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 V^3 
 
THE 
 
 LIFE 
 
 ULRICH ZWINGLE, 
 
 SWISS REFORMER. 
 
 J. G. HESS. 
 
 TRANSLATED FROM THE FRENCH, 
 
 BY 
 
 LUCY AIKIN. 
 
 LONDON.- 
 
 PRINTED FOP. J. JOHNSON AND CO. 
 
 ST. PAULS CHURCH-YARD. 
 
 1812. 
 
T fW/<», P'i-nter, 
 J5n.'/ C-jiiTi, Most Street, Linden. 
 
 
AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 
 
 1 he reformation of the sixteenth centurj , 
 which separated a great part of Christendom 
 from the Romish Church, whether its 
 causes or its consequences are examined, 
 may he regarded as one of the most in- 
 teresting events of modern history. 
 
 Some individuals, of obscure birth, un- 
 dertake to change the religious opinions of 
 their contemporaries: habit, the veneration 
 of the multitude for all that is ancient, and 
 «i thousand different interests, oppose ob- 
 
IV 
 
 stacles to them which would appear invin- 
 cible — yet they surmount them with no 
 other assistance than that derived from 
 their own talents and courage. Docile to 
 the voice of the reformers, whole nations 
 desert the worship of their fathers; they 
 reject dogmas long revered, and refuse to 
 obey the decrees of that spiritual power 
 which for a long series of ages had held 
 dominion over consciences. Arts, letters, 
 manners and politics, feel the effects of 
 this violent shock; and a dispute which 
 might at first have appeared interesting 
 only to theologians, produces amoral revo- 
 lution, the influence of which extends over 
 the civilised world. 
 
 The opinions of the reformers were 
 alternately attacked and defended with 
 
equal obstinacy and equal vehemence. On 
 both sides there were men who forgot 
 what is due to decency, justice, and cha- 
 rity, and gave themselves up to a culpable 
 violence of passion. Ambition and re- 
 venge, taking advantage of the general 
 irritation, excited bloody wars, and per- 
 petuated the animosity of the two parties. 
 Ages have been requisite to efface the re- 
 membrance of the evils caused by these re- 
 ligious dissensions, to pacify men's minds, 
 and to enable the voice of moderation to 
 be heard. Time and the progress of 
 knowledge have produced this happy 
 change. Catholics and protestants have 
 learned to do justice to each other; they 
 acknowledge that men may be sincerely 
 attached to each mode of faith, and that 
 virtue may subsist under each. 
 
France has suffered more than any 
 other country, by intolerance and the fury 
 of fanaticism. Formerly rent by factions 
 which borrowed the name of religion to 
 justify their excesses, and tormented by 
 factions that disturbed her prosperity, she 
 for a long time afterwards saw a portion of 
 her inhabitants stripped of their rights, and 
 deprived of the exercise of their worship. 
 At the present day, the protestant, rcassum- 
 ing the character of a citizen, may pub- 
 licly profess his opinions; and wise laws, 
 dictated by the greatest monarch of Europe, 
 confirm the peace between the two christian 
 coin muni ties, secure liberty of conscience, 
 and banish those distinctions which recal 
 the memory of ancient enmities. Thanks 
 to these principles of tolerance, it is now 
 permitted to depict the authors of the re- 
 
Vll 
 
 formation in the colours in which they 
 appeared to their partisans; that is, as men 
 of great energy, full of enthusiasm for 
 what they believed true and just, and en- 
 tirely devoted to the cause which they had 
 embraced. 
 
 The reformer whose life will here be 
 read, enjoys less celebrity than Luther and 
 Calvin; either because his life is not con- 
 nected with great political events, or be- 
 cause his disciples have not been designated 
 by his name. Yet was he inferior to nei- 
 ther of them in talents or in knowledge. 
 Coeval with Luther, and older than Calvin 
 he was indebted for his opinions to no one, 
 but raised himself above his age by the 
 liberality of his own ideas. The circum- 
 stances which contributed to give a new 
 
V1U 
 
 direction to his mind, and the means that 
 he employed to induce his fellow-citizens 
 to adopt his system, appeared to me a sub- 
 ject capable of exciting interest. I have 
 endeavoured to treat it in such a manner 
 as to place the character and conduct of 
 Zwingle in their true light: if I have suc- 
 ceeded, the reader, whatever may be his 
 own faith, will certainly be unable to refuse 
 him his esteem. 
 
TRANSLATORS PREFACE. 
 
 The merit of Zwingle, and the general 
 reasons that may render his biography an 
 object of attention, the reader Avill find 
 sufficiently explained in the simple and 
 candid preface of M. Hess himself. His 
 translator will therefore confine herself to 
 a few remarks on the particular circum- 
 stances which impart an incidental interest 
 to the work here offered to an English 
 public. In the present scantiness of our 
 information respecting the internal con- 
 dition of France, a document tending to 
 
X 
 
 throw light upon the state of religion in 
 that country will not be regarded with 
 indifference. 
 
 It will be recollected, that the prodi- 
 gious extension of territory which compre- 
 hended Switwerland and part of Germany 
 within the Limits of France, compelled 
 its ruler to sanction the establishment of 
 three different forms of Christianity within 
 his empire; consequently, we can no longer 
 be surprised to receive from the Paris press, 
 works, which could formerly only have 
 issued from those of Holland or Geneva; 
 but it may be matter of satisfaction to ob- 
 serve, that the reformed are actually avail- 
 ing themselves of the rights which they 
 have acquired, and that some compensation 
 is thus made for the loss of independence 
 of those once celebrated asylums of learn- 
 ing and free speculation. 
 
XI 
 
 Keen ridicule of the doctrines and cere- 
 monies of popery was often connived at 
 under the indulgent inspectorship of the 
 virtuous Malcsherbes, and the lax admi- 
 nistration of the last of the Bourbons : the 
 "life of Zwingle" may prove that a sober 
 exposure of its errors and abuses is openly 
 permitted under the strict and scrutinising 
 government of Napoleon. The latter 
 mode of attack, upon what was then the 
 only established religion, would scarcely 
 have been allowed under the old order of 
 tilings; the former may perhaps be for- 
 bidden at present: no doubt religion is a 
 gainer by the change. 
 
 Zwingle departed more widely in doc- 
 trine from the Romish church, than either 
 of the eminent reformers whose churches 
 are now established in France; yet M. Hess 
 may give his system to the public without 
 
Xll 
 
 molestation; and this extensive liberty of 
 promulgating their opinions, granted to 
 the sects of protestantism, can scarcely 
 fail of producing serious effects, though it 
 is probable that Bonaparte will still pre- 
 serve some control over that spirit of 
 religious inquiry, with which, a zeal for 
 civil freedom so frequently and naturally 
 connects itself. 
 
 The attentive reader will observe oc- 
 casionally, in the measured expressions 
 of the biographer of Zwingle, and his 
 scrupulous anxiety to draw a broad line 
 of distinction between the more sober 
 reformers, and the wild sects who were 
 enemies of all regular government, that 
 kind of apprehensiveness, which must 
 necessarily haunt every man of free and 
 generous sentiments, when writing under 
 the eye of a despot. Either this senti- 
 
Xlll 
 
 ment, or some prejudice of his own, has 
 rendered him a little uncharitable in his 
 imputation of motives to Mantz and Gre- 
 bel, the anabaptist leaders in Switzerland; 
 and in his transactions with them, if anv 
 where, Zwingle may possibly be thought 
 to have made some sacrifice of his par- 
 ticular opinions, to the prosperity of the 
 reformation in general. Had not the 
 fanatics rendered adult baptism the badge 
 of their sect, Zwingle would apparently 
 have embraced it, as most conformable to 
 the scriptural notion of that rite. 
 
 From the earnest recommendations of 
 classical learning which more than once 
 occur, we may perhaps infer how much 
 that branch of study is neglected in France, 
 where all examinations for degrees are 
 now in the native tongue, and do not sup- 
 pose the knowledge of any other. 
 
XIV 
 
 After perusing the eloquent pleadings 
 by which Zwingle thought it his duty, as 
 a patriot and a christian, to deter his 
 countrymen from entering as mercenaries 
 into foreign services, the note appended 
 by his biographer will not be read without 
 a mixture of pity and indignation. It 
 must be regarded as the miserable offer- 
 ing of fear, wrung from the reluctant 
 hands of morality and religion, by a mili- 
 tary tyrant, who would rather tolerate any 
 heresy, than that benignant philosophy 
 which would establish the reign of peace 
 and equity over the face of the earth. 
 How little can the manliness of sincerity, 
 and the unbendingness of rectitude, con- 
 sist with the privation of political liberty ! 
 
 It is chiefly the merit of a lively and 
 feeling narrative of facts, that the trans- 
 lator would claim for this volume, which 
 
XV 
 
 is designed for general reading, and is pro- 
 bably not the work of a profound theo- 
 logian. It contains explanations of terms 
 and things familiar to all but mere begin- 
 ners in divinity; it enters into no deep 
 discussions of controverted points; but 
 aims at giving such a picture of the truly 
 evangelical character and spirit of the 
 Swiss reformer and his doctrine as, by in- 
 teresting the heart, may gently invite the 
 reason to a closer investigation of those 
 principles, which it was the business of 
 his life to inculcate. 
 
MFE OF ZWINGLE, 
 
 THE SWISS REFORM ER. 
 
 Ulric Zwtngle was born January 1st? 
 1484, at Wildhaus, a village of the county 
 of Tockenburg in Switzerland. Lofty 
 mountains and narrow valleys, covered 
 with wood and pasturage, occupy the whole 
 surface of this small district, the principal 
 riches of which consist in its numerous 
 flocks and herds. The inhabitants of 
 Tockenburg, formerly governed by Counts 
 of the same name, came in the fifteenth 
 century under the domination of the Abbot 
 of St. Gall, who was both a prince of the 
 empire, and a member of the Helvetic con- 
 federacy; and they had contracted an alli- 
 ance with the Swiss Cantons which pro- 
 
 B 
 
tected them from every arbitrary act of op- 
 pression, and guaranteed to them the privi- 
 leges that they had successively obtained 
 from their masters. The extremes of wealth 
 and poverty were equally unknown, and the 
 only distinction recognized among them 
 was that conferred by the reputation or 
 perfect integrity. 
 
 It was in the midst of this pastoral 
 people that the father of Zwingle passed 
 his life. He was a simple peasant, but he 
 enjoyed an easy competence, and he had 
 deserved the esteem of his fellow citizens, 
 by whom the office of first magistrate of the 
 district was confided to him. 8 Born in so 
 obscure a situation, it is probable that young 
 TTlvic would never have stepped beyond the 
 narrow sphere of his village, had not the 
 promising dispositions which he mani- 
 fested in his childhood, determined his 
 father to consecrate him to the church, 
 and to procure him the means of a learned 
 education. With this intention, he sent 
 him first to Basil, and then to Bern, where 
 a school of polite literature was lately 
 
 a Myconius de vita et obitu Zuinglii. 
 
founded. The instructions he there re- 
 ceived were principally in latin; and his 
 masters were not content with giving 
 him a grammatical knowledge of the lan- 
 guage; they also taught him to feel the 
 beauties of the classical authors, and caused 
 him to study the rules of eloquence and 
 poetry, in the models left us by the an- 
 cients. b This study, long continued, greatly 
 assisted in unfolding the talents of young 
 Zwingle. Nothing indeed is better calcu- 
 lated to expand the intellectual faculties, 
 than the well-directed study of the dead 
 languages, from the tenderest age. The 
 continual application of the rules, perpetu- 
 ally revives the attention of the scholar; 
 the necessity of clothing the same idea 
 under different forms, and the choice of 
 expressions more or less elegant, noble, or 
 energetic, exercises at once the taste and 
 the judgment, without fatiguing young 
 minds with a chain of ideas above their 
 comprehension. 
 
 During his abode at Bern, Zwingle had 
 
 b Myconius de vita et obitu Zuinglii. 
 
nearly embraced a vocation which would 
 have changed the whole colour of his life. 
 The Dominicans at that time exerted p'reat 
 influence in this city, as well by their 
 preaching, as by exercising the office of 
 confessors. Eager to preserve the autho- 
 rity they enjoyed, they sought to attach to 
 themselves young men of talents, fitted to 
 support the credit of the order. The quali- 
 ties announced by Zwingle fixed upon him 
 their attention, and profiting by the indis- 
 cretion of a youth abandoned to his own 
 guidance, they prevailed upon him to come 
 and reside in their convent, till he should 
 have attained the age requisite for entering 
 upon the noviciate. Zwingle's father dis- 
 approved of this step; he dreaded irre- 
 vocable engagements taken in early life, 
 and in order to break the connection of 
 his son with the Dominicans, he ordered 
 him to quit Bern, and repair to Vienna, 
 the university of which city enjoyed great 
 celebrity. Zwingle obeyed; arrived at his 
 new place of destination, and applied him- 
 
 c Bullinger's Schweitzer Chronik. MS. T. iii. 
 
self to the study of philosophy. Had this 
 science then been what it afterwards became 
 in the hands of Descartes, Locke, and Leib- 
 nitz, Zwingle would doubtless have found it 
 as attractive as his former studies; but what 
 was at that time decorated with the name 
 of philosophy, was nothing but a mass of 
 definitions of things indefinable; of sub- 
 tilties the more admired the less they were 
 understood. So barren a study could have 
 no charms for the mind of Zwingle, which 
 had been nourishing itself on the works of 
 the ancients. He surmounted his repug- 
 nance however, being aware that no one 
 could pretend to the title of a man of let- 
 ters, without having threaded the mazes of 
 scholastic philosophy, which enjoyed at 
 that time too high a reputation to allow a 
 young man, still diffident of his own judg- 
 ment, to call in question the utility of its 
 conclusions. This science did not contri- 
 bute to enlarge the ideas of Zwingle, but it 
 at least enabled him afterwards to defend 
 himself with the same weapons employed 
 by his adversaries in attacking him. 
 
After two years passed at Vienna, 
 Zwingle returned to his father's house, but 
 did not long remain there. The knowledge 
 that he had already acquired was not suf- 
 ficient for him; he was desirous both of 
 adding to his store, and of applying what he 
 already possessed : in a village it was impos- 
 sible to do either. He therefore repaired 
 a second time to Basil, and there began his 
 career as an instructor. The situation of a 
 teacher having become vacant, it was in- 
 trusted to Zwingle, a stranger, and scarcely 
 eighteen years of age, and he laboured with 
 success to facilitate and encourage the 
 study of the ancient languages ; d that study 
 which prepared the revival of letters in the 
 fifteenth century, and which will at all 
 times afford the best basis for a liberal edu- 
 cation. The duties of his situation by no 
 means absorbed the whole active mind of 
 Zwingle; he continued to learn as well as 
 to teach. Among the authors which en- 
 gaged his attention, we shall content our- 
 selves with enumerating, Horace, Sallust, 
 
 A Mycon. de vita et obitu Zuinglii. 
 
Pliny, Seneca, Aristotle, Plato, and Demos 
 thenes. e He professed for none of these 
 writers that exclusive and servile admira- 
 tion so common at a period when a blind 
 submission to the decisions of his master 
 was looked upon as the highest virtue of a 
 disciple, and when the most learned men 
 were content to comment upon the ideas of 
 others, without permitting themselves to 
 entertain any of their own. He studied 
 them all with equal attention, and appro- 
 priated to himself what he found true and 
 admirable in each. This labour gave him 
 vigour to break the bands in which scho- 
 lastic philosophy had, to a certain degree, 
 fettered his understanding; it elevated 
 him above his age, and preserved him from 
 the narrowness of most of his contempora- 
 ries; it diffused a noble freedom through 
 all his opinions, taught him to make use of 
 his reason, and kindled in his soul a love of 
 truth, and an ardent desire to promote its 
 triumph over error. 
 
 In the mean time Zwingle did not neg- 
 lect the studies peculiar to the profession 
 
 e J. H. Hottingeri Hist. Eccl. T. vi. p. 197. 
 
for which he was designed by his father, 
 and with the same zeal that distinguished 
 him in all his pursuits, he applied himself 
 to theology. This science no longer re- 
 sembled what it had been in the time of 
 those eloquent men who illustrated the 
 first ages of Christianity by their virtues no 
 less than their talents/ Instead of taking 
 the sacred code of christians for the basis 
 of their instructions, the theologians of the 
 fifteenth century founded their systems on 
 some propositions drawn from Scotus, 
 Occam, or Albertus Magnus, whose now 
 
 f ' When we compare/ says Erasmus, ' a Saint Ghrys- 
 ostom, St. Jerome, or St. Basil, with our modern doc- 
 tors, we see there, a majestic river which rolls down gold 
 in its waves ; here, some small streams of a muddy water, 
 which has nothing in common with the source whence 
 it sprung. There, we hear the oracles of eternal truth ; 
 here, human inventions, which vanish like a dream as 
 soon as we examine them closely. There, we behold a 
 beautiful edifice raised on the solid basis of the sacred 
 scriptures; here, a monstrous scaffolding which rests on 
 nothing but vain subtilties.' 
 
 At Basil, a fanatical Franciscan openly assured his au- 
 dience from the pulpit, that Scotus had rendered greater 
 services to the church than St. Paul. 
 
 J. H. Hott. Hist. Eccl. T. vi. p. 383. 
 
forgotten writings, enjoyed at that period 
 an authority at least equal to that of scrip- 
 ture/ These doctors, neglecting all that 
 is really useful to man, were not ashamed 
 to occupy the minds of their disciples with 
 the dreams of their own fantastical imagi- 
 nations. One entered into so exact a de- 
 scription of hell, that it might have been 
 thought he had made a long abode there; 
 another explained the formation of the 
 universe, as if he had been present at its 
 creation; a third discussed the question 
 whether after the resurrection we should 
 be allowed to eat and drink; a fourth in- 
 quired whether God could have caused his 
 Son to appear in the form of a stone, and in 
 this case, how a stone could have preached 
 and worked miracles. 
 
 Such were the subjects on which the 
 professors of theology discoursed to their 
 auditors, in a barbarous language which 
 they called latin. It was certainly neces- 
 sary to invent new words to express a 
 number of new distinctions at least, if not 
 ideas, but the theologians even affected a 
 
 « J. H. Hott. Hist. Eccl. T. vi. p. 383. 
 
10 
 
 style remote from that of the ancients, and 
 contemptuously distinguished by the name 
 of grammarians those who, in writing the 
 language of Cicero, were desirous of mak- 
 ing him their model; it was indeed prudent 
 to awe the profane by an unintelligible 
 phraseology, and to conceal under an ob- 
 scurity of terms the absence of ideas. Be- 
 s 
 
 sides, the very labour requisite to become 
 familiar with this terminology, attached to 
 the doctrine of the schools those who had 
 at length, after painful efforts, succeeded. 
 Who could believe that what had cost him 
 so much pains to learn, was not the truth? 
 If any man of an understanding superior to 
 the rest, after having exhausted all their 
 systems, perceived at length that the pre- 
 tended results of so much meditation were 
 nothing but words without meaning, he 
 kept to himself the melancholy discovery, 
 for fear of drawing upon himself the hatred 
 of. the heads of schools, who were always 
 ready to tax new opinions with heresy. 
 Few however were the minds capable of 
 resisting the operation of all these absurdi- 
 ties. A method of instruction which con- 
 
11 
 
 sisted in filling the memory with a mass of 
 distinctions, conclusions, and syllogisms, 
 must necessarily have paralysed the intel- 
 lect, and deprived the scholar of the power 
 of thinking, at the same time that an opinion 
 of the infallibility of his masters robbed 
 him of the will. Uncommon talents, as- 
 sisted by fortunate circumstances, were re- 
 quisite to prevent a man from being carried 
 away by the general stream. Zwingle 
 possessed the former, and profited by the 
 latter : his frequent change of masters pre- 
 vented him from following the uniform 
 direction of any one; and the knowledge 
 of classical authors acquired in his early 
 youth, had so far opened his understanding, 
 that he would no longer suffer it to be 
 brought into blind subjection. He had 
 also the good fortune to find, among the 
 professors at Basil, a man who, without 
 having had the courage entirely to re- 
 nounce the ancient system of the schools, 
 had sounder ideas on several points of 
 doctrine than most of his contemporaries. 
 Zwingle in his letters acknowledges great 
 obligations to this theologian, named 
 
12 
 
 Thomas Wyttcmbach, whose lectures he 
 \ had attended, and with whom he main- 
 tained a friendly correspondence till his 
 death. When Zwingle attacked the opi- 
 nions of the Romish church, Wyttembach 
 took great interest in his efforts, though 
 his advanced age did not allow him to en- 
 list himself among the combatants. He 
 more than once bitterly regretted to his 
 old disciple, the precious years that he had 
 caused his pupils to waste in vain disputes 
 of words, and puerile discussions. 11 
 
 The historians of Zwingle give scarcely 
 any particulars of his abode at Basil, either 
 because they knew nothing of this period 
 of his life, or because the circumstances 
 that served to develop his genius, had not 
 sufficiently excited their curiosity. They 
 content themselves with remarking, that 
 he there took the degree of Master of Arts. 
 This title, honourable when it was only 
 granted to merit, had ceased to be so in the 
 eyes of enlightened men since the universi- 
 ties had made a traffic of it. But the mul- 
 titude retained its old respect for these dis- 
 
 1 Bull. Schweitz. Chronik. MS. T. iil. 
 
13 
 
 tinctions, and unless decorated by them, 
 the most learned man enjoyed no autho- 
 rity. Zwingle conformed in this respect 
 to the spirit of his age. It was not neces- 
 sary for him to have recourse to the fa- 
 vour of his superiors; his talents, and the 
 services that he had already rendered to 
 the academy of Basil, were sufficient to 
 procure him the rank he desired. 
 
 In the midst of the most assiduous ap- 
 plication, and the most serious kinds of 
 employment, Zwingle never lost his ami- 
 able gaiety; nor did he cease to cultivate 
 a talent the elements of which he had ac- 
 quired in his childhood — that of music. 
 This art then formed an essential part of 
 the education of young men destined to 
 the ecclesiastical profession. Zwingle re- 
 garded it as an amusement calculated to 
 refresh the mind after fatiguing exertion, 
 and thus to give it new strength, while it 
 softened a too great austerity of disposi- 
 tion; he therefore frequently recommended 
 it to men devoted to a laborious and sc 
 dentary life. 1 
 
 1 Mvcon, de vit. et obit. Zu'mglii. 
 
14 
 
 Zwingle had resided four years at Basil, 
 when the burghers of Glaris, the chief 
 town of the canton of that name, chose 
 him for their pastor. He accepted this 
 situation, which brought him nearer to his 
 family, and repaired thither after receiving- 
 holy orders, which were conferred upon 
 him by the bishop of Constance, in whose 
 diocese the canton of Glaris was situated. 
 In order worthily to acquit himself of the 
 ministry intrusted to him, Zwingle thought 
 that he stood in need of deeper and more 
 extensive learning than he already pos- 
 sessed. He accordingly resolved to recom- 
 mence his theological studies after a plan 
 that he had himself traced out, and which 
 was very different from that followed in 
 the universities. An assiduous perusal of 
 the New Testament preceded his fresh re- 
 searches. In order to render himself more 
 familiar with St. Paul's epistles, he copied 
 the Greek text with his own hand, adding 
 in the margin a multitude of notes ex- 
 tracted from the fathers of the church, as 
 well as his own observations, 1 " and this in- 
 
 k Bull. S< bw. Chr. T. iii. 
 
15 
 
 reresting manuscript still exists in the 
 public library of Zurich. The attention of 
 Zwingle was from this time directed to the 
 passages of scripture cited in the canon 
 of the mass, and to those which serve as a 
 basis to the dogmas and most essential pre- 
 cepts of the church. Their interpretation 
 had long been fixed, but Zwingle thought 
 it inexcusable in a man appointed to in- 
 struct his fellow christians to rest upon the 
 decision of others on points that he might 
 himself examine. He therefore followed 
 the only method to discover the true sense 
 of an author, which consists in interpreting 
 an obscure passage by a similar and clearer 
 one; and an unusual word by one more 
 familiar; regard being had to time, place, 
 the intention of the writer, and a number 
 of other circumstances which modify and 
 ibften change the signification of words. 
 'After endeavouring to explain the text of 
 /the gospel by itself, Zwingle also made 
 himself acquainted with the interpretations 
 given by other theologians, especially by 
 the fathers of the church, who, having lived 
 nearer the times of the apostles, must have 
 
16 
 
 understood their language better than the 
 modern doctors. It was in the writings of 
 the fathers that he also studied the man- 
 ners and customs of the first christians; 
 followed them through the persecutions of 
 which they were the victims; observed the 
 rapid progress of the rising church; and 
 admired that astonishing revolution which 
 by degrees elevated the new religion to the 
 throne of the Ccesars — an event prosperous 
 in appearance, but which, in more than one 
 instance, rendered Christianity subservient 
 to the same passions which in its humbler 
 state it had commanded with such complete 
 authority. From the fathers, Zwingle went 
 on to the obscure authors of the middle ages : 
 their rude style and absurd opinions would 
 soon have discouraged him, had he not 
 wished to become minutely informed of 
 the state of Christianity during these ages 
 of ignorance. He did not limit himself to 
 the writers approved by the church. " In 
 the midst of a field covered with noxious 
 weeds," would he often say " salutary herbs 
 may sometimes be found." On this prin- 
 ciple, he read without prejudice the works 
 
17 
 
 of several authors accused of heresy', par- 
 I ticularly those of Ratramn, ^otherwise 
 Bertram.) a monk of the ninth century, 
 whose opinions on the eucharist, though 
 Aponformable to those of preceding ages, were 
 condemned by the court of Rome; those 
 of the Englishman Wicklitr, a writer of the 
 fourteenth century, who rejected the invo- 
 cation of saints and monastic vows; and 
 those of John Huss, condemned to the 
 stake by the council of Constance, for at- 
 tempting to diminish the excessive autho- 
 rity of the church, and set bounds to the 
 temporal power of the clergy. i 
 
 It was not from mere curiosity that 
 Zwingle undertook these long and painful 
 studies, but for the sake of fixing his faith 
 on a solid and immoveable foundation. He 
 did not refuse to conform to the decisions 
 of the church, but he wished to know the 
 grounds of these decisions, and to learn 
 upon what proofs the doctrine rested which 
 had been transmitted to him. The result 
 of this examination was very different from 
 what he expected. He found some among 
 
 1 J. H. Hott. Hist. Eccl. T. vi. p. 485. 
 - C 
 
18 
 
 the dogmas to which the highest import- 
 ance was attached by the doctors of his 
 time, to be entirely contrary to the spirit 
 of the gospel; others appeared to him to 
 be founded on erroneous interpretations of 
 certain passages of scripture, which owed 
 their origin either to ignorance, or to a 
 spirit of system still more fatal to truth, 
 lit appeared to him that the mode of wor- 
 ship had also undergone considerable 
 changes. The nearer he traced Chris- 
 tianity to its source, the less he found it 
 encumbered with the multitude of observ- 
 ances in which his contemporaries made 
 the essence of religion to consist. Accord- 
 ing to the gospel, christian worship ought 
 only to be addressed to the Creator, and 
 his heavenly messenger; and such had been 
 the doctrine of the church during the early 
 ages; afterwards other objects had been 
 offered to the adoration of the people, ve- 
 nerable no doubt, but by no means worthy 
 of the rank to which they had been raised. 
 Zwingle did justice however to the inten- 
 tions of those by whom most of these inno- 
 vations had been introduced. He saw that 
 
19 
 
 some had been desirous of reviving the 
 languid piety of the faithful by new cere- 
 monies; that others, for fear of alienating 
 the minds of rude nations lately converted 
 to Christianity, had tolerated some relics 
 of their ancient customs; and that others 
 again, seeing the incapacity of the multi- 
 tude to enter into abstract ideas, had chosen 
 to address their senses rather than their 
 reason. This condescension appeared to 
 him laudable in its motives, but pernicious 
 in its effects. It had become the source 
 of a crowd of abuses; had brought back 
 into christian worship a great number of 
 ceremonies the origin of which was to be 
 found in paganism, and had insensibly im- 
 paired the purity of christian morals, 
 i In the eyes of Zwingle, the almost un- 
 bounded power of the priests appeared 
 contrary to gospel principles. He was 
 sufficiently aware that the clerical body 
 now required a different organization from 
 that of the first ages; but he thought that 
 the servants of the altar, far from seeking 
 to withdraw themselves from the jurisdic- 
 tion of the temporal magistrate, ought 
 
20 
 
 to have afforded the example of constant 
 submission to the established power. If 
 anciently the warlike and unfeeling dis- 
 position of the laity had rendered desirable 
 the more gentle and peaceful dominion of 
 the clergy, this state of things had ceased. 
 It was time to renounce an authority 
 several functions of which were incom- 
 patible with the character of a minister of 
 peace. 1 " 
 
 However justly these reflections ap- 
 peared to Zwingle to be founded, he was 
 in no haste to make them known. He was 
 too deeply penetrated with the importance 
 of the subjects that employed him, not to 
 feel the necessity of meditating long before 
 he gave any publicity to his ideas; and he 
 only allowed himself to submit them to 
 the examination of some learned men with 
 whom he maintained an active corres- 
 pondence. Zwingle followed this course 
 during the ten years of his abode at Glaris. 
 Without directly attacking the abuses au- 
 thorised by the Romish church, he confined 
 himself in his sermons to the doctrines 
 
 ''" Zuinglii, Op. T. i. and ii. 
 
21 
 
 which he found clearly laid down in the 
 scriptures, and to the moral precepts to be 
 deduced from them. He took every oppor- 
 tunity of repeating to his audience, that in 
 matters of faith, we ought to refer our- 
 selves to the word of God contained in the 
 scriptures, to regard as superfluous all that 
 was unknown, and as false, all that was con- 
 trary to them. The time was not yet come 
 for unfolding the consequences of this 
 maxim; it was necessary to prepare the 
 minds of men to receive the new light, 
 and Zwingle thought that this could not 
 be done better than by insisting upon the 
 practice of all the christian virtues, while 
 most of the preachers of his time recom- 
 mended nothing to their flocks but the 
 external exercises of devotion." With so 
 much prudence and moderation, Zwingle 
 ought to have been secure from the as- 
 saults of calumny; yet he could not en- 
 tirely escape. The purity of his morals, 
 the extent of his learning, and his assidu- 
 ous application, formed too strong a con- 
 
 a Mycon. de. vit. et obit. 
 
22 
 
 trast with the indolence, ignorance, and 
 scandalous conduct of most of his col- 
 leagues, not to draw upon him their 
 hatred. 
 
 The corruption of the clergy in the 
 age immediately preceding the reforma- 
 tion, is sufficiently known from the com- 
 plaints of several Popes, and of the coun- 
 cils assembled for the purpose of applying 
 some remedy to the evil. The clergy of 
 Switzerland were not exempt from the 
 | general contagion, in point of morals; as 
 \to their ignorance, it was extreme, at which 
 we ought not to be astonished, since the 
 country did not then possess sufficient 
 establishments for public instruction. The 
 convents, in which most of the young 
 priests received their education, were filled 
 with ignorant and narrow-minded men, 
 who could not give their disciples what 
 they did not themselves possess. It was 
 impossible however to leave the flocks 
 without shepherds, and in the deficiency 
 of candidates well qualified to perform the 
 functions of the priesthood, it was often 
 
23 
 
 necessary to confer the vacant cures on 
 young men destitute of learning, or of any 
 real vocation to the profession. 
 
 A contemporary author relates, that in 
 a synod composed of the rural deans of 
 Switzerland, only three were found who 
 had read the Bible; the others confessed 
 that they were scarcely acquainted even 
 with the New Testament. What could be 
 expected of such preachers? Their sermons 
 were miserable amplifications of the legend, 
 enlivened with buffooneries worthy the 
 stage of a mountebank, or absurd declama- 
 tions on the merit and utility of certain 
 superstitious practices. Those who pos- 
 sessed some learning, more occupied with 
 the purpose of displaying it, than of edify- 
 ing their audience, mingled in a whimsical 
 manner the metaphysics of Aristotle with 
 the doctrine of Christ. Most of the se- 
 cular priests were either incapable of com- 
 posing a discourse, or would not give them- 
 selves the trouble. They contented them- 
 selves with learning sermons written by 
 monks, which they retailed again without 
 
 Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. 
 
24 
 
 regard to time or place, to the circum- 
 stances or the wants of their flock. 
 
 In the other functions of their office 
 they took no interest, except inasmuch as 
 they tended to augment their revenues; 
 and irregularity of morals was so frequent 
 among them, that they did not even attempt 
 to conceal their deviations. In the midst 
 of a clergy so incapable of feeling the im- 
 portance and holiness of his ministry, a 
 man such as we have described Zwingle, 
 must be an object of hatred and jealousy. 
 In fact, though he never hazarded any pro- 
 position that could be accused of heresy, 
 the silence that he maintained on several 
 dogmas important in the eyes of his adver- 
 saries, was imputed to him as a crime; he 
 was reproached for speaking more, in his 
 panegyrics on saints, of their virtues, than 
 their miracles: it was complained that he 
 did not insist enough on the utility of fasts 
 and pilgrimages, and that he appeared to 
 attach little importance to images and 
 relics. If these accusations were attended 
 with no serious consequences, it must be 
 attributed to the independent spirit preva- 
 
25 
 
 lent in the mountaineers among whom he 
 lived. With them, a priest did not cease 
 to be a citizen; and any violent measure 
 taken against Zwingle, without the con- 
 currence of the civil authority, would have 
 been regarded by them as an infraction of 
 their liberty : add to this, that his scrupu- 
 lous exactness in fulfilling all his duties, 
 had conciliated to Zwingle the respect and 
 attachment of his parishioners; that his 
 merit had gained him the friendship of the 
 best men of the canton, and their protec- 
 tionwas sufficient to shelter him from all 
 persecution. 
 
 During his abode at Claris, Zwingle 
 was called to the exercise of functions 
 which perpetually interrupted the course 
 of his studies. He was twice ordered by 
 his government to accompany the troops 
 of the canton in the capacity of chaplain. 
 It was the custom with the Swiss to cause 
 their armies to be attended by ministers of 
 the altar, both to celebrate divine service, 
 and assist the dying, and that they might 
 diminish by their presence and exhortations 
 the disorders to which the warriors of 
 
Q6 
 
 those times were but too much inclined. 
 This respectable ministry was well suited 
 to the firm and humane disposition of 
 Zwingle. It were to be wished that those 
 who have described the campaigns in Italy, 
 had preserved some traits of the reformer, 
 which might give a picture of his conduct 
 at this period of his life; but they scarcely 
 name him, and furnish no materials to his 
 biographer. The observation of the fatal 
 passions called forth in his countrymen by 
 these expeditions, had, however, so marked 
 an effect on the political principles of 
 Zwingle, that I feel it incumbent upon me 
 to enter into some particulars on this sub- 
 ject. A rapid sketch of the motives which 
 induced the Helvetic confederacy to take 
 part in the wars of Italy at the beginning 
 of the fifteenth century, and of the effects 
 produced by them, will give the reader an 
 idea of the moral and political state of the 
 Swiss on the eve of the reformation. 
 
 Louis XII. from the time of his accession 
 to the throne, began to advance his claims 
 upon the duchy of Milan against Lodovico 
 Sforza, surnamed the Moor. The house of 
 
27 
 
 Sforza had come into possession of this 
 duchy by the usurpation of Francesco 
 Sforza, who, from a private soldier, had 
 become Duke of Milan, to the prejudice of 
 the descendents of the daughter of the 
 last Visconti. Lodovico reigned by a new, 
 and still more odious usurpation. Being- 
 entrusted with the guardianship of his 
 nephew, he kept him in close imprisonment, 
 even after he became of age; and when at 
 length this unfortunate prince sunk under 
 the ill treatment to which he was subjected, 
 Lodovico assumed the title of Duke, with- 
 out regard to the lawful claims of the 
 children of his nephew. The army marched 
 against him by Louis XII. in a short time 
 possessed itself of the whole duchy. Lo- 
 dovico did not however regard himself as 
 conquered, and he succeeded in raising a 
 body of volunteers in Switzerland, notwith- 
 standing the express prohibition of the 
 Cantons, who were bound by treaty to the 
 king of France. With this corps and some 
 German troops furnished him by the em- 
 peror Maximilian, he recovered his states 
 almost as rapidly as he had lost them. 
 
£8 
 
 Louis sent another army into Italy under 
 the orders of the bailiff of Dijon, which 
 had no sooner arrived in the Milanese, 
 than it obtained several decisive advan- 
 tages, and obliged the duke to throw him- 
 self into Novara, where he was soon be- 
 sieged by forces superior to his own. 
 After bombarding the city during several 
 days, the bailiff of Dijon offered an ho- 
 nourable capitulation to the Swiss and 
 German troops, on condition that the duke, 
 with his Italian soldiers, should surrender 
 at discretion. Violent debates arose upon 
 this offer ; at length the majority resolved 
 to accept it. They seized upon Lodovico, 
 but just as he was going to be delivered 
 into the hands of the French, some Swiss 
 officers took possession of his person in 
 order to save him. They disguised him, 
 and concealing him in their own ranks, 
 hoped to convey him out of the city without 
 being known. The French general, pro- 
 voked at this, encircled the Swiss, caused 
 his artillery to be pointed against them, 
 and threatened to slaughter them all if 
 they would not give up the duke. His 
 
29 
 
 threats being ineffectual, he had recourse 
 to promises, and offered two hundred 
 crowns to any one who would discover 
 Sforza. A soldier of the canton of Ury, 
 named Rodolph Thurmann, could not resist 
 the temptation; the duke was taken and 
 carried into France, where he died after a 
 captivity of ten years. Thurmann, on re- 
 turning to his country, was brought before 
 the tribunals and punished with death for 
 having betrayed the prince whom he 
 served ; p but this just chastisement was 
 not equally public with the action which 
 incurred it, and the whole nation was ac- 
 cused of the crime of an individual. In all 
 the Cantons, the leaders of the troops who 
 had engaged themselves of their own au- 
 thority to the duke of Milan were severely 
 punished, which did not prevent this irre- 
 gularity from being several times repeated 
 during the wars occasioned by the league 
 of Cambray. This league, apparently so 
 formidable, underwent the fate of all coali- 
 tions. Its principal author, Pope Julius II. 
 
 p Bull. Schw. Chr T. ii. L. ii. C. i. Simlerus de rep. 
 Helv. L. i. p. 114. 
 
30 
 
 alarmed at the ascendency which the 
 French began to assume in the affairs of 
 Italy, was the first to abandon it. He also 
 succeeded in detaching the emperor Maxi- 
 milian I. and both in concert resolved to 
 strip Louis XII. of his Italian conquests, 
 and to place on the ducal seat of Milan, 
 Maximilian Sforza, son of Lodovico the 
 Moor. In order to execute this project, 
 they required the assistance of the Swiss 
 Cantons, and it was necessary to begin by 
 separating them from France, with which 
 country they had a treaty subsisting. Hap- 
 pily for the pope, Louis XII. had offended 
 the Swiss by contesting with them the 
 sovereignty of the town of Bellinzona, and 
 by refusing to augment the stipends which 
 he granted to the magistrates of the Can- 
 tons. When at the expiration of the term 
 of the alliance it was proposed to renew it, 
 Louis haughtily rejected the conditions re- 
 quired by the Swiss, and thus completely 
 alienated their minds. The pope's legate, 
 Matthew Schinner, knew how to make 
 advantage of the discontent caused by the 
 king's answer, and obtained from the diet 
 whatever he desired. This legate, known 
 
31 
 
 m history under the name of the cardinal 
 of Sion, acted a very important part in 
 Switzerland during; a number of years. 
 Born of poor parents in a village of the 
 Valais, he chose the ecclesiastical profes- 
 sion, as being the only one which could 
 open the path of honour to men of every 
 class. After studying successively at Sion, 
 Zurich, and Como, he returned to his own 
 country, where he obtained a small cure. 
 He led a sober and laborious life, devoting 
 to study the leisure allowed by his clerical 
 functions. Chance brought him acquainted 
 with Jost de Silenen, bishop of Sion, who 
 having stopped at his house on one of his 
 visitations, was greatly astonished to find 
 in the dwelling of a poor parish priest, 
 books of jurisprudence and canon law, and 
 entering into conversation with him, was 
 struck with the extent of his knowledge 
 and his facility of expression. He assured 
 him of his protection, and soon performed 
 the promise, by conferring on him the first 
 canonry vacant at Sion. Some yearsa fter- 
 wards, Jost de Silenen had several con- 
 tests with the people of the Valais, in con- 
 
32 
 
 sequence of which he was obliged to quit 
 this country. Schinner, who happened to 
 be at Rome upon some affairs of his chap- 
 ter, took advantage of this circumstance, 
 and obtained of the pope the bishopric of 
 Sion for himself. q This elevation would 
 have satisfied an ordinary ambition, but 
 Schinner carried his views further. He 
 felt himself possessed of talents sufficient 
 to distinguish him on a wider theatre, and 
 the situation of his country furnished him 
 with the opportunity. France had neg- 
 lected to attach him, but pope Julius 
 granted him his entire confidence; he 
 made him a cardinal in 1511, and named 
 him legate of the holy see in Switzerland, 
 and from that time Schinner remained in- 
 violably attached to Rome. We may ima- 
 gine how great an ascendency was given 
 him by his ecclesiastical dignities, joined 
 to an artful and insinuating eloquence, and 
 an austerity of manners rare among the 
 prelates of his time. 1 By his intrigues and 
 
 *» Simler. Vales, p. 156. 
 r " The cardinal of Sion was so learned and so elo- 
 quent that he could render a reason for all that he did ; 
 
33 
 
 his promises, he obtained permission of the 
 cantons to levy troops for the assistance of 
 the pope against Louis XII. who had just 
 been excommunicated. Twenty thousand 
 men were assembled in the Grison country 
 in order to penetrate into Italy; and it was 
 on this expedition that Zwingle for the 
 first time accompanied the contingent of 
 Glaris. Having obtained of the emperor 
 a free passage through Tyrol, the Swiss 
 army arrived at Verona without encounter- 
 ing any obstacle. The Venetian troops 
 joined the Swiss under the walls of this 
 city. The united armies continued their 
 march ; they forced several passages guarded 
 by the French; every thing gave way 
 before them : Cremona, Pavia, Milan, suc- 
 cessively opened their gates, and the enemy 
 evacuated the whole duchy except the castle 
 of Milan and that of Novara. 1 The cardinal 
 of Sion rejoined his countrymen at Milan, 
 and brought them, as a pledge of the grati- 
 tude of Julius II. a ducal hat, on which was 
 
 he was sober, chast3, and of morals, if not good, at least 
 of good example. Chron. de Bonnivard. 
 
 1 Henuilt Abr. Chr. P. ii. p. 442. 
 D 
 
embroidered in pearls a dove, representing 
 the Holy Spirit; a consecrated sword, two 
 banners with the arms of the Holy See, and 
 a standard for each of the thirteen cantons. 
 The pope added to these presents his per- 
 mission to them to assume in future the 
 title of Defenders of the Church; and at 
 the same time the officers and soldiers re- 
 ceived their pay, and some extraordinary 
 gratifications.* The cardinal, in order to 
 afford Zwingle a proof of his esteem and 
 confidence, charged him with the distribu- 
 tion of the gifts of the pope. u 
 
 The Swiss returned to their country 
 loaded with gold and glory, leaving in 
 Milan a garrison of six thousand men. A 
 short time after, an embassy composed of 
 the deputies of the cantons, repaired to 
 Milan to install duke Maximilian Sforza, 
 son of Lodovico, to whom the Helvetic 
 Confederacy guarantied the possession 
 of his duchy. Never was the power of the 
 Swiss at so high a pitch, and never was 
 their alliance so eagerly sought after by 
 
 1 Chron. Urstis. Stell. Bull. 
 u Hartm. Annal. Eins. p. 447.. 
 
35 
 
 the neighbouring princes. The fate of the 
 Milanese was not however decided. The 
 French, enfeebled but not overcome, re- 
 ceived powerful reinforcements, and the 
 next year they were in a condition to re- 
 sume the offensive. The inhabitants of 
 the country, with a versatility natural to 
 their disposition, deserted their new sove- 
 reign to enlist under the standard of Louis. 
 Their defection forced the Swiss, who had 
 remained with the duke, to retire into the 
 town of No vara, where they awaited the 
 arrival of the fresh troops which the can- 
 tons had dispatched in haste as soon as they 
 learned the danger of their countrymen. 
 Scarcely had this succour arrived, when 
 they resolved to attack the French under 
 Louis de la Trimouille. On the 6th 
 of June, 1614, was fought the battle of 
 Novara, enumerated by contemporary his- 
 torians x among the most glorious exploits 
 of the Swiss nation. The artillery of the 
 enemy made at first great ravages among 
 the Swiss, but they marched on undismayed, 
 and after an engagement of 'five hours, 
 
 x Paul. Jov. Guiccardini. 
 
36 
 
 gained a complete victory. The baggage, 
 the military chest, and a great part of the 
 French artillery, fell into their hands ;- v but 
 the victory was purchased by the blood of 
 some of their best troops. On this account 
 the return of the conquerors to their 
 country, instead of causing general joy, 
 gave rise to bitter complaints. All those 
 who, without having shared in the advan- 
 tages of the campaign, lamented the death 
 of a son or a father, testified their discon- 
 tent, regardless of the glory with which the 
 army was crowned ; but by one of those 
 caprices to which popular feeling is liable, 
 the weight of their hatred fell less upon 
 the real authors of the war, than upon those 
 whom they reproached with adhering to 
 the French party. In several cantons, 
 troubles were excited which could only be 
 appeased by making strict search after the 
 chiefs suspected of holding intelligence 
 with France. Some were so fortunate as 
 
 >to save themselves from the fury of the po- 
 pulace by flight, but several lost their 
 heads on the scaffold. Instead of attack- 
 
 y Bull. Schw. Chr. T. ii. L. xiv. c. 10. 
 
ing the root of the evil, the spirit of party 
 wreaked its vengeance on indiviclvals; and 
 the obstinacy of the Swiss in adhering to 
 alliances that drew them into wars with 
 which they had nothing to do, was not 
 long in bringing upon them reverses equally 
 humiliating and unexpected. 
 
 Francis I. succeeded Louis XII. in 1515: 
 he was not disposed to leave Maximilian 
 Sforza in peaceable possession of Milan, 
 and made formidable preparations for re- 
 conquering that duchy. Maximilian, being 
 too weak alone to defend himself, conjured 
 the Swiss to support their own work. The 
 ambassadors of the emperor, and the car- 
 dinal of Sion in the name of his master, 
 LeoX. the successor of Julius II. supported 
 with all their authority the request of the 
 duke. The Swiss thought their honour 
 engaged to defend Sforza, whom they had 
 themselves established in his duchy; and 
 they also confided in the promises of which 
 Maximilian I. and Leo X. were never spar- 
 ing. 2 The cantons sent successively se- 
 veral bodies of troops into the Milanese, 
 
 z Rhan. Chron. p. 614. 
 
38 
 
 amounting in all to eighteen thousand men, 
 which advanced to meet the French. Soon 
 after, the approach of Francis himself at 
 the head of a numerous army, induced them 
 to fall back upon Turin. This retreat was 
 attributed to a secret intelligence; the 
 chiefs however alleged as its motive the 
 great superiority of the enemy, which for- 
 bade them to expose their soldiers to an 
 unequal contest. They dispatched couriers 
 to the cantons to request succours, and a 
 fresh body of 12,000 was sent, which aug- 
 mented the Swiss army to above 30,000 
 combatants. 3 We have once already seen 
 Zwingle accompany the contingent of G laris 
 into Italy, and become the witness of a 
 signal victory ; he now returned to behold 
 a great disaster. 
 
 Francis I. had followed the Swiss with- 
 out however molesting them in their re- 
 treat. Although he ardently desired to make 
 himself master of Milan, he was anxious to 
 avoid combats which by weakening his 
 army might impede the execution of his 
 plans upon Naples. He therefore entered 
 
 a Bull. S. C. T. ii. L. xiv. 
 
39 
 
 into negociations with some Swiss captains 
 attached to France, with whom he found no 
 difficulty in succeeding. It was agreed 
 that the Swiss should not prevent the 
 French from occupying the Milanese; and 
 that the king, on his part, should grant 
 Maximilian Sforza an indemnification in 
 France, and marry him to a princess of his 
 own blood. If a male heir should spring 
 from this union, France engaged to restore 
 to him the duchy of Milan. b This conven- 
 tion, made at Galeran, was carried into the 
 Swiss camp by Albert de Stein, a Bernese, 
 and a zealous partizan of France. He re- 
 presented to his countrymen, that by sti- 
 pulating for an indemnification to Sforza, 
 they would fulfil their engagements towards 
 him, and that this peace would be more 
 useful to their country than a perilous 
 war with so formidable a power as France. 
 These representations were so well received 
 by the troops of several cantons, that they 
 immediately accepted the conditions pro- 
 posed, without waiting for the authority of 
 their governments ; and the contingents of 
 
 b Bull. S.C. T.ii. L. xiv. 
 
40 
 
 Bern, Friburg, and Soleure, regarding the 
 campaign as finished, immediately set off 
 for their own homes. Those of Zurich and 
 Zug, with the exception of some volunteers, 
 followed the example; but the troops of 
 Ury, Schweitz, Unterwalden, and Claris, 
 would not consent to the treaty till its ra- 
 tification by the cantons. 
 
 The Swiss army, weakened by these de- 
 partures, now found itself unable to make 
 head against the French in the open field, 
 and retired to Monza near Milan. At this 
 place Zwingle, in the middle of the camp, 
 addressed to his countrymen a discourse 
 upon their critical situation. d The want of 
 harmony among the leaders, the insubordi- 
 nation of the soldiers, and their disposition 
 to follow alternately opposite impulses, 
 made him apprehend for them some great 
 reverse, from which he would gladly have 
 preserved them, by his counsels. He ap- 
 proved of their refusal to accede to the 
 treaty with the king of France^ before the 
 will of their governments was known. He 
 gave great praise to their courage, conjur- 
 
 <•• Bull. C. L. d W. Steiner in Chron. Tug. MS. 
 
41 
 
 ing them not to give themselves up to a se- 
 curity doubly dangerous in the presence of 
 an enemy superior in numbers. He en- 
 treated the chiefs to renounce their rival- 
 ries; he exhorted the soldiers to listen to 
 none but their officers, and not to compro- 
 mise, by an imprudent step, their own lives 
 and the glory of their country. 6 It was 
 difficult for words like these to make any 
 impression upon warriors intoxicated with 
 their former victories, and persuaded that 
 nothing could resist them ; and they soon 
 drew upon themselves the misfortunes fore- 
 seen by Zwingle. 
 
 The French had followed the Swiss, 
 and were observing, without attacking 
 them, hoping that the cantons would recal 
 their troops as soon as they were informed 
 of the treaty, and that they might then 
 enter Milan without striking a blow. The 
 duke, who had not been consulted in the 
 negociations, and the cardinal of Sion, who 
 wished to prevent the aggrandisement of 
 the French in Italy, endeavoured to bring 
 the armies to battle. In this they suc- 
 
 e W. Steiner in Chron. Tug. MS. 
 
42 
 
 cecded; f at their instigation the soldiers of 
 the duke's guard, and some Swiss volunteers, 
 went and provoked the French out-posts 
 near Mariffniano. 8 An action having en- 
 sued, they sent to their own camp to ask 
 assistance, under pretext that they had 
 been first attacked. The opinions of the 
 officers were divided; some maintained that 
 they ought not to allow themselves any act 
 of hostility till the decision of the cantons 
 was known; others would not desert their 
 compatriots when in danger. 11 During 
 these deliberations, the soldiers issued from 
 the camp in crowds; they flew to the re- 
 lief of their comrades, and the officers, who 
 could no longer make themselves obeyed, 
 were obliged to put themselves at their 
 head. The battle soon became general. 
 The Swiss, notwithstanding the fire of the 
 enemy's artillery, crossed a deep foss; 
 they advanced with impetuosity; the ar- 
 mies joined, and fought man to man with 
 equal fierceness on both sides. The great- 
 
 f Joh. Simler, De Rep. Helv. 1. i. p. 132. 
 
 s This was on the 13th of Dec. 1515. 
 
 h Bull. S.C. T. ii. 1. xiv. 
 
est French captains, the constable of 
 Bourbon, la Tremouille, marshal Trevulci, 
 and the chevalier Bayard, showed them- 
 selves worthy of their high reputation; 
 but their efforts were vain; the French 
 were obliged to give ground, and were pur- 
 sued till night put an end to the carnage.' 
 The victors had lost a vast many men; the 
 greater part of their soldiers were wounded 
 and disabled, and they found themselves in 
 face of an enemy who, far from being en- 
 tirelv defeated, still retained the advantage 
 in numbers. Several of the Swiss leaders 
 judged it necessary to retire behind the 
 ramparts of Milan, in order to take that re- 
 pose of which the}^ stood in need; but their 
 men would have thought the lustre of their 
 victory tarnished by quitting the field on 
 the day of the battle. k r ] he officers there- 
 fore gave way, and had reason to repent 
 
 ; Bull. S. C. 
 
 k According to an ancient custom, the Swiss, after 
 
 gaining a victory, were to remain till the third day on the 
 
 field of battle, to wait for the enemy, in case he should 
 
 wish to take his revenge. 
 
 Eull. S. C. T. iv. p. 464. 
 
44 
 
 their compliance. Early the next morning 
 the French, reinforced by the Venetian 
 army, attacked the Swiss in their turn. 
 These rallied in haste, and opposed an ob- 
 stinate resistance; but the French, ani- 
 mated by the presence and example of 
 their king, performed prodigies of valour, 
 and forced the Swiss to retreat upon Milan, 
 fighting as they retired. 1 Never was vic- 
 tory better disputed, or contest more ho- 
 nourable to the victors and the vanquished. 
 Marshal Trivulci, who had been present at 
 eighteen battles, said that they were chil- 
 dren's play comparedwith Marignano, which 
 was a battle of giants. 171 
 
 The Swiss having lost in this bloody 
 day the flower of their troops, opened their 
 eyes at length to the danger of their situa- 
 tion: they imputed their defeat to the 
 cardinal of Sion, who had much difficulty 
 in withdrawing himself from their resent- 
 ment:" the day after the battle the Swiss 
 
 1 J. H. Hott. H. E. T. vi. p. 396. 
 
 m Hen. Abr. Chr. P. ii. p. 400. 
 
 n Siral. Vales, p. 1Q6. 
 
45 
 
 quitted Milan, leaving Sforza to the mercy 
 of Francis I. who, contented to see himself 
 delivered from enemies so courageous, op- 
 posed no obstacles to their departure. 
 
 The news of the destruction of this 
 army, the most numerous that Switzerland 
 had ever sent out, caused violent dissentions 
 to burst forth between individuals as well 
 as between the cantons. The French party 
 and the pope's mutually reproached one 
 another with all the misfortunes that had 
 happened to their country, and neither 
 would see, that they ought to have accused 
 the ambition and cupidity which were equal 
 on both sides. 
 
 In reading the history of the Helvetic 
 Confederacy during the first twenty years 
 of the 16th century, we scarcely recognize 
 the descendants of the Swiss of the 14th 
 and 15th centuries. These, simple in their 
 manners, poor, but content with their lot, 
 limited their ambition to the defence of 
 their liberty and independence. They had 
 so little wish to aggrandize themselves, that 
 in 1416, the repeated orders of the emperor 
 Sigismond and the council of Constance,. 
 
46 
 
 could scarcely determine them to take ad- 
 vantage of the situation of Frederic of 
 Austria, who was excommunicated and put 
 to the ban of the empire, in order to acquire 
 some portions of territory, the possession 
 of which was very important to them. 
 The only end of their alliances at this remote 
 period was peace. They desired nothing 
 but to remain in tranquillity in the bosom 
 of their mountains, without entering into 
 the disputes of their neighbours. This 
 system was the only one suitable to a coun- 
 try not fertile and of i'ew resources. It 
 was also the only one adapted to a state 
 composed of several independent republics, 
 united by a slight bond, which was drawn 
 closer by danger, but relaxed by pros- 
 perity. 
 
 As long as the Swiss remained faithful 
 to their neutrality, union among families, 
 and harmony between the cantons, secured 
 to them the enjoyments of the blessings 
 that their valour had acquired. A total 
 change took place during the latter half of 
 
 ° Bull. Schw. Chr. T. ii. L. iv. Etterlin. p. 64, 
 Stetl. I. p. Ill et seq. 
 
47 
 
 the 15th century. Charles the Bold, |jv 
 constraining the Swiss to defend themselves 
 against his usurpations, taught them at his 
 expense the secret of their own strength; 
 but this knowledge became to them a source 
 of misfortunes, since it inspired them with 
 the ambition of taking a place among the 
 powers of Europe. Permanent relations 
 were established between the Helvetic diet 
 and the neighbouring princes, which mul- 
 tiplied particularly during the Avars of Italy 
 in the times of Louis XII. and Francis I. 
 At this period several courts maintained 
 permanent embassies in Switzerland, which 
 introduced there all the vices of great cities. 
 Nothing was neglected by these envoys to 
 excite in the lower classes a love of pleasure 
 and of riches. Sometimes, to dazzle the 
 eyes of an indigent nation, they made a pub- 
 lic display of the sums destined by their 
 masters to reward their partisans. Festivals 
 rapidly succeeded one another in the towns 
 where the diets assembled; and the people 
 left their employments to give themselves 
 up to the amusements abundantly provided 
 for them. The ambassadors, and still more 
 
43 
 
 the persons in their train, gave the example 
 of all kinds of excess. The tribunals were 
 more than once called upon to punish crimes 
 against which the laws of the country had 
 enacted no penalties, and which the cri- 
 minals affirmed that they had committed 
 at the instigation of the strangers. The 
 ancient union disappeared; some attached 
 themselves to France, some to the pope, 
 others to the emperor; thence enmities 
 which often became hereditary. In their 
 councils, corruption often dictated mea- 
 sures so contrary to the real interests of the 
 nation, that even they who had proposed, 
 did not dare to avow them. p Emissaries 
 
 p Conrad Hofman, who during the wars of Milan 
 occupied the post at Zurich conferred on Zwingle in 
 1518, publicly apostrophised the members of the senate 
 in these words: " In spite of your oaths you make alli- 
 ances and conclude treaties which bring trouble upon our 
 country. Then, no one will bear the blame, each says 
 it was not I who proposed it. They must then be de- 
 mons who take your form and sit in your place. To 
 satisfy yourselves of this, order the crier to sprinkle all 
 who enter the council with holy water, that we may 
 know whether they be men or devils." Bull. Schw. Chr. 
 T. iii. 
 
49 
 
 travelled through the country to enroll 
 men in secret; sons were seen enlisting 
 themselves against the will of their fathers, 
 subjects against that of their goverments. 
 The same factions which rent the interior 
 of the country, reigned also in the armies, 
 delayed their march, and paralyzed their 
 operations. Torrents of blood were shed 
 for interests foreign to those of Switzerland, 
 and the warriors who escaped with life, 
 brought back to their country bodies en-, 
 feebled by fatigue and sickness. At the 
 same time the national character was in- 
 jured, and the Swiss name was sullied by 
 disgrace. Such was at this period the si- 
 tuation of the cantons. The only way to 
 preserve the country from its intestine di- 
 visions and foreign wars, would have been 
 to renounce all alliances; but if this resolu- 
 tion were sometimes taken in a moment of 
 adversity, it was forgotten as soon as new 
 hopes arose to revive the dormant passions, 
 In vain did the upright and sagacious ear- 
 nestly endeavour to enlighten their fellow 
 countrymen; their prudent representations 
 were not so well received as the artful and 
 
50 
 
 seductive insinuations of different party 
 leaders. Zwingle was of the number of 
 those who disapproved of all wars except 
 for the defence of their country. Worthy 
 himself of the first times of the Helvetic 
 Confederacy, from his fidelity, frankness, 
 and inaccessibility to corruption, he was 
 desirous of reviving among his contempo- 
 raries the spirit which had animated their 
 forefathers : if he attended the campaigns 
 of Italy, it Avas solely in obedience to the 
 orders of his superiors ; and far from suffer- 
 ing himself to be gained by the general 
 contagion, the distressing scenes of which 
 he was a witness, only served to confirm 
 him in his principles; but the time was not 
 yet come when the language of true patri- 
 otism was to prevail over the suggestions 
 of cupidity and ambition. 
 
 A short time after his return from Milan, 
 Zwingle was summoned to Einsiedeln.'* 
 This abbey is situated in a valley of the 
 canton of Schweitz, of small extent, by no 
 means fertile, surrounded with groves of 
 willow, and commanded by lofty mountains. 
 
 1 This was in 1516. V. Hott. H. E. vi. p. 369. 
 
51 
 
 In the 9th century, this place was an almost 
 inaccessible desert, called the Gloomy Forest. 
 A monk named Meinrad, descended from 
 the ancient house of Hohenzollen, finding 
 himself too near the world in his monastery 
 at Rapperschwyl/ went and built a hermit- 
 age and chapel in the midst of this forest. 
 He had lived there twenty-six years in the 
 austerities of the highest devotion, when 
 some robbers, hoping to find ornaments of 
 value in his chapel, murdered him, and were 
 afterwards discovered in a miraculous man- 
 ner, if we believe the tradition. It is said 
 that two crows which the hermit had brought 
 up, and which were his only companions, 
 pursued the murderers as far as Zurich, 
 where the sinister notes of the birds excit- 
 ing suspicions against the two strangers, 
 they were examined, became confused, and 
 at length confessed the crime. 3 The tragi- 
 cal end of Meinrad did not prevent other 
 hermits from establishing themselves in 
 the same place; and towards the end of the 
 
 r A small town situated at the eastern extremity of the 
 Lake of Zurich. 
 
 5 Hartmanni Annales Einsiedl. p. 11, et seq. 
 
5% 
 
 10th century, a canon of Strasburgh who 
 was desirous of fixing himself in this soli- 
 tude, formed the plan of replacing the her- 
 mitage of the Gloomy Forest by a monas- 
 tery. 1 He enclosed the ancient chapel in 
 the new church, which he dedicated to the 
 Virgin and the martyrs of the Theban le- 
 gion." The building being finished, the 
 bishop of Constance, the abbot of St. Gall, 
 and several other neighbouring prelates, 
 repaired to Einsiedeln to perform the inau- 
 guration of the new convent. On the eve 
 of the solemnity, in the middle of the 
 night, the bishop of Constance thought he 
 heard some sacred songs proceeding from 
 
 1 Hartmanni Annales Einsiedl. p. 58. 
 u The legendaries place the martyrdom of this legion 
 under Dioclesian and Maximian, towards the end of the 
 third centuiy. According to them, it was called the 
 Theban from having been in garrison at Thebes in Egypt ; 
 and it was wholly composed of christians. Maximian re- 
 pairing to Gaul to quell a sedition, took this legion with 
 him. As he entered the Valais, he directed a sacrifice to 
 Hercules, in which all the army was ordered to assist. 
 Mauritius, the commander of the legion, and his soldiers, 
 refused to join in it; and Maximian, in his wrath, caused 
 them to be massacred near Agaunum, now St. Maurice. 
 
 
 
53 
 
 the interior of the chapel. The next day 
 he refused to consecrate it, and when, yield- 
 ing at length to repeated entreaties, he 
 would have begun the ceremony, he heard 
 these words three times pronounced: 
 " Cease, cease, God has already made it 
 holy." v This tradition is very ancient, and 
 a festival called the Consecration of the 
 Angels, is observed every seven years in 
 memory of the event. w Several pontificial 
 bulls authorise the church of Einsiedeln, 
 on the day of the festival, to grant plenary 
 indulgence for all sins, even those the ab- 
 solution of which is reserved to the apos- 
 
 v Cessa, cessa, jrater, divinitus cape/la consecrata est. 
 Hartm. Ann. Eins. p. 51. 
 
 w This event is attested by a bull of Leo VIII. cited 
 by the historians of Einsiedeln. In a book entitled de 
 secretis secretorinn, we find still more extraordinary par- 
 ticulars of this consecration. The author asserts that it 
 was celebrated according to the rite of the Romish church 
 by the Redeemer himself, assisted by angels, evangelists, 
 martyrs, and fathers of the church ; and that to perpe- 
 tuate the memory of it, the Saviour impressed with the 
 fingers of his right hand a stone at the entrance of the 
 chapel. These miraculous marks were objects of adora- 
 tion to pilgrims during three centuries, and subsisted till 
 1 802, when a part of the chapel was destroyed. 
 
54 
 
 tolical see; and this special grace still, even 
 in our times, attracts thither a number of 
 pilgrims from the catholic cantons, and 
 from Swabia, Alsace, and Lorraine. 
 
 No sooner was the new monastery 
 erected, than the nobility of Switzerland 
 and Germany enriched it by their dona- 
 tions. The emperors and popes vied with 
 each other in endowing it with spiritual 
 and temporal privileges; and under Ro- 
 dolf of Hapsburg, the abbot of Einsiedeln 
 already enjoyed the title and rights of a 
 prince of the empire." The most ancient 
 families emulously sought for their sons the 
 honour of admission into this retreat, which 
 they never quitted but to fill an episcopal 
 seat. When the donations diminished, new 
 resources were sought to increase the reve- 
 nues of the abbey. An image of the Virgin 
 which, according to the monks, was never 
 invoked in vain, became the motive of 
 numerous pilgrimages which began in the 
 fourteenth century. From that time, we 
 are assured that the miracles have never 
 been discontinued. What is certain is, 
 
 x Engelweihe. 
 
55 
 
 that for five centuries, down to the present 
 day, men of all ranks and ages have visited 
 this scene of devotion; that they have en- 
 riched it with their offerings, and that this 
 convent has surpassed in wealth all the 
 neighbouring ones, whose domains did not 
 furnish an inexhaustible mine, like the cre- 
 dulity of the people. 
 
 When Zwingle repaired to Einsiendeln, 
 the direction of the abbey was confided to 
 Theobald baron of Geroldseck, one of the 
 monks, who bore the title of administrator. 
 Born of a noble family of that country, he 
 had received, according to the custom of 
 the times, an education more adapted to 
 form a warrior than an ecclesiastic; but he 
 loved letters, and was desirous of gaining 
 the knowledge in which he was deficient. 
 Being persuaded also that monasteries had 
 been founded to serve as asylums for men 
 devoted to study, and schools to form a 
 learned priesthood, he was desirous of re- 
 storing his abbey to its proper destination. 
 With this intention, he collected around 
 him men whose zeal and information 
 fitted them to assist in accomplishing his 
 
56 
 
 object/ He was anxious to associate Zwin- 
 gle to his learned society, and therefore 
 offered him the situation of preacher to the 
 convent, which he accepted with pleasure. 
 The duties of his new station would leave 
 him much more leisure for study than he 
 had enjoyed at Glaris; the power of com- 
 municating his ideas to enlightened men, 
 of listening to their objections, and enter- 
 ing into discussions with them, was another 
 advantage on which he set a high value; 
 and he considered that under shadow of 
 the protection of his friend the admini- 
 strator, he might freely utter his opinions, 
 and attack those doctrines, the evil ten- 
 dency of which he thought he perceived. 
 
 The inhabitants of Glaris saw him de- 
 part with regret; and they kept his situa- 
 tion vacant above two years, in hopes of his 
 returning among them, 2 which he perhaps 
 would have done, had not Providence di- 
 rected him to a theatre more favourable for 
 the execution of the enterprize to which 
 he was destined. 
 
 y J. H. Hott. H. E. T. vi. p. 369. 
 1 J. J. Hott. Helv. Kirchengesch. T. iii. p. 14. 
 
57 
 
 Zwingle found at Einsiedeln several 
 men who afterwards assisted him to intro- 
 duce the reformation into Switzerland. Of 
 this number were Francis Zingg, chaplain 
 of the apostolical see, a very learned man, 
 but fitter for solitary study than for the 
 offices of public instruction; John Oechs- 
 lein, a native of Einsiedeln, whose zeal was 
 not cooled by the violent persecutions he 
 afterwards experienced; and Leo Jude, an 
 Alsacian, author of a German translation of 
 the bible, and a faithful companion of 
 Zwingle. 2 All these men felt an equal de- 
 sire to increase their store of knowledge; 
 and the conformity of their sentiments 
 established among them an intimate con- 
 nection. The library of Einsiedeln, con- 
 siderably augmented by the care of Zwin- 
 gle, was their favourite resort. Here they 
 studied together the fathers of the church, 
 whose works were just published by Eras- 
 mus at Basil. They added the perusal of 
 the works of Erasmus himself, and those of 
 Capnio, b both restorers of letters in Ger- 
 
 a J. J. Hott. 1. c. 
 b John Reuchlin, or Capnio, revived the study of 
 Hebrew in Germany, which he recommended as necessary 
 
.58 
 
 many. They discussed the new and bold 
 ideas of these great men ; traced them into 
 their consequences, and subjected them to 
 a severe examination. The new horizon 
 which opened upon them as they advanced 
 in their researches, produced different ef- 
 fects upon them, according to their diffe- 
 rent dispositions. One embraced with heat 
 and enthusiasm all that appeared to him 
 the truth; another, of a calmer temper, 
 suspected the attraction of novelty; a third 
 calculated the consequences to be expected 
 from a change in received opinions. Each, 
 in short, viewed the object in a different 
 light : what escaped one, was perceived by 
 another; and thus they were mutually en- 
 
 to correct the faults of the Vulgate. The enemies of 
 letters, offended at his zeal for the Hebrew, accused him 
 of being more a jew than a christian ; they even surprised 
 from the emperor an order, which happily was not exe- 
 cuted, for destroying all the Hebrew books. Capnio 
 composed in his justification an apology, which the uni- 
 versities of Paris and Cologne ordered to be burnt. The 
 author would probably have undergone the same fate, 
 had he not found powerful protectors at the court of the 
 emperor and of Leo X. Capnio died at Stutgard in 1523, 
 at a very advanced age. V. Hermann von der Hardt. 
 Hist. Lit. Ref. p. 2d. 
 

 59 
 
 lightened and assisted. All were animated 
 by that ardour which is only found at those 
 periods when men awake from the slumber 
 of ignorance and barbarism. When minds 
 capable of beholding truth in all its splen- 
 dor have caught some faint beams of it, 
 they can no longer endure the night of 
 superstition and prejudice; they burn to 
 emerge completely ; and the resistance they 
 experience, the obstacles they encounter, 
 by irritating them, do but augment their 
 force and inflame their courage. It is not 
 so in more enlightened ages; it seems as if 
 truth loses its charms in proportion as it 
 becomes more accessible. We creep lan- 
 guidly along abroad and smooth road which 
 may be trod without effort, while we dart 
 with impetuosity into the difficult path 
 which leads us through brambles and 
 thickets to its end. 
 
 During his abode at Einsiedeln, Zwin- 
 gle did not confine the activity of his mind 
 to speculative studies; he made use of his 
 influence over the administrator to engage 
 him to make several reforms. He had no 
 difficulty in convincing him that the wor- 
 
60 
 
 ship paid to the inanimate remains of saints 
 and martyrs was contrary to the spirit of 
 Christianity. He equally succeeded in mak- 
 ing his patron sensible of the evils of the 
 popular belief that the pardon of sins may 
 be procured by external practices, or bought 
 for money. The administrator, wishing to 
 destroy as far as was in his power all that 
 served to maintain superstition, caused the 
 inscription placed over the entrance of the 
 abbey — " Here plenary remission of all sins 
 is obtained," to be effaced, and gave orders 
 that the relics, the objects of the supersti- 
 tious devotion of the pilgrims, should be 
 buried. He afterwards introduced some 
 change in the administration of a convent 
 of nuns under his direction; he established 
 new rules, abolished several observances, 
 and obliged the nuns to read the New 
 Testament in German, instead of reciting 
 the Hours. He required of them an irre- 
 proachable life, but he permitted such as 
 did not feel in themselves a decided voca- 
 tion to a religious life, to enter again into 
 
 c Hie est plena remissio omnium peccatorum culpa 
 et poena. J. J. Hott. Helv. Kirch. T. hi. p. 27. 
 
61 
 
 the world and contract a legal union. d By 
 degrees Zwingle endeavoured to diffuse his 
 opinions beyond the circle of his intimate 
 friends, and his double function of preacher 
 and confessor furnished him with the 
 means of so doing. Setting aside the ex- 
 terior practices to which his colleagues 
 attached so much importance, he required 
 of his penitents a sincere repentance, new- 
 ness of life, and reparation of injuries, as 
 conditions indispensable to be fulfilled, if 
 they wished to partake in the benefit of 
 redemption, and without which all their 
 genuflexions, prayers, and mortifications, 
 could not reconcile them with God. In 
 those exercises of piety designed for the 
 instruction of his own parishioners and 
 stranger pilgrims, he seized opportunities 
 of establishing and explaining principles 
 incompatible with received prejudices, but 
 which he left it to his audience to apply. 
 When he judged their minds sufficiently 
 prepared, he resolved to strike a decisive 
 blow; and for this purpose he selected the 
 very day on which was celebrated the fes- 
 
 d Bull. Schw. Chr T ni. C. 
 
62 
 
 tival of the Angels' consecration, which al- 
 ways attracted an immense crowd to Ein- 
 siedeln. In the midst of this numerous 
 assembly, Zwingle mounted the pulpit to 
 pronounce the customary discourse/- By 
 an exordium full of warmth and feeling he 
 disposed the audience to collectedness and 
 attention; then proceeding to the occasion 
 which had brought them together in that 
 church, he deplored their blindness in the 
 choice of the means which they employed 
 to please the deity. " Cease to believe," 
 cried he, " that God resides in this temple 
 more than in every other place. Whatever 
 region of the earth you may inhabit, he is 
 near you, he surrounds you, he grants your 
 prayers, if they deserve to be granted ; but 
 it is not by useless vows, by long pilgri- 
 mages, offerings destined to adorn senseless 
 images, that you can obtain the divine fa- 
 vour : resist temptations, repress guilty de- 
 sires, shun all injustice, relieve the unfor- 
 tunate, console the afflicted; these are the 
 works pleasing to the Lord. Alas! I know 
 
 e Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. D. Zuinglii, Cp. T. i. 
 f.349. 
 
 \ 
 
63 
 
 it; it is ourselves, ministers of the altar, we 
 who ought to be the salt of the earth, who 
 have led into a maze of error the ignorant 
 and credulous multitude. In order to ac- 
 cumulate treasures sufficient to satisfy our 
 avarice, we raised vain and useless practices 
 to the rank of good works; and the chris- 
 tians of these times, too docile to our in- 
 structions, neglect to fulfil the laws of God, 
 and only think of making atonement for 
 their crimes, instead of renouncing them. 
 ' Let us live according to our desires,' say 
 they, ' let us enrich ourselves with the 
 goods of our neighbour; let us not fear to 
 stain our hands with blood and murder; we 
 shall find easy expiations in the favour of 
 the church.' Senseless men ! Do they think 
 to obtain remission for their lies, their im- 
 purities, their adulteries, their homicides, 
 their treacheries, by prayers recited in ho- 
 nour of the Queen of Heaven, as if she 
 were the protectress of all evildoers? Un- 
 deceive yourselves, erring people! The 
 God of justice suffers not himself to be 
 moved by words which the tongue utters 
 and the heart disowns. He forgives no one 
 
64 
 
 but him who himself forgives the enemy 
 who has trespassed against him. Did these 
 chosen of God at whose feet you come hi- 
 ther to prostrate yourselves, enter into 
 heaven by relying on the merit of another? 
 No, it was by walking in the path of the 
 law, by fulfilling the will of the Most 
 High, by facing death that they might re- 
 main faithful to their Redeemer. Imitate 
 the holiness of their lives, walk in their 
 footsteps, suffering yourselves to be turned 
 aside neither by dangers nor seductions; 
 this is the honour that you ought to pay 
 them. But in the day of trouble put your 
 trust in none but God, who created the 
 heavens and the earth with a word : at the 
 approach of death invoke only Christ Jesus, 
 who has bought you with his blood, and 
 is the sole Mediator between God and 
 man." 
 
 Language so unexpected produced im- 
 pressions difficult to describe : admiration 
 and indignation were painted alternately 
 on every face while Zwingle was speaking; 
 and when at length the orator had con- 
 cluded his discourse, a confused murmur 
 
65 
 
 betrayed the deep emotions he had ex- 
 cited. Their expression was restrained at 
 first by the holiness of the place, but as 
 soon as they could be freely vented, some, 
 guided by prejudice or personal interest, 
 declared themselves against this new doc- 
 trine; others, and those were the greater 
 number, felt a new light breaking in upon 
 them, and applauded what they had heard 
 with transport. Some pilgrims were even 
 seen to carry back their offerings, 6 a cir- 
 cumstance which exasperated the monks 
 against Zwingle, by making them appre- 
 hend the diminution of their revenues. 
 The neighbouring convents shared in their 
 animosity, and began to spread injurious 
 reports of the reformer. It does not ap- 
 pear, however, that this discourse of Zwin- 
 gle drew upon him the displeasure of his 
 ecclesiastical superiors. On the contrary, 
 we find at this period a proof of the favour 
 he enjoyed, in a diploma sent him by 
 Leo X. which gave him the title of chap- 
 lain acolyte to the Holy See/ Zwingle had 
 
 e J. J. Hott. Helv. Kirch. T. iii. p. 26. 
 
 f Hott. H. E. T. vi. p. 274. 
 
 F 
 
66 
 
 taken no steps to obtain this distinction, 
 but owed it to his increasing reputation. 
 The pope was desirous of attaching to his 
 interest such men as possessed any interest 
 in their own country ; and hi s legate, Antonio 
 Pucci, had mentioned Zwingle to him as 
 an ecclesiastic, who might become useful 
 in the court of Rome, both as a preacher, 
 and from his connections in different Can- 
 tons. There was, besides, no reason to 
 think him an enemy of the Holy See. The 
 abuses that he attacked were rather tole- 
 Tated than approved by the church: at all 
 times the popes had shown themselves in- 
 dulgent towards new opinions, provided 
 they did not trench upon their authority ; 
 mid the conduct of Zwingle did not as yet 
 indicate any design to withdraw himself 
 from its control. Before the discourse 
 pronounced at Einsiedeln, Zwingle had 
 written to Hugh of Landenberg, bishop of 
 Constance, desiring him to put an end in 
 his diocese to a number of puerile and dan- 
 gerous practices, which might at length 
 produce irremediable evils. 5 He spoke to 
 
 b Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. D. 
 
67 
 
 the same effect to the cardinal of Sion; 
 and in the freedom of conversation un- 
 folded to him his ideas of the necessity of 
 a ereneral reform. 
 
 o 
 
 " The new lights," said he, " which have 
 been diffused since the revival of letters, 
 have lessened the credulity of the people. 
 are opening their eyes to a number of su- 
 perstitions, and will prevent them from 
 blindly adopting what is taught them by 
 priests equally destitute of virtue and of 
 talent. They begin loudly to blame the 
 idleness of the monks, the ignorance of the 
 priests, and the misconduct of the prelates > 
 and will no longer give their confidence to 
 people whom they cannot respect. If care 
 be not taken, the multitude will soon lose 
 the only curb capable of restraining its 
 passions, and will go on from one disorder 
 to another. The danger increases every 
 day, and delay may be fatal. A reforma- 
 tion ought to be begun immediately, but 
 it ought to begin with superiors, and spread 
 from them to their inferiors. If the princes 
 of the church would give the example; if 
 they would return to themselves and to a 
 f 2 
 
68 
 
 conduct more conformable to the gospel ; 
 if bishops were no longer seen to handle 
 the sword instead of the crozier ; prelates to 
 put themselves at the head of their sub- 
 jects, in order to wage inveterate wars 
 against each other; ecclesiastics of all 
 ranks to dissipate in scandalous debauchery 
 the revenues of their benefices accumulated 
 upon their heads; then, we might raise our 
 voices against the vices of the laity with- 
 out fearing their recriminations, and we 
 might indulge some hopes of the amend- 
 ment of the people. But a reform in man- 
 ners is impossible, if you do not get rid of 
 those swarms of- pious idlers Avho feed at 
 the expense of the industrious citizen, and 
 if you do not abolish those superstitious 
 ceremonies and absurd dogmas equally cal- 
 culated to shock the understanding of rea- 
 sonable men, and to alarm the piety of re- 
 ligious ones." 
 
 Zwingle made these representations 
 with a zeal proportioned to the impor- 
 tance of the subject: he conjured the car- 
 dinal of Sion to engage the pope to give 
 his serious attention to the wounds of the 
 
69 
 
 church, and received his assurances, that on 
 his return to Rome he would take every 
 means to obtain from Leo X. such a refor- 
 mation as was generally desired. 11 This 
 promise, sincere perhaps at the time, pro- 
 duced no effect. As soon as Schinner 
 plunged again into the vortex of political 
 affairs, ambition resumed all her influence 
 over him, and that passion he could not 
 hope to gratify by adopting and forwarding 
 the ideas of Zwingle: neither was Leo 
 himself disposed to listen to any plan 
 of reform. To confirm and augment the 
 power of his family, to render his pontifi- 
 cate illustrious by splendid monuments, to 
 grant a generous protection to the arts and 
 sciences, and to maintain an important rank 
 among the potentates of Europe, were the 
 objects to which his views were directed. 1 
 Absorbed by his ambitious projects, he had 
 neither leisure nor inclination to occupy 
 himself with the spiritual interests of the 
 church. k A pontiff accustomed to clothe 
 
 11 Zuinglii Op. T. i. S. 230. 
 1 Roscoe's Life and Pontificate of Leo X. 
 k Fra Paola Storia del concilia di Tren to, L. i. Palla- 
 vicini concil. di Trento. L. i. c. ii 
 
70 
 
 himself in regal pomp, was not fitted for 
 the stern duties of a reformer, and Leo had 
 already proved, by rewarding frivolous ta- 
 lents with high ecclesiastical dignities, 1 how 
 far he had departed from the severe prin- 
 ciples of the ancient church. The cardinal 
 of Sion knew the pope too well to offer 
 schemes of reform to him; and this step 
 of Zwingle's had no other effect than to 
 give the cardinal a high idea of his zealous 
 spirit, and enlightened understanding. 
 
 In the meantime, the reputation of 
 Zwingle as a theologian and friend of letters 
 went on increasing day by day. He kept 
 up a regular correspondence with Erasmus, 
 John Faber, grand vicar of the bishop of 
 Constance, Henry Lorit, or Glareanus, 
 Gaspar Hedio, Wolfgang Capito, Beatus 
 Rhenanus, and others too numerous to 
 mention. The letters of these learned men 
 are filled with commendations of his know- 
 ledge, of the services rendered by him to 
 the church, and the ardour with which he 
 acquitted himself of his ministry; they 
 contain unequivocal testimonies of the 
 
 1 Fabron. vita Leonis X. 
 
71 
 
 o-eneral esteem which he had been able to 
 conciliate, and of the hopes entertained of 
 him by his friends. m 
 
 Among the Swiss with whom Zwingle 
 contracted intimacies during his residence 
 at Einsiedeln, Oswald Myconius, teacher 
 of the dead languages in the school of 
 Zurich, deserves to be first named. This 
 learned Lucernese was endeavouring to 
 spread the light lately diffused over Italy 
 and Germany by the great men of those 
 two countries; and being earnestly desir- 
 ous of drawing Zwingle into his immediate 
 circle, he profited of the first favourable 
 opportunity, afforded by the vacancy of 
 the situation of preacher in the cathedral, 
 to offer to the chapter the services of his 
 friend. Zwingle, in his former journeys 
 to Zurich, had made himself advantage- 
 ously known to the inhabitants of that 
 city. Several of the clergy had learned 
 how to appreciate his merit; they promised 
 themselves some happy effects from the 
 preaching of a man so courageous in open- 
 ly attacking the vices of the age, and 
 
 ■ Hott. E. T. vi. p. 28. 243. 323. -i04. 5ig. 5QI. 
 
72 • 
 
 they hoped that a part of his reputation 
 would overflow upon the church to which 
 he should be attached. These considera- 
 tions determined the choice of the chapter 
 in favour of Zwingle, and he obtained the 
 vacant place. n His election was notified 
 to him on the 1 1 th of December 1518; and 
 a few days after he repaired to his new 
 post, severely regretted by the parishioners 
 whom he quitted, by his faithful protector 
 the baron of Geroldseck, and by the 
 friends whose society had rendered so de- 
 lightful to him the rustic solitude of Ein- 
 siedeln. The landammann and council of 
 the Canton of Schweitz, in whose territory 
 the abbey is situated, addressed a letter to 
 him upon his nomination, conceived in the 
 most touching and honourable terms. It 
 was not without regret that Zwingle ex- 
 changed his calm retreat for an agitated 
 life, in which he foresaw that he should 
 have combats to maintain and rocks to 
 avoid; but he flattered himself that at 
 .Zurich he might be more useful than in the 
 
 n Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. E. 
 J. H. Hott. Hist. Eccl. T. vi. p. 350. 
 
narrow sphere of a monastery, and this 
 prospect consoled him for the expected loss 
 of his repose. During the three years of 
 his abode at Einsiedeln, his ideas had ac- 
 quired the maturity that they wanted; an 
 intimate conviction had taken place of his 
 doubts and uncertainties, and he felt an 
 urgent call to diffuse the light which had 
 illuminated his soul. A wide career was 
 now open before him, and he arrived at 
 Zurich full of hope and ardour. 
 
 Before we continue this narrative, it 
 seems advisable to give an idea of the place 
 which was henceforth to become the dwell- 
 ing of the reformer, and the centre whence 
 the reformation was to spread into every 
 part of Switzerland. 
 
 The city of Zurich owes its origin to 
 two pious foundations which go as far back 
 as the time of Charlemagne. By an act 
 dated 810, p the emperor founded there a 
 college of canons to serve the church 
 already established, and endowed it with 
 several Imperial fiefs. Forty years after, 
 Louis the Germanic caused a convent for 
 
 p Hott. H. E. T. vi. p. 382. 
 
74 
 
 women to be built in the neighbourhood of 
 the collegiate church, of which his daugh- 
 ters Hildegard and Bertha were the first 
 abbesses. He ceded to the abbey the lands 
 that he possessed in the vicinity, exempted 
 it from all foreign jurisdiction, q and entrust- 
 ed the administration of its revenues to an 
 advocate' whose office was united with that 
 of Imperial prefect.' By degrees a town 
 arose about the monasteries, inhabited by 
 persons belonging to the collegiate church, 
 or the revenue offices/ by serfs who had 
 purchased their freedom, and by some no- 
 bles of French or German origin, who filled 
 various posts in the service of the abbey. 
 The population rapidly increased under the 
 shadow of ecclesiastical protection, and in 
 the 12th century we already discover some 
 traces of a council composed of the inha- 
 bitants of the new city, and named by the 
 advocate of the abbey. The powers of 
 this council were very narrow, being con- 
 fined to the judgment of civil causes. The 
 same administration subsisted till the pe- 
 
 i Hott. 1. c. ' Advocatus, in German Kastvogt, 
 
 s Reichsvos't. 
 
15 
 
 nod of the contests between pope Gregory 
 IX, and the emperor Frederic II. This 
 emperor, long the object of the persecu- 
 tions of the Holy See, heaped privileges on 
 the cities of the empire at the expense of 
 the clergy, in order by this means to lessen 
 the power of the natural allies of his enemy. 
 By way of recompensing the inviolable 
 fidelity of the burghers of Zurich towards 
 him/ he freed them from their dependance 
 on the abbey, ordered that in future they 
 should only hold of the empire, 11 and 
 granted them the right of choosing their 
 own magistrates. He left to the abbess only 
 the nomination of the civil tribunal, but 
 allowed her still to enjoy her rights and 
 royalties throughout her own demesnes. \\\ 
 virtue of the decree of Frederic, a council 
 was created to govern the rising republic, 
 consisting of thirty-six members, divided 
 
 f They remained faithful to Frederic although the 
 pope had excommunicated him, and forbidden all priests 
 to administer the sacraments to those who should refuse 
 to make war upon the emperor. Hott. H. E. viii. 
 p. 1201. 
 
 " In 1248. 
 
76 
 
 into three sections, each of which remained 
 in office four months. In ] 336, the burgh- 
 ers, being discontented with the arbitrary 
 conduct of the council, and the maladmi- 
 nistration of the public money, abolished 
 this form of goverment, ami, in imitation of 
 several towns in Germany, the inhabitants 
 were divided into twelve tribes according 
 to the arts and trades which they exercised; 
 a thirteenth was added, composed of the 
 nobles, the ecclesiastics, and those who 
 lived on their fortunes. Each tribe fur- 
 nished a given number of citizens to form 
 a small council of fifty members, and a 
 great one of two hundred. The executive 
 power was entrusted to the former, the 
 latter, invested with legislative power, was 
 the representative of the sovereign, or ge- 
 neral assembly, which, in ordinary times, 
 was only convoked to take an oath of obe- 
 dience to the councils.' The authors of 
 this constitution certainly did not think of 
 balancing with accuracy the different 
 powers of the state; but they appear to 
 have divined very well, in their simplicity, 
 
 v J. C. Fuesslini Epit. Hist. Helv. Ant. L, ii. p. 1J5. 
 
77 
 
 what would suit the character of their de- 
 scendents, since these preserved the work 
 of their forefathers, almost without altera- 
 tion, during a period of live centuries.* 
 The changes made in the internal govern- 
 ment of Zurich had no influence upon its 
 connection with the Germanic body, the 
 heads of which continued to exercise their 
 rights through the medium of an Imperial 
 prefect. The privileges granted to the 
 city by several emperors insensibly re- 
 duced the functions of this officer to the 
 administration of criminal justice; and at 
 length, in 1400, the emperor Wenceslas 
 permitted the council to exercise the office 
 of the prefect by one of its members/ 
 After this period, Zurich enjoyed all the 
 rights of sovereignty, but its power did not 
 yet extend beyond the circuit of its own 
 walls. It was not till the 15th century 
 that the city began little by little to form 
 a territory, partly by purchase, partly by 
 conquest, and partly by receiving into the 
 
 w This constitution was overturned in 1798 
 x Hott. Spic. Helv. Tig. p. 132. 
 
/ 78 
 
 number of its citizens several nobles who 
 voluntarily ceded to it their seignorial 
 rights; but till the reformation, the two 
 monasteries above mentioned preserved 
 their particular jurisdiction, and maintained 
 their independence. When Charlemagne 
 founded a college of canons at Zurich, it 
 was certainly his object to form a centre of 
 knowledge which might serve to enlighten 
 this half barbarous country. It is well 
 known that the advancement of learning 
 was always a favourite object with this 
 great prince, but unfortunately the im- 
 pulse that he gave to his age, ceased with 
 his life, and after his time the greater part 
 of his foundations rapidly degenerated, and 
 became asylums for idleness. 
 
 During more than four hundred years, 
 the canons of Zurich failed to answer the 
 intention of their founder. It is not till the 
 middle of the 13th century that the docu- 
 ments of the chapter make mention of the 
 creation of a rector, charged with the of- 
 fice of regulating all that concerned the 
 schools, as he should think most suitable 
 
79 
 
 to the glory of God, and the utility of the 
 church. 1 At the same time, in 1259, the 
 chapter elected a chanter, designed to pre- 
 side over the choir, and teach church 
 singing, which was then an important part 
 of worship. Conrad de Mure was the first 
 person invested with this office; he was 
 an indefatigable writer, and composed a 
 great number of works in prose and 
 verse, of which only two remain. One is 
 a dictionary of proper names, intended to 
 facilitate the understanding of the ancient 
 poets; in this work, history, sacred and 
 profane, mythology, legend, all are heaped 
 together without discernment; but if 
 this compilation gives an idea little fa- 
 vourable to the taste and criticism of the 
 author, it does honour at least to his eru- 
 dition. His other work is a poem in praise 
 of Rodolph of Hapsburgh ; it has nothing 
 of poetry but the meter, and does not rise 
 above the productions of the monks of that 
 time. 2 
 
 It does not appear that the example of 
 
 • v Hott. de origine Scholae Tig. p. IJ. 
 ~ J.H. Hott. Bibl. Tig. p. 151, 
 
80 
 
 this industrious man encouraged his, col- 
 leagues to employ themselves in literary 
 labours; for after him, a century and a half 
 elapsed without the appearance of any -drork 
 composed by a member of the churclji of 
 Zurich. This indolence is bitterly deplored 
 by Felix Malleolus, who, in 1450, occupied 
 one of the first places in the chapter, and 
 strove to render his knowledge useful to 
 his fellow citizens. Full of ardour as he 
 was in the cause of science and literature, 
 he could not witness without indignation 
 the ignorance and laziness of his col- 
 leagues. The censures upon them in which 
 he indulged himself, his declamation against 
 the mendicant orders, and his satires upon 
 the unfaithful depositories of justice, made 
 him violent enemies. These succeeded in 
 blackening him to the bishop of Constance, 
 who caused him to be carried off from his 
 own house and thrown into a dungeon, 
 which he only left to be immured in a 
 cloister during the rest of his life. a Among 
 the numerous works of Felix Malleolus on 
 theology, jurisprudence, history and phy- 
 
 a Hott Helv. Kirch, ii. p. 334. 
 
8! 
 
 Sics, we meet with some new and profound 
 ideas, amid a farago of absurd and super- 
 stitious ones, which must be attributed ra- 
 ther to his age than himself. 6 The unfor- 
 tunate end of this learned man was calcu- 
 lated to deter from the same career such 
 as might otherwise have distinguished 
 themselves in it. Accordingly, the latter 
 half of the 15th century proved as barren 
 as the former had been; letters remained 
 at Zurich in the same state of neglect, and 
 the school of the collegiate church for ele- 
 mentary instruction in the learned lan- 
 guages, remained the only establishment 
 for education. Towards the beginning of 
 T^pthe 16th century, some of the young men 
 began to frequent foreign universities ; and 
 the knowledge which they brought home 
 assisted the progress of the reformation. 
 The cure of souls was committed to a clergy 
 so ignorant that the pastors scarcely knew 
 how to read and write; most of them con- 
 tented themselves with administering the 
 sacraments, and left preaching and teaching 
 to the monks, who had the temporal inte- 
 
 b Hott. Blbl.Tig. Art. Malleolus. 
 
 G 
 
82 
 
 rests of their convents much more at heart 
 than the edification of their audience. The 
 jealousies that divided these monks, their 
 quarrels, their excesses, and their vices, 
 scandalized the pious; and the puerilities 
 with which they filled their sermons, ren- 
 dered them ridiculous in the eyes of men 
 of sense. 
 
 When the ministers of religion possess 
 neither the virtues nor the talents neces- 
 sary to fulfil their office with dignity, their 
 degradation insensibly destroys the respect 
 due to religion; for the thoughtless and 
 the vicious are ever disposed to confound 
 in the same sentence of contempt, him who 
 teaches the doctrine, and the doctrine it- 
 self. Religion had become an object of 
 derision to some, of indifference to others, 
 and the vulgar were only acquainted with 
 its outward practices; it had thus ceased 
 to afford a support to morals, which had 
 received but too many shocks from other 
 causes. Connexions with other countries, 
 and the contagion of bad examples, had 
 caused the severity of ancient manners to 
 disappear. The gold dispersed by the 
 
83 
 
 powers who were intriguing for the alli- 
 ance of Switzerland, had made its inhabi- 
 tants acquainted with new enjoyments; 
 these enjoyments had in their turn excited 
 new desires, to satisfy which, the most cul- 
 pable means were resorted to without scru- 
 ple. Envy, bad faith, and insubordination 
 in the poor; pride, insolence and avarice 
 in the rich, had taken place of the virtues 
 of other times; and the venality of many 
 of the magistrates, by depriving the govern- 
 ment of all respect, threatened the state 
 with approaching destruction. These par- 
 ticulars are sufficient to show how many 
 changes were at this time required at 
 Zurich. Letters wanted a restorer; both 
 the governors and governed an intrepid 
 censor, who should dare to recall them to 
 their mutual duties; and fainting religion, 
 
 c An author of that time affirms that there were 
 magistrates in Switzerland who received the pay of two 
 or three princes at once. It appears however that at this 
 period men in place had very different principles respect- 
 ing this matter from ours. Cardinal Wolsey, while he 
 was the minister and favourite of Henry VIII. received 
 pensions at the same time from Charles V. and Francis I 
 Vid. Robertson's HisL of Charles V. 
 
84 
 
 an orator capable of rekindling its ardour, 
 and restoring its influence upon manners. 
 Providence appeared to have destined 
 Zwingle to fulfil this task, and we shall 
 endeavour to show in what manner he ac- 
 quitted himself of it. 
 
 A few days after his arrival at Zurich, 
 Zwingle was summoned before the chapter 
 to be installed in his new employment. 
 He gave notice that in his discourses he 
 should desert the order of the dominical 
 Iessons, d and that he should explain in unr 
 interrupted series the books of the New 
 Testament, in order to make his auditors 
 acquainted with the whole contents of this 
 divine book; and he promised to have no- 
 thing in view in his sermons but " the 
 glory of God and the instruction and edifi- 
 cation of the faithful." 6 The majority of 
 
 4 The dominical lessons are the texts of scripture 
 ordered for each Sunday and saint's days, and are the 
 same every year. Some writers attribute their institution 
 to Alcuin, the preceptor of Charlemagne ; others to Paulus 
 Diaconus. In the early ages of Christianity the books of 
 the New Testament were explained to the people in suc- 
 cession, without restraint to a particular choice. 
 e Bull. Schw. Chr.X iii. A. , 
 
85 
 
 the chapter approved of this plan; some 
 however regarded it as an innovation 
 likely to produce dangerous consequences. 
 Zwingle replied to their objections " that 
 he was only returning to the practice of 
 the primitive church, which had been re- 
 tained down to the time of Charlemagne; 
 that he should observe the method made 
 use of by the fathers of the church in their 
 homilies, and that by divine assistance he 
 hoped to preach in such a manner that no 
 friend of gospel truth should find reason to 
 complain. :,f On the 1st of January 1519, 
 the day on which he entered his Soth year, 
 Zwingle preached his first sermon, conform- 
 ably to the plan that he had announced 
 to his superiors, and which he constantly 
 followed ever after. The novelty of this 
 kind of preaching procured him a crowd of 
 auditors: mere curiosity attracted some; 
 the desire of instruction and edification in- 
 spired others. Zwingle took advantage of 
 the first impression, and did not suffer it to 
 cool; he inveighed against superstition and 
 hypocrisy; insisted on the necessity of 
 
 f Bull. 1. c. 
 
36 
 
 amendment; thundered against idleness, 
 intemperance, the excesses of luxury, and 
 the passion for foreign service; he enjoined 
 the magistrates to distribute impartial jus- 
 tice, and to protect widows and orphans; 
 and he exhorted them to preserve Helvetic 
 liberty inviolate, by shutting their ears 
 to the seductive insinuations of ambi- 
 tion. 
 
 Notwithstanding the severity of his 
 morality and the depravity of his audience., 
 he found some disciples ready to listen to 
 his voice. Truth, from the lips of a sincere 
 and fervent orator, makes its way through 
 all the obstacles raised by the passions. 
 Magistrates, ecclesiastics, men of all classes, 
 touched by his reproaches, felt themselves 
 irresistibly attracted by that very circum- 
 stance to hear his sermons, and rendered 
 thanks to God for having sent them this 
 preacher of the truth? It may well be 
 believed that this approbation was not 
 general. Men attached to their private 
 interests, to their opinions, to their vices, 
 could not love so severe a censor, and they 
 
 * Bull. Schw. Chr. T. Hi. B. 
 
87 
 
 took pains to render him odious. Some- 
 times they depicted him as a knave, who, 
 by his hypocritical preachings, was aiming 
 to destroy the respect and submission of 
 subjects for their magistrates; sometimes 
 they represented him as a fanatic, whose 
 unbounded pride led him to put his own 
 reveries in the place of the decisions of 
 the church; sometimes they treated him 
 as a man destitute of religion and morals, 
 who was sapping the foundations of piety 
 and virtue, and would end by overturning 
 the state, unless silence were imposed upon 
 him. These clamours were not able either 
 to intimidate Zwingle, or to diminish the 
 authority he had acquired; an authority 
 which made itself strongly felt on occa- 
 sion of an event that we are about to 
 relate. 
 
 In the year 1518, Leo X. sent into Swit- 
 zerland the Franciscan Bernardine Sam- 
 son, to whom he had intrusted the power 
 of absolving from all sin such christians as 
 should contribute by their pious gifts to the 
 completion of St. Peter's chuch. h This was 
 
 h Pallavic. Storia del Cons, di Trento, i, 1Q. 
 
88 
 
 a commission difficult to execute. Every 
 time that the popes had published extra- 
 ordinary indulgencies they had experienced 
 a strong opposition on the part of the 
 bishops, parish priests, and confessors, who 
 looked upon this step as an invasion of 
 their rights. Samson therefore expected 
 an obstinate resistance, but he possessed 
 address sufficient to surmount the obstacles 
 that he might have to encounter. In the 
 towns where he expected to make any 
 considerable stay, he had the precaution 
 previously to conciliate the favour of some 
 persons of influence, and by this means he 
 prepared men's minds to receive him as 
 the dispenser of the treasures of grace.' 
 The artifices of all kinds that he employed 
 succeeded, in spite of the impudence with 
 which he acquitted himself of his ministry, 
 of which a single trait will eive a sufficient 
 idea. In order to disperse an importunate 
 crowd of paupers who flocked around him 
 whenever he appeared in public, he caused 
 his attendants to cry out with a loud voice; 
 •" Let the rich come near first, who can 
 
 • Hott. H.E, vi. 336. 
 
89 
 
 buy the pardon of their sins; after they 
 are satisfied, the prayers of the poor shall 
 also be attended to. " k At Bern all doors 
 were at first closed against him; but by 
 force of intrigues he contrived to procure 
 admittance, and immediately men of all 
 conditions began to purchase indulgences. 
 Samson assured them that the power of 
 the pope was unlimited both in heaven and 
 on earth; that he had at his disposal the 
 treasure of the blood of Jesus Christ and 
 the martyrs; that he had the right of re- 
 mitting both sin and penance, and that the 
 sinner would participate in divine grace 
 the moment his money was heard to chink in 
 the box. 1 By virtue of these powers, the 
 Franciscan granted plenary absolution both 
 to individuals and communities;" 1 he par- 
 
 k Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. B. Bullinger however 
 observes, that these expressions scandalized worthy and 
 fjious minds. 
 
 1 J. J. Kott. Helv. Kirch. T. iii. p. 31. 
 
 m The rate of absolution for individuals was sis sous 
 for the poor, and a crown for the rich; those for com- 
 munities were much dearer. A nobleman of Bern gave 
 a valuable house as the price of absolution foi himself, his 
 
90 
 
 doned both past sins and those that were yet 
 to be committed; he sold bulls which au- 
 thorised their owners to choose a confessor 
 who might release them from their vows, 
 excuse them from the performance of their 
 promises, and even absolve them from the 
 guilt of perjury." 
 
 From Bern, Samson proceeded to Baden 
 in Argovia; he there also met with many 
 partizans, but it was there that a stop was 
 put to the success of his mission. As soon 
 as the bishop of Constance learned that an 
 emissary from Rome had ventured to pub- 
 lish indulgences in his diocese unautho- 
 rized by him, he ordered all the parish 
 priests under his jurisdiction to shut their 
 churches against him, and he exhorted 
 Zwingle in particular to support the rights 
 of his spiritual superior. Zwingle had not 
 waited for the exhortation of the bishop to 
 begin enlightening the minds of his parish- 
 ioners respecting indulgences. This dis- 
 graceful traffic shocked him less as an in- 
 
 ancestors, and the subjects on his estates. Stctl. Chron, 
 
 L. xi. 
 
 » Stetl. ib.—Hott. H. E. vii. 265. 
 
91 
 
 vasion of episcopal rights, than as an insult 
 to good sense and sound reason ; and it was 
 principally under this view that he had 
 combated it. 
 
 Since the arrival of Samson in Zurich, 
 Zwingle had never ceased to declare how 
 absurd and even impious it appeared to him 
 to attempt, by establishing a ratio between 
 crimes and money, to lull the consciences 
 of men into a fatal security. His exhorta- 
 tions and arguments made a great impres- 
 sion on the people of Zurich, and induced 
 them to stop their ears to the seductions 
 of the wily Franciscan. Pie even suc- 
 ceeded in imparting his own sentiments 
 to the deputies of the thirteen Cantons, 
 who happened to be then assembled at 
 Zurich. Samson however repaired to 
 Bremgarten, a small town four leagues 
 from Zurich, where he was received by 
 the magistrates; but Henry Bullinger, the 
 parish priest, represented to him that his 
 powers not being backed by the sanction 
 of the bishop, he could not allow him en- 
 trance into his church. In vain did Sam- 
 son threaten him with the an° - er of the 
 
92 
 
 pontiff and that of the Cantons, which, as 
 he said, had loaded him with honours. 
 Bullinger was neither to be shaken by his 
 words, nor by an excommunication in form 
 which was lanced against him ; he persisted 
 in his refusal, and Samson pursued his way 
 to Zurich. Public opinion had already de- 
 clared against him in the city ; but as he 
 affirmed that he was charged with a par- 
 ticular mission from the pope to the Can- 
 tons, he was allowed to appear before the 
 diet. The falsehood of the pretext that he 
 had employed being discovered, the diet 
 ordered him to quit Zurich and the whole 
 Swiss territory without delay, and required 
 
 The history of this ecclesiastic proves that great 
 regularity of conduct was not then required of the clergy. 
 Although a priest, and dean of a rural chapter, he lived 
 publicly with a woman by whom he had five sons who 
 bore his name. He educated them at home, and their 
 illegitimate birth did not injure his reputation. He after- 
 wards embraced the reform, and repaired to Zurich, 
 where, at the age of sixty, he married the mother of his 
 children, one of whom was the author of the Helvetic 
 Chronicle, frequently cited in this work. Miscellanea 
 Tigur. ii. Ausgabe. p. 4. See also J. J. Hott. Helv. 
 Kirching, T. ii. p. 851. 
 
93 
 
 him to take off the excommunication laid 
 upon the priest of Bremgarten. He con- 
 sented, for fear they should make reprisals 
 in case of his refusal, by detaining the 
 money that he had amassed; after which 
 he made a hasty retreat into Italy. p The 
 infatuation that he had excited began to 
 give way; men blushed to have been duped 
 by his artifices, and the reputation of 
 Zwingle received a fresh addition from the 
 resistance of the inhabitants at Zurich. q 
 Many writers have regarded the quarrel 
 
 (respecting indulgences as the principal 
 cause of the reformation, because it gave 
 occasion to Zwingle and Luther to set 
 themselves openly in opposition to the will 
 of the pope; r but we have seen, that before 
 the arrival of Samson in Switzerland, 
 Zwingle had felt the necessity of a reform 
 
 p Bull. Schw. Cbr. T. iii. B. 
 i Sleidan. L. i. sub finem. 
 r " The vanity of a pope who was desirous of asso- 
 ciating his name with the completion of an immortal mo- 
 nument, and the choice that he made of one religious 
 order to the exclusion of another, were the first and 
 true causes of Lutheranism." French Mercury, 1S0S, 
 Xo. 353, p. 181, 
 
j in the worship, doctrine, and discipline of 
 Ithe church; and when the whole of his 
 history is viewed together, his resistance 
 to Samson appears an insulated fact which 
 exerted no direct influence over succeeding 
 events. 
 
 Luther stood no more in need than 
 Zwingle of any peculiar stimulus, and in 
 order to find the origin of his opinions; we 
 must trace him back beyond the moment 
 when he first appeared before the public. 
 The reading of the New Testament which 
 fell casually into his hands at the age of 
 eighteen, 5 inspired him with doubts re- 
 specting several doctrines of the Romish 
 Church; the works of Saint Augustine, 
 which he diligently studied, led him to 
 reject the opinion of his age respecting 
 justification; and a journey that he made 
 to Rome, by giving him a nearer view of the 
 wickedness which prevailed around the pon- 
 tificial chair,* weakened his respect for the 
 pope's authority. The opinions of Luther 
 altered by degrees, and the influence of 
 
 * M. Adam't Viiae Theol. p. 103. 
 T lb. p. 105. 
 
95 
 
 the new system he had formed was per- 
 ceptible long before the publication of his 
 famous theses," in the lectures that he de^ 
 livered before the university of Wittem- 
 berg. The sale of indulgences only fur- 
 nished him with an opportunity of break- 
 ing forth; but the regular course of his 
 ideas would have brought him, sooner or 
 later, to a rupture with the partisans of the 
 pope, even had Tetzel" never excited his 
 indignation. 
 
 A revolution like that of the 16th cen- 
 tury can never depend on a single event, 
 or a single man; it requires the concur- 
 rence of a multitude of causes which have 
 long acted in silence, and prepared the 
 minds of men for important changes. Se- 
 veral theologians before Luther and Zwin- 
 gle had made attempts at a reformation, 
 but none succeeded, because they endea- 
 voured to cure the disease before it had 
 
 u In 1517. 
 x John Tetzel, a Dominican, fulfilled the same mis- 
 sion in Germany with which Samson was charged in 
 Switzerland. V. Seckendorf. Hist. Lutheranismi, L. i, 
 id annum 1518. M. Adami Vitae Theol. Germ, p. 105. 
 
96 
 
 come to its crisis. All these paid for then* 
 attempts with their lives, their libert}-, or 
 at least their repose, but the ideas diffused 
 by them were preserved. They were seeds 
 which only awaited a favourable season to 
 spring up; they were hidden tires that the 
 first breath would kindle to a blaze. If 
 Berenger, Arnold of Brescia, Wickliff, 
 John lluss, and Jerome of Prague, sunk 
 under the attempt to introduce some re- 
 forms into the church, it was because in 
 their time ignorance was still too general, 
 and men were accustomed blindly to follow 
 in the general direction, and refused to 
 listen to those who would have pointed out 
 a new course; the clergy, whose interest it 
 was to support the old system, enjoyed 
 sufficient influence to put a stop in their 
 beginnings to all enterprizes which threa- 
 tened their privileges, and the authority of 
 the Holy See was still sufficiently powerful 
 to crush all who dared to lift up a hand 
 against her. But in the course of the 14th 
 and 15th centuries, the obstacles Avhich 
 at an earlier period would have opposed a 
 reformation, gradually became weaker. 
 
97 
 
 The increasing prosperity of towns, aug- 
 mented the number of citizens whose easy 
 V circumstances gave them leisure and am- 
 bition for its distinctions, and the establish- 
 ment of several new universities multiplied 
 the means of instruction. While the circle 
 of knowledge was every day enlarging, 
 the clergy, given up to indolence and licen- 
 tiousness, were daily losing in general re- 
 spect, and disabling themselves from repel- 
 ling the attacks of their adversaries. The 
 court of Rome, on which they leaned for 
 support, did not itself possess the same au- 
 thority as formerly, and the differences that 
 occurred between the popes and the coun- 
 cils of Basil and Pisa, familiarized men's 
 minds with the idea that it was lawful, in 
 certain cases, to resist the vicar of Christ. 
 Various circumstances therefore existed 
 which were threatening to change the mass 
 of opinion, but their action was slow and 
 imperceptible. In the latter half of the 
 15th century, two great events, the taking 
 of Constantinople by the Turks, and the 
 discovery of America, suddenly accelerated 
 
 H 
 
98 
 
 the general motion. The taking of Con- 
 stantinople, by rendering that eity subject 
 to a people hostile to the sciences, com- 
 pelled the learned Greeks to quit their 
 country, and many of them found an 
 asylum in Italy, where they exerted a 
 great influence over literature. Before this 
 period, the metaphysics of Aristotle, well 
 or ill understood and explained, reigned 
 almost without a rival in all the schools; 
 and this kind of universal monarchy ar- 
 rested the progress of knowledge. The 
 Greek refugees introduced the metaphysics 
 of Plato into Italy, and by thus raising 
 altar against altar, they proved what had 
 never yet been imagined, that it was pos- 
 sible to have an opinion different from the 
 received one. They also carried into the 
 West the knowledge and love of the G reek 
 and Latin authors; and the independence 
 of spirit stamped upon the works of the 
 latter, communicated itself to those who 
 studied them, prompted them to reflection, 
 and disposed them to follow a course of 
 their own ; whence it may be affirmed, that 
 
99 
 
 all the men who distinguished themselves 
 at that time by new and enlarged views, 
 were formed in the school of the ancients. 
 The discovery of the New World like- 
 wise served to rouze the nations of Europe 
 from their long torpor, by opening a vast 
 held to the researches of geographers, na- 
 turalists, and philosophers. The execution 
 of this enterprize, which had been regarded 
 as impossible, gave a new spring to the 
 human mind ; and the discoveries made in 
 the physical world led to a suspicion that 
 others equally great remained to be made 
 in the moral world. But the consequences 
 of both these events would have been 
 much less important had it not been for 
 the invention of printing, which diffused 
 so generally the desire of examining to the 
 bottom of every subject. As long as edu- 
 cation was confined to oral instruction, 
 learned men were little known except to 
 their own disciples; and those of a cele- 
 brated teacher treasured up with servile 
 veneration every word that he uttered as an 
 oracle, and thus the greatness of his reputa- 
 tion prevented the development of then 
 h 2 
 
100 
 
 ideas. But when the art of typography had 
 multiplied thoughts, and in a manner ren- 
 dered them portable, the productions of 
 men of genius were diffused from one ex- 
 tremity of Europe to the other. Every one 
 was enabled to examine and judge of them 
 at his leisure, unbiassed by the charms of 
 elocution, or the presence of the author. 
 Disputes certainly became more frequent 
 and more vehement; but a multitude of 
 fresh views resulted from the shock of so 
 many different opinions. Thus did all 
 things conspire to a renovation of ideas, 
 and tend towards a new order of things. 
 A vague inquietude, a murmured discon- 
 tent, announced the approach of a tempest : 
 a change was inevitable, and if neither 
 Luther nor Zwingle had undertaken the 
 reformation, others would, though perhaps 
 with less talent and less energy. These 
 great men were only the spokesmen of their 
 contemporaries, to whose silent wishes they 
 gave utterance; they were the first to say 
 what thousands had thought. This general 
 disposition of men's minds serves to ex- 
 plain the reformation and the rapidity of 
 
101 
 
 its progress: a solitary circumstance might 
 hasten it, but is not to be considered as its 
 real cause. At the time when Samson ap- 
 peared at Zurich, the diet had been con- 
 voked there to deliberate on an affair of im- 
 portance. After the death of Maximilian 
 I. his grandson Charles of Austria king of 
 Spain, and Francis I. king of France, both 
 aspired to the imperial crown. Each ad- 
 dressed himself to the Helvetic Confede- 
 racy, as making part of the German Em- 
 pire, and requested its influence with the 
 electors. In the discussions which took 
 place on this business, several members of 
 the diet were of opinion that they ought 
 to take part with neither of the candidates ; 
 and this was Z wingless idea. He was 
 desirous that the Cantons should observe 
 an exact neutrality, and refrain from tak- 
 ing a step which, without influencing the 
 decision of the electors, might offend the 
 disappointed prince ; u but his advice was 
 not listened to; and whether the address 
 of the cardinal of Sion, the emperor's am- 
 bassador, was superior to that of the French 
 
 u Bull. 1. a 
 
102 
 
 envoys, or whether the remembrance of 
 the defeat at Marignano had rendered the 
 Swiss less favourable to Francis I., it was 
 resolved to write to the electors that the 
 Cantons had no predilection for the king of 
 France, and that as faithful members of 
 the Empire, they were desirous of seeing a 
 prince of German origin on the Imperial 
 throne. The king of Spain was not named 
 in this letter, but he was designated in a 
 manner not to be mistaken. The reasons 
 that induced the electors to give the pre- 
 ference to Charles V. are well known/ as 
 also the long animosity springing from the 
 favour which they thus showed him above 
 his rival. It does not appear however that 
 Francis was offended with the Swiss for 
 taking this step in behalf of the king of 
 Spain. 
 
 As soon as war broke out between these 
 two princes, they both sent ambassadors to 
 the Helvetic league. Charles required of 
 them not to take part with the French; 
 he offered to take 6000 Swiss into his pay, 
 and to grant a subsidy to each Canton. 
 
 * V. Robertson's Hist, of Charles V. 
 
103 
 
 Francis, on his side, endeavoured to alarm 
 the Swiss respecting the views of Charles 
 V., and he set forth the services that France 
 had rendered and could still render them, 
 by protecting them against the ambition of 
 the house of Austria. To these reasons of 
 state the ambassadors of the king added 
 means of seduction, the effect of which ap- 
 peared in the speedy conclusion of an alli- 
 ance offensive and defensive with France, 
 which was to subsist during the life of 
 Francis I. and for three years afterwards. 
 The contracting parties reciprocally gua- 
 ranteed the possessions of each other 
 against all assailants, excepting only the 
 powers with whom treaties were already 
 existing on either side, unless these powers 
 should be the aggressors, in which case the 
 exception was to be null. 
 
 The Cantons engaged to furnish the 
 king with 6000 troops to serve in his pay; 
 and they authorized him, when he should 
 be at war, to enlist all the volunteers who 
 should offer, to name their officers, and to 
 march them whithersoever he pleased. The 
 Cantons even gave up the right of recall- 
 
, 104 
 
 ing their troops, except in case of their 
 being themselves attacked by an enemy. 
 The king on his part promised to fur- 
 nish a train of artillery, or subsidies. 
 He also increased those that he paid to 
 each Canton/ These conditions were all 
 to the advantage of Francis, yet the con- 
 federacy agreed to them without hesitation. 
 Zurich alone made objections against se- 
 veral articles of the treaty. This Canton re- 
 minded its allies of the loss suffered a few 
 years before at Marignano, of the letter 
 written to the electors on the choice of an 
 emperor, and of the attachment that they 
 had then testified to Charles V., as also of 
 their recent refusal to ally themselves with 
 this prince, of which he would have a right 
 to complain if they immediately after- 
 wards entered into a league with another 
 sovereign. The Canton ended by propos- 
 ing that a neutrality should be observed 
 between the belligerent powers. These re- 
 presentations were fruitless; so far from 
 listening to them, the other Cantons sent 
 
 y This alliance was concluded at Lucern in May 1521. 
 Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. B. 
 
 i— — * — , 
 
105 
 
 an embassy to Zurich exhorting her not to 
 separate her interests from those of her 
 allies. They even secretly engaged the de- 
 pendencies of that city to present petitions 
 to her to the same purport. 2 In order to 
 obviate the effect of these practices, the 
 council of Zurich gave notice to all the 
 municipalities in its territory of the treaty 
 concluded by the Cantons with France; 
 publishing at the same time a proclamation 
 containing their reasons for not acceding 
 to it. This proclamation thus concludes: 
 " We have laid these matters before you, 
 not because we are not agreed among our- 
 selves, not because we are doubtful as to 
 the best measures to be taken; but because 
 we wish to know whether we can depend 
 on your fidelity, whatever may happen. 
 We therefore require you to assemble in 
 your municipalities, and afterwards to in- 
 form us of your intentions. We desire that 
 the old men and fathers of families will ma- 
 turely weigh their answer; that the young 
 men will listen to them with submission, and 
 that no one will consult his own private 
 
 1 Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. C. 
 
106* 
 
 interest in this matter; for it is one of 
 great moment, and concerns not us alone, 
 but our children, and all our posterity. As 
 soon as we shall be informed of your opi- 
 nions, we shall deliberate anew, and return 
 such an answer to the king of France as is 
 conformable to the honour of our city, 
 your prosperity, and the repose of the 
 Helvetic body.'' 3 
 
 The spirit of the instructions to the 
 deputies sent to the municipalities, and of 
 the proclamation of the council, is so much 
 in unison with the political principles 
 openly professed by Zwingle, that we are 
 tempted to attribute their composition to 
 him. Whether this conjecture be just or 
 not, it is evident that the preponderance 
 suddenly obtained by the wisest and most 
 disinterested part of the council, was owing 
 to the eloquence of the reformer. 
 
 Almost all the municipalities of the 
 Canton assured the council of their sub- 
 mission and fidelity, conjured her to persist 
 in her refusal, and exhorted her to de- 
 nounce severe penalties against such as 
 
 a Bull. 1. c. 
 
107 
 
 should suffer themselves to be corrupted. 
 As soon as the sentiments of the munici- 
 palities were known, the council acquainted 
 the French ambassadors that they should 
 adhere to the treaty of Fi'ibur"'h, b and 
 would enter into no new alliance; they en- 
 treated the Cantons not to be offended 
 with them for a resolution which they 
 deemed salutary, and assured them that 
 the Canton would nevertheless fulfil its 
 engagement as a member of the Confe- 
 deracy. At the same time the council ex- 
 acted an oath from all the citizens that 
 they would accept no pension from any 
 foreign prince. The promises of the 
 French ambassador, and the remonstrances 
 of the Cantons, having proved equally 
 fruitless, the latter became veiy indignant, 
 and accused the people of Zurich of in- 
 clining to the imperial party. Their 
 hatred fell chiefly on Zwingle, whom they 
 reproached with having disturbed the har- 
 
 b The treaty of Friburgh between France and Swit- 
 zerland, called the perpetual Peace, was concluded 
 in 1516. 
 
 ' Eull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. D. Stetler's Chronifc; 59Q, 
 
108 
 
 mony of the Helvetic body, by preventing 
 the Canton of Zurich from joining with 
 them ; and their animosity was increased 
 by the sufferings that they underwent in 
 the campaigns undertaken for Francis I. 
 
 At this period Zwingle lost several of 
 his partisans, even at Zurich, who found an 
 ardent zeal for their ancient faith reviving 
 in their minds as soon as they had been de- 
 prived, at the instigation of the reformer, 
 of the means of enriching themselves at 
 the expense of their country. 
 
 A short time after the conclusion of 
 the treaty of Lucern with France, Leo X. 
 in virtue of an alliance made with the 
 Swiss in 1515, claimed some troops from 
 them to defend the territories of the 
 church/ But far from having any thing 
 to fear from his neighbours, Leo was him- 
 self forming plans against them. He had 
 at first negociated with Francis I. that they 
 might in concert expel the Spaniards from 
 Naples; but soon after entered into a 
 league with Charles V. for the purpose of 
 wresting the Milanese from France, and 
 
 d Hottingeri Methodus legendi Hist. Helv. p. 502. 
 
109 
 
 restoring Parma and Placentia to the Holy 
 See. e This latter convention remained se- 
 cret, and the cardinal of Sion, who was 
 charged with the pope's demand to the 
 Swiss, only pleaded the defence of the 
 Pontifical State. He represented to the 
 Cantons in several diets assembled succes- 
 sively at Zurich and at Lucern, that their 
 engagements with the pope were prior to 
 these that they had contracted with France, 
 and ought therefore to be preferred. The 
 ambassadors of France, on the other hand, 
 insisted on the execution of the treaty 
 lately concluded. In vain did they press 
 Zurich to enter into the alliance of Lucern, 
 or at least to permit her subjects to enlist 
 under the French standard; they were 
 unable to prevail. With the other Cantons 
 they succeeded better; these, without en- 
 tering into any discussion with the legate, 
 gave him an answer in the negative, 
 and granted to the king of France the pro- 
 mised succour of 6000 men/ At Zurich 
 opinions were divided; the partizans of 
 
 e Roberts. Hist. Charles V. vol. Hi. B. 2. 
 f Bull Schw. Chr. T. iii. E. 
 
no 
 
 Zwingie wished the alliance with the pope 
 to be renounced; but the military men, 
 who were displeased at the attempt to put 
 a stop to their career, demanded the fulfil- 
 ment of the eno-awment Avith the sove- 
 reign Pontiff. After much discussion, the 
 council at length determined to send the 
 pope 3000 men, who should only serve in 
 defence of the territories of the church. 
 Scarcely were these troops arrived in the 
 country of the Grisons, when the other 
 Cantons acquainted Zurich that it was the 
 cardinal's intention to attack the Milanese. 
 This information caused the council to re- 
 peat to the soldiers their solemn orders to 
 march neither against Milan, nor against 
 the king of France, but to repair directly 
 to the Roman territories. The troops of 
 Zurich therefore continued their march; 
 they forced the passage of the Adda, and 
 effected a junction with the united armies 
 of the pope and the emperor, commanded 
 by cardinal Giuliano dci Medici, Prospero 
 Colonna, and the marquis of Pescara. 
 Offers, promises and gifts, were all em- 
 ployed to induce the officers and soldiers 
 
Ill 
 
 to advance upon the Milanese. Some 
 yielded to the temptation, but the leader of 
 the Zurichers replied: "Were your tents 
 and all that they contain, of pure gold, we 
 would refuse, if in order to gain them it 
 were necessary to disobey our magistrates, 
 and violate our oaths." Not being able to 
 overcome this noble resistance, the pope's 
 generals directed the contingent of Zurich 
 against Reggio, and it afterwards assisted 
 in the recapture of Parma and Placentia. 
 
 Daring this time, the united armies 
 were gaining great advantages over mar- 
 shal Lautrec, who commanded the French 
 and Swiss: oblio-mo- him to retreat, and 
 possessing themselves of the whole Mila- 
 nese. The soldiers of the twelve Cantons 
 returned to their homes irritated by the 
 reverses they had suffered, of which they 
 accused Zurich as the cause. These re- 
 proaches occasioned so violent a fermen- 
 tation, that this Canton thinking herself 
 threatened with an attack from her allies, 
 suddenly recalled her troops ; g who quitted 
 
 s Bull. Schw. Chv. T. iii. E. 
 
112 
 
 Placentia a few weeks after the death of 
 Leo X. which took place in Decem- 
 ber 1521. 
 
 We may date from this campaign the ani- 
 mosity of the other Cantons against Zurich; 
 of which Zwingle was the principal object, 
 as being the head of the partisans of neu- 
 trality. His advice not to assist the Pope 
 was forgotten; nothing was remembered 
 but his constant opposition to the new 
 alliance with France; and his political 
 principles and religious opinions were 
 confounded under the same note of repro- 
 bation. 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1522, 
 marshal Lautrec again assembled an army 
 for the recovery of the Milanese, and ob- 
 tained fresh succours from the twelve Can- 
 tons. The emperor, and the cardinals who 
 during the vacancy of the Holy See found 
 themselves at the head of affairs, on the 
 other hand, pressed the Canton of Zurich 
 to furnish them with troops; but that 
 Canton being set free from all her engage- 
 ments by the death of Leo X. refused to 
 
113 
 
 take part in the war, and persisted in the 
 resolution of avoiding every thing which 
 mio;ht irritate her allies. k 
 
 The war became protracted; and the 
 Swiss, discontented for want of pay, and 
 impatient of the inactivity in which they 
 were detained by marshal Lantrce, com- 
 pelled him to attack the Imperialists who 
 were intrenched near Bicocca, four miles 
 from Pavia. Their accustomed courage 
 now only served to increase their loss; 
 with their utmost efforts they were unable 
 to force the enemy's intrenchments. 1 The 
 consequences of this battle obliged Lautrec 
 entirely to evacuate the Milanese, and 
 abandon whatever Francis possessed in 
 Italy. m The Swiss returned home still 
 more humiliated, and having suffered more 
 than in the former campaign. These fresh 
 reverses produced the same effect upop 
 another Canton as former ones had done 
 upon that of Zurich. In the general as- 
 sembly" of Schweitz, it was proposed to 
 
 k Bull. 1. c. ' Bull. 1. c. 
 
 ■ m Hist, of Charles V. vol. Hi. book ji. 
 
 n Landsgemeinde. 
 
 I 
 
114 
 
 give up all alliances, and Zwingle seized 
 the opportunity of addressing an exhorta- 
 tion to the inhabitants, advising them to- 
 adopt this measure. He attributes the di- 
 visions which had for some time disturbed 
 the Cantons to the decay of piety; and 
 then adds : " Far from ascribing your vic- 
 tories to the Lord of hosts, as was the cus- 
 tom with your ancestors, you take pride in 
 your successes, and believe yourselves in 
 vincible. In the wars in which your va- 
 nitv eno-a^es vou, vour soldiers are guilty 
 of excesses which will one day draw down 
 upon you the divine anger. 
 
 " Suppose yourselves a prey to the same 
 calamities that you have more than once 
 inflicted upon neighbouring nations. What 
 would you say if a band of mercenaries, 
 unprovoked by any offence, should make 
 themselves masters of the frontiers of your 
 country, lay waste your fields, destroy 
 your harvests, and burn your dwellings? 
 When you beheld them drive away your 
 herds, plunder your houses, massacre your 
 sons who had armed for your defence, out- 
 rage your daughters, spurn your wives wh# 
 
115 
 
 V/ere kneeling at their feet, and slaughter 
 your fathers without pity of their grey 
 hairs, you would certainly expect that God 
 by a sudden stroke would exterminate these 
 barbarians ; and if you saw them remain 
 unpunished, you would perhaps blaspheme 
 against the tardy justice of the Master of 
 the universe. And yet, are not yourselves 
 often guilty of all this, under pretence of 
 certain rights of war? It is God, sav vou 
 in your justification, it is God who sends the 
 calamities of war on the nations who hare de- 
 served his anger. Yes, wars are indeed ne- 
 cessary to punish the vices of the world; 
 but woe to those men by whom they come ! 
 God makes use of the wicked to chastise 
 the wicked. Do not reply that rebels must 
 be reduced to obedience : I know that arms 
 must be employed against those who brave 
 the laws; but what has the service of a 
 mercenary who is paid to attack the inno- 
 cent, to lay waste their fields, destroy their 
 cities, and threaten their lives, in common 
 with the incontestible rights of legal 
 power? 
 
 " In order to justify those alliances which 
 i 2 
 
116 
 
 you have successively contracted with se- 
 veral princes, it is affirmed that owing to the 
 barrenness of our soil, the subsidies of our 
 neighbours are necessary to us. It is true 
 that the resources of our country are insuf- 
 ficient for the luxury which has found its 
 way into the heart of our mountains ; but 
 if we had chosen to adhere to the sim- 
 plicity of our forefathers, and contented 
 ourselves with the lot that God had as- 
 signed us, we should have stood in no need 
 either of subsidies, or of these vain ex- 
 cuses. Need I speak of the fatal effects 
 which our wars daily produce among us? 
 Of the perpetual violations of justice, the 
 contempt of the laws, and insubordination 
 carried to such a height that scarcely a 
 single citizen can be found who respects 
 his magistrates? Need I speak of the cor- 
 ruption of manners that our warriors bring 
 back with them to their own firesides; of 
 the jealousy and envy inseparable compa- 
 nions of the favours with which our neigh 
 hours pay for the blood of our children ; 
 and of the disorders resulting from these 
 bad passions, which expose the indepen- 
 
117 
 
 dence of our common country to the ut- 
 most danger. 
 
 " O ! if you still have any care of your 
 ancient glory; if you yet remember your 
 forefathers and the dangers that they braved 
 for the defence of their liberty ; if the wel- 
 fare of your country is dear to you, reject 
 the fatal gifts of aspiring princes, reject them 
 before it is too late; suffer yourselves nei- 
 ther to be deceived by the promises of 
 some, nor intimidated by the menaces of 
 others. Imitate your allies of Zurich, who 
 by severe and wholesome laws have re- 
 strained the excesses which ambition would 
 have prompted. Should you unite with 
 them, all Switzerland would soon follow 
 your example, and return to the wise and 
 moderate conduct of its ancestors."' 
 
 ° Zuinglii Op. T. i. f. 154. seq. Zwingle's exhorta- 
 tion is dated May 14, 1522. By blaming, without ex- 
 ception, the custom of the Swiss, of entering into foreign 
 services, Zwingle showed that he viewed the question ra- 
 ther as a moralist than a statesman. The reformer, alarm- 
 ed at the sight of the evils caused by the great number, 
 the licentiousness, and extreme disorder of the military 
 engagements of that day, thought that they ought to be 
 renounced entirely, in prder to save the country. His 
 
118 
 
 The courageous frankness of Zwingie did 
 not displease the inhabitants of Schweitz; 
 they commissioned their secretary of state 
 to return him an answer full of expressions 
 of regard ; p and a short time after, their ge- 
 neral assembly passed a law to abolish all 
 alliances and all subsidies, during a term of 
 twenty-five years. During these political 
 events, Zwingie continued the preaching 
 of his doctrine; and without giving way to 
 an inconsiderate zeal, he was gradually 
 preparing men's minds for the reforms 
 which he was desirous of' effecting. In 
 one of his earliest works, he thus speaks 
 of the method that he followed. " On 
 my arrival at Zurich, I began to explain, 
 the gospel according to St. Matthew. I 
 
 anxiety for the future did not allow him to see that it was 
 possible to remedy die abuse, without abolishing the use ; 
 it prevented him from considering, that a nation become 
 independent by the courage of its ancestors, had need to 
 preserve its military reputation ; and that being detiroui 
 to keep peace with its neighbours, it could only maintain 
 the warlike virtues, by favouring, through wise stipula- 
 tions, the natural inclination of its youth to devote a cer- 
 tain number of years to the profession of armies. 
 p Hott. H. E. T. vi. p. 359. 
 
119 
 
 added an exposition of the Acts of the 
 apostles, to show my audience in what 
 manner the gospel had been diffused. I 
 then went on to the first epistle of Paul to 
 Timothy, which may be said to contain the 
 rule of life of a true christian. Perceiving 
 that false teachers had introduced some 
 errors with respect to the doctrine of faith, 
 I interpreted the epistle to the Galatians; 
 this I followed by an explanation of the 
 two epistles of St. Peter, to prove to the 
 detractors of St. Paul, that the same spirit 
 had animated both these apostles. I came 
 at length to the epistle tothe Hebrews, which 
 makes known in its full extent the benefits of 
 the mission of Jesus Christ." " In my ser- 
 mons," adds he, " I have employed neither 
 indirect modes of speech, nor artful insi- 
 nuations, nor captious exhortations; it is 
 by the most simple language that I have 
 endeavoured to open the eyes of every one 
 to his own disease, according to the exam- 
 ple of Jesus Christ himself.'" 1 
 
 The new ideas suggested by Zwingle to 
 his auditors, acted upon their minds so as to 
 
 i Zuing. Op. T. i. f. 132. 
 
120 
 
 diminish insensibly their respect for certain 
 rules of ecclesiastical discipline. In 1.522, 
 some persons allowed themselves to break 
 the fast of lent without having procured 
 a dispensation. The criminals were de- 
 nounced to the magistrate, who sent them 
 to prison, and refused to hear their justifi- 
 cation. Zwingle undertook to defend the 
 principle on which they had acted, and 
 with this intention published a tract On the 
 Observation of Lent, in which he quotes se- 
 veral passages from the New Testament to 
 prove that the kind of meat is a thing in- 
 different in itself, and that all days are 
 equally holy to a christian. Without abso- 
 lutely proscribing fasts, he would have 
 every one left at liberty in that matter. 
 He ridicules the opinion that there is a 
 merit in abstaining from customary ali- 
 ments, and substituting others in their 
 place. ". Real abstinence," says he, " may 
 have some advantage to the citizen living 
 in the midst of pleasure and luxury, but it 
 is useless to the artisan and the labourer, 
 who find in the fatigues and hardships of 
 their station, sufficient means of mortifying 
 
121 
 
 the flesh. The fathers of the church, 
 whose authority is quoted, knew nothing 
 of our laws respecting lent, and many 
 christian nations have not adopted them. 
 They were invented at Rome to create a 
 new branch of revenue for the Holy See." 
 Zwingle concludes by desiring the learned 
 in the Scriptures, to refute him, if they 
 judged that he had done violence to the sense 
 of the Gospel" 
 
 This work, the first that Zwingle pub- 
 lished, irritated his adversaries still more 
 against him. They represented to the 
 bishop of Constance the necessity of op- 
 posing a doctrine which, little by little, 
 would undermine both episcopal and pon- 
 tificial authority. They said that the rapid 
 progress of the opinions of Luther in Ger- 
 many, gave room to fear, that the flame 
 might spread 'to Switzerland if a speedy 
 remedy were not applied. This fear de- 
 termined Hugh of Landcnberg, the bishop, 
 to address a charge to the clergy and laitv 
 of his diocese, in which he deplored in ge- 
 neral terms the dissentions excited by 
 
 r Zuing. Op. T. i. f. 324. et scq. 
 
122 
 
 some turbulent spirits, and exhorted his 
 flock not to separate themselves from the 
 church. He wrote at the same time to the 
 council of Zurich, to engage them not to 
 permit the ancient ordinances of the church 
 to be infringed or publicly blamed. With- 
 out naming Zwingle, he pointed him out 
 in a manner not to be mistaken; but his 
 insinuations failed of their effect. The 
 council only replied by begging the bishop 
 to assemble the prelates and theologians of 
 his diocese, and to examine with them into 
 the real cause of the dissentions complained 
 of. No other method, according to the 
 council, would succeed in " putting a stop 
 to the diversit}' of preaching, which threw 
 the faithful into a painful and dangerous 
 uncertainty." 3 This answer did not satisfy 
 the bishop: he dreaded all examination, 
 and did not think himself a judge compe- 
 tent to decide the controversy: his only 
 viewhad been to impose silence on Zwingle. 
 Having failed of his object with the coun- 
 cil, he made another attempt with the 
 chapter, on which Zwingle more particularly 
 
 8 Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. F. 
 
123 
 
 depended, by complaining to it of certain 
 innovators, who in the madness of their 
 pride were pretending to reform the church. 
 " Beware," said he " of receiving as a rer 
 medy what is a detestable poison; beware 
 of embracing perdition instead of salvation. 
 Reject those dangerous opinions which are 
 condemned by the heads of Christendom ; r 
 do not allow them to be preached among 
 you, nor discussed, publicly or privately ; 
 preserve yourselves in the doctrine and 
 usages of the church, till those to whom it 
 belongs shall regulate in these matters." 11 
 
 Zwingle, who could not but perceive that 
 this letter was directed against him, begged 
 permission of the chapter to reply to it, and 
 composed a tract in which he laid it down as 
 a principle, that the Gospel alone is autho- 
 rity from which there is no appeal, and to 
 "which recourse should be had to terminate 
 all doubts, and settle all disputes; and that 
 the decisions of the church can only be 
 
 } At this period the opinions of Luther had beer, 
 condemned as heretical, by the emperor and the pope, 
 u Eull. 1. c. 
 
124 
 
 binding inasmuch as they are founded on 
 scripture."" 
 
 This principle ought never to have been 
 forgotten, and yet it had been. The sub- 
 lime simplicity of a doctrine which guides 
 the mind by the feelings that it inspires, 
 was not long sufficient for the disciples of 
 Christ; they became desirous to explain 
 all, and define all. Then arose that crowd 
 of often very whimsical opinions, which 
 from the earliest ages of Christianity have 
 excited such violent disputes. In order to 
 conciliate men's minds and restore peace, it 
 was usual for the heads of the different 
 churches to meet in provincial and general 
 councils ; but instead of striking at the root 
 of the evil, by declaring all metaphysical 
 subtilties foreign to religion, these coun- 
 cils most commonly endeavoured to over- 
 throw a heresy by some unintelligible defi- 
 nition, which became in its turn the parent 
 of new heresies. It was usual to place the 
 New Testament on a table in the midst of 
 assemblies of the clergy, to indicate that 
 
 3 Zuinglii Op. T. i. f. 12S. 
 
125 
 
 the sacred code of christians ought to serve 
 as the rule of their judgments; but this 
 custom degenerated into a vain ceremony, 
 and the judges consulted their personal 
 interests or passions, and not the gospel. 
 When the bishops of Rome began to raise 
 themselves above their brethren, and to 
 lay the foundations of their temporal 
 power, they felt that the gospel did not 
 favour their pretensions, but that they 
 might derive great advantages from the 
 decisions pronounced by their predecessors. 
 Consequently they collected these deci- 
 sions into a body of doctrine, and they 
 assigned to them dates much earlier than 
 the true ones, in order to give them the 
 varnish of antiquity. Hence proceeded a 
 peculiar kind of legislation, known under 
 the name of Canon Law, to which recourse 
 was had to decide in the last resort upon 
 all matters of religion. The scriptures, 
 either unknown or ill interpreted, had lost 
 their credit to such a degree, that the cry 
 of innovation was raised when the reform- 
 ers attempted to restore them to their 
 importance. Perhaps these reformers might 
 
126 
 
 have obtained important concessions, if 
 they would have granted to the church, or 
 rather to the sovereign Pontiff, the right 
 of interpreting the divine oracles at his 
 pleasure; but they did not judge it allow- 
 able to temporize on a point of so much 
 consequence; and the supreme authority, 
 in every thing relating to the faith, ap- 
 peared to them to belong solely to the 
 writings of our Saviour's first disciples. 
 Zwingle thus expresses himself on this 
 subject in the tract of which we have been 
 speaking. " When, for your own justifica- 
 tion, you elevate human traditions above 
 the gospel, you appeal to a holy man who 
 says : ' if the church had not approved the 
 gospel, I should not believe in it : ' but if 
 you would be sincere, you would confess 
 that there is some rashness, or at least im- 
 prudence, in these words of St. Augustine. 
 " The word of God has no need of the 
 sanction of men : the fathers of the church 
 themselves did nothing more than reject 
 the apocryphal gospels; that is, those of 
 feigned or unknown authors; neither do 
 we desire any thing else than to purge chris- 
 
127 
 
 fianity of what is foreign to it; to deliver 
 it from the captivity in which it is de- 
 tained by its enemies, and to dig again 
 those cisterns of living water that they have 
 filled up. y 
 
 " Yon defend human traditions by as- 
 serting that the writings of the first dis- 
 ciples of Christ do not contain all that is 
 necessary to salvation, and in support of 
 your opinion, you quote this text; ' I have 
 yet many things to say unto you, but ye 
 cannot bear them now,' (John xvi. v. 12;) 
 but recollect, that Jesus here speaks to his 
 apostles, and not to Aquinus, Scotus, Bar- 
 tholus, or Baldus, whom you elevate to the 
 rank of supreme legislators. When Jesus 
 adds immediately after, ' Howbeit, when 
 he the spirit of truth is come, he will guide 
 you into all truth ; ' it is still the apostles 
 whom he is addressing, and not men who 
 should rather be called disciples of Aristotle 
 than of Christ. If these famous doctors 
 have added to scripture doctrine what was 
 deficient, it must be confessed that our 
 ancestors possessed it imperfect, that the 
 
 v Zuing. Op. T. i. f. 230. 
 
apostles transmitted it to us imperfect; and 
 that Jesus Christ, the son of God, taught 
 it imperfect. What blasphemy! Yet do 
 not they who make human traditions equal 
 or superior to the law of God, or pretend 
 that they are necessary to salvation, really 
 say this? If men cannot be saved with- 
 out certain decrees of councils, neither 
 the apostles, nor the early christians who 
 were ignorant of these decrees, can be 
 saved. Observe whither you are tending! 2 
 You defend all your ceremonies as if they 
 were essential to religion; yet it exercised 
 a much more extensive empire over the 
 heart, when the reading of pious books, 
 prayer, and mutual exhortation, formed 
 the only worship of the faithful. You ac- 
 cuse me of overturning the state, because 
 I openly censure the vices of the clergy: 
 no one respects more than I do the minis- 
 ters of religion, when they teach it in all 
 its purity, and practise it with simplicity; 
 but I cannot contain my indignation when 
 I observe shepherds who, by their conduct, 
 appear to say to their flocks : ' We are the 
 
 z Zuing. Op. T. i. f. 137. 
 
129 
 
 elect, you the profane; we are the enlight- 
 ened, you the ignorant; it is permitted to 
 us to live in idleness, you ought to eat your 
 bread in the sweat of your brow; you must 
 abstain from all sin, while we may give our- 
 selves up with impunity to every kind of 
 excess; you must defend the state at the 
 risk of your lives, but religion forbids us 
 to expose ours.' — I will now tell you what 
 is the Christianity that I profess, and which 
 you endeavour to render suspected. It 
 commands men to obey the laws, and re- 
 spect the magistrate; to pay tribute and 
 impositions where they are due; to rival 
 one another only in beneficence; to sup- 
 port and relieve the indigent; to share the 
 griefs of their neighbour, and to regard all 
 mankind as brethren. It further requires 
 the christian to expect salvation from God 
 alone, and Jesus Christ his only Son, our 
 master and Saviour, who giveth eternal life 
 to them who believe on him. Such are the 
 principles from which, in the exercise of my 
 ministry, I have never departed.'" 3 
 
 While Zwingle was composing this 
 
 a This tract was published, August 22, 1522. 
 K 
 
 I 
 
130 
 
 tract, the bishop of Constance required th£ 
 Helvetic diet, assembled at Baden, to assist 
 him in preserving his diocesans in obedi- 
 ence. The deputies acceded to his wish, 
 and ordered the arrest of the pastor of a 
 small village near Baden, accused of preach- 
 ing the new doctrine, whom after examining 
 they sent to Constance as convicted of 
 heresy. b This was the first example in 
 Switzerland of violent measures exercised 
 against the partisans of the reformation: 
 the impulse being once given, the clergy 
 were careful not to let it subside. 
 
 From this moment Zwingle foresaw the 
 obstacles that the heads of the Cantons 
 were likely to oppose to the reformation. 
 In small states the governed are continually 
 in presence of their governors, whose ob- 
 servation nothing can escape. It was ne- 
 cessary to success, to conciliate the favour 
 of the Swiss governments; the reformer 
 therefore addressed to them a summary of 
 his doctrine, in his own name and that 
 of his friends; to which he added an en- 
 treaty that they would leare free the preach- 
 
 h Hott. Helv. Kirch. T. iii. p. 103. 
 
131 
 
 big of the gospel* " Fear nothing," says he, 
 " from granting us this liberty; there are 
 certain signs by which every one may 
 know the truly evangelical preachers. He 
 who, neglecting his private interest, spares 
 neither pains nor labour to cause the will 
 of God to be known and revered, to bring 
 back sinners to repentance, and give con- 
 solation to the afflicted — is undoubtedly 
 in unison with Christ. But when you see 
 teachers daily offering new saints to the 
 veneration of the people, whose favour 
 must be gained by offerings; and when the 
 same teachers continually hold forth the 
 extent of sacerdotal power, and the autho- 
 rity of the pope, you may believe that they 
 think much more of their own profit, 
 than of the care of the souls entrusted to 
 them. 
 
 " If such men counsel you to put a stop 
 to the preaching of the gospel by public 
 decrees, shut your ears against their insi- 
 
 c In the language of the reformed of this time, tc 
 preach the gospel, signified to preach it in the sense of 
 Zwingle and Luther, who had restored Christianity to its 
 primitive purity. 
 
 K 2 
 
132 
 
 tiuations, and be certain that it is their aim 
 to prevent any attacks from being made 
 upon their benefices and honours: say that 
 if this work cometh of men, it will perish 
 of itself, but that if it cometh of God, in 
 vain would all the powers of the earth 
 league together against it." d Zwingle then 
 adverts to the immorality that prevailed 
 among the clergy, and attributes it chiefly 
 to their celibacy. At the period of the re- 
 formation, marriage was forbidden to priests 
 in all the countries that recognized the 
 supremacy of the Roman See; but tins pro- 
 hibition was only regarded as a regulation 
 of discipline, which the church might esta- 
 blish or revoke at its pleasure. In the 
 second century of the christian era, celibacy 
 was already regarded as the highest degree 
 of perfection, and as an abstinence merito- 
 rious in the eyes of the Deity. Ihis idea 
 took its rise in Egypt, in the ardent imagi- 
 nations of the anchorites of that country, e 
 and the institution of monasteries served 
 to srive it credit. It was however still 
 
 & J 
 
 d Zuing. Op. T. i. f. 112. 
 2 Moshiem's Eccl. Hist. p. 2. Ch. iii. § 14. 
 
13:3 
 
 permitted to the clergy to many ; but those 
 who remained in celibacy enjoyed greater 
 respect among the people, who believed 
 them to be less subjected to the powers of 
 hell! 
 
 At the council of Nice in 525, it was 
 made a question whether priests should be 
 ordered to observe perpetual celibacy; but 
 several prelates opposed such a law. In suc- 
 ceeding ages the same question was often 
 agitated, and every one decided it in the man- 
 ner conformable to his own sentiments and 
 character, the church having pronounced 
 nothing positive in the matter. The repu- 
 tation of sanctity obtained by the monks 
 whose vow obliged them to celibacy, in a 
 manner forced the secular priests to follow 
 their example : many persons too embraced 
 the ecclesiastical state at an advanced age : 
 and many others imposed upon themselves 
 a voluntary abstinence in expiation of their 
 past life. Towards the ] I th century, these 
 united causes considerably diminished the 
 number of married priests; but those who 
 remained single, compensated the self-de- 
 
 f Mosheim's Eccl. Hist. p. 2. Ch. ii. § 6. 
 
134 
 
 nial by forming connections which were 
 not the less public for being illicit. Under 
 Gregory VII, this abuse had reached its 
 height; and that Pontiff, in remedying it, 
 made the reformation of manners subser- 
 vient to the aggrandisement of the Holy 
 See. A council assembled by him, ordered 
 the married ecclesiastics to separate them- 
 selves from their wives, and such as had 
 concubines to dismiss them. 2 The Pope, 
 inexorable to prayers, complaints, and cen- 
 sure, declared such as should refuse to sub- 
 mit to the decree of the council, unworthy 
 of the priesthood, and forbade the laity to 
 hear mass from a married priest. The cha- 
 racter and conduct of Gregory VII. allow 
 us to suppose that he foresaw the advan- 
 tages which might be derived to the Holy 
 See from the celibacy of the clergy. All 
 the measures of this Pope, whose great 
 talents cannot be disputed, tended to render 
 the church independent of the secular 
 power, and he hoped to succeed in this 
 object, by breaking the ties which attached 
 the clergy to their country, rendering the 
 
 B Mosh. Eccl. Hist. p. 2. Ch. ii. § 12. et seq. 
 
135 
 
 priests strangers to the domestic affections, 
 and placing them, in a manner, out of the 
 society in whicli they lived. 
 
 The decree respecting celibacy was 
 executed in the different states of Europe 
 with a rigour proportioned to the influence 
 exercised in them by Gregory VII. but 
 the popes and councils would never have 
 succeeded in abolishing the ancient cus- 
 toms, had they not deprived the children 
 of priests of the right of inheritance, and 
 declared them incapable of holding ecclesi- 
 astical benefices. The severity of these 
 laws caused marriage gradually to fall into 
 disuse among the clergy, and multiplied 
 temporal}' connections, which were tole- 
 rated bv the bishops in consideration of a 
 fine, and authorised by the magistrates as a 
 security against still worse disorders." Se- 
 veral councils made regulations to repress 
 the abuses resulting from this culpable in- 
 dulgence, but they possessed only a legis- 
 lative power; the execution of their decrees 
 belonged to the popes, and these were not 
 likely to draw upon themselves the hatred 
 
 h Hott. Helv. Kirch. T. ii. p. 852. et seq. 
 
136 
 
 of the clergy, by executing the will of a 
 tribunal of which they were jealous. After 
 Gregory VII. no Pontiff had the noble am- 
 bition to employ his power for the reforma- 
 tion of manners; and the men who dis- 
 graced the apostolical chair towards the 
 end of the 16th and beginning of the 17 th 
 centuries, were far from punishing vices of 
 which themselves gave the example. Laws 
 that are not executed do but increase the 
 evil; and thus it became intolerable. They 
 who drew their morals from the sacred 
 book, equally blamed the celibacy of the 
 clergy, whether they considered the fatal 
 consequences of this regulation to morals, 
 or whether they examined by what right a 
 numerous class of citizens were deprived of 
 the blessings of the conjugal and parental 
 relations; and the opinion that a priest 
 sinned less by living in licentiousness than 
 in marriage, 1 appeared to them contrary 
 both to morality and religion. Zwingle, 
 being convinced of the mischief of a com- 
 pelled celibacy, petitioned the chapter to 
 authorise, or at least to tolerate, the mar- 
 
 1 Hott. 1. c. 
 
137 
 
 riage of priests. He alleged in his favour 
 numerous passages of scripture, the con- 
 stant practice of the early ages, the ex- 
 ample of many saints justly revered, and 
 the decisions of several councils. 
 
 " Our vow of chastity," says he, " is 
 objected against us. Judge yourselves 
 whether this vow, in the form in which we 
 have pronounced it, is contrary to our de- 
 mand. At the ceremony of ordination, 
 the bishop addresses various questions to 
 those who speak for the young priest who 
 is about to be consecrated; that referring to 
 this matter, is as follows. ' Are they chaste 
 whom you offer to the Lord?' The answer 
 is: ' As much so as human frailty allows.' 
 Our vow therefore is reduced to this. Do 
 not regard those who wish to disquiet you 
 respecting the political consequences of 
 this innovation. We ask no privilege con- 
 trary to your laws; we do not design to 
 make the property of the church an inheri- 
 tance for our children, and we will sub- 
 mit, like faithful subjects, to such measures 
 as our magistrates shall judge proper to 
 
138 
 
 take/ We do not fear a public discussion 
 of our opinion, either by speaking or writ- 
 ing; and we can prove that we have in our 
 favour the authoritv of the divine writings ; 
 but if all our reasons cannot move you, we 
 at least beg of you to protect married 
 priests against the tyranny of the Roman 
 pontiffs and the bishops, and not to suffer 
 citizens to be unjustly oppressed, who con- 
 sider you as their fathers." 1 
 
 About the same time, Zwingle addressed 
 a petition to the bishop of Constance, in 
 which he conjured him to put himself at 
 the head of the partisans of reform, and to 
 permit to be demolished with precaution and 
 prudence, zvhat had been built up with 
 temerity. 
 
 Zwingle signed these two petitions in 
 
 k The fear lest married priests should consider the 
 benefices of the church as a kind of property which they 
 would have a right to transmit to their children, had 
 been one of the chief reasons for establishing and preserv- 
 ing the celibacy of the clergy. The event has shown in 
 all protestant countries how ill this fear was founded. 
 1 Zuing. Op. T. i. f. 110. 
 
189 
 
 concert with nine of his friends. Some 
 courage was certainly necessary to hazard 
 such a step, when the reform could as yet 
 reckon in Switzerland only a small number 
 of timid protectors, and had found such 
 powerful enemies without. At this junc- 
 ture the situation of affairs was such as 
 left little hope to their cause. 
 
 In the month of June 1520, LeoX. had 
 declared forty-one of Luther's propositions 
 heretical; condemned his writings to the 
 flames, and summoned himself to retract, 
 under pain of excommunication." 1 In the 
 following year, 1521, Luther was cited 
 before the diet of Worms, and declared an 
 enemy of the empire, as " a schismatic, a. 
 notorious and obstinate heretic, and a 
 gangreened member of the church;" and 
 all those who should support him, in con- 
 versation or by writing, were threatened 
 with severe penalties. At Worms, Charles 
 V. showed so much zeal in defence of pon- 
 tificial authority, that the elector Frederic 
 of Saxony saw no other means of saving 
 Luther than by causing him to be secretly 
 
 m Zuinglii Op. T. i. f. 120. 
 
140 
 
 conveyed away, and carried to one of his 
 castles, where he remained concealed for 
 several months. n That the decree of the 
 diet did not give occasion to violent mea- 
 sures against the partisans of the Saxon re- 
 former, must be attributed to the war which 
 broke out between Charles V. and Francis 
 I., which left Charles no leisure to attend 
 to the ecclesiastical affairs of Germany; 
 but the sword still remained suspended 
 over the heads of the pretended heretics, 
 and the avowed sentiments of Charles gave 
 cause to believe that he would join with the 
 pope to exterminate them, as soon as he 
 should have no other enemies to fear. 
 After the diet of Worms, the cause of 
 Luther appeared to be judged without ap- 
 peal; lie and his followers were considered 
 as sectaries, rebellious both to secular and 
 ecclesiastical authority, and the name of 
 Lutheran was become a kind of stigma. 
 The enemies of Z udngle did not fail to be- 
 stow on him this appellation, against which 
 he continued to protest; not that he dis- 
 avowed the conformity of his opinions with 
 
 B Mosh. b. c. § 16. 
 
141 
 
 those of Luther, but because he had de- 
 rived his from the scriptures long before he 
 was acquainted with the writings of the 
 German reformer. His adversaries how- 
 ever wished to render him odious; and the 
 best means of accomplishing it, was to assi- 
 milate him to a man already excommuni- 
 cated by the Holy Father. They seized 
 the advantage afforded them by his bold 
 step above mentioned. The churches re- 
 sounded with the names of Lutheran and 
 heretic, and the monks especially employed 
 all their eloquence in decrying the new 
 doctrine, both in their confessionals and 
 from the pulpits. Fresh controversies 
 arose every day between the two parties; 
 some persons went so far as to interrupt 
 the preachers in the churches; and per- 
 sonal abuse envenomed the dispute. 
 
 General edification was gradually im- 
 paired; the essential doctrines of Chris- 
 tianity, and especially its moral precepts, 
 were neglected; and attention was almost 
 exclusively occupied with objects unwor- 
 thy of the importance attached to them. 
 Zwingle himself and his partisans, though 
 
142 
 
 persuaded of the inutility of these disputes, 
 could not always avoid them. The multi- 
 tude, incapable of judging of the founda- 
 tion of the debate, were perpetually tossed 
 about between different opinions, and could 
 rest in none; and at the same time they 
 were scandalised to witness such animosi- 
 ties among men who all called themselves 
 ministers of the same religion, and disciples 
 of the same master. 
 
 It was to be feared that the people 
 would insensibly lose all confidence in their 
 spiritual guides, and that their respect for 
 religion itself would sustain a fatal blow. 
 This consideration did not escape Zwingle, 
 and it filled him with the keenest anxiety, 
 but what remedy could be found that was 
 not more dangerous than the evil itself? 
 Ought he to be silent from a love of 
 peace? Ought he to give way to his adver- 
 saries and leave them time to fix again 
 what he had succeeded in shaking? By 
 acting thus, he would have thought that 
 he was betraying the truth, and failing in 
 the sacred duties of his ministry. But 
 ought he not, in obedience to the exhor- 
 
143 
 
 cations of his bishop, to keep silence re- 
 specting every thing that might become a 
 subject of quarrel, and quietly await the 
 convocation of a general couucil? This part 
 appeared the best to those mIio were per- 
 suaded that the Holy Spirit directs the re- 
 solutions of a general assembly of the 
 clergy, or who believed,, at least, that a 
 meeting composed of the most illustrious 
 and enlightened members of the church, 
 would set truth in so clear a light as to con- 
 found the incredulous. Zwingle adopted 
 neither of these opinions ; he was too well 
 versed in ecclesiastical history not to know 
 that it was often the passions which dic- 
 tated the decisions of councils; and that, 
 still oftener, the science of theologians 
 when united in a body, had embroiled what 
 the simple good' sense of each individual 
 would have disentangled without difficulty. 
 The recent conduct of the councils of Con- 
 stance and Basil, likewise inspired him with 
 a well-founded distrust. The first had 
 laid it down as a principle, that faith was 
 not necessary to be observed with heretics, 
 
 8 Bzov. A.C. 14, 15. § 4. 
 
144 
 
 and had condemned to the stake John 
 Huss and Jerome of Prague, whose great 
 crime had been declaiming against the vices 
 of the clergy. The second, being conti- 
 nually divided and thwarted by the in- 
 trigues of the court of Rome, had fulfilled 
 none of its promises, and employed itself 
 during seventeen years in minute and use- 
 less regulations. The past gave an indica- 
 tion of what was to be expected from the 
 future. It was indeed to be presumed that 
 a council convoked by the pope, and in 
 which his legates were to preside, would 
 not suffer the slightest discussion of the 
 prerogatives of the Holy See ; that it would 
 confine itself to pronouncing all new opi- 
 nions heretical, without listening to their 
 justification; and that it would never admit 
 the principle, that the scripture is the only 
 absolute authority in matters of faith. These 
 were no doubt the considerations which 
 induced Zwingle to take other means to 
 put an end to the violent disputes that 
 were daily renewed in all the churches of 
 "Zurich, and to bring on the changes for 
 which he had prepared the public mind. 
 
145 
 
 In the beginning of the year 1523, 
 Zwingle appeared before the great council, 
 and solicited a public colloquy, in which he 
 might render an account of his doctrine in 
 presence of the deputies of the bishop of 
 Constance. He promised to retract if he 
 were proved to be in an error; but he de- 
 sired the special protection of the govern- 
 ment in case he should succeed in reducing 
 his adversaries to silence. In conformity 
 with this request of the reformer, the 
 council a few days afterwards addressed the 
 following circular letter to the ecclesiastics 
 of their Canton. " Great discord prevails 
 among the ministers employed to announce 
 the word of God to the people : some affirm 
 that they teach the gospel in all its purity, 
 and accuse their adversaries of bad faith 
 and ignorance, while the others, in their 
 turn, talk continually of false doctors, sedu- 
 cers, and heretics. In the meantime, the 
 heads of the church, to which these matters 
 belong, are either silent, or exhaust them- 
 selves in fruitless exhortations. It is there- 
 fore necessary that ourselves should take 
 
 L 
 
146' 
 
 care of our subjects, and put an end to the 
 disputes that divide them. For this pur- 
 pose, we order all the members of our cle- 
 rical body to appear at our town hall, the 
 day after the festival of Charlemagne; and 
 there we will that every one be free pub- 
 licly to point out the doctrines which he 
 considers as heretical, and to combat them 
 with the Gospel in his hand. Ourselves 
 will be present at this assembly, and give 
 all our attention to what is said on both 
 sides; and being thus enlightened by the 
 knowledge of our principal theologians and 
 preachers, with the assistance of God we 
 will take measures which may put an end 
 to this scandal. If afterwards, any one 
 shall refuse to submit himself to the laws 
 which a regard for public order may dic- 
 tate to us, without supporting his refusal 
 by the word of God, we shall find ourselves 
 under the necessity of proceeding against 
 him, from which we would gladly be ex- 
 cused. In conclusion, we hope that the 
 Almighty will deign to guide us in our 
 judgments, and assist us to discover the 
 
147 
 
 truth," Given in the month of January 
 1523. p As soon as this decree was known, 
 Zwingle published seventy-six articles, the 
 discussion of which was to form the subject 
 of the colloquy. We shall content our- 
 selves with citing those that were most 
 adverse to the prevailing opinions. 
 
 " It is an error to assert that the gospel 
 is nothing without the approbation of the 
 church; it is also an error to esteem other 
 instructions equally with those contained 
 in the gospel. — The traditions by which 
 the clergy justify their pomp, their riches, 
 honours and dignities, are the cause of the 
 divisions of the church. — The gospel 
 teaches us that the observances enjoined 
 hymen do not avail to salvation. — The mass 
 is not a sacrifice, out the commemoration 
 of the sacrifice of Jesus Christ. — Excom- 
 munication ought only to take place for 
 public scandals, and it ought to be pro- 
 nounced by the church of which the sinner 
 
 p Bull. Schw. Chr. T. ill. The council begged the 
 bishop of Constance to assist at this colloquy, either in 
 person or by his deputies. Zuinglii Op. T. i. f. 1. e* 
 seq. 
 
 l2 
 
14S 
 
 is a member. — The power arrogated to 
 themselves by the pope and the bishops is 
 not founded on scripture. — The jurisdic- 
 tion possessed by the clergy belongs to the 
 secular magistrates, to whom all christians 
 ought to submit themselves. — God has not 
 forbidden marriage to any class of chris- 
 tians; therefore it is wrong to interdict it 
 to priests, whose celibacry has become the 
 cause of great licentiousness of manners. — 
 Confession made to a priest ought to be 
 considered as an examination of the con- 
 science, and not as an act which can deserve 
 absolution. — To give absolution for money, 
 is to become guilty of simony. — Holy writ 
 says nothing of purgatory; God alone 
 knows the judgment that he reserves for 
 the dead; since he has not been pleased to 
 reveal it to us, we ought to refrain from 
 all indiscreet conjectures. — No person 
 ought to be molested for his opinions; it is 
 for the magistrate to stop the progress of 
 those which tend to disturb the public 
 tranquillity.'" 1 
 
 On the day fixed for the colloquy, the 
 
 •5 Zuing. Op. T. il f. 60/. et seq. 
 
149 
 
 ecclesiastics of the Canton repaired to the 
 town hall, where were assembled the coun- 
 cil of two hundred, and a great number of 
 spectators of every condition. The bishop 
 of Constance was represented in the meet- 
 ing by the chevalier d'Anweil, intendant 
 of his household, and by Faber his grand 
 vicar, accompanied by several theologians. 
 The burgomaster of Zurich opened the 
 sitting, by reciting the motives which had 
 induced the council to convoke this as- 
 sembly; he exhorted all those who believed 
 themselves qualified to convict Zwingle of 
 heresy, to unfold their sentiments without 
 fear. After him, the bishop's intendant, 
 his grand vicar, and Zwingle, spoke in suc- 
 cession. The latter was urgent to have his 
 opinions subjected to a severe examination; 
 but the grand vicar avoided complying 
 with his demand, and confined himself to 
 general reflexions on the necessity of union 
 in the church. The adversaries of Zwingle. 
 so prompt to accuse and defame him in 
 secret, preserved an obstinate silence, 
 either because they did not feel in them- 
 selves the talent necessary to oppose him 
 
150 
 
 with advantage, or because they thought 
 they perceived the dispositions of the au- 
 dience to be too favourable to the reformer. 
 The colloquy Avas likely to have concluded 
 without the discussion of any important 
 questions, when an incident at length 
 brought on the debate. Some parish priests 
 complained of the illegal arrest of one of 
 their colleagues, who had been carried to 
 Constance and detained in prison, on ac- 
 count of his opinions relative to the invo- 
 cation of saints and of the Virgin. The 
 grand vicar rose to justify the conduct of 
 his bishop on this occasion; he then added, 
 that he himself, after several conversations 
 with the priest, had brought him to confess 
 and retract his error. At these words 
 Zwingle stopped him : this was one of the 
 articles to which the reformer was desirous 
 of drawing the attention of the synod; and 
 he begged that the grand vicar would im- 
 part to him the reasons which he had em- 
 ployed to convince his prisoner. 
 
 The grand vicar perceived too late that 
 he had committed an imprudence in ad- 
 vancing an assertion which he ought to 
 
151 
 
 iiave foreseen that Zwingle would not 
 admit without proof; accordingly, instead 
 of giving: a direct answer, he eluded the 
 question by a long discourse on the heresies 
 of the early ages, on the efforts made by 
 popes and councils to stifle them, and on 
 the temerity of some turbulent men who 
 sought to renew ancient disputes. " If it 
 be allowable," said he, " to overturn doc- 
 trines established by councils which the 
 Holy Spirit directed; and to accuse the 
 fathers of the church and our ancestors, 
 of having; lived in error during- a long 1 
 succession of ages, what would be the 
 consequences of such boldness? In matters 
 of faith it is necessary that the whole 
 church should agree, and that is the reason 
 why things Avhich concern the whole 
 church, ought not to be treated of before 
 a particular and not numerous synod, but 
 referred to a general council which ought 
 to be implictly obeyed. As to those who 
 refer to the scriptures in the three lan- 
 guages, I reply, that it is not sufficient to 
 quote the sacred writings, it is also neces- 
 sary thoroughly to understand them. NoWj 
 
153 
 
 the gift of interpretation is a precious one, 
 which God does not grant to all. I do 
 not boast of possessing it; I am ignorant 
 of Hebrew; I know little of Greek, and 
 though I am sufficiently versed in Latin, I 
 do not give myself out for an able orator. 
 Far be from me the presumption of erect- 
 ing myself into a judge in questions where 
 salvation is concerned; these, I repeat it, 
 only a general council can decide, I shall 
 submit to its decisions without murmuring, 
 and perhaps it would become all present to 
 show the same submission." 
 
 Zwingle was not satisfied with this eva- 
 sive answer; he pressed the grand vicar 
 to point out to him those passages of scrip- 
 ture by which he could pretend to support 
 the invocation of saints and of the Virgin; 
 but in vain. He could obtain nothing of 
 him and the theologians who accompanied 
 him, but quotations from St. Jerome, the 
 canon of the mass, St. Gregory's litanies, 
 and references to the miracles daily per- 
 formed by the saints. These arguments 
 were not of a nature to satisfy the reformer. 
 " The fathers of the church," said he, " can- 
 
153 
 
 not be regarded as unerring guides, since 
 they are often not agreed among them- 
 selves ; witness St. Jerome and St. Augustin, 
 who had very different opinions on impor- 
 tant points, The canon of the mass was 
 composed by different popes and bishops 
 who were not infallible; the litanies of St. 
 Gregory prove that the saints were in- 
 voked in the time of that pontiff, but not 
 that their invocation was founded on 
 scripture. As to the miracles attributed 
 to the intercession of the Virgin and the 
 saints, if the facts quoted really took place, 
 we cannot judge whether or not they were 
 owing to that intercession."' 
 
 " You would have me submit," con- 
 cluded Zwingle, " to the decisions of the 
 church, because, as you say, it cannot err. 
 If by the church you understand the popes 
 with their cardinals, how dare you assert 
 that it cannot err? Can you deny that in 
 the number of the popes there have been 
 several who have lived in licentiousness, 
 and given themselves up to all the furies 
 of ambition, hatred, and revenue; who. in 
 
154 
 
 •order to aggrandize their temporal power, 
 have not scrupled to stir up subjects'.against 
 their lawful sovereigns? And how can I 
 believe that the Holy Spirit could have en- 
 lightened men whose conduct appeared to 
 brave the injunctions of Jesus Christ? 
 
 " If by the church you understand the 
 councils, you forget how often these coun- 
 cils have accused each other of bad faith 
 and of heresy. Certainly there is a church 
 that cannot err, and which is directed by 
 the Holy Spirit. It is composed of all true 
 believers, united in the bonds of faith and 
 charity: but this church is only visible to 
 the eyes of its divine founder, who alone 
 knoweth his own. It does not assemble 
 with pomp, it does not dictate its decrees 
 in the manner of the kings of the earth; it 
 has no temporal reign; it seeks neither 
 honours nor domination: to fulfil the will 
 of God is the only care by which it is 
 occupied." 
 
 This discourse of Zwingle gave rise to 
 keen contests, and in the heat of dispute 
 the main question was more than once 
 
lost sight of. The reformer persisted in 
 refusing to admit any other proofs than 
 such as Avere drawn from scripture; while 
 his adversary wished to choose them 
 from the decisions of councils. Neither 
 party would yield to the other; but at 
 length, the grand vicar and his colleagues, 
 finding that arguments failed them, and 
 discouraged by the signs of approbation 
 bestowed on Zwingle by the assembly, 
 became silent. The burgomaster dissolved 
 the meeting, and the council alone remained 
 assembled. This body thought itself suf- 
 ficiently enlightened on the subject of the 
 colloquy, and after a short deliberation 
 ordered: " that Zwingle, having neithei 
 been convicted of heresy, nor refuted,, 
 should continue to preach the gospel as he 
 had done heretofore; that the pastors of 
 Zurich and its territory should rest their 
 discourses on the words of scripture alone, 
 and that both parties should abstain from 
 ail personal reflections. "' 
 
 On the evening of the same day, the 
 clergy were again convoked,, to hear the 
 decree of the moraine;. After it had been 
 
156 
 
 read to them, Z\v ingle thanked the Council 
 for its fatherlv care for the e;ood of the 
 church The grand vicar then rose, and 
 complained that so important an affair had 
 been decided with such precipitation; he 
 asserted that his objections, had not been 
 answered, and offered to take for arbitrators 
 the doctors of any university that it should 
 please the council to mention. Zwingle 
 rejected this offer, and would only refer 
 the matter to scripture; but the grand vicar 
 having represented to him that as the same 
 passage was often susceptible of two inter- 
 pretations, a judge was necessary to decide 
 between them; " the scripture," replied 
 Zwingle, " explains itself, and has no need 
 of an interpreter. If men understand it 
 ill, it is because they read it amiss. It is 
 always consistent with itself, and the Spirit 
 of God acts by it so strongly, that all 
 readers may find the truth there, provided 
 they seek it with a sincere and humble 
 heart. Thanks to the invention of print- 
 ing:, the sacred books are now within the 
 reach of all christians; and I exhort the 
 ecclesiastics here assembled, to study them 
 
157 
 
 unremittingly. They will there learn to 
 preach Christianity such as it was trans- 
 mitted to us by the evangelists and apostles. 
 As to the fathers of the church, I do not 
 blame persons for reading and quoting them 
 in the pulpit, provided it be where they are 
 conformable to scripture, and provided 
 they be not considered as infallible autho- 
 rity." This answer of Zwingle's only irri- 
 tated the grand vicar, and gave rise to some 
 altercations foreign from the real question, 
 after which the assembly separated.* 1 
 
 Thus ended the first colloquy, the 
 effect of which was answerable to the 
 wishes of Zwingle. He had not flattered 
 himself with the idea of converting his ad- 
 versaries in the space of a few hours ; but 
 had been desirous of procuring an oppor- 
 tunity of unfolding his opinions in presence 
 of the clergy of Zurich, and he took advan- 
 
 •» Fuessli Beytr. zu der Ref. Gesch. der Schweitz. T. ii. 
 p. 81. et seq. — After the works of Zwingle, are given the 
 acts of this colloquy, translated into Latin. The work of 
 Fuessli contains an account of the same colloquy, given by 
 a zealous catholic, secretary of state to the city of Lucern, 
 who was present. 
 
158 
 
 tage of the few objections brought against 
 him to lay clown some important principles. 
 His simplicity, firmness and gentleness, in- 
 spired his audience with great veneration ; 
 his eloquence and knowledge carried away 
 those who were hesitating between the two 
 parties; and the silence of his adversaries, 
 being regarded as a tacit proof of their 
 weakness, served his cause almost as much 
 as his own arguments. From this time, 
 the partisans of reform multiplied rapidly 
 in all classes of society. Zwingle derived 
 a further advantage from this colloquy. 
 Hitherto he had had no support but him- 
 self; his reputation was his strength ; but 
 it could not alone have upheld him against 
 the censures of his bishop, and the attacks 
 of colleagues, invested as well as himself 
 with a sacred character. Now his govern- 
 ment had taken him under its protection, 
 and authorized him to complete the work 
 that he had begun. What he was about to 
 undertake, could no longer therefore be re- 
 garded as the illegal innovation of a mere 
 private man, but as the preliminaries of a 
 reform directed and authorized by the se- 
 
159 
 
 cular power. The relation between the 
 clergy of Zurich and the bishop of Con- 
 stance was destroyed; and at Zwingle's in- 
 stigation, the council had put itself in the 
 place of the bishop. 
 
 The Swiss reformer has been more than 
 once accused, not only by Roman Catho- 
 lics, but also by protestants, of having 
 allowed too much authority to the secular 
 power in ecclesiastical matters. But it 
 does not appear from any of the works of 
 Zwingle, that it was his intention to trans- 
 fer to governments the absolute power over 
 consciences which the popes had arrogated 
 to themselves; he only thought that the 
 depositaries of lawful power, being more 
 interested than any one else in the preser- 
 vation of the order and tranquillity of the 
 state, ought to have a share in the direction 
 of ecclesiastical affairs. The following are 
 some of the ideas on this subject found 
 scattered through his different works. 
 
 " No human power can command con- 
 viction; therefore neither popes nor coun- 
 cils have a right to prescribe to Christen- 
 dom what ought to be believed : the scrip- 
 
160 
 
 ture alone is the common law of all 
 christians. If any dispute arises about a 
 doctrine or an object of worship, it is for 
 each church in particular to examine on 
 which side reason and the word of God are 
 found, and to choose which it will embrace. 
 In a well-organised society nothing ought 
 to be done without the participation of 
 government; it is therefore for it to direct 
 the reforms that may be desired by the 
 members of the church; to prevent any 
 individual from endeavouring at changes 
 on his own private authority, and to restrain 
 those who, under pretext of reform, are de- 
 sirous of disturbing the public peace. To 
 avoid the inconveniences attached to the 
 deliberations of a numerous assembly, it is 
 prudent to intrust the government with the 
 care of ascertaining the wish of the com- 
 munity on what concerns religion. But, 
 in this case, the government is only the 
 organ through which the church manifests 
 its assent or opposition, and not a judge 
 who may decide on what is true or false. — 
 It is at once contrary to the gospel and to 
 reason, to employ violent measures to ex- 
 
161 
 
 tort a confession of faith contrary to con- 
 science. Reason and persuasion are the 
 arms that a christian ought to employ; if 
 they he insufficient,' we must be content to 
 expect the conversion of those who are 
 still in error from time and the force of 
 truth. When a religious sect professes 
 opinions injurious to society, then, and 
 then only, the magistrate may use his power 
 to prevent or punish disorders.*'" 
 
 Zwingle never departed from these 
 principles in whatever situations he found 
 himself placed between the partisans of the 
 ancient faith, and the zealots of his own 
 party. 
 
 Notwithstanding the success of the 
 reformer in the colloquy of the 29th of 
 January, he was not in haste to promote 
 alterations. No innovation was made in 
 worship; mass continued to be said, and 
 the churches remained in the same state, 
 but more sermons were delivered for the 
 instruction of the people. Zwingle devoted 
 himself to preaching with indefatigable 
 zeal, and he was assisted in the work by 
 
 r Zuinglii Op. T. i. and ii. 
 M 
 
162 
 
 two of his colleagues, one of whom was 
 Leo Jude, with whom he had contracted a 
 great intimacy at Einsiedeln. 
 
 While Zwino-le was enlightening his 
 auditors peaceably and without precipi- 
 tation, other partisans of the reformation, 
 impatient of his slowness, were endeavour- 
 ing to attain their end more speedily. 
 They published a work at Zurich full of 
 vehement declamation, entitled " The Judg- 
 ment of God against Images/' in which 
 the worship paid to them was represented 
 as real idolatry/ This was enough to in- 
 spire several ardent spirits with the desire 
 of purging the city of these pretended 
 idols. Some of the lower class, having at 
 their head an artisan named Nicholas 
 Hottinger, assembled and pulled down a 
 crucifix erected at the gate of the city/ 
 This arbitrary act excited a great commo- 
 tion : as soon as the council had news of it, 
 they caused the culprits to be arrested; but 
 when sentence was to be pronounced upon 
 them, opinions were divided. What some 
 
 ■ Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. H. 
 1 Bull. 1. c. 
 
163 
 
 regarded as a crime worthy of death, ap* 
 peared to others the error of an inconside* 
 rate zeal which ought to be repressed by a 
 slight correction. During the debates upon 
 this sentence, Zwingle maintained in public, 
 that the law of Moses expressly forbade 
 images intended to be the objects of reli- 
 gious worship, and that the prohibition 
 given to the Israelites was binding also 
 upon christians, since it had not been re- 
 voked by the gospel. He thence con- 
 cluded, that those who had pulled down the 
 crucifix could not be accused of sacrilege; 
 but he pronounced them deserving of pu- 
 nishment for having allowed themselves to 
 take such a step without the authority of 
 the magistrate. 
 
 This language augmented the embar- 
 rassment of the council; they felt a great 
 deference for the opinion of Zwingle; but 
 they were fearful of irritating the Cantons 
 their allies, who were carefully watching 
 their conduct, and were but too much dis- 
 posed to reproach Zurich with the protec- 
 tion that she granted to heresy. It was, 
 besides, become impossible to hold the ba- 
 m 2 
 
 
164 
 
 lance even between the two parties; it was 
 necessary for the council either to punish 
 the iconoclasts with severity, or publicly to 
 declare themselves in their favour. Previ- 
 ously to pronouncing their decision, the 
 council ordered another colloquy for the 
 purpose of examining particularly, " whe- 
 ther the worship of images was authorised 
 by the gospel, and whether the mass ought 
 to be preserved or abolished." 
 
 The senate in its decree, stated the mo- 
 tives and object of the second colloquy ; 
 they summoned to it the clergy of the 
 territory of Zurich, as well as all persons, 
 whether ecclesiastics or laymen, who should 
 be desirous of discussing the questions pro- 
 posed. They invited also the bishops of 
 Constance, Coire, and Basil, the university 
 of the latter city, and the other Cantons, 
 to send their deputies; but the towns of 
 Schaffhaussen and St. Gall were the only 
 ones that accepted the invitation. 'J he 
 prelates, ecclesiastics, and theologians of 
 the Canton, as well as many laity, assem- 
 bled on the day appointed, October 28, 1523, 
 ro the number of above ,900. Two deputies 
 
\G5 
 
 of St. Gall, and one of Schaffhausen were 
 named presidents, and charged by the 
 council to take care that the prescribed 
 conditions were observed. Zwingle and 
 Leo Judewere to answer all who defended 
 the worship of images and the mass as a 
 sacrifice. We shall not enter into the par- 
 ticulars of this second colloquy; suffice it 
 to say that the victory of the two reformers 
 was not disputed, their real adversaries 
 still remaining silent, though they had 
 been addressed by name. The prior of the 
 Augustines, a famous preacher and much 
 attached to the ancient orthodoxy, con- 
 fessed that he could not refute the theses 
 of Zwingle unless he were allowed to have 
 recourse to the canon law. The colloquy 
 lasted three days; the reformers had time 
 sufficient to explain their opinions, and 
 succeeded in imparting them to the ma- 
 jority of the assembly ; but notwithstanding 
 the general approbation that they obtained, 
 the council would come to no determinate 
 resolution. They dismissed the clergy 
 with thanks for the readiness they had 
 shown in obeying their summons, and re- 
 
166 
 
 served it to themselves to ordain at a future 
 time what they should judge proper." 
 
 Many persons profitted by this delay to 
 beg of the council the pardon of the cul- 
 prits. Their long imprisonment appeared a 
 sufficient punishment, and they were there- 
 fore set at liberty; but Hottinger, the 
 principal instigator of the commotion, was 
 banished for two years from the Canton of 
 Zurich. This slight punishment became 
 fatal to the unfortunate man. He repaired 
 
 u Bull. ]. c. — Fuessli Beytr. zu der Ref. Gesch. tier 
 Schwekz. T. iii. p. 1 . et seq. Zuinglii Op. — In the first and 
 second colloquies, the celibacy of the priests was mention- 
 ed. Zwingle exerted himself to demonstrate its inconve- 
 niences, and to prove that the gospel permitted marriage 
 to churchmen. The council avoided pronouncing on this 
 question, and even afterwards it never issued either a per- 
 mission or express prohibition. The arguments of the 
 reformer however produced a great effect ; several eccle- 
 siastics married on their own authority, and no one thought 
 of contesting the validity of their marriage. Zwingle 
 himself, at the age of forty, married the widow of a very 
 respectable magistrate. The offspring of this connection, 
 which the premature death of the reformer dissolved a 
 few years afterwards, was a son who followed in the career 
 of his father, and occupied one of the first stations in the 
 «hurch of his country. 
 
167 
 
 to the county of Baden, x where lie lived by 
 the labour of his hands, neither seeking 
 nor avoiding occasions of speaking of his 
 religious opinions. He was soon denounced 
 to the grand bailiff as having contravened 
 an ordinance of the sovereign power, which 
 forbade all discussions respecting religion. 
 The grand bailiff, who was zealously ortho- 
 dox, caused him to be immediately arrested, 
 and diligently collected all the depositions 
 against him. When questioned upon his 
 religious faith, Hottinger did not conceal 
 his thorough conviction, that the adora- 
 tion of images and the invocation of 
 saints was contrary to the word of God. 
 This confession appeared sufficient in the 
 eves of his judges to justify a sentence 
 of death; but the tribunal at Baden not 
 daring to pronounce so severe a judgment, 
 the grand bailiff' sent his prisoner to 
 Lucern, where the deputies of seven Can- 
 tons condemned him to be beheaded, not- 
 
 * A Swiss bailliage, the sovereignty of which be- 
 longed in common to the eight first Cantons, each of 
 which sent in turn a grand bailiff to govern it. 
 
168 
 
 withstanding the urgent intercession of the 
 senate of Zurich. 
 
 The conduct of Hettinger reminds us 
 of that of the ancient martyrs. The tran- 
 quillity and courage which he showed in 
 prison, before his judges, and on his way 
 to the scaffold, place him in the same rank 
 with the first christians. On the place of 
 execution he addressed himself to the de- 
 puties of the Cantons; he conjured them 
 to remain in unity with their brethren of 
 Zurich, and not to oppose the reform that 
 they were about to undertake, for which 
 they saw him die rejoicing. He then im- 
 plored the mercy of God in favour of his 
 judges, and begged them to open their eyes 
 to the truth. Afterwards he turned towards 
 the people, and said: " If I have offended 
 any one among you, let him forgive me as 
 I have forgiven my enemies. Pray to God 
 to support my faith to the last moment: 
 when I shall have undergone my punish- 
 ment, your prayers will be useless to me." y 
 
 y Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. J. Hott. H. E. T. ix. p. 
 176. et seq. 
 
169 
 
 Hottinger was the first in Switzerland 
 who died for the cause of reformation; his 
 resignation appeared to some the extreme 
 of obduracy, to others a sublime firm* 
 ness. The council of Zurich could not 
 pardon its allies the irregularity of this 
 proceeding, which had been completed 
 without regard to its protest; and the par- 
 tisans of the reformation deeply resented 
 the condemnation of a man whose opinions 
 were their own. 2 
 
 z The death of Hottinger did not alarm Zwingle. 
 At this very period, he wrote for his colleagues an abstract 
 of evangelical doctrine, which was to serve them as a 
 guide in their preaching. It contains the following pas- 
 sage, which proves how faithful Zwingle was to his du- 
 ties as a subject. " There are men," says he, "who 
 under pretext of evangelical liberty, are desirous of with- 
 drawing themselves from established power: in order to 
 refute them, it is sufficient to quote the numerous pas- 
 sages of the Old and New Testament, which order us to 
 obey the magistrate who is girded with the sword of jus- 
 tice. The same may be said of those who refuse to pay 
 their debts, and tithes, and the census; for the gospel 
 condemns us, since it orders us to give every one what is 
 his due ; and the impiety of the pretext of which they 
 make use to justify their covetousness or their bad faith, 
 renders them still more guilty." Zuinglii O. T. i. f. 264. 
 
170 
 
 Although the issue of the second collo- 
 quy had been favourable to Zwingle, the 
 council of Zurich adjourned its decision 
 upon the changes to be introduced in wor- 
 ship, till the next year. During this in- 
 terval, it addressed itself to the bishops of 
 Constance, Coire, and Basil, to beg them to 
 communicate to it the objections that their 
 theologians might have to make against 
 the opinions of Zwingle. The bishop of 
 Constance alone sent to the council an 
 apology for the mass and the use of images, 
 in which he laboured to refute the accusa- 
 tion of idolatry brought by the reformers 
 against the church of Home. He made a 
 distinction between idols which represent 
 false Gods, and images of saints who have 
 lived on earth, and who since their death 
 have been received into heaven. He main- 
 tained that the homage paid to the latter 
 has nothing criminal in it, but serves, on 
 the contrary, to nourish devotion and 
 piety. 3 
 
 This writing of the bishop's made little 
 impression on the council, who found in it 
 
 a Hott. Helv. Kirch, iii. p. 1/3. 
 
171 
 
 no new arguments: they however commis- 
 sioned Zwingle to reply to it, and we shall 
 quote some passages from his answer. 
 
 " The law of Moses is express with re- 
 gard to images, and has not been abolished 
 by the gospel. It not only forbids the 
 adoration of any other gods than the Eter- 
 nal, it also forbids the making of anv like- 
 ness of any thing which is in heaven above, 
 or in earth beneath, or in the waters 
 that are under the earth; and this prohibi- 
 tion is applicable to images of all kinds, 
 which are used for worship. The absurd 
 impieties of idolaters, and the abuses intro- 
 duced among christians, sufficiently prove 
 the wisdom of this law. He who first 
 placed the statue of a holy man in a temple, 
 had certainly no other intention than to 
 offer him as an object of imitation to the 
 faithful; but men did not stop there. The 
 saints were soon surrounded with a pomp 
 which impressed the imagination of the 
 people; they were transformed into divi- 
 nities, and honoured as the pagans honoured 
 their Gods. Their names are given to 
 temples and altars, and chapels are conse- 
 
172 
 
 crated to them in woods, in fields, and upon 
 mountains. How many men in the hour of 
 trouble, or at the approach of danger, in- 
 stead of invoking the Omnipotent, call 
 upon men who have been dead for ages, 
 whose virtues have certainly placed them 
 in the mansions of the blessed, but who can 
 neither hear nor succour us! How many 
 christians, instead of having recourse to the 
 mercy of the Redeemer, expect salvation 
 from some saint, the object of their super- 
 stitious devotion! There are even some who 
 attribute supernatural virtues to these 
 images. In order to enhance the venera- 
 tion for them, they are sometimes kept 
 concealed, and sometimes brought forth in 
 pompous processions. Men consult them 
 to learn the future; and to such a degree 
 is the credulity of the vulgar abused, 
 that they are made to believe that these 
 inanimate statues have uttered words, shed 
 tears, and given commands. Look at the 
 votive tablets that cover the walls of our 
 temples; is there one which testifies the 
 gratitude of a christian towards God, the 
 dispenser of all good, or Jesus Christ the 
 
173 
 
 Saviour of the world? No, it is to men whose 
 condition on earth was similar to our own, 
 that they attribute the miraculous cure of 
 a disease, or unexpected succour in the 
 hour of danger, or a wise resolution taken 
 in some important circumstance of life. Is 
 this true piety? To persuade the credulous 
 that offerings made to saints can excuse 
 the christian from the imitation of their 
 virtues, and expiate sins, is this nourishing 
 a salutary devotion? Ah no! believe me: 
 such superstitious worship only serves to 
 enrich those who patronise it; if you would 
 honour the saints, honour them, not by 
 addressing prayers to them which belong 
 to God alone, not by lavishing upon them 
 offerings of which they have no need, but 
 by following their example, and by de- 
 voting, like them, your possessions to the 
 poor." b 
 
 Though this question only related to 
 worship, it appeared to Zwingle of great 
 importance. He regarded the doctrine of 
 the invocation of saints as a dangerous 
 instrument in the hands of the least respect- 
 
 h Zuinglii Op. T. i. f. 129 
 
174 
 
 able part of the clergy, and he judged it im- 
 possible to overcome the false ideas of the 
 people, unless the objects of their supersti- 
 tion were removed from their sight: he 
 therefore laboured to procure their banish- 
 ment, and succeeded. 
 
 The Reformed of our days still pre- 
 serve the severe simplicity introduced by 
 Zwingle into their worship. c The only 
 decoration of their churches consists of a 
 few texts of scripture inscribed on the 
 walls, which invite to serious meditation: 
 nothing is there to strike the senses, or 
 divert the soul from the contemplation of 
 its maker. The Eternal alone fills these 
 temples with his invisible majesty, and 
 shares not his dominion with mortal man. 
 Every thing announces a deity whose na- 
 ture has nothing earthly. This simplicity 
 has been often blamed, and has found de- 
 tractors even in the bosom of the protec- 
 tant church. Some great writers have 
 
 c A perfect conformity in this respect, prevails be- 
 tween the churches founded by Cabin, and those by 
 Zwingle ; but it is important to observe that the latter 
 was born ^twenty-three years before Cabin. 
 
J 75 
 
 taken pleasure in adorning the ceremonies 
 of Roman Catholic worship with the charms 
 of eloquence and poetry. They have 
 painted in the most seductive colours, 
 sometimes the magnificence of temples, 
 decorated with the masterpieces of all the 
 arts; sometimes the august spectacle of a 
 venerable pontiff, surrounded with all the 
 splendor of royalty, and by his prayers call- 
 ing down the favour of heaven on an im- 
 mense multitude prostrate at his feet; 
 sometimes the interesting festival of the 
 patron saint of a village, celebrated under 
 the roof of a rustic church : and they have 
 thus endeavoured to prove that in order to 
 act powerfully on the heart of man, religion 
 must speak to the senses. But the advan- 
 tages of such a medium may well be doubted. 
 In minds naturally inclined to devotion, 
 the pomp of worship heightens still more 
 the sentiment of piety, because every thing 
 recalls to them the feelings which occupy 
 their lives, and because they discover in 
 every ceremony a deep meaning ; but an or- 
 dinary man does not experience the same 
 effect; his eyes only are struck with what 
 
176 
 
 he sees, his ears with what he hears; his 
 heart is not touched, his mind is not en- 
 lightened, and he becomes accustomed to 
 place all his religion in externals. Can it 
 be said that it is necessary to present ob- 
 jects to the veneration of the people which 
 may serve as steps to enable them to raise 
 their thoughts to the deity? Surely the 
 christian religion, such as it was taught by 
 its divine founder, sufficiently provides 
 for the wants of our weakness by showing 
 us a mediator between God and men, united 
 to God by his eternal nature, and assimilated 
 to men by the mortal form which he as- 
 sumed among them. In him, the wise man 
 contemplates the whole splendour of deity; 
 while the weak is encouraged by a human 
 appearance, and can comprehend and love 
 a Saviour who has experienced the pains and' 
 endearments of life; who binds earth to 
 heaven, and time to eternity. 
 
 The work of Zwingle on the mass and 
 on images, at length determined the council 
 to undertake the reformation of worship. 
 In the beginning of the year 1524, it per- 
 mitted persons to withdraw from the 
 
177 
 
 churches the pictures and statues conse- 
 crated by themselves or their ancestors, 
 and some time after, a positive order was 
 given for their removal. Two magistrates 
 visited all the churches of the city to cause 
 the remaining ornaments to be taken away, 
 and in a few days they were entirely 
 stripped of their ancient decorations, with- 
 out any disturbance resulting from the 
 measure. Some fanatics had indeed pre- 
 dicted that the statues would return of 
 themselves to their former places; but this 
 prediction not being accomplished, the 
 images lost all their credit. d The govern- 
 ment at first caused all the ornaments re- 
 moved from the churches to be collected 
 and placed in one of its halls, intending 
 to preserve them ; but a blind zeal soon in- 
 volved them all in the same proscription. 
 The pictures were burned, and the statues 
 broken, to prevent their ever becoming 
 again the objects of superstitious worship; 
 and a great number of monuments were 
 thus destroyed, the loss of which the re- 
 
 '' Hott. Helv. Kirch. T. iii. p. 179. 
 
178 
 
 formers themselves regretted. e Without 
 imposing it as a law on the muncipalities 
 of the Canton, the council authorised the 
 removal of the images from the churches 
 if it were the wish of the majority; and 
 the example of the capital was generally 
 followed/ 
 
 This first innovation excited great dis- 
 content in the other Cantons. Facts were 
 distorted; the people of Zurich were ac- 
 cused of having insulted the objects of the 
 veneration of christians; and Zwingle was 
 treated by the monks as guilty of impiety. 
 In several diets assembled unknown to the 
 senate of Zurich, the deputies of the Can- 
 tons engaged never to permit the establish- 
 ment of the new doctrine in Switzerland. 
 The council demanded explanations on this 
 subject from the confederates, but received 
 only vague assurances of friendship which 
 did not tranquillize it; and foreseeing that 
 it might find itself under the necessity of 
 defending the reformation by force of arms,. 
 
 e \V. Steiner. Hist. Reform. 
 f Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. G. 
 
179 
 
 it was desirous of knowing whether the 
 fidelity of its subjects could be depended 
 on. The council therefore informed them, 
 by a proclamation, of the reasons of com- 
 plaint given it by the allies; exhorting 
 them not to desert a cause in which the 
 salvation of their souls was concerned, and 
 enjoining them to declare what the council 
 might expect from them. 5 The municipali- 
 ties of the Canton replied, that they would 
 never separate their interests from those of 
 their government, in support of which they 
 were ready to make any sacrifices. 11 In the 
 meantime affairs began daily to assume a 
 more alarming aspect; and an event, im- 
 possible to be foreseen, soon occurred to in- 
 crease the misunderstanding; among- the 
 confederates. 
 
 The village of Stammheim, situated 
 upon the frontiers of Thurgaw, was depen- 
 dent upon Zurich, its criminal jurisdiction 
 alone being in the power of the bailiff of 
 Thurgaw. For several years this village 
 had possessed a chapel dedicated to St. 
 
 B Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. L. 
 
 h Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. L. 
 
 N 2 
 
180 
 
 Anne, and enriched by the gifts of a multi- 
 tude of pilgrims. Notwithstanding the ad- 
 vantages that accrued from this concourse 
 of strangers to the inhabitants, the latter 
 showed themselves very much disposed to 
 adopt the reform. They had been pre- 
 pared for this step by the bailiff of the 
 place, named Wirth, a zealous partisan of 
 Zwingle, and by his two sons, both eccle- 
 siastics. These men led their fellow r citizens 
 to regard the honours which were offered 
 to the patroness of their village, as idola- 
 trous, and persuaded them to burn the 
 votive pictures that attested the miracles 
 of St. Anne, and to destroy every vestige 
 of the worship paid to that saint. 1 Some in- 
 dividuals however beheld their destruction 
 with pain, and though compelled to yield 
 for the moment to the wish of the majority, 
 they carried their complaints before the 
 grand bailiff of Thurgaw, Joseph Amberg. 
 This person had been himself inclined to the 
 opinions of Zwingle; but when a candidate 
 for the office of grand bailiff, in order to ob- 
 tain the suffrages of his fellow citizens, all 
 
 ' Rhan. Chron. M. S. 
 
181 
 
 zealous catholics, he had promised to use his 
 utmost power to suppress the new sect in 
 Thurgaw. The limits of his jurisdiction 
 would not allow him directly to oppose the 
 alterations made at Stammheim; but he 
 willingly received all depositions made 
 against the bailiff Wirth, whom he regarded 
 as the chief of the reformed party ,* and 
 thenceforth vowed a violent hatred against 
 him, which he took no pains to conceal. 
 This hatred occasioned great uneasiness to 
 Wirth, who was apprehensive that Amberg, 
 abusing his power, should proceed to some 
 extremity, and foresaw, from the animosity 
 of the Cantons against the reformed, that 
 any arbitrary act would remain unpunished. 
 In this situation of things, Wirth engaged 
 several municipalities of the Canton of 
 Zurich and Thurgaw, to promise mutual 
 assistance against such attempts as should 
 menace their individual safety. Similar 
 associations, hoAvever irregular they may 
 justly appear at the present day, were then 
 very customary in Switzerland, a reserve 
 being made on either side for the obedi- 
 ence due to their lawful sovereign; and 
 
- 182 
 
 these sovereignties, which often were unable 
 to furnish prompt and efficacious succour 
 to their subjects, did not blame the means 
 employed by them for their own defence. 
 
 The minds of men were in that state 
 of fermentation which presages untoward 
 events, when the grand bailiff of Thurgaw, 
 either by order of the Cantons, or in hope 
 of paying his court to them, caused Oechsli, 
 pastor of the little town of Stein, to be 
 carried off by force, in contempt of the 
 privileges of that place. This priest, being 
 an intimate friend of Zwingle, with whom 
 he had become acquainted at Einsiedeln, 
 was the principal apostle of his doctrine in 
 Thurgaw, and the grand bailiff Amberg 
 hoped to stop the progress of the reforma- 
 tion by depriving it of his support. Oechsli 
 was roused in the middle of the night by 
 soldiers breaking into his house; in vain 
 did he call for assistance, and flight or re- 
 sistance being equally vain, he was obliged 
 to yield to force. k As soon as the inha- 
 bitants of Stein and the adjacent villages, 
 
 v W. Steiner. Hist. Ref. MS.— Bull. Schw. Chr. 
 T. iii. M. 
 
383 
 
 among which was Stammheim, were ap- 
 prised of the arrest of their pastor, they 
 sounded the tocsin. In an instant all the 
 men able to bear arms assembled and set 
 out in pursuit of the grand bailiff's soldiers, 
 who were carrying off Oechsli. They 
 could not overtake them, being stopped in 
 their march by a small river. While they 
 were busied in finding means to cross, they 
 learned that Ambers: had caused the tocsin 
 to be sounded on his side, and meant to 
 oppose their passage. In order to avoid 
 scenes of bloodshed, they sent a request 
 that he would release his prisoner on bail, 
 engaging that if there were any accusation 
 against him, he should appear before the 
 tribunals as soon as he was summoned in 
 the legal forms. During the parley, the 
 people of Stein and Stammheim retired into 
 a neighbouring convent named Ittingen? 
 They were amicably received by the monks 
 who furnished them with provisions, and 
 they remained there peaceably during the 
 whole day and the night following:: but on 
 the morrow, when they knew that the grand 
 bailiff had refused to set the pastor of Stein at 
 
134 
 
 liberty, the most turbulent of the peasants 
 giving themselves up to a fanatical rage, 
 cried out that they ought to revenge them- 
 selves on the monks of Ittingen. In vain 
 did the bailiff Wirth, who had hastened 
 forth at the sound of the tocsin, endea- 
 vour to appease the fury of this un- 
 governable populace; from abuse they 
 proceeded to actual violence against the 
 monks, and intoxication was soon added 
 to augment the disorder. At this moment 
 a courier dispatched by the council of 
 Zurich brought an order to the peasants of 
 Stammheim, its immediate subjects, 1 to 
 quit the convent of Ittingen without delay, 
 and retire to their own homes. They 
 obeyed, but scarcely had they regained 
 their dwellings when they saw a violent 
 conflagration burst forth at Ittingen. Those 
 who had remained behind, all men of 
 Thurgaw, or inhabitants of Stein, had first 
 pillaged the convent, and then set fire 
 to it. m 
 
 The grand bailiff, in giving an account 
 to his government of this fatal event, mis- 
 
 1 Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. N. '" Bull. 1. c. 
 
185 
 
 represented several circumstances, and 
 made no mention of the step by which he 
 had himself given occasion to it. He 
 blamed the inhabitants of Stammheim, and 
 above all, the bailiff Wirth and his sons, 
 whom he accused of having caused the 
 tocsin to be sounded; of being the authors 
 of the excesses committed at Ittingen; of 
 having broken the pyx, profaned the host, 
 and burned the convent. The Cantons 
 assembled a diet to deliberate upon the 
 measures to be taken, and their indignation 
 was such, that they would have marched 
 instantly against the inhabitants of Stein 
 and Stammheim, and wasted every thing 
 with lire and sword. The deputies of 
 Zurich represented to them that the grand 
 bailiff had provoked this commotion by 
 violating the privileges of the town of 
 Stein, in the illegal arrest of its pastor. 
 " We must ascertain by a formal pro- 
 cedure," said they, " whether the persons 
 accused are really worthy of punishment, 
 and not have recourse to a violent mea- 
 sure which would strike at once the inno- 
 cent and the guilty." This opinion pre- 
 
186 
 
 vailed, and the council of Zurich in conse- 
 quence sent one of its members with an 
 escort of soldiers to Stammheim to seize 
 the principal persons accused. These re- 
 ceived an intimation in time, and several 
 of them consulted their safety by flight; 
 but the bailiff Wirth and his two sons, de- 
 pending upon their own innocence and the 
 justice of their government, refused to fly. 
 " You have no need to use force in arresting 
 us," said Wirth to the deputy of the council; 
 " if a child had brought us an order from 
 our sovereign to appear before it, we should 
 have obeyed without resistance." As soon 
 as they arrived at Zurich they were ex- 
 amined. They acknowledged that they 
 had gone out at the sound of the tocsin, 
 and that they had followed the crowd to 
 Ittingcn; but they proved, that far from 
 exciting the peasants to disorder, they had 
 endeavoured to dissuade them from it, and 
 that they had retired as soon as they had 
 been ordered so to do by their govern- 
 ment. 
 
 These proceedings were communicated 
 to the Cantons; but they were not satisfied, 
 
187 
 
 and required that the prisoners should be 
 given up to them, in order to be judged by 
 the diet assembled at Baden. In vain did 
 the council of Zurich represent, that ac- 
 cording to the laws and customs of the 
 confederation, it was for that body, as the 
 immediate judges of Stammheim, to exa- 
 mine whether the crime were capital or 
 not; and that since it had decided in the 
 negative, the diet had no right over the 
 persons accused : the Cantons replied, that 
 they would do themselves justice, and that 
 they would carry off the prisoners by force 
 of arms, if the council continued to refuse 
 them. This threat shook the resolution of 
 the senate; a civil war appeared to it inevi- 
 table if it persisted in its refusal; it there- 
 fore consented to deliver up the prisoners, 
 on condition however that their religious 
 opinions should not be objected against 
 them as a crime, and that the only object of 
 this new procedure should be the political 
 offences of which they were accused. The 
 resolution of the council was blamed by a 
 great number of the citizens, at the head of 
 whom was Zwingle. " To yield to threats/' 
 
J 88 
 
 said' he, "to renounce your rights when 
 the life of a subject is at stake, is a criminal 
 weakness from which none but the most 
 fatal consequences can be expected. If 
 the persons accused were guilty, I should 
 be far from wishing to save them from the 
 sword of justice, but since they have been 
 judged innocent, why deliver them up to 
 a tribunal determined beforehand to make 
 the whole weight of its hatred against the 
 reformed fall upon their heads?"" The re- 
 presentations of Zwingle were not regarded. 
 The prisoners were conducted to Baden 
 and thrown into a dungeon, and their ruin 
 was determined on. The grand bailiff 
 Amberg had repaired to the diet, and was 
 adding fuel to the fury of the judges against 
 the unfortunate Wirth and his sons, by 
 representing them as enemies of the ca- 
 tholic faith. In defect of proofs they were 
 put to the torture, in hope of extorting 
 from them the confessions necessary to 
 condemn them with some appearance of 
 justice. They resisted all the torments in- 
 
 * Bull. 1. c. 
 
189 
 
 flicted upon them; but their admirable 
 constancy, instead of softening their judges, 
 irritated them still more, and the expres- 
 sions that escaped them, betrayed the real 
 cause of that hatred of which this unhappy 
 family were the victims. The senate of 
 Zurich did not on this occasion exert the 
 energy that it ought to have displayed; it 
 contented itself with expostulations and 
 entreaties. The wife of Wirth hastened to 
 Baden to implore the mercy of the judges. 
 She pleaded that even if there were some 
 causes of complaint against her husband,, 
 he deserved the indulgence of the sove- 
 reign power in consideration of his past 
 fidelity. " It is true," replied the deputy 
 for Zug, who had been grand bailiff before 
 Amberg, " I never knew a man more hos- 
 pitable, sincere, and upright than Wirth. 
 His house was open to all who stood in 
 need of his assistance; he always showed 
 himself a good and faithful subject, and 
 I cannot conceive what demon can have 
 drawn him into this revolt. If he had plun- 
 dered, robbed, or even murdered, I would 
 willingly speak in his favour; but since he 
 
190 
 
 has burned the image of the blessed St 
 Anne, the mother of the Virgin, there can 
 be no mercy shown him." e 
 
 The examination of the three prisoners 
 lasted a long time ; at length the deputies 
 of the Cantons assembled to pronounce 
 sentence: those of Zurich, regarding the 
 procedure as illegal, refused to take their 
 seats with their confederates. r lhe diet, 
 after hearing the report of the examining 
 commissioners and the depositions of the 
 witnesses, condemned Wirth and his eldest 
 son to death; and in order to colour over 
 with an appearance of mercy this cruel and 
 fanatical sentence, it granted the pardon 
 of the second son to the tears of his mother. 
 The reasons assigned for the condemnation 
 of Wirth were, the part that he had taken 
 in the association of the municipalities; his 
 intention of rescuing the pastor of Stein ; 
 the destruction of the images at Stamm- 
 heim; and his not having given informa- 
 tion of certain seditious words uttered by 
 the peasantry. His son was sentenced for 
 
 Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. N.— Heidcgg. Hospi». 
 Rediviv. 
 
191 
 
 " having preached up the Lutheran and 
 Zwinglian sect," and neglected the exercise 
 of his sacerdotal functions. 
 
 The sufferings of the prisoners from 
 their long detention in unwholesome dun- 
 geons, and from the torture, made them 
 regard death as a benefit; and, strengthened 
 by the consciousness of innocence, they 
 heard their sentence with calmness and 
 tranquillity. During the short interval 
 between his condemnation and execution, 
 Wirth exacted a promise from his second 
 son that he would not revenge his death 
 upon any who had contributed to it; he 
 charged him to bear words of consolation 
 and peace to his numerous family, and to 
 represent to them that it was for no dis- 
 graceful crimes, but in the cause of religion, 
 that he lost his life. After taking a last leave 
 of each other, the two prisoners proceeded 
 to the scaffold, with mutual exhortations 
 to courage and resignation; and they re- 
 ceived the fatal stroke with the same firm- 
 ness that they had shown under the 
 torture. ? 
 
 p Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. O. 
 
192 
 
 The sentence of death involved the con- 
 fiscation of the property of Wirth's widow 
 and children : through the interference 
 of the Cantons of Basil, SchafYhausen, and 
 Appenzell, which had taken no part in the 
 sentence, this part of it was remitted, but 
 the widow was barbarously condemned to 
 pay ten crowns to the executioner, who 
 had beheaded her husband and son. Some 
 hours after the execution, Wirth's second 
 son w r as set at liberty, with orders to make 
 public acknowledgment of his crime at 
 Einsiedeln; but he escaped to Zurich, 
 where he found an asylum.' 1 
 
 If we judge the bailiff Wirth according 
 to the principles which ought to guide 
 every subject in a well-organized state, we 
 cannot regard him as entirely innocent. 
 The kind of association in which he con- 
 fessed himself an accomplice, would at this 
 day be justly considered as an act of rebel- 
 lion; but we ought to transport ourselves 
 to the times when these events took place. 
 There was then in Switzerland something 
 indeterminate in the relation between the 
 
 i "Rail. 1. c. 
 
 
193 
 
 sovereign power and the subject; the limits 
 of the different jurisdictions were very 
 uncertain; a number of rights had no other 
 foundation than long possession, which it 
 was necessary to prove by living witnesses; 
 others only rested on documents little 
 known ; and it was not rare, at this period, 
 for gentlemen, and even prelates, to commit 
 acts of violence upon the subjects of their 
 neighbours. 
 
 From these united causes, a thousand 
 dangers resulted to the security of persons 
 and property; and the subjects, without 
 opposition from their legal sovereign, 
 sought protection from coalitions and mu- 
 tual promises of assistance among them- 
 selves. It is therefore probable that Wirth's 
 judges would not have imputed the con- 
 federacy of Stammheim to him as a crime, 
 but for the hatred that they bore him as a 
 partisan of Zwingle's doctrine. They saw 
 with alarm that his opinions werebeginning 
 to spread in the districts governed in com- 
 mon, and the surest way to stop their progress 
 was to strike men's minds by an execution 
 calculated to inspire terror in all who 
 o 
 
194 
 
 were inclined to the reformation. The 
 blood of these two victims was not however 
 sufficient to appease the Cantons; they 
 wanted to punish by an armed force the 
 villages which had taken part in the burn- 
 ing of the convent of Ittingen; but the 
 senate of Zurich would permit nothing but 
 judicial proceedings, and the diet, after 
 long debates, restricted itself to the impo- 
 sition of a pecuniary fine upon the guilty. 
 Thus ended this unfortunate affair; a me- 
 lancholy example of the fury of fanaticism, 
 and the fatal source of fresh animosities. q 
 
 The heads of the Cantons, notwith- 
 standing their hatred against Zwingle, could 
 not conceal from themselves the conviction 
 that the general corruption of manners, and 
 the misconduct of the clergy, rendered a 
 reform indispensable. They saw how much 
 the ne£*li°;ence of the ecclesiastical autho- 
 rities favoured the new sect, and observing 
 that the chief shepherd was silent, and 
 slept when he ought to have watched, they 
 resolved themselves to provide for the 
 wants of the church, and the tranquillity 
 
 i Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. R. 
 
195 
 
 of their common country. A diet was 
 convoked to this effect at Lucern, in which 
 were assembled the deputies of the Cantons 
 of Bern, Lucern, Uri, Schweitz, Unter- 
 walden, Zug, Glaris, Friburg, and Soleure. 
 Without entering into theological discus- 
 sions, or touching upon doctrine, they 
 formed a plan of regulations particularly 
 designed to correct the manners, to put 
 a stop to the vexations exercised by the 
 clergy, to reduce the power of that order 
 to its just bounds, and to prevent it from 
 trenching upon the rights of the secular 
 power. They hoped by this means to put 
 an end to those causes of discontent which 
 disposed men to welcome the opinions of 
 the reformers; but they did not perceive 
 that most of the abuses generally com- 
 plained of were the necessary consequence 
 of the dogmas combated by Zwingle; and 
 that while these were suffered to subsist, it 
 was impossible to obviate their incon- 
 veniences. 
 
 The plan of the deputies, when carried 
 before the governments of the Cantons, 
 did not obtain their sanction. Those men 
 o 2 
 
196 
 
 whose interests it wounded, or whose pas- 
 sions it opposed, found specious reasons for 
 rejecting it, and its projectors had neither 
 energy nor authority sufficient for its sup- 
 port. At length it was resolved to suspend 
 all deliberations on the state of the church, 
 and to leave to the future council^ so long 
 demanded and promised, the care of pacify- 
 ing Christendom.' 
 
 While these events were passing at Lu- 
 cern, they were proceeding at Zurich in 
 the task of removing the monuments of 
 the ancient superstition. The relics ex- 
 posed in the different churches of the 
 city were taken away and secretly in- 
 terred. It was forbidden to toll the bells 
 for the dead, and to conjure storms; and 
 processions, and a number of other cere- 
 monies, were abolished. So strong had 
 been the impulse given by Zwingle, that 
 these particular reforms met with no oppo- 
 sition ; but a more essential one remained — 
 the abolition of the mass; that corner-stone 
 of the catholic religion. Ever since the 
 
 r Hospin. Hist. Sacram. ii. 2. 3. Bull. Schw. Chr. 
 T. iii. N. 
 
197 
 
 year 1523, the reformer had manifested an 
 opinion on this subject contrary to that of 
 the Romish Church. " Jesus Christ," said 
 he, " died on the cross to satisfy the divine 
 justice: this signal sacrifice expiates the 
 sins of all who believe in him; there is 
 therefore no need of new sacrifices, and 
 the Lord's supper ought to be nothing but a 
 commemoration of the beneficent death of 
 our Saviour." Conformably to these ideas, 
 Zwingle was desirous of introducing some 
 changes into the canon of the mass, still 
 retaining the vestments of the priests, and 
 various accessories which did not appear to 
 him contrary to the spirit of the gospel; 
 and he proposed these alterations to the 
 senate, but they adjourned their decision 
 till the following year. Zwingle employed 
 the interval in the more complete investi- 
 gation of this important subject; and he 
 saw that if he preserved any part of the 
 ancient rites, it would keep up the false 
 ideas of the people, and soon bring them 
 back to the point from which they set out. 
 He therefore congratulated himself on the 
 delay to which he had been forced to submit. 
 
1 My first advice was not followed," thus 
 he writes some time afterwards to one of 
 his friends, " and I am thankful to provi- 
 dence that it was not; this would only 
 have been substituting one error to another, 
 and the rite newly established would have 
 been much more difficult to abolish than 
 that of our ancestors." 3 
 
 This confession is a proof of Zwingles 
 candour, and would alone be sufficient to 
 refute the accusation of fanaticism which 
 has more than once been brought against 
 him. A fanatic believes that he acts and 
 speaks by an immediate inspiration; he attri- 
 butes his illuminations to a kind of miracle 
 in which his will had no share, and not to 
 his own researches and meditations. He 
 never retracts, and would rather die than 
 confess himself to have been mistaken. 
 Such obstinacy was foreign to the mind of 
 Zwingle. He confesses more than once, 
 in his noble simplicity, that his own reflec- 
 tions, or the observations of others, had 
 suggested to him reasons for rejecting an 
 opinion which he had before embraced ; and 
 
 8 Zuinglii et Oecolampadii Epist. f. 11(5. b. 
 
199 
 
 never did self-conceit prevent him from 
 listening to the ideas of his adversaries, and 
 giving up his own when he was convinced 
 of their falsehood/ The mass then sub- 
 sisted for some time longer, but no priest 
 was compelled to say, nor any laymen to 
 hear it. It was gradually neglected: at 
 length, in the beginning of the year 1525, 
 the reformer obtained its entire abolition, 
 and on Easter Sunday, for the first time, 
 the Lord's supper was celebrated according 
 to Zwingle's ideas. A table covered with 
 a white cloth, unleavened bread, and cups 
 filled with wine, recalled the remembrance 
 of the last repast of our Redeemer with his 
 disciples. The first priest, who was Zwingle 
 himself, announced to the faithful, that the 
 religious act which they were about to 
 celebrate would become to each of them 
 the pledge of salvation, or the cause of 
 perdition, according to the dispositions 
 they might bring to it; and he endeavoured, 
 by a fervent prayer, to excite in all their 
 hearts repentance for past faults, and a re- 
 solution to live a new life. After this 
 
 1 Zuinglii Op. T. u f. 190. 
 
200 
 
 prayer, Zwingle and the two ministers who 
 assisted him, presented mutually to each 
 other the bread and the cup, pronouncing 
 at the same time the words uttered by 
 Jesus Christ at the institution of the last 
 supper; they afterwards distributed the 
 symbols of the body and blood of the 
 Redeemer to all the christians present, who 
 listened with the most profound and reve- 
 rent attention to the reading of the last 
 words of our Lord, as they have been 
 transmitted to us by his beloved disciple. 
 A second prayer, and hymns full of the 
 expression of love and gratitude towards 
 him who had voluntarily endured a cruel 
 and ignominious death to save repentant 
 sinners, terminated this solemn and affect- 
 ing ceremony. Zwingle was of opinion 
 that to celebrate the Lord's supper in this 
 manner, was to bring it back to its ancient 
 simplicity, and to unite all that could 
 render it useful. The event proved that 
 he was not mistaken; the churches could 
 scarcely contain the immense crowd that 
 came to participate in this religious so- 
 lemnity, and the good works and numerous 
 
201 
 
 reconciliations which followed it, proved 
 the sincerity of the devotion with which 
 it was attended." 
 
 The reformation in worship had been 
 accompanied with essential changes in the 
 relations existing between the clergy and 
 the government. We have said before, that 
 the chapter of the cathedral was nowise 
 dependent on the council; that it possessed 
 fiefs, had its peculiar jurisdiction, and ad- 
 ministered its own property without ren- 
 dering an account to any one. Zwingle, 
 who a short time after his arrival at Zurich 
 had been admitted into the number of 
 canons, was desirous of consecrating to 
 establishments for instruction, the large 
 revenues of the chapter, and at the same 
 time of transferring its temporal power into 
 the hands of the government ; but he wished 
 to obtain this concession by the free con- 
 sent of the possessors, not to wrest it from 
 them by authority. With this intention, 
 he made his colleagues sensible that it was 
 
 u Zuinglii Op. T. i. f. 563. The Holy Supper is still 
 celebrated at Zurich according to the ritual established by 
 Zwingle. 
 
202 
 
 disgraceful to live by the altar without 
 serving it, and that they ought to renounce 
 functions incompatible with the ecclesi- 
 astical character: he also represented to 
 them, that if they did not attend to the 
 reforms which had now become necessary, 
 it was to be feared that the magistrates 
 themselves might undertake them. 
 
 The partisans of Zwingle in the chapter 
 entered into his views; the enemies of his 
 opinions yielded to the fear that they might 
 be stripped of all their privileges unless 
 they sacrificed some of them voluntarily; 
 and the chapter in consequence made a 
 convention with the senate, of which the 
 following were the principal articles. 
 
 The chapter swears fidelity and obedi- 
 ence to the council of Zurich, as to its sole 
 and lawful sovereign; to which it resigns 
 its regal rights, as well as those of high and 
 law justice in its fiefs; the chapter renounces 
 the immunities, privileges and franchises 
 which it had successively obtained from 
 several popes; it charges itself with the 
 payment of salaries to as many pastors as 
 shall be requisite for the public worship of 
 
203 
 
 the town, and engages to devote to pastoral 
 functions such of its members as may be 
 capable of performing them. The canons 
 Avho are old or infirm shall preserve their 
 benefices, but shall not be replaced by suc- 
 cessors; and the revenues of the said bene- 
 fices, as they become vacant, shall be em- 
 ployed in founding professorships for lec- 
 turers whose instructions shallbe gratuitous. 
 The provost of the chapter shall preserve 
 the administration of its revenues, of which 
 he shall render an account to the senate, 
 which engages on its part to maintain the 
 chapter in possession of all its property, 
 and to protect it, should it be molested on 
 account of this cession/ Several of the 
 canons protested against this convention, 
 alledging that the chapter had no right to 
 make such important changes without the 
 authority of the bishop or the pope; but 
 the opposition of a feeble minority was 
 disregarded. Some members of the chapter 
 
 x Bull. Schw. Chr. Op.T. iii. H. These conditions were 
 religiously observed; the chapter still subists as Zwingle 
 organised it, and its revenues continue to be administered 
 according to his regulations. 
 
204 
 
 made themselves useful as preachers and 
 pastors; the others, who were too old or 
 too ignorant for these employments, en- 
 joyed their benefices till their death. Five 
 canons only, not choosing to depend on 
 the secular authority, which they had more 
 than once braved, quitted the city and re- 
 tired into the catholic Cantons. 
 
 The example of the chapter of the 
 cathedral was immediately followed by the 
 abbey of Fraumiinster; the abbess, only 
 reserving pensions for herself and her nuns, 
 resigned to the senate all her property and 
 privileges, with the right of naming the civil 
 tribunal and of coining money/ As soon 
 as the disposeable revenues of the abbey 
 would permit, the senate established in it a 
 seminary where a certain number of young 
 men, destined to the clerical profession, 
 were clothed, fed, lodged and instructed, 
 gratis. 
 
 There still remained in the town several 
 mendicant orders, and the monks were not 
 disposed to renounce the useless and indo- 
 lent life that they had been accustomed to 
 
 » Hott. Helv. Kirch. T. iii. p. 206. 
 
205 
 
 lead. They had already lost a great part 
 of their influence, and they felt it diminish 
 every day; but the opposition of the other 
 Cantons to all reform, led them to hope 
 that Zurich would be obliged to yield either 
 to the remonstrances of her allies, or to 
 open force, and that then their authority 
 would be reestablished. The council anni- 
 hilated this hope by deciding upon the 
 suppression of the mendicant orders. Such 
 monks as were young and robust were 
 commanded to learn trades, in order to 
 render themselves useful to society. They 
 who had taste and inclination for study, 
 were furnished with the means of know- 
 ledge. To those who were aged, the 
 council granted annuities for their support, 
 and a common habitation in the convent of 
 the Franciscans: 2 that of the Dominicans 
 was transferred into a hospital, and its 
 revenues were devoted to the maintenance 
 and cure of the sick of the town and Can- 
 ton; the revenues of the convent of Augus- 
 tins were appropriated to relieve the more 
 decent poor, and to afford some assistance 
 
 z Zuinglii. ct Oecolampadii Epist. f. 37- 
 
206 
 
 to such destitute strangers as should be 
 travelling through Zurich. 3 The other re- 
 ligious houses insensibly received a similar 
 destination. Their older occupants were 
 every where permitted to die in peace, 
 retaining their benefices and their habita- 
 tion; and those who still possessed the 
 means of being useful, were restored to 
 society. Cupidity had no part in this se- 
 cularization; the property of the clergy 
 was neither embezzled by individuals, nor 
 swallowed up by the treasury; it only re- 
 ceived a more enlightened and more truly 
 pious destination. In order to prevent its 
 being at an after period diverted to other 
 purposes than those above enumerated, it 
 was agreed that the property of the con- 
 vents should not be alienated, but should 
 remain united under the management of a 
 single administrator. The disinterestedness 
 and moderation that presided over these 
 arrangements, do honour to Zwingle. On 
 this occasion he had to struggle with a 
 number of unprincipled men, who saw in 
 the suppression of the monasteries an easy 
 
 a Bull. Schw. Chr. T. Hi. H. 
 
207 
 
 method of enriching themselves, of which 
 they would certainly have availed them- 
 selves, to the detriment of the public, had 
 not the vigilance and firmness of the re- 
 former disconcerted their projects. b 
 
 Sometime after the conclusion of these 
 arrangements between the council and the 
 chapter, Zwingle was commissioned to 
 organise a system of public instruction. 
 He knew that it is impossible to banish 
 ignorance and superstition, without the 
 assistance of a permanent centre of in- 
 formation; and it was his most ardent 
 desire to create establishments in his 
 adopted country, which might propagate 
 in it a taste for literature, and furnish the 
 means of proficiency- He thus hoped to 
 become the benefactor of future o-euera- 
 tions, and deserve the benedictions of his 
 countrymen. If the shortness of his life 
 did not allow him to complete the edifice 
 of which he had conceived the plan, he at 
 least laid its foundations, and his successors 
 had only to follow up his ideas. 
 
 Zurich already possessed a school for 
 
 b BuU. I. c. 
 
208 
 
 elementary instruction in the learned lan- 
 guages, but it was ill organized, and could 
 number but few scholars. Zwingle intro- 
 duced several changes into it; he encou- 
 raged the masters by being present at their 
 lessons, and excited the emulation of the 
 scholars by proposing to them, as a recom- 
 pense, the honour of being educated at the 
 expense of the state. He Mas desirous that 
 the youths, on leaving this school, should 
 go through a complete course of Greek 
 and Latin literature; and two professors 
 were named for these departments. They 
 were not to confine themselves to the 
 grammatical interpretation of ancient writ- 
 ings; but were to unfold to their pupils the 
 laws of composition, and lead them to re- 
 mark the beauties of authors. When the 
 young men were sufficiently prepared, they 
 were to proceed to the study of theology, 
 the principal object of Zwingle's solicitude, 
 and the chief end of all his establish- 
 ments. 
 
 In order to form ministers well in- 
 structed in all that they were to teach, it 
 was not sufficient to adopt the method then 
 
20$ 
 
 in use at most universities ; a method which 
 indeed rendered its pupils able in discussing 
 unintelligible questions, but did not instruct 
 them how to deliver to the people the truths 
 of religion. Zwingle banished those subtile 
 writers who had ruled so long in the schools 
 of theology, and took the Old and New 
 Testament for the basis of the new course 
 of instruction. He required of the pro- 
 fessors intrusted with the interpretation of 
 the Greek and Hebrew text, to compare 
 the originals of the' sacred writers with the 
 most esteemed versions, such as the Vul- 
 gate and the Septuagint; c to cite the com- 
 mentaries of the Jewish doctors on the Old 
 Testament, and those of the fathers on the 
 New; to apply a knowledge of the manners 
 and customs of the Jews to the clearing 
 up of obscure passages, to establish the 
 
 c It is well known that the Vulgate is a latin transla- 
 tion of the scriptures : the Septuagint is a Greek transla- 
 tion of the books of the Old Testament, made by order 
 of Ptolemy Philadelphus, about two hundred and seventy 
 years before Christ. It is so called because it is said to 
 have been the work of seventy Jewish doctors, sent by 
 the high priest Eleazar, to Ptolemy. 
 P 
 
210 
 
 true sense of each, to show its connection 
 with the other truths of religion, and finally 
 to point out the application to be made of 
 them to morals and the instruction of the 
 people/ These lectures were given in the 
 cathedral; and the ecclesiastics of the town, 
 as well as the students of divinity, were 
 obliged to attend them. Zwingle even 
 endeavoured to attract thither all who had 
 leisure and inclination for study ; and in 
 this he succeeded; for at that period the 
 interest in every thing which concerned 
 religion was such, that numerous auditors 
 of all classes assiduously attended the 
 theological lectures; and a taste for the 
 ancient languages was so thoroughly dif- 
 fused, that twenty years afterwards, it was 
 not uncommon to meet with magistrates 
 and merchants who could read the Old and 
 New Testament in the originals. 6 
 
 When it was first proposed to found the 
 new academy, there were not persons to be 
 found in Zurich capable of filling all the 
 
 d Bull. In Comment ad Epist. PaulL 
 e Aloysius von Orelli. p. 4^2, 
 
21! 
 
 professorships that Zwingle was desirous of 
 establishing, and he was therefore obliged 
 to have recourse to learned foreigners. 
 The first to whom he applied was Conrad 
 Pellican, an Alsatian, well versed in the 
 Hebrew language, which he had studied 
 under Capnio. He had entered young into 
 the order of Franciscans; but his love for 
 study had always preserved him from the 
 vices with which the monks of his time 
 were chargeable. He acquitted himself 
 to the satisfaction of his superiors in several 
 missions relating to the affairs of his order; 
 and being afterwards appointed to the office 
 of instruction, he introduced the young- 
 religious intrusted to his care, to a know- 
 ledge of the writings of Erasmus and Luther, 
 and principally of the German bible of the 
 latter. Before Luther and Zwingle had 
 published their opinions, Pellican had 
 begun to entertain doubts respecting several 
 dogmas then received; his natural timidity 
 however, and the blind respect for the au- 
 thority of the church in which he had been 
 brought up from his infancy, had led him 
 to confine these doubts within his own 
 p 2 
 
212 
 
 bosom/ but the reading of the works of 
 the two reformers broke the bonds which 
 had fettered his spirit. Pellican was a pro- 
 fessor at the university of Basil when, in 
 15 C 26, Zwingle proposed to him to come 
 and occupy the chair of theology at Zurich : 
 to this he consented the more readily as his 
 religious opinions had drawn upon him some 
 inconveniences at Basil, where the refor- 
 mation was not yet introduced. During 
 thirty years he rendered great services to 
 the church of Zurich by his lectures and 
 writings. He. died at a very advanced 
 age, leaving behind him a great reputation 
 for piety, modesty, and erudition^ 
 
 The second stranger introduced bv 
 Zwingle was Rodolph Collinus, son of a 
 peasant in the neighbourhood of Lucern. 
 A canon of that city had given him his 
 first lessons in Latin, and explained to him 
 some books of the iEneid; and being after- 
 wards left to his own efforts, he studied 
 the other latin poets with indefatigable ar- 
 
 f Siml. in vita Bull. p. 11. 
 e M. Adami Vitae Theol. Germ. p. 296.— Hott. Helv- 
 Kirch. T. iii. p. 38. et scq, 
 

 213 
 
 dour. He successively frequented the uni- 
 versities of Basil and Vienna, and returnmo- 
 to Lucern, though still very young, he ob- 
 tained a canonry. His acquaintance with 
 Zwingle and some other reformers, gained 
 him enemies who accused him of heresy, 
 and elicited from the senate of Lucern an 
 order to search his library and his papers. 
 The commissioners appointed for this exa- 
 mination having found in his library the 
 works of Aristotle, Plato, and some of the 
 Greek poets, judged that books printed in 
 a language that they did not understand, 
 must be infected with Lutheranism, and 
 confiscated them. h From this first attack 
 
 h The ignorance of the laky was the more natural 3S 
 it was kept up by the very men destined to instruct them. 
 A monk declaiming in the pulpit against Zwingle and 
 Luther and all who took part with them, said to his audi- 
 ence; " A new language was invented sometime ago which 
 has been the mother of all these heresies, the Greek. A 
 book is printed in this language called the XewTeatament, 
 which contains many dangerous things. Another language 
 is now forming, the Hebrew; whoever learns it immedi- 
 ately becomes a Jew." Conr. Heresbach cited by Gernler. 
 Vide J. von Miillers Schw. Gesch. T. iv. p. 455. 
 
214 
 
 Collinus foreseeing many others to which 
 he did not choose to expose himself, under 
 pretext of going to Constance to take holy 
 orders, he quitted Lucern, and arriving at 
 Zurich, he remained there and sent back 
 his canon's diploma to the chapter. This 
 step depriving him of all pecuniary re- 
 sources, in order that he might not be a 
 burden upon his friends he resolved to learn 
 a trade, and after labouring in the day to 
 gain a livelihood, he recreated himself in 
 the evenings by reading Homer and Pindar. 
 A mechanical occupation could not how- 
 ever long detain one of his lively and im- 
 petuous disposition, and he relinquished it 
 to enter into the service of Duke Ulric of 
 Wirtemberg, who was then endeavouring 
 to reconquer his states which had been 
 seized upon by the Swabian league; but 
 this prince having been compelled to dis- 
 band his troops, Collinus returned to Zurich, 
 where Zwingle, Avho had never lost sight of 
 him, was at length enabled to offer him a 
 Greek professorship. Collinus accepted it 
 with delight ; thenceforward he consecrated 
 
215 
 
 himself entirely to letters, and his efforts 
 were crowned with the happiest success. 1 
 
 Two chairs of theology, and two of 
 ancient languages, were the foundation 
 of the academy of Zurich. In proportion 
 as benefices became vacant, professors of 
 other sciences were named, but the academy 
 always retained strong traces of its original 
 destination; that of forming ministers of 
 religion. The interpretation of scripture 
 always occupied the first place in it. If 
 the preference given by Zwingle to this 
 object may have been injurious to some 
 other studies, it has at least had the advan- 
 tage of producing, from the reformation 
 down to our own days, a great number of 
 enlightened ecclesiastics, by whose care re- 
 lio-ious instruction has been diffused through 
 all classes of society, and by whose active 
 vigilance the germs of vice have been 
 crushed before they had time to expand. 
 
 ! R. Collini Vita M.S.— Hott. Helv. Kirch. T. Hi, 
 p. 124.411. 
 
LIFE OF ZWINGLE, 
 
 THE SWISS REFORMER. 
 
 PART. II. 
 
 When men of superior genius have given 
 a new direction to thought, it often hap- 
 pens that persons of heated imaginations 
 and unsound judgment seize their ideas, 
 and in commenting upon them, deduce 
 dangerous consequences. The reformers 
 did not escape this fatality; they could 
 not prevent their opinions from being 
 strangely disfigured. They had said that 
 it was necessary to banish from the schools 
 an abstract and subtile science which filled 
 the memory with nothing but words ; and 
 immediately some ignorant people pro- 
 scribed all the sciences, and acknowledged 
 no other source of illumination than a su- 
 
218 
 
 pernatural inspiration, shared by none but 
 the elect. When they had modestly of- 
 fered the dictates of truth to the ears of 
 the great, in order to recall them to a 
 sense of their duties, the enemies of all 
 subordination, abusing their example, and 
 mistaking licentiousness for sincerity, be- 
 gan to treat the respect due to rank, to 
 power, and to birth, as meanness and cow- 
 ardice, and sought to establish a chimerical 
 equality. When they had insisted upon 
 the necessity of lessening the magnificence 
 of religious ceremonies, certain extravagant 
 minds instantly rejected all public wor- 
 ship, as contrary to evangelical simplicity : 
 and when they sought to emancipate chris- 
 tians from the yoke of a few minute ob- 
 servances, some pretenders to inspiration 
 immediately proclaimed that a regenerated 
 soul need follow no other rule than its own 
 will and desires. 
 
 Many writers have made the reform- 
 ers accountable for the dreams of the fa- 
 natics of their times, and the disturbances 
 that they occasioned; as if it were just to 
 confound the parasite plant and the tree 
 
219 
 
 which unwillingly serves it for a support. 
 The reformation certainly brought forth a 
 great number of sects; but if wild ideas 
 then spread rapidly through all classes of 
 society, and excited violent disputes, it 
 was because the reformers had roused their 
 contemporaries from their torpor respect- 
 ing matters of religion. There are times 
 when extravagant systems are not wel- 
 comed in the world; but we should be 
 mistaken in ascribing to enlightened rea- 
 son, or a general diffusion of knowledge, 
 a tranquillity, which is often only the effect 
 or the indication of absolute indifference. 
 When, on the contrary, subjects connected 
 with religion inspire a general interest; 
 when particular circumstances direct men's 
 minds towards serious thoughts, a crowd 
 of opinions will arise, both true and false, 
 rational and absurd. They are embraced 
 with warmth, because they gratify a long- 
 fostered wish; they are defended with ob- 
 stinacy, because they are connected with 
 what is most dearly cherished. This was 
 what took place in the 16th century, and 
 as the refinements of civilization had not 
 
£20 
 
 yet mollified the passions, the disputes of 
 that time assumed a character of violence 
 which astonishes at the present day. 
 
 It was in Saxony, in the year 1521, 
 that the first indications appeared of a 
 sect which had nearly become fatal to the 
 progress of the reformation. Luther, in a 
 work on " Christian liberty," had said, 
 that " a christian is master of all things, 
 and is subservient to no one." In another 
 passage of the same work, he calls the 
 christian " the slave of all men." The 
 first of these propositions found more par- 
 tisans than the second. Nicholas Storch, 
 and Thomas Miintzer, both born in Thu- 
 ringia, took literally this lax expression of 
 the Saxon reformer, and made it the basis 
 of their religious system. " The true 
 christian," said they, " has no need either 
 of spiritual superiors, or temporal magis- 
 trates. — The written word of God is not 
 the true one; for this proceeds immedi- 
 ately from the mouth of God, and reaches 
 the heart of the believer without any thing 
 intermediate. — The whole world wants re- 
 generating, and the impious must be extir- 
 
221 
 
 pated from the face of the earth, to give 
 place to a new church in which justice 
 shall reign.'" a They spoke with disdain of 
 all human learning, declaring that God 
 manifested his will to them by immediate 
 revelations and celestial visions. Their 
 morality was rigid, their exterior simple; 
 they disdained riches, or affected to do so; 
 and their austere demeanour impressed the 
 multitude with reverence, at the same time 
 that their doctrine seduced them. They at- 
 tached little importance to religious prac- 
 tices ; but they especially rejected the bap- 
 tism of infants as an impious ceremony, 
 an invention of the devil. This sacrament, 
 according to them, ought only to be ad- 
 ministered to adults, who, being enlightened 
 by divine grace respecting their past faults, 
 must deeply repent them, and fervently 
 desire the pledge of heavenly forgiveness. 
 The custom of rebaptising new converts, 
 gained for this sect the name of anabap- 
 tists, which became common to all those 
 who reject infant baptism. It must not 
 
 a Mosti. Eccl. Hist. Fuessli Beytr. zu der Schweitz 
 fief. Gesch. T. i. ii. \v. 
 
however be supposed that all whom theo- 
 logians and historians call by this name 
 were similar in doctrine or in morals, 
 Their distinctive character consisted in 
 recognising no authority in matters of re- 
 ligion, not even that of scripture, which 
 they explained at their pleasure. They 
 pleaded that the letter kills, and the spirit 
 quickenethy and they gave themselves up 
 without reserve to the suo-o-estions of 
 an imagination more or less unruly. b 
 None of their leaders possessing the re- 
 quisite qualities to gain a decided in- 
 fluence over them, the sect quickly divided 
 into a multitude of small separate societies. 
 Without entering into a long detail of all 
 the dogmas which have been attributed to 
 them, either truly or falsely, we shall men- 
 tion those that were equally adopted by 
 the different parties among them. 
 
 " Neither the Romish church, nor that 
 of the pretended Reformed, is the real 
 church of Christ. The Reformed indeed 
 follow the gospel, at least in part, but they 
 manifest no signs of amendment. We 
 
 b Vide Fuessli Beitraege, 
 
must therefore separate ourselves from 
 them, that we may not participate in their 
 sins, and their condemnation. — The preach- 
 ers among the Reformed have not the true 
 calling; they do not themselves practise 
 what they teach; they receive a salary, 
 and, in short, they do not possess the qua- 
 lities that spiritual guides ought to pos- 
 sess. Every believer, who feels himself 
 impelled by the Holy Spirit, has a right to 
 preach in assemblies, without belonging to 
 a particular order. Charity requires an 
 entire community of goods, and it is not 
 lawful for a christian to possess any thing 
 of his own. — To exercise the functions of 
 magistracy, to bear the sword of justice, to 
 resist violence, to make war, and to take 
 an oath under any pretext whatsoever, are 
 all actions forbidden by the gospel : it fol- 
 lows, that in the new church there can be 
 no need either of magistrates, of tribunals, 
 or of governments. Evil doers ought to 
 be punished only by excluding them from 
 the communion of the elect. — True chris- 
 tians ought to separate themselves from 
 such as do not admit our doctrines, to 
 
224 
 
 break off all communication with them, 
 and to bear with patience the persecutions 
 that this conduct may draw upon them." c 
 
 It appears by this short abstract, that 
 the opinions of the anabaptists were founded 
 upon their false interpretations of scrip- 
 ture. They were not aware, that in the 
 christian religion there are some things 
 immutable, and others which may be mo- 
 dified by times and circumstances. Inca- 
 pable of rising to general views, they were 
 desirous of renewing the manner of life of 
 the first christians, the contemporaries of 
 the apostles; not considering that the rules 
 and practices which suited the disciples of 
 Jesus, when they were dispersed m small 
 numbers in the midst of Jews and idolaters, 
 ceased -to be applicable the moment that 
 whole nations embraced Christianity. Some 
 men were found among the anabaptists, 
 whose intentions were pure, and whose 
 conduct was irreproachable; but their en- 
 thusiasm often laid them at the mercy of 
 such impostors as sought to gain an in- 
 fluence over them, and unprincipled and 
 
 c Ottii Annales Anab. p. 21, Bull, de Anab. L. i. 4 
 
225 
 
 ambitious leaders more than once led them 
 into revolt by abusing their credulity. d 
 Thomas Miintzer, one of the heads of the 
 anabaptists, in travelling through Ger- 
 many, arrived on the borders of Switzer- 
 land, where he had an interview with two 
 natives of Zurich, named Grebel and Mantz, 
 whose gloomy and restless disposition ren- 
 dered them very accessible to extravagant 
 ideas. 6 They were both of them possessed 
 of sufficient learning to be employed by 
 Zwingle in the projected academy; and 
 
 d I shall cite but one example of their culpable ex- 
 cesses. John Bockold, a journeyman tailor of Leyden, 
 giving himself out for an inspired person, succeeded in 
 causing a revolt of the subjects of the bishop of Munster. 
 put himself at their head, and took possession of the city of 
 Munster, which he called the New Jerusalem. He there 
 established a community of goods, introduced polygamy, 
 assumed the title of king, and governed the city during 
 three years, giving himself up to the most monstrous ex- 
 cesses of cruelty and debauchery, and punishing the 
 slightest murmur against him with death. Being at- 
 tacked by the united forces of the landgrave of Hesse, 
 and the bishop of Munster, he sustained a siege of several 
 months. He yielded at length, and a cruel execution 
 terminated his short career. Mosh. Eccl. Hist. 
 4 Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. O. 
 
 Q 
 
226 
 
 they wished two canons to be deprived of 
 their benefices, in order to endow the chairs 
 which were the objects of their ambition. 
 The reformer refused their request, alleging 
 against it, the engagement entered into to 
 allow the titular dignitaries the enjoyment 
 of their benefices for life. The discontent 
 that they conceived at this refusal, and, 
 perhaps some jealousy of the influence of 
 Zwingle, inclined these two men against 
 him, and disposed them to listen to the 
 insinuations of Miintzer. They endea- 
 voured however, after their interview with 
 this fanatic, to draw Zwingle himself into 
 their party. To this end, they represented 
 to him, that his reformation would be at- 
 tended with no success, unless he required 
 his followers to break off all communica- 
 tion with false christians. They exhorted 
 him to proclaim the necessity of this sepa- 
 ration, and to put himself at the head of 
 the new church, which was destined to ad- 
 mit into its bosom none but the true elect/ 
 Had the reformer been guided by the 
 desire of becoming the head of a party, he 
 
 f Bull. 1. c Zuinglii Op. T. ii. f. Jr. 
 
227 
 
 \rould certainly have yielded to this temp- 
 tation; but ambition never blinded him, 
 and his clear understanding easily dis- 
 cerned the falsehood of the arguments 
 employed to persuade him. " In the num- 
 ber of those who embrace the christian 
 faith," replied he to G rebel and Mantr, 
 "some enemies of innocence and piety 
 will always be found, who betray by their 
 conduct the perverse dispositions of their 
 hearts; but it is not for us to judge them. 
 Christ commands that the tares should be 
 allowed to . grow with the wheat till the 
 harvest; and it does not become us to 
 make a separation which he did not judge 
 necessary. We should never give up the 
 hope of bringing back into the right path 
 those who have gone astray, and we ought 
 to labour at the advancement of the king- 
 dom of heaven by preaching his word, and 
 not by fomenting schisms which bring 
 with them so much disorder and intole- 
 rance. There is nothing to prevent the 
 believer from leading a pious life, even 
 though he should preserve an exterior in- 
 tercourse with the impious. ' 
 
 s Zuinglii Op. 1- c. 
 
228 
 
 Grebel and Mantz did not content 
 themselves with this first attempt; know- 
 ing that Zwingle had formerly blamed in* 
 fant baptism, they proposed to him the 
 doctrine of Muntzer as conformable to his 
 own ideas; but their efforts were again 
 unsuccessful. Zwingle replied, that a more 
 mature examination had led him to abandon 
 his former opinion; and in several succeed- 
 ing interviews, he fully acquainted them 
 with his doctrine respecting baptism; of 
 which the following is a summary. 11 
 
 " Jesus Christ instituted baptism, but 
 neither he nor his apostles have expressly 
 directed the age at which it ought to be 
 administered. It is therefore permitted to 
 each church to order in this respect what 
 it shall think most adapted to general edi- 
 fication. Judging from the Jewish cere- 
 monies, which certainly had a great in- 
 fluence upon those of the early christians, 
 we may conjecture, that in the primitive 
 church children were baptized at the mo- 
 ment of their birth. That some sectaries 
 of our days have rejected this custom, is 
 
 * Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. R 
 
229 
 owing to their having formed too high an 
 
 o o o 
 
 idea of the efficacy of the rite. If indeed, 
 the water of baptism had the power of ef- 
 facing sins, it would be absurd to baptize 
 children who have as yet committed none- 
 but how can it be believed that an exterior 
 ablution can purify the soul? Baptism is a 
 ceremony by which a man engages to be- 
 come a disciple of Christ, and to observe 
 all his precepts. 1 
 
 " Under this view of it, it would seem 
 that the rite ought to be deferred till the 
 young christian is of a fit age to contract 
 an engagement; but important reasons op- 
 pose this delay. If the custom of bap- 
 tising none but adults were to be intro- 
 
 ' Zwingle did not attribute to baptism the power of 
 purifying the christian from the stain of original sin ; nor 
 did he believe that a child dying before baptism could 
 not be saved. As to original sin, Zwingle regarded it as 
 a disposition to do ill, not as actual sin ; and he did not 
 think that it could bring upon man eternal damnation. 
 He compared human nature after the fall of Adam, to a 
 vine struck by the hail, which has lost a great part of its 
 natural vigour ; or to a plant transported from a southern 
 to a northern climate, where it will have no longer the 
 same vegetative force, Zuinglii O. T. ii. f. 89, 
 
230 
 
 duced, negligent parents would omit giving 
 religious instruction to their children, and 
 would think themselves justified by alleg- 
 ing that they did not know whether, when 
 their children were arrived at years of dis- 
 cretion, they would embrace Christianity 
 or not. The young people themselves 
 would reject all exhortations founded on 
 religion, under pretext that it is still at 
 their own choice whether to become chris^ 
 tians. Baptism ought to be considered as 
 a promise made by parents to educate their 
 children in the christian faith, and to in- 
 struct them in the truths of the gospel. 
 By thus possessing itself of children from 
 their cradles, the church binds them by a 
 number of invisible threads, and prevents 
 them from ever afterwards deserting her 
 bosom. On the whole, this question is 
 not of great importance, and those are not 
 to be justified who make it a source of di- 
 visions in society/" 
 
 Opinions so moderate must necessarily 
 have displeased the anabaptists; and accord- 
 
 k Zuinglii Op. T. ii. f. 56, et seq. Zuinglii et Oeco- 
 lampad. Epist. f. 32. 83. 
 
231 
 
 ingly the conferences between the reformer 
 and their leaders broke off without having 
 produced any approach to an union. The 
 latter however promised Zwingle to take 
 no step which might trouble the church, 
 and he engaged, on his side ; not to attack 
 their doctrine in public. Notwithstanding 
 this mutual promise, it appeared soon after 
 that the Brethren, (so the anabaptists called 
 themselves) had been baptizing several 
 adults both in the town and neighbourhood. 
 Zwingle being thus released from his en- 
 gagement, broke silence, and publicly cen- 
 sured their conduct. The Brethren had 
 already gained many friends, and when they 
 learned that Zwingle had declared against 
 them, they entered the town in crowds, 
 girded with ropes and branches of willow, 
 and fantastically arrayed; and in this state 
 they ran through the streets, casting out 
 reproaches against the Old Dragon, by which 
 n#me they designated the reformer, exhort- 
 ing the people to repentance, and threaten- 
 ing the town with approaching destruction 
 if it were not quickly converted. 1 
 
 1 Zuifiglii et Oecol. Epist. f. S3. 
 
232 
 
 The sudden appearance and the cries 
 of these fanatics caused a geperal alarm, 
 and Zwingle had great trouble to appease 
 the commotion that they had excited. In 
 order to prevent such scenes in future, the 
 council recurred to its ordinary resource: 
 it ordered a public colloquy between 
 Zwingle and the heads of the anabaptists; 
 but what could a colloquy effect upon men 
 inaccessible to reason, who gave themselves 
 out for persons inspired? Their opinions 
 spread daily more and more. At Zurich 
 the authority of Zwingle restrained the 
 sectaries; but in the country, where few of 
 the pastors were able to make head against 
 them, their partisans multiplied rapidly. 
 The chiefs of the sect went into all the 
 villages; they sometimes preached in the 
 houses of the brethren, sometimes in woods 
 and solitary places. The mysteriousness 
 of these assemblies prepared the imagination 
 to be affected; and the vehement dis- 
 courses of the new missionaries completed 
 the derangement of men's understandings. 
 Scarcely had they ceased to speak, when all 
 present with loud cries demanded the true 
 
</ 
 
 233 
 
 baptism, as a pledge of their admission into 
 the spotless Church; and they declared that 
 this ceremony filled them with an ineffable 
 feeling; of beatitude. Fathers of families 
 quitted their wives and children to go and 
 preach the doctrines of the anabaptists; 
 wives separated themselves from their hus- 
 bands, under pretext that they should en- 
 danger their eternal welfare by continuing 
 to live with infidels. They sometimes fell 
 into convulsions, and would prophesy on 
 waking from an ecstatic slumber." 1 These 
 scenes were most commonly only ridiculous, 
 but they sometimes terminated in a tragical 
 catastrophe. One example will suffice to 
 show how far the blindness of these unhappy 
 men proceeded. In the neighbourhood of 
 St. Gall, where the sect was very numerous, 
 a rich peasant assembled the brethren on 
 Shrove-Tuesday, and gave them an enter- 
 tainment. At the end of the repast, one 
 of his sons fell into an ecstasy, and remained 
 a long time stretched upon the ground with 
 convulsive motions; suddenly he arose, and 
 ordered some ox-gall to be brought him, 
 
 m Ottii. Annates Anab. ad annum 1525. 
 
234 
 
 which he obliged his brother to drink, say- 
 ing to him in a solemn tone ; " Think that 
 the death thou art to suffer is bitter ! " He 
 then commanded him to kneel, seized a 
 knife, and plunged it into his bosom, with- 
 out any attempt on the part of those present 
 to prevent him. He then rushed out of 
 the house, crying out that the day of the 
 Lord was come." The fanatical assassin 
 was arrested, and suffered the punishment 
 due to his crime; but the brethren re- 
 garded him as a martyr who had only ac- 
 complished the will of God. 
 
 Opinions capable of leading to such 
 excesses, demanded coercive measures on 
 the part of government, which were be- 
 come the more necessary, as, inconsequence 
 of these fanatical ideas, symptoms of revolt 
 began to manifest themselves among the 
 peasantry. The sectaries, when summoned 
 to give evidence in civil or criminal cases, 
 refused to take the customary oath; they 
 respected neither the judgments of tri- 
 bunals, nor the orders of government; and 
 
 n Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. W. Zuinglii et Oecol. 
 Epist. f. 91, 
 
Q35 
 
 to all the decrees of the sovereign, and all 
 the exhortations of the pastors, they replied, 
 that God was to be obeyed rather than men. 
 The senate would thenceforth have treated 
 them with the rigour they deserved, as 
 rebels to lawful authority, had not Zwingle 
 desired that gentle means should be em- 
 ployed before recourse was had to severity, 
 Hepersistedin regarding them as misguided 
 men, who did not foresee the fatal conse- 
 quences of their false systems; and he was 
 loath to renounce the hope of bringing them 
 back by reason. The senate, at his en- 
 treaty, ordered a second public conference 
 with the anabaptists. Some of them yielded 
 to the representations of Zwingle; but by 
 retracting, they lost all credit with their 
 party, and all power of repressing its ex- 
 travagances. The senate then forbade 
 them to baptise adults under the penalty 
 of a mark of silver; but they paid no re- 
 gard to this prohibition. Twenty of the 
 brethren were arrested and committed to 
 close confinement; they found means to 
 escape, and circulated the report that an 
 
236 
 
 angel had opened the doors of their prison." 
 This imposture produced the effect that 
 was expected : the marvellous possesses a 
 secret charm, and ignorance and credulity 
 always attach themselves to the most absurd 
 reports. It was besides extremely difficult 
 to open the eyes of the deluded peasantry, 
 because the brethren recommended it to 
 their disciples never to attend the discourses 
 of the reformed ministers, and even to 
 avoid all communication with those without. 
 By these precautions they rendered them- 
 selves masters of the minds of their pro- 
 selytes, and prevented any possibility of 
 undeceiving them; and thus the evil aug- 
 mented day by day. The fines imposed on 
 the anabaptists were eluded under various 
 pretexts, or occasioned violent complaints. 
 The brethren exclaimed against the 
 punishment of men whose only crime con- 
 sisted in obeying the voice of God. Most 
 of their leaders had been imprisoned more 
 than once, and had recovered their liberty 
 by promising never more to re-baptise; but 
 
 • Zuinglii Op. T. ii. f. 68. 
 
2-37 
 
 no sooner were they delivered from their 
 bonds, than they violated their promises, 
 pretending to be urged by the Spirit. 
 Their obstinacy at length wearied out the 
 patience of the senate; and it forbade 
 them, under pain of death, to rebaptise their 
 proselytes, hoping that so severe a menace 
 Avould at length put a stop to their disorders. 
 This hope was again deceived. Either 
 from confidence in supernatural protection, 
 or a fanatical contempt of death, the ana- 
 baptist preachers continued to act just as 
 before. Mantz, being discharged from 
 confinement a few days after this last 
 decree, no sooner saw himself at liberty 
 than he forgot all his engagements. He 
 was informed against, and again arrested. 
 When brought before his judges he boldly 
 confessed his crime; protested that he 
 would act in the same manner in future 
 without regard to the orders of the magis- 
 trates, and declared his resolution to found 
 a separate church. This formal disobedi- 
 ence, which indicated the intention of ex- 
 citing a general rising, appeared to the 
 senate deserving of capital punishment, 
 
238 
 
 and Mantz was condemned to be drowned/ 
 He underwent his sentence with a courage 
 which gained him a place in the anabaptist 
 martyrology. The execution of Mantz, 
 the death of G rebel, which took place about 
 the same time, and the banishment of 
 several other brethren, cooled the fervour 
 of the sect. The preaching and writing of 
 Zwingle calmed the fermentation produced 
 by the conduct of these fanatics, and con- 
 verted a great number of their partisans : 
 the rest, being deprived of their leaders, 
 gave up the idea of forming a separate 
 church; they ceased to make proselytes, 
 and were content with giving themselves 
 up in secret to the practices of an extra- 
 vagant devotion, in which no one attempted 
 to disturb them. Their opinions too be- 
 came mitigated by degrees, and lost their 
 antisocial and seditious tendencies. q 
 
 Should these sectaries be considered 
 
 p Fuessli Beytr. zur Ref. Gesch. der. Schweitz. T. iv. 
 p. 25p. 
 
 4 V. Zuinglii et Oecol. Epist. L. iii. — Ottli Annal. 
 Anab. — Bull. adv. Anab,— Zuingli. Op. T. ii. f. 56 
 et seq. 
 
239 
 
 only in the light of men whose system was 
 condemned by the established church, the 
 sentence pronounced against them would 
 appear dictated by an intolerance so much 
 the more odious, as the reformed were 
 continually claiming liberty of conscience 
 for themselves. Fanaticism alone employs 
 imprisonment and legal penalties to convince 
 its adversaries; true piety is a stranger to 
 violence; it compassionates him who is in 
 error; endeavours to enlighten him, and if 
 it does not succeed, leaves to time the care 
 of bringing him back from his wanderings. 
 There are however circumstances in which 
 indulgence is no longer allowable. When 
 a sect professes doctrines that endanger the 
 tranquillity of the state, government ought 
 to employ the most efficacious means to 
 arrest its progress; and this was what the 
 council of Zurich found itself under the 
 necessity of doing. The anabaptists dis- 
 played on all occasions an insulting con- 
 tempt for its orders; they preached the 
 community of goods ; they publicly taught 
 that there was no need either of laws or of 
 magistrates; that a christian ought never 
 
240 
 
 to take arms for the defence of his country j 
 and ought to pay neither tax nor impost: 
 opinions tending to stir up subjects against 
 their lawful sovereign, and to dissolve all 
 social ties. Ever since this sect had arisen, 
 a spirit of insubordination and revolt had 
 every where manifested itself. Measures 
 of gentleness were exhausted, and it was 
 necessary to treat the anabaptists with 
 rigour, in order to prevent them from pre- 
 cipitating the state into all the horrors of 
 anarchy. As for Zwingle, neither the in- 
 vectives nor the calumnies of these sectaries- 
 rendered him unfaithful to his principles 
 of tolerance: he never incited any act of 
 persecution, or took part in the judgments 
 pronounced against them, though he could 
 not but feel that the preservation of public 
 tranquillity had rendered some degree of 
 severity necessary. 
 
 During the time that these troubles 
 were excited by the anabaptists, a project 
 which threatened the safety of the Swiss 
 reformer was silently conceited. 
 
 Ever since the first colloquy held at 
 Zurich, the bishop of Constance, or rather 
 
241 
 
 Faber, his grand vicar, had been constantly 
 meditating the means of putting a stop to 
 the progress made by the opinions of 
 Zwingle, at Zurich, Bern, Basil, Schaff- 
 haussen, Appenzel, and St. Gall. Expe- 
 rience had already proved, that bishops" 
 charges were far too feeble a weapon ; and 
 it was feared, that to oppose the writings 
 of Zwingle by others in favour of the 
 Romish church, would be to embark in a 
 contest the more dangerous, as the reform- 
 ers surpassed their adversaries in learning 
 and talents. No success could be hoped 
 either from persuasion or threats, as long 
 as it was Zwingle upon whom they were 
 to be exerted, for his firmness was well 
 known. In order to crush the reformed 
 party, it was therefore necessary to deprive 
 it of this head, who alone gave it vigour, 
 and it was to this expedient that Faber 
 had recourse. The point was to induce 
 Zwingle to leave Zurich; once out of the 
 territory of that state, it would be easy to 
 seize his person, and make him undergo 
 the same fate which had already been expe- 
 rienced by several of his partisans. It was 
 
 R 
 
242 
 
 hoped that his condemnation and death 
 would strike terror into all his adherents, 
 and dispose them to return within the pale 
 of the church. The expedient employed 
 by Faber to attain this end, was to induce 
 the catholic cantons to order a public con- 
 ference in some town of Switzerland, be- 
 tween their theologians and the reformer. 
 He imparted his plan to Doctor Eckius, 
 chancellor of the university of Ingolstadt, 
 who had acquired great reputation by com- 
 bating the opinions of Luther/ and it was 
 agreed that Eckius should take the first 
 steps. Consequently, in the month of 
 August, 1524, this theologian addressed a 
 letter to the cantons, filled with invectives 
 against Zwingle, to whom he gave the 
 names of " a rebel, a heretic, and a per- 
 verter of scripture." 8 He offered to con- 
 vince him publicly of his errors, if the 
 Cantons would furnish him with the op- 
 portunity, and to submit himself to the 
 decision of the judges named by them. 
 The Cantons shewed a great repugnance 
 
 r Mosh. Eccl. Hist. B. iv. 
 8 Bull. Scluv. Chr. T. iii. R. 
 
243 
 
 to accede to this request ; the event of the 
 two conferences at Zurich had proved to 
 them that these assemblies only served to 
 spread still further the poison of the new doc- 
 trine, and theological disputes appeared to 
 them good for nothing but to puzzle men's 
 heads. "It belonged," they said, "to 
 councils or Popes to legislate in these 
 matters, and not to people accustomed to 
 handle the sword or the plough." Eckius 
 and Faber however, who had the clergy on 
 their side, were so persevering in their so- 
 licitations, that at length, in the month of 
 April, 1526, in a diet assembled at Einsie- 
 deln, the Cantons, with the exception of 
 Zurich, fixed upon the town of Baden in 
 Argovia, as the place for an interview be- 
 tween Eckius and Zwingle. That no 
 doubt might remain as to their intentions, 
 the Cantons, in a public manisfesto, pro- 
 tested their inviolable attachment to the 
 Apostolic and Romish Church, and their 
 horror of all innovation. They declared 
 that they did not arrogate to themselves 
 the right of deciding in matters of reli- 
 gion, and that if they consented to the 
 
 R C 
 
244' 
 
 conference proposed by the chancellor 
 Eckius, it was merely to impose silence on 
 Zwingle and his partisans, and to bring- 
 back into the fold, the sheep which had 
 been led astray by the teaching and writ- 
 ings of Luther and Zwingle/ 
 
 In consequence of this decision, the 
 diet demanded of the senate of Zurich, to 
 send Zwingle to Baden; but this body re- 
 fused compliance. A resolution so oppo- 
 site to the conduct that its allies had hi- 
 therto observed, and the principles which 
 they had manifested on all occasions, ap- 
 peared to the senate to conceal some snare. 
 
 The appellation of heretic given to 
 Zwino-le in the manifesto of the Cantons, 
 proved that they regarded the question as 
 already decided; the town of Baden, ap- 
 pointed as the place of meeting, could not 
 guarantee the personal safety of Zwingle, 
 since it depended on the Cantons which 
 had caused his books and his effigy to be 
 burned, and ordered him to be arrested if 
 ever he entered their territory; the safe 
 conduct even, which was sent to the re- 
 
 * Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. X. 
 
245 
 
 former, was conceived in terms too equi- 
 vocal not to excite uneasiness. All these 
 reasons determined the senate to declare 
 to the Cantons that it would not permit 
 Zwingle to leave Zurich. It protested, at 
 the same time, against the resolutions that 
 might be taken at Baden, but offered 
 Eckius full security, if he would come and 
 confer with the reformer at Zurich. 11 This 
 offer was rejected, and the conference of 
 Baden took place without the presence of 
 Zwingle. The Cantons invited the famous 
 Erasmus of Rotterdam, but he refused to 
 attend. This celebrated man had greatly 
 contributed to diffuse among his contem- 
 poraries, just and sound notions of religion. 
 Being endowed with a keen, penetrating, 
 and satirical genius, he employed the Avea- 
 pon of ridicule to combat ignorance, super- 
 stition, and hypocrisy; and never did they 
 encounter a more formidable foe. He pos- 
 sessed vast erudition, but he wanted that 
 generous enthusiasm which makes a man 
 prefer the interests of truth to all the com- 
 forts of life. His writings contain the 
 
 " Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. Y. 
 
246' 
 
 germs of the doctrine of Luther and 
 Zwingle; and before they appeared, he 
 had insisted on the necessity of a reform. 
 He afterwards maintained a friendly con- 
 nection with the reformers, and often be- 
 stowed great praises upon them ; but the 
 first contests that arose between Luther 
 and the pope, caused him to change his 
 language. He then foresaw the dangers 
 to which the reformers were about to ex- 
 pose themselves, and wished to break off 
 all connection with them, that he might 
 not be involved in the same proscription. 
 " I have never felt in myself the courage 
 to die for the truth," says he in a letter to 
 a friend ; " the fortitude to suffer martyr- 
 dom is not given to all men ; and if I had 
 been put to the trial, I am afraid I should 
 have done like St. Peter." x But, whether 
 he did not choose to act against his own 
 conviction, or whether he expected to 
 find in Luther and Zwingle antagonists too 
 formidable, he avoided writing against 
 them as much as he possibly could; still 
 less would he compromise his reputation 
 
 x Jortin's Life of Erasmus, vol. i. p. 273. 
 
U7 
 
 and his peace, in a personal contest, in 
 which, the habit of speaking in public 
 would give advantages to his adversaries, 
 that were wanting to him. 
 
 The cause of the reformers was de- 
 fended at Baden principally by John Oeco- 
 lampadius and Berchtold Haller; one a 
 preacher at Basil, the other at Bern. Hal- 
 ler had early embraced the opinions of 
 Zwingle, and endeavoured to procure their 
 adoption at Bern. The opposition that he 
 met with, obliged him to act with circum- 
 spection, and not to declare himself too 
 openly in favour of the reformer of Zurich. 
 He therefore only appeared at Baden to 
 submit to the assembly his doubts and ob- 
 jections, and avoided committing himself/ 
 Oecolampadius was superior to Haller in 
 erudition, and was one of the principal 
 supports of the reformation. He was born 
 in the duchy of Wirtemberg, and being 
 destined to letters from his childhood, had 
 studied law at Bologna, and theologv at 
 Heidelberg. The reputation that he had 
 
 y M. Adami Vitse Theolog. Germ. p. 60. 
 
248 
 
 acquired by his talents and learning, in- 
 duced the Elector Palatine to intrust him 
 with the education of his son ; but Oeco- 
 lampadius being soon disgusted with the 
 court, where he could not devote himself 
 to his passion for study, left it, and entered 
 into a convent at Augsburgh. A work 
 which he composed to demonstrate the ill 
 effects of auricular confession, made him 
 many enemies, and being compelled to 
 quit his convent, he retired to Basil, where 
 he became intimate with Erasmus. It was 
 at this period of his life, that he was ac- 
 quainted with Zwingle: their conformity 
 of opinions and disposition, soon united 
 them in the most intimate friendship. 
 They reciprocally communicated all their 
 plans, and encouraged and consoled each 
 other when their intentions were mistaken 
 or calumniated, and death alone dissolved 
 the bond by which they were connected. 
 Oecolampadius had less vivacity and 
 warmth than Zwingle, but was inferior 
 to him neither in courage nor in firmness. 
 His learned works rendered great service 
 
249 
 
 to the reformation ; and it was he who by 
 force of perseverance and moderation ren- 
 dered it triumphant at Basil. 2 
 
 Oecolampadius, being less an object of 
 hatred to the catholic Cantons than 
 Zwingle, repaired to the conference at 
 Baden; he even blamed his friend for not 
 following his example; but as soon as he 
 arrived, he changed his opinion, perceiving 
 that the life of Zwingle would there have 
 been exposed without any advantage to 
 his cause. " I thank God," he writes, 
 that you are not here. The turn that mat- 
 ters take, makes me clearly perceive that 
 had you been here, we should neither of 
 us have escaped the stake." 3 
 
 The absence of Zwingle disconcerted, 
 the projects of his enemies: they pro- 
 ceeded however to the discussion of the 
 theses proposed. Oecolampadius distin- 
 guished himself by his mildness, his intre- 
 pidity, and his erudition; but he was 
 unable to influence the decision previously 
 taken. The assembly, being entirely go- 
 
 2 M. Adami Vitas Theolog. Germ. p. 45. et seq. 
 a Pellicani vita M. S. 
 
250 
 
 veined by Eckius, pronounced an excom- 
 munication against Zwingle and his ad- 
 herents, and particularly required of the 
 town of Basil to deprive Oecolampadius 
 of his office of pastor, and to banish him. 
 It also strictly prohibited the sale of the 
 books of Zwingle and Luther, and forbade 
 all change in worship or doctrine. b 
 
 These decisions, however, were not 
 adopted throughout all Switzerland: the 
 Cantons of Bern, Glaris, Basil, Schaff- 
 haussen and Appenzel, refused to admit 
 them. Oecolampadius on his return to 
 Basil was received with open arms, and 
 the council continued him in his office. 
 At Bern, Haller also continued the exercise 
 of his functions, notwithstanding the ex- 
 communication lanced against him. Thus, 
 the efforts of the assembly of Baden, far 
 from weakening the party of the reformer, 
 rather gave it fresh strength. 
 
 It was in Bern especially that the re- 
 formation obtained numerous partisans at 
 this period. Towards the end of the year 
 
 b Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. Y.— Hott. Helv. Kirch. 
 
 T. iii. p. 32. 
 
 c Zuing. et Oecol. Epist. f. I89. 
 
231 
 
 1527, several municipalities of this Canton 
 addressed the senate for the abolition of 
 the mass, and the introduction of the wor- 
 ship established at Zurich. Their demand 
 was variously received, for the reformation 
 had both friends and foes in that body. 
 The first prevailed: but before it decided, 
 the senate was desirous of knowing; the 
 opinions of the ecclesiastics of Bern, and 
 inquiring whether the doctrine of Zwingle 
 appeared to them consonant with scripture. 
 The clergy of that Canton were therefore 
 Convened, as well as those of all the other 
 states of the Helvetic League, and the 
 bishops of Lausanne, Basil, Constance, and 
 Sion in the Valais. This convocation, and 
 especially the contents of the theses to be 
 proposed to the examination of the meet- 
 ing, was displeasing to the Cantons of 
 Lucern, Uri, Schweitz, and Unterwalden, 
 They presented remonstrances to the senate 
 "of Bern, for the purpose of diverting them 
 from their design; but the tone of menace 
 which Mas distinguishable amid their friend- 
 ly expressions, offended the Bernese, and 
 confirmed them in their resolution. The 
 
2o2 
 
 Cantons were not prepared for so much firm- 
 ness; and not being able to prevent the 
 convocation from taking place, they at 
 last refused to all who wished to attend it 
 a passage through their territory. Such 
 manifest ill-will excited great displeasure 
 among the reformed, which was augmented 
 by the pamphlets daily published by the 
 catholics for the purpose of defaming the 
 reformers/ 
 
 In the meantime, preparations were 
 making at Bern to give the assembly the 
 greatest possible solemnity. Haller was 
 earnestly desirous of the presence of 
 Zwingle: he thus writes to him — "All 
 pious minds hope that you will come to 
 support us. You are aware how much the 
 cause of the reformation would gain in 
 Switzerland should our canton embrace it, 
 and how much it would lose by our failure. 
 But I know that } t ou have too warmly at 
 heart the glory of God, the welfare of the 
 republic of Bern, and that of all Switzer- 
 land, to neglect any thing that may be of 
 service to them ; and I do not doubt that 
 
 d Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. B. B. 
 

 253 
 
 you will come and confound our enemies. 
 I am too weak for so great a burden; show 
 me how to acquit myself of the task im- 
 posed upon me, or rather fulfil it yourself, 
 — Hasten to give me a favourable answer, 
 for all our trust is in you." 
 
 Zwingle was by no means disposed to 
 let slip an opportunity of unfolding his 
 doctrine before a numerous auditory which 
 appeared to be disposed in his favour. It 
 was besides very important for consolidating 
 the reform in Switzerland to gain over the 
 Bernese. Several Cantons appeared desir- 
 ous of reestablishing the catholic religion 
 by force of arms, and the town of Zurich 
 was not in a condition by herself to resist 
 them; but if Bern united with her, she 
 would have no cause to fear that the ca- 
 tholic Swiss should prescribe terms to 
 their protestant fellow citizens. Zwingle 
 therefore repaired to Bern, accompanied 
 by several Swiss and German theologians, 
 who all assembled at Zurich towards the 
 end of the year 1527- An escort, which 
 was judged necessary to protect them from 
 insult, conducted them to the place of their 
 
 
254 
 
 destination. Zwingle, Oecolampadius, Peb- 
 lican, Collinus, and Bullinger, were the 
 principal Swiss theologians who attended 
 the meeting: of the strangers, we shall 
 only name, Wolfgang Capito, and Martin 
 Bucer, both preachers at Strasburg. Capito 
 had early acquired a distinguished reputa- 
 tion by his talents, and the extent of his 
 knowledge. The archbishop of Mentz, 
 having heard of his merit, named him his 
 chancellor in 1520, and employed him in 
 several important embassies. Before he 
 entered the service of this prince, Capito 
 was already connected with Zwingle and 
 Luther, whose opinions he shared." He 
 had only accepted the office of chancellor 
 with the design of inspiring the chief of the 
 German clergy with the desire of himself 
 directing the reform and bringing it about 
 without disturbance. As long as he re- 
 tained any hope of success, he prevailed 
 with Luther not to exasperate the princes 
 of the church by his vehemence, who 
 might perhaps be gained over by more 
 moderate language ; but when he saw that 
 
 e Hott. H. E. T. vi. p. 206. 
 
2.55 
 
 interest and ambition prevailed with the 
 Archbishop over more noble motives, he re- 
 nounced the honours which he already pos- 
 sessed, and those that he might in future ex- 
 pect; and quitting the court, he retired to 
 Strasburg, where he exercised till the end of 
 his life the humble functions of a pastor/ 
 
 Martin Bucer was the most pacific of 
 all the reformers; he was full of modera- 
 tion in discussion, listened with patience 
 to the objections of his adversaries, and 
 refuted them with mildness. His con- 
 ciliating disposition contributed greatly to 
 procure the adoption of the reformation 
 at Strasburg, and its diffusion in France. 
 
 As soon as Zwingle arrived at Bern, the 
 convocation began its sittings, at which 
 the great council assisted in a body. The 
 ten theses composed by Haller, containing 
 the essential points of Zwingle's doctrine, 
 were successively discussed. Zwingle, 
 Oecolampadius, Capito, Bucer, and Haller 
 defended them alternately with so much 
 success, that after eighteen sittings, a great 
 majority of the clergy of Bern signed the 
 
 • M.Adam. V.T. G. p. 58. 
 
256 
 
 theses, declaring that they judged them 
 consonant with the sacred books. The 
 presidents of the assembly then exhorted 
 the senate to take such measures for the 
 interest of religion as it should deem most 
 useful. During the time of the conference, 
 the reformed clergy preached by turns in 
 the cathedral of Bern; and from the same 
 pulpit whence ten years before Samson the 
 Franciscan had abused the credulity of the 
 people, Zwingle worked a conversion which 
 produced a great effect. Just as he was 
 mounting the pulpit, a priest was preparing 
 to say mass at the neighbouring altar. The 
 desire of hearing: the famous heretic led 
 him to suspend the celebration of the office 
 and to mingle with the throng of auditors. 
 Zwingle in his sermon unfolded his opinion 
 on the eucharist with so much eloquence, 
 that he subverted and changed all the ideas 
 of the priest, who instantly, in sight of 
 the assembled people, laid down his sacer- 
 dotal ornaments on the altar at which he 
 was to have officiated, and embraced the 
 reformation. 2 
 
 b Haltmey. p. 451. 
 
257 
 
 The conference at Bern was very ser- 
 viceable to the cause of reform, from the 
 splendour reflected on it by the union of so 
 many celebrated men. It served at the 
 same time to form a more intimate con- 
 nection between the reformers dispersed in 
 different parts of Switzerland; they all re- 
 garded Zwingle as their head, and chief 
 support; and the authority that they 
 granted to him silently contributed to 
 maintain harmony among themselves. 
 
 As soon as the foreign theologians had 
 quitted Bern, the grand council began to 
 deliberate on the part to be taken. A few 
 days after, it declared the bishops of Lau- 
 sanne, Basil, Sion, and Constance, to be 
 divested of their spiritual rights throughout 
 its territory; it ordered the preachers of 
 the Canton to teach nothing contrary to 
 the theses approved by the assembly of the 
 clergy; permitted priests to marry, and re- 
 ligious to leave their convents; and disposed 
 respecting the employment of pious foun- 
 dations and the revenues of monasteries. 
 The town adopted the reformed worship, 
 and in the space of four months all the 
 s 
 
258 
 
 municipalities of the Canton followed the 
 example. 
 
 The introduction of the reformation at 
 Bern rendered the catholics apprehensive 
 that it would overspread all the rest of Swit- 
 zerland. To arrest its progress, the Can- 
 tons most attached to the faith of their 
 fathers, Lucern, Uri, Schweitz, Unter- 
 walden and Zug, which we shall henceforth 
 call the five Cantons, engaged themselves 
 hy oath to prohibit, under severe penalties, 
 the preaching of the doctrine of Luther 
 and Zwingle. This resolution in no respect 
 trenched upon the rights of their allies; 
 but the hatred that it announced towards 
 the reformation, alarmed Zurich and Bern. 
 These two towns thought it necessary to 
 unite themselves more closely than ever; 
 and they concluded an alliance of which 
 these were the principal articles. The two 
 towns guarantee each others' possessions, 
 and promise mutual assistance against all 
 who would compel them to restore the 
 Romish religion. They agree to maintain 
 liberty of conscience in the bailliages go- 
 verned in common, and not to suffer the 
 
259 
 
 reformed preachers in them to be impri- 
 soned or their partisans persecuted. The 
 other Cantons who shall admit the re- 
 formation may be admitted to this alliance, 
 by which Zurich and Bern do not design to 
 derogate from the stipulations of their 
 former treaties; their intention not being 
 to act on the offensive, or to injure the 
 rights of their allies, but only to protect 
 themselves from violence. 
 
 The distrust indicated by this treaty 
 augmented the misunderstanding already 
 existing, and every day brought some new 
 grievance. When suspicion once takes 
 place between confederate states, the very 
 relations which connect them become a 
 source of discord; and thus the joint so- 
 vereignty exercised by the Cantons over se- 
 veral small provinces, produced at this time 
 continual subjects of contest. Whole muni- 
 cipalities dependant on these provinces, 
 desired the abolition of the catholic cere- 
 monies and the establishment of reformed 
 preachers; in others, opinions were divided. 
 This difference of sentiment gave rise to 
 s 2 
 
260 
 
 disputes, to insults, often even to acts of 
 violence. The two parties pleaded their 
 cause before the tribunal of the bailiffs, who 
 administered justice in the name of the 
 Confederacy, and who, being zealous de- 
 fenders of the faith of their fathers, favoured 
 the catholics, and allowed themselves to 
 exercise several vexatious acts against 
 the reformed. In this situation, the senate, 
 of Zurich thought itself obliged to under- 
 take the defence of the oppressed party. 
 At the diet of Baden, in 1528, the deputies 
 of Zurich communicated to their colleagues 
 the complaints they had received from 
 the reformed, and desired that orders should 
 be given to the bailiffs to constrain no one 
 in respect to religion, and to leave to the 
 municipalities the liberty of adopting or 
 rejecting the reformation, according to the 
 wish of the majority; but they were not 
 listened to, and the persecution continued. 
 In one of the common bailliages, a protestant 
 preacher was arrested while performing his 
 pastoral duties, and conducted to Schweitz, 
 where, notwithstanding the intercession of 
 
261 
 
 several Cantons, he was condemned to the 
 stake and executed, for no other crime than 
 having preached the doctrine of Zwingle. h 
 This event spread great alarm among 
 the reformed in Switzerland, and what 
 augmented their uneasiness was a new 
 step of the five Cantons: — a negotiation 
 into which they entered with the brother 
 of Charles V., Ferdinand king of Bohemia 
 and archduke of Austria, a prince distin- 
 guished by his hatred of the protestants. He 
 received favourably the propositions of the 
 five Cantons, and concluded an alliance with 
 them, the object of which was the main- 
 tenance of the catholic religion. The con- 
 tracting parties agreed that, in case of Avar, 
 king Ferdinand should be put in possession 
 of the conquests that should be made be- 
 yond the Rhine, and that the five Cantons 
 should retain those made in Switzerland.' 
 The projects this treaty appeared to indi- 
 cate, filled the other members of the con- 
 federacy with indignation. In conse- 
 quence, they sent a deputation to the five 
 
 h Val. Tschudi Hist. Glar. M. S. 
 ' Seckendorf Hist. Luth. ii. p. 94. et seq. 
 
262 
 
 Cantons, commissioned to represent to 
 them, that by leaguing themselves thus 
 closely with a foreign power, they were 
 compromising the independence of Swit- 
 zerland, and instead of an ally, would give 
 themselves a master: the deputation was 
 to offer at the same time, the mediation of 
 the neutral Cantons, to terminate in an 
 amicable manner the differences which had 
 arisen on the subject of religion. This 
 deputation was every where ill received; 
 even the customary honours were not 
 shown to it, and it obtained nothing but 
 vague and evasive answers, which de- 
 stroyed all hope of accommodation. 
 
 Injurious language, pamphlets filled 
 with invectives, acts of violence com- 
 mitted by private persons, and unrepressed 
 by their governments, daily increased the 
 animosity between the catholics and the 
 reformed. 1 " They mutually accused each 
 
 k There were some individuals, however, in whom 
 party spirit had not extinguished the sentiments of gen- 
 tleness and indulgence : of which the following example 
 will also paint the genuine simplicity of the mountaineers 
 ©f that day. Tschudi, the pastor of Glaris, a. friend of 
 
263 
 
 other of ambitious views; the alliance of 
 the five Cantons with king Ferdinand, on 
 one hand, and the protection granted by 
 Zurich to all the reformed, on the other, 
 gave probability to these accusations. A 
 civil war appeared inevitable, and each 
 party accused its adversary of being the 
 author of it. At Zurich, the troubles of 
 Switzerland were attributed to the personal 
 
 Zwingle, seeing his parishioners divided into two invete- 
 rate factions, one day mounted the pulpit and said to his 
 audience: " Your hatreds and quarrels on the subject of 
 a religion the essence of which is charity, deeply afflict 
 me. Hold fast to the essentials, and torment yourselves 
 no more on account of the differences which at present 
 divide you. Do not desert your pastor ; you know that 
 he loves you, and bears you all equally in his heart. Till 
 it shall please the Lord to enlighten us, and remove our 
 doubts, this will I do 5 I will say mass in the morning 
 for those who choose to hear mass, and in the evening 
 I will preach for such as prefer a sermon ; and the diver- 
 sity of our opinions shall not prevent us from loving each 
 other. This minister afterwards renounced the Romish 
 faith, but he always preserved his tolerant sentiments, of 
 which he gave a proof by persuading his fellow-citizens 
 to found a hospital where patients of both communions 
 were received without distinction, and attended with the 
 same care. 
 
526'4 
 
 enemies of the reformer, who, it was said, 
 hated him much less on account of his 
 religious opinions, than because he opposed 
 their ambition and cupidity ; while the five 
 Cantons believed that Zurich protected 
 the reformed throughout Switzerland, for 
 no other purpose than to increase its own 
 power at the expense of the confederacy. 
 These regarded Zvvingle as the principal 
 instigator of the war. It is certain that he 
 made use of all his influence to eno-ao-e the 
 senate of Zurich, not to abandon the re- 
 formers to the rage of their persecutors, con- 
 ceiving that humanity and justice made it 
 his duty to undertake the defence of men 
 who, by following his instructions, were 
 daily exposed to the loss of property, li- 
 berty, and life itself. Much as he blamed 
 all wars undertaken from ambitiousmotives, 
 he was equally persuaded of the lawfulness 
 of one, which should have for its end the 
 maintenance of right, and the protection 
 of the oppressed. 
 
 A dispute between the Cantons of Bern 
 and Unterwalden at length caused the 
 storm to burst forth which had so long 
 
265 
 
 been impending over Switzerland. In the 
 valley of Hasli, situated on the confines of 
 these two Cantons, the change of worship 
 occasioned some disturbance. The inhabit- 
 ants refused to submit to the decrees of 
 the senate of Bern, and remained deaf to 
 the voice of their magistrates. Their 
 neighbours of Unterwalden joined them, 
 with the intention of defending them 
 against the force which was marching: 
 to reduce the mutineers. At the approach 
 of the troops of Bern, however, the in- 
 habitants of the valley, finding themselves 
 too inferior in numbers, returned to their 
 duty, and those of Unterwalden retired 
 homewards in haste. Notwithstanding 
 this prompt retreat, the senate of Bern 
 complained of the assistance given by the 
 men of Unterwalden to their rebellious 
 subjects; but the government of that Can- 
 ton thought itself sufficiently disculpated, 
 by declaring that it had had no share in 
 what had taken place; and refused the satis- 
 faction that was demanded. In vain did 
 the neutral Cantons attempt to appease 
 both parties; the town of Bern protested 
 
266 
 
 that its deputies should never again assist 
 at a diet where those of Untenvalden were 
 present, and that it would not permit the 
 new bailiff named by Untenvalden for the 
 county of Baden, to take possession of his 
 bailiage. The Unterwalders on their part, 
 supported by Lucern, Uri, Schweitz, and 
 Zug, prepared to settle the grand bailiff in 
 his residence, by force/ of arms. At the 
 first news of this design, Zurich, which 
 had made common cause with Bern in the 
 whole of this dispute, seized all the passes 
 by which the troops of the five Can- 
 tons could enter Baden, and ordered its 
 own to advance towards the borders. At 
 the same time, the senate issued a mani- 
 festo, setting forth all the grievances of 
 Zurich and Bern, and declaring that these 
 Cantons were laid under the necessity of 
 doing themselves justice by open force; 
 that it was not however their intention to 
 shed the blood of the innocent, but to 
 make the real authors of all these troubles 
 responsible. The senate accompanied this 
 manifesto with a declaration of war, which 
 was conveyed to Zug, where the troops of 
 
267 
 
 the five Cantons were assembled. Those 
 of Zurich received orders to attack the 
 next day; and hostilities were about to 
 begin, when a deputation from the neutral 
 Cantons arrived in haste, to prevent, if 
 possible, the effusion of blood. At their 
 entreaty, the leaders of the Zurichers con- 
 sented to a suspension of arms, during 
 which, the deputies repaired to Zurich, 
 where they prevailed on the senate to ac- 
 cept their mediation. The Canton of Zu- 
 rich at first demanded entire liberty of 
 conscience, even in the five Cantons, and 
 required that these latter should renounce 
 for ever all foreign alliances, as well as 
 their capitulations with France and with 
 the Pope ; but the mediators represented 
 to the council, that this would be giving 
 the law to their allies, and endeavouring 
 to deprive them of a right which the mem- 
 bers of the confederacy had at all times 
 possessed. The reproaches of the Canton 
 of Bern against the senate of Zurich for 
 its precipitation in commencing hostilities, 
 disposed it to moderate itsclaims; and the 
 five Cantons equally desired a momentary 
 
268 
 
 reconciliation, either because they were 
 not yet sufficiently prepared for war, or 
 because their ally, the king of Bohemia, 
 being attacked by the Turks, could not 
 furnish them with the troops that he had 
 promised. They therefore soon came to 
 an agreement which secured to each Can- 
 ton the power of making what ordinances 
 it pleased relative to religion, in its own 
 immediate territory. Liberty of conscience 
 was granted to the inhabitants of the com- 
 mon bailiages, and they were authorised to 
 reject or adopt the reformation at the will 
 of the majority. It was agreed that the 
 five Cantons should renounce their alliance 
 with king Ferdinand; and not to retard 
 the conclusion of the peace, the discussion 
 of less important articles was referred to 
 the approaching diet, at which the neutral 
 Cantons were to arrange them in an ami- 
 cable manner. This treaty was signed 
 June 25, 1529, at Cappel, a village on the 
 frontiers of Zurich and Zug, and the next 
 day both armies returned to their own 
 homes. k During this short campaign, the 
 
 k Tschudi p. m. 418. 
 
269 
 
 soldiers, who did not yet partake in the 
 animosity of their leaders, resembled bro- 
 thers disunited by some transient quarrel, 
 but whose former affection is by no means 
 extinguished. The advanced posts lived 
 in harmony, and often made their meals 
 together. Sometimes the soldiers of the 
 five Cantons, whose camp was ill provided 
 with food, ventured beyond their limits, 
 and allowed themselves to be taken pri- 
 soners; they were received as friends, and 
 sent back loaded with provisions. This 
 affecting union, still subsisting while every 
 thing seemed to indicate a war, inspired 
 the hope that Switzerland had no serious 
 divisions to apprehend; but unfortunately 
 this hope was of no long duration. The 
 catholics were provoked to see the refor- 
 mation protected by the treaty of peace, 
 and only awaited a favourable moment to 
 resume their former designs; while the 
 reformed, abusing their temporary supe- 
 riority, excited new discontents, which, 
 two years afterwards, brought on a second 
 rupture more serious than the first. 
 
 The thread of events now requires us 
 
<27Q 
 
 to speak of the dispute that arose respect- 
 ing the eucharist, between the Swiss and 
 the Saxon reformer. To relate their mis- 
 understanding, may awaken unpleasant 
 ideas in the minds of their admirers; but 
 this consideration ought not to restrain the 
 biographer of Zwingle. Something would 
 be wanting to the portrait of the reformer, 
 did we not describe his conduct in this 
 difficult situation, when it was his lot to 
 oppose a man whom he respected and ad- 
 mired, and wished to have for his friend. 
 We have already seen that Zwingle's first 
 attempts at reform preceded those of 
 Luther, or at least took place at the same 
 time. Without personal acquaintance, or 
 mutual communication, these two men had 
 met in their ideas. It was towards the 
 end of the year 1519, that one of the first 
 works of Luther, his paraphrase on the 
 Lord's prayer, reached Switzerland, when 
 it was found so similar to the explanation 
 of the same prayer given by Zwingle, some 
 months before, that many persons attri- 
 buted it to him, and thought he had chosen 
 to conceal his own name under that of 
 
271 
 
 Luther. Zwingle rejoiced to see this cele- 
 brated theologian directing his efforts 
 towards the same end to which all his own 
 were tending: he recommended to his 
 hearers the reading of the works of Lu- 
 ther; but he forbade it to himself, thinking 
 that their opinions would have more weight, 
 if they both arrived at the same result 
 without having; communicated their ideas. 
 During some years, the two reformers had 
 no direct intercourse; but they spoke of 
 each other in the most honourable terms. 
 When Luther was excommunicated and 
 put to the ban of the empire, Zwingle con- 
 tinued to testify the highest admiration of 
 him ; ' and at the time when his situation 
 appeared completely desperate, he caused 
 an asylum to be offered him in Switzer- 
 land, and engaged to procure for him the 
 protection of his government. 1 " The 
 friendly connection of the two reformers 
 subsisted till Zwingle began to manifest 
 his opinion on the eucharist. He had 
 long regarded the doctrine of transubstan- 
 
 'e> 
 
 1 Zuing. Op. T. iii. f. 38. 
 m Hott. Helv. Kirch. T. iii. p. 43. 
 
272 
 
 tiation as contrary to the general tenour of 
 evangelical doctrine; he also conceived it 
 to be the source of a multitude of false ideas 
 and superstitious practices; but the dogma 
 was deeply rooted in the minds of men, 
 and served as a basis to the authority en- 
 joyed by the clergy; a strong resistance 
 was therefore to be expected by any one 
 who should dare to attack it. These rea- 
 sons prevailed with Zwingle to remain 
 silent on this important subject till no doubt 
 whatever remained upon his own mind, 
 and till he felt himself enabled to reply to 
 all objections. 
 
 The defenders of transubstantiation 
 quoted in their favour the tradition of 
 several centuries, and the very words of 
 the institution of the last supper. The first 
 argument had not great weight with 
 Zwingle, who allowed no other authority 
 to tradition than what it derived from the 
 sacred writings; it was not so with the 
 second, since it was the invariable prin- 
 ciple of our reformer to refer himself to 
 the decisions of the gospel. The words of 
 the institution of the Lord's supper appeared 
 
273 
 
 mdeed, when taken separately, to favour 
 the doctrine in question; but Zwingle was 
 of opinion that this was a case for the ap- 
 plication of the rule, that scripture must be 
 interpreted by itself; that the general te- 
 nour of the gospel is to be regarded, and 
 that a doc-ma is not to be founded on an 
 insulated text. The dogma in question was 
 repugnant to the testimony of the senses, if 
 literally taken ; whereas, if taken meta- 
 phorically, the text would be found to 
 agree with all the rest relative to the same 
 subject. Zwingle, when he had once fixed 
 his opinion, began to declare it in his ser- 
 mons, and in 1525, he published it with all 
 the necessary il!ustrations,in a work entitled. 
 " A commentary on true and false religion." 
 He there established, that the outward sym- 
 bols of the body and blood of Jesus Christ 
 undergo no supernatural change in the eu-^ 
 charist. Immediately afterwards, Oeco- 
 lampadius published at Basil, " An expla- 
 nation of the words of the Lord's supper, 
 according to ancient authors." His prin- 
 cipal object was to prove that the father? 
 of the church favoured the doctrine of 
 
274 
 
 transubstantiation much less than many 
 would wish us to believe. This work 
 was written with so much erudition, 
 and such persuasive eloquence, that it 
 " was sufficient," said Erasmus, " if it were 
 possible, and God would permit, to se- 
 duce the elect themselves." 11 As soon as 
 Luther became acquainted with this doc- 
 trine, he rose up against it. He had him- 
 self renounced the doctrine of transubstan- 
 tiation, and substituted for it an obscure 
 and subtile explanation, which held a mid- 
 dle way between the doctrine of the Romish 
 Church and that of Zwingle. The im- 
 petuous disposition of the Saxon reformer 
 rendered him incapable of a calm discussion; 
 and when he had once adopted an idea, the 
 truth of it appeared to him so apparent, that 
 he accused those who refused to adopt it of 
 bad faith. He would not read the works 
 of Zwingle and Oecolampadius, but de- 
 clared their opinion dangerous and sacrile- 
 gious. In order to arrest in its commence- 
 ment a dispute which might become fatal 
 to the reformation, Zwingle addressed 
 
 n M. Adami Vit. Theol. Germ. p. 5Q. 
 
275 
 
 himself directly to Luther, and explained 
 his doctrine to him in the mildest language, 
 His frankness only served to provoke a 
 vehement reply, which completed the exas- 
 peration of both parties, and decided their 
 rupture. The Saxons, and the greater part 
 of the princes and towns of the north of 
 Germany, embraced the opinion of Luther,' 
 the Swiss and several imperial cities fol- 
 lowed that of Zwingle. Numerous works 
 appeared on each side, and kindled animo- 
 sities, the violence of which, even at the 
 present day, is astonishing. 
 
 The catholic party in Germany knew 
 how to take advantage of the discord which 
 was rising in the very bosomof protestantism. 
 The diet of the empire affected to make a 
 distinction between the Lutherans and the 
 partizans of Zwingle; hoping thus to aug- 
 ment their misunderstanding, and after* 
 wards to suppress them more easily one 
 after the other. The theologians, who 
 were too much strangers to political consi- 
 derations, did not perceive the snare; but 
 it could not escape the penetration of the 
 Landgrave of Hesse, one of the most en- 
 t 2 
 
276 
 
 lightened princes of his time, and a zealous 
 protector of the reformed. Being persuaded 
 that the safety of the protestants depended 
 on their union, he laboured incessantly for 
 the reconciliation of their diiferent parties. 
 His endeavours not having succeeded, it 
 occurred to him that an interview between 
 Luther and Zwingle would be the surest 
 road to a solid peace. He therefore invited 
 them both, in the year 1529, to repair with 
 some friends of their own choice, to his town 
 of Marpurg. Zwingle consented without 
 hesitation, and set out in the month of Sep- 
 tember, accompanied by Rodolph Collinus, 
 Bucer, Hedio, and Oecolampadius. Luther 
 brought on his part Melancthon, Justus 
 Jonas, Agricola, and Brentius. 
 
 Luther and Zwingle had at first private 
 conversations, one with Oecolampadius, the 
 other with Melancthon, and the four theo- 
 logians agreed on all points except that of 
 the eucharist. They afterwards discussed 
 this subject in presence of several protes- 
 tant princes, and the professors of the aca- 
 demy of Marpurg, but could arrive at no 
 satisfactory conclusion. Luther would 
 
£77 
 
 listen to no reasoning, but continued to 
 repeat, that he should remain in his own 
 opinion, and would adhere to the literal 
 meaning of scripture." His adversaries 
 were not discouraged; they entered into 
 a particular justification of their doctrine, 
 and made a great impression on their au- 
 dience. Perhaps some means of conci- 
 liation might have been found, if it had 
 been possible to prolong these conferences; 
 but the Landgrave was obliged to put an 
 end to them on account of a contagious 
 disorder which broke out at Marpurg. 
 Before they parted, the Swiss and German 
 theologians drew up in haste fourteen ar- 
 ticles containing the essential doctrines of 
 Christianity, which they signed by common 
 consent. As to the real presence in the 
 eucharist, it was said, that the difference 
 between the Swiss and Germans ought not 
 to interrupt their harmony, nor prevent 
 them from exercising christian charity 
 towards each other, as much as the conscience 
 of each would permit. In order to seal the 
 reconciliation of the two parties, the Land- 
 grave required from Luther and Zwingle a 
 * Zuingl. ad Vad. 
 
278 
 
 declaration that they regarded each other 
 as brothers. Zwingle readily consented ; 
 but all that could be obtained from Luther 
 was a promise that he would moderate his 
 expressions for the future, in speaking of 
 the Swiss. 
 
 Zwingle, a faithful observer of his en- 
 gagements, restrained his friends by his au- 
 thority, and disarmed his enemies by his 
 mildness : after his death, the unhappy dis- 
 pute that he had succeeded in composing, 
 revived with fresh violence. 
 
 The earnestness shown by Zwingle for 
 an union with the Lutherans, does equal 
 honour to his heatt and his head. He was 
 not one of those despotical men who are 
 irritated by contradiction, and would pre- 
 scribe laws to thought. Provided a small 
 number of principles were agreed upon, he 
 thought every one ought to be left to his 
 own individual manner of thinking. To 
 exact a perfect conformity even in the 
 smallest particulars was, he said, giving rise 
 to perpetual disputes. He never wished to 
 erect his own ideas into articles of faith ; 
 
 Fuessli Beytr. zu der Ref. Gesch. der Schweitz, 
 T. iii. p. 150.— M. Adanii Vitae Theol. Germ. p. 31. 
 
c 279 
 
 and knowing of what contention creeds 
 had often been the cause, he was desirous 
 that nothing more should be required of 
 the ministers of the word of God, than a 
 promise to conform in their teaching to the 
 clear and precise precepts of the gospel. 
 If the partisans of the reformation had 
 afterwards followed the same principle, 
 they would not have drawn upon them- 
 selves the just reproach of having more 
 than once substituted the authority of a 
 synod, or that of the reformers, to the au- 
 thority of the see of Rome and the councils. 
 Unfortunately the pride of man disposes 
 him to deliver his own opinions as infal- 
 lible truths ; and there have been some pro- 
 testants who have not escaped this snare; 
 though nothing is more contrary to the 
 true spirit of prostestantism, than to check 
 the career of the human faculties, to fetter 
 men's consciences, and to establish judges 
 in matters of religion. 
 
 The cares required in the defence of the 
 reformation against the dangers that threat- 
 ened itfrom without, did notpreventZwingle 
 from labouring to strengthen it in his own 
 
 9 
 
280 
 
 country. He instructed his flock daily 
 from the pulpit; and possessing in, the 
 highest degree the art of speaking to the 
 comprehension of every one, he was able to 
 give to his sermons an ever new attraction. 
 Full of force and vehemence when he at- 
 tacked vice, of gentleness and persuasion 
 when he endeavoured to reclaim men to 
 virtue, he disdained that kind of eloquence 
 which merely serves to set off the orator, 
 and dwelt only upon arguments adapted to 
 convince and move. p He was still more 
 admirable in his private conversations. 
 With affecting condescension he brought 
 himself down to a level with the most 
 humble capacities, and tranquillized such 
 as came to confide to him their doubts, and 
 disclose the agitation of their minds. He 
 diverted such persons from speculative subr 
 jects above their reach, and succeeded in re- 
 storing them to serenity; but when he had 
 to do with an inquirer capable of thoroughly 
 investigating a question, he followed him 
 step by step in his reasonings ; showed him 
 where he had quitted the right road, and 
 
 p Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iii. a. B. 
 
281 
 
 pointed out the beacons which might di- 
 rect him in future. What particularly in- 
 clined all hearts to open themselves to 
 him, and gave weight to his words, was 
 the sweetness of his disposition, his active 
 benevolence, and the irreproachable purity 
 of his morals. His house was the asylum 
 of all the unfortunate, and he employed 
 his small income, his credit, his connec- 
 tions, his ascendency, in rendering service 
 to those who had need of him. His friends 
 sometimes reproached him with giving 
 way too much to his natural benevolence, 
 but they could never persuade him to 
 exercise it with more circumspection. 
 
 They who witnessed the patience with 
 which Zwingle listened to all those who 
 came to him in search of instruction, as- 
 sistance, or consolation, might have thought 
 that he had no other functions to fulfil 
 than those of his pastoral office; but oc- 
 cupations of a very different nature claimed 
 an equal portion of his time. In all diffi- 
 cult conjunctures the council summoned 
 him to its sittings; and such was the opi- 
 nion entertained of his wisdom, his pene- 
 
282 
 
 tration, and his knowledge, that magis- 
 trates and statesmen, who had grown Old 
 in office, came to ask advice of a simple 
 theologian, whom his occupations and ha- 
 bitual studies seemed to render a stranger to 
 politics. He was also the person employed 
 by the government to draw up several new 
 laws, which had been rendered necessary 
 by the reformation. Of this number, were 
 such as related to ecclesiastical discipline, 
 those which regulated the course to be 
 followed in causes which were formerly 
 within the cognizance of the episcopal 
 chambers, and sumptuary laws. In the 
 midst of these different occupations, Zwin- 
 gle also kept up an extensive correspond- 
 ence with the celebrated men of his time, 
 and composed a great number of works, 
 in which he treated on the most important 
 questions of morals and theology. q We 
 have had occasion to speak of several of his 
 works : but there is one which we have not 
 yet mentioned, and which deserves to be 
 noticed. It is an abstract of his doctrine., 
 
 * His printed works make four volumes, folio, and a 
 srreat number of his MSS. are also in existence. 
 
283 
 
 which he addressed to Francis L, in order 
 to render him favourable to the reforma- 
 tion, and in reply to the accusations which 
 had injured the reformers in the opinion 
 of that prince. It contains a curious pas- 
 sage respecting his idea of the fate re- 
 served for pagans in a future life. The 
 theologians of that time were of opinion, 
 that the virtues of the pagans were nothing 
 but splendid vices, and that, consequently, 
 they would be excluded from heaven. This 
 notion, though generally adopted, was 
 repugnant to the heart of Zwingle, who. 
 could not reconcile it to the goodness of 
 God. " When St. Paul (says he) affirms 
 that it is impossible to please God without 
 faith, Heb. xi. 6, he speaks of the unbe- 
 lievers who have known the gospel, and 
 have not put faith in it. I cannot believe 
 that God will involve in the same con- 
 demnation, him who shuts his eyes to the 
 light, and him who unavoidably lives in 
 darkness. I cannot believe that the Lord 
 will cast away from him nations whose 
 only crime it is never to have heard of the 
 gospel. No, let us abjure the rashness of 
 
284 
 
 setting bounds to the divine mercy. I am 
 persuaded that in the heavenly assemblage 
 of all the creatures admitted to contem- 
 plate the glory of the Most High, we shall 
 see not only the holy men of the old and 
 new covenant, but also Socrates, Aristides, 
 Camillus, and Cato; in a word, I am per- 
 suaded that all good men, who have ful- 
 filled the laws engraven on their con- 
 sciences, whatever were the age or country 
 in which they lived, will enter into eternal 
 felicity." 
 
 This work breathes religion of the most 
 indulgent and enlightened kind, and proves 
 in its author an elevated soul, and a mind 
 superior to prejudice. It was the last that 
 proceeded from the pen of Zwingle : a few 
 weeks after, a fatal stroke deprived his 
 country of his services, and terminated his 
 laborious career. When we think of all 
 that he performed during his abode at Zu- 
 rich, it seems as if a whole life would 
 scarcely suffice for so many labours; yet 
 jt was in the short space of twelve years, 
 that he succeeded in changing the man- 
 ners, the religious ideas, and the political 
 
£85 
 
 principles of his adopted country, and in 
 founding establishments, many of which 
 have endured for three centuries. Such is 
 the power of a man who is governed by a 
 single purpose; who pursues one only end, 
 from which he suffers himself to be di- 
 verted neither by fear, nor by seduction! 
 The frivolous pleasures and amusements of 
 the world occupied no place in the life of 
 Zwingle; his only passion was to propa- 
 gate truth, his only interest to promote its 
 triumph; this was the secret of his means, 
 and his success. 
 
 If Zwingle disdained those pleasures 
 which can neither enlarge the faculties of 
 the mind, nor procure real enjoyment, he 
 at least knew how" to appreciate the enjoy- 
 ments of intimate society. It was in the 
 midst of his friends that he sought relax- 
 ation from labour. His serenity and chear- 
 fuiness gave a great charm to his conversa- 
 tion; his temper was naturally hasty, and 
 he sometimes gave way too much to his 
 first feelings; but he knew how to efface 
 the painful impression that he had pro- 
 duced, by a prompt and sincere return of 
 
286 
 
 kindness. Incapable of retaining the 
 smallest degree of rancour from the recol- 
 lection of his own faults or those of others, 
 he was equally inaccessible to the senti- 
 ments of hatred, jealousy, and envy. The 
 amiable qualities of his disposition gained 
 him the attachment of his colleagues, who 
 united around him as a common centre; 
 and it is worthy of remark, that at this 
 period, when all the passions were in mor 
 tion, nothing ever troubled the harmony 
 that prevailed among them : yet they were 
 neither united by family connections, nor 
 by early acquaintance ; they were strangers 
 attracted to Zurich by the protection af- 
 forded to the reformed, or sent for by 
 Zwingle, to take part in the labour of pub- 
 lic instruction. They came with habits 
 already formed, with ideas already fixed, 
 and of an age when the ardour of youth, 
 so favourable to the formation of friend- 
 ships, was past; but a stronger tie than 
 any other united them — their common in- 
 terest in the new light that began to dawn 
 over Europe. These learned men commu- 
 nicated to each other all their ideas with- 
 
287 
 
 out reserve: they consulted upon the 
 works that they meditated, and sometimes 
 united their talents and their knowledge 
 in undertakings which would have ex- 
 ceeded the powers of any one singly. The 
 dangers that they had to fear for them- 
 selves, the persecutions to which they saw 
 their partisans exposed in the neighbour- 
 ing countries, served to draw the bonds of 
 their friendship still closer. In our days 
 each individual seems to be connected by 
 a thousand threads with all the members 
 of a society; but these apparent ties have 
 no real strength, and are broken by the 
 first shock. The men of the 16th century 
 had something more masculine and more 
 profound in their affections; they were 
 capable of a forgetfulness of self which we 
 find it difficult to conceive. The friends 
 with whom Zwingle had encircled himself, 
 loved him with that entire devotedness 
 which only belongs to strong minds : with- 
 out base adulation or servile deference, 
 they did homage to the superiority of his 
 genius, while the reformer was far from 
 abusing his ascendency over them so as to 
 
1283 
 
 make it the means of erecting a new spi- 
 ritual dictatorship on the ruins of the old 
 one. 
 
 There is nothing exaggerated in the 
 morality of Zwingle. It announces a man 
 who is a zealous friend of virtue, but who 
 knows the world and its temptations ; who 
 requires from no one a chimerical perfec- 
 tion, and w r ho, notwithstanding the seve- 
 rity of his ownmorals, preserves his indul- 
 gence for the weakness of others. 
 
 The more we examine the writings of 
 Zwingle, and reflect on the whole tenour 
 of his life, the more shall we be persuaded 
 that the love of virtue and the desire of 
 rendering himself useful, were the sole 
 springs of his actions. " A generous 
 mind," would he often say, " does not 
 consider itself as belonging to itself alone, 
 but to the whole human race. We are 
 born to serve our fellow creatures, and by 
 labouring for their happiness, even at the 
 hazard of our repose or our life, we ap- 
 proach most nearly to the Deity." r 
 
 His whole conduct proves that these 
 
 r Zuing. Op. T. i. f. 281. 
 
289 
 
 words were the genuine expression of bis 
 sentiments. If interest had swayed him, 
 he would not have been contented with a 
 small income, when it would have been 
 easy for him to dispose of all the property 
 of the church. If he had been ambitious 
 of rule, he would have exacted a blind 
 submission from his disciples, and would 
 have preserved to the clergy their former 
 power; if the love of fame had moved 
 him, he would have attached his name to 
 his institutions; but he had nothing in 
 view but the public good. A stranger to 
 all personal considerations, he was wholly 
 occupied in establishing the reformation, 
 and appeared indifferent to his own glory. 
 
 The purity of Zwingle's intentions was 
 often disputed during his lifetime; at 
 which we ought not to be astonished. 
 The contemporaries of a great man judge 
 him according to their passions; and the 
 reformer who dares to lay his bold hand 
 upon long revered idols, cannot escape 
 hatred and calumny. When Zwingle in 
 his sermons thundered against the ambi- 
 tious, when he threatened unjust judges 
 u 
 
290 
 
 with the divine anger; when he called 
 forth severe measures against moral irregu- 
 larities, no one dared to oppose to him an 
 open resistance. He had reason, religion, 
 and justice on his side, and strengthened 
 by these auxiliaries, he convinced the vir- 
 tuous, led the weak, and imposed silence 
 on the corrupted; but these latter, though 
 compelled to be silent in public, made 
 themselves amends in private. The}- at- 
 tributed to the reformer violent language 
 Avhich he had never uttered, and represented 
 his actions under the most odious aspect. It 
 was in great part the intrigues of the ene- 
 mies of Zwingle, at Zurich, which occa- 
 sioned a second rupture between the catho- 
 lics and protestants, of which we shall 
 rapidly relate the circumstances. 
 
 The treaty of peace concluded at Cap- 
 pel, in September, \5 L 29, had put a stop to 
 hostilities, but had not pacified men's 
 minds. The prevailing party in the five 
 Cantons remained determined to oppose 
 the progress of the reformation. They 
 had only subscribed the conditions pro- 
 posed by the mediators, because they then 
 
291 
 
 found themselves in no condition to con 
 tend with advantage against enemies su- 
 perior in numbers, prepared for war, full 
 of ardour, and perfectly united. The 
 coni bat would have been the more unequal, 
 as the reformation was not without par- 
 tisans in the five Cantons, and as the peo- 
 ple in general disapproved of a war in 
 which there was nothing to be gained, 
 and much to be lost. Neither were the 
 catholics animated by the feeling of op- 
 pression or persecution; no one among 
 them had been disquieted for his opinions; 
 they might live in the midst of the pro- 
 tcstants without fear of molestation. The 
 reformed, on the contrary, incurred a 
 thousand dangers, when they risked them- 
 selves on the territories of the catholic 
 Cantons; and some, on a simple accusation 
 of heresy, had been imprisoned, tortured, 
 and delivered to the executioner. They 
 considered themselves as the persecuted 
 party, and it is well known how much this 
 idea exalts the courage of men. The 
 treaty of Cappel changed the situation of 
 
the two parties: it openly favoured the 
 progress of protestantism, as Mas soon 
 perceived. The towns of Basil and Schaff- 
 hausen abolished the remains of popery, 
 and united themselves to Zurich and Basil. 
 At Glaris and Appenzel, the number of 
 protestants multiplied so much, as to hold 
 the balance even between the two faiths. 
 In the common bailiages especially, the 
 reformation daily gained partisans. When 
 they thought themselves sufficiently nu- 
 merous, they assembled all the inhabitants 
 of the place, and in virtue of the treaty, 
 the majority was to decide whether they 
 should preserve the mass, or adopt the 
 reformation. The latter proposal had 
 almost always carried it, and this general 
 disposition may be easily explained. The 
 reformed preachers displayed more zeal 
 and talent in attack, than their adversaries 
 in defence ; and the protcstant Cantons, 
 from their geographical position, and their 
 multiplied connections with the common 
 subjects, had great influence over them, 
 which they frequently employed to draw 
 
293 
 
 over to their own party those who were 
 still floating in uncertainty. The steps 
 that they took for this purpose, displeased 
 the five Cantons, and rendered them un- 
 easy respecting the future, from an appre- 
 hension that they should find neither 
 respect nor submission in sectaries of a 
 different faith from their own. In fact, 
 it was easy to foresee, that in all contests 
 the common subjects, when become pro- 
 testants, would take part with Zurich and 
 Bern ; and that if ever these two towns 
 should wish to ao-orandize themselves at 
 the expense of their confederates, they 
 might reckon upon the assistance of those 
 whom a conformity of religion attached 
 to their interests. The senate of Zurich 
 justified these fears by indulging itself in 
 several arbitrary acts in the common 
 bailiages. By its own authority it dis- 
 posed of the ecclesiastical property to 
 furnish salaries for the reformed preach- 
 ers ; and when the catholic Cantons com- 
 plained that they hud not been consulted, 
 the senate replied, that wherever the re- 
 formation had been adopted, the protestant 
 
294 
 
 Cantons alone had the right of regulating' 
 matters relative to worship. 5 
 
 A still more serious contest soon arose 
 respecting the abbey of St. Gall, which 
 belonged to the Helvetic Confederacy, by 
 ;ts alliance with the Cantons of Zurich, 
 Lucern, Schweitz, and Glaris. The abbot 
 having died in 1529, the senate of Zurich 
 wanted to take advantage of this event, to 
 secularise the abbey; but the monks, sup- 
 ported by Lucern and Glaris, hastened to 
 choose a new abbot, and immediately put 
 him in possession of all his rights. 1 It 
 may be imagined that the abbot exerted 
 himself to put a stop to the progress of 
 protestantism among his subjects, but in 
 this he could not succeed; and finding 
 himself surrounded on all sides by the 
 reformed, he did not think himself in 
 safety at St. Gall, and retired into Swabia. 
 His flight appeared to the protestant party 
 a confession of the illegality of his election, 
 and a voluntary renunciation of his dig- 
 nity: the senate of Zurich therefore re- 
 
 8 Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iv. B. 
 1 Stumph. p. in. 325. b. 
 
295 
 
 Mimed the design of secularizing the abbey ; 
 but it met with a strong resistance not 
 only from catholics, but also from pro- 
 testants. These latter were all agreed 
 upon the principle that monks consecrated 
 to retirement and the divine service, were 
 not fitted for the exercise of sovereignty : 
 in virtue of this principle, they had de- 
 prived of their secular power all the con- 
 vents situated on their territory; but as to 
 the abbot of St. Gall, they regarded him 
 as an allied prince, not as a subject of the 
 Cantons. They also dreaded the anger of 
 the emperor, who had confirmed the elec- 
 tion of the abbot, and given him inves- 
 titure as a prince of the empire. After 
 long debates, occasioned by this conflict 
 of opposite opinions, the following decree 
 was at length agreed upon as a middle 
 measure; that on account of the absence of' 
 the abbot, the Cantons of Zurich, Lucern, 
 Schweitz, and Glaris, should alternately 
 name a governor for a year, commissioned 
 to manage the abbey in their name. This 
 provisionary measure was in no manner to 
 derogate from the rights of the abbot, the 
 
'296 
 
 final determination upon which was re- 
 served till another occasion. Both parties 
 adopted this arrangement in order to gain 
 time, and each flattered itself with the 
 hope of becoming strong enough in the 
 interval to give laws to its antagonist. 
 According to the decree of the four Can- 
 tons, the town of Zurich was the first that 
 named to the place of governor, and com- 
 missioners sent by it to St. Gall consulted 
 with the deputies of the municipalities on 
 the organisation of the new government, 
 and formed a constitution which secured 
 liberty of conscience. It was agreed that 
 every governor, before entering upon his 
 office, should take an oath to maintain 
 and observe all the articles of this con- 
 stitution. 
 
 The Cantons of Lucern and Schweitz 
 would not concur in these arrangements, 
 but they made no protest against them till 
 the period when the governor named by 
 Lucern came to replace the one sent by 
 Zurich the former year. He refused to 
 take the oath required by the subjects of 
 the abbey, and these refused to recognise 
 
297 
 
 him till he observed this form : he there- 
 fore returned to Lucern, and his pre- 
 decessor resumed the exercise of his 
 functions. 
 
 Upon the news of this circumstance, 
 the long suppressed indignation of the five 
 Cantons burst forth. They complained 
 that after having acted arbitrarily in the 
 common bailiages and in the states of the 
 abbot of St. Gall, Zurich sought also to 
 force them to approve a convention made 
 without their participation, or in case of 
 refusal, to exclude them from an adminis- 
 tration to which they had a legal right. 
 They said that Zurich had violated several 
 articles of the treaty of 1529, and required 
 the Cantons of Glaris, Friburg, Soleurc, 
 Schaffhaussen, and Appenzell, to join with 
 them to compel Zurich to submit to a judg- 
 ment by arbitration. The senate of Zurich 
 answered to the complainants, that it had 
 never contested with its confederates any 
 of their temporal rights ; but that it thought 
 itself obliged to prevent any infraction of 
 the liberty of conscience granted to the 
 common subjects ; that the steps with which 
 
29S 
 
 it was reproached had no other end than 
 the maintenance of this liberty, and that 
 it would not suffer matters which had been 
 sufficiently discussed at the time of the 
 treaty of Cappel, to be brought again into 
 deliberation. All attempts to reconcile the 
 two parties Mere vain; the irritation in- 
 creased daily, and the event that we are 
 about to relate showed to what a degree 
 the catholics were incensed. 
 
 John James Me;:icis, a partisan, no- 
 wise connected with the illustrious house 
 of that name, had obtained of Charles V., 
 in recompense of his military services, a 
 small sovereignty on the banks of the lake 
 of Como. He soon felt himself straightened 
 in his territory, which was bounded on one 
 side by the duchy of Milan, and on the 
 other by the Grison leagues. The latter 
 neighbour appeared to him the weaker, and 
 consequently that at whose expense it 
 would be most easy to aggrandise himself. 
 He took into his pay some Spanish troops 
 who were out of employment; and with- 
 out seeking any pretext to cover his ag- 
 gression, seized upon the Valteline, a 
 
299 
 
 small province belonging to the Grisons. 
 These, in virtue of their treaties, claimed 
 the assistance of the Swiss, whom they 
 found for the most part inclined to grant 
 their demands: the five Cantons alone re- 
 fused, alleging as a reason, the danger 
 with which they were threatened by the 
 protestant Cantons. 
 
 Their refusal did not slacken the zeal 
 of Zurich, Bern, Glaris, Basil, Friburg, So- 
 leure, Schaffhaussen and Appenzell, who 
 marched their troops into the country of 
 the Grisons; the Valteline was quickly re- 
 covered ; the expedition was crowned with 
 complete success, and the campaign termi- 
 nated in a few months. 
 
 It may easily be imagined how great 
 was the indignation excited among all the 
 confederates by the conduct of the five 
 Cantons. If the catholics acted thus* 
 towards an ally against Avhom they had no 
 cause of complaint, what were the protes- 
 tant cantons to expect in case of being 
 attacked? Had they not reason to believe 
 that designs were meditated against them ~ J 
 
300 
 
 Other circumstances corroborated these 
 fears. 
 
 The persecutions of the protestants re- 
 commenced with more fury than ever; it 
 seemed as if the catholics, assured of some 
 powerful support, thought themselves ex- 
 cused from keeping any measures. The 
 victims of their intolerance loudly implored 
 the protection of Zurich, and they found in 
 Zwingle an advocate equally zealous and 
 eloquent. " These are Swiss," said he, 
 " whom a faction is attempting to deprive of 
 a portion of the liberty transmitted to them 
 by their ancestors. If it would be unjust to 
 attempt to force our adversaries to abolish 
 the catholic religion from among them ; 
 it is no less so to imprison, to banish, and 
 to deprive citizens of their property, be- 
 cause their consciences have urged them to 
 embrace opinions which they think true."" 
 The representations of Zwingle were not 
 fruitless. The senate did not content it- 
 self with giving an asylum to persecuted 
 protestants. it interceded for them with 
 
 H Bull Sclnv. Chr. T. iv. D. 
 
301 
 
 different Cantons, and claimed the obser- 
 vation of the treaty of Cappel, a\ hieh ex- 
 pressly forbade all constraint in matters of 
 religion. Unfortunately, the article on 
 which the protestants founded their claims 
 was conceived in equivocal terms, which 
 each might interpret to his own advantage. 
 One party wanted unlimitted liberty of 
 conscience; the other regarded themselves 
 as no longer independent the moment to- 
 leration was exacted from them. It was 
 impossible to reconcile claims so opposite, 
 and the diets assembled to appease men's 
 minds, only served to inflame them the 
 more. At Zurich the people were per- 
 suaded that the greater part of the inhabit- 
 ants would consent to terms if they were 
 not led astray by the adversaries of Zwingle, 
 who took advantage of the delay in the 
 negociations to augment the number of 
 their partisans. On this supposition, the 
 -zealous friends of the reformation desired 
 that a frank exposure of their intentions 
 respecting liberty of conscience should be 
 required of the catholics; and they also 
 wished to know whether, on occasion of 
 
302 
 
 an attack from a foreign power, the re- 
 formed might depend on the assistance 
 of their allies. In case of an evasive an- 
 swer, they thought it would be better to 
 declare war immediately, than to prolong 
 the painful distrust in which they lived, 
 and give the enemy time to augment 
 their forces. This opinion, which was 
 approved by Zurich, was blamed by the 
 other Cantons. They did not judge the 
 danger pressing, and wished to make one 
 further trial before hostilities were com- 
 menced. This trial consisted in stopping 
 the provisions of the five Cantons, and 
 breaking off all communication with them, 
 that the catholics might feel how much 
 need they had of their reformed neigh- 
 bours, and thus become disposed to a 
 speedy accommodation. In vain did the 
 senate of Zurich combat this proposal; in 
 vain did the reformer himself represent, 
 that it would be cruel to reduce a whole 
 population to famine, and that by such 
 means the catholics would be irritated and 
 not softened; his representations were 
 neglected, and the senate of Zurich found 
 
oUo 
 
 itself at length obliged to assent to the 
 proposal of its allies. The protestants 
 therefore addressed to the catholics a ma- 
 nifesto containing a long enumeration of 
 their grievances, and ending with these 
 words : " Since you observe neither your 
 ancient engagements nor your recent pro- 
 mises, and since you daily give us new 
 subjects of complaint, we should be jus- 
 tified in doing ourselves right by force of 
 arms. We will not however yet proceed 
 to this extremity; but from this time we 
 forbid you to frequent our public markets, 
 we refuse you the passage of provisions 
 through our territory, and we interdict our 
 subjects from all communication with you. 
 We shall continue these measures until you 
 shall have given us satisfaction, and until 
 we shall know whether it is your intention 
 to acquit yourselves for the future, of the 
 obligations imposed upon you by our an- 
 cient alliances." 
 
 This menace was soon followed by its 
 execution, and the five Cantons suddenly 
 saw themselves blockaded on all sides. In 
 order to understand the odious nature of 
 
304 
 
 the measure announced by the manifesto, 
 it should be known, that the inhabitants of 
 this part of Switzerland, having no other 
 resource than their flocks, were obliged to 
 import provisions of the first necessity, and 
 a number of other indispensable articles. 
 It was principally Zurich and Bern that 
 furnished them with these -commodities, or 
 at least it \\ r as in the markets of these towns 
 that they supplied themselves; and the 
 situation of their country rendered any 
 other communication difficult to them, if 
 not impracticable. The effects of this 
 blockade were quickly felt, and they af- 
 fected the poor still more than the rich. 
 What Zwingle had predicted took place. 
 One general cry of indignation arose 
 anions: all the inhabitants of the five Can- 
 tons. Even those who had laboured to 
 restore peace, now renounced their pacific 
 intentions; all persuaded themselves that 
 the protestants had designs against their 
 independence; and this suspicion deter- 
 mined them to submit to the most painful 
 privations, rather than subscribe the con- 
 ditions attempted to be imposed upon them. 
 
305 
 
 War would immediately have broken out, 
 had not the catholic leaders found their 
 advantage in delay. They knew that their 
 adversaries were not agreed among them- 
 selves, and by retarding the moment of 
 attack, they hoped to augment their divi- 
 sions. The protestants had flattered them- 
 selves that the mere threat of interrupting 
 their communications would render their 
 enemies more tractable; but the resolute 
 countenance of the catholics, which they 
 were far from expecting, disconcerted them. 
 They began to load each other with re- 
 proaches; some complained that, instead of 
 striking a decisive stroke, measures had 
 been taken which gave new strength to the 
 enemy ; others accused Zwingle of kindling 
 a civil war by his zeal in defending all the 
 persecuted; and the catholics attempted 
 to stir up discontents against the reformer, 
 by repeating that he alone, and his decla- 
 mations, had been the cause of all the dis- 
 sensions that troubled Switzerland, and 
 that, but for this apostle of discord, all the 
 points in dispute might easily be settled. 
 It was their intention to deprive him of 
 x 
 
306 
 
 the confidence of his fellow-citizens, and 
 destroy the effect of his wise and energetic 
 councils, and they in part succeeded. So 
 many interests thwarted by the reformation, 
 so many passions repressed by severe laws, 
 so many vices censured without reserve, 
 had indisposed many persons against 
 Zwingle. All who regretted their former 
 resources, their former pleasures, their 
 former enjoyments, eagerly welcomed the 
 calumnies circulated respecting him, and 
 attributed to him the ill-success of the 
 measures taken by the government, even 
 though he had disapproved of them. 
 Zwingle perceived the efforts made to 
 bring him into disesteem, but he could not 
 defend himself, because this malevolence 
 was concealed, and only acted in secret. 
 Fearing that he could no longer usefully 
 exercise the duties of his office, he took 
 the resolution of quitting Zurich. In the 
 month of July he appeared before the se- 
 nate, and thus addressed them. " For 
 eleven years I have announced to you the 
 Gospel in all its purity: as became a faith- 
 ful pastor, I have spared neither exhorta- 
 
307 
 
 tions, nor reprimands, nor warnings; I have 
 represented to you on many occasions how 
 meat a misfortune it would be to all Swit- 
 zerland that you should again allow your- 
 selves to be guided by those whose am- 
 bition is their God. You have made no 
 account of my remonstrances; I see intro- 
 duced into the council, men destitute of 
 morality and religion, who have nothing 
 in view but their own interest; who are 
 enemies of evangelical doctrine, and zeal- 
 ous partisans of our adversaries. These 
 are the men who are now listened to, and 
 who have the sole direction of affairs. As 
 long as you act in this manner, no good is 
 to be hoped for; and since it is to me that 
 all our misfortunes are attributed, though 
 none of my counsels are followed, I de- 
 mand my dismission, and will go and seek 
 an asylum elsewhere." 
 
 This unexpected address confounded 
 almost equally the friends and the ene- 
 mies of Zwingle. Before the latter had 
 recovered from their astonishment, the 
 senate named a deputation, which was 
 commissioned to wait upon the reformer, 
 x 2 
 
308 
 
 and entreat him not to desert his flock. 
 All the tenderness of friendship, and all 
 the ardour of patriotism, were employed in 
 vain by the deputies. Seeing Zwingle in- 
 exorable, they then forcibly represented 
 the blow that the reformation would sus- 
 tain from his quitting Zurich, the principal 
 seat of protestantism in Switzerland. This 
 consideration overbalanced all his objec- 
 tions; he yielded to their entreaties, and 
 three days after, he again appeared before 
 the grand council, thanked them for the 
 testimonies of attachment that he had re- 
 ceived from them, and promised that to his 
 latest hour, he would devote himself en- 
 tirely to the good of their country. 
 
 The entreaties employed by the senate 
 to retain Zwingle at Zurich, prove the high 
 opinion generally entertained of his merit; 
 they prove at the same time, that the 
 reformer had given the senate no cause of 
 complaint. In fact, his conduct always 
 bore the strongest stamp of fidelity towards 
 his sovereign, and his measures all tended 
 to fortify the authority of government. 
 It will be remembered, that it was he who 
 
309 
 
 prevailed upon the religious communities 
 of Zurich to renounce their secular rights ; 
 it was he also who desired the abolition of 
 those privileges which made the clergy a 
 state within a state. He never introduced 
 any change in public worship, without 
 lirst submitting: it to the deliberation of 
 the council; and he was never known to 
 take advantage of his ascendency to extort a 
 consent which he could not obtain by per- 
 suasion. When the extravagancies of the 
 anabaptists caused a dangerous fermenta- 
 tion, and threatened the dissolution of so- 
 ciety, Zwingle had the greatest share in the 
 reestablishment of order. The same spirit 
 which directed his actions, is found in his 
 writings, where it would be in vain to 
 search for a single word favourable to 
 anarchy. In his private letters, where he 
 expresses himself with the unreserve of 
 the most perfect intimacy, he recommends 
 to his friends a submission to established 
 government, whatever may be its form; 
 and he continually reminds them, that the 
 christian religion, far from weakening the 
 bonds which unite subjects to their sove- 
 
510 
 
 reign, gives them an additional sanction. 
 The whole life of Zwingle proves, that he 
 never attempted to excite the multitude 
 to revolt, or to propagate seditious doc- 
 trines—a reproach often brought against 
 reformers. It would be easy in the same 
 respect to justify Luther, Melancthon, 
 Oecolampadius, Calvin, and many other 
 celebrated theologians of the 16th century. 
 No doubt some turbulent men have been 
 found among those who called themselves 
 partisans of the reformation, whose con- 
 duct and principles were blameable; but 
 they have always been disavowed by the 
 reformers; and the liberty- of conscience 
 claimed by the latter, has nothing in com- 
 mon either with a licentiousness which 
 would banish all laws, or with chimerical 
 theories which tend to the overthrow of 
 empires. 
 
 Zwingle then remained at Zurich, and 
 laboured without ceasing to reconcile ani- 
 mosities ; but he was unable to restore the 
 ancient harmony. The council was di- 
 vided into two parties, which continually 
 thwarted each other: when one proposed 
 
311 
 
 a vigorous measure, the other represented 
 it as a declaration of war, and caused it to 
 be rejected. The irresolution of the coun- 
 cil filled the citizens with uneasiness, and 
 lessened their submission ; for the vacilla- 
 tion of a government destroys all con- 
 fidence, and orders given with hesitation 
 are ill obeyed. Uncertain whether it 
 would be better to purchase peace by con- 
 cessions, or to conquer it by arms, the ma- 
 gistrates settled in nothing. Zwingle con- 
 ceived from this uncertainty a sinister 
 presage as well for the public cause, as for 
 himself in particular; but neither his own 
 fears for the future, nor those of his friends 
 for his person, could abate his courage. 
 " In vain," he writes to one of them, " do 
 you attempt to divert me from my career, 
 by reminding me of the tragical end of 
 those who have preceded me; your pre- 
 dictions cannot inspire me with dismay; I 
 will not deny my Saviour before men, that 
 he may not deny me before my Heavenly 
 Father and the Angels, He also died for 
 the truth who was truth itself. Shall I 
 \emind you of the apostles, the crowd of 
 
312 
 
 martyrs amona: the first christians? Thev 
 all fell under the strokes of their enemies, 
 but what they taught will nevertheless re- 
 main eternally true. Whatever may be 
 my fate, I know that truth will triumph, 
 even when my bones shall long have been 
 reduced to dust."* 
 
 His courage increased with the danger; 
 if he felt inquietude, it was not for himself, 
 but for the fate of protestantism ; and here 
 a deep conviction of the goodness of his 
 cause supported him. " We ought to re- 
 gard ourselves," would he often say, " as 
 instruments in the hand of the Most High. 
 We may be broken, but his will shall 
 nevertheless be accomplished. Let us 
 shun neither the dangers nor the suffer- 
 ings necessary to reestablish Christianity 
 in its ancient purity, even though we our- 
 selves should never enjoy its restoration, 
 but should resemble those warriors whose 
 eyes have closed for ever before they have 
 beheld the victory purchased by their 
 blood. There is a God in heaven who 
 beholds and judges the combatants; there 
 
 x Zuinglii. et Oecol. Epist. f. /6. 
 
313 
 
 are men on earth who will reap the fruit 
 of our labours, when we shall have obtained 
 their recompence in a better world." 
 
 The friends of Zwingle shared his sen- 
 timents, but they were unable to inspire 
 them into their fellow-citizens. Yielding 
 and resisting by turns, and both unoppor- 
 tunely, the reformed continued to commit 
 fault upon fault. They depended upon 
 the mediation of the neutral Cantons, and 
 consented to all propositions of peace, in 
 order to avoid the reproach of having pro- 
 voked the war; but the more they demon- 
 strated their anxiety for peace, the more 
 exacting did their adversaries become. By 
 dint of concessions on the part of the pro- 
 testants, they came to an agreement upon 
 all points, except that of liberty of con- 
 science, which the senate of Zurich would 
 not give up. " While only temporal inte- 
 rests are in question," said they, " we may 
 make sacrifices to the love of peace; but 
 to permit error to recover by violence the 
 ground that it has been obliged to yield to 
 truth — to suffer men to perish to whom we 
 have promised succour and protection, 
 
314 
 
 would be to fail in the duties of religion 
 and of honour." Nothing could shake the 
 resolution of the senate on this head; the 
 five Cantons equally persisted in their op- 
 position, and they prepared to open by 
 force the communication which had been 
 interrupted. By keeping a strict watch 
 over the persons suspected of intelligence 
 with the reformed, they concealed their 
 preparations from the enemy, while them- 
 selves were informed by their spies of the 
 hesitation of the protestants, and of the 
 disunion that prevailed among them. y 
 
 The mediators made a last effort to re- 
 concile the two parties, and proposed to 
 them to submit their grievances to the de- 
 cision of arbitrators named by the neutral 
 Cantons, with the addition of the cities of 
 Strasburg and Constance. The two pro- 
 testant cities consented, though with re- 
 luctance, but the catholics refused to listen 
 to any proposition that was not preceded 
 by raising the blockade. The terms em- 
 ployed by them in their answer were so 
 threatening, that the mediators regarded 
 
 y Gualth. Apol. pro Zuinglio. 
 
315 
 
 them as a declaration of war, and on trans- 
 mitting them to the reformed, advised 
 them to be on their guard. The five Can- 
 tons having finished their preparations 
 and united their troops, published their 
 manifesto on the 6th of October, 1531, 
 and took the field. Fifteen hundred of 
 the troops of Lucern marched the same 
 day for Bremgarten, to prevent the junc- 
 tion of the forces of Zurich and those of 
 Bern, and their chief strength took the 
 direction of Cappel. The news of these 
 movements reached Zurich in the begin- 
 ning of the night : the senate immediately 
 assembled, but such was their blindness, 
 that they still doubted of the hostile inten- 
 tion of the catholics, and instead of calling 
 the inhabitants to arms, contented them- 
 selves with sending two commissioners to 
 Cappel and Bremgarten to reconnoitre. 
 The assembling of the council at an unac- 
 customed hour produced however a great 
 agitation in the town, and it was increased 
 the next day by the multiplied messages 
 of peasants who had taken arms to defend 
 the frontiers, and seeing no succours ar- 
 
316 
 
 rive, inquired whether their government 
 wished to expose them to certain death. 
 
 The council, for fear of being accused 
 a second time of too much precipitation, 
 would take no resolution before the return 
 of their commissioners. These, judging 
 their presence necessary at Cappel, re_ 
 mained there, and dispatched a courier to 
 Zurich to announce the approach of the 
 enemy. This information rilled those with 
 terror who had refused to believe in the 
 possibility of a war, and who always ex- 
 pected proposals of peace from the five Can- 
 tons. The veil which had concealed their 
 danger fell off at once, and consternation 
 succeeded to security. The few troops 
 quartered in the town were hastily dis- 
 patched for Cappel and Bremgarten, and 
 orders were given to sound the tocsin and 
 assemble the militia of the Canton. This 
 measure did not produce the effect that 
 was expected. Some ill-intentioned people 
 raised a report that the danger was not so 
 pressing as was pretended, and that the 
 council itself was not agreed upon what 
 was to be done; and thev thus slackened 
 
317 
 
 the zeal of the peasantry, and augmented 
 the uncertainty and distrust. 
 
 According to a decree of the council, 
 a body of four thousand men was to repair 
 to Cappel on the 10th of October; but no 
 dispositions were made ; nothing had been 
 foreseen; there were no horses for the 
 conveyance of artillery; and stores, and 
 above all, men, were deficient. At noon, 
 instead of four thousand soldiers, only 
 seven hundred were under their colours; 
 and at the same time advice was received 
 that the division posted at Cappel was 
 weakened every hour by skirmishes, and 
 could not resist the general attack with 
 which it was threatened. In this critical 
 situation, the commander named by the 
 senate thought it better to march with 
 only a handful of men, than to await the 
 uncertain arrival of the militia. Zwingle 
 received orders to accompany him. He 
 had been designated for this office by com- 
 mon consent; those who were attached to 
 him thought that his presence would elec- 
 trify the troops ; his secret enemies, know- 
 ing his courage, hoped that he would not 
 
318 
 
 escape the dangers to which he would be 
 exposed. Zwingle himself dared not ex- 
 pect a happy issue to this expedition; but 
 he thought it his duty to obey the orders 
 of his superiors, without urging any ob- 
 jections. Calm himself in the midst of 
 friends who trembled for his life, he en- 
 deavoured to arm them with resignation. 
 " Our cause is good," said he, " but it is 
 ill-defended. It will cost my life, and that 
 of a number of excellent men who would 
 wish to restore religion to its primitive 
 simplicity, and our country to its ancient 
 manners. No matter! God will not aban- 
 don his servants; he will come to their 
 assistance when you think all lost. My 
 confidence rests upon him alone, and not 
 upon men ; I submit myself to his will.'" z 
 
 Such was the farewell of Zwingle to his 
 friends: he pressed their hands for the last 
 time, and advanced to meet the stroke 
 destined to end his career. Cappel is only 
 three leagues from Zurich; but the road 
 crosses Mount Albis, and its rapid descent 
 impeded the march of the infantry, who 
 
 z Bull. Schw. Chr. T. iv. H. 
 
319 
 
 were: burdened with heavy armour. In the 
 meantime the roaring of distant cannon 
 announced that the battle was begun. 
 Zwingle, impatient to fly to the assistance 
 of his fellow-citizens, proposed to the 
 officers to increase the speed of their horses. 
 " Let us hasten our march," said he, " or 
 we shall perhaps arrive too late. As for 
 me, I will go and join my brethren — I will 
 assist in saving them, or we will die toge- 
 ther." The words of Zwingle prevailed 
 with the leaders, and filled them with a 
 noble enthusiasm. They ordered their 
 soldiers to follow them, and pushed forward. 
 About three in the afternoon, they reached 
 the field of battle. The catholics, to the 
 number of about eight thousand, seeing the 
 enemy advantageously posted, and ignorant 
 of their force, would not hazard a general en- 
 gagement, but contented themselves with 
 keeping up a continual fire of artillery. At 
 the moment Zwingle reached his country- 
 men, an officer of the Canton of Uri, at the 
 head of three hundred volunteers, ap- 
 proached to reconnoitre. He perceived the 
 
320 
 
 weakness of the Zurichers, and the insuf- 
 ficiency of the reinforcement they had re- 
 ceived, and immediately resolved to attack 
 them. As soon as the catholics saw that 
 battle was joined, their whole army put it- 
 self in motion. The Zurichers, scarcely 
 1500 in number, animated by the exhorta- 
 tions of Zwingle, defended themselves at 
 first with success, and were even able to 
 repulse the enemy; but the removal of a 
 battery disturbed their arrangements. Of 
 this the catholics took advantage; they pe- 
 netrated through a small wood which the 
 Zurichers had neglected to cut down or to 
 occupy, and turned their position. A part 
 of the rear guard, fearing to be cut off, 
 took to flight; some of the enemy's spies 
 joined this body, and increased the con- 
 fusion by raising a cry of treachery. The 
 officers vainly endeavoured to restore 
 order; they were unable to procure obedi- 
 ence, and the rout soon became general. 
 Those who fought in the first ranks all 
 died at their posts, and the rest dispersed. 
 In the beginning of the battle, while 
 
321 
 
 Zwingle was encouraging the troops by 
 his exhortations, he received a mortal 
 wound, fell in the press, and remained 
 senseless on the field of battle while the 
 enemy were pursuing their victory. On 
 recovering his consciousness, he raised 
 himself with difficulty, crossed his feeble 
 hands upon his breast, and lifted his dying 
 eyes to heaven. Some catholic soldiers 
 -who had remained behind, found him in 
 this attitude. Without knowing him, they 
 offered him a confessor: Zwingle would 
 have replied, but was unable to articulate; 
 he refused by a motion of the head. The 
 soldiers then exhorted him to recommend 
 his soul to the Holy Virgin. A second 
 sign of refusal enraged them. " Die then, 
 obstinate heretic!" cried one, and pierced 
 him with his sword. a 
 
 Jt was not till the next day that the 
 
 a These particulars were afterwards learned from 
 some peasants who recognised Zwingle the moment he 
 was killed. VideGualth. in Apol. Zuinglii. — Mycomius 
 in vita Zuinsrlii. 
 
322 
 
 body of the reformer was found, and ex- 
 posed to the view of the army. Among 
 those whom curiosity attracted, several had 
 known him, and without sharing his reli- 
 gious opinions, had admired his eloquence, 
 and done justice to the uprightness of his 
 intentions: these were unable to view his 
 features, which death had not changed, 
 without emotion. A former colleague of 
 Zwingle's, who had left Zurich on account 
 of the reformation, was among, the crowd. 
 He gazed a long time upon him who had 
 been his adversary, and at length said with 
 emotion, " Whatever may have been thy 
 faith, I am sure that thou wast always sin- 
 cere, and that thou lovedst thy country. 
 May God take thy soul to his mercy!" 
 
 Far from sharing in this sentiment of 
 compassion, the soldiers rejoiced in the 
 death of a man whom they considered as 
 the principal support of heresy; and they 
 tumultuously surrounded the bloody corpse 
 of the reformer. Amid the ebullitions of 
 their fanatical joy, some voices were heard 
 to pronounce the words, " Let us burn the 
 
J 
 
 23 
 
 remains of the heresiarch." All applauded 
 the proposal: in vain did their leaders re- 
 mind the furious soldiery of the respect 
 due to the dead; in vain did they exhort 
 them not to irritate the protestants, who 
 might one day avenge the insult; all was 
 useless. They seized the body; a tribunal, 
 named by acclamation, ordered that it 
 should be burned, and the ashes scattered 
 to the winds; and the sentence was exe- 
 cuted the same instant. 
 
 Thus did Zwingle terminate his career ? 
 at the age of forty-seven years. The news 
 of his death filled his friends with the utmost 
 consternation. The secret partisans of the 
 Romish Church at Zurich began again to 
 raise their heads, and to attribute the mis- 
 fortunes of their country to the changes 
 introduced by the reformer. Confusion 
 arrived at its height, and military opera- 
 tions were conducted accordingly. The 
 fluctuations of the council, the want of har 
 mony between the leaders and their sol- 
 diers, and the tardiness and insufficiency of 
 the measures taken for the continuance of 
 y 2 
 
324 
 
 the war, occasioned several other reverses ; 
 and two months after the affair of Cappel, 
 the towns of Zurich and Bern both found 
 themselves obliged to make a separate 
 peace. These new treaties annulled those 
 of 1529, and gave a decided superiority to 
 the enemies of the reformation. 
 
 It then appeared as if all Switzerland 
 was about to relapse into popery ; but the 
 predictions by which Zwingle had endea- 
 voured to keep up the courage of his 
 friends at parting, soon began to be real- 
 ised. When the first emotion of terror 
 was past, they blushed to have believed 
 that the fate of their cause was attached 
 to the life of a single man. Animated by 
 his spirit, they laboured to revive hope, 
 and to appease animosities, and they suc- 
 ceeded in restoring tranquillity. 
 
 The establishments founded by the re- 
 former became the source of new pros- 
 perity. The love of peace, order, and 
 justice, succeeded to ambition, covetous- 
 ness, and vengeance, which had so often 
 disturbed their internal concord. An 
 
^25 
 
 active charity, a patriarchal simplicity, 
 wise laws, and manners still more powerful 
 than laws, formed the noble legacy be- 
 queathed by Zwingle to his country. 
 
 THE EXD. 
 
 T. Ec.ah*. Printer, 
 h it Cewt, Fleet S:r*et. I mdtra, 
 
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