te 
 
 “ΤῊΝ TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES 
 
 AND THE 
 
 SIBYLLINE BOOKS. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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 PRINCETON, N. J. 'y 
 
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 rae «22° 
 Division... XY. ? 
 
 Section ..4.4°>% 
 
 
 
THE TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES 
 
 AND THE 
 
 STBYLLINE BOOKS. /“~ 
 
 BY 
 
 J. RENDEL ‘HARRIS, 
 
 FELLOW OF CLARE COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE. 
 
 
 
 Εἶπε δὲ Ἰσαὰκ τῷ υἱῷ αὐτοῦ Τί τοῦτο ὃ ταχὺ etpes, ὦ τέκνον; 
 ὁ δὲ εἶπεν Ὃ παρέδωκε κύριος ὁ θεός σου ἐναντίον μου. 
 
 GEN, xxvur. 20. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE: 
 H. W. WALLIS. 
 1885 
 
 
 

 

 
 »τ΄ δ 
 
 THE TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES 
 AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS. 
 
 In the following pages there are collected a number of 
 hitherto unnoticed coincidences between the language and 
 thought of the Teaching of the Apostles and the so-called 
 Sibylline Oracles, from a consideration of which it seems likely 
 that important consequences will follow in the interpretation 
 of the books which are subjected to the comparison, in the 
 more accurate determination of their places and times of 
 production, and above all in the view which is thus acquired of 
 the genesis of the faith, practice and discipline of the Christian 
 Church. 
 
 Bryennios’ little tract is increasing in recognized importance, 
 almost from day to day. It is no longer a question of mere 
 identification between a lost book and a found book by means 
 of the number of lines in a Ms. and the record of a sticho- 
 metric table of the middle ages: non numerandi sed ponderandr 
 sunt versus ; and being weighed, they require for a counterpoise 
 the largest stones which the Ecclesiastical Historian can find in 
 his bag. In fact the Διδαχὴ τῶν ᾿Αποστόλων is the key-stone 
 of Church history, whether we include under that term the New 
 Testament records or those of the first four centuries of the 
 Faith; and, if we widen our conception of Church history so as 
 to include the Semitic origins of Christianity, it is the bridge 
 that spans the gulf between the Church and the Synagogue 
 from which it was so early divided. 
 
 It is surprising that so small a book should have so much to 
 say. We can understand that a book of primitive doctrine and 
 discipline should have been a small one: for as the writer 
 
 1—2 
 
4 THE TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES 
 
 of the so-called Phocylidea (to which we shall presently allude) 
 points out, 
 
 οὐ χωρεῖ μεγάλην διδαχὴν ἀδίδακτος ἀκουή. 
 
 οὐ γὰρ δὴ νοέουσ᾽ οἱ μηδέποτ᾽ ἐσθλὰ μαθόντες". 
 
 But we can hardly explain the wide diffusion of so small 
 a book both geographically and chronologically unless it in- 
 deed were closely connected with the origins of Christianity 
 and had met with an almost universal acceptance; and its 
 importance is not diminished when we consider that we are 
 a long way yet from the place where we can assert that 
 the last word has been said either on the text or its inter- 
 pretation. 
 
 The parallelisms to which I have drawn attention are 
 probably a part of a larger future phenomenon: if, in the 
 providence of God, we should recover any further portions of 
 primitive Christian literature, there would be a harvest of 
 explanations of obscurities both in the New Testament and 
 in the sub-Apostolic writings which are at present insoluble. 
 In particular the Doctrina Petri which forms a companion 
 volume to the recovered Teaching seems to have had analogous 
 relations with the Sibylline books, if we may judge from its 
 few remaining sentences, and may even have a nexus internal 
 and external with the Teaching of the Apostles. 
 
 But until we know more about the Teaching or Preaching 
 of Peter we must confine ourselves to the elucidation of the 
 Teaching of the Apostles by means of the study of those early 
 documents which are accessible to us, such as the earlier parts 
 of the Talmudic literature and those Greek books, the Sibyllines 
 to wit, in which we find a collocation or a fusion of Hebrew, 
 Greek and Christian ethics. With regard to the Talmud, I am 
 too ignorant to say more than that I believe there are passages 
 in the Teaching of the Apostles which only the Mishna can 
 explain; what the Sibyllines have to say will appear in the 
 following remarks. 
 
 Now in dealing with quotations from or by the Pseudo-Sibyl- 
 lines we have to remember that there are peculiar difficulties in 
 
 1 Ps, Phocylides 89. Perhaps referring to a written Teaching. 
 y Ῥ : 
 
 
 
AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS, 5 
 
 the determination of the periods to which the separate books and 
 portions of books contained in the collection are to be assigned. 
 The majority of them are generally admitted to be Christian in 
 origin and sentiment and of various centuries, from the first 
 onward; but there are other parts which are as distinctly 
 Jewish or heathen, and to some of these we are obliged to 
 assign a date much earlier than the Christian era. It appears 
 therefore that the fashion of writing religious history and 
 teaching religious truth in hexameter verse under the assumed 
 authority of an inspired Sibyl, must have been common to all 
 classes of believers at certain times in the world’s history; and 
 in the early Christian Church, in particular, few writers are so 
 authoritatively appealed to as those who concocted the 
 Sibylline verses. This is especially true of authors in the 
 second and third centuries, such as Justin, Theophilus, Athen- 
 agoras and Clement of Alexandria, in discussions with Greek or 
 Jewish opponents. 
 
 Some idea of the extent of Pseudo-Sibylline literary activity 
 may be gathered from the following table given in Alexandre’s 
 Excursus ad Sibyllina*. According to this learned writer, we 
 must divide the third and eighth books of the Sibyllines into 
 four parts respectively and remove the portion of the second 
 book which is known by the name of the ποίημα νουθετικὸν of 
 Phocylides (which the writer of the second book has worked up, 
 perhaps with some additions, from an earlier source), and then 
 we may arrange the existing Sibylline books in the following 
 order : 
 
 Book 11. §§ 2 and 4 of Jewish origin, written in Egypt, under 
 Ptolemy Philometor, about 165 B.c. 
 
 Book iv. the oldest of the Christian Sibyls, written in Asia, 
 in the first century, under Titus or Domitian. 
 
 The Procemium to the collection and the second section of 
 the eighth book were written by a Christian author in Egypt, 
 under Trajan or Hadrian. 
 
 The first section of the eighth book is also Christian, and 
 was written in Egypt in the reign of Antoninus Pius. 
 
 The third section of the third book and the fifth book are to 
 
 1 P, 439, 
 
6 THE TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES 
 
 be referred to the same time and place, but Alexandre thinks 
 them more Jewish than Christian. 
 
 The sixth and seventh books were written in Asia by a 
 Christian hand about A.D. 234. 
 
 The third and fourth parts of the eighth book are to be 
 referred to the middle of the third century. 
 
 The first two books and the third book, § 1, are of Christian 
 origin, written in Asia in the middle of the third century, but 
 subsequently rehandled. 
 
 The other books, xi. xii. xi. xiv., were written in Egypt 
 about A.D. 267, by a Jew rather than a Christian, according to 
 Alexandre’s judgment. , 
 
 The foregoing table gives also a notion of the extent to 
 which critical methods have been applied to the collection of 
 Sibylline books; and (it need not be said) the conclusions 
 arrived at are not perfectly coincident with those found in 
 other writers on the subject. We shall presently return to the 
 questions of authorship and date, so far as they come under 
 the scope of our enquiry: but for us it 1s a necessary pre- 
 liminary to present first the parallelisms between the Sibyllines 
 and the Teaching of the Apostles, for these form an important 
 part of the evidence by which the dates are decided. The 
 following are the chief coincidences to which our attention 
 should be directed. The references are respectively to the 
 Bryennios edition of the Teaching and to Friedlieb’s edition of 
 the Oracles. In cases where a citation is made from Pseudo- 
 Phocylides the reference is to the edition of Jacob Bernays. 
 
 a. Teaching i. Διδάχηὴ Kypioy διὰ τῶν δώδεκα ἀποστόλων 
 τοῖς ἔθνεσιν. ὃλοὶ AYO EICI κτέ. 
 
 Orac. Sib. vi. 9 
 
 δείξει δ᾽ ἀνθρώποισιν ὁλογο, δείξει δὲ κελεύθογο 
 οὐρανίους" πάντας δὲ σοφοῖς μύθοισι διλόξει. 
 
 B. Teaching i. 6doi δύο εἰσί, μία τῆς Ζωῆς καὶ μία τοῦ | 
 
 OANATOY. 
 Orac. Sib. vii. 399 
 αὐτὸς ὅὁλογο προέθηκα AYO, Ζωῆς OANATOY TE, 
 καὶ γνώμην προέθηκ᾽ ἀγαθὴν ζωὴν προέλεσθαι. 
 
 ae τα 
 
\ 
 
 
 
 AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS. 7 
 
 Cf. Orac. Sib. viii. 487 
 
 3 / \ ᾽ / / 2 , 
 evoeBins τε Kai atpexins βαίνοντες ataptrovs. 
 
 y. Teaching i. πρῶτον, ἀγὰπήςεις TON θεὸν τὸν ποιήσαντά 
 ae’ δεύτερον, τὸν πληοίον COY ὧς CEAYTUN. 
 
 Orac. Sib. viii. 481 
 
 ἐν κραδίῃ Te ταπεινοφρονεῖν, πικρὰ τέρματα μισεῖν 
 καὶ πάντως ἀγὰπᾶν τὸν TIAHCION ὥσπερ ἑδυτόν᾽ 
 
 καὶ θεὸν ἐκ ψυχῆς φιλέειν, αὐτῷ δὲ λατρεύειν. 
 τοὔνεκ᾽ ap ἡμεῖς, ὁσίης χριστοῖο γενέθλης 
 οὐρανίης πεφυώτες, ἐπικλεόμεσθα σύναιμοι, 
 μνῆστιν εὐφροσύνης ἐπὶ θρησκείῃσιν ἔχοντες, 
 εὐσεβίης τε καὶ ἀτρεκίης Βδίνοντεο ATAPTIOYC. 
 
 The expression of the last line, βαίνοντες ἁἀταρπούς, renders 
 it likely that the first three lines have a reference to the 
 Teaching concerning the Two Ways. To the foregoing we may 
 add the following, which belongs really to the Phocylidea. 
 
 Orac. Sib. τι. 60 = Ps. Phocyl. 8 
 
 πρῶτὰ θεὸν TIMA, μετέπειτα δὲ σεῖο γονῆας. 
 
 δ. Teaching i. παντὶ τῷ αἰτοῦντί σε δίδου καὶ μὴ ἀπαίτει" 
 πᾶσι γὰρ θέλει δίδοσθαι 6 πατὴρ ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων YAPICMATOON. 
 Orac. Sib. ἘΣ 88 = Ps. Phocyl. 29 
 πλοῦτον ἔχων σὴν χεῖρα πενητεύουσιν ὄρεξον᾽ 
 ὧν τοὶ ἔλωκε θεός, τούτων χρήζουσι παράσχου. 
 
 The sentiment will also be found in the Preaching of Peter 
 with close parallelism to the Διδαχή. Cf. Hilgenfeld, Predicatio 
 Petri, p. 57. 
 
 e. Teaching i. ἱλρωτάτω ἢ ἐλεημοούνη σου εἰς Tas χεῖράς 
 σου, μέχρις ἂν γνῷς τίνι δῷς. 
 Orac. Sib. τιν 77, ef. Ps. Phocyl. 23 
 πτωχοῖς εὐθὺ δίδου μητ᾽ αὔριον ἐλθέμεν εἴπῃς" 
 ἱλρῶοι σταχύων χειρὶ χρήζοντι παράσχου" 
 ὃς δ᾽ ἐλεημοούνην παρέχει, θεῷ οἷδε δανείζειν. 
 The passage quoted from the Teaching is one of the most 
 difficult in the whole tract, and numerous unsatisfactory 
 emendations have been proposed for the peculiar ἱδρωτάτω of 
 
8 THE TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES 
 
 the ms. which we retain in preference to the slightly modified 
 ἱδρωσάτω of Bryennios. [The suggestion that we have here a 
 peculiar form ἱδρωτάω is, I believe, due to Dr Hort. Dr Hort 
 also proposes to prefix a negative μὴ in order to maintain the 
 continuity of the passage with what has gone before. It may 
 be doubted whether this is necessary in order to make the 
 passage intelligible. ] 
 
 The passage taken from the Sibyllist shews a curious 
 parallelism with the Teaching in the conjunction of ἱδρώς and 
 ἐλεημοσύνη. But it is unfortunate that the second line is as it 
 stands unintelligible’, and the three unconnected datives get in 
 one another’s way. Some primitive difficulty in the passage 
 must have existed, since the parallel in the common Phocyli- 
 dean text writes for these two lines 
 
 πληρώσας σέο χεῖρ᾽ ἔλεον χρήζοντι παράσχου" 
 in which the first word looks like a curious misreading or 
 correction of ἱδρώς. The lines, however, become quite intelli- 
 gible if we make a very slight modification and read 
 
 ἱδρῶσι στάζων χεῖρα χρήζοντι παράσχου. 
 
 Cf. Soph. Ajax 10 Kapa 
 
 στάζων ἱδρῶτι καὶ χέρας ξιφοκτόνους, 
 and when this correction is made, the parallelism with the 
 language of the Teaching shews that in the latter the main 
 idea is the connexion between personal charity and one’s 
 earnings. 
 
 Ss. Teaching ii. 
 
 οὐ φονεύσεις, οὐ μοιχεύσεις, οὐ παιδοφθορήσεις. 
 Ps. Phocyl. 3 
 
 μήτε γαμοκλοπέειν, μήτ᾽ ἄρσενα κύπριν ὀρίνειν᾽ 
 
 μήτε δόλους ῥάπτειν μηθ᾽ αἵματι χεῖρα μιαίνειν. 
 
 Similar conjunctions are found in the Sibyllines, passim. 
 
 ¢. Teaching ii. ov mareyceic, οὐ dapmakeycelic. 
 Ps. Phocyl. 149 
 φάρμακὰ MH τεύχειν᾽ μὰγικῶν βίβλων ἀπέχεσθαι. 
 
 > 
 
 1 Friedlieb translates courageously, 
 Von der Erndte Ertrag mittheile dem Armen freigebig, 
 

 
 
 
 AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS. 9 
 
 This passage is found in the part of the Phocylidea beyond 
 that appropriated by the Sibyllist. 
 
 n. Teaching li. oY poneyceic τέκνον EN φθορᾷ οὐδὲ TENNH- 
 θὲν ἀποκτενεῖς. 
 
 Orac. Sib. ui. 162 
 
 μοιχείαν πεφύλαξο καὶ ἄκριτον ἄρσενος εὐνήν" 
 τὴν δ᾽ ἰδίαν γένναν παίδων τρέφε μηλὲ φονεγοῃο. 
 
 Orac. Sib. 11. 280 ὄσσαι δ᾽ ἐνὶ γαστέρι φόρτους 
 
 ἐκτρώσκουσιν, ὕσο: τοκετοὺς ῥίπτουσιν ἀθέσμους, 
 φαρμακοὶ ἢ καὶ φαρμακίδες. 
 
 Ps. Phocyl. 184 
 
 μηδὲ γυνὴ φθείροι Βρέφος ἔμβρυον ἔνδοθι γαστρός, 
 μηδὲ τεκοῦοὰ κυσὶν ῥίψῃ, καὶ γυψὶν ἕλωρα. 
 
 The coincidence of the last sentence with the Teaching is 
 very striking. 
 
 0. Teaching ii. οὐκ ἐπιθυμήσεις τὰ τοῦ πλησίον. 
 
 Orac. Sib. u. 57 = Ps. Phocyl. 6 
 
 ἀρκεῖσθαι παρεοῦσι καὶ ἀλλοτρίων ἀπέχεσθαι. 
 
 The interest in the last quotation les in the fact that it is 
 in verbal agreement with Heb. xii. 5, where the injunction 
 against covetousness follows upon that which regards marriage- 
 sanctity, the order of thought being the same as in the 
 Teaching. 
 
 t. Teaching ii. οὐκ ἐπιορκήςειο, ov peyAomapTypHceic. 
 
 Orac. Sib. u. 68 = Ps. Phocyl. 16 
 
 μηδὲ ETMOPKHCHC, μήτ᾽ ἀγνὼς μήτ᾽ εἰκαῖος. 
 Orac. Sib. τι. 64 = Ps. Phocyl. 12 
 MAPTYPIHN ψευδῆ φεύγειν, TA δίκαια βραβεύειν. 
 
 wa. Teaching ii. οὐκ ἔσῃ δυγνώμων οὐδὲ AirAkwccoc’ παγὶς 
 yap θανάτου ἡ δυγλωσσία" οὐκ ἔσται ὁ λόγος σου YEYAHC...0vK 
 ἔσῃ πλεονέκτης οὐδὲ APTTAZ οὐδὲ κακοήθης οὐδὲ ὑπερήφανος. 
 
 Orac. Sib. iii. 37, 38, 40 
 
 ἀνθρώπων ψεγλῶν AITAWCCWN καὶ KAKOHOON, 
 λεκτροκλόπων, εἰδωλολατρῶν, δόλια φρονεόντων, 
 αὐτοῖς APTIAZONTEC, ἀναίδεα θυμὸν ἔχοντες. 
 
 1—5 
 
10 THE TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES 
 Orac. Sib. i. 58 = Ps. Phocyl. 7 
 ψεύδεα μὴ βάζειν τὰ δ᾽ ἐτήτυμα πάντ᾽ ἀγορεύειν. 
 
 This is perhaps the best place to draw attention to the 
 
 beautiful emendation made by Bernays in the 13th line of the | 
 
 Phocylidea,= Orac. Sib. ii. 65, where the Mss. and texts read, 
 
 “ ad / 2. so ee A r 
 παρθενίην τηρεῖν, πίστιν δ᾽ ἐπὶ πᾶσι φυλάσσειν. 
 
 If we put παρθεσίην for παρθενίην, we not only restore the 
 
 broken continuity of thought in the passage, and get rid of the 
 discordance between the sentiment involved in the ordinary 
 reading and that of the 175th line of the Phocylidea, 
 μὴ μείνης ἄγαμος μή πως νώνυμνος ὄληαιυ, 
 
 but we also throw some light on the ethical engagements of the 
 early Christians. For in the celebrated letter of Pliny to 
 Trajan we find that the covenant entered into by the members 
 of the new fraternity (which, by the by, is almost certain to be 
 based upon some written book of doctrine) was to the following 
 effect: sed ne furta, ne latrocinia, ne adulteria committerent, né 
 fidem fallerent, ne depositum appellate abnegarent. The last 
 clause is exactly versified in the Phocylidea, as emended (ef. 
 also Sib. 11. 278); and while I do not think there is anything 
 closely corresponding to it in the Teaching, it seems likely to 
 have formed a part of some early oral or written Διδασκαλία. 
 
 u8. Teaching 11. ov λήψῃ βουλὴν πονηρὰν κατὰ Tov 
 πλησίον σου. 
 Ps. Phocyl. 4. μήτε δόλους ῥάπτειν. 
 wy. Teaching ii. τέκνον μου, φεῦγε ἀπὸ παντὸς πονηροῦ 
 καὶ ἀπὸ TIANTOC OMOIOY AYTOY. 
 Orac. Sib. 11. 145 = Ps. Phocyl. 76 
 σωφροσύνην ἀσκεῖν, αἰσχρῶν δ᾽ ἔργων ἀπέχεσθαι, 
 μὴ μιμοῦ KAKOTHTA. 
 wo. Leaching iti. μὴ γίνου ὀργίλος" ὁδηγεῖ γὰρ ἡ ὀργὴ 
 πρὸς τὸν φόνον. 
 Orac, Sib. ii. 126 = Ps. Phocyl. 57 
 μὴ προπετὴς ἐς χεῖρα" χαλίνου δ᾽ ἄγριον ὀργήν. 
 πολλάκις γὰρ πλήξας, ἀέκων φόνον ἐξετέλεσσε. 
 
AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS. 11 
 
 I think we may remark in each of the immediately pre- 
 ceding instances, that the Teaching has been directly versified 
 by the Sibyllist or Ps. Phocylides. (This conclusion will be of 
 the highest importance.) For instance we see that the Teaching 
 of the Apostles has a number of similar progressions from one 
 sin to another, an idea which underlies the whole of the third 
 chapter, and could hardly have been arrived at by the mere 
 translation into prose of two lines of Phocylides. We may be 
 sure, too, that prose ethics have preceded verse ethics, and that 
 in the present case it is not sufficient to remark the use of the 
 ethical portions of the Pentateuch in order to explain the 
 coincidences of language between the Teaching and the 
 
 Phocylidea. 
 
 ve. Teaching ill. μὴ γίνου ὀρτγῖλοο.. μηδὲ ζηλωτὴς μηδὲ 
 ἐριοτικὸς μηδὲ θγμικός. 
 Orac. Sib. τι. 135 = Ps. Phocyl. 63 
 θγμὸς ὑπερχόμενος μανίην ὁλοόφρονα τεύχει. 
 ὀργὴ δ᾽ ἐστὶν ὅρεξις, ὑπερβαίνουσα δὲ μῆνις. 
 zHdoc γὰρ ἐσθλῶν ἀγαθός, φαύλων δ᾽ aidnros. 
 Orac. Sib. i. 147 = Ps. Phocyl. 78 
 πείθω μὲν γὰρ ὄνειαρ, Epic δ᾽ ἔριν ἀντιφυτεύει. 
 I do not think it will be maintained that this coincidence 
 in the description of ὀργή, θυμός, ζῆλος, ἔρις is a mere accident. 
 
 ts. Teaching 111. τέκνον pov, μὴ γίνου οἰωνοοκόποοσ᾽ 
 ἐπειδὴ ὁδηγεῖ εἰς τὴν εἰδωλολατρείαν᾽ μηδὲ ἐπδοιλὸς μηδὲ 
 MAQHMATIKOC. 
 Orac. Sib. i. 225 
 οὐ MANTEIC, οὐ φαρμακούς", οὐ μὴν ἐπδοιδοΥο, 
 οὐ μύθων μωρῶν ἀπάτας ἐγγαστριμύθων, 
 οὐδὲ τὰ χαλδαίων τὰ προμάντια ACTPOAOFOYCIN 
 οὐδὲ μὲν ἀστρονομοῦσι...... 
 234 τοῦ πεπλανῆσθαι ὅλογς τ᾽ ἀγὰθδο... 
 Both these passages follow Leviticus xx. 20, 31, but the last 
 line seems to have a consciousness of the Two Ways. 
 
 1 Lege φαρμακέας. 
 
te THE TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES 
 
 ἐξ Teaching iv. 
 
 / 
 ἐλέγξαι ἐπὶ παραπτώμασιν. 
 
 κρινεῖς δικαίως, οὐ λήψῃ πρόσωπον 
 
 Teaching ν. πλουσίων παράκλητοι, πενήτων ἄνομοι κριταί. 
 Orac. Sib. 1. 61 = Ps. Phacyl. 9 
 / / / \ / ’ , e/- 
 πάντα δίκαια νέμειν, μηδὲ κρίσιν ἐς χάριν ἕλκε 
 μὴ ῥίψης πενίην ἀδίκως, μὴ κρίνε πρόσωπον. 
 
 in. Teaching iv. 
 λύτρωσιν ἁμαρτιῶν σου. 
 
 Orac. Sib. τι. 81 
 
 53.᾿ 5 \ a“ fal , 
 ἐὰν ἔχῃς, διὰ τῶν χειρῶν σου δώσεις 
 
 [ὦ ’ x . 
 “ῥύεται ἐκ θανάτου ἔλεος, κρίσις ὁππότ᾽ ἂν ἔλθῃ; 
 
 Ps. Phocyl. 23 
 
 πληρώσας σέο yelp ἔλεον χρήζοντε παράσχου. 
 
 The parallel passages lead us to infer that the text of 
 the Teaching would be better punctuated if the comma were 
 
 removed and placed after σου. 
 
 0. Teaching iv. 
 
 οὐ διστάσεις δοῦναι οὐδὲ διδοὺς γογ- 
 
 ς “ a \ > ͵ 
 γύσεις, γνώσῃ yap τίς ἐστιν ὁ τοῦ μισθοῦ καλὸς ἀνταποδότης. 
 
 Orac. Sib. 11. 78 = Ps. Phocyl. 22 
 
 Orac. Sib. 11. 91 
 
 πτωχοῖς εὐθὺ δίδου. 
 
 vy / oH eta ῇ end 
 μήποτε ἄνδρα πένητα ἰδὼν σκώψης ἐπέεσσι. 
 
 Orac. Sib. u. 274 
 δόντες ὀνειδίζουσιν. 
 
 Orac. Sib. τι. 80 
 
 ὁπόσοι δ᾽ ἰδίων ἀπὸ μόχθων 
 
 ὃς δ᾽ ἐλεημοσύνην παρέχει, θεῷ οἶδε δανείζειν". 
 
 κ. Teaching iv. 
 \ 3 Ξἰ ay 5 
 σου καὶ οὐκ ἐρεῖς ἴδια εἶναι. 
 
 1 The coincidence between ‘know- 
 ing who is one’s rewarder’ and ‘know- 
 ing that one lends to the Lord’ is 
 striking. The following passage, from 
 an early anonymous writer (or collec- 
 tion of writers), containing references 
 to the Teaching, is in the same di- 
 rection: τινές φασιν ὅτι οὐ δεῖ ἀνεξέ- 
 ταστον παρέχειν ἐλεημοσύνην ἀλλ᾽ ἐρωτᾷν 
 μετὰ ἀκριβείας εἰ ἐν ἀληθείᾳ ἐνδεής ἐστιν 
 ὁ ἡμῖν προσερχόμενος. Λέγει γάρ, φήσιν, 
 
 / x U a) lad 
 συγκοινωνήσεις δὲ πάντα τω ἀδελφῷ 
 
 ὁ Σολομὼν ὅτι ἐὰν ποιῇς ἀγαθόν, βλέπε 
 τίνι ποιεῖς. Οὕτω καὶ τὰς λοιπὰς γραφὰς 
 οἱ κακῶς νοοῦντες διαστρέφουσιν " οὐ γὰρ 
 περὶ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου τοῦ πτωχοῦ τοῦτο 
 εἶπεν 6 Σολομών ᾿ ἀλλὰ βλέπε τίνι ποιεῖς, 
 τούτεστιν ὅτι τῷ θεῷ ποιεῖς" εἰ γὰρ πρὸ 
 τοῦ ἀνακρίνειν τοὺς αἰτοῦντας τοῦτό φησι, 
 πῶς ὁ κύριος λέγει, παντὶ τῷ αἰτοῦντί σε 
 δίδου ; 
 Quest. in Antiochum, 
 Migne, Patr. Gr. xxviii. 649, 
 
 -.---- 
 

 
 AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS. 18 
 
 Orac. Sib. 11. 90, Ps. Phocyl. 30 
 \ A c 7 / v \ , 
 
 KOLVOS TAS O Bios μεροπων᾽ ανίσος δὲ TETUKTAL 
 
 ἔστω κοινὸς ἅπας 6 Bios καὶ ὁμόφρονα πάντα. 
 And here it will be remembered that the Sibyllines are 
 full of communistic sentiments of the most pronounced kind, 
 and of lamentations over human inequalities, which un- 
 doubtedly preserve early Essene and Christian teaching. 
 
 κα. Teaching vi. περὶ δὲ τῆς βρώσεως, ὃ δύνασαι βάστα- 
 5 \ \ n 3 , / , 
 σον. ἀπὸ δὲ TOU εἰδωλοθύτου λίαν πρόσεχε. 
 
 Orac. Sib. ii. 96 = Ps. Phocyl. [32] 
 
 αἷμα δὲ μὴ hayéew, εἰδωλοθύτων δ᾽ ἀπέχεσθαι. 
 
 KB. Teaching vi. λατρεία γάρ ἐστι θεῶν νεκρῶν. 
 Orac. Sib. viii. 46 καὶ πάντων ὧν ἐσεβάσθης 
 δαίμονας ἀψύχους νεκρῶν εἴδωλα καμόντων. 
 Orac. Sib. viii. 898 
 ταῦτα yap ἐς μνήμην βασιλήων ἠδὲ τυράννων 
 δαίμοσι ποιήσουσι νεκροῖς ὡς οὐρανίοισι. 
 With this striking instance we conclude the cases which we 
 have noted of coincidence between the first part of the 
 Teaching of the Apostles (the Doctrine of the Two Ways) 
 and the Sibyllines (including Pseudo-Phocylides). The next 
 step is to point out a few illustrations of the liturgical sections 
 of the Teaching, and then to pass on to the remarkable 
 parallelisms which occur in the Sibylline doctrine of the Second 
 Advent, as compared with the closing section of the Teaching 
 of the Apostles; and first of all with regard to the custom 
 of immersion in running water: 
 
 . se ' > \ ” “ \ 
 xy. Teaching vii. Batticate εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ Πατρὸς 
 καὶ τοῦ Ὑἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου ΤΠνεύματος ἐν ὕλδατι Ζῶντι. 
 Orac. Sib. iv. 165 
 > al , a , > , 
 εν ποταάμοις AOYCACHE OAON AEMAC Δενδοιοι, 
 χεῖρας T ἐκτανύσαντες ἐς αἰθέρα, τῶν πάρος ἔργων 
 lal % , 
 συγγνώμην αἰτεῖσθε καὶ εὐσεβίαις ἀσεβείαν 
 πικρὰν ἰάσασθε. 
 
14 THE TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES 
 
 And the connected idea of baptism in the water of a fountain is. 
 preserved in the symbolical language, 
 Orac. Sib. vill. 247 | 
 ὕδασι φωτίζων κλητοὺς ἐν δώδεκα THLAIC, 
 where the reference is to the ministry of the twelve Apostles. 
 To the foregoing we may add: 
 Orac. Sub. vii. 315 
 AOANATOY πηγῆς ἀπολουσάμενοι ὑδάτεσσι 
 τὰς πρότερου κακίας ἵνα γεννηθέντες ἄνωθεν 
 μηκέτι δουλεύωσιν ἄθεσμοις ἤθεσι κόσμου, 
 
 a passage which recalls also the language of the fourth gospel. 
 
 xd. Teaching vii. ἐὰν δὲ ἀμφότερα μὴ ἔχῃς, ἔκχεον εἰς 
 τὴν κεφαλὴν τρὶς ὕδωρ εἰς ὄνομα ἸΤατρὸς καὶ Ὑἱοῦ καὶ ἁγίου 
 Πνεύματος. 
 
 Orac. Sib. vii. 87 
 
 οὐδὲ θύρην κλείσεις OTE TLS σοι ἐπήλυτος ἄλλος 
 ἥξει δυόμενος, πενίης ἀπερυκέναι λιμόν, 
 
 ἀλλὰ λαβὼν κεφαλὴν τοῦδ᾽ ἀνέρος, ὕδατι ῥάνας, 
 εὔξαι τρίς. 
 
 The passage quoted is somewhat obscure: if we could 
 understand ἐπήλυτος in the sense of a proselyte, it would be 
 more intelligible; but it seems rather to refer to the visit | 
 of a needy stranger who has to receive some kind of baptism 
 before he can sit at the table. But in any case we have 
 an allusion to trine aspersion and accompanying prayer. 
 
 κε. Teaching xi. καὶ πᾶς προφήτης ὁρίζων τράπεζὰν KTE. 
 Orac. Sib. v. 266 
 καὶ γλώσσαις ἁγίαις ETIICTHCONTAI TPATTEZAN. 
 
 The reference is to some festival to be celebrated in the 
 future days of Jerusalem’s prosperity. It may be interesting 
 to note here that the somewhat similar expression ὁρίζων 
 βάπτισμα is found several times in Hippolytus’ Philosophwmena. 
 
 . . » if 9 ’ 3 “Ὁ \ “ ’ “ 
 xs. Leaching xi. οὐ φάγεται ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς [πρὸ τῆς εὐχῆς], 
 
 where the words in brackets are. inserted conjecturally, in 
 

 
 AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS. 15 
 
 order to harmonize the sentence with what precedes (ἀλλ᾽ ἐὰν 
 ἔχῃ τοὺς τρόπους κυρίου κτὲ), and to conform it to Josephus’ 
 description of an Essene meal (Bell. Jud. τι. viii. 5), προ- 
 κατεύχεται δὲ ὁ ἱερεὺς τῆς τροφῆς καὶ γεύσασθαί τινα πρὸ 
 τῆς εὐχῆς ἀθέμιτον. Cf. also Pirge aboth iii. 3: “Three that 
 have eaten at one table, and have said over it words of Thorah, 
 are as if they had eaten of the table of Maqom” (i.e. God), 
 The following sentence from the Parallels of John Dama- 
 scene and cited variously as ex patre (p. 453 Lequien), ex 
 sancto sene (Cod. Rup.), and e libro sanctorum senium (Cod. 
 Reg. 923), contains the same sentiment; Τράπεζα μὴ ἔχουσα 
 μνήμην θεοῦ, φάτνης ἀλόγων οὐδὲν διενήνοχεν. 
 Orac. Sib. iv. 25 | 
 ὅσσοι δὴ στέρξουσι θεὸν μέγαν εὐλογέοντες 
 πρὶν φαγέειν πινέειν τε. 
 To the foregoing suggestions and illustrations with regard 
 to the Baptism and Agape, we subjoin one on the necessity 
 of personal labour. 
 
 xt. Leaching xi. τεχνίτης dv, ἐργαζέσθω καὶ φαγέτω" 
 εἰ δὲ οὐκ ἔχει τέχνην κατὰ τὴν σύνεσιν ὑμῶν προνοήσατε πῶς 
 μὴ ἀργὸς μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν ξήσεται χριστιανός. 
 Ps. Phocyl. 154 
 n \ 2 \ 3 εἴ / / ? ες A 
 πᾶς yap ἀεργὸς ἀνὴρ ζώει κλοπίμων ἀπὸ χειρῶν. 
 / / v 5 \ τ΄; / 
 TEXYN TOL τρέφει avopas, aepyov δ᾽ ἴψατο λιμός. 
 εἰ λέ Tic oY AeAdHKE τέχνην, σκάπτοιτο δικέλλῃ. 
 
 It is interesting to observe that Phocylides has settled 
 
 the difficulty with regard to occupation in the same way that 
 
 presented itself to the Unjust Steward in the Gospel, when 
 the prospect of losing his place was before him (οὐκ ἰσχύω 
 σκάπτειν ᾿). 
 
 1 This alternative of digging (for 
 the man without a craft) comes out 
 more clearly in an interesting tract 
 attached to the works of Athanasius, 
 called Syntagma Doctrine, which has 
 preserved a great many of the sayings 
 
 _ of the Διδαχή. The writer of the tract 
 
 is extremely opposed to trade as a 
 means of living, and regards it as only 
 permissible in cases where a man has 
 no craft and the land around him 
 is not in cultivation. 
 
 Migne, Patr. Gr. xxviii, col. 840. 
 καὶ ὅλως μὴ πραγματεύον" πολλαὶ χώραι 
 
16 THE TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES 
 
 We come now to the doctrine of the Last Things. 
 
 xn. Teaching xvi. 
 
 ἐν yap ταῖς ἐσχάταις ἡμέραις πλη- 
 
 θυνθήσονται οἱ ψευδοπροφῆται καὶ οἱ φθορεῖς. 
 
 Orac. Sib. 11. 165 
 
 ς \ ͵ Σ \ “ τ ’ \ a 
 ἡ δὲ συναίρεσις ἐγγὺς ὅταν τινὲς ἀντὶ προφητῶν 
 
 ψεγλαπάται πελάσωσιν ἐπὶ χθονὶ φημίζοντες. 
 
 κθ. Teaching xvi. 
 
 \ / Id ¢ , J 
 Kal TOTE φανήσεται ὁ KOTMOTIAANOC ὡς 
 
 e\ A \ ῃ τς Ν 7 \ / ΄ 
 υἱὸς θεοῦ καὶ ποιήςει CHMEIA καὶ τέρατα....... καὶ τότε φανήσεται 
 
 τὰ σημεῖα τῆς ἀληθείας. 
 
 Orac. Sib. 11. 167 
 
 καὶ Βελιὰρ δ᾽ ἥξει καὶ cHMATA πολλὰ TIOIHCEl. 
 
 Orac. Sib, 111. 52 
 
 ἐκ δὲ Σεβαστηνῶν n&e Βελιὰρ μετόπισθεν 
 
 καὶ νέκυας στήσει κὸὶ CHMATA πολλὰ TIOIHCE! 
 
 εἰσι μὴ σπειρείσαι καὶ οἱ οἰκοῦντες ἐὰν 
 τέχνας μὴ ἔχωσιν ἀναγκάζονται πραγ- 
 ματεύειν. 
 
 And the writer expresses himself to 
 the same effect in col. 841: πρὸ παντὸς 
 δὲ τέχνην ἐπιχειρεῖν᾽ ἐν ἀγρῷ ἐργάζου 
 ἵνα μὴ ἐσθίῃς ἄρτον ἀργόν " μᾶλλον δὲ ἐκ 
 τῶν χειρῶν σου ἔχε πρὸς τὸ ἀναπαύειν 
 ἀδελφοὺς καὶ ξένους καί, εἰ δυνατόν, χήρας 
 καὶ ὀρφανοὺς καὶ μετρίους. 
 
 I think we may conclude from this 
 that the only interpretation which the 
 Church put upon the language of the 
 Teaching was that the alternative for 
 a craft was agriculture. Nor is it to 
 be neglected that in the preceding we 
 find the expression ἐκ τῶν χειρῶν σου 
 ἔχε of the person who is in a position 
 to help others just as in the Διδαχή we 
 have ἐὰν ἔχῃς διὰ τῶν χειρῶν cov. 
 
 As remarked above, this tract is 
 certainly modelled on the Teaching: 
 the following coincidences may be 
 noted: 
 
 Col. 8986. Κύριον τὸν θεόν cov aya- 
 ᾿ πήσεις ἐξ ὅλης καρδίας cov καὶ ἐξ ὅλης 
 
 τῆς ψυχῆς σου καὶ τὸν πλησίον σου ὡς 
 σεαυτόν" Οὐ φονεύσεις, οὐ μοιχεύσεις, οὐ 
 πορνεύσεις, οὐ παιδοφθορήσεις, οὐ φαρμα- 
 κεύσεις, οὐ διχοστατήσεις κτὲ᾽" Cf. Διδ.1. 11. 
 Col. 837. φυλάττεσθαί τε μὴ εἶναι 
 δίλογον μὴ δίγνωμον μὴ Ψεύστην μὴ 
 κατάλαλον. 
 CE Ae) 41. 
 δίγλωσσος...οὐκ ἔσται ὁ λόγος σου ψευδής. 
 Col. 837. μὴ μαγεύειν, μὴ φαρμα- 
 κεύειν...μὴ ἀπέρχεσθαι πρὸς ἐπαοιδὸν 
 
 οὐκ ἔσῃ διγνώμων οὐδὲ 
 
 μήτε φυλακτήριον ἑαυτῷ περιτίθεναι μηδὲ 
 περικαθαίρειν. 
 
 Cf. Acé. ii. iii. 
 
 Col. 840. γίνου ταπεινὸς καὶ ἡσύχιος, 
 τρέμων διὰ παντὸς τὰ λόγια τοῦ κυρίου. 
 
 Cf. Διδ. iii. γίνου... ἡσύχιος καὶ ἀγαθὸς 
 καὶ τρέμων τοὺς λόγους διὰ παντὸς οὕς 
 ἤκουσας. 
 
 Col. 844. 
 προειρημένοις θεῷ ἐστιν ἀντιλέγων. Cf. 
 Διδ. v1. 
 
 Col. 841. 
 
 καὶ μὴ ἔχων τι ἀδικίας πρῶτον μὲν τὰς 
 
 εἰ δέ τις ἀντιλέγει τοῖς 
 
 δικαίως συνάγων καρποὺς 
 
 ἀπαρχὰς τοῖς ἱερεῦσι πρόσφερε. 
 
 Cf. Acé. c. xiii. 
 

 
 AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS. 17 
 
 ἀνθρώποις, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ τελεσφόρα ἔσσετ᾽ ἐν αὐτῷ 
 ἀλλὰ πλᾶνὰ KTE 
 Belial or Beliar, as is well known, is the common name 
 for Antichrist, who is to precede Messiah (at his second advent, 
 according to Christian belief), Alexandre observes that he 
 is said to come from Rome, the city of the Augusti. Ewald 
 however thinks that we are here to understand Samaria, 
 in which case Simon Magus presents himself, the ignis fatuus 
 of early Church history’. 
 
 λ. Teaching xvi. τότε ἥξει ἡ KTIcIC τῶν ἀνθρώπων εἰς 
 τὴν πύρωοιν THC AOKIMACIAC. 
 
 Orac. Sib. i. 86 
 
 εἰς EN YONEYCEl καὶ εἰς καθαρὸν διαλέξει. 
 
 Orac. Sib. viii. 412 
 
 χωνεύσω yap ὕπαντα καὶ εἰς καθαρὸν διαλέξω. 
 
 Orac. Sib. ii. 217 
 
 > ἃ ’ Ὰ > \ / 
 εἰς ἕν χωνεύσει καὶ εἰς καθαρὸν διαλέξει. 
 
 In these quotations the Sibyllists of the second and third 
 books seem to have imitated the earlier Sibyllist of the eighth, 
 who himself presents a text very like a versification of the 
 Teaching. Friedlieb, however, believes the portion of the third 
 book from which the quotation is made, vv. 46—96, to be 
 pre-Christian! (Die Verse 46—96 gehoren einem Verfasser 
 
 KAl KTICIN αὐτὴν 
 
 2 7 
 ἀλλ᾽ ἅμα πάντα 
 
 1 A very interesting discussion as to 
 
 | _ the place where Antichrist will appear 
 
 is found in the Questiones ad Antio- 
 chum, bound up with the Works of 
 Athanasius (Migne, Patr. Gr. xxviii.). 
 In this treatise, which has many sug- 
 gestive analogies with the Teaching, 
 it is argued that Antichrist is dis- 
 tinguished from Christ at his second 
 Advent, by the fact that he appears in 
 one special place, whereas the Son of 
 Man appears as the lightning from Hast 
 to West. It is agreed that he will 
 raise the dead (cf. the νέκυας στήσει 
 
 of the third Sibylline); and his place 
 
 of appearing is Galilee, or more exact- 
 ly Scythopolis, because it is written, 
 ‘Dan is a lion’s whelp, he shall leap 
 from Bashan.’ Here we have another 
 early belief, namely that the Anti- 
 christ comes of the tribe of Dan, be- 
 cause this tribe is not mentioned in 
 the sealing of the 144,000 in the 
 Apocalypse (cf. Irenzeus, v. xxx. 1). It 
 is worth notice that, although most of 
 these beliefs are early, the Teaching 
 does not contain them, and confines 
 itself to a much more simple state- 
 ment. 
 
 1—9 
 
18 THE TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES 
 
 an, der nicht viel friiher als 31 v. Chr. gelebt haben kann. 
 p- XXXVIL.) 
 
 . . ς A lal 
 ra. Teaching xvi. οἱ δὲ ὑπομείναντες ἐν τῇ πίστει αὐτῶν 
 σωθήσονται ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ τοῦ καταθέματος. 
 
 Orac. Sib. 11. 253 
 \ ΄ \ / >’ > / an 
 καὶ τότε δὴ πάντες bv αἰθομένου ποταμοῖο 
 καὶ φλογὸς ἀσβέστου διελεύσονθ᾽, οἱ δὲ δίκαιοι 
 πώντες σωθήσονται. 
 
 Here it will be observed that the Sibyllist regards all 
 the human race as involved in the fiery destruction of the 
 world, but the righteous as able to find deliverance. This 
 ~ may perhaps confirm us in the belief that the difficult passage 
 in the Teaching is to be translated: ‘“ But they that have 
 been stedfast in their faith shall be saved from under the 
 curse itself,’ i.e. the common curse of the destruction of the old 
 order by fire of which the writer of the Teaching has been 
 speaking in the early part of the sentence: mm which case 
 
 we escape the idea that τὸ κατάθεμα is here a veiled allusion to 
 Christ. 
 
 AB. Teaching xvi. καὶ τότε φανήσεται TA CHMEIA τῆς 
 ἀληθείας, πρῶτον, σημεῖον ἐκπετάσεως ἐν οὐρανῷ, εἶτα σημεῖον 
 φωνῆς σάλπιγγος, καὶ τὸ τρίτον ἀνάστασις νεκρῶν. 
 
 Orac. Sib. ii. 187 
 
 καὶ τόθ᾽ ὁ θεσβίτης ye ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ ἅρμα τιταίνων 
 οὐράνιον, γαίῃ δ᾽ ἐπιβὰς τότε CHMATA τριοσοὰ 
 κόσμῳ ὅλῳ δείξει. 
 
 The belief in the appearance of Elias before the Advent 
 (coming first to restore all things) is common both to Jews 
 and Christians. What is curious in the foregoing is that 
 the triple signs of the Teaching are exactly imitated in the 
 Sibyllines; though it is not easy to tell from the context what 
 were the special signs that the writer had in mind. 
 
 Ἢ . [72 € \ : 
 Ay. Teaching xvi. ἥξει ὃ κύριος Kai πάντες οἱ ἅγιοι 
 Ψ 3 A / v7 ς / 
 MET αὐτοῦ. τότε ὄψεται ὁ κόσμος τὸν κύριον ἐρχόμενον ἐπάνω 
 τῶν νεφελών τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. 
 
 
 
AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS. 19 
 
 Orac. Sib, ii. 242 
 ἥξει δ᾽ ἐν νεφέλῃ πρὸς τ᾽ ἄφθιτον ἄφθιτος αὐτὸς 
 ἐν δόξῃ Χριστὸς σὺν ἀμύμοσιν ἀγγελτῆρσι. 
 
 These passages shew conclusively, as it seems to me, that 
 there must have been amongst some of the Sibyllists a 
 very close acquaintance with the Teaching of the Apostles. 
 | A few of the coincidences noted may be imaginary, and no 
 doubt there are others not here noted which present various 
 traces of parallelism; but the majority of the quoted cases 
 cannot be accidental. Let us analyse them and see in what 
 parts of the Sibylline books they are most frequent. 
 If we arrange the books in the chronological order suggested 
 by Alexandre we have the following result : 
 
 
 
 Number of Period assigned by Alexandre. 
 
 allusions. 
 Book iii. § 2 (97—294) 1 165 8.6. 
 Book iii. 8 4 (489—fin.) 1 165 Buc. 
 Book iv. 2 Titus 
 Prom. 0 Trajan 
 Book viii. § 1 (1—216) 4 Trajan 
 Book viii. § 2 (217—429) 1 Antoninus Pius 
 Book iii. § 3 (295—488) 0 Antoninus Pius 
 Book v. 1 Antoninus Pius 
 Book vi. 1 ᾿ 234 A.D. 
 Book vii. 1 234 a.D. 
 Book viii. § 3 (4830—480) 0 250? A.D. 
 Book viii. § 4 (481—fin.) i 250? a.p. 
 Book i. 0 250 A.D. 
 Book ii. 30 250 a.p. (except Ps. Phocyl.) 
 Book iii. § 1 (1—96) 3 250 A.D. 
 Book xi. 0 267 A.D. 
 Book xii. 0 267 A.D. 
 Book xiii. 0 267 A.D. 
 Book xiv. 0 267 A.D. 
 
 It will be observed in the foregoing that there are con- 
 siderable difficulties connected with the determination of the 
 quoter and quoted in the successive coincidences. Nor are 
 these difficulties diminished if we adopt the conclusions of other 
 critics. For instance the following are the conclusions arrived 
 
 at by Ewald (Entstehung, Inhalt und Werth der Sibyllinischen 
 
20 THE TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES 
 
 Biicher, Gottingen, 1858). There are eight separate compo- 
 sitions in the collection: viz.: 
 
 Date. 
 
 i. Book iii. 97—828 c. 124 B.c. 
 
 ii. Book iv. 6. 80 A.D. 
 1. Book νυ. 52—530 c. 80 A.D. 
 
 iv. Books vi. vii. and v. (1—51) 138 a.D. 
 
 v. Book viii. 1—360 c. 211 a.p. 
 vi. Book viii. 361—500 (non-Sibylline) Second cent. 
 vii. Books i. ii. 111. (1—96) 6. 300 a.D. 
 viii. Books xi.—xiv. Seventh cent. 
 
 Friedlieb however (Oracula Sibyllina, Lipsiz, 1852) arrives 
 at the following conclusions : 
 
 Procem. 
 
 ae 160 5.6. 
 Book iii. 97—807 
 Book iii. 46—96 Just before Actium=31 B.c. 
 Book iii. 1—45 ? 
 Book iv. 80 A.D. 
 Book xi. 115—118 a.p. 
 Book vy. Hadrian 
 Book viii. 1—216, 337—429 Marcus Aurelius 
 Book vii. Last half of second cent. 
 Books i. ii. c. 200 A.D. 
 Book viii. 217—336, 4830—501 c. 200 A.D. 
 Book vi. ? 
 Book xii. Middle of third cent. 
 Book xiii. After 260 a.p. 
 Book xiv. Third cent. 
 
 It will be observed that all these critics place a part of the 
 Third Book (which we have credited with two quotations from 
 the Διδαχή or conversely) in the second century before Christ. 
 One of these (η΄) may perhaps be a fragment of the commonly 
 received ethics of the time, upon which the Teaching un- 
 doubtedly builds. The other (s’), however, is a more striking 
 reference to the Teaching, and I do not see how to reconcile 
 it with the date assigned to this part of the book, except 
 by assuming that the Sibyllist has been re-handled by some 
 early Christian or that both the Sibyllist and the writer of 
 the Teaching are working up the same passages in Leviticus. 
 The parallels from the Fourth Book present no difficulty. 
 The passages need not even be regarded as Christian: probably 
 
 
 
AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS. 91 
 
 they express Essene characteristics which this book has absorbed 
 in common with the Teaching. The Baptism, ἄς. to which 
 allusion is made would thus be the initiatory (or repeated) 
 rites of the most enlightened of the Jewish sects. 
 
 No other difficulty presents itself in the existence of 
 quotations from the Teaching, except in so far as relates to 
 the Second Book from which more than 60 per cent. of our 
 illustrations are derived. If these quotations were only found 
 in the text of the Second Book and not in the poem of 
 Phocylides, a large part of which has been inserted in the text, 
 all would be clear. There is nothing strange in the versification 
 of the sentiments of the Teaching by a writer of the second 
 or third century. Pseudo-Phocylides has however been com- 
 monly reckoned as an Alexandrian Jew of a period perhaps 
 as early as the second century before Christ: and it would 
 be strange indeed if an ethical poem written at such a 
 time should present very close imitations of the Teaching. 
 No such supposition, however, is necessary; and we are 
 surprised that the belief in the antiquity of the so-called 
 Pseudo-Phocylides should ever have been so widely diffused. 
 For instance we find Ewald placing it at a date equal to and 
 perhaps earlier than the earliest portions of the Third Book 
 of the Oracles’. 
 
 Not that this early date is by any means universally 
 agreed upon. One of the things that has further surprised me 
 in the writing of the present tract is the fact that my friend 
 Paul Sabatier, who has written such an excellent pamphlet 
 upon the Jewish colcuring of the Teaching of the Apostles, 
 assigned the poem of Pseudo-Phocylides to the middle of 
 the first century and indicated its relation to the Teaching 
 but seems to have missed the coincidences which are here 
 pointed out. For instance he remarks on p. 51 of his 
 
 / 
 
 1 Pp, 41. ‘ Vorziiglich haben sich 
 noch die etwa 230 Zeilen gnomischer 
 Dichtung unter Phokylides’ Namen 
 erhalten, welche im Grunde einen 
 Zhnlichen Zweck verfolgen und die in 
 griechischer Sprachfarbe und dichter- 
 ischer Kunst eine so grosse Ahnlichkeit 
 
 mit unserm Gedichte haben, dass man 
 leicht vermuthen kénnte, sie seien von 
 demselben Dichter, wenn nicht andre 
 Griinde zeigten dass sie doch vielmehr 
 von einem andern und von einem 
 etwas altern Dichter abstammten.” 
 
29 THE TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES 
 
 pamphlet, “ L’auteur de la Didaché ett été, sans doute, plus 
 explicite sil avait voulu parler des Montanistes. Les con- 
 clusions auxquelles il arrive sont trés voisines de celles du 
 Pseudo-Phocylide, qua écrivit vers le milieu du premier siecle 
 un manuel de morale juive simplifiée pour les paiens.” And again 
 on p. 78, “Nous voyons dans l’auteur de notre document un 
 des réprésentants de cette école assez nombreuse au premier 
 siécle qui voulait faire du judaisme et plus tard du christianisme 
 une religion déiste pour tous les peuples. Un homme qui, vers 
 le milieu du siecle, écrivit, sous le nom usurpé du célebre I. 
 moraliste grec Phocylide, un petit cours de morale naturelle \ 
 juive, simplifié ἃ Pusage des nons-Juifs, s'arrétait ἃ des solu- 
 tions analogues. Cet honnéte faussaire n’essaye nullement de | 
 convertir son lecteur au judaisme, il cherche seulement a lui 
 inculquer les préceptes noachiques et quelques regles juives, 
 bien adoucies sur les viandes et sur le mariage.” I regard these 
 sentences as containing some of the most important things yet 
 said with regard to the Teaching; and it will probably be © 
 before long an accepted conclusion that M. Sabatier and the 
 authorities whom he has followed, have assigned the date of | 
 Phocylides more nearly than has been usually given, if it is | 
 not also agreed that Phocylides is an actual simplification of 
 an earlier ethical treatise. 
 
 It is largely upon the investigations of Jacob Bernays that 
 this view of the early date of the Phocylidea has been estab- 
 lished. Now Bernays goes to work to determine the inferior 
 and superior limits of time within which the ποίημα vov- 
 θετικόν from which the Sibyllist borrowed must be confined, 
 and he concludes that the circulation of the LXX. translation 
 of the Scriptures is a superior limit, while the absence 
 of all traces of the New Testament and of Christianity 
 furnishes us with an inferior limit somewhere in the time of 
 Nero. (Verbietet also zunachst das Fehlen jeder neutestament- 
 lichen Spur iiber 150 ἢ. Chr. hinabzusteigen, so zwingt dann 
 ferner das deutliche Absehen auf Besserung der Heiden hinter 
 70 n. Chr. zuriick. Mithin bilden die zwei Jahrhunderte von 
 der Regierung des Philometor bis auf die des Nero der Bereich 
 welcher fiir die Abfassung des Gedichts mit Wahrscheinlichkeit 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS, | 23 
 
 | sich abstecken lisst*.) Beyond this point Bernays does not go 
 ) except to make a guess that the writer of the poem was 
 | either a contemporary or a successor of the Alexandrian Jew 
 _ Aristobulus. 
 
 The fact is that Bernays was carried too far in his opposition 
 
 | to Scaliger’s theory that the poem was more likely to have had 
 ' a Christian origin. He maintained that there was not only 
 | no trace of the New Testament but also that one would look in 
 ᾿ vain for any traces of the early Christian Διδασκαλία. (In 
 dem ganzen Gedicht findet sich keine einzige, die Priifung 
 
 _aushaltende Beziehung auf das Neue Testament; nirgends ist 
 Ϊ eigenthiimlich christliche Redeweise zu entdecken: vergebens 
 
 wird man nach christlichen Einfliissen auf die Moral forschen: 
 
 τς, und ebenso vergeblich ist das Suchen nach Spuren irgend eines 
 
 der concreten christologischen Lehrstiicke wie sie in den Zeiten 
 
 _ vor Fixirung der christlichen Urkunden weit mehr noch als die 
 
 Moral von Freund und Feind gepredigt oder angegriffen wur- 
 den*.) The examination of our quotations will, I believe, 
 enable us to meet this statement with a strong negative. Not 
 
 _ only does it appear that the Teaching of the Apostles has been 
 
 directly versified, but a little further investigation will shew 
 that the Sibyllist knew that the book he was appropriating was 
 
 a versification of the Teaching. For he concludes his extract 
 
 with the words 
 
 οὗτος ἀγών, ταῦτ᾽ ἐστιν ἀέθλια, ταῦτα βραβεῖα, 
 
 TOYTO πύλη Ζωῆς καὶ εἴσοδος ἀθανδοίδο. 
 And these remind one at a glance of the Doctrine of the 
 Two Ways. (Compare the ending of the Fourth Chapter of the 
 Teaching.) Not only does he quote Phocylides where Phocylides 
 quotes the Teaching but he quotes or has analogies with the 
 Teaching in places where no parallel is found in Phocylides, 
 just as Phocylides has one or two passages which remind one 
 of the Teaching in the part of the book which the Sibyllist did 
 
 ‘not appropriate, and even seems to refer to it in a passage 
 
 quoted at the beginning of the present paper. Both writers, 
 therefore, should be held to be subsequent to the Διδαχή: and 
 
 1 Das Phocylidische Gedicht, p. 14. 21 σὴ μιν 190 
 

 
 
 24 THE TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES 
 
 it is no longer necessary, with Bernays, to omit certain lines νι: 
 from the Phocylidean text on account of an assumed Christian 
 flavour: such a line as (32) which Bernays rejects, 
 αἷμα δὲ μὴ φαγέειν εἰδωλοθύτων ἀπέχεσθαι, 
 
 may very well be a part of the original Phocylidea. And now: 
 what will be the effect of these cone upon our verdict with 
 regard to the date of the Avdayn? When we regard the traces 
 of its use in the various early Sibyllists, allow time for its 
 diffusion and its subsequent translation into poetical language, 
 and again for the diffusion of the versified form so that it might 
 come into the hands of a Sibylline writer of (let us say) the 
 middle of the third century, I think we must admit that the 
 hypothesis that the Διδαχή is a document of the second century 
 is no longer tenable and must be abandoned. 
 
 But then the question arises as to whether the writer who 
 thus presents his ethics under the attractive pseudonym of 
 Phocylides* has fairly handled the book of doctrine which 
 we have assumed him to versify? Why has he omitted all 
 references to the Gospels which are found in the Teaching, and 
 why is his morality so often inferior, as in such a case as line 31 | 
 where it is hard to believe that the writer has reached the point 
 where he is prepared to turn the cheek to the smiter ? 
 
 Ι 
 
 τὸ ξίφος ἀμφιβωλοῦ μὴ πρὸς φόνον ἀλλ᾽ ἐς ἄμυναν. 
 It is only in a modern sense, since the lambs have been more or 
 less turned into wolves, that we can regard this sentiment as — 
 
 ' We are assuming the antiquity of τούτους ἐξ ἀρχῆς μέχρι τέλους ἀγαπῶ: 
 the pseudonym on the faith of the : 
 mss. which add it to their margin. 
 There is not sufficient evidence for the 
 use of this name by the author, and it στέργε φίλους ἄχρις θανάτου, πίστις yap 
 may only have been attached from the ἀμείνων. 
 aphoristic character of the writing The. 87th line of Pa 
 and the incorporation of the senti- 
 ments and maxims of the real Pho- 
 cylides into the text: e.g. in the frag- μηδὲ δίκην δικάσῃς πρὶν ἄμφω μῦθον 
 ments of Phocylides as edited by Bergk, ἀκουσῇς, 
 we find : is also edited among the fragments of 
 οὐδένα θωπεύω πρὸς ὑπόκρισιν' ods 6’  Phocylides, 
 
 ἄρα τιμῷ, 
 
 which is like the following in Ps. 
 Phoe. 218: 
 
 . Phocylides 
 (which Bernays rejects), 
 
 —- 
 
AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS. 95 
 
 | Christian. It expresses, however, with perfect accuracy the 
 Essene morality. (Bell. Jud. 11. viii. 4.) Nor are there wanting 
 other traces of Essenism. Josephus tells us of the Essenes, 
 | τοῖς ἑτέρωθεν ἥκουσιν αἱρετισταῖς ἀναπέπταται τὰ Tap αὐτοῖς 
 | ὁμοίως ὥσπερ ἴδια κτέ, and we find what looks like a versi- 
 fication of it in Ps. Phocylides* 39 ἕστωσαν δ᾽ ὁμότιμοι 
 | ἐπήλυδες ἐν πολιήταις, and the Essene sentiment as I think 
 | ( we may take it to be which is found in 1 Tim. vi. 10 is in exact 
 ᾿ς correspondence with Ps. Phocylides 40 ἡ φιλοχρημοσύνη μήτηρ 
 κακότητος ἁπάσης. 
 It seems to me, therefore, that we must either assume that 
 _ the Phocylidist of the First Century has produced a morality 
 ον to be described in M. Sabatier’s way, as “simplifiée pour les 
 _paiens,” or we must fall back upon the existence of an earlier 
 and more rudimentary Teaching, ethically more continuous 
 with the Jewish Schools and perhaps somewhat earlier than 
 the Christian era. There is no reason in the nature of things 
 against the existence of a Jewish or Essene Διδαχή when 
 we consider how actively proselytism was being carried on 
 about the time of the Christian Era and reflect that our 
 own Apostolic Teaching must have been called into existence 
 by somewhat similar circumstances. I see that M. Masse- 
 bieau has made a similar suggestion (Revue de Histoire 
 des Religions x. 2, p. 158), “Dans ces prescriptions qui 
 sanctionnent un certain nombre de coutumes juives j’al cru 
 pouvoir distinguer les traces d’un enseignement destiné aux 
 prosélytes juifs avant détre utilisé pour les catéchuménes 
 chrétiens.” I think .we may be confirmed in this view by a 
 study of the ethics of the works of Philo. 
 
 For example, it is interesting to observe that Philo in his 
 treatise De Specialibus Legibus includes under the discussion 
 of the Law against Murder the case of those who use poisons 
 and magic arts, and of persons who destroy unborn children or 
 expose those that have been born. (Ed. Mangey ii. 314 εἰσὶ 
 
 4 
 
 1 It makes little difference whether to explain the agreement of the separate 
 the origin of such hospitalities befound writers in emphasizing the same Le- 
 in the Pentateuch: for we have still _vitical precepts. 
 
26 THE TEACHING OF THE APOSTLES 
 
 δὲ ἕτεροι πονηρότατοι, χερσὶ Kal γνώμαις ἐναγεῖς, οἱ μάγοι καὶ 
 φαρμακευταί. id. ii. 318 εἰ γὰρ τοῦ μηδέπω ταῖς ὠρισ μενοι 
 τῶν καιρῶν περίοδοις ἀποκυηθέντος προνοητέον, ὡς μὴ ἐξ ἐπι- 
 βουλῆς τι δεινὸν πάθοι, πῶς οὐχὶ μᾶλλον τοῦ τελειογονηθέντος ") 
 In the case last mentioned he refers to carnivorous birds and 
 beasts that may prey upon exposed infants just as does the 
 Phocylidist. 
 
 Or let us compare the rules given for the distribution of the 
 firstfruits in Philo’s treatise de Premis Sacerdotum with the 
 similar passage in the Teaching. Philo describes the first- 
 fruits as being the priest’s dues in dough and wine and oil and 
 every other form of property. (Mangey 11. 233 κελεύει yap 
 τοὺς σιτοποιοῦντας ἀπὸ παντὸς στέατός TE καὶ φυράματος 
 ἄρτον ἀφαιρεῖν ἀπαρχὴν εἰς ἱερέων χρῆσιν...... Δεύτερον δὲ 
 προστάττει καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς ἄλλης ἁπάσης κτήσεως ἀπάρχεσθαι, 
 καθ᾽ ἑκάστην μὲν ληνὸν οἶνον, καθ᾽ ἑκάστην δὲ ἅλωνα σῖτον τε 
 καὶ κριθήν, ὁμοίως δὲ ἐξ ἐλαιῶν ἔλαιον"...... ὡς γοῦν ἡγεμόσι 
 φόρους ἀπὸ παντὸς μέρους κτήσεως δίδοσθαι κελεύει.) 
 
 The parallelism is close between the way in which Philo 
 describes the Mosaic rights of the priesthood and the language 
 of the Teaching. Is there anything at all unlikely that the 
 Teaching has incorporated the sentences as to firstfruits from 
 a current book of discipline for the Jewish proselytes of the 
 day, who could not be supposed to extract for themselves from 
 the Scriptures the precepts which were especially binding upon 
 them ? | 
 
 Perhaps it will be said that if this supposition be correct, 
 there is no need to dispute Bernays’ date for the Phocylidea, to 
 which we can give any date we please by pushing back the 
 assumed book of discipline to a sufficiently early period. The 
 answer to this is that Ps. Phocylides can only by extremely 
 rough criticism be divested of sentiments which are either 
 Christian or differ very slightly therefrom ; and that the whole 
 tenor of the writing is exactly what can be illustrated by the 
 first century. Take for example the following parallels with 
 the language of one of the earliest Christian books, the epistle 
 of James, and one can feel the period to which the book 
 belongs : 
 
AND THE SIBYLLINE BOOKS. Ὁ 
 
 Ps, Phoc. 19. μισθὸν μοχθήσαντι δίδον᾽ μὴ θλῖβε πένητα. 
 144. ἐξ ὀλίγου σπινθῆρος ἀθέσφατος αἴθεται ὕλη. 
 110. οὐδεὶς γινώσκει τί μεταύριον ἢ τί μεθ᾽ ὥραν. 
 
 The question which arises as to the portions of our present 
 Teaching to which a somewhat earlier date should be assigned 
 is more difficult and must be left to better heads than mine. It 
 is probable that some one will see his way to make the necessary 
 analysis. On the other hand it is scarcely to be doubted that 
 exceptions will be taken by some to the conclusions drawn in 
 the foregoing pages and it may be denied that Ps, Phocylides 
 has versified either our Διδαχή or an earlier form. Let the 
 matter be referred to those who are in seats of judgment. In 
 any case I do not think it will be longer contended that the 
 two writings in question which shew such similarity of thought, 
 are to be referred, one to the second century before Christ, and 
 the other to the second century of the Christian era. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 I. On the Tract De Virginitate ascribed to Athanasius. 
 
 Mr De Romestin has given in his book on the Teaching, 
 an extract from the above treatise, which he quotes from a 
 review in the Church Quarterly for July 1884. The quotation 
 shews that when the early prayer of the Church gave way to 
 more theological forms, it was preserved for use at the daily 
 meal of communities of virgins, which we may thus regard as 
 survivals of the early Christian Agape. But this is not all, 
 for the little tract in which the prayer is found contains other 
 traces of the Teaching, such as a positive reference to the 
 Doctrine of the Two Ways, a second prayer with much in 
 common with the last prayer of the Thankmeal, and it concludes 
 with injunctions to vigilance, and the trimming of the lamp of 
 the spiritual life and service, just as the Teaching does. 
 
 The tract in question may be some time later than Athana- 
 sius ; the quotations in it will be valuable as coming from all 
 parts of the Teaching. The passages referred to are subjoined ; 
 the references being to Volume xxviul. of Migne’s Patrologia 
 Greca. 
 
 Col. 265. καὶ ὅταν καθεσθῇς ἐπὶ τὴν τραπέζην καὶ ἔρχῃ 
 κλᾶσαι τὸν ἄρτον, σφραγίσασα αὐτὸν τρίτον' τὸ σημεῖον τοῦ 
 σταυροῦ οὕτως εὐχαριστοῦσα λέγε. εὐχαριστοῦμέν σοι, IlaTep 
 ἡμῶν, ὑπὲρ τῆς ἁγίας ἀναστάσεώς σου" διὰ γὰρ ᾿Ιησοῦ τοῦ 
 παιδός σου ἐγνώρισας ἡμῖν αὐτήν. καὶ καθὼς ὁ ἄρτος οὗτος 
 διεσκορπισμένος ὑπῆρχεν ὁ ἐπάνω ταύτης τῆς τραπέζης καὶ 
 συναχθεὶς ἐγένετο ἕν, οὕτως ἐπισυναχθήτω ἡ ᾿Εκκλησία ἀπὸ 
 τῶν περάτων τῆς γῆς εἰς τὴν βασιλείαν σου, ὅτι σοῦ ἐστιν ἡ 
 δύναμις καὶ ἡ δόξα εἰς τοὺς αἰῶνας τῶν αἰώνων, ἀμήν. καὶ 
 ταύτην μὲν τὴν εὐχὴν ἐν τῷ κλᾷν τὸν ἄρτον καὶ θέλειν ἐσθίειν, 
 ὀφείλεις λέγειν. 
 
 1 Query τρὶς. 
 
APPENDIX. 29 
 
 Col. 268. καὶ μετὰ τὴν δοξολογίαν πάλιν τὴν εὐχὴν TANPO- 
 / A ¢ / ¢ / \ / ¢ A 
 σον λέγουσα οὕτως. ὃ Meds, ὁ παντοκράτωρ, καὶ Κύριος ἡμῶν 
 3 “ A a 
 Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς τὸ ὄνομα τὸ ὑπὲρ πᾶν ὄνομα, εὐχαριστοῦμεν 
 καὶ αἰνοῦμέν σε ὅτι κατηξίωσας ἡμῖν μεταλαβεῖν τῶν ἀγαθῶν 
 τῶν σῶν, τῶν σαρκικῶν τροφῶν. δεόμεθα καὶ παρακαλοῦμέν 
 ἡ a 
 σε, Κύριε, ἵνα καὶ tas ἐπουρανίους τροφὰς ἡμῖν δωρήσῃ. καὶ 
 δὸ Co A 7 \ an \ \ Near ” / 
 ὃς ἡμῖν τρέμειν καὶ φοβεῖσθαι TO φρικτὸν Kal ἔντιμον ὄνομά 
 σου, καὶ μὴ παρακούειν τῶν ἐντολῶν σου. τὸν νόμον σου καὶ τὰ 
 δικαιώματά σου ἐγκατάθου ἐν ταῖς καρδίαις ἡμῶν. ἁγίασον δὲ 
 «ς al a A “ 
 ἡμῶν τὸ πνεῦμα καὶ τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ τὸ σῶμα, διὰ τοῦ ἡγαπημέ- 
 5 ἴω lal “ / © a e 
 vou Iaido σου ᾿Ιησοῦ Χριστοῦ τοῦ Κυρίου ἡμῶν κτέ. 
 Col. 213. τί λέγεις, ἄνθρωπε; ᾿Ιδοὺ δύο ὁδοὶ παρετέθηκαν 
 2 , / ξ \ ἌΤΕ , a nth aN / , 
 ἐνωπιὸν σου, ἡ ζωὴ Kal ὁ θάνατος" ὅπου ἐὰν θέλῃς πορεύου. 
 Col. 279. πάσῃ ὥρᾳ μὴ λειψάτω ἔλαιον τῇ λαμπάδι σου, 
 \ , » ς , \ 7 ἘΩ͂Ν a 
 μὴ πότε ἔλθῃ ὁ νύμφιος Kal εὕρῃ αὐτὴν σβεσθεῖσαν. 
 It is easy to see the influence of the Teaching in these 
 passages, when we are sure, as from the first quotation, that the 
 writer had that book in his head or hand. 
 
 II. Some traces of the Teaching in early apocryphal writings. 
 
 Precisely in the same way as we find the sentiments of the 
 early Jewish parties in their apocryphal writings, and the 
 survival of primitive Christian manners and communism in 
 monastic organisations, we may notice some traces of early 
 Christian ways in the legendary accounts of the lives of its 
 early teachers. Nowhere else shall we find, for instance, such 
 clear statements of the simplicity and the independence of the 
 apostolic life. And the Teaching of the Apostles may often be 
 directly illustrated from these apocryphal itineraries. For 
 
 example, in the so-called Acts of John, which we possess in two 
 
 forms, attributed to his disciples Prochorus and Leucius respec- 
 tively, we almost always find that the Apostle goes through 
 the process of initiation with his converts in the following order; 
 he teaches them, he baptizes them, he eats with them, and 
 frequently accepts their hospitality for a day or two. In no 
 case have I noted more than a three days’ stay, which it will be 
 
 1 Perhaps for τὸ ὄνομό cov. 
 
30 APPENDIX. 
 
 remembered is just over the superior limit set by the Διδαχή 
 to keep the Apostle from turning into a false prophet. 
 
 The following passages, with references to Zahn’s edition, 
 may be found acceptable. 
 
 9 A « ΑΥ̓͂, , \ f 
 p. 32. pera οὖν τὸ διδαχθῆναι ὑπὸ ᾿Ιωάννου τὸν Διοσκορίι- 
 7 / > ον / 2 ‘d / ’ a 
 δην... ἔπεσεν Διοσκορίδης εἰς τοὺς πόδας Ιωάννου λέγων αὐτῷ, 
 ἴω “ \ \ \ ς a , 
 ἄνθρωπε τοῦ θεοῦ, βάπτισον καὶ ἐμέ...καὶ λαβὼν ἡμᾶς πάλιν 
 a 7] 3 “ \ / ε lal 
 Διοσκορίδης ἀπήγαγεν ἐν TO οἴκῳ αὐτοῦ καὶ παρέθηκεν ἡμῖν 
 a A , n \ 
 τράπεζαν Kal εὐχαριστήσαντος τῷ θεῷ μετέλάβομεν τροφῆς καὶ 
 A / ἦ 
 ἐμείναμεν παρ᾽ αὐτῷ τὴν ἑσπέραν. 
 \ a \ a δι ων 
 p. 35. καὶ ἐδίδαξεν αὐτοὺς τὰ περὶ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ 
 na / \ th ς a 
 καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος καὶ éBarticeV...Kal παρέθηκεν ἡμῖν 
 τράπεζαν. 
 \ I > ἃ XY 3 Ι > v 
 p. 112. καὶ κατήχησεν αὐτὸν καὶ ἐβάπτισεν εἰς ὄνομα πα- 
 lal / ,’ ’ “Ὁ \ 
 τρὸς καὶ υἱοῦ Kal ἁγίου πνεύματος καὶ ἐμείναμεν TAP αὐτῷ τὴν 
 te Ul 
 ἡμέραν ἐκείνην. 
 \ \ \ £; is ¢ / 
 p. 127. καὶ ἐδίδαξεν αὐτοὺς τὰ περὶ πατρὸς υἱοῦ καὶ ἁγίου 
 \ al \ 
 πνεύματος καὶ ἐβάπτισεν αὐτοὺς καὶ πάντα TOV οἴκον αὐτῆς καὶ 
 ᾽ ’ lal ¢ / lal 
 ἐμείναμεν Tap αὐτῇ ἡμέρας τρεῖς. 
 
 And so passum. 
 
 III. On χάρις as a name of the Messiah. 
 
 In the tenth chapter of the Teaching, among the ejaculatory 
 utterances at the close of the final prayer of the Thankmeal, 
 we have ἐλθέτω χάρις καὶ παρελθέτω ὁ κόσμος οὗτος. ᾿Ὡσαννὰ 
 τῷ υἱῷ Δαβίδ...Μαραναθά. In his tract upon the Teaching, 
 M. Bonet-Maury made the following remark upon this passage, 
 “Que la grace, cest ὦ dire, le Christ, paraisse;” upon which I 
 remarked, as follows, in the American Journal of Philology 
 (Vol. vi. I. 103), “the thought suggests itself to us, may not the 
 word χάρις be an actual misreading of the abbreviated yps ?” 
 It will be seen from this that I accepted M. Bonet-Maury’s 
 view, that the reference to grace has nothing to do with the 
 benediction at the close of the meeting, but that it is chiliastic. 
 It seems to me that this view is supported by the reference 
 
 
 
APPENDIX. 91 
 
 which immediately follows to the “Son of David” and by the 
 Maranatha. It may, however, be doubted whether there is any 
 need to emend the text, as suggested by me; for χάρις may 
 perhaps be an actual early title of the Messiah. Thus, in the 
 Acts of John already quoted, we have on p. 220 a scrap of a 
 Christian hymn, containing 
 δόξα σοι λόγε. δόξα σοι χάρις, 
 
 and on p. 223 we have a list of titles of our Lord beginning 
 with σταυρὸς (readers of the Sibylline books will remember the 
 acrostic, Ἰησοῦς Χριστὸς Θεοῦ Tids Σταυρὸς) and ending with 
 χάρις. 
 
 ὁ σταυρὸς ὁ τοῦ φωτὸς ποτὲ μὲν λόγος καλεῖται ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ 
 δι ὑμᾶς, ποτὲ δὲ νόος, ποτὲ δὲ χριστός, ποτὲ θύρα, ποτὲ 660s, 
 ποτὲ ἄρτος, ποτὲ σπόρος, ποτὲ ἀνάστασις, ποτὲ ᾿Ιησοῦς, ποτὲ 
 πατήρ, ποτὲ πνεῦμα, ποτὲ ζωή, ποτὲ ἀληθεία, ποτὲ πιστίς, ποτὲ 
 χάρις. 
 
 It has been pointed out to me that the Talmud (Sanhedrin, 
 98 b) on Jer. xvi. 13 (“I will not give you ΓΔ ΔΓ) makes 
 Chanina to be one of the names of the Messiah; now this word 
 is only a modification of | = χάρις. 
 
 IV. On the Maranatha Cry in the early Christian Assemblies. 
 
 The following additional remarks may be made upon this 
 subject beyond the explanations and references given elsewhere. 
 First there seems to have been a correct tradition among early 
 Christian writers as to its meaning. The following passages 
 have come under my notice. Ps. Athanasius, Quest. in ep. 
 Pauli (Migne, Patr. Gr. xxviii. 760), Ti Neves" εἴ τις οὐ φιλεῖ τὸν 
 κύριον ἡμῶν ᾿Ιησοῦν Χριστὸν ἤτω ἀνάθεμα. Mapav ada. 
 Τούτεστι" χωρίσατε αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς Ἐκκλησίας καὶ τῶν πιστῶν 
 
 1 Cf. Philo, Quod deus immutabilis, 
 2. Τούτου γίνεται μαθητρὶς καὶ διάδοχος 
 Αννα τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ δώρημα σοφίας" ἑρ- 
 μηνεύεται γὰρ χάρις αὐτῆς. It is con- 
 ceivable that this interpretation which 
 was certainly common at an early date 
 
 in the Church (cf. Jerome de Nom. 
 Heb. Anna, gratia ejus, and Lex. Gr. 
 Nom. ᾿Αννὰ χάρις αὐτῆς) may be the 
 reason for the division ὡς ἀννὰ which 
 we find in Greek mss. and in early 
 printed Greek Testaments. 
 
32 APPENDIX. 
 
 ἍΤ , Daa) A am i¢ ‘ t .»ξῈ \ : 
 καὶ ἔστω κεχωρίσμενος ATTO TOU λαοῦ ὃ μὴ πιστεύων Ὃ yap 
 
 κύριος ἦλθε" τοῦτο yap ἑρμηνεύει TO Μαρὰν ada. 
 
 John Damascene: (Migne χον. 706) ἐπειδὴ πάντων τῶν 
 κακῶν ὁ τῦφος αἴτιος ἦν καὶ τούτων δὲ τὸν τῦφον ἡ ἔξωθεν 
 σοφία ἐποίει καὶ τοῦτο τὸ κεφάλαιον ἣν τῶν κακῶν, κατα- 
 στέλλων αὐτὴν οὐδὲ ᾿Ελλάδι κέχρηται φωνῇ ἀλλὰ τῇ “Εβραΐδι, 
 δεικνὺς ὅτι οὐ μόνον καταισχύνεται τὴν ἰδιωτείαν ἀλλὰ καὶ μετὰ 
 πολλῆς τῆς θερμίτητος ἀσπάζεται. Τί δέ ἐστιν τὸ Μαραναθα; 
 ὅτι O κύριος ἦλθεν. 
 
 More interesting is the remark (if it should turn out to be 
 correct) that this cry was known to the mob in Alexandria as 
 early as the year 38. We are informed by Philo in his 
 treatise against Flaccus (ed. Mangey 11. 522) that the rabble 
 in Alexandria amused themselves by mocking at a half-witted 
 creature, of the name of Carabas, whom they adorned with a 
 paper crown and rush sceptre and saluted with cries of Μάριν. 
 εἶτ᾽ ἐκ περιστῶτος ἐν κύκλῳ πλήθους ἐξήχει Bon τις ἄτοπος, 
 Μάριν ἀποκαλούντων᾽ οὕτως δέ φασι τὸν κύριον ὀνομάξεσθαι 
 παρὰ Σύροις" ἤδεισαν yap ᾿Αγρίππαν καὶ γένει Σύρον κτὲ. 
 
 We observe in this account that Philo does not profess any 
 acquaintance with Aramaic but takes his interpretation from 
 the crowd: and the question arises as to how the mob knew 
 more Aramaic than Philo. Further the assumption made by 
 Philo that in thus mocking the madman as a Syrian king, the 
 people were intent on insulting King Agrippa, is probably or at 
 least partly gratuitous; for the details of the sport of the boys 
 shew traces of an imitation of facts recorded in the Gospels. 
 Is it unreasonable to suppose that we have here the earliest 
 trace of the circulation of oral accounts describing the fate of 
 the founder of Christianity and the manner of worship of his 
 followers’ ? 
 
 1 Of course if the popular Syrian 
 word which the Alexandrians shouted 
 is Mapdv, there is no room for a con- 
 jecture that we should divide the words 
 Μαρὰν ἀθά differently. Such a sug- 
 gestion is made by Dr Halévy on the 
 faith of a form NINW=xKvpios ἡμῶν in 
 a Nabathean inscription, so that he 
 
 would read 8M NINWD=our Lord, 
 come. See Neubauer in the recently 
 issued Oxford Studia Biblica, p. 73. 
 Also remark that our interpretation of 
 the story is (to my no small satis- 
 faction) substantially the same as that 
 of Prof. Mayor in the recent number of 
 the Journal of Philology, Vol, xlv. no. 27, 
 
 
 
APPENDIX, 33 
 
 V. On the Christ-monger of the Teaching. 
 
 In the fragments of Athanasius we find the following 
 comment on the passage in Matt. vii. with regard to the 
 discrimination of false prophets from the true: 
 
 πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἀπὸ τῶν ἔργων ὀφείλεις δοκιμάζειν τοὺς 
 χριστεμπόρους. 
 
 The sentence is headed περὶ ψευδοπροφητῶν and may be 
 found in Migne, Patr. Gr. xxvi. 1253 and xxvii. 1381; and I 
 think when we contrast the language with the Διδαχή c. xi. 
 ἀπὸ οὖν τῶν τρόπων γνωσθήσεται ὁ ψευδοπροφήτης καὶ ὁ 
 προφήτης, and again πᾶς δὲ προφήτης δεδοκιμασμένος, and 
 remark the existence of the curious word χριστέμπορος, we 
 must admit that we have here a trace of the Teaching. The 
 remark is not without importance: it shews that Athanasius 
 referred the injunctions against idleness and on the necessity of 
 a craft, not to the mere private Christian on his wanderings, 
 but to the prophet travelling on spiritual service. 
 
 VI. On the Signs of the Truth. - 
 
 The true signs, according to the Teaching, are i. ἐκπέτασις 
 in heaven, ii. the sound of the trumpet, iii. the resurrection 
 of the dead. The only difficulty lies in the first of these: it 
 has been variously interpreted, but generally so as to mean an 
 opening or unfurling in heaven. That the early Christians 
 attached a different meaning to it, and understood by it the 
 appearing of the cross in the heavens, will be clear from the 
 following considerations: ἐκπέτασις is the proper term for the 
 crucifixion, or rather for the attitude of the crucified. In the 
 epistle of Barnabas c. x. the writer makes, out of Moses praying 
 in the battle with Amalek, a type of Christ crucified, ἐξέτεινε 
 Tas χεῖρας Kal οὕτως πάλιν ἐνίκα ὁ ‘lopann’ εἶτα, ὁπόταν πάλιν 
 καθεῖλε, πάλιν ἐθανατοῦντο᾽ πρὸς τί; ἵνα γνῶσιν ὅτι οὐ 
 δύνανται σωθῆναι εἰ μὴ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ ἐλπίσωσι" καὶ ἐν ἑτέρῳ 
 προφήτῃ λέγει “Ὅλην τὴν ἡμέραν ἐξεπέτασα τὰς χεῖράς μου 
 πρὸς λαὸν ἀπειθοῦντα καὶ ἀντιλέγοντα ὁδῷ δικαίᾳ μουι And 
 
94 APPENDIX. 
 
 the very same language is employed in the Sibylline books 
 viii. 302 in reference to the crucifixion, 
 
 ἐκπέτασει δὲ χέρας καὶ κόσμον ἅπαντα μετρήσει" 
 εἰς δὲ τὸ βρῶμα χολὴν καὶ πίνειν ὄξος ἔδωκαν. 
 
 Cf. also Sib. vill. 251 
 
 a A ed / 3 7 ¢ / 
 
 ov Μωσῆς ἐτύπωσε προτείνας ὠλένας ayvas, 
 and Sib. 1. 372 
 
 3 5 ὦ 3 / a A / / 
 
 ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἐκπετάσῃ χεῖρας Kal πάντα μετρήσῃ. 
 
 The ἐκπέτασις in heaven is then the sign of the Son of 
 Man of Matt. xxiv. 30. The following additional references will 
 shew how common was the belief that the Cross is the sign 
 spoken of, and that the figure of the Crucified is the ἐκπέτασις. 
 
 Justin Dial. 90. Μωῦσῆς yap πρῶτος ἐξέφανεν αὐτοῦ ταύτην 
 τὴν δοκοῦσαν κατάραν δι’ ὧν ἐποίησε σημείων τίνων τούτων, 
 ἔφη, λέγεις ; OTL ὁ λαός, φημί, ἐπολέμει τῷ ᾿Αμαλὴκ καὶ 6 τοῦ 
 Ναυῆ υἱός, ὁ ἐπονομασθεὶς τῷ ᾿Ιησοῦ ὀνόματι, τῆς μάχης ἦρχεν, 
 
 oD) Κα, “ A v tal val a / 
 αὐτὸς Mwions ηὔχετο τῷ θεῷ Tas χεῖρας ἑκατέρως ἐκπετάσας.... 
 ἐν ἀρχῇ τῆς μάχης τοῦ ὀνόματος τοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦ ὄντος, αὐτὸς τὸ 
 σημεῖον τοῦ σταυροῦ ἐποίει. 
 
 Dial. 91. διά τε τοῦ τύπου τῆς ἐκτάσεως τῶν χειρῶν τοῦ 
 Moicéws. 
 
 Cf. Dial. 97. καὶ διὰ “Ἡσαΐου ὁμοίως εἴρητο περὶ τούτου, δι᾽ οὗ 
 τρόπου ἀποθνήσκειν ἔμελλεν, οὕτως" ἐξεπέτασά μου τὰς χεῖρας κτέ. 
 
 Dial. 111. ὁ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῶν τὰς χεῖρας ἐκτείνας ἐπὶ τοῦ 
 βουνοῦ μέχρις ἑσπέρας ἔμενεν, ὑποβασταζομένων τῶν χειρῶν, 
 ὃ οὐδενὸς ἄλλον τύπον δείκνυσιν ἢ τοῦ σταυροῦ ὁ δὲ KTE. 
 
 Dial. 112. οὐχὶ δὲ ἀνοίσομεν ἐπὶ τὴν εἰκόνα τοῦ σταυρω- 
 θέντος ᾿Ιησοῦ τὸ σημεῖον, ἐπεὶ καὶ Μωῦσῆς διὰ τῆς ἐκτάσεως 
 TOV χειρῶν KTE. 
 
 1 Apol. ὅδ. τὸ δὲ ἀνθρώπειον σχῆμα οὐδενὶ ἄλλῳ τῶν 
 ΕῚ / / / Δ Age / 3 a5 OF Ὁ 
 ἀλόγων ζώων διαφέρει, ἢ τῷ ὀρθόν τε εἶναι καὶ ἔκτασιν χειρῶν 
 ἔχειν.. καὶ οὐδὲν ἄλλο δείκνυσιν ἢ τὸ σχῆμα τοῦ σταυροῦ. 
 
 Treneus Adv. Her. ν. 17. ἐπεὶ γὰρ διὰ ξύλον ἀπεβάλομεν 
 
 or / \ / / Ν na n 2 / 3 , 
 αὐτόν, διὰ ξύλον πάλιν φανερὸν τοῖς πᾶσιν ἐγένετο, ἐπιδεικνύων 
 
 \ A Ἄ «7 \ , \ , 5 φ A \ ς ” 
 TO μῆκος καὶ ὕψος καὶ βάθος καὶ πλάτος ἐν ἑαυτῷ καὶ ὡς ἔφη 
 
 
 
APPENDIX. 35 
 
 a / \ a a 3 A A \ 
 Tis τῶν προβεβηκότων, διὰ THs θεῖας ἐκτάσεως τῶν χειρῶν, τοὺς 
 δύο λαοὺς εἰς ἕνα θεὸν συνάγων KTE. 
 
 Tertullian adv. Marc. iii. 18. Iam vero Moyses, quid utique 
 tunc tantum, cum Jesus adversus Amalech preliabatur, expansis 
 manibus orabat residens,...nisi quia illic ubi nomen Domini 
 Jesu dimicabat, dimicaturi quandoque adversus diabolum, 
 
 crucis quoque erit habitus necessarius, per quam Iesus victoriam 
 esset relaturus ? 
 
 Cf. De Idololatria xii. Corpus solum, quod in modum 
 crucis est. 
 
 I, Ad Nationes xii. Crucis qualitas, signum est de ligno; 
 etiam de materia colitis penes vos cum effigie; quanquam sicut 
 vestrum humana figura est, ita et nostrum propria...quoniam 
 upst quoque corpori nostro tacita et secreta linea crucis situs est... 
 Si statuerts hominem manibus expansis tmaginem crucis feceris. 
 
 Cyprian Testum. 11. 20. Quod cruci illum fixuri essent 
 Judeei, apud Esaiam: Expandi manus meas tota die, etc. 
 
 Cyprian Testim. ii. 21. Hoc signo crucis et Amalech victus 
 est ab Jesu per Moysen, ete. 
 
 De Exhort. Mart. 8. Moyses ad superandum Amalech qui 
 
 figuram portabat diaboli in signo et sacramento crucis allevabat 
 supinas manus etc. 
 
 The author of the Opus Imperfectum in Matt. comments as 
 follows: “Quidam putant crucem Christi ostendendum esse in 
 exlo; verius autem est ipsum Christum in corpore suo 
 habentem testimonia passionis.” Jerome comments much in 
 the same strain: “Signum hic aut crucis intelligemus ut 
 videant Judi quem compunxerunt: aut vexillum victorice 
 triumphantis.” And Chrysostom, Homil. Lxxvul. in Matt., 
 τότε φανήσεται TO σημεῖον τοῦ υἱοῦ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου ἐν τῷ 
 οὐρανῷ" τούτεστιν ὁ σταυρὸς τοῦ ἡλίου φαιδρότερος ὦν. 
 
 Ps, Hippolytus, de Consummatione Mundi’, gives the order 
 
 1 This book, which seems to have Ine. 8 (col. 906, 7 of Migne) the writer 
 played an important part in medieval proposes to bring forward faithful 
 theological discussions, is interesting witnesses with regard to the doctrine 
 in its parallels with the Teaching. of the end of the age; καὶ μετέπειτα 
 
36 APPENDIX. 
 
 of signs as in Matthew (Migne, Patr. Gr. x. 940), τὸ γὰρ 
 σημεῖον τοῦ σταυροῦ ἀπὸ ἀνατολῶν ἕως δυσμῶν ἀνατελεῖ ὑπὲρ 
 τὴν λαμπρότητα τοῦ ἡλίου καὶ μηνύσει τοῦ κριτοῦ τὴν ἔλευσιν 
 καὶ τὴν ἐμφανείαν, τοῦ ἀποδοῦναι ἑκάστῳ κατὰ τὰ ἔργα αὐτοῦ... 
 τότε γὰρ ὁ σάλπιγξ ἠχήσει καὶ ἐξυπνήσει τοὺς κεκοιμημένους 
 κτὲ. Numerous other references might be given to Cyril of 
 Jerusalem, Augustine, Bede, Theophylact, &c. Finally the senti- 
 ment has crept into the Imitatio Christi (1 suppose from the _ 
 Catholic service-book), so that we read (Bk. 11. ο. 12), “atque hoc — 
 erit signum Crucis in celo quum Dominus ad judicandumveniet’.” _ 
 
 καὶ τῶν ἀποστόλων τὴν διδαχήν, μᾶλλον 
 δὲ προφητείαν, πῶς πανταχοῦ τῇς οἶἷ- 
 κουμένης σαλπίζουσι τῆς συντελείας τὴν 
 ἡμέραν. Among these signs are the 
 following: ἐγερθήσονται ψευδοπροφῆται 
 ...08 ποιμένες ὡς λύκοι γενήσονται. He 
 follows closely Hippolytus de Christo 
 
 et Antichristo in the explanation that - 
 
 the Antichrist comes of the tribe of 
 Dan, and shews him to be a continual 
 misrepresentation of Christ (ὁ κοσμό- 
 πλανος ws vids τοῦ θεοῦ). 
 
 (Col. 921). 
 μοιοῦσθαι βούλεται ὁ πλάνος τῷ υἱῷ τοῦ 
 θεοῦ: Λέων ὁ Χριστὸς καὶ λέων ὁ ἀντί- 
 χριστος. Βασιλεὺς ὁ Χριστὸς τῶν οὐ- 
 ρανίων καὶ ἐπιγείων καὶ βασιλεὺς γενή- 
 σεται ἐπὶ γῆς ὁ ᾿Αντίχριστος. ᾿Εδείχθη 
 ὁ Σωτὴρ ὡς ἄρνιον καὶ αὐτὸς φανήσεται 
 ὡς ἄρνιον, λύκος ὧν ἔνδοθεν xré. He 
 is especially favourable to the Jews. 
 
 (Col. 925). μετὰ δὲ τούτων ἁπάντων 
 σημεῖα ἐπιτελέσει καὶ θαύματα φοβερὰ 
 ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀληθῆ GAN ἐν πλάνῃ; a de- 
 scription which recalls again the 
 language of the Teaching. 
 
 1 Since writing the foregoing ex- 
 planation it has been pointed out to me 
 that Dr John Wordsworth had already 
 given the same in one of his Articles 
 in the Guardian. An enquiry elicited 
 the following courteous and valuable 
 
 κατὰ πάντα yap ἐξο- 
 
 reply, from which I have derived several 
 of the passages referred to: 
 
 “ RocHESTER, Aug. 8, 1885. 
 
 « ..The explanation you refer to was 
 suggested to me first by Archdeacon 
 Edwin Palmer, and referred to in a 
 note which I wrote to the Guardian 
 (printed, March 26th, 1884). The early 
 expositions of Exod. xvii. 12, and 
 Is. Ixy. 2 (=Rom. x. 21), in Barnabas 
 12, Justin Dial. 90, Tertullian adv. 
 Mare. iii. 18, have no doubt occurred 
 to you with many others, e.g. Cyprian, 
 Testimon. 2. 21, de exhort. Martyrii, 
 8 &e. ἢ 
 
 * But the most importantI have come 
 
 across is the Ethiopic liturgy trans- 
 
 lated by Rudolfus; in the opening 
 prayer of which we read a sort of para- 
 phrase of the creed, in which ‘et filius 
 tuus manifestatus fuit a Spiritu Sancto, 
 ut impleret voluntatem tuam et popu- 
 lum tibi efficeret expandendo manus 
 suas,’ &c. is an equivalent of ‘cruci- 
 fixus est.’ This liturgy is given in 
 Bunsen’s Christianity and Mankind, 
 Vol. ii. p. 108, London, 1854. 
 
 ** Tcould easily add to these references 
 but doubt not that you have all that I 
 have, though perhaps this liturgical 
 one may be new to you.” 
 
 
 
 CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. & SON, AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 
 See OY. ge 
 
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 Syracuse, N. Y. 
 
 PAT. JAN. 21, 1908