, brother Eymeiic mailer oi' the knights- templars in England, and of thefe noble perfons, Wil- liam Marifchal earl of Pembroke, William earl of Salis- bury, William earl of Warren, William earl of Arundel, Allen of Galloway conftable of Scotland, Warin Fitz- Gerald, Peter Fitz-Herbert, Hubert de Burgh fleward of Poietou, Hugh de Nevil, Matthew Fitz-Herbert, Thomas Ballet, Allan BalTet, Philip de Albany, Robert de Roppel, John Marifchal, John Fitz-Hugh, and of others of our liegemen, have granted to God, and by this our prefent charter, have confirmed, for us, and our heirs for ever : — Firft, That the Englilh church Ihall be free, and fhall have her whole rights, and her liberties unhurt ; and I will this to be obferved in fuch a manner that it may appear from thence, that the freedom of elec- tions, 582 APPENDIX. 4 No. II. tions, which was reputed moft neceffary to the Englifh church, which we granted, and by our charter confirmed, and obtained the confirmation of ir from pope Innocent III. before the rupture between us and our barons, was of our own free will. Which charter we mall obferve ; and wt will it to be obferved, with good faith, by our heirs for ever. We have all granted to all the freemen of our kingdom, for us and our heirs for ever, all the under- written liberties, to be enjoyed and held by them and their heirs, of us and our heirs. If any of our earls or barons, or others who hold of us in chief by military fervice, fhall die, and at his death his heir (hall be of full age, and (hall owe a relief, he fhall have his inheritance for the ancient relief, viz. the heir or heirs of an earl, a whole earl's barony, for one hundred pounds ; the heir or heirs of a baron, a whole barony for one hundred pounds2 ; the heir or heirs of a knight, a whole knight's fee, for one hundred (hillings at molt ; and he who owes lefs, fhall give lefs, according to the ancient cuftom of <> fees. But if the heir of any fuch be under age, and in wardfnip, when he comes to age he (hall have his inherit- ance without relief and without fine. The warden of an heir who is under age, (hall not take of the lands of the heir any but reafonable iffues, and reafonable cuftoms, and reafonable fervices, and that without deftruc'tion and wafte of the men or goods ; and if we commit the cuftody of any fuch lands to a fherifF, or to any other perfon who is bound to anfwer to us for the iffues of them, and he (hall make deftruc'tion or wafte upon the ward-lands, we will recover damages from him, and the lands fhall be committed to two legal and difcreet men of that fee, who fhall aniwer for the iffues to us, or to him to whom we have affigned them : and if we granted or fold to any one the cuftody of any fuch lands, and he (hall make deftruc- tion or wafte, he (hall lofe the cuftody ; and it (hall be committed to two legal and difcreet men of that fee, who dial! anfwer to us, in like manner as was faid before. Befides the warden, as long as he hath the cuftody of the lands, (hall keep in order the houfes, parks, warrens, ponds, mills, and other thing? belonging to them, out of their iffues ; and (hall deliver to the heir, when he is at age, his whole eftate provided with plohghs and other im- plements of hufbandry, according to what the fea/on requires, — — y-« .1 fcutage, we will caufe to be fummoned the archbifhops, bifhops, earls, and greater barons, perfonally, by our letters ; and befides, we will caufe to be fummoned in general by our fheriffs and bailiffs, all thofe who hold of us in chief, to a certain day, at the diftance of forty days at leaf!:, and to a certain place ; and in all the letters of fummons, we will exprefs the c?ufe of the fummons ; and the fummons being thus made, the bulloefs fhall go on at the day appointed, according to the advice of thofe who fiiall be prefent, although^ all who had beeo 15 fummoned have not come. We will not give leave to any one, for the future, to take an aid of his freemen, except for redeeming his own body, making his eldeft fon a knight, and marrying once hi6 eldeft daughter ; and j 6 * that only a reafonable aid. Let none be diftrained to do more fervice for a knight's fee, nor for any other free j 7 tenement, than what is due from thence. Common pleas mail not follow our court, but (hall be held in fome jg certain place. Affizes upon the writs of Novel deffei- fili, Mortdancefter (death of the anceftor), and Darrein preferment (hit prefentation), fhall not be taken but in their proper counties, and in this manner. — We, or our chief jefticiary when we are out of the kingdom, fhall fend two judiciaries into each county, four times a-year, who, with four knights of each county, chofen by the county, fhall take the forefaid affizes at a ftated time *9 and place within the county. And if the forefaid af- lizes cannot be taken on the day of the county-court, let as many knights and freeholders, of thofe who were pre- fenr at the county-court remain behind, as by them the forefaid affizes may be taken, according to the greater 20 or lefs importance of the bufinefs. A freeman fhall not be amerced for a fmall offence, but only according to the degree of the offence ; and for a great delinquency, ac- cording to the magnitude of the delinquency, faving his contcnement b : a merchant fhall be amerced in the fame manner, faving his merchandife, and a villain, faving his implements of hufhandry. If they fail into our mer- cy, none of the forefaid amerciaments fhall be affeffed, a I but by the oath of hor.eft men of the vicinage. — —Earls and barons fhall not be amerced but by their peers, and that only according to the degree of their delinquency. 22 No clerk fhall be amerced for his lay-tenement, but according to the quantity of its ecc'efiaftical benefice. 2? - — -Neither a town nor a particular perion fhall be dif- tiained b Seep. 3,59. of thi> volume. APPENDIX. 585 trained to build bridges or embankments except thofe who anciently, and of right, are bound to do it. Mo {he- 2 . riff, conftable, coroner, or bailiff of ours, (hall hold pleas of our crown. All counties, hundreds, wapon-tacks, 2C and trithings, fhall be at the ancient rents, without any increment, except our demefn-manors= If any one * holding of us a lay-fee dies, and the fheriff or our bai- liff (hall Ihew our letters-patent of our fummons for a debt which the defunct owed to us, it (hall be lawful for the fheriff or our bailiff to attach and regitter the chattels of the defunct found on that fee, to the amount of that debt, at the view of lawful men, fo that nothing {hall be removed from thence until our debt is paid to us The clear overplus {hall be left to the executors to fulfil the la(r.-will of the defunct ; and if nothing is owing to us by him, all the chattels (hail fall to the defunct, faving to his wife and children their reafonable ihares. If any 27 freeman ihall die inteflate, his chattels mall be diftributed by his neareft relations and friends, at the view of die church, faving to every one the debts which the defunct owed to him No conilable or bailiff of ours ihall take 28 the corn or goods of any one, without inflantly paying money for them, unlcfs he can obtain refpite from the free will of the feller. No con liable (governor of a 2q caflle) fliall diflrain any knight to give money tor cafrie- guard, if he is willing to perform it by his own perfon, or by another good man if he cannot perform it himfelf, for a reafonable caufe. Or if we have carried or lent him into the army, he Ihall be excufed from cafrle-guardt according to the fpace of time he hath been in the army at our command. No fheriff 01 bailiff of ours, or 30 any other perfon, Ihall take the horfes or carts of any freeman, to perform carriages, without the confent of the faid freeman Neither we, nor our bailiffs, fhall take another man's wood, for our caflles or other ufes, without the confent of him to whom the wood belongs. We 32 will not retain the lands of thole who have been conviclid of felony, above one year and one day, and then they fliall be given up to the lord of the fee. All kydells (wears) 33 for the futnre fhall be quite removed out of the Thames, the Medway, and through all England, except on the fea-coaft. The writ which is called Precipe for the future fliall not 34 be granted to any one concerning any tenement by which a freeman may lofe his court There fliall be one meafijre vc of wine throughout our kingdom, and one mcaiure of ale, and one meafure of corn, viz. the quarter of London ; and one 31 586 APPENDIX. one breadth of dyed-cloth and of rufTets, and of halberjects, viz. two ells within the lifts. It fhall be the fame with ?6 weights as with meafures. Nothing lhall be given or taken for the future for the writ of inquifition of life or limb ; but 37 it fhall be given ^/^/j-, and not denied. If any hold of us by fee farm, or foccage, or burgage, and holds an eftate of another by military fervice, we /hall not have the cuftody of the heir, or of his land, which is of the fee of another, on account of that fee-farm, or foccage, or burgage, unlefs the fee-farm owes military fervice. We fhall not have the cuf- tody of the heir, or of the land of any one, which he holds of another by military fervice, on account of any pet- ty fergeancy which he holds of us, by giving us knives, ar- 38 rows, or the like. No bailiff, for the future, mail put any man to his law, upon his own fimple affirmation, without 30 credible witnefles produced to that purpofe. No freeman fhall be feized, or impriioned, or diffeifed, or outlawed, or any way deftroyed, nor will we go upon him, nor will we fend upon him, except by the legal judgment of his peers, or 4,0 by the law of the land c . To none will we fell, to none . ! will we deny, to none will we delay right or juftice All merchants fhall be fafe and fecure in coming into England, and going out of England, and flaying and travelling through England, as well by land as by water, to buy and to fell, without any unjuft exactions, according to ancient and right cuftoms, except in time of war, and if they be of acountry at war againfl us. And if fuch are found in our dominions at the beginning of a war, they fhall be apprehended without in- jury of their bodies and goods, until it be known to us, or to our chief jufticiary, Jiow the merchants of our country are treated in the country at war againft us ; and if ours are 42 fafe there, the others fhall be fafe in our country. — —It fhall be lawful to any perfon, for the future, to go out of our kingdom, and to return, fafely and fecurely, by land and by water, faving his allegiance, except in time of war, for feme fhort Ipace, for the common good of the kingdom, except prifoners, outlaws according to the law of the land, and people of the nation at war againft us, and merchants, 43 who fhall be treated as is faid above. If any one holdeth ef any efcheat, as of the honour of Wallingford, Notting- ham, Boulogne, Lancaftre, or of other efcheats which are in our hands, and fhall die, his heir fhall not give any other relief, or do any other fervice to us, than he fhould have done to the baron, if that barony had been in the hainds of the baron ; and we will hold it in the fame manner ma that the baron held it. Men who dwell without the foreft, ** fhall c See p. 3j6, 35 7. of this volume. APPENDIX. 587 (hall not come, for the future, before our judiciaries of the No. II. fored, on a common fummons, unlefs they be parties in a - _j plea, or fureties for feme perfon or perfons who are attached for the fored.* We will not make men judiciaries, conda- »e bles, fheriffs, or bailiffs, unlefs they underftand the law of the land, and are well difpofed to obferve it. All batons who .£ have founded abbeys, of which they hare charters of the kings of England, or ancient tenures, fhall have the cu dody of them when they become vacant, as they ought to have. All foreds which have been made in our 4.7 time, fhall be immediately disforeded ; and it fhall be fo done with water-banks which have been made in our time, in defi- ance. A1P evil cudoms of forefls and warrens, and of .g foreders and warreners, fheriffs and their officers, water- banks and their keepers, fhall immediately be inquired into by twelve knights of the fame county, upon oath, who fhall be chofen by the good men of the fame county ; and within forty days after the inquifition is made, they fhall be quite de- ftroyed by them, never to be restored , provided that this be notified to us before it is done, or to our judiciary, if we are not in England. We will immediately redore all hod- aq ages and charters which have been delivered to us by the Eng- lii'h, in fecurity of the, peace, and of their faithful fervice. We will remove from their offices the relations of Gerard cq de Athyes, that, for the future, they fhall have no office in England, Engelard de Cygony, Andrew, Peter, and Gyone de Chancel!, Gyone de Cygony, Geoffery de Martin, and his brothers ; Philip Mark, and his brothers ; and Geoffrey his grandfon ; and all their followers. And immediately rj after the concluhon of the peace, we will remove out of the kingdom all foreign knights, crofs-bow-men, and ftipendiary foldiers, who have come with horfes and arms to the mo- kdation of the kingdom. If any have been diffeifed or c% difpoffeffed by us, without a legal verdict of their peers, of their lands, cadles, liberties, or rights, we will immediately redore thefe things to them ; and if a queftion fhall arife on this head, it fhall be determined by the verdict of the twen- ty-live barons, who fhall be mentioned below, for the fecu- rity of the peace. But as to ad thofe things of which any one hath been diffeifed or difpoffefled, without a legal verdict of his peers, by king Henry our father, or king Richard our brothel, which we have in our hand, or others field with our warrants, we fhall have refpite, until the common term of the CroifadeT-s, except thofe concerning which a plea had been moved, or an inquifition taken, by our precept, before our taking the crofs. But as ioon as we fhall return from our ex- pedition, or if, by chance, wc (hall not go upon our expedi- tion, we fhall immediately do complete jultice therein. • APPENDIX. But we fhall have the fame refpite, and in the fame manners, concerning the juftice to be done about disforefting or conti- nuing the forelis which Henry our father, or Richard our brother, had made ; and about the wardfhip of lands which are of the fee of fome other perfon, but the wardfhip of which we have hitherto had, on account of a fee which fome one held of us by military fervice ; and about abbeys which had been founded in the fee of another, and not in ours, in which abbeys the lord of the fee hath claimed a right. And when we fhall have returned, or if we fhall flay from our ex- pedition, we fhall immediately do complete juftice in all thefe pleas. No man fhall be apprehended or imprifoned on the -** appeal of a woman, for the death of any other tnan than her hufband. All fines that have been made with us unjuftly, or 3^ contrary to the law of the land ; and all amerciaments that have been impofed unjuftly, or contrary to the law of the lard, fhall be remitted, or difpofed of by the verdict of the twenty-five barons of whom mention is made below for the fecurity of the peace, or by the verdict of the major part of them, together with the forefaid Stephen archbifhop of Can- terbury, if he can be prefent, and others whom he may think fit to bring with him ; and if he cannot be prefent, the bufi- nefs fhall proceed notwithftanding without him : but fo, that if one or more of the forefaid twenty-five barons have a fimi- lar plea, let them be removed from that particular trial, and others elected and iworn by the refidue of the fame twenty- rf. five, be fubftituted in their room, only for that trial If we have diffeifed or difpoffefTed any Welfhmen of their land, liberties, or other things, without a legal verdict of their peers, in England or in Wales, they fhall be immediately reftored to them ; and if a queftion fhall arife about it, then let it be determined in the marches by the verdict of their peers, if the tenement be in England, according to the law of England : if the tenement be in Wales, according to the law of Wales : if the tenement be in the marches, according to the law of the marches. The Welfh fhall do the fame to us -« and our lubjects. But concerning thofe things of which any Welihman hath been diffeifed or difpofTefTed without a legal verdicT: of his peers, by king Henry our father, or king Richard our brother, which we have in our hand, or others hold with our warranty, we fhall have refpite, until the com- mon term of the Croifaders, except thofe concerning which a plea had been moved, or an inquifition taken, by our pre- cept, before our taking the crofs. But as foon as we fhall re- turn from our expedition ; or if, by chance, we fhall not go upon our expedition, we fhall immediately do complete jut tice APPENDIX. 589 tice therein, according to the laws of Wales, and the parts No. II. aforefaid. We will immediately deliver up the fon of u^- »t<— .»J Leweline, and all the hoftages of Wales, and charters which eg have been given to us for fecurity of the peace. We fhall ™ do to Alexander king of Scotland, concerning the reftora- tion of his filters and hoftages, and his liberties and rights, according to the form in which we act to our other barons of England, unlefs it ought to be otherwife by charters which we have from his father William late king of Scotland, and that by the verdict of his peers in our court. But all thefe £0 forefaid cuftoms and liberties which we have granted in our kingdom, to be held by our tenants, as far as concerns us, all our clergy and laity fhall obferve towards their tenants, as far as concerns them. But fince we have granted all thefe things aforefaid, for God, and to the amendment of our kingdom, and for the better extinguishing the difcord arilen between us and our barons, being defirous that thefe things fhould pofTefs entire and unfhaken liability for ever, we give and grant to them the fecurity underwritten, viz. That the barons may elect twenty-five barons of the kingdom, whom they pleafe, who (hall, with their whole power, obferve and keep, and caufe to be obferved, the peace and liberties which we have granted to them, and have confirmed by this our prefent charter, in this manner. That if we, or our judici- ary, or our bailiffs, or any of our officers, fhall have in- jured any one in any thing, or fhall have violated any article of the peace or fecurity, and the injury fhall have been fhown to four of the forefaid twenty-five barons, thefe four barons fhall come to us, or to our jufticiary if we are out of the king- dom, and making known to us the excefs committed, re- quire that we caufe that excefs to be redrefTed without delay ; and if we fhall not have redrefTed the excefs, or, if we have been out of the kingdom, our jufticiary fhall not have re- drefTed it, within the term of forty days, computing from the time in which it fhall have been made known to us, or to our jufticiary if we have been out of the kingdom, the fore- faid four barons fhall lay that caufe before the refidue of the twenty-five barons ; and thefe twenty-five barons, with the community of the whole land, fhall diftrefs and harafs us by all the ways in which they can, that is to fay, by the taking of our caftles, lands, and pofTeffions, and by other means in their power, until the excefs fhall have been redrefTed, ac- cording to their verdict ; faving our perfon, and the perfons of our queen and children ; and when it hath been redrefTed, they fhall behave to us as they had done before : and who- ever of our land pleafeth, may fwear, that he will obey the commands 590 APPENDIX. No. II. commands of the forefaid twentv-five barons, in accomplifh- ing all the things aforefaid, and that with them he will harafs us to the utmoft of his power : and we publicly and freely give leave to every one to fwear who is willing to fwear ; and we will never forbid any man to fwear. But all thofe of our land, who, of themfelves, and their own accord, are un- willing to fwear to the twenty-five barons, to diftrefs and harafs us together with them, we will compel them, by our command, to fwear as aforefaid. And if any one of the twenty-five barons fhall die, or remove out of the land, or in any other way {hall be prevented from executing ths things above faid, thofe who remain of the twenty-five barons fhall elect another in his place, according to their pleafure. who fhall be fworn in the fame manner as the reft. But in all thofe things which are appointed to be done by thefe twenty-five baro«s, if it happen that all the twenty-five have been prefent, and have differed in their opinions about anj' thing, or if fome of them who had been fummoned, would not, or could not be prefent, that which the major part of thofe who were prefent fhall have provided and de- creed, fhall be held as firm and valid, as if all the twenty-five had agreed in it. And the forefaid twenty-five fhall fwear, that they will faithfully obferve, and, to the utmoft of their power, caufe to be obferved, all the things mentioned above. And we will obtain nothing from any one, by ourfelves, or by another, by which any of thefe conceffions and liberties may be revoked or diminifhed. And if any fuch thing hath been obtained, let it be void and null ; and we will never ufe it, either by ourfelves or by another. And we have fully remitted and pardoned to all men, all the ill-will, rancour, and refentments which have arifen between us and our fub- jecls, both clergy and laity, from the commencement of the difcord. Befides, we have fully remitted to all the clergy and laity, and as far as belongs to us, we have fully par- doned all tranfgreflions committed on occafion ot the faid difcord, from Eafter, in the fixteenth year of our reign, to the conclufion of the peace. And, moreover, we have caufed to be made to them teftimonial letters-patent of my lord Stephen archbifhop of Canterbury, my lord Henrv archbiihop of Dublin, and of the forefaid bifhops, and of Mr. Pandulf, concerning this fecurity, and the forefaid concciTu ns. Wherefore, our will is, and we firmly command, that the church of England be free, and that the nun in our king- dom have and hold all the f-rdnid liberties, rights, and con- ceffions, well and in pe:ue, freely and cjuierly, fully and entirelv, to them and their h-ir*, of us and our heirs, in all things APPENDIX. 591 things and places for ever, as aforefaid. An oath hath been No. II. taken, as well on our part, as on the part of the barons, that all thefe things mentioned above fliall be obferved in good faith, and without any evil intention, before the above- named witneffes, and many others. Given by our hand, in the meadow, which is called Runingmed, between Windfor and Stains, this fifteenth day of June, in the feventeenth year of our reign. NUMBER III. AD PETRUM AMICUM MEDICUM. Argumentum.] Indicat Petro Medicina; perito fe ex in- tinere aegrum nobilem virum invifivTe, & medicinam illi fe~ ciffe : rationem morbi & medicinae exporut ; ac de cartero segrum illius cura; committit. Charijfimo amico fuo Petro, Magi ft er P. Blefenfisy fafutem in vero falutari. NUPE R ingrediebar Ambaziam, ubi vir nobilis Gelde- No. III. winus graviter aegrotabat : occurritque mihi dominus caftri, rogans humiliter & obnixe, ut diverterem ad infirmum. AfTerebat enim quod etfi manum curationis ei non apponerem, haberet tamen ex vifitatione mea qualecumque folatium. Ad inftantia mitaque magnatum, qui pro infirmo devotiflime fupplicabant, triduum ibi feci. Et quia propter occupationes meas, quas ipfe novirtis, moram non poteram ibi facere lon- giorem, confilium meum fuit, ut vocarent vos ; pinguique retributione veflram circa infirmnm diligentiam excitarent. Licet autem fitis circumfpedus in his, tanquam fimilia fre- quentur expertus : quia tamen teftimonio Hippocratis eft ex- perimentum fallax, 8c quandoque uni revelat Dominus, quod I abfcondit 592 APPENDIX.' No. III. abfcondit ab aliis : non tasdeat vos audire hujus aegritudinis * v+*+j modum J fymptomata etiam, quae plenius vps inilruent: et cjuibus auxiliis in asgritudine fit utendum. Commune qui- dem medicorum vitium eft, Temper circa asgritudines variare : unde fi tres aut qnatuor ad intirmum veniunt, nunquam in ailignatione caufae, vcl exhibitionc curat conveniunt. Porro, ficut nos duo fumus conformes in votis, fie & decet, ut iden- titas fit in noftris operibus, & in verbis. Ego fiquidem pri- mitias curationis adhibui : certufque fum, quod aflequetur de facili fanitatem, fi fit qui prudenter contin'.iet man um fuam, Noveritis autem certiflime, quia medium hemitritasum patitur: cum enim patiatur continue de tertio in tertium, magis affligi- tur. Scitis autem quod fi minor hemitrmtus effet, cum ha- b'.at generari ex phlegmate putrefacto in vafis, & extra, fuoi nunquam tertiaret afTultus. Quod fi major hemitritseus effet, proper putrefactionem melancholias intus & extra in motu ma- teria interioris, seger etiam motum & aptitudinem membro- rum amitteret : dentes etiam ipfius ad fe invicem clauderen- tur. Quce omnia, quia in hac febre minime accidunt, conftat medium effe hemi tritium provenientem ex chokra in vafis & ftomacho putrefacla. Nam fi in hepate putrefacta efTet, quod quandoque foJet accidere, urina rubea & tenuis mina- retur adufiionem, & ad nigredinem pertineret : quod, quia non accidit, videtis materiam in vafis St ftomacho reiidere. Ex quo igitur veni, quia ipfa die eum febris invaierat, feci ei venam hepaticara aperiri. Et quia, dum morbus in augmen- to eft (quod ex eo iiquet, quia adhuc eft urina rubea & te- nuis), nondum eft purgatione utendum, ufus fum repreflivis, oicumque violaceum fuper cor 8c hepar, ac fronti ejus appofui. Reftat igitur, ut cum urina fpiflior pltnae digeftionis tempus nuntiaverit, detis ei frigidum caphonis, quod dare tutius eft, quam oxi, vel aliud : nam in illo tota maiitia fcammoneae be- neficio decoctionis evanuit. Optima etiam ei e/fet decoclio caflife fiftuln? myrobalanorum citrinorum cum capillis Veneris et feminibus citroli, cucurbitoc, & meionis : fi tamen infirmi vires haec videritis poife pati. Dietam, ficut fcitis, oportet effe pertenuem : ptifanam fcilicet, & micam panis ter in aquis aut quater ablutam, fomentationefque de maluis, & violis, & papavere, non deficiant circa pedes : nam ibi calor plurrmum invalefcit. Si vero vehemens calor arcem capitis, licut eve- nire folet, invaferit, radatur caput, atque aqua rofacea, & fucco folatri, ac femper viva;, era fluke etiam, & vermicularis, atque plantaginis, pannorum intinclione, caput, frons, & tem- pora mulceantur Propter ingruentiam fitis Jingua iavetur, ficut fcitis, cum pfyllio, lignoque radatur. Ad infomnitates, papavcris nigri, maluae, viola; hyofcyarai decoclio pedibus, herbseque APPENDIX. 593 herbacque decoctae capiti apponantur. Contra inobedientiam No. III. ventris fiat fuppofitorium, aut clyftere. Haec ideo fcribo vo- bis, non ut indigeatis inftrui, fed ut vobis fecurior, & segroto acceptior fit medicina, quje de noflra communi deliberati- one procedit. Frequenter enim ex aptitudine medici gra- tiofa, ex quadam confidentia quam asgrotus inde concipit, na- turajam deficiens convalefcit. Oportet igitur vos circa hunc circumfpe&um efle ac ftrenuum, de cujus convalefcentia, & magni titulus honoris vobis accrefcet, & utilitas refpondebit ad votum. NUMBER IV. Permiflion of Richard I. for holding tourna- ments in England. ICHARD, by the grace of God, &c. to the reve- No. IV. rend father in Chrifr, Hubert, Arch, of Cant. &c. greeting. Know, that we have permitted turnaments to be held in England, in five places ; between Sarura and Wilton, between Warewicke and Kenelingworthe, be- tween Stamford and Warrinford [Wallingford], between Brakeley and Mixebery, between Blie and Tykehill ; yet fo that the peace of our land be not broken, nor juftice hindered, nor damage done to our forefts. And an earl who mall turney there, mail pay us 20 marcs, and a barqn 10 marcs, and a knight who has land, 4 marcs, and a knight who has no land, 2 marcs. No foreigner fhall tur- ney there. Wherefore we command you, that on the day of the turnament you fhall provide, at each place, two clerks and [your] two knights, to receive the oaths from the earls and barons, for their fatisfaction, concerning the afore- faid funis, &c. Q-q END OF THE THIRD VOLUME. P. BYRNE, has Publij the following Books. I. Anderfon's Hiftory of Commerce, a Work well known and juftly admired as the moft comprehen- sive, beft digefted and inftruclive View of Prin- ciples of Commerce in every Part of the World now extant ; carefully revife'd, corredted and con- tinued to the prefent Time, by feveral Eminent Hands. II. Turners Eafy Introduction to Univerfal Geogra- phy, in a Series of Letters to a Youth at School; defcribing the Figure, Motion, and Dimenfions of the Earth, the different Seafons of the Year, the Si- tuation and Extent of feveral Empires, Kingdoms, States, and Provinces; their Government, Cuftoms, Religion, Manners, and Characters of reigning Sovereigns. III. 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