^ V ^ Ph CM fi 0» -ut^ ON ^ ON H CO H -H H > {K| -H -H CQ 5 ' Vf ^ #~^ i • "^^'' 3k ^ CIVIL GOVERNMENT; IXPOSITION OF ROMANS XIII. 1—7, BY JAMES M.VWILLSON, A.M. philadelphia: William s. young, 173 race street. 1863. 1^4 ADVERTISEMENT, This volume contains the substance of Lectures de* iivered upon Romans xiii. 1-7, in the course of a regular exposition of this Epistle, and is published in pursuance of the following resolution adopted at a special meeting of the Cherry Street Reformed Pros-- byterian Congregation, Philadelphia. •^ Resolved— Thai Mr. Willson be requested to furnish a copy of said Lectures for publication, and that Messrs* Wm. Cochran, David Smith, and Jolm L. Keys, be a committee to attend to said publication.'^ CIVIL GOVERNMENT. ^xtfut. The subject of civil government is, in all its aspects, of no little importance. It oc- cupies a large share of men's thoughts in all enlightened countries, and awakens, just now, the liveliest concern. This is not strange ; for its influence is felt in every department of human action. It has to do with the peace, the order, the material prosperity of the com- monwealth; with the rights and liberties of the citizens, and exercises no inconsiderable influence upon the interests of morals and re- ligion. In all these respects, in the last par- ticularly, the institution of civil government is deserving the attention of the Christian and of the Christian minister. Moreover, the in- 1 '6 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. spired writers take occasion, not unfrequent- ly, to state, sometimes summarily in the doc- trinal form, and sometimes in narrative and in detail, leading principles by which the in- telligent and faithful may be directed as to the part which they are to take in setting up, in administering, or in supporting political constitutions. Hence, no apology is neces- sary in entering upon such an examination as that which is now proposed. The topic itself is of great moment, and the light and autho- rity of God's Word are before us. Again: these researches are imperatively called for, inasmuch as the particular passage to which the attention of the reader is asked — Rom. xiii. 1 — 7 — has been grievously per- verted. One class of expositors endeavour to derive from these teachings of Paul the of- fensive principle of unresisting, unquestion- ing subjection to civil authority of whatever stamp. Rulers, say they, may be ungodly, tyrannical, immoral, — they may use their power for the worst ends, — they may subvert the liberties, and take away the rights of their subjects. Still, but one course is open; PREFACE. T even to such rulers and to such authority, there must be yielded at least a "passive obe- dience;" no "resistance" is ever lawful, though made by the entire body of the op- pressed, and that under peril of eternal dam- nation: for "the powers that be are ordained of God; and he that resisteth the power re- ceiveth unto himself damnation." This principle was a very prominent topic among the controversies that arose in Eng- land after the restoration of Charles II., in 1660. The advocates of high Episcopacy — particularly the Oxford theologians — stated it in the strongest terms, maintaining the di- vine right of the restored government to an unlimited allegiance. It was revived, after the Revolution of 1688, by the non-jurors and their friends, who urged it against that settlement of affairs. The conflict raged long and was very bitter ; for all, whether in church or state, who favoured the expulsion of James II., and the establishment of the succession to the throne in the house of Brunswick, — the friends of civil liberty, — were equally ear- nest in maintaining the right of a nation to 8 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. take measures for the prevention of tyranny and of an arbitrary power over the rights of the subjects. All these, including such men as Burnet and Hoadly — while they vindicated monarchy as the best form of government, in this agreeing with their opponents, were no less vehement in asserting and also in proving that the apostle's doctrine implied certain limitations ; that it must be interpreted so as jiot to conflict with the plain dictates of rea^ son, or the liberties of nations. This form of the controversy regarding this celebrated passage, has passed away. Even Oxford found it impossible to carry out its own doctrine ; and hence when James II. attempted to lay violent hands upon its chartered rights and immunities, Oxford resisted: it eat its own words, and took rank with the most decided adversaries of that Popish king in his assaults upon English law and Protestantism. While power was in the hands of a court professedly Protestant, and zealous for the ecclesiastical supremacy of the Church of England, it was all well enough ; but when a new government arose which sought to transfer all the posts of honour PREFACE. 9 and influence in church and state into po- pish hands, these conscientious defenders of an absolute divine right took the alarm, and re- fused to be bound by their own repeatedly as- serted doctrines. After the Revolution, this principle did not outlast that generation which felt itself chagrined at the toleration of dis- senters from the established religion. They had fought at a disadvantage, and lost ground. A new generation arose, and at last, as a to- pic of controversy, the subject was dropped, and hence, whatever private views may have been since entertained by the more bigoted loyalists and ecclesiastics, it has long ceased to figure in the annals of literature. However, even the "exploded" doctrine of ^* non-resistance " has not entirely succumbed. It has found a place in the commentaries of Haldane and Chalmers, and still lingers in some minds; at least, in the form of doubts as to the propriety and lawfulness of setting aside institutions and men — by violence, if necessary, — that have proved themselves in- competent to answer the ends of political ar- rangements and authority. 1* 10 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. There is another class of expositors, em- bracing a large proportion of the more mo- dern, and some of the ancient, commentators ; who, -while they admit that nations maj remo- del their constitutions so as to suit themselves, and even resort to violence for the overthrow of tyrannical power — in other words, they admit the right of revolution — still hold and teach, as the doctrine of this passage, that so long as a government exists, whatever be its character, it is entitled to, and may de- mand, in the name of God, a conscientious obedience to its laws, unless they conflict with the laws of God. This is a view highly plausible and popular, and yet to say nothing, at present, of its in- consistency, (for, how could there be a revo'- lutionary movement, unless conscience had previously ceased to feel any obligation to respect and honour and fear the existing go- vernment?) it will appear in the sequel that it gains no countenance from the teachings of Paul, and for the reason that the passage makes no reference, as we think will appear upon strict examination of its terms, to any PREFACE. 11 "power" but that which answers in some good measure the ends of its institution. Whatever may be the regard, if any, due to an immoral and tyrannical, and, of course, hurtful government, this passage makes no reference to it. It teaches one set of truths, and one only, — the nature, functions, and claims of a good government. In the Ian* guage of Bishop Hoadly: "As the apostle's words stand at present, and have ever stood, it is impossible to prove that he had in view any particular magistrate acting against the ends of his institution ;" and again, "All that we can possibly collect from his (Paul's,) in- junctions in this place is this, that it is the indispensable duty of subjects to submit them- selves to such governors as answer the good ends of their institution. There is nothing to make it probable that Paul had any governors particularly in his eye, who were a terror to good works and not to evil ; or that he had any other design in this place but to press sub- mission to magistrates, upon those who ac- knowledged none to be .due in point of con- science, from the end of their institution, and 12 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. the usefulness of their office. And in what- ever instances submission can be proved to be due from this argument, I am ready to ac- knowledge that Paul extended it to all such instances. But as for submission in other in- stances, the apostle's reasoning here cannot defend or justify it, but rather implies the contrary. For if submission be a duty be- cause magistrates are carrying forward a good work, the peace and happiness of hu- man society, which is the argument Paul useth, it is implied in this that resistance is rather a duty than submission, when they manifestly destroy the public peace and hap- piness." We are aware that the truth of these as- sertions remains to be proved: their truth will appear in the analysis of the passage, but we would now state it distinctly and em- phatically, for it is the key to the right un- derstanding of this, and parallel passages. Keeping this in mind, the scope and bearing of Paul's doctrine on civil government and * Hoadly's Submission to the Powers that be; pages 49, 22, 60. PREFACE. 13 ^submission to authority, is as clear as a sun- beam. He gives no countenance to any sla- vish doctrine — to any claim of divine right to do wrong — to any principle that would tie up our hands, or in the least interfere with the right of the Christian citizen to "prove," by moral and scripture rules, as well as by the laws of self-preservation, any and all in- stitutions and laws. In what light we are to regard tyrannical and ungodly powers, we may ascertain elsewhere, but cannot here, ex- cept, and the exception is important, that in- asmuch as Paul gives us the character of go- vernment, as Gfod approves it, and then en- joins subjection, we can pretty directly infer that in case a government does not possess, at least, a due measure of the requisite quali- fications, the command to obey cannot apply to it. A greater interest is, moreover, to be at- tached to such investigations as we propose? from the fact that the infidels of our times make use of this passage to serve their own purposes. We live in an age and country of liberal ideas regarding government — an age 14 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. when the rights of the people are watched with the utmost sagacity and vigilance. — Popular rights are matters taken for granted, and any thing that runs counter to them is at once rejected. Infidelity attempts to turn this feeling in behalf of liberty into its own channel — to rouse it against the Bible, as if it favoured absolute and irresponsible power; and they avail themselves, and with no little success, of the mistaken exposition of the very passage before us. The expositors to •whom we have referred intend to strengthen the arm of any and all civil authority — these interpretations the infidel school use for the overthrow of the authority of the Bible. Both are met and foiled by one process — sim- ply by a just analysis of the passage itself. This we now proceed to attempt, hoping to demonstrate, on the one hand, that a good government finds here both a guide and a pillar — and on the other, that a bad govern- ment finds not the faintest shadow of counte- nance, but is inferentially, but not the less effectually, condemned. EXPOSITION OF ROMANS XIII. 1—7. "Let every soul be subject iinto the higher powers.--' For there is no power but of God ; the powers that be are ordained of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the power, resisteth the ordinance of God ; and they that resist shall receive to themselves damnation. For rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same. For he is the minister of God to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid, for he beareth not the sword in vain : for he is the minister of God ; a revenger, to ex- ecute wrath upon him that doeth evil. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake. For for this cause pay ye tribute also ; for they are God's ministers, attending continually upon this very thing. Render, therefore, to all their dues: tribute to whom tribute is due—^custom to whom eustoni — fear to whom fear^^honour to whom honour." This passage will be found, upon careful analysis, to embrace tlie following topics : I. The duty in general of obedience to civil au- thority: V. 1» 16 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. II. Gleneral considerations enforcing this obedi- ence: V. 1 and 2, III. The design of the appointment of rulers, or of the institution of government : v. 3. lY. The application of these principles to the case both of good and bad citizens : v. 3, 4. Y. The principle of obedience to civil rule : v, 5, YI. A more specific statement of the duties owing to civil government, as previously described; V. 6, 7. SECTION I. THE DUTYj IN GENERAL, OF OBEDIENCE TO CIVIL AUTHO- RITY. ^^Let every soul be subject to the higherpowers." verse 1. 1. Civil governments are called ^^ Powers.^^ The term here used (^e^ova-icc) is employed to denote any species of authority — paternal, ecclesiastical, ma- gisterial. That in this instance it means civil rule, is abundantly clear from the whole tenor of the pas- sage. It is important, however, to remark that it designates civil government, not as an institution endued with ability to execute its will — for this another term (^^vvuf>(,ti) would have been more ap- propriate — ^but as invested with the right to enact and administer law. ^^By what authority," (f l^f- (Ticc) say the scribes to our Lord, ^^doest thou these CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 17 things?" — ^^who hath given thee this authority?" (Matt. xxi. 23.*) 2. They are called ^^ Higher Powers.'^ The word (•J7rfpe;^<9yc-flt;5) here rendered "higher," properly signifies prominence, or eminence, and hence it comes to mean "excellent," or "excelling," and must be translated by these or equivalent expressions in a number of passages in the New Testament. "Let each esteem other better (y;rf^e;t;avr««$) than themselves," (Phil. ii. 3.) "And the peace of Grod, which passeth (^vTrepexovTo) all understand- ing," (Phil. iv. 7.) "For the excellency (^^icc t* v-repe^ov') of the knowledge of Christ Jesus my Lord," (Phil. iii. 8.) In fact, the passage now before, us, and Pet. ii. 13, a parallel passage, are the only instances in which our translators have fur- nished a difierent rendering. Hence, some exposi- tors have been disposed to lay no little stress upon this epithet, as distinctly defining the character of the'powers here intended, and as limiting to such the subjection here enjoined, the "excelling powers;" that is, powers possessing a due measure of the qualifications requisite to the rightful exercise of the power of civil rule. That such is the fact — that the duty of subjec- tion to civil rule is not absolutely unlimited — that * See Appendix A. 2 18 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. it must be determined Iby other and higher consi- derations than the mere fact that it exists and brandishes "the sword/' is a most important truth — a truth no where taught more clearly, as we shall find, than in the passage before us. Still we are not disposed to insist upon any different rendering. We neither deny nor affirm. To elicit the true meaning and import of the passage does not require the aid of minute, and, after all, doubtful criticism.* Civil rule is a "higher" power — it is invested with an eminent dignity. It spreads its aegis — when properly constituted and administered — over the whole commonwealth, with all its varied interests, and claims an unopposed supremacy. There is an inherent majesty in lawful governmental power cal- culated and designed to impress subjects and citi- zens of every class and character with a salutary awe. And whether the attributes of inherent moral excellency be expressed in the designation here given or not, it may be readily inferred, for "power," without moral character, is a monster in- deed. It is, however, government and not the particu- lar magistrates by whom authority is exercised, to which Paul here refers. The distinction is impor- tant. " Rulers" are mentioned for the first time in * See Appendix B. CrVIL GOVERNMENT. 19 V. 3. He now treats of the institution of civil rule. The "powers" — the "higher'' powers, — Govern- ment in the abstract — the institution of civil rule. 3. Subjection is enjoined to civil government; v. 1: "B3 subject:" that is, voluntarily, freely, and cheerfully rendering allegiance and homage, and yielding a uniform and conscientious obedience to the wholesome laws enacted by the "higher pow- ers." In other words, what is here meant is some- thing far different from an unresisting submission to what cannot be helped, as when the unarmed traveller submits to be despoiled by the highway robber. This kind of submission is, indeed, often called for. The slave must, of necessity, do the bidding of his master. The power is unjust. It may be tyrannically exercised. It is, in its very nature, despotic. But the victim of wrong has, for the time, no alternative. By obedience alone can he secure exemption from greater suffering. So the unhappy subject of arbitrary civil rule. He is beneath the iron heel of the despot. He must obey. But it is a forced obedience, wrung from him by the irresistible might of the tyrant's sceptre. So, also, the Christian may be compelled to yield a kind of submission to overwhelming power. He is in its hand. The sword is ready to enforce the man- dates of unholy authority. The slave, and the sub- 20 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. ject of despotic civil rule, alike submit; but both for tbe same reason — the impossibility of escape, or of successful resistance. To nothing of all this does the inspired apostle here refer. He employs a term (^v7roruec% extend the "good works" and the "evil" so far as we have done. With this exception, 76 CIVIL GOTERNMENT. 2. Civil government sJiouId extend its protection to ever?/ class, and particidarl}/ to tlie more feehle. It sliould be a "praise" to all that do well — a "terror " to all that do ill. Indeed^ nothing can he more certain than that the defence of the poor^ of the weak, was one chief object in ordaining civil anthority. Surely, it was never contemplated in the divine arrangements in reference to the exercise of civil rule, that it should become, in his name, the instrument of establishing and protecting vio- lence and wrong — in defending the strong in their avaricious, cruel oppression of the destitute and the helpless. That civil rulers can prevent all wrong, we are far from affirming — but this they should aim at. If they do the reverse — ^if they throw their shield over him who deprives his fel- low of his rights and liberties, or spoils him of his property — in short, if they sanction such systems as those of serfage and slavery, or even of political oppression, they are not the rulers here designated. And more than«this, and still more plainly, if a government deliberately incorporate, among the principles of its constitution, such wrongs, how can his exposition agrees with ours. As to the above prin- ciple, he goes as far as we do, utterly denying that the mere existence of a government entitles it to obedience. CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 77 it be tlie ordinance of Grod for good — or its rulers '^ministers of God for good/' as Paul here so em- phatically styles them ? The victims of the wrong may be few comparatively, — they may belong to despised races, but no matter — the government that gives its sanction, knowingly, to injustice — that tolerates so heinous a sin and crime, cannot claim a place among those here meant. It may be free, in other respects — it may allow unlimited scope to the plans and efforts of i\iQ favoured class; it may be endowed with many attractive features; but if it be the patron of the enslavers of men — if they are crowned with its honours, while the sub- jects of their ambition, pride, avarice or cruelty, are cast out of the pale of law — and is not this the case even in this land ? — ^such a government stands here condemned. 3. That many, at least, of the existing govern- ments of the world, have no claim to conscientious acknoidedgment. Try Austria. Is it the good, the God-fearing, the disciples of Christ, that gain for themselves a good name and influence in that Empire? Does the Austrian government prove *■'• a terror " to the immoral, the profane, the im- pious? These inquiries bear with them, in the mind of every intelligent man, their own answers. True, even Austria does not employ its coercive 7 7S' CIVIL GOVERNMENT. power against every thing good. It permits indus- try and common honesty, and will restrain the rob- ber and the cheat. But, on the other hand, does it not forbid the free circulation of the scriptures ? Does it not discountenance and prove itself "a terror^' to pure religion? Does it not exert a power, professedly from God, to prevent the dif- fusion of genuine Christianity? As all know, this iniquitous government lays its hand upon educa- tion, upon the church, upon the Bible; it banishes missionaries, it builds up its highest barriers against efforts to bring its millions of ignorant and deluded subjects to the knowledge of ^^ the truth as it is in Jesus." And, still more, its great aim is to pre- vent free thought, free speech, and the free cir- culation of intelligence; and it labours, with all authority, to keep down the masses, and subject them to the control of a corrupt and pampered aristocracy. Were Paul — were Christ himself to appear among them, and teach as they taught, bonds, imprisonment and death would await them. In a word, is it the pious, the devout, the ener- getic Christian to whom this despotic power be- comes "a praise?" Nothing of the kind. How is it with France ? The reply is but the repetition of our account of Austria. Famous, indeed, has France been, whether as kingdom, CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 79 republic, or empire, for its rejection of Christ, its hatred of his people, its persecutions of the faith- ful.* And so, Spain, Portugal, Tuscany, Rome, Eussia, and others. These considerations derive no little weight from the circumstance that it is not mere " submission '^ that is here enjoined — it is active obedience and sup- port. Whatever government Paul means — -he de- mands that it be not merely an outward conformity to its will — but a hearty, conscientious aeknow- ledgment of its claims. Now, surely, the Lord does not demand that we should recognise even these governments as his ^^ ordinance '^ — give them an active homage, and pay them that reverence that is due to his ^^ ministers!'' Do not ail the friends of liberty earnestly desire their downfall; and all the Christian friends of liberty pray for it? Paul meant no such government. It is ridi- culous to attempt to apply his description to such conspiracies against Grod and man as 'the govern- ments we have specified, and similar ones, are. They have no place to stand on in this passage — they are ^^ found wanting" — they cannot claim the conscientious obedience of the subjects — they, ene- •* The present government is no exception. Protest- ants are not, indeed, put to death, but they are discoun- tenanced, and the circulation of the Scriptures restrained. 80 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. inies of Grod and of man, can impress no sanction^ which Grod will recognise, upon their enactments. 4. Civil government is instituted for the promo- tion of moral, as well as social order, among men. That one, and a leading end of civil government, is to guard the rights of the people; in other words, that it is designed, not for the rulers, but the ruled, none will, probably, be now disposed to question. It is not so generally admitted — ^by many it is expressly denied — that this institution of God has any thing to do directly with morals or religion. Few are willing, indeed, to go so far as to dispute the existence of, at least, an indirect power in society to cherish the interests of mo- rality — and, perhaps, it would be admitted that religion should receive more countenance than irreligion. But this passage proves more than this. It proves — we think it demonstrates — that there is a direct and specific obligation lying upon civil rulers to have an eye to every thing that goes to promote the glory of God, the fountain of all power, and the author of civil rule. They are not only to refrain from every thing that would inter- fere with pure religion and scriptural morality, but to promote well doing — to be ^'a praise to them that do well;" and ^'a terror'^ to all evil doers. Nor can it be fairly objected that this would issue CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 81 in persecution. It is to be remembered tliat the law of Grod is their rule, and that, in the exercis of their power, they must be limited by its pre . scriptions. Unless that law warrants persecution rulers cannot persecute ; and, besides, it remains with the objector to show how the patronage of true religion, and the restraint of that which is dishonouring to Grod and hurtful to his kingdom > can be denominated persecution. 5, CwU rulers are under imperative obligations to recognise the divine supremaci/, and that in their official diaracter. Paul here styles them the ^^ ministers of God'^ — Grod's servants. The servant should know his master even among men. And still more should he who professes to wield an authority derived from Grod, in administering an "ordinance of Grod,'* acknowledge, reverence and give due homage to his sovereign. This ac- knowledgment should be practical. It does not con- sist in a mere profession of belief in His being, or even in His providence. It implies the study of his will, and a constant aim and ejQTort to please Him. The ruler, or the nation, that claims to be above all other authority, demanding an unquestioning obedience to mere human law — that denies the existence of a "higher law,^^ is in rebellion against Sous of Oil, pp. 82—84. f Hoadly, p. 120. 132 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. blish a law that no poor man should be robbed of more than ten dollars — you happen to be crossing the mountain — five of the gang approach you, and rob you of one hundred, which is nearly your all — ■ you meet with the master of the fraternity — you know the law — and believe that he still has as much humanity remaining as will induce him to execute it. Will you appeal to him to cause your ninety dollars to be refunded, which are due to you by his own law? If you do, will this impli- cate you in the immorality of the banditti, or be saying Amen to their unlawful practice? Cer- tainly not. If this hold in the greater, it will surely hold in the less. If an appeal may be made to the captain of a band of robbers, without implication in his criminality, much more to these institutions, which, though wrong in some funda- mentals, are yet aiming at the good of civil so- ciety.^ ^* 5. It is confidently asserted that tlie Roman Christians must have understood the Apostle as re/erring to the Roman government — enjoining subjection to it. This is, perhaps, the prime ob- jection, after all, to the views we have presented of the scope and bearing of this passage, and de- serves a tolerably minute examination. And, (1.) * Sons of Oil, pp. 81, 82. CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 133 The description here given of the magistrate does not correspond to that of the reigning Emperor of Rome, nor to the character of his administration. Nor are any so ignorant as to be without some knowledo-e of the character and doings of Nero Csesar — that he was a human monster; a bloody persecutor; a tyrant so remorseless that even pagan Rome ultimately dethroned and put him to death. How could it be said by Paul, speaking of such a man, ^'That he was a terror, not to good works, but to the evil?" — "si minister of God to thee for good?'^ We again quote Hoadly: "If any should say that he speaks particularly of the Roman Emperor who, at this time, was a very bad man, I answer, if he were such a magistrate as did set himself to destroy the happiness of the people under him, and to act contrary to the end of his office, it is impossible that Paul should mean him particularly in this place. For the higher powers, V. 1, are the same with the rulers, v. 3, and whomsoever Paul intended, he declares to be, not a terror to good works, but to the evil. So that if the Roman Emperor were a terror to good works, and not to the evil, either Paul was grossly mistaken in his opinion of him, or he could not be particularly meant here. If Paul intended to press obedience to him, particularly, he manifestly 134 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. doth it upon the supposition, that he was not a terror to good works, but to evil. And if this supposition be destroyed, the reasoning built upon it must fall, and all the obligation to subjection that is deduced from it."* (2.) The scriptures clearly describe the Roman government as despotic, ungodly and bestial. "Af- ter this I saw, in the night visions, and, behold, a fourth beast, dreadful and terrible, and strong ex- ceedingly; and it had great iron teeth; it devoured and brake in pieces, and stamped the residue with the feet of it; and it was diverse from all beasts that were before it; and it had ten horns. '^ (Dan. vii. 7.) "And I stood upon the sand of the sea, and saw a beast rise up out of the sea, having seven heads and ten horns; and upon his horns ten crowns; and upon his heads the name of blas- phemy.'^ (Rev. xiii. 1.) All sound Protestant expositors unite in applying these prophecies to the Roman Empire. That they should be so ap- plied ought not to be questioned, Now, is it pos- sible that the same Spirit who dictated these pro- phecies, did also teach Paul to delineate this savage beast of prey, "dreadful and terrible," as a "terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well?" The thing is incredible, "Doth a * HoaOly, p, 48, CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 135 fountain send forth, at the same hole, sweet water and bitter?'' is the inquiry of an inspired writer. Does the blessed Spirit send forth teachings so dia- metrically opposite? We cannot believe it. He gives the true character of this huge and destroy- ing power in the book of Daniel, as it rages among the nations — trampling and rending them, and gorging itself with their blood. Such a power He never claims as His. The passage before us can- not apply to Rome.* (3.) It cannot, because one part of the mission of the gospel was and is to overthrow and utterly de- molish it. For this purpose, among others, Christ reigns. This, also, was long before revealed, ^^And in the days of these kings shall the God of heaven set up a kingdom which shall never be destroyed ; and the kingdom shall not be left to other people, but it shall break in pieces and consume all these kingdoms. '^ (Dan. ii. 44.) ^' These," — the ten horns — "shall make war with the Lamb, and he shall overcome them.'' (Rev. xvii. 14.) But why quote ? Throughout the whole prophetic scriptures — both Old Testament and New — this great, ungodly, tyrannical, perse- cuting and blasphemous power, is presented as the object of divine wrath, to be consumed, together * See Appendix D. 136 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. witb the "little horn," (Dan. viii.) — or the "two- horned beast/' (Rev. xiii.) — by the word and by the judgment of Grod — to be consumed for its iniquities committed against God and his gospel. Did the Spirit of Christ enjoin upon Christians a conscientious "fear," "honour," and obedience, to a system against which the Bible teems with the weightiest denunciations ? These inquiries assume a deeper meaning and importance, if we remember that the passage be- fore us enjoins not mere "submission," but a true support and co-operation — that it is not left op- tional to withhold these from the " powers " desig- nated in the text. Now, is it credible that Paul intended to teach that Christians should incorpo- rate with the Roman Empire ? Even the " body of the beast" is to be '^ given to the burning flame." (Dan. vii. 11.) And, again, in Rev. (chap. xiii. 8,) it is said that " all that dwell on the earth shall worship him (the seven-headed and ten-horned beast) whose names are not loritten in the hoolc of life.'' We cannot conceive that the same God who moved John thus to write, did, but a generation before, inspire Paul to command Christians to incorporate with this same beast and become constituents of his empire. (4.) We are not without very express testimony CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 13T that the primitive Christians were not counte- nanced in doing — were even forbidden to do cer- tain acts which might be regarded as importing an acknowledgment of the claims of Rome. " Dare any of you," says Paul, (1 Cor. vi. 1,) " having a matter against another, go to law before the un- just and not before the saints?" It cannot be dis- puted that the settlement of pecuniary matters and disputes, is one of the functions of civil govern- ment. This was contemplated in its institution. And we cannot imagine how it could be wrong in the Christian to appeal for redress to any ordi- nance of God in reference to such matters as lie within its own province. God set up a civil go- vernment in Israel. Before its courts, Jews were to implead one another. To the civil tribunals they were to bring, as their proper place, all civil causes. When civil government is purified — and it yet will be — all such controversies will be set- tled by its action. Why then does Paul forbid the Corinthians making such a reference of their personal afi"airs to the Roman tribunals ? Can it be accounted for on any other principle than this ? that such proceedings would, at least, appear to involve them in an acknowledgment of their right to administer law to Christians, as being to them the ordinance of God. Moreover, he calls 12 138 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. the Roman magistrates ^^the unjust." Did he, then, at one time, so speak of them, and, shortly after, urge upon Christians a conscientious subjection to their authority and maintenance of their government, inasmuch as they were a ^Her- ror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well ?'' Assuredly not. In a word, Paul enjoins upon the Corinthians to withhold from the tri- bunals of the Roman empire a part of that ^' honour'^ which certainly belongs to all recog- nised governments; and, in so doing, establishes a principle that would operate, with no little power, in keeping them and the Christians sepa- rate from the community in which they lived — that would remind them that while w, they were not o/, the Roman State. Now, much of all this that we have adduced in the last few pages, was before the minds of the Romans. They knew that Daniel had described that government as bestial — they had heard, no doubt, of the directions given to the Christians of Corinth— they understood, and to this we particu- larly refer, that the Roman Emperor and govern- ment were idolatrous and oppressive — that the gospel was preached, often at the hazard of life, and that its profession even was extensively dis- countenanced. How would they, then, under- CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 139 stand this chapter? We put, in reply, another interrogatory. How would the inhabitants of Papal Rome — the city itself — now understand the very same teachings ? We address them : ^' Breth- ren — be subject to the higher powers. They are the ministers of God to thee for good. They are a terror to evil doers, and a praise to them that do well. Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same." What would they say? We can easily imagine their countenances, at first marked with some astonishment. ^^Can this be our government ? No ! it cannot. Are not our friends — the friends of the Bible — banished or executed? Are we not deprived of our liberties? Have we not seen deeds — do we not witness them almost daily — of the grossest oppression? Are not evir doers in high places? Are not the God-fear- ing regarded with jealousy? Is not the Bible — God's own book — a forbidden volume? Is not the gospel hated and opposed, and idolatry pub- licly practised and protected ? No. It cannot be that Pius IX. and his ghostly government arc here described, and that we are commanded, on pain of damnation, to support, fear and honour them." To what conclusions would intelligent minds come? Why, certainly, to this, that, whatever 140 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. tke import of the passage, it could not apply to their governors. So would a godly Austrian — so a Hungarian — so a Spaniard — so a slave in the United States. Hence we add — (5.) To apply this to the Roman government is to dishonour religion. It is time that religion — the true religion — was rid of this reproach. It is doing no little evil- Convince men that any go- vernment that happens to exist, whatever its cha- racter, is to be obeyed, honoured and reverenced; we mean that the Bible enjoins this, and you have struck a very heavy blow at the Bible itself. Men — if they believe in God at all — cannot be- lieve He is the patron of iniquity and wrong. And, hence, they will refuse to recognise the claims of any book that professes to come from Ood, and yet so represents him. But of what use, then, was this passage? Why did it find a place in this epistle? Why in the volume of inspiration at all? We answer: [1.] That it was designed to show that civil government IS not, as an institution, abolished by the advent of the Messiah and the setting up of his kingdom among Grentile nations. In other words, that the ecclesiastical was not the only social power — that civil society was not to be absorbed by the church. It was important to state this distinctly; CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 141 for there has ever been a tendency developed, in connexion with every great religious movement, to depreciate the institution of magistracy — to re- gard it as beneath the Christian to pay any respect to political regimen, or, in any circumstances, to take a part in managing civil aiFairs, except so far as they may be connected with the government of the church. This spirit was, unquestionably, developed in the church at a very early period. It made its appearance during the Reformation in Grermany, in Holland, and in England. It is sometimes seen among the quite intelligent now, who suppress, in their own minds, all interest in political movements, not so much from conviction respecting their practical or doctrinal corruptions, as from a mistaken notion that they are not spi- ritual enough at least for the devout and godly. Every disposition of this sort is rebuked by this passage. It stands with a few parallel passages; and has stood ever, as an impregnable bulwark against such delusive notions. [2.] It furnished then, as now, a standard by which to try existing governments. That it was not intended to induce them to " honour" — and reverence and sustain, the imperial authority of Nero, we have already endeavoured to show. They could not so understand it. At first, they might 12* 142 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. be somewhat surprised — but soon — upon a little reflection, they would see that in these verses the Apostle had really furnished a very clear mirror in which they could see, by contrast, the hideous features of the " beastly '^ power of Rome. It is of use in this way still. The lineal descendants of the ancient Italians, who cannot discern in their" own rulers, as we have seen, any traces of the be- neficent power here described, may learn most im- portant lessons. They may find that governments, whatever claim of divine right they set up, are not above the examination of the Christian citizen — • and, more than this, here are the very tests to apply. [3.] It presented then, and does now, the specific ends which the godly should seek to attain in their reforming efi"orts. It has been already hinted that the word of God, the gospel of Christ, is intended to overthrow immoral and despotic power. It will do more : it will accomplish a complete reforma- tion; and this by the instrumentality of well in- structed and faithful men, who labour with an intelligent eye to a fixed and definite end. This end they find here. Not only here, for it appears elsewhere in the inspired record ; but here stated with singular definiteness, distinctness and brevity. Setting this before them, the friends of Christ and CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 143 of the welfare of man are engaged in no aimless work. Their toils in this department of their efforts have this as their object — the ultimate estab- lishment of governmental authority that shall honour God and religion, shall enact just laws, protecting the poor, and restraining all wrong, and that shall seek as their highest aim to advance the name and glory of Christ- [4-] The Christians in Rome would find here ample reason for the study of quietness and pa- tience and the sedulous discharge of all the com- mon duties of life ; for here is seen, with the utmost clearness, the importance of civil society, and the imperative character of social duties. Here the fact is presented in the boldest relief, that the commission of crime, the unnecessary disturbance of the peace of the community, such conduct as denominates one a "bad citizen," whether in the narrower or the wider sense of the phrase, is de- serving of ^^ wrath;" that the practice of the Christian virtues — what these are we learn else- where — meets with commendation; is pleasing to Ood. Hence, it may be added, the wise student of Kom. xiiL 1 — 7, will rise from his investigations deeply impressed on the one hand with the wide departures from its high standard which have 144 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. characterized and do yet characterize, the kingdoms of this world, and, of course, with a confirmed de- termination to refuse them his active support, hut, on the other hand, with a profound and salutary conviction of the excellence of the institution of government, and the weighty responsibilities that rest upon the Christian as he sustains many rela- tions to society around him. He will thus be guarded against a spirit of sedition or lawlessness, and imbued with a disposition to attend to the re- quirements of duty in his own particular sphere, so that while he may exemplify the faithfulness of the witness for Christ, he may still ^' lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty." (1 Tim. ii. 2.) [5.] There is not wanting evidence that the primitive Christians did gather at least much of this sort of instruction from these teachings of Paul. We once more quote Hoadly: "It is very remarkable that Origen, (the same person who challenges Celsus, that great enemy to Christians, to name any sedition, or tumult in which the Christians were concerned,) is by some alleged for this in defence of passive obedience; that he, (I say,) should mention that celebrated passage of Paul, (Rom. xiii. 1,) upon which some have built so much, with such a remark as would incline one CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 145 to think that all the primitive Christians did not see any such unlimited non-resistance in it as many have done since. The passage I mean is towards the end of his eighth book against Celsus, where he takes occasion to cite this place of Paul, to show the adversaries of Christianity what notions Chris- tians had concerning princes, and the subjection due to them. But he immediately adds that there were many questions and disquisitions about the meaning of this place of Scripture, arising from the consideration of the cruelty and tyranny of many princes j and that upon that account he would not at present undertake to give an exact account of it. From whence I think it manifest, not only that many of the first Christians doubted whether the subjection preached by Paul was due, in point of conscience, to tyrants and oppressors; but also that Origen himself, when he wrote this, did not believe it to be so. For if he did, he had now the fairest occasion for declaring it; and he could not more effectually have defended the Christians from the objections now before him, than by saying so."* This passage was far from useless to the Romans, though it did not teach them conscientious obe- dience to a rampant savage power. It taught them * Hoadly, p. 139. 146 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. better things, more becoming Christians. To us it brings the same lessons. 6. It may be objected that to withhold alle- giance from ungodly governments is not practicable — that lands must be held — taxes paid — the laws appealed to for redress. We reply^ (1.) That pro- perty is not held of the state. The state — the nation — does not give the title. Or if it be in any case original proprietor, the purchase of land from the state no more implies a recognition of its other claims than the purchase of property from an in- dividual recognises all his acts, and endorses his character. (2.) Taxes may be paid, either on busi- ness principles merely, for work done, or for the reason that if they be not paid, they will be taken. Circumstances may occur making it an imperative duty to refuse the payment of taxes at all hazards, but ordinarily this would be unwise because in- effectual, and would answer no end that cannot, at least as well, be otherwise obtained. (3.) The courts may be appealed to on principles already stated and vindicated.* (4.) "We reply, in general, to every objection of this sort, that we must distinguish be- tween things that belong merely to matters of social neighbourhood and arrangement, and things governmental; that there is a vast difference be- * See p. 131. CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 147 tween men's availing themselves merely of natural rightSj and taking an active and, of course, volun- tary part in affairs of state. And, finally, that all these acts, which are comprehended in this class of objections, are acts which aliens may do, and pri- vileges used such as aliens enjoy, and yet no one imagines that the alien becomes, by such acts as buying lands, &c., a corporate member of the body politic. Our principle will stand the most rigid investi- gation — it demands the closest examination. For it is a matter of no small moment to ascertain well that we do not so identify ourselves with institu- tions which dishonour Grod and oppress man, as to involve ourselves in their guilt and punishment, or weaken our own hands in the efforts we may be disposed to make for their reformation. CONCLUSION* And 1. There is no stick sacredness about civil governments as to exemjpt them from the closest scrutiny in their constitution and workings. The time was when it would have been necessary to dwell largely upon this statement. The occupants of power are always disposed to claim an unin- quiring recognition, as well as an unresisting obe- 148 CIVIL GOVERNMEl^rr, dience. Kings and emperors bave been addressed by 'the title of "sacred majesty/^ They have claimed a "divine right '^ to reign. They are kings "by the grace of God/' They are to rule and the people to submit^ pay taxes^ and bear all the burdens. This was once the theory. Some changes have, indeed, passed over society in many Christian countries. Men do not now yield so readily a blind and superstitious obedience. But, after all, the principle is not yet fully recognised that^ like every thing else in human hands, the affairs of go- vernment are, in every aspect, open to be ques- tioned and tried. Even in this land, with all its licentiousness of opinion and even contempt of au- thority, there is yet not a little of the old leaven. Not a few still appear to regard the constitution^ and even some enactments, and these the worst of them, as possessing a sort of extraordinary sacred- ness. For all this there is no reason. The Church is^ surely, as sacred as the state, and yet what friend of religious liberty denies the right of the Lord^s freeman to bring her claims to the proof — to try her proceedings ? It is one of the hateful pecu- liarities of the great Apostacy, to demand an unin- quiring subjugation of the understanding and con- science to its arrogant demand of implicit recogni- CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 149 tion and obedience. The faithful repudiate the claim. They have ever insisted that to admit it would be treason against Christ. Nor in divesting government of this hind of sacredness do we furnish any opening for either li- centiousness or sedition. The standard — the chief standard — of judgment here, as in all other mat- ters where morals are concerned, is the Word of God. We do not reject reason altogether. But reason itself must be proved by the same word. And it has been previously observed that when the Holy Scriptures are conscientiously regarded and justly applied, the result will be, on the one hand, the rejection of what God does not approve, and on the other hand, the intelligent and hearty subjec- tion of the whole man to what accords with the divine will. And can it be considered as any thing short of an infidel contempt of the Bible to assert that to use it for this purpose is either wrong or dangerous to the peace and order of society ? II. Tried hy this su/preme rule, the government of this land cannot claim conscientious obedience.. It has, indeed, been set up by the action, and, of course, exists by the voice of the majority of the people. But this is not the only test. The peoplfe may be wrong now, as well as of old, when the ten tribes "set up kings, but not by'^ God, "and princes, 13 150 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. and he knew (approved) it not/^ (Hosea vii. Of 4.) That this has been done in these states is evi- dent because the paramount authority of the Most High;, speaking in his word, is not recognised in the constitution — the fundamental law of the gene- ral government; because Christ is not, in any sense, acknowledged in his character as " Prince of the kings of the earth/^ (Rev. i. 3;) because the Bible is not received as law, obligatory and supreme; be- cause no barrier has been enacted against the in- duction of God's enemies into places of power — of trust; because the same securities are thrown around the idolatries of Popery, as around the practice and observances of the true religion; because oppressiort is sanctioned, and th« oppressor protected in the enjoyment of his despotic and unfounded claim. — In this last we refer, of course, to slavery, which is numbered among the "institutions'' of nearly one-half of the states, and the constitution gives the same protection to this institution as to any others. It does more. It provides specific and peculiar means for the arrest of the fugitive; or, perhaps, more accurately, it contains provisions, which may be made, and have been, the basis of distinct legisla- tion on this subject.* * Appendix E, CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 151 Now, let it be remembered, that to constitute an oppressive and tyrannical government, it is not re- quisite that the subjects of the violence and wrong be white men : it is enough if they be men — nor that they be the majority, kept under by a well situated and armed minority, as in Italy or Aus- tria. Any institutions are chargeable with the sin and crime of despotism, that wilfully deprive any class of their citizens of their natural rights, or sanction it when done. This is the case here. The constitution treats as outcasts from its pale a large proportion of the inhabitants of the country, more than three millions out of twenty-four. Hence, it is not only wrong and sinful to swear to maintain the constitution: we go farther, and affirm that such a government is not to be "honoured^^ as God's moral ordinance; it is not, — as it respects a host within its limits, and these belonging to that very class, the poor and needy, for whose protec- tion civil government was eminently designed — a ^^minister of Grod for good,'' but a minister o evil. To such a government the apostle has here no reference in his injunctions of obedience. It does not possess the features here required. It pos- sesses some that are here, by implication, strongly condemned. We are aware that it is no easy task to persuade 152 CIVIL GOVERNMENT. men — even intelligent men — tliat this is a matter in which they have a deep, personal, and responsi- ble interest. The evil of corrupt government is one so nearly universal and of so long standing — the notion is so prevalent that if there is any thing wrong, it is not their concern; and the obstacles are often so many and so great in the way of a complete withdrawing from an active share in affairs of state ; and, finally, it is so easy to lull the conscience ))y the delusive idea that the best way to reform a government is first to swear to support it, and to take a part in its operations. In view of all these considerations, it is a matter of labour and of ef- fort, and cannot be accomplished unless the Spirit of Grod imparts clear and spiritual vision, and gives a decided and resolute will.* III. Such as do take this step are called to a position of peculiar difficulty. — On the one hand they are to watch against doing any thing really inconsistent with the place which they have de- liberately occupied — apart from the governmental machinery; at the same time testifying with can- dour and faithfulness against existing wrong — and yet, on the other hand, they need to be equally watchful lest they be tempted to despise * See Appendix C. CIVIL GOVERNMENT. 153 oven the institution of government, become regard- less of the welfare of the land, or in any way dis- orderly in their deportment. It is especially re- quired of them that ^'they follow every good work/^ and thus by a pure and peaceable behaviour as in- dividuals, and by the exemplariness of their de- portment in social life, commend to all men the excellence of a full and faithful profession of the name of Christ, or at least, that '^by well doing, they may put to silence the ignorance of foolish men.'^ IV. The doctrines of this passage and the colla- teral principles to which we have referred, willcer- tainly yet prevail on earth. — The very fact that Paul was inspired of God to give such a view of civil authority is a guarantee that it shall yet re- ceive a just exemplification. However this may be, other scriptures are more explicit. "The king- dom and dominion, and the greatness of the king- dom under the whole heaven, shall be given to the saints of the Most High.^' (Dan.vii.27.) "The kings of Tarshish and of the isles shall bring pre- sents : the kings of Sheba and Seba shall offer gifts. Yea, all kings shall fall down before him; all na- tions shall serve him. For he shall deliver the needy when he crieth; the poor also, and him that hath no helper. He shall spare the poor and 13* 154 CIVIL GOVERNMENT, needy; and shall save the souls of the needy. He shall redeem their souls from deceit and violence : and precious shall their blood be in his sight." (Ps, Ixxii. 10 — 14.) "And kings shall be thy nursing fathers^ and their queens thy nursing mothers." (Is. xlix. 23.) "Blessed and holy is he that hath part in the first resurrection : on such the second death hath no power^ but they shall be priests of God and of Christ, and shall reign with him a thou- sand years." (Rev. xx. 6.) The apostle John thus describes the ultimate issue of the vast changes in reference to things religious, political, and social, in the following most expressive and emphatic lan- guage: "The kingdoms of this world are become the kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ, and he shall reign for ever and ever." (Rev. xi. 15.) Even so come, Lord Jesus- AtPIlNDiX. A.— Page 17. The word "e^ovtrtet^' has been a good deal lil- sisted upon as denoting a power lawful before God. It is derived from the verb " £|£