mMM 
 
 
 
 
 <>>>^^>;<;<^.<^^,<x<x<;<^;<^^^;»^J<;<i«;<;<.<l<, 
 
 
mr 
 
 m 
 m 
 
 LIBRARY OF THE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 
 
 PRINCETON. N. J. 
 
 Presented by 
 
 3 
 
 The.\Yidow or Greoro"'2-I^^^<2"^n ^ ^^ 
 
 Section...\\rr;...4-. I ^ 
 
 CopY Z 
 
Digitized by the Internet Archive 
 
 in 2010 with funding from 
 
 Princeton Theological Seminary Library 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/numbersorfourthb31lang 
 
A. 
 
 COMMENTARY 
 
 ON THE 
 
 HOLY SCRIPTURES: 
 
 CRITICAL, DOCTRINAL AND HOMILETICAL, 
 
 WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO MINISTERS AND STUDENTS. 
 
 BY 
 
 JOHN PETER LANGE, D. D., 
 
 PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF BONN, 
 
 ASSISTED BY A NUMBER OF EMINENT EUROPEAN DIVINES. 
 TRANSLATED, ENLARGED AND EDITED 
 
 BY 
 
 PHILIP SCHAFF, D D., 
 
 PROFESSOR OF SArtlED LITERATURE IN THE UNIOK THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, NEW YORK, 
 
 IN CONNECTION WITH AMERICAN AND ENGLISH SCHOLARS OF VARIOUS 
 
 DENOMINATIONS. 
 
 VOLUME ITT. OF THE OLD TESTAMENT: 
 
 NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY. 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS. 
 
 1899. 
 
NUMBERS; 
 
 OR, THE 
 
 FOUETH BOOK OF MOSES. 
 
 BY 
 
 ./ 
 
 JOHN PETER LANGE D.D 
 
 TRANSLATED AND KNLARGED BY 
 
 Rev. SAMUEL T. LOWRIE, D.D., 
 
 Ain) 
 
 Rev. a. GOSMAN, D.D. 
 
 NEW YORK: 
 
 chari.es scribner's sons. 
 
 1899. 
 
COPYRIGHT 1879. BY 
 CHARLES SCRIBNEB'S SONS. 
 
PREFACE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. 
 
 This volume embraces the last two books of the Pentateuch. 
 
 The Commentary on Numbers was prepared by Dr. Lange, and appeared, toge- 
 ther with Exodus and Leviticus, in 1874. The translation, after many delays beyond 
 my control, was finally entrusted to the Rev. Dr. Lowrie and the Rev. Dr. Gosman. 
 The Rev. Dr. Lowrie is responsible for the Introduction (original), and for chaps. 
 i.-xx. 13 and chap, xxxiii. His additions are, as usual, included in brackets, and 
 marked Tr. They bear chiefly on the geography and topography of the regions tra- 
 versed by the Israelites from Mt. Sinai to Mt. Hor and the plains of Moab, with re- 
 ference to the most recent explorations of the Sinaitic Peninsula. The Rev. Dr. 
 Gosman prepared the remaining chapters of Numbers, and his additions are marked 
 oy his initials. 
 
 The Commentary on Deuteronomy is the work of the late Pastor F. W. J. 
 ScHROEDER, who Studied with me in Berlin and succeeded the celebrated Dr. 
 Friedrich Wilhelm Krummacher in the First Reformed Church of Elberfeld.* 
 It was published separately in 1866. The English edition was at once taken in 
 hand by the Rev. Dr. Gosman and stereotyped, but it had to wait for the completion 
 of Numbers. 
 
 In the mean time the Mosaic authorship of Deuteronomy has been subjected to 
 new trial. Hence Dr. Gosman was requested to add a special Appendix with re- 
 ference to the views of Bishop Colenso, Dr. Kuenen, Prof Wellhausen, and Pro- 
 fessor "W. Robertson Smith. This was the more necessary since the Deuteronomic 
 controversy as connected with the doctrine of inspiration has assumed a serious eccle- 
 siastical aspect in the Free Church of Scotland, which has hitherto been singularly 
 free of any departure from traditional orthodoxy, but is now almost equally divided 
 on the soundness and admissibility of the views of one of her public teachers. It may 
 be doubted whether Presbyteries, Synods and General Assemblies are the proper judi- 
 catories for the adjustment of purely critical questions on which the first biblical scho- 
 lars of the age are at issue among themselves, and have not yet reached final con- 
 clusions ; but on the other hand, a free Church which supports its theological schools 
 
 * See obituary notice in Preface to the vol. on Ezekiel. 
 y 
 
Ti PREFACE BY THE AMERICAN EDITOR. 
 
 without aid from the state, has a perfect right to control the teaching in the same; 
 moreover the interest of the Scotch people in such questions marks a great progress 
 beyond the prevailing indifference and passivity of the laity in other countries and 
 churches. There can be no doubt that the ultimate result of these controversies will 
 be a clearer insight into the human growth of the Bible as a literary production, and 
 this, instead of weakening our faith in the divine Scriptures, will only strengthen it in 
 the end; just as the fullest investigation of the laws of nature will lead to a more pro- 
 found adoration of nature's God. 
 
 With this volume the English reproduction of Dr. Lange's Bibelwerk is com- 
 pleted. But the American Editor and Publisher have concluded to add an original 
 volume on the Apocryphal Books, which have almost passed out of sight, and yet are 
 quite important historically as the connecting link between the Old and New Testa- 
 ments. This volume is now passing through the printer's hands. 
 
 PHILIP SCHAFF. 
 
 Union Theoloqicai, Seminary, "> 
 New York, Oct. 1, 1879. / 
 
BOOK OF NUMBERS. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 § 1. THE POSITION AND CHARACTERISTIC MARK OF NUMBERS. 
 
 [See the vol. on Exod. and Lev. for Dr. Lange's view of the position and characteristic mark 
 of Numb, in what he calls " The Trilogy of the Law," viz., pp. 4, 5, 7, and also the voL on Gen., p. 92. 
 He designates Exodus as the prophetic book of the Theocracy, Leviticus as the priestly book, and 
 Numbers as the kingly book. " Numbers therefore stands with the impress of the kingly revela- 
 tion of Jehovah." " The fundamental thought of the book of Numbers is the march of the typical 
 army of God at the sound of the silver trumpets, the signals for waging the wars of Jehovah, until 
 the firm founding of God's state, and the celebration of the festivals of victory and blessing of 
 Jehovah in the land of promise. Around this centre are grouped the separate parts of the book." 
 
 § 2. THE origin AND COMPOSITION OF NUMBERS. 
 
 On the Origin and Composition of Numbers, see the vol. on Genesis, pp. 94-100. What is 
 said in that volume on the Pentateuch in general has its particular application to Numbers. In 
 the same vol., pp. 104-115, what is said with special reference to Genesis reflects also the debate 
 in relation to the genuineness and authenticity of the other books of the Pentateuch. That Intro- 
 duction reflects the controversial situation in 1864, or fifteen years ago. The controversy has 
 continued meantime, not materially changed in its prominent features, but modified in some of its 
 particulars on the side of those that oppose the traditional and orthodox view of the Mosaic author- 
 ship of the Pentateuch. The controversy has made progress at least in interest, especially in 
 England and America. As the latest exponents of the destructive school of criticism on English 
 ground, the reader may be referred to the article " Bible " in the latest edition of the Encyclopedia 
 Britannica, and to the translations of two works of Dr. A. Kuenen, Prof, of Theol. in the University 
 of Leyden, viz., his ^^ Religion of Israel " and his '' Prophets and Prophecy in Israel." 
 
 Perhaps there has also been progress in the matter of the controversy. The last-named 
 author, and his English sponsor, J. Muir, Esq., D. C. L. of Edinburg, seem to think so. The recent 
 «' advance in the application of just methods of inquiry " has, they think, thrown its light on the his- 
 tory of that religion that claims a divine and supernatural origin. The application of these new laws 
 of investigation " has issued in important and satisfactory results." This seems to say that the 
 result referred to is an assured and final position, in which the critics are satisfied to rest. It could 
 only be a pleasure to concur in this view. For then the greatest difficulty of the controversy would 
 disappear for the adherents of the orthodox view. Heretofore, while the latter view has pre- 
 sented one distinct and consistent position to its adversaries, these have continually changed posi- 
 tion and front. Thus the defence and attack have had to be constantly renewed. " The Docu- 
 mentary Hypothesis" was succeeded by "The Fragmentary Hypothesis," and that again by ''The 
 Supplementary Hypothesis," while Ewald, like a free-lance, came on with his explanation (see 
 Smith's Bib. Diet, article Pentateuch) in which he was so confident, that it could only be an 
 afi"ront to him to call it an hypothesis at all. 
 
 The newer position also claims to be more than a hypothesis. It is the clear result, the satis- 
 fying conclusion of an inductive process. It is the postulate of what is found to be the situation 
 after an unprejudiced collection and calculation of all the phenomena of the case. It is a view that 
 fully explains the documents presented to our investigation. As the astronomer has but to turn 
 
 1 
 
NUMBERS. 
 
 his telescope to a certain quarter of the heavens to see a planet never seen before, but whose exist- 
 ence he has conjectured and then verified, and then calculated to its present position, so the critic 
 has calculated this explanation. This then ought to be the final stand. 
 
 Summed up it is as follows : The Pentateuch and later historical books of the Bible, previous 
 to the captivity, are the production of the eighth and seventh centuries B. C. What they recount 
 was not meant to represent the actual past, but to represent and impress the religious convictions 
 of the writers. These were the prophets. " They have given to Israelits history." This material 
 so originated, received a second treatment from the priestly class, who interwove and added matter 
 of their own, thus making more history in their own sense, and in the interest of the temple and 
 its service. There is a residuum of history or fact. But it is of course small, and the amount of 
 it is not to be determined with assurance. Kuenen, indeed, holds that upon certain hermeneutical 
 principles he can accurately, and to a great extent certainly, discriminate the wheat from the chaflf. 
 But grant him his principles, and he can do anything. And so indeed can any one else. 
 
 To the common understanding this appears to charge the prophetic authors of the religion of 
 Israel with deplorable morality. But not so, say the critics. This difficulty is cleared up by re- 
 flecting on the character of their times, and the unreasonable expectations we have about writing 
 history. The prophets were grand and good characters, and they gave to their race, and through 
 them to the world, the great blessing of ethical monotheism. 
 
 Thus it appears that we must divest ourselves of two unreasonable assumptions when investi- 
 gating the origin and composition of the Pentateuch and other books of Scripture. First, we must 
 dismiss the idea that the honest author can, or even can pretend to recount the actual facts of the 
 past. Even an eye-witness of such facts can only give his own conception of them. But let there 
 be a longer or shorter interval of time between the narrator and the events ; "let it be assumed 
 that he has to enlighten his readers, not concerning facts which are indifferent, but on a subject 
 •which inspires himself with the most lively interest ; let it be conceived that he writes, not as an 
 individual, but as a representative of the order or class to which he belongs ; let it be supposed, 
 finally, that, in composing his narrative, he has a definite aim in view, which he would not, for 
 anything the world could give, wish to miss ; let these conditions be granted, and will it be ima- 
 gined that his representation can possibly be a faithful impress of the reality ?" Second, we must 
 dismiss the assumption of a critical public opinion in the time and among the people that wit- 
 nessed the production of these books. " In our days, the individuality of the historical writer is 
 held in check, as it were, by public opinion. This demands from him truth, nothing but the truth, 
 and shows itself severe in the maintenance of this requirement, and in the punishment of every sin 
 against it. In antiquity, in Israel as well as elsewhere, the case was different. The historian 
 could then move much more freely. Attention was directed more to the spirit in which he wrote, 
 and to the tendency of his narrative, than to the truth of the entire representation, and to accu- 
 racy in the details. The object was, to express it in one word, the training of the reader in this 
 or that religious or political direction. In the estimation of the writer, the account of what had 
 occurred was subordinate to that end, and was, therefore, without the least hesitation made to 
 
 subserve it." 
 
 This represents the view-point and latest deliverance of the critical school.- Again it encour- 
 ages the hope that we have in it the final result of their efforts. For what can they want more ? 
 They have a result that does not leave a vestige of religion. Among those that hold such views 
 there is not a crumb of good left for earnest minds to contend about. There is room left only for 
 the egotistic strife as to who is right in regard to opinions that have no longer a living interest. 
 The triumph of such views would be the extinction of all but an antiquarian interest in the ques- 
 tions involved. The religion of the Bible would then have no more power on earth than the reli- 
 gion of the Druids. 
 
 The controversy has life only because the traditional and orthodox belief in the supernatural 
 origin of these books still lives. It will continue as long as the divine truths involved in the 
 orthodox belief continue to reprove men for sin against Him whom these books reveal, and call on 
 men to repent and be reconciled to Him, and while men resist the claim. Thus, spite of the en- 
 couragement indulged above, it is evident, that, in the newer view developed since Dr. Langb 
 wrote the Introduction to Genesis, we have at best only the last result of the present opponents. 
 When their position has proved untenable, then will others arise that will attempt another 
 portion. 
 
§ 3. ANTIQUITY OF THE BOOK OF NUMBERS. 
 
 The obvious objection to the view given above is the same that has been successfully objected 
 to views that preceded it, viz., that it creates a difficulty greater than the one it claims to have 
 solved. Granted that it has explained the origin of the literature we have ; what then accounts 
 for the entire absence of another school of literature that such a condition of things must have 
 produced ? For if there were true prophets, there were also false prophets. The authors of this 
 view think proper, indeed, to use terms less invidious, and adopt instead the terms " canonical pro- 
 phets, and the so-called 'false-prophets,' or the other prophets." They honor both classes, ascribing 
 good faith to both. They make them differ essentially only in this, that '' the Israelite could either 
 make his religion subordinate to his national feeling, his patriotism, or let that religion rule over 
 the latter. Nfw the first way was followed by the ' false prophets,' in the second we find the 
 canonical prophets." Let it be so. The difference is well stated ; but it is evident the difi'erence 
 is estimated very differently by an orthodox thinker from what it is by the authors of the view we 
 are considering. The latter mean to say, that the so-called false prophets were not as bad as they 
 are made to appear by the ex parte and only evidence that has come down to us, viz., their oppo- 
 nents the canonical prophets. But then the mystery appears: how is it that v?e have nothing 
 from " the so-called false prophets ?" Why have we only a literature of the canonical prophets ? 
 " The other prophets " were evidently the popular prophets of their day. They were the more 
 numerous. As they had a ready hearing, so what they wrote would have a wider circulation. If 
 they were so respectable after all, then they could not have been the least inferior to the canonical 
 prophets in literary ability, and their zeal would not suffer them to be behind in employing their 
 pens to propagate their convictions. They too must have " made history " in their own interest. 
 And what those popular prophets would write had a thousand chances of being handed down to 
 one chance of the canonical prophets. The objection now urged is so obvious as not to need ampli- 
 fication. The fact of there being no such literature is a demonstration that there could have been 
 no such literary activity as that ascribed to the 8th and 7th centuries B. C. 
 
 Moreover, how is it possible to conceive that any men, with honest or dishonest intent, could 
 make history in the way and under the circumstances represented by this view ? Of course we 
 can conceive of men speaking and writing thus. If we were slow to believe it, these writers of the 
 critical school would dispel all doubt by their own performances. But this is not a question 
 merely of how men may write, but also of the public acceptance of what they wrote. How could 
 men gain credit by such writing, or commend their opinions in this way ? The facts they manip- 
 ulated could only serve their purpose if they were commonly accepted by the public to which they 
 addressed their writings. Otherwise these facts could point no moral. Granted that what they 
 wrote reproduced a mere skeleton of reality ; they would not be allowed, without challenge, to 
 dress up the skeleton with invented details to suit their purpose. This might be done by popular 
 prophets chiming in with the patriotism and fashion of the day. It might be, also, if there were only 
 one class of men to write the records. Much history has been falsified this way. But it could 
 never be successfully done by unpopular prophets, who had not only the mass of the nation against 
 them, but also another and larger class of popular prophets, whom this view assumes to have been 
 deservedly respectable for their patriotic aims and for their ability to teach the people The very 
 condition of things assumed by the view would imply that there was such " a public opinion as 
 would hold the individuality of the historical writer in check, and demand of him the truth and 
 nothing but the truth." Or if we must assume a public indifferent to facts and only interested in 
 the didactic aims they were made to subserve, then we should find not only the traces of a prophetic 
 and of a priestly manipulation of these and kindred facts, but also traces of similar productions, 
 not merely of the false prophets, but also of purely political and other authors. 
 
 Other objections might be urged to the view in question. But it is enough to refer to the 
 admirable note of Dr. T. Lewis on the same subject in the vol. on Genesis, p. 99. What he says is 
 applicable to the present case, and is likely to be applicable to all other efforts to explain the 
 origin and composition of the books of the Bible, except that which ascribes to them a divine and 
 supernatural origin. 
 
 § 3. ANTIQUITY OF THE BOOK OP NUMBERS. 
 
 A brief statement of proofs of the antiquity of the book of Numbers will be in place here. 
 This is more profitable labor than the attempt to answer the objections that are made to the claim 
 of antiquity. For, as has been shown, any writing of this sort soon needs to be written over again. 
 
NUMBERS. 
 
 The positive proofs, iiowever, are of lasting Talue. Moreover, if they are convincing, the mind 
 will rest in them, and not be troubled at the suggestion of difficulties that are hard or even impos- 
 sible to explain. Such difficulties attend all records of the past. Advantages attend the exhibi- 
 tion and appreciation of the proofs relating to a single book that are missed in the defence of the 
 Pentateuch as a whole. For this reason the following are offered here. 
 
 The testimony of the other Scriptures. The other four books of the Pentateuch are of course not 
 appealed to. But all the other Old Testament Scriptures may be appealed to, and they afford 
 convincing proof of the pre-existence of Numbers. This evidence, in such books as are known to 
 have been written long after the events recorded in Numbers, proves that Numbers must have 
 existed as a book long anterior to the origin of the latter books. Attention is asked to the following 
 citations from other Scripture (excluding the Pentateuch) that reflect the matters recorded in 
 Numbers. 
 
 Joshua presupposes Numbers in almost every chapter. But take the following : 
 
 Josh. i. 7 comp. Num. xxvii. 23. Josh. i. 12 sqq. comp. Num. xxxii, 20-28. 
 
 Josh. ii. 10 comp. Num. xxi. 24, 34, 35. Josh. iv. 12 comp. Num. xxxii. 2, 27, 28. 
 
 Josh. V. 4 comp. Num. xiv. 29 ; xxvi. 64, 65. Josh. ix. 14 comp. Num. xxvii. 21. 
 
 Josh. xvii. 3 sqq. comp. Num. xxvi. 33 ; xxvii. 1. 
 Josh. xvii. 3 sqq. comp. Num. xxxvi. 2. 
 
 Judges. Compare the oft-recurring expression " they did evil in the sight of the Lord," 
 Jud. iii. 7, 12, etc., with Num. xxxii. 13. 
 
 Judg. i. 20 comp. Num. xiv. 24. Jud. ii. 3 comp. Num. xxxiii. 55. 
 
 Judg. xi. 12-27 comp. Num. xx. 14-21. Jud. xx. 18 comp. Num. ii. 3. 
 
 1 Sam. X. 25 comp. Num. xvii. 7 (22). 1 Sam. xv. 6 comp. Num. x. 29, 32. 
 
 1 Sam. XV. 29 comp. Num. xxii. 19. 1 Sam. xviii. 17 comp. Num. xxxii. 20, 27, 29. 
 
 1 Sam. xviii. 13, 16 comp. Num. xxvii. 17. 
 
 Notice the frequent mention of inquiring of the Lord by the High Priest I Sam. xiv. 19; xviii. 
 9 ; XXX. 7, etc., and comp. Num. xxvii. 21. 
 
 1 Kings xxi. 3 comp. Num. xxxvi. 7 2 Kings xviii. 4 comp. Num. xxi. 5-10. 
 
 Psalms iv. 6; xxxi. 16; xlvii. 1 ; Ixxx. 3, 7, 19; cxix. 135; cxxi. 7 comp. Num. vi. 22-26. 
 Psalm Iv. 15 comp. Num. xvi. 30-33. Ps. Ix. 12 comp. Num. xxiv. 18. 
 
 Psalms Ixviii. 1, 2 ; cxxxii. 8 comp. Num. x. 35, 36. 
 
 Proverbs i. 12 comp. Num. x. 35, 36. 
 
 HosEA ix. 10 comp. Num. xxv. 3. Micah vi. 5 comp. Num. xxii. — xxiv. 
 
 Amos ii. 11, 12 comp. Num. vi. 2, 3. Amos ii. 9 comp. Num. xx. 24; xiii. 28, 32, 33. 
 
 Isaiah xlviii. 21 comp. Num. xx. 11. Jeremiah xlviii. 45, 46 comp. Num. xxi. 27, 28. 
 
 EzEKiEL xxxiv. 5, 6 comp. Num. xxvii. 17. Obadiah 4, 19 comp. Num. xxiv. 18, 21. 
 
 TrcH {Die Genesis, p. xc.) is quoted as saying (in opposition to De Wette and Von Bohlen, 
 who deny that there are any references to the Pentateuch in the earlier prophets) that there are 
 found about eight hundred indications of the pre-existence of the Pentateuch in the prophets of 
 that period. This assertion has great probability. If true of the earlier prophets it is equally 
 true of the books commonly supposed to precede them. Of these indications Numbers has its due 
 share. Thus the citations given above will not be understood as representing in the least degree 
 the proportion of such traces of the pre-existence of Numbers. They are only proofs that such 
 traces exist, and serve as illustrations of their nature. The greater the familiarity with the Scrip- 
 tures, the more does this relationship of its parts appear in many indications that can only be 
 appreciated by familiarity. Of this sort are the archaisms which appeal only to one acquainted 
 with Hebrew (see art. Pentateuch in Smith's B^. Diet., and J. Macdonald, Introd. vol. i. pp. 
 
§ 3. ANTIQUITY OF THE BOOK OF NUMBERS. 
 
 800-314. who also refers to Haevernick's General Introd., translation pp. 155-171, and to Edwards' 
 The Authenticity and Genuineness of the Pentateuch, § 5 ; and to the Biblioth. Sacra., ii. 387-398). 
 Other indications of this sort are peculiar phrases and turns of expression, that are explained by 
 the pre-existence of Numbers, just as similar usages in the English tongue now are explained by 
 the existence of the authorized English version of the Bible, or the existence of a classic like 
 Shakspeare. Some of this sort of indications are embraced in the foregoing list. It is especially 
 such traits that indicate a long pre-existence of the book that is evidently their original source. 
 For it requires a long time for such forms of expression to merge into the common language of 
 the people. 
 
 Take only the references given above and we have recovered a considerable part of the sub- 
 stance of the book of Numbers. 
 
 Num. ii. 3. Judah first in war. 
 Num. vi. 2. 3. Institution of Nazarites. 
 Num. vi. 22-26. The Aaronic blessing. 
 
 Num. X. 29, 32. The kindness of Jetbro and Hobab, the Kenites of Midian. 
 Num. X. 35, 36. Moses' words for the march and the halt. 
 Num. xiii. 28, 32. 33. The Anakim. 
 Num. xiv. 24. Caleb to possess Hebron of the Anakim, 
 Num. xvi. 30-33. Destruction of Korah. 
 Num. xvii. 7. Moses laying up the rods before the Lord, 
 Num. XX. 11. Water brought from the rock. 
 Num. XX. 14-21. Request to pass through Edom. 
 Num. xxi. 5-10. The Brazen Serpent. 
 Num. xxi. 17. The song of the well. 
 Num. xxi. 27, 28. The song relating to Heshbon. 
 
 Num. xxi. 24, 34, 35. The fate of Sihon and Og, kings of the Amorites and of Baehan. 
 Num. xxii. — xxiv. The history of Balaam. 
 Num. xxiii. 55. A snatch of Balaam's prophecy. 
 Num. xxiv. 18. A snatch of Balaam's prophecy. 
 Num. XXV. 3. Israel and Baal-Peor. 
 Num. xxvi. 33. 
 
 Num. xxvii. 1 ; xxxvi. 7. Inheritance of the daughters of Zelophehad. 
 Num. xxvi. 64, 65. The new generation after the perishing of those that came out of Egypt. 
 Num. xxvii. 17. Moses' prayer for a captain. 
 
 Num. xxvii. 21. Inquiring of the Lord, through the High Priest, by Urim and Thummim. 
 Num. xxvii. 23. Moses commanded to ordain Joshua captain. 
 
 Num. xxxii. 20-28. Settlement of tribes east of Jordan, and their covenant to aid in the con- 
 quest of West Jordan. 
 Num. xxxiv. 55. Remnants of Canaanites to be thorns in Israel's side. 
 Num. xxxvi. 7. The inheritance of fathers not to be given up. 
 
 This collection would not help in any degree to reconstruct the book were it missing ; nor 
 could any amount of such hints of some existing record found in the other books of Scripture. 
 But the existence of such a book as Numbers explains the passages where these hints are found, 
 while the coincident thoughts and expressions meet as concentrated rays of light upon this book 
 as their focus. Consider the amount and variety of the matter reflected in these citations. We 
 have transactions with historic nations such as Edom, Moab, Bashan. We have the origin of 
 relations among the twelve tribes of Israel, like the settlement of East Jordan by the two and a 
 half tribes. We have the origin of social institutions such as the laws of inheritance. We have 
 the account of sins of Israel and their punishment that we find appealed to ages after as warnings. 
 We have miracles, such as water from the rock, and healing by the Brazen Serpent. We have 
 snatches of ancient songs and prophecy. We have the origin of religious usages such as the appeal 
 to Urim and Thummim, and the institution of the Nazirites. We have the origin of the Aaronic 
 blessing of which so many traces appear in all the later Hebrew literature. When we have so 
 mucn, and a little industry may collect much more, we have convincing proof that the book which 
 
 { 
 
6 NUMBERS, 
 
 so explains them all must have existed previous to all this literature in a form as complete as we 
 now have it. It is easier to think that it may have suffered some curtailment than that later 
 hands have added to it, and that the mutilation of this or some similar record explains why we 
 have no documentary proof of many other things in the later books of Scripture relating to the 
 same period of which Numbers treats. 
 
 It must be borne in mind, that the present question has nothing to do with the credibility of 
 the things recorded in Numbers, but merely with the existence of such a written record. The 
 observance of this necessary distinction greatly simplifies the investigation. It is mostly by con- 
 founding with this the credibility of what is recorded, that the investigation is embarrassed, and 
 many are led helplessly astray in making the investigation. When this distinction is observed, the 
 foregoing proof becomes irresistible, that Numbers existed previously to all this literature that 
 reflects its existence. It is this sort of proof that is justly relied on in establishing the antiquity 
 and apostolic authorship of the New Testament Scriptures. 
 
 It is to be noticed that the foregoing only proves the relative age of Numbers. It is older than 
 this other literature. But if all this other literature should appear to have originated in the 8th 
 and 7th centuries B. C, then not much is gained. Numbers was then only written before the 8th 
 century B. C. It may have been in the 9th century B. C. But it may be confidently urged that 
 the foregoing proof involves a more satisfactory conclusion. The foregoing citations, with little 
 exception, give matter peculiar to Numbers. Nothing else claims to be the original record of thenu 
 Unless the subsequent literature, shown to be such by its reflection of this book, were the work of 
 one man, or of a few men working in collusion (a most unreasonable if not impossible assumption), 
 these various books could never betray such common familiarity with Numbers. Such familiarity, 
 common to such difi"erent productions, can only be' explained by the book which all reflect. It 
 must have been so much older and thus so generally known, that no one could be ignorant of it 
 that would write such books as follow, nor write such books without allusions to matter contained 
 in Numbers. 
 
 Numbers must have been in fact, just what it has been traditionally alleged to be, viz., a sacred 
 book of the Israelites of a date much older than the books that were written long after the matters 
 it records. It must have been such a book to David, since it is reflected in bis Psalms — five of the 
 Psalms cited above being ascribed to him. But this refers Numbers to a period so long previous 
 to the time when literature at all flourished in Israel, that it is easier to ascribe its authorship to 
 the age of Moses himself than to any other generation preceding Samuel. 
 
 Of course, if the literature subsequent to Numbers is proved to be as old as the traditional 
 belief has maintained, then this throws the age of Numbers back to the period to which tradition 
 has always assigned it. And we may, in this estimate, disregard Joshua, which, being so near 
 the same period, might be taken as reflecting the same events independently of any written record. 
 We cannot of course in this place touch on the subject of the genuineness of the later books of 
 
 Scripture. 
 
 The internal proofs of the antiquity of Numbers. These are so numerous and so manifest that one 
 can have no other idea than that he is reading the account of an eye-witness of the matters 
 recorded, until criticism points out alleged anachronisms and other discrepancies. These are so 
 few and inconsiderable that they can have little weight. It can only enhance the force of the 
 argument in favor of the antiquity of Numbers to review these objections (see below § 7). 
 
 First, the book assumes to be the account of a contemporary and eye-witness of the events. 
 Parts of i't are expressly claimed to be the production of Moses himself (xxxiii. 2). Tbis point is 
 too manifest to need amplification. 
 
 The details of the account down to minutiae correspond with the assumption. It describes 
 what befell a numerous people daring a period of migratory life. It does this not only with fidelity 
 to the situation, but there is an entire absence of any reference that betrays any acquaintance 
 with any other condition of the people except the sojourn in Egypt that preceded it. For example 
 all references to solidly built houses and walls relate to other people, or to a prospective condition 
 of the nation. The Tabernacle was a monument that lasted till the days of David, and as such it 
 alone affords satisfactory proof of the genuineness and authenticity of the Pentateuch, that is 
 worthy of being made a distinct treatise. It was reproduced in the temple of Solomon, which was 
 only an enlarged copy of the Tabernacle (see article Temple in Smith's Bib. Diet.) the peculiar 
 construction of which can only be accounted for by the pre-existence of the Tabernacle and such 
 
§ 3. ANTIQUITY OF THE BOOK OF NUMBERS. 
 
 » history as we have of the Tabernacle in the Pentateuch. The peculiar contribution to this evi- 
 dence as it relates to Numbers, is seen in chapters iii., iv. that give account of the Levites being 
 charged with the care of the Tabernacle, and its transportation on the journey. Some of the most 
 remarkable of the arrangements there described are reflected in 1 Chron. xv. The orders for 
 be-i.ing the ark described in the latter place are satisfactorily explained by the account in Num. 
 b^rs It is impossible that the account in Numbers could have been invented at a later date to suit 
 the representation in 1 Chron. Moreover, if the regulations of which Numbers gives account, 
 were the ground for those described in 1 Chron. xv., then they must have been handed down by a 
 written record For in no other form could details so copious and so minute be handed down. 
 
 And this leads to the remark, that the detailed accounts of various things in Numbers give 
 evidence of being from an eye-witness and participator in the transactions. The first five chap- 
 ters abound in this evidence : the numbering of the people, the arrangement of the encampment, 
 the offerings of the princes at the dedication of the Tabernacle, the order of march. No other 
 reference is ever made in later times to most of these matters. No motive can be conceived for 
 a writer of later times mentioning them, much less for inventing them. They were matters of 
 present interest and could only be recorded, not only while fresh in the memory, but also while 
 
 of actual importance. , ^ , , ■ 
 
 Various institutions of later ages among the Israelites can only be accounted for by records in 
 Numbers. The silver trumpets (x.), the laws of inheritance (xxvii.) ; the Little Passover (ix.), 
 the Sabbath-breaker (xv.). No later writer could be supposed to invent such accounts of the 
 origin of these institutions ; and if they are true, none but a contemporary can be supposed to 
 
 have recorded them. 
 
 The accuracy of the account in respect to geographical data gives most convincing proof of 
 Numbers having been written on the spot. Modern explorers of the Sinai peninsula have often veri- 
 fied this accuracy, and in the effort to identify the localities and course of the wanderings of Israel 
 in the desert, no progress has been made except where explorers have assumed that this account 
 is correct. In illustration of this see the commentary on xiv. and xxxiii. 10. Another illustration, 
 combining also historical accuracy, is seen in xiii. 22, where see the commentary. If this geographical 
 accuracy be admitted, then it involves the inference that the account must have been written on 
 the spot. In this age of travellers, a common experience teaches that it is very difBcnltto observe 
 Buch accuracy in one's accounts of his journeys without one has made his record on the spot. 
 
 And this leads to the remark, viz., that "many portions of the narrative have all the appear- 
 ance of a journal of daily transactions, or at least a summary of such. This is discernible in the 
 precise specification of time and place given in connection with the more important incidents, par- 
 ticularly in the list of encampments in chap, xxxiii. 1-49, and with regard to which it is stated 
 (ver. 2) ' Moses wrote their goings out according to their journeys ;' and, indeed, the document 
 bears all the marks of its having been written at the time thus intimated. This will be sufficiently 
 apparent from the following observations: First, even the contradiction alleged to exist between 
 the statement in vers. 30, 31, according to which the Israelites journeyed from Moseroth to Bene 
 Jaakan, and Deut. x. 6, which makes the march to have been in the reverse order from Bene Jaa- 
 kan to Moseroth, however it may be explained, is certainly rather unfavorable to the assumption 
 that the narrative is the work of a later writer, and one of course freely inventing the circum- 
 stances of the case. For such a writer would not, by any possibility, have admitted so arlaring a 
 discrepancy. Further the historical notices of vers. 4, 9, 14, 38 could only have proceeded from a 
 contemporary writer, for they are natural only in such a case, bespeaking an eye-witness, being 
 in fact lively reminiscences .summoned up in association with the names of localUiPS." J. Mac- 
 DONALD, i. p. 277, " Upon their gods also the Lord executed judgments," xxxiii. 4, men- 
 tions a fact not otherwise recorded, though such a judgment was announced (Exod. xii. 12). And 
 this record seems to be appealed to by Isaiah xix. 1. "Behold the Lord rideth upon a swift 
 cloud, and shall come into Egypt; and the idols of Egypt shall be moved at His presence." 
 
 Typical and Doctrinal proof . A peculiar proof of the genuineness and authenticity of Num- 
 bers, that will appeal to Christian experience, may be presented in connection with the typical 
 matters contained in it. Numbers is distinguished from the other books in this respect by the 
 large proportion of remarkable historical types it furnishes. The events it narrates have a deep 
 spiritual significance. Some of them are singled out by the Lord Jesus and His Apostles, and 
 their typical import is interpreted, e. g., the Brazen Serpent, xxi. 7-9, comp. Jno. iii. 14, 15; the 
 
NUMBERS. 
 
 Provocation in the wilderness and consequent exclusion from Canaan, xiv. 20-23, comp. Ps. xcv 
 7-11 ; Heb. iii. 7-11. Others have been referred to in the same way from the earliest times of 
 the Christian church, as most fitting types of the truths of salvation. The whole book, with its 
 mustering of armed hosts and their march and battles, victories and defeats, is typical of the 
 church mililant. The cities of refuge are typical of how provision is made by which sinners may 
 escape the natural penalty of transgression. The rebellions of the people and the dealings of God 
 with them are typical of murmurings and backslidings in the Christian church. The terms on 
 which Moses proposed to pass through the territory of Edom and of Moab are typical of the prin- 
 ciples tLat ought to govern the Christian in making his journey through the world to the promised 
 rest of heaven. See under chap. i. Doct. and Elh., ^ 1. 
 
 This spiritual correspondence is not observed in any ordinary series of historical events. No 
 single people or time can furnish a series of consecutive events that present such adaptations. 
 These are more remarkable than the symbolism of the ceremonial ordinances, which may be 
 regarded as arbitrary inventions, that might easily be adapted to signify certain things. Here 
 indeed "history is made " for a didactic purpose, and with as much ease as the dramatist arranges 
 his fictitious plot. But it is not made, as modern critics allege, by a class of men long after, who 
 fabricated an account in tbe interest of their order. For the most evident adaptations of this his- 
 tory are to spiritual realities of the Christian church and Christian life, that is, to conditions of 
 which the writer of the account could have no conception. They are not adaptations on broad, 
 general human principles, such as make Homer and Virgil eternal poems. They are specifically 
 and peculiarly adapted to Christian experience, and are appealed to in illustration of it as no pro- 
 fane epic or history or romance can be. They present types of God's methods with men whom 
 He would save, and of men's experience under such dealing; and the correspondences in Chris- 
 tian experience are so exact, because the actors are the same, and the business is the same. In- 
 deed the nearest likeness to this account of Numbers is an .illegory like Bcnyan's Pilgrim's Pro- 
 gress. We can understand the human composition of that work. But were the Pilgrim's Progress 
 to appear divested of its specific Christian names and terms, as the production of an age preceding 
 the Christian era, it could only be regarded as a work inspired by the divine Author of the Chris- 
 tian dispensation and intended to be typical of the experience of believers under that dispensation. 
 And reflection on the typical import of the events narrated in Numbers must lead to a similar con- 
 clusion. Such a conclusion, however, involves also the belief in the antiquity of the record The 
 events recorded must be true. They must have been recorded in connection with their occurrence. 
 A similar argument might be presented by representing the unity that exists between the 
 great theological truths involved or expressly stated in Numbers and the Christian system of doc- 
 trine. Numbers contributes its own peculiar share of " the first principles of the oracles of God," 
 like those that Paul builds on in the Epistle to the Hebrews, which find their proper and consistent 
 development in the clearer light of the New Testament revelation. But this is too large a sub- 
 ject for the present Introduction. It is, moreover, best considered with reference to the whole 
 Pentateuch, and not with reference to one book, and in that way has received excellent treatment 
 from various authors (see J. Macdonald on the Pentateuch, vol. ii.). 
 
 Moses was the author of Numbers. All that is important is, that we understand the book to owe 
 its origin as it is to Moses, and that his name and authority vouched for its authenticity. To what 
 extent he actually penned it, or dictated its language, we cannot tell. The forms of authorship differ 
 very much according to time and place. The Assyrian kings are justly regarded as the authors 
 of many records traced on stone and on terra cotta cylinders, though we are sure they did not 
 themselves make those marks that constitute the record, and very likely left it to others also to 
 dictate the language. Yet with all these differences as to the form of authorship, the quality of 
 authorship is the same, just as it is with a banker's paper whether he pens it himself or lets it be 
 done by a responsible clerk. Even for the authorship of chap, xxxiii. nothing more can be insisted 
 on, nor can it be important to be assured of more. At the same time there is great justice in the 
 three propositions under which (he (Speaker's) Bible Commentary sums up the proofs of the Mosaic 
 authorship of the Pentateuch, viz., 1. "Moses could have written the Pentateuch. 2. The concur- 
 rent testimony of all subsequent times proves that he did write the Pentateuch. 3. The internal 
 evidence points to him, and to him only, as the writer of the Pentateuch." Vol. I., p. 2. See also 
 the limitations of the notion of authorship in the same place. It is however most natural to sup- 
 pose that many parts of these records were penned or dictated by Moses himself, c. g., his last 
 
5 4. THE TITLE OF THE BOOR. 
 
 instructions and especially his great song given in Deuteronomy. Any other supposition con« 
 sistent with his authorship is unreasonable. 
 
 1. Moses could have written Numbers. This is a very simple proposition as regards this 
 book, and presents none of the difficulties that appear in reference to Genesis. It is little more 
 than the question, could tbe book have been written as early as Moses' time? which question has 
 already been sufficiently considered. 
 
 2. The concurrent testimony of subsequent times points to Moses as the author. There is 
 little to adduce that expressly refers to Moses as the author of any matter that is peculiar to Num- 
 bers ; perhaps nothing but the book of Joshua can be cited, which, however, abounds in such 
 reference, of which take the following examples ; Josh. xiii. 14, 33 ; xiv. 3, 4 : xviii. 7 ; xxi. 2. 
 Comp. Num. xxxiv., xxxv. Many other similar references in other books to matter that is com- 
 mon to other books of the Penteteuch beside Numbers may be left unnoticed. Still they prove his 
 authorship of such matter; and as this occurs without any discrimination against Numbers, it is 
 as much proof of his authorship of the matter as it is given in Numbers as of its authorship else- 
 where. 
 
 3. The internal evidence points to Moses as the author of Numbers. What is remarked on 
 the Pentateuch as a whole has a particular application to this one book. "In the absence of all 
 intimations of a contrary nature, the preceding considerations alone go far to settle the authorship. 
 Much more must this be the case when fully confirmed by express testimony in the work itself, 
 regarding its author, and the time and place of its composition. It is not an anonymous produc- 
 tion, the origin of which must be determined by considerations such as those already adduced. It 
 expressly claims to be the work of Moses." — In chap, xxxiii. 2 it is said: ' And Moses wrote their 
 goings out (Heb. their stations) according to their journeys by the commandment of the Lord.' 
 All such passages have this in common, that they acknowledge the necessity of the various mat- 
 ters of which they treat, legislative and historical, being committed to writing, and not left to the 
 uncertainties of oral tradition ; while it is at the same time perfectly evident that there is nothing 
 in the matters thus recorded by Moses to distinguish them from others, for the insertion of which . 
 in the history there is no such express command." J. Macdonald on the Pentateuch, Vol, I., pp. 
 347, 349.— Tr.] 
 
 ^ 4. the title of the book. 
 
 [The ancient Hebrew designation of the book, according to its initial words, does not pretend 
 to throw any light upon its character, while the Greek title, 'Apid^oi, like the Latin, Numeri, 
 describes the book only according to the censuses which occur in it. The designation which 
 Oriqen gives it is analogous : recensiones (Euseb. VI. 25). The Masoretic text has the caption 
 l^nOJ because the book contains the history of the people in the wilderness. — Tb,]. Bunsen en- 
 titles it The Muster-roll. But the thought which gives unity to this book is very concrete and defi- 
 nite. Both to the book of prophetic legislation, or Exodus, and to Leviticus, the book of sacerdotal 
 or cultus legislation, there is annexed the book of the kingly calling of Israel under its king 
 Jehovah, tbe book which treats of the host of God, of the discipline of the army, of its typical 
 march from Sinai to Canaan, from the mount of God to the elementary conquest of the world 
 under the standard of the Ark of the Covenant, and under the guidance of Jehovah, and because 
 this march is typical, it is darkened and checked in many ways by the power of sin. Another 
 designation : " The wandering toward Canaan," is partly too indefinite, partly too narrow, because 
 the wandering as a whole had already begun with the Exodus from Egypt. The critical school 
 in their treatment of this book imagine that they have met all the requirements when they speak, 
 as De Wette does, of " the heterogeneous elements of the book." Bleek gives prominence at 
 least to the fact that the " Book of Numbers contains, like Exodus, more historical narrative, by 
 far, than Leviticus." Knobel links together the Books of Jfumbers, Deuteronomy and Joshua, 
 because " they treat of the quartering of this congregation of God, or of its settlement in the holy 
 land." Consequently the book of Numbers is but a third part of the description of this eflFort ! 
 The analysis of the book into its pretended elements seems to be the main point with these critics, 
 and hence they never come to reflect upon the unity which characterizes these books. 
 
 [In relation to the progress of the journey of the Israelites up to the point where Numbers 
 begins, and also their further progress, see the vol. on Exod. and Lev., pp. 20-26. For the Litera- 
 ture on the book see ibid. pp. 49, 50. — Tb.] 
 
»0 NUMBERS. 
 
 I 5. DIVISION OF THE BOOK. 
 
 Keil dissects it in the following manner: the first part, which extends from chap. 
 
 i. X. 10, gives in four groups the preparations for the departure from Sinai. In the «e- 
 
 condpart, chap. x. 11 to chap. xxi. the history of the march in the three stages of its progress 
 fromSinai to the heights of Pisgah near Jordan, is described. \n the thirdpart, ch. xxii. to ch. xxxvi. 
 the events in the steppe of Moab on the east side of the plain of Jordan, with the laws delivered 
 there, are placed together in five groups. The subdivisions see pp. 188, 189. [Eng. trans., "Vol. 
 III., pp. 2, 3.— Tr.]. 
 
 According to Bunsen the book proper reaches to the close of chap. xxvi. Then follow: (1) an 
 appendix, law of heiresses, chap, xxvii. ; (2) a supplement concerning offerings and vows, chaps, 
 xxviii. — XXX.; (3) various appendices, concerning the conquest of the Midianites; the divi- 
 sion of the trans-Jordanic country ; the catalogue of encampments ; bounda,ries of the promised 
 land ; cities of refuge ; law concerning the marriage of heiresses, chaps, xxxi. — xxxvi. Conse- 
 quently the third part of the record is a medley of appendices and supplements ! 
 
 We distinguish the following parts : 1. At Sinai. The equipment of the kingly host of 
 Jehovah, chap. i. — x. 10. — 2. Toward Kadesh. The departure and march until the defeat of the 
 army. The revelation of the spiritual insufficiency of the typical army of God, chap. x. 11 — 
 xiv. 45. 3. At Kadesh (Deut. i. 19; Numb. xx. 1; chap, xxvii. 14). The settlement after 
 the defeat. The obscure 40 (38) years, chap. xv. — xx. 13. 4. A Section. From Kadesh 
 ONWARD. The departure until the settlement in the plain of Moab, chap. xx. 14; — xxii. 1. 5. A 
 section. Israel's final preparation during his halt in the plain of Moab (in the steppe of Moab). 
 For the separate subdivisions see the inscriptions of the sections and the table of contents. 
 
 § 6. the army of god. 
 The Army of God. Its muster presupposes a primary division of the people into the 
 twelve tribes. These at the starting-point are regarded as the branches of the trunk (n'inSiyO); 
 they however ramify into the fathers' houses (nbx-r>'3) or single patriarchates ; which again 
 subdivide into families ; and finally into the individual names of the warriors from twenty years 
 old and upward. A distinguished man is set as captain over each tribe. Their names are as fol- 
 lows : 
 
 1. OfJudah. Nahshon the son of Amminadab (sorcerer ? serpent standard? — Atheling). 
 
 2. For Issachar, Nethaneel, the son of Zuar (gift of God— littleness, or the little one). 
 
 3. For Zebulun, Eliab the son of Helon (whose father is God— man of sorrows ? Dream ?). 
 
 4. Of Reuben, Elizur the son of Shedeur ("whose rock is God "—son of the stream of fire). 
 
 5. Of Simeon, Shelumiel the son of Zurishaddai (God's peace [Godfried],— Rock of the 
 
 Almighty). 
 
 6. For Gad, Eliasaph the son of Reuel (whom God has added, God's Joseph— Invocation of 
 
 God). 
 
 7. For Ephraim, Elishama the son of Ammihud (whom God hears— "From the people of Ju- 
 dah ?" impossible! it signifies rather: my people are the objects of praise). 
 
 8. For Manasseh, Gamaliel the son of Pedahzar, (Gamliel: God's recompense, God's rule- 
 
 his rocli is liis dGlivBrcr). 
 
 9. For Benjamin, Abidan the son of Gideoni (the father of the judge or the father-judge— the 
 
 woodman as a powerful warrior). 
 
 10. For Dan, Ahiezer the son of Ammishaddai (brother of help ? Brotherly help— from the 
 
 people of the Almighty). 
 
 11. For Asher, Pagiel the son ofOcran (God's destiny-the afflicted one =Benoni ?). 
 
 12. For Naphtali, Ahira the son of Enan (brother of uproar? Brother of festivity— abounding 
 
 in springs). . 
 
 The words : " They were the called of the congregation, princes of the tribes of their 
 fathers, heads of thousands (the circuits) of Israel," really constitute strict titles. From the 
 first two qualifications, -as called of the congregation and heads of the tribal branches, 
 resulted the third, their princely position. From the rank of the heads of a thousand, Moses ele- 
 vated them to the generalship of the tribes, a promotion which was already indicated as regu- 
 lar, by their birth. 
 
2 7. DIFFICULTIES PRESENTED IN NUMBERS. 11 
 
 The Result of the Muster.— The number of fighting men according to the tribes, as com- 
 pared with the later numbering toward the end of their march, (chap, xxvi.) : 
 
 Reuben, 46,500 43,730 
 
 Simeon, 59,300 22,200 
 
 Gad, 45,650 40,500 
 
 Judah, 74,600 76,500 
 
 Issachar, 54,400 64,300 
 
 Zebulun, 57,400 60,500 
 
 Ephraim, 40,500 32,500 
 
 Manasseh, 32,200 52,700 
 
 Benjamin, 35,400 45,600 
 
 Dan, 62,700 64,400 
 
 Asher, 41,500 53,400 
 
 Napht»li, 53,400 45,400 
 
 603,550 601,730 
 
 5 7. DIFFICULTIES PRESENTED IN NUMBERS. 
 
 (a). The difference between the two musters. 
 
 The decrease in the total during a period in which a marked increase might justly have 
 been looked for, corresponds with the history of Israel in the wilderness, and the many great 
 catastrophes that were decreed against the people. With regard to the decrease and increase 
 of the individual tribes (see Keil, p. 192), thejudgments might fall in very diflFerent proportions 
 upon the different tribes, for it has generally been supposed, that the tribe of Simeon rendered 
 itself particularly culpable according to chap. xxv. 6, 14, by its apostasy to the idolatry of Baal 
 Peor. In this tribe tlie inclination to admixture with foreign elements that could come about as 
 the other extreme to their fanatical particularism. Gen. xxxiv., and a tendencj' to dispersion that de- 
 veloped latterly into emigration (Comm. Gen., p. 564) may have contributed in considerable degree to 
 the diminution of the tribe. Since the more definite laws concerning the tribal relations were first 
 enacted at a later date, in the plains of Moab, single tribes up to that time could very well have 
 diminished or increased by persons changing their tribal relations, to say nothing of the fact 
 that the difiFereuce of fruitfulness in propagation among the difi'erent tribal-branches baffles 
 all calculation. The passage chap. xxvi. 9, 10, seems to indicate that the tribe of Reuben was 
 very much reduced by the fate of the company of Korah. A surprising phenomenon is also 
 presented by the paucity of members in the tribe of Levi ; for while in the first census it com- 
 prised only 22,(J0i) males, counted from a month old and upward, in the second, it comprised only 
 23,000 (see Keil, p. 193). To explain this we must consider that this tribe sustained two heavy 
 strokes, even if the execution of the judgment Ex. xxxii., had occurred wholly without detri- 
 ment to the Levites. It is mentioned expressly that the sons of Aaron, Nadab and Abihu, died 
 childless (chap. iii. 4), and the stress put upon the fact that the children of Korah were not de- 
 stroyed with their father (chap. xxvi. 11), points directly to the implied antithesis, that after all 
 many Levites did perish in the conspiracy of Korah. Certainly their claim to a universal 
 priesthood reappears later with noble and sinless form in the inspiration of the Korahite sing- 
 ers. We must also add Keil's suggestion, that the rest of the tribes did not increase in the 
 same ratio. 
 
 (6.) The proportion of the first-born to the number of males in the Tribes. 
 
 The proportion of the number of first-born in the difi'erent tribes, as stated in chap. iii. 40 sq., 
 to the number of Levites, on the one hand, and on the other to the total of the tribes, is a par- 
 ticularly obscure matter. Moses numbered the first-born, in whose stead the Levites were to 
 serve vicariously, and found the sum (all from a month old and upward) to be 22,273. Since the 
 number of the Levites was 22,000, there appeared an excess of 273 first-born ; of these each 
 head had to be redeemed from Levitical duty by 5 shekels, so that the sum-total of 1365 shekels 
 was to be paid as redemption money to Aaron and his sons. In my opinion we must assume 
 that the redemption money was apportioned among all the first-born, for how otherwise 
 
12 NUMBERS. 
 
 could the 273, whose duty it would be to pay it, be designated ? But now arises the question : 
 Out of the number of 603,550 persons on whom devolved militai-y duty, how could there be only 
 22,273 first-born ? •' If 603,550 men presuppose a census of more than one million males, 
 then in case the 22,273 were the sum of all the first-born sons among the whole people, there 
 would be only one first-born to forty or forty-five males." Keil gives a summary of the pro- 
 fuse discussions of this subject p. 194, particularly as between Hengstknbekg and Colenso, 
 p. 195. Keil solves the difiBculty with the remark, that the law concerning the sanctification of 
 the first-born, Ex. xiii. 2, could have no retroactive force. " If this be admitted, then among 
 22,273 first-born who were exchanged for the Levites (chap. iii. 45 sq.) there are included only 
 those first-born sons who were born in the interval from the day of the Exodus from Egypt until 
 the muster of the twelve tribes, which was ordered and completed thirteen months later." Ac- 
 cording to this supposition, there would be about 19,000 first-born for the one year ; but in this it 
 does not appear to be taken into account that the half of the first-born during the year might be 
 females. Since the Levitical redemption of the first-born was an afi"air by itself, according to 
 Leviticus, so here, agreeably to the idea of the book of Numbers, we limit the payment here spolien 
 of to theocratic military duty. From this point of view the narrative here takes cognizance of 
 only the muster of the Levites ; they were the bearers of the headquarters and of the banner. Since 
 the warriors who were actually mustered could not be made to do double military duty, there- 
 fore only those are here spoken of who were born Levites, i. e., first-born in the twelve tribes, and 
 between the ages of one month to twenty years. If we assume 200.000 males for the generation 
 between one month and twenty years, and reckon nine members of the family for each first-born, then 
 the sum-total sinks at once below the actual number of the 22,273 mustered. In this con- 
 nection we must keep this fact conspicuously in view, that the Levites were not counted from the 
 age of twenty years, but from one month upward, and that it was therefore entirely in keeping 
 to count the first-born in the same way. 
 
 (c.) The relation of the number 603,550 in Exod. xxxviii. 26 to the same in Num. i. 
 What is the relation of the number 603,550 in Exod. xxxviii. 26, as the numbering of the tax- 
 able males, under obligation to contribute a half shekel for the erection of the Tabernacle, to the 
 similar number of those liable to military duty in Numbers chap, i.? ''Four weeks after the rear- 
 ing of the Tabernacle (comp. chap. i. 1, with Exod. xl. 17), Moses, in obedience to the divine com- 
 mand, caused the sum of the entire congregation to be taken according to the families and the 
 fathers' bouses of the twelve tribes, and all the males from twenty years old and upwards to be 
 registered for military service under Jehovah (chap. i. 1-3). The numbering of the people 
 for the purpose of raising the redemption money from each male poll, from twenty years old up- 
 wards (comp. Ex. XXX. 11 sq. with xxxviii. 26), had already taken place nine months earlier, and 
 resulted in 603,550 polls, the identical number which is here named as the total of all who were 
 mustered of the twelve tribes." Keil explains the striking similarity of both numberings, be- 
 tween which, however, the changes of a year lay, as "simply" due to the fact that the earlier 
 numbering was taken as the basis of the later one, and that the second was only a special ap- 
 plication of the former. Our text evidently requires an instantaneous numbering. Hence we might 
 assume that the former census was more exactly determined by the later and more definite one. 
 The supposition that the entire muster had continued for one year, and was first summed up here, 
 would be still nearer the truth. 
 
 {d.) The possibility of supporting life in the wilderness of Sinai. 
 
 Knobel has raised the following objections to the historical truth or authenticity of the above 
 Dumerical statement for the Mosaic period. " Such a mass of human beings could not have lived 
 for any length of time on the Sinaitic peninsula, since recent travellers estimate the present popu- 
 lation at only four, or, at the highest, seven thousand souls, and express the opinion that the 
 land could never have been fit for the support of a population of over 50,000 souls." In an- 
 swer to this objection, Keil appeals first of all to the marvellous sustentation of the people by 
 manna. T^en, moreover, to the former abundance of vegetation in the Peninsula, as Ritter has 
 testified in his Erdkunde XIY., p. 926 sq., and as the same is authenticated by historical monu- 
 ments, mines, villages, masonry, garden, field and fountain-works, and in later times by clois- 
 ters and hermitages. The inscriptions scattered everywhere, especially those at Sinai and at Ser- 
 
§ 7. DIFFICULTIES PRESENTED IN NUMBERS. 13 
 
 bal, furnish additional evidence. He also adduces a statement of Osk. Fraas on the climatic 
 change in the Sinaitic Peninsula within historic times. [Aus dem Orient. Geolog. Beobachtungen am 
 Nil aitf der S. H. I. und in Syrien, Stultg., 1867, p. 27 sqq. Palmer considers the question: 
 •' Was the country more fertile in the time of the Exodus than it is now ? While admitting 
 the miraculous manner in which the twelve tribes were supported, we shall disarm many ob- 
 jectors if we can show with reason that there were resources in the country of which they 
 might have availed themselves at certain seasons and at certain places, since this would account 
 for the silence of the Bible upon many points which would otherwise seem inexplicable — I 
 mean in cases where no special miraculous provision is recorded. 
 
 That rain actually fell during the passage of the Israelites through the country we learn from 
 Psalm Ixviii. 7-9: '0 God, when Thou wentest forth before the people, when Thou didst march 
 through the wilderness ; Selah. The earth shook, the heavens also dropped at the presence 
 of God ; even Sinai itself was moved at the presence of God, the God of Israel. Thou, O God, 
 didst send a plentiful rain, whereby Thou didst confirm Thine inheritance, when it was weary.' 
 And such passages as 'the clouds poured out water,' Psalm Ixxvii. 17, where the allusion is evi- 
 dently to Sinai, also tend to confirm the supposition that the Peninsula was better supplied with 
 veater at the time of the Exodus. 
 
 There are still many groves of acacia and other trees in the Peninsula, and these, like the gar- 
 dens, form a sort of a barricade against the force of the torrents. Now when one of them is de- 
 stroyed, and a storm comes, whatever vegetation depended on or was protected by the forest is 
 soon swept away, and barrenness and devastation mark the course of the stream down to the sea. 
 It is a well-known fact that rain falls more gently and regularly where there is vegetation. Now 
 the Bible tells us that there existed a large population in and near Sinai at the time of the Ex- 
 odus, and the traces of them which still remain indicate that they, like the old monks, did hus- 
 band to the utmost the resources of the country. 
 
 Again, there are abundant vestiges of large colonies of Egyptian miners, whose slag heaps 
 and smelting furnaces are yet to be seen in many parts of the Peninsula. These must have de- 
 stroyed many miles of forest in order to procure the fuel necessary for carrying on their opera- 
 tions ; nay, more, the children of Israel could not have passed through without consuming vast 
 quantities of fuel too. But, if forest after forest disappeared in this way, if population dwindled 
 down to a few non-agricultural tribes, and cultivation were neglected, then the rain that falls so 
 seldom would no longer stay to fertilize the land, but in an unimpeded torrent would find its way 
 down to the sea ; a burning summer sun would soon complete the work, and a few ages would 
 make the Peninsula of Sinai what we see it now. I do not think it necessary to reason away the 
 signal miracles by which the Jewish hosts were fed, but I do believe that whatsoever God thought 
 fit, that He did for His chosen people, and that God's servant, Nature, did the rest." Palmer, 
 Desert of the Exodus, pp. 34, 35, Harper's Edition. 
 
 The Rev. F. W. Holland testifies : " There are evident traces that there has been, owing to va- 
 rious reasons, a very considerable decrease in the amount of vegetation in the Peninsula ; al- 
 though even now the country is not so barren as it has generally been described. The observa- 
 tions of travellers on this point have been chiefly confined to a few of the main valleys and prin- 
 cipal mountains ; but it is not till one has wandered oflF the beaten tracks, and explored the 
 slopes of the lower mountains and the less frequented wadys, that one can really arrive at a 
 just estimate of the supply of water, and capabilities of the country for affording pasturage. 
 Long before the children of Israel marched through the wilderness, the mines were worked 
 by the Egyptians, and the destruction of the trees was probably going on. It is hardly likely that 
 the Israelites themselves would have passed a year in an enemy's country, knowing that they 
 were to march onward, without adding largely to this destruction. Their need of fuel must 
 have been great, and they would not hesitate to cut down the trees, and lay waste the gardens; 
 and thus before they journeyed onward from Mount Sinai they may have caused a complete 
 change in the face of the surrounding country. 
 
 It is a well-known fact that the rainfall of a country depends in a great measure upon the 
 abundance of its trees. The destruction of the trees in Sinai has no doubt greatly diminished 
 the rainfall, which has also been gradually lessened by the advance of the desert and the de- 
 crease of cultivation on the north and northwest, whereby a large rain-making area has gradually 
 been removed. In consequence, too, of the mountainous character of the Peninsula of Sinai, 
 
14 NUMBERS. 
 
 the destruction of the trees would have a much more serious effect than would be the case in 
 most countries. Formerly, when the mountain sides were terraced, when garden walls extended 
 across the wadys, and the roots of trees retained the moisture and broke the force of the water, 
 the terrible floods that now occur, and sweep every thing before them, were impossible." Rev, 
 F. W. Holland, Explorations of the Peninsula of Sinai, in The Recovery of Jerusalem, pp. 424 425 
 — Tr.]. 
 
 The second objection is of much less importance: "had the Israelites in the Mosaic age, 
 been a people of several millions, particularly in view of their then bravery, they would have con- 
 quered the little land more easily and in quicker time." This argument is based upon the no- 
 tion that war and victory depend entirely upon numbers. 
 
 Under No. 3 the most inconsiderable objections are only touched upon. (Keil, 190, 191). The 
 consideration that the Israelites out of the forty years' sojourn, had Kadesh as the centre of their 
 settlement for full thirty-eight years, is of particular weight for us. This settlement is indicated 
 by the summary narrative, Deut. i. 46. "So ye abode in Kadesh many days according unto the 
 days that ye abode there:' Luther translates it, "Thus ye remained a long time in Kadesh," and 
 similarly Bunsen. In this way "ik/K D'P^'I, etc., is simply left out. Zunz renders it: "As the time 
 that you remained." De Wettb similarly: "The time that you remained." But this is pure 
 tautology ! As soon as we deal earnestly with the verb T\D\ and surrender the fabulous notion of 
 a twofold settlement in Kadesh during the thirty-eight years, the sense of the expression becomes 
 entirely clear. According to chap. xiii. 4 (xii. 16), the Israelites came from Hazeroth and en- 
 camped in the wilderness of Paran ; thence Moses sent out the spies, according to chap. xiii. 3; 
 but they are also said to have gone out from the wilderness of Zin (which must not be con- 
 founded with the wilderness of Sin and just as little Paran with Feiran)according to chap. xiii. 21. 
 The same place of encampment is called Kadesh-Barnea, in Deut. i. 19. From this point the self- 
 willed army broke forth in the direction of southern Canaan, and was driven back as far as Hor- 
 mah, which without doubt lay in the region of the wilderness of Paran, whose northerly side was 
 called the wilderness of Zin, and whose southerly and more secure side is surely Kadesh-Barnea. 
 The passage xx. 1 refers to that attack upon Southern Palestine. The sons of Israel had come as 
 far as the wilderness of Zin, but the people then settled down permanently at Kadesh. Then from 
 this point also, after more than thirty-eight years, the march back to the Red Sea took place 
 according to chap. xx. 14, 22 ; xxi. 1, which must be rendered as a pluperfect because it is a 
 reminiscence. 
 
 Thus, too, is explained the glorification of Mount Paran in the blessing of Moses, and why it 
 attains therein a like dignity with Mount Sinai, Deut. xxxiii. 2. In the passage Hab. iii. 8 Mount 
 Paran may even representatively include Sinai. Manifestly it is thoroughly untenable to refer, as 
 Kdrtz does, an apostasy to idolatry of many years' duration to this period of the sojourn 
 of Israel in Paran, the very time in which the Korahites developed, with fanaticism even, the 
 doctrine of the universal priesthood of the people. The prophetic rebukes (Amos v. 25, et at.) 
 find their interpretation to some extent here, and somewhat also in the partial apostasy in the 
 Steppe of Moab. Moreover Paran can hardly be meant by ''the great and terrible wilderness," 
 Deut. i. 19, as the Bible Dictionary for Christian people assumes. Paran had even a terebinth-grove 
 and a wady, and is still a region rich in springs. Vid. Winer, Art. Kadesh, with reference to 
 Robinson, particularly to Rowland's researches, 1842 [Williams' Holy City Extract from letter 
 of Rev. J. Rowland, Vol. I., p. 466 sqq. — Tr.]. Since roads radiate from Paran in all directions 
 into the remoter regions, the people could make their residence in Kadesh the centre of the great 
 nomadic region, whereby they could eke out their support. That the Israelites in the beginning 
 had occasion to complain of (he scarcity of water (chap. xx. 2), does not conflict with the subse- 
 quent discovery of springs. But in the end the people in the plains of Moab appear again to be 
 impoverished, in spite of their means of relief, those miraculous ones too, which above all things, 
 supported also the spirit of faith. The avenging expedition against the Midianites was certainly 
 as little a march for mere pillage, as was the exodus of the Jews with the materials which the 
 Egyptians flung to them; still it was rich in booty, and so far, the new and grand outfit at the 
 close of the journey forms a parallel to the rich outfit at its beginning. Concerning Rowland's 
 discovery of Kadesh, see Ritter, Erdkunde 14 Theil., 3 Buck, Westasien, p. 1088 (the entire discus- 
 Bion, p. 1077 sqq.). Knobel's Remarks, vid. p. 2 sqq. 
 
§ 7. DIFFICULTIES PRESENTED IN NUMBERS. 15 
 
 (e.) The Journey of the Israelites from Sinai to the Steppe of Moab. 
 See General Introduction. [Comm. Exodus and Leviticus, p. 21 sq. — Tr.]. 
 
 (/.) The Unity of the Book of Numbers. 
 Knobel produces a pretty desperate result for the supplemental hypothesis: " Except chap, 
 iv. 17-20 all these fragments are component parts of the fundamental document." Thus almost 
 an entire book throughout is Elohistic ! The Jehovistic character of this excepted portion is 
 readily explained from its internal relations, as indicating Jehovah's care for the priestly tribe. 
 Nevertheless there is lacking a proper estimate of the formal unity of the book (see p. 1). Further 
 on he speaks indeed of many Jehovistic supplements (p. 101), and here we are even assured that 
 the Elohist makes the people to go through the northern part of Edom, while the Jehovist speaks 
 of their compassing the Land of Edom. This unity is more strenuously questioned in Bleek's 
 Introduction (p. 287 sqq., 3d ed., 1870). The section concerning the pillar of cloud and of fire, 
 chap. ix. 15-23, is said to occupy a very unsuitable position ; as if the description of the theo- 
 cratic oriflamme, the banner of the army, were out of position in the very place where the sub- 
 ject matter is the equipment of the army ! Its position in Ex. xl. 34-38, he regards as more 
 fitting. There is no trace of any perception of a difi"erence between the two points of view ! The 
 relation of chap. i. 1 to ix. 1, Bleek calls an unchronological statement. According to the first 
 passage, the muster was completed on the first day of the second month in the second year after 
 the Exodus. Of course the time cannot advance from this date to the first month in the se- 
 cond year of the Exodus as given in chapter ix. Hence the date in this passage is to be explained 
 only as in pluperfect time, occasioned by the organic construction of the book, according to 
 which the mention of the Little-passover could be made first in this place. On the twentieth of tho 
 second month of the second year the decampment itself began, therefore, twenty days after the 
 completed muster. Now when it says in chap. xx. 1, " they came into the desert of Zin in tho 
 first month," this indefinite statement cannot go back of the second month of the second year, 
 when the muster was completed, nor yet jump over to the first month of the fortieth year, as e. 
 a., in Daechsel's Bibelwerk, p. 468, because by that time the Israelites had been for a long while 
 familiar with the abundance of water there was in Paran. It is the first month of the settlement 
 in Paran, and therefore the first month in the third year of the Exodus, and the actual motive 
 which prompts the narrator to revert so emphatically to the past, lies in the impending death of 
 the great trio, Moses, Aaron, and Miriam. The account of the death of Miriam is first given ; 
 then the fall by which Moses incurred his death before the entrance into Canaan ; and finally, 
 with a leap over the entire period of the settlement in Kadesh, the death of Aaron. Bleek per- 
 ceives correctly that the first month of the third year of the Exodus from Egypt is meant by the 
 first month of the arrival in Zin. It is also correct to say that the time when Aaron died, according 
 to xxxiii. 38, falls in the fifth month of the fortieth year after the Exodus from Egypt, and there- 
 fore thirty-seven or thirty-eight years later than the above-mentioned arrival in Kadesh. But if 
 we conclude therefrom that a period of nearly thirty-eight years is embraced here in a few 
 verses, we shall overlook the fact that the account in xx. 1 sqq., for material reasons, refers 
 to a previous time, while the occurrences at Kadesh began already with the fifteenth chapter. 
 Therefore the idea of a great hiatus has no foundation. But, besides, Bleek discovers a diifer- 
 ence between viii. 23-26 and iv., in regard to the time spent in service by the Levites. This en- 
 tire difi"erence is resolved, if we distinguish between the Levitical ofiicial age of twenty-five years 
 in general, and the Levitical ofiBcial age of thirty years for the charge and the transportation 
 of the sanctuary. There is no contradiction between the two statements that the Levites 
 who did service in the transportation of the sanctuary were, like the priests, first qualified for the 
 charge at the age of thirty, while the Levites ordinarily became bound to service, in a more 
 general sense, already at the age of twenty-five (see Keil, p. 225). It is said that the contents 
 of chap. iii. do not agree with the two preceding and with the following chapter ; but this amounts 
 simply to the difference between more general and more definite ordinances, as appears in the 
 subsequent discussion. 
 
THE THIRD BOOK OF THE TRILOGY OF THE LAW. 
 
 NIJMBEKS: 
 
 OB 
 
 THE FOURTH BOOK OF MOSES. 
 
 nSTl or -15-1^5; \4pcdftoi; ^TJUERl.) 
 
 Moses and the Army of God. The Politicai. or kingly Messianic Theocracy. The the- 
 ocratic ROYAL RULE OF JeHOVAH OVER HiS HOST. ThE TYPICAL HOST OF GOD,— ItS RIGID 
 
 DISCIPLINE — Its equipment — Its departure — Its defeat and rejuvenation in the period 
 OF bepentance — Its first victories and its preparation for entrance into Canaan. 
 
 FIRST PART. 
 
 THE KINGLY HOST OF JEHOVAH. 
 
 Chapters I. — X. 
 
 FIRST SECTION. 
 
 THE ARMY OF THE LORD. THE ENUMERATION OR MUSTER OF THE WARRIORS. 
 THE ARMY'S ORDER OF ENCAMPMENT AND MARCH. 
 
 Chapters I., II. 
 
 Moses and Aaron with twelve princes muster the men of war. Levites 
 exempted and retained to serve the tabernacle. 
 
 Chapter I. 1—54. 
 
 Moses, Aaron, and the Twelve Princes. 
 
 1 And the Lord spake unto Moses in the wilderness of Sinai, in *the tabernacle 
 of the congregation, on the first day of the second month, in the second year after 
 
 2 they were come out of the land of Egypt, saying. Take ye the sum of all the con- 
 gregation of the children of Israel after their families, by ''the house of their fathers, 
 
 3 with the '"number of their names, every male by their polls; From twenty years 
 old and upward, "all that are able to go forth to war in Israel : thou and Aaron 
 
 4 shall ''number them by their Armies. And with you there shall be a man of every 
 
 5 tribe ; every one head of the house of his fathers. And these are the names of the 
 men that shall stand with you : of the tribe of Reuben ; Elizur the son of Shedeur. 
 
 6, 7 Of Simeon ; Shemuliel the son of Zurishaddai. Of Judah ; Nahshon the sonof 
 8,9 Amminadab. Of Isaachar; Nethaneel the son of Zuar. Of Zebulun ; Eliab 
 10 the son of Helen. Of the children of Joseph : of Ephraim ; Elishama the son of 
 2 17 
 
18 NUMBERS. 
 
 11 Ammihud: ofManasseh; Gamaliel the son of Pedahzur. Of Benjamin ; Abidan 
 12, 13 the son of Gideoni. Of Dan ; Ahiezer the son of Ammishaddai. Of Asher ; 
 14, 15 Pagiel the son of Ocran. Of Gad ; Eliasaph the son of Deuel. Of Naphtali ; 
 
 16 Ahira the son of Enan. These ^were the renowned of the congregation, princes of 
 the tribes of their fathers, heads of thousands in Israel. 
 
 The Muster. 
 
 17 And Moses and Aaron took these men which are expressed by their names : 
 
 18 And they assembled all the congregation together on the first day of the second 
 month, and 'they declared their pedigrees after their families, by "the house of their 
 fathers, according to the number of the names, from twenty years old and upward, 
 
 19 by their polls.^ As the Lord commanded Moses, ''so he ^numbered them in the 
 wilderness of Sinai. 
 
 20 And the children of Reuben, Israel's 'eldest son, by their generations, after their 
 families, by "the house of their fathers, according to the number of the names, by 
 their polls, every male from twenty years old and upward, "all that were able to go 
 
 21 forth to war ; Those that were ^numbered of them, even of the tribe of Reuben, xoere 
 forty and six thousand and five hundred. 
 
 22 Of the children of Simeon, by their generations, after their families, by 'the house 
 of their fathers, those that were ^numbered of them, according to the number of the 
 names, by their polls, every male from twenty years old and upward, "all that were 
 
 23 able to go forth to war ; Those that were ^numbered of them, even of the tribe of 
 Simeon, were fifty and nine thousand and three hundred. 
 
 24 Of the children of Gad, by their generations, after their families, by "the house of 
 their fathers, according to the number of the names, from twenty years old and 
 
 25 upward, "all that were able to go forth to war ; Those that were ^'numbered of them, 
 even of the tribe of Gad, were forty and five thousand six hundred and fifty. 
 
 26 Of the children of Judah, by their generations, after their families, by "the house 
 of their fathers, according to the number of the names, from twenty years old and 
 
 27 upward, "all that were able to go forth to war ; Those that were ""numbered of them, 
 even of the tribe of Judah, were threescore and fourteen thousand and six hundred. 
 
 28 Of the children of Issachar, by their generations, after their families, by "the house 
 of their fathers, according to the number of the names, from twenty years old and 
 
 29 upward, "all that were able to go forth to war ; Those that were ''numbered of them, 
 even of the triba of Issachar, were fifty and four thousand and four hundred. 
 
 30 Of the children of Zebulun, by their generations, after their families, by "the house 
 of their fathers, according to the number of the names, from twenty years old and 
 
 31 upward, "all that were able to go forth to war ; Those that were ''numbered of them, 
 even of the tribe of Zebulun, were fifty and seven thousand and four hundred. 
 
 32 Of the children of Joseph, namely, of the children of Ephraim, by their generations, 
 after their families, by "the house of their fathers, according to the number of the 
 names, from twenty years old and upward, "all that were able to go forth to war ; 
 
 33 Those that were ^numbered of them, even of the ti'ibe of Ephraim, were forty thou- 
 sand and five hundred. 
 
 34 Of the children ofManasseh, by their generations, after their families, by "the house 
 of their fathers, according to the number of the names, from twenty years old and 
 
 35 upward, "all that were able to go forth to war ; Those that were ''numbered of them, 
 even of the tribe of Manasseh, were thirty and two thousand and two hundred. 
 
 36 Of the children of Benjamin, by their generations, after their families, by "the house 
 of their fathers, according to the number of the names, from twenty years old and 
 
 37 upward, "all that were able to go forth to war ; Those that were ^numbered of them, 
 even of the tribe of Benjamin, were thirty and five thousand and four hundred. 
 
 38 Of the children of Dan, by their generations, after their families, by" the house of 
 their fathers, according to the number of the names, from twenty years old and 
 
 39 upward, "all that were able to go forth to war ; Those that were ''numbered of them, 
 even of the tribe of Dan, were threescore and two thousand and seven hundred. 
 
 40 Of the children of Asher, by their generations, after their families, by "the house 
 of their fathers, according to the number of the names, from twenty years old and 
 
CHAP. I. 1-54. 19 
 
 41 upward, 'all that were able to go forth to war ; Those that were ^numbered of them, 
 even of the tribe of Asher, were forty and one thousand and five hundred. 
 
 42 Of the children of Naphtali, throughout their generations, after their families, by 
 "the house of their fathers, according to the number of the names, from twenty years 
 
 43 old and upward, "all that were able to go forth to war ; Those that were ''numbered 
 j^^ of them, even of the tribe of Naphtali, ^vere fifty and three thousand and four hun- 
 
 44 dred. These are those that were ''numbered, which Moses and Aaron numbered, 
 and the princes of Israel, being twelve men ; each one was for "the house of his 
 fathers. 
 
 45 So were all those that were "numbered of the children of Israel, by "the house of 
 their fathers, from twenty years old and upward, 'all that were able to go forth to 
 
 46 war in Israel ; Even all they that were "numbered were six hundred thousand and 
 
 47 three thousand and five hundred and fifty. But the Levites after the tribe of their 
 fathers were not "numbered among them. 
 
 The Levites exempted. 
 
 48, 49 ^'For the Lord had spoken unto Moses, saying. Only thou shalt not "number 
 
 50 the tribe of Levi, neither take the sum of them among the children of Israel : But 
 *thou shalt ''appoint the Levites over the tabernacle of testimony, and over all the 
 vessels thereof, and over all things that belong to it : they shall bear the tabernacle, 
 and all the vessels thereof ; and they shall minister unto it, and shall encamp round 
 
 51 about the tabernacle. And when the tabernacle setteth forward, the Levites shall 
 take it down ; and when the tabernacle is to be pitched, the Levites shall set it up : 
 
 52 and the stranger that cometh nigh shall be put to death. And the children of 
 Israel shall pitch their tents every man by his own camp, and every man by his 
 
 53 own standard, 'throughout their hosts. But the Levites shall pitch round about 
 the tabernacle of testimony, that there be no wrath upon the congregation of the 
 children of Israel : and the Levites shall keep the charge of the tabernacle of tes- 
 
 54 timony. And the children of Israel did according to all that the Lord commanded 
 Moses, so did they. 
 
 » the Tent of Meeting. * their fathers' houses. ' all who went forth to the army. 
 
 * hosts. • (ire they that were called of. ' they had themselves inscribed in the birth-registers. 
 
 t comma. •" and. ' first-born. 
 
 ) And the LORD spake. * omit thou shalt. ' according to. 
 
 » mustered, muster. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 1. *13ni. The 1 of itself gives no proof of our book having a special or organic connection with Levit- 
 icus. Were that the case, then a similar inference must be made of a relation between Joshua and Deutero- 
 nomy, and betvreen Judges aad Joshua. In eases like the present, the Vav. conversive simply introduces vchat 
 
 is related as a sequel to events preceding. It is left to the reader to recall what precedes Dr\X2^7- The 7 with 
 
 the inf. const, has here the force of the genitive, as appears from its conjunction with K?in7- See Fueest sub. 
 vocA,9. It is common in giving dates; comp. Gen. vii. 11; Exod. xix. 1. The inf. is used liere as a noun = 
 " their exodus." 
 
 Ver. 2. The 7 before three different nouns in this verse is distributive; comp. Josh. vii. 14, 16 " according to 
 
 your tribes," " by their tribes." — By would be a good rendering here. DHDX iTH;- This phrase, that occurs 
 
 so frequently invvhat follows, has a grammatical peculiarity, or even oddity. 3X IT'S expresses a single notion 
 
 " father' s-house," the plural of which is " fathers'-houses." The Hebrew forms the plural by giving a plural 
 ending to the second noun, much as in English it is common to say " the Miss Smiths." On this and other 
 exaniples, see Ewald, g 270, c. 
 
 Ver. 10. "11Vm3- On the H quiescent in the middle of the word see Green's Gram., § 13 6. But some MSS. 
 and editions read "1^2^ mS- 
 
 Ver. 16. rnj^n ''N''1p. "The K'ri needlessly suggests '"t^^lp con/, xvi. 2," Maureb. They are designated 
 
 "as called men of the congregation, because they were called to the diets of the congregation, as representatives of 
 the tribes." Keil. 
 
 Ver. 18. " ^n^TI'l an expressive an. Key.," Lange, " to announce themselves as born, i. e., to have themselves en- 
 tered in genealogical registers " (Keil). 
 
 Ver. 22. "The S before ''J3, in this and the following verses, seems to mean the same as the German auf, to, 
 
 used in counting." Lange. 
 
 Ver. 47. npi3nn. On the H see Green Gr., § 96, a.— Tb.]. 
 
20 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 I. 1-4. And the LORD spake.— The date 
 c^ the divine command. See the Text. The pur- 
 pose of the command to muster the people. — The 
 whole congregation is to be a host of the King 
 Jehovah, " a people in arms ;" nevertheless hu- 
 man nature requires that the whole people be 
 represented by the selection of its men able to 
 bear arms. To which end every one who is 
 twenty years old must enter upon military duty ; 
 no term is fixed at which military service should 
 cease. The infirm, the women, the children, the 
 unclean must be added to those few who were of 
 course invalidated by age. But the Levites are not 
 here made free from military duty ; on the con- 
 trary, they form the ideal power of the array, in 
 that it is their office to carry the tabernacle as 
 the banner of Jehovah, as the Theocratic banner 
 of victorj'. On account of its importance the 
 time of their service is therefore fixed definitely, 
 from twentj'-five, relatively thirty, to fifty years. 
 The natural organization of the people served 
 as a basis for the muster ; tribes, tribal- branches 
 or clans, fathers'-houses, and finally their sum- 
 total by individuals, all registered by name. 
 Moses and Aaron were to attend to this business 
 of the muster by having in evei-y tribe a captain 
 chosen from the same to act for them. 
 
 [In the vrilderness of Sinai. — Ex. xix. 1, 2, 
 (comp. itinerary xxxiii. 15) shows the order of 
 stations reached in the march to Sinai, to have 
 been : Rephidim, the entrance into the wilder- 
 ness of Sinai, and then the approach to the moun- 
 tain. Lev. vii. 38 shows the proximity of the 
 wilderness of Sinai to the mountain ; x. 12 and 
 xxxiii. 16, show that the wilderness of Sinai 
 stretches as far as the wilderness of Paran. The 
 Ordnance Survey Expedition to the Peninsula of 
 Sinai in 1868-'iJ9, has confirmed in great part 
 the conclusions of Robinson and Stanley, and 
 therefore of tradition. All the members of the 
 expedition, save Mr. Holland, concluded that 
 Rephidim is in the Wady Fciran at Uesy el Khat- 
 tatin. Mr. Holland alone places it "at the nar- 
 row pass of El Watiyeh in Wady es Sheikh." 
 They were unanimous in deciding that the pri- 
 mary camping ground of the wilderness of Sinai 
 was the great plain B?- Raheh, and that Mount 
 Sinai is Jehd Mma while the mountain from 
 which the law was delivered, the one "which 
 can be touched," is a peak of Jebel Musa, Res 
 Su/sofeh. In Er Raheh there would be ample 
 room for the entire mass of the people when they 
 gave audience to the law. "A calculation made 
 by Capt. Palmer, from the actual measurements 
 taken on the spot, proves that the space extend- 
 ing from the base of the mountain to the water- 
 shed or crest of the plain, is large enough to have 
 accommodated the entire host of the Israelites, 
 estimated at two million souls, with an allow- 
 ance of about a square yard for each indivi- 
 dual." ( The Desert of the Exodus, Palmer, oh. vi.). 
 " The plain itself is upward of two miles long, 
 and half a mile broad, and slopes gradually 
 down from the water-shed on the north to the 
 foot of Ras Sufsafeh. About three hundred yards 
 from the actual base of the mountain there runs 
 across the plain a low, semicircular mound. 
 
 which forms a kind of natural theatre, while far- 
 ther distant on either side of the plain the slopes 
 of the enclosing mountains would aliord seats to 
 an almost unlimited number of spectators." (Re- 
 covery of Jerusalem, pp. 411, 412). There are 
 good camping places in the neighboring glens, 
 valleys and mountain sides, especially at the 
 mouth of Wady Leja where there is "an exten- 
 sive recess, about a mile and a half long by three- 
 quarters of a mile broad" ({bid. p. 412). It is ex- 
 ceedingly well watered by four running streams, 
 and there are innumerable fountains and wells. 
 Comp. Robinson, Vol. 1, p. 95 sqq., 100-107, 
 119-122. St AJiLEY, Sinai and Palestine, pp. 40- 
 44, 73-76. 
 
 The Tabernacle of the congregation. — 
 The A. V. renders it, the Tabernacle of congre- 
 gation, as if the notion "to meet" underlying 
 the word n>'10 must refer to the people, and thus 
 the word itself mean the gathering of the people 
 together. The proper signification is Tent of 
 Meeting, as appears from Ex. xxix. 42, 43, which 
 reads : '• This shall be a continual burnt-offering 
 throughout your generations at the door of the 
 tent of meeting before the Lord; where I will 
 meet you (^i'^X) to speak there unto thee And 
 there I will meet (Tn^i?:) with the children of 
 Israel." The same is suggested by Ex. xxx. 36, 
 and Num. xvii. 19, (A. V., 4). Hither then the 
 Lord summoned those whom He would meet, and 
 to whom He would make special communica- 
 tions, and ordered, x. 3, that trumpets should be 
 sounded to gather the people as well (Hj^lj) to 
 the Tent of Meeting. Hence God not only comes 
 down to meet His people, but they come up to 
 meet Him. See Smith's Bib. Bid., article Ta- 
 bernacle. 
 
 On the first day of the second month, 
 i. €., the month Ziph, which in the Talmud ia 
 called T'S*, lyar. It corresponds with our April. 
 Ziph^the month of " blossoms ;" but see Smith's 
 Bib. Diet. 
 
 The following data given in the Book of Num- 
 bers, are here arranged in their chronological 
 order, according to Keil and others. But see 
 Lange on vii. 1. 
 
 (1) The gifts of the oxen and wagons by the 
 princes; their gifts for the aliar on the dav of, 
 its anointing, continuing for twelve days, chap, 
 vii., and the cloud covering the Tabernacle (iX. 
 15) on the day of its erection; this date is given 
 in Ex. xl. 17: comp. Lev. 
 
 viii. 10, 11 : 2 yr., 1 m., 1 day. 
 
 (2) The celebration of 
 
 the passover, ix. 1-5: 2 1 14 
 
 (3) The order for the 
 
 muster, i. 1 : 2 2 1 
 
 (4) Celebration of the 
 
 Little Passover, ix. 6-14: 2 2 14 
 
 (5) Departure from Si- 
 nai, X. 11 : 2 2 20 
 
 The following points are noteworthy : I.i the 
 period between the erection of the tabernacle 
 and the order for the muster the following mat- 
 ters took place ; The proclamation of the laws 
 of sacrifice, for they were first enunciated in the 
 tent of meeting, Lev. i. 1 ; the consecration of 
 Aaron's sons in the day of the anointing of the 
 
CHAP. I. 1-54. 
 
 21 
 
 Tabernacle , which took seven days; the first 
 rites by the priesthood on the eighth day; the 
 trespass by Nadab and Abihu; the remaining 
 body of Levitical law ; the princely gifts for 
 moving the Tabernacle and for the dedication of 
 the altar ; the descent of the cloud upon the ta- 
 bernacle ; the order for the observance of the 
 passover ; its commemoraiion. This was in the 
 time from one new moon (^U'Tn) to the other. 
 
 In the period between the order for the muster 
 and the departure from Sinai, the following 
 events took place : The muster itself; the dispo- 
 sition of the camp, the body of law for its reguhx- 
 tion ; the celebration of the Little Passover ; the 
 census of the first-born and consecration of the 
 Levites; all of which occurred in twenty days. 
 A brisk and crowded season. 
 
 We observe further in this chronology that 
 events which occurred at an earlier date are 
 placed after the muster; the gifts by the princes 
 and the passover really having preceded the 
 muster. Why? KeiL finds a reason in the de- 
 sire not to interrupt the essential connection of 
 Sinaiiic law; and this opinion is of weight. In 
 the legal books of the Trilogy, chronology is 
 made secondary. As the idea of Leviticus was 
 to give the body of Sacerdotal legislation, and 
 such incidents as related to it, so the object of the 
 Book of Numbers is to give the national organi- 
 zation, in all its theocratic features, and thus 
 what is uppermost for the proper constitution 
 of the immovable state, of course comes first. 
 
 Ver, 2. The sum of all the congregation 
 of the children of Israel, On the three ac- 
 counts of taking the census see above Introduc- 
 tion, § 7, a, c, and Smfth's Bib. Bid. art. Cen- 
 sus. On the congregation see ibid, under the 
 word. The data are wanting for a clear analy- 
 sis of the subdivisions of the congregation 
 represented by the following terms, families 
 
 (nniJiyO), fathers'-houses (nnx n':3). The 
 latter is a subdivision of the former, while in 
 ver. 4 it appears as a subdivision of the tribe 
 (nU3). The former is thus the grand subdivi- 
 sion of the tribe. This agrees with x. 4 (comp. 
 
 Josh. xxii. 14) where " the thousands '" (D'SS^^) 
 appear as equivalent to "the families" (HnSti'O), 
 the latter designating them according to their 
 fecial constitution, the former with respect to 
 their proportion of men fit for war and liable to 
 tax. See Introd., g 6. 
 
 Ver. 3. '^LSp means "to muster, marshal," 
 
 and has reference more to disposition or arrange- 
 ment than numbering. See a discussion of the 
 word in Bush in loc. — Tr.]. 
 
 Vers. 5-19. Roll of the captains who were 
 called to aid in numbering the tribes. We fur- 
 nish their names and the names of their fathers 
 also, with their conjectural significations, since 
 the names of the Israelites attest the religious 
 mind of the people. See above Introd., § 6. 
 Upon the three qualifications of the chief men, 
 
 (1) '^7^'7 '*<"!p. (2) nnbx niao "'X'tyj, (3) 
 
 D''ii/X"i see above, Introd. | 6. "D'S^X synony- 
 mous with ninDL/rp • families ' (comp. chap. x. 
 4 ; Josh. xxii. 14, et al.), because the number of 
 heads of families in the branches of a tribe 
 amounted to at least a thousand" (Keil). Even 
 
 if the thousands were in a greater or less degree 
 independent of the number 1,000, yet it does not 
 then follow that they should always coincide with 
 the tribe-branches. 
 
 They were not passively pressed into service 
 but took it upon them voluntarily, like the volun- 
 teers of Deborah (Judg. xxi.) and of the Messi- 
 anic King (Ps. ex.); and that was, so to speak, 
 their new birth in the higher sense. [These 
 princes were likely a selection from those of 
 highest rank among the appointments made ac^ 
 cording to Exod. xviii. 21-26, which occurred 
 onlj' a few montlis before this. — Tr.] 
 
 Vers. 20-47. Number of the fighting men in the 
 tribes see above, Introd. \ 6. They were mustered 
 in representation of the supreme Commander him- 
 self ; hence □"'"'p^. 
 
 Vers. 48—54. The prohibition against muster- 
 ing the Levites and adding their number to the 
 sum of the other tribes indicates no exemptiou 
 from the military service, but an inherited call- 
 ing to the discharge of the highest service of de- 
 fence, the care of the headquarters (ver. 58) and 
 of the ensign of the army, the Tabernacle. The-e- 
 fore, notwithstanding their being so numerous, 
 they were to encamp around the sanctuary and 
 prevent all v/ho were not Levites from approach- 
 ing on pain of death. All the other divisions 
 of the army were to encamp by their special 
 standards. 
 
 [The reason for the peculiar service of the 
 Levites that the text gives is that in vers. 51, 53, 
 It ought tlius to have precedence. The Levites 
 were to guard tlie Tabernacle against the intru- 
 sion of the other Israelites. Ly the stranger 
 (It), for whom it would be death to come nigh, ia 
 meant a non-Levite (Lev, xxii. 10). The Levites 
 were to guard against trespasses within that 
 would be more ruinous than foes without. — Tr,] 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL, 
 
 On the ivhole book. 
 
 The name Numbers gives no presentiment of 
 the rich significance of this third book [of the 
 Trilogy], unless one were to ascribe to the idea 
 of number a Pythagorean notion, or, better still, 
 one that belongs to Biblical philosophy of re- 
 ligion. 
 
 For, of course, the champions of Jehovah are 
 numbered, as were the intimates or heroes of 
 Odin, and as the latter were selected out to 
 march forth with Odin to conflict at the end of 
 time, so the former are chosen out, numbered and 
 mustered so as to form an army of God, wliicli is 
 destined in a sacred campaign to make the con- 
 quest of the holy inheritance of God, Canaan, i he 
 promised land, for God's people. 
 
 As significant individual types are to be noted 
 especially the persons fit for war; for here, too, 
 the proper estimate of personal life is the signa- 
 ture of true religion and of the kingdom of truth 
 founded on it. But with the persons must be 
 noted the most exact regard for their number, 
 the typical numbering, as it is continued down 
 to the Apocalypse (Bev. vii.), not excepting the 
 Gospels and Acts of the Apostles. Moreover, the 
 characteristic diversities of nations, or even of 
 churches and states in the kingdom of God, find 
 their type in the organization of the army of 
 
22 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 God, the order of Israel's encampment under its 
 princes, the Sanctuary in the midst of the army 
 as the mysterious headquarters of the heavenly 
 sentinel, the Commander in Chief, and the disti-i- 
 bution of labor among His servants. Further- 
 more an important element appears in keeping 
 the camp of the army pure, in which connection 
 is to be considered the restitution for trespass 
 which is too much overlooked [v. 1-10] ; also 
 in contrast with ihis keeping pure, the higher 
 consecration of the Lord's volunteer heroes, the 
 Nazarites [vi. 1-21]. 
 
 A particularly significant jewel is the Aaronic 
 blessing [vi. 22-27]. The invisible substance of 
 Israel must, however, be visibly represented to 
 the nation by a rich temple-treasure, assured by 
 the cheerful offerings of its princes, demonstrated 
 by a grand festive procession of the donors with 
 their gifts [vii. 1-89]. But in the midst of the 
 Sanctuary the golden candlestick must illumine 
 the night; the Levites, as watchmen and ser- 
 vants, must surround the centre of the camp 
 [viii.]. That no defect or scruple may arise in 
 regard to the holy communion and the right of 
 all to it, the Little Passover is instituted [ix. 1- 
 14] as the same is also perpetuated in its coun- 
 terparts in the divine service of the church. 
 The pillar of cloud, and fire over the Tabernacle 
 is the sign of the promise that the Lord will ne- 
 ver depart from His people [ix. 15-23]. The 
 army is completed by the instruments of sacred 
 signals, the silver trumpets [x. 1-10] ; their 
 echoes are the sounds of bells, the peals of or- 
 gans, Christian hymns, but also every righteous 
 summons to the defence of our country. 
 
 [On ver. 53. The meaning of Levite is ''joined 
 to, a Ihesion." See xviii.4. The location of ihe 
 Levites in the camp was symbolical of this ac- 
 cepted relation by their being attached to Moses 
 and Aaron and the sanctuary. In Isa. Ivi. 3, 6, 
 7 a participation in the priesthood of God's peo- 
 ple is promised to Gentiles, kindred to the rela- 
 tion of the Levites to the priests. See Naegels- 
 BACH in loc. and Bush on our ver. — Tr.] 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 See General Homiletic Remarks in the vol. 
 on Exodus, p. 167. 
 
 On chap. i. The army of the Lord in particu- 
 lar. Its significance. Its destination. The mus- 
 tering of the army. 
 
 On the whole booh. 
 
 '' The aim of the Holy Spirit in general is to 
 show how God brought ever nearer to fulfilment 
 His promises of inheriting the land of Canaan, 
 spite of all the difficulties that stood in the way 
 of it, and brought His people from Mt. Sinai to 
 the borders of Canaan ; also how they had God 
 for their guide on the whole journey, which 
 serves to prove that the religion of this people is 
 the true religion." Starke. 
 
 " The use to be derived from it is this : Who- 
 ever carefully and exactly considers all the his- 
 torical circumstances will be led on every ac- 
 count to maintain a Christian walk in this jour- 
 ney through the world. The countless benefits 
 that God showed His people in the wilderness 
 assure us of the divine goodness, and comfort us 
 in times of distress, and when we suffer want and 
 
 often know not where to turn. The many rebel- 
 lious conspiracies, murmurings, insurrections, 
 etc., convince us of human depravity, and of 
 man's ingratitude toward his greatest Benefac- 
 tor, and of the corruption of our hearts, which 
 are presumptuous in fortune, and despondent in 
 misfortune, and admonish us to take note of in- 
 dwelling sin, that we may not become like Israel 
 in sinning. God's punishment of His perverse 
 people represents to us His anger and justice, 
 from which we ought to learn to be suitably 
 afraid. The steadfastness, prudence, patience 
 and meekness of Moses are a mirror into which 
 we should diligently gaze, and pattern after his 
 example in every thing that befalls us. In gene- 
 ral we must not contemplate our life as different 
 from the journey of the Israelites out of Egypt 
 through the desert to the land of Canaan (1 Chr. 
 XXX. 15). The round-about ways that God leads 
 us are wonderful ; we must go through thick and 
 thin, over mountains and through valleys, now a 
 straight path, then a crooked (Ps. iv. 4). Our 
 progress is marked by mournful monuments that 
 we leave behind in our conscience, which re- 
 proaches us with a Meriba, where we strove with 
 God and were not content with His guidance ; 
 the graves of lust, where we gave way to evil de- 
 sires, etc. Still God provides us with manna, 
 quails and water (Ps.xxxiii.; Isa. xxx. 20). He 
 gives us victory when enemies assail us, He bears 
 us on the way we go (Deut, i. 31). Jesus is the 
 pillar of cloud and fire that abides with us, even 
 when it is evening (Luke xxiv. 29), unto the end 
 of the world (Matth. xxviii. 20). The sacrament 
 of holy Baptism is the cloud (1 Cor. x. 2). The 
 sacrament of the Lord's Supper is the manna, the 
 food and drink of life. Whoever, then, would be 
 a true Israelite, let him learn from this book to 
 depart out of the Egypt of this world and of his 
 sinful flesh, to disregard the Red Sea of dismay 
 that Satan makes, furthermore to press through 
 the wilderness of this world, where there is dan- 
 ger enough, and all looks dreadful, where Ama- 
 lekites and Ammonites, where serpents and wild 
 beasts make the passage hard, until at last he 
 comes to the stern-flowing Jordan, and draws 
 near the heavenly Canaan. Thus we may every 
 way edify our life from this book, and sooth our sor- 
 rows and cares. And this, too, is God's aim 
 and object in the histories that are found here." 
 Starke. 
 
 [6-'o(f's particular providence over His people il- 
 lustrated h>j the numbering. (1) It proved His 
 faithfulness to His promise to Abraham and to 
 Jacob (Gen. xxviii. 14). It was not left to be 
 guessed at. (2) It was an intimation of how 
 God meant to care for His people in the future, 
 and meant that Moses and the inferior rulers 
 should care for them. As the "Shepherd of Is- 
 rael" (Ps. Ixxx. 1), he would, like other shep- 
 herds, keep count of his flocks and deliver them 
 by number to their under-shepherds, that they 
 might know if any were missing. (3) It was in 
 order to their being marshalled into several dis- 
 tricts for the more easy administration of jus- 
 tice, and their more regular march through the de- 
 sert. It is a rout and a rabble, not an army, that is 
 not mustered and put in order. After M. Henry. 
 
 Leviticus precedes Numbers. The laws of offer- 
 ing to God precede the military organization and 
 
CHAP. II. 1-34. 
 
 23 
 
 the march against enemies and to the conquest 
 of Canaan. This is the ideal realization of the 
 motto: "Be sure you're right, then go ahead." 
 To be right, in the highest sense, is to be right 
 with God. " If God be for us, who can be against 
 us?" Rom. viii. 31. Let every one find time iirst 
 for religion and reconciliation to God through 
 the offering of Jesus Christ, before even preparing 
 for the march and warfare of life. Let him do 
 the same for every day. 
 
 On i. 47-54. The Levites exempted from military 
 service. So with ministers. " If exempted from 
 aecular concerns, it is in order that they may be 
 
 the more given up to the study and preaching of 
 the word of God, and to prayer, which are the 
 chief weapons of their warfare; for by these 
 means they may endeavor to avert the wrath of 
 God from the people. As Christians are sepa- 
 rated from the world, .so ministers should be 
 still more detached from its pursuits and employ- 
 ments, and examples to the flock ; 'not,' says M. 
 Henry, 'affecting to seem greater, but aiming to 
 be really better, every way better, than others.' " 
 Scott. The position and service of the Levites 
 was according to the maxim: " Whosoever will 
 be chief among you, let him be your servant," 
 Matth, XX. 27.— Tr.] 
 
 4 
 5 
 
 10 
 
 The Order for the Camp and for the March. 
 Chapter II. 1-34. 
 
 1, 2 And the Lord spake unto Moses and unto Aaron, saying, 'Every man of the 
 children of Israel shall pitch by his own standard, with the ensign of their ''father's 
 house : ^far off about the "tabernacle of the congregation shall they pitch. 
 
 3 *And on the east side toward the rising of the sun shall they of the standard of the 
 camp of Judah pitch 'throughout their armies : and Nahshon the son of Ammina- 
 dab shall be 'captain of the children of Judah, And his host, and those that were 
 "numbered of them, wer'e threescore and fourteen thousand and six hundred. And 
 those that do pitch next unto him shall be the tribe of Issachar : and Nethaneel the 
 
 6 son of Zuar shall be 'captain of the children of Issachar. And his host, and 
 those that were "numbered thereof, were fifty and four thousand and four hundred. 
 
 7 Then the tribe of Zebulun : and Eliab the son of Helou shall be 'captain of the 
 
 8 children of Zebulun. And his host, and those that were "numbered thereof, were 
 
 9 fifty and seven thousand and four hundred. All that were "numbered «in the 
 camp of Judah were a hundred thousand and fourscore thousand and six thousand 
 and four hundred, 'throughout their armies : these shall first set forth. 
 
 On the south side shall be the standard of the camp of Reuben 'according to their 
 arm>iis : and the 'captain of the children of Reuben shall be Elizur the son of She- 
 ll deur. And his host, and those that were "numbered thereof, were forty and six 
 
 12 thousand and five hundred. And those "which pitch by him shall be the tribe of 
 Simeon : and the 'captain of the children of Simeon shall be Shelumiel the son of 
 
 13 Zurishaddai. And his host, and those that were "numbered of them, were fifty 
 14* and nine ; thousand and three hundred. "Then the tribe of Gad: and the 'captain 
 
 15 of the sons of Gad shall be Eliasaph the son of ^Reuel. And his host, and those 
 that were "numbered of them, were forty and five thousand and six hundred and 
 
 16 fifty. All that were "numbered in the camp of Reuben were a hundred thousand 
 and fifty and one thousand and four hundred and fifty, 'throughout their armies : 
 and they shall set forth 'in the second rank, 
 
 "Then the 'tabernacle of the congregation shall set forward ^with the camp of the 
 Levites in the midst of the "^camp : as they encamp, so shall they set forward, every 
 man in his place by their standards. 
 
 On the west side shall be the standard of the camp of Ephraim 'according to their 
 armies : and the 'captain of the sons of Ephraim shall be Elishama the son of Ammi- 
 
 19 hud. And his host, and those that were "numbered of them, were forty thousand 
 
 20 and five hundred. And 'by him shall be the tribe of Manasseh : and the 'captain 
 
 21 of the children of Manasseh shall be Gamaliel the son of Pedahzur. And his host, 
 and those that were "numbered of them, were thirty and two thousand and two hun- 
 
 17 
 
 18 
 
24 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 22 dred. "Then the tribe of Benjamin : and the 'captain of the sons of Benjamin 
 
 23 shall be Abidan the son of Gideoni. And his host, and those that were ■''numbered 
 
 24 of them, were thirty and five thousand and four hundred. All that were '^num- 
 bered of the camp of Ephraim were a hundred thousand and eight thousand and 
 a hundred, ^throughout their armies: and they shall °go forward in the third 
 rank. 
 
 25 The standard of the camp of Dan shall be on the north side 'by their armies : and 
 
 26 the 'captain of the children of Dan shall be Ahiezer the son of Ammishaddai. And 
 his host, and those that were "numbered of them, were threescore and two thousand 
 
 27 and seven hundred. And those ^that encamp by him shall be the tribe of Asher : 
 
 28 and the 'captain of the children of Asher shall be Pagiel the Sou of Ocran. And 
 his host, and those that were numbered of them, were forty and one thousand and 
 five hundred. 
 
 29 ""Then the tribe of Naphtali : and the 'captain of the children of Naphtali shall be 
 
 30 Ahira the son of Enan. And his host, and those that were numbered of them, were 
 
 31 fifty and three thousand and four hundred. All they that were "numbered in the 
 camp of Dan ivere a hundred thousand and fifty and seven thousand and six hun- 
 dred : they shall go hindmost "with their standards. 
 
 32 These are those which were ''numbered of the children of Israel by "the house of 
 their fathers : all those that were ''numbered of the camps 'throughout their hosts 
 
 33 ^vere six hundred thousand and three thousand ahd five hundred and fifty. But 
 the Levites were not ''numbered among the children of Israel ; as the Lord com- 
 
 34 manded ]Moses. And the children of Israel did according to all that the Lord 
 commanded Moses : so they pitched by their standards, and so they set forward, 
 every one after their families, according to "the house of their fathers. 
 
 1 Heb. over against. 
 
 2 Deuel. 
 
 » TTie children of Israel shall pitch every man hy his, etc. 
 * And those that camp eastward, toward the rising, etc. 
 g of. ^ that do pitch next unto. 
 
 k camps. ' riext to. 
 
 » by. » mustered. 
 
 •> their fathers'-houses. 
 • according to their hosts. 
 " second. 
 » And. 
 
 Tent of meeting. 
 f prince. 
 
 i comma, omit with. 
 n set forth third. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 2. a^ao 1J3D. The A. V. gives IJJO the false rendering, "far oflF," suggested, perhaps, by Josh. iii. 4, 
 
 but corrects it in the marg. reading. It has its common meaning here of confronting, thus used ia a hostile sense. 
 Josh. V. 33. The double term means "fronting and surrounding." Thus all faced the common centre. The no- 
 tion of distance is unexpressed, yet necessarily suggested by the magnitude of the bodies to be located. Comp. 
 Ps. xxxviii. 12 (11), where the notion of distance is suggested by the " stroke " of adversity, though not expressed 
 
 by njJD, and then, in the following clause, is expressed by plT^O- 
 
 Ver. 3. nnilD Hmp- Comp. xxxiv. 15; Josh. xix. 12; Exod. xxxvii. 13. The apparent redundancy seems 
 
 to be for the purpose of expressing direction and excluding the notion of distance : comp. Ezek. xlv. 17. DlpO 
 
 •nd nonp are used for the remote east. 
 T -A- 
 Ver. 5. "(Dti't-''- This singular orthography is in order to conform to the current pronunciation of the name, 
 
 which dropped ihe second s. All authorities invariably give the consonants as here. See Fuebst and Smith's 
 
 Bib. Diet. sub. voc. 
 
 Ver. 18. n^'—" westward," or more exactly "seaward." This is one of the expressions that opponents to the 
 
 genuineness of the Pentateuch have seized on, alleging that it betrays a writer actually in Palestine. But in fact 
 ft only shows that tlie writer used a language whose idiom was mdigenous to the region east of the Mediterra- 
 nean sea. And this and similar traits are corroborative proof that the people had their ancestry and language 
 from the East. See Macbonai,d, Introd. to Pentateuch, I. 2G8.— Tr.] 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 Ver. 1 sqq. {a) Tlie order of encampment. — 
 The twelve Tribes are divided into four corps, 
 which encamp about the centre of the Levitical 
 sanctuary, and that in the order of East, South, 
 West, and North. The four leading tribes are 
 Judah, Pvfiuben, Ephraim, and D.ui. To Judah, 
 the first leader-tribe, witli its camp in the East, 
 are joined Issachar and Zebuluu, who also were 
 
 sons of Leah ; a very strong chief force at the 
 van of the army. To the south was the camp of 
 Reuben in conjunction with the tribes of Simeon 
 and Gad. It should be noted in this connection, 
 that the tribe of Simeon at this time numbered 
 many more warriors than Reuben. On the west 
 Ephraim was encamped, at the head of Manas- 
 seh and Benjamin. Here then all the children 
 of Rachel are united. To the north Asher and 
 Naphtali are encamped under the leadership of 
 the tribe of Dan. Here with Dan the adopted 
 
CHAP. II. 1-34. 
 
 26 
 
 eon of Rachel, are associated his brother Naph- 
 tali and Lis half-brother Asher. 
 
 (b) The order of march. — This was deter- 
 mined by the order of encampment. In front of 
 the camp of the Levites and of the tabernacle 
 marched six tribes, first the corps of Judah, next 
 the corps of Reuben. The march was covered 
 by the six tribes in the divisions of Ephraim and 
 Dan. [See below.— Tr.] 
 
 "/Jl, 'standard, banner, flag,' denotes the 
 larger military ensign which each of the corps 
 composed of three tribes had, and which at the 
 same time was the banner of that tribe that 
 headed the division; then, in a more extended 
 signification, the army as united under one ban- 
 ner, similar to cTjjieia, vezillum^ and the old Ger- 
 man Fsehnlein, etc. According to rabbinical tra- 
 dition, the banner of Judah bore the image of a 
 lion ; that of Reuben the picture of a man or 
 of a human head ; that of Ephraim the image of 
 an ox: that of Dan the emblem of an eagle; so 
 that on these four standards the four creatures 
 which are united in the cherubic figures given 
 by Ezekiel, are said to have been represented " 
 (Keil, p. 200). A more minute rabbinical ac- 
 count of the colors of the flags, according to 
 Jekome Prado, is given in a note by Keil, p. 
 200 [Eng. Tr., Vol. I. 17]. Judah is therefore 
 the champion of his brethren according to Gen. 
 xlix. 10. Yet we must understand the position 
 of Ephraim in covering the marcli, not as sub- 
 ordinate, but as a sort of parallel one. The 
 name Reuel, ver. 14, is the error of a copyist for 
 Deuel As they encamp so shall they set 
 forward, ver. 17 ; therelore, with Levi in the 
 midst of the tribes, every man on his own side 
 by their standards, i.e., upon the side where he 
 was encamped ; not as it is generally translated: 
 
 each at his place, since T, 'hand,' does in- 
 deed signify latus, 'side,' but not place" (Keil). 
 
 It would certainly have been a very difiicult 
 and frequently impracticable order of march, if 
 the three divis^is, Reuben on the one side, Dan 
 on the other, and Levi with the Tabernacle in the 
 middle, had been compelled to march abreast. 
 Moreover it says very emphatically that Judah 
 and Reuben precede the Tabernacle (ver. 17) — 
 consequently the like would obtain as to the 
 marching order of the succeeding corps, Ephraim 
 and Dan. As to the more common meaning of 
 T see Genesis. 
 
 T 
 
 Besides the military camp we must distinguish 
 two particular camps — the camp of the pure con- 
 gregation, composed of women and children, and 
 the encampment of the levitically unclean on the 
 outside of the camp. The children of the Levites 
 appear to have been in the camp from their youth 
 up ; probably also in time of peace the families 
 dwelt witli their defeaders. A distinction be- 
 tween the warriors and the people is indicated in 
 XX. 1. 
 
 [It appears from x. 17,that on the march the 
 position of the Tabernacle and the attendant Ger- 
 shonites and Merarites was immediately after thp 
 division of three tribes headed by Judah. Then 
 followed Reuben's division. After that, and in 
 the middle of the line, the Kohathites with the 
 eacred things. Then came the division under 
 
 Ephraim, followed by that of Dan, which brought 
 up the rear. The only reason assigned for the 
 position of Tent of Meeting next after Judah's 
 division, is that it might be set up by the tiaie the 
 sacred things that were to be put into it (x. 21) 
 should arrive at camp. 
 
 3? 
 
 eft lO 
 
 C 
 
 
 '^ 
 
 
 
 
 East. 
 
 
 ce o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 t^ o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 r-, - 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 rr^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ci o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 12; 
 
 
 
 
 org m 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 n-j — " 
 
 og.2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 < 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 UJ 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 CO 
 
 
 —1 
 o 
 
 .-2 ^ 
 
 Is % 
 
 
 U 
 
 
 
 03 
 
 8 
 
 z 
 
 OS 
 
 <5! 
 
 t. 
 
 a 
 S 
 
 CQ 
 
 LaJ 
 CO 
 
 -§» ^ 
 
 
 
 
 1- 
 
 M 
 
 
 
 
 
 n 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 <o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 'So 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o<2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 .c'°- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 EQt» 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 o 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 O 
 
 
 .2 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 5^ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 OS 
 
 
 
 
 •?saM. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 m 
 
 <p . 
 mo 
 
 «o 
 
 wo 
 
 "O 
 
 The foregoing plan represents the arrange- 
 ment of the encampment as gathered from chaps, 
 ii., iii. Such is the ideal disposition. The ac- 
 tual disposition of the multitudes, even when or- 
 der was maintained, must often have presented 
 only an imperfect approach to it, owing to topo- 
 graphical irregularities. — Tr.] 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 [See under chap. i. 
 
 "The ideal form of the encampment was re- 
 produced in the square court with which the 
 Temple was eventually surrounded, and in the 
 vision of the heavenly city as seen by Ezek. xlviii. 
 20; and by St. John, Rev. xxi. 16: conip. Rev. 
 XX. 9. Thus the camp of God's earthly people 
 was divinely ordered, so as to set forth the com- 
 pleteness of His Church; and to illustrate by its 
 whole arrangement, which was determined by 
 
26 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 the Tabernacle in the centre, both the depend- 
 ence of all on God, and tJie access which all en- 
 joyed to God." The Bible Comrn. in loc. 
 
 In the plains of Moab, and in the immediate 
 prospect of conquering the promised land, the 
 ideal plan of the encampment might he con- 
 formed to. Perhaps such was the sight that 
 greeted Balaam's eyes and made him exclaim: 
 "How goodly are thy tents, Jacob," xxiv. 5. 
 "Thus the gospel-church, called the camp of saints^ 
 ought to be compact according to the Scripture 
 model, every one knowing and keeping his place, 
 and then all that wish well to the church re- 
 joice, beholding their order. Col. ii. 5." M. Henry. 
 
 The comments of M. Henry on this chapter 
 are in his best vein of happy suggestion. The 
 following thoughts are reproduced from him. 
 
 Those of a tribe were to pitch together. 
 Note, it is the will of God that mutual love and 
 affection, converse and communion should be 
 kept up among relations. The bonds of nature 
 should be improved for the strengthening of the 
 bonds of Christian communion. 
 
 Every one must know his place and keep it. 
 Note, it is God that appoints us the bounds of our 
 habitation, and to Him we must refer ourselves. 
 God is the God of order and not of confusion. 
 The standards made this mighty army seem more 
 beautiful to its friends, and more formidable to 
 its enemies. The Church of Christ is said to be 
 terrible as an army with banners. Cant. vi. 10. 
 
 The Tabernacle and sacred things were in the 
 middle of the camp and of the line of march. 
 God is in the midst of her^ she shall not be moved, 
 Ps. xlvi. 5. Their camp had reason to be hearty 
 when thus they had God in the heart of them. 
 Note, if God undertake the protection of our 
 comforts, we ought in our plans to undertake the 
 protection of His institutions, and stand up in 
 the defence of His honor, and interest and mi- 
 nisters. 
 
 Every tribe had a captain, a prince, or com- 
 mander-in-chief, whom God Himself had nomi- 
 nated, the same that had been appointed to num- 
 
 ber them (i. 5). Our being all the children of 
 one Adam is so far from justifying the levellers 
 and taking away the distinction of place and ho- 
 nor, that even among the children of the same 
 Abraham, the same Jacob, the same Judah, God 
 Himself appointed that one should be captain of 
 all the rest. There are poicers ordained of God, 
 and those to whom honor and fear are due, and 
 must be paid. 
 
 Some observe the significancy of the names of 
 these princes, at least in -general, and how much 
 God was in the thoughts of those that gave them 
 their names, for most of them have El, God, at 
 one end or other of their names. (See above, 
 Inlrod.^ ^ 6). By which it appears that the Is- 
 raelites in Egypt did not quite forget the name 
 of their God, but when they wanted other me- 
 morials, preserved the rememblance of it in the 
 names of their children, and therefore comforted 
 themselves in their affliction. 
 
 Nahshon is reckoned among the ancestors of 
 Christ (Matth. i, 4). So that when he went be- 
 fore them, Christ Himself went before them in 
 effect, as their Leader. — Tr.] 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 The regulation of the host. The camp of God's 
 army. The sacredness of number. The sancti- 
 fying and the distribution of the number. Arith- 
 metic and geometry, and book-keeping and men- 
 suration brought into the service of the Holy 
 One. The tribes of the army of God, and their 
 significance for the organization of the church, 
 of the state, especially with reference to its means 
 of defence. The standards. The significance of 
 the Tabernacle in the midst of the camp. Jeho- 
 vah as King and Commander-in-Chief in the midst 
 of His warriors. So Christ is the Captain of 
 salvation. The New Testament army of God: 
 the Apostolic spirit in twelvefold gifts and forms. 
 The Church of God in relation to war in the 
 world. The war of light (of self-defence fox 
 right of conscience and freedom) and the war 
 of darkness. 
 
 SECOND SECTION. 
 
 Separation of the Levitet to the service of the Tabernacle as the king's tent and the ensign {the banner) 
 
 of Jehovah. 
 
 Chapters III., IV. 
 
 The muster and encampment of the tribe of LevL 
 
 ClIAPTKR III. 1-61. 
 
 1 These also are the generations of Aaron and Moses, in the day that the Lord 
 
 2 spake with Moses in mount Sinai. And these are the names of the sons of Aaron ; 
 
 3 Nadab the first-born, and Abihu, Eleazar, and Ithamar. These are the names of 
 tlie sons of Aaron, the priests which were anointed, "^vhom he consecrated to min- 
 
 4 ister in the priest's office. And Nadab and Abihu died before the Lord, when 
 
CHAP. Ill, 1-51. 27 
 
 they offered strange fire before the Lord, in the wilderness of Sinai, and they had 
 no "children : and Eleazar and Ithamar ministered in the priest's office in the sight 
 of Aaron their father. 
 5, 6 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Bring the tribe of Levi near, and pre- 
 
 7 sent them before Aaron the priest, that they may minister unto him. And they 
 shall keep his charge, and the charge of the whole congregation before the "taber- 
 
 8 nacle of the congregation, to do the service of the tabernacle. And they shall keep 
 all the ^instruments of the "tabernacle of the congregation, and the charge of the 
 
 9 cliildren of Israel, to do the service of the tabernacle. And thou shalt give the 
 Levites unto Aaron and to his sons : they are wholly given unto him out of the 
 
 10 children of Israel. And thou shalt ^appoint Aaron and his sons, and they shall 
 wait on their priest's office : and the stranger that cometh nigh shall be put to 
 
 11, 12 death. And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying. And I, behold, I have taken 
 the Levites from among the children of Israel instead of all the firstborn that 
 openeth the matrix among the children of Israel : therefore the Levites shall be 
 
 13 mine ; Because all the firstborn are mine ; for on the day that I smote all the first- 
 born in the land of Egypt I hallowed unto me all the firstborn in Israel, both man 
 and beast : mine they shall be : I am the Lord. 
 
 14, 15 And the Lord spake unto Moses in the wildei-ness of Sinai, saying, ^Number 
 the children of Levi after *the house of their fathers, by their families : every male 
 
 16 from a month old and upward shalt thou number them. And Moses ^numbered 
 
 17 them according to the ^word of the Lord, as he was commanded. And these were 
 
 18 the sons of Levi by their names ; Gershon, and Kohath, and Merari. And these 
 
 19 are the names of the sons of Gershon by their families ; Libni, and Shimei. And 
 the sons of Kohath by their families ; Amram, and Izehar, Hebron, and Uzziel, 
 
 20 And the sons of Merari by their families ; Mahli, and Mushi. These are the fami- 
 
 21 lies of the Levites ^according to the house of their fathers. Of Gershon was the 
 family of the Libnites, and the family of the Shimites : these are the families of 
 
 22 the Gershonites. Those that were ^numbered of them, according to the number of 
 all the males, from a month old and upward, even those that were ''numbered of 
 
 23 them were seven thousand and five hundred. The families of the Gershonites shall 
 
 24 pitch behind the tabernacle westward. And the 'chief of the ^house of the father 
 
 25 of the Gershonites shall be Eliasaph the son of Lael. And the charge of the sons 
 of Gershon in the "tabernacle of the congregation shall be the tabernacle, and the 
 tent, the covering thereof, and the ''hanging for the door of the "tabernacle of the 
 
 26 congregation. And the hangings of the court, and the ''curtain for the door of the 
 court, which l!s by the tabernacle, and by the altar round about, and the cords of 
 it, for all the service thereof. 
 
 27 And of Kohath was the family of the Amramites, and the family of the Izeha- 
 rites, and the family of the Hebronites, and the family of the Uzzielites : these 
 
 28 are the families of the Kohathites. In the number of all the males, from a month 
 old and upward, were eight thousand and six hundred, keeping the charge of the 
 
 29 sanctuary. The families of the sons of Kohath shall pitch on the side of the ta- 
 
 30 bernacle southward. And the 'chief of the ^house of the father of the families of 
 
 31 the Kohathites shall be Elizaphan the son of Uzziel. And their charge shall be 
 the ark, and the table, and the candlestick, and the altars, and the vessels of the 
 sanctuary wherewith they minister, and the ''hanging, and all the service thereof. 
 
 32 And Eleazar the son of Aaron the priest shall be *chief over the chief of the 
 Levites, and have the oversight of them that keep the charge of the sanctuary. 
 
 33 Of Merari was the family of the Mahlites, and the family of the Mushites : these 
 
 34 are the families of Merari. And those that were ""numbered of them, according to 
 the number of all the males, from a month old and upward, were six thousand and 
 
 35 two hundred. And the 'chief of the «house of the father of the families of Merari 
 was Zuriel the son of Abihail : these shall pitch on the side of the tabernacle north- 
 
 36 ward. And ^under the custody and charge of the sons of Merari sAa/^ 6e the boards 
 of the tabernacle, and the bars thereof, and the pillars thereof, and the sockets 
 
 37 thereof, and all the vessels thereof, and all that serveth thereto. And the pillars of 
 the court round about, and their sockets, and their pins, and their cords. 
 
28 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 38 But those that encamp before the tabernacle toward the east, even before the "=taber- 
 nacle of the congregation eastward, shall be Moses, and Aaron and his sons, keeping 
 the charge of the sanctuary for the charge of the children of Israel ; and the stranger 
 
 39 that Cometh nigh shall be put to death. All that were ^numbered of the Levites, 
 which Moses and Aaron numbered at the commandment of the Lord, ^throughout 
 their iamilies, all the males from a month old and upward, ivere twenty and two 
 thousand. 
 
 40 And the Lord said unto Moses, ''Number all the firstborn "of the males of the chil- 
 dren of Israel from a mouth old and upward, and take the number of their names. 
 
 41 And thou shalt take the Levites for me (I am the Lord) instead of all the first- 
 boi-n amoug the children of Israel ; and the cattle of the Levites instead of all the 
 
 42 firstlings among the cattle of the children of Israel. And Moses ''numbered, as the 
 
 43 Lord commanded him, all the firstborn among the children of Israel. And all 
 the firstborn males by the number of names, from a month old and upward, of those 
 that were ^numbered of them, were twenty and two thousand two hundred and 
 threescore and thirteen. 
 
 44, 45 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Take the Levites instead of all the 
 firstborn among the children of Israel, and the cattle of the Levites instead of their 
 
 46 cattle ; and the Levites shall be mine : I am the Lord. And %r those that are to 
 be redeemed of the two hundred and threescore and thirteen of the firstborn of the 
 
 47 children of Israel, which are more than the Levites ; Thou shalt even take five 
 shekels apiece by the poll, after the shekel of the sanctuary "shalt thou take thevi : 
 
 48 (the shekel is twenty geralis :) And thou shalt give the money, "wherewith the 
 
 49 odd number of them is to be redeemed, unto Aaron and to his sons. And Moses 
 took the "redemption money of them that were over and above them that were 
 
 50 ^redeemed by the Levites : Of the firstborn of the children of Israel took he the 
 money ; a thousand three hundred and threescore and five shekels, after the shekel 
 
 51 of the sanctuary : And Jdoses gave the money of them that were ^redeemed unto 
 Aaron and to his sons, according to the word of the Lord, as the Lord com- 
 manded Moses. • 
 
 * Heb. whose hand he filled. 
 
 2 Heb. mouth. 
 
 » whose hand they had filled to be priests. 
 
 * utensils. 
 
 B father'' s-house. 
 
 J by. 
 
 ™ thou shalt take, twenty gerahs the shekel. 
 
 ' ransom. 
 
 ' Heb. the office of the charge of. 
 « Tent of Meeting. 
 
 i> sons. 
 
 ' their fathers' -houses. ' prince. 
 
 •> screen. ' prince of the princes. 
 
 k omit of the. ' as ransom of the two hundred, <fee. 
 
 " the ransom of those over and above among them. 
 
 p ransomed. ^ muster, mustered. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 3. jriDb DT K^D. T K vD " to fill the hand " is a natural and graphic idiom for consecration, just 
 AH installation in in 'Enghsh. The latter signifies that one is placed and there he must always be found. The 
 former that one " has his hands full," and has no leisure for other business. The ceremony of consecration, 
 Exod. xxix. 9-28, symbolizes this idea, especially in ver. 24. Naturally K7O alone, and the substantive X^D 
 become the abbreviated form for the same notion. See Smith's Bib. Diet. Art. Priest, conseeraticn. 
 
 Ver. 9. DJ1PJ DJinj, see viii. 16. The repetition is for the siike of emphasis, signifying complete surrender, 
 see EwALD, ? 313. 
 
 Ver. 13. nTI' "'JX ^'7 " to me, myself, Jehovah," Mauker, Keil. The Bib. Comtn. So also in vers. 41, 45. 
 
 Ver. 30. The dots above pHXI "can have, it is supposed, no other meaning than to intimate that the word is 
 
 wanting in some Codd. It is wantinc; in 8 codd. of Ken. and in 4 of Ross. ; also in the Sam., Syr., and Copt. This 
 would agree with ver. .'i," Maurek. Not sufficient reason for omission, comp. iv. 34, 37, 41, 45, Keil. 
 
 Ver. 61. The K'thibh D'13n the correct reading, Keil.— Tr.]. 
 
 EXEOETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 [The generations, ver. 1. "The!?e are the 
 res gestx, that happened to them," Fagius, Va- 
 TABLUS, Ab. Ezra, Piscatok. The act of birth 
 is only the first in tlie series. On this use of the 
 wor'l comp. Gen. v. 1 ; vi. 'J ; xxv. 18 and Bush, 
 in loc. — Tb.]. 
 
 Oeuee of the Levitical Seiivice (Chap. iii.). 
 
 A. The Calling of the Tribe of Levi. This call- 
 ing was foreshadowed in the religions zeal of the 
 brothers Simeon and Levi (Gen. xxxiv.), and iu 
 the judgment of their father Jacob upon their 
 act (Gen. xlix.). The two brothers resembled 
 each other, as did also their deed and their des- 
 tiny; they were scattered in Israel. But while 
 Simeon gradually disappears in Israel, Levi 
 looms up greater and greater, until at the sum- 
 mit of his elevation he destroys himself, in the 
 
CHAP. III. 1-51. 
 
 29 
 
 person of Caiaphas. In this contrast the two na- 
 tures of youthful, religious zeal come out in re- 
 lief. In the one, religious zeal passes over into 
 fanaticism, into fleshly passion, the glow becomes 
 smoke and vapor; in the other, the flame clears 
 itself from smoke, the seething must becomes pure 
 wine. It should be borne in mind, that Israel 
 owes its theocraticiil and historical salvation to 
 the tribe of Levi : even a weak maid, Miriam, 
 had a large share in the rescue of Moses; and 
 the latter, the saved saviour [Muscha Mosche) of 
 his people, was in a large measure supported by 
 his brother Aaron. Soon, however, after the 
 moment when Aaron wavered, the tribe of Levi 
 stood manfully at the side of Moses for the re- 
 establishment of the fear of Jehovah ; and after- 
 wards, when Phineas executed summary judg- 
 ment, it displayed a bravery which received 
 quite a mysterious acknowledgment in the bless- 
 ing of Moses, Deuf. xxxiii. 8. Thus the vocation 
 of Levi was ontological ; but the historical de- 
 velopment took place gradually. The prophetic 
 starting place of the Levitic calling is found in 
 the person of Moses ; and the self-renunciation, 
 with which he calls his brother Aaron to the 
 priesthood, and allows the priestly dignity to 
 pass over to the descendants of the latter, while 
 his own sons attend Aaron as mere serving Le- 
 vites, is the sign and the seal of the divine purity 
 which ruled, in combination with divine revela- 
 tion, at the institution of the Levitical vocation. 
 Three stages can be distinguished in the devel- 
 opment of this vocation : first, the historical rea- 
 son for their call, (Esod. xxxii.) ; second, their 
 preliminary appointment ; third, the establish- 
 ment and definition of the services of the office, 
 given in the present section ; special modifica- 
 tions follow hereafter, especially the elevated 
 position of the order. 
 
 We distinguish regarding the hierarchical or- 
 ganization the following gradations: — (1) The 
 people of the tribe, embracing the families as 
 well as the men, the emeriti and demeriti, as well 
 as the serving members. The boys were set apart 
 for the Levitical service after the first month of 
 their age ; for no rule can be set for the earliness 
 of spiritual illumination, as the history of Samuel 
 proves. The entrance upon the general duties 
 begins at the age of twenty-five ; for the proper 
 high-priestly and priestly duties, as well as for 
 the Levitical ministration in the care of the Sanc- 
 tuary, the age of thirty years was required. The 
 typical hierarchy descends in the following gra- 
 dations : — (1) Aaron and his sons; (2) The 
 priestly Levitical assistants; (3) The Levites in 
 general as devoted to God and the priestly ser- 
 vice (D'J^np) ; (4) The servants, afterwards at- 
 tached to the tribe, of non-Levitical and even of 
 non-Israelitish blood (OTHJ). Although the 
 tribe of Levi, after the division of the tribe of 
 Joseph into two separate tribes, seems to form a 
 thirteenth tribe ; yet this would be an entirely 
 false conception, since it represents the first-born, 
 the priestly dignity of all twelve tribes. 
 
 B. The Relations of the Levites. In relation to 
 Moses and Aaron, they are to be regarded as the 
 spiritual family (vers. 2-4) ; Aaron appears as 
 the priestly head. With reference to their min- 
 isterial functions, they are presented to the high- 
 
 prieet, and are devoted to him as his servants- 
 With reference to the tribes, however, they have 
 this advantage, that they represent the first-born 
 of all the tribes; they are an eminent tribe wholly 
 made up of native first-born; and the complete 
 infatuation of the company of Korah is shown by 
 the fact that they were not content with that 
 eminence. However they did not form a caste, 
 like the Brahmins in India and the M.igi in 
 Media, because their physical condition was sub- 
 ject to a strict moral censorship, and because 
 their importance was greatly limited by the pro- 
 phetic order on the one hand, and on the other 
 by the princely order. Hence they first attained 
 to a hierarchical power in the time of Zerubba- 
 bel, when the princely power had become extinct 
 and the prophetic authority was on the point of 
 dying out. 
 
 C. The mimbering of the Levites. The numbers 
 of the tribe branches, 7,500, 8,600. and 6,200, 
 added together give the sum 22,300; whereas 
 the number given is onlj' 22,000. We think the 
 Rabbinical solution of this apparent discrepancy 
 of numbers quite well founded, notwithstanding 
 the doubts of Knobel and Keil. If the sum total 
 of the Levites was to determine the ratio which 
 they bore to the sums of the first-born in the 
 other tribes, because the surplus of the first-born 
 had to be redeemed with money, then the first- 
 born among the Levites should certainly not be 
 included in the count, else there would be nullity 
 in the calculation. For them 300 was there- 
 fore deducted. This seems to us a much more 
 evident explanation than the supposition of a 
 blunder in the text, (see Keil, p. 204) [who con- 
 jectures that in ver. 28 \lJr\i} should be read for 
 
 W]D or 8,300 for 8.600.— Tb.]. We do not at all 
 assume that the first-born of the tribes paid a 
 ransom to the Levites on account of the worship 
 which they conducted for them, for they were by 
 that in a certain measure superseded (chap, xvi.) ; 
 at all events the Levites had a favored position, 
 and in that case, too, all the first-born would have 
 had to pay, and not merely the excess of 273. 
 We have already seen that the mention here is 
 of a numbering of the first-born from the first 
 month on to twenty years, being a contrast with 
 the numbering of the first-born from twenty 
 years and over, but forming a parallel to the Le- 
 vites who were over a month old. Tliese young 
 first-born are represented by the young Levites, 
 and hence their excess must be ransomed by a 
 payment to the high-priestly tribe. And this 
 not indeed because the Levites represented them 
 at the Sanctuary generally, but because they took 
 their place at the theocratic headquarters. It 
 was a kind of a military tax for minors. Thus 
 we read in chap. vii. of the great offerings which 
 the heads of tribes presented for the care of the 
 Tabernacle — they had already given their contri- 
 butions for the building of the Tabernacle (Exod. 
 XXXV. 27). In that case, as also in that of the 
 shekel of the Sanctuary, their payment was pro- 
 perly a religious tax ; here it was a sort of war 
 tax. [" The ransom money, reckoning the shekel 
 at halt' a crown, would amount to 12s. 6</." Dr. 
 Jamison. — Tr.]. And when ii is likewise laid 
 down that the cattle of the Levites should rep- 
 resent the first-born of the cattle of the individual 
 
30 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 tribes, which they had to offer up, it doubtless 
 means that they were not slaughtered immedi- 
 ately on their being offered, but were taken into 
 the herds of the Levites, which even consisted 
 wholly of sacrificial beasts, according to the needs 
 of worship. On the meaning of the first-birth 
 see Knobel, p. 13. 
 
 D, The organic basis of the camping of the Levites. 
 The sons of Levi were called: Gershon, 
 (stranger, banishment) ; Kohath (assembly, 
 congregation) ; Merari. — From Gershon came : 
 Libni (white), and Shimei (Jah is prince of 
 praise). From Kohath sprang: Amram (peo- 
 ple of the high one?); Izehar (oil); Hebron 
 (union); and, Uzziel (power of God), The sons 
 of Merari were : Mahli (a tender one, according 
 to Fuerst), and Mushi (drawn upward ? allied 
 to Moses). The aggregate see in the text. 
 
 E. Levitical Camping Order. The Gershon- 
 ites encamp behind the tent, that is, westward : 
 their chief was Eliasaph (whom God has added 
 — similar to Joseph), son of Lael (for God, con- 
 secrated to God). Their charge is over the ex- 
 ternal parts of the Sanctuary, viz., the coverings 
 and hangings, except the screen of the Holy of 
 Holies, The Kohathites camp to the south- 
 ward. Their chief was called Elizaphan (whom 
 God guards), son of Uzziel (God is power). To 
 their care are entrusted all the interior parts of 
 the Sanctuary, viz., the Ark of the Covenant, 
 Thus they have an exalted occupation, as, indeed, 
 they embrace also the priestly branch, whence, 
 also, Eleazar, the son of Aaron, is the superior 
 of all the individual Levitic chiefs. Opposite the 
 Kohathites upon the northern side, camp the 
 families of Merari: their chief was named 
 Zuriel (God is rock), son of Abahail (father 
 of strength ; or, father the strength) ; they at- 
 tend to all that belongs to the frame work of the 
 Tabernacle. In front of the entrance to the Ta- 
 
 bernacle towards the east encamped Moses and 
 Aaron with his sons, who performed the sacred 
 acts of the worship. All intrusion of strangers 
 to this place was iorbidden on the pain of death. 
 [Vers. 10, 38, the stranger, II see on i. 51. — Tr,] 
 [On the difiBculty presented by the proportion 
 of first-born to the sum-total of men fit for ser- 
 vice, see Introduction, § 7 6. Ver, 49, The 
 redeemed of the Levites mean those ran- 
 somed by the equal member of the Levites, — Tr.] 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 [See under chap, i. 
 
 Chap, iii. 14 sq, "The Levites of a month old 
 could not honor God and serve the Tabernacle as 
 those that were grown up ; yet out of the mouths 
 of babes and sucklings the Levites' praise was 
 perfected. Let not little children be hindered 
 from being enrolled among the disciples of Christ, 
 for such was the tribe of Levi; of such is the 
 kingdom of heaven, that kingdom of priests. 
 The redemption of the first-born was reckoned 
 from a month old (xviii. 15. 16), therefore from 
 that age the Levites were numbered," M. 
 Henry. 
 
 Chap. iii. 44-51. The relation of money and 
 religion is illustrated by the ransom for the 273 
 in excess of the 22,000 first-born of the Levites. 
 Money cannot measure the value of spiritual 
 things, but it can express that they have value. 
 It cannot pay the debt we owe to God, but it can 
 express that we do owe Him much. Five she- 
 kels, paid under the conditions here specified, 
 could express that the payer owed himself to 
 God's service, and that the payee accepted the 
 position of substitute. While money has the 
 place that men assign it, it must have its reli- 
 gious use. Where there is much money, much 
 of it must flow into the Lord's treasury, or there 
 is little religion there, — Te.] 
 
 Order of Service and Order of March for the Levites. 
 
 Chapter IV. 1-49. 
 
 1, 2 And the Lord spake unto Moses and unto Aaron, saying, Take the sum of the 
 sons of Kohath from among the sons of Levi, "after their families, by "the house 
 
 3 of their fathers, From thirty years old and upward even until fifty years old, all 
 that enter into the host, to do the work in the "tabernacle of the congregation. 
 
 4 This shall he the service of the sons of Kohath in the -tabernacle of the congrega- 
 tion, ^about the most holy things. 
 
 5 And when the camp setteth forward, Aaron shall come, and his sons, and they 
 
 6 shall take down the ^covering vail, and cover the ark of testimony with it : And 
 shall put thereon the covering of 'badgers' skins, and shall spread over it a cloth 
 
 7 wholly of «l)lue, and shall put in the staves thereof And upon the table of shew- 
 bread they shall spread a cloth of "^blue, and put thereon the dishes, and the spoons, 
 and the bowls, and "covers to^ 'cover withal : and the continual bread shall be 
 
 8 thereon : And they shall spread upon them a cloth of scarlet, and cover the same 
 
CHAP. IV. 1-49. 31 
 
 9 with a covering of 'badgers' skins, and shall put in the staves thereof. And they 
 shall take a cloth of ^blue, and cover the candlestick of the light, and his lamps, 
 and his tongs, and his snufTdishes, and all the oil vessels thereof, wherewith they 
 
 10 minister unto it : And they shall put it and all the vessels thereof within a cover- 
 
 11 ing of 'badgers' skins, and shall put it upon % bar. And upon the golden altar 
 they shall spread a cloth of ^blue, and cover it with a covering of 'badgers' skins, 
 
 12 and shall put to the staves thereof: And they shall take all the instruments of 
 ministry, wherewith they minister in the sanctuary, and put theyn in a cloth of 
 ^blue, and cover them with a covering of 'badgers' skins, and shall put them on •'a 
 
 13 bar. And they shall take away the ashes from the altar, and spread a purple 
 
 14 cloth thereon : And they shall put upon it all the vessels thereof, wherewith they 
 minister about it, even the 'censers, the flesh-hooks, and the shovels, and the ^basins, 
 all the vessels of the altar ; and they shall spread upon it a covering of 'badgers' 
 
 15 skins, and put to the staves of it. And when Aaron and his sons have made an 
 end of covering the sanctuary, and all the vessels of the sanctuary, as the camp is 
 to set forward ; after that, the sons of Kohath shall come to bear it : but they shall 
 not touch "any holy thing, lest they die. These things are the burden of the sons 
 of Kohath in the "tabernacle of the congregation. 
 
 16 And °to the office of Eleazar the son of Aaron the priest pertaineth the oil for 
 the light, and the sweet incense, and the "daily meat-offering, and the anointing 
 oil, a7id the "oversight of all the tabernacle, and of all that therein ts, in the sanc- 
 tuary, and in the vessels thereof. 
 
 17, 18 And the Lord spake unto Moses and unto Aaron, saying. Cut ye not off the 
 
 19 tribe of the families of the Kohathites from among the Levites : But thus do unto 
 them, that they may live, and not die, when they approach unto the most holy 
 things : Aaron and his sons shall go in, and appoint them every one to his service 
 
 20 and to his burden : But they shall not go in to see ^when the holy things are cov- 
 ered, lest they die. 
 
 21, 22 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying. Take also the sum of the sons of 
 
 23 Gershon, "throughout ""the houses of their fathers, by their families ; From thirty 
 years old and upward until fifty years old shalt thou ^number them ; all that enter 
 in 3to perform the service, to do the work in the 'tabernacle of the congregation. 
 
 24 This is the sei-vice of the families of the Gershonites, to serve, and for ^'^burden: 
 
 25 And they shall bear the curtains of the tabernacle, and the "tabernacle of the con- 
 gregation, his covering, and the covering of the 'badgers' skins that is above upon 
 
 26 it, and the ''hanging for the door of the "tabernacle of the congregation, And the 
 hangings of the court, and the "^hanging for the door of the gate of the court, which 
 is by the tabernacle and by the altar round about, and their cords, and all the 
 instruments of their service, and all that is made for them : so shall they serve. 
 
 27 At the ^appointment of Aaron and his sons shall be all the service of the sons of 
 the Gershonites, in all their burdens, and in all their service : and ye shall 'ap- 
 
 28 point unto them in charge all their burdens. This is the service of the families of 
 the sons of Gershon in the "tabernacle of the congregation : and their charge shall 
 be under the hand of Ithamar the son of Aaron the priest. 
 
 29 As for the sons of Merari, thou shalt ''number them "after their families, by ''the 
 
 30 house of their fathers ; From thirty years old and upward even unto fifty years old 
 shalt thou ^number them, every one that entereth into the ^service, to do the work 
 
 31 of the 'tabernacle of the congregation. And this is the charge of their burden, 
 according to all their service in the "tabernacle of the congregation ; the boards of 
 the tabernacle, and the bars thereof, and the pillars thereof, and sockets thereof, 
 
 32 And the pillars of the court round about, and their sockets, and their pins, and 
 their cords, with all their ''instruments, and with all their service ; and by name ye 
 
 33 shall ^reckon the ''instruments of the charge of their burden. This is the service 
 of the families of the sons of Merari, according to all their service, in the "taber- 
 nacle of the congregation, under the hand of Ithamar the son of Aaron the priest. 
 
 34 And Moses and Aaron and the 'chief of the congregation ''numbered the sons of 
 
 35 the Kohathites "after their families, and "after Hhe house of their fathers. From 
 thirty years old and upward even unto fifty years old, every one that entereth into 
 
 36 the service, for the work in the "tabernacle of the congregation : And those that 
 
82 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 were ^numbered of them by their families were two thousand seven hundred and 
 
 37 fifty. These icere they that were "numbered of the families of the Kohathites, all 
 that might do service in the '^tabernacle of the congregation, which Moses and 
 Aaron did ^number according to the commandment of the Lord by the hand of 
 
 38 Moses. And those that were ^numbered of the sons of Gershon, ''throughout their 
 
 39 families, and by "the house of their fathers, From thirty years old and upward, 
 even unto fifty years old, every one that entereth into the service, for the work in 
 
 40 the "^tabernacle of the congregation, Even those that were "numbered of them, 
 ^throughout their families, by ""the house of their fathers, were two thousand and 
 
 41 six hundred and thirty. These are they that were ""numbered of the families of the 
 sons of Gershon, of all that might do service in the "tabernacle of the congregation, 
 whom Moses and Aaron did ""number according to the commandment of the Lord. 
 
 42 And those that were ""numbered of the families of the sons of Merari, ^through- 
 
 43 out their families, by Hhe house of their fathers. From thirty years old and upward 
 even unto fifty years old, every one that entereth into the service, for the work in 
 
 44 the "tabernacle of the congregation. Even those that were "numbered of them 
 \after their families, were three thousand and two hundred. 
 
 45 These he those that were "numbered of the families of the sons of Merari, whom 
 Moses and Aaron "numbered according to the word of the Lord by the hand of 
 
 46 Moses. All those that were "numbered of the Levites, whom Moses and Aaron and 
 the Vhief of Israel "numbered, "after their families, and "after "the house of their 
 
 47 fathers. From thirty years old and upward even unto fifty years old, every one that 
 came to do the service of the ministry, and the service of the burden in the °taber- 
 
 48 nacle of the congregation. Even those that were "numbered of them were eight thou- 
 
 49 sand and five hundred and fourscore. According to the commandment of the 
 Lord they were ^numbered by the hand of Moses, every one according to his ser- 
 vice, and according to his burden : 'thus were they numbered of him, as the Lord 
 commanded Moses. 
 
 1 Or, pour out withal. 
 
 * Or, carriage. 
 
 » by. 
 
 * omit about. 
 t blue purple. 
 } the bier. 
 
 ■n the sanctuary. 
 
 p even for an instant, om. are covered. 
 
 * chiefs. 
 
 » muster, mustered. 
 
 2 Or, bowls. 
 6 Heb. mouth. 
 
 * Heb. to war the warfare. 
 6 Heb. warfare. 
 
 ^ their fathers'-houses. " Tent of Meeting. 
 
 e veil of the screen. ^ .sealskin. 
 
 h mugs. ' of the drink-offering. 
 
 k utensils. ' fire-pans. 
 
 n the charge of Eleazar, etc., is oil, etc. « continual meal offering. 
 
 q to carrxi. ' screen. 
 
 » And this is his numbering (or mustering). 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 Chap. iv. 1 sq. Next come the particular acts 
 to be done at the breaking up of the' camp and 
 on the march by the different divisions of the 
 Levites, and for whose discharge the priestly 
 age, 30 years, is requisite. 
 
 (a) The Ark and the Holy Things of the 
 Sanctuary. — The taking up of the tent for the 
 march is performed in perfect accordance with 
 the idea of a tent, beginning in the inside and 
 working outward. Only Aaron and his son are 
 called to this guardiansliip of the Holy of Holies. 
 The care of the Ark of Testimony takes pre- 
 cedence. In order to prepare it for the march, 
 Aaron and his sons must even go into the Holy 
 of Holies; for the rule which forbids even the 
 high priest to enter the Holy of Holies but once 
 a year is suspended. From the eyes of the peo- 
 ple, however, the Ark must be strictly concealed ; 
 it must be not only unapproachable, but also in- 
 visible. It is first enwrapped in the veil of the 
 screen, then in a covering of lachash skins (see 
 on Exod. xxvi.), and over that is spread a cloth 
 of hyacinth purple (distinguished by this color 
 
 of Jehovah) ; and thereto the staves are again 
 set, which had to be taken away during the co- 
 vering. The second object of highest veneration 
 is the Table of Shewbread. Upon its pur- 
 ple cover are laid the utensils belonging to it, the 
 shewbread as well ; and these in turn are covered 
 with a scarlet cloth and with a cover of tachash 
 skins; the staves are then set. After this comes 
 the candlestick, enveloped in like manner; 
 likewise the golden altar, or incense altar. 
 The Altar of burnt offerings, however, is not 
 covered with a purple cloth, but, together with 
 its utensils, with a cloth of scarlet. ["It is re- 
 markable that Moses says nothing in this con- 
 nection respecting the Laver, which was one of 
 the principal vessels. The omission is supplied 
 by the LXX. at the end of this verse, and reads: 
 'And they shall take a purple cloth and cover 
 the Laver and its base (foot), and they shall put 
 it into a blue cover of skin, and put it on bars.' 
 Capellus, Grotius, Houbigant suppose that 
 this clause has slipped out of the Hebrew text, 
 and with them Rosenmueller is disposed to 
 agree. Ainsworth suggests that the Laver is not 
 mentioned because it was not to be covered." 
 Bush in loc; where see also Ains worth's alle- 
 
CHAP. IV. 1-49. 
 
 33 
 
 gorical interpretation of his conjectured fact. 
 — Tr.] Tliis packing is all done by the priests ; 
 but the (rjinsportatioa is performed by the Ko- 
 haihites, who at tlie same time are most strictly 
 iforbidilen to touch the holy things themselves. 
 Here the authority of the Aaronitic Kohathite 
 to attend to the Sanctuary (ver. 16) and the com- 
 petency of the Kohathites in general are sharply 
 distinguished. Since they were the immediate 
 assi^t><nts of Eleazar, they might most easily 
 as Levites incur death by touching or beholding 
 tlie Holy of Holies. [Instances of the actual in- 
 fliction of this penalty are 1 Sam. vi. 19 ; 2 Sam. 
 vi. 6, 7.— Tr.] 
 
 (b) The employment of the Gershonites 
 (v>trs. 22-28). As the Kohathites stand under 
 tlie special superintendence of Eleazar, so do the 
 Gershonites under that of Ithamar, second son 
 of Aaron, who is aho special supervisor of the 
 services of the Merarites (ver. 33). [Ithamar 
 superintemled the construction of the Taberna- 
 cle (Exod. xxxviii. 21). Thus the permanent 
 offices of the leaders spring out of the duties that 
 devolved on them during the first year of the 
 Exodus. Ver. 23. To war the v^arfare. — This 
 is military language. Ministerial service is a 
 warfare for God, chap. viii. 24, 25. — Tr.] 
 
 (c) The employment of the Merarites 
 (vers. 29-33). These have the heaviest portion 
 of the Tabernacle to bear, while the Gershonites 
 have the most difficult part to do ; and the charge 
 of the Kohathites is seen to be honorable, but in 
 a special degree dangerous and full of care. 
 These Merarites also stand under the direction 
 of Ithamar. 
 
 (d) By the official count of the Levites capa- 
 ble of service there were numbered : of the Ko- 
 hathites, 2,750; of the Gf'rshonites, 2,630; of the 
 Merarites, 3,200. [By this account it appears 
 that out of the whole number of Levites, viz., 
 22,300, only 8,580 were fit for service. More- 
 over the family of Merari, though numerically 
 the smallest family of Levi, had 3,200 fit for ser- 
 vice, or more than half their number above a 
 month old, and more than either of the two other 
 families. The most natural inference from these 
 data is, not that these numbers give the number 
 of able-bodied men, but that they give only the 
 number detailed for duty, and that this number 
 was proportioned to the service to be performed. 
 Tills explanation accords with the fact that the 
 service of each family is first described and then 
 the detail of men to do it is given. It seems also 
 to be the plain meaning of vers. 48, 49: "they 
 were numbered according to their service and 
 according to their burden." It agrees also with 
 what we have found to be the proper meaning of 
 np_3 ; see on i. 3. It applies to the marshalling 
 and enrolling for duty. — Tr.] 
 
 [Vers. 31, 32. The practical importance of de- 
 tailing the burdens and bearers of all this variety 
 of stuff may be illustrated by the feature com- 
 mon to all Arab decampment as thus described 
 by E. H. Palmer, The Desert of Exodus, Chap. 
 III. "The task of apportioning the loads is al- 
 ways a difficult one. The Arabs scream and 
 
 struggle as though about to engage in a san- 
 guinary tight; and each one, as he gets the op- 
 portunity, will seize upon the lightest things 
 which he can find, and, if not immediately re- 
 pressed, will hasten oS" to his camel with about 
 a quarter of his proper load, leaving his com- 
 rades to fight over the heavier burdens." 
 
 Of course there was a higher importance. God 
 took the Tabernacle as His peculiar charge, and 
 the Levites as His soldiers. Had the strictly 
 military part of the expedition been administered 
 with the same care, the host had been irresistible. 
 God's care in sacred things was an example to 
 the princes in secular things. 
 
 Another higher importance was that all this 
 precise arrangement was typical. It reveals 
 God's nature and ways. What He did in these 
 matters He will do in others when like interests 
 are involved. He will not overlook any of the 
 details of salvation. The very tongs and ashes, 
 the teni-pins and cords, will be attended to. 
 See M. Henry on iv. 21-23. But in tracing this 
 typical import, one must avoid attaching special 
 significance to each minor detail. ''A variety 
 of details was necessary to express one simple 
 truth." "The simple idea expressed by such 
 regulations, leaving no part or arrangement, 
 however minute, to be formed according to the 
 taste or judgment of human artificers, was that 
 no human devices must mix in the service of God 
 or in any thing typical of the way of salvation." 
 Macdonald, Inlrod. to the Pentateuch^ Vol. II. p. 
 463.— Tr.] 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 [Ver. 4. "Enter into the host — do the work in the 
 Tent of Meeting. The ministry is : 1. A good work, 
 1 Tim. iii. 1. Ministers are not ordained to honor 
 only, but to labor; not to have the wages, but to 
 do the work. 2. A good tvarfare, 1 Tim. i. 18. 
 They that enter the ministry must look upon 
 themselves as entered into the host, and approve 
 themselves good soldiers, 2 Tim. ii. 3." M. 
 Henry. 
 
 Vers. 5-15. The covering of the holy things. 
 The proper care of sacred things. " 1. For safety. 
 
 2. For decency and ornament; ''adorn the doc- 
 trine of God our Saviour," Tit. ii. 10. " Strength 
 and beauty are in His sanctuary," Ps. xcvi. 6. 
 
 3. For concealment. It signifies the darkness of 
 that dispensation. They saw only the coverings, 
 not the holy things themselves (Heb. x. 1); but 
 now Christ has ''destroyed the face of the co- 
 vering," Isa. XXV. 7. M. Henry. And now, too, 
 ''we see through a glass darkly," 1 Cor. xiii.l2. 
 
 Ver. 18. " Cut ye not off the tribe of the fami- 
 lies of the Kohathites from among the Levites^'' 
 What might have happened bv Moses' fault he 
 would be said to do, and would bear the guilt. 
 So God holds ministers accountable. This lays 
 a charge on pastors in relation to all elders, 
 deacons. Sabbath School teachers, leaders of 
 prayer-meetings, who under their superintend- 
 ence minister in the sacred things of the gospel. 
 -Tr.] 
 
 8 
 
84 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 THIRD SECTION. 
 
 Exclusion of Lepers and all Persons Levitically Unclean from the Holy Camp. 
 
 Camp Laws for Those Morally Guilty. 
 
 Chapter V. 1-10. 
 
 1, 2 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Command the children of Israel, 
 that they put out of the camp every leper, and every one that hath an issue, and 
 
 3 whosoever is defiled by the dead : Both male and female shall ye put out, without 
 the camp shall ye put them ; that they defile not their camps, in the midst whereof 
 
 4 I dwell. And the children of Israel did so, and put them out without the camp : 
 as the Lord spake unto Moses, so did the children of Israel. 
 
 5, 6 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Speak unto the children of Israel, 
 When a man or woman shall commit any sin that men commit, to do a trespass 
 
 7 against the Lord, and that person be guilty ; Then they shall confess their sin 
 which they have done : and he shall recompense his 'trespass ""with the principal 
 thereof, and add unto it the fifth part thereof, and give it unto him against whom 
 
 8 he hath trespassed. But if the man have no kinsman to recompense the 'trespass 
 unto, 'let the trespass be recompensed unto the Lord, e^en to the priest ; *beside 
 
 9 the ram of the atonement, whereby an atonement shall be made for him. And 
 every 'ofiering of all the holy things of the children of Israel, which they bring 
 
 10 unto the priest, shall be his. And every man's hallowed things shall be his: 
 whatsoever any man giveth the priest, it shall be his. 
 
 1 Or, heave offering. 
 
 a quilt, i> the very sum. De Wette; according to its full value, Bunsen; according to its total amount, 
 
 ZuNZ.' " the guilt recompensed belongs to the ho&s, for '^t he priest. ^except. 
 
 In general, we may regard these concrete 
 constructions as giving emphasis to previous 
 constructions. The military camp is the con- 
 gregation of God in higher potency. 
 
 Vers. 1-4. The period of exclusion was for 
 the men!?truons seven days; for momentary un- 
 cleanness, for bloody flux, an indefinite period, 
 according to the continuance of the malady. 
 "Only those named were aCFected by the law, 
 not such as were rendered unclean only for the 
 current day. Women confined were, according 
 to Lev. xii., called unclean, but apart from holy 
 things were not said to defile." ["God was 
 not acting as a physician and merely consulting 
 the health of the people, but exercised them in 
 purity. For by joining with the lepers those 
 who had an issue, etc., he instructs the people 
 simply to keep away from all uncleanness." 
 Calvin. Their camps.— The plural is sup- 
 posed to refer to the successive encampments 
 (Bush). Others, both Jewish and Christian 
 commentators, understand the reference to be 
 to the arrangement of the encampment into 
 three camps: (1) the Tabernacle, (2) the Le- 
 vites, (S) the rest of Israel. Their would then 
 refer to numbers (2) and (.3). See Bush in loc. 
 
 Vers. 5-10. Any sin that men commit 
 [e. <j. Lev. V. 21, 22 (vi. 2. 3) — Tr.], to do a 
 trespass against the LORD ; so that resti- 
 tution may not be dispensed with [comp. Lev. 
 V. 23-26 (vi. 4-7)]. Here the specification of 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 In this section it becomes especially clear, 
 that the component parts of the Book of Num- 
 bers appear under the concrete view-point, that 
 the military encampment of God shall be kept 
 Bacred, particularly, too, because it should be 
 free from every censure, and so be invincible. 
 For as regards the matter composing this chap- 
 ter, the greater part has formed the substance 
 of previous writings. The first section, vers. 
 1-4, appears already in Lev. xi.-xv. The sec- 
 ond section, vers. 5-10, is for the most part in 
 the passage on the sin-offering, Lev. v. 14-26; 
 comp. vii. 1-10. Thus the concrete reference, 
 or the formal totality of the representation of 
 the idea of this book demanded the apparent 
 repetition, as this in fact obtains everywhere in 
 the books of the Bible. It is not the materials 
 that determine their formal disposition; but the 
 power of the form reigns, organizes and ani- 
 mates (he materials, as the soul does the body. 
 In this its characteristic trait the Scriptures 
 contrast with the many short-comings of more 
 recent anil modern criticism. Because men do 
 not know the formative power of biblical ideas, 
 they rummage the materials of the Bible helter- 
 skelter, and endlessly, e. ff. in respect to the 
 Pentateuch, .lob, the four Gospels, the relation 
 between the Epistles to the Ephesians and to 
 the Colossians. 
 
CHAP. V. 11-31. 
 
 35 
 
 Lev. V. 23 (vi. 24) sqq. is supplemented by sup- 
 posing a case where the man to whom restitu- 
 tion ought to be made is not present. From 
 the. words: if the man have no kinsman 
 {goel) to •whom restitution may be made 
 for guilt, Keil [also Calvin. — Tr.] infers that 
 it is assumed that the offended person himself is 
 no longer alive. It is nearer the mark to see a 
 goel [redeemer] in the qualified receiver of the 
 debt (be it the offended person himself or a 
 kinsman). The redeemer or receiver becomes 
 here, in some n<easure, the freer of the guilty 
 person that has confessed the consciousness of 
 
 his guilt. When, therefore, this one is wanting, 
 the indemnity is to be paid to the priest, except 
 the sin-offering, which is paid to God. Jehovah 
 gives the indemnity to the priest. This then 
 leads to the more general specification, that so- 
 called heave-offerings [comp. Ex. xxv. 1-9] 
 or votive gifts may be made to the priest. These 
 gifts could be personal, so that they needed not 
 to flow into the Temple treasury. By this it 
 was made possible for these cases of guilt to be 
 treated more confidentially, which also gave the 
 greater encouragement to the confession of guilt 
 and to restitution. 
 
 FOURTH SECTION. 
 
 Marriage Inviolable in the Sacred Army. The Offering of Jealousy. 
 
 of Cursing. 
 
 Chapter V. 11-31. 
 
 The Water 
 
 11, 12 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Speak unto the children of Israel, 
 and say unto them. If any man's wife go aside, and commit a trespass against him, 
 
 13 And a man lie with her carnally, and it be hid from the eyes of her husband, and 
 be kept close, and she be defiled, and there he no witness against her, neither she 
 
 14 be taken ^with the manner ; And the spirit of jealousy come upon him, and he be 
 jealous of his wife, and she be defiled ; or if the spirit of jealousy come upon him, 
 
 15 and he be jealous of his wife, and she be not defiled : Then shall the man bring 
 his wife unto the priest, and he shall bring her "offering for her, the tenth part of 
 an ephah of barley meal ; he shall pour no oil upon it, nor put frankincense 
 thereon; for it is an "offering of jealousy, an 'offering of memorial, bringing ini- 
 quity to remembrance. And the priest shall bring her near, and set her before 
 the Lord : And the priest shall take holy water in an earthen vessel ; and of the 
 dust that is ''in the floor of the tabernacle the priest shall take, and put it into the 
 water : And the priest shall set the woman before the Lord, and uncover the 
 woman's head, and put the ''ofiering of memorial in her hands, which is the jeal- 
 ousy "oflfering : and the priest shall have in his hand the bitter water that causeth 
 the curse : And the priest shall charge her by an oath, and say unto the woman. 
 If no man have lain with thee, and if thou hast not gone aside to uncleanness 
 ' '^with another instead of thy husband, be thou free from this bitter water that 
 causeth the curse : But if thou hast gone aside^ Ho another instead of thy husband, 
 and if thou be defiled, and some man have lain with thee besides thine husband : 
 Then the priest shall charge the woman with ^an oath of cursing, and the priest 
 shall say unto the woman. The Lord make thee a curse and an oath among thy 
 people, when the Lord doth make thy thigh to ^'rot, and thy belly to swell; 
 And this water that causeth the curse shall go into thy bowels, to make thy belly 
 to swell, and thy thigh to Vot. And the woman shall say. Amen, amen. And the 
 priest shall write these curses in a book, and he shall blot them out ^with the bitter 
 water : And he shall cause the woman to drink the bitter water that causeth the 
 curse : and the water that causeth the curse shall enter into her, ^and become bit- 
 ter. Then the priest shall take the jealousy "oflTering out of the woman's hand, 
 and shall wave the ''offering before the Lord, and 'offer it upon the altar : And 
 the priest shall take a handful of the "offering, even the memorial thereof, and 
 burn it upon the altar, and afterward shall cause the woman to drink the water. 
 And when he hath made her to drink the water, then it shall come to pass, that if 
 she be defiled, and have done trespass against her husband, that the water that 
 
 16 
 
 17 
 
 18 
 
 19 
 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 22 
 23 
 
 24 
 
 25 
 26 
 
 27 
 
86 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 causeth the curse shall enter into her, ^and become bitter, and her belly shall swell, 
 
 28 and her thigh shall 'rot : and the woman shall be a curse among her people. And 
 if the woman be not defiled, but be clean ; then she shall be free, and ^shall con- 
 
 29 ceive seed. This is the law of jealousies, when a wife goeth aside^ Ho another in- 
 
 30 stead of her husband, and is defiled ; Or when the spirit of jealousy cometh upon 
 him, and he be jealous over his wife, and shall set the woman before the Lord, 
 
 31 and the priest shall execute upon her all this law. Then shall the man be guilt- 
 less from iniquity, and this woman shall bear her iniquity. 
 
 1 Or, being in the power of thy husband. 
 
 2 Heb. under thy husband. 
 
 8 Heb. fall. 
 
 » in the act. 
 h for bitterness. 
 
 1> oblation. ' meal-offering. * on. • the. ' shrink. 
 
 ' present it at. ^ [Heb. shall be sown with seed. Calvin. — Te.] 
 
 tinto. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 a) The offering of jealousy. This law ia 
 BO unique and peculiar that it is no wonder that 
 theological literaiure has busied itself a great 
 deal with the subject (see a list of the literature 
 in Knobel, p. 20; Keil, p. 210. Especially 
 deserving of notice is Oehler's article in Her- 
 zog's R. Enc. XIX., p. 472, Eiferopfer). Knobel 
 expresses surprise that this ordinance should 
 be put just here. Other modern "critical" 
 deliverances can infer nothing better than that 
 the extraordinary representations of this bibli- 
 cal passage aiford an evident proof against the 
 doctrine of iuspiration. But both views spring 
 from a want of penetration into the idea of this 
 ordinance. As regards the place of this pas- 
 sage, it, as well as the two that precede [v. 1-4; 
 5-10], has to do with preserving the purity of 
 Jehovah's military encampment. The jealous 
 man, that suspects his wife of adultery, is a 
 combatant of Jehovah's, and as such should 
 keep himself pure. But, while in a jealous 
 mood, he might transgress in two ways. He 
 might in an outburst of anger abuse or repudi- 
 ate his wife on mere suspicion: or also, as a 
 loose character, be might continue to indulge 
 his sensual lust with the womnn, though he re- 
 garded her as a courtezin. Either would con- 
 flict in the grossest way with the theocratic 
 personal dignity. Also the woman, moved by 
 the man's arbitrariness, might capriciously sur- 
 render herself to the sensual pleasure. We 
 have cause to deplore such a reciprocal effect as 
 a great heathendom of disregard of personality 
 within Christendom ; especially among Roraan- 
 ish nations. Some of these, as the Spaniards, 
 gratify their jealousy by revenge, while others, 
 especially the French, suffer their suspicion to 
 depenorale into an immoral tolerance that lets 
 each do as he pleases. In cither case marriage 
 is desecrated, personality is degraded; and 
 whereas, in (he one case, the births of the wo- 
 mnn mu>-t suffer injury from the anger of the 
 man, in the other case, a coaditloa of bastardy 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 13. " Kai KoifiTjSfl Tis )U€t' out^? Koirqv cTjrep/iiaTos." LXX. " Et coierit aliquis cum ea coitu seminis." 
 Caxvin. 
 
 Ver. 20. "imX hTI, etc. Kai iSuixe tis tvv Koi-niv aiiTov iv <roi. LXX. Dederitque aliquis in te semen suum. 
 
 Caxvin. 
 
 Tlie euphemism of the A. V. and of Dr. Lange's translator, Pastor Fay, in rendering these verses may not 
 endanger the correct understanding of the passage, as would be the case in Lev. xv. 18, where a literal rendering 
 is given. See the Comm. there. But still it is safe not to attempt to be more delicate than God's written word. 
 -Te.] 
 
 spreads through the nation, that injures the 
 mor°,l roots of its existence. Hence the giving 
 of the law took another course in order to pre- 
 serve the integrity of mjirriage, by permitting 
 the writing of divorce, yet under discipline and 
 oversight, and by not forbidding the man to 
 maintain concubines. The woman, it is true, 
 seems to be at disadvantage by these legal 
 enactments. Still she had her liberty if she 
 remained unmarried, whereas the man also be- 
 came a transgressor if he sinned with another 
 man's wife. But this stricter position of the 
 woman docs not rest on merely psychological 
 reasons. The giving of the Law operated still 
 more in favor of sacred births than of sacred 
 marriages. By the moral refinement of the 
 births Israel was to be elevated from generation 
 to generation, till it attained the realization of 
 ethical virginity (see John i. 12, 13). Hence 
 the holy legislation took in charge the natural 
 right of jealousy, just as it did the matter of 
 divorce. It did not, indeed, deal with the case 
 where the woman could be convicted of her 
 guilt, and so, on the other hand, fortifying the 
 denial by a simple oath, could make the evil in 
 this case only worse. Hence no other recourse 
 than this was possible on legal ground. But the 
 spirit of the legislation was quite conscious that 
 even with this awful conjuration no absolute 
 certainty was attained, but only a legal and 
 social certainty. Moreover, it is assumed, not 
 without reason, that the awful form of this 
 cleansing procedure made it primarily a pre- 
 ventive measure that was not often carried into 
 execution. 
 
 With respect to the significance of the parti- 
 cular parts of this transaction, it must assuredly 
 be calleil an error when they are so often con- 
 strued as if they would anticipate the punish- 
 ment. The justice of the Scripture distinguishes 
 between suxpicion and certain judgment. Hence 
 the justice of Joseph of Nazareth consisted in 
 his seeking a middle course in his suspicion, 
 and being unwilling to dismiss his betrothed 
 with a public rebuke (see on Matt. i. 19). Thus 
 it is a glaring assumption when the inferior sort 
 
CHAP. V. 11-31. 
 
 37 
 
 of material of the oflFering, viz. barley meal, that 
 was else used to feed cattle, is made to signify 
 that the adulteress does not distinguish herself 
 from the beasts (Philo), or that the woman has 
 behaved like an irrational brute (Jonathan, 
 etc.). The same is true in respect to the min- 
 gling of dust with the holy water that the wo- 
 man must drink. To the interpretation just 
 mentioned, Keil, as well as Knobel, objects 
 that the woman bringing the oflFering migtit, in 
 fact, be innocent. Yet further on he adopts the 
 explanation: "Dust is poured into the water, 
 not to signify that man is made of dust, and 
 must return to dust again, but as an allusion to 
 the serpent's eating dust (Gen. iii. 14), as a 
 curse of sin, consequently as an image of de- 
 serving a curse, of the deepest shame and hu- 
 miliation (Mic. vii. 17; Isa. xlix. 23; Ps. Ixxii. 
 9)." The serpent, of course^ sometimes feeds on 
 the dust of the Temple; siill it is not said that 
 this was destined for its food. Oehler here 
 agrees with Keil: "By drinking, the penetra- 
 tion of the curse into the inmost part of the body 
 is effected (comp. the expression in Ps. cix. 18). 
 We say effected, not symbolized. For according 
 to the simple meaning of the words in ver. 27 the 
 water is not merely to be regarded as a symbol 
 and pledge, but the actual vehicle of the divine 
 curse, Keil says very justly (p. 301), etc." Is 
 an hypothetical curse, that possibly may be not 
 only without injurious effect, but may even bring 
 about a blessing, to be called here directly a 
 curse? 
 
 But besides these significations that forestall 
 judgment^ rabbinical exaggerations of a fabulous 
 kind have especially obscured the passage. For 
 instance, "the immediate effect" is thus de- 
 scribed (SoTA, III. 4) : " Hardly had she drunk 
 the bitter water, when, if she were unclean, her 
 countenance began to turn yellow, her eyes pro- 
 truded, and her veins burst," etc. No wonder 
 that the same treatise has it that, even before the 
 decision, her veil and garments were torn off her, 
 black clothes put on her, and a cord to girdle 
 her breast. 
 
 b) The moving cause, vers. 10-14. The some- 
 what cumbersome expression admits indeed the 
 assumption that the man's jealousy was well- 
 founded, still without deciding. [The spirit 
 of jealousy, ver. 14. Comp. Prov. vi. 34. Song 
 of Sol. viii. 6.— Tr.]. 
 
 c) The presentation of the woman before the priest 
 with her offering^ ver. 15. The poor bond of union 
 that still exists between both parties, is desig- 
 nated by the inferior offering, which still the 
 man must provide, but the woman is to present. 
 It is a meal ofifering, mincha, consisting of the 
 tenth part of an epha of barley meal. Bar- 
 ley, worth only half as much as wheat, was the 
 food of the poor, and even of the cattle. But 
 these two, in their present relation, were a house 
 that had become poor. They were to add nei- 
 ther oil nor frankincense, for it would be 
 contrary to the truth, since, in such agitation, 
 the life of the soul and the spirit of prayer are 
 completely depressed, if both are not entirely 
 wanting. This is indicated by the conclusion of 
 the verse. 
 
 d) The priest's procedure. 1) The adjuration or ad- 
 ministering the oath, vers. 16-22. The first eflScacy 
 
 lies in the slow deliberateness and formality of the 
 solemn procedure, by which time is allowed to the 
 woman lor awakening, for confession. One may 
 regard it as correct when the Talmud informs us: 
 did she submit to confess, then her marriage letter 
 [kethuba) was destroyed, by which she lost what 
 her husband promised her at their marriage, but 
 otherwise she departed without punishment. 
 [How reconcile this with Lev. xx. 10, according 
 to which an adulteress must suffer death ? Keil 
 judiciously states that "nothing is said about 
 what was to be done" in case of implied c^n Ces- 
 sion. — I'r.] Therefore the priest placed her oe- 
 fore the Lor<l at the altar of burnt-offering. In 
 a mean earthen vessel he dipped holy ^A?•ater 
 (wash-water of the fore-court? [see Tianslaiur's 
 note below]) such as served for sacred uses in 
 the Temple [Tabernacle], and put into it dust 
 from the floor of the Temple, yet that means a 
 sacred dust, so reckoned along with the Temple, 
 which, just as the water, must imbue with sacred 
 dread a conscience sensible of guilt. Then the 
 w^omau'shead is uncovered ; she stands with 
 flowing hair, not already as a great sinner, but 
 as one provisorily shorn of her dignity, forsaken 
 of her husband and all the world, whom one, 
 moreover, may look in the eyes, and now the of- 
 fering of rebuke is laid in her hands. She must 
 hold it so a long while; the trembling hand of 
 one conscious of guilt would readily let ii fill. 
 1) Then follows the administration of the 
 oath. — In very definite and drastic terms in lo- 
 cence and guilt are distinguished, and it is an- 
 nounced to her that the hypotheiically bitter 
 (see ver. 27) and cursing water, which she 
 must now drink, will do her no harm in case she 
 is innocent, but that it will do her harm in case 
 she is guilty. Before the hypothetical announce- 
 ment of the curse, is again intimated a pause full 
 of anxiety, according to the words: "has any 
 man lain with thee besides thy husband?" Then 
 follows the awful formula of the oath, which, in 
 case she is guilty, loads with a curse on the one 
 hand her memory among the nation, and on the 
 other her body, her female organization, with 
 which she has sinned. Thereupon she must de- 
 clare her readiness to drink the water with the 
 words amen, amen, by which she makes the 
 oath her own. [" Some think the Amen being 
 doubled, respects both parts of the adjuration, 
 both that which freed her if innocent, and that 
 which condemned her if guilty." M. Henrt. — 
 Tr.]. Another pause. The priest writes the 
 curse or form of oath on a tablet, and wUh the 
 bitter water washes off the writing, so that she 
 must in a symbolical way drink the very formula 
 of oath. She drinks some of the water. S) Now 
 the priest completes the offering, and only after 
 that she drinks all the water. 
 
 One must not mend this representation by con- 
 densation, since just its slow movement, with 
 pauses, portrays the psychological intent of the 
 action. 
 
 In regard to the corporeal side of the curse, it 
 is indeed assumed that the effect will begin to 
 appear at once, but not that it will at once be 
 completed; a myth of the Talmud that negative 
 criticism eagerly appropriates. It has been sup- 
 posed that the threatened sickness was dropsy 
 of the ovary, or else dropsy in general (see KeiIi 
 
38 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 in loc, Knobel, p. 23). Evidently a disease of 
 females is meant, such as answers for a punish- 
 ment of a sexual sin, and it is certain that even 
 an inferior agitation of spirit in a woman can 
 have such consequences. It is not easy to ima- 
 gine how the "incorporated" curse, that Keil 
 assumes, and which Oehler (Herzog, R.-Enc. 
 XIX. p. 474) would have only to be completed by 
 ethical ingredients, can be transformed into a 
 blessing in the body of the innocent woman. As 
 an apologetical analogy for a dogma, this ana- 
 logj' is very far-fetched, unless one would affirm 
 that in conjunction with the agitation accompa- 
 nying the consciousness of guilt the bitter water 
 itself must become poison to the woman that 
 draak it. 
 
 But it must be specially noticed that the inno- 
 cent and yet sorely-tried woman could, in this situ- 
 ation, rise to a very exaltation of trust in God. 
 Standing there with her loosened hair, she must 
 become to her husband the object of utmost com- 
 passion. Were there added to (hat the appearance 
 of a joyous, heroic courage, the tables would be 
 turned ; she triumphed over the husband. Hence 
 nothing more was to be done to the man, when 
 innocence had celebrated its victory over him. 
 His jealousy was punished by being openly put 
 to shame, and he must acknowledge her agiin as 
 his married wife, whereas marriage intercourse 
 was legally prohibited during his suspicion (ac- 
 cording to SoTA i. 3, "hindered by watching 
 him!") The innocent wife, on the other hand, 
 receives notice of a blessing (ver. 28), which on 
 her part, also, is psychologically well-founded, 
 which, however, the Talmud represents in an 
 untrue fashion. The Gamara adds : ''if previously 
 her births were hard, afterwards they were easy: 
 had she daughters before, she afterwards i-eceives 
 sons." 
 
 It is an abstract procedure of supra-naturalism 
 when one would eliminate from this law of jeal- 
 ousy the psychological and ethical ingredients. 
 It has indeed a human relationship with the or- 
 deals of the middle ages, but these have on their 
 part also a relationship to the theocratic faith 
 of revelation, on whose summit appears this sig- 
 nificant, divine ordinance, testifying as it does to 
 wonderful wisdom and acquaintance with the 
 heart. The New Testament aspect of the matter 
 is, that the woman threatened with fearful ven- 
 geance ia taken under the protection of the sanc- 
 
 tuary, as even now-a-days Christian authorities 
 now and then take under their protection one 
 threatened with Lynch-law by putting him in 
 prison. The slow deliberateness of the proceed- 
 ing may also serve to elucidate the fact that Christ 
 wrote on the ground when the adulteress was 
 brought before Him. Any way. He brought about 
 a great, silent pause. 
 
 It has been assumed that this proceeding, 
 which from the very first was hemmed about 
 with many limitations (see Oehler, ibid. p. 476), 
 was seldom used, and that later it was abolished 
 [ibid.). But one could wish very much that the 
 moral ideas corresponding to this typical law 
 might everywhere make their light and right 
 prevail. 
 
 [Ver. 17. Holy vyater. " Let my readers, 
 however, consider whether He iloes not rather 
 mean the water in which the ashes of the red 
 heifer were sprinkled, and whereby solemn puri- 
 fications were made (Num. xix. 1)." Calvin. 
 This suggestion does not deserve to be ignored 
 as it seems to be by all later commentaries. See- 
 ing the varied uses to which that water was put, 
 it would naturally be the next to be thought of 
 for the present purpose, at least after the cere- 
 mony of the red heifer was once instituted. But 
 the record of the latter institution being given in 
 connection with events occurring on the subse- 
 quent march, is not proof that it was not insti- 
 tuted before In the case of the ordinances in 
 V. 1-10, we see that they were instituted before. 
 
 Ver. 28. V^^ nj/ini, "and she shall be sown 
 
 -IT T : : •: 
 
 with seed." The nearest meaning of the words 
 would only suggest that the woman is to receive 
 from her husband what is due to a wife (comp. 
 Exod. XX. 10 ; 1 Cor. vii. 3). The phrase may 
 be taken as the expression for what is honorable, 
 looking toward oifspring, as J!'y~r\2Dp ver. 13, 
 comp. Lev. xix. 20; xv. 18, refers to intercourse 
 
 without such intent. Comp. 
 phi'ase is ot. ^ey. — Tr.]. 
 
 Nah. i. 14. The 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 Chap. V. The preservation of the purity of 
 God's army. Jealousy as a legal suffering and 
 as a passion. Jealousy, an obscure witness for 
 the exclusiveness and sanctity of marriage. The 
 power of conscience ; both of a good and of a bad 
 conscience. 
 
 FIFTH SECTION. 
 
 The Nazirite in God's Army. 
 Chapter VT. 1-21. 
 
 1, 2 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Speak unto the children of Israel, 
 and say unto them, When either man or woman '"shall separate themselves to vow 
 
 3 a vow of a Nazarite, to separate themselves unto the Lord ; He shall separate 
 himself from wine and strong drink, and shall drink no vinegar of wine, or vinegar 
 of strong drink, neither shall he drink any "liquor of grapes, nor eat <=moist grapes, 
 
 4 or dried. All the days of his 'separation shall he eat nothing that is made of the 
 
CHAP. VI. 1-21. 
 
 39 
 
 5 *vine tree, from the kernels even to the husk. All the days of the vow of his ^sepa- 
 ration there shall no razor come upon his head : until the days be fulfilled, in the 
 which he separateth himself unto the Lord, he shall be holy, and shall let the locks 
 
 6 of the hair of his head grow. All the days that he separateth himself unto the 
 
 7 Lord he shall come at no dead body. He shall not make himself unclean for his 
 father, or for his mother, for his brother, or for his sister, when they die : because 
 
 8 the ^consecration of his God is upon his head. All the days of his separation he 
 
 9 is holy unto the Lord. And if any man die very suddenly by him, and he hath 
 defiled the head of his ^consecration ; then he shall shave his head in the day of 
 
 10 his cleansing, on the seventh day shall he shave it. And on the eighth day he 
 shall bring two "^turtles, or two young pigeons, to the priest, to the door of the Haber- 
 
 11 uacle of the congregation : And the priest shall oflfer the one for a sin offering, 
 and the other for a burnt offering, and make an atonement for him, for that he 
 
 12 sinned 'by the dead, and shall hallow his head that same day. And he shall ^con- 
 secrate unto the Lord the days of his '^separation, and shall bring a lamb of the 
 first year for a "trespass offering : but the days that were before shall be *lost, 
 because his separation was defiled. 
 
 13 And this is the law of the Nazarite: when the days of his separation are fulfilled, 
 
 14 he shall be brought unto the door of the ^tabernacle of the congregation : And he 
 shall offer his 'offering unto the Lord, one he lamb of the first year without blem- 
 ish for a burnt offering, and one ewe lamb of the first year without blemish for a 
 
 15 sin offering, and one ram without blemish for peace offerings. And a basket of 
 unleavened bread, cakes of fine flour mingled with oil, and wafers of unleavened 
 
 16 bread anointed with oil, and their ''meat offering, and their drink offerings. And 
 the priest shall bring them before the Lord, and shall offer his sin offering, and his 
 
 17 burnt offering : And he shall offer the ram for a sacrifice of peace offerings unto 
 the Lord, with the basket of unleavened bread : the priest shall offer also his ^meat 
 
 18 offering, and his drink offering. And the Nazarite shall shave the head of his 
 ^separation at the door of the *tabernacle of the congregation, and shall take the 
 hair of the head of his ^separation, and put it in the fire which is under the sacri- 
 
 19 fice of the peace offerings. And the priest shall take the sodden shoulder of t!ie 
 ram, and one unleavened cake out of the basket, and one unleavened wafer, and 
 shall put them upon the hands of the Nazarite, after the hair of his ^separation is 
 
 20 shaven: And the priest shall wave them /or a wave offering before the Lord: this 
 is holy for the priest, with the wave breast and heave 'shoulder: and after 
 
 21 that the Nazarite may drink wine. This is the law of the Nazarite who hath 
 vowed, and of his 'offering unto the Lord for his separation, besides that that his 
 hand shall get : according to the vow which he ""vowed, so he must do after the 
 law of his -separation. 
 
 1 Or, make themselves Nazarites. 
 
 * Heb. separation. 
 
 » will do something special (great). 
 
 * turtle-doves. 
 
 e separate again, 
 k meal-off ering. 
 
 2 Or, Nazariteship. 
 5 neh fall. 
 
 ^ must. 
 
 " Tent of Meeting. 
 •> guilt-offering. 
 ' thigh. 
 
 8 Heb. vine of the wine. 
 
 « fresh. 
 f on. 
 
 • oblation. 
 "» voweth. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 1. [Nazarite should ia strictness be written 
 Nazirite. The accepted spelling has no doubt 
 prevailed amongst Christians from its being sup- 
 posed that this vow is referred to in Matt. ii. 23. 
 The Bib. Comm. — Tr.]. The Nazirite, too, only 
 attains his full significance by his relation to the 
 army of God, to the affairs of Jehovah's kingdom. 
 He is in this relation the counterpart of the emu- 
 lous warrior ; he has submitted himself to a spe- 
 cial consecration to God, and therewith to death. 
 Such consecrations occur among all considerable 
 nations as heroism of spontaneous growth, espe- 
 
 cially among the Greeks and Romans, among 
 Germans and Swiss, and not only in the shape 
 of heroes, but also of heroines. To this class be- 
 long Kodrus, Leonidas, the two Decii Mus and 
 many others of later date, not to speak of heroic 
 army corps, both ancient and modern. Hence 
 the Naziriteship, may not be regarded as an ori- 
 ginal, theocratic institution, any more than the 
 institutions of divorce, of the oath, and similar 
 things. But it is to be regarded as a theocratic 
 arrangement which consecrated and sanctified a 
 natural disposition and tendency to heroic self- 
 sacrifice. 
 
 The Nazirite is, of course, related to the priest, 
 more nearly approached to the priest, as also the 
 
40 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 monk in Christian times, perhaps also in respect 
 to particular priestly rights. Indeed, in certain 
 respects, he submits to a stricter law. To the 
 priest indulgence in wine was only prohibited 
 before his entering on a sacred ceremony ; to 
 the Nazirite it was altogether prohibited. With 
 respect to avoiding uncleanness from contact with 
 the dead, he was even raised above the priest and 
 put on an equality with the high-priest. Yet he 
 must not be identified with the ascetic in his con- 
 templative tendency, as is done by Philo, Oehler, 
 Keil and others. It is true that the idea of uni- 
 versal priesthood appears in a stronger light in 
 the Naziriteship, possessing as it did equal rank 
 with the priesthood in many things, yet mainly 
 in a practical direction; although on the other 
 hand the former with their vows remind us of 
 the Nazirites. Again the Nazirite has some of 
 the characteristic traits of the prophet, with 
 whom, also, he is classed by Amos ii. 11. And 
 thai leads to the inference that the Nazirite is 
 always raised up by God for a special concern 
 of the kingdom of God. His aim is not spiritual 
 contemplation, or it would not be made so pro- 
 minent that he consecrates himself to Jehovah 
 in a special sense for a definite time. In this 
 
 sense also we understand the X732 ver. 2. Hence 
 the prophetic spirit, under the direction of the 
 spirit of revelation, might also call forth life-long 
 Naziriteships, pronouncing a special consecration 
 to God over children not yet born. But such 
 cases were, (hen, no arbitrary determinations of 
 the future of the child on the part of the parents, 
 such as occurred often in the middle ages, and 
 made miserable the monks Gottschalk and Ulrich 
 von Hutten. They were prophetic prognostica- 
 tions which the event justified, e. g. the times of 
 Samson, Samuel and John Baptist. Every one 
 of these proves that the Naziriteship had ever a 
 great theocratic purpose ; and the same may be 
 said of the Naziriteship of James the Little. It 
 only needs to be mentioned that in the Christian 
 world the idea of the Nazirite was changed into 
 a morally depraved caricature by the fourth 
 monastic vow, but which as such also revealed 
 beside a demoniacal power, and throws great sha- 
 dows into our time. 
 
 The union of the Naziriteship with practical 
 purposes appears in a great variety of waj's. 
 Samson was little disposed to contemplativeness ; 
 he was called to arouse in the children of Israel 
 the consciousness of superiority with respect to 
 the character of the Philistines. Thus, too, the 
 Naziriteship of Paul, to which he was moved to 
 submit himself by the counsel of the Nazirite 
 James (Acts xxi. 26), had a definite object, also 
 the union witti four other Naziriies, whose ex- 
 penses Paul paid. From the last mentioned fact 
 it appears, that the expenses of Nazirites, which 
 consisted especially in the appropriate ofi"eringi, 
 might for poor persons be paid by those hav- 
 ing means. In the history of Paul there ap- 
 pears already a very dark caricature of Nazi- 
 riteship in the forty men that had taken a vow 
 to kill him (Acts xxiii. 21). The appearance of 
 a disposition to Naziriteship appears plainly also 
 in the history of Daniel and of his three compa- 
 nions (Dan. i. 8), and not less in the history of 
 Judith (chap. ix.j. In the times of the Macca- 
 
 bees, when Israel was contending with heathen- 
 ism, Naziriteship again made itself felt (1 Mace, 
 iii. 49). '' Under Jannaeus there appeared once 
 a band of three hundred Nazirites," Oehler. 
 [See on all the points treated above Smith's Bib. 
 Diet., Art. Nazarite. — Tr. ]. 
 
 According to Knobel, this law of the Nazirite- 
 ship did not belong to the fundamental laws of 
 the theocracy. But why not ? " Especially be- 
 cause the Naziriteship was not enjoined, and not 
 even recommended, but only permitted, yet, of 
 course, when once undertaken it must conform 
 to definite rules." According to that criterion, 
 how many ordinances must be dropped out of 
 the fundamental laws of the theocracy ! Even of 
 the sacrifices, as has been remarked already, it 
 is said that they were not originally commanded 
 by Jehovah, but were only taken under control 
 and care, theocratically sanctified (Jer. vii. 22 ; 
 Amos V. 25). The literature relating to this 
 matter is given by Knobel, p. 25; Keil, p. 213. 
 Compare also Oehler's article Nazir'dat in Hek- 
 zoq's R.-Ene. The notices of the deliverances 
 of the Talmud, and also the divergence of theo- 
 logical interpretations in regard to this subject, 
 give undeniable indications of how the funda- 
 mental idea of the Naziriteship has become ob- 
 scured. Here is to be considered, too, the view 
 that would derive the Naziriteship from foreign 
 parts, especially from Egypt (Spencer, Micha- 
 ELis, S. Oehler, p. 206). The general, human 
 substratum of the Naziriteship is heroism. The 
 culminating points are: 1) the absolute prohibi- 
 tion to use wine, as the negative side of Nazi- 
 riteship. 2) The entire preservation of and 
 keeping pure the hair of the head, to which be- 
 longs also the injunction strictly to avoid conta- 
 mination from a dead body, or atonement in case 
 such contamination be incurred. 3) The extra- 
 ordinary festive sacrifice to be offered at the ex- 
 piration of the period of Naziriteship. 
 
 1. The Nazirite, ver. 2. Man or woman 
 might voluntarily determine to be such. Only 
 the vow of a woman, that was dependent on her 
 father or on her husband, was conditioneil on the 
 acquiescence of the masculine head. [For the 
 statement concerning woman's vows there is the 
 authority of chap. xxx. But there is only pro- 
 bable inference for the statement concerning ser- 
 vants. See Smith's Bib. Diet., art Vows. — Tr.]. 
 The same obtained in the case of vows of ser- 
 vants. The theocratic vow of parents regarding 
 a child was occasioned by the spirit of revelation, 
 as in Samson's case, whose mother was com- 
 manded to practise abstinence even until his 
 birth (Judg. j.iii.) ; or at least it was sanctioned 
 by this spirit, as in the case of Samuel, and thus 
 rested on prophetic prognosis. Such a vow, 
 therefore, abrogated the law of voluntariness as 
 little as docs infant baptism. 
 
 2. He shall separate himself from wine, 
 etc., vers, -'j, 4. Tlie primary obj'ict of this pro- 
 hibition is already intimated in the history of 
 Aaron's sons who were destroyed. Theocratic 
 enthusiasm must as strictly as possible be pre- 
 served pure from all disturbance by the spirit of 
 drunkenness. Hence the prohibition not only 
 of wine and of all spirituous, strong drink, not 
 only of flat wine, wiue or other vinegar, but even 
 
CHAP. VI. 1-21. 
 
 41 
 
 of grape juice just expressed (JT^E^D). The pro- 
 hibition is symbolically intensified and completed 
 by forbidding the enjoyment of fresh and even 
 of dried grapes (raisins). Keil's notion only 
 obscures the simple, fundamental thought, when 
 he says that the prohibition to use grapes looks 
 to abstinence from all deliciie carnis so damaging 
 tosanctification. The grape confections of Hosea 
 iii. 1 hardly serve to prove this. 
 
 The prince of the Mohamedan secret sect, 
 called The Old Man of the Mountain, sent forth 
 his assassins to the terror of the princes and 
 statesmen whom he would rob. These assassins 
 had also consecrated themselves to death, and 
 fortified themselves for their undertaking by in- 
 dulging in the fearfully intoxicating hashish. 
 From this word, Sylvester de Sacy derives the 
 designation Assassins. [See Ckambers' Encycl. 
 articles Hashish and Assassin. — Tr.]. So, too, 
 a modern conqueror sought to render his brave 
 Boldiers still braver by intoxication. 
 
 The mere abstinence from the use of wine did 
 not of itself alone make a Nazirite. This is 
 proved by the family of the Rechabites who 
 formed a sort of hereditary abstinence society in 
 the midst of Israel (Jer. xxxv. G, 7), according 
 to a command of their pairiarch Jonadab. The 
 same thing occurred now and then in the Orient, 
 and finally in Mohammedanism became a law of 
 world-wide influence. On the completion of his 
 Naziriteship the Nazirite might again drink wine ; 
 a proof that the abstinence was sanctioned only 
 for a special object. 
 
 3). Then shall no razor come upon his 
 head, etc., ver. 5. Tlie enthusiasm of the Nazi- 
 rite was not to be made fanatic by the use of 
 wine. On the other hand the consecrated growth 
 of the hair was to serve as a symbol and ani- 
 mating sign (seal) of the strength of that enthu- 
 siasm. On the variovis misconceptions of this 
 symbol, see Keil, p. 215. A sign of mourning, 
 MiCHAELis. A sign of separation, of renouncing 
 the world (monkishness), Hengstenberg. A 
 sign of more perfect freedom, Vitringa. On the 
 contrary, a sign of dependence, with reference 
 to 1 Cor. xi. 3, 16, Baumgarten. " Lev. xxv. 5, 
 11 gives a clue to the proper signification, ac- 
 cording to which, during the Sabbatic and Jubi- 
 lee years, the grape-vines were not pruned, but 
 suflFered to grow luxuriant, and their fruit was 
 not gathered, and which as such were called Na- 
 zirites. That is, the consecration of the vine is 
 accomplished by letting its whole productive 
 force develop unmolested, and by exempting 
 what it produced from profane (?) interference 
 and use. In like manner, the free growth of the 
 Nazirite's hair is the symbol of strength and ful- 
 ness of life," etc. The afl"air, however, seems to 
 be somewhat different. Not every bush in its 
 strength and fulness of life could be called a Na- 
 zirite. But the vine could be so-called, because 
 from its very nature it was the symbol of inspi- 
 ration and joy (.Jno. xv. 11). Thus the hair- 
 growth of the Nazirite would be the symbol of a 
 higher power of life, of an inspiration dedicated 
 to God. And this complete divine dedication of 
 this heroic vigor might be contaminated and de- 
 prived of its vigor ever so easily. It was not 
 noxious either to vigor, or to fulness of life, or 
 
 even to the symbol of it, the long growing hair, 
 when they came into the contaminating region 
 of a dead person ; but with this divinely conse- 
 crated growth of hair it was different. Its gleam, 
 its validity vanished in the neighborhood of the 
 dead. For the consecrated one becomes absorbed 
 in his consecration as if he were nothing but life 
 itself, and knew nothing but life. The siglit of a 
 corpse and contemplation of it can translate him 
 into the sentiment of vulgar reality, and the 
 beautiful faith of being invincible vanishes. Thus 
 the undesecrated hair of the Nazirite's heail, the 
 pledge of his consecration to God, which is at the 
 
 same time a wreath, a diadem ("^X-'.) of GoJ, that 
 God has placed on his head, a wreath of victory 
 put on him in advance, — that is, the proper sig- 
 nature of the Nazirite. The divine consecration 
 to God must be regarded by the theocrat above 
 all else as a consecratiou from God (as justifica- 
 tion underlies sanctification). It cannot be said 
 that this symbolism is merely conventional. 
 When, for example, Paul says (1 Cor. xi.) that 
 the woman ought, beside her uncut hair, to have 
 also a covering on her head, it does not denote 
 merely her dependence on the man, but also her 
 womanly dignify, which she has through the 
 man ; she is the 66^a of the man. But the man 
 must neither have long hair, nor cover his head 
 while he prays, because a direct, spiritual ray of 
 God rests on his head, that makes him appear an 
 image to God's honor. Because in the New Tes- 
 tament this is absolutely fulfilled, the symbol of 
 the Naziriteship is laid aside for him (whereas 
 the woman in the church must still be in depend- 
 ence on the man for the sake of order). On the 
 other hand the symbol still obtains in the Old 
 Testament, henoe the Jews remain covered during 
 worship, and hence for the Nazirite also the sym- 
 bol of letting the hair grow, also, under condi- 
 tions, for the Israelites generally (see Jer. vii. 
 29; compare, in reference to the priests. Lev. 
 xxi. 5). This significance of the hair of the head 
 obtains also among Gentile nations, see Knobel, 
 p. 29. Perhaps Absalom, with his long hair, 
 meant to play the part of a Nazirite along with 
 his other demagogical contrivances, and the Jews 
 have regarded him as a Nazirite (see Oehler, 
 p. 20(1). 
 
 4. The period of the vow. According to ver. 6, 
 this is entirely indefinite. It depends on the 
 self-determination of the Nazirite. The later 
 Rabbinical limitation : the shortest time is thirty 
 days, springs from their ignoring the original 
 idea. 
 
 5. He shall come at no dead body, and 
 he shall not defile himself by funeral usages. On 
 this point the conditions are stricter for the Na- 
 zirite than for the priest, and, as has been already 
 remarked, he standson a par with the high priest 
 (see Lev. xxvii. 11). But it may happen that in 
 an unlocked for way some one may die beside 
 him, in his immediate proximity, so that accord- 
 ing to Levitical law, he becomes unclean. Then 
 he is unclean for seven days (xix. 11, 14, 16; 
 xxxi. 19), and moreover the consecration of his 
 head is nullified. " The defiled hair must be re- 
 moved," says Knobel, " since it especially takes 
 (!) and retains (!) such uncleanness (see Lev. 
 xiv. 8), indeed, at the expiration of the Nazirite- 
 
42 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 ship, it could not be offered to God." See the 
 same author with reference to a similar custom 
 among the Syrians. Ou the eighth day the puri- 
 fication of the Nazirite is accomplished by a sac- 
 rifice, as in the case of other acts of purification 
 (see Lev. xv.), by a pair of doves as a sin-offer- 
 ing and burnt-offering, to which is added a Iamb 
 of a year old as a guili-offeriug. Kxobel ex- 
 plains the guilt-offering in an extraordinary way 
 p. 27) ; by his heedlessness the time is protracted 
 in wliich he has withdrawn himself from his duty 
 to his family by his idle life. Then he would 
 have had to bring a capital guilt-offering at the 
 expiration of his Naziriteship. The fellowship 
 of death, into which he was inadvertently brought, 
 was a communion of guilt ; for guilt is the com- 
 munion of the consequence of sin. Since, how- 
 ever, the Naziriteship was not a thing to be car- 
 ried out piece-meal, as the reading of a breviary, 
 the days so far accomplished were lost (Heb. 
 fall). He must begin over again. Hence on 
 the seventh day he must shear his head; the 
 hair, as something desecrated, was simply cast 
 away ; according to tradition, it was buried. 
 
 In the case of a lifelong Naziriteship, the notion 
 of the defilement of the hair seems to have been 
 disregarded, e. g., in Samson's case (Oehler, p. 
 206). We will not enter here on the question, 
 whether Samson's long hair was properly the 
 "vehicle" of his strength. Anyway the growth 
 of the hair was the usual symbol of a Nazirite; 
 but the symbol in conjunction with the heart, is 
 never mere symbol, but a vehicle, though an ethi- 
 cal acid not a magical one. 
 
 6. The festival offering at the close. It is 
 twice called the law of the Nazirite, vers. 13, 
 21, and it is assumed that, something great has 
 been performed. One he lamb for a burnt- 
 offeiing; one ewe lamb for a sin offering: one 
 ram for a peace offering (ver. 14). This recalls 
 the great peace offering at the priest's consecra- 
 tion (Lev. ix.). The sin-offering allows us to 
 infer, that even a Naziriteship is not carried out 
 without shortcomings. But it is a small offering, 
 and only follows the burnt-offering. But the ram 
 of the Nazirite is more or less like the most su- 
 perior sacrifices. '* And he must bring a basket 
 of unleavened bread of wave flour, i. e., with un- 
 leavened pastry of fine wheat flour, expressly 
 cakes mixed with oil, and wafers anointed with 
 oil (see Lev. ii. 4), and their meal offering and 
 drink offering, i. e., according to xv. 3 sqq., the 
 oblations of meal, cakes and wine belonging to 
 the burnt-offering and thank offering," ver. 15. 
 
 The construction of ver. lo is not quite clear, 
 but is likely to be construed according to ver. 
 16 (both meal-offering and drink-offering). Tlie 
 most myj-terious, and likely, too, the most im- 
 portant ottering is, in this case, the hair of the 
 Nazirite's head (ver. 18). He must shear or 
 cut it himself, and then cast it into the fire that 
 burns under the peace-offering. Thus he oft'ers 
 his hero-ornament to Jehovali as a whole sacri- 
 fice; he gives the Lokd tlie glory for the beau- 
 tiful work accomplished. 
 
 His consecrated hair was the counterpart of 
 the diadem of the high-priest. It is reflected 
 in the most various forms; in waving helmet 
 plumes, iron crosses, horse-tails, eagle feathers. 
 But these adumbrations of heroism are seldom 
 
 offered quite pure to Jehovah. But the Nazirite 
 gives glory to God, as the elders of the Church 
 triumphant cast down their crowns before the 
 Lamb (Rev. iv. 10). 
 
 The repast of the peace-ofl'ering (ver. 19) 
 concludes all, of which the priest, beside the 
 wave breast and the heave thigh and two cakes 
 out of the basket, receives the shoulder (the 
 upper part of the fore quarter). According to 
 Keil, this signified that the table communion 
 with the Lord, shadowed forth in the repast of 
 the peace-ofl'ering, took place in an eminent 
 degree. But the peace-ofl'ering meal, as has 
 already been remarked, is a meal of the one 
 making the offering, in which Jehovah takes 
 part, represented by His priest. Thus, then, 
 the allowance of the shoulder says that the Na- 
 zirite can give more of what he enjoys Jo Jehovah 
 than common sacrificers. 
 
 After the conclusion of the vow, the Nazirite 
 could drink wine again, ver. 20. 
 
 On offerings of hair, besides those mentioned 
 in the Bible, see Oehler, and especially Kno- 
 BEL, p. 29. The conventional ingredient in the 
 meaning of the hair appears prominently in a 
 war of the Argives with the Lacedaemonians. 
 The former made a vow to cut their hair, the 
 latter to let- their hair grow (Weber, Lehrbuch 
 der Weltgesch, I., p. 145). 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 1. [The Nazirite would be an extraordinary 
 servant of Jehovah, a devoted hero in the sphere 
 of divine things, i. e. of religion. The scriptu- 
 ral examples of Naziriteship do not give an 
 instance of devotion to a particular deed. They 
 were rather with reference to a general aim. 
 The inspiration to special deeds in harmony 
 with their consecration came to them in the 
 course of their separation, and might be ex- 
 pected so to come. The rules of abstinence, 
 the long hair, etc., marked them as consecrated 
 and ready for extraordinary duty. The service 
 was noble, whether it fell to the lot of the Na- 
 zirite actually to do a heroic deed or not, pro- 
 vided only the condition of the vow were strictly 
 adhered to. During the wanderings, men or 
 women might become Nazirites of special devo- 
 tion to the hope of entering the promised land, 
 and thus of the earnest, uncomplaining pilgrim- 
 age, following hard after God in all his lead- 
 ings. 
 
 The notion of something extraordinary, doing 
 something more than others, is mord than im- 
 plied ; it is expressed in the verb \sl^\ ver. 2. 
 For it does not appear why the verb s'hould not 
 have the meaning actually ascribed to it else- 
 where, excepting where used in connection with 
 vows. Yet in Lev. xxvii. 2 this universal sense 
 
 is allowed. The noun nSs is always rendered 
 "wonderful thing." The meaning (rf" ver. 2 
 would then be: When a man or woman would 
 do something extraordinary by vowing a Nazi- 
 rite vow> " Si inirandum aliquis facer it.'' Mun- 
 sfer vers. Facius. 
 
 The Lord Jesus sets before all that would fol- 
 low Him the ideal of Ihe Nazarite when He 
 
CHAP. VI. 22-27. 
 
 43 
 
 says: " What do ye more than others?" Matt. 
 T. 47. [Que faites-vous d extraordinaire? French 
 Tersion. See Vinet's sermon on this text in 
 his Nouveaux Discours, etc., p. 128.) 
 
 2. Vera. 9-12. "More was required for the 
 purifying of the Nazirite than of any other per- 
 son that had touched a dead body. This teaches 
 us, that sins of infirmity, and the faults we are 
 overtaken in by surprise, must be seriously 
 repented of, and that an application must be 
 made of the virtue of Christ's sacrifice to our 
 souls for the forgiveness of them every day, 1 
 John ii. 1, 2. It teaches us, also, that if those 
 v?ho make an eminent profession of religion do 
 anything to sully the reputation of their profes- 
 sion, more is expected from them than others, 
 for the retrieving both of their peace and of 
 their credit." M. Henry. 
 
 3. Vers. 13-21. "And when the Christian is 
 finishing his course of faith and holiness, of 
 8elf-denial and bearing the cross, and is about 
 
 to close his eyes in death, and open them in the 
 realms of uninterrupted joy; he will still ac- 
 knowledge that he has nothing to trust to but 
 the blood of Christ, since the best which he hath 
 done is mixed with sin, and needs forgiveness; 
 he will give glory to the Lord of all that he 
 hath done in any measure well, and depart, 
 perhaps, with joyful, at least with peaceful ex- 
 pectations for the future, to go and drink the 
 new wine of the kingdom witlj his beloved Re- 
 deemer in the realms of bliss." Scott. — Tr.] 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Chap. vi. 1-21. The Nazirite a type of Chris- 
 tian self-denial. The theocratic hero a type of 
 Christian heroism. Difference between the free 
 Naziriteship and the unfree mouasticisra. The 
 former a holy form related to a holy object. 
 The sombre counterfeit of the Naziriteship (un- 
 holy objects, unholy means). 
 
 SIXTH SECTION. 
 
 The Blessing on God's Army. 
 Chapter VI. 22-27. 
 
 22, 23 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Speak unto Aaron and unto his 
 
 sons, saying. On this wise ye shall bless the children of Israel, "saying unto them, 
 
 24, 25 The Lord bless thee, and keep thee : The Lord make his face shine upon thee, 
 
 26 and be gracious unto thee : The Lord lift up his countenance upon thee, and give 
 
 27 thee peace. And they shall put my name upon the children of Israel, and I will 
 bless them. 
 
 say. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 1. Now that the army of God is established in 
 every respect, the next thing is to declare its 
 signature and destiny. The name of Jehovah 
 shall be shed over it as the brightness of the 
 sun: on Jehovah's part this name shall rest on 
 it; on its part it shall bear this name. To bear 
 the name of Jehovah, the revelation of the cove- 
 nant God' in its universal historical significance, 
 and bear it forth into the world, and especially 
 itselt to be blessed and become great in this 
 name, as this destination was already intimated 
 in the germ in the name of Shem, such is its 
 great, concentric, exclusive vocation, toward 
 which all its wars and victories should point. 
 See Gen. xii. sqq.; Isa. xlii. sqq. Aaron and 
 his sons were to be continuously the organs of 
 the blessings into which this benediction would 
 develop. 
 
 The one benediction subdivides into three chief 
 blessings, and each blessing again into two 
 members. It is a number six, that becomes in 
 the unity of the name Jehovah the number 
 eeveo. 
 
 2. The first blessing forms not only the gene- 
 ral foundation of the whole benediction, of the 
 entire salvation of revelation, but is at the same 
 time the first special blessing. Jehovah bless 
 thee, i. e. direct upon thee all prosperity in 
 immeasurable progression ; and keep thee, 
 i. e. ward ofi" every curse, all adversity from 
 thee. That is the peace of the gracious provi- 
 dence of God, according to its two aspects. His 
 positive and negative governance. 
 
 3. In the second blessing, the light of 
 Jehovah's countenance rises on Israel. 
 On the meaning of His countenance see the 
 Bihle-work on Gen. xii. 1-20, ^ 5, and the related 
 passages in Exodus. The effect of the shining 
 of the countenance of God, which Israel was the 
 first to experience, is the experience of His re- 
 demption that blots out guilt. His grace. 
 
 4. The third blessing might appear to be iden- 
 tical with the second were one to take the 
 VJ3 ^'I'i only in its current sense, and the re- 
 curring ^wX just as in the second blessing. 
 But, according to the progress of the thought, 
 the countenance of Jehovah rises up over Israel 
 in kindness, and thence sinks deep down on it; 
 
44 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 it operates penetratingly as the sun in the ze- 
 nith. Hence its operation manifests itself as 
 peace, and if one take the D-lti' in its full signi- 
 ficance, then the second clause says: establish 
 peace for thee, peace ^ar excellence. 
 
 Thus if the name of God is laid on Israel 
 from above, so, too, Israel is therewith in this 
 name raised high aloft. 
 
 On the reference of this wonderful benedic- 
 tion to the mystery of the Trinity, see Keil. 
 It is not to be ignored, that the number three 
 may be regarded as an Old Testament form of 
 emphasis, and the six members as a three-fold 
 parallelism of members. But just as little should 
 one ignore that the three economies of divine 
 revelation are very plainly reflected in this 
 benediction. And thus it forms one of the most 
 glorious of the typical germs of New Testament 
 revelation in the Old Testament. 
 
 Knobel is of the opinion that the Elohist cited 
 the Aaronic blessing already in Lev. ix. 22. 
 But he overlooks the distinction between bless- 
 ing in general and this blessing. 
 
 [And they shall put my name, etc. Ver. 
 27. " Hence we gather that whatsoever the 
 ministers of the Church do by God's command 
 is ratified by Him with a real and solid result; 
 Bince He declares nothing by His ministers 
 
 which He will not Himself fulfil and perform by 
 the eflBcacy of His Spirit. But we must observe 
 that He does not so transfer the office of bless- 
 ing to His priests as to resign His rights to 
 them ; for after having entrusted this ministry 
 to them, He claims the accomplishment of the 
 thing for Himself alone." Calvin. — Tr.] 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Chap. vi. 22-27. The Aaronic Blessing. A 
 blessing of unity [einhdtlicher Segen) for the peo- 
 ple of God in their unity. For its departure 
 into the world. The three-foldness of the 
 Aaronic blessing no system, but a germ of the 
 doctrine of the Trinity. The three blessings 
 singly. Their gradation. The Aaronic blessing 
 in the light of the New Testament. The six 
 parts of the three parts of the blessing (bless, 
 keep — making the face shine, be gracious — let- 
 ting down the countenance on thee [by the 
 Spirit] and the peace). Thus Jehovah blesses 
 His own Himself by His servants. All blessing 
 of God is included in His name, in His revela- 
 tion of salvation. The name of God is to be 
 distinguished from His being, but is the impress 
 of His being in religious contemplation. The 
 priest is to bless ; the congregation pronounces 
 the curse. 
 
 SEVENTH SECTION. 
 
 Chaps. VII. VIII. 
 
 The Endowment of the Tabernacle as the Future Centre of the Army of God, 
 the Dwelling of Jehovah, by the Oflfering of the Princes. 
 
 Chapter VII. 1-89. 
 
 1 And it came to pass on the day that Moses had *fully set up the tabernacle, and 
 had anointed it, and sanctified it, and all the "instruments thereof, "both the altar 
 
 2 and all the vessels thereof, and had anointed them, and sanctified them ; That the 
 princes of Israel, heads of ""the house of their fathers, *who were the princes of the 
 
 3 tribes, ^*and were over them that were ^numbered, offered : And they brought their 
 'offering before the Lord, six covered wagons, and twelve oxen ; a wagon for two 
 of the princes, and for each one an ox : and they brought them before the taber- 
 
 4, 5 nacle. And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Take it of them, that they 
 may be to do the service of the ^tabernacle of the congregation ; and thou shalt 
 
 6 give them unto the Levites, to every man according "to his service. And Moses 
 
 7 took the wagons and the oxen, and gave them unto the Levites. Two wagons and 
 
 8 four oxen he gave unto the sons of Gershon, according "to their service: And four 
 wagons and eight oxen he gave unto the sons of Merari, according "unto their ser- 
 
 9 vice, under the hand of Ithamar the son of Aaron the priest. But unto the sons 
 of Kohath he gave none : because the service of the sanctuary 'belonging unto 
 them ^was that they should bear upon their shoulders. 
 
 10 And the princes offered 'for dedicating of the altar in the day that it was 
 
 11 anointed, even the princes offered their offering before the altar. And the Lord 
 said unto Moses, They shall offer their 'offering, each prince on his day, for the 
 dedicating of the altar. 
 
CHAP. VII. 1-89. 45 
 
 12 And he that offered his 'offering the first day was Nahshon the son of Ammina- 
 
 13 dab, of the tribe of Judah : And his 'offering was one silver charger, the weight 
 whereof ti'as a hundred and thirty shekels, one silver bowl of seventy shekels, after 
 the shekel of the sanctuary ; both of them were full of fine flour mingled with oil 
 
 14, 15 for a "meat offering: One "spoon of ten shekels of gold, full of incense: One 
 
 16 young bullock, one ram, one lamb °of the first year, for a burnt offex'ing: One ^kid 
 
 17 of the goats for a sin offering: And for a sacrifice of peace offerings, two oxen, five 
 rams, five he goats, five lambs "of the first year : this was the offering of Nahshon 
 the son of Amminadab. 
 
 18 On the second day Nethaneel the son of Zuar, prince of Issachar, did offer: 
 
 19 He offered for his 'offering one silver charger, the weight whereof ivas a hundred 
 and thirty shekels, one silver bowl of seventy shekels, after the shekel of the sanc- 
 
 20 tuary ; both of them full of fine flour mingled with oil for a "meat offering : One 
 
 21 "spoon of gold of ten shekels, fnW of incense: One young bullock, one ram, one 
 
 22 lamb °of the first year, for a burnt offering : One ^kid of the goats for a sin offering: 
 
 23 And for a sacrifice of peace offerings, two oxen, five rams, five he goats, five lambs 
 "of the first year : this was the 'offering of Nethaneel the sou of Zuar. 
 
 24 On the third day Eliab the son of Helon, prince of the children of Zebulun, did 
 
 25 offer: His 'offering was one silver charger, the weight whereof teas a "hundred and 
 thirty shekels, one silver bowl of seventy shekels, after the shekel of the sanctuary; 
 
 26 both of them full of fine flour mingled with oil for a ™meat offering : One golden 
 
 27 "spoon often shekels, full of incense: One young bullock, one ram, one lamb °of 
 
 28 the first year, for a burnt offering : One ""kid of the goats for a sin offering : 
 
 29 And for a sacrifice of peace-offerings, two oxen, five rams, five he goats, five lambs 
 "of the first year : this was the ^offering of Eliab the son of Helon. 
 
 30 On the fourth day Elizur the son of Shedeur, prince of the children of Keuben, 
 
 31 did offer : His 'offering was one silver charger of the weight of a hundred and thirty 
 shekels, one silver bowl of seventy shekels, after the shekel of the sanctuary ; both 
 
 32 of them full of fine flour mingled with oil for a "meat offering: One golden "spoon 
 
 33 of ten shekels, full of incense : One young bullock, one ram, one lamb "of the first 
 34, 35 year, for a burnt offering : One ^kid of the goats for a sin offering : And for a 
 
 sacrifice of peace offerings, two oxen, five rams, five he goats, five lambs "of the 
 first year : this ivas the 'offering of Elizur the son of Shedeur. 
 
 36 On the fifth day Shelumiel the son of Zurishaddai, prince of the children of 
 
 37 Simeon, did offer : His 'offering ivas one silver charger, the weight whereof ivas a 
 hundred and thirty shekels, one silver bowl of seventy shekels, after the shekel of 
 the sanctuary ; both of them full of fine flour mingled with oil for a "meat offering: 
 
 38, 39 One golden "spoon of ten shekels, full of incense : One young bullock, one ram, 
 
 40 one lamb of the first year, for a burnt offering : One ^kid of the goats for a sin 
 
 41 offering : And for a sacrifice of peace offerings, two oxen, five rams, five he goats, 
 five lambs "of the first year : this was the 'offering of Shelumiel the son of Zuri- 
 shaddai. 
 
 42 On the sixth day Eliasaph the son of Deuel, prince of the children of Gad, 
 
 43 offered : His foffering was one silver charger of the Aveight of a hundred and thirty 
 shekels, a silver bowl of seventy shekels, after the shekel of the sanctuary : both 
 
 44 of them full of fine flour mingled with oil for a "meat offering : One golden "spoon 
 
 45 of ten shekels, full of incense : One young bullock, one ram, one lamb "of the first 
 46, 47 year, for a burnt offering : One ^kid of the goats for a sin offering : And for a 
 
 sacrifice of peace offerings, two oxen, five rams, five he goats, five lambs "of the 
 fii-st year : this was the 'offering of Eliasaph the son of Deuel. 
 
 48 On the seventh day Elishama the son of Aramihud, prince of the children of 
 
 49 Ephraim, offered : His 'offering was one silver charger, the weight whereof was a 
 hundred and thirty shekels, one silver bowl of seventy shekels, after the shekel of 
 the sanctuary ; both of them full of fine flour mingled with oil for a "meat offering ; 
 
46 NUMBERS. 
 
 50, 51 One golden "spoon of ten shekels, full of incense : One young bullock, one ram, 
 
 52 one lamb °of the first year, for a burnt offering : One ^kid of the goats for a sin 
 
 53 offering: And for a sacrifice of peace offerings, two oxen, five rams, five he goats, 
 five lambs "of the first year : this was the 'offering of Elishama the son of Am- 
 mihud. 
 
 54 On the eighth day offered Gamaliel the son of Pedahzur, prince of the children 
 
 55 of Manasseh : His 'offering was one silver charger of the weight of a hundred and 
 thirty shekels, one silver bowl of seventy shekels, after the shekel of the sanctuary: 
 
 56 both of them full of fine flour mingled with oil for a ""meat offering : One golden 
 
 57 "spoon of ten shekels, fiill of incense : One young bullock, one ram, one lamb °of 
 
 58 the first year, for a burnt offering : One "kid of the goats for a sin offering : 
 
 59 And for a sacrifice of peace offerings, two oxen, five rams, five he-goats, five lambs 
 °of the first year : this was the 'offering of Gamaliel the son of Pedahzur. 
 
 60 On the ninth day Abidan the son of Gideoni, prince of the children of Benjamin, 
 
 61 offered: His 'offering was one silver charger, the weight whereof iras a hundred and 
 thirty shekels, one silver bowl of seventy shekels, after the shekel of the sanctuary : 
 
 62 both of them full of fine flour mingled with oil for a "meat offering : One golden 
 
 63 "spoon of ten shekels, full of incense : One young bullock, one ram, one lamb °of 
 
 64 the first year, for a burnt offering : One ^kid of the goats for a sin offering : 
 
 65 And for a sacrifice of peace offerings, two oxen, five rams, five he goats, five lambs 
 "of the first year : this was the 'offering of Abidan the son of Gideoni. 
 
 66 On the tenth day Ahiezer the son of Ammishaddai, prince of the children of 
 
 67 Dan, offered : His 'offering tvas one silver charger, the weight whereof was a hun- 
 dred and thirty shekels, one silver bowl of seventy shekels, after the shekel of the 
 sanctuary ; both of them full of fine flour mingled with oil for a "meat offering : 
 
 68, 69 One golden "spoon often shekels, full of incense: One young bullock, one ram, 
 
 70 one lamb° of the first year, for a burnt offering : One ^kid of the goats for a sin 
 
 71 offering : And for a sacrifice of peace offerings, two oxen, five rams, five he goats, 
 five lambs °of the first year : this was the 'ofiering of Ahiezer the son of Ammi- 
 shaddai. 
 
 72 On the eleventh day Pagiel the son of Ocran, prince of the children of Asher, 
 
 73 offered : His 'offering was one silver charger, the weight whereof was a hundred 
 and thirty shekels, one silver bowl of seventy shekels, after the shekel of the sanc- 
 
 74 tuary ; both of them full of fine flour mingled with oil for a "meat offering : One 
 
 75 golden "spoon of ten shekels, full of incense : One young bullock, one ram, one 
 
 76 lamb "of the first year, for a burnt offering : One ^kid of the goats for a sin offering : 
 
 77 And for a sacrifice of peace offerings, two oxen, five rams, five he goats, five lambs 
 "of the first year : this was the 'offering of Pagiel the son of Ocran. 
 
 78 On the twelfth day Ahira the son of Enan, prince of the children of Naphtali, 
 
 79 offered: His 'offering was one silver charger, the weight whereof ivas a hundred 
 and thirty shekels, one silver bowl of seventy shekels, after the shekel of the sanc- 
 
 80 tuary : both of them full of fine flour mingled with oil for a "meat offering : One 
 
 81 golden "spoon of ten shekels, full of incense : One young bullock, one ram, one 
 
 82 lamb "of the first year, for a burnt offering : One "kid of the goats for a sin offering : 
 
 83 And for a sacrifice of peace offerings, two oxen, five rams, five he goats, five lambs 
 °of the first year : this was the 'offering of Ahira the son of Enan. 
 
 84 This was the 'dedication of the altar, in the day when it was anointed, by the 
 princes of Israel : twelve chargers of silver, twelve silver bowls, twelve "spoons of 
 
 85 gold : Each charger of silver weighing a hundred and thirty shekels, each bowl 
 seventy : all the silver vessels weighed two thousand and four hundred shekels, 
 
 86 after the shekel of the sanctuary: The golden "spoons were twelve, full of incense, 
 weighing ten shekels apiece, after the shekel of the sanctuary : all the gold of the 
 
 87 "spoons was a hundred and twenty shekels. All the oxen for the burnt offering 
 were twelve bullocks, the rams twelve, the lambs "of the first year twelve, with 
 
CHAP. VII. 1-89. 
 
 47 
 
 88 their "meat offering : and the ^kids of the goats for sin-offering twelve. And all 
 the oxen for the sacrifice of the peace-offerings were twenty and four bullocks, the 
 rams sixty, the he-goats sixty, the lambs of the first year sixty. This was the 
 
 89 'dedication of the altar, after that it was anointed. And when Moses was gone 
 into the tabernacle of the congregation to speak with ^him, then he heard the 
 voice ""of one speaking unto him from off the mercy seat that ivas upon the ark of 
 testimony, from between the two cherubim : and he spake unto him. 
 
 1 Heb. who stood. 
 ■ finished setting vp. 
 
 « That is, God. 
 
 *> vessels. 
 ' oblation. " « Tent of Meeting. 
 
 1 a dedication-gift. ™ meal-offering. 
 
 V he-goat. 4 omit o/ one. 
 
 « and. * their fathers'' houses. 
 
 >» to the proportion of . ' belonged. 
 
 " Oowl ; saucer, Bunsen, Zunz. 
 
 • thesf. 
 
 k tliet) bare. 
 • a year old. 
 
 musterfd. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 1. In this section, also, we have not to do with 
 scattered elements, but solely with the furnish- 
 ing of the Tabernacle for leading the campaign, 
 viz., 80 far as this is affected by the otfering of 
 the princes of the tribe, and (in chap, viii.) by 
 the ofBce of Moses, the functions of Aaron and 
 the service of the Levites. 
 
 The expression on the day that Moses J5n- 
 ished setting up the tabernacle, ver. 1, must 
 not be pressed, as if the gifts of the princes be- 
 gan immediately after the erection of the Taber- 
 nacle and the anointing of the Sanc'uary [see 
 the view of Keil and others at i. 1 — Tr.]. The 
 actual order, according to which the gifts of the 
 princes follow here, must also have its founda- 
 tion in the order of time. Between the erection 
 of the Tabernacle on the first day of the first 
 month (Exod. xl. 17) and the beginning of the 
 march from Sinai on the twentieth day of the 
 second month (Num. x. 11) there intervened about 
 fifty days. Of these, say, ten were used for the 
 anointings and consecration of the priests, at the 
 end, say, twenty for the preparations (viii. — x. 
 10), then there remain still twenty days for the 
 outline of legislation that lies between, especially 
 as the numbering of the people fell in this period 
 only in respect to its formal conclusion. Besides 
 this, there is no necessity to force a literal redac- 
 tion into this period. 
 
 2. The significance of this whole section [in- 
 cluding chap, viii.] appears at once from the of- 
 fering first made' by the princes in common : six 
 wagons (see more particularly in Knobel and 
 Keil) and twelve oxen. Of these, Moses gave 
 two wagons [with the four accompanying oxen] 
 to the Gersonites, because they had in charge 
 the transportation of the lighter articles, the co- 
 verings. To the Merarites he gave four wagons 
 [and eight oxen] because they must transport 
 the heavy planks and pillars. The Kohathites 
 got no wagons, because they were to carry the 
 holy vessels, the actual Sanctuary, on bearing- 
 poles. 3^ r>lj;tMs rendered "state carriages" 
 by the LXX. ; "freight wagons" by the Vul- 
 o.\TE. Knobel says: wagons that went gently 
 or softly, which could be true only of four-wheeled 
 wagons, whereas Keil says two-wheeled wagons. 
 
 3. Vers. 10-88. Following the preceding gift, 
 the princes give singly their offerings for the 
 requirements of the Tabernacle itself, but all of 
 them the same quota, and that in the order in 
 
 which they were named at the numbering of the 
 people. The particularization of the gifts is 
 made prominent by each one having his particu- 
 lar day for making his offering. The offerings 
 are as follows : 
 
 1) A silver charger of 130 shekels weight ; 2) 
 a silver bowl (both filled with sacrificial flour and 
 oil for a meal-offering) ; 3) a golden paten full 
 of incense ; 4) a bullock, a ram, a male sheep of 
 a year old for a burnt-offering; 5) a mature he- 
 goat for a sin-offering; 6) two oxen, five rams, 
 five young he- goats, and five male sheep a year 
 old for a thank-offering. The adding up of all 
 the offerings follows in vers. 84-88. The sum of 
 all the silver is reckoned at 2,400 shekels ; the 
 sum of all the gold at 120 shekels. 
 
 ["If a silver shekel be taken, roughly, as 
 weighing 2-5 of a shilling, and a golden s^hekel 
 1-15 of a sovereign, the intrinsic worth, by weight 
 of each silver charger will be 325s., of each bowl 
 17Js., of each golden spoon 230s. Consequently 
 the aggregate worth, by weight, of the whole of 
 the offerings will be £438. But the real worth 
 'of such a sum, when measured by the prices of 
 clothing and food at that time, must have been 
 vastly greater. It must not be forgotten, too, 
 that the Tabernacle ifsf If had been recently con- 
 structed at a vast cost." The Bib. Comm. — Tr.]. 
 
 The gradual presentation of these ofi'erings, 
 with festive pauses, before the eyes of the nation, 
 served not merely to awaken universal sacrificial 
 rejoicing; the nation must also have a view of 
 the glittering treasures which, as the army of 
 God, it was for the future to protect, and which 
 were so much the more valuable to it because 
 they served as a symbol of the spiritual treasures 
 of Israel, and for the mediation of those treasures. 
 [It is natural to inquire, why this prolixity in 
 narrating the principal transactions of this chap- 
 ter ? For substance the whole is told in vers. 
 10, 11, 84-88. Why then this great repetition? 
 The suggestions of Dr. L.\nge above may be some 
 explanation of the immediate effect intended by 
 these transactions, which it is conjectured., and 
 no doubt correctly, took place in a public and 
 solemn way. But that does not account for the 
 manner of recording the transactions. That was 
 written, not for their sakes alone, but for our 
 learning, that we through patience and comfort 
 of the scriptures might have hope (Rom. iv. 23 ; 
 XV. 4). On this point the comment of M. Henry 
 represents the proper view. "God appointed 
 that it should thus be done on several days : that 
 an equal honor might thereby be put on each 
 several tribe ; in Aaron's breast-plate each had 
 
48 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 his precious stone, so in this offering each had 
 his day. All their oflerings were exactly the 
 same, without any variation, though it is pro- 
 bable that neither the princes nor the tribes were 
 all alike rich. But thus it was intimated that all 
 the tribes of Israel had an equal share in the 
 altar, and an equal interest in the sacrifices that 
 were offered upon it. Though one tribe was 
 posted more honorably in the camp than another, 
 yel they and their services were all alike accept- 
 able to God. Nor must we have the faith of our 
 Lord Jesus Christ with respect to persons, Jas. ii. 
 1. Though the offerings were all the same, yet 
 the account of them is repeated at large for each 
 tribe, in the same words. We are sure there are 
 no vain repetitions in scripture ; what then shall 
 we make of these repetitions ? Might it not have 
 served, to say of this noble jury, that the same 
 offering which their foreman brought, each on 
 his day brought likewise? No, God would have 
 it specified for each tribe. And why so? (1) 
 It was for the encouragement of these princes, 
 and of their respective tribes, that, each of their 
 offerings being recorded at large, no slight might 
 seem to be put upon them; for rich and poor 
 meet together before God. (2) It was for the 
 encouragement of all generous acts of piety and 
 charity, by letting us know that what is given is 
 lent to the Lord, and He carefully records it, 
 with every one's name prefixed to his gift, be- 
 cause what is so given He will pay again. He 
 is not unrighteous to forget either the cost or the 
 labor of love ( Heb. vi. 10). We find Christ taking 
 particular notice of what was cast into the trea- 
 sury (Mark xii. 41)." 
 
 We have thus a sample of sacred, divine book- 
 keeping, whose separate lesson is that God is 
 careful in all dealings with His people down to 
 details and minutiae. And this revelation is so 
 comforting that we must not grudge the large 
 space allowed to these entries, and wish that they 
 were replaced by records that would clear up 
 many things in this part of Scripture that are 
 now very obscure. 
 
 Moreover this chapter may be appealed to in 
 proof of the genuineness of this book. A later 
 author would never have dreamed of composing 
 such a record as this. — Tr.]. 
 
 According to Keil, all these sacrificial beasts 
 were immediately sacrificed day by day as they 
 were presented. " And, indeed, not as provi- 
 sion for the future, but for immediate consump- 
 tion according to usage." Keti, seems to distin- 
 guish too liitle between offering and killing. 
 
 The expression '3''^p21_ applies equally well to 
 
 the offerings of wagons and of metallic vessels. 
 Such an aimless consumption of so valuable a 
 stock of animals close on the departure of the 
 expedition is not intimated by any mention of 
 sacrificial ceremony in the narrower sense. More- 
 over the complete consecration of the altar took 
 place, according to Lev. ix., directly after the 
 erection of the Tabernacle. The expression 
 niijn [" dedication-gift," vers. 10, 84, 88], ac- 
 cording to the verb and Ps. xxx. 1, does not so 
 much designate the first, solemn consecration, 
 but the consecration by the first continuous use. 
 Were the one hundred oxen, etc., that, according 
 to Ezra vi. 17, served for the consecration of the 
 
 new temple, slaughtered on one day or feast ? 
 This, says ver. 88, is the dedication of the altar 
 after it had been anointed. 
 
 4. And \vhen Moses w^as gone into the 
 Tent of Meeting, ver. 89. The proper soul of 
 the Tabernacle was God's spirit of revelation as 
 it conversed with Moses, and through him made 
 itself known to the people. When Moses 'went 
 into the Tent of Meeting (it was primarily a 
 tent of the meeting of Jehovah with Moses) to 
 speak vyith Him [i. e., of course with Jehovah 
 who was there enthroned). The discourse of Jeho- 
 vah alternated with the inquiries and petitions, with 
 the prayer-life of the prophet. Then he heard 
 the voice of Him that made Himself speak 
 ("13T0 Hithp. the one condescending to converse) 
 
 •writh him from off the mercy seat. — There 
 
 came to him the voice of revelation from off the 
 mercy-seat that was on the ark between the che- 
 rubim. Keil seems to assume that only one oc- 
 currence is spoken of here. But obviously what 
 is spoken of is the form of revelation that ob- 
 tained continually during the expedition of the 
 army. 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 [The following edifying reflections are from 
 M. Henry, whose comments often most sparkle 
 with wit and wisdom from above where others 
 find the record dry as a ledger. 
 
 On ver. 2. "Those that are above others in 
 power and dignity, ought to go before others, 
 and endeavor to go beyond them, in everything 
 that is good. The more any are advanced, the 
 more is expected from them, for the greater op- 
 portunity they have of serving God and their 
 generation. What are wealth and authority good 
 for, but as they enable a man to do so much more 
 good in the world." 
 
 " No sooner is the Tabernacle fully set up, than 
 this provision is made for the removal of it. Note. 
 Even when we are but just settled in the world, 
 and think we are beginning to take root, we must 
 be preparing for changps and removes, especially 
 for the great change. When we are here in this 
 world, everything must be accommodated to a 
 militant and moveable state." 
 
 On vers. 7-9. " Observe here, how God wisely 
 and graciously ordered the most strength to 
 those that had the most work. Each had wagons 
 according to their service. Whatever burden God 
 in His providence lays upon us. He will, by His 
 sufficient grace, proportion the strength to it (1 
 Cor. X. 13)." 
 
 On vers. 10-88. " They brought some things 
 to remain for standing service ; twelve large sil- 
 ver dishes and as many large silver cups or bowls; 
 the former to be used for the meat-offerings, the 
 latter for the drink-offerings; the former for the 
 flesh of the sacrifice, the latter for the blood. 
 The latter was God's table, (as it were), and it 
 was fit, that so great a King should be served in 
 plate.— Note. In works of piety and charity, we 
 ought to be generous according as our ability is. 
 The Israelites indeed might well afford to part 
 with their gold and silver in abundance to the 
 services of the sanctuary, for they needed it not 
 to buy meat, and victual their camp, who were 
 daily fed with bread from heaven ; nor did they 
 
CHAP. VIII. 1-26. 
 
 49 
 
 need it to buy bread, or pay their army, who 
 were shortly lo be put in possessioa of Canaaa." 
 
 "They brought their offerings each on a seve- 
 ral day, in the order that they had lately been 
 put into, so that the solemnity lasted twelve days. 
 — Thus it would be done more decently and in 
 order ; God's work should not be done coufusedly, 
 and in a hurry ; take time, and we shall have 
 done the sooner, or, at least, we shall have done 
 the better. — God hereby signified how much 
 pleased He is, and bow much pleased we should 
 be with the exercises of piety and devotion. The 
 repetition of them should be a continual pleasure 
 to us, and we must not be weary of well-doing. 
 If extraordinary services come to be done for 
 twelve days together, we must not shrink from 
 it, nor call it a task and burden." 
 
 "Nahshon, the prince of the tribe of Judah, 
 offered first, because God had given that tribe 
 
 the first post of honor in the camp. Judah, of 
 which tribe Christ came, first, and then the rest. 
 Thus, in the dedication of souls to God, every 
 man is presented in his own order, Christ the 
 First-Fruils (1 Cor. xv. 23),"— Tr.]. 
 
 HOMILETICA.L HINTS. 
 
 Chap, vii. The gifts (temple tax) of the princes. 
 The duty of the princes that of all magnates gen- 
 erally. The slow procession of the princes with 
 their gifts — a festal contemplation for the nation. 
 An example for all. Silver and gold are the 
 Lord's (Hag. ii. 9). The external treasures of 
 the Temple commended to the protection of the 
 congregation. An iniage of the spiritual trea- 
 sure of the Temple that is entrusted to the con- 
 gregation, and lor which it must pledge its life 
 (word, sacrament and confession). 
 
 The office of Moses ; the functions of Aaron ; and the service of the Levites. 
 
 Chapter VIII. 1-26. 
 
 1, 2 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Speak unto Aaron, and say unto him, 
 When thou "lightest the lamps, the seven lamps shall give light ""over against the 
 
 3 candlestick. And Aaron did so ; he "lighted the lamps thereof 'over against the 
 
 4 candlestick, as the Lord commanded Moses. And ''this work of the candlestick 
 was of ^beaten gold ; 'unto the shaft thereof, unto the flowers thereof, was ^beaten 
 work : according unto the ^pattern which the Lord had shewed Moses, so he made 
 the candlestick. 
 
 5, 6 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Take the Levites from among the 
 
 7 children of Israel, and cleanse them. And thus shalt thou do unto them, to clean.se 
 them : Sprinkle ''water of purifying upon them, and 4et them shave all their flesh, 
 
 8 and let them wash their clothes, and so make themselves clean. Then let them 
 take a young bullock with his ^meat offering, even fine flour mingled with oil, and 
 
 9 another young bullock shalt thou take for a sin offering. And thou shalt bring 
 the Levites before the 'tabernacle of the congregation : and thou shalt gather the 
 
 10 whole "assembly of the children of Israel together. And thou shalt bring the Le- 
 vites before the Lord : and the children of Israel shall °put their hands upon the 
 
 11 Levites : And Aaron shall 'offer the Levites before the Lord /or ^aa offering "of 
 
 12 the children of Israel, that they ^may execute the service of the Lord. And the 
 Levites shall lay their hands upon the heads of the bullocks : and thou shalt offer 
 the one for a sin offering, and the other for a burnt offering, unto the Lord, to 
 
 13 make an atonement for the Levites. And thou shalt set the Levites before Aaron, 
 
 14 and before his sons, and "offer them for ^an offering unto the Lord. Thus shalt 
 thou separate the Levites from among the children of Israel : and the Levites shall 
 
 15 be mine. And after that shall the Levites go in to do the service of the 'tabernacle 
 of the congregation : and thou shalt cleanse them, and \)ffer them for \n offering. 
 
 16 For they are wholly given unto me from among the children of Israel ; instead ^of 
 such as open every womb, even instead o/the firstborn of all the children of Israel, 
 
 17 have I taken them unto me. For all the firstborn of the children of Israel are 
 mine, both man and beast : on the day that I smote every firstborn in the land of 
 
 18 Egypt I sanctified them for myself And I have taken the Levites 'for all the 
 
60 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 19 firstborn of the children of Israel. And I have given the Levites as a ^gift to 
 Aaron and to his sous from among the children of Israel, to do the service of the 
 children of Israel in the 'tabernacle of the congregation, and to make an atone- 
 ment for the children of Israel : that there be no plague among the children of 
 
 20 Israel, when the children of Israel come nigh unto the sanctuary. And Moses, and 
 Aaron, and all the congregation of the children of Israel, did to the Levites accord- 
 ing unto all that the Lord commanded Moses concerning the Levites, so did the 
 
 21 children of Israel unto them. And the Levites ''were purified, and they washed 
 their clothes ; and Aaron " offered them as an ^offering before the Lord ; and Aaron 
 
 22 made an atonement for them to cleanse them. And after that went the Levites in 
 to do their service in the 'tabernacle of the congregation before Aaron, and before 
 his sons : as the Lord had commanded Moses concerning the Levites, so did they 
 unto them. 
 
 23, 24 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, This is it that helongeih unto the 
 Levites : from twenty and five years old and upward they shall 'go in ®to wait upon 
 
 25 the service of the 'tabernacle of the congregation : And from the age of fifty years 
 
 26 they shall "cease waiting upon the service thereof, and shall serve no more : But 
 shall minister with their brethren in the 'tabernacle of the congregation, to 
 keep the charge, and shall do no service. Thus shalt thou do unto the Levites 
 touching their charge. 
 
 1 Heb. let them cause a, razor to pass over, etc. 
 
 * Heb. wave offering. 
 
 * Heb. gioen. 
 
 ^ Heb. return from the tvarfare of the service. 
 
 2 Heb. wave. 
 
 * Heb. the}/ may he to execute, etc. 
 
 6 Heb. to war the warfare of, etc. 
 
 » sette.tt up. 
 
 d this was the work, omitioas of. 
 
 t vision; imag-e, Bunskn: form, Zunz. 
 
 1 Tent of Meeting. 
 
 • from among. 
 
 1 instead of. 
 
 ' enter into the row of the. 
 
 •> in front of. 
 
 « turned, or solid. 
 
 * sin-water ; atoning-water, Bunsen. 
 
 ™ congregation. 
 
 P of every first-birth that breaks the womh^etc. 
 
 ' purified themselves. 
 
 ' go out of the row of the. 
 
 « setl up. 
 
 f from the foot to the flower. 
 
 ^ meat-offering. 
 » lay. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 7. nnwn for nntSn see Green, § 68, 1 a, 121, 3. Comp. 2 Chron, xxx. 18. 
 Ver.ie. S^'^'i'DS for Ilja-^'D, comp. iii. 13.— Te.]. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 1. Speak unto Aaron, etc., vers. 1-4. The 
 most, important function of the high-priest at the 
 head of the military expedition of God's people 
 appears here to be that he shall provide well for 
 the candlestick of the Tabei'nacle, and so set the 
 lights that they shall all shine forwards from the 
 candlestick. Herewith the chronicler finds it 
 not superfluous to lay stress again upon the fact, 
 that the candlestick was made of gold, that it 
 was of solid gold and was entirely conformed to 
 the vision of Mo.sea on the mountain. Every 
 word is a condemnation of the pretended middle- 
 age of Aaron. See the comments on Exod. xxv. 
 31-40. 
 
 2. Take the Levites from among the chil- 
 dren of Israel, etc., vers. 5-25. The Levites are 
 set apart as a body of Fervants for the Tabernacle. 
 In regard to their installation : a. they are puri- 
 fied according to an intensified conception of 
 Levilical purity, but not panctified after the 
 manner of the priests. The purification takes 
 place in three acts. First: Sprinkling with sin- 
 water. For various explanations of what water 
 is meant see Kkil, in loc. [The water mixed 
 with ashes of the red heifer. Num. xix., Lyra, 
 EsTius, Ainsworth; see on v. 17. — Ta.]. It 
 
 was probably water mingled with the ashes of 
 the sin-olfering (Lev. iii. 12), an anticipation of 
 the later ritual water of purification (Num. xix.). 
 Second: Shearing the hair, and indeed that of the 
 whole body. Yet it is not meant that they should 
 make themselves bald as in the case of lepers ; 
 but only a cropping is meant, whereby also the 
 notion is limited with respect to the body. 
 Third: Washing the clothes, b. The consecra- 
 tion sacrifice. Two bullocks are destined for 
 the sacrifice ; one for a burnt-oifering combined 
 with a meal-ofi'ering, the other for a sin-offering. 
 Next the Levites are placed before the Taber- 
 nacle amid the assembly of the whole congrega- 
 tion. The children of Israel (Keil says, only 
 the princes of the tribes ?) lay their hands on 
 them, for they are to represent the congregation. 
 c. But Aaron was to wave them from the children of 
 Israel [ver. 11]. Here the notion of leaving be- 
 comes especially clear ; by a symbolical act they 
 are severed from the congregation, shaken loose, 
 so to speak. Keil supposes that Aaron in a 
 solemn way led the Levites up to the altar and 
 then back. But this would have been no suffi- 
 cient symbolism of the thought. If the assembly 
 of the people stood opposite them, then the Le- 
 vites were alternately led to it and then again 
 led back from it, of course in the direction of 
 the altar of burnt-offering (vers. 11, 13, 14). 
 
CHAP. IX. 1-14. 
 
 61 
 
 [" Most likely Aaron pointed to the Levites, and 
 then waved his bands as in ordinary cases of 
 making this offering. The multitude of the 
 Levites seems to preclude the other modes sug- 
 gested." The Bib. (7o7nm.— Tr.]. 
 
 Then follows the sacrificial act of the Levites, 
 and after that they are given over to Aaron as a 
 staff of servants, with which the waving is once 
 more mentioned, as if their dissolution from the 
 people and their consecration for Aaron were to 
 be distinguished. Next follows a repeated ex- 
 planation concerning the destination of the 
 Levites to represent the first-born of the nation 
 in the service of .lehovah (vers. 15-19, comp. iv. 
 4-33). Jehovah had acquired the first-born for 
 Himself by sparing the first-born in Egypt. He 
 exchanged the Levite for them; but these, the 
 Levites in the narrower sense He in turn gave to 
 Aaron and his sons, to attend the service of the 
 Sanctuary, which, properly, the children of Is- 
 rael had to care for. By this representation they 
 
 constitute an atonement (1337) for the children 
 
 of Israel in as far as the latter would thus be 
 restrained from coming too near to the Sanctuary, 
 which would be followed by a calamity. It is 
 furthermore narrated that the prescribed acts 
 of consecration took place, and that thereupon 
 the Levites entered in, i. e. , not into the Temple 
 [Tabernacle], but into their service in the fore 
 court. [Ver. 19. "It is a very great kindness 
 to the Church, that ministers are appointed to 
 go before them in the things of God, as guides, 
 overseers and rulers in religious worship, and 
 to make that their business. When Christ as- 
 cended on high He gave these gifts. Eph. iv., 8, 
 11, 12." M. Henry.— Tr ] 
 
 3. This is it that belongeth unto the 
 Levites. etc., vers. 23-26. Here are given sup- 
 plementary limitations of the Levitical term of 
 service. " From twenty-five years of age to fifty 
 they are fit for going forth as a military expedition 
 in the service of the Tabernacle. After this 
 period they are exempt from this service ; yet 
 they are to remain as helps to the Levites in 
 discharging their functions in the Tabernacle. 
 "mDC^D in contrast with m3j? is the over- 
 
 V V : " T -: 
 
 sight of all the vessels of the Tabernacle; comp. 
 
 a''73n-r(X noiI? iii. 8; m3j? the service, e.g., \i\. 
 
 taking down and setting up the Tabernacle, its 
 purification, carrying water and wood for the 
 altar and sacrificial service, slaughtering the 
 sacrificial beasts for the general daily and fi^sti- 
 val sacrifices of the congregation, etc., ver. 2(3 6." 
 Keil. Keil also calls to mind that David, ac- 
 cording to 1 Chr. xxiii. 24, drew the Levites into 
 service as early as their twentieth year and on, 
 "because the Levites had no longer to carry the 
 Tabernacle and all its vessels." One might also 
 conjecture that in chap. iv. the thirty years were 
 originally appointed only for the Kohathites, 
 because these stood next to the priests, and had 
 to carry the sacred vessels, but that, by misun- 
 derstanding of later copyists, the number thirty 
 was ascribed also to the Gershonites and Mera- 
 rites. ["It is remarkable, that no law was 
 made concerning the age at which the priests 
 should begin to officiate ; and though various 
 blemishes disqualified them for the service of 
 the Sanctuary, yet they continued their ministra- 
 tions till death, if capable. On the other hand, 
 nothing is said concerning any bodily defects or 
 blemishes disqualifying the Levites, but the 
 time of their service is expressly settled. Their 
 work was far more laborious than that of the 
 priests, it is probable that, without necessity, 
 the priests would not begin v^^ry early to offi- 
 ciate ; and the wisdom and experience of age 
 would increase, rather than diminish, their fit- 
 ness for the sacred duties of their office." Scott. 
 Tr.] 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Chap. viii. The candlestick and the Levites, 
 What they have in common ; the care of the 
 glory of the Sanctuary, Their consuming them- 
 selves in the service of God. The candlesticks 
 must cast their gleam forwards into the Temple. 
 The service of the Levites at the sanctuary 
 transmitted to the entire Christian Church. 
 The universal priesthood of all believers should 
 become active in their Levitical ministry. 
 
 EIGHTH SECTION. 
 
 The Little Passover for Rehabilitating those that had been Unclean for the 
 
 Camp. The Stranger as a Convert. 
 
 Chapter IX. 1-14. 
 
 1 And the Lord spake unto Moses in the wilderness of Sinai, in the first month of 
 the second year after they were come out of the land of Egypt, saying, Let the 
 
 2 children of Israel also keep the passover at his appointed season. In the four- 
 
 3 teenth day of this month,^ at even, ye shall keep it in his appointed season : 
 according to all the *rites of it, and according to all the "ceremonies thereof, shall 
 
 4 ye keep it. And Moses spake unto the children of Israel, that they should keep 
 
 5 the passover. And they kept the passover on the fourteenth day of the first 
 
62 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 montli^ at even in the wilderness of Sinai : according to all that the Lord com- 
 manded Moses, so did the children of Israel. 
 
 6 And there were certain men, who were defiled by the dead body of a man, that 
 they could not keep the passover on that day : and they came before Moses and 
 
 7 before Aaron on that day. And those men said unto him, We are defiled by the 
 dead body of a man : wherefore •'are we kept back, that we may not offer an ^offering 
 
 8 of the Lord in his appointed season among the children of Israel ? And Moses 
 said unto them. Stand still, and I will hear what the Lord will command concern- 
 ing you. 
 
 9, 10 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying. Speak unto the children of Israel, 
 sayino;, If any man of you or of your posterity shall be unclean by reason of a 
 dead body, or be in a journey afar off, ^yet he shall keep the passover unto the 
 
 11 Lord. The fourteenth day of the second month^ at even they shall keep it, and 
 
 12 eat it with unleavened bread and bitter herbs. They shall leave none of it unto 
 the morning, nor break any bone of it: according to all the 'ordinances of the 
 
 13 passover they shall keep it. But the man that is clean, and is not in a journey, 
 and forbeareth to keep the passover, even the same soul shall be cut off from 
 among his people : because he brought not the '^offering of the Lord in his ap- 
 
 14 pointed season, that man shall bear his sin. And if a stranger shall sojourn among 
 you, and will keep the passover unto the Lord ; according to the 'ordinance of the 
 passover, and according to the "manner thereof, so shall he do : ye shall have one 
 ordinance, both for the stranger, and for him that was born in the land. 
 
 1 Heb. between the evenings. 
 
 • statutes. 
 
 • [and will fcee;).— Tr.] 
 
 *> (rights.) 
 
 « should we be excluded. 
 ' statute. 
 
 A oblation. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 6. D'E^jX TT'I- " Many codices have 'K ViTI^; yet comp. Gen. i. 14." Maueeb. 
 
 Ver. 10. hprn is one of the words marked as suspicious by puncta extraordinaria. Keil says: "probably 
 first of all simpV on the ground that the more exact definition is not found in ver. 13. The Rabbins suppose the 
 marks to indicate that Plpm is not to be taken here in its literal sense, but denotes merely distance from Jeru- 
 salem, or from the threshold of the outer court of the temple." Lange's remark is: "the expression npm only 
 occasions critical considerations; it is immaterial whether the man is on a distant way, or at a distance on his 
 
 vay." 'n''^}?) is to be rendered as in ver. 14. The latter case implies the liberty of omitting the celebration 
 
 of the Passover as something not obligatory on a stranger; comp. Exod. xii. 48. Similarly it was not obligatory 
 on an Israelite to observe the Passover, if he was Levitically disqualified at the period of its observance. 
 
 Ver. 146. "nTT stands for n'nn, as in Exod. xii. 49; comp. Ewald, g 295, d." Keil. But as D;dS H^n is the 
 same as ye have, the object possessed may be regarded as in the accusative ; there shall be to you, that is, ye shall 
 have one statute. The disagreement in number and gender between the seeming subject and the verb H^H in 
 similar expressions to the present is in favor of this construction. See Naegelsbach, §100, 4, rem. 1.— Tk.] 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 1. The present section gives us very plain evi- 
 dence that all the representations of the book of 
 Numbers up to this point are devoted to the 
 equipment of the army of God for its military 
 expedition. For instance, in respect to time, tiiis 
 regulation concerning the celebration of the Pass- 
 over by such as were become unclean reaches 
 very far back beyond the fourteenth day of the 
 first month. But it is placed in this connection 
 because here it treats of the completeness of the 
 celebration of the Passover by the entire army 
 of God, and because those who were unclean and 
 those on journeys would be absent at the legal 
 period. This gap must also at length be filled up. 
 The chief stress is thus on the Little Passover. 
 As Knobkl neglects the fundamental idea of the 
 whole section, it is, of course, no wonder that he 
 
 writes: "It is not explained why the author 
 gives this regulation only here, and not before 
 chapters i.-iv." Midnight darkness! [On the 
 Little Passover see Smith's Bib. Diet, article 
 Passover. — Tr.] 
 
 2. Vers. 1-5. The celebration of the Passover. 
 The text here makes a striking return to the in- 
 stitution of the Passover (Exod. xii.). Yet it 
 can hardly be for the purpose of obviating a mis- 
 understanding that the Israelites might have had 
 concerning Exod. xii. 24, 25, viz., that they were 
 not to resume the celebration of the Passover un- 
 til they entered Palestine. But it was for the 
 purpose of establishing the regulation for the 
 complete celebration of the Passover. Keil cor- 
 rectly supposes that the blood of the Passover, 
 now that the altar was set up, was sprinkled on 
 the altar, as was the blood of all slaughtered ani- 
 mals (Lev. xvii. 3-6). Difficulty is made by 
 some (Kurtz) in reference to sprinkling so much 
 
CHAP, IX, 16-23, 
 
 5R 
 
 blood of so many lambs as something beyond the 
 ability of the priests [who were so few, viz., Aa- 
 ron, Eleazar and Ithamar, as Nadab and Abihu 
 were now dead] to do. On this subject Ketl 
 treats [showing that the difficulty is exaggerated, 
 
 (1) in reference to the number of lambs killed, 
 
 (2) in reference to the necessity of slaughtering 
 them in the court of the Tabernacle. — Tr.] 
 
 3. Vers. 6-14. The Little Passover. The men 
 that approach Moses and Aaron with their in- 
 quiry appear to have been disquieted by the fear 
 of a collision of duties. They see themselves 
 legally prevented from taking part on the 14th 
 of Nisan in the celebration of the oblation for 
 Jehovah, which certainly consisted in the aton- 
 ing blood. This was in consequence of the law 
 Lev. vii. 21 regarding any one defiled by con- 
 tact with a dead body (Dnx K'3J). Yet the law 
 
 required the celebration to be on that day. 
 [The inquiry seemed prompted by the desire of 
 sharing a privilege rather than by the fear of 
 coming short in duty ; see Text, and Gram, on 
 ver. 10. Certain men. "Probably (comp. 
 Blunt's Script. Coincidences, pp. 62-65) Mishael 
 and Elizaphan, who buried their cousins, Nadab 
 and Abihu, within a week of this Passover (Lev. 
 X. 4, 5). None would be more likely to make 
 this inquiry of Moses than his kinsmen, who 
 had defiled themselves by his express direction. 
 ' The Bib. Com,: "— Tr.]. That Moses even here 
 does not immediately give his decision, but de- 
 sires first to inquire of the Lord, accords with 
 the great fidelity and prudence of the prophet. 
 
 Moreover the decision appears in every respect 
 an illumination. With the unclean are asso- 
 ciated also those that are delayed by a journey. 
 But the period for the Little Passover is ex- 
 actly determined; it must be one month later. 
 But because with this permission there might 
 easily be joined arbitrary license, the exact ob- 
 servance of the rite, in the first place, is insisted 
 on, and, secondly, the abuse of this regulation 
 for a more convenient celebration in the second 
 montii, the feigned hindrance as a neglect of 
 the Passover, is made punishable even with 
 d(ath. For the celebration of the Passover is, 
 next to circumcision, the sign of Israelitish 
 fidelity. This ordinance is also extended to the 
 stranger, so far as he desires to be an Israelite 
 (Exod. xii. 48j. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Chap. ix. 1-14. The Little Passover a proof 
 of the imperfection of the law of the letter, 
 which occasions an apparent conflict of duties 
 (keeping the Passover at the time legally ap- 
 pointed, and avoiding the Passover on account 
 of uncleanness), but also a proof of the spiritual 
 germ in the legislation. — Better not celebrate 
 the Passover, than celebrate it in a state of un- 
 cleanness. Application to the communion. The 
 false application, that thinks it is necessary to 
 feel free from sin, is reproved by the formulas 
 of preparation. The Little Passover a type of 
 private communion and of the communing of 
 the sick. 
 
 NINTH SECTION. 
 
 The Cloud as the Symbolic Leader of the Army of God. 
 Chapter IX. 15-23. 
 
 15 And on the day *tliat the tabernacle was reared up the cloud covered the taber- 
 nacle, namely, the tent of the testimony : and at even there was upon the taber- 
 
 16 nacle as it were the appearance of fire, until the morning. So it was alway : the 
 
 17 cloud covered it hj day, and the appearance of fire by night. And when the cloud 
 was taken up from the ''tabernacle, then after that the children of Israel journeyed : 
 and in the place where the cloud abode, there the children of Israel "^pitched their 
 
 18 tents. At the commandment of the Lord the children of Israel journeyed, and at 
 the commandment of the Lord they "pitched : as long as the cloud abode upon the 
 
 19 tabernacle they "rested in their tents. And when the cloud 'tarried long upon the 
 tabernacle many days, then the children of Israel kept the charge of the Lord, and 
 
 20 journeyed not. And so it was, when the cloud was a few days upon the tabernacle ; 
 according to the commandment of the Lord they "abode in their tents, and accord- 
 
 21 ing to the commandment of the Lord they journeyed. And ^so it was, when the 
 cloud ^abode from even unto the morning, and that the cloud was taken up in the 
 morning, then they journeyed : whether it tvas by day or by night that the cloud 
 
 22 was taken up, they journeyed. Or whether it were two days, or a month, or "a year, 
 that the cloud tarried upon the tabernacle, remaining thereon, the children of Is- • 
 rael abode in their tents, and journeyed not : but when it was taken up, they jour- 
 
54 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 23 neyed. At the commandment of the Lord they "rested in their tents, and at the 
 commandment of the Lord they journeyed : they kept the charge of the Lord, at 
 the commandment of the Lord by the hand of Moses. 
 
 1 Heb. prolonged. 
 
 » that he set up the tabenmde. 
 d did it happen that the cloud, etc. 
 
 2 Heb. was. 
 
 » Tent. 
 
 ' longer time. 
 
 • camped. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 We have finally a statement of the guidance 
 of the divine army in a symbolical form, yet in 
 very definite traits. Two considerations make 
 it plain that the cloud over the Tabernacle did 
 not lead the expedition in a literal sense. When 
 they began their march the banner of Judah 
 took position in the van, and joined to Judah 
 were Issachar and Zebulun. Not till after these 
 did the Levites come with the Tabernacle. And 
 this was agreeably to military usage ; the Ta- 
 bernacle with its sacred treasures ought not to be 
 exposed to hostile attack. Thus it could not ba 
 the guiding head of the army in a literal sense. 
 Moreover it is said in ver. 18 : "at the com- 
 mandment (mouth) of the Lord the chil- 
 dren of Israel camped." Therefore the 
 opinion of Knobel and ZuNZ accords poorly 
 with Biblical theology, when they explain that 
 the Israelites read the meaning of God in the 
 motion of the cloud. The departure takes place 
 here, as did the departure out of Egypt, accord- 
 ing to the word of the Lord to Moses (x. 13). 
 What the Lord said to Moses is immediately il- 
 lustrated, for the religious view of the people, by 
 the cloud and pillar of fire which is now joined 
 to the Tabernacle. Keil seems to conceive of 
 the matter as a wholly material, standing miracu- 
 lous sign; that the cloud appears lifted up, to 
 indicate an advance, and then stands again over 
 the Tent when the procession should rest. So, 
 too, he assumes that the glory of the Lord, in an 
 outward fashion, continually filled the Holiest 
 of all, appealing to Exod. xl. 34-38. But the 
 glory of the Lord as the manifested divine 
 splendor of the God who reveals Himself, pre- 
 supposes eyes of faith that are looking on, and 
 they showed themselves, e. (/., when the high- 
 priest went into the Holiest of all. According 
 to a fundamental law of the prttriarchal and pro- 
 phetic sphere, the word of God precedes, then 
 follows tlie visible sign ; within the sphere of the 
 legal discipline of the people, this order is re- 
 versed, e. ()., the celebration of the Passover. 
 Thus God's word in the mouth of the prophet 
 led Israel, and the cloud led them as a sign of 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 15. rrn", here and in following verse the future or imperfect denoting repeated action; see Gkeen, g 
 
 263,4. rn^'ii SnX? JSU'D, "the dwelling of the tent of witness "(7 used for the genitive to avoid a double 
 
 construct state : Ewald, g 292, a) Keil. 
 
 Ver. 17. n>n r\l7j/n 'iJv; the infinitive constr. used genitively after a substantive in the construct state ; 
 
 It 1 V T ■• • : 
 
 but represents a direct sentence, = " as often as the cloud arose." 
 
 Ver. 20. IDD^D D'O' ; an instance of the absolute state of the substantive where we would expect the con- 
 
 T ; ■ ■ T 
 
 Btruct state, e. g., 1 DDO ''D^ The substantive is co-ordinated with its attribute, and the latter gives the impres- 
 sion of being used as a substitute for an adjective that is wanting, or as an intensified adjective notion. Comp. 
 Ewald, g 287, h.—'X-e..]. 
 
 this. But the divine illumination of Moses did 
 not once disdain to co-operate with the know- 
 ledge of the desert of his brother-in-law Hobab : 
 "Leave me not," he said to him, " forasmuch 
 as thou knowest how we are to encamp in the 
 wilderness" (x. 31). In like manner, too, he 
 had earlier taken human counsel with his 
 father-in-law Jethro (Exod. xviii.). Keil justly 
 remarks : the explanation cannot be justified : 
 " the cloud covered the dwelling of the Tent of 
 Testimony," i.e., at the compartment in which 
 the Testimony was, the Holiest of all (Rosen- 
 MULLER, Knobel [Bush, The Bible Comm. — 
 Tr.]). [The controlling statement in reference 
 to this matter is Exod. xl. 34, which expressly 
 affirms that the cloud covered the whole Tent of 
 Meeting. Accordingly (ver. 15) the addition of 
 the phrase Tent of Testimony must not be 
 taken as nearer specification of the locality ; for 
 
 which moreover the / does not suit, (see Text. 
 
 and Oram,.). It is intended to describe the 
 whole Tabernacle with reference to a particular 
 fact that was important with respect to what is 
 stated about the cloud. The testimony was the 
 tables of the decalogue that were in the ark of 
 the covenant (Exod. xxv. 16). These formed 
 the basis of .Jehovah's covenant with Israel and 
 the pledge of His presence in the Tabernacle. 
 The Tabernacle (or dwelling) of the tent 
 of the testimony therefore names the whole 
 Tabernacle with reference to that which ex- 
 plains why the cloud should rest on it. See 
 Keil in loc. — Tr.J. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Chap. ix. 15-23. The pillar of cloud and of 
 fire on the Tabernacle. Over the Christian 
 house of God. The guidance of Israel by the 
 pillar of cloud and of fire. The guidance of the 
 Christian Church by faith's gleam of light and 
 of life. The fidelity of the Church towards the 
 guidance of God. God's guiding sign in every 
 Christian's path in life. 
 
 The great word: according to the mouth of 
 the Lord they encamped ; and according to the 
 mouth of the Lord they marched forth. God's 
 
CHAPTER X. 1-10. 
 
 53 
 
 protection is conditioned by His word. The 
 purer, richer, riper the word of the Lord in the 
 
 mouths of men, the more certain and the greater 
 the protection of the Lord. 
 
 10 
 
 TENTH SECTION. 
 
 The Trumpets are appointed to give the signals for departure. 
 
 Chapter X. 1-10 
 
 1, 2 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying. Make thee two trumpets of silver ; 
 'of a whole piece shalt thou make them : that thou mayest use them for the calling 
 
 3 of the assembly, and for the journeying of the camps. And when they shall blow 
 with them, all the assembly shall assemble themselves to thee at the door of the 
 
 4 ""tabernacle of the congregation. And if they blow hid with one trumpet, then the 
 princes, which are heads of the thousands of Israel, shall gather themselves unto 
 thee. "When ye blow an alarm, then the camps that lie on the east parts shall %o 
 forward. When ye blow an alarm the second time, then the camps that lie on the 
 south side shall take their journey : they shall blow an alarm for their journeys. 
 But when the congregation is to be gathered together, ye shall blow, but ye shall 
 not sound an alarm. And the sons of Aaron, the priests, shall blow with the trum- 
 pets ; and they shall be to you for an ^ordinance for ever throughout your genera- 
 tions. And if ye go to war ill your land against the 'enemy that oppresseth you, 
 then ye shall blow an alarm with the trumpets ; and ye shall be remembered be- 
 fore the Lord your God, and ye shall be saved from your enemies. Also in the 
 day of your gladness, and in your solemn days, and in the beginnings of your 
 months, ye shall blow with the trumpets over your burnt offerings, and over the 
 sacrifices of your peace offerings ; that they may be to you for a memorial before 
 your God : I am the Lord your God. 
 
 » of rounded twisted work; embossed work (Buns en); solid (Zunz). 
 " And when. * take their journey. 
 
 •> Tent of Meeting. 
 • statute. f oppressor. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 The two silver trumpsts (H'li'ii'n, to be 
 
 distinguished from the horn, laiiy, see Lev. 
 
 XXV.), appointed to give all the signals for the 
 army of God, but especially to sound the signal 
 for departure, form a beautiful and fitting con- 
 clusion of all the preparations for the march. 
 
 They were made of wrought silver. Accord- 
 ing to the representation on the Arch of Titus, 
 and on Jewish coins, which show what they 
 were at a later date, they seem to have been 
 straight trumpets. [See Smith's Bib. Diet. 
 article Cornet. — Tb.] 
 
 They belonged to the central Sanctuary, were 
 sacred implements, in some sense, were, as the 
 censers, symbols of prayers (ver. 9), and might 
 not be blown by any but the priests. 
 
 They were first blown for the guidance of the 
 army through the desert, but afterwards also 
 when any war broke out, then at festivals, and 
 particularly at the festival sacrifices, at national 
 feasts, and afterwards generally at the enlarged 
 festival cultus. Although most likely they 
 sounded but one note, they were yet made to 
 utter a very expressive language, so that in 
 their employment we have unmistakably a type 
 of our military signals. Their various signifi- 
 
 cations were as follows: 1) If both were blown 
 (ver. 3), then the whole congregation (virtually 
 by their representatives, according to Keil?) 
 assembled before the door of the Tabernacle. 
 2) If only one was blown (ver. 4), then the 
 princes of the tribes were to assemble with 
 Moses (at the Tabernacle). 3) If they were 
 not merely blown in single, interrupted blasts 
 (;?pn), but in a protracted peal (H^'n/^ ^^J^), 
 then it was the signal for departure. 4) The 
 first peal summoned the banner of Judah with 
 his associates to depart (ver. 5). The second 
 peal concerned the division toward the south 
 (ver. 6 a). The arrangement is not further ex- 
 pressed in detail, because further on the depar- 
 ture is more exactly described. Moreover one 
 could suppose that the first signal concerned 
 also the Tabernacle, seeing that, in fact, it pro- 
 ceeded from the central Sanctuary, whereas the 
 third [?] signal might suifice to notify all the 
 following divisions. The peal is expressly re- 
 served only for the marching processions ; for 
 the assembling of the congregation trumpet 
 blasts Bufl&ce. 
 
 Furthermore the trumpets were appointed on 
 the one hand to call to war (ver. 9), and on the 
 Other to the feasts of peace (ver. 10). Among 
 sacrifices, however, none but burnt -offerings 
 and peace-otterings were glorified by the trum- 
 
56 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 pets; the former by trumpet peals, the latter 
 by trumpet blasts. Once more in ver. 10 the 
 enforcement of the commandments by the clang 
 of trumpets is emphasized. And in this place 
 also we hear again the solemn declaration of the 
 Law-Giver: I am Jehovah your God. 
 
 As the State has imparted a special language 
 to military music, so the Church has done to its 
 bells ; one might even say it has completely so 
 done to its melodies in the songs of the Church. 
 In the institution of the trumpets, moreover, 
 there is included the unity of ingredients be- 
 longing both to the Church and to the State. 
 They are the instruments of the legal theocracy 
 whose idyllic or paradisaical intervals are pro- 
 claimed by the horn. 
 
 [Your solemn feast3 " are the feasts men- 
 tioned in chapters xxviii. and xxix. and Lev. 
 xxiii." Keil. Other occasions when the blow- 
 ing of trumpets is mentioned: xxxi. 6; 2 Chr. 
 
 xiii. 12, 14; XX. 21, 22, 28; 1 Chr. xv. 24 ; xvi. 
 6; 2 Chr. v. 12; vii. 6; Ezra iii. 10; Neh. xii. 
 35. 41 ; 2 Chr. xxix. 27. Metaphorical refer- 
 ence to the custom : Isa. Iviii. 1 ; xxvii. 13 ; 
 Joel ii. 15, 16; 1 Cor. xiv. 8.— Tr.] 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Chap. X, 1-10. The silver trumpets the signals 
 of the congregation. The distinction in their 
 use (one or two blasts, or a winding peal). So 
 the Christian bells in their unity and distinc- 
 tion. How they seem to speak so differently 
 according to the different disposition of the 
 hearers. As a merry peal ; in funeral tolling ; 
 in the fire alarm. There are enemies of faith 
 that hate Christianity to the very sound of its 
 bells (and of the organ too) ; whereas to others 
 the tones of bells are like a language of the 
 gospel. The bell proclaims and celebrates the 
 sacred season, the organ the sacred place. 
 
 SECOND DIVISION. 
 
 TO KADESH. THE DEPARTURE AND MARCH UNTIL THE DEFEAT OF THE 
 ARMY. THE REVELATION OF THE SPIRITUAL INSUFFICIENCY OF THE 
 TYPICAL ARMY OF GOD. 
 
 Chaps. X. 11— XIV. 45. 
 
 FIRST SECTION. 
 
 The Departure. Order of March. Hobab the Desert Guide [Chap. X. 11-28]. 
 Watchwords of Moses for the March [Chap. X. 29-36]. 
 
 Chapter X. 11-28. 
 
 The 
 
 11 And it came to pass on the twentieth day of the second month, in the second 
 year, that the cloud was taken up from off the tabernacle of the testimony. And 
 
 12 the children of Israel took their journeys out of the wilderness of Sinai; and the 
 
 13 cloud rested in the wilderness ofParan. And they first took their journey accord- 
 ing to the commandment of the Lord by the hand of Moses. 
 
 14 In the first place went the standard of the camp of the children of Judah accord- 
 
 15 ing to their "armies : and over his host ^ms Nahshon the son of Amminadab. And 
 over the host of the tribe of the children of Issachar was Nethaneel the son of 
 
 16 Zuar. And over the host of the tribe of the children of Zebulun was Eliab the 
 
 17 son of Helon, And the tabernacle was taken down ; and the sons of Gershou and 
 the sons of Merari set forward, ""bearing the tabernacle. 
 
 18 And the standard of the camp of Reuben set forward according to their "armies: 
 
 19 and over his host was Elizur the son of Shedeur. And over the host of the tribe 
 
 20 of the children of Simeon tvas Shelumiel the son of Zurishaddai. And over the 
 
 21 host of the tribe of the children of Gad ivas Eliasaph the son of Deuel. And the 
 Kohathites set forward ''bearing the sanctuary: and Hhe other did set up the taber- 
 nacle against they came. 
 
 22 And the standard of the camp of the children of Ephraim set forward according 
 2o to their "armirs: and over his host rvas Elishama the son of Ammihud. And over 
 
 the host of the tribe of the children of Manasseh was Gamaliel the son of Pedah- 
 
CHAP. X. 11-28. 
 
 67 
 
 24 zur. And over the host of the tribe of the children of Benjamin was Abidan the 
 son of Gideoni. 
 
 25 And the standard of the camp of the children of Dan set forward, Hvhich was the 
 rearward of all the camps "throughout their hosts : and over his host was Ahiezer 
 
 26 the son of Ammishaddai. And over the host of the tribe of the children of Asher 
 
 27 was Pagiel the son of Ocran, And over the host of the tribe of the children of 
 
 28 Naphtali ivas Ahira the son of Enan. ^Thus ivere the journeyings of the children 
 according to their "armies, 'when they set forAvard. 
 
 1 That is, the Gershonites aiid the Merarites, see ver. 17, i. 51. 
 
 » hosts. *• who bore. 
 
 * according to. t and. 
 
 2 Heb. .These. 
 • closing all the camps. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 1. The date of the departure: the twentieth 
 day of the second month of the second year. 
 The disappearance of the cloud from the dwell- 
 ing of the Tabernacle gave the sign for the 
 departure. 
 
 2. The beginning and the preliminary goal of 
 the march : from the -desert of Sinai to the 
 desert of Paran. Especially deserving of notice 
 is the expression : the eloud abode in the 
 desert of Paran. The cloud abode there, e. e., 
 the Tabernacle also abode there, the congrega- 
 lion abode there. It took its abiding residence 
 in the desert. The intermediate stations are not 
 given here, though they are in xxxiii. The way 
 in respect to its hardship is described Deut. i. 19. 
 Some matters of moment that preceded the 
 actual settlement in the desert are related in 
 what follows to xiv. 45. I n the first half, as far 
 as xiii. 16, we learn the chief events of the 
 march until the arrival at Hazeroth toward 
 Paran: Hobah ; 'Idb^rah: the lusting after the 
 flesh-pots of Eijypt ; the rebellion in reference to 
 the induction of the elders into office and to their in- 
 spiration ; the presumption of Miriam and of Aaron, 
 In the second half, as far as xiv. 45, we learn 
 of the fatal events connected with sending out 
 the spies, and with the report of the latter. 
 
 3. The desert of Paran. See an extended 
 notice of this in Knubel jo. 41 ; Keil in loc, and 
 our former notices. The desert of Paran (from 
 1J^3 ? "unclosing, opening") borders on the 
 
 south of Palestine, on the west side of the moun- 
 tains of Edom, having an indefinite extent. 
 Particular features of it are designated by a 
 mount Paran, by a plateau Paran, by a place 
 Paran, a ravine Paran, etc. Thus it was coro- 
 po.<<ed of single deserts and was bordered by 
 other deserts. [It is not plain whether Dr. 
 Lange refers to Scripture notices of Paran, or 
 to modern explorations. In either case the 
 statement is inaccurate ; Scripture does not dis- 
 tinguish so many local features, and modern ex- 
 ploration does not trace the name in anything 
 but Wady Fciran. If the latter be Repliidim (see 
 under i. 1-4), it cannot be Paran. — Tr.] 
 
 4. The departure : (a) The banner of Judah 
 (comprehendiug their tribes, as do also the 
 banners that follow), [h) The Gershonites and 
 Merarites as bearers of the Tabernacle, (c) 
 The banner of Reuben. [d) The Kohathites 
 with the Sanctuary. The other Levites were 
 obliged to be in advance, in order to set up the 
 
 Tabernacle at a resting place for the bearers of 
 the Sanctuary who followed later, (e) The ban- 
 ner of Ephraim [comp. Ps. Ixxx. 2]. (/) The 
 banner of Dan. It is obvious from ver. 33 that 
 the Tabernacle, or rather the ark of the cove- 
 nant as its most peculiar sanctuary, might 
 change its position according to dilFerent situa- 
 tions. Also from Josh. vi. 7; chap. iii. 4. But 
 in the latter case, also, an armed troop preceded 
 it for its protection. 
 
 5 [E. H. Palmer {The Desert of the Exodus) 
 says ;"I concur with Wilton (The Xegeh, p. rj4) 
 in believing that the 'wilderness of Paran 
 comprised the whole desert of El Tih, and that 
 Mount Paran was the southernmost portion of 
 the mountain plateau in the north-east, at pre- 
 sent inhabited by the '■Azazimch Arabs, and 
 known as Jebel Magrah. In this Ain Gadis, or 
 Kadesh, is siiuated, and as it lies below the 
 southern border of the Negeb, it is not included 
 in the region into which Israel made the unsuc- 
 cessful attempt to penetrate." p. 420. He de- 
 scribes the desert of Et Tih as follows : It " is a 
 limestone plateau of irregular surface, the 
 southern portion of which projects wedge-wise 
 into the Sinaitic Peninsula. It is bounded on 
 the north by the Mediterranean Sea and the 
 Mountains of Judah [7'Ae Negeb mentioned 
 above] ; on the west by the isthmus of Suez ; 
 and on the east by the 'Arabah, that large valley 
 or depression which runs between the Gulf of 
 'Akabah and the Dead Sea. The southern edge, 
 which, as just now remarked, projects wedge- 
 wise into the Siniatic Peninsula, terminates in a 
 long cliflF or escarpment, steep and abrupt on the 
 south western side, and gradually falling away 
 toward the south-east. The surface of the pla- 
 teau itself, is an arid, featureless waste, its 
 monotony relieved only by a few isolated moun- 
 tain groups. It is drained for the most part by 
 Wady el 'Arish [the River of Egypt], which 
 takes its rise in the highest portion of the 
 southern cliif, and flows northward toward the 
 Mediterranean, being joined in its course by 
 several large valleys flowing down from Jebel el 
 '■Ejmeh [the south-eastern side of the triangle], 
 and by systems of water-courses which come 
 down from the hilly country in the north-east. 
 The country is nearly waterless, with exception 
 of a few springs situated in the larger wadies ; 
 but even here water can only be obtained by 
 scraping small holes or pits (called themail) in 
 the ground, and bailing it out with the hand. 
 All that is obtained by the process is a yellowish 
 solution, which baffles all attempts at filtering. 
 
0& 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 The ground is for the most part hard and un- 
 yielding : and is covered in many places with a 
 carpet of small iiiuts. In spite of the utterly 
 arid nature of the soil, a quantity of brown, 
 parched herbage is scattered over the surface, 
 and affords excellent fuel for the camp-fire. 
 During the greater part of the year this remains 
 to all appearances burned up and dead, but it 
 bursts into sudden life with the spring and 
 winter rains. In the larger wadies, draining as 
 they do so extensive an area, a very consider- 
 able amount of moisture infiltrates through the 
 soil, producing much more vegetation than in 
 the plains. Sufficient pasturage for the camels 
 is always to be had in these spots, and here and 
 there a few patches of ground are even available 
 for cultivation." pp. 232-"235, Harper's edition. 
 The desert of Paran must not be confounded 
 with Wady Feiran, the modern Arabic repre- 
 sentative of the name [ibid. p. 31), a beautiful 
 region, so named from an ancient ciiy Paran, 
 whose ruins are still there. 
 
 Towards this wilderness, that is the eastern 
 part of it of which the River of Egypt forms the 
 western boundary line, the Israelites now took 
 their journey, " unaware as yet that on its 
 wastes the next eight and thirty years of their 
 existence would be spent." [The Bible Comm.). 
 Several encampments were made, and remark- 
 able providences experienced before they entered 
 it. It is therefore mentioned here by anticipa- 
 tion. Comp. Smith's Bib. Did., Article Kadesh 
 and Par.\n. — Tr.] 
 
 HOMILETICAL, HINTS. 
 
 THE MARCH OF GOD's HOST FROM KABESH, AND 
 ITS STAY THERE. THE RUIN OF THE FIRST 
 GENERATION. 
 
 Chaps. X. 11 — XX. 13. 
 
 ' Chap. X. 11. : The very hopeful start. Chap. xi. : The 
 first rebellion. A contest between murmuring and 
 
 fyrayer. A contest between the home-sickness of the 
 ust of the flesh for Egypt, and inspired, wondrously 
 blest hope in Jehovah's Jielp, and helping throusrli in 
 the way of the future. Chap, xii.: A contest of spiritual 
 and priestly arrogance with the spirit of right. Chaps, 
 xiii., xiv.: A contest between despondency and obsti- 
 nacy, and the tirm heroism of those that were faithful 
 to God. Chap. xv. : A contest between the degeneracy 
 of the wilderness, and giving renewed stringency to the 
 law. Cliaps. xvi., xvii.: A contest between religious 
 enthusiasm and political insurrection on the one hand, 
 
 and the priestly-political arrangement instituted by God 
 with its authorities, ou the other. .At the same time a 
 contest between the condemnation to death, and the 
 priestly atonement- Chap, xviii. : Prerogatives of the 
 priests and Levites settled. Chap. xix. : Provision 
 made for the duty toward dead bodies, and for the 
 purity of the living congregation. Chap. xx. 1-13: The 
 contest between the murmuring congregation, and 
 Moses and Aaron at the water of strife. 
 
 Chap. X. 11-28. The host of God sets out at God's 
 signal for decamping, the lifting up of the 
 cloud. The movement of the form of faith, of 
 the religious idea in the direction of the future. 
 The date of the departure. Such a date in the 
 world's history is unforgotten. The order of the 
 departure; no tumultuous movement; no up- 
 roar as a start. The direction of the departure 
 from Sinai to Canaan, or from the mountain of 
 the law to the promised land. Primarily toward 
 Paran, or to Kadesh. The sanctuary in the 
 midst, the ark in advance. A movement that 
 does not enclose the sanctuary is no march for 
 the people of God. The banners in advance of 
 the tribes. The actual peculiarities of the tribes 
 constitute no conflict with unity, but the soul of 
 the unity, 
 
 [On X. 12. " All our removes in this world are 
 but from one wilderness to another. The changes 
 which we think will be for the better do not 
 always prove so; while we carry about with us, 
 wherever we go, the common infirmities of 
 nature, we must expect, wherever we go, to 
 meet with its common calamities ; we shall never 
 be at rest, never at home, till we come to 
 heaven, and all will be well there." M. Henrt. 
 
 On X. 13. " Some think that mention is thus 
 frequently made in this and the foregoing chap- 
 ter of the commandmejit of the Lord, guiding and 
 governing them in all their travels, to obviate 
 the calumny and reproach which were after- 
 ward thrown upon Israel, that they tarried so 
 long in the wilderness, because they had lost 
 themselves there, and could not find the way 
 out. No, the matter was not so ; in every stage, 
 in every step, they were under divine direc- 
 tions ; and if they knew not where they were, 
 yet He that led them did. Note. Those that 
 have given up themselves to the direction of 
 God's word and Spirit, steer a steady course, 
 even when they seem bewildered. While they 
 are sure they cannot lose their God and Guide, 
 they need not fear losing their way {ibid.) — Tr.] 
 
 Hobab the Desert-guide. The "Watch VTords of Moses for the March. 
 
 Chap. X. 29-36. 
 
 29 And Mose.s said unto Hobab, the son of Raguel the Midianite, Moses' father in 
 law, We are journeying unto the place of which the Lord said, I will give it you: 
 come thou with us, and we will do thee good : for the Lord hath spoken good 
 
 30 concerning Israel. And he .said unto him, I will not go ; but I Vill depart to 
 
 31 mine own land, and to my "kindred. And he said, Leave us not, I pray thee ; 
 forasmuch as thou knowest how we are to encamp in the wilderness, and thou 
 
CHAP. X. 29-36. 
 
 32 mayest be to us instead of eyes. And it shall be, if thou go with us, it shall be, 
 that what goodness the Lord shall do unto us, the same will we do unto thee. 
 
 33 And they departed from the mount of the Lord three days' journey : and the 
 ark of the covenant of the Lord went before them in the three days' journey, to 
 
 34 search out a resting place for them. And the cloud of the Lord ivas upon them 
 
 35 by day, when they went out of the camp. And it came to pass, when the ark set 
 forward, that Moses said. Rise up. Lord, and let thine enemies be scattered ; and 
 
 36 let them that hate thee flee before thee. And when it rested he said, Return, O 
 Lord, unto the many thousands of Israel. 
 
 1 Heb. ten thousand thousands. 
 a native place. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 36. r\2V^ with the simple accusative of place whither. Comp. this construction of 3?t-' in 2 Sam. xv. 34. 
 
 T 
 
 The transitive force preferred by some (Maureu, The Bib. Comm.) could give no satisfactory sense here. The word 
 in Isaiah and Jeremiah, in view of the captivitj', has a developed, pregnant sense that would be an anachronism 
 in this place (see Naegelsbach on Isa. i. 27^ or it would mean return to Egypt. 
 
 " The inverted nuns, Z, at the beginning and close of vers. 35, 36, which are found, according to R. Mena- 
 chem's de Lonzano Or Torah (/. 17), in all the Spanish and German MSS. and are sanctioned by the Masorah, are said 
 by the Talmud {tract, de Sabbatho) to be merely signa pareniheseos, quae monerent prceter historice seriem versum 35 
 et 36 ad capitis finem inseri (comp. Matt. Eii,j.-eri de Arcano Kethib et Keri libri duo, pp. 158, 159). The Cabbalists, 
 on the other hand, according to R. Menach. I. c. find an allusion in it to the Shechinah, " quce velut obversa ad tcrgum 
 facie sequentes Israelitas ex impenso amore respicerct." In other MSS., however, which are supported by the Masora 
 Erffurt, the inverted nun is found in the words };'0Z3 (ver. 35)'and D'JCXn'DS (x;i. 1): the flrsi, ad innuendum ut 
 sic retrorsum agantur omnes hostes Israelitarmn ; the second, ut esset symbolum perpetuum perversitatis populi, inter 
 tot iUu.''tria signa liberationis et maximorum beneficiorum Dei acerbe quiritantium, ad declarandam ingratitudinem et 
 contumaciam suam (comp. .J. Buxtoef, Tiberias, p. 169)." Keil. — Tk.]. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 1. Moses and Hobab.— Vers. 29-32. On 
 the reiaiion of the names Kaguel, Exod. ii. 18, 
 Jethro, Exod. iii, 1, and Hob;.b. see Smith's Bib. 
 Diet, articles, Hobab, Jethro, Raguel. Even 
 if the grandfather stood as a patriarch over the 
 father, still it is not to be supposed that also the 
 daughters of the father would be simply called 
 the daughters of the grandfather and given in 
 marriage. This consideration justifies the as- 
 sumption of JosEPHUs, Ant. 2, 12, 1, that Raguel 
 and Jethro were two names for one person. The 
 honorable name Raguel, " Friend of God," would 
 then be chosen in the first passage, Exod. il. 18, 
 as accounting for the pious and obliging be- 
 haviour of the priest toward Moses. And when 
 
 here a Hobab is named as father-in-law (tnn) of 
 Moses, it has a twofold explanation ; either the 
 same word may mean both father-in-law and 
 brother-in-law; or, after the death of the actual 
 father-in-law, the eldest brother of a wife stepped 
 into the place of the father-in-law. When we 
 consider how easily at that time marriage could 
 be dissolved, and that the repudiated wife had 
 even still a legitimate domicil in her paternal 
 house, it were very natural that, on the death 
 of her father, her eldest brother could assume 
 the legal character of a father-in-law (jrin). If 
 accordingly we assume that Jethro, who, before 
 the giving of the law came to Moses in the wil- 
 derness (Exod. xviii. 1), had in the meantime 
 died, then the difficulty may be solved by as- 
 suming that Hobab had succeeded to the dignity 
 
 of the name. Hobab's (33n, "love, a lover") 
 being called the son of Raguel, any way makes 
 no particular difficulty. 
 
 According to our text, it may be supposed that 
 Hobab came to Moses with Jethro, and remained 
 with him, after the latter had returned to his 
 priestly office in Midian (xviii. 27). Both stood 
 in the balance between sympathy for their tribe 
 and the attraction of the Mosaic faith (Exod. 
 xviii. 10-12). The father remained, like John 
 the Baptist, with his people, the son most proba- 
 bly with Moses. Now that the march to the 
 northward must begin, Hobab, who hitherto had 
 been able to preserve a connection with his peo- 
 ple in the neighborhood of Sinai, must now part 
 from them. Hence the request of Moses that he 
 should march along with them and partake of the 
 glorious destiny that Jehovah had promised to 
 His people. Hohab hesitates, because he wishes 
 to remain with his people. Moses begs press- 
 ingly and humbly : Leave us not, for thou 
 knov(rest v^here we must encamp in the 
 ■wilderness, and thou shalt be our eye. — 
 Out of this Knobel makes another contradiction : 
 '' According to the Elohist, ix. 17, such a guide 
 was not necessary, since the cloud going in ad- 
 vance of them indicated t/he camping-grounds." 
 Keil has scarcely deprived this negative literal- 
 ism of its force by remarking, that although the 
 pillar of cloud guided the march of Israel, yet 
 Hobab might still have afforded important ser- 
 vices to the Israelites. Here the negative, and 
 positive literalism stand face to face. " What 
 Hobab did further is not mentioned, but 'as no 
 further hesitancy is reported, but the departure 
 of Israel is announced immediately after, Hobab 
 must therefore have complied ' (Knobel). This 
 is reduced to a certainty by the fact, that in the 
 commencement of the times of the Judges the 
 sons of the brother-in-law of Moses went out with 
 the children of Judah into the wilderness south 
 of Arad (Judg. i. 16) ; they therefore had coma 
 
60 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 with the Israelites to Canaan, and still dwelt in 
 that region in the time of Saul (1 Sam. xv. 6; 
 xxvii. 10; xxx. 29" (Keil). Further discus- 
 sion see in Knobel, p. 43. 
 
 2. The first three days' journeys. — The 
 
 whole route from Sinai to Kadesh in the quick- 
 est and most direct course is estimated to be 
 eleven days' journeys (Keil, p. 231) : it is there- 
 fore not without significance that the first three 
 days' journeys are made prominent ; immediately 
 after that the first great disturbance of the march 
 appears to have occurred. There may be, be- 
 sides, the symbolical meaning conveyed, that in 
 the typical kingdom of God, under the law, it 
 fares well only three days, while the real king- 
 dom of God has to pass only three troubled days 
 at once (Hos. vi. 2), 
 
 Knobel would make the tent here mean 
 that the Ark of the covenant went three days 
 ahead ; in which case, however, the Israelites 
 would have lost sight of it altogether. "The 
 Elohist has it different," he proceeds, "accord- 
 ing to whom the Ark of the covenant did not go 
 in advance, but in the midst of the tribes." Thus 
 would another contradiction be discovered ! First 
 of all a distinction must be made between the 
 Ark of the covenant and the holy things col- 
 lectively, and then between these and the compo- 
 nent parts of the Tabernacle. This distinction 
 Keil rightly recognizes, with the explanation: 
 From this time on the cloud, which embodied (?) 
 the presence of Jehovah, was associated with the 
 Ark of the covenant as with the visible throne 
 of His gracious presence ordained by Jehovah 
 Himself. With which should now be combined, 
 that the guiding cloud in the literal sense covered 
 at the same time the whole army. But let us 
 perceive what the text further says. 
 
 Ver. 35. When the Ark arose, Moses spake : 
 Rise up, Jehovah, etc. [comp Ps. Ixviii.]. — 
 And when it settled down he said: Turn thee 
 about Jehovah, to the crowd of the thou- 
 sands of Israel. — We repeat, it is not accord- 
 ing to the analogy of Scripture to suppose that 
 Moses learned and uttered the divine word as 
 the interpreter of the cloud. Rather is the word 
 of God here also intended to make us notice tlie 
 symbolical significance of the cloud. ["Moses 
 (ver. 35) calls them not the enemies of the people, 
 but of God, in order that the Israelites might be 
 assured that they fought under His auspices; for 
 thus might both a more certain victory be ex- 
 pected, since tiie righteous God, who avenges in- 
 iquity, was defending His own cause; and also 
 it was no slight matter of consolation and re- 
 joicing when the people heard that whosoever 
 fihould arise to harass them unjustly were also 
 the enemies of God, since He will protect His 
 people as the apple of His eye. Therefore has 
 the Prophet (Ps. Ixviii. 1) borrowed this passage 
 in order to arm the Church with confidence and 
 to maintain it in cheerfulness under the violent 
 assaults of its enemies." Again, ver, 3(). • " Moses 
 to correct their impatience (at the delays of the 
 
 journey) reminds the people that their halts 
 were advantageous to them, so that God, dwell- 
 ing at home like the father of a family, might 
 manifest His care of them ; for the allusion is to 
 men who take advantage of a time of repose and 
 release from other business, to occupy themselves 
 more unrestrainedly in paying attention to their 
 own family." Calvin. — Tk.] 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Chap. X. 29-36. Hobab, or human knowledge 
 and science as guides of the way. The signifi- 
 cance of Jethro, Hobab, Hiram and others for 
 the history of the kingdom of God. The first 
 three happy days' journey in the covenant of the 
 law. Their resemblance to the fourth, fifth and 
 sixth centuries. The warlike watchword of 
 Moses at the start; the festal watchword at the 
 last. War and peace have their times even for 
 the kingdom of God. 
 
 [Chap. X. 29. "Those that are bound for the 
 heavenly Canaan should invite and encourage all 
 their friends to go along with them, for we shall 
 have never the less of the treasures of the cove- 
 nant and the joys of heaven for others coming in 
 to share with us. And what argument can be 
 more powerful with us to take God's people than 
 this, that God hath spoken good concerning them? 
 It is good having fellowship with those that have 
 fellowship with God (1 John i. 3) and going with 
 those with whom God is, Zech. viii. 23." M. 
 Henry. 
 
 Chap. X. 30. "The things of this world which 
 are S3en draw strongly from the pursuit of the 
 things of the other world, which are not seen. 
 The magnetic virtue of this earth prevails with 
 most people above the attractions of heaven it- 
 self." Ibid. 
 
 Chap. X. 31, 32. " The great importunity Moses 
 used with Hobab to alter his resolution. He 
 urges (1) That he might be serviceable to them, 
 not to show where they must encamp, nor the 
 way they must march (the cloud was to direct 
 that), but to show the conveniences and inconve- 
 niences of the place they must march through 
 and encamp in, that they might make the best 
 use of the conveniences and the best fence against 
 the inconveniences. Note, it will very well con- 
 sist with our trust in God's providence to make 
 use of the help of our friends in those things 
 wherein they are capable of being serviceable to 
 us. Even they that were led by a miracle must 
 not slight the ordinary means of direction." Ibid. 
 Moses does not flatter Hobab with the noiion that 
 he can confer a favor on God ; a mistaken way 
 of urging sinners that is not uncommon. '^2) 
 "That vhey would be kind to him. Note (a) We 
 can give only what we receive. This is all we 
 dare promise, to do good, as God shall enable us. 
 (6) Those that share with God's Israel in their 
 labors and hardships shall share with them in 
 their comforts and honors. J/ we suffer with them, 
 we shall aha reign with i/fni, 2 Tim. ii. 12; Luke 
 xxii. 28, 29." Jbid.—T&.} 
 
CHAP. XI. 1-3. 
 
 61 
 
 SECOND SECTION. 
 
 Tbe three great uprisings against Moses, and Jehovah's judgments and compas- 
 sions. A. The burning of the camp: Taberah B. The longing for Egypt (the 
 elders, the quails) and the graves of lust. C. Miriam and Aaron at Hazeroth. 
 
 Chaps. XI.— XII. 16. 
 
 How soon it appears that the typical host of 
 God, or the legal military organization of Jeho- 
 vah is far from being a real array of God, con- 
 sisting of spiritual men. In a similar way, too, 
 the divine champions of the middle ages showed 
 themselves, and proximately we, too, the pro- 
 testant contending armies from the Hussites 
 down, remind one of the same. Only the first 
 three days remain externally undisturbed, but 
 inwardly the army had already gathered tinder. 
 But the three uprisings that now appear consti- 
 tute an undoubted climax: a. Irruptive meeting 
 and burning of the camp. b. Home-sickness of 
 the accompanying mixed multitude, spreading 
 like contagion through the entire host, and graves 
 
 of lust. c. Fanatical exaltation even of pioua 
 enthusiasm and of the priesthood, of Miriam and 
 of Aaron against the prophetic integrity of Moses 
 and the non-suiting of the Aaronitic priesthood 
 along with the leprosy of Miriam. Thereupon, 
 of course, should follow the last and almost uni- 
 versal insurrection of the people in consequence 
 of the report of the spies ihat had been sent to 
 Canaan, expressed in the double form of de- 
 spondency and obstinacy, and which provoked 
 the divine judgment: this generation shall per- 
 ish in the desert. Yet the history of this insur- 
 rection is so comprehensive that we must treat 
 of it in a section by itself. 
 
 A.— TABERAH (PLACE OF BURNING). THE MUTINY AND THE BURNING OF THE 
 
 CAMP. Chapter XI. 1-3. 
 
 1 'And when the people 'complained,' it displeased the Lord: and the Lord heard 
 it; and his anger was kindled ; and the fire of the Lord burnt among them, and 
 
 2 ''consumed them ihat were in the uttermost parts of the camp. And the people cried 
 unto Moses; and "when Moses prayed unto the Lord, the fire was ^quenched. 
 
 3 And he called the name of the place *Taberah : because the fire of the Lord burnt 
 among them. 
 
 1 Or, were, as it were, complamers. 
 » Heb. sunk. 
 
 2 Heb. it was evil in the ears of. 
 * That is, A burning. 
 
 » And the people were as those that complain of evil in the ears of Jehovah. 
 
 devoured in the region (De Wettb and Zunz: at the extremity) of the camp. 
 ' omit when. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 Vera. 1-3. The revelation of destruction begins 
 small, viz., with ambiguous utterances of a mur- 
 muring disposition, as at something evil ; a dis- 
 position that reaches the ears of God, not as 
 prayer, but as unsanctified utterances. The 
 punishment is as obscurely expressed as is the 
 charge of fault. Although the narrator knows 
 thai a fire of Jehovah has gone forth from His 
 wrath, the terrified people know nothing of it 
 when a conflagration appears at the extremity 
 of the camp, burning ensues in the extremest 
 tents. Then the people also cry to Moses, while 
 he in deliberate fashion makes his effective in- 
 tercession. The mysterious connection between 
 
 the fire of displeasure, of distraction, of anger 
 and outward misfortune of every sort, especially 
 ruinous conflagration, is an ancient and ever new 
 history. Taberah was no encampment but the 
 burnt place at the first encampment, the graves 
 of lust (see xxiii. 16, 17). So Keil against 
 Knobel. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Religious and moral causes of many confla- 
 grations: discontent, excitement, want of spi- 
 ritual wakefulness and moral vigilance. The 
 modern Taberah, or the crowd of conflagrations 
 of the present time. [Moses was one of those 
 worthies who by faith quenched the violence of fire 
 (Heb, xi. 34) M. "Henrt.— Tr.]. 
 
62 NUMBERS. 
 
 B.— THE HOMESICKNESS FOR EGYPT AND THE GRAVES OF LUST (THE ELDERS 
 
 AND THE QUAILS). Chapter XI. 4-35. 
 
 4 Aiid the *mixed multitude that was among them ^fell a lusting : and the children 
 
 5 of Israel also Vept again, and said, Who shall give us flesh to eat ? We remem- 
 ber the fish, which we did eat in Egypt freely ; the cucumbers, and the melons, 
 
 6 and the leeks, and the onions, and the garlic : But now our soul is dried away : 
 
 7 there is nothing at all, "besides this manna, before our eyes. And the manna was 
 
 8 as coriander seed, and the ^colour thereof as the 'colour of bdellium. And the 
 people went about, and gathered it, and ground it in mills, or beat it in a mortar, 
 and ''baked it in *pans, and made cakes of it : and the taste of it was as the taste 
 
 9 of Tresh oil. And when the dew fell upon the camp in the night, the manna fell 
 upon it. 
 
 10 Then Moses heard the people weep throughout their families, every man in the 
 door of his tent : and the anger of the Lord was kindled greatly ; ''Moses also was 
 
 11 displeased. And Moses said unto the Lord, Wherefore hast thou 'afflicted thy 
 servant? and wherefore have I not found favour in thy sight, that thou layest the 
 
 12 burden of all this people upon me ? Have I conceived all this people ? have I be- 
 gotten them, that thou shouldest say unto me, Carry them in thy bosom, as a 
 ^nursing father beareth the sucking child, unto the land which thou swarest unto 
 
 13 their fathers ? Whence should I have flesh to give unto all this people ? for they 
 
 14 weep unto me, saying. Give us flesh, that we may eat. I am not able to bear all 
 
 15 this people alone, because it is too heavy for me. And if thou deal thus with me, 
 kill me, I pray thee, out of hand, if I have found favour in thy sight ; and let me 
 not see my wretchedness. 
 
 16 And the Lord said unto Moses, Gather unto me seventy men of the elders of 
 Israel, whom thou knowest to be the elders of the people, and officers over them ; 
 and bring them unto the 'tabernacle of the congregation, that they may stand there 
 
 17 with thee. And I will come down and talk with thee there : and I will take of the 
 spirit which is upon thee, and will put it upon them ; and they shall bear the bur- 
 
 18 den of the people with thee, that thou bear it not thyself alone. And say thou unto 
 the people. Sanctify yourselves against to morrow, and ye shall eat flesh : for ye 
 have wept in the ears of the Lord, saying. Who shall give us flesh to eat ? for it 
 was well with us in Egypt : therefore the Lord will give you flesh, and ye shall 
 
 19 eat. Ye shall not eat one day, nor two days, nor five days, neither ten days nor 
 
 20 twenty days ; But even a ^whole month, until it come out at your nostrils, and it 
 be loathsome unto you : because that ye have despised the Lord which is among 
 
 21 you, and have wept before him, saying. Why came we forth out of Egypt ? And 
 Moses said, The people, among whom I am, are six hundred thousand footmen ; 
 
 22 and thou hast said, I will give them flesh, that they may eat a *whole month. Shall 
 "the flocks and "the herds be slain for them, to suffice them ; or shall all the fish 
 
 23 of the sea be gathered together for them, to suffice them ? And the Lord said unto 
 Moses, Is the Lord's hand waxed short ? thou shalt see now whether my word shall 
 come to pass unto thee or not. 
 
 24 And Moses went out, and told the people the words of the Lord, and gathered 
 "the severity men of the elders of the people, and set them round about the "taber- 
 
 25 nacle. And the Lord came down in a cloud, and spake unto him, and took of the 
 spirit that was upon him, and gave it unto the seventy ^ciders : and it came to pass, 
 
 26 that, when the spirit rested upon them, they prophesied, "land did not cease. But 
 there remained two of the men in the camp, the name of the one was Eldad, and the 
 name of the other Medad : and the spirit rested upon them ; and they were of them 
 that were written, but went not out unto the tabernacle : and they prophesied in 
 
CHAP. XI. 4-35. 63 
 
 27 the camp. And there ran a young man, and told Moses, and said, Eldad and 
 
 28 Medad do prophesy in the camp. And Joshua the son of Nun, the servant of 
 
 29 Moses, ^one of his young men, answered and said, My lord Moses, forbid them. And 
 Moses'said unto him, 'Enviest thou for my sake ? would God that all the Lord's 
 
 30 people were prophets, and that the Lord would put his Spirit upon them. And 
 Moses gat him into the camp, he and the elders of Israel. 
 
 31 And there went forth a wind from the Lord, and brought quails from the sea, 
 and let them fall by the camp, *as it were a day's journey on this side,^ and ^as it 
 were a day's journey on the other side, round about the camp, and as it were two 
 
 •32 cubits high upon the face of the earth. And the people stood up all that day, and 
 all that night, and all the next day, and they gathered the quails : he that gathered 
 least gathered ten homers : and they 'spread them all abroad for themselves round 
 
 33 about'^the camp. And while the flesh was yet between their teeth, ere it was chewed, 
 the wrath of the Lord was kindled against the people, and the Lord smote the 
 
 34 people with a very great "plague. And he called the name of that place ^Kibroth- 
 
 35 hattaavah : because there they buried the people that lusted. And the people 
 journeyed from Kibroth-hattaavah unto Hazeroth ; and 'abode at Hazeroth. 
 
 1 Heb. lusted a lust. « Heb. returned and wept. I Heb eye of it as the eye of. 
 
 * Heb. month of days. * Heb. as it were the way of a day. « That is, The graves of lust. 
 
 ' Heb. they were in, etc. 
 
 » rabble * only on the manna our eyes (are turned, Zunz). "= appearance. 
 
 d boiledl • the pot. ' ojl cakes. 
 
 f ly_ h and in the eyes of Moses it was evil. ' done evil to. 
 
 ^man-nurse. ^ Tent of Meeting. 
 
 m small and qreat cattle (De Wette, and commonly : sheep and cattle). » omit the. 
 
 " Tent. ^ men, the elders. 
 
 q but not longer (De Wette : since then not again ; Bunsen, Luthek, as the A. V., see Te.rt. and Gram.). 
 
 » from his youth up [ from his elite ; see Text, and Gram.—TR.]. • Art thou jealous. 
 
 » spread themselves out round about the camp. i De W ette : overthrow. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 fVer. 15. i^r\ infin. absol. repeated after the same verb, expresses here impetuous procedure, killing at once. 
 
 T 
 
 EwALD, ? 280 b. 
 
 Ver. 25. ^£30^ }{Sl is correctly rendered by the LXX., Kal oix in irpotrieevTo ; tlie A. V. has the support of the 
 
 T 
 
 Vulgate. 1 
 
 Ver. 27. IJJjn. the article denotes that the noun is taken in a generic or universal sense; comp. t3'73n Gen. 
 
 xiv. 13 ; nbnn Exod. iv. 2, EwALi), § 277. a : Green, § 245, 5. So the Greek and we say " the hireling seeth the wolf 
 
 coming," Jno. X. 12. 
 
 Ver. 28. Vin30 : Lanoe, Keil, Fueest, Lex. sub. voc. take D'^naas equivalent to nnpa (Eccl.xi. 9 ; xii.l) the 
 
 plural for the abstract "youth," from a root nn2 " to mature." This is favored by the Chald., Parap. and many 
 interpreters. The LXX. renders it o tK\eKT6(T, Vulg. electus epluribus, thus taking it as Kal. pass. part, from nn3 
 "to choose" (so Deusius). This agrees with the first mention of Joshua. Exod. xvii. 9, where, first chosen of 
 Moses himself at Rephidim, he is deputed to choose combatants to fight the Amalekites. The word may even 
 refer to the seventy now gathered, and affirm that Joshua was one of those chosen. " He was nearly forty years 
 old when he saw the ten plagues," Smith's Bib. Diet. art. Joshua. He might at this period be called a young man 
 (so the A. v.). But adopted as Moses' servant not earlier than in his fortieth year, he could not be said to have 
 served him "from his youth " (Maurer, Lanoe, Keil). It would anyway be unsuitable to so describe a service of 
 such recent commencement. The rendering "from his chosen ones" or elite seems preferable. Comp. 1in3. 
 
 Ps. Ixxxix. 20. 
 
 Ver. 32. According to the K'thibh iSj^n ; according to the K'ri vSu'Tl — Te.] 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 1. The occasion of the second, greater visitation. 
 The sullen temper of the congregation was not 
 subdued by the first visitation, but assumes now 
 a particularly dangerous, elegiac character. Not 
 only will the people not go forward, but they will 
 return home to the flesh pots. The God-forget- 
 ting yearning after pleasure, after the fancied, 
 idealized pleasure of the world, that has become 
 a sympathetic power of seduction, has, by the 
 
 spirit of faith, been justly taken as an allegorical 
 tvpe of all kindred outbreaks of base despondency 
 in the church of God. " Looking back and long- 
 ing for the flesh-pots of Egypt " is the expressive 
 name for this. In thinking of their present trou- 
 bles and privations, they entirely lost sight of 
 the great deliverance from Egyptian bondage and 
 of all Jehovah's miraculous guidance to the pre- 
 sent time. On the other hand, the idea of the 
 enjoyments of Egypt, in which the people had 
 had but a very meagre share, swells in their 
 imagination into an illusive picture of lavish de- 
 
64 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 lights in the lap of abundance. [" The mixed 
 muliitude," with whom the discontent began, may 
 have had a large share in the abundance of 
 Egypt ; and even the Israelites themselves doubt- 
 less had abundance of the things enumerated in 
 the text.— Tr.]. 
 
 2. I'he outburst of wicked longing. The children 
 of Israel wept again ; comp. Exod. xvi. 3, which 
 tells of an occasion when they wept before, at 
 least inwardly. Now, however, the weeping be- 
 comes almost a litany. First, as regards the ob- 
 ject of their longing; meat, fish, cucumbers, 
 melons, leeks, onions, garlic [see the corres- 
 ponding articles in Smith's Bib. Diet., and Kno- 
 BEL and Keil in loc. The Author passes them 
 with a similar reference. — Tr.]. Second, the 
 subjective disposition: feeling of debility — no- 
 thing but manna is here ; why unsatisfying ? On 
 the manna see on Exod. xvi. 14 [and Smith's 
 Bib. Dict.l — All the branches of the tribes catch 
 the contagion, — they weep before the doors of 
 their tents. 
 
 3. The guilt of the people before Jehovah and the 
 distress of Moses. The question, how did Jeho- 
 vah's wrath express itself? presents no difficulty 
 to the exegetes that write: "The whole bearing 
 of Moses shows, that two things excited his dis- 
 pleasure at once, not only the people's inconsi- 
 derate insurrection against Jehovah, but also Je- 
 hovah's inconsiderate ( ! ) anger at the people 
 (Kurtz, Keil). As if Moses as a prophet had 
 not felt the whole wrath of Jehovah in his in- 
 most soul, and that with the feeling that all was 
 up, or that it seemed to be all up with this peo- 
 ple and his whole mission to them. 
 
 And, in fact, this was one of the greatest defeats 
 of the people of God, a moment far more discon- 
 solate than the history of the golden calf, or the 
 destruction of Jerusalem; a moment that, in re- 
 ference to the despair of the people of God, re- 
 peated itself as a type in the crucifixion of Christ, 
 and in reference to the feeling of Moses, re- 
 peated itself in the feeling of Jesus in the 
 Garden of Getbsemane. Was Moses to go to Ca- 
 naan, conquer the promised land, found the king- 
 dom of God, with the people in this state of 
 mind? If the character of heathenism reveals 
 itself in a longing of the fleshly mina for the lost 
 golden age, for the old saturnalia, so here there 
 burst forth an intensified heathenism in Israel 
 itself; an elegiac retrorsum, by which at a later 
 period Israel lost the New Testament, by which 
 the more recent Romanticism made of its longing 
 for the Middle Ages an elegiac poesy, and which 
 j'lst in the most modern tendencies of the pre- 
 sent time takes the form of an absolute retrorsum. 
 
 But if Moses does not here simply rush in with 
 intercession, as he did at Sinai when the Golden 
 Calf was set up, the explanation is, that the pre- 
 sent trial is much greater, and becomes a temp- 
 tation to himself by reason of his sympathy f jr 
 the gloominess and lamentation of the sorrowing 
 people. It would really seem to him now as if 
 it were impossible, with this pitiful people, to 
 found a kingdom of God. Corresponding to this 
 is his complaint to Jehovah, ver. 11. Shall he 
 bear the burden of this whole people, i. e., the 
 burden of a people that weighs so heavily ? That 
 seems to him in conflict with the compassion of 
 God. The people behave like a screaming, self- 
 
 willed infant in swaddling-clothes. No prophet 
 can, in this way, bear a whole nation into the 
 inheritance of a great promise of world-wide im- 
 portance. On this Knobel makes the characteris- 
 tic remark : " the author has a fancy for making 
 him use such vehement language to God," (p. 51). 
 Jehovah understands his Moses better. He must 
 really be helped. The thing of first importance 
 is to raise up again the courage of the people! 
 Moses would rather die than see the people go 
 to ruin in this condition. His mood reminds 
 one of Hagar in the desert; she cannot see her 
 languishing child die. They weep to me, he 
 complains; his heart is ready to break. 
 
 4. The first relief . The prospect of miraculous 
 help that Moses now enjoys is increased sevenfold. 
 The order for Moses to summon before the Tent 
 seventy men of the elders of Israel, that 
 are at the same time officers, is joined with the 
 announcement to the peopls : to-morrow, and 
 from to-morrow onwards for a whole month shall 
 ye eat flesh — eat to loathing. 
 
 It is evident that the present has nothing to 
 do with the seventy associate judges whom .Mo- 
 ses instituted at Sinai (Exod. xvii.), as Keil 
 has clearly proved in opposition to Knobkl. 
 Still less has it any conupction with laying the 
 foundation of the Sanhedrim of later times. 
 See the particulars in Keil in loc. But it Is 
 also evident that the present has nothing to do 
 with prophesying men in general; least of all 
 would speaking with tongues have been of any 
 service to the people in their then situation. 
 The appointment of the men relates to the pro- 
 mise given to the people: to-morrow ye shall 
 eat flesh. Jehovah •will put on the seventy 
 men of the spirit •which is upon Moses. 
 A distribution of the spirit into seventy parts is 
 out of the question. Keil justly rejects this 
 representation, as also a similar one of Calvin's 
 (it was a "sign of indignation" against Moses), 
 and appeals to Theodoret's explanation: from 
 one flame a thousand may be kimlled without 
 diminishing the former. Just as little, accord- 
 ing to the context, has the present anything to 
 do with a general and abiding appointment, as 
 has already been remarked. But to the pro- 
 mise of enjoying flesh for an entire month is 
 joined already a slight threat: until it come 
 out at your nose is explained by the addition: 
 and it be loathsome to you. Keil takes 
 this literally : their vomiting shall not only 
 drive the flesh out of their mouth, but also out 
 of their nose. Mo«es still doubts: six hundred 
 thousand men shall have enough meat for an 
 entire month? That would require them to 
 slaughter all their herds. The addition: or 
 shall all the fish of the sea be gathered 
 together for them, is not without significance 
 as to their place of encampment. But Jehovah 
 demands of Moses unconditional faith in His 
 omnipotence, and therewith in His promise. 
 Moses believes and obeys. 
 
 The seventy men stood round about the 
 Tent in a semi-circle (thus Keil interprets 
 nJ'3D, ver. 24), and the sign with which 
 Jehovah effected the spiritual anointing consists 
 in this, that He comes down on him with the 
 cloud, that at other times rose directly up. 
 
CHAP. XI. 4-35. 
 
 65 
 
 That the cloud was not moved by the wind is a 
 negation of importance only to that supra-natu- 
 ralism that supposes it must deny secondary 
 causes. There ivas even a strong south wind 
 used, not only to bring on the abundance of 
 quails, but also to cast them on the camp. 
 Moses understood the harmonia priestabilita be- 
 tween the kingdom of nature and the kingdom 
 of grace under divine illumination. It was a 
 solitary factor in the history of the world, as 
 was the passage through the Red Sea. The 
 army of God must go on and on, and it has gone 
 o'luard from that day to the present. The 
 inspired hope blazed up anew in Moses, and in 
 the whole troop of his assistants. The latter 
 prophesied in this solitary situation, and not 
 again afterwards. What they prophesied is for 
 our informant something too plain to need state- 
 ment. The fire of hope even flew from the Ta- 
 bernacle and the main gathering away over the 
 camp. Two of the men that had been summoned 
 had remained in the camp, Eldad ("God is 
 friend") and Medad (friendship); but even 
 there they began to prophesy. On hearing this 
 Joshua showed great zeal; they seemed not to 
 be ordained by his honored master; Moses 
 should forbid them. The great answer of Moses: 
 •wilt thou be a zealot for me ? has been 
 disregarded by all hierarchs from that time to 
 the present. It is clear to the sincere prophet 
 that at this moment Joshua is not zealous for 
 God. It has been usual at this place to call to 
 mind the sons of Thunder (Mar. ix. 38); many 
 a confessionalist may as properly be called to 
 mind. Would that all the Lord's people 
 ■were prophets, that the Lord would put 
 His Spirit upon them! Moses now returns 
 into the camp with the elders, also the people 
 are to sanctify themselves against the following 
 morning. 
 
 5. The quails and (he graves of lust. Comp. 
 Exod. xvi. "Here, too, is meant a spring mi- 
 gration from south to north that happens in the 
 second month, or about May (x. 11). The wind 
 •was from the south-east (Ps. Ixxviii. 26), and 
 blew from the Elanitic gulf. Quails depend 
 much on the wind in their flight; especially in 
 harvest, when they are very fat, on the north 
 •wind," etc. (Knobel), Thus the wind that 
 Jehovah sent spread the quails over the camp 
 a day's journey hither and a day's jour- 
 ney thither, that must mean: in every direc- 
 tion, or in length and breadth, but not: "so 
 that on both sides they fell to the ground a day's 
 journey in breadth" (Keil), thus right and left 
 by the camp. Moreover the representation 
 about tw^o cubits above the face of the 
 earth, is not to be taken as meaning that they 
 ''lay two cubits deep piled on one another." A 
 flight of quails never so fatigued might spread 
 itself over the ground ; still it would not fall as 
 if dead, one on another, two cubits deep. Lite- 
 rally then it would need to mean : two days' 
 journey in length and breadth, they lay two 
 cubits on top of each other. That would have 
 been provision for many years ; but then, too, 
 it would have crushed in the tents of the Israel- 
 ites. Therefore Keil adds : naturally not every- 
 •where in the space indicated, but primarily near 
 the camp, and in spots about two cubits high. 
 5 
 
 But a literal construction does not permit this 
 restriction. Here even the Vulgate, along with 
 many Rabbins, stands up for a vivid and natural 
 construction : volabant in aere duabus cubitis alii- 
 iudine super terram, against the construction of 
 Keil, who follows Michaelis. Bochart repre- 
 sents an explanation still more supra-natural- 
 istic : the quails lay perhaps in rows two cubits 
 deep, so that the Israelites in gathering them 
 may have gone between. But it is certainly 
 allowable to understand the verb 'dl3} as mean. 
 
 - T 
 
 ing, not a literal throwing, but flinging, in the 
 way that a strong wind would do. Had they 
 been spread out a day's journey on either side 
 of the camp, then the gathering could not have 
 been done in two days and the intervening 
 night. He that gathered least gathered 
 ten homers; according to the reckoning of 
 Thenius nearly two bushels [Dresden measure. 
 See Smith's Bible Dictionary, art. Weights and 
 3Ieasures. See ibid., art. Quails: " There is every 
 reason for believing that the 'homers' here 
 spoken of denote simply 'a heap:' this is the 
 explanation given by Onkelos and the Arabic 
 versions of Saadias and Erpenius, in Num. x. 
 31." Considering the uncertainty about Hebrew 
 measures of this early date, we cannot look to 
 the homer as a definite factor in judging of this 
 aecount. The phenomenon seems to have been 
 a two days' flight of quail. The unique Hebrew 
 phrase literally translated is: as the •way of 
 a day thus, and as the "way of a day thus. 
 
 The comparison implied in ri3, "thus, or so," 
 may be to the description of the flight of quail 
 in the preceding clause. The phrase seems bet- 
 ter suited to describe the passage of the quail 
 than anything else. '^7.!!> "^ way," as a rule, 
 takes its definition from the subject with which 
 it is joined. Comp. Job xxxviii. 19, 24, 25; 
 "the way of light," "the way of lightning." 
 In the present case, then, it would not denote a 
 space or area at all, but a course or flight. The 
 only measure of the phenomenon, then, is that 
 enough was gathered for a month's use for this 
 mighty multitude. Unless "away" be restricted 
 to the quails for its definition, we have no defi- 
 nition. For it cannot be decided whether the 
 "day's journey" means that of a multitude, or 
 of a man, or of a man on a camel (see Bush in 
 loc). It agrees with this view when it is stated 
 that the people stood up all that day and 
 all the night and all the* next day, and 
 they gathered the quails. The passage lasted 
 two days and the intervening night, and so long 
 the "killing" lasted. Israelites would not 
 gather what had died of itself (Lev. xxii. 8). — 
 Tr.] When it is said that the provisions were 
 heaped about the camp, it does not mean that 
 the quails fell only about the camp. The camp 
 itself formed a narrow circuit, the periphery of 
 the quail-fall a wider : but the quail-fall covered 
 both. 
 
 The narrative hastens on to the judgment. 
 The flesh -was yet between their teeth: 
 that can mean: hardly had they begun to eat 
 the flesh ; but it may also mean, it had not yet 
 ceased. Only the latter can be intended, for 
 otherwise the whole feeding would have been 
 illusory. The explanation : "they had not yet 
 
66 
 
 NUxMBERS. 
 
 chewed it," mars the vivid expression. Keil 
 and Knobel differ widely in regard to the mor- 
 tal punishment. "This overthrow (H^O) must 
 
 not be regarded as the effect of an immoderate 
 use of the quails, and because quails feed on 
 thiugs that are noxious to men, so that the use 
 of their meat brings on convulsions and dizziness 
 (see the proofs in Bocuart, Hieroz. II., p. 657 
 sqq.), as Knobel supposes, but an extraordinary 
 judicial punishment brought on the people by 
 God for their lusting " (Keil). The test takes 
 the medium between these two, even by the ex- 
 pression graves of lust, and with the remark: 
 there they buried the people that lusted. 
 Indeed, the connection between sin and punish- 
 ment, strong appetite and intemperance (espe- 
 cially, we may suppose, among the rabble, with 
 whom the commotion originated), appears here 
 too plain for one to suppose that it will glorify 
 the miracle to rupture this connection with vio- 
 lence. 
 
 [The nausea resulting from a month's conse- 
 cutive use of quails had nothing to do with the 
 mortality attending the present use. Keil, with 
 whom many agree, is right in referring the lat- 
 ter to a direct judgment of God. The text says 
 nothing of greedy or immoderate use of the 
 meat. It was the moral quality of the lusting 
 that was punished. The nausea, moreover, 
 would be no proof of immoderate use of the food, 
 except in the sense that every-day use of such 
 meat is immoderate. It is a familiar fact among 
 bird-huntei'S (or often alleged to be such) that 
 no one can eat a pheasant daily for a month. 
 Revolting makes it impossible. We may sup- 
 pose the same would be true of quails in the 
 east, especially considering also the cuisine of 
 thp desert. — Tr.] 
 
 6. Supplementary remarlcs. The slighting of 
 the manna occasions a repeated description of 
 it (vers. 4-8; comp. Exod. xvi. : Num. xxi. 5). 
 In regard to the relation of these seventy men 
 out of the elders to the elders that Moses ap- 
 pointed, Exod. xix., the following distinctions 
 nppeir manifest: (1) judges and prophets; (2) 
 standing officers, and those that were called to 
 render an extraordinary assistance. The num- 
 ber seventy goes all through the Holy Scripture 
 as symbolical of the total of the nation. Ac- 
 cording to the expression of Moses, ver. 22, 
 about the fish of the sea, we must suppose that 
 the locality ''graves of lust" was not far from 
 the Elnnitic gulf. The remark of Keil: what 
 could be the use of such a detour? overlooks 
 th'! difficulties that a great expedition had to 
 encounter in the desert, seeing it was condi- 
 tioned on pasturage and springs. The situation 
 of the graves of lust is unknown, and there are 
 only indefinite conjectures in regard to Haze- 
 roth. 
 
 [K. H. Palmer [Desert of the Exodus) tliinks 
 he has identified Kibroth-hattaavah. He thus 
 describes his discovery (p. 212 sq.): "A little 
 further on, and upon the water-shed of Wady el 
 Ih.beibeh, we came to some remains which, al- 
 tiiough they had hitherto escaped even a passing 
 notice from previous travellers, proved to be 
 among the most interesting in the country. The 
 piece of elevated ground wbiob forms this water- 
 
 shed is called by the Arabs Erweis el Ebeirig, 
 and is covered with small inclosures of stones.' 
 These are evidently the remains of a large en- 
 campment; but they differ essentially in'' their 
 arrangement from any others which 1 have seen 
 iu Sinai or elsewhere in Arabia; and on the 
 summit of a small hill on the right is an erec- 
 tion of rough stones surmounted by a conspicu- 
 ous white block of pyramidal shape. These 
 remains extend for miles around, and, on ex- 
 amining them more carefully during a second 
 visit to the Peninsula with Mr. Drake, we found 
 our first impressions fully confirmed, and col- 
 lected abundant proofs that it was in reality a 
 deserted camp. The small stones which for- 
 merly served, as they do in the present day, for 
 hearths, in many places still showed signs of 
 the action of fire, and on digging beneath the 
 surface, we found pieces of charcoal in great 
 abundance. Here and there were larger inclo- 
 sures marking the encampment of some person 
 more important than the rest, and just outside 
 the camp were a number of stone heaps, which, 
 from their shape and position, could be nothing 
 else but graves. The site is a most commanding 
 one, and admirably suited for the assembling 
 of a large concourse of people. 
 
 "Arab tradition declares these curious re- 
 mains to be ' the relics of a large Pilgrim or 
 Hajj caravan, who in remote ages pitched their 
 tents at this spot on their way to 'Ain Hudherah, 
 and who were soon afterwards lost in the desert 
 of the Tih, and never heard of again.' 
 
 " For various reasons, I am inclined to believe 
 that this legend is authentic, that it refers to the 
 Israelites, and that we have in the scattered 
 stones of Erweis el Ebeirig real traces of the 
 Exodus. 
 
 "Firstly: they are said tahu, to have 'lost 
 their way,' the Arabic verb from which the 
 name Tih, or ' Wilderness of the Wanderings' is 
 derived.' Secondly : they are described as a 
 Hajj caravan. At the first glance this would 
 seem an anachronism, as the word is employed 
 exclusively by the Muslims, and applied to their 
 own annual pilgrimage to Mecca. But this very 
 term owes its origin to the Hebrew Hagg, which 
 signifies 'a festival,' and is the identical word 
 used in Exod. x. 9 to express the ceremony 
 which the children of Israel alleged as their 
 reason for wishing to leave Egypt — namely : 
 ' to hold a feast unto the Lord in the wilderness.' 
 It could not apply to the modern Mohammedan 
 Hajj caravan, for that has never passed this 
 way, and would not under any circumstances 
 find it necessary to go to ^ Ain Hudherah ; but 
 the children of Israel did journey to Hazeroth, 
 and the tradition is therefore valuable in deter- 
 mining tiie latter site, as well as their subse- 
 quent route on leaving the Peninsula. The 
 length of time which has elapsed since the events 
 of the Exodus furnishes no argument against 
 the probability of this conclusion, for there are 
 other monuments in the country in even better 
 preservation, and of a date indisputably far an- 
 terior. It is a curious fact that, if you ask 
 twenty different Arabs to relate to you one of 
 their national legends, they will do so in pre- 
 cisely the same words, thus showing with what 
 wonderful precision oral tradition is handed 
 
CHAP, XI. 4-35. 
 
 67 
 
 down from generation to generation among 
 them. 
 
 "These Considerations, the distance (exactly a 
 day's journey) from 'Ain Hudherah, and these 
 mysterious graves outside the camp, to my mind 
 prove conclusively the identity of the spot with 
 the scene of that awful plague by which the 
 Lord punished the greed and discontent of His 
 people (Num. xi. 33-35.)" 
 
 The same author identifies Hazeroth with 'Ain 
 Hudherah as Bobinson and others before him. 
 But previous travellers have looked at it only 
 from a distance. Palmer explored the very 
 spot and thus describes it : " Through a steep 
 rugged gorge, with almost perpendicular sides, 
 we looked down upon a wady-bed that winds 
 along between fantastic sandstone rocks, now 
 rising in the semblance of mighty walls or ter- 
 raced palaces, now jutting out in pointed ridges 
 — rocky promontories in a sandy sea. Beyond 
 this lies a perfect forest of mountain peaks and 
 chains, and on their left a broad white wady 
 leads up toward the distant mountains of Tih. 
 But the great charm of the landscape lies in the 
 rich and varied coloring; the sandstone, save 
 where some great block has fallen away and dis- 
 played the dazzling whiteness of the stone be- 
 neath, is weathered to a dull red or violet hue, 
 through which run streaks of brightest yellow 
 and scarlet, mixed with rich dark purple tints. 
 Here and there a hill or dike of greenstone, or a 
 rock of rosy granite, contrasts or blends harmo- 
 niously with the rest ; and in the midst, beneath 
 a lofty clifi", nestles the dark green palm-grove 
 of Hazeroth," ibid. p. 217. See Bartlett: 
 From Egypt to Palestine, Chap. XIII. — Tr.] 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 1. On xi. 4. The beginning of the patho- 
 logical ill-humor proceeds from a common, 
 dubious crowd that joined in the exodus from 
 Egypt, probably people attached by marriage, 
 bastards, servants, fortune-seekers of every sort. 
 Any way, the theocratic- classical conception 
 
 of the rabble, the mongrel mass, the scrapings 
 CipSDXn) presents itself here as quite justified. 
 
 The 'more recent morality justly forbids our 
 calling the humbler people a rabble ; but on the 
 other hand the eternal morality of the word of 
 God is also justified that forbids our calling the 
 rabble the nation. 
 
 ["Hence we are taught, that the wicked and 
 sinful should be avoided, lest they should cor- 
 rupt us by their bad example ; since the con- 
 tagion of vice easily spreads. At the same time 
 we are warned, that it does not at all avail to 
 excuse us, that others are the instigators of our 
 sin ; since it by no means profited the Israelites, 
 that they fell through the influence of others, 
 inasmuch as it was their own lust which carried 
 them away." Calvin in loc. See his entire 
 comment on chap, xi., which is admirable for 
 its practical applications. — Tr.] 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 The longing for the flesh-pots of Egypt. The 
 illusions regarding a bondage from which they 
 had hardly more than escaped. Nunquam re- 
 trorsum. 
 
 The complaint of Moses. The fearful burden 
 rolled on the hearts of those that are faithful by 
 the frivolity and worldly-mindedness of the mass 
 of the nation. The awakening of men of enthul- 
 siastic hope in Jehovah's miraculous help. 
 
 Two kinds of despair : despair of human help, 
 from which issues new hope in God's miraculous 
 help ; and despair of God's help, which also de- 
 prives human help of its power. The quails, or 
 the way of all animals under the providence of 
 God. 
 
 Eldad and Medad, or those inspired of God 
 beside those ordained, and the contrast between 
 Joshua's judgment and that of Moses (comp. 
 Luke ix. 49, 50). 
 
 The punishment in granting earthly good that 
 is impatiently sought after; or the graves of 
 lust. [See M. Henry on xi. 4-36. — Tr.] 
 
 6 
 
 C— MIRIAM AND AARON AGAINST MOSES. MIRIAM'S LEPROSY. 
 
 Chap. XII. 1-16. 
 
 And Miriam and Aaron spake against Moses because of the ^Ethiopian woman 
 whom he had ^married : for he had ^married an ^Ethiopian woman. And they 
 said, Hath the Lord indeed spoken only by Moses ? hath he not spoken also by 
 us ? And the Lord heard it. (Now the man Moses was very meek, above all 
 the men which were upon the face of the earth.) And the Lord spake suddenly 
 unto Moses, and unto Aaron, and unto Miriam, Come out ye three unto the *taber- 
 nacle of the congregation. And they three came out. And the Lord came down 
 in the pillar of the cloud, and stood in the door of the "tabernacle, and called Aaron 
 and Miriam : and they both came forth. And he said. Hear now my words : If 
 there be a 'prophet among you; / the Lord will make myself known unto him in a 
 
NUMBERS. 
 
 7 "\asion, and will speak unto him in a dream. My servant Moses is not so, who is 
 
 8 faithful in all mine house. With him *will I speak mouth to mouth, *even 
 apparently, and not in dark speeches ; and the similitude of the Lord '^shall he 
 behold : wherefore then were ye not afraid to speak against my servant ^Moses ? 
 
 9, 10 And the anger of the Lord was kindled against them : and he departed. And 
 the cloud "departed from off the tabernacle ; and, behold, Miriam became leprous, 
 tvhite as snow : and Aaron looked upon Miriam, and, behold, she tvas leprous. 
 
 11 And Aaron said unto Moses, Alas, my lord, I beseech thee, lay not the sin upon 
 
 12 us, wherein we have done foolishly, and wherein we have sinned. Let her not be 
 as one dead, of whom the flesh is half consumed when he cometh out of his mother's 
 womb. And Moses cried unto the Lord, saying, Heal her now, O God, I beseech 
 
 thee. 
 
 And the Lord said unto Moses, If her father had but spit in her face, should 
 she not be ashamed seven days ? let her be ^shut out from the camp seven days, 
 and after that let her be received in again. And Miriam was ''shut out from the 
 camp seven days : and the people journeyed not till Miriam was brought in again. 
 16 And afterward the people removed from Hazeroth, and pitched in the wilderness 
 of Paran. 
 
 1o 
 O 
 
 14 
 
 15 
 
 1 Or, Cushite. 
 
 » Tent of Meeting. 
 4 omit ivill. 
 h removed. 
 
 b Tent. 
 • and as an appearance. 
 s turned. 
 
 2 Heb., taken. 
 
 ' prophet of Jehovah, among you, I make myself, etc. 
 
 f he beholds. e against Moses. 
 
 k shut up without the, etc. ' received. 
 
 [Ver. 6. DDX'3J = UD^ X'3J. the nominal suffix standing for the dative of tlie personal pronoun ; as Gen 
 xxxix. 21 l^n 1 Jl'l '" he gave his' grace," for " he gave>im grace ;" comp. Lev. xv. 3. Naegelsbach, § 78, 1 c, rem. 
 Thus also X'33 stands in the constr. state with nin' " a prophet of Jehovah to you." So also Keil. The LXX. 
 construes nin' with X'33, wpoc/jrJTrjs t.fiwv KvpCo>; also the Vulg.— Tr.]. 
 
 Ver. 13. Ought one, instead of the strange form NJ bx, to read with Michaelis and others SJ-^N? It might 
 even be more expressive of the emotion that Moses^feit. [" The connection of the particle KJ with Sx is cer- 
 tainly unusual ; but yet it is analogous to the construction with such exclamations as ■'IX (Jer. iv. 31 ; xlv. 3), and 
 "lin (Gen xii. 11 ; xvi. 2, etc.) ; since Sx in the vocative is to be regarded as equivalent to an exclamation ; whereas 
 the alteration into S« does not even give a fitting sense, apart altogether from the fact that the repetition of KJ 
 after the verb, with KJ-bj< before it; would be altogether unexampled." Keil.— Te.]. 
 
 spiritual intercession when opposed to the con- 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 1. From the Graves of Lust the children of 
 Israel inarched to Hazeroth, where they abode 
 for a season. Here Moses had to sustain an- 
 other insurrection. It was in so far the worst 
 of all as it proceeded from his own brother and 
 sister, Miriam and Aaron, who were his assist- 
 ants, and it assumed the garb of a higher holi- 
 ness by virtue of which they would supersede 
 him, or at least would assume equal rank. Fe- 
 male, fanatical enthusiasm and ruffled clericalism 
 had combined against his freedom of spirit, the 
 word of God and his vocation. The occasion was 
 a marriage, which in Israelitish pride they re- 
 garded as an objectionable, mongrel marriage ; 
 but the consequence was this, that they were at 
 least yjrophets of equal authority, who, if they 
 did even let him be of account in their college, 
 could conveniently outvote him. Thus, indeed, 
 female fanaticism and priestly presumption in 
 combination have often outvoted the representa- 
 tives of God's word. 
 
 Our section is brief, but its contents are rich 
 in relation to the outbreaks of fanaticism, to 
 mixed marriages, the forms of revelation, the 
 true divine interdicts that may authenticate 
 theocratic sanctuaries, and the higher power of 
 
 damnatory spirit of a carnal fanaticism. 
 
 2. And Miriam, ver. 1. She was the real 
 instigator, as indeed, time out of mind, sisters 
 have inclined to meddle with the marriage affairs 
 of their brothers; hence the form ^31^^. Aaron 
 suffered himself to be carried away, as he had 
 before done in the affair of the golden calf. A 
 fancy for images, dependence on female fanati- 
 cism, meddling with the marriage rights of men 
 has ever been an infirmity of priests. 
 
 3. Because of his wife the Cushite, 
 whom he had married, ver. 1. According 
 to the propensity of fanaticism in all ages to 
 exaggerate, to caricature, and to abuse, one 
 might suppose that Zipporah were meant. Such 
 was the view of Calvin and many others, Kno- 
 BEL among them, for whom of course this sup- 
 position offers the opportunity of detecting a 
 contradiction. But, apart from the fact that the 
 matter is treated as something quite new, it is 
 against this view that it is added : for he had 
 married a Cushite. This latter, therefore, 
 makes necessary the assumption of Michaelis, 
 EwALi), Keil and others, that Zipporah had 
 died some time previously. The history of 
 Joseph proved that marriage with an Egyptian 
 woman was not antitheocratic. The prohibition 
 to marry with the daughters of Canaan had 
 special reasons of religious self-preservation. 
 
CHAP. XII. 1-16. 
 
 69 
 
 The union of Moses with an Ethiopian wo- 
 man has been ascribed to theological motives. 
 Baumgarten conceives the motive to have been, 
 to represent the fellowship between Israel and 
 the heathen. According to Gerlach it signified 
 the future calling of the Gentiles. There may 
 be more reason in the "Jewish fabling," accord- 
 ing to which the Cushite woman was in the train 
 of the army of God even from Egypt, even if the 
 statement that Moses married the Ethiopian 
 princess Tharbis in Meroe, before the Exodus 
 (JosEPHUS, Antiq. 2, 10, 2) may be fabulous. 
 That a feminine spirit out of heathendom might 
 be carried away by the theocratic hope as a 
 disciple of Moses, is proved by the history of 
 Tamar, of Rahab and of Ruth. It is true that 
 the High-Priest was allowed to marry only a 
 Hebrew virgin ; but that was a limitation be- 
 longing to his symbolic position, and the remark 
 that Moses for this reason gave up all claim to 
 the priesthood has no value. The prophetic 
 class, on the other hand, had the task of illus- 
 trating the greatest possible letting down of 
 legal restraint, and it offers a remarkable paral- 
 lel that the next greatest man of the law, Elijah, 
 lived for a considerable time as the table com- 
 panion of a heathen widow of Zarephath. 
 
 4. Hath the Lord indeed spoken only 
 by Moses, ver. 2. They appear to be willing 
 to allow him still co-ordination, whereas their 
 mind is to bring about the subordination of the 
 younger brother. Thus, also, the older brothers 
 of Jesus asserted themselves presumptuously 
 against Him. Aaron wore the breast-plate, 
 Urim and Thummim ; Miriam, as a prophetess, 
 had already led the chorus of the women of 
 Israel. There appears to crop out a prelude of 
 the spiritualism of the rebellion of Korah. 
 
 5. No'w the man Moses was very meek, 
 ver. 3. An intimation that he endured in si- 
 lence and committed his justification to God. 
 If we assume a later redaction of the memora- 
 bilia of Moses, then this statement is easily 
 explained as a gloss. Anyway the defence of 
 the view that Moses wrote this himself is no 
 affair affecting faith. See Keil for the discus- 
 sions relating to this. [The defence of the in- 
 tegrity of this text may be of great importance 
 even if it be not an "aflFair affecting faith." 
 There is really no more ground for impugning 
 it than any other simple statement about Moses 
 made by himself; as for instance: "0 my 
 Lord, I am not eloquent ; but I am slow of 
 speech." Exod. iv. 10; Exod. xi. 3; Num. xii. 
 7, may also be compared. The common objec- 
 tion to it, that it is self-praise, is urged from 
 the view-point of Christian ethics. Certainly 
 before the day of David, who sang the praises 
 of the meek (Ui') and of their meekness, no one 
 would have been charged with praising himself 
 who called himself meek. Calvin's sensible 
 comment touches the core of the matter: "The 
 eulogium of his meekness amounts to this: as 
 if Moses would say, he swallowed that injui-y 
 in silence, inasmuch as he imposed a law of pa- 
 tience on himself because of his meekness." 
 Only it need not be admitted that the text was 
 an "eulogium," though it is such now. It 
 would not even now-a-days be thought a proof 
 
 of self-conceit, or more than a modest man 
 might say, if one were to state that he swallowed 
 more affronts thaa any man of his time. Apart 
 from this unreasonable objection to the words, 
 it is "manifest that the observation referred to 
 occupies a necessary place in the history, being 
 called forth by the occasion, and that the object 
 of its insertion was by no means to magnify 
 Moses." Macdonald on The Pentateuch, 1., p. 
 346.— Tr.] 
 
 6. Vers. 4, 5. Moses, Aaron and Miriam, 
 whose discourse Jehovah had heard, are sud- 
 denly cited to the fore-court of the Tent. This 
 notice affords Knobel another opportunity for 
 detecting a contradiction. Women in the Sanc- 
 tuary ! Yes, indeed, in the fore-court; in fact 
 there was at a later period an entire fore-court 
 for women. The three presented themselves 
 there and are summoned. The cloud sinking 
 down parts Aaron and Miriam from Moses, after 
 they had approached before the door of the 
 Tent. What they now hear seems to have the 
 form of an inspiration from Jehovah, who mani- 
 fested Himself in the dividing cloud. 
 
 7. If there be a prophet among you, 
 etc., veis. 6-8 b. The usual form of revelation 
 is: Jehovah makes himself know^n in an 
 appearance, or in a dream. The dream- 
 vision as a third form is to be understood as 
 included. The form of revelation in which 
 Jehovah makes Himself known to Moses is su- 
 perior, because Moses is faithful in all His 
 
 [Jehovah's] house. V^'^}, may be taken to mean 
 
 "entrusted with;" but the 3 seems to favor the 
 
 other rendering. But, of course, the house of 
 Jehovah is not merely the Sanctuary, but all 
 Israel as the house of Jehovah (Keil). 
 
 [My house, when said by Jehovah, must 
 mean the same as "the house of Jehovah," 
 when said by Moses. The latter in the Penta- 
 teuch never means anything but the Tabernacle. 
 Comp. Exod. xxiii. 19; Deut. xxiii. 18 (19); 
 also Josh. vi. 24; ix. 23. Keil says: "It is 
 not primarily His dwelling, the holy Tent 
 (Baumgarten), — for in that case the word 
 
 'whole' (~72l) would be quite superfluous." But 
 
 Sd cannot so extend the meaning of " house of 
 God," any more than "all the apple" can be 
 made to comprehend the apple and the tree on 
 which it grows. It is better to understand by 
 "my house" the Tabernacle, including the eco- 
 nomy that it represents. The Apostle's refer- 
 ence to this phrase, Heb. iii. 2-6, quite consists 
 with this, and most of all his words: "whose 
 house we are," which Keil quotes in favor of 
 the other view. For these words in their con- 
 text present an antithesis to '' His (God's) 
 house." Moses ministered in a house of types; 
 Christ in the real house, of which believers are 
 the ingredients. — Tr.] 
 
 To him Jehovah speaks mouth to mouth, 
 i. e. the sound of the words objectively as inspi- 
 ration and subjectively as law, is thoroughly 
 correct. And it may subserve this that Moses 
 is denied the dangerous gift of eloquence, and 
 that he must speak in lapidary style. Hence, 
 too, his sort of vision is peculiar; free from 
 obscure or enigmatical forma of fantasy or poesy 
 
70 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 (m-n), ideal realism. He beholds the form 
 of Jehovah, His essential form (Esod. xxxiii. 
 11; L)eut. xxxiv. 10). Still one could not take 
 these words absolutely, without being in conflict 
 with Jno. i. 18, and even Exod. xxxiii. [No 
 more conflict than Jno. v. 37, ovrs e'tdog avrov 
 eupnKare. — Tr.] If the prophets saw what was 
 divine only pioce-meal and in various forms 
 (Heb. i. 1), so then Moses, too, did not see it 
 synthetically, but analytically. It is therefore 
 saying too much when one affirms: "God spake 
 with Moses without figure and in the complete 
 transparency of spiritual communication." — 
 What distinguishes him in the Old Testament is 
 the totality and the objective precision of his 
 perception of the law, but still on that account 
 conditioned by visions, as e. g. the vision of the 
 Burning Bush; and if "all the prophets only 
 continued to build on the foundation that Moses 
 laid," still, on the other hand, each prophet 
 saw a special aspect of the kingdom of God in 
 such a light as Moses had not yet seen it. 
 Keil says: "On this unique position of Moses to 
 God and to the Theocracy, clearly affirmed in 
 our verses, the Rabbins have justly founded the 
 Tiew of the superior degree of the inspiration 
 of the Thorahr But we may add: on this mis- 
 understanding of this conditioned uniqueness, 
 the Sadducees, too, founded their doctrine. The 
 New Testament, also, is, according to historical 
 relations, founded on the Old Testament; but, 
 according to inward, essential relations that 
 well up out of the divine depths into the light 
 of day, the Old Testament is rather founded 
 on the New, and in a certain sense John the Bap- 
 tist is called the greatest prophet of the Old 
 Testament. 
 
 8. Wherefore were ye not afraid ? Ver. 
 8 c. They lived with him so long, and yet knew 
 so little his exalted position. He stood too near 
 to them, and they themselves, with their self- 
 consciousness, stood too much in their own 
 light. Again an old history that becomes ever 
 new. 
 
 9. And the anger of the Lord was kin- 
 dled against them; and He departed, ver. 
 9; the cloud removed from off the Tent, ver. 
 10. It removes; ''it mounts aloft." This lift- 
 ing up and moving off of the cloud might be 
 portrayed without its significance being re- 
 garded. It was the first punishment and a 
 chief one. Aaron was inwardly crushed, the 
 fire on his altar went out, the pillar of smoke 
 no longer mounted up as a token of grace, the 
 cultus was for the moment at a stand-still, and 
 it was as if an interdict of Jehovah lay on the 
 cultus of the Sanctuary. Hence Miriam is not 
 the only one punished when suddenly she stood 
 there snow-white from leprosy. She would 
 
 stand above Moses snow-white in righteousness, 
 while she looked down on him as unclean. She 
 would be a lady over the Church, for she domi- 
 nated over Aaron, and now, even as a leper, she 
 must be excluded from the Church. Now Aaron 
 implores Moses, as his lord, to intercede. Here 
 only the spiritual high-priesthood of a divine 
 compassion can deliver the helpless high-priest 
 himself. Lay not the sin upon us, ver. 11 ; 
 let us not atone for it. We have played the 
 
 fool (7K', Niph.). So, too. Luther once said, 
 when looking back to the deliverance concern- 
 ing the double marriage of Philip of Hesse. 
 His sister seems to him as it were already con- 
 sumed by the leprosy, as a still-born child may 
 already appear almost corrupted at birth. 
 Mournful image under which Miriam now ap- 
 pears here! He almost speaks as if Moses 
 should heal her. Moses understands it as an 
 indirect request to intercede for her. The reply 
 of Jehovah is the granting of the request in the 
 form of a sharp reproof (ver. 14). The figura- 
 tive expression compares her, who desired to be 
 the prophetic regent of the nation, to a depend- 
 ent maiden in whose face her father had spit on 
 account of unseemly behaviour. Such an one 
 must conceal herself seven days on account of 
 her shame. The same is dictated to Miriam. 
 "A usage among the Arabs is that, when a son 
 and competitor in a race is beaten, the father spits 
 in his face as a sign of his reproof (von Shit- 
 BERT, Rehe II., p. 403)." Knobel. She is 
 shut up seven days as a leper. Confounded 
 by the sense of guilt, Aaron could not see the 
 sign of hope in the snow-white leprosy. At 
 bottom the confession of Miriam appeared al- 
 ready in that, because the blow proceeded from 
 conscience. In ordering her to a seclusion of 
 seven days, there was implied, however, even 
 already the divine sentence of pronouncing her 
 clean, because the leper pronounced clean could 
 only after seven days be received again (Lev. 
 xiv. 8). The reception back again required the 
 prescribed sacrifice. Therefore so long the peo- 
 ple must remain encamped in Hazeroth. After 
 the seven days the departure from Hazeroth 
 took place. Knobel cannot see how the stern 
 features and the mild features in Moses are to 
 be harmonized (p. 30). Of course this is [for 
 him] another contradiction ! 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Miriam and Aaron in their would-be pious 
 zeal against the alleged mixed marriage of 
 Moses. Two-fold character of the so-called 
 mixed marriages (see on Gen. vi. 1-8, Doct. and 
 Eih., § 3; 1 Cor. vii.). The intercession of 
 Moses must mediate again and again. 
 
CHAP. XIII. 1-33. 
 
 71 
 
 THIRD SECTION. 
 
 The Pall of the Old Generation in the "Wilderness of Paran. The Spies. 
 Despondency, the Stubbornness and the Judgment. 
 
 Chaps. XIII. 1— XIV. 45. 
 
 The 
 
 In this section we read the history of Israel 
 in the wilderness in the narrower sense, the 
 tragic history of their first cardinal and tem- 
 porary rejection. God never rejected His entire 
 people, though He did reject single generations 
 of the nation in a conditional sense. This first 
 time one generation died in the wilderness; ano- 
 ther time two generations died in the Babylon- 
 ish captivity; and after the destruction of Jeru- 
 salem and later, countless generations fell under 
 the sentence of dispersion. Moreover, indivi- 
 dual tribes more or less detached themselves 
 from the total of Israel before the deportation 
 of the Ten Tribes to Assyria. But never did 
 the entire nation go to destruction. Again and 
 again the prophets renew the promise of salva- 
 tion to a pious remnant, an election, and that 
 
 in a form ever greater and more glorious. But 
 as, on the one hand, the entire nation is never 
 meant, so also, on the other, toe single indivi- 
 dual as such is never meant. Even the vacilla- 
 ting, lost multitude is indeed judged as a nation, 
 but not in the relation of the individual to 
 Jehovah, and in the end there shall issue from 
 each visitation a fruit of righteousness. It is 
 the history of humanity on a reduced scale. It 
 is characteristic, that several modern critics, 
 from Goethe on, have desired to eliminate this 
 providential central point of the wanderings of 
 Israel, the proper theocratic idea of it, in order 
 to make prominent in the history what remains 
 almost an insignificant military caravan expedi- 
 tion through the desert. 
 
 The Spies and their Report. 
 Chap. XIII. 1-33. 
 
 1 And the Loed spake unto Moses, saying, \Send thou men, that they may 
 
 2 ""search the land of Canaan, which I give unto the children of Israel : of every 
 
 3 tribe of their fathers shall ye send a man, every one a "ruler among them. And 
 Moses by the commandment of the Lord sent them from the wilderness of Paran : 
 
 4 all those men were heads of the children of Israel. And these were their names ; 
 
 5 Of the tribe of Reuben, Shammua the son of Zaccur. Of the tribe of Simeon, 
 ' 6 Shaphat the son of Hori. Of the tribe of Judah, Caleb the son of Jephunneh. 
 
 7, 8 Of the tribe of Issachar, Igal the son of Joseph. Of the tribe of Ephraim. 
 
 9 Oshea the son of Nun. Of the tribe of Benjamin, Palti the son of Raphu. 
 
 10, 11 Of the tribe of Zebulun, Gaddiel the son of Sodi. Of the tribe of Joseph, 
 
 12 namely, of the tribe of Manasseh, Gaddi the son of Susi. Of the tribe of Dan, 
 
 13 Ammiel the son of Gemalli. Of the tribe of Asher, Sethur the son of Michael. 
 14, 15 Of the tribe of Naphtali, Nahbi the son of Vophsi. Of the tribe of Gad, Geuel 
 
 16 the son of Machi. These are the names of the men which Moses sent to spy out 
 the laud. And Moses called Oshea the son of Nun, Jehoshua. 
 
 17 And Moses sent them to spy out the land of Canaan, and said unto them. Get 
 
 18 you up this way "^southward, and go up into the mountain : And see the land, 
 what it is; and the people that dwelleth therein, whether they he strong or weak, 
 
 19 few or many. And what the land is that they dwell in, whether it he good or bad ; 
 and what cities they he that they dwell in, whether in ^ents, or in strong holds ; 
 
 20 And what the land is, whether it he fat or lean, whether there be wood therein, or 
 not. And be ye of good courage, and bring of the fruit of the land. Now the 
 time was the time of the first ripe grapes. 
 
NUMBERS. 
 
 21 So they went up, and 'searched the land from the wilderness of Zin unto Rehob, 
 
 22 as men come to Hamath. And they ascended ^by the south, and came unto 
 Hebron ; ®\vhere Ahimau, Sheshai, and Talmai, the children of Anak, were. (Now 
 
 23 Hebron was built seven years before Zoau in Egypt. ) And they came unto the 
 'brook of Eshcol, and cut down from thence a branch with one cluster of grapes, 
 and they bare it between two upon a staff; and they brought of the pomegranates, 
 
 24 and of the figs. The place was called the 'brook ^Eshcol, because of the cluster of 
 
 25 grapes which the children of Israel cut down from thence. And they returned 
 from ''searching of the land after forty days. 
 
 26 And they went and came to Moses, and to Aaron, and to all the congregation of 
 the children of Israel, unto the wilderness of Paran, to Kadesh ; and brought back 
 word unto them, and unto all the congregation, and shewed them the fruit of the 
 
 27 land. And they told him, and said, We came unto the land whither thou sentest 
 us, and surely it floweth with milk and honey ; and this is the fruit of it. 
 
 28 Nevertheless the people be strong that dwell in the land, and the cities ai-e 'walled, 
 
 29 and very great : and moreover Ave saw the children of Anak there. ''The Araale- 
 kites dwell in the land of the south : and the Hittites, and the Jebusites, and the 
 Amorites, dwell in the mountains : and the Canaanites dwell by the sea, and by 
 
 30 the coast of Jordan. And Caleb stilled the people before Moses, and said, Let us 
 
 31 go up at once, and possess it ; for we are well able to overcome it. But the men 
 that went up with him said. We be not able to go up against the people ; for they 
 
 32 are stronger than we. And they brought 'up an evil report of the land which they 
 had 'searched unto the children of Israel, saying, The land, through which we have 
 gone to search it, is a land that eateth up the inhabitants thereof; and all the 
 
 33 people that we saw in it are ^men of a great stature. And there we saw the giants, 
 the sons of Anak, which come of the giants : and we were in our own sight as grass- 
 hoppers, and so we were in their sight. 
 
 1 Or, valley. 
 
 > Send for thee. 
 * in the South. 
 e and there were. 
 k Amalek dwells. 
 
 2 That is, a cluster of grapes. ^ Heb. men of stature*. 
 *. J. .- 
 
 t spy. 
 
 • camps. 
 •> spying. 
 
 • out. 
 
 ' princes. 
 f speed. 
 > fenced. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 22. It is generally thought that instead of XD'I we should read ^X^'l, " for a plural precedes, and such 
 is the reading of the Sam., 2 Codd. K, and all the ancient versions except Onkelos and Gr. Ver." Mauree. 
 
 "Two facts are mentioned in vers. 22-24, vehich occurred in connection with their mission, and were of great 
 importance to the whole congregation. These single incidents are linked on, however, in a truly Hebrew style, 
 to what precedes, viz., by an imperf. with Vav consec," Keil. See further in Exeget. and Crit. — Tb.]. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 1. The sending out of the spies, vers. 1-20. The 
 occasion of this is, on the one hand, the desire 
 of the people (Deut. i. 22), on the other the com- 
 mand of .Jehovah. The locality from which the 
 sending proceeds is the wilderness of Paran 
 (xii. 16), or, more exactly defined, Kadesh (xiii. 
 26; Deut. i. 20). On the site of Kadesh see 
 Keil in loc. [and Translator's note below]. The 
 men who were chosen for the expedition were 
 required to be princes of the branch of a tribe 
 from the individual tribes, (not the princes of 
 the several tribes themselves), men of importance 
 and reliable.* They are definitely enrolled ac- 
 
 * [Dr. Lanoe inserts in the Scripture text in loc. the 
 meanings of the names, vers. 4 sqq. For convenience 
 they are added here. Shammim=rtnnoMrtremc?it, mes- 
 sage, Zaccur=(i male. Sliaphut =^M'/,f/«. Huri = eMer 
 and prince. Caleb=orae who atlacles. Jfphunneh=a way 
 
 cording to the particular tribes. All twelve 
 tribes are represented, except Levi, which is 
 omitted according to its destination. But Kno- 
 BEL is at pains to make it appear that Ephraim, 
 too, is without representation, or that, according 
 to one source, Joshua was not among the spies, 
 while, according to the other, he was (see the 
 note in Keil, in loc). 
 
 The official change of the name Oshea to 
 Joshua, which Moses effected on the occKsion of 
 this expedition, was already prepareil by previ- 
 ous significant things, just as the official naming 
 of Peter in the Evangelical history. The signi- 
 ficant thing is that such names grow up by de- 
 grees until they are punctuated. One may still 
 distinguish from this the author's prolepsis. 
 
 happiness of God. BoAi=confidant. Gaddi=mv happi- 
 ness. Hnfii=horscman. Ammiel=o/' the people of Qod. 
 Geniiilli =caOTe/!-OK)ncr? avenger. Sethur=i'6(7e(i, secret. 
 Michii(!l>=!(;/!0 is as God. Nahbi=/H(/cicn. Vophsi=a 
 
 pavfd. lgal=A« loili redeem. 0.«hea=/ie//>. Nun=po8- rich one / prince. (}ue\=hiqhness of God. Machi=a poor 
 terity. Pa.hi'^deliverance. Raph\i=.healea. Gaddiel^^ I or^e. Joshua=u!/tose help Jehovah. — Tr.] 
 
CHAP. XIII. 1-33. 
 
 73 
 
 2. The instruction to the spies, vers. 17-20. (a). 
 Whither ? Into the south-land {Negeb) of Ca- 
 naan, and then to the mountains. Against Kno- 
 BEL, who thinks that only the mountains of Ju- 
 dah are meant, Keil justly maintains that all the 
 mountain land of Canaan is meant, the mountains 
 of the Amorites (Deut. i. 7, 19). [See Transla- 
 tor's note below]. As a matter of course, Kno- 
 bbl's aim is to detect a discrepancy. 
 
 (6). For what object ? To inspect the land, 
 (1) the people; (2) the cities (whether fenced 
 or encampments) ; (3) the vegetation. They 
 were to bring back with them samples of the 
 fruits of the land. It was about the season of 
 the first ripe grapes. "In Palestine the first 
 grapes ripen in August, partly even in July 
 (comp. Robinson, II., p. lUO), whereas the vin- 
 tage takes place in September and October 
 (comp. V. Schubert, R. III., p. 112 sq. ; Tob- 
 LER, DenkhlffAter aus Jerusalem, p. 111)." 
 
 3. The journey, ver. 21. The most northern 
 part of the wilderness of Paran was the wilder- 
 ness of Zin (in the Talmud : low palm). From 
 this latter (the Wady 3Iurreh) they started and 
 came as far as Rehob, "to come to Hamath," «'. 
 e., from where one comes to Hamath. In any 
 case this Rehob lay in the extreme north of Pa- 
 lestine, for Hamath, called later Epiphania, was 
 situated on the Orontes. Robinson supposed he 
 identified Rehob in the place Kalat Honin which 
 Keil disputes [see also Smith's Bib. Diet., sub. 
 vac. — Tr.]. 
 
 Here connects the statement of their return, 
 ver. 25. 
 
 At this point Keil makes a very appropriate 
 remark with reference to Ewald, where see his 
 note. It is a peculiarity of Hebrew historic nar- 
 rative that it places the end and result of events 
 as much as possible at the head of the account, and 
 then afterwards brings in the details of the more 
 important accompanying circumstances. Keil 
 cites as examples 1 Kings vi. 9, 15 ; Josh. iv. 11 
 sqq. ; Judg. xx. 85 sqq. In poetry this is the 
 character of the novel as distinguished from the 
 form of the romance. In this way Gen. ii. is 
 related to Gen. i. Thus here the narrative in 
 vers. 22-24 is overtaken, because with the anti- 
 thesis : " the large gi-apes, but the children of 
 Anak, too," the tragic knot is tied. Thus then 
 they came to Hebron (union), there vrere 
 Ahiman (brother of the gift?), Sheshai (the 
 white?) and Talmai (abounding in furrows? 
 fruit-land), the sons of Anak an ancient giant 
 race (long-necked), Deut. ix. 2. Goliath is an 
 example of there being straggling remnants of 
 these in later times. They were descended from 
 Arbah, from whom Hebron was called Kirjath 
 Arbah ; but Anak designates the people, see Josh. 
 XV. 14 ; Judg. i. 20. Hebron was a very ancient 
 city (see on Gen. xiii. 18) ; it was built seven 
 years before Zoan in Egypt, ver. 22. " Zoan, 
 i. e., Tanis of the Greeks and Romans, San of the 
 Arabians, Dschane in the Coptic writings, was 
 situated on the east side of the Tanitic arm of 
 the Nile, not far from its mouth, and was the re- 
 sidence of Pharaoh in Moses' time," Keil, see 
 Gen. xiii. 18 ; xxiii. 2 sqq. 
 
 It is still a question whether lj?3'1 is to be sub- 
 
 T~ 
 
 stituted for N^'l. The narrator says : " and one 
 
 came also." And what reason could he have for 
 that? It seems to be wholly assumed that the 
 twelve spies always remained together. Verily 
 not a good method of scouting. Moreover, at a 
 later period, Joshua sent out only two spies to 
 Jericho. One may assume that these twelve also 
 subdivided themselves variously. Thus, then, a 
 few in particular came to Hebron. 
 
 Thus, also, after another episode they came 
 to the brook Eshcol (cluster of grapes, grapes) 
 ver. 23. And they cut down the great clu.^ter 
 that two men bore on a pole. This could uiily 
 be on their return home. Their motive tor so 
 carrying it was to preserve it fresh. They tooK 
 in addition some pomegranates and figs. It has 
 been conjectured that a valley to i/ie north of 
 Hebron is meant, where grow the largest and 
 most beautiful grapes of the land, also pome- 
 granates, figs and other fruits in abundance 
 (Keil with reference to Robinson, I. p. 316 com- 
 pared with p. 314, and II. p. 442). In that case 
 the spies with their great cluster needed care to 
 get by the children of Anak unobserved (see Keil 
 on a double derivation of the name). [On JEshcol 
 see Translator's note below]. 
 
 4. The Report of the Spies, vers. 26-33. The 
 spies give confirmation before the assembly of 
 the people, that the land agrees with the old pro- 
 mise, and they exhibit their fruits ; then, however, 
 there immediately follows a but, but — the "3 03^: 
 a strong nation ; fenced cities ; sons of Anak are 
 there ; Amalekites in the south ; Hittites, Jebu- 
 sites, Amorites in the mountains ; Canaanites in 
 the lowlands by the sea and by Jordan (Gen. xx. 
 1). Caleb seeks to soothe the excited people by 
 resolute confidence of conquest. That Joshua 
 does not make a speech confirms Knobel in the 
 assumption that he was not one of them. The 
 rest of the spies, of course, oppose Caleb. The 
 land, they say, eateth up its inhabitants. 
 The strange expression would say : they so press 
 one another for its possession that they grind 
 each other up. A second exaggeration: all the 
 people that -we saw in it are men of great 
 stature. And still further they contradict 
 themselves : we also saw giants there ; of 
 course they would make the impression that these 
 children of Anak were like the dreadful giants 
 that lived before the flood. In the last exagge- 
 ration was manifested the extravagance of the 
 cowards : we were in our own sight as 
 grasshoppers, and so w^e w^ere in their 
 sight. Truly an expressive type of the lying 
 fear with which worldly-mindedness has ever de- 
 picted the difficult approaches to the kingdom 
 of God. 
 
 [Kadesh, ver. 26. In a copious note at the 
 end of chap, xiii., the Editor of The Bible Comm. 
 maintains that " Kadesh is to be identified with 
 Ain-el- Weibeh, which lies in the Arabah, about 
 ten miles north of the place in which Mt. Hor 
 abuts on that valley." Robinson (II., ^ xii., 
 June 2) leads in this view, and is followed by 
 many. The view commended by Lange in re- 
 ferring to Keil, and which is maintained by 
 RiTTER, Kurtz and Mr. Thbupp, the original 
 writer on Numbers in the Bib. Comm. and many 
 others, is that advocated by Messrs. Rowlands 
 and Williams [Holy City, I. 4QS sqq.), and by 
 
NUMBERS. 
 
 Mr. Wilton {Negeb. pp. 79, 80). This view 
 identifies Kadesh witli el-Ain, wliich is about 
 sixty miles west of Mt. Hor, and twenty miles 
 further north (according to the map in Palmer's 
 Desert of the Exodus), or about fifty miles west 
 o^' Ain-el-Weibeh. In this view E. H. Palmer 
 concur^, who says : " The name Kadesh (though 
 belonging more particularly to the open space 
 immediately below the clifi' [Sela) in which Ain 
 Gadis, or the spring of Kadesh, rises, might 
 easily have been extended to the whole region, 
 as I he name of the spot in which the most im- 
 portant events took place. This would account 
 for the apparent discrepancies in the Biblical 
 references to the locality, which at one time is 
 Baid to be in the wilderness of Paran (xiii. 26), 
 at another, in the wilderness of Zin (Deut. xxxii. 
 51), and again, is defined with Heshmon as 
 being one of the uttermost cities of the tribe of 
 Judah southward [Josh. xv. 3, 4, 27]. 
 
 "I concur with Wilton {The Negeb., t^. \2i) 
 in believing that the wilderness of Paran com- 
 prised the whole desert Et Tih, and that Mt. 
 Paran was the southernmost portion of the 
 mountain plateau in the northeast, at present 
 inhabited by the Azazimeh Arabs and known as 
 Jebel Magrah. To one encamped in the wilder- 
 ness of Kadesh, that is the open plain into which 
 Wady Gadis debouches, Jebel Magrah would be 
 
 always the most conspicuous object in the scene, 
 and would completely shut out the view of the 
 more fertile mountains beyond. . . . 
 
 "The Israelites were encamped, according to 
 my theory, at the foot of the line of clifl's in which 
 Ain Gades takes its rise, and their intention was 
 evidently to march straight upon Palestine by 
 the short and easy route which skirts the west- 
 ern edge of the mountains. The spies were to 
 get them up by the way of the Negeb 
 [south-laud], noi by the plains in which the 
 Canaanltes were assembling, but to go up into 
 the raountains. This they could only do by 
 skirting the southern end of the Azazimeh 
 mountains, and striking into the heart of the 
 plateau at Wady Ghamr. Having then pene- 
 trated into Palestine by this road, and searched 
 the country as far as the plain of Coele-Syria, 
 they returned by way of Hebron, and explored 
 (as coming from the North, they might now do 
 without suspicion) the route by the western 
 edge of the mountain. In one of these exten- 
 sive valleys (perhaps in Wady Hanein^ where 
 miles of grape-mounds even now meet the eye 
 [not more than sixteen miles north of Kadesh. — 
 Tr.]), they cut the gigantic cluster of grapes, 
 and gathered the pomegranates and figs." — 
 Desert of the Exod,, chap, xxv. — Tr.] 
 
 Despondency, Stubbornness and Judgment, 
 Chapter XIV. 1-45. 
 
 1 And all the congregation lifted up their voice, and cried ; and the people wept 
 
 2 that night. And all the children of Israel murmured against Moses and against 
 Aaron : and the vrhole congregation said unto them, Would ^God that we had died 
 
 3 in the land of Egypt ! or would *God we had died in this wilderness ! And where- 
 fore "hath the Lord brought us unto this land, to fall by the sword, that our wives 
 and our children should be a prey? Avere it not better for us to return into Egypt? 
 
 4 And they said one to another, Let us make a captain, and let us return into Egypt. 
 
 5 Then Moses and Aaron fell on their faces before all the assembly of the congrega- 
 tion of the children of Israel. 
 
 6 And Joshua the son of Nun, and Caleb the son of Jephunneh, which were of 
 
 7 them that ^searched the land, rent their clothes : And they spake unto all the 
 "company of the children of Israel, saying, The land, which we passed through to 
 
 8 "search it, is an exceeding good laud. If the Lord delight in us, then he will 
 bring us into this land, and give it us ; a land which floweth with milk and honey. 
 
 9 Only rebel not ye against the Lord, neither fear ye the people of the land ; for 
 they are bread for us : their defence is departed from them, and the Lord is with 
 
 10 us : fear them not. But all the congregation «bade stone them with stones. And 
 the glory of the Lord appeared in the 'tabernacle of the congregation before all 
 the children of Israel. 
 
 11 And the Lord said unto Moses, How long will this people ^provoke me? and 
 how long will it "be ere they believe me, for all the signs which I have 'shewed 
 
 12 among them? I will .smite them with the pestilence, and "disinherit them, and 
 will make of thee a greater nation and mightier than they. 
 
CHAP. XIV. 1-45. 75 
 
 13 And Moses said unto the Lord, 'Then the Egyptians shall hear it, (for thou 
 
 14 broughtest up this people in thy might from among them;) And they "will tell it 
 to the inhabitants of this land : ""for they have heard that thou Lord art among 
 this people, that thou Lord art seen face to face, and timt thy cloud standeth over 
 them, and that thou goest before them, by daytime in a pillar of a cloud, and in a 
 
 15 pillar of fire by night. Now if thou shalt kill all this people as one man, then the 
 
 16 nations which have heard the fame of thee will speak, saying, Because the Lord 
 was not able to bring this people into the land which he sware unto them, there- 
 
 17 fore he hath slain them in the wilderness. And now, I beseech thee, let the power 
 
 18 of my "Lord be great, according as thou hast spoken, saying; The Lord is long- 
 suffering, and of great mercy, forgiving iniquity and transgression, and by no 
 means clearing the guilty, visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the children unto 
 
 19 the third and fourth generation. Pardon, I beseech thee, the iniquity of this peo- 
 ple according unto the greatness of thy mercy, and as thou hast forgiven this peo- 
 
 20 pie, from Egypt even 'until now. And the Lord said, I have pardoned according 
 
 21 to thy word : But as truly a.^ I live, ^all the earth shall be tilled with the glory of 
 
 22 the Lord. ''Because all those men which have seen my glory, and my miracles, 
 which I did in Egypt and in the wilderness, and have tempted me now these ten 
 
 23 times, and have not hearkened to my voice ; Surely they shall not see the land 
 which I sware unto their fathers, neither shall any of them that "'provoked me see 
 
 24 it : But my servant Caleb, because he had another spirit with him, and hath fol- 
 lowed me fully, him will I bring into the land wherein he went ; and his seed shall 
 
 25 possess it. "(Now the Amalekites and the Canaanites dwelt in the valley.) To- 
 morrow turn you, and get you into the wilderness by the way of the Red Sea. 
 
 26, 27 And the Lord spake unto Moses and unto Aaron, saying. How long shall I 
 bear loith this evil congregation, which murmur against me ? I have heard the 
 
 28 murmurings of the children of Israel, which they murmur against me. Say unto 
 them. As truly as I live, saith the Lord, as ye have spoken in mine ears, 
 
 29 so will I do to you : Your carcasses shall fall in this wilderness, and all that were 
 ^numbered of you, according to your whole number, from twenty years old and 
 
 30 upward, which have murmured against me. Doubtless ye shall not come into the 
 land, concerning which I *sware to make you dwell therein, save Caleb the son of 
 
 31 Jephunneh, and Joshua the son of Nun. But your little ones, which ye said should 
 be a prey, them will I bring in, and they shall know the land which ye have des- 
 
 32, 33 pised. But as for you, your carcasses, they shall fall in this wilderness. And 
 your children "shall wander in the wilderness forty years, and bear your whore- 
 
 34 doms, until your carcasses be wasted in the wilderness. After the number of the 
 days in which ye searched the land, even forty days, each day for a year, shall ye 
 
 35 bear your iniquities, even forty vears, and ye shall know ^ray ^breach of promise. I 
 the Lord have said, I will surely do it unto all this evil congregation, that are 
 gathered together agamst me : in this wilderness they shall be consumed, and there 
 they shall die. 
 
 36 And the men which Moses sent to 'search the land, who returned, and made all 
 the congregation to murmur against him, by bringing up a slander upon the land. 
 
 37 Even those men that did bring up the evil report upon the land, died by the plague 
 
 38 before the Lord. But Joshua the son of Nun, and Caleb the son of Jephunneh 
 
 39 ^which xvere of the men that went to search the land, lived still. And Moses told 
 these sayings unto all the children of Israel : and the people mourned greatly. 
 
 40 And they rose up early in the morning, and gat them up into the top of the 
 mountain, saying, Lo, we be here, and will go up unto the place ^which the Lord 
 
 41 hath promised : for we have sinned. And Moses said. Wherefore now do ye trans- 
 
 42 gress the commandment of the Lord ? but it shall not prosper. Go not up, tor the 
 
 43 Lord is not among you : that ye be not smitten before your enemies. For the 
 Amalekites and the Canaanites are there before you, and ye shall fall by the sword : 
 because ye are turned away from the Lord, therefore the Lord wdl not be with 
 
76 NUMBERS. 
 
 44 you. But they presumed to go up unto the hill top : nevertheless the ark of the 
 
 45 covenant of the Lord, and Moses, departed not out of the camp. Then the Ama- 
 lekites came down, and the Canaanites which dwelt in that hill, and smote them, 
 and discomfited them, even unto Hormah. 
 
 1 Heb. shadotc. ' Or, hitherto. * Heb. If they. 
 
 * Heb. lifted up my hand. * Or, feed. 6 Or, altering of my purpose. 
 
 » omit God. * doth— bring. « spied ont. 
 
 ^congregation. * said to stone. ' Tent of Meeting. 
 
 g reject. ^ not trust in me. ' done. 
 
 k destroy. ' yet the Egyptians have heard that thou broughtest, 
 
 '^ have told. "omit /or. "Lord. 
 
 p and all. ' oniii Because. ' rejected. 
 
 • Also the Amalekite and the Canaanite dwelling in the land. * mustered, 
 n shall be shepherds. ^ my alienation. » spy out. 
 
 J remained alive of the men, etc. « of which the LORD spake. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Vers. 13, 14. The 1 — 1 conjoin parataetically several affirmations, according to the simple Heb. idiom, where 
 we would use subordinate clauses, or parenthesis, or both — ami, and the like, or several of these together. See 
 Exod. ii. 11-13. In such cases there is no rule but that of a fine interpreting sense. Keil in the present case 
 translates : " Not only the Egyptians have heard — they have also told." 
 
 Ver. 21. 'Ul N7'3''1. In Hebrew the passive may retain the accusative of the remoter object. This is the 
 case with all verbs that in the active take two accusatives ; e.g. 'lT^^7^~T^ii nXTHI Lev. xiii. 49, "and it shall 
 be shown (to) the priest," which is equivalent to " the priest shall be shown (made to see) it." Similarly, '' fill the 
 earth (with) His glory " (accust. after verbs of fullness see Fuekst Lex. N/O), may in Hebrew be rendered pas- 
 sively " his glory is the fullness (of) the earth." Comp. Isa. vi. 3. 'n'lD3 "p^i^-'^^ ^^'^ " dullness of all the 
 
 I ' : 1 V T T T : 
 
 earth his glory;" S^/O being substantive, see Naegelsbach on Isa. vi. 3. 
 
 Ver. 23 and 28. The conjunction Q5< (/denies when used in oaths: thus ver. 23. "(fthey see the land," i. e., 
 they shall not see. On the contrary J<7 DX afiirms, ver. 28, "surely I will do to you." 
 
 Ver. 24. '"^PX XvO'l : comp. xxxii. 11, 12. A pregnant construction, by wliich a preposition of motion is 
 joined to a verb imparting to it a sense of motion that it otherwise has not; Ewald, g 282 c. " It is a constructio 
 praegnans for '"inS P377 K70 " fulfilled to walk behind me, i. e., followed me fully," Keil. Comp. njj^ with ?D 
 Ps. xxii. 22, and piyn with TO, Isa. xxxviii. 17, where see in Naegelsb. Comm. Comp. also Heb. v. 7, (cil eio-a- 
 
 _ I _T T I • 
 
 Ver. 27. ny"in mj'7 'PO~n^' ; " an aposiopesis, 'How long this evil congregation' (,sc. ' shall I forgive it,') the 
 
 TTTT""T-"T~ 
 
 simplest way being, as Rosexmueller suggests to supply XyX from ver. 18," Keil. The Eng. version supplies 
 " shall I bear with." BIatjrer says : "nothing is wanting. We have the subject in n^'^l, which is not an adjec- 
 tive belonging to mj-', but a substantive as in Hos. x. 15. Therefore the sense is : ' how long to this (which force 
 lies in the article) congregation will be this evil, with which they murmur against me.' Unless I greatly err, 
 what follows of itself supplies this rendering," mz. ver. 27 b. 
 
 Ver. 43. " ?2~7J7~'3, literally for therefore ; but the cause is put for the effect, as we may say : therefore for 
 this reason he is a prince, which lias then the sense of assigning a cause or reason. Comp. Gen. xviii. 5 ; xix. 8 ; 
 Num. X. 31." Naegelsbach's Gram., g 110, 2. Ewald, § 353 a. — Tr.]. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 1. Tlie insurrection of the congregation, vers. 
 1-10. The grief of despondency is followed by 
 an embittered feeling against Moses and Aaron. 
 They desire to choose a commander against 
 Moses and Aaron. They desire to choo.se a 
 commander, who shall lead them back to Egypt. 
 Moses and Aaron cast themselves upon their 
 faces before God ; for it seems to be all over 
 with their power now: their only refuge is in 
 prayer. Joshua and Caleb, on the other hand, 
 stand out heroically against the congregation, 
 and try the power of eloquence. In their eyes 
 despondency is a rebellion against God. They 
 are food for us, that is, we will "eat them like 
 bread," say the young heroes. Their shadow 
 
 is departed from them. Their existence is an 
 abnormal one, for God no longer protects them; 
 they are ripe for judgment. The people, how- 
 ever, instead of allowing themselves to be en- 
 couraged, are minded to stone them. Then 
 the glory of the Lord appears at the Tent of 
 Meeting to all the children of Israel. Keil 
 says: in a flash of light suddenly lightening up 
 near the Tabernacle. We prefer to say, that it 
 was in a mysterious occurrence, of which we 
 have no further knowledge. The Glory of the 
 Lord appeared once in the wilderness (Ex. xvi. 
 10) ; once in the Tabernacle at the time of its 
 dedication (Exod. xl. 34) ; then at the kindling 
 of the first olTering (Lev. ix. 23); afterwards 
 opposite the company of Korah (chap. xvi. 19), 
 and again finally in front of the murmuring 
 congregation, who would hold Moses and Aaron 
 
CHAP. XIV. 1-45. 
 
 77 
 
 answerable for the destruction of the company 
 of Korah (chap. xvii. 7). A distinction between 
 the different modes of its appearance is found 
 in the fact that, when the people are in a devout 
 temper, the glory of the Lord appears to them 
 in the court of the Taberniicle or above it; but 
 when they are in a condition of insurrection, it 
 appears in a sign more or less disconnected 
 from the Tabernacle. The latest appearance of 
 the glory of the Lord forms a single exception 
 to this rule. Here the seditious congregation 
 is cut off from the Tabernacle. It is not de- 
 clared in the present passage how Moses and 
 Aaron raised themselves again from their prone 
 position. At all events Moses can now meet the 
 people with words of thunder. The rule may 
 be laid down, that the glory of the Lord appears 
 when the people of God are in the best condi- 
 tioa, and then also when they appear to be in 
 the worst case. 
 
 2. The Threats of Jehovah, vers. 11-19. He 
 ■will crush out this despicable people, who scorn 
 Him, and with Moses begin again a new history 
 of the people. The expression of His displea- 
 sure is much stronger than at the erection of 
 the golden calf (chap, xxxii. 10). Quo usque is 
 the expression here. The offense is denoted 
 VNJ ; it is enhanced by the incredulous disre- 
 gard of all the signs which Jehovah has done 
 among them. The intercession of Moses is like- 
 wise much more earnest than upon the other 
 occasion; though upon the whole the same mo- 
 tives are appealed to (vers. 13-19). He appeals 
 to the consistency of the divine grace, to the 
 honor of Jehovah. "For the sake of this His 
 honor God at a later period also did not suffer 
 Israel to perish in Egypt; comp. Isa. xlviii. 9 
 and 11 ; lii. 5 and 42 ; xxxvi. 22 et seq." (Keil). 
 Moses had not forgotten either the sermon of 
 Jehovah upon Mount Sinai concerning the grace 
 of Jehovah (ver. 18). Let us bear in mind that 
 it is the stern lawgiver himself who again and 
 again appeals for grace and forgiveness. 
 
 6. The Pardon, ver. 20. Forgiveness is granted 
 in divine dialectic [distribution of notions accord- 
 ing to their kind. — Tr.]. The people, as a peo- 
 ple, shall not be exterminated, but rather shall 
 all the earth through them be filled with the 
 glory of the Lord. The oath of Jehovah here is 
 of the highest significance, of unexampled im- 
 portance. For all the men [ ? ]. A remarkable 
 phrase, which gives us to understand, that the 
 very judgment upon this generation in the wil- 
 derness will contribute its share to spread the 
 glory of the Lord through all the earth. And 
 just that result has come about. 
 
 6. The Limitations of the Forgiveness: the Sen- 
 tence of Judgment (vers. 22-25). All those men 
 who have seen Jehovah's miracles of preserva- 
 tion, from Egypt up to this point, and have yet 
 remained incredulous and disobedient, shall not 
 see the land of Canaan; that is. they shall per- 
 ish in the wilderness. They have tempted me 
 now ten times, that is, have provoked me to re- 
 tract the promise. The rabbins accepted lite- 
 rally this round, eymbolical number, indicative 
 of a complete historical course of events, assign- 
 ing the different occasions as follows: (1) 
 The murmurs at the Red Sea; (2) at Marah ; 
 
 (3) in the desert of Sin (Exod. xvi. 2) ; (4) at 
 Rephidim; (5) at Horeb (Exod. xxxii.); (6) 
 Taberah ; (7) Kibroth-Hattaavah ; (8) at Kadesh 
 now; (9 and 10). for these numbers "the two- 
 fold rebellion of a number against the commands 
 of God on the bestowal of the manna (Exod. 
 xvi. 20 and 27) is counted." Evidently we have 
 here in Kadesh to do with two revolts preceding 
 the faction of Korah, also Miriam? and the 
 first temptation was the uprising against Moses 
 and Aaron while yet in Egypt (Exod. v.). But 
 it is not necessary to take the round number 
 exactly. Jehovah does not except those either 
 who have only inwardly rebelled ; He makes 
 two classes, according to the merely inward re- 
 volt, and according to the outwardly accom- 
 plished insurrection (ver. 23). When to these 
 men He opposes Caleb, He means him only as the 
 foremost of the exceptions. Of the tribe of 
 Levi there is no question ; at most only indivi- 
 duals are inwardly involved. Farther on Joshua 
 is also made an exception. And the minors and 
 those born in the intervening time form the be- 
 ginning of the new generation. Caleb "had 
 another spirit," and was resolute in following 
 Jehovah. It was moreover to his special credit, 
 that he had reported with such fortitude con- 
 cerning the most terrible portion of the land, 
 the region of Anak at Hebron (see Josh. xiv. 7 
 et seq.). And this very region therefore is to 
 become his inheritance. We cannot regard the 
 adjunct clause: And the Amalekites and 
 Canaanites dwelling in the valley, as 
 giving the motive for the following: " To-mor- 
 ro'w turn you. Jehovah cannot intend to 
 confirm the people in their fears. Nor can it 
 be said, either, that these two races were settled 
 chiefly in the Wady Murreh. Thus Caleb's do- 
 minion was to extend from this region of the 
 Amalekites down to the lowlands where the 
 Canaanites dwelt. Moreover, the command: 
 "To-morrow turn you," does not require an 
 immediate departure towards the Red Sea. But 
 any way, they must no longer think of attacking 
 Palestine from this side, but take the direction 
 backwards into the desert toward the Red Sea. 
 Immediately afterwards they came through their 
 insolence to such a wretched plight, that they 
 were only able to fulfil this command after nearly 
 forty years had passed by. 
 
 9. The Intensifying of the Judgment (vers. 26- 
 38). This heightened reiteration is only to be 
 explained by the prolonged murmuring disposi- 
 tion of the congregation, just as the same thing 
 is spoken of in chap. xvii. after the destruction 
 of the company of Korah. The oath is repeated. 
 Your bodies shall fall down in the wilderness; 
 see 1 Cor. xix. 5. The precise age of the mur- 
 murers is given, from twenty years upwards. 
 Joshua's name is now joined to Caleb's. Pro- 
 mise for the children, that they had regarded 
 as doomed to perish, ver. 31. The children will 
 live, but must sustain themselves as nomads with 
 their herds a long time in the desert, to expiate 
 the whoredom, i. e. the spiritual apostacy of 
 their fathers. Twice does this mighty concep- 
 tion of their fall appear in our passage; and it 
 is carried afterward through the entire Scrip- 
 tures (as opposed to the bridal form of the rela- 
 tion between Jehovah and His people), to be 
 
78 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 completed in the Babylonian whore, the Apoca- 
 lyptic image of judgment. The time for the 
 expiation was fortj' years; a round number, in 
 which the commencement and the end of the 
 migration were included, and between which and 
 the forty days of the expedition of the spies a 
 parallel is drawn. For every day of cowardice 
 and baseness in matters concerning the kingdom of 
 God^ a whole year is required for atonement. It 
 is brought out with emphasis, that this blow 
 fell first of all upon the cowardly spies ; yet 
 that does not mean, that they were suddenly 
 smitten by it. The more wondrous was the 
 preservation of the two faithful ones, Joshua 
 and Caleb ; henee they are a second time ex- 
 pressly made prominent. 
 
 10. The Sorrow of the People, and the Change 
 from Despair to Presumption (vers. 39-45). This 
 is a picture true to the life, of false, or at least 
 self-willed, repentance. From the passionate 
 sorrow of the people issues the passionate war- 
 like excursion, undertaken in opposition to the 
 express decision of Jehovah, iu spite of the 
 warnings of Moses, without his leadership, and 
 without the Ark of the Covenant; and so it is 
 not the army of God under His standard. The 
 position for assault is also against them, since 
 the Amalekites and Canaanites rush down upon 
 them from the mountains. They are beaten and 
 scattered as far as Hormah. The town was sit- 
 uated "in the Negeb (chap, xxxiii, 40); it was 
 then a royal city (Josh. xii. 14), and eventually 
 appears as belonging now to Judah (Josh. xv. 
 30), now to Simeon (Josh. xix. 4; 1 Cbron. iv. 
 30). It first received the name, here used pro- 
 leptically, in the beginning of the period of the 
 Judges. Up to that tiipe it was called Zephat 
 (Judg. i. 17)," Knobel, whom see for further 
 particulars. The assembling of the scattered 
 fugitives to the Tabernacle and to those that 
 had remained at Kadesh, and the expiation of 
 the forty years becomes thus a settled matter. 
 
 [Now the Amaleklte and the Canaan- 
 ite dwell in the valley, ver, 25. Da. 
 Lanoe's construction of this clause seems much 
 more forced than the view he rejects, which is 
 moreover the one generally accepted. It forms 
 no appropriate description of Caleb's final inhe- 
 ritance. Whatever the clause means, it is natu- 
 ral to take it as giving the motive for the com- 
 mand: to-morrow turn ye, etc.; cemp. Deut. 
 i. 40. It might do to understand it as the an- 
 nouncement of a sentence, viz. "the Canaanite 
 for the present shall remain in occupancy, and 
 ye must retire into the desert." But the word 
 
 p!?i:'.^. ''i° ^^« valley," seems fatal to such a 
 construction. The word itself never occurs 
 gencricaily for a whole country, but always for 
 some locality that is a valley. Moreover, the 
 article *'the valley" points to a definite valley 
 known to those aildressed. Thus the common 
 view understands the valley to be meant that 
 was at hand near Kadesh, and that would be 
 the natural avenue for the proposed invasion. 
 There the Canaanites had taken position to re- 
 pel the invaders. The word 3.K/V, rendered 
 
 "dwell," is used to describe the position of an 
 attacking party in ambush. Josh. viii. 9. Since 
 the Israelites would not encounter the enemy, 
 
 ! they must retire to the desert. And got 
 them up to the top of the mountain, 
 
 ver. 40. This verse in its local reference con- 
 nects closely with ver. 25, and confirms the view 
 just given. " The mountain" here and "the val- 
 ley" there acquire their definiteness from the 
 same circumstance, viz., their being at hand and 
 forming the two commanding features of the en- 
 virons of Kadesh. The account makes them an- 
 tithetical. Because the Canaanites were in the 
 valley, the Israelites took to the mountain; per- 
 haps in the spirit of the Syrian that said : 
 "Jehovah is a God of mountains and not a God 
 of valleys" 2 Kings xx. 28. This reference will 
 at least serve to illustrate the antithetical use of 
 these words. 
 
 " The Israelites, then, must have made for the 
 hills of the Amorites, those in the north-east of 
 Wady Hanein, in which the forces of their ene- 
 mies were no doubt concentrated. Had they 
 succeeded in forcing their way into this locality, 
 both roads to Palestine would have been open to 
 them: either the western route by Ruheibeh and 
 Khalasah, or that through the heart of the moun- 
 tains by the Dheigatel-Amerin and Wady Marreh." 
 E. H. Palme-r, Desert of the Exodus, chap. xxv. 
 The same author identifies Hormah with Sebaita, 
 which is distant from Ain Gadis (the supposed 
 site of Kadesh) only about twenty miles. "The 
 names Dheigat el Amerin (Ravine of the Amor- 
 ites) and Ras Amir (the former a valley cutting 
 the range of hills to the north of Sebaita, and 
 the latter a chain of low mountains fifteen miles 
 to the south-west of El Meshrifeh) seem to point 
 to the identification of this neighborhood with 
 the hill country of the Amorites, and the scene 
 of the battle, after the return of the spies." 
 "The name Sebaita is etymologically identical 
 with the Zephath of the Bible. Zephath signifies 
 a watch-tower ; and it is a noteworthy fact that 
 the fortress of Ei Meshrifeh, discovered by us iu 
 the same neighborhood, exactly corresponds to 
 this, both in its position and in the meaning of 
 the name." Referrin-g to Judges i. 17 that men- 
 tions Zephath and says: "the name of the city 
 was called Hormah," the same author suggests 
 that there may have been a watch-tower Zephath 
 that commanded the approach to the plain in 
 which the city lay, and that the city may have 
 taken its name from the tower, "as the City of 
 the Watch-Tower." This city was then after- 
 wards called Hormah. Ibid. chap. xix. 
 
 The narrative has reached the point where for 
 the next thirty-eight (?) or thirty-seven or less 
 years there is a blank with respect to the order 
 of events and the local residence or movements of 
 the Israelites. In chap, xxxiii. 16-36 there are 
 enumerated twenty stations between Sinai and 
 Kadesh, or twenty-two including Sinai and Ka- 
 desh. But in Deut. i. 2 it is said: "There are 
 eleven days' journey from Horeb by the way of 
 Mount Seir unto Kadesh-Barnea." The choice 
 of the route by Mount Seir shows that the way 
 was not the directest one. But these twenty-one 
 stations or encampments are proof that the way 
 was devious beyond the possibility of our tracing 
 it. The last definite encampment was mentioned 
 xii. 16, viz., Hazeroth, which was the second of 
 the twenty-one after Sinai mentioned in xxxiii. 
 16-36. There were then eighteen between that 
 
CHAP. XIV. 1-45. 
 
 79 
 
 and Kadesh, which is the same as "the mountain 
 of the Amorites, Deut. i. 19, 20. Only two of 
 these are recognized beyond debate, viz., Ezion- 
 Gaber, which was at the head of the Elanitic 
 Gulf, and Mt. Hor. On the others, see below at 
 chap, xxxiii. Some of them may have been 
 places of sojourn during the forty days that the 
 spies were absent, ending at Kadesh, where the 
 spies found the host at their return. For no- 
 thing requires us to suppose that the host reached 
 Kadesh before they resorted to the plan of send- 
 ing the Spies. The probability is that they would 
 do so earlier. As far as tlie encampments named 
 in xxxiii. 16-86 have been conjecturally identi- 
 fied, they agree as well with the view that they 
 followed consecutively in the order named till 
 the host reached Kadesh for the first time, and 
 that the station Kadesh of xxxiii. 36 is the same 
 as that of our chap. xiv. as with any other view. 
 This view has the merit of taking the list of sta- 
 tions in xxxiii. simply for what it pretends to be, 
 viz., a catalogue, that gives the stations consecu- 
 tively ; that refers to localities by one and the 
 same name, being the name elsewhere used in 
 this book for the same place; that is meant to 
 harmonize with the account of the book in which 
 it is found ; that gives the order of stations as 
 accurately where we cannot otherwise verify it 
 as it does in cases where we can {e.g., Kadesh, 
 Mt. Hor, — Oboth, Iji-abarim, comp. xx. 1, 22; 
 xxii. 10, 11 and xxxiii. 37, 44). The view that 
 takes Rithmah (xxxiii. 18) to be another name 
 for Kadesh (Kuetz, II., \ 30, 1 ; Keil), or Bene- 
 jaa-kan to be another name for Kadesh (Dr. 
 Lanoe below on xxi. 10-20) imputes to the cata- 
 logue of chap, xxxiii. an arbitrariness in the use 
 of names that would make it worthless for that 
 purpose for which it was evidently recorded in 
 this book of Numbers. 
 
 It is represented by some, who take the view 
 just referred to, that the stations mentioned af- 
 ter Rithmah (xxxiii. 18) to Kadesh (ver. 36) oc- 
 curred in wanderings that brought the host back 
 to Kndesh a second time {Bih. Comm. on xxxiii.; 
 Smith's Bib. Diet. "Wanderings"). But it is as 
 easy to conceive of their occurrence in the period 
 between the departure from Hazeroth and the 
 first arrival at Kadesh. This will appear from 
 a careful observation of what our book details 
 concerning that journey. The common error is 
 to overlook the evidences that the journey from 
 Sinai to Kadesh was made slowly. 
 
 Intimation that the journey would be made in 
 no haste is given in the institutions for the dis- 
 cipline and tactics of the encampment and the 
 order of march. Such regulations would not 
 have been adopted for a period of only eighty or 
 ninety days; and had the conquest of Canaan 
 begun on the first arrival at Kadesh after about 
 eighty days, these regulations could no more have 
 Vjeen adhered to than they afterwards were when 
 Joshua began the conquest. 
 
 Then the details of the march as far as Haze- 
 roth reveal great deliberateness. "Three days' 
 journey" (x. 33) was required from Sinai to 
 Kibroth-Hattaavah, which is but one day's jour- 
 ney for ordinary travellers (E. H. Palmer, ibid, 
 chap. xxv. ). This may be taken as an exam- 
 ple of the short stages that such a host could 
 make. Therefore the eleven days' journey men- 
 
 tioned Deut. i. 2 cannot mean that the distance 
 from Sinai to Kadesh could be made in that time 
 by such a host as the millions of Israel, as is 
 supposed by some (Kurtz, III., p. 245). E. H. 
 Palmer {ibid. chap, xxx.) gives a table show- 
 ing how the stations mentioned in Num. xxxiii., 
 as far as identified, would make just eleven days' 
 journey for the modern traveller from Sinai to 
 Kadesh. Besides this, the delay of seven days 
 at Hazeroth on Miriam's acccount (xii. 14), and 
 the forty days' scouting of the spies show how 
 little this journey was made with haste. 
 
 Moreover a comparison of x. 11 with xiii. 20 
 shows that the march from Sinai began on the 
 20th day of the second month (or the middle of 
 May), and that the host was at Kadesh at " the 
 time of the first ripe grapes " (or say about Aug. 
 1st). The shortest period indicated by that (or 
 in other words, taking this as belonging to one 
 year), is about seventy days, or at most eighty 
 days. In itself this is a very short time for such 
 a host to make the journey to Kadesh. Still it 
 would have been doing little more than was ac- 
 complished from Ramesis to Sinai. But, as has 
 been shown, our narrative intimates the very re- 
 verse of such speed. We actually have the ac- 
 count of eighty days of this journey, viz.: 
 
 From Sinai to Kibroth H. x. 33 - 3 days. 
 
 At Kibroth Hattaavah xi. 20 - - 30 days. 
 
 At Hazeroth xi. 35; xii. 14 - - - 7 days. 
 
 In Paran xii. 16; xiv. 34 - - - 40 days. 
 
 Total 80 days. 
 
 If, then, we suppose that the journey from Sinai 
 to Kadesh was made in the period from about 
 May 15th to August 1st of the same year, no 
 margin is left for the occurrence of many things 
 that are referred to in the accounts of this jour- 
 ney, and for much more that must obviously have 
 occurred and been passed over without notice in 
 Numb, and Deut. 
 
 Besides Hazeroth is but two days' journey 
 from Sinai for the common traveller, while the 
 whole distance to Kadesh was eleven days. Yet 
 before the host left Hazeroth they had spent 
 forty days at least, and probably much more. 
 Assuming, then, that Hazeroth has been properly 
 identified (see at xi. 35), there remain only forty 
 days for the rest of the route to Kadesh up to the 
 moment of the return of the spies. This would 
 require us to suppose that the spies had been 
 sent from Hazeroth, and that, too, nine (9) days 
 before the departure of the host, in order to give 
 them forty days in Canaan. It would also re- 
 quire us to suppose that the host marched at a 
 rate of speed out of all proportion to the pro- 
 gress made in any part of the journey from 
 Egypt to Canaan, where the data enable us to 
 measure it exactly. 
 
 Therefore we must infer that the journey from 
 Sinai to Kadesh lasted at least from May of the 
 second year of the Exodus to July or August of 
 the third year, i. e., fourteen or fifteen months. 
 See Dr. Lanoe's comment below on xx. 1 sqq. 
 where he reaches a like result by a different 
 process. It may even have lasted longer — a possi- 
 bility that is consistent with the foregoing con- 
 siderations, and that it may be an advantage to 
 
80 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 hold in reserve to meet requirements of the his- 
 tory of the wanderings at present overlooked. 
 But for the present we find a long enough period 
 in the fourteen or fifteen months to admit of 
 eighteen encampments between Hazeroth and 
 Kadesh. There is good reason, therefore, for 
 taking xxsiii. 16-36 in its plainest and prima 
 facie sense, as giving the stations in their order 
 till the first arrival at Kadesh. Moreover these 
 considerations support the view maintained in 
 the present commentary that there was only one 
 vi.sit to Kadesh, and that a lasting one. And 
 this is done without the arbitrariness in inter- 
 preting names and rendering verbs to which Dr. 
 Laxge resorts, e.g., in commenting on xxi. 10- 
 20: 36-43. 
 
 We may therefore regard Deut. i. 46: "So ye 
 abode in Kadesh many days," as descriptive of 
 the whole period of thirty-seven years or less till 
 the story is resumed, beginning again at Kadesh. 
 Then To-morrow turn ye, etc.. Num. xiv. 25, 
 is a command to abandon the invasion of Canaan 
 on the south, and turn in that direction that was 
 afterwards successful. This command began to 
 be executed by what is narrated xx. 14 sqq. 
 To-morrow presents no obstacle to this view. 
 For the Heb. ino, that is so rendered, has not 
 the limited meaning that "to-morrow'" has in 
 English. See Gen. xxx. 33 ; Exod. xiii. 14, where 
 it is translated "in time to come," and obviously 
 means the remote future. This long sojourn at 
 Kadesh was spent in a nomadic life (ver. 33, your 
 children shall be shepherds), and of course 
 involved a dispersion and moving about over a 
 considerable area, which may have embraced 
 the most or all of the desert of Paran, or what is 
 now called Et-Tih. This, according to Wilton 
 and E. H. Palmer, comprised the desert of Zin, 
 which (used, as it seems, interchangeably with 
 the "wilderness of Kadesh") comprised the re- 
 gion from the head of the Elanitic Gulf, or Aka- 
 bah. to the head of Wady Garaiyeh (see Desert of 
 the Exodus, chap. xxv.). The period of say fif- 
 teen months from Hazeroth to Kadesh had made 
 the Israelites familiar with much of this region. 
 They appear to have moved hither and thither in 
 it, so that it is possible that their presence there 
 amounted to a virtual occupancy of the land even 
 before the arrival at Kadesh. If that were so, it 
 would explain how such long distances could in- 
 tervene between the encampment at Ezion-Geber 
 and Kadesh, and then again Kadesh and Mt. Hor 
 (xxxiii. 36, 37) which appear to be the only in- 
 stances of the sort. In both insfances the head- 
 quarters of the host were moved quickly and un- 
 opposed through a region already occupied by 
 the host, while those dispersed to pasture the 
 herds would gather from various points to the 
 rendezvous; first when the invasion of Canaan 
 was to have begun from Kadesh (xiii. 26), again 
 the new generation after thirty-seven years, or 
 less (xx.). This new generation was re-assem- 
 bled from the dispersion of their nomadic life to 
 Kadesh, where the Tabernacle and headquarters 
 
 of the nation may have continued to abide after 
 the events of chap. xiv. Of this new departure 
 chap. XX. 14 sqq. gives the account ; and we must 
 take as parallel to it the passage xxxiii. 37; 
 "And they removed from Kadesh and pitched in 
 Mount Hor, in the edge of the land of Edom," 
 and the passage Deut. ii. 1 : " Then we turned 
 and took our journey into the wilderness by the 
 way of the Red Sea, as the Lord spake unto me: 
 and we compassed Mount Seir many days." 
 When this movement actually began, the flocks 
 and herds were likely still scattered over a wide 
 region, and were brought up to Mt. Hor as the 
 great rendezvous. 
 
 The message of Moses to Edom, xx. 14-21, in- 
 dicates a purpose to follow a route to East Jor- 
 dan that would not have brought the host to the 
 Red Sea ; and this seems to conflict with the view 
 taken above of " Turn ye — by the way of the Red 
 Sea," xiv. 25. But Deut. ii. 1 intimates that 
 Moses had a divine command for taking the route 
 that compassed Mt. tjeir, and that he did not take 
 it merely in consequence of the refusal of Edom. 
 The message to Edom may have been in compli- 
 ance with the desires of the congregation, or 
 from some other motive, without any expectation 
 on Moses' part that Edom would grant the re- 
 quest. Deut. i. 22 represents that the sending 
 of the spies occurred from a similar motive. 
 
 This extended note anticipates some of the ac- 
 counts of our book. But Kadesh is (he key to all 
 the geographical problems of the wanderings after 
 the departure from Sinai, and a species of trian- 
 gulation seems necessary at this point in order 
 to adjust its position. Without this a most dis- 
 turbing element remains to confuse the consi- 
 deration of the events that remain to be re- 
 counted. — Tr.]. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 ON CHAPS. XIII. XIV. 
 
 The spies and their report about Canaan. The 
 difference between the objective half and the sub- 
 jective half of their report. They ought not to 
 have disguised the diSiculties of the conquest of 
 Canaan ; neither ought they to have ignored Je- 
 hovah's promise and the power of faith. The 
 heroic Caleb. Caleb and Joshua. How far may 
 one have completed the other ? The judgment 
 of God on this pusillanimous generation. On 
 this occasion despondency is followed by pre- 
 sumption ; then again presumption is followed 
 by despondency. Presumption and despondency 
 are opposed to one another, and yet they are 
 twin children of unbelief and disobedience. 
 They revolve about each other as a wheel, and 
 are not to be separated from one another. The 
 fate of the forty (thirty-eight) years in the desert 
 has still a mercy. The defeat and the settlement 
 in the desert. How it reflects the former useful- 
 ness of Moses. Israel born in the desert a stranger 
 to Israel born in Egypt. 
 
CHAP. XY. 1-31. 
 
 81 
 
 THIRD DIVISION. 
 
 K4DESH (DEUT. I. 19; NUM. XX. 1; XXVII. 14). THE SETTLEMENT IN KADESH 
 AFTER THE DEFEAT. THE OBSCUEE THIETY-EIGHT (FORTY) YEARS. 
 
 Chapters XV. 1— XX. 13. 
 General Remarks on the Sojourn of Israel in Kadesh. 
 
 Quite in accordance with writing the history 
 of the Theocracy, the account passes over the 
 forty years without giving us any particular ac- 
 count of them, but makes prominent here also 
 only the ingredients that were important to the 
 development of the Theocracy. The first thing 
 of moment is further legislation in reference to 
 sacriiices, in which there plainly crops out an in- 
 timation that sacrifices were suspended during 
 the stay in the wilderness. The second is a de- 
 finite distinction between sins of infirmity and 
 sins of rebellion, an example which led to a se- 
 verer enforcement of the Sabbath law, and a 
 symbolic enforcement of the legal ordinances in 
 general (chap. xv.). Opposed to the enforcement 
 of legal prescriptions appears the rebellion of 
 spiritualism, the idea of the typical universal 
 priesthood asserting itself in a fanatical way, 
 supported by pretensions of the rights of the first- 
 born and of birth-right (chap. xvi.). In spite of 
 the judicial penalty, the mutinous adhesion to 
 the fanatics that had been destroyed continues, 
 as similar instances of idolizing often recur in 
 ancient and modern history (Chiliasm, Popery, 
 Legitimism, Buonapartism, etc.), and only a new 
 judgment, expiated by a mediation of the or- 
 dained priesthood, barely restores the considera- 
 tion of the latter (chap. xvii. 1-15). This resto- 
 ration is completed by the mysterious history of 
 the blooming of Aaron's rod (xvii. 10-28). Then 
 follows a new confirmation of the rights of the 
 priesthood, founded on its duties, and a further 
 explanation of the relation between priests and 
 Levites (chap, xviii.). The mighty reign of 
 death in these storms of judgment made necessary 
 a new institution of a simple and universal pu- 
 rification from the uncleanness resulting from 
 contact with dead bodies. This is introduced as 
 sprinkling with holy water, made holy by the 
 ashes of the red heifer (chap. xix. 1-22). The 
 last event of this division no doubt belongs chro- 
 nologically to the earlier period of the stay in 
 Kadesh, viz., the failure of Moses at the water 
 of strife (chap. xx. 1-13), But the narrator 
 
 seems to have put the history in this place be- 
 cause he would connect together the deaths of the 
 elect trio, the two brothers and their sister. Mi- 
 riam dies at Kadesh (chap. xx. 1) ; Moses along 
 with Aaron receives at Kadesh the notification 
 that he must die before the entrance into Canaan 
 (ver. 12), and Aaron dies a little while after the 
 departure on the new journey (ver. 24). 
 
 Kurtz draws a picture of the condition of Is- 
 rael in this interim of the thirty-eight years that 
 by no means agrees with the facts communicated 
 here [History of (he Old Covenant, II., ^ 42). He 
 uses the title "The period of the thirty-seven 
 years' ban." But it has already been remarked 
 that there can be no propriety in calling this pe- 
 riod a thirty-seven years' ban, seeing that un- 
 questionably the legislation of Jehovah continued 
 on during this interim, and that, moreover, the 
 reproach of idolatry that Amos makes against 
 ancient Israel (Amos v. 25 sqq.) does not suit a 
 period when spiritualism flourished even to fana- 
 ticism (see also Amos ii. 10, 11). Beside, how 
 could a people under a ban be fed with manna 
 from heaven ? It is true that Kurtz goes on to 
 restrict the idea of a ban ; the rejected genera- 
 tion was only excluded from the possession of the 
 land of Canaan. But on the other hand the po- 
 lemic of Kurtz [ibid. ii. § 41] is efi'eciive against 
 the conjectures of Hitzig and Goethe about Is- 
 rael's abode in the wilderness. Kurtz also 
 shows that he thinks there is an excess of literal 
 interpretation by what he says in regard to 
 Deut. viii. 4; comp. xxix. 5 ; Neh. ix. 21 [ibid. 
 ^43]: "A whole series of both Jewish and 
 Christian commentators interpret these passages 
 without the least hesitation as meaning that the 
 clothes and shoes of the Israelitish children 
 grew with their growth, and remained for the 
 whole of the forty years not in the least the 
 worse for the wear." See that author's discus- 
 sions of this monstrous literalness, which was 
 shared by Justin Martyr; and also his comments 
 on Ezek, xx. 10-26; Amos v. 25-27, 
 
NUMBERS. 
 
 FIRST SECTION. 
 
 An ordinance about the future performance of sacrifices. An indirect promise of 
 Canaan and at the same time an indirect postponement of sacrifice. 
 
 Chapter XV. 1-31. 
 
 1, 2 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Speak unto the children of Israel, 
 and say unto them, When ye be come into the land of your habitations, which I 
 
 3 give unto you, And will make an ^offering by fire unto the Lord, a burnt-offer- 
 ing, or a sacrifice in 'performing a vow, or in a freewill offering, or in your solemn 
 
 4 feasts, to make a sweet savour unto the Lord, of the herd, or of the flock : Then 
 shall he that offereth his "offering unto the Lord bring a "meat offering of a tenth 
 
 5 deal of flour, mingled with the fourth part of a hin of oil. And the fourth x)^^'''^ 
 of a hin of wine for ''a drink offering shalt thou prepare with the burnt offering or 
 
 6 ^sacrifice, for 'one lamb. Or for % ram, thou shalt prepare /oj' a *meat offering two 
 
 7 tenth deals of flour, mingled with the third part of a hin of oil. And for ""a drink 
 offering thou shalt offer the third part of a hin of wine, for a sweet savour unto the 
 
 8 Lord. And when thou preparest a bullock for a burnt offering, or for a sacrifice 
 
 9 in 'performing a vow, or peace offerings unto the Lord ; Then shall he bring with 
 •^a bullock a "meat offering of three tenth deals of flour, mingled with half a hin of oil. 
 
 10 And thou shalt bring for "^a drink offering half a hin of wine, /or an "offering made 
 
 11 by fire, of a sweet savour unto the Lord. Thus shall it be done for 'one bullock, 
 
 12 or for 'one ram, or for a lamb, or a kid. According to the number that ye shall 
 
 13 prepare, so shall ye do to every one according to their number. All that are ®born 
 of the country shall do these things after this manner, in offering an "offering made 
 
 14 by fire, of a sweet savour unto the Lord. And if a stranger sojourn with you, or 
 whosoever he among you in your generations, and will offer an "offering made by 
 
 15 fire, of a sweet savour unto the Lord ; as ye do, so he shall do. ''One ordinance 
 shall be both for you of the congregation, and also for the stranger that sojourn eth 
 with you, an ordinance for ever in your generations : as ye are, so shall the stranger 
 
 16 be before the Lord. One law and one 'manner shall be for you, and for the 
 stranger that sojourneth with you. 
 
 17, 18 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying. Speak unto the children of Israel? 
 
 19 and say unto them. When ye come into the land whither I bring you. Then it 
 shall be, that, when ye eat of the bread of the land, ye shall offer up a heave offer- 
 
 20 ing unto the Lord. Ye shall offer up a cake of the first of your dough /or a heave 
 offering : as ye do the heave offering of the threshingfloor, so shall ye heave it. 
 
 21 Of the first of your dough ye shall give unto the Lord a heave offering in your 
 generations. 
 
 22 And if ye 'have erred, and not observed all these commandments, which the 
 
 23 Lord hath spoken unto Moses, Even all that the Lord hath commanded you by 
 the hand of Moses, from the day that the Lord commanded Moses, and hencefor- 
 
 24 ward among your generations ; ^Then it shall be, if aught be committed by igiio- 
 rance ^vithout the knowledge of the congregation, that all the congregation shall 
 offer one young bullock for a burnt offering, for a sweet savour unto the Lord, 
 with his "meat offering, and his drink offering, according to the 'manner, and one 
 
 25 ''kid of the goats for a sin offering. And the priest shall make an atonement for 
 all the congregation of the children of Israel, and it shall be forgiven them ; for it 
 'w ignorance : and they shall bring their offering, 'a sacrifice made by fire unto the 
 
 26 Lord, and their sin offering before the Lord, for their "ignorance : And it shall 
 be forgiven all the congregation of the children of Israel, and the stranger that so- 
 journeth among them ; "seeing all the people were in ignorance. 
 
CHAP. XV. 1-31. 
 
 83 
 
 27 And if any soul sin through ignorance, then he shall bring a she goat of the first 
 
 28 year for a sin offering. And the priest shall make an atonement for the soul that 
 "sinneth ignorantly, when he sinneth ^by ignorance before the Lord, to make an 
 
 29 atonement for him ; and it shall be forgiven him. Ye shall have one law for him 
 that *siuneth ^through ignorance, both for him that is «born among the children of 
 Israel, and for the stranger that sojourneth among them. 
 
 30 But the soul that doeth aught ^presumptuously, whether he he ^born in the land, 
 or a stranger, the same 'reproacheth the Lord ; and that soul shall be cut off from 
 
 31 among his people. Because he hath despised the word of the Lord, and hath 
 broken his commandment, that soul shall utterly be cut off; his iniquity shall he 
 upon him. 
 
 1 Heb. separating. 
 ♦ Heb. duth. 
 
 a a fire sacrifice. 
 « the. 
 
 E home-horn. 
 
 ' shall err atui not observe. 
 ■» error. 
 p through error. 
 
 * Heb. from the eyes. 
 
 * Heb. with an high hand. 
 
 3 Or ordinances. 
 
 * oblation. ' meal-offering. 
 
 « for the. ' each. 
 
 •> As regards the assembly, let there be one statute for you and for the stranger. 
 i And. ^ he-goat. ' was an error, 
 
 o for it happened to all the people through error. ' erreth. 
 
 <J blasphemes. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 15. Snpn is the nominative absolute. "As for the assembly." Comp. rT^TXH, ver. 29. "The LXX. 
 and Sam. connect SnpH with what precedes : ' aa ye do so shall the assembly do,' on which Rosenmtjelleb 
 properly remarks that it presents a hardly intelligible sense." Mauber— Tr.] 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 1. Keil remarks with justice in loc. that this 
 modification of the former laws of offerings was 
 designed, in these sad and dreary times, to in- 
 spire hope in the new generation which was 
 growing up, and to turn their attention to the 
 promised land. At the same time this modifica- 
 tion of the law is plainly a postponement of the 
 developed sacrificial service to the time of the 
 settlement in Canaan. The people could not 
 indeed come by the materials for meat and 
 drink-ofFerings before they came into the land 
 of Canaan ; the heave-offering of the first of the 
 bread pre-supposes a harvest in Canaan. In 
 part the bloody offerings themselves were con- 
 ditioned by such bloodless adjuncts. Knobel, 
 after his manner, draws the conclusion, that the 
 passage infers, that the entrance into Canaan 
 is now near at hand ! 
 
 2. First Ordinance. Meat and Drink-offerings, 
 vers. 3-16. The reference here can only be to 
 the two classes of burnt-offerings and sacrifices 
 or peace-offerings, and not to sin-offerings and 
 trespass-offerings, since these were not amended. 
 In contrast with these, as blood-sacrifices, our 
 two vai-ieties are called fire-offerings. The sac- 
 rifices separate into their three sub-divisions: 
 the votive offering or offering in time of need; 
 the free-will offering or offering in time of pros- 
 perity ; and the festal or praise and thank- 
 offering. The quantity of the meal and drink- 
 offering (see o,n Exod., p. 124 sq.) is increased 
 according to the value of the victim, a lamb or 
 kid, a ram, or a young bullock; likewise ac- 
 cording to the number of the victims. The 
 same law applies to strangers uniting in the 
 offerings, both as regards the offerings and the 
 
 assembling with the congregation, presupposing 
 that they are theocratic strangers. They must 
 join in the celebration of Pentecost, as well as 
 of Easter. The more general regulations on 
 the meal-offering are given in Leviticus. 
 
 3. Second Ordinance. The Offering of the 
 Dough and Groats of the New Bread (vers. 18- 
 21). A cake of coarse meal is to be brought 
 {v. Ezek. xliv. 30; Neh. x. 38). Thus too is the 
 harvest-offering a three-fold one: (1) the first 
 sheaf (Levit. xxiii. 11); (2) (he first dough, 
 made into a cake, according to the present pas- 
 sage ; (3) the first bread (Levit. xxiii.). No 
 form of harvest blessing shall be enjoyed until 
 a thank-offering has been made from it. 
 
 4. Third Ordinance. Of the Sin-Offering 
 (vers. 22-29). This supplements Levit. iv. 13- 
 21. In that place, however, it is sins of com- 
 mission which are considered; here it is sins of 
 omission. The section distinguishes the sins 
 of omission on the part of the whole congrega- 
 tion and those of single individuals. Under the 
 first, cannot be intended apostacies of the whole 
 congregation — that needed to be expiated in 
 an entirely different manner ; but the gradually 
 developing distempers of unconscious prostra- 
 tion, or also inflammation, the unconscious fall- 
 ino- away from the standard of the Law. The 
 fault is denoted as pardonable by the very cir- 
 cumstance, that, after the beginning of better 
 knowledge, a burnt and meal-offering were to 
 be first presented, and not till then a sin-offer- 
 ing, and that the burnt-offering should consist 
 of a bullock, while the sin-offering was to be 
 only a he-goat. According to Knobel and Keil, 
 indeed, the sin-offering was in this case also to 
 precede. The burnt-offering, says Keil, is as 
 usual mentioned before the chief offering. But 
 this is by no means the case : in Lev. xv. 15, 30, 
 
84 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 the sin-offering is mentioned first, and then the 
 burnt-offering ; in Lev. xii. 6, on the contrary, 
 the burnt-offering is spoken of first, and after- 
 wards the sin-offering; in Lev. xvi. 25, also the 
 burnt-offering is kindled before the sin-offering. 
 Two classes seem to be distinguished here. 
 Between the uncleanness of a pregnant woman 
 and that of the leper, there was also a difference. 
 It is really at first immediately the burnt-offer- 
 ing which is purified, which the people in their 
 ignorance have brought, and thereby mediately 
 the people also. It was as if e. g. a Christian 
 Church, after thus coming to a better mind, were 
 to appoint a fast day over and above their previous 
 sermons. We cannot in any case accept the 
 notion of Keil, that the sin-offerings must in all 
 cases precede because a separation had occurred 
 between the congregation and the Lord. What 
 then does the Catechism of the New Testament 
 teach of pardonable sins embraced in the univer- 
 sal pardon? With this we commend the above 
 distinction to further investigation. The stranger 
 also is included in the forgiveness which was to 
 be attained, whether he have had a particular 
 part in the error or not. Concerning the rela- 
 tion of these offences to the outward ritual as 
 explained by Maimonides, or their explanation 
 by the conduct of the people under bad kings, 
 
 that OuTRAM suggests, see Keil, in loc, foot- 
 note. Within the limits of the aberrations under 
 consideration, however, unconscious deviations 
 must be distinguished from conscious defection. 
 From a single soul only a she-goat is required 
 for a sin-offering ; for the Law does not impose 
 any involuntari? burnt-offerings upon individu- 
 als, except in the case of reception back into 
 the congregation. 
 
 5. Fourth Ordinance. The Conscious Sin of 
 Obstinacy toward Jehovah, or, the Sin ■with 
 Uplifted Hand (vers. 30, 31). The antithesis 
 
 to the foregoing section. Only sins from error 
 
 CnjJi!/3) can be expiated by sin-offerings [vid. 
 
 Levit! iv. 2) ; but not the sin /riD"! T3) with 
 
 ' ' ^ T T T: ' 
 
 uplifted hand. Says Keil: "With a high hand, 
 
 so that he therewith, as it were, lifts up his 
 hand against Jehovah, acts in open rebellion 
 against Him." The consciously wicked man, as 
 it were, shakes his fist at Heaven, the throne of 
 God. Their iniquity be upon tbem! That 
 is, they are curse-offerings devoted to death (see 
 Gen. xvii. 14). The succeeding story imme- 
 diately serves for illustration; and on that ac- 
 count probably it is placed in connection with 
 this ordinance. 
 
 The Sabbath-breaker. 
 
 SECOND SECTION. 
 
 Re-enforcement of the Law of the Sabbath, and of the 
 Law^ in General. 
 
 Chapter XV. 32-41. 
 
 32 And while the children of Israel were in the wilderness, they found a man that 
 
 33 gathered sticks upon the sabbath day. And they that found him gathering sticks 
 
 34 brought him unto Moses and Aaron, and unto all the congregation. And they 
 
 35 put him in ward, because it was not ^declared Avhat should be done to him. And 
 the Lord said unto Moses, The man shall be surely put to death : all the congre- 
 
 36 gation shall stone him with stones without the camp. And all the congregation 
 brought him without the camp, and stoned him with stones, and he died ; as the 
 Lord commanded Moses. 
 
 37, 38 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Speak unto the children of Israel, 
 and bid them that they make them 'fringes in the "borders of their garments, 
 throughout their generations, and that they put upon the "fringe of the "borders a 
 
 39 "ribband of blue: And it shall be unto you for a "fringe, that ye may look upon 
 it, and remember all the commandments of the Lord, and do them ; and that ye 
 seek not after your own heart and your own eyes, after which ye use to go a 
 
 40 whoring : That ye may remember, and do all my commandments, and be holy 
 
 41 unto your God. I am the Lord your God, which brought you out of the land of 
 Egypt, to be your God : I am the Lord your God. 
 
 > (Ldthbr 
 * cord. 
 
 expressed; De Wkttb, Zuni : decided; Bunsbn: no declaration.) 
 
 >> tasieU. 
 
 tip*. 
 
CHAP. XV. 32-41. 
 
 86 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL, 
 
 This section expressly says that the children 
 of Israel were in the wilderness at the time the 
 event happened, i. e. that it belongs to the so- 
 journ of thirty-eight years in Kadesh. But the 
 story also proves how strictly they insisted on 
 the law of the Sabbath. The dispersion of the 
 tents in the desert could in many ways make 
 the violation of the laws of the Sabbath an easy 
 matter. Notwithstanding, the man was detected 
 that gathered wood (for fagots), and was put in 
 confinement. The story of the Sabbath-breaker 
 is a companion-piece to that of the blasphemer 
 (Lev. xxiv.). It serves as a corroboration of 
 a chief requirement of the law, just as that does. 
 But in this case they were not yet clear about 
 the degree of the punishment. When he was 
 brought before Moses, Aaron and the congrega- 
 tion, that is, the authorities, the college of elders 
 appointed as judges, there was as yet no defini- 
 tion how he should suffer capital punishment. 
 Their not proceeding at once to extremities, to 
 the solemn act of stoning, seems to rest on the 
 consideration that this transgression against the 
 Sabbath might perhaps be a lesser guilt than 
 blasphemy. It characterizes the prudence with 
 which Moses and the college of judges proceed. 
 They put him in confinement (perhaps for a 
 
 considerable time, TTil^l). It was not yet 
 
 expressly determined. Ly"23 is a word 
 
 which, as in Lev. xxiv. 12, has a sacred sen^e, 
 quite in contrast with that by which the Phari- 
 sees, at a later period, called themselves. Moses 
 had to seek for the decision of Jehovah, That 
 decision in this case, also, called for stoning 
 outside of the camp, in which the congregation 
 was to participate, because here, too, the whole 
 congregation was involved in the guilt. 
 
 [It is a generally accepted view that the inci- 
 dent of the Sabbath-breaker is introduced here 
 as an illustration of presumptuous sin, as Dr. 
 Lange intimates above, § 5. The same connec- 
 tion also offers a natural explanation of the 
 judicial proceeding in the case. It ■was not 
 determined vyhat one should do to him, 
 is indefinite, and may either refer to the judges, 
 or to the revelation of God in regard to such 
 cases. The latter is the common view. (See in 
 the London Polyglot all interpretations except 
 the LXX. and Vulg. Yet they may not have 
 independent value; but all, in this case, may 
 perhaps only follow the lead of the Aramaic 
 Paraphrase.) But the former seems quite as 
 natural. The phrase 1J1 "lDty»33 inj? m'il'1 
 
 seems to say: "They let him rest in custody, 
 for one did not determine what one should do to 
 him." LXX. : ov yap aweKpwav rl Trou/aumv 
 avTov. Vulg. ; nescientes quid super eo facere 
 deberent. The LXX. and Vulg., in the parallel 
 
 passage, refer IJ/IS? to the same subject, viz. 
 the judges. The context suggests the ground 
 of their indecision. The ordinances just given, 
 including expiations for sins, vers. 1-29, were 
 made for the time "wben ye be come into the 
 land which I give unto you," vers. 2, 18. Re- 
 garding presumptuous sins, therefore (vers, 30, 
 
 31), it might be supposed that the penalty was 
 only to be visited under the same conditions, 
 viz. when they were settled in Canaan. It was 
 likely this that divided the judges. The ques- 
 tion was whether U7ider present circumstances such 
 a sinner was to be capitally punished. It had 
 already been declared that death was to be the 
 penalty (Exod. xxxi. 14, 15; xxxv. 2). 
 
 Dr. Lange's notion that the doubt was whe- 
 ther Sabbath-breaking might not be less crimi- 
 nal than blasphemy is quite untenable. The 
 same may be said of the view that he shares 
 with others, viz. that the judges were in doubt 
 about the form of the death-penalty. Stoning 
 was the common way of inflicting death (Exod. 
 2vii. 4; Num. xiv. 10), and had already received 
 divine sanction as the proper mode of doing it 
 in the case of both man and beast (Exod. xix, 
 13; xxi. 28). The point of the divine answer 
 to Moses was, that the crime was then and there 
 to be punished by death, as appears from the 
 emphatic words that sum up the transaction: 
 and he died, as the Lord commanded 
 Moses (ver. 36). 
 
 This episode begins with the words: And 
 while the children of Israel were in the 
 wilderness. This "is properly introduced 
 here to contrast the ordinance of the Sabbath 
 given some time ago (Exod. xxxi. 14) with the 
 series of ordinances first given in this chapter. 
 The latter were not obligatory until after the 
 settlement in Canaan; the former was obliga- 
 tory already. Transgression of it was therefore 
 a presumptuous sin, and was punished accord- 
 ingly." The Bible Comm. This fact has i(3 
 importance in determining the place of the law 
 of the Sabbath among the Old Testament ordi- 
 nances. It was unconditioned, as was also the 
 law against blasphemy. It was in force and 
 enforced when ceremonial laws were not. It 
 was before symbolical ordinances, and it conti- 
 nues after them. Its observance or violalioa 
 involved all that was vital in religion, for it 
 involved the very questioQ of loyalty to God, as 
 did the law about blasphemy. And it involves 
 the same now. — Tr.] 
 
 This occurrence has, as its consequence, an 
 enforcement of the law in an increased degree, 
 and in a symbolical form. But as, at a later 
 period, the Pharisees with their t^^i] misapplied 
 the law concerning blasphemy and the violation 
 of the Sabbath to the condemnation of Christ, 
 so, too, the following ordinance was made to 
 serve Pharisaic hypocrisy (Matt, xxiii. 5). 
 
 Vers. 37-41, Henceforth the Israelites were 
 to wear memorials of the law on their garments. 
 The ordinance is supplemented in Deut. xxii. 12. 
 
 The zizith (from V^, "ornament, bloom, curl," 
 to consist, according to Deut., of twisted cords, 
 as D'T"1J), as a tassel, is, so to speak, the blos- 
 som of the garments. According to Deut., it is 
 fastened at the side of the upper garment, and 
 that with a cord of blue purple. The meaning 
 of it might be, that by the band of fidelity the 
 law should remain for the Israelite a flower of 
 life, an ornament. Thus, then, it was no longer 
 the priestly garments only that had a symbolical 
 meaning, but also the clothing of every Israel- 
 
86 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 ite — a contrast with the wearing finery of the 
 fashions, that is made by tailors and women of 
 the poetry of vanity. Still this symbol also was 
 perverted by the later spirit of legalism into a 
 means of self-righteousness. Probably at quite 
 an early period this ornament was supplemented 
 by a particular border or seam on the upper 
 garment (LXX. Kpda-sdov). See on Matt, xxiii. 
 5. The downward look, directed toward these 
 sit^ns of the law, was to counteract the danger 
 of^distracted wandering of the senses and of the 
 lust of the eyes. Very significant is the expres- 
 sion : a whoring after the eyes, and spy- 
 ing about according to the heart, the lusts 
 of the heart, lu conclusion, the final object of 
 this ordinance is strongly emphasized. They 
 are not, by their hearts' lusts and the vagaries 
 of their eyes, to be ensnared in idolatrous lust 
 
 of the world. And they are not thereby 
 to forget that Jehovah is the Redeemer and Lord ; 
 as the highest Personality, He is the Protector 
 of their personality which is elevated above the 
 world. The conclusion may be taken to mean : 
 I am your Divinity ; ye shall, therefore, make 
 no divinities for yourselves of the things of the 
 world. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 The repetition of the law of sacrifice in the 
 wilderness, a kingdom of grace, a sign of pro- 
 mise, a sign of continued training. The differ- 
 ence between sins of infirmity and of outrage 
 with uplifted hand (of wickedness). The Sab- 
 bath-breaker. The outward mementoes of the 
 law: their use ; their danger (see Matt, xxiii.). 
 
 THIRD SECTION, 
 
 A.— THE REBELLION OF KORAH, DATHAN AND ABIRAM (THEIR ANTICIPATION OF 
 THE UNIVERSAL PRIESTHOOD AND THEIR JUDGMENT). 
 
 Chapter XVI. 1-35. 
 
 1 Now Korah, the son of Izhar, the son of Kohath, the son of Levi, and Da- 
 than and Abiram, the sons of Eliab, and On, the son of Peleth, sons of Reuben, 
 
 2 *took men: And they rose up before Moses, with certain of the children of Israel, 
 two hundred and fifty princes of the ''assembly, "^famous in the congregation, men 
 
 3 of renown: And they gathered themselves together against Moses and against 
 Aaron, and said unto them, ^ Ye take too much upon you, seeing all the congrega- 
 tion are holy, every one of them, and the Lord is among them : wherefore then 
 
 4 lift ye up yourselves above the congregation of the Lord ? And when Moses heard 
 
 5 it, he fell upon his face : And he spake unto Korah and unto all his company, 
 saying, Even to morrow the Lord will shew who are his, and who is holy ; and 
 will cause him to come near unto him : even /iim Avhom he hath chosen will he cause 
 
 6 to come near unto him. This do ; Take you censers, Korah, and all his company ; 
 
 7 And put fire therein, and put incense in them before the Lord to morrow : and it 
 shall be that the man whom the Lord doth choose, he shall be holy : ^ye take too 
 
 8 much upon you, ye sons of Levi. And Moses said unto Korah, Hear, I pray you, 
 
 9 ye sons of Levi : ^Seenieth it but a small thing unto you, that the God of Israel hath 
 separated you from the congregation of Israel, to bring you near to himself to do 
 the service of the tabernacle of the Lord, and to stand before the congregation to 
 
 10 minister unto them ? And he hath brought thee near to him, and all thy brethren 
 
 11 the sons of Levi with thee : and seek ye the priesthood also ? For which cause both 
 thou and all thy company are gathered together against the Lord : and what is 
 Aaron, that ye murmur against him ? 
 
 12 And Moses sent to call Dathan and Abiram, the sons of Eliab ; *which said. We 
 
 13 will not come up : ^Is it a small thing that thou hast brought us up out of a land 
 that floweth with milk and honey, to kill us in the wilderness, except thou make 
 
 14 thyself altogether a prince over us? Moreover, thou hast not brought us into a 
 land that floweth with milk and honey, or given us inheritance of fields and vine- 
 
 15 yards ; wilt thf)U ''put out the eyes of these men ? we will not come up. And Moses 
 was very wrothj and said unto the Lord, Respect not thou their 'offering : I have 
 
CHAP. XVI. 1-35. 
 
 8V 
 
 16 not taken one ass from them, neither have I hurt one of them. And Moses said 
 unto Korah, Be thou and all thy company before the Lord, thou, and they, and 
 
 17 Aaron to morrow : And take every man his censer, and put incense in them, and 
 bring ye before the Lord every man his censer, two hundred and fifty censers ; 
 
 18 thou also, and Aaron, each of you his censer. And they took every man his cen- 
 ser, and put fire in them, and laid incense thereon, and stood ^in the door of the 
 
 19 ''tabernacle of the congregation 'with Moses and Aaron. And Korah gathered all 
 the congregation against them unto the door of the ''tabernacle of the congregation : 
 
 20 and the glory of the Lord appeared unto all the congregation. And the Lord 
 
 21 spake unto Moses and unto Aaron, saying, Separate yourselves from among this 
 
 22 congregation, that I may consume them in a moment. And they fell upon their 
 faces, and said, O God, the God of the spirits of all flesh, shall one man sin, and 
 wilt thou be wroth with all the congregation ? 
 
 23, 24 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying. Speak unto the congregation, saying, 
 25 Get you up from about the tabernacle of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram. And Moses 
 rose up and went unto Dathan and Abiram ; and the elders of Israel followed him. 
 And he spake unto the congregation, saying, Depart. I pray you, from the tents 
 of these wicked men, and touch nothing of theirs, lest ye be "consumed in ail their 
 sins. So they gat up from the tabernacle of Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, on every 
 side : and Dathan and Abiram came out, and stood in the door of their tents, and 
 28 their wives, and their sons, and their little children. And Moses said. Hereby ye shall 
 know that the Lord hath sent me to do all these works ; 'for I have not done them 
 of mine own mind. If these men die 'the common death of all men, or if tliey be 
 visited after the visitation of all men ; then the Lord hath not sent me. But if the 
 Lord *make a new thing, and the earth open her mouth, and swallow them up, 
 with all that appertain unto them, and they go down quick into ""the pit ; then ye 
 shall understand that these men have "provoked the Lord. 
 
 26 
 
 27 
 
 29 
 30 
 
 31 And it came to pass, as he had made an end of speaking all these words, that the 
 
 32 ground clave asunder that was under them: And the earth opened her mouth, and 
 swallowed them up, and their houses, and all the men that apipertained unto Korah, 
 
 33 and all their goods. They, and all that appertained to them, went down alive into 
 ""the pit, and the earth closed upon them : and they perished from among the °con- 
 
 34 gregation. And all Israel that were round about them fled at the cry of them : for 
 
 35 they said. Lest the earth swallow us up also. And there came out a fire from the 
 Lord, and consumed the two hundred and fifty men that oflered incense. 
 
 1 Heb. It is much for you. 
 
 * Heb. create a creation. 
 
 » conspired [f ] 
 
 * Is it too small a thing f 
 s at. 
 
 ^ swept away. 
 " blasphevied. 
 
 2 Heb. bore out. 
 
 1> congregation. 
 
 ' And they said. 
 h Tait of Meeting. 
 
 1 that it IS not of. 
 • assembly. 
 
 3 Heb. as every man dieth. 
 
 e called of the assembly. 
 f mral-offering. 
 > and 
 " underworld [the Sheol.] 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 Ver. 2. We read with Knobel :|{:?p'1_ instead of np"'T. which is inexplicable, for which comp. 1 Kings vii. 25; 
 xvi. 9; 2 Kings xv. 10, 25; Amos vii. io. Ewalb proposes Srip'T^; but, as Knobel well remarks, that does not 
 well suit for only four men. LXX.: koI eAaA))o-e. Vulg. : ecc« .' 
 
 We do not adopt the conjecture of our translator, [viz., that given above by Pastor Fat, who in the German 
 oricinal translates the text of Leviticus and Numbers.— Tr.1. The difficulty is more easily solved if we omit the 
 1 before Dathan, or take the three Vavs in connection : he took along with him both Dathan and Abiram and also 
 On. Thus Korah is designated as the real author, as also in ver. 22 he is given this prominence. Another expla- 
 nation, which is also more acceptable than the above conjecture, is the assumption of Gesenitts [Thes., p. 760] that 
 the singular is to be read as plural : Korah, Dathan, etc., took 'i'iO men to them. 
 
 Ver. 11. We cannot adopt Keil's construction: "Therefore thou and thy faction that have joined against 
 Jehovah and Aaron, what is he, that ye murmur against him ?" An Aposiopesis that is quite superfluous. 
 
B8 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 One might call this history a prototype of con- 
 spiracy aud insurrection. Various party inter- 
 ests, essentially and wholly diverse and mutually 
 conflicting, combine in the element of antipathy 
 against the princely authority of Moses, and the 
 priestly authority of Aaron (one might say against 
 the authority of the State and of the Church). 
 But there rests an obscurity of confusion over 
 this sympathetic conspiracy against the authority 
 appointed by Jehovah, as there could not but be 
 in interests so diverse. Korah with his following 
 (not his sons) is a Levite. Therefore he had 
 himself also a privileged position. But the pre- 
 cedence of the Aaronic priesthood is to him a 
 thorn in the eye. Therefore in reality it is not 
 universal right that he would insist on, but a 
 share in the clerical prerogatives of Aaron. Da- 
 than, Abiram and On, the descendants of Reuben, 
 no doubt have in mind the fact that their ances- 
 tor was the first-born, but not the transference 
 of the rights of the first-born to Judah by the 
 Patriarch. It must be mentioned to their praise 
 that the tribe of Judah makes no special claims, 
 but is only drawn into sympathy in a general 
 way. But the real princes of the conspiracy 
 conceal their particular pretensions under the 
 demagogical watch-word: the entire congrega- 
 tion is holy, and under the radical definition of 
 the entire congregation : they all are holy (evi- 
 dently the idea of the plebiscite). This watch- 
 word is supported by the reproach : why do ye 
 exalt yourselves over the congregation of Jeho- 
 vah ? In this reproach the conspiracy seems to 
 convert an element of truth into a lie. There 
 was, it is true, a theocratic authority over the 
 congregation, that was not mediated by a legal 
 representation of the congregation, yet elements 
 of mediation were still there, the elders, the 
 princes of the tribes, the prophetic voices, enough, 
 a potential mediation by signs of the Spirit was 
 indeed in existence; but of course no organized 
 one. And such an one, too, could only distantly 
 hover before the minds of the people ; what the 
 crowd desired was the dissolution of all author- 
 ity, anarchy. Still the glitter of the idol of 
 freedom and equality was even here so influen- 
 tial, that the whole nation was electrified by it, 
 and they did not notice how they were made the 
 sport of clerical and legitimist party interests. 
 Hence even after the first judgment, there re- 
 mained still a mutinous disposition that evoked 
 a second judgment. Perhaps, too, this muti- 
 nous disposition sprang in part from the recol- 
 lection of the stern judgment of stoning inflicted 
 on the blasphemer and on the Sabbath-breaker: 
 for here again it is nourished by the embittered 
 feeling at the death penalty inflicted on the con- 
 spirators, although that appeared as a divine de- 
 cree. The excitement, the stormy commotion, 
 and the confusion of (he event are reflected in 
 the intricacy of the representation, and this has 
 occasioned no little exegetical confusion which 
 we must try to avoid. [See Text, and Gram., 
 ver. 2]. 
 
 Eviilently there was first a conspiracy that 
 brooded in secret. The original agitators, Ko- 
 rah, Datban and Abiram, succeeded in drawing 
 
 to their party representatives from the whole 
 congregation, princes of the particular tribes. 
 Thus they arose against Moses and Aaron. Their 
 cry to these two leaders : enough for you, may 
 not be translated by the cool language: let what 
 has been hitherto sufiice you. It is a quo usque 
 of indignation. To it is attached pretension in 
 quite a radical form. When Moses falls on his 
 face it is because he is in the greatest extremity 
 and needs a divine decision, and looks for it. 
 And on this decision reposes his exceeding bold 
 and surprising answer. Not he will decide, but 
 Jehovah. Let them all present themselve:? be- 
 fore Jehovah, the next morning even, as would-be 
 priests, with censers, in order to stand before 
 Jehovah along with Aaron in opposition and in 
 rivalry, then Jehovah Himself will decide. Ac- 
 cording to the law, even the sons of the priests 
 were forbidden to ofl'er strange fire to Jehovah, 
 much more were mere Levites and non-Levites 
 forbidden to sacrifice, let alone to perform the 
 holiest act of oflering which was done in the very 
 Sanctuary of the Tabernacle. Hence Moses could 
 not have instituted such measures as he did here, 
 had he not regarded the law as completely broken, 
 and suspended. His expedient reminds us of the 
 words of Jesus to Judas : " that thou doest do 
 quickly." With the congregation seduced as it 
 was, Moses could not act with its support; the 
 law could only be restored again by a mighty 
 judgment of God. Still the rebels were not to 
 be left in doubt about the great irony that lay 
 in the admission of this candidating, hence the 
 addition, in which he repeats the word of the 
 Levites as a rebuking echo : it is enough ■with 
 you, upon which follows a reproof. Hear, ye 
 sons of Levi, etc., ver. 8. Now he brings home 
 to the Levites that they themselves had received 
 from Jehovah — not from him — a prerogative 
 above that of the other tribes of Israel, by which 
 he lays bare the contradiction in their revolu- 
 tionary watch-word. He charges them with un- 
 truthfulness ; it was not the universal priesthood 
 that they wanted, but they were emulous of the 
 high-priesthood of Aaron (vers. 9, 10). Ye rebel, 
 he says, against Jehovah Himself, not, as ye sup- 
 pose, against Aaron, for he as a man eignifie* 
 nothing in this business, that ye should murmur 
 against him (ver. 11). In other words: your 
 would-be murmuring against Aaron is a rebel- 
 lion against Jehovah. 
 
 And Moses said to call Dathan, etc., ver. 
 12 sqq. This begins the account of Moses' deal- 
 ing with the Reubenites. With great penetra- 
 tion he sees through the coalition, and deals with 
 each faction singly, as befitted it. The Korah 
 faction aimed specially at Aaron, and he con- 
 tended with it accordingly, and, as appears, with 
 such success that the sons of Korah held aloof 
 from the sedition of their father (xxvi, 11). But 
 the Reuben faction was primarily directed against 
 the princely position of Moses himself. He ac- 
 cordingly summons Dathan and Abiram to ap- 
 pear before him, (he does not, as Batjmoarten 
 supposes, call on them to make sacrifice) ; the 
 third, On, appears already or later to have drawn 
 back. Also Zelophehad, an influential man of 
 the tribe of Manasseh, had renounced the gen- 
 eral craze. But the Reubenite faction answered 
 roughly and refused obedience to Moses with 
 
CHAP. XVI. 1-35. 
 
 89 
 
 malignant irony. We ■will not come up, they 
 said, with reference to the tabernacle that is re- 
 garded as an exalted tent. He has brought them 
 out of a land flowing with milk and honey, but 
 not brought them into such a land ; he has sorely 
 deceived them, and seems as if he would bore out 
 the people's eyes, i. e., as if he would degrade 
 them to absolute, blind obedience against all pri- 
 vate judgment. This reproach, that he desired 
 to rule over them as an absolute despot of the 
 conscience, provoked the extremest indignation 
 of the faithful servant of God, who could appeal 
 to his unselfishness, whereby at the same time 
 the sentiment is expressed that despotism of the 
 conscience always springs from ambition and 
 avarice. Respect not thou their offering, 
 (ver. 15) is his prayer — the mildest form iu 
 which he could implore the divine vindication of 
 his uprightness. 
 
 And Moses said unto Korah, etc., ver. 16 
 sqq. Here follows the summons already men- 
 tioned in ver. 6 : appear to-morrow with censers 
 before .Jehovah for rivalry with Aaron ; only 
 now it is amplified to the efi"ect that the whole 
 company, and as such also the third faction like- 
 wise should appear with their censers, the sym- 
 bols of their pretensions. And they actually 
 appeared. Also the 250 with their censers. 
 Thus 250 censers, it is added supplementally ; 
 as if we were to say : 250 horse, or so many 
 cowls. The 250 censers instead of the one cen- 
 ser of Aaron is the main point. But Korah had 
 contrived that, beside this, the wliole congrega- 
 tion appeared before the Tabernacle, if not as 
 his decided adherents, still with ihe inclination 
 to go over to his party, that stood opposed to 
 the two apparently helpless men, Mosea and 
 Aaron. So the crowd of people stood wavering 
 on Carmel, inclined to apostacy, when Elijah con- 
 tended with the priests of Baal, and so the mass 
 of craven souls mostly stand in decisive crises in 
 which fidelity has to contend with a seductive 
 novelty. But invariably in such a situation there 
 occurs a miraculous turn of affairs: the glory 
 of the Lord appears. Thus it appeared :is 
 Paul went to Damascus ; when Gustavus Adol- 
 phus came to German^'; when William of Orange 
 went to England. It is not stated how in the 
 present case it displayed itself to the whole 
 people ; how a dread of God developed within the 
 Tabernacle as the entire crowd pressed to the 
 Tabernacle door to profane the sanctuary. 
 
 The word of Jehovah : Separate yourselves 
 from among this congregation that I may 
 consume them, ver. 21 sqq., was probably 
 manifested to the people only by their seeing 
 Moses and Aaron (likely within the Tabernacle) 
 fall on their faces in prayer. Both act as intei'- 
 cessors and mediators for the erring people. 
 Ah, great God (El), thou God of the spirits 
 of all flesh, what may that mean ? Art Thou 
 notnow their Jehovah, still Thou artthealmighty 
 God, that rules over the spirits according to 
 their peculiarity, according to the diflfereut mea- 
 sures of their guilt and innocence, even if as 
 flesh they appear in a compact mass. As the 
 God that judges the spirits, that looks on the 
 heart, He cannot treat all alike in a deceived 
 people. According to Baumgartex the expres- 
 sion means the same as God of gods ; according 
 
 to Keil, it designates the spirits as creatures ; 
 according to Knobel: Author and Lord of all 
 life. The intercession runs: the one man, he 
 may have sinned, wilt Thou on this account 
 burst out on the whole congregation ? With this 
 the one man is of course surrendered to the right- 
 eous punishment of God; yet it cannot for that 
 release the whole congregation, but all will de- 
 pend on who is hardened and who not when the 
 separation is called for between the congrega- 
 tion and the guilty man. 
 
 Speak unto the congregation, etc., ver. 
 21 sqq. From this point the representation be- 
 comes difficult. It is assumed that the tents of 
 the Levites did not lie far from those of the Reu- 
 benites, Dathan and Abiram. But from what 
 follows it appears that we are to understand a 
 distinction between the Korah faction, or those 
 sacrificing before the Tabernacle, and the faction 
 of Dathan and Abiram, an iiio in partes, as in- 
 deed further on is accomplished a twofold judg- 
 ment. Then the first direction reads, verse 24 : 
 take your stand high up (far enough ofi") making 
 a circuit of the tents Korah, Dathan, Abiram. 
 In this appears already the idea of the abyss in 
 the earth developed further on. And now there 
 begins a flow of the people from the Tabernacle 
 toward the dwelling of Korah, Dathan and Abi- 
 ram. We leave at the Tabernacle the men burn- 
 ing incense, but Moses goes now to the tents 
 of Dathan and Abiram. At the Tabernacle the 
 Levites and the 250 censers have apparently 
 come by their rights ; now also the Reubenites 
 must be distinguished according to their claims. 
 Korah, too, must follow this main current, which 
 is signified when it is stated that Moses and the 
 elders went in advance. [The omission of ex- 
 press mention of Korah in vers. 27, 32, gives 
 reason for supposing he remained at the Taber- 
 nacle. — Tr.]. When the people had stationed 
 themselves, making a circuit of the tents, a po- 
 sition that seemed to prepare for paying homage, 
 then the second direction to the people follows : 
 Depart, I pray you, from the tents of these 
 wicked men, etc. A ban is pronounced upon 
 them, they shall perish for their sin. Mean- 
 while Dathan and Abiram, with their families, 
 still stand in the door of their tent as if they ex- 
 pected that homage would be done them. There- 
 upon Moses announces the decisive sign that was 
 to attest his call (ver. 28). [Dr. Langk paints 
 into this scene too much of what he calls irony. 
 Nothing in the simple account justifies this i^lea 
 of a mockery, of seeming to set up the 250 Le- 
 vites as the objects of priestly homage, and then, 
 in their turn, the Reubenites as the objects of 
 princely homage, while Moses himself leads (he 
 farce by setting the people around in a circuit, 
 the whole to be turned, in the catastrophe, into 
 a trap for the awful destruction of these parties. 
 Touch nothing of theirs, lest ye be swept 
 aw^ay in all their sins, shows no pretence of 
 homage, but directly the reverse. Princes do 
 not stand in the door of their tent with their 
 families, even to the little babes, when they 
 would receive homage. This was simply the 
 posture of looking on as passive spectators of 
 their own desertion. — Tr.1. 
 
 If all goes on as usual with these men, so that 
 they die a common death and thus meet the 
 
90 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 universal fate of men, then the LORD hath 
 not sent me, ver. 29. Then the contrary con- 
 dition is expressed in a manner that is quite sig- 
 niiicant : but if the Lord makes something alto- 
 gether creative, new (^"'3'' nN*"j3jj as it is fur- 
 ther defined, then ye shall know that (with a 
 happy turn of expression) these people have re- 
 jected Jehovah, i. e., not me, therefore, as this 
 statement quite reminds us of ver. 11: ye con- 
 fpire against Jehovah — what is Aaron? Blessed 
 men whose guilelessness gave them this assu- 
 rance, that it was God's affair that was attacked 
 in them (Jno. xx. 23) ! How basely this assu- 
 rance has been abused by hierarchs ancient and 
 modern ! But here it proceeds from the testi- 
 mony of the Spirit of God. The word : if Jeho- 
 vah shall do something creative, designates the 
 miracle proper. For the miracle is something 
 out and out new in an old familiar sphere of life ; 
 a new word as a prophecy (Isa. xhi. 9), a new 
 fact as a miracle in the narrower sense (Jer. 
 xxxi. 22), a new covenant as the unity of the new 
 •word and of the new fact (Jer. xxxi. 31), which 
 is celebrated on to eternity in a new song, and, 
 in respect to matter and form (Luke v. 88) 
 proves itself to be the new principle and the im- 
 pelling power of the world's renovation (Rev. 
 xxi. 5), and also forms the reason for the new 
 
 life and the new name (Isa. Ixii. 2). The new 
 fact that Moses announces will be a miracle of 
 punishment : the earth wrill open her mouth 
 and swallovy the rebels alive. — And so it 
 happened ; a sudden caving in of the ground 
 swallowed the entire space where the rebels 
 were. The surrounding circle of the people, 
 among whom we are to suppose were the sons 
 of Korah, draws back with terror. It is worthy 
 of note that here, too, the terror of the people 
 (as attritio) has no sort of religious manifestation 
 as its consequence. While here the earth swal- 
 lowed up the greater part of the conspiracy, 
 which is properly designated as that of Korah, in 
 the group of false priests that were offering in- 
 cense there broke out a fire from the Lord that 
 destroyed them; as in their time Nadab and 
 Abihu were destroyed by fire. Fire from hea- 
 ven devours the men that committed sacrilege on 
 the true priesthood, on the fire of the Spirit; but 
 under the rebels against the God-ordained earthly 
 power the ground under foot caves in. Moses, 
 however, appears here, too, as the man whose 
 wonderful presentiment becomes a miraculous 
 prophecy by the Spirit of revelation. The dis- 
 crepancies that Knobel has tried to find in this 
 section Keil clears up. 
 
 B.— THE MONUxMENT OF THE DIVINE JUDGMENT, AND ON THE OTHER HAND THE 
 
 MURMURING CONGREGATION. 
 
 Chapter XVI. 36-50 (Heb. Text XVII. 1-15). 
 
 36, 37 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Speak unto Eleazar the son of 
 Aaron the priest, that he take up the censers out of the burning, and scatter thou 
 
 38 the fire '■yonder ; for they are hallowed. The censers of these sinners against their 
 own souls, let them make them broad plates /or a covering of the altar : for they 
 offered them before the Lord, therefore they are hallowed : and they shall be a 
 
 39 sign unto the children of Israel. And Eleazar the priest took the brazen censers, 
 •"wherewith they that were burnt had offered ; and they were made broad plates for 
 
 40 a covering of the altar : To be ii memorial unto the children of Israel, that no 
 stranger, which is not of the seed of Aaron, come near to "offer incense before the 
 Lord ; ^that he be not as Korah, and as his company : as the Lord said to him by 
 the hand of Moses. 
 
 41 But on the morrow all the congregation of the children of Israel murmured 
 against Moses and against Aaron, saying. Ye have killed the people of the Lord. 
 
 42 And it came to pass, when the congregation was gathered against Moses and against 
 Aaron, that they looked toward the 'tabernacle of the congregation : and, behold, 
 
 43 the cloud covered it, and the glory of the Lord appeared. And Moses and Aaron 
 came before the "tabernacle of the congregation. 
 
 44, 45 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Get you up from among this congre- 
 gation, that I may consume them as in a moment. And they fell upon their faces. 
 
 46 And Moses said unto Aaron, Take 'a censer, and put fire therein from off the 
 altar, and put on incense, and «go quickly unto the congregation, and make "an 
 atonement for them : for there is wrath gone out from the Lord ; the plague is 
 
CHAP. XVI. 36-50. 
 
 91 
 
 47 begun. And Aaron took as Moses commanded, and ran into the midst of the 'con- 
 gregation ; and, behold, the plague was begun among the people : and he put on 
 
 48 incense, and made ""an atonement for the people. And he stood between the dead 
 
 49 and the living ; and the plague was stayed. Now they that died ""in the plague 
 were fourteen thousand and seven hundred, besides them that died about the mat- 
 
 50 ter of Korah. And Aaron returned unto Moses unto the door of the tabernacle 
 of the congregation : and the plague was stayed. 
 
 ' away off. 
 I Tent of Meeting, 
 assembly. 
 
 •» which, 
 'the. 
 
 ' burn. 
 6 brinff it. 
 
 * and that. 
 ^ omit an. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 ITie directions to Eleazar, the son and successor of 
 Aaron, vers. 36-40. To him is committed the 
 place of burning in front of the Tabernacle. The 
 fire that is still there is, as something profane, 
 to be scattered away off and thus destroyed. The 
 censers, however, have been sanctified, not by 
 their having been brought near to the sanctuary , but 
 by the judgment on the sinners, who sinned 
 against their souls and forfeited their lives. 
 Hence the censers must be gathered out of the 
 burning and be used as plates to cover the altar 
 of burnt-offerings. This would be a monument 
 to the people to warn them of the judgment of 
 God. It was done accordingly. 
 
 The murmuring congregation, vers. 41-50. There 
 is presented to us here a very remarkable psy- 
 chological phenomenon. First, there arises a 
 murmuring in the whole congregation against 
 Moses and Aaron, that comes even to their ears: 
 Ye have killed the people of the LORD, 
 41. At first, therefore, their faith in the sanc- 
 tity of the fanatics continued, and they went on 
 believing that they were the real people of God, 
 even after the great penal judgment. A similar 
 obduracy and blindness appears also after the 
 judgment on the priests of Baal, after the de- 
 struction of Jerusalem, after the Thirty Years' 
 war, as the blame of the last is laid on the Pro- 
 testants. But how could Moses be blamed for 
 the extraordinary penal judgment, especially 
 when he, on the contrary, had prayed for the 
 preservation of the people excepting Korah ? 
 Clearly they must have assumed, either that 
 Moses foresaw the natural conditions of the judg- 
 ment, say the conflagration proceeding from the 
 burning of incense and the earthquake occa- 
 sioned along with it, or that he employed magic 
 arts to bring about the calamities. In a word, 
 here superstitious belief in a fanatical idol pre- 
 vails against the most convincing facts ; history 
 is given up for the sake of the delusive image of 
 a would-be idea. And in fact so decidedly is 
 this the case that the congregation make a fac- 
 tion against Moses and Aaron before the Taber- 
 nacle. This time the glory of the Lord spreads 
 a cloud of smoke that covers the whole Taber- 
 nacle, and behind which disappear from the 
 people the hard-pressed men of God. The mean- 
 ing of this is: they shall raise themselves OO'IH) 
 out of this congregation and above it, .Jehovah 
 will exterminate this apparently obdurate con- 
 gregation. The men fall on their faces before 
 the majesty of Jehovah, but an intercession is 
 
 no more audible (see 1 Jno. v. 16). Rather 
 Moses recognizes that the wrath (^V:p.) ^^^ forth- 
 bursting wrath) of God, as the real source of all 
 moi-tal judgments (Ps. xc), has begun to pour 
 out on the congregation, that outside, therefore, 
 
 the decreed plague of sudden death (^JJ) had 
 
 begun. But this time Aaron must intercede as 
 high-priest, and make atonement for the congre- 
 gation with incense as the symbol of intercession. 
 Thus he must hasten out with the censer into 
 the midst of the congregation. He places him- 
 self, burning incense, between the dead and the 
 living ; a grand position, rich in symbolical sig- 
 nificance. Thus the plague is shut off, interned 
 
 "T 
 
 The 250 censers of the fanatics effected nothing 
 but deadly fatality ; the one censer of the true 
 high-priest saves life, conquers death by making 
 a separation between the living and the dead (an 
 antithesis brought out by Kurtz) ! It is true 
 that 14,700 had already fallen, apart from the 
 destruction of the faction of Korah. The smoking 
 incense of the high-priest's atonement had here 
 no doubt the same significance that the Brazen 
 Serpent had later (xxi.). It is, therefore, mis- 
 leading when Keil affirms : the power and effi- 
 cacy of it did not depend on the inwardness and 
 efficacy of the subjective faith, but had a firm 
 foundation in the objective power of the divine 
 institution. That verges on the opus opernlum, 
 and the question arises : is not subjective faith 
 reckoned along with the objective institution? 
 
 According to Keil, the plague consisted pro- 
 bably in a sudden falling dead, as in the case of 
 a pest that breaks out with extreme violence: 
 '» not that we should regard it simply as a 
 plague." But is not also a plague a divine fa- 
 tality? Of course, after the awful reaction 
 against the penal judgments of God, there must 
 have set in an equally awful reaction of con- 
 science, as in the case of the death of Ananias 
 and Sapphira. The truth of the high-priestly 
 office was of course mightily confirmed by this 
 atonement. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 ON ALL OF CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 The rebellion of Korah. The nature of the 
 spirit of faction. 1) A great common antipathy 
 against the spirit and the law of the rightfully 
 existing order. 2) An agitation of ambitious 
 heads. 3) A coalition of egotistic and opposing 
 interests. 4) A mutinous working up of the 
 masses. The spiritualism of the Levites in 
 
92 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 league with the legitimism of the Reubenites and 
 the anarchical lusts of the people. The fanati- 
 cally anticipated priesthood. A certain dispo- 
 sition of the race of Korah to inspiration ap- 
 peared in later times through the sons of Korah 
 in the Korahitic poets and leaders of song. On 
 who drew back, the sons of Korah who refused 
 to join in: praise of circumspection and reflec- 
 tion, especially in times of seductive excitement. 
 Moses agitated yet steadfast. How, after his 
 ■words of reproof to Korah, he seemed to take 
 the position of the opponents and thereby brought 
 
 about their judgment. The double form of the 
 judgment. The stiflF-necked, blind adhesion of 
 the congregation to their betrayers, their aggra- 
 vated complicity. The great fatality impending 
 over the congregation that was persisting in its 
 blindness, and the atoning priest. The smoke 
 of the censer was the visible image of the com- 
 passionate and forgiving intercession. Aaron 
 between the dead and the living, or the most 
 beautiful and exalted moment in his life as 
 priest. 
 
 FOURTH SECTION. 
 
 The New Miraculous Confirmation of the Aaronic Priesthood. 
 Chapter XVIT. 1-13 (Heb. Text XVII. 16-28), 
 
 1, 2 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Speak unto the children of Israel, 
 and take *of every one of them a rod according to the house of their fathers, of all 
 their princes according to ""the house of their fathers, twelve rods : write thou every 
 
 3 man's name upon his rod. And thou shalt write Aaron's name upon the rod of 
 
 4 Levi : for one rod shall be for the head of ""the house of their fathers. And thou 
 shalt lay them up in the "tabernacle of the congregation before the testimony, 
 
 5 where "^I Avill meet with you. And it shall come to pass, that the man's rod, whom 
 I shall choose, shall ^blossom : and I will make to cease from me the murmurings 
 of the children of Israel, 'whereby they murmur against you. 
 
 6 And Moses spake unto the children of Israel, and every one of their princes 
 gave him ^a rod apiece, for each prince one, according to their fathers' houses, even 
 
 7 twelve rods : and the rod of Aaron tvas among their rods. And Moses laid up the 
 
 8 rods before the Lord in the tabernacle of ^witness. And it came to pass, that on 
 the morrow Moses went into the tabernacle of ^witness ; and, behold, the rod of 
 Aaron for the house of Levi was budded, and brought forth buds, and bloomed 
 
 9 blossoms, and yielded "almonds. And Moses brought out all the rods from before 
 the Lord unto all the children of Israel : and they looked, and took every man 
 his rod. 
 
 10 And the Lord said unto Moses, Bring Aaron's rod again before the testimony, 
 to be kept for a token against the ^rebels ; 'and thou shalt quite take away their 
 
 11 murmurings from mc, that they die not. And Moses did so: as the Lord com- 
 manded him, so did he. 
 
 12 And the children of Israel spake unto Moses, saying. Behold, we die, we perish, 
 
 13 we all perish. Whosoever cometh anything near unto the tabernacle of the Lord 
 shall die : shall we be consumed with dying ? 
 
 1 Heb. a rod for one prince, a rod for one prince. 
 
 * Heb. children of rebellion. 
 
 » of them ro'h, one far cachfnthcr^s house. 
 
 \ I meet with you, Stikk, De Wette. — Tr.] 
 * hud. t which. 
 
 ' that thou tnavest make an end of. 
 
 ^ their fathers'' houses. 
 Dr. Lanoe : where J show myself to you. 
 t testimony. 
 
 e Tent of Meeting. 
 [See on i. 1 above. — Tb.] 
 b ripe almonds. 
 
CHAP. XVII. 1-13. 
 
 93 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 In reference to the connectiou of this section 
 with the foregoing and following ones, Knobel 
 remarks, that this outcry (xvi. 12, 13) would 
 come in very suitably after xvi. 44, 45, but cer- 
 tainly does not belong here a day after the 
 plague had ceased, and when Jehovah was 
 already reconciled (xvii. 10). This critic, who 
 is usually able to discover an interpolation 
 where there is none, passes by the present stri- 
 king indications of one without further remark. 
 Keil, on the other hand, finds no difiBoulty in 
 believing that the story that Aaron's rod brought 
 forth in one night, not only buds, but also blos- 
 soms and fruit, is the simple and literal truth. 
 Yet the question presents itself: Was not the 
 confirmation of Aaron by the act of incense- 
 oflfering, that abated the great pestilence, stronger 
 than the confirmation by the miracle of the 
 blossoming rod, in which Moses alone attended 
 to depositing the rod in the Tabernacle, and 
 which might so easily have occasioned fresh 
 mistrust? If after xvi. 50 we read xvii. 12, 
 there appears a complete connection. And this 
 connection continues in xviii. when it states of 
 Aaron: "Thou and thy sons and thy father's 
 house with thee shall bear the iniquity of the 
 Sanctuary," etc. These words stand out like a 
 commentary upon the act of atonement enjoined 
 before. The phenomenon of Aaron's rod blos- 
 soming calls to mind the joys and honors of the 
 priesthood, rather than its sufferings and humi- 
 liations, and it could hardly call forth a cry of 
 woe from the people, but would sooner evoke a 
 festal celebration. However, if there seems to 
 lie before us here an interpolation of a later 
 date, still we hold fast that it belongs within 
 the sphere of revelation, and refers to some 
 mysterious fact connected with the Aaronic 
 priesthood, to which has been given a symbolic 
 form. The motive of the interpolation here was 
 the desire to put together the various testimo- 
 nies to the divine legitimacy of the Aaronic 
 priesthood ; just as a similar interest occasioned 
 the interpolation of 1 John v. 7, and in like 
 manner the incorporation of the Epistle of Jude 
 in 2 Pet. (see my Gesch. des aposiolischer Zeital- 
 ters, I., p. 156). According to the assumptions 
 of canonical purity, we can understand the in- 
 terpolations that occur very seldom, and have a 
 motive, easier than we can understand a conti- 
 nuous revision of three chapters with interpola- 
 tions such as is assumed by our worthy colleague 
 in the work on Daniel in reference to Dan. x.- 
 xii. [see Dr. Zoeckler's Introd. to Daniel, ^ 4, 
 Rem. 1, On the Unity, and the Comm. at Dan. 
 x.-xii., " Prelim. Remarks on the Last Vision of 
 Daniel," and Dr. Lange's hypothesis regarding 
 Daniel in the volume on Gen., Introd., ^ 25. — 
 Tr.]. The interruption of the connection is 
 here, as in 2 Pet. and in 1 Jno., to be particu- 
 larly noticed as a specially important indication. 
 Thus also in the book of Joshua we cannot 
 ignore the connection between vers. 13 and 16 
 of chap. X. 
 
 [The result of the foregoing, stated in plain 
 terms, is that there never was such a miracle 
 as the blossoming of Aaron's rod. Nothing is 
 
 saved by the indefinite notion of "some myste- 
 rious fact connected with the Aaronic priest- 
 hood, to which was given a symbolic form," 
 unless this very miracle was the mysterious 
 fact, and the symbolism is that of the miracle 
 itself as recorded. Something that was not this 
 miracle, but is recorded as a startling miracle 
 that is incredible, cannot, as regards the record, 
 "belong to the sphere of revelation," for the 
 record is false, aiid it is the record that is the 
 revelation for us. It reveals nothing if the facts 
 were not so. Moreover the symbolism is nothing 
 without the fact. But if such a miracle was 
 wrought, then it fits into the present history. 
 The abruptness of the account harmonizes with 
 the event. How could such a miracle happen 
 in any other way ? Once accept the simple 
 account, and the moral harmony of the events 
 soon impresses the mind, and is expressed by 
 many commentators. Thus Calvin says: ''Al- 
 though the majesty of the priesthood had been 
 already sufficiently, and more than sufficiently 
 established, still God saw that in the extreme 
 perversity of the people there would be no end 
 to their murmurs and rebellions, unless a final 
 ratification were added, and that, too, in a sea- 
 son of repose, inasmuch as, whilst the sedition 
 was in progress, they were not disposed and 
 ready to learn." And on the outcry of the peo- 
 ple, vers. 12, 13, Bush remarks: "A miracle 
 of mercy seems to have extorted from them the 
 confession which previous miracles of judgment 
 had failed to do."— Tr.] 
 
 Vers. 2, 8. The twelve rods are taken from 
 the twelve princes of Israel's tribes, according 
 to the rule that the eldest son of a father's house 
 (patriarchate) within a tribe is the prince. 
 Aaron was older than Moses. The rods that 
 they took were not necessarily the staves that 
 they used ; they could be fresh rods, and it is 
 an intruded notion of Keil's to represent here, 
 that the staves, as staves of the head of the 
 house, would signify the man's dignity as ruler, 
 whence the staff of the prince becomes the scep- 
 tre. According to Keil, the explanation of 
 EwALD, that fresh cuttings of the almond tree 
 were taken, and the rod marked with Aaron's 
 name blossomed the best over night, goes flat in 
 the face of the text. Of course this is true re- 
 garding absolute literalness. But it is allowable 
 here, too, to look on the letter as anointed with 
 the oil of symbolic-spiritual expression. More- 
 over, the antithesis: the priesthood did not 
 have its root in natural dispositions and natural 
 gifts, but flowed from the power of the Spirit, 
 sets nature and grace in a false opposition. We 
 know, for instance, that Aaron had the natural 
 gift of eloquence ; but the Lord made this the 
 basis of the anointing with the priestly spirit. 
 The almond tree is called the alert, the one 
 early up in reference to blossoms and fruit, Jer. 
 i. 11 [see Almond-Tree in Smith's Bib. Did. 
 — Tr.] 
 
 Ver. 5. For the present, the mortal judgment 
 of Jehovah and the subsequent atonement had 
 subdued the murmuring of the people. But it 
 might in the sequel be aroused again. This 
 was to be counteracted by the budding and 
 blossoming of Aaron's rod. Does that mean: 
 the permanent reminiscence of the miracle once 
 
94 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 performed, and the knowledge that there was a 
 rod in the Holiest of all, laid beside the ark of 
 the covenant, that the people did not see? [Dr. 
 Laxge seems to hint at an absurdity here. If 
 80, we might reason in the same way about the 
 pot of manna and of the tables of the Law. — Tr.] 
 or does it not rather have the symbolical mean- 
 ing: the st;ilf of the priest must maintain itself 
 in the full recognition of the people by its fresh, 
 spiritual budding, blossoming and fruit-bearing? 
 Any way, the rod in the Holiest of all fell now 
 and then only under the eyes of Aaron, also in 
 chap, xviii. things appertaining thereto are laid 
 on his heart, 
 
 Ver. 6. The rods were each designated by the 
 name of the tribal prince that they represented; 
 Aaron's was among the rest — very much as in 
 drawing lots. [The rods were not marked with 
 the names of the tribes, Levi excepted, for which 
 Aaron's name was substituted, as Keil states, 
 " The Levites had taken part in the late out- 
 break. It was therefore necessary to vindicate 
 the supremacy of the house of Aaron over them; 
 and accordingly his name was written on the 
 rod of Levi, although, being the son of Kohath, 
 the second son of Levi (Exod. vi. 16 sqq.), he 
 would not be the natural head of the tribe." 
 Bib. Comm. — Tr.] 
 
 Ver. 9. As Moses went back and forth alone 
 in caring for the rods, the decision effected by 
 the blossoming rod brought out of the Holiest 
 of all presupposes the most decided confidence, 
 whereas the people saw the atoning cloud of 
 incense. This consideration might also point 
 away to the rich symbolical contents of the 
 passage. 
 
 Vers. 12, 13. These outbursts of mortal terror 
 can hardly be referred to the priestly rod. 
 Only the newly decked staff of the pontiff in the 
 middle ages could occasion such an outcry from 
 his associates and the popular masses that were 
 subject to him. On the other hand, they fit 
 perfectly to the story of the terrible judgment 
 of death. [This fact does not conflict with the 
 miracle having its influence also. The ruin 
 
 that followed their presumption and the proof 
 that Aaron was chosen to stand before God in 
 holy things were fitted to bring them again to 
 the mind they exhibited Exod. xx. 19: "Speak 
 thou with us, and we will hear; but let not God 
 speak with us, lest we die." Only now the feel- 
 ing is with reference to Aaron, and not Moses, 
 and with reference, not to God's approaching 
 them, but their approaching God. — Tr.] 
 
 With regard to the almond trees in the penin- 
 sula of Sinai, and analogous stories outside of 
 the sphere of the theocracy, and also other in- 
 terpretations of our text, e. g. that Jehovah de- 
 cided for Aaron's rod by lot, and that then his 
 rod was decked with blossoms and fruit in token 
 of the decision, see Knobel, p. 99. 
 
 In regard to the number of the rods, it is 
 assumed by Knobel and Keil that Aaron's rod 
 is counted in with the twelve rods, consequently 
 that Ephraim and Manasseh are reckoned as one 
 tribe of Joseph ("as Deut. xxvii. 12"). This 
 view is more probable than that of Baumoarten, 
 that Aaron's rod was written on a thirteenth 
 rod. 
 
 Baumoarten gives the strongest antithesis to 
 the universal priesthood in the following words: 
 " The rod of the chosen priest must become alive 
 again by the miraculous power of Jehovah, 
 before whose face the rods are laid down. That 
 is, the priest, apart from his oflBce, is a natural 
 man (! ), and as such subject to death, and set 
 outside of the power and fulness of life, as a 
 severed and dried staff (one put out of ofiice ?). 
 But by the consecration of the holy oil and 
 ornament there comes into him and over him, in 
 the power of Jehovah, the new life of the Spirit, 
 so that he can impart of its fulness to others." 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Chap. xvii. The budding rod of Aaron with 
 its blossoms and fruit a certificate of his priestly 
 calling. The dry and dead priestly rods as 
 witnesses against a dead priesthood. Against a 
 dead conception of office. 
 
 FIFTH SECTION. 
 
 The more Definite Signification of the Priesthood and of the Services of the 
 
 Levites. Rights and Duties. 
 
 Chapter XVIII. 1-32. 
 
 1 And the Lord said unto Aaron, Thou and thy sons and thy fathers' house with 
 thee shall bear the iniquity of the sanctuary : and thou and thy sons with thee 
 
 2 shall bear the iniquity of your priesthood. And thy brethren also "of the tribe of 
 Levi, the tribe of thy father, bring thou with thee, that they may be joined unto 
 thee, and minister unto thee : but thou and thy sons with thee ^shall minister before 
 
 3 the tabernacle of 'witness. And they shall keep thy charge, and the charge of all 
 the tabernacle : only they shall not come nigh the vessels of tlie sanctuary and the 
 
 4 altar, that neither they, nor ye also, die. And they shall be joined unto thee, and 
 keep the charge of the "tabernacle of the congregation, for all the service of the 
 
CHAP. XVIII. 1-32. 95 
 
 5 tabernacle : and a stranger shall not come nigh unto you. And ye shall keep the 
 charge of the sanctuary, and the charge of the altar ; that there be no wrath any 
 
 6 more upon the children of Israel. And I, behold, I have taken your brethren the 
 Levites from among the children of Israel : to you theij are given as a gift for the 
 
 7 Lord, to do the service of the '^tabernacle of the congregation. ^Therefore thou 
 and thy sons with thee shall keep your priest's office for everything of the altar, 
 and within the vail ; and ye shall serve : I have given your priest's office unto you 
 as a service of 'gift : and the stranger that cometh nigh shall be put to death. 
 
 8 And the Lord spake unto Aaron, Behold, I also have given thee the charge of 
 mine heave offerings «of all the hallowed things of the children of Israel ; unto thee 
 have I given them "by reason of the anointing, and to thy sons, 'by an ordinance 
 
 9 for ever. This shall be thine of the most holy things, reserved from the fire : every 
 oblation of theirs, every ''meat offering of theirs, and every sin offering of theirs, 
 and every 'trespass offering of theirs, which they shall render unto me, shall he 
 
 10 most holy for thee and for thy sons. In the most holy 2)l(^ce shalt thou eat it ; 
 
 11 every male shall eat it: it shall be holy unto thee. And this is thine; the heave 
 offering of their gift, with all the wave offerings of the children of Israel : I have 
 given them unto thee, and to thy sons and to thy daughters with thee, 'by a statute 
 
 12 for ever : every one that is clean in thy house shall eat of it. All the 'best of the 
 oil, and all the ^best of the wine, and of the wheat, the firstfruits of them which 
 
 13 they "shall offer unto the Lord, them have I given thee, ""And whatsoever is first 
 ripe in the land, which they shall bring unto the Lord, shall be thine ; every one 
 
 14 that is clean in thine house shall eat of it. Every thing devoted in Israel shall be 
 
 15 thine. Every thing that openeth the matrix in all flesh, which they bring unto 
 the Lord, ivhether it he of men or beasts, shall be thine : nevertheless the firstborn 
 of man shalt thou surely redeem, and the firstling of unclean beasts shalt thou 
 
 16 redeem. "And those that are to be redeemed from a month old shalt thou redeem, 
 according to thine estimation, for ^the money of five shekels, after the shekel of 
 
 17 the sanctuary, which is twenty gerahs. But the firstling of a cow, or the firstling 
 of a sheep, or the firstling of a goat, thou shalt not redeem; they are holy: thou 
 shalt sprinkle their blood upon the altar, and shalt burn their fat "^Jor an offering 
 
 18 made by fire, for a sweet savour unto the Lord. And the flesh of them shall be 
 
 19 thine, as the wave breast and as the right shoulder ""are thine. All the heave 
 offerings of the holy things, which the children of Israel offer unto the Lord, have 
 I given thee, and thy sons and thy daughters with thee, 'by a statute for ever : it 
 is a covenant of salt for ever before the Lord unto thee and to thy seed with thee. 
 
 20 And the Lord spake unto Aaron, Thou shalt have no inheritance in their land, 
 neither shalt thou have any part among them : I am thy part and thine inheritance 
 among the children of Israel. 
 
 21 _ And, behold, I have given the children of Levi all the tenth in Israel for an 
 inheritance, 'for their service which they serve, even the service of the '^tabernacle 
 
 22 of the congregation. 'Neither must the children of Israel henceforth come nigh 
 
 23 the ''tabernacle of the congregation, lest they bear sin, ^and die. "But the Levites 
 shall do the service of the "tabernacle of the congregation, and they shall bear their 
 iniquity : it shall he a statute for ever throughout your generations, that among 
 
 24 the children of Israel they have no inheritance. But the tithes of the children of 
 Israel, which they ^offer as a heave offering unto the Lord, I have given to the 
 Levites to inherit : therefore I have said unto them, Among the children of Israel 
 they shall have no inheritance. 
 
 25, 26 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, ^Thus speak unto the Levites, and 
 say unto them. When ye take of the children of Israel the tithes which I have 
 given you from them for your inheritance, then ye shall offer up a heave offering 
 
 27 of it for the Lord, even a tenth part of the tithe. And this your heave offering 
 shall be reckoned unto you, as though it were the corn of the threshing floor, and 
 
 28 as the fulness of the winepress. Thus ye also shall ^offer a heave offering unto the 
 Lord of all your tithes, which ye receive of the children of Israel ; and ye shall 
 
96 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 29 give thereof the Lord's heave offering to Aaron the priest. Out of all your gifts 
 ye .shall ''otfer every heave offering of the Lord, of all the ^best thereof, even the 
 
 30 hallowed part thereof out of it. Therefore thou shalt say unto them, When ye 
 ""have heaved the best thereof from it, then it shall be counted unto the Levites as 
 
 31 the increase of the threshing floor, and as the increase of the winepress. And ye 
 shall eat it in every place, ye and your households : for it is your reward for your 
 
 32 service in the '^tabernacle of the congregation. And ye shall bear no sin by reason 
 of it, when ye ""have heaved from it the best of it: neither shall ye pollute the holy 
 things of the children of Israel ^lest ye die. 
 
 1 Heb. fat. 
 
 « Heb. to die. 
 
 a omit of. * shall be. « testtmony. d Tent of Meeting. • And. 
 
 ' a. e. as an office presented to them by God). e ; as for all the hallowed things, unto thee. etc. 
 
 ^ /or n portion. ^ for dues forever. ^ 7neal-offerin(j. 
 
 I guilt-offering. ™ give. n The first ripe fruits of all that is in their. 
 
 o And its ransom (as regards the ransom), from a month on (when it is a month old) thou shalt ransom, etc. 
 
 V five silver shekels. l as a fire-sacrifice. * it shall he. » in return for. 
 
 * And no more shall (omit henceforth). " But the (tribe) Levi, he shall do, etc. » heave. 
 
 » And to the Levites thou shalt speak. « omit have. i nor die. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 By the saving atonement that Aaron accom- 
 plished by his offering of incense as symbol of the 
 sympathetic high-priestly intercession, and with 
 which he stood between the living and the 
 dead, and by the blossoming of Aaron's rod 
 alone effected thereby [!j, the priesthood for 
 the entire Old Testament is established as a 
 fact; in other words, the centre of the host 
 of God, as the sanctuary of the holy nation. 
 From the great fact Moses now draws its ideal 
 meaning, the idea of the priesthood, according 
 to which it has by its sympathy to bear on its 
 heart the iniquities of the nation, even the ini- 
 quities of the Levites, and the rights and special 
 duties resulting to the priests and Levites from 
 this fundamental obligation. 
 
 Our section accordingly subdivides into the 
 following parts: 1) The entire priestly race — 
 especially the high-priest and his sons as atoning 
 mediators, with whom the Levites shall serve as 
 assistants, vers. 1-3 a. 2) The limits of the Le- 
 vitical calling (which the rebellion of Korah 
 would have broken down), especially the limits 
 for the non-Levites, under threat of the divine 
 wrath (death penalty), if they are not observed, 
 vers. 3 6-5. 3) The divine good-pleasure in dis- 
 criminating between the Levites and priests. 
 The Levites are made a gift to the Aaronites, to 
 the Aaronites also the prie.-thood is presented. 
 They all together constitute the personel of the 
 
 sanctuary, into which no stranger (1J, Lev. xxii. 
 
 10). no one that is not a Levite, no laj'man, may 
 presume to intrude without incurring the death- 
 penalty. For the whole nation indeed is holy, 
 only the priests are sanctified individually, even 
 the Levites individually are only cleansed, con- 
 ditionally clean are all that are not unclean, vers. 
 6, 7. 4) The priestly right of sustenance. It 
 consists a. in the heave-offerings, of the sacrifices 
 of Israel, of which only Aaron and his sons may 
 eat, vers. 8-10; b. in the heave-offerings of the 
 ■wave-offerings (the levies of the taxes) which 
 Aaron and his sons and daughters may eat toge- 
 ther, the whole of the priestly families, on con- 
 dition that the individuals are in a state of purity, 
 ver. 11. 5) Specification of the latter income: 
 The first-fruita of oil, new wine, corn, and all 
 
 fruits of the land : the vows (that devoted to 
 
 God, D^n), the first-born, except that the firsts 
 
 born of men and of unclean beasts must bo ran- 
 somed with five shekels, and that the blood and the 
 fat of the sacrificial beasts must go to the altar; 
 In addition the wave breast and the shoulder of 
 the thank-offering. Thus it is established for- 
 ever (a covenant of salt), vers. 12-19. 6) The 
 last reward of the priests is conditioned on a di- 
 vine renunciation, and is great for the indivi- 
 dual priest in proportion as he exercises renun- 
 ciation; he shall not possess a fixed inheritance 
 in Israel ; on the contrary, Jehovah Himself will 
 be his inheritance (as vice versa he is to be the 
 clerus of Jehovah in a particular sense), ver. 20. 
 7) The revenues of the Levites. In return for 
 their official service they shall receive the tithes 
 that all Israelites are to pay. On the other hand 
 they are in their service to join in bearing the 
 guilt of Israel, and must make no claim to an in- 
 heritance of land. But beside, they must pay 
 tithes to the priests of their tithes as a heave-of- 
 fering to Jehovah, and indeed of all they must 
 give the very best. There is a delicate distinc- 
 tion observed in that the words of Jehovah in 
 ver. 23 are addressed directly to Aaron, who, as 
 mediator of Israel, does not in this business need 
 the mediation of Moses, since it especially con- 
 cerns his duty, and his rights were already es- 
 tablished before; whereas to the Levites Jeho- 
 vah speaks by Moses when He enjoins that they 
 shall pay the tenth of the tithes to the priests. 
 Moreover the considerate expression is employed : 
 " Ye shall give it as a heave-offering for Jehovah 
 to the priest Aaron," vers. 21-32. 
 
 Vers. 1-3 a. A discrimination is made between 
 a wider and a narrower sphere of the priestly 
 calling to make atonement. The guilt of the 
 Sanctuary is the guilt that is brought on the 
 Sanctuary ; not merely offences against laws for 
 the priests and against the sacred utensils (Kno- 
 bel), nor even the uncleannesses and defects that 
 attached to those that stood in the sanctuary and 
 even to their gifts (for that there was the great 
 Day of Atonement), but all assaults on the cen- 
 tral Sanctuary, corruptions of worship, such as 
 the murmuring congregation had given example 
 of; while the high-priestly atonement of Aaron 
 gave an example of bearing (atoning for) the 
 
CHAP. XVIII. 1-32 
 
 97 
 
 guilt. To the wider sphere of those that make 
 atonement all the Levites are to belong; they 
 must all jointly feel with an interceding soul 
 what is sinfully done against the priestly institu- 
 tion; but what is done sinfully within this insti- 
 tution Aaron and his sons are to take upon their 
 hearts. Thus the sphere of high-priestly com- 
 passion concentrates toward the New Testament. 
 Let thy brethren approach with thee in so far 
 
 that they cleave to thee ('^v] conformably to 
 
 ■"w). They shall do service to thy service and to 
 
 the service of the whole Tabernacle. This ordi- 
 nance of the priestly atonement is the foundation 
 of the whole section, Heb. v. 1 sqq. 
 
 Vers. 3 6-5. The trespass of tlie Levites on the 
 sacred utensils would bring mortal guilt not only 
 on themselves, but also on the priests that suf- 
 fered it. 
 
 Vers. 6, 7. The bright side of the Levitical and 
 Aaronic calling. The Levites are made a gift to 
 the Aaronites, and likewise the priesthood is 
 made a gift to them. Their priesthood therefore 
 rests on a double gift of the free grace of God, 
 and in them the Levites too receive a gift. On 
 every hand original claims of right are ex- 
 cluded. 
 
 Vers. 8-10. First class of priestly revenues. 
 Heave-offerings of all the hallovred things 
 of the children of Israel. — Of the meal-ofifer- 
 ings; of tue small sin-offerings and guilt-offer- 
 ings; of all the priests receive their definite por- 
 tion; of the burnt-offerings of course only the 
 hide. The heave-offerings fell to the priests as 
 out of the fire, so to speak, sacrificial fire; there- 
 fore they were very holy, and might only be 
 eaten in the (very holy) fore-court by the high- 
 priest and his sons. The expression : I give to 
 
 thee the charge, r\^DK/0, ver. 8, is referred 
 
 here to the notion nnE?D, part, portio. But any 
 
 way, the high-priest was under obligation to 
 
 maintain the right to the definite revenues. 
 
 Vers. 11-19. Second more general class of re- 
 venues (see Lev. vii. 33). The wave-breast and 
 the heave-shoulder, and also the first-fruit of 
 every sort (Deut. viii. 8; xxvi. 2, etc.). Every 
 thing devoted by a vow (see Lev. xxvii. 28). 
 The Cherem in the broader sense, what is conse- 
 crated to God. 
 
 Ver. 20. Between the renunciation of the in- 
 heritance in land, and the corresponding renun- 
 ciation of the priests and Levites, and their im- 
 
 measurable reward, there exists an intimate 
 connection. The first particular is the condition 
 of the second, not the second merely a consola- 
 tion with reference to the first. Of late much 
 has been said of the inferior support of the 
 clergy, very little of the great spiritual indem- 
 nity. Of course Jehovah was also the inheritance 
 of the priest and of the Levite only pre-eminently. 
 The Levites receive no possession of land (xxvi. 
 62; Deut. xii. 12 ; xiv, 27; Josh. xiv. 3). Their 
 portion is Jehovah (Deut. x. 9; xviii. 2 sqq.). 
 In and with Jehovah they possess every thing. 
 This fundamental law for all the pious is concen- 
 trated and illustrated by the priesthood. 
 
 Vers. 21-32. The tithes that the Levites receive 
 must in turn be regarded as if they were their 
 natural acquisition in fruits of the land, ver. 27. 
 In this sense they are to pay their dues to the 
 priests, and that, too, the best of what they re- 
 ceived. On the other hand, what they receive 
 must be assured to them as much as if it were 
 the yield of a harvest field belonging to them, 
 ver. 30. Therefore they may also take their 
 food any place as they like. The heathen priests 
 were many times better cared for, especially the 
 Egyptian priests with their great landed posses- 
 sions ; on which subject see Keil, in loc. How 
 fearfully the possession of land by a priestly 
 class can burden a country and people is taught 
 us by the Manus mortua of the ^Middle Ages. 
 But now-a-days men have the assurance to say 
 that the mediaeval chief priest needs a whole terri- 
 tory in order to be able to take care of his office, 
 whereas, now and then, he certainly takes care 
 of it zealously in his fashion without territory. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Chap, xviii. The faithful care and protection 
 of the Sanctuary should guard against the judg- 
 ments of God on the congregation of Israel. The 
 revenues of the priestly race in their spiritual 
 significance. The tithes to the Levites a funda- 
 mental form of Israelitish taxes, levies and col- 
 lections. Hence not to be imposed again in a 
 legal way on the Christian obligation to pay 
 taxes. 
 
 The tenth of the tenth a heave-offering for the 
 priests. Thus the members of the church that 
 are most alive are the best supporters of the offi- 
 cial pastorate. Care was thus taken that the 
 priests did not receive these revenues directly 
 from the people. Necessity for suitable forma 
 of dues for the clergy. 
 
93 NUMBERS. 
 
 SIXTH SECTION. 
 
 General Means of Purification for those Defiled by Touching the Dead. 
 
 Chapter XIX. 1-22. 
 
 1, 2 And the Lord spake unto Moses and unto Aaron, saying, This is the ordi- 
 nance of the law which the Lord hath commanded, saying, Speak unto the chil- 
 dren of Israel, that they bring thee a red heifer without spot, wherein is no 
 
 3 blemish, and upon which never came yoke. And ye shall give her unto Eleazar 
 the priest, Hhat he may bring her forth without the camp, and one shall slay her 
 
 4 before his face : And Eleazar the priest shall take of her blood with his finger, and 
 sprinkle of her blood Mirectly before the "tabernacle of the congregation seven 
 
 5 times. And one shall burn the heifer in his sight ; her skin, and her flesh, and her 
 
 6 blood, with her dung, shall he burn : And the priest shall take cedar wood, and 
 
 7 hyssop, and scarlet, and cast it into the midst of the burning of the heifer. Then 
 the priest shall wash his clothes, and he shall bathe his flesh in water, and after- 
 ward he shall come into the camp, and the priest shall be unclean until the even. 
 
 8 And he that burneth her shall wash his clothes in water, and bathe his flesh in 
 
 9 water, and shall be unclean until the even. And a man that is clean shall gather 
 up the ashes of the heifer, and lay them up without the camp in a clean place, and 
 it shall be kept for the congregation of the children of Israel for a water of ^sepa- 
 
 10 ration : 'it is a purification for sin. And he that gathereth the ashes of the heifer 
 shall wash his clothes, and be unclean until the even : and it shall be unto the 
 children of Israel, and unto the stranger that sojourneth among them, for a statute 
 for ever. 
 
 11 He that toucheth the dead body of any 'man shall be unclean seven days. He 
 
 12 shall 'purify himself with it on the third day, and on the seventh day he shall be 
 clean : but if he 'purify not himself the third day, then the seventh day he shall 
 
 13 not be clean. Whosoever toucheth the dead body of any man that is dead, and 
 ^purifieth not himself, defileth the tabernacle of the Lord ; and that soul shall be 
 cut off from Israel : because the water of "^separation was not sprinkled upon him, 
 
 14 he shall be unclean : his uncleanness is yet upon him. This is the law, when a 
 man dieth in a tent : all that come into the tent, and all that Hs in the tent, shall 
 
 15 be unclean seven days. And every open vessel, which hath no covering bound upon 
 
 16 it, is unclean. And 'whosoever toucheth one that is slain with a sword in the open 
 fields, or a dead body, or a bone of a man, or a grave, shall be unclean seven days. 
 
 17 And for an unclean person they shall take of the ^ashes ''of the burnt heifer of pu- 
 
 18 rification for sin, and ^running water shall be put thereto in a vessel : And a clean 
 person shall take hyssop, and dip it in the water, and sprinkle it upon the tent, and 
 upon all the vessels, and upon the persons that were there, and upon him that 
 
 19 touched 'a bone, or 'one slain, or 'one dead, or 'a grave: And the clean person shall 
 
 prinkle upon the unclean on the third day, and on the seventh day : and on the 
 seventh day he shall "purify himself, and wash his clothes, and bathe himself in wa- 
 
 20 ter, and shall be clean at even. But the man that shall be unclean, and shall not 
 'purify himself, that-soul shall be cut ofi'from "among the congregation, because he 
 hath defiled the sanctuary of the Lord : the water of "separation hath nqt been 
 
 21 sprinkled upon him : he is unclean. And it shall be a perpetual statute unto them, 
 "that he that sprinkleth the water of ""separation shall wash his clothes: and he that 
 
 22 toucheth the water of "separation shall be unclean until even. And whatsoever the 
 unclean person toucheth shall be unclean ; and the soul that toucheth it shall be 
 unclean until even. 
 
CHAP. XIX. 1-22. 
 
 99 
 
 1 Heb. soul of man. 
 
 ' Heb. dust. 
 
 * Heb. living water shall be given. 
 
 » and one shall bring. * in the direction toward. « Tent of Meeting. 
 
 ^purification [literally: "water of uncleaaness," i.e., for removing uncleanness; similarly " water of sin '* 
 
 viii. 7.— Tr.] 
 
 » it is a Un offering. ' absolve. e absolveth. 
 
 •> are. ' whosoever in the open field toucheth, etc. 
 
 k of the burning of the sin-offering. ' the. m absolve him ; and he shall wash, etc. 
 
 n the midst of the assembly. ' And. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Vers. 13, 20. vSv pSt-xS mj 'f3 ^2- "This is the only instance of D'O being construed with a verb in 
 
 XT I - T . .. . 
 
 the singul.ir" (Maurer). Such is Ewald's construction also (see ^318 a), who refers it to a rule that "plurals 
 whose meaning appears as a singular gradually come to be joined with the (verb in the) singular. But the solita- 
 riness of this (supposed) instance in the case of D'O shows that the word retained tenaciously its plural notion, 
 
 and that in its ease there was no gradual change to a use in the singular. The construction given by Naegels- 
 BACH, §100, 2, is better. The passive in Hebrew may receive the accusative of the remoter and of the nearer ob- 
 ject. In the case before us it is the nearer object. As Naegelsbach says : " it seems that in this case the passive 
 mcludes the notion of its active." Accordingly the construction would be: for one did not sprinkle the water 
 of purification upon him. But our passive with the object changed to subject, as in the text, correctly renders 
 the meaning. — Tk.] 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 Once more the legislation reminds us of the 
 great fatality occasioned by the rebellion of Ko- 
 rah. Afl.er this dreadful mortality it became appa- 
 rent, that it would be impossible to attend to the 
 purification of the persons defiled by corpses by 
 the individual purifications heretofore prescribed. 
 The most numerous priesthood would not suffice 
 for this. Hence a general means of purification 
 is instituted, the sprinkling of the defiled with 
 the ashes of the red heifer dissolved in living 
 water. Compare Keil in loc. This institution 
 appears so strange that investigation has been 
 very busy with it. See the literary references 
 in Keil and Knobel in loc. 
 
 The very fact, however, that a previously ex- 
 isting custom is made an ordinance leads us to 
 go back to the former elements. It is a fine 
 trait of pious humanity that the declaration of 
 the defilement by the dead comes out so gently 
 and gradually. No doubt the defilement by the 
 dead is indirectly included in the law of the guilt- 
 offering (Lev. v. 2, 3), but not so definitely af- 
 firmed. One might indeed, by too great severity, 
 easily do injury to the duties of love and com- 
 passion. But in the law for the priests (Lev. 
 xxi.) the assumption necessarily crops out that 
 contact with dead bodies occasions defilement. 
 So, too, in the law for the Nazirites (vi.). Here, 
 too, the defilement is fixed at seven days. Thus 
 the ordinance, taken quite generally, is here 
 fixed, and further on with more exact specifica- 
 tions in xxxi. 19, 24. Here a double absolution 
 is commanded, viz.^ on the third and on the se- 
 venth day of exclusion from the congregation. 
 As regards the rite of absolution, the law goes 
 back to what was prescribed with reference to 
 purifying lepers and leprous houses (Lev. xiv.). 
 In the latter case, the material to be sprinkled 
 was the blood of a slaughtered bird dropped into 
 living water into which the other bird has been 
 dipped, combined with cedar-wood, hyssop, and 
 scarlet. Here we have again the living (run- 
 ning) water, only the admixture is not blood but 
 ashes, yet ashes of the blood-colored young cow, 
 and then the additions, cedar-wood, hyssop and 
 scarlet, which are burned in the burning of the 
 cow. But the symbolism is meant to be the same. 
 
 The red color of the heifer may therefore be bet- 
 ter referred to the blood-color than to the color 
 of blooming life. But we must consider that the 
 fresh blood makes the blooming color of life (see 
 below). And if the additions, cedar-wood, etc., 
 symbolize life itself, then the blood, consequently, 
 too, the blood-color, must signify the surrender 
 of life. 
 
 This then leads to a further necessary distinc- 
 tion, viz., between death itself and the dead. 
 Death is not only pure in itself, but also purify- 
 ing (Rom. V. 7), but all that may be called a 
 corpse is unclean, yea, it may even become poi- 
 son ; and not only in a symbolical sense, but also 
 in a physical it is unclean. We must emphasize 
 this distinction, since Keil in many ways con- 
 founds, or at least confuse, death itself, and that 
 which is dead, '' that death and mortal corruption 
 as the embodiment (?) of sin defiles and excludes 
 from communion with the holy God, was a view 
 banded down from the earliest times, from the 
 fall of Adam and its consequences. The whole 
 congregation incurred danger of being infected 
 with the defilement of death." It is a fact that 
 all antiquity saw in death itself a sort of expia- 
 tion, in the death of one devoted to God the ac- 
 tual expiation. But it is likewise a fact, that all 
 antiquity instinctively saw in the corpses a mon- 
 strous peril for the living, and primarily in a 
 physical sense. Everything that, as lifeless stuflf, 
 is severed from the actual man, by digestion or 
 disease, and finally by the process of dying, 
 threatens to react against life as a poison, unless 
 it be given back to the elements, the chemical 
 cosmos for dissolution, by the earth or by fire. 
 Hence the defilement by corpses forms the cen- 
 tral point of impurity. But this has a great 
 meaning also in a symbolical sense. If it is 
 wicked to wish to rob the living body of truth of 
 a drop of blood, not to speak of a pound of flesh 
 from the side of the heart, it is just as senseless 
 to wish to preserve the dead elements, even 
 though it were done by embalming in beautiful 
 forms, whether of style or of party. Thus the 
 custom of antiquity observed the most various 
 degrees according to which touching the dead 
 was regarded as defiling. See in Knobel, p. 95 
 sqq., a discussion of this. *' The Egyptians ap- 
 pear to have had less stringent notions in this 
 respect," writes Knobel; he might know that the 
 
100 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 Egyptians, with their worship of the dead, with 
 their embalming corpses for the mummy pits, 
 represented decidedly the absolute conservatism 
 in this respect. In our time it is known how 
 fearfully a little pestilential poison, or cholera 
 poison may react among the ranks of the living. 
 And yet the Israelites should bury their dead 
 with sympathy and honorably. Hence only the 
 high-priests and the Nazirites were uncondition- 
 ally restrained from burials, the ordinary priest 
 to a limited extent, the rest of the people not at 
 all. Rather it is assumed that, according to the 
 law of love, defilements must be unavoidable and 
 occur frequently, so that the exaction of purifi- 
 cation can only be met by a general means of 
 purifying. Hence this means is called a fixed 
 statute. Thus a pure life is assured, and also 
 provision is made for the promptings of huma- 
 nity, and the red heifer (as in the case of the 
 jealousy-offering) is an evidence of a marvelous, 
 deep penetration of the theocratic spirit. It is a 
 monument of divine wisdom in the removal of 
 apparent collisions within the law or in duty. 
 
 A'ers. 1, 2. The Red Heifer. — " This is 
 n^ii^n npn a statute of i?istruction. This com- 
 bination of the two words commonly used for law 
 and statute, is probably intended to give em- 
 phasis to the design of the law about to be given, 
 to point it out as one of great importance, but 
 not as a decrelum absque ulla ratione, as the Rab- 
 bins suppose," Keil. We would read : an or- 
 dinance for securing the Torafa. Without this 
 expedient, for instance, the law of purification 
 would have occasioned endless ofi'euces on the 
 right hand and on the left. The cow, oafxaXig, 
 juvenca, must be red, free from blemish, not yet 
 subjected to the yoke ; all traits of the freshest 
 life. Concerning no^ori see Keil, [who says 
 that "iTDlX, ' of a red color,' is not to be con- 
 
 nected with H^'On in the sense of " quite red," 
 as the Rabbins interpret it ; but nD''Dr\, integra, 
 is to be taken by itself, and the words which fol- 
 low, '■wherein is no blemish,'' to be regarded as 
 defining it still more precisely." — Tb.]. But it 
 may be questioned whether the Rabbins are not 
 right in this instance. 
 
 «' The sacrificial beast must not be a bullock, 
 as in the case of the usual sin-off'erings of the 
 congregation (Lev. iv. 14), but a female beast, 
 because the female sex is the one that bears ofif- 
 spring." Much more likely, because the purifi- 
 cation was always to be applied only to a certain 
 '* number of persons of tlie nation" (Knobel), 
 as indeed also the sins of individuals were expi- 
 ated by a female sacrificial beast (Lev. iv. 27). 
 Moreover, in this case, it is not a major trespass 
 that is ,'xpiated, but a collective expiation is in- 
 stituted, that shall constitute a substitute for 
 expiations of the individual defilements (Lev. v. 
 6) Hence one may not say, the slaughter of the 
 heifer is called, vers. 9, 17, a sin-oft'ering, "in 
 order to remind the congregation that death is 
 the wages of sin." Of course all sacrifices served 
 that purpose in various senses; but here the 
 beast is called sin-oifering, because, as general 
 sin-offering, it was to comprehend all individual 
 sin-offerings with reference to defilement by 
 corpses, " The antidote against the defilement 
 of death (!) should be taken from a sin-oflFering." 
 
 It would be nearer the mark to say : death was 
 to be put to death by this death of the most per- 
 fect blooming life ; but what is spoken of here 
 is an antidote against the efi^ect of corpses. An 
 elixir of life is prepared from the ashes of the 
 most beautiful form of life, that is to deprive of 
 its power the defiling (noxious) eflFects of the 
 form of death, of the corpse. " Of a red color, 
 not because the blood-red points to sin (Henq- 
 STENBERG, foUowing the Rabbins and earlier 
 theologians), but as the color of the most intense 
 life, that has its seat in the blood, and appears 
 in the redness of the face (the cheeks, lips) 
 (Baehr, Kurtz, Leyrer, et al.)," Keil. 
 
 Vers. 3-10. The preparation of the water 
 of purification. — In this business as in xvii. 1, 
 Eleazer must take the place of his father, since 
 the latter, as high-priest, must keep away from 
 everything connected with corpses, although the 
 high-priest himself administered the sin oflFering 
 of a general sort (Lev. iv. 16). Moreover the 
 whole act must be performed outside of the 
 camp, for the heifer is originally no sacrifice, 
 but only the young, fresh blood is made a sub- 
 stitute for many sacrifices. And one shall 
 bring her forth, etc. The leading out and the 
 slaugbtering of the beast was to be attended to 
 by any one, not by the priest. Sprinkle of 
 her blood seven times, etc. (as in Lev. iv. 17) ; 
 this the priest did, and with that what was 
 slaughtered was a sin-offering, distinct from a 
 curse-oflFering, incorporated in the sphere of sa- 
 crifices. It is a new feature here, that a sprink- 
 ling of blood toward the front of the Tabernacle 
 from a distance, should avail the same as a 
 sprinkling inside of the fore-court. All aspira- 
 tions after the true life, even outside of the Theoc- 
 racy and the Church, tend to Jehovah, and are 
 accepted of Him. According to Keil, "the, vic- 
 tim was to represent those members of the con- 
 gregation who had fallen victims to temporal 
 death as the wages of sin, and as such were 
 peparated from the earthly Theocracy." This 
 would be more according to 1 Pet. iii., iv., than 
 one could demand from the Old Testament: but 
 corpses are what are spoken of here, and not 
 death. The dead person is purified from his 
 corpse. After the sprinkling, the entire heifer 
 is bumf, all the ingredients of this fresh life 
 turn to ashes, ver. 5. Does not this mean: all 
 perishableness of earthly life serves, in the fire 
 of God's government, to abolish the curse of 
 perishableness ? Here with the rest is consumed 
 the life of the life, the blood; along with the 
 rest are burned the symbolical attributes of life, 
 cedar-V70od as macrobiotic life [longevity], 
 hyssop as life renewed by purification ; soar- 
 let -wool as the transit of the life through the 
 blood, all which constitutes a concentration 
 toward imperishable life, the sublime life. The 
 persons that perform this ceremony, the priest, 
 the burner, the gatherer of the ashes, have be- 
 come unclean, but only for one day, because 
 they have performed an act of purification with- 
 out the camp; Knobel says: "because they 
 acted for those that were unclean;" Keil: the 
 uncleanness of sin and of death had passed over 
 to the sin-oflFering. One cannot so explain in 
 this way the words: he that toucheth the 
 water of purification shall be unclean until 
 
CHAP. XX. 1-13, 
 
 101 
 
 even, ver. 21 ; even the water for sprinkling 
 rendered any one unclean that touched it, al- 
 though a8 means of purification it was pure. 
 He is unclean, even if he was not unclean, in so 
 
 far as he is subjected to the rite of purification. 
 The precious material of the ashes is treasured 
 up in a clean place, but, which is very remark- 
 able, outside the camp. A confession that the 
 Levitical cultus in itself cannot annul the effects 
 of death. 
 
 Vers. 11-13. The use. Whoever has become 
 defiled from a corpse is unclean seven days. He 
 must purify himself by an absolution (done by 
 sprinkling) on the third and seventh day. In 
 case he omits to do this, he defiles the dwelling 
 of Jehovah and incurs the penalty of death. 
 
 Vers. 14-22. Nearer definitions: presence 
 in or entrance into a tent of one dead defiles. 
 Every vessel in the tent not closed by a cord 
 becomes unclean. Any one that touches a dead 
 person in the field, or a bone, or even a grave. 
 In each case a portion of ashes is combined with 
 living water and made into water for sprinkling. 
 It is worthy of remark that no priest, no Levite 
 is necessary, only a man that is clean is requi- 
 site to sprinkle the tent, the vessels, the defiled 
 men. Free as this form was, its observance was 
 to be correspondingly strict. The penalty of 
 
 non-performance, which had as its eflfect the 
 defilement of the Sanctuary, was death. More- 
 over, the man that accomplished the purification 
 became unclean till evening; not less did every 
 one and everything whom the unclean person 
 touched become unclean till evening. This in 
 legal form is the expression of the reminder of 
 an unspotted and imperishable life. In a sym- 
 bolical sense, then, the endeavor after complete 
 purity of life is a statute for all time. The first 
 sprinkling occurs on the third day, for the puri- 
 fication must proceed from the spirit; the second 
 on the seventh day, on the day of the Sabbath 
 number, of completed work of purification until 
 the celebration of purity. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Chap. xix. The water of sprinkling. The 
 blessing of the most blooming life should deprive 
 of its power the defiling intercourse witli the 
 world of the dead, with corpses. The adjust- 
 ment between piety toward the dead and care 
 for the living. Once again : let one carefully 
 discriminate between death itself and the bones 
 of the dead, corpses. Ashes and water, two 
 combined factors of the purifying preservation 
 of life, emblems of all disinfection in the sim- 
 plest fundamental form. 
 
 SEVENTH SECTION. 
 
 Retrospect of the Settlement in Kadesh Miriam's Death. The Great Mortality. 
 The Destiny of Moses and Aaron to die in the Desert on Account of their 
 Offence at Meribah. 
 
 Chapter XX. 1-13. 
 
 1 "Then came the children of Israel, even the whole congregation, into the desert 
 of Zin in the first month : and the people abode in Kadesh ; and Miriam died 
 
 2 there, and was buried there. And there was no water for the congregation : and 
 
 3 they gathered themselves together against Moses and against Aaron. And the 
 ■ people chode with Moses, and spake, saying, Would ''God that we had "died when 
 
 4 our brethren "died before the Lord ! And why have ye brought up the "^congre- 
 gation of the Lord into this wilderness, that we and our cattle should die there ? 
 
 5 And wherefore have ye made us to come up out of Egypt, to bring us in unto this 
 evil place ? it ts no place of seed, or of figs, or of vines, or of pomegranates ; neither 
 
 6 is there any water to drink. And Moses and Aaron went from the presence of 
 the assembly unto the door of the ^tabernacle of the congregation, and they fell 
 upon their faces : and the glory of the Lord appeared unto them. 
 
 7, 8 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying. Take the rod, and gather thou the 
 ^assembly together, thou and Aaron thy brother, and speak ye unto the rock before 
 their eyes ; and it shall give forth his water, and thou shalt bring forth to them 
 
 . water out of the rock ; so thou shalt give the congregation and their beasts drink. 
 
 ■ 9, 10 And Moses took the rod from before the Lord, as he commanded him. And 
 
 Moses and Aaron gathered the ^congregation together before the rock, and he said 
 
 unto them, Hear now, ye rebels; ^must we fetch you water out of this rock? 
 
102 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 11 And Moses lifted up his hand, and Avith his rod he smote the rock twice : and the 
 ■water came out abundantly, and the congregation drank, and their beasts also. 
 
 And the Lord spake unto Moses and Aaron, Because ye believed me not, to 
 sanctity me m the eyes of the children of Israel, therefore ye shall not bring this 
 •^congregation into the land which I have given them. This is the water of ^Meri- 
 bah ; "because the children of Israel 'strove with the Lord, and he was sanctified 
 in them. 
 
 12 
 13 
 
 1 That is, strife. 
 
 » And. 
 
 • Tent of Meeting 
 
 *> omit God. 
 f congregation. 
 
 « perished, 
 i shall. 
 
 * assembly. 
 •> where. 
 
 ' chode. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 Our text has become the knotty point of the 
 greatest misunderstandings. Usually it is un- 
 derstood as follows. The children of Israel 
 came once again to Kadesh in the first month 
 of the fortieth year. And after that, all thess 
 things took place that are related afterwards. 
 The most positive facts speak against this fixed 
 assumption. First, the clear testimony of Deut. 
 i. Second, the history of the water of strife. 
 That is to say, had the Israelites made them- 
 selves familiar with the neighborhood of Kadesh- 
 Barnea, then they would have known also its 
 water-springs ; but according to our passage, 
 they have hardly more than arrived in the desert 
 of Zin, and have as yet found no springs in it. 
 Third, the people strove -with Moses say- 
 ing : Would that -we had perished when 
 our brethren perished before the Lord. 
 After forty years they could not have spoken of 
 brothers that had perished, but only of fathers. 
 Almost the whole generation of the fathers was 
 now buried. They do not even seem to have 
 experienced as yet the rebellion of Korah, for 
 Keil justly remarks: "by that they do not 
 mean the rebellion of Korah (Knobel), for 
 whose destruction J^IJ, exspirare, is no fitting 
 
 expression, but those that died gradually during 
 the thirty-eight years." The rest of their com- 
 plaint, also, agrees better with the beginning 
 of their sojourn in the desert than with a period 
 when they had long since accustomed themselves 
 to the steppe. According to the internal rela- 
 tions, the murmuring at the want of water con- 
 nects very simply with the murmuring at the 
 want of bread or food at the Graves of Lust 
 (xi.). and falls in the period of the settlement 
 in the desert of Paran, xii. 16. 
 
 Accordingly we assume, that the beginning 
 of chap. XX. is to be understood as pluperfect. 
 No-w the children of Israel had come, i. e. 
 the liost of God with the wliole congregation, 
 into the wilderness of Zin, and the peo- 
 ple encamped at Kadesh. More definitely 
 the chronological order was as follows. On the 
 20th day of the second month of (he second year 
 (of the Exodus) the Israelites departed from 
 Sinai (x. 11). Since then about a year has 
 elapsed until the settlement in Paran, or till 
 the first month of which our chapter speaks, by 
 which, therefore, is to be understood the third 
 year, because the sentence of a forty years' 
 abode in the wilderness cannot well be set at a 
 later period. Moreover, it must not be left 
 unnoticed, that already after the meeting of the 
 
 people, chap, xiv., it is said: only .Joshua and 
 Caleb shall enter the land of Canaan, so that we 
 must suppose that Moses and Aaron had already 
 received their sentence. It may be further 
 added, that a failure on the part of the great 
 man of God more probably occurred in the first 
 years of his course than at the close, when he 
 was so near his goal. 
 
 The motive for the chronological displacement 
 of our history, as was already intimated, was 
 to combine in one account the fates of these two 
 brothers and their sister. 
 
 A return of the story to an older history ap- 
 pears to be presented also in the section xxi. 
 1-3. The account of the defeat of Israel there 
 related is the old story of the unsuccessful raid 
 into the south of Canaan (xiv. 40-45). It is 
 resumed again in this place on account of the 
 vow that Israel made at that time, and now ful- 
 fils, of which we will treat further on. Also 
 according to Knobel's way of seeing the matter, 
 the text not only speaks of two periods of abode 
 in Kadesh, but also according to " the Jehovistic 
 document" of a single abode there (p. 103}. 
 "The old register of encampments likewise re- 
 cognizes only one abode in Kadesh." 
 
 [On the view that there was only one abode 
 in Kadesh, and that the host arrived there not 
 earlier than in the third year of the Exodus, and 
 possibly later, see Tr.'s note at the end of chap, 
 xiv. Dr. Lange's appeal to Deut. i. is an argu- 
 ment that deserves more amplification. The 
 language of ver. 19, particularly: "We went 
 through all that great and terrible wilderness," 
 implies a longer journey and more varied expe- 
 rience than could be compressed into eighty 
 days or so. The same may be said of ver. 33, 
 which, compared with Num. ix. 15-23, seems to 
 refer to the wanderings from Sinai to Kadesh. 
 — Tr.] 
 
 Ver. 1. On the desert of Zin and Kadesh- 
 Barnea, see above at xii. 16. On Kadesh see 
 ali^o the article in Gesenius. According to 
 Keil and the common view, the first month 
 falls in the fortieth year of the Exodus. A dif- 
 ficulty of that view is presented in the inquiry: 
 Why is nothing said of the want of water during 
 the first stay at Kadesh, whereas it is spoken of 
 in reference to the second? 
 
 Ver. 4. The displeasure at the want of water 
 again excites the imagination of the malcon- 
 tents about the deficiencies of the desert in 
 general. 
 
 Ver. 6. Moses and Aaron prostrate themselves 
 helplessly at the door of the Tabernacle. To 
 this holy helplessness and surrender, one might 
 say, there corresponds here, too, a wondrous 
 
CHAP. XX. 1-13. 
 
 103 
 
 exaltation. The glory of the Lord appeared to 
 them. Let us here call to mind once more how 
 near to one another are the notions, the appear- 
 ing of the glory of the Lord, and the appearing 
 of the Angel of the Lord. 
 
 Ver. 7. The instruction Jehovah gives is very 
 diflFerent from the instruction at Rephidim (Ex. 
 xvii. 5). On that occasion of drought stronger 
 means were used for the miracle. Moses with 
 some of the elders had to go off away from the 
 people; here he was to take a stand opposite 
 the rock with all the elders and the whole con- 
 gregation. There he had to smite the rock with 
 his staff; but here Moses and Aaron were sim- 
 ply to speak to the rock, i. e, in a symbolical 
 sense command the rock, though he was pro- 
 vided with the rod in his hand. The help was 
 to be miraculously near, as it was often prepared 
 for the discoverers of springs in sacred history. 
 Jehovah's directions, therefore, demand of the 
 prophet the most decided confidence and com- 
 posure of spirit. 
 
 Ver. 9. He took the staff from before 
 Jehovah. Does that mean : the staff had 
 been deposited in the sanctuary? It was the 
 miraculous rod that he had in his hand when 
 he received commissions from Jehovah. 
 
 Vers. 10, 11. Wherein consisted Moses' sin, 
 in which, as one must suppose, Aaron too was 
 involved as regarded feeling ? Absolute unbe- 
 lief cannot be meant; otherwise it is impossible 
 that Moses would have smote the rock. For it 
 is utterly inconceivable that he acted so in 
 superstitious reliance on the magical effect of 
 his staff. Jehovah's reproof intimates what was 
 the offence: Ye have not unconditionally believed 
 and obeyed me in a way to prove thereby to the 
 children of Israel that I am the Holy One. The 
 bestowal of water should have borne the charac- 
 ter of extreme facility and manifested thereby the 
 majesty of the personal Jehovah in His omnipo- 
 tence and condescension. To His people, de- 
 spairing from thirst, Jehovah would grant, of 
 free grace and without reproach, the miraculous 
 fountain. Moses, on the contrary, did not let 
 himself be freed from his indignation at the 
 people by the sight of the glory of the Lord. 
 His address to the people reproaches them as 
 
 rebels, and expresses not so much a real doubt 
 about the approaching grant, as a contempt for 
 the " mutinous " nation that really was not 
 worth being helped, especially by such a divine 
 miracle : water from the rock. Then he smites 
 twice on the rock, instead of simply speaking to 
 it, with a displeasure that really wanted to 
 smite the people. This disobedience as to form 
 also comes in for consideration, but is not the 
 chief thing in itself. Yet there is reflected in it 
 a feeling of disgust, of fleshly zeal, by wliich, 
 as the representative of Jehovah, he obscures 
 and distorts to the people the image of Jehovah 
 Himself. How many zealots act just so in the 
 most glaring way, yet suppose that in that way 
 they glorify God before His people ! Let it be 
 noted, that it was only on account of this trait 
 of fanatical excitement of the two men, by which 
 they embittered a great gift of free compassion, 
 an hour of pure grace, that entrance into the 
 earthly Canaan, i. e. the ideal completion of their 
 task was denied them. 
 
 According to Ps. cvi. 33, a chief stress is laid 
 on the inconsiderate words of Moses, that plainly 
 betrayed his troubled, exasperated feeling. 
 Concerning the fable, falsely ascribed to the 
 Rabbins, that the rock followed the Israelites 
 from Rephidim to Kadesh, see the note of Keil 
 in loc. The symbolical side of the underlying 
 history is brought out in 1 Cor. x. 4. Concern- 
 ing the rock-fountain at Rephidim, and also 
 concerning the identification of the events, see 
 the Biblew. comm. on Exod. xvii. 1, p. 65. Also 
 Keil on Exod. xvii. 1. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Chap. XX. 1-13. The water of strife and the 
 impatience of Moses. The impatience of Moses 
 as the final explosion of a displeasure again and 
 again restrained and subdued through many 
 years, hence not without connection with his 
 seemingly too early death (see Ps. xc). Here, 
 therefore, was verified the Old Testament say- 
 ing: " The zeal of thine house hath eaten me 
 up." Still this fate of death also was finally a 
 mercy, and not less a miracle of wisdom. Th« 
 death of th« great brothers and sister. 
 
104 NUMBERS. 
 
 FOURTH DIVISION. 
 
 FKOM KADESH ONWARD. FROM THE DEPARTURE TO THE SETTLEMENT IN 
 
 THE PLAINS OF MOAB. 
 
 Chap. XX. 14— XXII. 1. 
 
 FIRST SECTION. 
 
 Prom Kadesh to Mount Hor (Chapter XX. 14— XXI. 3). The King of Edom. The 
 refusal of the request for a passage. The death of Aaron at Mount Hor. The 
 expedition against the king of Arad. 
 
 A.— THE KING OF EDOM. THE REFUSAL OF A PASSAGE. 
 Chapter XX. 14— XXI. 3. 
 
 14 And Moses sent messengers from Kadesh unto the king of Edom, Thus saith thy 
 
 15 brother Israel, Thou knowest all the travail that hath ^befallen us: How our 
 fathers went down into Egypt, and we have dwelt in Egypt a long time ; and the 
 
 16 Egyptians vexed us, and our fathers : And when we cried unto the Lord, he heard 
 our voice, and sent an angel, and hath brought us forth out of Egypt : and, behold, 
 
 17 we are in Kadesh, a city in the uttermost of thy border. Let us pass, I pray thee, 
 through thy country : we will not pass through the fields, or through the vineyards, 
 neither will we drink of the water of the wells : we will go by the king's high way, 
 we will not turn to the right hand nor to the left, until we have passed thy borders. 
 
 18 And Edom said unto him. Thou shalt not pass by me, lest I come out against thee 
 
 19 with the sword. And the children of Israel said unto him, We will go by the high 
 way : and if I and my cattle drink of thy water, then I will pay for it : I will only, 
 
 20 without doing any thing else, go through on my feet. And he said. Thou shalt not 
 go through. And Edom came out against him with much people, and with a strong 
 
 21 hand. Thus Edom refused to give Israel passage through his border : wherefore 
 Israel turned away from him. 
 
 B.— THE DEATH OF AARON AT MOUNT HOR. Vers. 22-29. 
 
 22 And the children of Israel, eveii the whole congregation, journeyed from Kadesh, 
 
 23 and came unto mount Hor. And the Lord spake unto Moses and Aaron in mount 
 
 24 Hor, by the coast of the land of Edom, saying, Aaron shall be gathered unto his 
 people: for }ie shall not enter into the land which I have given unto the children 
 
 25 of Israel, because ye rebelled against my word at the water of Meribah. Take 
 
 26 Aaron and Eleazar his son, and bring them up unto mount Hor : And strip Aaron 
 of his garments, and put them upon Eleazar his son : and Aaron shall be gathered 
 
 27 unto his people, and shall die there. And Moses did as the Lord commanded : and 
 
 28 they went up into mount Hor in the sight of all the congregation. And Moses 
 stripped Aaron of his garments, and put them upon Eleazar his son ; and Aaron 
 died there in the top of the mount : and Moses and Eleazar came down from the 
 
 29 mount. And when all the congregation saw that Aaron was dead, they mourned 
 for Aaron thirty days, even all the house of Israel. 
 
 C— THE EXPEDITION AGAINST THE KING OF ARAD. Chap. XXI. 1-3. 
 
 1 And when king Arad the Canaanite, which dwelt in the south, heard tell that 
 Israel came by the way of the spies ; then he fought against Israel, and took some 
 
 2 of them prisoners. And Israel vowed a vow unto the Lord, and said. If thou wilt 
 indeed deliver this people into my hand, then I will utterly destroy their cities. 
 
CHAP. XX. 14— XXI. 3. 
 
 105 
 
 And the Lord hearkened to the voice of Israel, and delivered up the Canaanites ; 
 and they utterly destroyed them and their cities : and he called the name of the 
 place Hormah. 
 
 Marg. found us. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 Ver.'l*. [The travail. De Wette : hardship. Bunsen : calamity, sorroiii]. 
 Ver. 15. [Heb., treat ill, afflict.— A. G.]. 
 
 Ver. 19. n\'Dn3 a raised road. Causeway used by the king for military purposes. 
 
 Ver. 19. [Surely it is nothing. See Exeget. Note, and comp. Gen. xx. 11.— A. G.]. 
 
 Ver. 20. Lange ; mighty. E. V. : better. 
 
 Ver. 24. Lit. mouth. 
 
 Ver. 29. [Omit when ; insert and before they. — A. G.]. 
 
 Ver. 1. [Lange: The Canaanite, king of Arad. — A. G.]. 
 
 Ver. 1. [Lange: Way of Atharim. But there are no traces of any place bearing this name. The etymology 
 is in favor of the rendering in our version ; and the allusion to the tracks in places of the spies would be natural 
 to one writing to Hebrew readers. — A. G.]. 
 
 Ver. 2. Put or bring them under a ban. Hence the name of the place Hormah : ban. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 A. The King of Edom. Chap. xx. 14-21. 
 Israel had made the fruitless efi'ort to pene- 
 trate the south of Canaan from the northern part 
 of the Arabian desert, and indeed directly from 
 Kadesh-Barnea (chap. xiv. 40 etseg.). They had, 
 after their despondent outbreak and rebellion, 
 and before the failure in their attempt, received 
 direction to proceed by another way — by the way 
 of the Red Sea, chap. xiv. 25. The idea that 
 avoiding the difficult southern border of Pales- 
 tine, they should turn to the east, lay enclosed 
 in this direction. But the idea was not fruitful, 
 and the undertaking was delayed until near the 
 close of the forty years. The literal interpreta- 
 tion of this passage, as also of the words chap, 
 xiv. 1, has led to those long lines upon the maps 
 which were supposed to indicate the march of 
 the Israelites from Kadesh-Barnea to the Red 
 Sea, and then from the Red Sea back again to 
 Kadesh, with the purpose of immediately return- 
 ing again to the Red Sea. It is another thing 
 entirely, if we suppose that from their settlement 
 at Kadesh-Barnea, they migrated in all directions 
 seeking pasturage for their herds.* But now 
 the lapse of time itself warns them to depart. 
 Two routes lie open to them ; the one direct 
 through the land of the Edomites, the other long 
 and circuitous, stretching around and eastward 
 of Edom. Even the first route would have led 
 them, at least in their departure, in the direction 
 of the Red Sea, especially if they wished to pass 
 at a distance from the capital, Petra. The land 
 of the Edomites was the mountain region east of 
 the Arabah (in its restricted meaning) or of the 
 
 * [The repetition of the words " the whole congrega- 
 tion," vers. 1 and 25, seems to imply that the congrega- 
 tion had been partially broken up during the long years 
 of the wandering. The tabernacle formed the centre 
 around which all clustered, and to which smaller or 
 larger portions of the congregation may have returned 
 from tim<i to time. But now the "whole congregation" 
 was gathered. A call from their great leader, or a com- 
 mon impression that some great event was at hand, led 
 the scattered hosts to seek the place where the Taber- 
 nacle, the Tent of Meeting was pitched. Modern 
 travellers find the same thing true, with the great 
 Bedouin tribes in our daj' ; a central camp at which the 
 chief resides and sections of the tribe scattered in all 
 directions seeking sustenance for their large flocks and 
 herds. — A. G.]. 
 
 deep depression between the Dead Sea, and the 
 Ailanitic gulf of the Red Sea, including also the 
 Arabah itself. When Knobel says that it ex- 
 tends also some distance to the west of the Ara- 
 bah, this could only have been true east of Ka- 
 desh-Barnea, for otherwise the Israelites would 
 have had to pass through Edomitish territory, 
 as they moved toward the Red Sea.* Kadesh 
 certainly (chap. xx. 16) lay upon the border of 
 Edom. Mount Hor, too, (chap. xx. 23) to which 
 they came first after their departure, was by the 
 coasts or borders of Edom. But in the way to 
 the Red Sea, they might pass almost entirely 
 around the land of Edom, if a peaceable passage 
 through it was refused them. Even then, how- 
 ever, they must have crossed the boundaries of 
 Edom according to Dent. ii. 1. Israel was com- 
 manded to respect the tribal relationship with 
 Edom, as also with Moab and Ammon (Dent. ii. 
 • 9 et seq. ; comp. Jud. xi. 17). Moses therefore 
 sought by a warm and friendly message to se- 
 cure from the king of Edom a free passage through 
 his land. But in the face of every guarantee 
 which he offered, he received only a harsh and 
 surly reply. Further pacific proposals were fol- 
 lowed by harsher threats, and a warlike arma- 
 ment against Israel trod, as it were, upon the 
 heels of the returning messenger. This is the 
 starting point in the history of the treacherous 
 brother who appears a foe by the side of Israel 
 down to the final destruction of Jerusalem. The 
 passage in Judges already referred to, indicates 
 that the message to Edom and Moab must have 
 preceded by some time the departure for the Red 
 Sea. [It is clear from xx. 1 compared with xxxiii. 
 38, that the Israelites must have remained in 
 Kadesh several months. The message was pro- 
 bably sent soon after the congregation had ga- 
 thered; and the delay was occasioned by the 
 refusal, and the necessary preparations for the 
 long and circuitous march before them. It could 
 not have arisen, as the Bible Com. suggests, 
 from a purpose to invade Canaan again from this 
 
 * For the Arabah see commentary on Joshua, chap- 
 XV. 1-3. [Also Stanley, /Sinai and Palefitine, Appendix, p- 
 481. KoNBEL refers to ver. 23, chap, xxxiii. 37 ; Josh, xv- 
 1-3, as sustaining his view. It might easily occur, too, 
 that the Edomites could defend successfully the steep 
 mountain passes, and yet not prevent the Israelites from 
 crossing their territory which lay in the Arabah or on 
 its western skirts. — A. G.]. 
 
106 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 quarter when existing obstacles should be re- 
 moved. The lesson of the thirty-eight years had 
 not been lost, and they were not prepared to 
 brave so difBcult a position (see [Keil below) 
 after the earlier and sigual failure. — A. G.]. 
 
 Vers, 14—16. We can scarcely agree with Keil 
 that the steep lofty raountain range presented an 
 obstacle, difficult to be overcome if not actually 
 insurmountable, to an entrance into Canaan from 
 the south. The Scriptures give a very different 
 reason. [But the Scripture, while attributing the 
 defeat of the Israelites to the fact that the Lord 
 was not among them, nowhere says or implies 
 that the natural obstacle did not exist. — A. G.]. 
 The invasion from the east had this additional 
 advantage, that it would divide the power of Ca- 
 naan into two parts. As to the Angel, Knobel 
 himself understands, but not the writer as he 
 infers, by it the pillar of cloud and fire ; the har- 
 mony of both ideas never occurred to him, in 
 his eager hunt for contradictions. 
 
 Ver. 17. We -will not pass through the 
 fields or through the vineyards, i. e., not 
 wander about in bye-paths [or rather will guard 
 against any careless or straggling march]. The 
 king's road was the public highway, built and 
 kept in repair probably at public expense, for the 
 inarch of the king and his army, like the imperial 
 or Sultan's road, as the old broad, public army- 
 roads are called in the east. The references are 
 frequent in the books of travel. Seetzen I., pp. 
 61, 132. See also Knobel in loc. Comp. Robin- 
 son II., p. 556. According to an early conjec- 
 ture, which Keil has adopted, the king's road 
 here led through the Wady El Ghuweir. [Ro- 
 binson, Coleman, Bible Com. and others, hold 
 the same view. — A. G.]. This road may seem 
 too fur to the north, although running directly 
 eastwards from Kadesh. For the Edomitish 
 kings see Gen. xxxvi. 31-39. 
 
 Vers. 18, 19. After the refusal and menace of 
 the king, the Israelites explain more fully their 
 purposes. The previous declaration we 'will 
 not drink of the water of the wells, is now 
 explained by the clause I will pay for it. pi 
 "surely, altogether" — it is of no consequence. 
 They will pass along the high-road only on their 
 feet. [The extreme scarcity of water seems to 
 justify the practice of selling what is most free 
 with us. The treasures gathered were guarded 
 80 jealously that sometimes they could not be ob- 
 tained for money. Hence the natural promise 
 here that they would pay for the water. — A. G.]. 
 
 Vers. 20, 21. The king follows up his threat 
 by mustering an armed force and dispatching it 
 to the border, so that the Israelites were com- 
 pelled to ciiange their course. Thus they come 
 to mount Hor. [The description seems to imply 
 that the Israelites had little doubt of the success 
 of their message. The proposition was so rea- 
 sonable, the guarantees were so full, the grounds 
 upon which the request was urged were so strong, 
 that they did not deem it necessary to wait for 
 the return of the messenger. They seem to have 
 started without anticipating the churlisli refusal, 
 and only turned southward when they found the 
 passage barred. — A. G.J. 
 
 B. The death of Aaron upon mount Hor, vers. 
 22-29. " Breaking up from Kadesh the Israel- 
 
 ites passed through the Wady Murreh, which 
 runs along the west of the Arabah, to mount Hor. 
 This mountain standing on the boundary (chap, 
 xxxiii. 37) '!^'4\>_'^ of the land of Edom was located 
 
 by Joseph. [Ant. IV. 4, 7), and also by Eusebius 
 and Jekome in the vicinity of Petra. Jerome, 
 Or mans, in quo mortuus est Aaron, juxta civitatem 
 Petrarn. According to modern travellers it is 
 mount Haran, on the northwest side of Wady 
 Musa (Petra). Robinson describes it, II., p. 
 508, as a cone irregularly truncated, having 
 three ragged points or peaks of which that on 
 the northeast is highest, and has upon it the 
 wely or tomb of Aaron, from which the name of 
 the mountain Harun, i. e., Aaron, is derived. 
 There is no reason to doubt the correctness of 
 this tradition. See Burckhardt's Syria, p. 715; 
 Ritter, ErdkundeXl\.,y>.\V21," Keil. [Also 
 Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, pp. 86, 87, and note. 
 — A. G.]. Why Knobel doubts its correctness is 
 not clearly seen from his arguments, especially as 
 he holds that the "second Jehovistic document" 
 requires that the Hebrews should have marched 
 northeastward through the Wady Murreh and 
 northern Edom (!). But more important consi- 
 derations meet us. Had the Israelites marched 
 to this mount Harun, they would have gone almost 
 directly towards the army of Edom, directly tow- 
 ards the capital city Petra, and under these cir- 
 cumstances a battle could hardly have been 
 avoided. They would then also, as if in defiance 
 of Edom, have encamped for thirty days over 
 against Petra. The text is plainly opposed to 
 this : they evaded the challenge of Edom ; they 
 did not march in an easterly, but southeasterly 
 direction. Besides, the mountain top to which the 
 aged and wearied one was led, need not have been 
 a very lofty one. According to Dout. x. 6, Aaron 
 died at Moserah, and was there buried. It might 
 be inferred, from the immediate connection, that 
 Aaron died here upon the way to Kadesh. But 
 it is merely in passing, and as a reminiscence, 
 that Aaron's death is there referred to. The 
 main thing is the statement that upon the upward 
 journey [/. «., to Kadesh J the rights and posi- 
 tions of the Levites were precisely established, 
 thus this mountain on the upward way became a 
 Levitical mountain, and upon the mountain on 
 the march back, Aaron the head of the Levites 
 died and was buried. In the list of encamp- 
 ments this place is called Moserah, and we must 
 not overlook the fact that it is only two days 
 removed from Hor-Hagidgad. At all events Mo- 
 serah lay in the direction of the Red Sea, and 
 scarcely in the Edomitic Arabah, but upon its 
 western side aud in the desert. [There is clearly 
 no contradiction in the statement that Aaron died 
 at Moserah, and on mount Hor. The camp lay 
 at Moserah probably at the base of mount Hor 
 or upon its lower slopes, while Moses took Aaron 
 and Eleazar his son and ascended the mountain 
 where Aaron died. For the manner in which 
 Aaron's death is referred to iu Deut. x 6, see 
 note on that passage,and Q,VTA.Tia^ s Levitical Priests, 
 pp. 9, 10.— A. G.]. 
 
 Vers. 22-24. Hor is not spoken of as a particu- 
 lar mountain, but as a mountain peak in a ridge, 
 [inn "in Hor the mountain, i. e., the summit of 
 
 T T 
 
 the mountain ; which corresponds precisely to 
 
CHAP. XX. 14— XXI. 3. 
 
 lOT 
 
 the description given by Stanley, Sinai and Pa- 
 lestine, p. 86. See also chap, xxxiv. 7. — A. G.]. 
 Aaron's death is announced at Hor, and the or- 
 dinances in relation to it follow. Aaron shall 
 be gathered to his people. He is reminded of 
 his transgression at the waters of Meribah. His 
 priestly garments shall be taken from him and 
 put upon Eleazar his son. Thus Aaron dies 
 upon mount Hor, and disappears from the his- 
 tory, vanishes into concealment, as Moses did 
 afterward. Aaron died on the first day of the 
 fifth month, in the fortieth year of the Exodus, 
 123 years old. 
 
 C. The Expedition against the King of Arad. 
 Chap. xxi. 1-8. Israel cannot take its departure 
 from the south of Canaan without recalling the 
 disgraceful defeat it had suffered thirty-eight 
 years before, ■sphen attempting to enter Canaan 
 from that side. Then the Amalekites came 
 down, and the Canaanites virhich dvrelt 
 in that hill, and smote them, and discom- 
 fited them, even unto Hormah. — Chap. 
 xiv. 45. The thoughts of the people now turn 
 back to this early history which the writer here 
 speaks of as that which had already occurred. 
 Once the Canaanite king of Arad heard that 
 Israel came by the way of the spies. If we re- 
 gard Atharim not as the name of a place, but as 
 an appellative name, synonymous with hattarim, 
 the spies (Keil), the notion of an army which 
 had once followed the spies is obviously sug- 
 gested. We find moreover the king of Arad in 
 the very same region in which the Israelites had 
 formerly been defeated by the Amalekites and 
 Canaanites. Then Hormah was the limit of tlie 
 overthrow, now it is the goal of the retaliation. 
 Israel at that time made the vow : If thou wilt 
 indeed deliver this people into my hand, 
 then I w^ill utterly destroy their cities. — 
 At last the time of retribution has come. That 
 they did not undertake the avenging expedition 
 from Kadesh, but first from Moserah or Mount 
 Hor, has its ground in the necessity of first re- 
 moving their wives and children and herds from 
 the scene of danger. Jehovah crownjd their re- 
 taliatory expedition into the country of Arad 
 with success. The particular and careful desig- 
 nation of the place of battle: he called the 
 name of the place Hormah (destruction) 
 shows that they did not destroy the cities of the 
 entire kingdom, but spread terror along its 
 southern boundary, while the complete conquest 
 of the country was left for the subsequent cam- 
 paigns of Joshua (Josh. xi. and xii.). This suc- 
 cessful expedition was the first victory for the 
 new generation, foretokening their great conflict 
 in Canaan, as the later retaliatory march against 
 the Midianites (chap, xxxi.), was the second. 
 The narrative moreover seems to be only of a 
 preliminary and comparatively unimportant 
 event. 
 
 The usual assumption that the attack by the 
 king of Arad had not occurred until now is met 
 by strong improbabilities. It is not in the first 
 place a probable assumption that the new gene- 
 ration should figure in a defeat at their first ap- 
 pearance upon the stage; nor that this defeat 
 should have occurred at Mount Hor ; and still 
 more is it unlikely that the stricken host should 
 have remained long enough at Mount Hor to ga- 
 
 ther courage for an avenging expedition. Keii, 
 indeed obviates in part these oljjections by as- 
 suming that the attack had occurred before the 
 Israelites had reached Hor. But it lies directly 
 in the face of the narrative to suppose that the 
 Israelites in their departure had turned back 
 northwards, or to the north-east, and not south- 
 wards to the Red Sea. [The narrative seems to 
 imply that the king of Arad, recalling the defeat 
 of the Israelites thirty-eight years before, and 
 thinking that a "fatal blow might be inflicted 
 upon them, now fell suddenly upon them as they 
 were breaking up from Kadesh, and when, in 
 the confusion attending the march, they were 
 unprepared, and took some of them prison- 
 ers." There was no serious defeat of the Is- 
 raelites. It was a mere successful raid upon 
 them, which was punished and avenged as soon 
 as they were encamped at Moserah, or perhaps 
 before they reached that place. — A. G.] "Be- 
 sides the allusion to Arad here and chap, xxxiii. 
 40, it appears again Josh. xii. 14 as the seat 
 of a Canaanitish king, Hormah. Comp. Judg. 
 i. 16. According to Eusebius and Jerome, it 
 lay about twenty Roman miles south from He- 
 bron, and still exists in the ruins of Tell-Arad. 
 Robinson, II., p. 473, saw it at a distance [see 
 also Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, pp. 160, 16i. — 
 A. G.]." Keil. 
 
 Hormah was earlier called Zephath, Judg. i. 
 17. In reply to the assumption that this expe- 
 dition against Arad is only an account of the 
 conquest of that city by Joshua. See Keil, p. 138. 
 [Bible Commentary, p. 725. The order of 
 events is clear. The Israelites here having 
 avenged the unprovoked attack upon them and 
 destroyed their cities, and named the place Hor- 
 mah, departed on their march southwards to 
 compass Edom. When they left, the Canaanites 
 re-occupied the sites of their ruined cities and 
 restored the earlier names. Joshua finds them 
 in possession, completes their overthrow, and at 
 the same time the "ban" under which Israel 
 had placed them. "We have therefore in the 
 passage before us the history of the actual origin 
 of the name Hormah." — A. G.] 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL, 
 
 The new generation, new offences, new atone- 
 ments. Defeats and victories. 
 
 1. The departure of the new generation com- 
 mences with an act of pious magnanimity, the 
 message to Edom. It is surely a Christian prin- 
 ciple that Christian nations should have a sacred 
 regard for the ties of consanguinity in their re- 
 lations and intercourse with other nations. 
 
 2. At the beginning of the circuitous march 
 around the land of Edom, Aaron dies and is bu- 
 ried on Mount Hor. The solemn formal priestly 
 burial has a close connection with the blessings 
 of the world then, and for succeeding generations. 
 On the contrary it was fitting that the death and 
 the grave of the great prophet Moses should be 
 kept from the public gaze, mantled In mystery 
 and darkness. 
 
 3. The investiture of Eleazar has also a grand 
 ceremonial character and significance. It is an 
 impressive symbolical transaction — as the whole 
 typical priesthood has this character. [Stan- 
 
108 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 LET, History of the Jewish Church. " The succes- 
 sion of the Priesthood, that link of continuity 
 between the past and present, now first intro- 
 duced into the Jewish Church, was made through 
 that singular usage preserved even to the latest 
 days of the Jewish hierarchy by the transfer- 
 ence of -he vestments of the dead High Priest 
 to the living successor." — A. G.] 
 
 4. Israel as the people of the law, having their 
 Judaical and punitive character, cannot leave the 
 south region without righting the injury they 
 had suffered from the king of Arad. When the 
 correcting and thus the removing of a moral 
 wrong is at stake, even Christian politics has its 
 strict, stern law. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Pacific disposition towards Edom, his brother. 
 Mount Hor, Aaron's goal, Eleazar's starting 
 place. The deferred retribution which impended 
 over the king of Arad. 
 
 Vers. 14-22. Peaceableness and contentious- 
 ness. Particular regard for kindred races. Go- 
 ing out of the way for the sake of peace, when 
 enjoined and when not. [The request — its rea- 
 sonableness, its guarantees; the grounds upon 
 which it is urged. 1. The ties of kindred. 2. 
 Their pufiFerings in Egypt. 3. The deliverance 
 the Lord had given them. — A. G.] 
 
 Vers. 22-29. Mount Hor. Aaron's virtues, the 
 connection with Moses, and their common devo- 
 tion to the people. The subordination of the elder 
 brother to the younger; of the High Priest to 
 the prophet; of the priestly ofi"ender, to the 
 stern preacher of reproof. Aaron between the 
 dead and the living. His gentleness and his 
 boldness. Eleazar's ordination following the 
 disrobing of his father. The sorrow of the house 
 of Israel over the death of its High Priest. A 
 comparison of the celebrated mountains of the 
 dead, Hor, Nebo, Golgotha. [Henry: "Aaron 
 submits to the divine decree cheerfully. He is 
 neither afraid nor ashamed to die. He has com- 
 fort in his death: he sees his son preferred, his 
 office preserved." Stanley. "Mount Hor of- 
 fered a retrospect rather than a prospect. He 
 surveyed the dreary mountains, barren platform 
 and cheerless valley of the desert through which 
 they had passed ; the opposite of that wide and 
 varied vista which opened before the first of the 
 prophets." — A. G.] 
 
 Chap. xxi. 1-3. The victory over Arad, or the 
 trial of the young generation. [Their apparent 
 discomfiture; their consequent consciousness of 
 weakness; their acknowledgment of dependence 
 on God, and cry to Him ; ana their complete tri- 
 umph. All this finds its analogy in the spiritual 
 life.— A. G.] 
 
 SECOND SECTION. 
 
 From Mount Hor to the Plains of Moab. 
 
 Chapters XXI. 4— XXII. 1. 
 
 A.— THE DEPARTURE FROM MOUNT HOR AND THE FIERY SERPENTS. 
 
 Chapter XXI. 4-9. 
 
 4 And they journeyed from mount Hor by the way of the Red Sea, to compass 
 the land of Edom : and the soul of the people.was much discouraged^ because of 
 
 5 the way. And the people spake against Go(^4ind against Moses, Wherefore have 
 ye brought us up out of Egypt to die in the wilderness ? for there is no bread, 
 
 6 neither is there any water ; and our soul loatheth this light bread. And the Lord{-^i/*^ 
 sent fiery serpents among the people, and they bit the people; and much people 
 
 of Israel died. 
 
 7 Therefore the people came to Moses, and said, We have sinned, for we have 
 spoken against the Lord, and against thee ; pray unto the Lord, that he take 
 
 8 away the serpents from us. And Moses prayed for the people. And the Lord 
 said unto Moses, Make thee a fiery serpent, and set it upon a pole : and it shall 
 come to pass, that every one that is bitten, when he looketh upon it, shall live. 
 
 9 And Mo.scs made a serpent of brass, and put it upon a pole; and it came to pass, 
 that if a serpent had bitten any man, when he beheld the serpent of brass, he 
 lived. 
 
 1 grieved, Heb. shortened. 
 
CHAP. XXI. 4-9. 
 
 109 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 5. Light ; Luther, De Wette, mean; Bunsen, wretched; light, not as opposed to solid, but as that which 
 nauseates, disgusts — vile. — A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 6. Lange: venomous. The Hlty, literally burning, denotes with tj?n3 and sometimes without (ver. 8, 
 below) a kind of serpent whose bite produces burning heat and thirst. Our word fiery is a good rendering, but 
 is ambiguous. De Wette and others retain the Hebrew word Seraphim. — A. G 
 
 [Ver. 7. And the people.] 
 
 [Ver. 8. omit Serpent.] 
 
 [Ver. 8. 02t standard. See Exodus xvii. 15 : JefcouoA-nwsi. — A. G.] 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 Keil gives as the heading to the contents of 
 this section: ''The march of Israel through the 
 Arabah." He starts with the assumption that 
 mount Hor stands near Petra. "Leaving mount 
 Hor, Israel must take the way to the Red Sea, 
 in order to compass the land of Edom, since 
 Edom refused permission to cross its territory, 
 and thus descend the Arabah to the head of the 
 Ailanitic gulf." But if it is settled that the 
 Arabah forms a part of Edom, and if it is further 
 settled that by the command of Jehovah, Israel 
 must pass around Edom, it is impossible that 
 they should have marched through the Arabah 
 on their way to the Red Sea, for leaving out of 
 view the difficulty of their finding sustenance in 
 this narrow rocky valley (see Shubert, Travels, 
 IL 396), RiTTER, Erdkunde XIV., p. 1013 [see 
 however, on the other hand, Robinson, Res. II. 
 594 seq., and Stanley, Sinii and Palestine, pp. 
 84, 85. — A. G.], they would be in constant dan- 
 ger of attack by the Edomites and of perishing 
 by the sword with their wives and children. 
 As they came up from Sinai to Kadesh through 
 the desert plateau Et Tih (Paran), so they must 
 have returned through the same desert, although 
 farther to the east, from Kadesh to the Red Sea. 
 The Israelites, it is true, at the end of their 
 march to the Red Sea, must have crossed the 
 limits of the Edomitish territory, as this comes 
 out clearly in Deut. ii". 1. They compassed 
 mount Seir many days, and they were com- 
 manded to turn northward, not of course back 
 upon the way they had come, but in a north- 
 easterly direction, which shows that they had 
 reached the extreme limits of the Edomite king- 
 dom, and must now penetrate it, passing over 
 below iheir brethren the sons of Esau, and be- 
 low the Arabah (comp. the notes in this Com- 
 mentary, Deut. ii. 12). 
 
 The desert plateau Et Tih was, according to 
 the testimony of modern travellers, far better 
 fitted for the returning path of the Israelites 
 than the Arabah. See extracts in -Ritter's 
 Erdkunde, part 14, Book 3, p. 830, The Central 
 and Northern Routes across the Desert Et Tih to 
 the Promised Land, from Seetzen, Russegers 
 and others. The description of Seetzen, who 
 went from the north to the south, from Beer- 
 sheba to Sinai, merits special attention. Here 
 we met several Wadys with broad pasture-lands, 
 our path at times crossing rolling flowery mea- 
 dows, across heaths blooming with white-flow- 
 ering heather, now and then by springs or 
 fountains, but also through rocky fields, strewn 
 
 with flint-stones, while at times also we found 
 •' the ground full of holes the homes of serpents, 
 lizards, etc." The fiery serpents cannot there- 
 fore be urged with force in favor of the Arabah. 
 [Stanley, Si7iai and Palestine, p. 84, agrees with 
 Keil, and uses this strong language of the 
 Israelites and the Arabah: "It is indeed doubt- 
 ful whether they passed up it on their way to 
 Canaan; but no one can doubt that they passed 
 down it when the valleys of Edom were closed 
 against them. This was clearly the natural 
 route for them to take ; and the very argument 
 which Lange uses against it — the want of sus- 
 tenance — seems strongly to favor it. The scar- 
 city of food made them more sensible of their 
 dependence upon the manua, and they wearied 
 with the sameness; our soul loatheth this 
 vile bread. — Geographical considerations, the 
 well-ascertained fact that the Arabah abounds 
 in poisonous serpents, and the tenses of the 
 narration all favor the Arabah. The incidents 
 of the later narrative and the easy egress from 
 the Arabah to the plains east of Edom through 
 the Wady Ithm confirm this view. — A. G.] 
 
 Vers. 4-9. And the soul of the people 
 ■was much discouraged because of the 
 way. — The young and vigorous generation 
 found the long return journey wearisome, partly 
 because it seemed like a discomfiture, because 
 they so carefully avoided the Edomites, with 
 whom they bad recently tried their strength in 
 the region of Arad, and from whom they may 
 have captured large herds, which proved a 
 source of supply in the march. At all events 
 they were greatly depressed. They sighed for 
 a fruitful land, and the manna from a miraculous 
 food, became to them as a light (contemptible 
 
 7p7p) bread, while the usual bread and water 
 were wanting. They spase against God 
 (Elohim) and against Moses. — It is observa- 
 ble that they did not rebel against Jehovah, but 
 murmured against the divine guidance and the 
 leading of Moses. [There seems to be little 
 ground for the distinction drawn between Elo- 
 him and Jehovah as the object of their queru- 
 lous complaints. — A. G.] Their unbelief grew 
 out of the delusion which the previous genera- 
 tion expressed, that they also, as their fathers, 
 must die in the desert. The punishment laid 
 upon them is commensurate with their less tur- 
 bulent and violent disobedience. Then sent 
 Jehovah (not Elohim) fiery serpents among 
 the people. — Here again the judicial provi- 
 dence of God uses the noxious product of the 
 land for punishment, converting the serpents of 
 the desert into a divine punitive visitation. 
 
no 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 _" Fiery, literally burni n g ser pents; so called^ 
 from the inflammator y natu re of th eixbiie^which 
 i nfuses a burning^ deadl y poison ; as tlie Greeks 
 also name certain serpents, especially the diipac, 
 because its poison wrought like burning fire, 
 npoarfjpEQ and Kavauveg (Dioscoriues VII. 13; 
 Aelian, Natura Anim. VI. 51), and not because 
 they had fiery, red spots upon their skins, which 
 are frequently found in the Arabah, and are 
 extremely poisonous." Keil. But why should 
 they not have been named^from__the fiery red 
 ' color of the serpents, which finds its reflection 
 later in the fiery glow of the brazen serpent? 
 The one quality, however, does not necessarily 
 exclude the other. This is clear from a citation 
 from V. Shubert's Travels: "At midday a very 
 mottled snake, marked with fiery red spots and 
 wavy stripes, which belonged to the most poi- 
 
 ^ Bonous species, as the construction of its teeth 
 clearly showed. According to the Bedouins, 
 these snakes, which they greatly dreaded, were 
 very common in that neighborhood." [For 
 similar occurrences see Strabo XV. 723 ; XVI. 
 759, referred fo in Bible Com. I. 725. — A. G.] 
 And much people of Israel died. Although 
 the swarm of serpents was extraordinarily large, 
 we may suppose that the excitement among the 
 people, the confusion, and their conscience awa- 
 kened to a sense of their guilt, greatly increased 
 their terror. The voluntary repentance of the 
 people, which was wanting in the earlier gene- 
 ration, shows how greatly the present generation 
 was in advance of its predecessor. They con- 
 fess that they have sinned against Jehovah their 
 covenant-God, and against Moses, and implored 
 him to intercede in their behalf. 
 
 The divine answer is adapted to the situation, 
 ehows a marvellous and profound psychological 
 insight, and at the same time is of great Chris- 
 tological and soteriological significance. Make 
 thee a fiery serpent (an image of one), and 
 set it upon a pole (standard), and it shall 
 come to pass that every one that is bit- 
 ten, v^hen he looketh upon it, shall live 
 (shall not die). Moses understood the command 
 correctly, and made a brazen serpent. This 
 goes to show that the assumption that the ser- 
 pents were named from their red color is cor- 
 rect. The miraculous result corresponds fully 
 with the promise. 
 
 This obscure and mysterious narration rises 
 
 linto great importance in its soteriological aspect, 
 through the application which Christ Himself 
 makes of it to flis own life, which He also makes 
 
 jin mystC;rious words. Many theologians there- 
 
 ffore ha ,'e been earnestly engaged in the expla- 
 nation of this passage. For the literature see 
 in Keil, p. 179, note Eng. Trans., Kurtz, Hist. 
 of Old Cov., Vol. II., p. 428 [see also Lanqe, 
 Com. on John, cliap. iii. 14 ; Cowles, The Penta- 
 teuch, has a brief and satisfactory note. — A. G.] 
 Among the explanations of the brazen serpent, 
 the passage in Wisdom xvi. 6, 7. It is a sym- 
 bol of salvation to remind them of the command- 
 ment of thy law. We have a clearer interpreta- 
 tion of the symbol here than we find in some 
 modern theologians. The profonndest, but also 
 the most obscure application of the passage is 
 the word of our Lord, John iii. 14. Keil gives 
 Ldtheb's expla n ation : " In the first place the 
 
 serpent which Moses was to make at God's com- 
 mand was to be of brass or copper, i. e. of a 
 reddish color, and in every way (though without 
 poison) like those, who from the bite of the fiery 
 serpents were red and burning with heat. In 
 the second place, the brazen serpent must be set 
 upon a pole for a sign. And in the third place, 
 those who were bitten of the fiery serpents and 
 would live must look to the brazen serpent so 
 lifted up ; otherwise they could not recover or 
 live." 
 
 But this is rather a description of the event 
 than an explanation of the symbol. Hengsten- 
 berg's explanation reminds us of Menken: 
 "Christ is the antitype of the serpent in so far as 
 He took sin, the most pernicious of all pernicious 
 potencies, upon Himself, and made a vicarious 
 atonement for it." The great mistake in this ex- 
 planation lies in the thought that the serpents 
 here typify sin, whereas they were sent as a 
 punishment and an antidote for sin. Men fall 
 into the mistake through the operation of a dead 
 mechanical principle of hermeneutics, according 
 to which the same image, e.g., the leaven, must 
 always represent the same thing. 
 
 But the serpents here have, on the one hand, 
 just as little to do with the serpent in Eden, or 
 with the devil, the old serpent, as, on the other 
 hand, they have with the serpent of iEsculapius, 
 the symbol of healing power or virtue. Keil 
 rejects, with good reason, the interpretation of 
 Winer, Knobel and others, that the view com- 
 mon to the religion of antiquity, that the serpent 
 was a beneficent and health-bringing power, lies 
 at the basis of this narrative. On this supposi- 
 tion the direct, immediate view of the fiery 
 (brazen) serpent must have been much more ef- 
 fective. In sharp antagonism to this interpreta- 
 tion stands the view of the dogmatic realists as 
 wrought out by Menken in his Treatise on the 
 Brazen Serpent (Works, Vol. VI., p. 351, Bremen, 
 1858). In this view the serpent signifies in the 
 first place the devil, then sin, then further (in 
 entire consistency with that system) inherited 
 original sin, as it clave even to the nature of 
 Christ, but as the sin of humanity, was extirpated 
 through His sufi"erings upon the cross. To reach 
 the full import of this thought, Menken supposes 
 that the standard upon which the serpent was 
 placed was the principal standard of Israel, the 
 banner of the tribe of Levi, and this most proba- 
 bly was in the form of a cross, so that the sins 
 of humanity appeared here symbolically upon 
 the cross, i. e., overcome and destroyed. As if 
 the poor bitten Jew himself must have thought 
 of all this, or could even have suspected it. 
 Others hold. Sack, e.g., that the symbolism is notj 
 in the figure, but in the lifting up (the lifting up^ 
 of the serpent, the lifting up of Christ). Ewald 
 places it in the symbolic destruction of the ser- 
 pents which to the believing one who looked 
 was an assurance of the redeeming power of 
 Jehovah. 
 
 If we make this our starting point, which clear- 
 ly results from the narrative, that the fiery ser- 
 pents indicate not the sins of Israel, but the coun- 
 teracting agency of the sins, the punishment, thus 
 also the evil, then the mystery, in its great fea- 
 tures, soon comes into the light. The view of | 
 evil in the confidence that it is Jehovah's remedy | 
 
CHAPTER XXI. 4-9. 
 
 Ill 
 
 z. 
 
 against sia, this is tlie main thing. Heathenism 
 proclaims its delusion in two words: sin is 
 merely an ill, an endurable fate, but the ill itself 
 is the real peculiar harm, far worse than the ain. 
 Christendom, on the contrary, in its truth pro- 
 claims : sin is the intolerable injury, but the ill 
 result, its consequence, is also its remedy. Thus 
 in the cross, or even in death, in the communion 
 in death with Christ, is salvation. In that case 
 therefore the look to the serpent image taught 
 that the true, peculiai', pernicious, fiery serpents 
 were their murmuring disposition and complaints 
 against Jehovah, while the fiery serpents were 
 sent by God for a little season for a terror and 
 wa,raing. Thus also, according to the epistle to 
 the Hebrews, Christians have become free from 
 the bondage of sin and Satan, since with the 
 look to the cross of Christ they have recognized 
 death as the salvation of the world. When this 
 confidence in the healing power of all pure, di- 
 vinely destined ill is established, then the heart 
 is fixed. In the restful assurance which the .Jew 
 found in his look to the brazen serpent, as it 
 symbolized to him the saving virtue and agency 
 of Jehovah, he lost all dread of the fipry serpents, 
 and could assume towards them the attitude of 
 a conqueror. We know not how in any other 
 way the great pestilential scourges which have 
 descended from heathendom, have lost to such 
 an extent, their fearful terrifying sympathetic 
 power, within the sphere of Christendom. A more 
 definite relation between the serpent upon the 
 standard and the Saviour upon the cross, lies 
 firstly in its el evation : it was a raised signjvisi.- 
 yfiJLa_alJ.. The cross of Christ is a sign for the 
 whole world. Then Christ appeared upon the 
 cross, under the assumption by the blinded 
 world, that He was the betrayer and corrupter 
 of men, the serpent in the bosom of the people 
 of God, while in truth He was absolutely the con- 
 trary, so that believing humanity must recognize 
 its saving Friend in the form and image of its 
 hereditary foe. Thus He was the antitype of 
 that brazen serpen t which had the form of the 
 fiery serpents which filled Israel with dismay, 
 while it was made only as a means of rescue and 
 healing, but at the same time was a symbol of 
 the truth that the external visible fiery serpents 
 |did not constitute the real calamity of Israel, but 
 the serpents of cowardice and discontent, comp. 
 Comm. on John iii. 14. 
 
 The great impression made upon the Israelites 
 by the brazen serpent, appears from the fact that 
 they took it with them into Canaan, where it was 
 at first regarded as a sacred relic, but at last was 
 destroyed in the time of Hezekiah, as it had be- 
 come an object of idolatrous reverence (2 Kings 
 xviii. 4). 
 
 [Knobel: "In a similar way Alexander lost 
 many men as he marched through Gedrosia, the 
 
 serpents springing upon the men from the brush- 
 wood upon the sand-hills. The Sinaitic peninsula 
 is dangerous to travellers from the number of ser- 
 pents who have their homes here." — A. G.]. 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 1. [" The heathen view of the serpent as a i 
 blessing or healing power, is not only foreign to i 
 the Old Testament, but is irreconcilably opposed 
 to the Biblical view of the serpent as the repre- 
 sentative of evil which was founded upon Gen. 
 iii. 15. To this we may add that the thought 
 which lies at the foundation of this explanation, 
 viz., that poison is to be cured by poison, has no 
 support in the Scriptures. God, it is true, pun- 
 ishes sin by sin, but He neither cures sin by sin, 
 nor death by death. On the contrary, to con- 
 quer sin it was necessary that the Redeemer 
 should be without sin, and to take away the 
 power from death, it was requisite that Christ, the 
 Prince of life, who had life in Himself, should 
 rise again from death and the grave '^John v. 26; 
 xi. 25 ; Acts iii. 15 ; 2 Tim. i. 10)."— A. G.]. 
 
 2. [The looking of the bitten Israelite and the 
 looking in obedience to the diviae direction, and 
 upon the promise, was a part of the typical trans- 
 action ; as much so as the lifting up. There ia 
 scarcely anything which can better represent the 
 simple act of faith than the looking. — A. Q.]. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 [The brazen serpent one of the most significant \ 
 types of the Old Testament. A proof also of the 1 
 peculiar and profound attention with which/ 
 Christ read the Scriptures, and discovered its' 
 meaning, when all others had failed. Bible . 
 Comm. : " The look to the brazen serpent denoted i 
 acknowledgment of their sin, longing for deliver- I 
 ance from its penalty, and faith in the means ap- / 
 pointed by God for healing." Henry: "They 
 that are disposed to quarrel will find fault when 
 there is no fault to find. Justly are those made 
 to feel God's judgmen ts, that are not thankful 
 for His mercies . They that cry without cause 
 have justly cause given them to cry out their 
 repentance ; they confess their guilt ; they are 
 particular in their confession ; they seek the 
 prayers of Moses for their deliverance. The 
 provision which God made for their relief, was 
 wonderful, and yet was suited to their case. Ob- 
 serve Jlie_resemblance, <I) Between their disease I 
 and ours ; © Between their remedy and ours ; 
 (f) Between the application of their remedy and 
 ours. The brazen serpent being lifted up would 
 not cure if it was not looked upon. They looked 
 and lived, and we, if we believe, shall not perish.. 
 It is by faith that we look unto Jesus, Heb. xii.| 
 2.— A. G.J. 
 
112 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 SECOND SECTION. 
 
 B.— STATIONS OF THE MARCH TO MOUNT PISGAH. 
 Chapter XXI. 10-20. 
 
 10,11 And the children of Israel set forward, and pitched in Oboth. And they 
 journeyed from Oboth, and pitched at ^Ije-abarim, in the wilderness which is before 
 Moab, toward the sunrising. 
 
 12, 13 From thence they removed, and pitched in the valley of Zared. From thence 
 they removed, and pitched on the other side of Arnon, which is in the wilderness 
 that Cometh out of the coasts of the Amorites : for Arnon is the border of Moab, 
 
 14 between Moab and the Amorites. Wherefore it is said in the book of the wars of 
 the Lord, 
 
 What he did^ in the Red sea, 
 And in the brooks of Arnon, 
 
 15 And at the stream of the brooks 
 
 That goeth down to the dwelling of Ar, 
 And lieth ^upon the border of Moab. 
 
 16 And from thence they went to Beer : that is the well whereof the Lord spake unto 
 Moses, Gather the people together, and I will give them water. 
 
 17 Then Israel sang this song : 
 ^Spring up, O well ; *sing ye unto it : 
 
 18 The princes digged the well, 
 
 The nobles of the people digged it, 
 
 By the direction of the lawgiver with their staves. 
 
 19 And from the wilderness they went to Mattanah : And from Mattanah to Naha- 
 
 20 liel : and from Nahaliel to Bamoth : And from Bamoth in the valley, that is in 
 the ^country of Moab, to the 'top of Pisgah, which looketh toward ^Jeshimon. 
 
 1 Marp heaps of Aharim. 
 * Ma'g ascend. 
 ^ Mitrg. or the hill. 
 
 2 Marg. Vaheb in Suphah. 
 
 6 Marg. answer. 
 
 8 Marg. or the wilderness. 
 
 3 Marg. leaneth. 
 6 Marg. field. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 Vei-.14. [Dm which our version after the older Jewish commentators renders gave, or did, is now regarded 
 asapiopername. PiD'iD not the sea, nor any proper name, but as in Nah. i. 3 ; Job xxi. 18, to destroy or overthrow 
 
 T 
 
 as by a whirlwind.— A. G.J. 
 
 /er. 14. [Brooks, better valleys. Hibsch., the brooks or wadys forming the Arnon.— A. G.]. 
 Ver. 18. Digged or delved with the sceptre ppHD or ruler's staflF, Gen. xlix. 10. Our version gives the sense 
 
 ac ^urately.— A. G.]. 
 
 Ver. 20. The margin rendering, wilderness or waste, is preferable. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 The different and apparently conflicting rep- 
 resentations as to this march, leave us in great 
 uncertainty. It is necessary therefore to come 
 to the defective, but established historical data 
 of the Bible. It is clear from Deut. ii. 4-8 that 
 the Israelites merely crossed from Ezion Geber 
 the land of the Edomites, on the further side of 
 the Arabab, but did not pass through its length ; 
 that they avoided, with the greatest care, the 
 
 Moabitish territory also, so far as it was inha- 
 bited, and in like manner the country of the Am- 
 monites. They thus sought, going out from 
 Ezion Geber, to reach the east side of the king- 
 doms of Edom and Moab, and marched north- 
 wards, keeping along the line between their bor- 
 ders and the Arabian desert, till they touched 
 the region of Ammon. The first station which 
 they reached after leaving the undefined place 
 of the fiery serpents was, according to the nar- 
 rative here, Oboth, and from Oboth to Ije-Aba- 
 rim, in the desert eastward of Moab. We may 
 
CHAP. XXI. 10-20. 
 
 113 
 
 conjecture that Oboth lay on the eastern border 
 of Edom as Ije-Abarim was upon the frontiers of 
 Moab. In the list of stations, chap, xxxiii., they 
 went from Hor to Z ilmonah, from there to Pu- 
 non, and then to Oboth. One of these stations 
 may well have been the undetermined place of 
 the fiery serpents. The record here is so closely 
 connected with the list of stations in chap, xxxiii. 
 that they must be considered together, and we 
 defer the full investigation until that point in the 
 narrative is readied. We confine ourselves here 
 to that which comes in direct connection with 
 the text. [Lange holds the identity of Hor and 
 Hor-hagidgad ; of Oboth and Ezion Geber; of 
 Jotbath and Zalmonah, both suggesting the idea 
 of a shaded, well-watered oasis; that Ebronah 
 designates, with tolerable certainty, a crossing 
 place, in which sense it corresponds with Pu- 
 non (derived from 7133 to turn) ; and that near 
 
 Ezion-Geber or Oboth they left the plain Et Tih 
 and crossed the Arabali. His theory is con- 
 structed on the supposition that they did not 
 march down the Arabah from Hor or Moserah. 
 Keil thinks that Punon is doubtless the same 
 with Phinon, a tribe seat of the Edomitish Phy- 
 larch, a village between Zoar and Petra, from 
 which, according to Jerome, copper was dug by 
 condemned criminals. He is compelled however 
 to place Punon to the east of the lines from Petra 
 to Zoar. The localities cannot be certainly iden- 
 tified at present. We may hope for that in the 
 future progress of geographical discoveries. But 
 the general direction is now well-nigh beyond 
 question. They descended the Arabah to t!ie 
 mouth of the Wady El Ithm, which opens a few 
 hours north of the Akaba or Ezion Geber, and 
 gives easy access to the eastern plain. They 
 then skirted the elevated plateau of Idumea, and 
 began to turn to the north, following essentially 
 the same route taken by the caravans of the pre- 
 sent day. The character of the country pre- 
 vented the Edomites from contesting their pass- 
 age in this direction. Bible Com. regards the 
 name Oboth as identical with the present pilgrim 
 halting-place, El Ahsa. " The name Oboth, de- 
 noting holes dug in the ground," being the plu- 
 ral of DiX. The term hasy, of which Ahsa is the 
 plural, has the same meaning, and thus the mo- 
 dern station corresponds to the ancient both in 
 name and place." All that seems certain, how- 
 ever, is that the place must be sought in the des- 
 ert on the eastern skirts of Edom or Idumea. — 
 A. G.]. From Oboth they came to Ije-abarim, 
 in the wilderness vsrhich is before, east of 
 Moab. Keil translates " ruins of the crossings," 
 and thinks the place must be sought for north of 
 the Wady El Ahsy, which divides Idumea from 
 Moab. Ges., while he renders D^'J^ ruins, trans- 
 lates the phrase, tops of the mountain-chain Abar- 
 im. We must take a view of this eastern country 
 or we shall fail to have any clear notion amid 
 the confusion of conjectures. The land of Ca- 
 naan itself is a region of alternate lowlands and 
 highlands. The low-lying coast region is suc- 
 ceeded by the highland of the western mountain 
 plateau; the valley of the Jordan by the Perean 
 highlands. This type appears of a more decided 
 character as we approach Arabia. The Jordan 
 valley is prolonged in the Ghor and the Arabah, 
 8 
 
 the Perean highlands in the mountain range of 
 Abarim, which extends through the land of the 
 Amorites, of Moab and of Edom. This mountain 
 region terminates on the west in abrupt lofty 
 masses, while on the east it slopes ofl' into the 
 first desert table land. This again is bordered 
 by a loftier mountain chain, standing out as 
 high mountains on the west, but falling off 
 eastward into the wide desert plateau towards 
 inner Arabia. This range belongs to the great 
 encircling wall which girts around the larger 
 part of Arabia. The highland of Abarim, how- 
 ever, like the lower regions toward the Ghor, is 
 crossed from east to west by great wadys, which 
 at last break down into mountain gorges. The 
 name Abarim may be regarded as signifying that 
 the heights of these mountains stretch away 
 from and beyond all these ravines and torrent 
 gorges. The Israelites appear to have encamped 
 often by the fords of these streams, as they 
 passed along the eastern edge of the inhabited 
 mountain region, to avoid, as far as possible, the 
 peopled regions of Moab and Edom. Thus they 
 first encamped at Ije Abarim, i. e., probably the 
 ruins of the mountains rent by the Wady El Ahsy 
 (in its lower stretches called El Kereky) over 
 against the city Ar in Moab. They then pitched 
 in the valley of Zared.— We much prefer to 
 leave the Wady Zared undetermined, than to re- 
 gard it as Wady Kerek "in the midst of the land 
 of Moab," or even the Wady Kerek "in the up- 
 per part of its course." ["It is to be identified 
 with the Wady Franjy, ttie main upper branch 
 of Wady Kerek. The word Zared signifies 
 "osier;" and, remarkably enough, the Wady 
 Safsaf, Willow Brook, still clings to the tributary 
 which unites with Wady Franjy below Kerek." 
 Bible Com. — A. G.] 
 
 Farther on they came to the Arnon, which di- 
 vides the land of the Amorites from that of 
 Moab, and encamped beyond the wady. Since 
 the Arnon is formed by several smaller streams, 
 and in its lower course pisses through deep 
 gorges, which would not admit of the passage 
 of an armed host, it has been justly inferred that 
 the passage was effected in the upper part of its 
 course, and where the aflduent^ still flowed apart. 
 [RiTTER quoted by Keil: "It is utterly incon- 
 ceivable that a whole people, travelling with all 
 their possessions, as well as with their flocks, 
 should have been exposed without necessity to 
 the dangers and enormous diflficulties that would 
 attend the crossing of so dreadfully wild atnl so 
 deep a valley, and that merely with the purpose 
 of forcing an entrance into an enemy's country." 
 — A. G.] We come now to a very obscure pas- 
 sage, vers. 14, 15. The Sept. renders the pas- 
 sage singularly, but yet with a correct appre- 
 hension of the fundamental thought: rf^v Zwo/3 
 'e(p.oytc!e nal tovq ;i;e</zdppoiif A.pvo)v, /cat rovr x^i-' 
 jidp'povQ naTeaTTjae KaroiK^aai Ap, koX TrpddKscrai 
 Toig dpinig Mua/3, The Vulgate, in doubt as to 
 the k^Tibyiae of the Septuagint, translates: Sicut 
 fecit in mari ruhro, sic faciei in torrentibus Arnon. 
 Scopuli iorrentium inclinati sunt ut requiescerent in 
 Ar, et recumberent in finibus Moahilarum. 
 
 Since it is plainly the passage of the Arnon 
 which is celebrated, it is difficult to see why 
 Luther with others should cut the knot as he 
 does and render Vaheb in Supha and the brooks 
 
114 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 of Araon. And it is still harder to understand 
 why KxoBEL also should read Vaheb in Supha, 
 and add a senseless supplement. [Knob el sup- 
 poses the verb to be supplied, and refers to the 
 Amorites, viz. : they possessed Vaheb in Supha 
 as their southern limit. — A. G.] Keil explains 
 the passage hy referring to the capture of the 
 region by storm, although there has been thus 
 far no allusion to a warlike attack. [So also 
 EiBLE Com., Kprtz. Henostenberq. — A. G.] 
 We offer the following translation: — 
 And onward unto the Red Sea (JH or JiT") and 
 
 (unto) the brooks of Arnon, and unto the upper 
 current of the brook which reaches unto the 
 dwelling of Ar, and leaneth upon the border of 
 Moab. The passage will then stand connected 
 with the crossing of the Arnon. It compares the 
 passage of the separated streams of the upper 
 Arnon with the passage of the Red Sea. It sees 
 in both events something alike, a heroic deed, 
 corresponding to the divine summons or call. 
 The rf2T\, come on, appears here in JH or irT" and 
 
 T T ' 1. L .. ..^ 
 
 ri- of direction as the suifix of the noun £310- 
 
 T 
 
 What motive could there be for the celebration 
 in a heroic song of a mere geographical notice 
 in and for itself? The Sept. ef?Jyi(Ts may mean 
 He glorified, made to shine the Red Sea and the 
 brooks of Arnon, viz., through His leading and 
 power. The Vulg. gives us a peculiar idea of 
 the passage; as He did in the Red Sea, so He 
 will do in the brooks of Arnon. The rocks of the 
 torrents were carried down, so that they first 
 rested in Ar, then lay on the borders of Moab. 
 For the distinction between the Arnon referred 
 to and the modern Ar in Moab, see Keil [also 
 Hengstenberq's Gesch. Bileams, Bible Com., 
 Keil. The Ar here referred to is the city of 
 Moab on the border of Arnon, which is at the 
 end of tlie Moabitish territory (chap. xxii. 3(5). 
 It was called Areopolis by the Greeks, and pro- 
 bably stood at the confluence of the Lejum and 
 Mojeb in the fine green pasture land in the midst 
 of which tliere is a hill with some ruins. This 
 Ar is not to be identified with the modern Areo- 
 polis in Rabbah, which stood six hours south of 
 the Lpj'Hn.— A. G.] The book of the wars 
 of the Lord. — Some have regarded it as an 
 Amoritisb hook of the conflicts of Baal; others 
 attribute to it a late origin in the time of Je- 
 hoshaphat ; but it clearly belongs to the Israel- 
 itish epic, and from its marks of extreme simpli- 
 city may be regarded as tlie first new awakening 
 of inspired song in the rejuvenated Israel. The 
 book is named only here, but the new poesy 
 bloomed in other productions — especially in the 
 song of the well. [The reference to this book 
 has been seized upon by the negative critics as a 
 grave objection to the Mosaic authorship of 
 Numbers. "They have thought it incredible 
 that Bucli a work should have been extant at the 
 time of Moses. But there is nothing more natu- 
 ral, or which occurs more constantly in the pro- 
 gress of humanity under like circumstances, than 
 a body of song bursting out irrepressibly with 
 the new fresh life of a people and commemo- 
 rating the great events in its early history. As 
 liAUMOARTK.N well observes that such a book 
 should arise in the days of Moses, is so far 
 from being a surprising fact, that we can scarcely 
 
 imagine a more suitable time for the commence- 
 ment of such a work. To the cavil that the wars 
 of the Lord had scarcely begun when Moses died 
 and hence they could not have been referred to 
 in any work written by him, Henqstenberq 
 replies : When Moses wrote the Amalekites, the 
 king of Arad, the king of Sihon, and Og king of 
 Bashan, were all conquered. But the idea of 
 the wars of the Lord in the usage of the Penta- 
 teuch is much wider than this (comp. Ex. xii. 
 41, 51 ; xiv. 14,25; xv. 3; Num. xxxiii. 1). All 
 the signs and wonders in Egypt were regarded 
 as a contest of Jehovah against Egypt and its 
 gods ; the march through the desert is the march 
 of an armed host of whom Jehovah is the leader, 
 so that there was the richest material for a book. 
 And the very object of the book is to glorify the 
 leading of Jehovah as He brings His people oa 
 their way." So also St.\nlet, History of the 
 Jewish Church, vol. I., p. 207. — A. G.]. 
 
 And from thence they went to Beer — 
 well or place of wells. The encampment is 
 marked by a longed-for well in which the pro- 
 mise of Jehovah is accomplished through human 
 effort. This well was dug by the princes with 
 their sceptres, i. e., under their leading, greeted 
 by the festal hymn of the people and embalmed in 
 a song. The fountain thus praised lies still in the 
 open desert somewhere. The place cannot be de- 
 finitely determined, probably is the same with 
 Beer-E'im in the north-east of Moab. And from 
 the desert they w^ent to Mattanah. — They 
 pushed their way into the inhabited territory of 
 the Amorites to the west or northwest. It was 
 not their purpose to enter the land of the Amorite 
 in a hostile manner, for the goal of their jour- 
 ney lay across the Jordan. The reference in 
 Deuteronomy : Then sent I messengers out of 
 the wilderness of Kedemoth (the east) unto Si- 
 hon king of Heshbon with words of peace, Deut. 
 ii. 26, is to this time and place. But when Si- 
 hon refused them a peaceable transit, the con- 
 quest of his land took place by divine command, 
 (Deut. ii. 31, see also Keil, p. 150). The en- 
 campments after that at the "well" or Beer, 
 must have preceded the later-mentioned war with 
 Sihon, since the advance of the great mass of the 
 people must have been protected by a victorious 
 warlike expedition, which must have been sent 
 out between the stations Beer and Mattanah. 
 The engagement took place at Jahaz [Keil Jahza] 
 on the border of the Amoritish territory toward 
 the desert. The desire of the writer to complete 
 the list of stations led him to anticipate the re- 
 cord of the last encampments, and this the more 
 that he might connect the subjugation of Og in 
 Bashan with the victory over Sihou ; as indeed 
 it was only after the destruction of Og from the 
 land of the Amorites, that the peaceful settle- 
 ment of the people in the plains of Moab, took 
 place (comp. ver. 31 with xxii. 1). For the com- 
 parison of the stations in this section with the 
 general register, chap, xxxiii., see that chapter 
 and notes. [Aside from any successful identifi- 
 cation of the places mentioned, two principles, 
 as Kurtz, Gesch. d. Alt. Bund., Vol. II., 453 
 well argues remove all diflSculty. In the first 
 place we are to bear in mind that the encamp- 
 ment of such a vast body, especially when they 
 reached a cultivated and thickly settled region, 
 
CHAP. XXI. 10-20. 
 
 115 
 
 must have included a number of places, some of 
 which may appear in one record, and others in 
 another, while both are strictly accurate. But 
 it is more important to observe the diversity in 
 the character of the different records. Chapter 
 xxxiii. is purely statistical. The author there 
 enumerates only those stations, i. e., regular en- 
 campments, where Israel made a considerable 
 stay, and hence not only constructed an organized 
 camp, but set up the tabernacle. Here his inte- 
 rest is not statistical, but historical, and only 
 those places which were of historical importance 
 are mentioned. Hence the names of the stations 
 between mount Hor and Ije-abarim, are omitted 
 in this record, for they were of no historical 
 moment, while we have a larger number between 
 Ije-abarim and the plains of Moab because they 
 were historically memorable, although they may 
 not have been regular encampments. — A. G.]. 
 We content ourselves here with a mere outline 
 of their march through the eastern desert. Go- 
 ing up Wady El Ithm, and crossing the border 
 of Edom, they were free to wander through the 
 worthless common domain of the desert until 
 they reached Beer — probably Beer-Elim — the 
 well which the princes dug with their staves, i. 
 e., presumably acquired as military leaders. 
 Then they moved to Mattanah, i. e., gift, because 
 it was the first camping place in the dominion 
 of the Amorite king Sihon. They must now have 
 passed the field of conflict with Sihon, for (ver. 
 23) Sihon went out against Israel into the wilder- 
 ness. The Israelites moreover could not have 
 settled peaceably in the Amoritish country with- 
 out some victory like this. And from Matta- 
 nah to Nahaliel, "Rivers of God." The 
 name corresponds to the description: Abarim 
 before Nebo. We are ever coming back to the 
 mountain chain Abarim. Nebo, without being 
 definitely determined, may be regarded as form- 
 ing one of the peaks of Pisgah lying over against 
 Jericho. In this region where several wadys 
 empty into the Jordan, and where the long- 
 wished for Jordan valley first appeared in sight, 
 they may well have said Nahaliel, " rivers of 
 God." Knobel. [Keil, Kurtz, Bible Com.], 
 identify this place with Encheileh, which now 
 lay far behind the Israelites. [Keil: Encheileh 
 is the name given to the Lejum until its junction 
 with the Saide. The Israelites then went from 
 Beer northwesterly to Mattanah or Tedun, and 
 thence westerly to the northern bank of Encheileh. 
 — A. G.]. And from ITahaliel to Bamoth. 
 We can scarcely regard Bamoth (heights), with 
 Kbil and others, as identical with Bamoth-Baal, 
 since Israel had before this encamped at Nebo, 
 and certainly had passed the place where Balaam 
 was first solicited to curse Israel. The people 
 were at first busy in taking possession of Hesh- 
 bon, at the same time capturing Jaazer on the 
 extreme eastern border toward the land of the 
 Ammonites. Then their course lay northwards 
 towards Bashan, and Og, king of Bashan, came 
 out to meet them at Edrei. But as Edrei is 
 found far to the north in Bashan, it is not to be 
 supposed that the armed host should have left 
 the people behind them defenceless in the plains 
 of Moab, where Balak might easily have de- 
 stroyed them. We therefore accept fully the con- 
 olosion that Bamoth, which is here mentioned, 
 
 was the basis of their warlike operations against 
 Bashan in upper Qilead. Places bearing this 
 name "heights " are common all over the world. 
 After the conquest of Bashan they returned 
 nearly to their former position in the plains of 
 Moab. [The top of Pisgah whieh looketh 
 toward Jeshimon : across the desert. Ki;il : 
 " The field of Moab was a portion of the table- 
 land which stretches from Rabbath Ammon, to 
 the Arnon, and which extends to the desert of 
 Arabia towards the east, and slopes ofi^ to the 
 Jordan and the Dead Sea towards the west. The 
 valley in this table land was upon the height of 
 Pisgah, i. e., the northern part of the mountains 
 of Abarim, and looked across the desert Jeshi- 
 mon. Jeshimon, the desert, is the plain of Ghor 
 El Belka, i. e., the valley of desolation on the 
 north-eastern border of the Dead Sea. The val- 
 ley in which the Israelites were encamped is to 
 be sought for to the west of Heshbon, on the 
 mountain range of Abarim, which slopes off into 
 the Ghor El Belka." Kurtz holds the same view 
 and identifies this position with the field of Zo- 
 phim, chap, xxiii. 14. Bible Com.: "Pisgah 
 was a ridge of the Abarim mountain westward 
 from Heshbon, and Nebo a town on or near that 
 ridge, and apparently lying on its western slope." 
 See also Grove's Art. Moab, Smith's Bib. Diet., 
 Palmer, The Desert and the Exodus, Vol. II. p. 
 472 et seq. — A. G.]. 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 1. [God ever leads His people by away which 
 they know not, but leads them safely and well. 
 They pass through the wilderness, but come out 
 upon the top of Pisgah and then across the Jor- 
 dan. All along the fountains spring up — not 
 without human agency, and yet flowing with the 
 fulness of divine blessing. — A. G.]. 
 
 2. [The doctrine of God's providence, and the 
 duty of an implicit trust in it ; of a hearty and 
 cheerful compliance with it ; and the safety and 
 welfare of tjiose who so yield to it are clearly 
 seen in this narrative. — A. G.]. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 The march as it overcomes all obstacles. The 
 passage over the river of Arnon, a reminiscence 
 of the passage through the Red Sea, and a pledge 
 of the passage over the Jordan. [Henry, ver. 
 10. " It were well if we would thus do in our 
 way to heaven, vers. 14, 15, what God has wrought 
 for us, what He did at such a time, and in such 
 a place ought to be distinctly remembered, ver. 
 18. God promised to give them water, but they 
 must open the ground to receive it. God's fa- 
 vors are to be expected in the use of sucii means 
 as lie within our power." The wells — "foun- 
 tains " — along the way. Wordsworth refers 
 upon the wells of the Bible to Gen. xxi. 19, 31 ; 
 xxiv. 13 ; xxvi. 15 ; xxix. 10; Ex. ii. 15 ; iii. 1 ; 
 John iv. 6. Moses gathers the people, God gives 
 the water. This is a work which God is ever 
 doing in His church. He gives the waters in 
 His holy word, in His blessed Son of whom Moses 
 wrote, and in the living waters of the Holy Spirit 
 whom Christ sent. — A. G,]. 
 
116 NUMBERS. 
 
 SECOND SECTION. 
 
 G. — Sihon king of the Amorites, and Og king of Bashan. 
 Chap. XXI. 21— XXII. 1. Deut. II. 26— III. 22. 
 
 21, 22 And Israel sent messengers unto Sihon king of the Amorites, saying. Let me 
 pass through thy land ; we will not turn into the fields, or into the vineyards ; we 
 will not drink of the waters of the well : but we will go along by the king's high 
 
 23 way, until we be past thy borders. And Sihon would not sufier Israel to pass 
 through his border : but Sihon gathered all his people together, and went out 
 against Israel into the wilderness : and he came to Jahaz, and fought against 
 
 24 Israel. And Israel smote him with the edge of the sword, and possessed his land 
 from Arnon unto Jabbok, even unto the children of Ammon : for the border of 
 
 25 the children of Ammon tvas strong. And Israel took all these cities : and Israel 
 dwelt in all the cities of the Amorites, in Heshbon, and in all the Villages thereof. 
 
 26 For Heshbon was the city of Sihon the king of the Amorites, who had fought 
 against the former king of Moab, and taken all his land out of his hand, even unto 
 
 27 Arnon. Wherefore they that speak in proverbs say, 
 
 Come unto Heshbon, 
 
 Let the city of Sihon be built and prepared : 
 
 28 For there is a fire gone out of Heshbon, 
 A flame from the city of Sihon ; 
 
 It hath consumed Ar of Moab, 
 
 And the lords of the high places of Arnon, 
 
 29 Woe to thee, Moab ! 
 
 Thou art undone, O people of Chemosh : 
 He hath given his sons that escaped, 
 And his daughters, into captivity 
 Unto Sihon king of the Amorites. 
 
 30 We have shot at them; 
 
 Heshbon is perished, even unto Dibon, 
 
 And we have laid them waste even unto Nophah, 
 
 Which reacheth unto Medeba. 
 
 81, 82 Thus Israel dwelt in the land of the Amorites. And Moses sent to spy out Jaa- 
 zer, and they took the villages thereof, and drove out the Amorites that were 
 there. 
 
 33 And they turned and went up by the way of Bashan : and Og the king of Bashan 
 
 34 went out against them, he, and all his people, to the battle at Edrei. And the 
 Lord said unto Moses, Fear him not : for I have delivered him into thy hand, 
 and all his people, and his land ; and thou shalt do to him as thou didst unto 
 
 35 Sihon king of the Amorites, which dwelt at Heshbon. So they smote him, and 
 his sons, and all his people, until there was none left him alive : and they possessed 
 his land. 
 
 Chap. XXII. And the children of Israel set forward, and pitched in the plains of 
 Moab on this side Jordan by Jericho. 
 
 1 Heb. daughteri. 
 
CHAP. XXI. 21— XXII. 1. 
 
 117 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GEAMMA.TICAL, 
 
 Ver. 27. Btinsen, De Wette : the poets ; Zunz, Hiesch : the proverb speakers. [The Heb. D^ /K'Dn to make 
 like, very aptly designates Heb. poems in which one was made like, parallel, to another. — A. G.]. 
 
 [Ver. 30. Lange, we came upon them. Bunsen, Fderst, Ewald, we have burned. Zuxz, we have thrown them 
 down. HiBSCH, we came and overthrew them. D1"'3 formerly regarded as a noun, is now accepted as the first 
 
 T ■ 
 
 person plu. Imp. Kal. from nT with the suffix of the 3d person. Hirsch makes a fut. Kal., and refers for suffix 
 to Ex. XX. 30.— A. G.] 
 
 Ver. 30. *lt?S Keri jyx, and hence is rendered by De Wette and others, a fire, burns to Medeba. 
 
 Chap. XXII. Ver. 1. Plains. Keil, Steppes of Moab. Lange, fields. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 The message of Israel to Sihon king of Hesh- 
 bon, is like that sent to the king of Edom. We 
 learn from Judg. xi. 17, that a similar message 
 was sent to Moab ; and we may infer, therefore, 
 that besides a direct passage through Edom, they 
 entertained a hope tiiat they might press rapidly 
 on between the end of the Dead Sea and the 
 Edomitish territory, without seriously irritating 
 the Edomites; as indeed they had later to cross 
 the southern extremity of the land of Edom. 
 Israel had originally only the promise of Canaan 
 west of the Jordan. Even Peraea was not included 
 in the promise. This limitation was carefully 
 regarded in the message to Sihon. But since 
 the Amorites at Heshbon, were included in the 
 condemnation of the Canaanites, so the Israelites 
 were not only at liberty to force their way 
 through their land, but were under obligation to 
 do so by the injunction of Jehovah. How Og, 
 king of Bashan, in the northern part of Gilead, 
 became involved in the conflict, is not explained ; 
 a sufficient explanation may be found in the fact 
 that the successful assertion of a religious and 
 moral dominion over Heshbon or lower Gilead, 
 was not possible without the conquest of Bashan. 
 Then we must bear in mind also that in Deut. iii. 
 8, the two kings stand in close connection as 
 "kings of the Amorites." KNOBEii strives in a 
 strange way to prove from Deut. iii. 10, that 
 there were two Edreis [Adraa ; see for its loca- 
 tion and description. Porter : Damascus, Vol. 
 II., p. 271, and GiantOities of Bashan, p. 94 sqq., 
 and Smith's Bib. Diet., art. Edrei. — A. G.]. A 
 southern to be distinguished from the northern. 
 He gives as the reason that " Og surely did not 
 allow the Israelites to reach the northern bound- 
 ary of his kingdom before he went out to meet 
 them." [So also Keil, Bible Com. — A. G.]. 
 The conjecture however is obvious that the terror 
 which the victory over Sihon spread far and 
 wide, may have led the people of Bashan to re- 
 treat, until they found it necessary to make a 
 stand at Edrei, their second capital, and not far 
 from their chief city Ashtaroth. [Porter says, 
 "The situation is most remarkable, and in se- 
 lecting the site, everything seems to have been 
 sacrificed to security and strength." There was 
 an all-sufficient reason therefore why they should 
 make their final stand here. — A. G. ]. 
 
 It is recorded here that the king of the 
 Amorites had fought against the former 
 king of Moab, and taken all his land out 
 of his hand, even unto Aruou ; not, how- 
 
 ever, that they had reached the Ghor to the 
 west. Tliey had thrust themselves by force 
 between ]Moab to the right and the desert and 
 the land of the Ammonites to the left. Moab 
 must at this time have exercised dominion ia 
 the border-land to the Ghor, for otherwise the 
 plains of Moab would not have been spoken of 
 here. If the dominion of the plains of Moab 
 had been now in the hands of the Amorites, 
 Balak, the king of Moab, would only have re- 
 joiced at their overthrow, and would have sought 
 alliance with Israel. On the other side the 
 Amorites had not been able to conquer the chil- 
 dren of Ammon in their mountain-fastnesses, 
 ver. 24. The Israelites were prevented by an 
 express direction of Jehovah not to attempt an 
 assault against these strong borders (Deut. ii. 37). 
 Sihon had as yet no suspicion of the strength 
 of the rejuvenated Israel, and went out against 
 him beyond his own bounds, as far as Jabaz. 
 But Israel smo'.e him ^with the edge of the 
 sword, i. e. utterly destroyed him. He then 
 took possession of his land, described as reacii- 
 ing from Arnon unto Jabbok. The military 
 occupation is spoken of here; its political in- 
 corporation in the land of Israel followed after- 
 ward (see chap, xxxii. 33). They dwelt in 
 Heshlson and all her daughters, i. e. Hesh- 
 bon, the capital city, and its surrounding and 
 dependent villages or cities. "Wherefore they 
 that speak proverbs. Why the proverbs ? 
 Why not wherefore says the song? The enig- 
 matical form is probably chosen by design, so 
 as to express the thought: now is Heshbon laid 
 waste, as it just before had laid waste the Moab- 
 ite capital Ar ; and thus the land falls to the 
 Israelites, who could not have held it as a 
 Moabitish territory. Therefore come unto 
 Heshbon ; build it up anew. The purpose 
 and burden of the song is that Israel should 
 restore the ruins, rebuild the city. We cannot 
 agree with Meyer and Ewald [Keil, Kurtz, 
 Bible Com. in part also. — A. G.] that the ap- 
 peal is' to the Amorites and ironical. At first 
 the fact is emphasized that this land has been 
 wrested from Moab by right of war. The Amo- 
 rites had taken it from Moab. Then the thought 
 uttered is that the Israelites have wrested it in 
 turn from the Amorites. [Ewald's interpreta- 
 tion makes the song lifelike, beautiful and stri- 
 kinc: "Come, come home to Heshbon — the city 
 which no longer affords you a home or roof; 
 rebuild, if you can, the city which now lies for- 
 ever in ruins." Thus the victors cry to the 
 vanquished. Bat in order to explain the guilt 
 of the conquered, a second voice verifies the ear- 
 
118 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 lier history. Is this the Heshbon from whose 
 gates went the conquering hosts against Moab, 
 poor Moab, over whose fall and the weakness 
 of his god Chemosh the saddest complaints fill 
 the air — that god who had left all his sons and 
 daughters, i. e. all his worshippers, to be driven 
 out and carried captive by Sihon? But then, 
 ■while that victorious host, sweeping Moab with 
 fire and sword, rests in fancied security, then 
 the loud voice of the victor comes back to the 
 beginning of his song: Then burned we it, and 
 wasted it, from Heshbon, the central royal city, 
 to the utmost limits of his land, and thus Israel 
 avenged Moab. — A. G.] 
 
 For there is a fire gone out of Heshbon. 
 The occupation of lleshoou is anticipated. The 
 city is viewed as a point of departure for a con- 
 quest which shouM be completed by the torch 
 of war. At of Moab. The earlier capital of 
 Moab lay then in this part of its territory. 
 Moab was not stricken without cause or as 
 guiltless. It was the people of Chemosh, 
 subduer, vanquisher. [Fuerst derives it from a 
 root which leads to the signification "fire-god ;" 
 others, "sun-god." The inscription on the 
 Moabite stone shows that the worship of Che- 
 mosh was associated with that of the Phceniciau 
 Astarte. Ginsburg, The Moabite Stone. — A. G.] 
 As the god of war, human victims were oflFered 
 to him, as to Milcom and Moloch. He is not 
 therefore to be regarded as identical with Baal 
 Peer (Keil) ; for that idol as the god of lust aud 
 pleasure was Baal, as the god of misfortune, 
 despair and of human sacrifices, he was Moloch. 
 [It seems probable, however, that these heathen 
 idols were worshipped under different forms 
 according to the special attribute which was in 
 view, or which called forth the special v/orship. 
 He might thus be the god of war, and at another 
 time, regarding prominently another attribute, 
 the god of lust. See Bible Com. note ia loc. — 
 A. G.] Moab perished as the people of Che- 
 mosh. The distinction, that the sons took to 
 flight back across the Arnon, while the daughters 
 fell captives to Sihon, is entirely true to nature. 
 Then follows the record of Israel's victory and 
 conquest. We shot at them, overthrew them. 
 See textual note. Heshbon is perished, 
 even unto Dibon, and -we have laid them 
 ■waste even unto Nophah. The textual 
 difficulties in the last clause seem to be best 
 solved by following the Sept., which some MSS. 
 favor, and read fire upon, or to Medeba. [Keil, 
 Bible Com., Wordsworth, Samaritan text. — 
 A. G.] The confounding of Nophah and Nobach 
 increases the confusion. We suggest, however, 
 this reading: to the ridge of hills which reaches 
 unto Medeba. We read in Isa. xv. 2: ''He is 
 gone up to Bajith and Dibon, the high places, 
 to weep;" and in the same connection: "Moab 
 shall howl over Nebo and over Medeba." Even 
 now it is said that Medeba lies on a rocky hill 
 about four miles southeast of Heshbon. It 
 seems to be a sketch of the new possession, and 
 reveals in its very terms the tender conscience 
 of Moses which prevented him from pushing his 
 conquests into Moab. 
 
 Ver. .32. Jaazer. The special allusion to 
 Jaazer between the narrative of the conquests 
 of Heshbon and Bashan seems to imply that it 
 
 was an independent province lying between the 
 two small kingdoms. The city with her villages, 
 daughters, was taken and laid waste. Jaazer 
 lay in the direction of Rabbath-Ammon (Phila- 
 delphia), " ten miles to the west, and is to be 
 found probably in the ruins Es Szir at the source 
 of the Nahr Szir, in the neighborhood of which 
 Seetzen found pools, which are probably the 
 remains of ' the sea of Jaazer ' alluded to Jer. 
 xlviii. 32." Keil. Thence the army moved 
 eastwards. To human view the Israelites may 
 have seemed rash, in approaching so nearly the 
 powerful Ammonites. And they turned, for 
 Ammon could not be attacked. Hence the march 
 tends northward towards Og, king of Bashan. 
 It is needless to ask from what point Israel 
 undertook the expedition against Bashan. " The 
 kingdom of Og included the northern half of 
 Gilead, i. e. the region between the Jabbok and 
 the Mandhur (Deut. iii. 13; Josh. xii. 5), the 
 modern Jebel Ajlun, and all Bashan, or all the 
 region of Argob (Deut. iii. 4, 14), the modern 
 plain of Jaulan and Hauran." Keil. Keil fol- 
 lows Knobel, and recognizes a double Edrei in 
 Bashan ; but for the true Edrei at which the 
 kingdom was overthrown by the Israelites, comp. 
 Von Raumek's Geog.^ p. 247. It has been in- 
 ferred fi'om Deut. iii. 10 that a second Edrei 
 existed on the northwest border of Bashan, 
 which is supposed to have been discovered in 
 the ruins Zorah or Edrah. VoN Raumer desig- 
 nates this place, however, as Esra or El Ira, and 
 describes the ruins of both places. [The weight 
 of authority at present is decidedly in favor of 
 two Edreis. — The significant name might easily 
 have been attached to different places, in a 
 country naturally strong in fastnesses. — A. G.] 
 [The plains of Moab. After the conquest 
 of the two Amorite kingdoms, the Israelites 
 came down from the heights of Pisgah, and 
 pitched in the Arhoth Moab. These plains in 
 the northern Arabah stretched from Beth-Jesh- 
 imoth, '' houses of mortar," to Abel Shittim, 
 " the acacia meadow." Here they remained till 
 the death of Moses. The camp was beyond the 
 Jordan, in the plain, as Lange supposes, still in 
 the possession of Moab. — A. G.] 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 The song of triumph on the Arnon reminds 
 us in its mysterious words of the song at the 
 passage through the Red Sea. The revival of 
 the spirit of song in the people is also an awa- 
 kening of the heroic spirit which won the victo- 
 ries over Sihon and Bashan. They are insepa- 
 rably connected in all ages. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS, 
 
 The two great victories east of Jordan fore- 
 shadow the conquest of the promised land. 
 New life, new songs. [Henry: "God gave 
 Israel these successes while Moses was yet with 
 them, both for his comfort, that he might see 
 the beginning of that glorious work, which he 
 must not live to see the finishing of, and for 
 their encouragement in the war of Canaan under 
 Joshua. It was the earnest of great things."— 
 A. G.] 
 
CHAP. XXII. 2-8. 119 
 
 FIFTH DIVISION. 
 
 ISRAEL'S FINAL PREPARATION DURING ITS RESIDENCE IN THE PLAINS (STEPPES\ 
 
 OF MOAB. 
 
 Chapters XXII.-XXXVL 
 
 FIRST SECTION. 
 
 Balak and Balaam, or the Curse as a Weapon against Israel Frustrated. 
 
 Chapters XXII. 2— XXIV. 25. 
 
 Survey: a. Balak's resort to Balaam, chap. 
 xxii. 2-7, h. Balaam's formal, but heartless 
 opposition, vers. 8-14. c. Balak's' s second at- 
 tempt, Balaam's irresolution, and the beginning 
 of God's judgment upon him in the permission 
 of the journey, vers. 15-21. d. Balaam's jour- 
 ney and his speaking ass, vers. 22-40. e. The | xxiv. 25, 
 first blessing by Balaam, chap. xxii. 41 — xxiii. 
 
 10. /. The second blessing by Balaam, chap, 
 xxiii. 11-26. g. Balaam's apparent victory over 
 temptation. His third and greater blessing. 
 And as an appendix his angry announcement of 
 judgment upon Moab and other enemies of 
 Israel, at last upon all heathen, chap, xxiii. 26— 
 
 FIRST SECTION. 
 
 A.— BALAK'S RESORT TO BALAAM. 
 Chapter XXII. 2-8. 
 
 2 And Balak the son of Zippor saw all that Israel had done to the Amorites. 
 
 3 And Monb was sore afraid of the people, because they voere many : and Moab was 
 
 4 distressed because of the children of Israel. And Moab said unto the elders of 
 Midian, Now shall this company lick up all thai are round about us, as the ox 
 licketh up the grass of the field. And Balak the son of Zippor wm king of the 
 
 5 Moabites at that time. He sent messengers therefore unto Balaam the son of Beor 
 to Pethor, which is by the river of the laud of the children of his people, to call 
 him, saying, Behold, there is a people come out from Egypt : behold, they cover 
 
 6 the face^ of the earth, and they abide over against me : Come now therefore, I pray 
 thee, curse me this people ; for they are too mighty for me : peradventure I shall 
 prevail, thai we may smite them, and that I may drive them out of the land : for I 
 wot that he whom thou blessest is blessed, and he whom thou cursest is cursed. 
 
 7 And the elders of Moab and the elders of Midian departed with the rewards of 
 divination in their hand ; and they came unto Balaam, and spake unto him the 
 
 8 words of Balak. And he said unto them. Lodge here this night, and I will bring 
 you word again, as the Lord shall speak unto me : and the princes of Moab abode 
 with Balaam. 
 
 1 Heb. eye. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 4. Assembly, this congregation, Snpn, not a multitude, but an organized whole.— A, G.] 
 [Ver. 5. Riyer is emphatic ; by the rirer, to the land. — A. G.] 
 [Ver. 6. Wot. knaw:\ 
 
120 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 General preliminary remarks. We shall only 
 reach a full view of the history of Balaam when 
 we consider the section upon his prophecies in 
 connection with the record of his end (chap, 
 xxxi.). Balaam the prophet, the utterer of 
 blessings upon the people of God, the so-to-speak 
 dogmatic B.ilaam, stands in striking contrast to 
 the Balaam, the wily worldly politician, or the 
 moral tempter of the same chosen people. The 
 hidden, hardly discovered reconciliation of the 
 two apparently contradictory representations of 
 his character has led Knobel and others to sup- 
 pose that there was a real contradiction in the 
 history; while, on the other hand, Hengsten- 
 BERG and others have clearly detected the fea- 
 tures of the second Balaam in the character of 
 the first, and have recognized also the first in 
 the later counsels of the second, in his wily sug- 
 gestions as to the celebrations of the religious 
 feasts. We have here the living, vivid image of 
 a remarkable character, thoroughly unstable, 
 vacillating in obedience to predominant motives, 
 two-sided; but a character whose two-sidedness 
 does not show itself in distinct, stereotyped 
 qualities, ever ready for action, but is wrought 
 out in the progress of a spiritual conflict, in 
 which avarice and ambition gradually work his 
 ruin. Below the summit of sacred zeal or in- 
 spiration which Balaam seemed to have reached 
 begins the hidden process of his ruin. If it is 
 asked how tiie Jews came to possess this infor- 
 mation, we may hazard the conjecture, that 
 Balaam's fall began with double-dealing; that 
 he had first made disclosures and offers to the 
 Israelites, by whose camp he must pass 
 on his way home, and then because he 
 did not meet with the expected favorable 
 reception, returned secretly and by the aid 
 of a Midianitish nomad chief, who was probably 
 camping on the skirts of the Moabite territory, to 
 Balak, in order still to secure from him the '' re- 
 ward of iniquity," seeking all the time to hide 
 from himself the baseness of his conduct under 
 the pretence of a desire to lay upon the broadest 
 basis a sure alliance between Moab and Israel. 
 If he thought of the realapproaching downfall of 
 Moab aod the glory of Israel, he may have che- 
 rished the idea of such an intermediation, as even 
 Judas seems to have been impelled for some time 
 by a similar motive. His fear of the power of 
 Israel may have determined him to greater se- 
 cresy in the pursuit of his crafty aim. Thus Ba- 
 laam in this second form in which his character 
 appears stands, in the New Testament, as the pro- 
 totype of a subtle tempter and destroyer of God's 
 people, through his teaching a false religious 
 freedom. The remarkable portraiture of Ba- 
 laam's character makes the deeper impression 
 of historical truthfulness, since we find the con- 
 tradictions appearing here, reflected in a thousand 
 instances in ttie history of religion, in ecclesias- 
 tical and profane history, as features of an un- 
 stable double-liearted nature. 
 
 We note first the contradiction between an os- 
 tentafioiiB !ind vaunted faith in Jehovah, and the 
 ever re-ajipearing and strong lusting after the 
 rewards of unrighteousness, after the glory and 
 
 the gold which ultimately leads him to ruin. 
 The seeming piety, aliquid nimis, at once excites 
 suspicion ; the frequent use of the name Jeho- 
 vah, the constant parade of his dependence upon 
 Jehovah's directions, the multiplication of the 
 offerings in which he compels Balak to take part, 
 the greatness of the sacrifices, as if he might 
 thereby control Jehovah (take providence by 
 storm, as modern hypocrites phrase it) are all 
 suspicious. How much the orthodox and pietis- 
 tic extravagances of to-day remind us of the 
 methods of Balaam ! Then again, as to the form 
 of his faith, we must notice the broad contrast 
 between his fervent language of rapturous in- 
 spiration, his soul borne away as it were in 
 inspired vision, and his ordinary states of con- 
 sciousness, his efforts to tempt God, to carry out 
 his evil selfish plans by means of superstitious 
 practices, and his aiding the heathen king and 
 his subjects in their destructive hostility to the 
 people of God. Even the formal, oratorical 
 exaggeration is a characteristic feature of the 
 superficial nature of his feelings. How often 
 religious, poetical, aesthetic emotion proves itself 
 more or less Balaam-like through its contrast 
 with the real state of the feelings ! 
 
 The psychological problem of the prophetic 
 enthusiast becomes more difficult through the 
 psychological sympathy of his ass. This con- 
 trast and the change in the parts of the per- 
 formance between the rider and the animal on 
 which he rides, is much greater than the contrast 
 between Don Quixote and his Sancho-Panza. 
 
 Still another contrast, and one which we must 
 not overlook, appears in the great flourish and 
 display with which Balaam takes his leave of 
 Balak, and the secrecy in his later operations, 
 after which he is first found among the slain in 
 Midian, and recognized as the instigator of the 
 great calamity. 
 
 More conspicuous is the distinction in Balaam, 
 as he speaks, proclaims, sings the blessing, aad 
 as he plots the curse. Still while he changes 
 his blessing into a curse, Jehovah transforms 
 the curse into a blessing. 
 
 This very remarkable episode in the Mosaic 
 history could not fail to occasion many disser- 
 tations. For the literature see Keil, p. 158, 
 note (consult especially Baur, History of the Old 
 Testament Prophecy, p. 329), Knobel, p. 127; 
 also articles in Winer, Worterbuch, Herzog's 
 Encyclopsedia, Hengstenberg's Gesckickle de.i Bi- 
 learns, Baumgarten, Commentar.; This Commkn., 
 Introduction to Genesis. [Also Kurtz, Gesh., 
 Vol. II., p. 451 et teq., Bible Com., Smith's 
 Bible J)ic., Wordsworth, Holi/ Bible with notes, 
 Stanley, History of the Jewish Church, Vol. I., 
 p. 20',)-218.— A. G.] 
 
 " From the very earliest time opinions have 
 been divided as to the character of Balaam. 
 Some {e. g. Philo, Ambrose. AnansTiNE) have 
 regarded him as a wizard and false pr(.phet 
 devoted to the worship of idols, who was desti- 
 tute of any susceptibility for the true religion, 
 and v?as compelled by God, against his will, to 
 give utterance to blessings upon Israel instead 
 of curses. Others (e. g. Tertullian, Jerome) 
 have supposed him to be a genuine and true 
 prophet, who simply fell through covetousness 
 and ambition. But these views are both of them 
 
CHAP. XXII. 2-8. 
 
 121 
 
 untenable in this exclusive form. Witsius 
 [Miscell. ss. 1, lib. 1, c. 16, ^ 33), Hengsten- 
 BERO, Kurtz." Keil. The declaration of Henq- 
 STENBERG, hovvevcr, that Balaam was not entirely 
 without the fear of God, nor yet a really pious 
 man and true prophet of God, leaves us without 
 any very definite idea. It is most important 
 here to bear in mind that we are not consider- 
 ing a fixed character, but one passing through 
 a change, and engaged in a serious conflict. 
 The record speaks clearly of a communication 
 between Balaam and God, althoiigli not of an 
 intimate and confidential relation with Him. 
 He is at least a monotheist ; he clings as a 
 Mesopotamian, perhaps as a descendant of Abra- 
 ham, to the name of Jehovah in its more general 
 significance, which it had before acquiring its 
 specific meaning, Ex. iii. and vi.: and hence the 
 writer uses in connection with him the name 
 Elohim, not recognizing him as strictly a wor- 
 shipper of Jehovah. He thus lies within the 
 primitive, monotheistic traditions, the religious 
 twilight which Melchizedek also represents 
 (see Gen. xiv. 18). But he had derived from 
 his father Beor, i. e. ''consumer," "destroyer," 
 as it appears from his own name Balaam, " sub- 
 Terter," " devourer of the people," a stronger 
 inclination to curse than to bless. Henqsten- 
 BERO lays great stress upon the fact that he is 
 never called nabi, " prophet," but kosem, " sooth- 
 sayer." But we may well suppose that the 
 obscure word kosem originally bore a better 
 sense than that which was attached to it later. 
 It may be true that this word, and those 
 who bore it, as with the worship of high- 
 places, which was originally patriarchal, but 
 afterwards degenerated iuto idolatry. We 
 distinguish between the primeval religion which 
 runs from Melchizedek down through the Old 
 Testament history, and was never entirely ex- 
 tinguished, and the religion of the Abraiiamic 
 promise or covenant, by the inverted order of 
 Bigns or symbols, and the word. In the primi- 
 tive religion God is known through the signs, 
 and these are rendered into the word by the in- 
 terpreting mind, in the covenant religion the 
 word precedes and is afterward confirmed and 
 enforced by sacramental signs. Thus Joseph 
 wears the aspect of a descendant of the primi- 
 tive religion, and might even appear as a Kosem 
 when he claims that he prophesied out of his 
 cup. Thus Balaam also proceeds to seek for 
 signs, chap, xxiii. 3, 15. I3ut then there is an 
 evident approach to the Abrahamic form of reli- 
 gion, when he no longer seeks for signs, whose 
 interpretation Jehovah puts into his mouth, but 
 by virtue of the free direct inspiration, as he 
 looks upon Israel, utters his prophetic words, 
 (xxiv. 1). After this we cau no longer class the 
 Kosem Balaam with the later degenerated sooth- 
 sayers. But surely he does approach that low- 
 ered type, when he suffers himself, avowedly at 
 least, to recognize the superstitious notion, that 
 by arbitrary curses he could magically produce 
 calamitous results, even upon a whole people, 
 even against the blessing of Jehovah ; and be- 
 cause he was eager and prepared to receive the 
 reward of such enchantmonts. It may be that 
 it was from the pay which he took, that the pro- 
 phet, originally, came to wear the altered and 
 
 less honored name of Kosem. But the pos- 
 sibility of such a designed intermingling of 
 the holy with the unholy, lies in the great di- 
 vergency between emotional capacity when ex- 
 cited, in highly gifted natures, and the nor- 
 mal condition of the rniud. Universally there 
 is a contrast between the man in the ordinary 
 state of his mind, or his habitual tendency, and 
 the same man in his quickened state, in his 
 strivings after ideal heights ; between the man 
 in his everyday and in his Sunday life. In the 
 lives of noble men, this divergency sometimes 
 ripens into opposition, as with Peter, Mati. xvi. ; 
 and indeed in the very best men there is always 
 the blossom of impulse before the fruit of a new 
 soul-life. But if a fissure opens between these 
 two spiritual states of the soul, which widens at 
 last into a broad chasm, a permanent contradic- 
 tion, then the Balaam nature is complete, and in 
 the end the evil tendency and nature triumphs 
 over the ideal. Thus it happens that false pro- 
 phets have been formed out of gifted prophetic 
 natures, in ancient and modern times. 
 
 We pass now naturally to the consideration of 
 another erroneous contrast, which supposes that 
 Balaam intended to curse at the very moment 
 of his speaking, but that the Spirit of God com- 
 pelled him to utter blessings. Hengstenberg 
 says of this view : " Ambrose held a crude no- 
 tion of the eiFect of the divine power upon Ba- 
 laam, as if God put the words in his moutb, 
 quasi cymbalum tinniens sonum reddoj' Calvin 
 held nearly the same view. [Hengstenberg 
 says of Calvin " that in general he clearly re- 
 cognized and sharply expressed the dependence 
 of prophecy upon the subjective condition of the 
 prophet, while he regards Balaam as an exception 
 to this rule." — A G.]. But one could scarcely 
 call this power which thus constrains the soul, 
 inspiration, not even infusion. Here again we 
 must bear in mind that the divine irresistible 
 influence is moral, and is carefully to be distin- 
 guished from any physical or magical compul- 
 sion, from which it is free. It is a strange coin- 
 cidence that this assumption has been applied 
 not only to Balaam, but even to the ass on which 
 he rode, although it lacked entirely the organic 
 capacity for human speech. In this respect 
 Hengstenberg has admirably presented the dis- 
 tinction between the ideas of externality and 
 reality ; asserting the reality of inward occur- 
 rences, as well as the distinction between real 
 visions and bare imaginations, although the two 
 things are held to be one and the same by many 
 thinkers who assume great superiority. But no 
 one can make any great progress in the Holy 
 Scripture, without a sense or capacity for per- 
 ceiving the reality of genuine visions. But we 
 shall return to this theme in the sequel. 
 
 This narrative, moreover, is very important 
 with respect to the doctrines of the divine per- 
 mission. God forbids Balaam to go. He then 
 permits him to go under certain conditions, 
 while He appears to be offended because he went. 
 To a superficial view the passage seems full of 
 inconsistencies, whereas in truth the apparent 
 change in the divine decisions is determined by 
 the changes in Balaam, is adapted to them, and 
 is thus the result and fruit of the strictest and 
 most sacred consistency. 
 
r22 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 As some have held that the words of the third 
 and last prophecy point clearly to a later origin, 
 is, according to the fiction of the critics, a vati- 
 cinia post eventum, it is necessary that we should 
 examine the passage more closely. In this third 
 prophecy Balaam stands at the very highest point 
 in his inspired intuition. It is no longer (as in 
 vers. 5 and IG) : " Jehovah put a word into his 
 mouth," but: "The Spirit of God came upon 
 him." Before he spake under restraint of fear, 
 now freed from any such limitations, and in the 
 full freedom of revelation (chap. xxiv. 4-9). The 
 anger of the king at his third utterance of words 
 of blessing seems to have unfettered his own in- 
 dignation (vers. 12-24). 
 
 The passage in which we have the beautiful 
 prediction of the " Star out of Jacob," does not 
 belong to the line of clear, direct, conscious Mes- 
 sianic prophecy, although Rabbi Akiba held that 
 it did, but refers to the Bar-Cochab : Son of the 
 Star. [There was a pretender who bore this 
 name, with express reference to the prophecy of 
 Balaam; and led the Jews into rebellion against 
 the Roman power in the reign of Hadrian, A. 
 D., 136. — A. G.]. The exclusive references of 
 the Star to the Slessiah, have been numerous in 
 Christian authors from Calvin to Baumgarten, 
 see Knobel, p. 146. But since the conception 
 of an ideal, personal Messiah had not reached 
 its full development even at the time of David, 
 2 Sam. vii., it would have been a strange ano- 
 maly if it had found expression so much earlier 
 by the heathen Balaam. For other interpreta- 
 tions, as e. g. that wliich refers the prophecy to 
 David, to Duvid and the Messiah, to the Jewish 
 kingdom and the Messiah, see Knobel, p. 146 
 [and notes in loc. — A. G.]. As to the appear- 
 ance of new stars in connection with the birth 
 of great kings, see Keil, p. 192 [who, however, 
 refers to Henqstenberg, who cites Justini, 
 Hist, xxxvii. 2; Plinii, H.N. ii. 23 ; Sueton., 
 Jul. Csei. c. 78; and Dio Cass, xlv., p. 273. — 
 — A. G.]. We must bear in mind here first of 
 all, that we are not dealing with an Old Testa- 
 ment prophet. Balaam and his prophecies ap- 
 pear throughout under an historical point of 
 view. But what he meant by a star was a scep- 
 tre, a royal ruler, who should arise in Israel, 
 and crush all its enemies. We do not need to 
 be familiar with Jewish history to understand 
 what follows, although Balaam, in a typical, but 
 not in a verbal sense, uttered far more than he 
 was conscious of, even with respect to the star 
 out of Jacob. What could be of greater moment 
 than the crushing of the power of the Moabite 
 princes, since they were even now plotting the 
 destruction of Israel ? The Edomites, in a spirit 
 of enmity, had just before restrained the onward 
 march of the people of God. The Amalekites 
 were old traditional foes of Israel. When now 
 he proceeds further and predicts the victory 
 over I lie Assyrians, his own countrymen, over 
 the Kenites (in the north), and then the con- 
 quest of Assyria and Mesopotamia (Eber) by 
 some WL-stern power, he passes from the parti- 
 cular into the universal. At length his prophetic 
 vision reaches its utmost bounds. Chittim shall 
 be overthrown at last. His talent for cursing 
 now comes into full play, and the proud seer in 
 wrath lakes leave of the angry king who had 
 
 thought only that by some superstitious magio 
 spell, he would be able to win back his lost do- 
 main, or at least to protect that which was still 
 left him ; takes leave ostensibly never to see 
 him again, but only ostensibly. A Midianitish 
 nomad tribe, coming perhaps from his own home 
 in Mesopotamia, roamed at this time along the 
 extended kingdom. Here among these Midian- 
 ites Balaam seems to have rested (after having 
 sought in vain a market for his talents among 
 the Israelites) in order to renew his relation 
 with Balak. For various conjectures as to who 
 Balaam was, see Knobel. It was formerly con- 
 jectured that he was Elihu or Laban, or one of 
 the magicians of Egypt. jModern guesses are 
 that he was the Arabic sage Lokman. Thus 
 Knobel. For conjecture as to Pethor, see 
 Knobel, 128. [Knobel identifies Pethor with 
 ^adovaai (Zosian iii. 14) and with the Bedavva 
 of Ptolemy v. 18, 6. He regards both these 
 names as corruptions of Pethor, and thinks the 
 place is found in the present Anah. Keil re- 
 gards this as very uncertain, while Bible 
 Com. is inclined to favor it. Very little is cer- 
 tainly known. — A. G.] For the faith of anti- 
 quity in the efficacy of curses, see Knobel, p. 
 129. [Also Kurtz, Oeschichte des Allen Bundes, 
 and Baumgarten, Com., who holds that the effi- 
 cacy attributed to them was not merely a super- 
 stition or imagination, but had a real ground, 
 and that the narrative here can only be cor- 
 rectly understood on the supposition that it 
 recognizes the actual power of Balaam to bless 
 and to curse. He finds the turning point in the 
 whole narrative, the thought around which it 
 clusters, in the words Dent, xxiii. 6, "The Lord 
 thy God would not hearken unto Balaam ; but 
 the Lord thy God turned the curse into a bless- 
 ing unto thee." Kurtz adopts substantially the 
 same view. For the opposite view see Heng- 
 stenbebg. History of Balaam. — A. G.] 
 
 [The question as to tlie moral character of 
 Balaam is distinct from that as to the nature of 
 his prophetic gift and position. They are not 
 entirely disconnected questions; but the one is 
 much more easily settled than the other. He 
 could not of course be a good man and a false 
 prophet; but he may have been a bad man and 
 a true prophet. Such in fact he was. Morally 
 Balaam comes before us as a man of keen in- 
 sight and of wide culture, having broad glimpses 
 of the truth, which seem to have grown clearer 
 with his investigations, a heart susceptible to 
 noble impulses, a conscience awakened, but not 
 authoritative, with strong convictions of right 
 and duty, which are yet sacrificed to the cra- 
 vings of avarice and ainbiiion; ever practically 
 selling all his better impulses, his convictions 
 and his conscience, for the sake of gain, and yet 
 never doing it without a conscious and serious 
 struggle. As to his prophetic position, he is 
 not to be viewed, as Hengstenberg has fully 
 shown, as a false prophet, a mere heathen seer, 
 who was constrained by God against his own 
 will to bless and not to curse Israel, nor, on the 
 other hand, as a true and genuine prophet, who 
 was only swept away by his avarice and ambi- 
 tion. There are elements of truth in both views ; 
 but neither of them is tenable in its exclusive 
 form. "The truth lies," to use the words of 
 
CHAP. XXII. 2-8. 
 
 12<j 
 
 KcETZ, " in the midst. Balaam was in his pre- 
 sent position both a heatben magician and a 
 Jehovistic seer. He stood upon the border line 
 between regions, which indeed lie contiguous, 
 but in their nature and character are radically 
 opposed to each other, and exclusive of each 
 other. With one foot still upon the ground of 
 heathen magic and soothsaying, he planted the 
 other within the limits of the Jehovistic religion 
 and prophecy." The name he bears, DDIp, a 
 soothsayer, which is never used to designate a 
 true prophet of God; his parleying with the 
 messengers, his seeking permission to go the 
 second time ; the eager pursuit of his covetous 
 hopes, and especially his use of signs as the fit- 
 ting and customary means to ascertain the wilj 
 of God, which were never resorted to by the true 
 prophet, are proofs that he still stood upon the 
 old and lower ground ; while his avowed claim 
 to act as a prophet of Jehovah, his delay in 
 going at Balak's request, his answer to the 
 second and more attractive embassy, and his 
 reply to Balak's indignant remonstrance because 
 he had not cursed, but blessed Israel, ch. xxiii. 
 12, show that he had indeed in part crossed the 
 border and stood within the region of the trae 
 prophets of Jehovah. The tidings of the great 
 things which God had done for His people in 
 Egypt, at the Red Sea, in the wilderness, which 
 had been borne to him as the report spread 
 through the nations, had doubtless led him to 
 take a more decided stand. He probably hoped 
 too to make greater gains if he appeared as a 
 prophet of Jehovah. 
 
 Why he remained in this position ; why he 
 did not advance still more decidedly and com- 
 pletely into the new region which opened before 
 him ; or rather why attempting to stand upon 
 the border-line, to unite and hold fast in himself 
 that which differed so widely and irreconcilably, 
 he ultimately went back to his old service, sank 
 completely down to the lower level upon which 
 he stood before, and into all the deeper darkness 
 because he had turned away from the light, the 
 progress of the history makes perfectly clear. 
 It is just here that his moral character bears 
 Upon his prophetic position. He was not willing 
 to part with his lusts. "He loved the wages of 
 unrighteousness." He could not bring himself 
 to serve God with an undivided heart. It was 
 no intellectual defect, nor any want of fitness 
 for a higher calling, for the position of a true 
 and genuine prophet, but his clingiog to his 
 lusts, his attempt to carry them over with him 
 into the service of Jehovah, which restrained 
 his progress. Through the call of Balak he was 
 brought into a position at which he must decide 
 " whettier," as Kurtz says, "the old heathen, 
 or the new Jehovistic principle of life should 
 rule within him, whether he should go on to the 
 full, genuine, prophetic condition, or fall back 
 upon the old stand-point, and in so doing fall of 
 course into a more decided hostility towards 
 Jehovah, towards the theocracy and the people 
 of His choice. This development of circum- 
 stances, which serves for the glorifying of 
 Jehovah, for the encouragement of Israel, for 
 the discouragement of the enemies of Israel, has 
 also for Balaam most momentous, indeed deci- 
 
 sive importance. He fell. Covetousness and 
 ambition were stronger in him than the desire 
 for salvation." — A. G.] 
 
 Sec. A. Chap. xxii. 1-8. 
 
 The Moabites, like the Edomites, had sold the 
 Israelites bread and water while they were 
 passing along their eastern border. But now 
 when they saw them settling down in the domi- 
 nion of Sihon, upon their northern border, the 
 wounds of which were not yet healed, terror 
 seized upon them. They excited the Midianites 
 by appealing to their fears, lest the Israelites 
 should lay waste all their green meadow-lands, 
 as the oz licketh up the grass of the field. 
 They could not hope to conquer those who were 
 victorious over the Amorites, against whom 
 they had been unable to stand. Then Balak 
 (whose name seems to be without significance) 
 in consultation with the elders of Midian, strikes 
 upon the diabolical thought, that he might per- 
 haps secure the destruction of this mighty peo- 
 ple through fanatical curses, through magical 
 incantations; a thought suggested perhaps by 
 Midianitish traders, to whom the reputation of 
 Balaam, as a great magician and imprecatory 
 prophet, was familiar. However confused may 
 have been the prevalent conceptions in these 
 regions as to supernatural agencies, so much is 
 clear, that the reputation was in accordance 
 with them. His father "called Beor (from 
 ■^>'3) on account of the destructive power attri- 
 buted to his curses." The son of this fanatical 
 destroyer (for the form Bosor, 2 Peter ii. 15, 
 see Keil, who holds that it probably arose from 
 the peculiar mode of pronouncing the guttural 
 J,' ) is called Balaam, ensnarer or destroyer of 
 the people. [Henqstenberq: "He bore the 
 name as a dreaded wizard and conjurer, whe- 
 ther he received it at his birth as a member of 
 a family in which this occupation was hereditary, 
 or whether the name was given to him at a later 
 period, when the fact indicated by the name 
 had actually made its appearance." — A. G.] 
 Balaam understood well how to destroy the peo- 
 ple not only with burning curses, but by the 
 wily use of worldly and fleshly allurements. It 
 must have been already known, too, that his 
 powers and gifts were in the market, and could 
 be purchased for gold or renown. Moses indeed 
 may have despised the superstition of heathen 
 antiquity that curses could actually work inju- 
 rious results — a superstition which in some of 
 its forms, reaches even to the present time, and 
 therefore may have regarded the curses of Ba- 
 laam as having no importance in themselves ; 
 but still as mere fanatical delusions they might 
 produce injurious results, as they might inflame 
 the Moabites, and dishearten and weaken the 
 Israelites. [Balak who was king of the 
 Moabites at that time. The words seem to 
 intimate that he was not the hereditary king of 
 Moab. If, as Bible Com. regards as probable, 
 "the Midianitish chieftains had taken advantage 
 of the weakness of the Moabites after the Amo- 
 ritish victories to establish themselves as princes 
 in the land, as the Hyksos had done in Egypt," 
 we see at once why Balak should have turned 
 for counsel to the elders of Midian, and why ho 
 
124 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 should have had such confidence in the power 
 of Balaam — A. G.] Accordingly he sends mes- 
 sengers to Balaam with the rewards of sooth- 
 saying (Kosem the soothsayer), to Pethor, an 
 unknown city, probably, according to Keil, a 
 seat of Babylonian sages, if it was not rather 
 the seat of monotheistic hermits, among whom 
 the Semitico-Abrahamic tradition was still pre- 
 served. Balak did not think that the curses of 
 Balaam in themselves could destroy the Israel- 
 ites ; but he firmly believed that with the aid 
 of this superstitious delusion he could so work 
 upon the temper of bodi peoples, so animate his 
 own people and the Midianites, and so discour- 
 age the people of God, as to secure the victory. 
 [It is far more probable that Balak shared the 
 belief, which, strange as it may seem to us, was 
 common among the heathen, that persons like 
 Balaam could by their sacrifices work upon the 
 gods they served, and so determine and control 
 their purposes and power. As Balaam was 
 avowedly now the servant of Jehovah, the God 
 of Israel, Balak doubtless hoped that if he could 
 secure his influence, he would work upon 
 Jehovah, and so change the current of events. 
 — A. G.] Come curse me this people, 
 for they are too mighty for me : perad- 
 venture I shall smite them and drive 
 them out of the land. — As thou art the great 
 curser, the highest adept in that great art, so 
 thou canst with thy curses infuriate the Moab- 
 ites and dispirit and confound the Israelites; 
 then I can smite them. This people is come 
 out of Egypt, he said, as if he knew nothing 
 
 more of them. They cover the eye of the 
 earth is his scornful expression. They abide 
 over against me, as if he did not know that 
 they did not wish any conflict with him. He 
 will have revenge because the Israelites have 
 conquered the Amorites his own enemies. Kno- 
 BEL, speaking of the belief in incantations, loses 
 sight of the distinction between prophetic an- 
 nouncement of curses, and the mere incantation 
 of common superstition and witchcraft. [Keil: 
 " The fact that the Lord did not hearken to Ba- 
 laam, but turned the curse into a blessing, is 
 celebrated as a great favor to Israel. Deut. xxiii. 
 5; Josh. xxiv. 10; Micah vi. 3, assumes that 
 Balaam had power to bless and to curse. This 
 power is not traced, it is true, to the might of 
 heathen deities, but to the might of Jehovah, 
 whose name Balaam confessed ; but yet the pos- 
 sibility is assumed of his curse doing actual, and 
 not merely imaginary harm to the Israelites " — 
 A. G.]. 
 
 Balaam receives the messengers of Balak. As 
 he acknowledges the name of Jehovah, he must 
 have known at once that he could not curse the 
 people of Jehovah. He invites them, however, 
 to remain over night, assuring them that he will 
 in the night receive instructions from Jehovah. 
 He thus intimates that he expects his instruc- 
 tions in the form of nocturnal dream-visions, al- 
 though this is not the only thing, upon which he 
 relied as an interpreter of signs. He regards or 
 presents as in doubt what he should have known 
 at once. He tempts Jehovah ; and thus he en- 
 ters the path of perdition. 
 
 B.— BALAAM'S FORMAL BUT HEARTLESS REFUSAL. 
 Chapter XXII. 9-14. 
 
 9 And God came unto Balaam, and said, What men are these with thee? 
 
 10 And Balaam said unto God, Balak the son of Zippor, king of Moab, hath sent 
 
 11 unto me, saying, Behold, there is a people coipe out of Egypt, which covereth the 
 face of the earth : come now, curse me them ; peradventure 'I shall be able to over- 
 
 12 come them, and drive them out. And God said unto Balaam, Thou shalt not go 
 
 13 with them ; thou shalt not curse the people : for they are blessed. And Balaam 
 rose up in the morning, and said unto the princes of Balak, Get you into your land: 
 
 14 for the Lord refuseth to give me leave to go with you. And the princes of Moab 
 rose up, and they went unto Balak, and said, Balaam refuseth to come with us. 
 
 1 1<l&r^. I shall prevail in fighting against them. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ter. 11. riDp from a root which signifies to hollow out; to pierce, perforate, and so curse from the pen©" 
 trating.power of the curse. IIiusch regards it as an anomalous form used in the sense of curse only in this nar- 
 rative, and signifying to hollow, make empty, to take away the whole contents of its object— to make it as chaff- 
 er a shadow. — A. G.]. 
 
CHAP. XXII. 15-21. 
 
 125 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 God (Elohim) the writer tells us comes to Ba- 
 laam in the niglit. Balaam speaks of Jehovah as 
 if he knew the God of Salvation. [He had this 
 knowledge partly from the primeval traditions 
 which were probably preserved more fully and 
 clearly in his native region than elsewhere, but 
 mainly from the report of the great things which 
 God had done in the deliverance and leading of 
 His people, which had spread far and wide and 
 produced a deep impression on all the neighbor- 
 ing tribes. Balaam was prepared to welcome 
 the report and turn it to his own selfish ends, if 
 possible. See Kurtz's History, — A. G.]. What 
 men are these w^ith thee ? asks Jehovah, so 
 that his vague, uneasy suspicion that these guests 
 might bring him to ruin, might work itself out 
 clearly. [Hbnqstenberg: The question was in- 
 tended to awaken the slumbering conscience of 
 Balaam, to lead him to reflect upon the proposal 
 ■which they had made, and to break the force of 
 
 his sinful inclination. — A. G.]. Balak had said 
 He w^hom thou blessest is blessed, and 
 he -whom thou cursest is cursed. But 
 God speaks otherwise. Thou shalt not curse 
 the people, for they are blessed, i. e., thy 
 curses would have no effect. The cunning seer, 
 however, tells them nothing of this ; he simply 
 says : The LORD refuseth to give me leave 
 to go Tvith you. — The answer was intelligible 
 to the Moabitish courtiers. [Their report to 
 Balak shows clearly that they understood the 
 position and inclination of Balaam. They saw 
 that he wished to come, and that a larger bribe 
 would probably bring him. Balaam does not 
 appear to have sought the counsel of God. When 
 asked, Who are those men Tvith thee ? the 
 question was a surprise to him. And he fails 
 intentionally to give to the messengers the very 
 gist and kernel of the announcement God made 
 to him. That would have defeated his secret 
 plan and hopes. It would have convinced Balak 
 and Midian that their effort was useless. — A. Q.]. 
 
 C— BALAK' S SECOND MESSAGE, BALAAM'S WAVERING, AND THE BEGINNING 
 THE JUDGMENT OF GOD UPON HIM IN PERMITTING THE JOURNEY. 
 
 Chapter XXII. 15-21. 
 
 OP 
 
 15, 16 And Balak sent yet again princes, more, and more honourable than they. And 
 they came to Balaam, and said to him. Thus saith Balak the son of Zippor, Let 
 
 17 ^nothing, I pray thee, hinder thee from coming unto me : For I will promote thee 
 unto very great honour, and I will do whatsoever thou sayest unto me : come there- 
 
 18 fore, I pray thee, curse me this people. And Balaam answered and said unto the 
 servants of Balak, If Balak would give me his house full of silver and gold, I can^ 
 
 19 not go beyond the word of the Lord my God, to do less or more. Now therefore, 
 I pray you, tarry ye also here this night, that I may know what the Lord will 
 
 20 say unto me more. And God came unto Balaam at night, and said unto him. If 
 the men come to call thee, rise up, and go with them ; but yet the word which I 
 
 21 shall say unto thee, that shalt thou do. And Baalam rose up in the morning, and 
 saddled his ass, and went with the princes of Moab. 
 
 1 Marg. Be not thou letted from. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 The politic Balak saw clearly through the an- 
 swer of Balaam, and knew how to approach him. 
 A more stately embassy, flattering his love of 
 distinction, a confidential alluring prayer of the 
 
 king (Ki~7N), the prospect of high honor or rich 
 rewards suited to his strong desire would pre- 
 vail. Balaam understands the courtly message 
 well, when he says : If Balak would give me 
 his house full of silver and gold, etc. — 
 [HiRscH : "Balaam's answer betrays his real 
 character. However much he seeks honor, he 
 seeks wealth still more. Balak had not inti- 
 mated in his message anything about gold. He 
 
 has spoken only of great distinction, and said 
 that every wish should be gratified. But Balaam 
 immediately translates honor into gold. This is 
 the supreme good with him." — A. G.]. The 
 real thought of his heart shines out clearly 
 through this seemingly strong resolution. Still 
 more when he asks them to tarry another night, 
 as if to ascertain in a second nightly vision what 
 more Jehovah would say to him, he intimates 
 that he deemed it possible that He would decide 
 differently this time. Knobel says, "there are 
 other instances in the Old Testament in which 
 God changes His mind when besought to do so 
 (chap. xvi. 21 sqq. ; Ex. xxxii. 14; Jonah iii. 
 10)." Knobel ignores entirely the distinction 
 between the merely seeming " changes of mind " 
 in the way of mercy, and the still more apparent 
 
126 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 " change of mind " in judgment. He regards 
 Balaam in a very favorable light. But one has 
 examined the passage very superficially if he 
 regards the second command of God as a conces- 
 sion. Now indeed the consequences of his cha- 
 racter and conduct begin to gather around him, 
 80 that he goes on involved in inconsistencies, 
 until the final disruption and ruin takes place. 
 It had been easier for him to refuse Balak posi- 
 tively, than to make use of the permission to go, 
 coupled with a condition which must entirely 
 defeat his object. But yet the •word which 
 I shall say unto thee, that shalt thou do. 
 The deceitful heart allowed him to hope that 
 Jehovah would at last grant him his wish, while 
 the grand irony of the divine providence went 
 on, giving him over to the judgment of his own 
 double-heartedness. He might have been saved 
 if now, when God tried or tested him, because 
 he had sought to tempt God, he had sought per- 
 mission to remain. [Upou the apparent contra- 
 diction between the prohibition, ver. 12, and the 
 permission, ver. 20, and the anger of God at his 
 going, ver. 22, See Hengstenbero, Beitrdge 3, 
 469 ; History of Balaam, p. 44, Note. The whole 
 
 difficulty vanishes at once when we consider 
 that the prohibition was to go and curse Israel, 
 and in the permission to go he is still forbidden 
 to curse. The curse was that for which Balak 
 sent for him. That is forbidden throughout. 
 The permission, or rather the command to go, 
 for as Hengstenbekq well says, " that which he 
 sought to do in the service of his own sinful lusts, 
 he must now do after any such hope has va- 
 nished, in the service of God," was in fulfilment 
 of the divine purpose and given partly with re- 
 ference to Balaam himself, and partly through 
 Balaam's blessings to bless His own people, and 
 to glorify His name among the heathen and in 
 Israel. Balaam now became the unwilling in- 
 strument in the execution of the divine purpose. 
 The anger of God -was kindled against 
 him, not because he went merely, but because 
 he was going with a blind and persistent adhe- 
 rence to his own plan, under the control of his 
 own lusts, and probably in the hope that in some 
 way he would secure his own distinction and 
 wealth. God holds His instruments in His own 
 hands. — A. G.]. 
 
 D.— BALAAM'S JOURNEY AND HIS SPEAKING ASS. 
 Chapter XXII. 22-40. 
 
 22 And God's anger was kindled because he went : and the angel of the Lord 
 stood in the way for an adversary against him. Now he was riding upon his ass, 
 
 23 and his two servants xcere with him. And the ass saw the angel of the Lord stand- 
 ing in the way, and his sword drawn in his hand : and the ass turned aside out of 
 the way, and went into the field : and Balaam smote the ass, to turn her into the 
 
 24 way. But the angel of the Lord stood in a path of the vineyards, a wall being 
 
 25 on this side, and a wall on that side. And when the ass saw the angel of the Lord, 
 she thrust herself unto the wall, and crushed Balaam's foot against the wall : and 
 
 26 he smote her again. And the angel of the Lord went further, and stood in a nar- 
 
 27 row place, where was no way to turn either to the right hand or to the left. And 
 when the ass saw the angel of the Lord, she fell down under Balaam : and Ba- 
 
 28 laam's anger was kindled, and he smote the ass with a staff. And the Lord opened 
 the mouth of the ass, and she said unto Balaam, What have I done unto thee, that 
 
 29 thou hast smitten me these three times ? And Balaam said unto the ass, Because 
 thou hast mocked me : I would there were a sword in mine hand, for now would I 
 
 30 kill thee. And the ass said unto Balaam, Am not I thine ass *upon which thou 
 hast ridden ever since ^Ixvas thine unto this day? was I ever wont to do so unto 
 
 31 thee ? And he said, Nay. Then the Lord opened the eyes of Balaam, and he 
 saw the angel of the Lord standing in the way, and his sword drawn in his hand : 
 
 32 and he bowed down his head, and fell flat on his face' And the angel of the Lord 
 said unto him, Wherefore hast thou smitten thine ass these three times ? Behold, 
 
 33 I went out to withstand thee,* because thy way is perverse before me : And the ass 
 saw me, and turned from me these three times : unless she had turned from me, 
 
 34 surely now also I had slain thee, and saved her alive. And Balaam said unto the 
 angel of the Lord, I have sinned ; for I knew not that thou stoodest in the way 
 
CHAP. XXII. 22-40. 
 
 127 
 
 35 against me : now therefore, ^if it displease thee, I will get me back again. And 
 the angel of the Lord said uuto Balaam, Go with the men : but only the word 
 that I shall speak uuto thee, that thou shalt speak. So Balaam went with the 
 princes of Balak. 
 
 36 And when Balak heard that Balaam was come, he went out to meet him unto a 
 
 37 city of Moab, which is in the border of Arnon, which is in the utmost coast. And 
 Balak said unto Balaam, Did I not earnestly send unto thee to call thee ? where- 
 fore earnest thou not unto me ? am I not able indeed to promote thee to honour ? 
 
 38 And Balaam said unto Balak, Lo, I am come unto thee : have I now any power 
 at all to say any thing ? the word that God putteth in my mouth, that shall I 
 
 39 speak. And Balaam went with Balak, and they came unto *Kirjath-huzoth. 
 
 40 And Balak offered oxen and sheep, and sent to Balaam, and to the princes that 
 were with him. 
 
 * Marg. Who hast ridden upon me. 
 
 * Marg. To be an adversary unto thee. 
 
 * Marg. Ever .linee thou wabt. 
 
 * Marg. If it be evilin thine eyes. 
 
 * Marg. bowed himself. 
 * Marg. a city of streets. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 22. TT\r\ the participle " was going " denoting here not only a continuous journey, but a tendency and 
 
 striving to the end. — A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 24. Sij,'tyiO a narrow or hollow way, 1 Kings xx. 10; Isa. xl. 12, handfuls. Perhaps a path so narrow 
 
 that one could only pass along step by step. — A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 19. Lit. I had killed thee — it had already been done. — A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 32. jCaty; to be an adversary. £3T' to precipitate, to be headlong. — A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 33. '71X, perhaps. There is no sufficient authority for the rendering unless, surely. — A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 39. n^]fn, streets of the city, in which markets were held or trade carried on. — A. G.] 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 He saddled his ass and departed with the 
 princely envoys and his own servants. But the 
 anger of God was aroused, because he went — 
 that is, went cherishing the hope that he would 
 still win Jehovah to his own wish and plan. 
 Since he now goes out with hostile intent toward 
 God's people, he encounters the divine opposi- 
 tion in the definite form of the Angel of Jehovah. 
 The seer himself is indeed blinded through his 
 insincerity and falsehood ; but his ass, on the 
 contrary, has become clear-sighted. It under- 
 takes his part as a sign that he has taken upon 
 himself the part of the brute. He does not see 
 the angel because his thoughts brood upon the 
 brilliant future which presents itself to his 
 view. Still in the back-ground of his being, 
 stirred by his evil conscience, the visionary 
 power partly freed from restraint, the terror of 
 his spirit passed into the fear of spirits, which 
 at first quickens the vision of the ass, and then 
 indirectly, through its strange acts, works upon 
 himself. Three times the ass starts back af- 
 frighted at the sight of the angel of the Lord 
 standing in the way with a drawn sword threat- 
 ening death, in his hand. It is not strange that 
 the animal in sympathy with its master should 
 think that it might pass by the angel. Thus at 
 first it starts aside into the field ; then when 
 the angel bars the path between the vineyard 
 walls, it presses closely against the wall, thereby 
 crushing the foot of the prophet ; and then at 
 last when it must pass through a narrow path, 
 in which there was no room to turn either to 
 the right hand or the left, with the dread form 
 
 right before it, the ass falls upon its knees. 
 It has no power to proceed. But now Balaam, 
 in the heat of passion, beats it the third time. 
 Here Jehovah opens the mouth of the ass, and 
 a conversation takes place between the rider 
 and his beast. The visionary condition of the 
 prophet had been already awakened and deve- 
 loped since he heard the ass speak ; but it comes 
 out decidedly when reminded that the faithful 
 animal had never behaved in this strange way 
 before, and that therefore some very unusual 
 surroundings must be at work. Now Jehovah 
 can open the eyes of Balaam, that he also may 
 see the angel. Knobel here relates various 
 similar instances of speaking animals, horses, 
 cattle, sheep, and even generally of cases of 
 brute speech (p. 184 and 185). The negative 
 criticism is interested in asserting that accord- 
 ing to the writer, the ass has actually [i. e. ex- 
 ternally) spoken, and that Balaam heard its 
 utterances with his ears. He enumerates a list 
 of authors from Josephus to Baumgarten and 
 Kurtz, who hold this positive view. AVhen he 
 cites the passage in 2 Pet. ii. 16 in corroboration 
 of this view, he allows to the New Testament as 
 little as to the Old a symbolical method of ex- 
 pression, or one which recognizes the reality of 
 the inner world. The other interpretation ad- 
 vocated by Maimonides, Herder, Jahn, Mi- 
 CHAELis, Dathe, Steudel, Tholuck, Hengsten- 
 BERQ, that it was only in a vision or dream that 
 Balaam heard the ass speak, and that the hear- 
 ing of the words was barely (barely an inward !) 
 an inward occurrence, he thinks may easily be 
 disproved. " The author says nothing of a 
 vision or dream," etc. Hengstenberq has justly 
 vindicated the reality of visionary states, and 
 
128 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 has adduced many arguments to prove that the 
 narrative here treats of inner visions and voices 
 in the form of external and bodily seeing and 
 hearing. Henostenbero's merit is all the greater 
 because he did not have a clear hermeneutical 
 understanding of the biblical, historico-ideal or 
 symbolical style, on which to rest. His expla- 
 nation of the offering of Isaac, of Jephthah's 
 daughter, and of the Egyptian miracles, is enti- 
 tled to a like praise, and one may well conjecture 
 that his contempt for the superficial character 
 of many of the negative critics, may have be- 
 trayed him later into extreme utterances. Keil 
 seeks to establish an intermediate view. " The 
 angel did really appear upon the road, and in 
 the outward world of the senses; but the form 
 was not a grossly sensuous or material form, 
 like the bodily frame of an ordinary being, foi- 
 then Balaam would inevitably have seen him." 
 This conception is perfectly justified, but then 
 ■when he treats of the speaking of the ass, he 
 falls back into a vacillating state between Kurtz 
 and Hengstenbero. Expositors who regard the 
 letter more than the spirit, sensuous more than 
 inner experiences, have been led here to various 
 and specious shifts and subterfuges. Against 
 the supposition of a spectral angelic appearance, 
 which might alarm an animal of any species akin 
 to that here, we have nothing to mention ; but 
 the examples cited by Hengstenberg (after Pas- 
 savant, pp. 54-61) according to which the ter- 
 rors of a visionary man, may prove the cause and 
 occasion of the fright of an animal standing in 
 sympathetic relations with him deserve consi- 
 deration. 
 
 Balaam prostrates himself before the angel of 
 the Lord. For the first time the terror of Jeho- 
 vah overcomes him. Had it come upon him im- 
 mediately he would have diod. The angel tells 
 him that his ass had saved his life. He had 
 withstood him in the way, because his way was 
 headlong, one which would plunge him into de- 
 struction. [The rendering in our version un- 
 less she had turned from me, surely now, 
 etc., is not in accordance with the usage of the 
 language. The word rendered unless occurs 
 nowhere else in that sense. It is perhaps. Per- 
 haps she turned out before me. Why is not ex- 
 pressed. The result is that he was saved from 
 death. But whether it was the instinctive affec- 
 tion of the animal for its master, as Keil sup- 
 poses, or more probably the dread and terror 
 which overwhelmed it, as the narrative seems to 
 imply, which led it to turn, is not said. — A. G.]. 
 Bala;im confesses that he has sinned — but how ? 
 For I knew^ not that thou stoodest in 
 the Viray against me. — lie does not search 
 deeply into the nature of his sin. His obedience, 
 too, springs only from fear, when he says, if it 
 displease thee I ■will get me back again. 
 In the if his after fate is again foreshadowed. 
 The same angel who withstood him in the way, 
 now bids him to go on, but reminds him anew 
 that he must speak only what he — now the angel 
 of Jehovah — should say to him. [It was not the 
 journey which was displeasing to God, but the 
 spirit and intent with which it was pursued. The 
 angelic appearance was for this purpose: to 
 make a sharp and deep impression upon the 
 mind of Balaam, to rouse his slumbering con- 
 
 science, and to make him quick to hear and at- 
 tentive to what Jehovah should speak. That was 
 attained, although the moral condition of Balaam 
 was not changed, and hence he is bidden to pro- 
 ceed. — A. G.]. This is now his purpose. He 
 has made progress in the knowledge of God, has 
 come nearer his salvation, because he proceeds 
 with the determination to obey the word of Je- 
 hovah, but still because his insincerity continues 
 he is still nearer destruction. 
 
 His reception by Balak is ceremonious and 
 splendid, although accompanied by mild rebukes. 
 The location of the city at which Balak met him 
 corresponds entirelj' with the circumstances of 
 the times. It lay upon the Arnon, formerly in a 
 central position, now upon the borders, since the 
 Amorites had formed out of the other half, the 
 kingdom of Heshbon, within which the Israelites 
 now lay encamped. Balaam declares at once 
 that he had come indeed, but only to speak what 
 God (Elohim) should put into his mouth. [He 
 practices the same concealment here as with the 
 messengers of Moab at first. He does not tell 
 Balak that Jehovah had forbidden him to come 
 and curse the people, and that only on the ground 
 that it was blessed. Origen holds the notion, 
 Bible Com., that as Balaam's heart was filled 
 with the lust of gain, God did not put the word 
 into his heart, but only into his mouth. — A. G.]. 
 Thus they enter in company the new capital — 
 city of streets — perhaps as a new city still in- 
 complete. The great project was inaugurated 
 with solemn sacrifices. Keil thinks the city at 
 which they met was Areopolis. Knobel prefers 
 Ir Moab, since Areopolis lies too far to the south. 
 Thence they went (Knobel, p. 137) northward, 
 or northwestward along the Arnon to Kirjath- 
 Huzoth (Jer. xlviii. 24, 41, Keriot). The offer- 
 ings which were brought immediately were, in 
 the custom of antiquity, a prayer for success in 
 their undertaking. [Kirjath-Huzoth lay not far 
 from the Aruon, and near Bamoth-Baal. Its situ- 
 ation is now known as the ruins of Shihan, 
 " which lie on a slight eminence about four 
 miles west by south of the site assigned to Ar. 
 or Ir." Bible Com.— A. G.]. 
 
 [It is scarcely a fair representation which Dr. 
 Lange makes above, when he says, "It is in the 
 interest of the negative criticism to insist upon 
 the actual and external occurrences of the events 
 here recorded," as if the narrative was thereby 
 involved in hopeless difficulty. The question is 
 one merely of interpretation, dividing those who 
 are firm believers both in the narrative as in- 
 spired, and in the miraculous nature of the events 
 recorded. As stated by Hengstenbero, it is 
 whether the speaking of the ass is to be regarded 
 as an outward or inward occurrence, whether 
 the words attributed to it, actually went from it 
 to the external ear of Balaam, or were words 
 only for his inward ear or sense, a perception by 
 him in an ecstatic or visionary condition. He 
 advocates adroitly and earnestly the latter view, 
 {Geschichie Bileams, pp. 48-63) while Kurtz {Ge- 
 schich. des Alien Biindes, Vol. 2, pp. 468-478) ar- 
 gues strenuously for the former. Both hold to 
 the supernatural character of the event. 
 
 The ordinary reader here would be in no doubt 
 as to what the writer intended. Using language 
 in its common acceptation we have not only a 
 
CHAP. XXII. 22-40. 
 
 129 
 
 real occurrence, but one in the world of the 
 senses. The history of the interpretation, not 
 only among the Jews but in the Christian Church, 
 shows that this is the obvious import of the nar- 
 rative. The other view owes its origin probably, 
 not to anything implied or suggested in the nar- 
 rative, but to the feeling that in some way the 
 record here was peculiarly open to reproach, or 
 to the hope that the miracle might be relieved 
 of the difficulties which attend it, or at least be 
 brought more within the reach of our compre- 
 hension and explanation. The difficulties which 
 are found in the narrative upon the ordinary in- 
 terpretation, and which form the staple of the 
 arguments against it, are that Balaam expresses 
 no surprise or astonishment when the ass speaks 
 with man's voice, but actually proceeds to hold 
 a conversation with it, as with a fellow-man; 
 and that to suppose the ass actually to speak in- 
 volves a breach of that eternal insuperable bar- 
 rier which God has placed between man and the 
 brute creation. We pass here with a brief sen- 
 tence, the circumstance upon which great stress 
 has been laid, that the servants of Balaam and 
 the messengers of Balak do not appear to have 
 heard the words of the ass ; for it is not certain 
 that either one or the other were present with 
 Balaam at the time; it is probable that the Mo- 
 abitish envoys had now gone on in advance to 
 (ver. 36), announce the approach of Balaam ; 
 and if they were actually present the fact that 
 they are not mentioned proves nothing. Argu- 
 ments from silence are confessedly invalid. We 
 must free our minds, too, as far as possible, from 
 the idea that Balaam is here in his prophetic 
 calling or work. He is here simply as a man 
 blinded by passion and struggling against his 
 convictions and conscience. There is no pro- 
 phetic communication made to him, and he cer- 
 tainly utters none. And even on the supposition, 
 which is a violent one, that the words. Then 
 the LORD opened the eyes of Balaam, 
 refer to the inward eye — to his visionary condi- 
 tion — the speaking of the ass occurred before he 
 was in this condition, and was indeed on this 
 supposition the occasion for his being brought 
 into it. The fact therefore that Balaam after- 
 wards speaks of himself as the man whose eyes 
 are open — open, i. e., in the visionary or ecstatic 
 sense, his bodily eyes closed that his eyes within 
 may be open — has no bearing upon the interpre- 
 tation of this passage. Whatever may have been 
 true then, when he fell into a prophetic ecstacy 
 or trance, there is no such condition here — cer- 
 tainly- there is no such condition until after the 
 dumb ass speaks with man's voice. 
 
 But the difficulties ; are they serious ? Is it 
 incredible or even strange that Balaam in his 
 Bage and blinded by his lusts, should have heard 
 the articulate words uttered by his ass, and yet 
 not manifest surprise and even go on in the con- 
 versation ? The hardening and blinding power 
 of sin cannot be exaggerated, especially when 
 the sin is persisted in against the voice of con- 
 science. In some respects Balaam was like those 
 who heard the words and saw the miraculous 
 work of our Lord, and still hated and persecuted 
 Him. They saw enough to produce the convic- 
 tion — secret if not avowed — that Christ was what 
 He claimed to be : and yet they went from the 
 9 
 
 open grave of Lazarus to plot His destruction. 
 They blinded themselves to the light which shone 
 upon them. This is the vei-y process through 
 which Balaam had been passing. Then too the 
 very reply of Balaam to the reproach of his ass 
 shows that he was swept away with insane rage. 
 The violence of his passion leaves little room for 
 reflection, and prevents his surprise, or his ex- 
 pression of it, if it was felt. It is true, more- 
 over, that the difficulty here lies with equal 
 weight against the theory that the words were 
 only heai'd by Balaam in his ecstacy. For if it 
 is difficult to conceive that Balaam should have 
 heard the dumb ass actually use articulate speech, 
 without uttering any astonishment, it is at least 
 equally difficult to explain how he should hear 
 the groans and shudderings of his ass, coming 
 to his inward sense at least as articulate words ; 
 how he could be the conscious subject of super- 
 natural power and still persist in his brutal pas- 
 sion without any reverence or fear. If the ass 
 spake to him, although she did not speak liter- 
 ally, how could he go on and reason with her 
 and give no sign of dismay ? In either case the 
 answer is found only in the fearful power of sin 
 to blind the man, and make him insensible. Pha- 
 raoh could look over his wasted land, and see the 
 signs of sorrow and death hanging from every 
 door, and rise up and pursue the people of God; 
 unaware, apparently, that God had dealt with 
 him. 
 
 But is it true that the line which separates 
 between the intelligent and brute creation, is 
 here broken ? Has the speaking ass crossed the 
 wide chasm ? If it has passed, as Kurtz says, 
 from the sphere of nature to that of spirit, from 
 the impersonal to the personal creature, then 
 indeed the line has been broken and the objec- 
 tion to any such assumption would be of force. 
 But no such change is here implied. The ass is 
 not presented as a rational creature because she 
 speaks with man's voice. Then every parrot 
 and speaking animal would have crossed the 
 line. Mere articulate sounds do not constitute 
 human speech; but words as the vehicle of 
 thought, expression of the spirit. When the 
 Lord opened the mouth of the ass, He enabled 
 it to use articulate sounds instead of inarticulate 
 groans. The form was changed, not the nature. 
 She makes no revelation from God, does not 
 speak to Balaam of his headlong way, simply 
 utters the animal feelings and experiences under 
 the brutal treatment of her master. Balaam 
 would not understand her shudderings and 
 groans, the natural and ordinary method of ex- 
 pression. God gave her articulate utterances 
 in her case, the supernatural, extraordinary and 
 therefore more startling and impressive utter- 
 ance. It is the mere animal soul, feeling, expe- 
 rience put into the form of human speech. The 
 animal has not changed its nature, has not passed 
 into the rank of intelligent creatures. The line 
 fixed by God, which separates the two, has not 
 been broken through or crossed. The objections 
 therefore to the actual historical occurrence, in 
 the world of the senses, have no constraining 
 force. All miraculous events involve difficulties 
 to our minds. We are not competent to explain 
 them. Any attempt to modify our interpretation 
 of the record in order to avoid them is dangerous. 
 
130 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 Oa the other hand it may be said : 1. That 
 the rule " that we are not to conceive of dreams, 
 visions or ecstacies in the biblical history unless 
 they are clearly and undoubtedly intimated in 
 the record" seems a good rule and well estab- 
 lished (Kurtz, p. 468). There is no intimation 
 of a vision or ecstacy here. The whole drift of 
 the narrative bears against such a supposition. 
 The state of Balaam's mind, the conscious con- 
 flict going on within him, between his convic- 
 tion of what was right, and the power of his 
 lusts; the eager pursuit of wealth, though he 
 knew it was "the wages of unrighteousness," 
 upon which he was now apparently more intent 
 than ever, now that he had gone so far, was 
 standing upon the borders of Moab, and saw the 
 coveted prize almost within his grasp, precludes 
 the idea of a visionary condition. Lange, and 
 even Hengstenberg himself, concedes that it 
 was not developed until the ass startled, terror- 
 stricken at the sight of the angel, restive, un- 
 manageable, groaning under its cruel scourgings, 
 had awakened it. There is nothing surely in 
 the brutal passion which Balaam manifests, 
 which should have prepared him to interpret the 
 inarticulate groans of the ass into human speech. 
 The statement " that the Lord opened the eyes 
 of Balaam " is no intimation that a change had 
 occurred in his internal state or condition. It 
 is the opening of the outward bodily eye, as we 
 have already seen, which had been closed by the 
 eager, intent pursuit of gain — his reawakening 
 to the occurrences in the external world — so that 
 his senses were now in full exercise. 
 
 2. The words " the Lord opened the mouth of 
 the ass," although Keil in his attempt to occupy 
 a middle ground holds that they are not decisive, 
 " that all that they imply is that the ass spake 
 in a way that was perceptible to Balaam," ap- 
 pear to be inexplicable on the theory that the 
 miracle was wrought in Balaam. It is not said 
 that the Lord opened the ears of Balaam, or that 
 at this stage of the narrative any effect had been 
 wrought upon him. He was still under the un- 
 controlled sway of his lusts and passion. The 
 power of God was upon the dumb animal, open- 
 ing bis mouth to speak, as the Apostle Peter says 
 (2 Pet. ii. 16) " with man's voice." It does not 
 meet the force of this argument to say, that there 
 was indeed some extraordinary divine work call- 
 ing forth the words (!) of the ass, but that bow 
 the words were heard, with the outward ear or 
 not, is not said, for the point here is, that the 
 narrative seems to say and must be understood to 
 say, unless the words are wrested to meet the exi- 
 gencies of a theory, that the supernatural power 
 was upon the ass. Its mouth was opened. And 
 this interpretation — the plain, obvious one— is 
 confirmed by the words of the Apostle, who gives 
 ns not his own construction, but that which had 
 
 been common with the people of God, from the 
 event itself down to his day, and to which he 
 sets his seal as speaking by the Holy Ghost. 
 
 3. The speaking of the ass and the appearance 
 of the angel are closely connected. If the one 
 is heard only in the inward ear of Balaam, the 
 other appears only to his inward eye. All ex- 
 ternality is lost. The whole occurrence is sub- 
 jective, and we have no criterion left by which 
 to test its character, or distinguish it from any 
 mere vivid imagination. Then how are we to 
 explain the fact, admitted by all, (though attri- 
 buted by Hengstenberg to a kind of second 
 sight) that the ass saw the angel, not in a vague, 
 dim, shadowy form, but distinctly and repeatedly, 
 as a, definite form, sword in hand, and in a 
 threatening attitude. The narrative will not 
 allow us to suppose that the angel was distinctly 
 and visibly present to the ass, and only inwardly 
 present to Balaam. If the one occurred in the 
 external world — if the Angel was present to the 
 senses — there is a strong presumption that the 
 words were spoken to the external ear or sense 
 of Balaam. 
 
 4. The whole object of the Angelic appearance 
 in its humbling effect upon Balaam, and the re- 
 sult upon the prophetic word which he should 
 utter, is secured more certainly upon the theory 
 that the words were actually spoken by the ass, 
 and actually heard by the prophet. If the whole 
 effect was wrought in Balaam, if the ass did no- 
 thing more than to groan and cry out under the 
 abuse it suffered, if it saw no Angel, or only 
 sympathized with its master, who interpreted 
 these groans and sbudderings into words, then 
 there was nothing so humbling to the pride of the 
 Seer. He may have been ashamed upon reflec- 
 tion, of his blindness and passion and lust. On 
 any theory the event was impressive. But if he 
 who prided himself upon having eyes for divine 
 revelation did not see in his blindness what the 
 ass saw so clearly ; if the irrational brute re- 
 proved and admonished his rational but unrea- 
 sonable master; if the cowering, shrinking ass 
 falling to the ground in terror has thus saved his 
 owner from the doom upon which he was madly 
 rushing ; if he was thus brought to feel that his 
 lusts had led him to take the place of the brute, 
 it was an humbling but salutary experience. He 
 saw clearly enough that his own desires and 
 passions could not be followed; that he must in- 
 deed speak only the words which the Angel says : 
 I shall speak unto thee. That was the end 
 sought; and how effectually it was secured we 
 learn when we hear the prophet saying at his 
 first interview with Balak : have I no-w any 
 power at all to say any thing ? The word 
 that God putteth in my mouth that shall 
 I speak. — A. G.] 
 
CHAP. XXII. 41— XXIII. 10. 
 
 131 
 
 E.— THE FIRST BLESSING OP BALAAM. 
 Chapter XXIL 41— XXIII. 10. 
 
 41 And it came to pass on the morrow, that Balak took Balaam, and brought him 
 up into the high places of Baal, that thence he might see the utmost part of the 
 people. 
 
 Chap. XXIII. And Balaam said unto Balak, Build me here seven altars, and pre- 
 
 2 pare me here seven oxen and seven rams. And Balak did as Balaam had spoken ; 
 
 3 and Balak and Balaam offered on every altar a bullock and a ram. And Balaam 
 said unto Balak, Stand by thy burnt offering, and I will go : peradventure the 
 Lord will come to meet me ; and whatsoever he sheweth me I will tell thee. And 
 
 4 he went to an high place. ^ And God met Balaam : and he said unto him, I have 
 prepared seven altars, and I have offered upon every altar a bullock and a ram. 
 
 5 And the Lord put a word in Balaam's mouth, and said. Return unto Balak, and 
 
 6 thus thou shalt speak. And he returned unto him, and, lo, he stood by his 
 
 7 burnt sacrifice, he, and all the princes of Moab. And he took up his parable, 
 and said, 
 
 Balak the king of Moab hath brought me from Aram, 
 Out of the mountains of the East, saying, 
 Come curse me, Jacob, 
 And come, defy Israel. 
 
 8 How shall I curse, whom God hath not cursed ? 
 
 Or how shall I defy, whom the Lord hath not defied ? 
 
 9 For from the top of the rocks I see him, 
 And from the hills I behold him : 
 
 Lo, the people shall dwell alone, 
 And shall not be reckoned among the nations. 
 10 Who can count the dust of Jacob, 
 
 And the number of the fourth part of Israel ? 
 Let me^ die the death of the righteous, 
 And let ray last end be like his ! 
 
 1 Marg. on he went solitary. 
 
 * Marg. my soul or my life. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 41. Heb. Bamoth-Baal— a definite locality.— A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 3. 'Sty— a bare, bleak height— from 7^2'^, to scrape, to make bare, Job xxxiil. 21.— A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 7. 7ty0 — " a simile, then a proverb, because the proverb consists of comparisons and figures." Keii. 
 
 - T 
 
 HiESCH, however, says that " the word always denotes a sentence or saying in which there is a progress from the 
 individual and concrete to the universal or general," and that it is so used here. — A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 7. Defy. Better : be angry against, threaten. — A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 10. Or : who can number the fourth part=or perhaps the progeny. Bible Commentabt, Hibsch. — A. G.] 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 1. Balak is politic and cunning. He leads Ba- 
 laam to a mountain summit, from whence he could 
 see only the ends of the Israelitish camp. A 
 email part of the camp he must see, so that from 
 his mountain height as from heaven he might 
 
 hurl down the lightnings of his curse upon the 
 people ; but only a small part, lest he should be 
 too deeply impressed, and thus his readiness to 
 curee might be restrained. 
 
 [A comparison, however, of chap. xxii. 41 with 
 chap, xxiii. 13 seem to show that in the former 
 case the words the ends, or the utmost of 
 the people, refer not to a small part of the 
 
132 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 camp, but to its extreme limits. He overlooked 
 the whole people, even to its ends or utmost 
 bounds. Balak had strong confidence that his 
 wish would be secured. It was essential in his 
 view that the people should be seen by the pro- 
 phet, if the curse was to take effect. He led him 
 therefore to a position so that (he whole camp 
 lay stretched out before him. But when the 
 prophet blesses instead of curses Israel, then 
 apparently thinking that his miud had been over- 
 awed by the prospect ; that he could not so rea- 
 dily curse, a people so numerous and powerful, he 
 leads him away to a point from which he says 
 "thou shalt see only the utmost part of them, and 
 Bhalt not see them all." Thus the two passages 
 are perfectly consistent, and the order of steps 
 as the scene unfolds is natural. — A. G.] 
 
 2. Balaam also on his part is a prudent 
 schemer. Balak must build him seven altars, and 
 offer upon them a grand sacrifice: seven bul- 
 locks and seven rams, the largest and most costly 
 sacrifice, in the doubled seven. In connection 
 with this pompous pretence of piety the sacrifice 
 bears a most equivocal character. It is offered 
 upon the high places of Baal, and still, as it 
 appears, to .Jehovah, from whom he inquires. 
 But for which of the two were the bullocks in- 
 tended, and for which the rams? Build me 
 here seven altars — says Balaam — Stand by 
 thy burnt offering. — There is, in fact, a vile 
 union between heathenism and monotheism — be- 
 tween yea and nay. Then Balaam goes up alone 
 to a bare place, or a bald mountain peak, that he 
 may see as much as possible of Israel, and that 
 he may observe a sign, and thereby secure a vi- 
 sion. He appeals to Elohim, calling to witness 
 his sacrifice. But it is Jehovah who puts the 
 word in his mouth; it proceeds from God as the 
 God of Israel. [B^tlaam went up to meet augu- 
 ries (chap. xxiv. 1): I -will go — peradven- 
 ture Jehovah -will meet me. "He hoped to 
 receive or discover in the phenomena of nature 
 arevelation from Jehovah." Keil. Hence he went 
 as the heathen augurs were wont to do, to the 
 mountain summit, where his view above and 
 around him would be unobstructed. God met 
 Balaam, not "through the agencies employed 
 to seek Him, dealing in this case in an excep- 
 tional manner," Bible Com., not through any 
 appearance or sign which Balaam was to clothe 
 in words, but put a word in his mouth: thus 
 thou Shalt speak. He had a distinct message 
 from which he could not vary. — A.G.] 
 
 3. Balaam's first saying is richer in its form 
 than in its contents. He speaks at first of the 
 great expectations with which his coming is 
 awaited. A king has sent for him, has brought 
 him here in honor. From a remote land, from 
 the far distant mountains of Mesopotamia, he 
 has come to the mountain of Moab. And for this 
 purpose, that he should curse a people whom he 
 knew not only as Jacob, but as Israel (his words 
 are fi'ly chosen: Curse, doom to ■wrath). 
 He might well have said: How shall I curse him 
 whom Johovah blesseth? but he says somewhat 
 less: whom God hath not cursed, whom God 
 hath not threatened. He intimates that he sees 
 not only a part of Israel, as Balak wished, but 
 
 sees it in its whole significance and nature, as if 
 he looked down upon it from every rocky peak 
 and summit. The positive blessing includes 
 three things : the isolation of Israel from the 
 heathen, its countless number, and his own re- 
 cognition of the righteous in it, with whom he 
 wished to die. But in all the three respects the 
 spirit of the typical word expresses much more 
 than was present to the consciousness of Balaam, 
 to wit, the election of God's people, its blessed 
 and immeasurable extension, and the salvation 
 in life and in death prepared for the righteous. 
 [Shall dwell alone — not isolation, freedom 
 from tumults, and thus security — but the inward 
 separation in character and in their relation to 
 God, upon which the outward isolation depended, 
 and of which it was the symbol. They dwelt 
 alone only while they clave to God — counted 
 not themselves among the nations. The 
 whole Israelitish history is a striking comment 
 upon the text. As the description applies to the 
 N. T. Israel, so the rule likewise. 
 
 Who can count the dust?— A reference 
 
 to the promise, Gen. xiii. 15, which was already 
 so largely fulfilled, that even the fourth part, 
 alluding, as Keil thinks, to the fourfold arrange- 
 ment of the camp, could not be numbered. — 
 
 □'IK''', a term applied to Israel as the called of 
 God who is just and right, and as expressive of 
 the end of their calling — or destination. It is not 
 so much descriptive of their actual character as 
 of the idea of the people, which was partly real- 
 ized in the natural Israel, but is to be actually 
 and fully realized in the spiritual. It is always 
 the product of the gracious dealings of God with 
 His people. 
 
 Let my last end be like his. — Balaam 
 could not curse the righteous people. His better 
 impulses find expression in the wish that he 
 might share with them at least in their death. 
 The Hebrew word refers not so much to the dy- 
 ing as to that which follows death, the futurity, 
 the last estate. (See Ps. xxxvii. 37, 38.) While 
 it is true that their ideas of a future state were 
 as yet vague and indefinite, it is not true, as 
 Keil says, "that the Israelites did not then pos- 
 sess a certain hope of a blessed life beyond the 
 grave." It is difficult to fix just the amount of 
 light they enjoyed, but it is well nigh impossible 
 to read the utterances of the word in regard to 
 their death without feeling that the light shone 
 for them and upon them. And he who walked 
 with God, and died in the consciousness of the 
 divine grace and love, could never have supposed 
 that the light would go out in darkness, or that 
 there was no blessed life beyond the grave. — 
 A. G.] 
 
 For the location of Bamoth-Baal see chap, 
 xxi. 19, 20. It appears here as the most remote 
 point from which the camp of Israel could be 
 seen. For the ancient custom of inaugurating 
 religious questions, undertakings, execrations or 
 blessings with sacrifices, see Knobel, p. 187; 
 Keil, Clark's Translation, pp. 176, 177. The 
 sign for which Balaam went out alone was the 
 view of Israel which should form a sign and a 
 vision for him. 
 
CHAP, XXIII. 11-24. 138 
 
 P.— THE SECOND BLESSING. 
 Chap. XXIII. 11-24. 
 
 11 And Balak said unto Balaam, What hast thou done unto me ? I took thee to 
 
 12 curse mine enemies, and, behold, thou hast blessed them altogether. And he an- 
 swered and said, Must I not take heed to speak that which the Lord hath put in 
 
 13 my mouth? And Balak said unto him, Come, I pray thee, with me unto another 
 place, from whence thou mayest see them : thou shalt see but the utmost part of 
 them, and shalt not see them all : and curse me them from thence. 
 
 14 And he brought him into the field of Zophim, to the top of Pisgah,^ and built 
 
 15 seven altars, and offered a bullock and a ram on every altar. And he said unto 
 
 16 Balak, Stand here by thy burnt ofiering, while I meet the LORD yonder. And 
 the Lord met Balaam, and put a word in his mouth, and said, Go again unto Ba- 
 ll lak, and say thus. And when he came to him, behold, he stood by his burnt of- 
 fering, and the princes of Moab with him. And Balak said unto him, What hath 
 the Lord spoken ? 
 
 18 And he took up his parable, and said, 
 
 Rise up, Balak, and hear ; 
 
 Hearken unto me, thou son of Zippor ; 
 
 19 God is not a man that he should lie ; 
 Neither the son of man that he should repent ; 
 Hath he said — and shall he not do it f 
 
 Or hath he spoken — and shall he not make it good ? 
 
 20 Behold, I have received commandment to bless. 
 And he hath blessed ; and I cannot reverse it. 
 
 21 He hath not beheld iniquity in Jacob, 
 Neither hath he seen perverseness in Israel ; 
 The Lord his God is with him. 
 
 And the shout of a king is among them. 
 
 22 God brought them out of Egypt ; 
 
 He hath as it were the strength of an unicorn. 
 
 23 Surely there is no enchantment against" Jacob, 
 Neither is there any divination against Israel : 
 According to this time it shall be said of Jacob 
 And of Israel, What hath God wrought ! 
 
 24 Behold, the people shall rise up as a great lion, 
 And lift up himself as a young lion : 
 
 He shall not lie down until he eat of the prey 
 And drink the blood of the slain. 
 
 1 Marg. the hill. * Marg. or in. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 11. ^13 r^3^3. Thou hast blessed to bless. Thou hast blessed only and continually.— A. G.] 
 [Ver. 13. iiri^ip Di3X — correctly rendered the utmost part— not as including the whole, but, as the foilowing 
 clause shows, a small part, the mere stragglers of the camp, as it were. — A. G.] 
 [Ver. 14. Zophim, or watchers, or spies. — A. G.] 
 
 fVer. 15. Here— yonder. f\2, so— thus. The sense is not local. It is the manner.— A. G.] 
 [Ver. 19. Heb. cause it to stand. — A. G.J 
 
134 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 [Ver. 20. Literally: I have taken, received to bless. How he had received it, the word does not explain. The 
 Word, however, was put in his mouth, and hence our version correctly supplies commandment.— A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 21. Heb. trouble, sorrow, suffering, generally as the result of sin— A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 22. The participle DK'VIO designates the bringing out as still incomplete and going forward.— A. ii.j 
 
 [Ver. 23. In both cases it is in, not against. Auguries and divinations are not practised in Israel. They had 
 the immediate revelation.— A. G.] 
 
 EXEGETICAL AXD CRITICAL. 
 
 1. Balak's dissatisfaction and bis renewed at- 
 tempt. He thinks already that in the words of 
 Balaam he hears the utterance of the most defi- 
 nite and positive blessing. Balaam appeals to 
 his absolute dependence. Jehovah put the words 
 in his mouth. But now the blinded and super- 
 stitious king conceives the idea that he has made 
 a mistake in the position to which he had led the 
 prophet. Jle had placed him at first where lie 
 could see only a part of the camp. It now ap- 
 pears to him that even this was too much. Come 
 thou ■V7ith me to another place, the end 
 of the end of them (only the extreme, meagre 
 part of them) thou shalt see, and sbalt not 
 see them all. Keil takes just the opposite 
 view. Balak, he says, "led the seer to the field 
 of the watchers that he might now seethe entire 
 people." He explains the words "thou shalt 
 not see them all," as referring to the view from 
 Bamoth-Baal. But the changed position for the 
 third saying, where he first overlooked the whole 
 camp of Israel, lies against this view. The full 
 description of the second position leads also to 
 the rejection of Keil's view. Kurtz's theory 
 also, that the utmost part denotes the whole, is 
 to be rejected. The phrase " end of the end" is 
 by no means an " intolerable tautology," but a 
 very expressive description. The field of the 
 ■watchers is clearly an elevated plateau upon 
 Pisgah from which watchers made their obser- 
 vations ; but that does not determine whether 
 the watchers were soldiers, bird-augurs, or as- 
 trologers ; nor does it inform us whether this 
 place was the peak Nebo upon Pisgah, or a field 
 of Moab upon the heights of Pisgah. The near 
 lying valley regions are often invisible from lofty 
 summits concealed by wooded ridges and the 
 lower peaks. In any case the design of Balak 
 is clear, that Balaam should see as little as possi- 
 ble of the camp of Israel. Balak must bring again 
 his great sacrifice. I will go to meet yon- 
 der, viz., the manifestation of God. [I will go 
 and meet " is a technical term here for going out 
 for auguries or for a divine revelation," Keil. 
 The term is not local, but expresses the purpose 
 for which he went. — A. G.]. [IIirsch has an 
 ingenious and striking explanation of the places 
 chosen by Balak — Baal, Zophim, Poor — as indi- 
 cating in his mind the three great potencies 
 which decide the weal or woe of nations, through 
 each of which he hopes to secure the curse of 
 Balaam and the ruin of his foes. First Baal, 
 the physical or material, then the field of eeers 
 and watchers, the intellectual, and then Peer, 
 the moral. He would see how richly they were 
 endowed, or through what avenues in these re- 
 spects their ruin could be accomplished. — A. G.] 
 2. The blessing. Now he begins bis blessing 
 \rith an address to Balak. He must rise up as 
 
 if to receive the command of a king ; nor is it a 
 mark of distinction directly, a term of majesty and 
 glory when he addresses bim as the Son of Zip- 
 por. With his first word he reproves the thought 
 of Balak that God might perhaps take back His 
 word. This lies entirely beyond the power of 
 Balaam.* So also with the declaration I have 
 received to bless; he (God) hath blessed, 
 and I cannot reverse it. — Now also he speaks 
 positively of blessing, and of the entire failure 
 of the purpose to curse. The blessing branches 
 into the following parts: 1. Israel's blessed 
 condition spiritually. No iniquity is disco- 
 vered in Jacob, and (therefore) no trouble 
 or affliction in Israel. — Hence there are no 
 points to which the curse can attach itself. [This 
 applies not to individuals in their moral charac- 
 ter, as if they were faultless in the sight of God, 
 but to the people in their calling and in their 
 covenant relation to God. — A. G.]. 2. Israel is 
 the people of God. Jehovah is with him as his 
 God. He Himself is the King, whose trumpet 
 note sounds among them. 3. Hence his way is 
 one in which God leads him. God has brought 
 him out of Egypt, and thus he goes forward 
 rapi'lly and with the irresistible power of the 
 buffalo. [The Reem was probably some species 
 of the wild ox, of great fierceness and of indomi- 
 table strength. See Art. Unicorn, Smith's £ib. 
 Did. — A. G.]. 4. Therefore also Israel is se- 
 cure against the unclean spirits of soothsaying 
 and divination. On the contrary it was guided 
 by the pure spirit of prophecy. The words sound 
 as if Balaam uttered judgment upon his own 
 equivocal position. [" The augury and the divi- 
 nation were the two means employed by the hea- 
 then for looking into futurity." There was no 
 call or place for them in Israel. It was not only 
 secure against their arts, but they had no basis, 
 no legitimate existence. According to the 
 time, i. e., at the right time, in due time, it 
 shaU be said, God will reveal His will and pur- 
 poses. — A. G.]. 6. Plence the lion-like character 
 of the people; its mighty, terrible, irresistible 
 power ; its certain triumph over its foes. [ Bible 
 Com. "Beyond the camp Balaam's eye would pass 
 on to the bed of the Jordan. It was perhaps a 
 lion coming up in his strength from the swelling 
 of that stream (Jer. xlix. 19) that indicated to 
 him this similitude." — A. G.]. 
 
 Ver. 10. We have already spoken of the appa- 
 rent repenting of God as a confirmation of His 
 unchaugeablcness. 
 
 Ver. 21. We prefer not to regard God as the 
 subject of WSD and HXI, but to take them as an 
 indefinite form of the third person. [But see 
 IIenost., p. 112, and comp. Ilab. i. 3, 13.— A. G.] 
 The cause of this glory of Israel is found in the 
 fact that God is their King. As the mighty God 
 (El) He leads them (continuously) out of Egypt. 
 Ought any one to make the sinlessness of Israel 
 
CHAP. XXIII. 25-XXIV. 9. 
 
 135 
 
 the cause ? Hfljl^in may express the rhythmic 
 motion in the alternate leaps and pauses of the 
 buffalo in its progress. [It denotes rather the 
 stirring, restless, unwearied efforts with which 
 the animal forces his way upwards. — A. G.]. 
 
 Ver. 23. Their progress will be sure and con- 
 stant, because they do not waver here and there 
 
 under the delusions of magic arts, but march for- 
 ward with confidence, instructed by the word of 
 God, which shall be given them from time to 
 time. They shall then know what great things 
 the mighty God will do for them. 
 
 Ver. 24. The words of Judah's blessing (Gen. 
 xlix, 9) transferred to the whole people. 
 
 G.— THE THIRD BLESSING. 
 Chap. XXIII. 25-XXIV. 9. 
 
 25 And Balak said unto Balaam, Neither curse them at all, nor bless them at all. 
 
 26 But Balaam answered and said unto Balak, Told not I thee, saying, All that the 
 Lord speaketh, that I must do ? 
 
 27 And Balak said unto Balaam, Come, I pray thee, I will bring thee unto another 
 place ; peradventure it will please God that thou mayest curse me them from 
 
 28 thence. And Balak brought Balaam unto the top of Peor, that looketh toward 
 
 29 Jeshiraon. And Balaam said unto Balak, Build me here seven altars, and prepare 
 
 30 me here seven bullocks and seven rams. And Balak did as Balaam had said, and 
 offered a bullock and a ram on every altar. 
 
 Chap. XXIV. 1. And when Balaam saw that it pleased the Lord to bless Israel, he 
 went not, as at other times, to seek for ^enchantments, but he set his face toward 
 
 2 the wilderness. And Balaam lifted up his eyes, and he saw Israel abiding in his 
 tents according to their tribes ; and the Spirit of God came upon him. 
 
 3 And he took up his parable, and said, 
 
 Balaam the son of Beor hath said, 
 
 And the man whose eyes are ^open hath said : 
 
 4 He hath said, which heard the words of God, 
 Which saw the vision of the Almighty, 
 Falling into a trance, but having his eyes open : 
 
 5 How goodly are thy tents, O Jacob ! 
 And thy tabernacles, O Israel ! 
 
 6 As the valleys are they spread forth, 
 As gardens by the river's side. 
 
 As the trees of lign-aloes which the Lord hath planted, 
 And as cedar trees beside the waters. 
 
 7 He shall pour the water out of his buckets, 
 And his seed shall he in many waters. 
 And his king shall be higher than Agag, 
 And his kingdom shall be exalted. 
 
 8 God brought him forth out of Egypt ; 
 
 He hath as it were the strength of an unicorn : 
 He shall eat up the nations his enemies, 
 And shall break their bones, 
 And pierce them through with his arrows. 
 
 9 He couched, he lay down as a lion, 
 
 And as a great lion : who shall stir him up? 
 Blessed is he that blesseth thee, 
 And cursed is he that curseth thee. 
 
136 
 
 NUMBERS 
 
 ^ Marg. To the meetittg of enchantments. 
 
 Marg. who had his eyes shut but now opened. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 1. Heb. as time after time.— A. G.]- 
 
 [Ver. 3. DX3 a divine saying used ordinarily with Jehovah, found only here and Prov. xxx. 1 ; 2 Sam. xxiii. 1, 
 with the genitive of the human bearer of the saying. — A. G.]. 
 
 [Ver. 3. Rather closed DHt!' like DHD to close, the W being later softened into t? or D- See Hengst., pp. 136- 
 139, and the authorities quoted. — A. G.]. 
 
 [Ver. 4. Falling down— having his eyes open, t. e., the inward eye. The words are diflferent from those in 
 ver. 3.— A. G.]. 
 
 [Ver. 7. The dual form : " personifying the nation as a man carrying two pails overflowing with water."— A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 8. VTi'. Those who beset him round. — A. G.]. 
 
 : T 
 
 [Ver. 8. The suffix in VSH refers to Israel, and the verb is without an expressed object. Hirsch meets the 
 
 T ■ 
 
 difficulty by making the singular suffix refer to God, as His arrows, the arrows of God, Israel wound.?.— A. G.]. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 Balak is betrayed into tiie greatest confusion, 
 niters things which are self-contradictory — a 
 usual result of such cunningly-laid schemes. 
 At first he says : Thou shalt neither curse 
 them nor bless them, L e. keep silence with 
 respect to them. But immediately another su- 
 perstitious id -a occurs to him. He had erred 
 perhaps in only letting the "curser" see the 
 extreme limits of the Israelitish camp. Possibly 
 the result might be entirely diiferent if he should 
 overlook the whole camp at one time and in one 
 view. Then perchance his alarm at the sight 
 of this great swarming host would overwhelm 
 him, and so lead him to pronounce the curse. 
 He leads him therefore at once to the top of 
 Mount Peor. This mountain lay nearest the 
 camp of Israel, one of the peaks of the Abarim 
 range and overlooking the whole plain. It was 
 probably not far from the city Beth-Peor. [It 
 was north from Pisgah, and nearly opposite 
 Jericho, six Roman miles higher than Libbias. 
 The locality is important in connection with the 
 prophetic utterances which follow. See Smith's 
 Bib. Diet., Art. Balaam, Stanley's Hist, of Jew- 
 ish Church, p. 213-217. "Behind him lay the 
 vast expanse of desert extending to the shores 
 of his native Assyrian river. On his left were 
 the red mountains of Edom and Seir ; opposite 
 were the dwelling-places of the Kenite, in the 
 rocky fastnesses of Engedi ; further still was 
 the dim outline of the Arabian wilderness, where 
 ruleil the tlien powerful tribe of Amalek ; imme- 
 diately below him lay the vast encampment of 
 Israel, amongst the Acacia groves of Abel- 
 Shittim — like the water-courses of the mountains 
 — like the hanging gardens beside his own river 
 Euphrates with their aromatic shrubs and their 
 wide-spreading cedars. Beyond them, on the 
 western side of .Jordan, rose the hills of Pales- 
 tine, with glimpses through their valleys of 
 ancient cities towering on their crested heights. 
 And beyond all, though he could not see it with 
 his bodily vision, he knew well that there rolled 
 the deep waters of the great sea, with the Isles 
 of Greece, the Isle of Chittim— a world of which 
 the first beginnings of life were just stirring, of 
 whicb the very name here first breaks upon our 
 
 ears." — A. G.] The same costly sacrifice must 
 be oflFered again. It could only have been in an 
 ironical temper that Balaam, after his previous 
 utterances, could start upon this new attempt or 
 make these requisitions for it. 
 
 He knows now definitely the will of Jehovah, 
 and does not go as before to meet or seek augu- 
 ries, but turns his back directly towards the 
 wilderness, and surveys the whole people of 
 Israel encamped there. Then the Spirit of 
 God came upon him in a new and higher 
 way. The words are no longer put into his 
 mouth, and uttered under constraint and legal 
 fear ; he speaks out now in his ecstatic condition 
 winged words, although we cannot say that they 
 came from the heart. [" He no longer attempted 
 by any magic art to control the purpose of God, 
 but became the organ which God used in the 
 communication of His will. He spake now in 
 the spirit of prophecy." Hiesch. "It was not 
 the mere sight of the ordered camp which formed 
 the subjective preparation for receiving the 
 Spirit of God, but the sight in connection with 
 the previous living conviction that Israel was 
 the blessed people of God." Hengstenbekg. — 
 A. G.] . 
 
 Vers. 3, 4. He begins with a description of his 
 new higher and more exalted state. From his 
 very opening words Balaam himself is conscious 
 for the time of prophetic powers. From Balaam 
 the son of Beor he has become the man Tvho 
 has his inward prophetic eyes opened, since 
 he has passed now into prophetic ecstacy. He 
 first heard the words of (the mighty) God — 
 as hearing usually precedes vision in the mira- 
 culous revelation — and then sa'W the vision 
 (face) of the Almighty, but was so overpow- 
 ered that he fell down (as Saul, 1 Sam. xix. 24; 
 Daniel, Dan. x. 9 ; the Seer in the Apocalypse, 
 Rev. i.; and as generally the prophets were pros- 
 trated in their calling) ; but with the fall, his spi- 
 ritual eyes were unveiled, so that he can now 
 make known the divine sayings. [Keil: "He 
 calls his prediction a divine saying, a DW, for 
 the purpose of designating it as a divine reve- 
 lation received from the Spirit of God." The 
 falling to the ground was not necessarily or even 
 generally an attendant upon the prophetic state 
 and calling. There seems to be an intimation in 
 
CHAP. XXIII. 25— XXIV. 9. 
 
 137 
 
 the phrase, is Saul also among the prophets? 
 
 that this condition was common. But that is a 
 Blight basis upon which to build a theory of the 
 prophetic stale. It is only in cases like Balaam 
 and Saul, when the Spirit finds an alien condi- 
 tion of will and heart, that His coming is at- 
 tended by these marks of violence, as if they 
 were overcome and thrown down by a hostile 
 power. As Hengstenberq well says, we are not 
 justified in inferring from these cases that this 
 was the condition with all the prophets. We 
 could scarcely conceive it to have occurred with 
 Samuel, as with Saul. To those whose ordinary 
 states are pervaded by the Spirit He comes as to 
 His own. The falling with David, Ezekiel, John, 
 are not parallel; for in their case it was the 
 splendor and glory of the manifestation which 
 led them to prostrate themselves in reverence 
 and fear. Whose eyes are open, not with 
 the margin: who had his eyes shut, but now 
 open, referring in both cases to his inward eye, 
 but with most modern commentators, as now shut 
 or closed. It is descriptive of his present ecsta- 
 tic state. His bodily eyes and senses are closed 
 to the external world, while his inner eye is 
 open to the visions which the Spirit gave. The 
 contrast between the third and fourth verses in 
 the original favors this interpreiation. It does 
 not follow, however, that every prophet in his 
 prophetic condition, had his bodily eyes closed, 
 or the senses, as it were, suspended, ''so far as 
 self-conscious reflection is concerned." With 
 men like Balaam, whose inner eye was darkened 
 by lusts and passions, it seems necessary; but 
 with those who were spiritually-minded, who 
 were not sunken in the world of the senses and of 
 self, it was not necessary, and probably did not 
 occur. — A. G.] But here again the blessing is 
 richei in its pathetic form than in i^s contents. 
 The figures used are massed, and sometimes ob- 
 scure. We meet again not only the image of the 
 swift-rushing bufi"alo, but of the lion in a modi- 
 fied form. He describes the goodly and splendid 
 appearance of the tent-city, which may be re- 
 garded as an unconscious type of the theocracy 
 or the church (vers. 5 and 6). In the next 
 place he describes the glorious development 
 of this people (ver. 7). Then thirdly he cele- 
 brates its power — and indeed its destructive 
 power over the heathen (vers. 8, 9). Only a faint 
 glimmer of hope for the nations shines through 
 the closing words: Blessed is he that bless- 
 eth thee, and cursed is he that curseth 
 thee. 
 
 Ver. 5. How goodly are thy tents, etc. — 
 The word is typically significant, not only in re- 
 ference to the theocracy, but to the Christian 
 Church. [It is Israel- which comes before his 
 mental vision — "the people in its higher nature, 
 in its i-elation to God," and therefore all who are 
 Israel, down to the most distant ages. — A. G.] 
 
 Ver. 6. From the dwellings to the land. Well- 
 watered valleys spread themselves out in beauti- 
 ful pictures, and to these the still more beauti- 
 ful gardens by the river side. The conception 
 of the aloe-groves breathing out their fragrance, 
 and the cedar trees standing in their strength by 
 the water courses, leads us away from the ordi- 
 nary beauties of nature, to a higher paradisaic 
 nature and culture. As an unconscious typical 
 
 word, it foretells the Canaan to come, and the 
 wider and succeeding glorification of the earth. 
 [Bible Com. The aloe imported from China 
 and the far distant east furnished to the ancients 
 one of the most fragrant and precious of spices. 
 Comp. Ps. xlv. 48. "All thy garments smell of 
 myrrh, aloes and cassia," Ps. vii. 17. The images 
 of the prophecy seem to have a basis or ground 
 partly in the scene which lay before his natural 
 eyes before the trance — the camp with its wide 
 surroundings, and partly in those with which he 
 was familiar along the banks of his own Euphra- 
 tes.— A. G.] 
 
 Ver. 7. The people are presented under the 
 image of a water carrier, whose two buckets (the 
 dual form) which he carries, are overflowing 
 with water. [He shall pour the water. — 
 He shall not only prosper, have abundance of 
 water, as water was so essential to all fertility, 
 but he shall pour from his overflowing buckets, 
 he shall distribute to others out of his fullness 
 of blessings. In thee shall all families of the 
 earth be blessed, Gen. xii. 3. — A. G.] His 
 seed, ?'. €., his progeny (not his sowing corn, as 
 Cttxsen), shall be in many waters, i.e., shall 
 spreiid itself abroad, be cheered with great and 
 varied blessing. His king shall be higher 
 than Agag, i. e., the kings of his ancient ene- 
 mies, the Amalekites, who were called Agag (the 
 fiery). [Agag seems to have been the common 
 uarj>e of the kings of the Amalekites, as Pharaoh 
 of the kings of Egypt, and Abimelech of the 
 kings of the Philistines. And Hengstenberq 
 has shown clearly, from the immediate context, 
 in which Balaam speaks only in general terms 
 of the good which should come to Israel, and 
 from the relation which this third saying has to 
 those which precede it, and that which follows, 
 forming as it were a middle member in the whole 
 prophetic utterance, a transition from the gene- 
 ral and ideal, to the particular or individual, that 
 we cannot suppose a reference to any individual 
 king as the Agag overthrown by Saul, 1 Sam. 
 XV. 8. It is only in the fourth saying, and even 
 then in a general way, that he passes on to an 
 individual application of the predictions to par- 
 ticular hostile nations. This is still further con- 
 firmed by the fact that his king is not any par- 
 ticular king, as Saul or David, nor even the 
 Messiah exclusively, but his king generally, i.e., 
 the king whom Israel should receive. His king 
 liere is equivalent to the kingdom which 
 should be exalted — in and through which 
 the power of Israel should be fully developed 
 and established over all enemies. There is too 
 an historical reason why the Amalekite kingdom 
 should appear here as the representative of the 
 enmity of the world to the kingdom of God (see 
 Ex. xvii. 8). And they were still probably among 
 the most mighty of Israel's foes, which was not 
 the case at the time of Saul. There is no valid 
 ground therefore for the supposition that this 
 passage indicates a later origin of the book of 
 Numbers. On the contrary, it may be fairly 
 urged as showing how deeply the idea of the 
 kingdom lies imbedded in all conceptions of the 
 people of God as a power in the world, as show- 
 ing that it is not an idea of late growth, but one 
 with which the people of God, and even Balaam 
 was familiar. — A. G.] His kingdom shall bo 
 
138 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 exalted, i. e., raise itself by its activity, vigor 
 and growth. In the words his king he indi- 
 cates the establishment of a royal dynasty in Is- 
 rael, but that the kings of the Amalekites (and not 
 EJom, Assyria, Babylon) are ci)osen as the type 
 of heathen enmity proves the antiquity of the 
 narrative. The singular greatness of the people 
 corresponds to the singular greatness of the king. 
 There is no verbal and conscious prophecy of the 
 Messiah here (Keil: "The king was neither the 
 M'ssiah exclusively, nor the earthly kingdom 
 without the Messiah"); for with the conception 
 of the ideal Messiah, which unfolds itself later, 
 out of the natm-al and generic Messiah, the con- 
 ception of salvation as extending to all assumes 
 a definite form. The words, however, in a typi- 
 cal sense have an unmistakable significance: 
 the great people of God with its great king over- 
 coming and towering above all heathen king- 
 doms and kings. [Hengstenberg: " For as Is- 
 rael only attains the complete realization of its 
 idea in the erection of the kingdom, so the king- 
 dom reaches completely its destination only, with 
 the appearance of the Messiah. In Him first the 
 king of Israel is truly higher than Agag, the 
 representative of the hostile world-power." — 
 A. G.] 
 
 Ver. 8. The repeated reference to Egypt and 
 the Exodus appears to be designed to bring out 
 more vividly the contrast between this poor race 
 of liberated slaves, and its destruction of the 
 heathen nations as its enemies. We explain the 
 latter and difficult clauses thus: he will crush 
 (not gnaw) the bones of his enemies, and then 
 break his own arrows, because the instruments 
 of warfare have become useless. (See Isaiah ii. 
 4.) It is a strange order surely to say that he 
 will first gnaw the bones of his enemies, and 
 then pierce them with his arrows. We would 
 rather account for the change from the plural to 
 
 the singular thus: as he will crush the hostile 
 nations, so he will break his (the enemies') ar- 
 rows. [Keil renders: "he shall dash them in 
 pieces with his arrows," making the enemies the 
 object of the verb. The violent alterations in 
 the text suggested by J. D. Michaelis and Kno- 
 BEL are unnecessary. The order may be, from 
 the crushing defeat of Israel's enemies, to the 
 instruments by which it is secured, arrows 
 standing for the weapons of war. Hirsch : "And 
 as the arrows of God, Israel wounds," i. e., Israel 
 is the weapon in the hand of God in His warfare 
 with His malignant foes, the enemies of the 
 dominion of His moral law upon the earth, and 
 it is only as the arrow of God that Israel has 
 victorious power over the nations." — A. G.] 
 
 The figure of the lion has a deeper significance 
 than in xxiii. 22. There the lion goes in search 
 of his prey ; he has not yet lain down ; here he 
 appears as a triumphant lion, who has lain down 
 in his majesty, and will injure no more. As to 
 the typical meaning underlying this prediction 
 of the kingdom of Israel conquering and destroy- 
 ing all heathen power, see Pss. ii. and ex.; Isa. 
 ix. and xi.; Dan. ii. 34, 85. 
 
 Ver. 9. Comp. Gen. xii. 3; xxvii. 29; xlix. 9; 
 Matt. X. 40-42. 
 
 The last words must lead to a rupture between 
 Balak and Balaam, for their application to 
 themselves, and their opposite purposes, was 
 apparent. Balaam as the blesser felt himself 
 blessed; and since Balak still wished to curse 
 Israel, he was pursued already by the curse. 
 [The future history will scarcely justify the sup- 
 position that Balaam felt himself blessed. He 
 was conscious that he did not bless with the 
 heart ; it was not a blessing he desired which he 
 utters, and hence he could not feel that he him- 
 self was heir to the blessing. — A, G.] 
 
 H.-THE LAST SAYING. 
 
 Chap. XXIV. 10-25. 
 
 10 And Balak's anger was kindled against Balaam, and he smote his hands toge- 
 ther : and Balak said unto Balaam, I called thee to curse mine enemies, and, be- 
 ll hold, thou hast altogether blessed them these three times. Therefore now flee thou 
 to thy place : I thought to promote thee unto great honour; but, lo, the Lord hath 
 
 12 kept thee back from honour. And Balaam said unto Balak, Spake I not also to 
 
 13 thy messengers which thou sentest unto me, saying. If Balak would give me his 
 house full of silver and gold, I cannot go beyond the commandment of the Lord, 
 to do either good or bad of mine own mind ; but what the Lord saith, that will I 
 
 14 speak? And now, behold, I go unto my people: come therefore, and I will adver- 
 
 15 tise thee what this people shall do to thy people in the latter days. And he took 
 up his parable and said, 
 
 Balaam the son of Beor hath said, 
 
 And the man whose eyes are open hath said : 
 
CHAP. XXIV. 10-25. 
 
 139 
 
 16 He liath said, whicli heard the words of God, 
 And knew the knowledge of the Most High, 
 Which saw the vision of the Almighty, 
 Falling into a trance, but having his eyes open ; 
 
 17 I shall see him — but not now : 
 
 I shall behold him — but not nigh : 
 There shall come a Star out of Jacob, 
 And a Sceptre shall rise out of Israel, 
 And shall smite the corners of Moab,^ 
 And destroy all the children of Sheth. 
 
 18 And Edom shall be a possession, 
 
 Seir also shall be a possession for his enemies ; 
 And Israel shall do valiantly. 
 
 19 Out of Jacob shall come he that shall have dominion, 
 And shall destroy him that remaineth of the city. 
 
 20 And when he looked on Amalek, he took up his parable, and said, 
 
 Amalek was the first of the nations ;* 
 
 But his latter end shall be^ that he perish for ever. 
 
 21 And he looked on the Kenites, and took up his parable and said, 
 
 Strong is thy dwelling place, 
 
 And thou puttest thy nest in a rock. 
 
 22 Nevertheless the Kenite'* shall be wasted. 
 Until Asshur shall carry thee away captive. 
 
 23 And he took up his parable and said, 
 
 ♦ Alas ! who shall live 
 
 When God doeth this ! 
 
 24 And ships shall come from the coast of Chittim, 
 And shall afflict Asshur, and shall afflict Eber, 
 And he also shall perish for ever. 
 
 25 And Balaam rose up, and went and returned to his place : and Balak also went 
 his way. 
 
 1 Marg. or smite through the princes of Moab. 
 3 Marg. shall be even to destruction. 
 
 s Marg. The first of the nations that warred against Israel. 
 * Heh. Kain. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GPwAMMATICAL. 
 [Ver. 14. Heb. n^JT'K. I will give thee counsel or advice. It is not used for a simple announcement.— A. G.] 
 rVer. 14. Better at^he end of days, since that ia the usual eignifieance of the word rmn«.-A. G.] 
 [Ver. 17. The text is better than the margin here. "'nXS, the two corners or sides of Moab, from side to side. 
 
 —A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 17. Children of Sheth, rather the sons of tumult or confusion. See Jer. xlvin. 45 ; Amos ii. 2. So most 
 
 modern interpreters. — A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 18. Increase in power and wealth. — A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 22. The particles DX '3- and HO-n;; may be better rendered here with Ewald and Knobel only then 
 —when; orwithKEiL, Bible Com.: For surely is it that (giving the QX a strong negative force) Kain shall be 
 for destruction. He shall not be until, etc.— A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 23. Sets, establishes him. 1Dt?n, since, or from his establishing. The suffix may refer to the general 
 destruction which follows, or to the power by which it is wrought.— A. G.] 
 
 EXEGETICAL AXD CRITICAL. 
 
 In his indignation Balak changes his courtly 
 conduct towards Balaam. He does not indeed 
 go further than a threatening movement of his 
 hands. [The clapping of the hands together 
 
 was not, however, designed to terrify Balaam. 
 It was simply an expression of the disappoint- 
 ment and passion of the king. — A. G.] Still he de- 
 scribes the calling of Balaam as a royal command 
 which he had thrice disregarded. But now he 
 commands him to flee. He drives him away 
 and with scorn. He had thought to pro- 
 
140 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 mote him to honor; but Jehovah {i. e. Ba- 
 laam's belief iu Jehovah) has withheld him 
 from this distinction. But his anger seems to 
 have kindled also the anger of the proud seer. 
 He reminds Balak of his declaration at the very 
 outset that he was dependent upon Jehovah 
 (chap. xxii. 18). The breach between them is 
 indic'Hed in the expression : Since I am going 
 hence to my people, come therefore I 
 w^ill teach you w^hat this people vyill do 
 to thy people at the end of days. [Kurtz: 
 "• The end of days' denotes the horizon of a 
 prophetic uttterance. It begins when the pro- 
 phecy enters upon its actual fulfilment. For 
 Jacob, whose hope and desire were limited 
 largely to the dwelling of his descendants in the 
 land of promise, the end began at the time of 
 Joshua; but for Moses and Balaam, who saw 
 that this possession of the promised land did 
 not give perfect rest, 'the end of days' could 
 only be when the strifes and hindrances should 
 be removed, the enemies overcome. The end to 
 them began with the line of David. The pro- 
 phecy then received its preliminary and partial 
 fulfilment. But that fulfilment was only rela- 
 tively perfect, since the entire opposing powers 
 to the people of God were not yet destroyed. 
 There remained yet a future and wider fulfil- 
 ment. 'The end of days' was not yet com- 
 plete."— A. G "I 
 
 Ver. 15. It is scarcely correct to say that the 
 succeeding outburst of anger is to be viewed as 
 the calminating point of his predictions, as per- 
 haps we might be inclined to do from the striking 
 figure of the star out of Jacob. The narrator 
 lets him pour out his saying without any preli- 
 minary or preparatory announcement. His 
 self-consciousness comes out clearly in the de- 
 scription he gives of himself. He is here as 
 one having the knoTw^ledge of the Most 
 
 High (|i"'7J:^., in which respect he may be re- 
 garded as belonging to the primitive religion of 
 Melchizedec. But as a worshipper of jVSj^ Sx 
 he passes into the ranks of those who woVsliip 
 El-Shaddai and receives the vision which the 
 Almighty discloses to him, with his eyes 
 open and falling to the ground. The fun- 
 damental thought in his saying is now almost 
 exclusively, the King who shall come forth out 
 of Israel. We must distinguish here also be- 
 tween the conscious purpose of the seer, and the 
 typical significance of his words, which grows 
 out of the fact that he has a vision of the glory 
 of Israel, and that the glory of Israel is in reality 
 a type of the Messianic kingdom. I shall see 
 him, but not now. What could tliis mean in 
 the conscious thought of the man who was just 
 about to pass by the tents of Israel on his way 
 homeward? The thought: I see him now, but 
 not as a man of the present, is not definitely 
 and clearly expressed. It might be rendered : 
 I shall see him ; but He is not here. I shall 
 look for him, but not nigh (not as one near 
 at hand). The typical significance of the words 
 extends to the time of the kings of Israel, and 
 still further to the time of its ideal king. The 
 declaration which follows: there shall come 
 a star out of Jacob, is explained more fully 
 
 by the sceptre of Israel, vphich should first 
 smite Moab on every side, as he had already- 
 been smitten on the side of Heshbon. It is not 
 in this way that the ideal Messiah would be 
 announced. We call to mind also that it is not 
 the purpose of the writer to include Balaam 
 among the Messianic prophets ; still less here 
 when he burns with anger against Balak. That 
 this prediction, as all that follows it here, must 
 be fulfilled, is the result of the idea, that Israel 
 is the people of Jehovah. And they were ful- 
 filled. After Moab follow the sons of Sheth, not 
 of Seth, nor of 'the drinker,' to wit, Lot, but of 
 those rising up tumuUuously against the domi- 
 nant people of God (see Ps. ii.). Then follows 
 Edom first as to its people, then as to its laud 
 (Seir). By it as a possession will Israel grow 
 strong. We translate the additional clause: 
 One shall descend out of Jacob, and shall destroy 
 all the fugitives out of the city, i. e. the captured 
 cities. 
 
 The prophecy closes with single sentences 
 foretelling the general destruction of all heathen 
 powers. The first of the hostile heathen nations 
 is Amalek; but his latter end shall be: to de- 
 struction. [First: Not as pre-eminent among 
 the hostile nations in position and power, nor 
 as the most ancient of these nations, but as the 
 first who had entered into conflict with Israel, 
 and had resisted successfully their entrance 
 into the promised land, Ex. xvii. 8 and Num. 
 xiv. 45. The conflict began with Amalek. They 
 were to experience early its necessary issue ia 
 subjection. — A. G.] 
 
 The second utterance brings to view a nev? 
 feature, viz. that one nation perishes by the 
 hand of another; the Kenites by Asshur. In 
 the interpretation of the following obscure sen- 
 tences, we agree with Keil : enduring is thy 
 dwelling-place, and laid (past pnrdciple) 
 upon the rock thy nest. For is it that 
 Kain shall fall into destruction until, i. e. 
 Kain shall not be destroyed until [see Text. 
 Note. — A. G.]. The Sept. gives the remarkable 
 interpretation which seems to imply that Balaam 
 alludes to the destruction which he himself 
 brought upon the Midianites. Knobel appears 
 to have been guided by the passage in Judg. iv. 
 14, 17. "A part of the Kenites had separated 
 themselves from their tribe in the south, and 
 had settled in Kadesh in Naphtali, and were 
 doubtless carried away captive with others when 
 Tiglath-Pileser wasted Galilee about 740 B. C. 
 2 Kings XV, 29." Thus this part of the Kenites, 
 sons of the blacksmith (Kain), dwelt safely up 
 to this time in their rocky nest in the northern 
 mountains of Canaan. [The Kenites were pro- 
 bably of Midianitish extraction, as Moses' father- 
 in-law, who was a priest of Midian, was a Ke- 
 nite. Kurtz holds that Balaam here refers to 
 the Midianites, who as enemies of Israel must 
 be involved in ruin, and who here receive the 
 unusual name Kenites from the resemblance 
 between Jp, their rock-dwellings or fastnesses, 
 
 and '•rp, the Kenites. He urges that as the 
 
 Midianites were even now in covenant veith 
 INIoab for the cursing and destruction of Israel, 
 it is perfectly in plape to regard them as the 
 object of the curse directed against the Kenites; 
 
CHAPTER XXIV. 10-25, 
 
 141 
 
 that it would be remarkable indeed if they had 
 not been mentioned among the enemies of Israel 
 who must perish, and that unless they are 
 alluded to here, they are passed by entirely. 
 But there is no sufficient evidence that the 
 Midianites were ever called Kenites. Nor is it 
 necessary to suppose that every enemy of Israel 
 should be specihcally mentioned; on the con- 
 trary those who are named appear in their rep- 
 resentative character. It is very questionable 
 too whether this view can be reconciled either 
 with the text, or with the demands of the his- 
 tory. It seems on the whole better with Keil 
 to regard the Kenites as the friends, and not the 
 foes of Israel, who having laid their nest 
 upon a rock, i. e. joined the true people of 
 GoJ, and thus a secure resting-place aud refuge, 
 were safe from destruction until Israel itself 
 should fall under chastisement. Keil adds : 
 " There is no prediction here of the captivity of 
 Israel, because that was simply a transitory 
 judgment, which served to refine the nation of 
 God, and not destroy it, but which became a 
 captivity of judgment to the Kenites, because 
 they were not really in fellowship with Israel, 
 though outwardly associated with them." The 
 outward association secured a strong dwelling- 
 place, safety for a time. For should Kaiu 
 be destroyed, until, /. e. Kain or Keuite shall 
 not perish until Asshur shall carry thee 
 captive. See Num. x. 32 ; Deut. xxxv. 19. — 
 A. G.] 
 
 In the next saying Balaam appears to have 
 seen more tlian he may announce to Balak. 
 Alas, who shall live when God appointeth 
 him (Assliur to do this). In his present state 
 and disposition, he bewails the future of Israel 
 (Knobel, p. 147). Still he comforts himself 
 with the thought that God appoints Asshur to 
 execute His judicial sentence (Isa. x. 5). From 
 Mesopotamia, Balaam might well know Asshur"s 
 martial strength and lust of conquest. Keil 
 regards the lamentation as introductory to the 
 prophecy concerning Asshur. Balaam bewails 
 the sons of his people. [He renders also with 
 our version: who sets, doeth this, making 
 
 the suffix in lOp'O neuter and referring to the 
 
 substance of the following prophecy, and not to 
 Asshur. What pained the heart of the seer 
 was not merely that Israel and the associated 
 Kenites should be carried captive, which seemed 
 to "involve the ruin of all peace and safety upon 
 earth," but that the judgment should fall upon 
 Asshur, upon his own people. — A. G.] 
 
 Ver. 23. A new saj'ing truly begins here. 
 But it does not follow that the saying must refer 
 to Asshur, since the judgment upon Asshur 
 opens with a disjunctive particle in ver. 24. 
 Why should not his woe apply to the unuttered 
 future lot of Israel which appeared to be so 
 directly in conflict with his previous blessing? 
 Let it be noticed also, that the judgment upon 
 the naval power from Chittim is not introduced 
 with a new parable. At last the universal ruin 
 of the nations appears in the vision. Hostile 
 ships come from Chittim. " Ci^^ is Cyprus 
 with its capital Citium (Gen. x. 4) mentioned as 
 intervening between Greece and Phoenicia, and 
 the chief station for the maritime commerce of 
 
 Phoenicia, so that all the fleets passing from the 
 west to the east necessarily took Cyprus in their 
 way." Keil. These ships afflict Asshur and 
 afflict (cast them to the ground) Eber. A mere 
 vague glimpse of a great western empire, which 
 overthrows the oriental power, limits his pro- 
 phetic horizon, and his vision of judgment closes 
 with this, that he sees even the shadowy and 
 unknown one, the prince of the ships from 
 Chittim going down unto destruction. And 
 he shall perish forever. " These words can- 
 not refer to Eber and Asshur, for their fate is 
 already announced in the word afflict or press, 
 but only to the new western power which was 
 to come over the sea." Keil. But when Keil 
 says Eber "neither refers to the Israelites 
 merely as Hebrews (Sept. and Vulg.), nor to 
 the races beyond the Euphrates (Onkelos and 
 others), but like 'all the sons of Eber' (Gen. 
 X. 21), to all the posterity of Abraham, who 
 descended from Eber through Peleg, and also 
 to the descendants of Eber through Joktan," 
 his exposition lies aside from the actual and 
 peculiar thought of Balaam. The strange vision 
 meets him again, so in conflict with the whole 
 scope of his prophecy, that with the posterity 
 of Eber, not only the descendants of Abraham 
 generally, but Israel itself should be visited 
 with judgment; but he prefers to say Eber 
 rather than Israel. And since he combines 
 Eber with his native race Asshur, he chooses 
 for them the mildest term. They shall be 
 bow^ed, humbled; while of the unknown one, 
 under whose power they shall be bowed, he says 
 with apparent delight: he also shall perish 
 forever. The shadowy nature of these last 
 visions of judgment is a strong proof of the great 
 antiquity of this prophecy. The look into the 
 far distant future stretches beyond the Babylo- 
 nian and Persian histories, and rests upon a 
 faint vision of the Macedonian empire, behind 
 which the Roman power lay hidden, or with 
 which it was included. Punitive judgments 
 and universal ruin form the last words of the 
 heathen prophet ; a picture unrelieved by any 
 light background, more terrible even than the 
 Scandinavian "twilight of the gods." Thus 
 Balaam takes his departure from Balak, not 
 only in anger, but in a kind of despair ; the 
 Spirit of God appears to have revealed nothing 
 more encouraging, and in this state he may 
 easily have offered himself to Moses, as Simon 
 Magus to Peter. At all events this excessive 
 spirit of judging and cursing is that very ex- 
 treme which, according to ancient and modern 
 experience, passes over into the region of impure 
 and idolatrous fanaticism. For special treatises 
 upon the narrative, see Tholuck, Hofmann, 
 Keil [also Hengstenbekg and Kurtz. — A. G.] 
 Above all things, we must guard against inclu- 
 ding Balaam in the class of the Messianic pro- 
 phets, and the typical significance of his words 
 must not be confounded with conscious pro- 
 phecies. 
 
 [The question here, however, is not whether 
 Balaam was conscious of the real import of his 
 words. He was speaking under the influence 
 of the Spirit of God. Lanqe's view that he 
 spake in anger, because reproached by Balak, 
 has not sufficient ground, at least not in 
 
142 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 the sense and importance he gives it. How 
 far in his condition he may have been subject 
 to ordinary frames and passions, we cannot 
 determine. 
 
 Whatever may have been true, these frames 
 and passions were under the control of the Spirit 
 who came upon him. — Neither is it possible 
 to determine how far he may have been conscious 
 of what his words meant. We are to deal with 
 the words, not his inward consciousness or pas- 
 sions. The thing of moment is what his words 
 really mean. Are they explained, or fairly ex- 
 plainable on any other supposition than that 
 they are Messianic ? Do they find their com- 
 plete fulfilment in the immediate future, or at 
 the time of David, or in Christ and His king- 
 dom ? It is not necessary to determine, further, 
 whether on the supposition that the prophecy is 
 Messianic, we are to regard it as pointing to 
 Christ only as the ideal King, and under whom 
 the ideal kingdom would «ome to completion, all 
 its enemies be subdued and destroyed, as Heno- 
 STENBKRQ, or with KuRTZ, that Christ is referred 
 to as the personal, concrete, real King — the Mes- 
 siah Himself. Both views are consistent with 
 the full Messianic interpretation of the prophecy 
 while the latter seems on the whole prefer- 
 able. It is here at the close of the prophecy 
 that we may best consider what is its real cha- 
 racter. If the words he shall perish forever 
 refer as the tenor of the prophecy implies and 
 the later history demands, to the western power 
 which the prophet saw in the dim distance 
 coming over the sea — to the Macedonian and Ro- 
 man empire — then we have, as Kurtz well says, 
 "a real prophecy of that which no human wit, 
 no powers of penetration, ei'her in the time of 
 Moses or David, or even Malachi, could have 
 foreseen."* The overthrow of this last power 
 of the world connects this prophecy with those 
 of Daniel, who fakes up and describes more ac- 
 curately these world powers in their nature and 
 progress and decay. If this is so then the end 
 of days in which Balaam's prophecy falls, 
 within which it all lies, must embrace the Mes- 
 sianic period, or at least the period of the king- 
 dom, from its beginning through all its stages 
 of progress, until its completion in the kingdom 
 of God, and the destruction of all its foes, when 
 in the widest sense of the words Even he shall 
 perish forever. But if the end of days de- 
 notes the whole period of the kingdom, then the 
 prophecy whose very core and substance is in 
 the words, there shall come a star out of 
 Jacob, and a sceptre shall rise out of Is- 
 rael, and shall smite all the corners of 
 Moab, and destroy all the children of 
 Sheth, or tumult, finds its preliminary fulfiU- 
 
 * [The effort of the rationalistic critics to find a basis 
 for this prophecy in .«ome transient hinriing of a few 
 Greeks upon the coasts of Westera Asia, who after in- 
 flicting some real damage were compelled to retreat; 
 whose expedition scarcely left a trace or tradition be- 
 hind it, is 80 absurd aa not to require any refutation. 
 The attempt to make this brief and comparatively harm- 
 less irruption an explanation of this prophecy of the wide 
 and permanent ruin wrought hy some western power, 
 shows to what extremities they are reduced who start 
 with the principle " that prophecy, strictly speaking, is 
 impossible," and to what shifts they will resort to escape 
 conclusions which any fair exegesis involves, but which 
 they rightly feel would be destructive to their principle. 
 —A. Q.f. 
 
 ment in David in whom the kingdom was estab- 
 lished, and by whose victories the power of Moab 
 and Edom was broken, but its final and complete 
 fulfillment only in Christ, in whom the kingdom 
 reaches perfection, and who destroys all the ene- 
 mies of Israel. Any other interpretation limits 
 the " end of days," so that it no longer afi^ords 
 scope for the very terms and exigencies of the 
 later predictions. It would afford no room for 
 the appearing and downfall of that power which 
 the prophet sees coming from the west, triumph- 
 ing over all its foes, but whose end is that " even 
 he shall perish forever." We must either find 
 some escape from the clear reference to the Ma- 
 cedonian and Roman empire, or we must recog- 
 nize both the possibility of prophetic predic- 
 tions, and that this prophecy speaks of Christ — 
 or at least the Messianic kingdom. That Ba- 
 laam's prediction was not exhaustively fulfilled 
 by the victories of David, is clear not only from 
 the history, in which both Moab and Edom ap- 
 pear again and again in their hostile attitude, 
 throwing off the yoke under which they had been 
 brought — a history confirmed by the inscriptions 
 upon the Moabitish stone — but from the repeated 
 and explicit references in the prophets to those 
 powers centuries after the time of David. See 
 Isa. XV. and xvi. 1-5 ; Amos ii. 1 ; Zeph. ii. 8, 9; 
 Isa. xxxiv. 5 ; Ezek. xii. — xiv. ; Amos ix. 1*1, 12. 
 
 The Messianic view is so obviously implied in 
 the terms of the prophecy, that it was universally 
 held by the Jews from the most ancient times. 
 They held indeed that it received its preliminary 
 fulfillment in David, but always regarded it as 
 pointing to the Messiah. See Hengst. : Chris- 
 tology. Vol. I. p. 105. So wide-spread was this 
 explanation that the renowned pretender, or 
 Pseudo-messiah in tlie reign of Hadrian styled 
 himself Bar-Cochba (the son of the star) with a 
 clear reference to this prophecy. From the Jews 
 it passed into the Christian Church, and has been 
 the prevalent view down to the present day. It 
 is rejected of course by the extreme rationalists; 
 but the attempt to find any adequate explana- 
 tion of its terms in the person and triumphs of 
 David, is so in the face of the facts of the history 
 subsequent to the time of that monarch, that 
 those who receive the history at all are conscious 
 of failure. We must either reject the whole his- 
 tory, even that part which the critics regard as 
 genuine, or admit that the star out of Jacob, 
 the ruler who should smite through all the oppo- 
 sing powers of the world, is the Messiah. 
 
 It is no objection to this view that at the time 
 of Christ Moab and Edom had disappeared from 
 the history. For these nations appear here as 
 the present enemies of Israel, but at the same 
 time as the representatives of all the nations 
 hostile to the kingdom of God. It is not as Mo- 
 abites that they are to be smitten, but as the 
 enemies of the people of God. It is not their 
 national character, but their attitude and spirit 
 in relation to the divine kingdom, which calls 
 for judgment. The limits of their national ex- 
 istence cannot therefore be the limit of the pro- 
 phecy or of its fulfillment. So that even if it 
 could be maintained that Moab and Edom were 
 completely destroyed by David, that the applica- 
 tion of the prophecy to those particular enemies 
 was thus final and complete, that would not 
 
CHAP. XXIV. 10-25. 
 
 143 
 
 change the fact that Moab in the wider prophetic 
 sense still esisteil, and would exist, until all the 
 enemies of the kingdom of God were subdued or 
 destroyed. The eternal principles and ideas of 
 prophecy run through infinite cycles. Where 
 there are enemies, there are Moabites, and there 
 the predictions of Balaam must be fulfilled. 
 
 When it is said that we can hardly suppose 
 Balaam to have rejoiced in such a kingdom, 
 which should in its onward progress crush all 
 the powers which placed themselves in its path, 
 it is enough to reply, that we are not told that 
 he did. We do not know what were his personal 
 feelings any more than we know how far he was 
 conscious of the import of what he said. He was 
 in a prophetic state. The Spirit of God came 
 upon him ; he was under the influence and con- 
 trol of that divine agent, and so spake his pre- 
 dictions. It is not probable that he did rejoice 
 in what he saw, as we know that he remained 
 in will and heart opposed to Israel. But this in 
 no way aflfects the scope and meaning of his pro- 
 phecy. 
 
 If we compare Balaam's prophecy with the 
 prediction of the dying Jacob, '' that the sceptre 
 should not depart from Judah until Shiloh came 
 to whom the nations should gather," we feel at 
 once that they are closely connected, and yet 
 that they are very different both in the definite- 
 ness of the predictions, and in the spirit they 
 breathe. But this difference is to be accounted 
 for partly from the nature of the Messianic pro- 
 phecy, unfolding itself more and more fully in 
 history, from the germ to the full bloom and fruit, 
 and partly from the inward and outward circum- 
 stances which give rise to the prophecy. Ba- 
 laam sees " the nation of Israel encamped, ac- 
 cording to its tribes, in the face of its foes, the 
 nations of the world." " He looks only upoo 
 the external results of the Messianic kingdom, 
 and these again in a one-sided limited aspect, to 
 the heathen powers in their opposition to the 
 kingdom of God and their consequent subjection. 
 Of the spiritual and earthly blessings which the 
 Messiah should bring, not only for Israel, but 
 for the heathen who should voluntarily yield to 
 His sway, he sees and describes nothing." Kurtz. 
 Still he does not lose sight of the blessed and the 
 blessing nature of the Messianic kingdom, chap, 
 xxiv. 5-9. " Balaam, the heathen seer, out of 
 Mesopotamia, the centre of the national devel- 
 opment of the ancient world, proclaims, first to 
 the existing representatives of the nations hos- 
 tile to Israel," and through them to all hostile 
 powers as they should rise in succession, that in 
 their enmity to Israel they were struggling 
 against the power of the Almighty, and must 
 perish, " since life and salvation were found only 
 in Israel whom God had blessed." 
 
 The star which the wise men from the East 
 saw, and which led them in the way to the new- 
 born " king of the Jews," refers clearly to the 
 prophecy of Balaam. It was not the star which 
 he foretold, which he saw but not nigh ; that star 
 was Christ. The star which appeared to them 
 announced that the star which Balaam saw had 
 now risen out of Jacob in the birth of the king 
 of the Jews. These Magi were, like Balaam, 
 from the east. They were engaged in similar 
 
 pursuits, devoting their lives to the study of oc- 
 cult sciences; men whose whole disposition 
 would lead them to study eagerly the revelation 
 made to the people of God scattered widely 
 throughout the known world. They would na- 
 turally be drawn to the predictions of Balaam, 
 one of their own class, and from their own coun- 
 try. " Upon this natural enlightenment," says 
 Hengstenberg, "rests the supernatural revela- 
 tion granted to them. God unfolded to their 
 minds, which were already filled with a longing 
 for the * Star out of Jacob ' foretold by Balaam, 
 the meaning of the star which proclaimed the 
 fulfillment of Balaam's prophecy ; He revealed 
 to them, that is to say, the fact that it announced 
 the birth of the ' King of the Jews.' And just 
 as Balaam had joyously (?) exclaimed ' I see 
 Him,' and 'I behold Him,' they also could say 
 ' We have seen his star.' '" — A. G.]. 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 On the whole section : Balaam is a type which 
 is reflected a thousand-fold in art, poesy, science, 
 in the pulpit, in ecclesiastical government, whose 
 double face appears often in the contrast between 
 a higher inspiration, or spiritual (enthusiastic) 
 contemplation, and a lower tendency and final 
 reprobation. 
 
 His history is important for the knowledge of 
 prophetic psychology, for the distinction between 
 verbal and typical prophecy, for that between 
 belief and superstition regarding blessings and 
 curses, as well as for hermeneutical science. 
 Even the ass throws a light on the question of 
 animal psychology, a question over which not 
 only has rationalism fallen, but Apologetics has 
 stumbled. See the exegesis. 
 
 [The history is impressive further as to the 
 blinding power of sin when persisted in. Ba- 
 laam's love of gold blinds him to the light of that 
 knowledge of God which he obviously pnssessed 
 before Balak's call — to the clearer light which 
 shone from the angel who met him in the way — 
 and lastly to the light of those revelations which 
 shone around him so clearly. The person so 
 blinded passes into deeper darkness from the 
 very process through which he has passed. The 
 light within becomes darkness, and how great is 
 the darkness. 
 
 The history brings out clearly the Providence 
 of God in the development and growth of the 
 characters of bad men. The conditions under 
 which that progress is made, the outward cir- 
 cumstances which furnish the occasion by which 
 the character is tested and matured, these are a 
 part of the divine plan. Balaam's place in his- 
 tory is not accidental, nor are the circumstances 
 in which he appears either the result of chance, 
 or shaped merely by human agencies. But all 
 through his history the divine providence works 
 restraining the evil principles, then permitting 
 the man to have his own way, until the final test 
 is applied, when he must choose between con- 
 science and sinful lusts, between God and self. 
 The history of Balaam repeats itself more or less 
 fully in a thousand cases. It is obvious fur- 
 ther, how God shields and blesses His people. — 
 A. G.]. 
 
144 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 The policy of Balak. He seeks by the curse 
 to depress the courage of the Israelites and to 
 stimulate the courage of the Moabites, and thus 
 secure the power to destroy Israel. An old 
 story, yet ever new. It is like a page from the 
 latest contemporary history. The dark fame 
 of Balaam— that as a curser or imprecator he 
 was without a rival. The character of Balaam. 
 This combiaation of great capacities for inspira- 
 tion with low aims and passion, is of more fre- 
 quent occurrence than we are apt to think (see 
 the exegetical notes). Balaam's struggle and 
 apparent triumph. The signs of his defeat and 
 the fearful depths of his fall. The self-contra- 
 diction in his nature grew into an ii-reconcilable 
 breach. Balaam's speaking ass, a mystery of 
 the animal, and still more of the human soul-life. 
 The prophecies of Balaam: examples of the over- 
 powering rhetorical pathos of (enthusiastic) in- 
 breathed spiritual discourse. The gradation in 
 his prophecies. The core and heart of them. 
 The typical star. The Balaam behind the scenes. 
 Balaam and Balak. Balaam as presented in the 
 Old Testament and in the New. 
 
 [Chap. xxii. 9-14. Balaam's true state betrays 
 itself at the outset. He knows to some extent the 
 history of Israel, and that God had blessed them. 
 Yet he inclines to go and prouounce the curse. 
 He parleys with the temptation. He lays him- 
 self open to stronger temptation. The Lord 
 refuseth to give me leave to go with you. 
 — 1. He wishes to go. 2, He is restrained only 
 by fear. 3. His reply invites a renewal of the 
 proposals, and prepares the way for the overmas- 
 tering temptation to come. 
 
 Ver8.15-21. Henry: "The enemies of the 
 church are restless and unwearied in their at- 
 tempts against it. How artfully Balak manages 
 the tempiatioa. 1. The messengers were more and 
 more honorable. 2. The request was more ur- 
 gent. 3. The rewards were greater." Balaam's 
 seeming refusal, his real inclination and pur- 
 pose. Wordsworth: "He adds hypocrisy to 
 covetousness. Thus he tampers with his own 
 conscience, and tempts God to change His mind 
 whom he knew and declared to be immutable." 
 Go vrith them. — Henry: "As God sometimes 
 denies the prayers of His people in love, so 
 sometimes He grants the desires of the wicked in 
 wrath. It is a fearful thing when God leaves a 
 bad man to follow his own will, Isaiah Ixvi. 4; 
 Jer. ii. 19. 
 
 Vers. 22-35. God's anger •was kindled. — 
 Henry: "The sin of sinners is not to be thought 
 the less provoking to God because He permits it. 
 We must not think that therefore He approves 
 it. Nothing is more displeasing to God than ma- 
 licious designs against His people ; he that touches 
 them touches the apple of His eye." God stands 
 as an adversary in the way of sinners. He re- 
 strains and checks them in their downward ca- 
 reer; and yet He makes them the ministers of 
 His purposes toward His own children. 
 
 Ver. 41. On the morrow. — A deliberate 
 
 act. He goes after full reflection, and yet without 
 delay, he is eager to fulfil the wish of Balak and 
 secure the coveted wealth. 
 
 Chap, xxiii. 1-10. Balaam covers his purpose 
 to curse Israel with a show of devotion. His 
 sacrifice not to honor God, but either to con- 
 strain Him or win His favor. It is characteris- 
 tic of hypocrisy. I have prepared altars and 
 offered sacrifices. Henry: "He pronounces 
 God's people happy in three things. 1. Happy 
 in their peculiarity and distinction from the rest 
 of the nations (ver. 9). 2. Happy in their num- 
 bers (ver. 10). 3. Happy in their last end. Let 
 me die, etc. There are many who, like Balaam, 
 desire to die the death of the righteous, but do 
 not endeavor to live the life of the righteous. 
 They would be saints in heaven, bat not saints 
 on earth. This is the desire of the slothful 
 which kills him because his hands refuse to 
 labor." 
 
 Vers. 11-24. He hath blessed and I can- 
 not reverse it. — The gifts and calling of God 
 are without repentance. The security of Israel 
 against all the machinations and power of their 
 enemies. 1. In the unchanging purpose of God, 
 who has made them blessed (vers. 19, 20). 2. 
 In their moral character, as they are viewed by 
 God, the objects of His choice (ver. 21). 3. In 
 their past experience of the saving power of God 
 (ver. '22). 4. God's presence with them as their 
 King. What hath God wrought. — Henry: 
 "The defeatiucr of the design of the church's 
 enemies ought to be had in everlasting remem- 
 brance to the glory of God." 
 
 Chap. xxiv. 1-9. Henry: "The blessing is in 
 substance the same as before, yet he admires in 
 Israel: 1. Their order and beauty (ver. 5); 2. 
 their fruitfulness and increase (ver.^. 6, 7) ; 3. 
 their honor and advancement; 4. their power 
 and history (ver. 8); 5. thfeir courage and secu- 
 rity (ver. 9) ; 6. Their interest and influence 
 upon their neighbors (ver. 9)." Vers. 6, 7. 
 Wordsworth: "A beautiful picture of the true 
 Israel of God flowing forth from Christ, the di- 
 vine fountain of grace, pouring out the living 
 waters of salvation, the pure streams of the Spi- 
 rit (Isa. xii. 3; John iii. 5; iv. 10; vii. 38, 39), 
 and watering the wilderness of the world to 
 rejoice and be glad, and to blossom as the 
 rose." 
 
 Vers. 10-14. Balaam loses the wages of un- 
 righteousness and the favor and blessing of God. 
 Seeking to gain both, he gains neither. We can- 
 not serve God and Mammon. The double-minded 
 man ordinarily loses all. 
 
 Vers. 15-24. Know the knowledge of the 
 Most High. — Henry: "A man may be full of 
 the knowledge of God, and yet utterly destitute 
 of the grace of God." Here is the prophecy of 
 the kingdom which is carried on and completed 
 in Daniel. It shall come in the latter (at the end 
 of) days; it shall come out of Jacob; it shall 
 come as a star and sceptre in splendor and with 
 authority; it shall be irresistible in its progress; 
 its enemies shall be destroyed or fall into its pos- 
 session ; it shall be universal in its extent, and 
 endure through the end of days. — A. Q.] 
 
CHAP. XXV. 1-18. J4.5 
 
 SECOND SECTION. 
 
 The Threatening Apostasy through the Seductions of Idolatrous Feasts Arrested 
 
 by the Zeal of Phinehas. 
 
 Chapter XXV. 1-18. 
 
 1 And Israel abode in Shittim, and the people began to commit whoredom with 
 
 2 the daughters of Moab. And they called the people unto the sacrifices of their 
 
 3 gods: and the people did eat, and bowed down to their gods. And Israel joined 
 himself unto Baal-peor : and the anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel. 
 
 4 And the Lord said unto Moses, Take all the heads of the people, and hang them 
 up before the Lord against the sun, that the fierce anger of the Lord may be 
 
 5 turned away from Israel. And Moses said unto the judges of Israel, Slay ye every 
 one his men that were joined unto Baal-peor. 
 
 6 And, behold, one of the children of Israel came and brought unto his brethren 
 a Midianitish woman in the sight of Moses, and in the sight of all the congregation 
 of the children of Israel, who were weeping before the door of the tabernacle of the 
 
 7 congregation. And when Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron the 
 priest, saw it, he rose up from among the congregation, and took a javelin in his 
 
 8 hand ; And he went after the man of Israel into the tent, and thrust both of them 
 through, the man of Israel, and the woman through her belly. So the plague was 
 
 9 stayed from the children of Israel. And those that died in the plague were twenty 
 and four thousand. 
 
 10, 11 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, the 
 son of Aaron the priest, hath turned my wrath away from the children of Israel, 
 while he was zealous for my sake' among them, that I consumed not the children 
 
 12 of Israel in my jealousy. Wherefore say, Behold, I give unto him my covenant 
 
 13 of peace : And he shall have it, and his seed after him, even the covenant of an 
 everlasting priesthood ; because he was zealous for his God, and made an atone- 
 
 14 ment for the children of Israel. Now the name of the Israelite that was slain, even 
 that was slain with the Midianitish woman, tvas Zimri, the son of Salu, a prince of 
 
 15 a chief house^ among the Simeonites. And the name of the Midianitish woman 
 that was slain was Cozbi, the daughter of Zur ; he was head over a people, a?id of 
 a chief house in Midian. 
 
 16, 17 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying. Vex the Midianites, and smite 
 18 them : For they vex you with their wiles, wherewith they have beguiled you in 
 the matter of Peor, and in the matter of Cozbi, the daughter of a prince of Mi- 
 dian, their sister, which was slain in the day of the plague for Poor's sake, 
 
 1 Marg. with my zeal. a Marg. house of a father. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 3. Yoked. HDV, to bind, fasten— to come under the yoke— to be subject to discipline or rule, and so 
 to serve.— A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 8. nSpn. The arch— the alcove— applied here to the inner or rear part of the tent.— A. G.l 
 10 
 
146 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 [Balaam had not returned to bis home, although 
 he bad turned towards it. It is not necessary to 
 suppose ibat after leaving Balak be went to the 
 Israelitish camp and revealed his prophecies to 
 Moses in the hope that be might obtain the re- 
 ward which be bad failed to secure from Balak. 
 The words he returned (chap. xxiv. 25) are 
 hardly consistent with such a supposition. And 
 there is nothing in the mental condition of Ba- 
 laam, fallen now from the heights to which be 
 had been taken, which should have led him to 
 seek the camp of Israel. He was evidently burn- 
 ing with deep hostility towards Jehovah and His 
 people. The loss of the coveted prize inilamed 
 his anger. Moses may have learned bis prophe- 
 cies through other channels, may have received 
 them directly from God, or perhaps, as Keil 
 supposes, Balaam may have communicated them to 
 the Israelites or to Pbinebas when he fell into 
 their bands. On his way homewards, burning 
 with bis anger and disappointment, he f^lls in 
 with the Midianites who were then dwelling 
 upon the Moabitish highlands. And here we 
 have the plot which his malice and cunning sug- 
 gested.— A. G.] 
 
 The blessing of Balaam did not shield the peo- 
 ple from the curse to which it exposed itself im- 
 mediately afterwards without any suspicion of 
 the protection which Jehovah had given it in 
 that blessing. On the doctrinal side, with re- 
 spect to its faith, the worldly spirit found no di- 
 rect access to them; now it attempts, and with 
 great success, to approach them on the practical 
 side, undermining its faith by corrup.ting its 
 moral character and practice. This also is a 
 story of the most primitive antiquity, ever re- 
 peating itself anew, and too little studied in the 
 instance before us. 
 
 It is worthy of notice in the first place that 
 the people bad just returned from their last great 
 victory in the east of Perea, and were now, in a 
 dangerous spiritual mood resulting from their 
 victory, encamped with their spoil in the acacia 
 plains, seeking repose. This encampment was 
 their Capua. 
 
 Then begins the old story of the enticing ido- 
 latrous feasts, against vvhich the earliest statutes 
 had warned them, Ex. xxiii. 32, 33; a story 
 which is fatally repeated through the whole Is- 
 raelitish history, comes out again in a new form 
 in the first periods of the Christian Church (2 
 Peter and Jude), and in the Apocalypse casts its 
 shadow down to the verj' end of time. In 
 masked forms, especially under the guise of sen- 
 sual and voluptuous delights, this temptation 
 has often, even in the Protestant Church, wrought 
 destructive results, e.g., in the army of Henry 
 the IV.; among the Huguenots generally ; among 
 the Hungarian Protestants; at the court of the 
 last of the Stuarts, and at many other times and 
 places. 
 
 But in such cases the evil, the moral contagion, 
 starts with the great, rather than with the hum- 
 ble, and this is strikingly exemplified in the pre- 
 sent narrative. As the wrath of God broke out 
 against Israel and revealed itself in its peculiar 
 power and results, in impending death, in a ter- 
 
 rible pestilence, then spake Jehovah to Moses, 
 Take all the heads of the people (those who 
 have been leaders in the sin) and hang them 
 up before the Lord against the sun. — 
 Moses intended substantially tbe same thing 
 when in other terms he said to tbe judges: 
 Slay ye every man his men that w^ere 
 joined unto Baal-Peor. — Just then occurs tbe 
 most glaring example of the sin. Zimri, a prince 
 of tbe tribe of Simeon, leads his paramour, a 
 Midianitish princess, with shameless impudence, 
 into his tent, in the presence of all tbe peo- 
 ple. How much less guilty the common people 
 were, in comparison with such effrontery, ap- 
 pears from tbe fact stated, that all the people 
 who saw the outrage were weeping at the door 
 of the tabernacle of the congregation. Moses 
 himself seems to have been confounded. 
 
 Nothing less than the exercise of a holy burn- 
 ing zeal, such as came upon Pbinebas, could 
 have stayed the tide of corruption. It is useless 
 here to attempt to trace back to a definite sta- 
 tute or institution the zealot right which appears 
 here in its strongest form. It wells up from the 
 depths of the theocratic life, as a primitive form 
 of police, having its precedent in the judgment 
 exercised upon the more guilty offenders at the 
 worship of the golden calf, and its analogies in 
 the arbitrary exercise of justice, now in the 
 vehme courts, now in lynch-law, etc. In Israel 
 Zealotism was the complement of the law in its 
 practical aspect, as Urim andTbummim were the 
 complement of prophecy. There was here also 
 a priestly basis and support. Pbinebas was the 
 son of Eleazar, the successor of Aaron. His he- 
 roic act confirmed to him the inheritance of his 
 priesthood. The energetic character of bis deed 
 comes out.in the strongest light in the text. This 
 act was accepted as the decisive, satisfactory 
 atonement of the collective guilt of the people. 
 The plague -was stayed. — As tbe Israelites 
 had before determined upon a later war of re- 
 venge against the king of Arad, so now Moses 
 resolves to be avenged upon tbe Midianites. The 
 breach between the easily deluded Israel, and 
 this dangerous neighboring people, should be 
 made sure and lasting. 
 
 There is moreover a very remarkable delicacy 
 in the narrative, in omitting any allusion here 
 to the instigator of the temptation. The great 
 villain and his villanous deed, lies deeply con- 
 cealed in the background, and the story leaves 
 him in his concealment for the present, because 
 it is concerned mainly to bring out the fact that 
 the people, or rather the heads of tbe people, are 
 chargeable for the sin. It knows nothing now 
 of any sentimental palliation of their conscious 
 guilt; but the demoniacal wickedness of the 
 tempter, and the judgment which overtook him 
 are related later, and from thence onward in all 
 the theocratic tradition, he is the great type of 
 such seducers. We may perhaps regard it as a 
 consoling truth, that while retribution was so 
 long delayed, while his godless villany lay hid- 
 den for so long a period, yet judgment overtakes 
 him at last. 
 
 Balaam appears moreover to have reached the 
 Moabites, through the mediation of the nomadic 
 Midianites lying upon the borders of Moab. The 
 Midianites accordingly form the connecting link 
 
CHAP. XXV. 1-18. 
 
 147 
 
 between Israel and Moab ; but the princes of 
 Moab obviously consecrate their own daughters 
 to the work of seduction. 
 
 Ver. 1. Shittim. — An abbreviation for Abel- 
 shittim, see xxii. 1, a part of the plains of Moab 
 in the direction of Palestine, Josh. ii. 1 ; iii. 1. 
 It does not appear from the text that the fall of 
 the people began with carnal lewdness. It began 
 apparently with the invitation from the daugh- 
 ters of Moab to attend the sacrificial feasts of 
 
 their gods. [The /X in the text, in its position 
 and form, intimates that the invitation came from 
 the daughters of Moab. And this is explicitly 
 stated in the following verse. They, the daugh- 
 ters of Moab, called the people unto the 
 sacrifices of their gods, the gods of those who 
 extended the invitation. It is the usual process 
 in the falls of Israel. — A. G.]. Sins of the flesh 
 and the falling away to idolatrous service were 
 the results. But both sins are bound up in the 
 one conception of whoredom. The prostitution, 
 the selling as it were of human personality, fol- 
 lows upon the concessions of the personality of 
 God. [The acacia and palm groves, with their 
 shade, gave a welcome retreat after these long 
 wanderings in the barren desert, and the sore 
 struggles through which they had passed. — A. G.] 
 
 Ver. 3. Baal-peor. — Lascivious rites were 
 widely spread and prevalent in Babylonia and 
 Syria. See Knobel. [Also article Baal in Smith's 
 Bible Dictionary. — A. G.]. It was Baal, espe- 
 cially as he was worshipped at Peor, with lust- 
 ful practice (hence Baal is sometimes called 
 Peor). Beth-Peor, Deut. iii. 29 ; iv. 46. " He 
 was a Moabitish Priapus, in honor of whom vir- 
 gins and women prostituted themselves. As the 
 god of war he was called Chemosh," Keil. We 
 distinguish in the same divinity between the god 
 of fortune and the god of misfortune, thus : the 
 first was worshipped with voluptuous sacrifices, 
 the latter with human sacrifices — Moloch-sacri- 
 fices. And the anger of the LORD was 
 kindled. See Ex. iv. li4 ; Ps. xc. 
 
 Ver. 4. After the destructive pestilence had 
 broken out among the people, Jehovah Himself 
 appoints the first remedy. According to Knobel, 
 whom Keil follows here, the heads of the people 
 are only called out in order to hang the guilty 
 ones among them. The whole narrative will 
 thus lose its very nerve and substance, and surely 
 this can scarcely be the true interpretation of 
 DniX i'p;ni. All the heads of the people 
 
 must clearly refer only to the guilty : but these 
 are to he discriminated by the judges. Hang 
 them up before the LORD (as a curse-offer- 
 ing) against the sun. — There were two prin- 
 cipal modes of Oriental hanging. The one was 
 fatalin its operation — a literal crucifixion — which 
 however divided itself again into two kinds ; 
 nailing and impalement. In the other the cri- 
 minals were slain first, and then fastened to a 
 pole for exhibition or atonement, "so that the 
 impalement or crucifixion was only an aggrava- 
 tion of the capital punishment, like the burning 
 in Lev. xx. 14, and the hanging in Deut. xxi. 22. 
 The rendering of the Sept. and Vulg. is irdpa- 
 deiy/naTil^eiv and suspendere." Keil. 
 
 [Knobel : " Crucifixion was a mode of capital 
 punishment in use among the nations of anti- 
 
 quity, and could not have been strange to the 
 Hebrews ; but among the older Hebrews rarely 
 if ever, except in the suspending of the dead 
 corpse as an aggravation of the punishment." 
 Against the sun, t. e., publicly not in conceal- 
 ment. It was a public and shameful exhibition — 
 as if the heaven and the earth were both unwill- 
 ing to receive them — and therefore added to the 
 severity of the punishment. Before the Lord: 
 not merely as sinners against Him, and hence in 
 His presence, but as the preposition means to 
 Him — as a satisfaction to Him, to appease His 
 wrath. — A. G.]. 
 
 Ver. 5. Keil says: " This command of Moses 
 to the judges was not carried out because the 
 matter took a different tarn." He adds, how- 
 ever, later, twenty-four thousand were killed by 
 the plague. The Apostle Paul gives the number 
 that fell as twenty-three thousand, probably from 
 a traditional interpretation of the schools, that 
 one thousand out of the twenty-four, perished by 
 the judges, and only twenty-three thousand fell 
 by the plague literally — to whom alone Paul re- 
 fers." We must make a distinction also between 
 the execution of the guilty generally, and the 
 hanging up against the sun, the latter sentence 
 being inflicted only upon the criminals of higher 
 stations, and for purposes of intimidation. 
 
 [Slay ye every one his man. — There is a 
 reference to the local or tribal courts which ex- 
 isted even then. The judges were severally to 
 execute the sentence upon the guilty belonging 
 to his jurisdiction. Hirsch : '' The Jewish 
 court had no right to intervene unless upon a 
 public accusation. There need not be, however, 
 any oflScial public accuser. The whole people 
 virtually occupied that position. Any two men 
 might arrest the criminal and bring him before 
 the court, and demand a punishment according 
 to the offence. But as in cases like this, in which 
 there is a wide and public apostacy, these steps 
 were not taken, perhaps could not be — therefore 
 God Himself lets His anger flame against Israel 
 — assumes the responsibility and exercises the 
 functions of the judge. — A. G.]. 
 
 Vers. 6-9. He leads her before the eyes of Is- 
 rael into the female apartment of his tent. Phi- 
 nehas pierced both of them through in the very 
 act. The original will scarcely admit any other 
 view, and the deviations from it among the Rab- 
 bins are untenable. [Keil : " Upon this act of 
 Phinehas and later examples of Samuel (1 Sam. 
 XV. 33) and Mattathias (1 Mace. ii. 24), the later 
 Jews erected the so-called ' Zealot-right,' accord- 
 inof to which any one, even though not qualified 
 by his official position, possessed the right, in 
 cases of any daring contempt of the theocratic 
 institutions, or any daring violation of the honor 
 of God, to execute vengeance upon the criminals. 
 See Buddeus' de jure zelotarum apud Heb. 1699." 
 Kurtz, Geschich. des A. B. reminds us however 
 that Phinehas as an actual priest and designated 
 successor to the High Priest, had an ofiBcial po- 
 sition, that Moses' command to slay the trans- 
 gressors had already been issued, that the cir- 
 cumstances were extraordinary, the boldness of 
 the crime, the great interests, even the highest 
 good imperilled, justified his assumption of 
 authority, and his consecration to his judicial 
 act. It would be very strange to construe such 
 
148 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 an act, by such a person, under such circum- 
 stances, into a precedent for irregular acts of 
 zeal.— A. G.]. 
 
 Vers. 10-12. 'O^JJl"? " is not zeal for me, but 
 my zeal, the zeal of Jehovah, with which Phine- 
 has was filled, and impelled to put the daring 
 sinners to death," Keil. The zeal of Jehovah 
 manifested itself in the plague. Here the zeal 
 of Phinehas for Jehovah is exalted according to 
 its real merit. [Hath turned my -wrath 
 a:vay. He made an atonement for the 
 
 children of Israel — "^?.3V. ^^^ covered, or was 
 for a covering. Bible. Com. : " The signal ex- 
 ample thus made by Phinehas of a leading of- 
 fender, was accepted by God as an expiation, 
 and the exterminating wrath which had gone 
 out against the whole people was arrested." I 
 give him my covenant of peace. — Give or 
 fulfil. " The covenant granted to Phinehas con- 
 sisted in the fact that an eternal priesthood {i. e., 
 the eternal possession of the priesthood) was se- 
 cured to him; not for himself alone, but for his 
 descendants also as a covenant, i. e., in a cove- 
 nant or irrevocable form, since God never breaks 
 a covenant that He has made. In accordance 
 with this promise the high priesthood which 
 passed from Eleazar to Phinehas continued in 
 his family, with the exception of a brief period from 
 Eli to David, until the typical priesthood of Aaron 
 was merged into the actual priesthood of Christ." 
 Keil. The covenant of peace, because it is 
 only through the priesthood and its atoning sacri- 
 fices that peace between God and the sinful world 
 can be established, as it was through the act of 
 Phinehas, by which God's right was vindicated 
 and established in Israel, that His wrath was 
 stayed, and peace restored. — A. G.]. 
 
 Vers. 14, 15. Zimri was a prince out of the 
 chief house of the tribe of Simeon, but the father 
 of the Midianitish woman Cozbi was the head of 
 several tribes, and of a chief house in Midian, 
 and is called king, and numbered among the 
 five kings of Midian who were slain by the Is- 
 raelites, chap. xxxi. 8. 
 
 Vers. 16-18. Cozbi their sister. — The repe- 
 tition is emphatic, the clauses form a climax. It 
 was an extreme case of the grossest outrage that 
 Cozbi, a Midianitish princess, the sister of the 
 people, i. e., of their chiefs, should herself be 
 led in clear sunlight, into the sacred camp, to 
 glorify lust, and render it an act of service or 
 worship. [Baumgaeten: "Moses was com- 
 manded to vex the Midianites in order that the 
 practical zeal of Phinehas against sin, by which 
 expiation had been made for the guilt,''might be 
 adopted by all the nation." — A. G.]. 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 The history of the fall and sin of Israel through 
 its participation in the idolatrous festivals of the 
 Midianitish gods, can scarcely be too strongly 
 emphasized, in its significance for the Christian 
 history of the Church and world. Its particular 
 features are, 1. The stealthy diabolical counsel 
 of Balaam to destroy the people of the faith by 
 beguiling them into lascivious worship, and 
 worldly lusts and passions generally. This 
 fiendish method has played a larger pnrt in se- 
 eret than has ever found publicity in history. 
 
 poisoning individual characters, and whole na- 
 tions. 2. The dangerous situation of Israel, as 
 it is encamped in the acacia groves and cele- 
 brates its victories. 3. The alluring invitation 
 to the idolatrous festivals and sacrifices. 4. The 
 evil example of the great, and of the upper class 
 in general. The fearful result of the entice- 
 ment and sin of Israel, appears morally in a lapse 
 from the faith and its pure morality, and physi- 
 cally in the outgrowth of deadly pestilences. On 
 the other hand these offences call out in unex- 
 ampled vigor the spirit of zeal, the primal source 
 and type of all moral police, as it has celebrated 
 its triumphs in Florence, Geneva and elsewhere. 
 Such acts of moral defence and safety must be 
 broadly distinguished from deeds of fanaticism ; 
 although the flame rarely begins without smoke. 
 Generally we have here the primitive type of 
 that ever returning freeing of the kingdom of 
 God from all antinomianism, from all libertinism 
 in the great, and all hypocrisy in the small, from 
 all mingling of holiness with glittering fleshly 
 lusts, and from all mingling of hallowed festal 
 service, with seductive and corrupting feasts. 
 The name Cozbi has especially furnished a basis 
 for a long catalogue of sister names, who, like 
 the Jezebel of the Apocalypse, have wrought fatal 
 mischief in both worldly and spiritual circles. 
 
 [The history shows that the " curse causeless 
 never comes." God's people are safe from the 
 curse unless they bring it upon themselves. They 
 never experience it unless they have practically 
 renounced God and His law. The floodgates are 
 open, then, and nothing but a vindicated divine 
 right will stem the tide. — A. G.]. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 The enticement of Israel through the idola- 
 trous Midianitish festivals. An old and new 
 story. Cozbi a type of the historical and cor- 
 rupting woman. The zeal of Phinehas or the 
 distinction between religious and fanatical zeal- 
 otism. The idolatrous Midianitish festivals, a 
 lasting warning for Christendom. A warning also 
 against the mingling of religious devotion with 
 the sexual life, characteristic of some sects. The 
 twofold correction of the divine righteousness 
 for the Midianitish excesses. The plague or the 
 pestilence, and the sword of Phinehas. How 
 often may the judicial sword hinder or remove 
 a pestilence. [Heney: " AVe have here : 1. The 
 sin of Israel. 2. Its punishment by the hand of 
 the magistrate and by the immediate hand of 
 God. 3. The zeal of Phinehas in slaying the 
 impudent oS"enders. 4. God's commendation of 
 his zeal ; and 5. The enmity put between the 
 Israelites and the Midianites their tempters, as 
 at first between the woman and the serpent. 
 The heads of the people who were guilty are first 
 slain. Ringleaders in sin ought to be made ex- 
 amples of justice. Zimri's sin was a daring af- 
 front: 1. To the justice of the nation, and bid 
 defiance to that. 2. To the religion of the na- 
 tion, and put contempt upon that. In the face 
 of the command to stay the criminals, and while 
 the congregation were weeping at the door of 
 the tabernacle." It was also a bold affront 
 against God. Since it was committed while the 
 plague was raging. God will surely deal with 
 those who do the devil's work in tempting mea 
 to sin. — A. G.]. 
 
CHAP. XXVI. 1-65. 149 
 
 THIRD SECTION. 
 The New Numbering of the People after the Great Judgment Executed upon It. 
 
 Chapter XXVI. 1-65. 
 
 1 And it came to pass after the plague, that the Lord spake unto Moses and unto 
 
 2 Eleazar the son of Aaron the priest, saying, Take the sum of all the congregation 
 of Israel, from twenty years old and upward, throughout their fathers' house, all 
 
 3 that are able to go to war in Israel. And Moses and Eleazar the priest spake with 
 
 4 them in the plains of Moab by Jordan near Jericho, saying, Take the sum of the 
 people, from twenty years old and upward ; as the Lord commanded Moses and 
 the children of Israel, which went forth out of the land of Egypt. 
 
 5 Reuben, the eldest son of Israel : the children of Reuben ; Hanoch, of whom 
 
 6 Cometh the family of the Hanochites : of Pallu, the family of the Palluites : Of 
 Hezron, the family of the Hezronites : of Carmi, the family of the Carmites. 
 
 7 These are the families of the Reubenites : and they that were numbered of them 
 
 8 were forty and three thousand and seven hundred and thirty. And the sons of 
 
 9 Pallu ; Eliab. And the sons of Eliab ; Nemuel, and Dathan, and Abiram. This 
 is that Dathan and Abiram, which were famous in the congregation, who strove 
 against Moses and against Aaron in the company of Korah, when they strove 
 
 10 against the Lord : And the earth opened her mouth, and swallowed them up 
 together with Korah, when that company died, what time the fire devoured two 
 
 11 hundred and fifty men : and they became a sign. Notwithstanding the children 
 of Korah died not. 
 
 12 The sons of Simeon after their families : of ^Nemuel, the family of the Nemuel^ 
 ites : of Jamin, the family of the Jaminites : of ^Jachin, the family of the Jachin- 
 
 13 ites: Of *Zerah, the family of the Zarhites: of Shaul, the family of the Shaulites. 
 
 14 These are the families of the Simeonites, twenty and two thousand and two hun- 
 dred. 
 
 15 The children of Gad after their families : of ^Zephon, the family of the Zephon* 
 ites : of Haggi, the family of the Haggites : of Shuni, the family of the Shunites : 
 
 16, 17 Of ^Ozni, the family of the Oznites : of Eri, the family of the Erites: Of "Arod 
 
 18 the family of the Arodites : of Areli, the family of the Arelites. These are the 
 families of the children of Gad according to those that were numbered of them, 
 forty thousand and five hundred. 
 
 19 The sons of Judah ivere Er and Onan : and Er and Onan died in the land of 
 
 20 Canaan. And the sons of Judah after their families were ; of Shelah, the family 
 of the Shelahites: of Pharez, the family of the Pharzites : of Zerah, the family of 
 
 21 the Zarhites. And the sons of Pharez were : of Hezron, the family of the Hezron- 
 
 22 ites : of Hamul, the family of the Hamulites. These are the families of Judah 
 according to those that were numbered of them, three-score and sixteen thousand 
 and five hundred. 
 
 23 Of the sons of Issachar after their families : of Tola, the family of the Tolaites : 
 
 24 of Tua, the family of the Punites : Of »Jashub, the family of the Jashubites : of 
 
 25 Shimron, the family of the Shimronites. These are the families of Issachar accord- 
 ing to those that were numbered of them, threescore and four thousand and three 
 hundred. 
 
150 NUMBERS. 
 
 26 Oj the sons of Zebulun after their families : of Sered, the family of the Sardites : 
 of Elou, the family of the Elonites : of Jahleel, the family of the Jahleelites. 
 
 27 These are the families of the Zebulunites aceordiug to those that were numbered 
 of them, threescore thousand aud five hundred. 
 
 28, 29 The sous of Joseph after their families were Manasseh and Ephraim. Of the 
 sons of Manasseh : of Machir, the family of the Machirites : and Machir begat 
 
 30 Gilead : of Gilead come the family of the Gileadites. These are the sons of Gilead : 
 oj Meezer, the family of the Jeezerites : of Helek, the family of the Helekites : 
 
 31 And oj Asriel, the family of the Asrielites : and oj Shechem, the family of the 
 
 32 Shechemites : And oj Shemida, the family of the Shemidaites : and oj Hepher, the 
 family of the Hepherites. 
 
 33 And Zelophehad the son of Hepher had no sons, but daughters : and the names 
 of the daughters of Zelophehad were Mahlah, and Noah, Hoglah, Milcah, and Tir- 
 
 3'4 zah. These are the families of Manasseh, and those that were numbered of them, 
 fifty and two thousand and seven hundred. 
 
 35 These are the sons of Ephraim after their families : of Shuthelah, the family of 
 the Shuthalhites : of '"Becher, the family of the Bachrites : of Tahan, the family 
 
 36 of the Tahanites. And these are the sons of Shuthelah : of Eran, the family of 
 
 37 the Eranites. These are the families of the sons of Ephraim according to those 
 that were numbered of them, thirty and two thousand and five hundred. These 
 are the sons of Joseph after their families. 
 
 38 The sons of Benjamin after their families : of Bela, the family of the Belaites : 
 of Ashbel, the family of the Ashbelites : of "Ahiram, the family of the Ahiramites : 
 
 39 Of '^Shupham, the family of the Shuphamites : of Hupham, the family of the 
 
 40 Huphamites. And the sons of Bela Avere ^^Ard and Naaman : oj Ard, the family 
 
 41 of the Ardites : and of Naaman, the family of the Naamites. These are the sons 
 of Benjamin after their families : and they that were numbered of them were forty 
 and five thousand and six hundred. 
 
 42 These are the sons of Dan after their families : of "Shuham, the family of the 
 
 43 Shuhamites. These are the families of Dan after their families. All the families 
 of the Shuhamites, according to those that were numbered of them, were threescore 
 and four thousand and four hundred. 
 
 44 Oj the children of Asher after their families : of Jimna, the family of the Jim- 
 nites : of Jesui, the family of the Jesuites : of Beriah, the family of the Beriites. 
 
 45 Of the sons of Beriah : of Heber, the family of the Heberites : of Malchiel, the 
 
 46 family of the Malchielites. And the name of the daughter of Asher was Sarah. 
 
 47 These are the families of the sons of Asher according to those that were numbered 
 of them : who were fifty and three thousand and four hundred. 
 
 48 Oj the sons of Naphtali after their families : of Jahzeel, the family of the Jah- 
 
 49 zeelites: of Guni, the family of the Gunites: Of Jezer, the family of the Jezerites: 
 
 50 of ^'Shillem, the family of the Shillemites. These are the families of Naphtali 
 according to their families : aud they that were numbered of them were forty and 
 
 51 five thousand and four hundred. These were the numbered of the children of 
 Israel, six hundred thousand and a thousand seven hundred and thirty. 
 
 52, 53 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Unto these the land shall be divided 
 
 54 for an inheritance according to the number of names. To many thou shalt '^give 
 the more inheritance, and to few thou shalt ''give the less inheritance : to every 
 one shall his inheritance be given according to those that were numbered of him. 
 
 55 Notwithstanding the land shall be divided by lot : according to the names of the 
 
 56 tribes of their fathers they shall inherit. According to the lot shall the possession 
 thereof be divided between many and few. 
 
CHAP. XXVI. 1-65. 
 
 151 
 
 57 And these are they that were numbered of the Levites after their families : of 
 Gershon, the family of the Gershonites ; of Kohath, the family of the Kohathites ; 
 
 68 of Merari, the family of the Merarites. These are the families of the Levites : the 
 family of the Libnites, the family of the Hebronites, the family of the Mahlites, 
 the family of the Mushites, the family of the Korathites. And Kohath begat 
 
 59 Amram. And the name of Amram's wife was Jochebed, the daughter of Levi, 
 whom her mother bare to Levi in Egypt : and she bare unto Amram, Aaron and 
 
 60 Moses, and Miriam their sister. And unto Aaron was born Nadab and Abihu, 
 
 61 Eleazar and Ithamar. And Nadab and Abihu died, when they offered strange 
 
 62 fire before the Lord. And those that were numbered of them Avere twenty and 
 three thousand, all males from a month old and upward : for they were not num- 
 bered among the children of Israel, because there was no inheritance given them 
 among the children of Israel. 
 
 63 These are they that were numbered by Moses and Eleazar the priest, who num- 
 
 64 bered the children of Israel in the plains of Moab by Jordan near Jericho. But 
 among these there was not a man of them whom Moses and Aaron the priest num- 
 bered, when they numbered the children of Israel in the wilderness of Sinai. 
 
 65 For the Lord had said of them. They shall surely die in the wilderness. And 
 there was not left a man of them, save Caleb the son of Jephunneh, and Joshua 
 the son of Nun. 
 
 1 Marg., Gen. xlvi. 10; Ezek. vi. 15, Jemuel. 
 
 * Gen. xlvi. 10, Ziphion. 
 
 "> or Phuvah. 
 
 10 1 Chron. vii. 20, Bered. 
 
 ^ Gen. xlvi. 21, Muppim and Huppim. 
 
 1* or Hushini. 
 
 16 Heb. multiply his inheritance. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 The more definite preparations for the entrance 
 into Canaan begin with this chapter. It gives 
 us an enlargement, as well as a parallel to the 
 numbering in chap, i., and has its application 
 in the partition of the land of promise in Josh, 
 xiv. et seq. An enlargement as to the right of 
 inheritance is found in the succeeding chap, 
 vers. 1-11 ; the following section, vers. 12-23, con- 
 tains the calling of Joshua to the leadership of 
 the people after the approaching departure of 
 Moses. Then chap, xxviii. completes the ordi- 
 nances for sacrifices and feasts with reference 
 to the approaching settlement in Canaan. Lastly 
 we have the law in regard to vows, chap. xxx. 
 Upon this follows the final reckoning with the 
 heathen in the retaliatory raid against the 
 Midianites. 
 
 The general object of the mustering is to fix 
 anew the order and number of the army, after 
 it has in the new generation been purified 
 through two death-visitations, especially by the 
 last great catastrophe as by fire, and also after 
 the entire older generation, with the exception 
 of the chosen men Caleb and Joshua, and Moses, 
 whose death was at hand, had passed away. 
 The more definite purpose, however, is the 
 organization of the people with reference to the 
 approaching division of the inheritance accord- 
 ing to their fighting strength. Hence the fami- 
 lies of the different tribes are enumerated in 
 detail. 
 
 To avoid repetition we shall not pursue here 
 the inquiry as to the significance of individual 
 names, but may here also refer to the importance 
 
 * 1 Chron. iv. 24, Jarib. » Gen. xlvi. 10, Zohar. 
 
 5 or Ezbon, Gen. xlvi. 16. « Gen. xlvi. IG, Arodi. 
 
 8 or Job. * ca.\\e d Abiezer, Josh. xvii.2,efc. 
 
 " Gen. xlvi. 21, Ehi: 1 Chron. viii. 1, Aharah. 
 
 13 1 Chron. viii. 3, Addar. 
 
 15 1 Chron. vii. l:i, Shnllnm. 
 
 1' Heb. diminish his inheritance. 
 
 of the names for a proper estimate of the reli- 
 gious and popular character of the Israelites. 
 
 Vers. 1-4. The order for the mustering. See 
 Num. i. et seq. [After the plague. " The 
 words fix approximately the dale at which the 
 census was taken, and intimate the reason for 
 the great decrease in numbers which was found 
 to have taken place in certain tribes." Speak. 
 Com. While this may be true with respect to the 
 tribe of Simeon, who were perhaps involved more 
 deeply in the sin of Zimri, there is no sufficient 
 reason to think that a like explanation can be 
 given for the difference in numbers as to the other 
 tribes. Forty years in a life like that which 
 they led, affords ample room for these differences 
 without supposing any extraordinary reason for 
 them. There is no striking variation except 
 with Simeon. — A. G.j* 
 
 A special motive is intimated ; because they 
 were enoamped in the plains of Moab, by Jor- 
 dan, near Jericho. Hence the nutneration here 
 relates to the setttlement in Canaan, whereas 
 before it has respect to the army organizaiion. 
 The dependence upon the early numbering occa- 
 sions the beauty and simplicity of the record 
 here. [The ellipsis in ver. 4 is rightly supplied 
 in our version from ver. 2. Take the sum. 
 "The words 'from the children of Israel' in 
 ver. 4 onwards form the introduction to the 
 enumeration of the different tribes, and the verb 
 
 * [HiRscH holds that the enumeration was made 
 partly with reference to the Peor-corruption, from which 
 every one must now clear himself, and show his lineage 
 beyond question; and with reference to the settlement 
 in Canaan, each one was to answer or give his name, 
 his house, his family, his tribe, and tlms make clear 
 that he belonged to Israel, and had part m its work and 
 blessing.— A. G.] 
 
152 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 VH', were, must be supplied." Keil. So Lanqe 
 also and the LXX.— A. G.] 
 
 Vers. 5-11. Reuben branches into four fami- 
 lies, numbers 43,730. [That the number of the 
 families has no connection with the number of 
 the tribe is evident from a comparison of Reuben 
 with Dan. There may have been families not 
 enumerated here, who for some reason may have 
 attached themselves to more powerful houses; 
 and it is not necessary to suppose that all the 
 lineal descendants of each house are named. 
 Bible Com.: "A variety of circumstances 
 would naturally tend to bring into prominence 
 some branches of the same parent stock, and 
 throw others into the background." — A. G.] 
 The grandsons of Pallus of the second family, 
 besides Nemuel (or Jemuel), were the rebels 
 Daihan and Abiram. With the allusion to these 
 names, the account goes back to the fearful end 
 of these insurgents. This end, however, is 
 clearly to be distinguished from the fire-judg- 
 ment upon the 2-50 oiferers of incense, who 
 themselves a sign, left behind them a sign in the 
 brazen covering upon the altar. The remarka- 
 ble exception of the children of Korah, the 
 prime mover in the rebellion, who kept them- 
 selves from the uproar, and did not perish, is 
 dwelt upon. [The children of Korah died 
 not. — Wordsworth: "Therefore God does not 
 visit the sins of the fathers on the children, unless 
 the children follow the fathers in sin." A great 
 truth no doubt; but all truth is many-sided. 
 How far is it true that the children's following 
 in the sins of their father is judicial, without 
 interfering with their freedom in choosing to do 
 so? Bible Com.: "Samuel the prophet was 
 of this family, 1 Chron. vi. 22 seq. ; Heman, 
 'the king's seer,' 1 Chron. xxv. 5." — A. G.] 
 
 Vers. 12-14. Simeon, five families, numbers 
 22,200. Obed's family (Gen. xlvi. 10) had be- 
 come extinct — Nemuel=Jemuel. [Keil: Yod 
 and Ifun are often interchanged. See Ges., 
 Thes., pp. 833 and 557; and Zerah is a name of 
 the same import with Zohar (Zerah, the rising 
 of the sun; Zohar, candor, splendor)." — A. G.] 
 
 Vers. 15-18.- Gad. — Seven families, numbers 
 40,500. Ozni is named Egbon, Gen. xlvi. 16. 
 
 Vers. 19-22. Judah, three families, the third 
 subdivided, numbers 76,500. Er and Onan had 
 perished in Canaan. 
 
 Vers. 23-25. Issachar. — Four families, num- 
 bers 64,300. Jashub is called Job, Gen. xlvi. 
 13. The two names have the same signification, 
 to return. 
 
 Vers. 26, 27. Zebulon— Three families, num- 
 bers 60,5 0. [Wordsworth calls attention to 
 the fact that while the three tribes under Reu- 
 ben had decreased, all those under Judah had 
 increased. The tribes were probably influenced 
 by each otlier's example, may have fallen into 
 like sins, and suflFered under common iudgments. 
 —A. G.] 
 
 Vers. 28-84. Joseph— Manasseh.— The 
 family of his son Machir was continued in that 
 of Gilead. This appears subdivided into six 
 families. But besides these, there is another 
 family of the Machirites and Gileadites alluded 
 to, i. e. a branch not clearLy defined. Numbera 
 
 52,700. [Keil: The genealogical accounts in 
 chap, xxvii. 36; Josh. xvii. harmonize, except 
 that Jeezer here is Ariezer in Josh. xvii. 2. 
 Heber's son Zelophehad left only five daughters, 
 whose names are given here to prepare the way 
 for the legal regulations in chaps, xxvii. and 
 xxxvi. — A. G.] 
 
 Vers. 35-37. Joseph — Ephraim. — Three 
 families and a fourth additional house from 
 Shuthelah his eldest son. Numbers 32,500. 
 Comp. 1 Chron. vii. 20. 
 
 Vers. 38-41. Benjamin. — Seven families, of 
 which five were founded by sons and two by 
 grandsons, i. e. grandsons who branched off into 
 separate houses. Numbers 45,600. [The dif- 
 ferences in the names. Gen. xlvi. 21, may be 
 explained on the supposition that grandsons 
 appear as sons, and partly by the probability 
 that some of those named in Genesis had died 
 like Obed in Simeon childless, or without found- 
 ing distinct families. — A. G.] 
 
 Vers. 42, 43. Dan. — One family from Shuham 
 (Gen. xlvi. 23, Hushim j, which, however, divided 
 itself into several smaller families. Numbers 
 64,400. 
 
 Vers. 44-47. Asher. Three families from 
 sons, two from grandsons. He had one daugh- 
 ter Sarah. Numbers 53,400. Ishua of Gen. 
 xlvi. is wanting here, probably as in other cases 
 he had founded no family. 
 
 Vers. 48-50. Naphtali. Four families. 
 Numbers 45,400. 
 
 The total number of persons is 601,730. Com- 
 pare throughout the genealogical table in Gen. 
 xlvi. and 1 Chron. vii., as well as the commen- 
 taries upon them. [A comparison of the totals 
 here and in chap. i. shows a small loss. The 
 people which had grown so rapidly in Egypt 
 had scarcely held its own through the wilder- 
 ness, with its sins and judgments. Tliat one 
 generation merely filled the gaps made vacant 
 by the death of that which preceded it, shows 
 that other than merely natural causes were at 
 work in the wasting of the earlier generation, 
 and confirms the history of the wilderness-life. 
 —A. G.] 
 
 Vers. 52-56, Instructions for the division of the 
 land. First regulation: Each tribe must have 
 a territory whose limits shall be proportionate 
 to its own size. According to the number 
 of names. — Second regulation: It must be 
 decided by lot (between equal territories) which 
 shall fall to each tribe. [The lot was not to 
 determine the extent of the possession, but the 
 relative situation, and was used not only to pre- 
 vent dissatisfaction and disputes, " but that 
 every tribe might receive with gratitude its 
 possession as assigned to it by God Himself who 
 determines the lot."— A. G.] Third regulation: 
 Each inheritance bears the name of the ancestor 
 of the tribe. 
 
 Vers. 57-62. Mustering of the Levitcs. We 
 have merely a sketch or outline for the sake 
 of completing the list. For since this last 
 enumeration is mainly with reference to the 
 inheritance, and the Levites were not lo have 
 any inheritance or possession, they occupy little 
 space here. Thus, 1. The three chief houses: 
 
CHAP. XXVII. l-Il. 
 
 153 
 
 Qershon, Kohath, and Merari. 2. The particu- 
 lar individual houses: Libnites from Qershon. 
 Hebronites from Kohath, Mahlites and Mushites 
 from Merari, the Korhites likewise from Kohath. 
 3. We notice a significant fact which forms the 
 central point in this narrative, and has occasioned 
 some difficulty. Kohalh's son is called Amram, 
 the father of Aaron, Moses, and Miriam bears 
 the same name. This illustrious family is through 
 the identity of names brought back closely to its 
 ancestor Levi. [The recurrence of the same 
 names constitutes no difficulty. But Jochebed 
 could not have been the daughter of Levi in the 
 strict sense. Generations have come and gone 
 between Levi and the mother of Moses. She 
 was a daughter of Levi in the sense that she was a 
 descendant. The term does not necessarily de- 
 termine the nearness of the relation. The words 
 her mother are correctly supplied by our trans- 
 lators. The subject is wanting, and as Keil 
 holds, " must be derived from the verb itself." 
 The other constructions — " who was born ; Vulg. 
 Onkelos; Syr.: "whom his wife bare;" Jarchi, 
 Aben-Ezra — seem forced or inconsistent with the 
 text. — A. G.] 4. The sons of Aaron come out 
 into great prominence. The entire sum of the 
 Levites from a month old and upward was 
 23,000. 
 
 Vers. 63-65. Jehovah's penalty had been ful- 
 filled ; the old generation, with the exception of 
 Caleb and Joshua, had all passed away; i.e., of 
 
 course those only who were more than twenty 
 years of age when the earlier mustering occurred. 
 [See Deut. ii. 14, 15. The entire geueration of 
 warriors, those who were twenty years and up- 
 ward, had perished before Israel crossed the Ze- 
 red ; but the fact that the penal sentence had been 
 thus carried out comes in fitly here, when the new 
 generation has just been mustered, — A. G.] 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 The new numbering of the people represents 
 the importance of preserving and renewing con- 
 stantly the registers of the people by the church 
 and the state. Statistics in its nobler sense and 
 purpose. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 The new generation and society spring up over 
 the graves of the old. The life which has been 
 saved and purified comes out more fully and 
 grandly after the death penalties had been exe- 
 cuted. Cultured society should ever be on its 
 guard and protect itself, even in the conscious- 
 ness of its condition and strength. It is a sad 
 condition of society when the standing of its 
 members is entirely lost, either in the world or 
 in the wilderness. The religious and moral im- 
 port of the census. 
 
 FOURTH SECTION. 
 
 The Preservation of the family Life, and the elevation of "Woman by the estab- 
 lishment of the fights of Female Heirs (the Daughters of Zelophehad). 
 
 Chapter XXVIL 1-11. 
 
 1 Then came the daughters of Zelophehad, the son of Hepher, the son of Gilead, 
 the son of Machir, the son of Manasseh, of the families of Manasseh the son of Jo- 
 seph : and these are the names of his daughters ; Mahlah, Noah, and Hoglah, and 
 
 2 Milcah, and Tirzah. And they stood before Moses, and before Eleazar the priest, 
 and before the princes and all the congregation, by the door of the tabernacle of 
 
 3 the congregation, saying, Our father died in the wilderness, and he was not in the 
 company of them that gathered themselves together against the Lord in the com- 
 
 4 pany of Korah ; but died in his own sin, and had no sons. Why should the name 
 of our father be Vlone away from among his family, because he hath no son ? Give 
 
 5 unto us therefore a possession amongr the brethren of our father. And Moses 
 
 a possession 
 
 brought their cause before the Lord. 
 
 6, 7 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, The daughters of Zelophehad speak 
 right : thou shalt surely give them a possession of an inheritance among their fa- 
 ther's brethren ; and thou shalt cause the inheritance of their father to pass unto 
 
 8 them. And thou shalt speak unto the children of Israel, saying. If a man die, and 
 
 9 have no son, then ye shall cause his inheritance to pass unto his daughter. And 
 10 if he have no daughter, then ye shall give his inheritance unto his brethren. And 
 
154 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 if he have no brethren, then ye shall give his inheritance unto his father's brethren. 
 11 And if his father have no brethren, then ye shall give his inheritance unto his kins- 
 man that is next to him of his family, and he shall possess it : and it shall be unto 
 the children of Israel a statute of judgment, as the Lord commanded Moses. 
 
 1 Heb. diminuihed. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 4. Lanse: extinguished. Keil: cut oflF, cease. Bunsen : withdrawn— A. G.] 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 The section finds its legal enlargement and 
 completion in chap, xxxvi. As the inalienable 
 character and security of the separate tribes is 
 established in the previous section, so here the 
 sure fixed continuity in the tribe branches or fa- 
 milies. But in all, the dominant and fundamental 
 thought, is the personal dignity and worth of the 
 imperishable personal name. In a conditional 
 sense Canaan shall belong to the people forever, 
 for the sake of the name of Israel ; the heritage 
 of Judah because of the name Judah ; and so 
 also every branch of each tribe's inheritance, for 
 the sake of the name of the ancestral house, or 
 father's house. The daughters of Zelophehad 
 understand the direction in this way, and speak 
 not for themselves particularly, but that the 
 memory of their father Zelophehad may be pre- 
 served in a corresponding inheritance. 
 
 Yet in so doing they act indirectly for them- 
 selves, i. e., for their own womanly dignity. They 
 establish the claim that a family name could be 
 preserved through a female generation merely — 
 that in a conditional method female heirs could 
 represent and take the place of male. They thus 
 secured the law with respect to the inheritance 
 of daughters, and with it a significant elevation 
 of woman in her social dignity ; although it did 
 not amount to an equality with man. Their 
 common and confident appearance before Moses, 
 before the high-priest, the elders and the whole 
 congregation, was itself an act of true moral ele- 
 vation, which must have had a lasting effect, and 
 therefore they well deserved to have their names 
 rescued from oblivion, by a double record here 
 and in chup. xxxvi. 10: Mahlah, Noah, and 
 Hoglah, and Milcah, and Tirzah. 
 
 That the law of inheritance was still in a form- 
 ing state was owing doubtless to the fact, that in 
 the so-called father-houses the patriarchal cus- 
 toms, the right of destination exercised by the 
 patriarchal family head, modified perhaps by the 
 views of the family council, were still to a large 
 extent preserved. Thus here there is nothing 
 said as to the right of inheritance of daughters 
 when there are sons also; and the contingency 
 of a daughter carrying her inheritance over into 
 another tribe is left unprovided for, until the re- 
 strictions and limitations are fixed in chap, xxxvi. 
 The very question whether there was any right 
 of inheritance for females was still so novel that 
 even Moses felt constrained to seek a special de- 
 cision upon it from the Lord (ver. 5). These 
 daughters surely had the purpose to preserve 
 the memory of their father's house through 
 their possessions, i. e., by taking husbands only 
 
 on the condition that the sons who might be born 
 should be designated as descendants of their 
 father Zelophehad. The provision, however, in 
 chap, xxxvi. seems to prove that this was not the 
 universal custom, as Keil, Knobel [Bible Com. : 
 suppose, citing as practical examples of it Jarha 
 (1 Chron. ii. 34), Jair (chap, xxxii. 41 ; Deut, iii. 
 14), Barzillai (Ezra ii. 61; Neh. vii. 63). The 
 fuller explication of the law, however, as to the 
 inheritance of daughters, which, as an ordinance 
 of God, fixed definitely the status of the right, 
 truly led to this custom. If the sire of a house 
 die without sons, his inheritance passed to his 
 daughters. But in what sense the following re- 
 gulations reveal: the heir next in succession 
 shall be his brother, etc. In any case the inhe- 
 ritance must remain in the tribe. [Bible Com.: 
 "A father, whether sons had been born to him 
 or not, had the power, either before or at his 
 death, to cause part of his estate to pass to a 
 daughter; in which case her husband married 
 into her family rather than she into his, and the 
 children were regarded as of the family from 
 which the estate had come. Thus Machir, an- 
 cestor of Zelophehad, although he had a son Gi- 
 lead, left also, as is probable, an inheritance to 
 his daughter, the wife of Hezron, of the tribe of 
 Judah, by reason of which their descendants, 
 among whom was Jair, were reckoned as belong- 
 ing to the tribe of Manasseh (1 Chron. ii. 21 sq.). 
 Thus Sheshan also, who had no sons, married 
 his daughter to his Egyptian servant Jarha, and 
 so had by them a long line of posterity (1 Chron. 
 ii. 34 sq.). Otiier earlier nations had like cus- 
 toms. The daughters of Laban complain of 
 "having no portion or inheritance in their fa- 
 ther's house" (Gen. xxxi. 14), intimating appa- 
 rently that Laban might have given them such 
 had he so pleased, and thus bound their husband 
 by ties which would have prevented them from 
 leaving his father in-law. So of the daughters 
 of Job it is specially noted that "their father 
 gave them inheritance among their brethren" 
 (Job xliii. 15).— A. G.] 
 
 The daughters of Zelophehad based their de- 
 mand upon their father's right, which he had 
 not forfeited. He was not in the company 
 of Korah, but died in his own sin [i.e., the 
 sin which he had committed with others in the 
 wilderness, and for which he died without enter- 
 ing the land of promise. — A. G.] His destruction 
 with the company of Korah would have forfeited 
 his heritable right, but since he died in his own 
 sin, i.e., from the universal connection between 
 sin and death, he was on the same level with all 
 the others. Had the daughters of Zelophehad 
 intended to hint even, that he had through special 
 transgressions hastened his death, they still knew 
 
CHAP. XXVII. 12-23. 
 
 155 
 
 well that that had involved a curse which rested 
 npon his race. Indeed these daughters of Zelophe- 
 had possessed a fair faculty for doctrinal discrimi- 
 nations. Death without sin going before it, was for 
 them at any rate inconceivable. For the law of 
 inheritance among other Oriental nations see 
 Knobel, p. Ifil; and J. Selden, de succe.is. ad le- 
 ges Uebr. in bona defunctorurn^ Frankfort, 1645 
 [also Keil, Archmol.',l 142, Vol. II., pp. 212, 213; 
 and Wines, Laws of the Hebrews. — A. G.]. 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 The vindication of the right of inheritance 
 for daughters shows not only the elevation in 
 dignity and honor of women in Israel, but also 
 the great value of continued and preserved ge- 
 nealogies, the dynamic force of the consecrated 
 family tree, of a moral nobility. 
 
 [Wordsworth : Regard these women as 
 striking examples of faith. They believe that 
 
 the promised land would be inherited by Israel; 
 and also of the working of God's grace perfect- 
 ing itself in human weakness, and cherishing 
 the "weak things of this world to confound the 
 mighty."— A. G.] 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Their renown. Woman also shall stand up for 
 her rights, and have them recognized. The ig- 
 noring of these rights, as also their exaggeration. 
 The elevation of the female sex in the Old Testa- 
 ment. Its complete restitution in the New Tes- 
 tament, The dignity and glory of woman con- 
 sists in the inviolableness of her domestic desti- 
 nation. ["They discovered: 1. A strong faith 
 in the power and promise of God. 2. An earnest 
 desire for a place and name in the land of pro- 
 mise, which was a type of heaven. 3. A true re- 
 spect and honor for their father." Henry.] 
 
 FIFTH SECTION. 
 
 The Consecration of Joshua introduced by the announcement of the death of 
 Moses, with reference also to the speedy entrance of Israel into Canaan. 
 
 Chapters XXVII. 12-23. 
 
 12 And the Lord said unto Moses, Get thee up into this mount Abarim, and see 
 
 13 the land which I have given unto the children of Israel. And when thou hast seen 
 it, thou also shalt be gathered unto thy people, as Aaron thy brother was gathered. 
 
 14 For ye rebelled against my commandment in the desert of Zin, in the strife of the 
 congregation, to sanctify me at the water before their eyes : that is the water of 
 Meribah in Kadesh in the wilderness of Zin. 
 
 15, 16 And Moses spake unto the Lord, saying, Let the Lord, the God of the spirits 
 
 17 of all flesh, set a man over the congregation, Which may go out before them, and 
 which may go in before them, and which may lead them out, and which may 
 bring them in ; that the congregation of the Lord be not as sheep which have no 
 shepherd. 
 
 18 And the Lord said unto Moses, Take thee Joshua the son of Nun, a man in whom 
 
 19 is the spirit, and lay thine hand upon him ; And set him before Eleazar the priest, 
 
 20 and before all the congregation ; and give him a charge in their sight. And thou 
 shalt put some of thine honour upon him, that all the congregation of the children 
 
 21 of Israel may be obedient. And he shall stand before Eleazar the priest, who shall 
 ask counsel for him after the judgment of Urim before the Lord : at his word shall 
 they go out, and at liis word they shall come in, both he, and all the children of Is- 
 
 22 rael with him, even all the congregation. And Moses did as the Lord commanded 
 him : and he took Joshua, and set him before Eleazar the priest, and before all the 
 
 23 congregation : And he laid his hands upon him and gave him a charge, as the 
 Lord commanded by the hand of Moses. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 20. Hearken, without the object. See Ex. vii. 16; Isaiah i. 19. The object is easily supplied from th« 
 context.— A. G]. 
 
1 56 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 Deut. xxxi. — xxxiv. completes this section. 
 It is clear from the whole context, that we are 
 not dealing here with two successive sections, 
 but with one having two closely related divisions ; 
 and that the first, of which here, the command 
 of Jehovah to Moses to ascend Mount Nebo be- 
 fore his end, the fulfilment of which is not re- 
 lated here, serves as an introduction to the con- 
 Becration of Joshua as the successor of Moses (in 
 his position as leader of the hosts, (hough not in 
 his prophetic office), and indeed with express 
 reference to the approaching entrance into Ca- 
 naan. [The command stands here probably in 
 its natural and chronological order. It follows 
 naturally upon the regulations as to the inheri- 
 tance of the laud. It was given to bring to the 
 mind of Moses, afresh, what he had known be- 
 fore, that he was not to lead the people into that 
 land, that his career was near its close, and to 
 stimulate him to do all that he could, while he 
 was still living, to provide for the welfare of his 
 people in the future. The first and most essen- 
 tial thing was the choice and consecration of his 
 successor. — A. G.]. 
 
 Vers. 12-14. Moses is commanded to ascend 
 Mount Nebo, in order to finish his work with the 
 view of Canaan before his death. Here again he 
 is reminded of his sin in the wilderness of Zin, 
 in which also Aaron shared. The workings of 
 passion, which in its inward violence and agita- 
 tion may have, to some extent, shortened his 
 life, seem to have been concentrated in that pas- 
 sionate act. The command here is left, somewhat 
 indefinite. Get thee up into this mountain 
 Abarim. Subsequently it becomes more defi- 
 nite. Abarim becomes Pisgah, and Pisgah Nebo. 
 Comp. Cow., chap, xxxiv., the Bible Lexicons, 
 and chap. xx. 12. [The double Ti^*<| is not 
 causal, but comparative, indicating that as he 
 had sinned with Aaron he must die also, with 
 only the sight of the promised land ; or that as 
 they had sinned, they must bear the penalty of 
 that transgression. Hirsch draws the distinc- 
 tion between the occurrence at Rephidim and at 
 Kadesh, not only that the one was at the begin- 
 ning and the other at the close of their wander- 
 ings, but that at Rephidim the water was to flow 
 upon the blows with the rod of Moses, while at 
 Kadesh it was the word of Moses which was to 
 open the fountain. When Moses used the rod 
 he did not sanctify Jehovah. lie failed to re- 
 cognize the efficacy of the word, and that they 
 were now at the transition point, passing from 
 the immediate supernatural divine support and 
 security, into the ordinary, natural method of 
 life. In His view Moses and Aaron had reached 
 the end of their course ; they had led the people 
 through this more exclusively miraculous pe- 
 riod, and there removal therefore while it was as 
 a punLthment for their sin, was natural and ne- 
 cessary also, their specific work being finished. 
 —A. G.]. 
 
 Vers. 15-2.3. A preliminary account of the 
 consecration of Josliua. Although Moses had 
 for a long time previously been familiar with the 
 thought that Joshua, already for nearly forty 
 years hia military captain, would at one time re- 
 
 place him in that capacity as his successor, he 
 did not venture with his human estimation and 
 choice, to anticipate the divine decision. It was, 
 too, in full accordance with his noble self-forget- 
 ful disposition, to ask for the appointment of his 
 successor. 
 
 Ver. 16. Let the LORD, the God of the 
 spirits of all flesh set a man over the con- 
 gregation. — All flesh has the same likeness, 
 but the spirits of all flesh are endlessly different. 
 God alone knows and tries the spirits, and there- 
 fore He alone selects the right persons. In such 
 an emergency, too. His decision alone is satis- 
 factory. Comp. xvi. 22. The destined man must 
 be the shepherd or the leader, the prince or cap- 
 tain of the people, since the people must not be 
 without a shepherd. 
 
 [Ver. 17. Go in and out as descriptive of 
 the private life, while to lead out and lead in 
 designates his public official walk ; one who in 
 his private personal, and in his official life, 
 should be an example to the people, and so be 
 fitted to direct and influence them in their pri- 
 vate and public obligations. — A. G.]. 
 
 Ver. 18. Upon this Jehovah designates Joshua 
 the son of Nun as the man whom He has chosen. 
 For in him is the Spirit. — Spirit: Knobel, 
 "Insight and wisdom." Keil : "The higher 
 power breathed into his soul by God, which 
 quickens and shapes his moral and religious 
 life," and here " the spiritual qualifications ne- 
 cessary for the office which was to be entrusted 
 to him." The Spirit however is a developed ful- 
 ness of life, here with reference to his particular 
 calling as a leader of the host. 
 
 Moses, however, must consecrate him before 
 Eleazar the priest and the whole congregation, 
 by the imposition of his hands (transferring his 
 official dignity) and give him a charge, the 
 instructions which were connected with this or- 
 dination service. [The spiritual gifts which he 
 possessed did not dispense with the necessity 
 for the external consecration, nor would this 
 consecration have been of any avail without the 
 gifts.— A. G.]. 
 
 Ver. 20. And thou shalt put some of 
 thine honor (TIH) upon him. Moses could 
 confer upon him his princely or his judicial of- 
 fice, but not the prophetic calling ; for that call- 
 ing Jehovah reserves to Himself, and it could not 
 be made an official institution. Elijah could 
 initiate Elisha into the prophetic order and 
 school, but he could not make him a prophet. 
 Eleazar was not a prophet, although as high- 
 priest he administered Urim and Thummim, the 
 substitute for prophetic decisions. [The emi- 
 nence and authority of Moses were not to be fully 
 transferred to Joshua, but in part. He became 
 vice-leader. Bible Com.: The transference of 
 this honor to Josliua is not parallel to the com- 
 munication of the spirit which rested upon Moses 
 to the seventy elders, chap. xi. 17, 25 ; for though 
 Moses in elevating Joshua to his new office, did 
 not part with any of his own spiritual gifts, he 
 yet necessarily shared henceforward with an- 
 other that power which hitherto he had exer- 
 cised alone. — A. G.]. 
 
 Vers. 21, 22. By these decisions Joshua must 
 direct his steps when he needed divine direction. 
 The oracle is here designated merely by the 
 
CHAP. XXVIII. 1— XXIX. 40. 
 
 157 
 
 Urim, because in the administration of men so 
 consecrated it was pre-eminently Urim, the true 
 source of light. [Moses had direct access lo 
 God, Joshua must use the means instituted to 
 meet such cases of doubt or perplexity — the 
 High-priest and the Urim. — A. G.]. 
 
 Ver. 23. The consecration of Joshua was car- 
 ried out in accordance with the prescribed regu- 
 lations, as it is more fully related in Dent. Keil: 
 " All tne congregation denotes the whole body 
 of heads of the people, or the college of elders, 
 representing the coagregation and conducting 
 its affairs." But beyond doubt the commander 
 would be presented to his whole army at his in- 
 stallation, and it is expressly said in Deut. xxxi. 
 7, before the eyes of all Israel. 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 [It is not keenness of insight, or large culture 
 or wide experience in affairs, but the gifts of the 
 Spirit which qualify men for high official duties. 
 Endowments, native or acquired, are not dis- 
 pensed with, but neither are they sufficient. The 
 crowning qualification is the Spirit, given by 
 Him in whom the Spirit dwelleth without mea- 
 sure.] 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 WoKDSWOKTH finds a typical meaning in the 
 narrative. Mosea the law, and Joshua Christ. 
 
 The law brings men to the border of the promised 
 blessing, Christ gives them actual possession, etc. 
 God will not leave His people without a shepherd. 
 The ascent upon the mountain Abarim. From 
 a mountain, the servants of God take their de- 
 parture from the earth, although for the most part 
 in a spiritual sense : Jacob, Gen. xlv. 27 and xlix. 
 Aaron upon Mount Hor, Moses upon Nebo, Jo- 
 shua at Shechem, Elijah, Christ from the mount 
 of Olives. Moses a type also in the arrangement 
 for his departure. Jehovah as the God of the 
 spirits of all flesh. Behind the uniformity of 
 the flesh and outward appearance, there lies con- 
 cealed an endless variety of individual spirits 
 which Jehovah alone can estimate according to 
 their true worth and destination. The spirits 
 of men, their spiritual characteristic features, 
 are veiled by the external manifestation. Still 
 they will be brought to the light, a. by the Spi- 
 rit ; b. by the age ; c. in the last day or by the 
 judgment. The consecration of Joshua and the 
 determination of his calling. [Henky: God tells 
 Moses of his faults, although a faithful, honorable 
 and favored servant. He must hear of his faults 
 and others likewise. God will show His displea- 
 sure against sin, even when in those who are 
 nearest and dearest to Him." The mitigation in 
 the death of Moses. 1. He leaves his people pro- 
 vided for. 2. He has the sight of the promised 
 land. 3. His death is being gathered to hia 
 people. — A. G.]. 
 
 SIXTH SECTION. 
 
 The renewed and enlarged sacrificial institutions, with reference to the settlement 
 
 in Canaan. 
 
 1, 
 
 10 
 
 Chapter XXVIII. 1— XXIX. 40. (Comp. Chap. XV. 1-31). 
 
 2 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Command the children of Israel, 
 and say unto them, My offering and my bread for my sacrifices made by fire, jor a 
 sweet savour^ unto me, shall ye observe to offer unto me in their due season. And 
 thou shalt say unto them, This is, the offering made by fire which ye shall offer unto 
 the Lord; two lambs of the first year wdthout spot day by day ,2 /or a continual 
 burnt offering. The one lamb shalt thou offer in the morning, and the other lamb 
 shalt thou offer at ^even ; And a tenth 'part of an ephah of flour for a meat offer- 
 ing, mingled with the fourth part of a hin of beaten oil. It is a continual burnt 
 offering, which was ordained in mount Sinai for a sweet savour, a sacrifice made 
 
 7 by fire unto the Lord. And the drink offering thereof sAa/^/ be the fourth part of 
 a hin for the one lamb : in the holy place shalt thou cause the strong wine to be 
 
 8 poured unto the Lord for a drink offering. And the other lamb shalt thou offer 
 at even : as the meat offering of the morning, and as the drink offering thereof, 
 thou shalt offer it, a sacrifice made by fire, of a sweet savour unto the Lord. 
 
 9 And on the sabbath day two lambs of the first year without spot, and two tenth 
 deals of flDur /or a meat offering, mingled with oil, and the drink offering thereof: 
 This is the burnt offering of every sabbath, beside the continual burnt offering, 
 and his drink offering. 
 
158 NUMBERS. 
 
 11 And in the beginnings of your months ye shall offer a burnt offering unto the 
 Lord ; two young bullocks, and one ram, seven lambs of the first year without 
 
 12 spot ; And three tenth deals of flour for a meat oflering, mingled with oil, for one 
 bullock ; and two tenth deals of flour /or a meat offering, mingled with oil, for one 
 
 13 ram; And a several tenth deal of flour mingled with oil for a meat offering unto 
 one lamb ; for a burnt offering of a sweet savour, a sacrifice made by fire unto the 
 
 14 Lord. And their drink ofieriugs shall be half a hin of wine unto a bullock, and 
 the third part of a hin unto a ram, and a fourth part of a hin unto a lamb : this is 
 
 15 the burnt oflering of every month throughout the months of the year. And one 
 kid of the goats for a sin offering unto the Lord shall be offered, beside the con- 
 
 16 tinual burnt offering, and his drink offering. And in the fourteenth day of the 
 
 17 first month is the passover of the Lord. And in the fifteenth day of this month 
 
 18 is the feast : seven days shall unleavened bread be eaten. In the first day shall he 
 
 19 a holy convocation ; ye shall do no manner of servile work therein : But ye shall 
 offer a sacrifice made by fire for a burnt offering unto the Lord ; two young bul- 
 locks, and one ram, and seven lambs of the first year : they shall be unto you 
 
 20 without blemish. And their meat offerings shall be of flour mingled with oil ; 
 three tenth deals shall ye offer for a bullock, and two tenth deals for a ram : 
 
 21 A several tenth deal shalt thou offer for every lamb, throughout the seven lambs : 
 22, 23 And one goat for a sin offering, to make an atonement for you. Ye shall 
 
 offer these beside the burnt offering in the morning, which is for a continual burnt 
 
 24 offering. After this manner ye shall offer daily, throughout the seven days, the 
 meat of the sacrifice made by fire, of a sweet savour unto the Lord ; it shall be 
 
 25 offered beside the continual burnt offering, and his drink offering. And on the 
 seventh day ye shall have a holy convocation; ye shall do no servile work. 
 
 26 Also in the day of the firstfruits, when ye bring a new meat offering unto the 
 Lord, after your weeks be out, ye shall have a holy convocation ; ye shall do no 
 
 27 servile work : But ye shall offer the burnt offering for a sweet savour unto the Lord ; 
 
 28 two young bullocks, one ram, seven lambs of the first year ; And their meat offer- 
 ing of flour mingled with oil, three tenth deals unto one bullock, two tenth deals 
 
 29 unto one ram. A several tenth deal unto one lamb, throughout the seven lambs ; 
 30, 31 And one kid of the goats to make an atonement for you. Ye shall offer them 
 
 beside the continual burnt offering, and his meat offering, (they shall be unto you 
 without blemish,) and their drink offerings. 
 
 Chap. XXIX. 1 And in the seventh month, on the first day of the month, ye shall 
 have a holy convocation ; ye shall do no servile work : it is a day of blowing the 
 
 2 trumpets unto you. And ye shall offer a burnt offering for a sweet savour unto the 
 Lord ; one young bullock, one ram, and seven lambs of the first year without 
 
 3 blemish : And their meat offering shall he of flour mingled with oil, three tenth 
 
 4 deals for a bullock, and two tenth deals for a ram. And one tenth deal for one 
 
 5 lamb, throughout the seven lambs : And one kid of the goats for a sin offering, to 
 
 6 make an atonement for you : Beside the burnt offering of the month, and his meat 
 offering, and the daily burnt offering, and his meat offering, and their drink offer- 
 ings, according unto their manner, for a sweet savour, a sacrifice made by fire unto 
 the Lord. 
 
 7 And ye shall have on the tenth day of this seventh month a holy convocation ; 
 
 8 and ye shall afllict your souls: ye shall not do any work therein: But ye shall 
 offer a burnt offering unto the Lord for a sweet savour ; one young bullock, one 
 ram, and seven lambs of the first year ; they shall be unto you without blemish. 
 
 9 And their meat offering shall he of flour mingled with oil, three tenth deals to a 
 
 10 bullock, and two tenth deals to one ram, A several tenth deal for one lamb, 
 
 11 throughout the seven lambs : One kid of the goats for a sin offering ; beside tlj« 
 sin offering of atonement, and the continual burnt offering, and the meat offering 
 of it, and their drink offerings. 
 
CHAP. XXVIII. 1— XXIX. 40. 169 
 
 12 And on the fifteenth day of the seventh month ye shall have a holy convocation ; 
 ye shall do no servile work, and ye shall keep a feast unto the Lord seven days : 
 
 13 And ye shall offer a burnt offering, a sacrifice made by fire, of a sweet savour unto 
 the Lord ; thirteen young bullocks, two rams, and fourteen lambs of the first year ; 
 
 14 they shall be without blemish : And their meat offering shall be of flour mingled 
 with oil, three tenth deals unto every bullock of the thirteen bullocks, two tenth 
 
 15 deals to each ram of the two rams, And a several tenth deal to each lamb of the 
 
 16 fourteen lambs : And one kid of the goats jor a sin offering ; beside the continual 
 burnt offering, his meat offering, and his drink offering. 
 
 17 And on the second day ye shall offer twelve young bullocks, two rams,^ fourteen 
 
 18 lambs of the first year without spot : And their meat offering and their drink oflTer- 
 ings for the bullocks, for the rams, and for the lambs, shall be according to their 
 
 19 number, after the manner : And one kid of the goats Jor a sin offering ; beside the 
 continual burnt offering, and the meat offering thereof, and their drink offerings. 
 
 20 And on the third day eleven bullocks, two rams, fourteen lambs of the first year 
 
 21 without blemish : And their meat offering and their drink offerings for the bull- 
 ocks, for the rams, and for the lambs, shall be according to their number, after the 
 
 22 manner: And one goat for a sin offering ; beside the continual burnt oflTering, and 
 his meat offering, and his drink offering. 
 
 23 And on the fourth day ten bullocks, two rams, and fourteen lambs of the first 
 
 24 year without blemish : Their meat offering and their drink offerings for the bull- 
 ocks, for the rams, and for the lambs, shall be according to their number, after the 
 
 25 manner : And one kid of the goats for a sin offering ; beside the continual burnt 
 offering, his meat offering, and his drink offering. 
 
 26 And the fifth day nine bullocks, two rams, and fourteen lambs of the first year 
 
 27 without spot : And their meat offering and their drink offerings for the bullocks, 
 for the rams, and for the lambs, shall be according to their number, after the man- 
 
 28 ner : And one goat for a sin oflTering ; beside the continual burnt offering, and his 
 meat offering, and his drink offering. 
 
 29 And on the sixth day eight bullocks, two rams, and fourteen lambs of the first 
 
 30 year without blemish : And their meat oflTering and their drink offerings for the 
 bullocks, for the rams, and for the lambs, shall be according to their number, after 
 
 31 the manner: And one goat for a sin offering; beside the continual burnt offering, 
 his meat offering, and his drink oflTering. 
 
 32 And on the seventh day seven bullocks, two rams, and fourteen lambs of the 
 
 33 first year without blemish ; And their meat offering and their drink offerings for 
 the bullocks, for the rams, and for the lambs, shall be according to their number, 
 
 34 after the manner : And one goat /or a sin offering, beside the continual burnt oflTer- 
 ing, his meat oflTering, and his drink offering. 
 
 35 On the eighth day ye shall have a solemn assembly : ye shall do no servile work 
 
 36 therein : But ye shall oflfer a burnt offering, a sacrifice made by fire, of a sweet sa- 
 vour unto the Lord : one bullock, one ram, seven lambs of the first year without 
 
 37 blemish : Their meat offering and their drink offerings for the bullock, for the ram, 
 
 38 and for the lambs, shall be according to their number, after the manner : And one 
 goat /or a sin oflTering; beside the continual burnt offering, and his meat offering, 
 
 39 and his drink offering. These things ye shall Mo unto the Lord in your set feasts, 
 beside your vows, and your freewill offerings, for your burnt offerings, and for your 
 
 40 meat offerings, and for your drink offerings, and for your peace offerings. And 
 Moses told the children of Israel according to all that the Lord commanded 
 Moses. 
 
 1 Marg for a sweet savour of mp rest. * Marg. In a day. 
 
 • Marg. between the two evenings. * Marg. offer. 
 
160 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 [Ver. 35. iTl]f J? from "^liy, to close, shut up. The assembly which closes up the whole cycle. — A. G.]. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 That this conclusion of the sacrificial ordi- 
 nances relates definitely to the settlement in Ca- 
 naan, and thus forms the intensified repetition 
 of the law of offerings in chap, xv., is evident 
 from the prominent significance which is attri- 
 buted to the feast of tabernacles, as the closing 
 feast, at which the blessedness and the joy of 
 the settlement in the land of promise was cele- 
 brated, as if all the feasts culminated in this fes- 
 tival commemorative of the sacred and glorious 
 heritage. See chap. xxix. 12-40, with which 
 belongs also the preliminary solemnities on the 
 day of atonement (vers. 1-6). The series of sac- 
 rificial regulations closes in this form : Ex. xxiii. 
 14-17: xxix. 38-42; xxxi. 12-17; Lev. xxiii.; 
 Num. XV. 1-12. 
 
 1 . The basis of the feasts, the sacred times, 
 were arranged according to the sacred number se- 
 ven, the Sabbath in various senses and emphasis 
 (the weekly, monthly Sabbath, etc.) foretokening 
 the eternal rest of God. a. The basis of the 
 feasts. 1) The every day. 2) The Sabbath 
 day. 3) The first day of the month or the new 
 moon. 4) The Pentecost which was reckoned 
 as the Sabbath of weeks. 5) The first day or 
 new moon of the seventh month, b. The feasts. 
 1) P.issover and unleavened bread. 2) The 
 feast of weeks or harvest, Pentecost. 3) The 
 day of atonement and feast of tabernacles, or the 
 feast of fruit harvest and vintage. More mi- 
 nute specifications. The every day morning and 
 evening sacrifices, sanctified to Jehovah, desig- 
 nates all time as holy time. The Sabbath, the 
 fundamental type of all holy time, comes out 
 prominently also in the eight day feasts. The 
 new moons win now a greater significance with 
 respect to the civil relations of life in Canaan 
 (especially seed time and harvest). Later it at- 
 tained the dignity of a peculiar feast day. [Keil 
 referred to by Lange here holds " that the new 
 moon grew more and more into a feast day, trade 
 was suspended (Amos viii. 5) the pious Israelite 
 .|<ought instruction from the prophets (2 Kings 
 iv. 23) many families and households presented 
 yearly thank oflTtirings (1 Sam. xx. 6, 29) and at 
 a still later period the most devout abstained 
 from fasting (Judith viii. 6), consequently it is 
 frequently referred to by the prophets as a feast 
 resembling the Sabbath (Isa. i. 13 ; Hos. ii. 13: 
 Ezek. xlvi. 1)]." 
 
 The first day of the seventh month was cele- 
 brated as the great Sabbath (of months) with 
 the sounding of trumpets. It was the Sabbath 
 of the new moon, as the peculiar Sabbath, the 
 Sabbath of days. The Paschal feast rose above 
 all the other feasts as the great Old Testament 
 sacramental solemnity; as a year feast proper 
 it was combined with the feast of unleavened 
 bread— the two together constituting a double 
 feast. The great day of atonement also as a 
 preliminary solemnity, with the feast of taber- 
 
 nacles made a double feast, but which in itself 
 like the Passover transcended the other feasts, 
 aud even the Passover itself, in its foreshadow- 
 ings of the future. The isolated position of the 
 Pentecost has already been alluded to. It should 
 be observed, however, that the Pentecost is not 
 only a harvest feast, but the Sabbath of seven 
 weeks, and thus the seven-fold intensified day 
 of rest. The seven day feasts of unleavened 
 bread and Tabernacles, aside from the Sabbath 
 occurring within them, were begun and closed 
 with a holy convocation and Sabbath rest. To 
 the seven days of the Tabernacles' feast there 
 was added the riTlf-k' '^ which the Sabbath rest 
 and the holy convocation of the seventh day were 
 transferred. 
 
 As to the cumulation of offerings it is to be 
 observed that the daily ofl'erings were not sus- 
 pended for the Sabbath offerings, or for the feast 
 offerings, but went before those (chap, xxviii. 9, 
 10; and vers. 23 and 31). So also the Sabbath 
 offerings were not suspended by the feast or the 
 new moon offerings, nor were the new moon of- 
 ferings at the feast of the seventh new moon 
 (xxix. 6) and generally no universal offering, 
 for these which were more particular or spe- 
 cial. 
 
 The fundamental form of all the sacrifices is 
 throughout the burnt-offering, i. e., the offering 
 which represents symbolically and typically the 
 offering up of the person to Jehovah. There is 
 no word of a sin offering in the daily or Sabbath 
 sacrifices. In the monthly sacrifice a sin offer- 
 ing is added as in remembrance of sins commit- 
 ted in the past, a kid of the goats (xxviii. 15), 
 and so also from the first day of the feast of un- 
 leavened bread a goat is offered daily (xxviii. 
 12-24), for a sin offering. At Pentecost (30) at 
 the seventh new moon, on the great day of atone- 
 ment, one kid of the goats, beside the sin offer- 
 ing of atonement (xxix. 11) and lastly on every 
 day of the Feast of tne Tabernacles a sin offering 
 was part of the service. AVith the bloody offer- 
 ings there were connected in precise or definite 
 relations food and drink offerings. 
 
 Table of the offerings. 1. For every day chap, 
 xxviii. 1-8, see Exod. xxix. 38. 2. For the 
 Sabbath, vers. 9, 10, the double of the daily of- 
 fering tliroughout. For the new moon, vers. 
 11-15. The food and drink offerings do not re- 
 late to the bloody offerings as a whole, but dis- 
 tributively. They are: a, two bullocks and with 
 each, three tenth deals of flour mingled with 
 oil for a food offering, and half a bin of wine for 
 a drink offering, b. One ram, with two-tenth 
 deals of flour for a food offering, and one third 
 of a hin of wine for a drink offering, c. Seven 
 lambs of the first year, with one tenth deal of 
 fine flour for a food offering, and the fourth part 
 of a hin of wine as a drink offering. For the 
 feast of unleavened bread. Vers. 16-25. The 
 burnt and food offerings as before, drink offer- 
 ing not expressed but understood. 
 
 For Pentecost. Vers. 20-31. First fruits lie 
 
CHAP. XXV III. 1— XXTX. 40. 
 
 161 
 
 in the name. Burnt meat, and drink offerings 
 as at the feast of unleavened bread. For the 
 seventh nev7 moon, chap. xxix. 1-6. A bul- 
 lock, a ram, and seven lambs are added to the 
 daily off-ring, and to those of the ordinary new 
 moon. Meat ami drink offerings in their pro- 
 portion. For the day of atonement, vers. 
 7-11. Burnt offering with the appropriate meat 
 and drink offerings as on the seventh new moon. 
 Beside the sin offering of atonement, one kid of 
 the goats for a sin offering. For the feast of 
 tabernacles, vers. 12-39. Here the burnt-offer- 
 ings rise to enormous proportions. At the first 
 day thirteen bullocks, the second twelve, the 
 third eleven, and so downward to the seventh 
 day, when seven were offered. The number of 
 rams and lambs however is constant through all 
 the days, and the meat and drink offerings are in 
 due proportion. The steady decrease in the 
 number of bullocks was probably due to the 
 purpose of securing seven bullocks, the sacred 
 number, for the seventh day, and indicating at 
 the same time in the gradual diminution in the 
 number of sacrificial bullocks the gradual de- 
 crease in the festal character of the seven festal 
 days," Keil. It is remarkable that the grand 
 concluding festival upon the eighth day, closes 
 with the simple offering of an ordinary feast 
 day, chap. xxix. 36. 
 
 To all these saciifices must be added the vo- 
 luntary offerings of individual Israelites. The 
 peace offerings were probably especially attached 
 to the great popular festivals. 
 
 This lavish employment of such costly mate- 
 rial in the fire-offerings was designed probably 
 not merely to express fully the duty of self-con- 
 secration, but it served also without doubt to 
 confirm the natural distinction between man and 
 brute which was rent away everywhere among 
 the heathen, (as it is now again in modern science 
 so-called) by an institution of revelation, and 
 also to train a young shepherd people, by the 
 exercise of great sacrifices, to a free and inde- 
 pendent position relative to their possessions in 
 herds and flocks. We have already alluded to 
 the fact that the shepherd life, and even the grade 
 and condition of the cattle, were elevated through 
 the institution of such offerings. The offering 
 of the males was moreover less detrimental for 
 the pastoral economy than the sacrifice of female 
 victims would have been. [vVhile this renewal 
 and enlargement of the law looks to the settle- 
 ment of Israel in Canaan, where the Israelites 
 Were in a position to carry it out to its full ex- 
 tent, it has also a deeper significance as indi- 
 cating the reunion of Jehovah with His people 
 who were separated from Him during the wan- 
 derings. Israel in the fields of Moab, the last 
 of the rebellious generation dead, now stood in 
 the place of the preceding generation at Sinai 
 when they were taken into covenant with Jeho- 
 vah, and hence the institutions through which 
 they had communion with God, are set forth 
 here more fully than before. The whole order 
 is wrapt up in ver. 2: My offering and my 
 bread for my sacrifice made by fire, a 
 BV7cet savor unto me shall ye observe to 
 offer unto me in their due season. — This is 
 the germ out of which all springs. In its daily 
 sacrifice in its burnt and meal offering the people 
 11 
 
 sanctified its life and its substance to God. This 
 is never suspended. At each period, making a 
 beginning in its life, there are sacrifices expres- 
 sive of the truth, that they belong to Jehovah and 
 yield themselves to Him. As these periods open 
 into wider circles — the Sabbath, the new moon — 
 so the offerings become more extensive and ex- 
 pressive, until we reach the seventh new moon, 
 which in a sense completes the festal circle — the 
 ceremonial year. It begins with the great pas- 
 chal feast and closes with the great day of atone- 
 ment and the feast of tabernacles. The atone- 
 ment completed, the ceremonial ofl'ences of the 
 past accumulating through the year, and it may 
 be not provided for in the recurring festivals and 
 offerings, now all removed with the sin ofi'ering 
 and Az;izel ; the people start anew and with great 
 joy. The joyous character of the feast of taber- 
 nacles, was due partly to the fact that it com- 
 memorated the life of Israel in tents and booths 
 now passed, partly to the fact that it was the 
 feast of first-fruits — a feast of thanksgiving for 
 their abundance — but it was peculiarly a joj'ful 
 feast from its relation to the whole sacrificial 
 system. It was thefirst feast after the great atone- 
 ment had been concluded. The people passed 
 from the day on which they fasted and afflicted 
 their souls, out into the free air and unrestricted 
 communion with God. They were not burdened 
 with guilt and fears, tbey were cleansed from 
 their ceremonial offences ; and those who saw 
 through the types to the thing represented were 
 no doubt cleansed morally, and hence the exult- 
 ant tone of this solemnity'. And it may be in 
 the gratitude and joy which seeks every way to 
 express itself, we have the reason for the more 
 expensive offering of this feast; and also a rea- 
 son why the thirteen victims on the first day de- 
 cline to seven on the seventh — the outburst of 
 joy calming itself down to the sober but no less 
 pure and deep joy of the ordinary life and me- 
 thods of communion with God. 
 
 The apparent discrepancy between chapter 
 xxviii. 26-31 and Lev. xxiii. 18-20 is removed at 
 once upon the supposition that the festal offering 
 spoken of here was independent of the special 
 offerings connected with the wave-loaves which 
 are referred to in that passage. The whole 
 statement here, implies that the two offerings 
 were distinct and separate, and this view is con- 
 firmed by the statements as to the offerings which 
 accompanied the great day of atonement. The 
 offerings in Leviticus are connected with the 
 rites peculiar to each festival, and formed part 
 of them, in our passage they are additions to the 
 continual burnt offering. See Bahr, Sijmbolik; 
 KvRTi, Mosaische Offeriny ; Faiebain's Typology; 
 Hiesch's Com., which is full and elaborate; 
 Keil, Archaology . — A. G.]. 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 With a delightful anticipatory view of Canaan 
 Israel is reminded again that it must hold Jeho- 
 vah in honor, as the Giver of all its wealth and 
 happiness in the land of its inheritance, and re- 
 cognize the truth by bringing its offerings. The 
 largeness and abundance of its burnt offerings 
 is fully explainable only, as a cogent method of 
 education to unselfishness. See the exegesis. 
 
ltJ-2 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 But as to the freewill oflferings, their unreason- 
 able multiplication must be restricted by the 
 .-luihority of the head of the household, see chap. 
 
 XXX. 
 
 [My sacrifice. — It belongs to the Lord al- 
 rtiidy. We otier not our own — but what is His. 
 We receive tirst and then give of whot we have 
 received. "The otferiug, ihe power and will to 
 offer, the offerer himsefr, all belong to God." 
 God receives His own again, but with it the affec- 
 tion, the homage, and the devotion of the offer- 
 ers. The showers that bless the earth bear 
 back with them its fragrance. The natural and 
 historical significauce of the three great feasts. 
 See Fairbai-n's Typology. — A. G.]. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 The sense of the nearness of the promised 
 land. Indicated by the renewal and extension 
 of the sacriticial and festal ordinances, especially 
 with regard to the food and fruit offerings, then 
 more particularly the enlarged regulation for the 
 feasts (see the exegesis), and lastly by the re- 
 striction placed upon formal vows. The bless- 
 ing of an established order, even in ecclesiasti- 
 cal affairs. Every religious and ecclesiastical 
 ordinance must be conditioned by its idea and 
 
 purpose. The feasts of God's people as intensi- 
 fied sacrificial feasts. The souls of the people 
 are in these great festal offerings raised above 
 the world. [Henry : " Neither the pressure of 
 the war of conquest, nor the plenty to be secured 
 with the possession of the land, would excuse 
 any neglect as to the ordinances of God. When 
 God sows plentifully upon us He expects to reap 
 accordingly from us. The day of atonement 
 and the feast of tabernacles. The intention of 
 divine institutions is, then, well answered when 
 one religious service helps to fit us for another, 
 and all for heaven. Even our best services are 
 imperfect and need atonement. On the very day 
 the sin offering of atonement was offered there 
 must be another sin offering. But what the law 
 could not do in that it was weak that Christ has 
 done. They that sow in tears shall reap in joy. 
 The eighth day. See John vii. 37. 
 
 Ver. 8y. Beside your vows. — Though every 
 Israelite had a share in the common sacrifices, 
 yet he must not think that these will serve in- 
 stead of his vows and free-will offerings." 
 
 How much we owe to Christ who has fulfilled 
 the law, and has set us free from the yoke of 
 ordinances, and how vigilantly should we guard 
 our Christian liberty. — A. Q.]. 
 
 SEVENTH SECTION. 
 
 The regulation of the Israelitish family in Canaan, represented in the law concern- 
 ing female vo^wa. 
 
 Chapter XXX. 1-16. 
 
 1 And Moses spake unto the heads of the tribes concerning the children of Israel, 
 
 2 saying, This in the thing which the Lord hath commanded. If a man vow a vow 
 unto the Lord, or swear an oath to bind his soul with a bond ; he shall not 'break 
 
 3 his word, he shall do according to all that proceedeth out of his mouth. If a wo- 
 man also vow a vow unto the Lord, and bind herselj by a bond, heincj in her fath- 
 
 4 er's house in her vouth ; And her father hear her vow, and her bond wherewith 
 she hath bound her soul, and her father shall hold his peace at her ; then all her 
 vows shall stand, and every bond wherewith she hath bound' her soul shall stand. 
 
 5 But if her father disallow her in the day that he heareth, not any of her vows, or 
 of her bonds wherewith she hath bound her soul, shall stand ; and the Lord shall 
 
 6 forgive her, because her father disallowed her. And if she had at all a husband, 
 when she Vowed, or uttered aught out of her lips, wherewith she bound her soul ; 
 
 7 And her husband heard ii, and held his peace at her in the day that he heard li: 
 then her vows shall stand, and her bonds wherewith she bound her soul shall stand. 
 
 8 But if her husband disallowed her on the day that he heard ii, then he shall make 
 lier vow which she vowed, and that which she uttered with her lips, wherewith she 
 
 9 bound her soul, of none effect: and the Lord shall forgive her. But every vow 
 of a widow, and of her that is divorced, wherewith they have bound their souls, 
 
 10 shall stand against her. And if she vowed in her husband's house, or bound her 
 
 11 soul by a bond with an oath ; And her husband heard it, and held his peace at 
 her, and disallowed her not : then all her vows shall stand, and every bond where- 
 
CHAP. XXX. 1-16. 
 
 163 
 
 12 with she bound her soul shall stand. But if her husband hath utterly made them 
 void on the day he heard them; then whatsoever proceeded out of her lips concern- 
 ing her vows, or concerning the bond of her soul, shall not stand : her husband 
 
 13 hath made them void ; and the Lord shall forgive her. Every vow, and every 
 binding oath to afflict the soul, her husband may establish it, or her husband may 
 
 14 make it void. But if her husband altogether hold his peace at her from day to 
 day ; then he establisheth all her vows, or all her bonds, which are upon her : he 
 confirmeth them, because he held his peace at her in the day that he heard them. 
 
 15 But if he shall any ways make them void after that he hath heard them; then he 
 
 16 shall bear her iniquity. These are the statutes, which the Lord commanded 
 Moses, between a man and his wife, between the father and his daughter, being yet 
 in her youth in her father's honse. 
 
 1 Heb. profane. 
 
 » Marg. her vows were upon her. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 [Ver. 2. StT* Hiph. from '?Sn, and seems to imply the desecration of the subject itself, not the mere treating 
 
 ••- T T 
 
 it in a profane way. The broken word is desecrated. — A. G.]. 
 
 [Ver. .3. "nj the positive vow; IDX the bond, the negative vow. The binding of the will through a vow or 
 oath.— A. 6.]. ' ' 
 
 [Ver. 6. HU32D from the root to babble— the rash, thoughtless, unadvisable utterance— like our word babbler 
 
 -A. G.l 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 This section might be regarded merely as a 
 completion of the regulations concerning vows 
 (Lev. xxvii. ; Num. vi.) if, aside from the re- 
 peated utterances as to the sacredness of vows, 
 we had not here to deal solely with the vows of 
 women, modified by their dependent condition, 
 and if in the provisions for the regulation of 
 their vows, we did not find the fundamental fea- 
 tures of the Jewish household coming distinctly 
 into view. Keil [also Bib. Com. Baumgar- 
 TEN traces it back to the regulations over female 
 inheritance of the land. — A. G.] finds the con- 
 necting link between this ch;ipter and the pre- 
 ceding in the offering, since the vows would 
 mainly relate to offerings. We think, however, 
 that we may assume that the prospect of the 
 rich blessing, the abundance which should fall 
 to the people of Israel in Canaan forms the con- 
 necting link. In the wilderness they could 
 make no great offerings, at least the women 
 could not ; in Canaan, on the contrary, rich 
 offerings could and should be brought, and how 
 like woman's nature it is, in the enjoyment of 
 plenty, to make arbitrary and lavish offerings. 
 The lineaments of the Israelitish domestic ar- 
 rangements appear in the following distinctions. 
 
 1. The head of the household, the father or 
 husband, decides upon the validity of the vows 
 of the female members of the household, because 
 they are dependent upon him. On account of 
 this dependence they have no absolute or un- 
 conditioned right of vows, or surrender. They 
 are particularly, with reference to religious 
 obligations, consecrations and self-engagements 
 dependent upon the head of the house. If he 
 utters his veto, the woman is released from her 
 vow, God counts her free. It is only an emascu- 
 lated modern liberalism which would reverse this 
 divinely appointed order of nature, and consti- 
 tute woman the mistress, give her control of the 
 household in things of religion. 
 
 2. But the master of the house has no unlim- 
 ited right of veto. It is only in those cases in 
 which, immediately after he had heard of the 
 vow, he declared it invalid, that the obligation 
 was removed. If for any time, either longer or 
 shorter, he had kept silence, he could not inva- 
 lidate the vow by a later interference. He thus 
 indeed involves himself in the obligation, and 
 must expiate for the non-fulfilment of the vow, 
 as for his own trangression, with a sin-offering, 
 or incur the judicial penalty. The reason is 
 obvious ; he has thus suffered her to cherish 
 the assumption of her own independence, and 
 her freedom to vow. The acquired practical 
 right of the woman takes the place of his legal 
 right. 
 
 3. The widows and divorced women are free 
 in their vows, since they are not restricted by 
 any male authority and household government. 
 They form households in themselves, and in 
 accordance with the deep inward parity or 
 equality of the female sex with the male. 
 
 4. The different cases in which the right of 
 veto can be exercised are, first, the vows of 
 dependent maiden daughters; second, the bride 
 who enters her husband's house with her vows 
 
 unfulfilled. [Bring it upon her TT'/J!. The 
 
 case is of one betrothed. Bib. Com.: Between 
 betrothal and marriage the woman resided in 
 her father's house ; but her property vested in 
 her husband, and she was so far regarded as 
 personally his, that an act of unfaithfulness to 
 him was like adultery, punishable with death 
 (Deut. xxii. 23, 24). Hence his right to control 
 her vows even before he actually took her home 
 as his wife. The vows might have been made 
 either previously or subsequently to betrothal; 
 but in either case her future husband, under 
 whose control she passed with these vows upon 
 her, might disallow them." — A. G.] The third 
 case was that of wife who made a vow in her 
 married state. 
 
 Every vow was strictly to take an obligation 
 
164 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 upon the soul, to bind the soul ; but the oath 
 form (ver. 2) occurs here probably intentionally. 
 The expression : uttered out of her lips has 
 an apologetic bearing with reference to the 
 female hastiness and thoughtlessness of speech. 
 [It is, however, an unfair inference which Keil 
 and Bib. Com. make from its use here, that 
 such vows were not uncommon. — A. G.] Keil 
 remarks justly: Moses addressed these instruc- 
 tions to the heads of the tribes, because they 
 extend into the sphere of civil life. 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 [The care and explicitness with which these 
 instructions are given to those who would be 
 called to apply them, shows the sacredness of 
 vows generally, and with what caution they 
 should be made, and how carefully they should 
 be kept when made. It is one of the most intri- 
 cate and interesting fields of casuistry which is 
 presented here. Sensitive and morbid con- 
 sciences are often perplexed and burdened by 
 vows which ought never to have been made. 
 The saying of the preacher has an appropriate 
 place here: it is better not to vow than to vow 
 and not pay. Bishop Sandebson treats the 
 
 question largely and fully. 
 Practical Works. — A. G.] 
 
 See also Baxter, 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Womanly enthusiasm in religious matters 
 should be especially restrained by the domestic 
 authority of the man. This fundamental moral 
 law is not suspended by the confessional. That 
 is a fountain of Amazonian nature and life, ever 
 extending and becoming more mischievous. 
 See MiCHELET, du pretre, de la femme, et de la 
 famille. [No man can bind himself by a vow to 
 do that which the law of God prohibits him 
 from doing, or to refrain from that which it 
 clearly requires. Henry: "A promise to man 
 is a bond upon his estate; but a promise to God 
 is a bond upon his soul. God's promises to us 
 are yea and amen ; let not ours to him be yea 
 and nay. How carefully the divine law consults 
 the good order of families, and preserves the 
 power of superior relations and the duty and 
 reverence of inferiors ! Rather than break 
 these bonds, God Himself would quit his right 
 and release the obligation of a solemn vow." — 
 A. G.] 
 
 EIGHTH SECTION. 
 
 The new Separation from the Heathenism of Midian analogous to the earlier 
 Separation from the Heathenism of Egypt. The war of Revenge against 
 Midian as a prologue to the extermination of the Canaanites. The Midianitish 
 spoil a parallel to the Egyptian. 
 
 Chapter XXXI. 1-54. 
 
 2 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Avenge the children of Israel of the 
 Midianites : afterward shalt thou be gathered unto thy people. And Moses spake 
 unto the people, saying, Arm some of yourselves unto the war, and let them go 
 against the Midianites, and avenge the Lord of Midian. Of every tribe a thou- 
 sand,^ throughout all the tribes of Israel, shall ye send to the war. So there were 
 delivered out of the thousands, of Israel, a thousand oi every tribe, twelve thousand 
 armed for war. And Moses sent them to the war, a thousand of every tribe, them 
 and Phinehas the son of Eleazar the priest, to the war, with the holy instruments, 
 and the trumpets to blow in his hand. And they warred against the Midianites, 
 as the Lord commanded Moses; and they slew all the males. And they slew the 
 kings of Midian, beside the rest of them that were slain ; namely, Evi, and Rekem, 
 and Zur, and Hur, and Reba, five kings of Midian : Balaam also the son of Beor 
 9 they slew with the sword. And the children of Israel took all^ the women of 
 Midian captives, and their little ones, and took the spoil of all their cattle, and all 
 
 10 their flocks, and all their goods. And they burnt all their cities wherein they 
 
 11 dwelt, and all their goodly castles, with fire. And they took all the spoil, and all 
 
 12 the prey, both of men and of beasts. And they brought the captives, and the prey, 
 and the spoil, unto Moses and Eleazar the priest, and unto the congregation of the 
 children of Israel, unto the camp at the plains of Moab, which are by Jordan near 
 Jericho. 
 
 1, 
 3 
 
 5 
 
 7 
 8 
 
CHAP. XXXT. 1-54. 166 
 
 13 And Moses, and Eleazar the priest, and all the princes of the congregatwn, went 
 
 14 forth to meet them without the camp. And Moses was wroth with the ofhcers o± 
 the host, with the captains over thousands, and captains over hundreds, which 
 
 15 came from the battle> And Moses said unto them, Have ye saved all the women 
 
 1 6 alive ? Behold, these caused the children of Israel, through the counsel ot 13a aam, 
 to commit trespass against the Lord in the matter of Peor, and there was a plague 
 
 17 among the congregation of the Lord. Now therefore kill every male among the 
 
 18 little ones, and kill every woman that hath known man by lying with him. But 
 all the women children, that have not known a man by lying with him, keep alive 
 
 19 for yourselves. And do ye abide without the camp seven days : whosoever hath 
 killed any person, and whosoever hath touched any slain, purify both yourselves 
 
 20 and your captives on the third dav, and on the seventh day. And punfy all yoi'.r 
 raiment, and all that is made of skins,* and all work of goats' hair, and all things 
 made of wood. 
 
 21 And Eleazar the priest said unto the men of war which went to the battle, This 
 
 22 is the ordinance of the law which the Lord commanded Moses ; Only the gold, 
 
 23 and the silver, the brass, the iron, the tin, and the lead. Everything that may 
 abide the fire, ye shall make it go through the fire, and it shall be clean ; never- 
 theless it shall be purified with the water of separation : and all that aoideth not 
 
 24 the fire ye shall make go through the water. And ye shall wash your clothes on 
 the seventh day, and ye shall be clean, and afterward ye shall come into the camp. 
 
 25, 26 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Take the sum of the prey* that was 
 taken, both of man and of beast, thou, and Eleazar the priest, and the chief fathers 
 
 27 of the congregation : And divide the prey into two parts ; between them that took 
 the war upon them, who went out to battle, and between all the congregation. 
 
 28 And levy a tribute unto the Lord of the men of war which went out to battle : 
 one soul of five hundred, both of the persons, and of the beeves, and of the asses, 
 
 29 and of the sheep : Take it of their half, and give it unto Eleazar the priest jor a 
 80 heave offering of the Lord. And of the children of Israel's half, thou shalt take 
 
 one portion of fifty, of the persons, of the beeves, of the asses, and of the flocks 
 of all manner of beasts, and' give them unto the Levite3, which keep the charge of 
 
 31 the tabernacle of the Lord. And Moses and Eleazar the priest did as the Lord 
 
 32 commanded Moses. And the booty, being the rest of the prey which the men oi 
 war had caught, was six hundred thousand and seventy thousand and five thousand 
 
 33, 34 sheep. And three score and twelve thousand beeves. And threescore and one 
 
 35 thousand asses, And thirty and two thousand persons in all, of women that had not 
 
 36 known man by lying with him. And the half, xohichwas the portion of them that 
 went out to war, was in number three hundred thousand and seven and thirty 
 
 37 thousand and five hundred sheep : And the Lord's tribute of the sheep was six 
 
 38 hundred and threescore and fifteen. And the beeves were thirty and six thousand; 
 
 39 of which the Lord's tribute was threescore and twelve. And the asses were thirty 
 thousand and five hundred ; of which the Lord's tribute was threescore and one 
 
 40 And the persons were sixteen thousand ; of which the Lord's tribute was thirty and 
 
 41 two persons. And Moses gave the tribute, which teas the Lord's heave offering, 
 
 42 unto Eleazar the priest, as the Lord commanded Moses. And of the children of 
 
 43 Israel's half, which Moses divided from the men that warred, (Now the half that per- 
 tained unto the congregation was three hundred thousand and thirty thousand and 
 
 44, 45 seven thousand and five hundred sheep. And thirty and six thousand bee\;^s. And 
 
 46, 47 thirty thousand asses and five hundred. And sixteen thousand persons,) Even ol 
 
 the children of Israel's half, Moses took one portion of fifty, both of man and of beast, 
 
 and gave them unto the Levites, which kept the charge of the tabernacle of the 
 
 Lord ; as the Lord commanded Moses. 
 
 48 And the officers which were over thousands of the host, the captains of thousands, 
 
 40 and captains of hundreds, came near unto Moses : And they said unto Moses, Thy 
 
 servants have taken the sum of the men of war which are under our charge,' and 
 
 there lacketh not one man of us. We have therefore brought an oblation for the 
 
 Lord, what every man hath gotten,' of jewels of gold, chains, and bracelets, rings, 
 
166 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 51 earrings, and tablets, to make an atonement for our souls before the Lord. And 
 Moses and Eleazar the priest took the gold of them, even all ^vrought jewels. 
 
 62 And all the gold of the oftering® that they offered up to the Lord, of the captains 
 of thousands, and of the captains of hundreds, was sixteen thousand seven hundred 
 
 53 and lifty shekels. {For the men of war had taken spoil, every man for himself.) 
 
 54 And Moses and Eleazar the priest took the gold of the captains of thousands and 
 of hundreds, and brought it into the tabernacle of the congregation, Jor a memorial 
 for the children of Israel before the Lord. 
 
 ' Marg. a thousand of a tribe, a thousand of a tribe. 
 * iMarg. instrument or vessel of skins. 
 1 Marg. hand. 
 
 * Marg. host of war. 
 6 Marg. of the captivity. 
 8 Marg. found. 
 
 3 Marg. a male. 
 
 • Marg. goats. 
 
 ' Marg. heave offering. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 3. li* vM) from the root, to detach some thing or person from its previous connection. A detailed por- 
 
 : T 
 
 tion.— A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 5. ODrD'i to give over, deliver. Here that which was given over to the special work. Ges. to separate, 
 
 T • 
 
 used only here and in ver. IG. — A. G.] 
 
 fVer. 6. The 1 seems to he the 1 explicative, to wit, or " and in fact." Keil.] 
 
 [Ver. 10. Dri1"10, either a walled place, or one encircled by a row or range. Here probably tent-villages or 
 
 T 
 
 hamlets. — A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 26. The living prey or booty, as in ver. 12. — A. G.] 
 
 f\''er. 29. The word denotes simply offering. Omit the heave. — .\. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 32. Tlie nip70, the living prey, the only divisible portion.— A. G.] 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 The war of vengeance against the Midianites 
 is specifically of the Old Testament; but as ?iich 
 also of world historical significance, it being no 
 fortuitous occurrence, but a necessary element 
 in the history of the Theocracy. 
 
 It is the after-piece to the judicial punishment 
 to which the Israelites were doomed on account 
 of their fall into the voluptuous cultus of the Mi- 
 dianites, and the precursor of the exterminating 
 judgment which was soon to overtake the Cauaan- 
 ites. It was entirely fitting that with respect to the 
 great apostasy to which the words of the prophet 
 Amos (ch. V. 2o) clearly refer, not only the tempted 
 Israeliiish people should be punished, but much 
 more, the people who were the tempters, an ut- 
 terly depraved, nomadic horde, which camped in 
 the east of Muab. When the Moabites tliemselves 
 were involved in the guilt of the Midianites, there 
 comes into view again with respect to them the 
 blood-relationship which was ever an object of 
 pious regard to the Israelites. But what was 
 more important was tlie fact that the Midianites 
 were the chief agents, both in the calling of Ba- 
 l.iara to curse, and in the execution of his diabo- 
 lical counsels. Even in a political point of view 
 a war with Moab would have been an error. 
 
 The sins of the Midianites are related to the 
 Bins of the Canaanites as the lust cultus with the 
 cultus of human sacrifices or the Moloch service. 
 Both forms of conception are only the two sides 
 of the one irremediable corruption, which con- 
 sists in this, that a people has turned its public 
 morals into a destructive immorality, because it 
 has abandoned all reverence for a personal God 
 and personal life, and sunk into the dark, magic 
 sin, the sin of deifying the lust of the flesh, and 
 into death, its fruit. The Canaanites could not live 
 
 as a people under Israel without perverting Is- 
 rael aud with it the history of mankind. In a 
 similar way the Midianites would have been a 
 snare to the tribes east of the Jordan, if they had 
 been left in their immediate neighborhood, and 
 it may not have been without a real practical oc- 
 casion, that immediately subsequent to the de- 
 struction of the Midianites, the narrative proceeds 
 to speak of the settlement of the tribes of Reu- 
 ben, Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh in the 
 East. But in addition to this, it is certain that 
 the Midianites had incurred the penalty of death 
 at the hands of the Israelites, because they had 
 celebrated exultingly the seeming triumph of 
 Baal-Peor with his shameless pollution, over Je- 
 hovah, the God of personal dignity and moral 
 purity and di.scipline. The memory of this and 
 its infectious influence must be extinguished with 
 terrible earnestness. This explains the entirely 
 destructive purpose of the attack, although we 
 must distinguish between the divine direction 
 (xxv. 17, 18; xxxi. 1) and its human execution, 
 and also between the human weakness and the 
 prophetic sternness and rigor (xxxi. 14). If the 
 women have made the lascivious cultus the na- 
 tional custom, the men who are the prime agents, 
 active or passive, must bear the responsibility ; 
 and it is ever a symptom of the moral stupor into 
 which a people have sunk, when the female sex 
 takes its own course in every evil. Even if a 
 feast, it is only an unrestrained indulgence in 
 luxury. Among the Midianites the male sex ap- 
 pears to have been corrupt to the very core; but 
 the female sex in the measure in which it had 
 come to know the relations of the sexes, as a 
 sphere of profligacy. Thus this history, with all 
 its strangeness and terriblencss, is designed to 
 take its place among the means of salvation for 
 the true humanity, and a sign of warning to the 
 natigns for all time. [It has been well said 
 
CHAP. XXXI. 1-54. 
 
 iti7 
 
 "that the question was whether an obscene and 
 debasing idolatry, should undermine the founda- 
 tions of human society, or the divine retribution 
 interpose to stay the plague and deliver the people 
 of God." Sin must be destroyed at any cost, and 
 we may be sure that He who loves man but hates 
 his sin, shows his love to man by puui-hing that 
 sin which draws him far away from God." 
 Hence the rigor with which the sin of idolatry 
 is dealt with. It involves a total alienation froui 
 God, and must therefore always be debasing and 
 ruinous. There is every thing in the record to 
 show that the war was no common one, and is 
 not therefore to be judged by the common prin- 
 ciples which regulate ordinary wars. It was ra- 
 ther the execution of a divine judicial sentence. 
 It was to avenge the Lord of Midian. — 
 It was undertaken by His direction, and was 
 shaped and controlled by Him throughout. The 
 Israelites were the instruments of His vengeance. 
 It was directed against the Midianites, who were 
 then encamped upon the plain of Moab, because 
 they were the prime movers in the temptation 
 and fall of Israel. They were still practising 
 their wiles after the plague had been stayed 
 (xxv. 18). They knew against whom they were 
 plotting, since Balaam was among them. Moab 
 had sought the material victory over Israel, its 
 subjugation as a political powei', a mighty and 
 conquering nation. The Midianites sought to 
 sap the very spiritual and moral life of the peo- 
 ple. They were seeking not victoi'y, but the de- 
 struction of Israel. It was a fatal blow, if suc- 
 cessful, or if not arrested. The object of the 
 war is not directly the destruction of the Midi- 
 anites, but the freeing of Israel from their arts 
 and corruption, its moral and spiritual bearing. 
 Everything bears upon this: the smallness of 
 the number chosen, but yet it must be selected 
 from every tribe, and so represent the entire peo- 
 ple whose life had been endangered ; the appoint- 
 ment of Phinehas, whose zeal against the sin of 
 the Midianites had made him conspicuous, as a 
 priest, and with the instruments and trumpets to 
 go with the army, not as a military leader, and 
 the remarkable preservation of the warlike host, 
 all show that the character of the war was pecu- 
 liar, that it was judicial, that its ultimate pur- 
 pose was the safety of the people of God in its 
 highest aspects and life ; and that it could not 
 have been secured in any other way. 
 
 If it be objected that many innocent persons 
 must have fallen in the judgment, the obvious 
 and satisfactory answer is, that the objection lies 
 as well against the whole judicial providence of 
 God in the world ; and secondly, that the sin was 
 national. The rulers listened to the counsel of 
 Balaam, and found ready obedience on the part 
 of the people. The people sinned, and the peo- 
 ple are punished. It is not only that judgments 
 of this nature must be indiscriminate in their 
 sweep, but that God deals with nations as moral 
 agents. We must bear in mind too that this was 
 not a self-undertaken invasion of Israel. They 
 were sent upon it, they had definite instructions 
 how to execute their painful task, and they were 
 held to its spirit, when they would have swerved 
 into leniency. It was no mere slaughter inspired 
 by feelings of animosity; it is not a display of 
 blood-thirsty and cruel passion, but the execu- 
 
 tion of a solemn trust. The whole history is an 
 impressive exhibition of the wrath of God against 
 sin — here executed by human agents — and a 
 standing type of the ultimate destruction of sin- 
 ners. If we put ourselves in the true position at 
 the outset, see the true nature and purpose of the 
 war, all is plain. — A. G.] 
 
 Vers. 1-6. The avenging host. — A thousand 
 were chosen from each tribe, winch constituted 
 an army of 12,000 men, under the priestly lead- 
 ership of Phinehas, the heroic enthusiast, and 
 with the sound of the holy trumpets. Keil re- 
 minds us that Phinehas was not their com- 
 mander, but was sent along with the sacred 
 trumpets as the priest, because the war was a 
 holy war. But he seems to overlook the fact that 
 all the wars of Israel in these days were holy 
 wars, and that the scribes and priests belonged 
 to the army organization. 
 
 [It is worthy of notice, however, that in the 
 earlier wars against Sihon, Og, the Amorites, we 
 have no mention of the presence of the priests 
 with the holy trumpets. Phinehas was chosen 
 avowedly as a priest, and he was doubtless se- 
 lected from the company of priests, because he 
 had displayed such conspicuous zeal, and would 
 be the fittest person to inspire the army with 
 sacred zeal in the mission. — A. G.]. Who the 
 military leader of the army was we are not 
 certainly told. [Presumably it must have been 
 Joshua. — A. G.]. The holy vessels cannot mean 
 the ark of the covenant, nor the Urim and 
 Thummim, but the sounding trumpets. The 
 Urim and Thummim were borne by the high- 
 priest, and they would have been superfluous 
 when everything was decided. [The trumpets 
 themselves seem to have been the instruments 
 —A. G.]. 
 
 Vers. 7-12. The vengeance. — In an assault 
 by storm, as it appears, all the men of Midian 
 were slain [z. e., obviously, all the men of war, 
 the men who were in the battle, the adult males 
 all being present probably. See v. 17. — A. 
 G.]. The five shepherd kings of the people, 
 who were probably slain as captives, are re- 
 corded by name. [These were slain 7j,'~ upon 
 or in addition to those who perished in the 
 battle. — A. G.]. Balaam, too, the instigator of 
 the sin and mischief, meets his doom, in whose 
 case a separate judicial execution seems to be 
 intimated. The cities and encampments of the 
 enemy were destroyed by fire, their wives and 
 ohildren carried captive, and thus the Midian- 
 ites as a people were utterlj' blotted out of ex- 
 istence.* From Joshua xiii. 21 it appears that 
 the Midianite princes were vassals of the Amo- 
 rite king Sihon, and the cities of the habitation 
 were originally Moabite, and subsequently Amo- 
 rite cities. The region itself fell afterward-s to 
 the tribe of Reuben. "In v. 12, ''2'd applies to 
 the women and children who were taken prison- 
 ers, nip7D to the cattle taken as booty, and 
 
 * [Kurtz, however, holds that the destruction on^y 
 concerned those tribes of the Midianites dwelling on 
 the high-lands of Moab; that the main stock of the 
 tribe shared neither in the sin nor judgment, and 
 hence later in the history (.Judges vi. 8) they appear as 
 a mighty and hostile power against Israel. — A. G.]. 
 
168 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 SStr to the rest of the prey." Keil. [Goodly 
 castles, " rather hamlets. LXX. k-av7.eiq — 
 partial enclosures. It indicates probably those 
 collections of such dwellings made of stones 
 piled oue oa another and covereti with tent- 
 cloths, which are used by the Arabs to this 
 day."'BiB. Com.— A. G.]. 
 
 Vers. 13-18. The uprooting of the Midi- 
 anites as a people. The victorious army 
 w;is received at tbe front of the camp by Moses, 
 Eleazar the high-priest, and the elders. But 
 Moses addresses the leaders of the host with 
 reproaches, because they had left all the women 
 aliv^. 
 
 The women were certainly the cause of the 
 great sin and fall of Israel, ami associated with 
 the Israelitish families they might have become 
 more destructive to the people than before. 
 But how was it with the boys? Knobel re- 
 minds us, that they would have risen up later as 
 the avengers of their slain fathers. But they 
 might also, according to their Midianitish na- 
 ture, "have corrupted the Israelitish women. 
 The terrible result of the command was the 
 death penalty to every male, and also to every 
 female, except those whose virginity could be 
 established, and who might become fused into 
 the popular life of Israel without danger, in the 
 position of slaves, handmaids. And this Old 
 Testament doom was accomplished under the 
 wrath, under the killing power of the law. 
 Still later in the history, Elijah, in following out 
 the law, had it in his purpose to destroy his 
 people by fire. It was not the Jewish nation 
 which introduced such conflicts, but the ten- 
 dency and result of the law led to them, brought 
 about the struggles in which the higher human- 
 ity, had to be protected against the humanity of 
 the mere natural feelings. Thus Moses re- 
 buked the clemency of the captains. Thus 
 Samuel rebuked the leniency of Saul (1 Sam xv.) 
 
 [Ver. 16. These caused commit tres- 
 pass. They have become to the Israelites 
 to work unfaithfulness towards Jehovah, for a 
 cause or incitement to treacliery to the Lord, 
 or perhaps with a more distinct allusion to the 
 manner in which the inducement was brought to 
 bear, and possibly the intent on their part — 
 these were to the sons of Israel — gave them- 
 selves to them, to give them in unfaithfulness or 
 disloyalty to God. on account of Peor. — A. G.]. 
 
 Vers. 19-24. The purification of the host 
 and of the spoil vyithout the camp. The 
 purification of the warriors who had slain any 
 one, or who had touched any slain one, takes 
 place according to the rule prescribed (chap, 
 xix. 11). But all the plundered stuffs and 
 fabrics must also be purified. For this Eleazar 
 the high-priest now prescribes more definite 
 rules. Every metal munt be cleansed through 
 the fire, and all non-metallic substances must 
 be purified by water; and yet each must finally 
 be Hanctificd and consecrated by the water of 
 separation. 
 
 Vers. 25-47. The division of the spoil. 
 
 The whole sum of the prey was taken in charge 
 Vjy Moses, the high-priest, and the heads of the 
 fathers' houses. Then it was divided into two 
 equal parts, one of which fell to the army and 
 
 the other to the congregation. The warriors, 
 however, were to yield one-fifth of one per cent, 
 of the persons and the cattle to the high-priest 
 for Jehovah, while the congregation must yield 
 two per cent., or one out of fifty for the Levites. 
 [The division of the prey into two equal parts 
 was just. For as those who went to war were 
 chosen out of the whole — and thus represented 
 the whole — the congregation were fairly entitled 
 to a share in the spoil which their representa- 
 tives had taken; while the large proportion 
 was justly due to those who had all the peril. — 
 A. G.]. In the same way the non-combatants 
 were usually considered in the distribution of 
 the spoil — even the captives were considered. 
 Josh. xxii. 8; 1 Sam xxx. 24; 2 Maccab. viii. 
 28-30. Upon the likelihood of so great a spoil 
 being taken [Keil says, " There is nothing in 
 these numbers to astouish any one who has 
 formed correct notions of the wealth of nomad 
 tribes in flocks and herds. The only thing 
 which is surprising is that there is no mention 
 of camels. But it is not certain that the .Mi- 
 dianites were in the habit of rearing camels, 
 and if they had been the Israelites would pro- 
 bably have put these to death as useless to them 
 in their present circumstances. The quantity of 
 jewelry seized is quite in harmony with the 
 well-known love of Nomads for ornaments of 
 this kind, and with the peculiar liking of the 
 Midianites." See Jud. viii. 26.— A. G.]. It 
 seems extremely improbable to the critics that 
 not an Israelite should have fallen in the war. 
 The account, however, seems to imply that the 
 attack was sudden and furious, that the enemy 
 were probably taken utterly by surprise, and 
 that it was rather a rout than a battle in any 
 true sense. Keil cites as analogous instances 
 Tacitus ^w«. xiii. 19; Strabo xvi. 1128; and 
 Havernick Introduction 1, 2, p. 452. [This is 
 one of the features of this narrative which 
 shows that we are dealing here with the execu- 
 tion of a divine sentence. It implies an extra- 
 ordinary divine protection, which is in accord- 
 ance with the view that they were in a peculiar 
 sense the Lord's instruments. — A. G. 
 
 Vers. 48-54. The consecratory gifts of 
 the officers. In gratitude for their wondrous 
 preservation, they are ready to present as a 
 fliank-oS'ering — a second gift — all the golden 
 ornaments, as bracelets, rings, etc., which they 
 had received as booty. It brings the sum of 
 16,750 shekels into the treasury of the sanc- 
 tuary. With their thanks, they recognize their 
 obligation to atone for their souls, their lives, 
 i. e., they acknowledge their marvelous preser- 
 vation as an undeserved mercy, since on account 
 of their sinfulness they migiit well have suf- 
 fered death. "An atonement for our souls. 
 (See Lev. i. 4), namely in the feeling that they 
 were not worthy of any such grace, not because 
 they had done wrong in failing to destroy all the 
 enemies of Jehovah. [This could not have been 
 any real atonement for any error or sin, such as 
 they were chargeable with in neglecting to do as 
 they were told, for such an atonement, as they 
 well knew, would have required a bloody offer- 
 ing. The very magnitude of the mercy makes 
 them more sensible of their unworthiness of it, 
 and awakens deeper gratitude. — A. G.]. Be- 
 
CHAP. XXXII. 1-42. 
 
 16» 
 
 sides these thank-offerings, the captains had 
 taken other spoil of the nation which remained 
 in their possession. 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 The avenging march against the Midianites, 
 as the after-piece to the drama of judgment 
 (chap. XXV.), wherein the Jews had made an 
 atonement, but not the Midianites ; and as a 
 preface to the storm which should come upon 
 the Canaanites, was designed to draw at once a 
 broad line of demarcation between Judaism and 
 heathenism, and to impress the Israelitish people 
 with an inextinguishable abhorrence of the 
 cruelties and abominations of a lustful cultus. 
 
 [Israel, as *he sacred people of God, now 
 restored to His favor, must execute His judg- 
 ment and vengeance upon His enemies. As 
 Jehovah is Israel's God, who has bound Himself 
 with them, so every attack upon Israel is an 
 attack upon God. The analogy which holds 
 between the war of Israel against the Midianites 
 and the Christian warfare of all the people of 
 God against His foes and theirs, is suggestive 
 and instructive. The Midianites suffering their 
 just desert at the hands of Israel, whom they 
 had brought into sin, is only an instance of a 
 general principle, which finds frequent illustra- 
 tion in history. — A. G.] 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 The dark and fearful enigmas in the world's 
 
 history. In the theocratic history, they are 
 illuminated by the word of God, and stand out 
 as judicial visitations. And indeed according 
 to impartial justice. For as Jehovah here al- 
 lows the Israelites to prevail over the heathen 
 Midianites, so afterwards as the Lord of Hosts 
 He allows the heathen to prevail over the Israel- 
 ites. But the world-historical judgments are 
 always preventives of endless corruption ; e. g. 
 preventing the permanent lapse of the people 
 into a lustful worship by the poisoning of their 
 fancies and morals. Thus often humanity is 
 saved by the remedies of fire and brimstone 
 from the fearful corruptions of the sexual life. 
 The war of extermination destroyed on ihe one 
 hand a nest of corruption, a great hotbed of im- 
 purity, and on the other hand opened an abyss 
 between the heathenish depravity (in which the 
 union of vice with religious enthusiasm and the 
 general debased condition of a whole people 
 come info view) and the family life of Israel. 
 The booty. Its explanation is, that it was pro- 
 perty without an owner, and that as such it was 
 a gift from .Jehovah. Finally these facts in the 
 history of Israel are obscured by considering 
 them out of their connection in time and place. 
 This is true of all historical facts. [We are all 
 called to essentially the same warfare, and may 
 not shrink from it. The Christian called to be 
 the executioner of judgment upon his own sins. 
 The tendency to spare those which wear the 
 most attractive appearance must be restrained. 
 The deep-lying corruption in the tendency to 
 self-worship. — A. G.] 
 
 NINTH SECTION. 
 
 The grant of the conquered land beyond the Jordan to Reuben, Gad, and the 
 
 half tribe of Manasseb. 
 
 Chapter XXXII. 1-42. 
 
 1 Now the children of Reuben and the children of Gad had a very great multi- 
 tude of cattle : and when they saw the land of Jazer, and the land of Gilead, that, 
 
 2 behold, the place was a place for cattle ; The children of Gad and the children of 
 Reuben came and spake unto Moses, and to Eleazar the priest, and unto the 
 
 3 princes of the congregation, saying, Ataroth, and Dibon, and Jazer, and Nirarah, 
 
 4 and Heshbon, and Elealeh, and Shebam, and Nebo, aud Been, Even the country 
 which the Lord smote before the congregation of Israel, is a land for cattle, and thy 
 
 5 servants have cattle : Wherefore, said they, if we have found grace in thy sight, 
 let this land be given unto thy servants for a possession, and bring us not over 
 Jordan. 
 
 6 And Moses said unto the children of Gad and to the children of Reuben, Shall 
 
 7 your brethren go to war, and shall ye sit here ? And wherefore 'discourage ye the 
 heart of the children of Israel from going over into the land which the Lord hath 
 
 8 given them ? Thus did your fathers, when I sent them from Kadesh-barnea to see 
 
 9 the land. For when they went up unto the valley of Eshcol, and saw the land, 
 they discouraged the heart of the children of Israel, that they should not go into 
 
170 NUMBERS. 
 
 10 the land wliich the Lord had given them. And the Lord's anger was kindled 
 
 11 the same time, and he sware, saying, Surely none of the men that came up out of 
 Egypt, from twenty years old and upward, shall see the land which I sware unto 
 Abraham, unto Isaac, and unto Jacob ; because they have not wholly Allowed 
 
 12 me: Save Caleb the son of Jephunneh the Kenezite, and Joshua the sou of Nun: 
 
 13 for they have wholly followed the Lord. And the Lord's anger was kindled 
 against Israel, and he made them wander in the wilderness forty years, until all 
 
 14 the generation, that had done evil in the sight of the Lord, was consumed. And 
 behold, ve are risen up in your fathers' stead, an increase of sinful men, to aug- 
 
 15 ment yet the fierce anger of the Lord toward Israel. For if ye turn away from 
 after him, he will yet again leave them in the wilderness ; and ye shall destroy 
 all this people. 
 
 16 And they came near unto him, and said. We will build sheep-folds here for our 
 
 17 cattle, and cities for our little ones : But we ourselves will go ready armed before 
 the children of Israel, until we have brought them unto their place : and our little 
 
 18 ones shall dwell in the fenced cities, because of the inhabitants of the land. We 
 will not return unto our houses, until the children of Israel have inherited every 
 
 19 man his inheritance : For we will not inherit with them on yonder side Jordan, or 
 forward ; because our inheritance is fallen to us on this side Jordan eastward. 
 
 20 And Moses said unto them, If ye will do this thing, if ye will go armed before 
 
 21 the Lord to war. And will go all of you armed over Jordan before the Lord, until 
 
 22 he hath driven out his enemies from before him. And the land be subdued before 
 the Lord : then afterward ye shall return, and be guiltless before the Lord, and 
 
 23 before Israel ; and this land shall be your possession before the Lord. But if ye 
 will not do so, behold, ye have sinned against the Lord: and be sure your sin will 
 
 24 find you out. Build you cities for your little ones, and folds for your sheep ; and 
 
 25 do that which hath proceeded out of your mouth. And the children of Gad and 
 the children of Reuben spake unto Moses, saying, Thy servants will do as my lord 
 
 26 commandeth. Our little ones, our wives, our flocks, and all our cattle, shall be 
 
 27 there in the cities of Gilead : But thy servants will pass over, every man armed 
 
 28 for war, before the Lord to battle, as my lord saith. So concerning them Moses 
 commanded Eleazar the priest, and Joshua the son of Nun, and the chief fathers 
 
 29 of the tribes of the children of Israel : And Moses said unto them. If the children 
 of Gad and the children of Reuben will pass with you over Jordan, every man 
 armed to battle, before the Lord, and the land shall be subdued before you ; then 
 
 30 ye shall give them the land of Gilead for a possession : But if they will not pass 
 over with you armed, they shall have possessions among you in the land of Canaan. 
 
 31 And the children of Gad and the children of Reuben answered, saying, As the 
 
 32 Lord hath said unto thy servants, so will we do. We will pass over armed before 
 the Lord into the land of Canaan, that the possession of our inheritance on this 
 
 33 side Jordan may he ours. And Moses gave unto them, even to the children of Gad, 
 and to the children of Reuben, and unto half the tribe of Manasseh the son of 
 Joseph, the kingdom of Sihon king of the Amorites, and the kingdom of Og king of 
 Bashan, the land, with the cities thereof in the coasts, even the cities of the country 
 round about. 
 
 34, 35 And the children of Gad built Dibon, and Ataroth, and Aroer, And Atroth, 
 
 36 Shophaii, and 'Jaazer, and Jogbehah, And *Beth-nimrah, and Beth-haran, fenced 
 
 37 cities ; and folds for sheep. And the children of Reuben built Heshbon, and Elea- 
 
 38 leh, and Kirjathaim, And Nebo, and Baal-meon, (their names being changed,) and 
 
 39 Shibmah ; and ^rave other names unto the cities which they builded. And the 
 children of Machir the son of Manasseh went to Gilead, and took it, and dispos- 
 
 40 sessed the Amorite which was in it. And Moses gave Gilead unto Machir the son 
 
 41 of Manasseh ; and he dwelt therein. And Jair the son of Manasseh went and took 
 
 42 the small towns thereof, and called them Havoth-jair. And Nobah went and took 
 Kenath, and the villages thereof, and called it Nobah, after his own name. 
 
 1 Marp. hrmk. 2 Marg. fnlfilled after me. » Marg. vers. 1 and 3, Jazerr. 
 
 * Marg. vcr. 3, Nimrah. » Marg. they caUe'd hy names the names of the cities. 
 
CHAP. XXXII. 1-42 
 
 171 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 7. nNUn to disallow or hinder. They withdrew their own support, and brought the people to abandon 
 
 the purpose.— HiKSCH. The Keri nX'jn is a preferable reading. See ver. 9.— A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 16. IJSCaS, used here as in 2 Chron. xxxi. 18 ; Gen. xlvii. 12, to include the whole family except the 
 
 head; all the defenceless.— A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 23. But ye shall know your sin, which shall overtake you ; come upon you.— A. G.] 
 [Ver. 35. Should be Atroth Shophan ; omit comm.— A. G.] 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 The key to the understanding of the short and 
 strange conflict which threatened for a time to 
 break out between the tribes, or rather a schis- 
 Jiatic portion of the tribes, and the theocratic 
 unity represented by Moses, lies, as Keil follow- 
 ing 0. Von Gerlach urges, by reading the 
 imperfects in ver. 39 f^eq. as pluperfects ; thus 
 the half tribe of Manasseh had gone and con- 
 quered the region of Og king of Bashan. As 
 the half tribe of Manasseh were prominent in 
 the conquest, so also it is assumed that the tribes 
 of Reuben and Gad were conspicuous in the 
 earlier war with Sihon, and thus we may ex- 
 plain their present wealth in flocks and herds, 
 following so soon upon their poverty in this 
 respect. As they shared equally with the other 
 tribes in the Midianitish plunder, their peculiar 
 wealth in cattle may have resulted from their 
 prominent part in the greater victories. Now, 
 however, things took shape in such a way as to 
 lead them to make their request, which at all 
 events was expressed in a very faulty method. 
 The land beyond the Jordan (this is already the 
 style adopted in the narration), the land of 
 Gilead, in the first place appeared to theaa from 
 its rich pasturage to be peculiarly adapted to 
 their uses, regarding their large possessions in 
 cattle, and then in the second place this land 
 seemed to be without an owner, as it was not 
 included literally in the promised land, and still 
 further they seemed to themselves to have ac- 
 quired a special claim upon it. As to their 
 peculiar relationship in the warlike camp, it 
 may be noted that the tribes of Reuben and Gad 
 belonged to the same division of the host which 
 encamped upon the south (chap, ii.), while the 
 tribe of Manasseh lay upon their western bor- 
 der, in immediate contact with them. Already 
 in the blessing of Jacob (Gen. xlix.) Reuben 
 had been described as unstable as water, as a 
 bubbling spring, and Gad was praised for his 
 martial power, and Joseph, i. e. Ephraim and 
 Manasseh together, is blessed also for his valiant 
 qualities. The martial nature of Gad was cele- 
 brated again in the blessing of Moses. It is well 
 known further that Gilead was glorified espe- 
 cially through its hero Jepthae, and Gideon also 
 was sprung from Manasseh, although not from 
 its east-Jordan division. 
 
 There was nothing in the way of the request 
 of the two tribes, Reuben and Gad, if modestly 
 and rightly proposed, as the result shows. For 
 the request was granted. There is no allusion 
 to any request by the half tribe of Mannsseh. 
 They may have been prevented from making 
 
 any by their connection with the other half of 
 the tribe. The more brilliant was the distinc- 
 tion which fell to their lot uusought. It may 
 appear remarkable that Moses should have com- 
 mitted his arrangement in their favor, as a 
 command to Joshua and the high-priest, without 
 mentioning the lot. Perhaps the division of the 
 inheritance of Israel by lot, may have been con- 
 fined to the heritage in Canaan. However, the 
 request of the two tribes sounded at first so 
 equivocal that Moses felt that it deserved the 
 strongest expression of his displeasure, and the 
 denunciation of divine wrath upon them. Keil 
 remarks: "The words bring us not over 
 Jordan may be understood as meaning nothing 
 more than the desire of the speakers not to re- 
 ceive their inheritance on the western side of 
 Jordan, without desiring to withdraw their as- 
 sistance from the other tribes in the conquest 
 of Canaan, as they subsequently explain (ver. 
 16), or they may be understood as expressing a 
 wish to settle at once in the land east of Jordan, 
 and leave the other tribes to conquer Canaan 
 alone. Moses understood the words in the latter 
 sense (ver. 6seq.), and probably they seem so 
 inteuded, since when Moses reproved them, the 
 speakers did not reply, that they had not enter- 
 tained the meaning attributed to tliem, but sim- 
 ply restricted themselves to the promise of co- 
 operation in the conquest of Canaan. But even 
 in this sense their request did not manifest a 
 " shanielessness which could not be historically 
 true" (KNOBEii), but may be explained from the 
 opinion they cherished, and which is perfectly 
 intelligible after the rapid and easy defeat of 
 the two mighty kings of the Amorites, Sihon 
 and Og, that the other tribes were quite strong 
 enough to conquer the land of Canaan on the 
 west side of the Jordan." Moreover, it is not 
 necessary to suppose that the alternatives en- 
 tered their minds. They might have uttered 
 their wish without full reflection upon the two 
 possible consequences; otherwise the reproof of 
 Moses would scarcely have brought them to 
 declare that they were ready to battle in the 
 front of the Israelitish army until all Canaan 
 should be conquered. This history is further a 
 '^lorious example of the sacredness and blessing 
 of national unity. [The attempt of Knobel to 
 cut this chapter into pieces and to assign its 
 parts severally to the Elohist and Jehovist, in 
 the fashion of the critics, scarcely merits the 
 notice which Keil gives it. It is a fair instance, 
 however, of how violent and arbitrary a course 
 these critics take. Vers. 1, 2, 16-19. 24, 28-30 
 and 33-b8 are attributed to the Elo'iist, and the 
 remainder, vers. 3-5, 6-15. 20-23, 25-27, 31, 32, 
 and 39-42 to the Jehovist. The grounds upon 
 
172 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 which the assumption rests are some diversity 
 in the language, especially in the proper names 
 used, and mainly upon the notion of the critic 
 that it is improbable that the two tribes would 
 have been so shameless as to wish to remain on 
 the eastern side of Jordan, and leave the con- 
 quest of Canaan to the other tribes; and that 
 their subsequent willingness to help their breth- 
 ren, which they afterwards express, is irrecon- 
 cilable with their selfish intention in their ear- 
 lier request. But history is not surely to be 
 interpreted according to the fancy of critics — 
 their notions of what men would do or not do 
 thousands of years after tlie occurrences it re- 
 lates — nor is it so strange a thing surely that 
 an earlier and selfish intention should be aban- 
 doned when its real nature and consequences 
 are seen and reflected upon. For the assumed 
 diversities in the test, see the exegesis. — A. G.] 
 Vers. 1-5. The request of the two tribes. Tbey 
 call the land which they desire Jazer and Gilead^ 
 including southern Persea, in which Jnzer was 
 situated, and the northern part of Peraea also. 
 "Gilead was the land to the south and the north 
 of Jabbok, the modern provinces of the Belka 
 in the south, between the Jabbok and the Arnon, 
 and Jebel Ajlun to the north of the Jabbok as 
 far as Mandhur. Ancient Gilead still shows 
 numerous traces of great fertility, even in its 
 present desolation, covered over as it is with 
 hundreds of ruins of old towns and hamlets." 
 Keil. ["All travellers in Gilead, the modern 
 Belka, bear \vitness to its richness, as compared 
 with the country to the west of the Jordan. Its 
 general character is that of an upland pasture, 
 undulating and thickly timbered. In the last 
 respect its northern portion excels its southern; 
 but for fertility of soil the southern province is 
 preferred by the Arabs, in whose lips it has 
 passed into a proverb : "Thou canst not find a 
 country like the Belka." Bib. Com. See 
 Robinson's Researches, App., Ritter, Erdk.^ 
 Vol. XV., Tristram's Land of Israel. — A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 4. 'Which the Lord smote before 
 the congregation, indicating that it was now 
 unoccupied and ownerless, and therefore pre- 
 sented as a strong reason why it should be 
 assigned to them. — A. G.] The oflFensive part 
 of the request comes out in the final sentence: 
 " Let us not go over Jordan, or so we will not 
 cross the Jordan." [They seem to have been 
 half conscious that their proposal would not be 
 favorably received. They gather up all their 
 courage to put their request, and then entreat 
 for it as a signal favor. If they had been clear 
 in their own minds, and without a sense that 
 their proposition involved the forsaking of their 
 brethren, they would have asked at once and 
 without the frequent pauses with which they 
 venture now to break their request. — \. G.] It 
 is remarkable, that according to ver. 2 the chil- 
 dren of Gad take the lead. [The same thing is 
 observable throughout the narrative. The Reu- 
 beniicB are named first (ver. 1) because their 
 ancestor was the elder; but, ver. 6 (and see 
 Deul. xxxiii. 20, 21), Gad assumes, what his 
 greater vigor and boldness entitled him to, the 
 position of a leader, and the instigator in the 
 whole proce'lure. — .\. G.] It is no less observa- 
 ble that their claim may have formed a preiu- 
 
 I'.ice against the merits of the half tribe of Ma- 
 il isseh. 
 
 Vers. 6-15. The reproof of Moses. Their request 
 is taken in the strictest and most literal sense. 
 Moses at first holds up their unbrotherly thought 
 and its flagrant injustice (ver. 6), and then the evil 
 example which they would set for Israel (27). 
 He compares their conduct with the cowardice 
 of the spies who disheartened the people before- 
 hand and brought upon them the judgment of 
 God, by which the entire generation had fallen 
 in the wilderness, the two well-known heroes 
 excepted. It was their fault that Israel did not 
 enter upon its inheritance, and you now arise 
 as an aftergrowth, a propagation (n^3"^n), a 
 
 brood of such sinners (timid unbelievers), to 
 arouse still once more the anger of Jehovaii, to 
 renew the doom of tarrying in the wilderness, 
 and thus destroy the people altogether, now so 
 near the goal of all their strivings. The Keri 
 here is to be preferred to the Kethib. See ver. 
 9. To turn or hold avv^ay the heart: a 
 very remarkable expression (see Text. Note). 
 
 The ^_}1, ver. 13, He drove them about in the 
 
 desert, made them go here and there, corre- 
 sponds with the S<-"IJ here. See James i. 8. Ver. 
 15. If ye turn away from after him. 
 Lange: If ye draw back behind Him. The re- 
 cusants who draw back from the leading of God, 
 destroy themselves, and the nation with them. 
 
 Vers. 16-19. The explanation, of the tribes. 
 They come near to Moses, as an expression of 
 their good conscience. Their real thought is 
 uttered in the words: "We Twill go ready 
 armed before the children of Israel ; but 
 ■we will not inherit w^ith them beyond 
 the Jordan, but let our inheritance fall to us 
 on this side* of Jordan eastward. They will 
 first erect folds or pens for their cattle and 
 build cities, /. e. fortify the cities already built, 
 for their children, or families ; but they them- 
 selves will arm themselves hastily in order to 
 march before the children of Israel to the con- 
 quest of the land, and will not return until every 
 tribe ha(s secured its possession. [Hirsch : 
 "The words of the sons of Gad and Reuben 
 betray their overmastering love of their posses- 
 sions. Their herds lie nearer their hearts than 
 their children ; hence first protect their herds, 
 then when they were secure, their families. 
 The alluring pastures led them to endanger 
 their spiritual connection with the national 
 unity and with the sanctuary. In the reply of 
 Moses, ver. 24, the order is carefully reversed." 
 — A. G.] The phraseology of their promise is 
 purposely boastful and martial in its tone ; but 
 at the close of his campaigns Joshua (xxii. 1 
 seq.) could dismiss them with the testimony that 
 they had fulfilled their word. Yet even then 
 they gave occasion for reproof (Josh. xxii. 10), 
 which was, however, by their explanation proved 
 
 * [The Heb. uses the same word here "l^^D to 
 
 designate the east and the west side of the .Jordan. 
 See also ver. 32, which, howevfir. does not refer to the 
 western side of Jordan, as Brii. Com. says. It is clear, 
 however, that the term is used with considerable free- 
 dom, and while nsiiall.v applied to the eastern side, it 
 had not yet acquired "that strict and technical sens* 
 See Deut. L 1.— A. G.] 
 
CHAP. XXXir. 1-42. 
 
 173 
 
 to be groundless, but serves to show how jeal- 
 ously at that time the national unity was 
 guarded. [It was not, however, as that narra- 
 tive shows, merely ihe national unity which was 
 concerned, but rather their loyalty to their faith 
 and worship. The cases are not parallel. Here 
 their boastfulness betrays a consciousness of 
 the selfish motive in which their request took its 
 origin, but which, detected and reproved, they 
 now cover up with their conspicuous proifer of 
 zeal and service. There was nothing of this 
 when they returned from the conquest. — A. G.] 
 
 Vers. 20-24. The consent of Moses. He now 
 grants their request upon their promise, but 
 still impresses upon them the evil consequences 
 which would surely come upon them if they 
 should desert their brethren, and now in addi- 
 tion violate their word. The expression is so- 
 lemn and earnest. If you arm yourselves for 
 battle before Jehovah, i. e. in perfect sworn 
 sincerity, then let every one bearing arms pass 
 over Jordan, fully armed, determined, before 
 Jehovah. No one should go with them for the 
 sake of appearance, or with a half heart. Until 
 :he land is actually sub'jued before Jehovah, 
 and not merely according to their judgment, 
 biassed by their longing for their homes. That 
 done, they may return and be held guiltless 
 [i. e. freed from oV)ligation, their duty discharged, 
 — A. G.] before Jehovah as well as before Israel, 
 and then also first will they have right to their 
 land as a possession before the Lord. [Keil: 
 "The expression 'before the Lord' may mean 
 that in the war which they waged at the com- 
 mand of God, the Israelites were the army of 
 Jehovah, with .Jehovah in the midst. And hence 
 we may easily see why the children of Gad and 
 Reuben do not use these words in ver, 17, be- 
 cause they only promised to go before the chil- 
 dren of Israel, i. e. to help their brethren to con- 
 quer Canaan. Later they also, taught by Moses, 
 adopt the expression before Jehovah, ver. 32." 
 — A. G.] Then follows the threatening: if ye 
 do not keep your word, you shall learn how 
 your sin will find you out. A striking desig- 
 nation of the judgment. Upon the supposi- 
 tion of their truthfulness, they may now se- 
 cure their families and flocks. [Be sure 
 your sin will find you out. Bib. Com. : 
 " Your sin will bring its own punishment along 
 with it." Keil: " Ye will have to make atone- 
 ment for them." HiRSCH : "Sin follows in its 
 results, the sinner." They would in no way 
 escape its punishment. — A. G.].* 
 
 Vers. 25-82. The agreement. — The children 
 of Gad appear again in the front. Upon their 
 renewed promise, Moses gives his assent in the 
 shape of a command addressed to the high-priest, 
 to Joshua, and to the heads of the houses of the 
 fathers, since Moses knew that he would not 
 
 * [Hiesch: "This conditional agreement with the 
 sons of Gad and Rsuben is the olassic example in the 
 Jewish jurisprudence of the most binding form of an 
 act upon a conditioa stated. It is necessary, a) that the 
 eondition, with its results fulfilled or unfulfilled, must 
 be clearly stated, and not merely implied, b) The con- 
 dition must precede the facts, c) That the affirmative 
 ease should precede the negative. _ d) The condition 
 must not contain anything destructive of the facts, or 
 which will prevent tlieir accomplishment, e) That the 
 facts must be such as can be accomplished, as were the 
 division and possession of the land." — A. G.]. 
 
 live to see its accomplishment. The alternative 
 which he adds in case the two tribes do not pro- 
 ceed before them, armed for the conquest, is al- 
 together peculiar. They shall then be settled 
 in the midst of the other tribes in the land of 
 Canaan. This seems to imply not only that 
 in such case, they should not be permitted to poSi- 
 sess the land east of the Jordan, but also that 
 they, according to the will of the people in Ca.- 
 naan — but not as two sepai-ate and independent 
 tribes — should be distributed among the others. 
 The two tribes recognize this decision as the 
 word of Jehovah, and now comes the solemn vow 
 that they will go armed before Jehovah over into 
 Canaan, and that only under this provision will 
 they hope or expect I o have their possession on this 
 side (east) of the Jordan. The compact is thus 
 concluded. [Ver. 32. That the possession of 
 our inheritance on the side of Jordan 
 may be ours, not merely as Keil, "that it may 
 reniivin to us;" east of Jordan rather than west. 
 It is rather that they recognize and express the 
 fact, that their possession is suspended upon 
 their fulfilling the condition. Not until every 
 tribe receives its inheritance will they receive 
 theirs. Legally and formally they entered upon 
 their inheritance when they returned from the 
 wars of the conquest. — A. G.]. 
 
 Vers. 33-42. The investiture. Comp. this 
 Commentary upon Joshua xiii. It is now that 
 the half tribe of Manasseh is first named. Al- 
 though they had not urged their claims upon the 
 ground of their merits, Moses places them, the 
 half tribe, by the side of the two tribes, as having 
 equal claims, and the narrative dwells with plea- 
 sure upon the attribute of Manasseh, as "the 
 son of Joseph." The two conquered Amoritish 
 kingdoms, constituted the grant in the main. 
 Then follows a record of the fortification of the 
 cities for their families, and the folds for their 
 flocks and herds. [The first mention of the 
 half-tribe of Manasseh here is just in its proper 
 place. They bad not urged their claims, but 
 Moses in distributing the land, assigns to the 
 half tribe its portion from a sense of right and 
 justice. They had displayed signal valor, and 
 had conquered that part of the land. He recog- 
 nized the right which they had thus acquired. 
 It is clear from ver. 39 that this is the ground 
 upon which they appear here, and also why only 
 the half tribe or the children of Machir. It was 
 that part of the tribe which had distinguished 
 itself in the conquest and which now receives 
 its reward. — A. G.]. 
 
 1. The Gadites. — Dibon called also Dibon- 
 Gad, an hour northward of the central Arnon. 
 [" Its extensive ruins still bear the name Dhi- 
 ban. It was here that the Moabite stone was 
 discovered in 1868 by Rev. T. Klein. It is reck- 
 oned as a Reubenite town, Josh. xiii. 9, while in 
 Isa. XV. 2 it is spoken of as Moabite. Occupied 
 on the first acquisition of the territory by the 
 Gadites, and assigned by Joshua to the Reubeu- 
 ites when the boundaries of their respective 
 allotments were determined, it was eventually 
 recaptured by the Moabites, in whose hands it 
 remained." — A. G.].— Ataroth, i. e., crowns, pre- 
 served in the ruins of Attarus or Jebel Atta- 
 rus, was seven miles north-east of Dibon. — Aroer 
 of Reuben in the centre of the valley of Arnoa. 
 
174 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 It was located on the brink of the rocky ravine 
 through which that torrent flows, and must be 
 distiiiguished I'roiu the Aroer before Kabbah — 
 Airith Shophau. [Bib. Com.: "It probably 
 lay near the Aiaroili above, and had the name 
 Shophan ' of the burrow " to distinguish it from 
 the other Ataroth." — A. G.]. — Jaazer. The ruins 
 Es Szir — Jogbehah, Judg. viii. 11, preserved in 
 the ruins of Jebeiha. Beth-Nimrah (Nimrah), 
 Josh. xiii. 27, also ver. 3 in the valley of the 
 Jordan now to be seen in the ruins Nimrein 
 about five Roman miles north of Libias. Beth- 
 haran (Josh. xiii. 27, Beth-aram). ["'According 
 to Josephus called Julias, in honor of the wife 
 of Auorustus. It has been preserved in the ruins 
 of Ramah not far from the mouth of the Wady- 
 Hesban."' Keil.— A. G.]. 
 
 2. The Reubenites. Heshbon, the resi- 
 dence of king Sihou, Josh. xiii. 27. Keil. "It 
 was relinquished to the Gadites because it lay 
 upon the border of their territory, and by them 
 given up to the Levites (Josh. xxi. 39 ; 1 Chron. 
 vi. 66). It stood almost in the centre between 
 the Arnon and the Jabbok, opposite to Jericho, 
 and according to the Onomast., twenty Roman 
 miles from the Jordan, where large ruins are 
 now found bearing the ancient name of Hesban 
 or Hiisban." Elealeh, now EI Aal the height — 
 Kirjathaim probably the ruins et Teim about 
 three miles south of Heshbon — Nebo on mount 
 Nebo — Baal-meon with changed names. The 
 city was called Beon or Beth-meon, avoiding 
 the name Baal. The ruins Maein or Myun not 
 far from Heshbon. [They changed the names 
 of the last two cities probably from their con- 
 nection with idolatrous worship. The other ci- 
 ties retained the names they had, or as some 
 suppose, the Reubenites restored the old Moabite 
 names which had been changed under the Amo- 
 rite dominion. Keil, Bib. Com., regard Baal 
 Meon as the present Myun. " The city must 
 have fallen into the hands of the Moabites be- 
 fore the days of Mesha, who speaks of himself 
 as having there built a temple, no doubt to Che- 
 mosh, and as having fortified it." — A. G.]. Shib- 
 mah. According to Jerome, near Heshbon. It 
 has apparently disappeared, not leaving a trace 
 behind. [It seems however to be alluded to in 
 Isa. xvi. 8, where it appears as Sibmah, noted 
 for its vines. On the difi"erence in the names, 
 vers. 3 and 36, 38, Keil remarks that it cannot 
 be regarded as any proof, that ver. 3 is Jeho- 
 vistic, and the after verses Elohistic, since Baal- 
 meon is itself a contraction for Beth-Baal-meon 
 (Josh. xiii. 17). The contraction of the names 
 in ver. 3 is accounted for by the fact that diplo- 
 matic exactness was not requisite in a historical 
 account, the abbreviated forms in common use 
 were quite sufficient. — A. G.]. 
 
 3. The Manassites. Ver. 30. Went, had 
 gone, and thus understood it gives the rea- 
 son why the Manassites received this region, (o 
 wil, the kingdom of Bashan, and the northern 
 part of Gilead — tlie Jebel-ajlun between the Jab- 
 bok and the Mandhur. We render with Keil, 
 ver. 39. '' The sons of Machir the son of Manas- 
 seli, had gone and taken," etc.; and ver. 41, and 
 Jair the son of Manasseh had gone and taken, 
 ete. ; and lastly, ver. 42. And Nobah had gone 
 and taken, etc. The sons of Machir parted into 
 
 two divisions or lines, of which the one received 
 northern Gilead (1 Chron. v. 24) while the other 
 settled in Canaan proper (Josh. xvii.). Jair has 
 descended on his father's side through Segub, 
 and Hezron from Judah, but through Hezron's 
 intermarriage with a daughter of Machir he 
 passed over into the tribe of his mother, con- 
 trary to the general rule. See Dent. iii. 4 and 
 14. The villages which he had taken he named 
 after his own name. Finally we have Nobah 
 otherwise unknown, who took Kenath, with its 
 daughters or dependent villages, and called them 
 after his name Nobah. Kurtz applies the name 
 Nobah to the village Newa, an ancient city of 
 ruins. Kenath afterward lost to the Syrians, 
 1 Chron. ii. 23, alluded to by Josephus, Jekome 
 and Pliny, comes into light again in the exten- 
 sive ruins called Kanwat and inhabited by 
 Druses. [Porter, Giant cities of Bashan, gives 
 a full and elaborate description of these ruins. 
 Kunawat. '' The general aspect of the city is 
 very striking — temples, palaces, churches, thea- 
 tres, and massive buildings whose original use 
 we cannot tell, are grouped together in pic- 
 turesque confusion, while beyond the walls, in 
 the glen, on the summits and sides of wooded 
 peaks, away in the midst of oak forests, are clus- 
 ters of columns and massive towers and lofty 
 tombs. A colossal head of Ashteroth, sadly 
 broken, lies before a little temple, of which pro- 
 bably it was once the chief idol. The crescent 
 moon which gave the goddess the name Carnaim 
 ('two-horned') is on her brow. I saw in this 
 a visible illustration of an incidental allusion to 
 this ancient goddess in the very earliest histo- 
 ric reference to Bashan. We read in Gen. xiv. 
 5 that 'the kings of the east' on their way to 
 Sodom, "smote the Rephaims in Ashteroth Kar- 
 naim.' May not this be the very city ?" pp. 
 42, 48. The Machirites who hold so prominent 
 a place in this history, were only a part of the 
 sons of Machir; but they won their way to dis- 
 tinction, so that they are called Machir. They 
 drew away aiteution from the other member of 
 the family. They were led by bold, energetic 
 and skillful men, and the rapid conquest of the 
 east Jordan country, especially its northern por- 
 tion, was largely due to their instrumentality. 
 And Jair the son of Manasseh went and 
 took the small tow^ns thereof, and called 
 them Havoth-jair. And Nobah went and 
 took Kenath, and the villages thereof, 
 and called it Nobah after his own name. 
 In Dent. iii. 14 this whole conquest and posses- 
 sion is ascribed to Jair alone. In Deut. iii. 4, 
 the cities taken and named were sixty, while in 
 1 Chron. ii. 22, 23 we read Jair had twenty-three 
 cities in Gilead, and Geshur and Aram took the 
 towns of Jair (Havoth-Jair) from them, with Ke- 
 nath and its daughters, sixty towns. This pas- 
 sage suggests at once the key to the solution of 
 the difficulty. The twenty-three Havoth-Jair, 
 with Kenath and its daughters form the sixty 
 towns referred to in Deuteronomy. The term 
 Havoth-Jair is used in a narrower and in a wider 
 sense; in the strict or narrow sense it desig- 
 nates those which Jair himself took, who was 
 the leading chief of the Machirites in Gilead, and 
 in the wider sense these towns, with the thirty- 
 seven of Kenath and its daughters. The pas- 
 
CHAP. XXXIII. 1-49. 
 
 175 
 
 sage here and in Deut. iii. 4 and 14, and in 
 1 Chron. ii. 23, all fall into perfect harmony. 
 As Keil says, "Consequently Bashan or the 
 region of Argob, with its sixty fortified towns, 
 was divided between two of the leading families 
 of Machir the Manassite, the families of Jair and 
 Nobah, each family receiving the districts it had 
 conquered, viz., the family of Nobah Kenath 
 and its daughters, thirty-seven towns in the east- 
 ern portion, and the family of Jair twenty-three 
 towns in the western. In Deuteronomy when 
 Moses is making a rapid survey, all the sixty 
 towns are comprehended under the name Havoth- 
 Jair — probably because Nobah was a subordi- 
 nate branch of the family of Jair." For the 
 descent of Jair see xxvii. 1, and comp. Josh xiii. 
 . 13 and xix. 34, which latter passage finds its 
 solution in the text 1 Chron. ii. 22. 23. — A. G.]. 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 By the grant of the country east of the Jordan, 
 Israel has already gained, as it were, a foothold 
 in its inheritance ; but no scope is given here 
 for the process of disintegration. 
 
 [As the conquest of the Amorite kingdoms was 
 preliminary to the conquest of the land of pro- 
 mise literally, so this distribution of the land 
 was the pledge to Israel of its possessions. It 
 was the earnest of the inheritance. The pro- 
 mise included more than the literal Canaan. 
 There was nothing, therefore, wrong in the re- 
 quest itself, nothing premature or overhasty iu 
 the time at which it was made ; nothing in the 
 thought that it was peculiarly fitted to the tastes 
 and habits of these two tribes, but in the spirit 
 which led to the request — the intention expressed 
 in these words, bring us not over this Jor- 
 dan, to forsake their brethren, and to separate 
 themselves from the leadership of Moses and of 
 Jehovah. 
 
 Be sure your sin vrill find you out. The 
 certainty of retribution. The statement of a 
 principle which has been a working factor in all 
 history, but which has its final application in 
 ihe issues of the future, where sin itself becomes 
 our avenger. — A. G.]. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 The law of the unity in heart and conduct of 
 the army of God, as the indispensable condition 
 
 to the conquest of the promised land. How the 
 Christian world has failed in this respect in its 
 relations to the heathen world. The ancient 
 Church as over against Mohammedanism. The 
 
 Protestant world, especially in its theology, in 
 its relations to Romanism and Jesuitism. The 
 danger of the separation of the tribes is avoided, 
 1) By a mutual understanding ; 2) by solemn 
 warnings; 3) by brotherly sacrifices; 4) by 
 wise concessions. 
 
 The demand of the tribes of Reuben and G:kI 
 was certainly, while unexplained, in the sense in 
 which Moses understood it, in the highest de- 
 gree dangerous. The reproof of Moses in its 
 application to all times. The declaration of 
 heroic faithfulness on the part of the reproved 
 tribes. The peaceful and blessed reconciliation. 
 — [Henry : " Two things common in this world 
 induced these tribes to make this choice, and 
 this motion upon it, the lust of the eye, and the 
 pride of life. The land was pleasant to the eye, 
 and it was good for pasturage. Perhaps there 
 was something of pride in it too. These tribes 
 were all first-born. They may have been striv- 
 ing after precedence, and assuming that their 
 claims must first be met. Too many seek their 
 own things, and not the things of the public 
 good, or of Christ, and so take up short of the 
 heavenly Canaan. Their choice implied: 1. A 
 contempt of the land of promise ; 2. A distrust 
 of the power of God. 3. A neglect of the in- 
 terests of their brethren. 4. An undue con- 
 sulting of their own convenience and wealth. — 
 The good effect of plain, faithful dealing. Moses, 
 by showing to them their sin and the danger of 
 it, brought them to their duty without murmur- 
 ing or disputing, v. 23. Sin will without doubt 
 find out the sinner sooner or later. It concerns 
 us, therefore, to find out our sins, that we may 
 repent of them and forsake them. It is observa- 
 ble that as these tribes were now first placed, 
 before the other tribes, so long afterward they 
 were displaced before the other tribes." Then 
 afterward ye shall return and this shall be your 
 possession. No full and legal inheritance for any 
 single tribe until all receive their possession. The 
 people of God are not only one in their wari'are 
 and conquest, but in their possession. A com- 
 mon warfare and peril, a common triumph and 
 inheritance, — A. G.] 
 
 TENTH SECTION. 
 
 The Review of the Encampments. 
 Chapter XXXIII. 1-49. 
 
 1 TiESE are the journeys of the children of Israel, which went forth out of the 
 
 2 land of Egypt *with their armies under the hand of Moses and Aaron. And Moses 
 wrote their goings out according to their journeys by the commandment of the 
 
 3 Lord : and these are their journeys according to their goings out. And they de- 
 parted from Rameses in the first month, on the fifteenth day of the first month ; on 
 
176 NUMBERS. 
 
 the morrow after the passover the children of Israel went out with a high hand in 
 
 4 the sight of all the Egyptians. For the Egyptians ""buried all their firstborn, which 
 the Lord had smitten among them : upon their gods also the Lord executed judg- 
 
 5 ments. And the children of Israel ""removed from Rameses, and "^pitched in Suc- 
 
 6 coth. And they depaited from Succoth, and pitched in Etham, which is in the 
 
 7 edge of the wilderness. And they removed from Etham, and turned again unto 
 
 8 Pi-hahiroth, which is before Baal-zejDhou : and they pitched before Migdol. And 
 they departed from before Pi-hahiroth, and passed through the midst of the sea 
 into the wilderness, and went three days' journey in the wilderness of Etham, and 
 
 9 pitched in Marah. And they removed from Marah, and came unto Elim : and in 
 Elim were twelve fountains of water, and threescore and ten palm trees ; and they 
 
 10 pitched there. And they removed from Elim, and encamped by the Eed sea. 
 
 11 And they removed from the Red sea, and encamped in the Avilderness of Sin. 
 
 12 And they took their journey out of the wilderness of Sin, and encamped in Doph- 
 13, 14 kah. And they departed from Dophkah, and encamped in Alush. And they 
 
 removed from Alush, and encamped at Rephidini, where was no water for the peo- 
 
 15 pie to drink. And they departed from Rephidim, and pitched in the wilderness 
 
 16 of Sinai. And they removed from the desert of Sinai, and pitched at ^Kibroth- 
 
 17 hattaavah. And they departed from Kibroth-hattaavah, and encamped at Haze- 
 18, 19 roth. And they departed from Hazeroth, and pitched in Eithmah And they 
 
 20 departed from Rithmah, and pitched at Rimraon-parez. And they departed from 
 
 21 Rimmon-parez, and pitched in Libnah. And they removed from Libnah, and 
 
 22 pitched at Rissah. And they journeyed from Rissah, and pitched in Kehelathah. 
 23, 24 And they went from Kehelathah, and pitched in mount Shapher. And they 
 
 25 removed from mount Shapher, and encamped in Haradah. And they removed 
 
 26 from Haradah, and pitched in Makheloth. And they removed from Makheloth, 
 
 27 and encamped at Tahath. And they departed from Tahath, and pitched at Tarah. 
 28, 29 And they removed from Tarah, and pitched in Mithcah. And they went fi'om 
 30 Mithcah, and pitched in Hashmonah. And they departed from Hashmonah, and 
 81 encamped at Moseroth. And they departed from Moseroth, and pitched in Bene- 
 32 jaakan. And they removed from Bene-jaakan, and encamped at Hor-hagidgad. 
 33, 34 And they went from Hor-hagidgad, and jiitched in Jotbathah. And they re- 
 
 35 moved from Jotbathah, and encamped at Ebronah. And they departed from 
 
 36 Ebronah, and encamped at Ezion-gaber. And they removed from Ezion-gaber, 
 
 37 and pitched in the Avilderness of Zin, which is Kadesh. And they removed from 
 
 38 Kadesh, and pitched in mount Hor, in the edge of the land of Edom. And Aaron 
 the priest went up into mount Hor at the commandment of the Lord, and died 
 there, in the fortieth year after the children of Israel were come out of the land of 
 
 39 Egypt, in the first day of the fifth month. And Aaron was a hundred and twenty 
 
 40 and three years old when he died in mount Hor. And king Arad the Canaanite, 
 which dwelt in the south in the land of Canaan, heard of the coming of the chil- 
 
 41 dren of Israel. And they departed from mount Hor, and pitched in Zalmonah. 
 42, 43 And they departed from Zalmonah, and pitched in Punon. And they departed 
 
 44 from Punon, and pitched in Oboth. And they departed from Oboth, and pitched 
 
 45 in ^Ijc-abarim, in the border of Moab. And they departed from Jim, and pitched 
 
 46 in i)ibon-gad. And they removed from Dibon-gad, and eticamped in Almon-dib- 
 
 47 lathaim. And they removed from Almon-diblathaim, and pitched in the moun- 
 
 48 tains of Abarim, before Nebo. And they departed from the mountains of Abarim, 
 
 49 and pitched in the plains of Moab by Jordan near Jericho. And they pitched by 
 Jordan, from Beth-jesimoth even unto ^Abel-shittim in the olains of Moab. 
 
 1 That is, the, graves of lust. 2 Or, heaps of Abarim. » Or, the plains of Shittim. 
 
 » according to. b jggfg hurying. ' departed. * encamped. 
 
 [Where the A. V. uses " departed," "removed," "took their journey," " went" interchan(jeably, the Hebrew 
 text has but one word. This uniformity ought to be reproduced in the translation by invariably reading 
 " departed." The name is true respecting the word in the HrO)rew text variously rendered "eneamDe-' ' and 
 " pitched " in the A. V. It should ioTariably be rendered " encamped."— Ta.] 
 
CHAP. XXXIII. 1-49. 
 
 177 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 We found ourselyes obliged under chap. xxi. 
 to discuss the whole subject of the successive 
 encampments, and must here refer the reader to 
 that pkce. [See also, with relation to geogra- 
 phical matters and the time required for the 
 journey from Sinai to Kadesh, pp. 73, 74, 78, 79, 
 80, 102.— Te.] 
 
 Vers. 1, 2. This introduction forms the super- 
 scription of the list of the removals and decamp- 
 menls of the children of Isra3l according to their 
 hosts under the guidance of Moses. Moses, now 
 in the plains of Moab, was to prepare this list at 
 the command of Jehovah, undoubtedly that it 
 might be a monument of the great guidance of 
 Jehovah and of His covenant faithfulness, which 
 had now brought the people to the border of Ca- 
 naan. It is a retrospect of the journey through 
 the wilderness, in which richest memories must 
 attach to many stations, inspiring humiliation 
 and praise. 
 
 Vers. 3-15. From Rameses to Sinai. — The 
 notice is new which stales that the Egyptians 
 were actually employed in burying their first- 
 born when the Israelites departed — a circum- 
 stance that must have contributed to facilitate 
 their departure. Therewith was connected, that 
 Jehovah executed judgment, not only on the 
 children of the Egyptians, but also on their 
 idols, i.e., therefore, on the false religious confi- 
 dence in their gods. From Rameses, see on 
 Exod. xii. 37; xiv. 8. From Succoth to Eiham, 
 see Exod. xiii. 20. Pi-hahiroth, see Exod. xiv. 
 2. Marah, see Exod. xv. 23. Elim, see Exod. 
 XV. 27. Desert of Sin, see Exod. xvi. 1. Doph- 
 kah and Alush are passed over in Exodus. Re- 
 phidim, see Exodus xvii. 1. Sinai, see Exodus 
 xix. 1. 
 
 Vers. 16-31. From Sinai to Kadesli (Bene- 
 Jaakan, see under chap. xxi.). 
 
 Graves of Lust — Hazerolh — Rithmah — Rim- 
 mon-parez — Libnah — Rissah — Kehelathah — 
 mount Shapher — Haradah — Makheloth — Tahath 
 — Tarah — Miihcah — llashmonah — Moseroth — 
 Bene-Jaakan. As in this list Kadesh is compre- 
 hended under the name Bene-Jaakan, so, accord- 
 ing to ver. 36, Ezion-Gaber must be sought un- 
 der one of the foregoing names. As the Israel- 
 ites, no doubt, first came to the mountains at 
 Ezion-Gaber, one may conjecture that mount 
 Shapher (the beautiful mountain) is that name; 
 and that Tahath [a depression] indicates some 
 low ground of the Arabah. 
 
 Vers. 32-35, 41-43. From Kadesh to Ezion- 
 Gaber (Oboth). Hor-hagidgad — Joibathah — 
 Ebronah — Ezion-Gaber. Or, what is the same 
 thing, Hor-Zalmonah — Punon — Oboth. [See Dr. 
 Lange's mode of establishing this result under 
 chap, xxi.; also Translator's note below. — Tr.]. 
 
 Vers. 36-40. A parenthesis relating to the death 
 of Aaron arid to king Arad. We read in the plu- 
 perfect: they had departed from Ezion-Gaber, 
 and had encamped in the wilderness of Zin, that 
 is, Kadesh. And (now) they departed (again) 
 from Kadesh and encamped at Hor, the mountain 
 on the border of the land of Edom. Hereupon 
 the death of Aaron is related, just as after the 
 statement of xx. 22-29. That we have here a 
 12 
 
 parenthesis appears from the quite fragmentary 
 notice about king Arad, ver. 40. See Deut. x. 
 6; from Bene-Jaakan they came to Mosera, where 
 Aaron died. Num. xx. 23; from Kadesh they 
 came to mount Hor, where Aaron died. Here iu 
 the list: from Bene-Jaakan to Hor-hagidgad ; or 
 also from Kadesh to mount Hor [see Translator's 
 note below — Tr.]. 
 
 Vers. 44-49. From Oboth to the plains of 
 IVEoab. — lim — Dibon-gad — Almon-diblalliaim — 
 mountains of Abarim — plains of Moab (Beth-je- 
 simoth to Abel-shittim). According to Keil and 
 the usual supposition, the encampment in the 
 wilderness of Zin, i.e., Kadesh (ver. 36) is to be 
 understood of the second arrival at Kadesh. See 
 on the contrary at xx. 21. Two arrivals at Ka- 
 desh are only to be thought of with respect to 
 the army that went out from Kadesh and at- 
 tacked the Canaanites, and then, when repulsed 
 to Hormah, settled again at Kadesh. On the va- 
 rious hypotheses regarding the encampments 
 comp. Keil on chap, xxxiii., especially the notes, 
 p. 378 [p. 247 sqq. Clark's translation — Tr.] 
 and Knobel, p. 33. 
 
 [It seems expedient to add here such conside- 
 rations as will adjust the view of the Translator 
 given under chap. xiv. (p. 78-80 above) with re- 
 lation to the explanations of the list of encamp- 
 ments given by Dr. Lange under chap. xxi. 
 
 The reasons adduced by Dr. Lange do not 
 compel the conclusion that Bene-jaakaa must be 
 identical with Kadesh. The obvious intent of 
 chap, xxxiii. is to give a consecutive list of en- 
 campments ; and this forms so strong a presump- 
 tion against Dr. Lange's interpretation that no- 
 thing short of a compelling reason can justify it. 
 Verses 1, 2 show, that in this chapter we have a 
 distinct document, or "a monument," as Dr. 
 Lange justly entitles it. It must then be com- 
 plete and self-interpreting. A pluperfect ren- 
 dering, such as Dr. Lange proposes at ver. 36, 
 must be justified in the document itself. Such a 
 monument is not to be read as those familiar 
 with the events might be supposed to read it, or 
 even with the aid of statements drawn from other 
 contemporary records. Being intended for pos- 
 terity, it must have been composed so as to oc- 
 casion no confusion in the reading. It is, there- 
 fore, unreasonable to suppose that in six or more 
 instances the same movement and spots are sig- 
 nified by totally different names; that the same 
 course is twice described, as Dr. Lange sup- 
 poses, in vers. 32-35 and 41-43, and that the 
 same verbal form, properly translated by the 
 aorist, is suddenly, without notice in the narra- 
 tive itself, to be taken in a pluperfect sense. 
 
 The reasoning of Dr. Lange under xxi. shows 
 that Moseroth must be locally much the same as 
 Hor. Deut. ix. 6 makes this probable. But a 
 formal table or log like our chapter xxxiii. must 
 not be modified by less formal notices of other 
 narratives, even of our own book of Numbers, 
 much less by such sporadic notices as those that 
 appear in Deuteronomy. Granting the locally 
 approximate identity of Moseroth, Hor and Hor- 
 hagidgad, then the movement from Moseroth to 
 Bene-jaakan and the return from Bene-jaakan to 
 Hor-hagidgad, vers. 31, 32, only means a change 
 of locality within narrow limits. This would 
 
 / 
 
178 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 only be consistent with the name "wandering," 
 always given in Scripture to this emigration, and 
 es'pecially to this period of it, and particularly 
 with the language of Deut. i. ly. Thus, as stated 
 p. 80, the presence of the Israelites in that re- 
 gion amounted to a virtual occupancy of the 
 laud. The different names of the narrative mark 
 distinct places, though some of them may have 
 been very near each other. When such was the 
 case, they might be used interchangeably in such 
 a narrative as Deuteronomy without involving 
 any confusion for those to whom Deuteronomy 
 was addressed, s-ince they were familiar with the 
 scenes. 
 
 Thus from Moseroth to Bene-jaakan may have 
 been in the direction from Hor to Kadesh ; and, 
 consequently, from Bene-Jaakan to Moseroth 
 w 'uld be part of the route from Kadesh to Hor. 
 But we need not conclude from that, that Bene- 
 Jaakan must be identical with Kadesh, or even 
 near Kadesh. It might have been near Mt. Hor. 
 In the statement of Deut. x. 6, which is without 
 geographical connection in the preceding con- 
 text, Moses may have named Bene-jaakan and 
 Moseroth as well-known land-marks, by which 
 to describe t-he course of the movement, and by 
 which to define the date of the incident there 
 referred to. If it be conjectured, with Dr. 
 Lange and others, that Hor and Hor-hagidgad 
 and Gudgod.ih are the same locality, of which 
 also Moseroth is another name, then Deut. x. 6, 
 7, itself distinguishes between Jloseroth and 
 Gudgodah or Hor, as well as does Num. xxxiii. 
 30, 31, 32, 33. They are therefore the same 
 with a difference. What the difference was may 
 elude detection. We may conjecture that Bene- 
 ja ikan, Moseroth, Hor-hagidgad, Jot?iathah lay 
 in the order named on the route the Israelites 
 followed from Kadesh to the southern extremity 
 of Mt. Seir. If nothing else, at least their 
 having been once encampments would make 
 them familiar landmarks to the Israelites. That 
 they had been encampments, proves that they 
 afforded convenience for a halt. On the final 
 march they may have been taken again as halt- 
 ing places for a night or longer, thouph not for 
 a regular encampment according to the regula- 
 tions of chap. ii. In other places, then, beside 
 the present chapter, when the mention of places 
 is only for the purpose of localizing an event in 
 time or place, or for the purpose of stating the 
 course of the march (not the encampment), the 
 narrative might mention names that, for some 
 reason not known to us, served popularly to 
 mark the event. Thus Bene-jaakan may have 
 been a halting-place (not encampment) just be- 
 fore proceeding to Mount Hor, where Aaron 
 died; and Moserah (Deut. x. G a singular; in 
 Num. xxxiii. ZO we have Moseroth, the plural 
 of the same word, which may or may not indi- 
 cate a distinction^; may have become a more 
 popular name by which to refer to the time 
 and place where Aaron died. In Deut. ii. 8 see 
 a similar variation in names, viz. Elath and 
 Ezion-gaber, instead of those in vers. 42-44. 
 In this case, Elath ami Ezion-gaber need not be 
 regarded as encampments, though they might 
 have been stopping-places, and we can easily 
 pee that they would better serve as descriptive 
 land-marks than the encampments in that re- 
 
 gion, which only while encampments may have 
 received "a local habitation and a name." The 
 same may be said of the (supposed, discre- 
 pant) names mentioned in xxi. 12 sqq. A 
 short halt without encampment would suffice 
 for the incident related, xxi. 16-18. It is not to 
 be supposed that the encampments mentioned in 
 this chapter name all the halts that the host 
 made. It was impossible, e. g., to make the 
 move from Kadesh to Hor without two or more 
 halts. This distinction between halts, and en- 
 campments made according to the regulations 
 of chap, ii., was proposed by Kurtz [Hist, of the 
 Old Cov., iii., p. 384 sq., Clark"s translation), 
 and is applied by Keil, p. 246 (Clark's trans- 
 lation). It is ignored by Dr. Lange, whose me- 
 thod implies that he rejects it. Kurtz says: 
 " The list in Num. xxxiii. is purely statistical. 
 The purpose of the author was to give a full and 
 particular account of the actual stations — that 
 is, the places of encampment in which the Isra- 
 elites prepared for a lengthened stay — not merely 
 forming a regular encampment, but also erecting 
 the Sanctuary. The writer in Numb. x. — xxii., 
 does not pretend to give anything like a com- 
 plete account of the various places of encamp- 
 ment, and therefore many names are wanting in 
 the latter which are found in the former. His 
 purpose is purely historical, and not in any sense 
 statistical. And this is to our mind an explana- 
 tion of the fact that he mentions more places of 
 encampment [halting places] between Ije-Aba- 
 rim and Arboth Moab than we find in Numb, 
 xxxiii.; places, that is, in which there was not 
 a complete camp formed, including the erection 
 of the Sanctuary." 
 
 Thus the position already maintained against 
 Dr. Lange seems amply justified, viz., that the 
 narrative of chap, xxxiii. is to be taken in its 
 si^nple a.nd prima facie sense, i. e., as an accurate 
 list of all the regular encampments of the Israel- 
 ites, in which the names are given consecutively 
 and in their order, and without repetition or 
 confusion. The conjectural explanation just 
 given, of the apparent discrepancy between the 
 mention of names in xxxiii, and elsewhere, is 
 not to be pressed as the actual solution of the 
 problem. It is only offered in order to show, 
 that it is as easy to adhere to the obvious sense 
 of the narrative as to take some other course. 
 But the explanation has the additional advan- 
 tage, that it relieves us of all necessity of dealing 
 with the different mention of names as discrep- 
 ancies. The parallelism of names, treated by 
 Dr. Lange under chap. xxi. and above in this 
 chapter, remains an interesting subject of inves- 
 tigation. But it is seen that it does not involve 
 the question of reconciling discrepancies. 
 
 The process by wliicli Dr. Lange would iden- 
 tify Jotbathah and Zalmonah, and Abroiiah and 
 Punon (see under xxi. 10--0), is used with equal 
 success by others («, ff., Keil and £ih. Com.) to 
 establish the identity of Rithmah, ver. 18, and 
 Kadesh, xiii. 26. AVe may suppose from this that 
 the method is of doubtful value. 
 
 Until the places are identified on the map, and 
 the mention of names is shown to be irrecon- 
 cilable, there is no question of discrepancy to 
 discuss. Whoever desires to see in briefest form 
 the latest results in the efforts to locale the 
 
CHAP. XXXIII. 50-56. 
 
 179 
 
 names of the present list from Hazeroth to the 
 plains of Moab can consult the (Speakf.r's) Bib. 
 Com. in loc. Smith's Bib. Diet., Wilderness os 
 THE Wanderings. As said above under chap, 
 liv., only two places are identified beyond doubt, 
 viz., Ezion-gaber and Mt. Hor (though the latter 
 is debated by Dr. Lange ; see under xxi.). About 
 several others there is reasonable certainty, {e. 
 g., Ije-abarim, see Dr. Lange under xxi. 10-20, 
 and Dibon-gad, Dhiban, the ancient Aroer, 
 " about three miles north of the Arnon," Smith's 
 
 Bib. Dict.^ s. v., where the Moabite stone was 
 discovered in 1868. Palmer, Desert of the Exod. 
 chap, xxiv? ; H. B. Tristram, The Land of Moab, 
 chaps, v., vi. But until more definite results are 
 reached, it does not seem expedient, in a com- 
 mentary like the present, to review the repre- 
 sentations of Dr. Lange under chap, xxi., though 
 many efl^orts at exploiation have been made 
 since he wrote them, and there is reason for 
 modifying some of them. — Tr.]. 
 
 ELEVENTH SECTION. 
 
 Anticipation of Canaan. Renevred Command Respecting the Expulsion of the 
 Canaanites and the Obliteration of the Public Signs of their Idolatry. 
 
 Chapter XXXIII. 50-56. 
 
 50 And the Lord spake unto Moses in the plains of Moab by Jordan near Jeri- 
 
 51 cho, saying, Speak unto the children of Israel, and say unto them, When ye are 
 
 52 passed over Jordan into the land of Canaan ; Then ye shall drive out all the in- 
 habitants of the land from before you, and destroy all their "pictures, and destroy 
 
 53 all their molten images, and quite pluck down all their high places : And ye shall 
 dispossess the inhabitants of the land, and dwell therein : for I have given you the 
 
 54 land to possess it. And ye shall divide the land by lot for an inheritance ''among 
 your families ; and to the more ye shall 'give the more inheritance, and to the fewer 
 ye shall %ive the less inheritance : every man's inheritance shall be in the place 
 
 55 where his lot falleth ; according to the tribes of your fathers ye shall inherit. But 
 if ye will not drive out the inhabitants of the land from before you ; then it shall 
 come to pass, that those which ye let remain of them shall be pricks in your eyes, 
 
 56 and thorns in your sides, and shall vex you in the land wherein ye dwell. "^More- 
 over it shall come to pass, that I shall do unto you, as I thought to do unto them. 
 
 1 Heb. multiply his inheritance. 
 
 • statues {stones with images — Stiek, De Wettb). 
 
 * Heb. diminish his inheritance. 
 
 * according to. 
 
 "> And. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 Comp. Exod. xxiii. 31 ; Lev. xxvi. 1 ; Deut. 
 vii. 2; ix. 4, 5; Josh, xxiii. 13; Jud. ii. 3. Com- 
 mand to exterminate the Canaanites. So Keil en- 
 titles this section. The text does not admit of 
 this extravagant, traditional representation. The 
 religious assumption underlying the stern mea- 
 sures against the Canaanites is this, that Israel 
 in Canaan can and must by no means tolerate any 
 Canaanitish, or indeed any sort of idolatrous 
 community, because it will affect Israel ruin- 
 ously. This latter motive is reiterated again and 
 again, and the most various changes rung 
 on it. Hence in the Promised Land no sorts of 
 signs of idolatry shall stand in places, or by the 
 roads, or on bridges. But it is first of all as- 
 sumed that they are not to exterminate the hea- 
 
 then as individual heathen in the land ; already 
 in the Decalogue there is mention of the stranger 
 that is in Israel's gates. This stranger, toward 
 whom they are again and again commanded to 
 behave themselves justly and kindly (Exod. xxii. 
 21; xxiii. 9; Lev. xix. 38 ; Deut. x. 19) migh! in 
 later times be made a proselyte of the gate ; ori- 
 ginally he was only one that recognized the su- 
 premacy of the Israelitish established religion, 
 and had renounced all public announcement of 
 any heathen feeling. Hence it is the first task 
 of the Israelites to expel the heathen from the 
 land, as this sort of crowding out and pushing 
 farther of one people by another frequently hnp- 
 pened in ancient times. By such crowding out 
 the Germans came to Germany, and the Celts 
 have experienced crowding in many ways. If, 
 however, the heathen made warlike opposition, 
 the meaning was that they would maintain hea- 
 
180 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 thenism in the land itself, and then the cherem 
 resulted, the prostrating of the warlike men, and 
 only in consequence of that storm of war or ven- 
 geance, a more universal cherem. But in refer- 
 ence to this, a distinction must be made between 
 the social task of Israel, and the religious sen- 
 tence that was referred back to the decree of Je- 
 hovah. According to the latter, a universal 
 judgment of extermination fell on the Canaan- 
 ites : according to the social task, the extermi- 
 nation was conditioned in many ways, and in ge- 
 neral the national spirit of the Jews continued 
 to be tempted rather by a false, dangerous tole- 
 rance which it could not yet bear, than by an 
 opposing, excessive fanaticism. The intercourse 
 of Moses with pious heathen, the history of the 
 Gibeonites, the book of Judges, and the later 
 history of Israel serve for illustration. Solomon 
 had a fall by anticipating the public freedom of 
 worship. 
 
 Ver. 51. The meaning of the reiterated com- 
 mand is quite plain. The inhabitants of Canaan 
 are driven out, while all public signs of idola- 
 trous worship are destroyed. The most incon- 
 spicuous are memorial stones by the way-side 
 having on them figures of idols or idolatrous in- 
 scriptions ; of higher degree are molten images ; 
 
 still higher are the high-places, consecrated 
 groves or enclosed places of worship with altars. 
 More the religion of the law cannot and will not 
 do. Press hearts, convert souls by constraint, — 
 this dark thought of the middle ages and of the 
 Syllabus cannot occur on Biblical ground, or, if 
 it does, only as the heathenism of Jezebel, of 
 Nebuchadnezzar, and of Antiochus Epiphanes. 
 Thus they are to possess the land purely and 
 wholly, but also in just relations, whence ver. 54 
 repeats the command of xsvi. 55. The law is 
 enforced by threatening punishment for the trans- 
 gressors. The natural consequences are these: 
 the heathen become thorns in their eyes and 
 pricks in their sides ; their eyes become obscured 
 for faith ; their life will be trained in the way 
 of superstition. But in the land that is given to 
 them, the heathen will oppress and afflict them; 
 and just because of this intolerance of heathen- 
 ism they must not tolerate heathenism. It is 
 here: either or; anvil or hammer. How long 
 the vulgar liberalism showed itself too insipid to 
 understand that! But the positive punishment 
 shall be that Jehovah will, in that case, reject 
 them also as He now does the Canaauites, Josh, 
 xxiii. 13. 
 
 TWELFTH SECTION. 
 
 Determination of the Boundaries of the Land of Israel. List of the Men 
 appointed to Distribute it for the Individual Tribes. 
 
 Chapter XXXIV. 1-29. 
 
 1, 2 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Command the children of Israel, and 
 say unto them. When ye come into the land of Canaan ; (this is the land that shall 
 fall unto you for an inheritance, even the laud of Canaan with the coasts thereof:) 
 
 3 Then your south quarter shall be from the wilderness of Zin along by the coast of 
 Edom, and your south border shall be the outmost coast of the salt sea eastward : 
 
 4 And your border shall turn from the south to the ascent of 'Akrabbim, and pass on 
 to Zin : and the going forth thereof shall be from the south to Kadesh-barnea, and 
 
 5 shall go on to Hazar-addar, and pass on to Azmon : And the border shall fetch a 
 compass from Azmon unto the river of Egypt, and the goings out of it shall be at 
 
 6 the sea. And as for the western border, ye shall even have the great sea for a 
 
 7 border : this shall be your west border. And this shall be your north border : from 
 
 8 the great .sea ye shall point out for you moiuit Hor : From mount Hor ye shall 
 point out your border unto the entrance of Hamath ; and the goings forth of the 
 border shall be to Zedad : 
 
 9 And the border shall go on to Ziphron, and the goings out of it shall be at Ha- 
 
 10 zar-enan : this shall be your north border. And ye shall point out your east bor- 
 
 11 der from Hazar-enan to Shepham : And the coast sliall go down from Rhepham to 
 Riblah, on the oast side of Ain ; and the border shall descend, and shall reach unto 
 
 12 the ^side of the sea of Chinnereth eastward : And the border shall go down to Jor- 
 dan, and the goings out of it shall be at the salt sea : this shall be your land with 
 
CHAP. XXXIV. 1-29. 
 
 181 
 
 13 the coasts thereof round about. And Moses commanded the children of Israel, say- 
 ing, This is the laud which ye shall inherit by lot, which the Lord commanded to 
 
 14 five unto the nine tribes, and to the half tribe : Fur the tribe of the children of 
 Reuben according to the house of their fathers, and the tribe of the children of Gad 
 accordino- to the house of their fathers, have received their inheritance; and half 
 
 15 the tribe of Manasseh have received their inheritance : The two tribes and the half 
 tribe have received their inheritance on this side Jordan near Jericho eastward, to- 
 
 16, 17 ward the sunrising. And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, These are the 
 names of the men which shall divide the laud unto you : Eleazar the priest, and 
 
 18 Joshua the son of Nun. And ye shall take one prince of every tribe, to divide the 
 
 19 laud by inheritance. And the names of the men are these : Of the tribe of Judah, 
 
 20 Caleb the son of Jephunueh. And of the tribe of the children of Simeou, She- 
 
 21 muel the son of Amihud. Of the tribe of Beujamiu, Elidad the son of Chislon. 
 
 22 And the prince of the tribe of the children of Dan, Bukki the son of Jogli. 
 
 23 The prince of the children of Joseph, for the tribe of the children of Manasseh, 
 
 24 Hanuiel the son of Ephod. And the prince of the tribe of the children of Eph- 
 
 25 raim, Kemuel the son of Shiphtan. Aud the prince of the tribe of the children 
 
 26 of Zebulun, Elizaphan the son of Parnach. And the prince of the tribe of the 
 
 27 children of Issachar, Paltiel the son of Azzan. Aud the priuce of the tribe of the 
 
 28 children of Asher, Ahihud the sou of Shelomi. And the prince of the tribe of the 
 
 29 children of Naphtali, Pedahel the son of Ammihud. These are they whom the 
 Lord commanded to divide the inheritance unto the children of Israel in the land 
 of Canaan. 
 
 * DkWette: scorpion heights 
 
 I Marg. shoulder. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 3. The 73 denotes tlie starting point, from the extreme point of the salt sea. — A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 5. :3D J, turned.— A. G.J 
 
 [Ver. 7. ^KTTn, from nNH. to mark or delineate, but with the added idea of irregularity. The wavy, shaken 
 
 line reaching from one point to another, 
 the great mountain. — A. G.J 
 
 ^)t^r^ in- 
 
 T T 
 
 Sept.: TO opos TO opos — the mountain of the mountain, i. e.. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 The lawgiver now passes in the most logical 
 method, to define the limits of the land which Is- 
 rael should regard as its inheritance, so that it 
 should not seek to go out beyond these limits and 
 found a world empire (2 Sam. xxiv. ), nor rest 
 within these boundaries until it has acquired and 
 occupied all the territory within them. The 
 foundation for this direction is contained in Gen. 
 XV. 18-21 ; Ex. xxiii, 31 — and their actual ap- 
 plication of them is related in Josh. xiii. sqq. It 
 is assumed that the east Jordan region belongs 
 within these limits. 
 
 1. Ver. 2. The inheritance is defined generally 
 as the land of Canaan ■with the coasts 
 thereof, or according to its boundaries. 
 
 2. Vers. 3-5. The southern boundary. The 
 general description. The southern limit is the 
 wilderness of Zin. The added clause along by 
 the coast (side) of Edom represents this line 
 as a somewhat extended one, which, like the de- 
 sert of Zin itself, stretches by the side of Edom 
 southwards below the Dead Sea. The more de- 
 tailed description indicates a line drawn from the 
 east to the west, beginning at the southern point 
 of the eastern salt or dead sea, and from this 
 
 point bending southwards in Israel's favor (ODi) 
 to the heights of Akrabbim, thence inward in a 
 
 curve through the wilderness of Zin, enclosing 
 Kadesh-Barnea (the thirty-eight years' camping 
 ground), stretching onwards by the unknown 
 places, Addar and Azmon, turns (o the river of 
 Egypt (Rhinocolura), and down this to the INIedi- 
 terranean sea. Keil holds that the border turned 
 
 ODJ, ver. 4) at the heights of Akrabbim and 
 then went in a straight line from east to west. 
 The line seems to be more fully described 
 in Joshua xv. (from Kadesh-Barnea to Hczron, 
 ascending farther to Addar, Karkan, Azmon). 
 For the brook of Egypt see 1 Kings viii. 05 ; 2 
 Kings xxiv. 7; 2 Chron. vii. 8; Isa. xxvii. 12. 
 [While we cannot identify certainly all the loca- 
 lities here mentioned, the general direction of 
 the south border, and even its more special fea- 
 tures as here defined " are in strict accordance," 
 as Palmer {The Desert of the Exodus) says, "with 
 the natural geographical limits of the country." 
 The Edom along which the border lay is plainly 
 not the Edom east of the Arabah, but the region 
 south of the wilderness of Zin, and which still 
 bears the name of Seir or Sen among the Arabs. 
 The limits of the south quarter which reached to 
 the wilderness of Zin were defined by a line 
 starting from " the southern extremity of the 
 Dead sea, and running southwards up the Ascent 
 from the Ghor" — whether this ascent was up 
 the Wady El-Fikreh, which opens into the Ghor 
 nearly at its Bouth-west corner, or a pass open- 
 
182 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 iug iuio the Arabah still lower down, perhaps 
 the wady Murrch, is uucertaiu — "aloug the Ara- 
 bah to the south of the Azazimeh uiouutaius, 
 turning to Gadis (Kadesh), rouud the south-east 
 of that mouutaiu plateau, from the west of which 
 it shall exieud (taking in all the fertile valleys 
 at the foot) as far as wady El Arish,(the brook 
 of Egypt), running northward to the Mediterra- 
 nean. Tue llazai-Addar here corresponds pro- 
 bably to Ilezron and Addar in Josh. xv. o, 4, the 
 two places lying so close to each other that they 
 are here named together. Hazar-Addar is pro- 
 bably, though from geographical rather than 
 etymological considerations, to be sought in 
 Aiu-el-Kudeirat on the northern side of the 
 ridge which here forms the natural demarcation 
 between Canaan and the Desert. The fountain 
 is still the source of fertility to the neighboring 
 fields." Bib. Com.—k. G.] 
 
 3. The western border, ver. 6. The great sea, 
 Deut. iii. 16 and Joshua. But it was the sea with 
 its border or territory set over against Canaan, 
 so that this did not reach throughout to the 
 sea. 
 
 4. The northern limit, vers. 7-9. The gene- 
 ral description. A line was to be drawn — some- 
 what undefined, however — from the sea on the 
 ■west to Mount Hor on the east. That this moun- 
 tain cannot lie in northern Phoenicia, as Knobel 
 thinks, perhaps Mount Casius to the southwest 
 of Antioch on the Orontes, is evident from the 
 fact, that on that supposition a line would have 
 to be drawn northwards, and not from west to 
 east. Mount Hor therefore must be sought to 
 the eastward. It is more probably a western 
 spur of Anti Lebanon than of Lebanon, and is 
 perhaps Hermon. From Mount Kor onwards 
 the line is more exactly defined. At first it 
 crosses obliquely the repeatedly mentioned way 
 to Ilamath, in the direction of Zedad. That 
 
 non X37 cannot mean until one comes to the 
 town HamatJi, is clear, as Keil holds from the 
 fact that Hamath (the present Epiphanius on 
 the Orontes) never belonged to Canaaii. [Keil 
 holds " that in all the passages in which Hamath 
 is so referred to. Josh. xiii. 5; Judg. iii. 3; 1 
 Kings viii. 65; 2 Kings xiv. 25, etc., it denotes 
 not the town, but the kingdom of Hamath named 
 from its capit.al, and refers to 2 Chron. viii. 4, 
 where Solomon is said to have built store cities 
 in Hamath as the proof of his position. How 
 far this kingdom may have extended southward 
 in the time of Moses, we do not know." — A. G.] 
 Zedad lies southward from Hums or Emesa, or 
 between Hums and Damascus. This description 
 involves an important curve northward in the 
 boundary, since it passes over the scarcely 
 known Ziphron (Ezek. xlvii. 16, Zifran) to Hazar- 
 Enan, the fountain-court, which some conjecture 
 is found in Bekaa. This character of the boun- 
 dary seems to be intimated in the n'lK^m. The 
 boundary crosses the roadway from Hamath to 
 Ziphron, and then goes from Ziphron to Hazar- 
 Enan. The whole description would thus seem 
 to show that the line ran far up into the region 
 of Anti-Libanus, wliile the main part of the line 
 from the sea to Mount Hor is not more clearly 
 defined. Josh. xi. 17 names besides as of spe- 
 cial importance "Baal-gad," which lay in the 
 
 valley of Lebanon at the foot of Mount Hei-mou. 
 We may observe that Moses probably did not 
 possess the most exact kuowledge of these north- 
 ern regions, [it is much better to acknowledge 
 our own ignorance, and wait for the light which 
 geographical researches are sure to cast upon 
 these questions than to impute ignorance to 
 Moses.— A. G.] The main line from the sea to 
 the mountain lay cl-arly in his mind ; and be- 
 sides, the special places in Anti-Lebanon along 
 the great caravan mountain were known to him. 
 [The northern border, especially in its north- 
 eastei-n portion, is involved in some obscurity, 
 which, however, is fast disappearing. It is well 
 nigh certain that the Mount Hor here referred 
 to cannot be, as Lange conjectures, Hermon. 
 The name denotes the whole western crest of 
 Lebanon, to some point of which the line from 
 the sea would be drawn. Portek, Giant Cities 
 of Bashan, pp. 307-324. "Standing on the top 
 of the ruined citadel at Hums, I saw on the 
 western side of the plain a great opening or pass 
 through the mountains. On its southern side 
 the ridge of Lebanon rises abruptly to a height 
 of ten thousand feet, and on its northern the 
 lower ridge of Bargylus terminates in a bluflF- 
 promontorj'. Between the two lies the only 
 opening from the land of Hamath to the coast 
 of the Mediterranean. This is unquestionably 
 the entrance of Hamath. From Mount Hor ye 
 shall point out yonv bordpr unto the entrance 
 of Hamath. Afterwards, both when sailing 
 along the S.vrian coast, and when standing on 
 the plain of Phoenicia, I saw with still more dis- 
 tinctnf-ss this remarkable pass. I saw then how 
 graphic was the description of Moses. From 
 the great sea ye shall point out for you Mount 
 Hor. It was there before me — the majestic 
 northern peak of Lebanon, the loftiest mountain 
 in Syria, its glittering crown encircled by a 
 halo of silvery clouds. The pass between Leba- 
 non and Bargylus is the only opening from the 
 coast into the land of Hamath." From the en- 
 trance the border-line was drawn northeast to 
 Hamath, then south-east by Ziphron about three 
 miles east of Aretheusa, through Zedad, the pre- 
 sent Sudud, about eight hours east of Hums, to 
 Hazar-Enan." This place, which was the north- 
 eastern point in the land, must have been a 
 place marked by abundant springs. It was a 
 village of fountains. Porter identifies this 
 place with the present Kuryetein, lying about 
 six miles southeast from Sudud, and about mid- 
 way between Palmyra and Damascus. "Here 
 are copious fountains — the only ones of any note 
 in the whole of that vast arid region." Keil 
 places Hazar Enan near the fountain of Lebweh, 
 at what RoBTNSON regards as the water-shed 
 between the Orontes and the Lcontes. The 
 fountain is largo, and furnishes the finest water, 
 springing at difl'erent points from underneath a 
 broad piece of coarse gravel. He urges in favor 
 of this locality, that it is incredible that the line 
 should have run so far to the north, embracing 
 a country which never really belonged to the 
 kingdom of Israel, and that the more southern 
 line agrees better with the eastern boundary. 
 It is no real objection, however, to the larger 
 limits, that they were actually never reached per- 
 manently by the Israelitish power, since the ori- 
 
CHAP. XXXIV. 1-29. 
 
 183 
 
 ginal grant extends even to the Euphrates, Gen. 
 XV. 18; Ex. xxiii. 31, on condition that the peo- 
 ple should be faithful and obedient. The con- 
 ditions were not fulfilled, and hence the whole 
 land granted v?as not occupied. So far, there- 
 fore, we may take Porter's location of the nor- 
 thern boundary as the correct one.— A. G.] 
 
 5. The eastern border, vers. 10-12. From 
 Hazar-Enan to Shepham. From that point the 
 line descends from the mountains southwards to 
 Ribiah to the east of Ain, and going down still 
 further, strikes the east side of the sea of Chiu- 
 nereth. Still further it runs down to the Jor- 
 dan, and thence along that river to the Dead 
 Sea. Shepham and Ribiah (to be distinguished 
 from the Ribiah in the land of Hamath) cannot 
 be precisely located. But Ribiah lies east of 
 Ain, and is supposed to have been brought to 
 light in the great fountain Neba Anjar at the 
 foot of Anti Lebanon (Robinson, Researches, 
 Vol. IV., p. 498). [Robinson, however, identi- 
 fies Ribiah here with the Ribiah in Hamath and 
 which appears in the later history. Porter also : 
 '• Has my reader ever remarked the accuracy 
 of Biblical topography even in the minutest 
 details ? Moses speaks of Ribiah on the east 
 side of Ain, or of tne fouataiu. Ten miles 
 west of Ribiah is the great fountain of the 
 Orontes, which I also visited, and which is to 
 this day called by all the people in the neigh- 
 borhood El Ain, ' the fountain.' " For the 
 opposite side, see the Bib. Com., which, how- 
 ever, to sustain its theory, resorts to the violent 
 supposition, that there is no Ribiah in the text ; 
 and laying aside the Masoretic pointing, con- 
 structs a word which will favor its theory, p. 
 782. — A. G.] It is noteworthy that the sea of 
 Galilee is not the boundary, but is enclosed 
 within it, as belonging to the Holy Land, as 
 even the Jordan also. [The description, how- 
 ever — pressed upon the shoulder of the 
 sea — seems to imply that while the border ha'l 
 not run along the Jordan previously, it now 
 rested upon the north-eastern shore of the sea 
 of GalileCj and then skirted that sea, and so 
 down the Jordan. The heritage of the two 
 tribes and a half belongel to the Holy Laud, 
 though not included within these bounds. We 
 are not to limit the land to less than that which 
 was actually occupied, nor are we to exclude 
 from it regions which may never have been per- 
 manently occupied. — A. G.] This land of Ca- 
 naaa was still now to be distributed by lot, as 
 the land of the inheritance in the narrower and 
 stri'::ter sense. Still the inheritance of Reuben, 
 Gad and the half tribe of Manasseh, the east 
 Jordan region, was included. For here it treats 
 specially of that part of the inheritance which 
 was yet to be conquered and distributed. 
 
 [Ver. 15. On this side Jordan near Jeri- 
 cho, literally, on this side of the Jericho Jor- 
 dan. The expression here is remarkable, be- 
 cause applied here, not as elsewhere to a limited 
 space, but to the whole territory of the two and 
 a half tribes. It is, too, geographically more 
 accurate than would have been the simple 
 phrase: "on this side of the Jordan," for the 
 Jordan did not divide the western and eastern 
 tribes throughout the whole of its course. That 
 the inheritance of the tribe of Naphtali was not 
 
 bounded by the Jordan on the east may be in- 
 ferred from the sites of some of the Naphtalite 
 cities (Josh. xix. 36, 38), as well as from the 
 assertion of Josephus {Antiq. V. 22)." Bib. 
 Com., p. 783.— A. G.] 
 
 Vers. 16-29. The appointment to distribute 
 the laud. To the two leaders of the people and 
 who therefore represented the people, a prince 
 from each of the tribes was added, to witom the 
 special interests of the tribes were entrusted. 
 ['' The positions of the several inheritances 
 seem to be determined by lot: but their dimen- 
 sions were proportioned to the wants of the 
 tribes to which thjy fell." Keil, p. 258. The 
 list of tribes in the order named corresponds, 
 with some exceptions, to the situation of the 
 territory which the tribes received in Canaan, 
 reckoning from the south to the north." There 
 are some singular omissions in the enumeration. 
 The phrase of the children, or sons, does not 
 occur with reference to Judah and Benjamin ; 
 and the word prince, which describes the dis- 
 tributors chosen from the several tribes, does 
 not appear with reference to Judah, Simeon and 
 Benjamin. Hibsch suggests as an explanation, 
 " that as the phrase 'tribe of the children' rep- 
 resents the idea of the unity of the tribe as 
 composed of the individual ''J3, the tribes of 
 Judah and Benjamin, on whose borders the 
 national sanctuary was to be established, are 
 not thought of as a unity made up of the indivi- 
 dual members of the tribe, but as belonging to 
 the entire community, a branch of the whole 
 nation, and so representing its unity. So also 
 as the sanctuary represented the dominion of 
 God and His law, no prince appears for these 
 tribes, nor even for Simeon, whose inheritance 
 lay enclosed in that of Judah." — A. G.] The 
 names of those appointed — all of them unknown 
 to us save Caleb — are Caleb, attacker, seizer ; 
 FuRST, Ges., dog-barker; Sbemuel, heard of 
 God, asked; Elidad, loved of God (Theophilus); 
 Bukki, reverer of Jehovah [Ges, poured out of 
 Jehovah] ; Hanniel, grace of God ; Kemuel, 
 assembly of God; Elizaphan, whom God shields 
 or hides; Paltiel, whom God rescues; Ahihud, 
 friend of union [brother, friend of Jews] ; Pe- 
 dahel, whom God redeems or saves. 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 The pre-determination of the boundaries of 
 Canaan in a certain measure reflects the limita- 
 tions of the Old Testament. In this narrow, 
 consecrated space, should the people attain its 
 full greatness, not with faint hearts neglect the 
 possession granted to them, but also not to over- 
 leap its bounds and seek to found a world-em- 
 pire (2 Sam. xxiv.). The division of the land 
 among the tribes is so ordered that it is partly 
 to be decided by lot or the decree of God, and 
 partly by the considerations of human righteous- 
 ness, the sense of duty, as these are always the 
 two factors which work and secure a righteous 
 distribution of human property. 
 
 [The distinction between the grant and the 
 actual possession, and that distinction as 
 grounded, not in any failure on the part of God, 
 nor in any want of power on the part of Israel, 
 to subdue and occupy the land to its widest 
 
181 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 limit, but to the want of obedience, Judg. ii. 20- 
 23 ; Josh, xxiii. 13-lG ; Lev. xxvi. 32-34. The 
 geographical aud historical reintions of the laud. 
 -A. U.J 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 Arrangements for the land of Canaan. Its 
 divisiou. Tiie Mosaic system has imprinted 
 itself upon the land of Canaan. The indefiuiie- 
 ness of the northern and eastern boundaries 
 may be regarded as an evidence of the Mosaic 
 antiquity of the narrative. Israel itself must 
 restrict itself and its outlines within the most 
 determinate limits externally, in order to its 
 spiritual conquest of the world. This self-re- 
 striction re-appears in the New Testament direc- 
 tions in a spiritual sense. The evil condition 
 of a church, which seeks to extend itself indefi- 
 nitely as to its outward size and numbers, while 
 as to its inward qualities, its spiritual life, it is 
 dead, and indeed falling into dissolution. How 
 indeed in the last instance what purports to be 
 
 an angelic renunciation of the world, becomes 
 truly a demonic seeking of the world. The ex- 
 ecutors of the Mosaic testament with respect to 
 Canaan : all is clear, definite, public, righteous. 
 The confessional legacy-hunting of every kind 
 is directly the contrary. 
 
 [Wordsworth: "Almighty God describes the 
 limits of the promised land, and thus declares 
 that it is He who is the Lord of all the earth ; 
 that all nations are His feudatories and vassals, 
 and hold their territories from Him who sets 
 the borders of the earth, and determines the 
 bounds of their habitations (Acts xvii. 26)." 
 Henry: "Their borders are set then 1. That 
 they might know whom they were to dispossess, 
 and how far the commission given them (xxxiii. 
 53) extended. 2. That they might know what 
 to expect, the possession of themselves. How 
 little a share of the world God often gives to His 
 own people ! Public affairs should be so man- 
 aged as not only to give their right to all, but 
 if possible, to give satisfaction to all that they 
 have right done them." — A. G.] 
 
 THIRTEENTH SECTION. 
 
 Regulations for the Levitical Cities and the Cities of Refuge. 
 
 Chapter XXXV. 
 
 1 And the Lord spake unto Moses in the plains of Moab by Jordan near Jericho, 
 
 2 saying, Command the children of Israel, that they give unto the Levites, of the in- 
 heritance of their possession, cities to dwell in ; and ye shall give ako unto the 
 
 3 Levites suburbs for the cities round about them. And the cities shall they have 
 to dwell in ; and the suburbs of them shall be for their cattle, and for their goods, 
 
 4 and for all their beasts. And the suburbs of the cities, which ye shall give unto 
 the Levites, shall reach from the wall of the city and outward a thousand cubits 
 
 5 round about. And ye shall measure from without the city on the east side two 
 thousand cubits, aud on the south side two thousand cubits, and on the west side 
 two thou-and cubits, and on the north side two thousand cubits ; and the city shall 
 
 6 he in the midst : this shall be to them the suburbs of the cities. And among the 
 cities which ye shall give unto the Levites there shall he six cities for refuge, which 
 ye shall appoint for the manslayer, that he may flee thither : and 'to them ye shall 
 
 7 add forty and two cities. So all tlie cities which ye shall give to the Levites shall 
 
 8 he forty and eight cities : them shall ye give with their suburbs. And the cities 
 wliich ve shall give shall he of the possession of the children of Israel : from them 
 that have many ye shall give many ; but from them that have few ye shall give few : 
 every one shall give of his cities unto the Levites according to his inheritance 
 which -he inheritcth. 
 
 9, 10 And the Lord spake unto Moses, saying, Speak unto the children of Israel, 
 
 11 and sav unto them. When ye be come over Jordan into the land of Canaan, Then 
 ye shall appoint vou cities to be cities of refuge for you ; that the slayer may flee 
 
 12 thither, Avhich killeth any person at ^unawares. And they shall be unto you cities 
 for refuge from the avenger ; that the manslayer die not, until he stand before the 
 
 13 congregation in judgment. And of these cities which ye shall give, six cities shall 
 
CHAP. XXXV. 1-34. 185 
 
 14 ye have for refuge. Ye shall give three cities on this side Jordan, and three cities 
 
 15 shall ye give in the land of Canaan, which shall be cities of refuge. These six 
 cities shall be a refuge, both for the children of Israel, and for the stranger, and for 
 the sojourner among them ; that every one that killeth any person unawares may flee 
 
 16 thither. And if he smite him with an instrument of iron, so that he die, he is a mur- 
 
 17 derer : the murderer shall surely be put to death. And if he smite him with throwing 
 a *stone wherewith he may die, and he die, he is a murderer: the murderer shall 
 
 18 surely be put to death. Or if he smite him w4th a hand weapon of wood, wherewith 
 he may die, and he die, he is a murderer : the murderer shall surely be put to death. 
 
 19 The revenger of blood himself shall slay the mui'derer: when he meeteth him, he 
 
 20 shall slay him. But if he thrust him of hatred, or hurl at him by laying of wait, 
 
 21 that he die ; Or in enmity smite him with his hand, that he die : he that smote hitn 
 shall surelv be put to death ; for he is a murderer : the revenger of blood shall slay 
 
 22 the murderer, when he meeteth him. But if he thrust him suddenly without en- 
 
 23 mity, or have cast upon him any thing without laying of wait, Or with any stone, 
 wherewith a man may die, seeing him not, and cast it upon him, that he die, and 
 
 24 was not his enemy, neither sought his harm ; Then the congregation shall judge 
 
 25 between the slayer and the revenger of blood according to these judgments : And 
 the congregation shall deliver the slayer out of the hand of the revenger of blood, 
 and the congregation shall restore him to the city of his refuge, whither he was fled : 
 and he shall abide in it unto the death of the high priest, which was anointed with 
 
 26 the holy oil. Bfit if the slayer shall at any time come without the border of the 
 
 27 city of his refuge, whither he was fled ; And the revenger of blood find him with- 
 out the borders of the city of his refuge, and the revenger of blood kill the slayer : 
 
 28 he shall not be guilty of ^blood : Because he should have remained in the city of 
 his refuge until the death of the high priest : but after the death of the high priest 
 
 29 the slayer shall return into the land of his possession. So these things shall be for 
 a statute of judgment unto you throughout your generations in all your dwellings. 
 
 30 Whoso killeth any person, the murderer shall be put to death by the mouth of 
 witnesses : but one witness shall not testify against any person to cause him to die. 
 
 31 Moreover, ye shall take no satisfaction for the life of a murderer, which is guilty 
 
 32 of death : but he shall be surely put to death. And ye shall take no satisfaction 
 for him that is fled to the city of his refuge, that he should come again to dwell in 
 
 33 the land, until the death of the priest. So ye shall not pollute the land wherein ye 
 are: for blood it defileth the land: and the 'land cannot be cleansed of the blood 
 
 34 that is shed therein, but by the blood of him that shed it. Defile not therefore the 
 land which ye shall inhabit, wherein I dwell : for I the Lord dwell among the 
 children of Israel. 
 
 1 Marg. above them ye shall give. 2 Heb. they inherit. 3 Heb, by error. * Heb. a etone of the hand. 
 
 * Heb. no blood shall be to him. 6 B.eh. faulty to die. "< Heb. there can he no expiation for the blood. 
 
 TEXTUAL AND GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 3. Ud'2'yl not the ordinary term for sheep and goats or small cattle. Here it designates that which 
 they had acquired— their movable or drives possessions — and so flocks as driven together.— A. G.] 
 [Ver. 4. W'M'O from ^-\y todrive— place to which cattle were driven.— A. G.l 
 
 T : : -T 
 
 [Ver. 5. Omit shall be.J 
 
 [Ver. 6. The preposition is not in the original. Render with Lange: And the cities which ye shall give to the 
 Levites are the six— supply the verb; or better, as to the cities which ye shall give, etc. Six cities shall be for, 
 etc.— A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. U. De Wette : Convenient cities— those easy, ready of access, and so fit. 
 
 [Ver. 11. PJJD'2- By his error or wandering ; by inadvertence. — A. G.] 
 
 ST T : . . 
 
 XJO fiom 5<J to redeem, buy back. Tonnected with DT redeemer of blood, avenger, and so the 
 
 "T T 
 
 redeemer of blood was the next of kin, a kinsman.— A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 12. m>'n not the word ordinarily used for the congregation, but the local court of the city to which he 
 
 T ■ T 
 
 fled. See vers. 24 and 25.— A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 19. In his lighting upon him, wherever he meets him; the word includes even an undesigned meet- 
 ing.— A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 23. Who willed him no evil.— Luthee.] 
 
186 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 Comp. Josh. xxi. After the directions for the 
 purifying of the holy land from all heathen de- 
 filement, and its division among the people of 
 Jehovah in a just and equitable manner, a posi- 
 tive consecration is now imparted to it, by the 
 distribution of the Leviticat cities throughout 
 the entire land. This gleam of Levitical sanc- 
 tity over the land, which takes the place of the 
 dark or frivolous image-worship, becomes 
 broader and brighter through the asylums for 
 fugitives, who were pursued for the uninten- 
 tional shedding of blood ; places of refuge which 
 were located among the Levitical cities, and 
 were thus passed under the protection of the 
 Levites, but by the law under which they were 
 appointed, were not only bulwarks of justice 
 and its enforcement, but also of grace and its 
 dispensation, and thus glorified the holy land. 
 
 This mingling of the Levitical cities with the 
 places of refuge for those pursued by the reven- 
 ger of blood, was in the first place peculiarly 
 significant. It expresses the inward connection 
 of righteousness and grace, and also the sharp 
 distinction between the unintentional shedding 
 of blood by the parricide, and the intentional 
 and criminal shedding of blood by the mur- 
 derer, between expiation by the loss of liberty 
 and expiation by death, and thus the develop- 
 ment from the natural thirst for vengeance, to 
 the sacred law of justice and right. The recon- 
 ciliation between justice and grace gives to this 
 institution the morning rays of the New Testa- 
 ment principles and relations. Its natural basis 
 is the relation between the blood revenger and 
 the right of asylum among the ancients, its ec- 
 clesiastical form the refuge to the sanctuary and 
 altars of the Church in the Middle Ages, its 
 Christian development the idea of pardon con- 
 sistent with right, a legal pardon, its caricature 
 the radical excuse of guilt and the liberalistic 
 dilution of the rights of the slain, or the law of 
 murder. 
 
 1. The Levitical cities, vers. 1—5. The Levites 
 receive no inheritance, no lot in Canaan ; their 
 lot and inheritance is Jehovah. But the tribes 
 shall give them cities out of their inheritance, 
 and in addition pasturage for their cattle; the 
 cities only in a conditional sense, i. e., for dwell- 
 ings in connection with those who were not 
 Levites, but with their own houses and with 
 special rights. The pastures, lay around the 
 cities, for their cattle and their possession (their 
 flocks and herds), and for all their animals 
 jTcnerally.* For an inalienable possession. Lev. 
 XXV. 34. The clear conception and location of 
 the pastures which were to be given to the Le- 
 vites in the environs of their cities is very diffi- 
 cult. We are not inclined, however, to accept 
 the designation wliich Keil, after (Michaelis 
 and Kn«bel) adopts and favors. In the first 
 
 * L^n'n vD;? animals genorally. So Keil, Bib. 
 
 T T ~ 
 
 Com., Wokdswokth; V^utHinscH suggests that the phrase 
 is used here, not tosupplcmentiho enumeration of the 
 y)asturo animals, but rathor to donote every purifying 
 arrangement necessary for health. No grave could lie 
 made in the Levite city or region, unless in the cases 
 of those who had fled to them for refuge. — A. G.] 
 
 place, it is not probable that the cities should 
 all be four-square ; and then it is hardly sup- 
 posable that the cities should all be enclosed by 
 pastures exclusively Levite, and indeed an envi- 
 ron of one by two thousand cubits, so that no 
 pasture land should have been left for the other 
 inhabitants of the cities, unless tlicy looked for 
 it, outside of the Levite pastures. Then further, 
 it would barely have been possible to lay out 
 pastures one thousand cubits broad on every side 
 of every city. The description is entirely clear 
 so far, that the Levite piisiures should extend 
 one thousand cubits from the city into the fields 
 aroundj then two thousand cubits, from the 
 outer border of the one thousand (!finD) on 
 every side of the city should be set apart for Le- 
 vite pastures, thus in all eight thousand cubits. 
 There was still room for the gardens near the 
 city walls, and between the measured Levite 
 pastures there was room also for the pastures of 
 the other dwellers in the city. The eight thou- 
 sand cubits appear to form a plus or minus, an 
 indefinite quantity, to be determined in concrete 
 cases according to the demands and number of 
 their cattle and flocks. Thus the Levites were 
 scattered in Israel accorcling to the prediction — 
 or curse — of Jacob (Gen. xlix.). But the dis- 
 persion, which in another form hung as a doom 
 over the Simeonites, became now, not only a 
 blessing to the Levites, whom the whole broad 
 country had to support, viz., by the payment of 
 the tithes that could not be carried far, but also 
 for Israel, since the Levites, as teachers of the 
 law, consecrated because of the name of Jeho- 
 vah, were to be the salt of the land and people. 
 Eut still they should not, as Keil rightly ob- 
 serves, lose their power, by too great a disinte- 
 gration and dispersion through the whole land, 
 or become burdensome to individual tribes by 
 too great concentration. [" From ■without. 
 The demarcation here inteiided would run paral- 
 lel to the wall of the city outside of which it was 
 made. The object was apparently to secure that 
 the preceding provision should be fairly and 
 fully carried out. The suburb would thus ex- 
 tend for a thousand cubits, or nearly one-third 
 of a mile from the wall. There might be danger, 
 especially with the irregular forms which the 
 cities might assume, and with the physical obsta- 
 cles presented by the surrounding ground, that 
 neighboring proprietors would deem the suburb 
 sufficient, if it measured a thousand cubits in 
 some directions, not in others, in which case it 
 might occasionally be restricted to a very small 
 area. To guard against this, it was ordained 
 that the suburb should alike on north, south, 
 east and west, present at a thousand cubits' dis- 
 tance from the wall, a front not less than two 
 thousand cubits in length." Bib. Com. This 
 is better tlian Keil's view (which implies that 
 every Levitical city lay four-square, within the 
 area'enclosed by the four sides of a square), be- 
 cause it seems flexible. The two things which 
 seem essential, are to retain the precision and 
 definitcncss of the description of the text, and 
 yet allow for the diversity in shape and location 
 which was sure to exist. I:- is very generally 
 agreed that the first suburb was a thousand 
 cubits broad all round the city in whatever shape 
 its walls may have been constructed. If we re- 
 
CHAP. XXXV. 1-34. 
 
 187 
 
 gard the enumeration of the sides north, south, 
 east and west as used to indicate all directions, 
 and not merely four sides, we may conceive of 
 the outer and broader suburb — two thousand 
 cubits deep — conformed in its shape to the walls 
 of the city, and the configuration of the sur- 
 rounding ground. — A. G.] 
 
 2. The Free cities, vers. 6-16 sqq. The num- 
 ber of free cities is limited to six, which added 
 to the remaining Levitical cities, makes the en- 
 tire number forty-eight. That the number of 
 the cities occurs here for the first time proves 
 the importance of the free cities. The provi- 
 sion, too, that the Levitical cities should be dis- 
 tributed among the tribes according to their 
 strength, appears here for the first time. The 
 most important Levitical cities, i. e., the cities of 
 the priests, thirteen in number, were divided 
 among the tribes, who later were nearest the 
 sanctuary, Judah, Simeon and Benjamin. No 
 less care appears in the selection of the free, or 
 refuge cities. The location of those on the far- 
 ther side of Jordan, and those on this side (in 
 Canaan) made the escape to them possible to all. 
 These asylums were announced already in the 
 first giving of the law (Ex. xxi. 13), these regu- 
 lations were also fixed before this (Lev. iv. 2), 
 and the law with respect to them was more 
 widely developed later (Deut. xix. 1-13.) 
 
 These were to be located on three circuits of 
 the land, on both sides of the Jordan; and the 
 roads leading to them should be well kept, so 
 that the avenger of blood should not be able to 
 overtake and slay the innocent fugitive through 
 a long and wearisome and difficult road. [The 
 Jewish tradition held that the cities east and 
 west of the Jordan must correspond with each 
 other ; that the three on each side must be equally 
 distant from each other; that the cities must be 
 unwalled — of considerable size, have all the ne- 
 cessaries and couTeniences of life, both material 
 as water, markets, etc., and moral as teachers' 
 schools; in short, be a complete little world. 
 HiRSCH says that the HJIJIU' or error did not in- 
 clude mistakes occurring through their careless- 
 ness, but only cases which could not have been 
 calculated upon, or which could not have been 
 avoided by ordinary human foresight. He adds 
 that their protective chiracter belonged iu a se- 
 condary sense to the Levitical cities, but was 
 the prominent characteristic of these six cities, 
 Levitical or priestly cities were chosen partly 
 because they would be first resorted to in the 
 administration of justice, and partly also because 
 the land and the people were the Lord's, and the 
 priests were His representatives; and the crime 
 of shedding blood was pre-eminently offensive to 
 Him, and left its stain upon His land ; and there- 
 fore those charged with this crime and yet inno- 
 cent, were to seek refuge in His cities and under 
 His protection. The right and duty of revenge 
 for violations of justice was universally recog- 
 nized among the ancients. It was exercised at 
 first by every member of the family. It was 
 later restricted in its exercise to some one mem- 
 ber, generally the next of kin. It was greatly 
 modified in its application by this Mc^aic insti- 
 tution and its attendant features. The Goel — '-is 
 that particular relation whose special duty it was 
 to restore the violated family integrity, who had 
 
 not only to redeem landed property that had 
 been alienated from the family (Lev. xxv. 25 sq.), 
 or a member of the family who had fallen into 
 slavery (Lev. xxv. 47), but also the blood that 
 had been taken away from the family by mur- 
 der." Oehler in Keil's Co?n. — A. G.] 
 
 The right of asylum created also, according to 
 ver. 15, for the stranger, even those who were 
 merely sojourners in the land. But it was only 
 a free city actually to those who had committed 
 manslaughter, and that without design. The 
 murderer, on the contrary, who fled to it for re- 
 fuge, ran directly to the bar of judgment and to 
 death. Even the homicide was only protected at 
 first from the rage and violence of the avenger.* 
 His ultimate freedom from the penalty of death 
 depends upon a variety of conditions. The fu- 
 gitive must at first stand before the gates of the 
 city of refuge, and state his case to the elders, in 
 order to secure admission into the city, and its 
 protection against the avenger. He had thus to 
 vindicate himself before a judicial investigation.! 
 Then he could not leave the city of refuge until 
 a fixed terminus was reached. If he wandered 
 from its jurisdiction, the avenger might slay 
 him. As he thus stood, on the one side, under 
 the protection of the free city, the authority of the 
 Levites and the special protection of Jehovah, to 
 whom the Levite cities as peculiarly holy be- 
 longed, so he was, on the other hand, in a certain 
 measure banished from his hearth and home. 
 The terminus moreover for the close of this ex- 
 ile is very remarkable. When the high-priest 
 dies, who is anointed with the sacred oil, he may 
 return to his inheritance in safety. This entirely 
 peculiar method of atonement, rests truly upon 
 the idea that the great event of the death of the 
 high priest covers with respect to God, a mass 
 of sins which have risen from ignorance or mis- 
 takes, and causes them to be forgotten by men, 
 and thus forms a terminus or bound which even 
 the avenger of blood must respect. Thus even 
 in a moral sense great national calamities — such 
 as the death of the high priest would be regarded 
 in Israel — have something expiatory in their na- 
 ture; old enmities and dissensions are lost in the 
 national sorrow. In the interval moreover the 
 hope of the fugitive was kept alive awaiting this 
 terminus, while the passion of the avenger was 
 abated. Keil holds especially from the state- 
 nicnt that the high priest was anointed -with 
 the holy oil that the death of the earthly high 
 priest, typified that of the heavenly, who through 
 the eternal Spirit offered himself without spot to 
 God (Heb. ix. 14). It is definitely declared that 
 the priests had to bear the sins of the people; 
 the high priest especially making an atonement 
 stood with his censer between the dead and the 
 living, and his intercession, as his priestly stead- 
 fastness when in peril of death, had a somewhat 
 
 * [Jewish Rabbis held that in cases of this crime— 
 where-there was no kinsman upon whom the dnty fell 
 to revenue the blood shed— the court would appoiat 
 
 one — A. G ] ^ ■ ,_ j 
 
 t [So strictly was this interpreted by the Jewish doc- 
 tors, that even when committed in the presence of the 
 court, the crime could not he punished until a judicial 
 examination. In such a case, however, the court which 
 was to sit and adjudicate the case must be a ditferent 
 one from that before which the offence was committed. 
 The functions of ajudgeandawitness were in theii view 
 not lodged in the same person. — A.G.] 
 
188 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 stoning character, as probably also bis death. 
 Still we must emphasize the fact that this dyna- 
 mic or moral efficacy of his death is not men- 
 tioned among the definite types of the Old Tes- 
 tament, and could not be so mentioned, since the 
 death of the high priest was not always edifying. 
 [Keil : " In these regulations all the rigor of di- 
 vine justice is manifested in the most beautiful 
 concord with His mercy. Through the destruc- 
 tion of life, even when not wilful, human blood 
 had been shed and demanded expiation. Yet 
 this expiation did not consist in the death of the 
 ofi^ender himself, because he had not sinned wil- 
 fully. Hence an asylum was provided for him in 
 the free city to which he might flee, and where 
 he might remain, not as an exile, but under the 
 protection of God, until his sin was expiated by 
 the death of the high priest. The fact that the 
 death of the high priest was regarded as expia- 
 tory is evident from the clause, "who has been 
 anointed with tlie holy oil," which would appear 
 unmeaning and superfluous on any other view. 
 The anointing with the holy oil was a symbol of 
 the communication of the Holy Ghost, by which 
 the high priest was empowered to act as media- 
 tor and representative of the nation before God, 
 80 that he alone could carry out the yearly and 
 general expiation for the whole nation on the 
 great day of atonement. But as his life and 
 work acquired a representative signification 
 through this anointing with the Holy Ghost, his 
 death might also be regarded as a death for the 
 Bins of the people, by virtue of the Holy Ghost 
 imputed to him, through which the unintentional 
 manslayer received the benefits of the propitia- 
 tion for his sins before God, so that he could re- 
 turn cleansed to his native town without further 
 exposure to the avenger nf blood. But inasmuch 
 as, according to this view, the death of the high 
 priest had the same result in a certain sense, in 
 relation to his line of office, as his function on 
 the day of atonement had had every year, the 
 death of the earthly high priest became thereby 
 a type of that of the heavenly One, who through 
 the eternal (holy) Spirit offered Himself without 
 spot to God, that we might be redeemed from our 
 transgressions, and receive the promised eternal 
 inheritance. Just as the blood of Christ wrought 
 out eternal redemption only, because through the 
 eternal Spirit He offered Himself without spot to 
 God, so the death of the high priest of the Old 
 Testament secured the complete deliverance of the 
 manslayer from his sin, only because he had 
 been anointed with the holy oil, the symbol of the 
 Holy Ghost." The death of Christ our High Priest 
 avails to release those who have fled for refuge 
 to Him from all the penalty which their sins de- 
 serve. And as the high priest was a type of 
 Christ, his death, as the anointed one, and an- 
 ointed with the Spirit of life and holiness, had a 
 typical efficacy, axd released those who had fled 
 for refuge from the avenger to the priestly cities, 
 and representatively at least, to the city of the 
 high priest. That it is not expressly mentioned 
 as a type by no means excludes it from that re- 
 lation, nor does the mode or features of the high 
 priest's death aff"ect its typical any more than its 
 real efficacy. — A. G.] 
 
 As the acquittal of the unintentional homicide 
 was not unconditioned, so also the restraints of 
 
 the avenger are not unlimited. The Goel was 
 legally tiie nearest relative, or in his default the 
 relative next removed (see the book of Ruth), and 
 ultimately the whole family. In actual life how- 
 ever it was that relative of the slain person who 
 felt most deeply the injury which had been in- 
 flicted upon him, and would rather die with the 
 slain, than not to claim back his blood, i. e., leave 
 it unavenged. The impulse of blood revenge was 
 therefore, and still is, the original natural im- 
 pulse of retributivejustice, the source of allcrimi- 
 nal jurisprudence. But since the avenger is 
 blinded with passion — and unrestrained pursuit 
 of revenge as a passion always engenders fresh 
 revenges, as is seen, to this day among certain 
 tribes and peoples, e.g., in Arabia — so the law 
 steps in between the avenger and his victim, re- 
 strains him in the exercise of his right (and 
 duty) by the judgment of the community, in or- 
 der that the more natural form of revenge may 
 pass more and more into the unimpassioned de- 
 cision of the public court and justice. Thus the 
 right of refuge and of revenge stand over against 
 each other, and each exerting a modifying and 
 shaping influence upon the other. In a legal 
 point of view the avenger may still kill the ho- 
 micide with impunity; and is indeed the execu- 
 tioner of the sentence of the court, if the congre- 
 gation, or the court of the congregation (i. e., the 
 local court of the city of refuge, or perhaps the 
 highest tribunal of the whole community), should 
 adjudge the homicide a murderer. [The order 
 seems to have been this. The manslayer pre- 
 sented himself to the elders of the city of refuge 
 and stated his case; upon that they received 
 him, and if the charge of crime was pressed, he 
 was to be handed over to the community to which 
 he belonged, and then fully tried. If they found 
 him innocent of intentional murder, he was re- 
 mitted to the protection of the city of refuge; if 
 otherwise, he was delivered to the avenger.-A. G.] 
 8. The distinction bet'ween homicide 
 and murder. — Vers. 16-28. The signs of mur- 
 der as to the mode. The use of a deadly weapon 
 of iron, or, if heavy enough to cause death, a 
 stone, or of a heavy piece of wood (Caie's club). 
 [The use of such weapons dangerous to life would 
 imply some evil intent — were presumably proof 
 of a malicious purpose. — A. G.] The motives 
 are hatred and enmity. The means employed an 
 artful plan. Unintentional homicide, on the 
 other hand, might occur from "sudden thrust, a 
 hunting around of a weapon, without enmity; or 
 the casting of a stone without a purpose to in- 
 jure, or in ignorance of any one in danger, and 
 in cases in which it could then be known that no 
 enmity, no ill-will existed. [See the cases illus- 
 trated Dent. xix. 4, 5. — .1. G.] In the former 
 case the avenger takes his course, but in the lat- 
 ter the congregation shaU judge, i. e., actu- 
 ally determine, and so rescue the manslayer from 
 his pursuer. As to the manslayer even the sen- 
 tence the avenger may kiU him •whenever 
 and wherever he meets him, lights upon 
 him, comes under legallimitations, because other- 
 wise the revenger might designate every homi- 
 cide as a murderer.* 
 
 * [HiRRcn: At the death of the high priest, the homi- 
 cide retnrn''d to his home and possessions, but not to 
 his social position and official honor, even where these 
 
CHAPTER XXXV. 1-34. 
 
 189 
 
 4. The judgment upon the murderer and 
 his motive. — Vers. 2y-34:. The manslayer can 
 only be convicted of murder by the evidence of 
 several (Deut,: two or three) witnesses. The 
 testimony of a single witness is not sufBcient. 
 But if convicted, then he was not to be released 
 upon any expiation, or ransom, or sacrifice, as 
 was done among the heathen nations, by the old 
 Germans, and even in the church of the middle 
 a<res. Even the mere manslayer cannot be re- 
 le° sed from his sentence, that he must remain in 
 the city of refuge until the death of the high 
 priest. For whoever is guilty of blood has defiled 
 snd desecrated the land; he has stained it with 
 blood, and there is no atonement for these but 
 tue blood of the murderer. If he remains un- 
 punished, then the judicatory itself appointed to 
 administer retributive justice defiles the land, the 
 holy land, in which Jehovah dwells with His 
 people— Jehovah as the sacred personality among 
 His people, whom He has trained to a life of 
 sanctified personality. Thus here too the law 
 forms a sacred pedagogic — a method of train- 
 ing by which men are led upwards from the 
 merely natural to the spiritual life. As Moses 
 thus provides for or regulates the oath, the offer- 
 ing, marriage, divorce, the vow, the revenge of 
 jealousy, sd now also the blood revenge, in or- 
 der to lead it to the ideal goal, where the whole 
 society of the people, the entire community, is 
 made responsible for the execution of the penalty 
 or curse resting upon the shedding of human 
 blood. Comp. this Gonim. Gen. ix. 5, 6. [No 
 satisfaction. — Vers. 31, 32. "The permission 
 to make compensation for murder undoubtedly 
 mitigates in practice the system of private reta- 
 liation, but it does so by sacrificing the principle 
 which is the basis of that retaliation itself. Rest- 
 ing ultimately upon that law of God, "that who- 
 soever sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his 
 blood be shed," it bids men rest content with a 
 convenient evasion of that law, and connects the 
 authority given to men to act as God's ministers 
 in taking life for life, with a warrant for ena- 
 bling the kinsmen of a murdered man to make 
 gain out of his murder. For I the Lord dwell 
 — an emphatic protest against all enactment or 
 relaxation of laws by men for their own private 
 convenience."' Bih. Com. These words too con- 
 tain the very principle and sum of the whole law 
 above, viz.: this sacredness of human blood or life 
 — since man is made in the image of God. — A. G.] 
 For the literature see Winer's Real-Worter- 
 buch, art. "Freistatt." Dann : Ueber den Ur- 
 sprung des Asylrechts, etc., Leipsic, 1810. Cowles 
 vn the Pentateuch, pp. 280-281. J. D. Michaelis, 
 Lawn of Moses. Smith's Bib. Diet. arts. " Cities 
 of Refuge " and "Revenger of Blood." 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 The Levites were specially cared for. They 
 are to be, on the one hand, without large posses- 
 sions, and, on the other, without care, but, above 
 all, intimately connected with the people; an 
 
 were hereditary. All other transeressors, when they 
 were atoned for, were re.stored to the honors and offices 
 they enjoyed before, and were qualified to hold new 
 position..^, but the unintentional murderers were ex- 
 cluded.— A. G.J 
 
 ideal for an ecclesiastical and spiritual class for 
 all time. The hierarchy of the middle ages did 
 not observe this. It took the tithes, but took 
 with them also the lauded property. It reversed 
 the Old Testament relations. It did not dwell 
 with the people, but left them to dwell by them- 
 selves. And while men who were pursued for 
 an unintentional crime fouud safety among the 
 Levites in the cities of refuge, under the hierar- 
 chy men who were more innocent than unin- 
 tentional homicides ran directly to their death, 
 into the very tortures of the inquisition. But 
 the right of sanctuary which the churches offered 
 them was a faint reflection of the Old Testament 
 cities of refuge. 
 
 The refuge opened in the bosom of the Leviti- 
 cal cities for those who were pursued by the re- 
 venger of blood; how great and true a preparation 
 to the New Testament was this union of holiness 
 and mercy. 
 
 But the sharp distinctions which are made 
 with respect to these fugitives, between actual 
 murderers and real homicides, are a divine tes- 
 timony against the fatuities of modern liberal- 
 ism, and especially against the abominable lie 
 of materialism, which strips all crimes of their 
 guilt. 
 
 ["The atoning death of the Saviour casts its 
 shadow before on the statute book of the law, 
 and on the annals of Jewish history. The High 
 Priest as the head and representative of the 
 whole chosen family of sacerdotal mediators, as 
 exclusively entrusted with some of the chief 
 priestly functions, as alone privileged to make 
 yearly atonement within the Holy of Holies, was 
 pre-eminently a type of Christ. And then the 
 death of each successive high-priest presignified 
 that death of Christ by which the captives were 
 to be freed, and the remembrance of transgres- 
 sions made to cease." Bib. Com. — A. G.] 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 The beautiful and suggestive union of the 
 Levitical cities and the cities of Refuge, the 
 instructive element in the regulation of the Le- 
 vitical cities. The sense of justice is consecrated 
 and sanctified in the establishment of the cities 
 of refuge. The wisdom which shines in the 
 union of the two institutions. The distinction 
 between the murderer and the homicide, a fun- 
 damental distinction in all criminal jurispru- 
 dence. The justice in the limitations of the 
 right of Asylum. Blood revenge as the root of 
 the courts of law, and these courts as abolishing 
 the blood revenge, just as jealousy is the root 
 of marriage, and marriage is the destruction of 
 jealousy. The difiBcult and ever new and re- 
 peated effort for the reconciliation of judgment 
 and mercy, or even of equity and grace. The 
 reconciliation between the rights of the dead 
 and the rights of the living. The rights of the 
 dead or slain one. The rights of the living. 
 The atoning element in the occurrence of great 
 catastrophes upon the land or on the people. 
 Illustrated in the death of the High Priest. 
 [The sacredness of human life in its relations to 
 society and in its relations to God. How God 
 guards and restrains the working of mere blind 
 revenge, and yet cherishes and gives exercise to 
 
19(> 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 the sense of justice. Crimes uupunished bring 
 guilt upon the authorities and courts. Henry: 
 ••Here is a great deal of goad law and of good 
 gospel. It is here enacted, 1. That wilful mur- 
 der should be punished with death, and in that 
 case no sanctuary should be allowed, no ransom 
 taken nor any commutation of the punishment 
 accepted; the murderer shall surely be put to 
 death. The redemption of the life is so precious 
 that it cannot be obtained by the multitude of 
 riches. 2. That if the slaying was not volun- 
 tary, nor done designedly, there was safety in 
 the city of refuge. The protection was under 
 law. It was a remedial law, and all its provi- 
 sions must be strictly observed. There is here 
 a great deal of good gospel couched under the 
 type and figures of the cities of refuge. (See 
 Heb. vi. 18.) As, 1. There were several cities, 
 
 so that the manslayer might easily reach them 
 so although there is but one Christ, yet He is a 
 refuge at hand. 2. The manslayer was safe in 
 any of these cities, so all who have fled to Christ 
 are safe, Rom. viii. 1. 3. Even strangers and 
 sojourners might have the benefit of these cities 
 so in Christ Jesus there is no difi'erence between 
 Greek and Jevr. 4. If the manslayer left the 
 city to return to his own home, he lay exposed 
 to the avenger of blood, so those that are in 
 Christ must abide in Christ; it is at their peril 
 if they forsake Him or wander from Him. 
 Drawing back is to perdition." Wordsworth: 
 " Not only does blood pollute the land, but they 
 also who connive at murder when they ought to 
 punish it, are said here to pollute it. Is it then 
 competent to man to abolish capital punishment 
 for murder?"— A. G.] 
 
 FOURTEENTH SECTION. 
 
 The Imperishability of the Tribes, and the tribal Inheritance in Israel; or the 
 Limitation of the Right of Marriage of Heiresses. 
 
 Chapter XXXVI. 1-13. 
 
 1 And the chief fathers of the families of the children of Gilead, the son of Ma- 
 chir, the son of Manasseh, of the families of the sons of Joseph, came near, and 
 spake before Moses, and before the princes, the chief fathers of the children of 
 
 2 Israel : And they said, The Lord commanded my lord to give the land for an 
 inheritance by lot to the children of Israel : and my lord was commanded by the 
 Lord to give the inheritance of Zelophehad our brother unto his daughters, 
 
 3 And if they be married to any of the sons of the other tribes of the children of 
 Israel, then shall their inheritance be taken from the inheritance of our fathers, 
 and shall be put to the inheritance of the tribe whereunto^ they are received ; so 
 
 4 shall it be taken from the lot of our inheritance. And when the jubilee of the 
 children of Israel shall be, then shall their inheritance be put unto the inheritance 
 of the tribe whereunto they are received : so shall their inheritance be taken away 
 
 5 from the inheritance of the tribe of our fathers. And Moses commanded the chil- 
 dren of Israel according to the word of the Lord, saying, The tribe of the sons of 
 
 6 Joseph hath said well. This is the thing which the Lord doth command concern- 
 ing the daughters of Zelophehad, saying. Let them marry^ to whom they think 
 
 7 best ; only to the family of the tribe of their father shall they marry. So shall 
 not tlie inheritance of the children of Israel remove from tribe to tribe : for every 
 one of the children of Israel shall keep' himself to the inheritance of the tribe of 
 
 8 his fathers. And every daughter, that possesseth an inheritance in any tribe of 
 the children of Israel, shall be wife unto one of the family of the tribe of her 
 father, that the children of Israel may enjoy every man the inheritance of his 
 
 9 fathers. Neither shall the inheritance remove from 07ie tribe to another tribe; 
 but every one of the tribes of the children of Israel shall keep himself to his own 
 
 10 inheritance. Even as the Lord commanded Moses, so did the daughters of Zelo- 
 
 11 phehad: For Mahlah, Tirzah, and Hoglah, and Milcah, and Noah, the daughters 
 
 12 of Zelophehad, were married unto their father's brother's sons: And they were 
 married into* the families of the sons of Manasseh the son of Joseph, and their 
 
CHAP. XXXVl. 1-13. 
 
 191 
 
 13 inlieritance remained in the tribe of the family of their father. These are the 
 commandments and the judcjments, which the Lord commanded, by the hand of 
 Moses, unto the children of Israel in the plains of Moab by Jordan near Jericho. 
 
 1 Marg. unto whom they shall be. 
 » Marg. cleave to the, etc. 
 
 - Marg. be wives. 
 
 * Marg. to some that tvere of the families. 
 
 TEXTUAL ANB GRAMMATICAL. 
 
 [Ver. 2. DeWettb: our; but the suffix refers to the speaker, the head and representative of this Gileadito 
 family.— A. G.] 
 
 [Ver. 3. The construetiou is irregular; but the sense is clear. Keil, Knobel, refer 0717 to nt3!3. the tribe 
 
 V T *.■ T 
 
 regarded according to its numbers. It refers rather to the daughters, the tribe which should be to them, into 
 which they should marry. — A. G.] 
 
 EXEGETICAL AND CRITICAL. 
 
 This closing section of (he book of Numbers 
 may seem in the eyes of modern critics, as 
 a mere unimportant notice, or incident; but 
 it forms, viewed in its typical tendency, 
 and according to the character of the Book 
 of Numbers, a proper and fitting completion 
 of the organization of the people of God, 
 the hosts of Jehovah. Under the form 
 of an occasional and special law, it establishes 
 the typical perpetuity of the tribes of Israel and 
 their inheritance in Canaan. The essential ele- 
 ments have already been considered in the com- 
 ment upon chap, xxvii. The conditional gift of 
 Canaan to Israel for all time is here presup- 
 posed. The consequence of this grant was the 
 division of the land among the particular tribes 
 by lot. Jehovah gave to each tribe its inheri- 
 tance by lot. And as the inheritance must re- 
 main in its integrity, so also must the tribe; 
 and indeed as the tribe, so also the individual 
 family and the individual household, as the or- 
 dinance with respect to the levirate marriage, 
 and the year of jubilee, clearly prove. 
 
 But now this fixed destination seemed to be 
 endangered, by the law recently enacted, in re- 
 gard to the inheritance of daughters; and the 
 chief fathers of the Gileadite branch of the tribe 
 of Manasseh, bring out this danger in the in- 
 terests of their tribe. If the daughter-heiresses 
 of Zelophehad married, out of their own tribe 
 and carried over with them their inheritance, 
 then their inheritance would be actually lost to 
 the tribe at present, and definitively and perma- 
 nently lost through the law of the jubilee, since at 
 that time it would fall to the legal foreign heir. 
 
 Even although it had been purchased by the 
 Manassites in the interval, [They rested their 
 statement of their case upon what they correctly 
 supposed to result from the distribution of the 
 land by lot. What was so directly given by God 
 could not be alienated. Keil: " Strictly speak- 
 ing, the hereditary property would pass at once, 
 when the marriage took place, to the tribe into 
 which an heiress married. But up to the year 
 of jubilee it was always possible that this here- 
 ditary property might revert to the tribe of Ma- 
 nasseh. If the marriage were childless, it would 
 do so." In other cases the year of jubilee 
 would confirm the alienation of the inheritance. 
 If the tribe had purchased it of the heiress, the 
 year of jubilee would relinquish the title so ac- 
 
 quired, while it would not disturb, but ratify the 
 rights of the husband of the heiress. The year 
 of jubilee afforded no relief in the case sup- 
 posed. — A. G.] 
 
 Moses solves the question according to the 
 divine direction, by regulating the marriage of 
 heiresses; they may marry to whom they think 
 best, only to the family of the tribe of their 
 father. The right, therefore, to freedom in 
 marriage is limited or conditioned by the order 
 and necessities of the popular, social or national 
 life. It is then related, vers. 10-12, that in ac- 
 cordance with this direction, the five daughters 
 of Zelophehad were married to their 'father's 
 brother's sons, i. e., literally their cousins. 
 [The Hebrew term, however, though ordinarily 
 used to denote a father's brother, is used in a 
 wider sense, so that it admits of being rendered 
 a friend or kinsman — those of their own kin or 
 tribe.— A. G.] 
 
 It is with this theocratic conception as with 
 the law of the jubilee, and other similar institu- 
 tions. They melt away in the light of reality, 
 but with that their typical and ideal significance 
 appears all the more clearly. The inheritance 
 which God gives rema'ns sure not only to the 
 people of God as a whole, and to the tribes in 
 particular, but even to the individuals which 
 compose the tribe. The antiquity, and the 
 genuineness of these records is clear, not only 
 from this law, but from many other similar in- 
 stitutions. The conclusion sets before us a defi- 
 nite lawgiving in the plains of Moab, which 
 commences with the new census in chap. xxvi. 
 [These are thfl commandments and the 
 judgments. The words include all that was 
 enacted after the Israelites reached the plains 
 of Moab, and to which the history of Balaam 
 serves as an introduction. Keil: " He, places 
 the lawgiving in the plains of Moab by the side 
 of the lawgiving at Mount Sinai (Lev. xxvi. 46 ; 
 xxvii. 34), and brings it to a close, though with- 
 out in any «¥ay implying that the explanation 
 (1N3 Deut. i. 5) further development and 
 hortatory enforcement of the law and its statutes 
 and juJEmeuis, which follow in Deuteronomy, 
 are not of Mosaic origin." 
 
 DOCTRINAL AND ETHICAL. 
 
 The book of Numbers closes with an appa- 
 rently incidental and unimportant regulation of 
 the law: but here as with the analogous inci- 
 dents of the blasphemer (Lev. xxiv. 10) and th« 
 
192 
 
 NUMBERS. 
 
 history of the Sabb;ith-breaker (chap. xv. 32), a 
 great universal, tlieocratic tiiouglit is brought 
 out and presented under a particular aud iso- 
 lated historical fact. In the first case it is the 
 holiness of the name of Jehovah, as He is the 
 covenant God of Israel, and represents the Israel- 
 itish religion itself; in the second case it is the 
 sacredness of the Sabbath as the central point 
 of the Israelitish religious service, its worship 
 and its feasts ; while here it is the thought of 
 the sacredness of the Israelitish inheritance in 
 its division among the tribes — in a typical sense 
 the unchangeable and everlasting assurance of 
 the divine inheritance for the people of God, in 
 its consecrated membership. 
 
 HOMILETICAL HINTS. 
 
 The secure position of the tribes by the law. 
 The sacred nature of family, tribal and national 
 types. The species of animals, not to speak of 
 the races of men, a thought of God. This true 
 even of the characteristics of individuals. Still 
 this definiteness does not exclude the growth of 
 
 new national types, for the creative power of 
 God is still working in the existing world, as is 
 evident from every individuality as a new mi- 
 crocosmic creation. (Traducianism, creation- 
 ism and the theory of pre-existence are only 
 relatively true.) The relegation of the divine 
 creative energy to the inconceivable past is 
 opposed to the belief in the living God. God, 
 in His wisdom, joins the living principle to the 
 genealogical pre-conditions, and preserving the 
 original types, forms new varieties. 
 
 [Here, however, we must not lose sight of 
 the reason of this ppecial provision, in any 
 statement of a general law with respect to the 
 permanence of types, in consistency with the 
 origin and growth of new varieties. The provi- 
 sion here, like all the other arrangements pecu- 
 liar to the Jewish people, lies enclosed in the 
 ends for which that people existed. It was 
 necessary to the ends designed, and is to be 
 considered, 1. In its connection with the whole 
 genealogical history and life of the people, and 
 2. In its typical bearing, with respect to the 
 inheritance of God's people. — A. G.] 
 
Date Ehie 
 
 
 
 
 
 _j^**^^^^ 
 
 S!L 
 
 
 
 f 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 1" 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 ! 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 \ 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 
 $) 
 
 
 
 ! 
 
BS494.L276V.3C.2 
 
 Numbers : or, the fourth book of Moses 
 
 Princeton Theological Seminary-Speer Library 
 
 1 1012 00037 7608